Looting or Missioning: Insular and Continental Sacred Objects in Viking Age Contexts in Norway 9781789253184, 9781789253191, 1789253187

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LOOTING OR MISSIONING

LOOTING OR MISSIONING insular and continental sacred objects in viking age contexts in norway

EGIL MIKKELSEN

Oxford & Philadelphia

Published in the United Kingdom in 2019 by OXBOW BOOKS The Old Music Hall, 106–108 Cowley Road, Oxford, OX4 1JE and in the United States by OXBOW BOOKS 1950 Lawrence Road, Havertown, PA 19083 © Oxbow Books and the individual author 2019 Hardcover Edition: ISBN 978-1-78925-318-4 Digital Edition: ISBN 978-1-78925-319-1 A CIP record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Control Number: 2019942357 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical including photocopying, recording or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission from the publisher in writing. Printed in Malta by Melita Press Typeset in India for Casemate Publishing Services. www.casematepublishingservices.com For a complete list of Oxbow titles, please contact: UNITED KINGDOM Oxbow Books Telephone (01865) 241249 Email: [email protected] www.oxbowbooks.com UNITED STATES OF AMERICA Oxbow Books Telephone (610) 853-9131, Fax (610) 853-9146 Email: [email protected] www.casemateacademic.com/oxbow Oxbow Books is part of the Casemate Group Front cover: (top row, left) Hanging bowl from Hopperstad, Vik, Sogn og Fjordane (B4511a). Photo: Svein Skare, University Museum, Bergen. License: CC BY-SA 4.0. (top row, right) Melhus, Ranem, Overhalla, Nord-Trøndelag, reliquary (T8144). Photo: Per E. Fredriksen, NTNU University Museum, Trondheim. License: CC BY-SA 4.0. (upper middle row, left) Manuscript pointer (æstel) from Borg, Vestvågøy, Nordland (Ts8334a). Photo: M. Karlstad and O. Kvalheim, Tromsø University Museum. License: CC BY-NCND 3.0. (upper middle row, second from left) Seim, Lidås, Hordaland, mount, probably from a cross (B492). Photo: Svein Skare, University Museum of Bergen. License: CC BY-SA 4.0. (upper middle row, second from right) Mount with an Anglian cross (Northumbrian) probably from an altar, from Lilleby, Øvre Eiker, Buskerud (C3762). Photo: Adnan Icagic, Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo. License: CC BY-SA 4.0. (upper middle row, right) Grave find Ka 280 (V K/1954) from Kaupang with glass beads and a silver cross pendant. Photo: Eirik Irgens Johnsen, Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo. Licence: CC BY-SA 4.0. (lower middle row, left) Gold cross amulet, from the Slemmedal hoard at Lia, Grimstad, Aust-Agder (C36000f). Photo: Kirsten Helgeland, Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo. License: CC BY-SA 4.0. (lower middle row, right) The Kuli runic Stone from Kuløy, Edøy, Møre og Romsdal. Photo: Egil Mikkelsen.(bottom row, left) Krosshaug, Hauge, Klepp, Rogaland. Stone cross type E. Photo: Åge Pedersen, Arkeologisk Museum, University of Stavanger. (bottom row, middle) One of three anthropomorphic escutcheons from a hanging bowl from Myklebost, Eid, Sogn og Fjordane (B2978). Photo: Ann-Mari Olsen, University Museum of Bergen. License: CC BY-SA 4.0. (bottom row, right) An antropomorphic-shaped mount, possibly from a house-shaped reliquary, from Rise, Oppdal, Sør-Trøndelag (C646). Photo: Ellen C. Holte, Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo. License BY-SA 4.0. Back cover: (top) Mounting – Northumbrian – probably from an altar, from Komnes, Kongsberg, Buskerud (C20519a). Photo: Adnan Icagic, Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo. License: CC BY-SA 4.0. (middle) Mount from a reliquary from Skjerven, Vik, Sogn og Fjordane (B6500c). Photo: Svein Skare, University Museum of Bergen. License: CC BY-SA 4.0. (bottom) Part of a crozier (T18198e) Photo: Ole Bjørn Pedersen, NTNU University Museum, Trondheim. CC BY-SA 4.0.

Contents

List of figures vii List of tables xi Prefacexii Part 1: Sources and models for missionary activity1 1. Introduction 3 The spread of Christianity in north-west Europe 3 The change of religion in Norway – a long process, not a short event 4 Written sources – archaeological sources 4 Written sources on the missionary activity in Scandinavia during the Viking Age 5 2. Models for the missionary activity 17 What is a mission? 17 Model 1: Individual monks and priests as missionaries coming from The British Isles 17 Model 2: Organized mission from the Frankish Empire and Germany – ‘the Ansgar model’ 18 Model 3: Mission with the Norwegian kings as initiators 18 Part 2: Tracing missionary activity in Norway based on material culture19 3. Stone crosses 21 ‘Celtic missioning’ 24 ‘Anglian missioning’ 25 German missioning 26 Preliminary conclusions 26 4. The interpretation of insular metalwork in Norwegian Viking Age graves 27 Sacred objects in early Christendom 27 Secular objects of insular origin 57 5. Early Christian churches and graves 63 6. A geographical analysis of the Christianization process in Norway 65 Western Norway 66 The Kuli Stone at Kuløy, Edøy, Møre og Romsdal 86 Middle Norway: Trøndelag 87 Northern Norway 99 Eastern Norway 120

vi

Contents

Part 3: Summary and conclusions165 Bibliography179 Appendices A–L: Clerical objects 193 A. Stone crosses from the Viking Age 194 B. Croziers 195 C. Reliquaries and shrine mounts196 D. Crosses and cross-mounts 200 E. Book-mounts and book-shrines 201 F. Hanging bowls 202 G. Bronze bowls: Doubtful and non-hanging bowls 206 H. Bronze ladles with handle 208 I. Bronze-covered wooden buckets 209 J. Altar- and tabernacle mounts 210 K. Chalices, patens and holy-water sprinkler 211 L. Cross and crucifix amulets from the Viking Age 212 Appendices M–T: Secular objects M. Ring pins and brooches of insular origin N. Harness fittings, strap distributors and other horse fittings of insular origin O. Belt clasps, strap ends etc of insular and Carolingian origin P. Drinking horns and -mounts from the British Isles Q. Swords (mainly) from the British Isles R. Balance scales of insular origin S. Early Anglo-Saxon and Frankish coins T. Late Anglo-Saxon silver coins (tenth–eleventh century)

215 216 218 220 221 223 226 233 236

List of figures

Figure 1. Selja, with the rock shelter to the right, the church in the foreground and St Alban’s monastery in the background Figure 2. a: St Sunniva, from Austevoll church, Hordaland; b: St Sunniva, from Urnes Stave Church, Sogn og Fjordane Figure 3. Kinn church, Sogn og Fjordane Figure 4a. Map by Waghenaer 1588 Figure 4b. Detail of regional map from Jan Blaeus´ Atlas Maior 1662 Figure 4c. Detail of map by Sebastian Münster, Basel 1540 Figure 5. Inventory of the inhumation grave 854 in Birka, Sweden Figure 6. King Håkon the Good baptizing the son of the Earl. Remark the baptismal bowl Figure 7. Håkon Jarl setting the priests ashore Figure 8. King Olav Haralsson killed in the battle at Stiklestad in the year 1030 Figure 9a. Stone crosses in western Norway Figure 9b. Typology of stone crosses from western Norway Figure 10. Grindheim, Etne, Hordaland. Stone cross type A Figure 11. Hyllestad, Sogn og Fjordane – stone cross of type C Figure 12. Stone cross of type B at Krossteigen, Eivindvik, Gulen, Sogn og Fjordane Figure 13. Krosshaug, Hauge, Klepp, Rogaland. Stone cross type E Figure 14. Korssund, Askvoll, Sogn og Fjordane. Stone cross type B Figure 15. Kvitsøy, Krossøy, Rogaland. Stone cross type C Figure 16. Insular metal objects found in Scandinavia Figure 17. The frequence of plundering and burning in Ireland during the Viking Age (AD 775–1050) Figure 18a–b. Part of a crozier, a stray find from around Stavanger, Rogaland Figure 19. Counties in Norway Figure 20. Reliquary found in Norway Figure 21. Melhus, Ranem, Overhalla, Nord-Trøndelag, reliquary Figure 22a. Suspension device from a house-shaped reliquary from Gjønnes, Hedrum, Larvik, Vestfold Figure 22b. Mounts from reliquaries from Refsnes, Hå and Reve, Klepp, Rogaland Figure 22c. Mount from a reliquary from Brekke, Høyanger, Sogn og Fjordane Figure 23a. Part of cross-mount from Skånsar, Lom, Oppland Figure 23b. Seim, Lidås, Hordaland, mount, probably from a cross Figure 23c. Fure, Askvoll, Fjaler, Sogn og Fjordane, pyramidal-shaped mount, probably from a cross Figure 23d. Cross-mount from Vernes, Stjørdal, Nord-Trøndelag Figure 24a. Gold cross amulet from the Slemmedal hoard at Lia, Grimstad, Aust-Agder Figure 24b. Silver crucifix from Hårr, Hå, Rogaland Figure 24c. Soapstone mould for making cross amulets from Eikenes, Larvik, Vestfold Figure 25a. Book-mount from Borhaug, Vanse, Farsund, Vest-Agder Figure 25b. Bjørke, Ørstad, Møre og Romsdal, book-mount Figure 26. Fragment (1 page) of a service book (Missale) from about AD 1000

viii Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure

List of figures 27a–i. Manuscript pointers (æstels) found in England 28. Two manuscript turners of bronze, from grave K IV/1954 at Nordre Bikjholberget 29. Insular hanging bowls in Norway 30. Hanging bowl from Hopperstad, Vik, Sogn og Fjordane 31. One of 3 anthropomorphic escutcheons from a hanging bowl from Myklebost, Eid, Sogn og Fjordane 32. Bird-shaped hook-escutcheons 33. The dove on a baptismal from Dalby Church, Schonen, Sweden, from the first half of the twelfth century 34. St Columbanus. His symbols are a book and a white dove. Window of the crypt of the Bobbio Abbey 35. Hanging bowl and bronze bowl from Fana Church, Bergen, Hordaland 36. Bronze bowl with a runic inscription from grave III K/IV at Søndre Bikjholberget, Kaupang, Larvik, Vestfold 37. Bronze ladle from Steinvik, Bjugn, Sør-Trøndelag 38. Wooden bucket with handle and 2 trilateral escutcheons of bronze and partly tinned from Hopperstad, Vik, Sogn og Fjordane 39. Tating ware pitchers from Kaupang, Larvik, Vestfold 40. Funnel beaker glasses of Viking Age types, found at Birka, Sweden 41. Gold decorated glass from Borg, Vestvågøy, Nordland 42. Probably base from a travelling chalice (calix viaticus) from Bære-Var, Stokke, Vestfold 43. Paten from Tisnes, Kvaløya, Tromsø, Troms 44. Holy-water sprinkler from Vinjum, Vangen, Aurland, Sogn og Fjordane 45 Part of portable altars found in Norway 46. The distribution of secular objects of insular origin found in Norway 47. Ring pinned brooch from Børgøy, Hjelmeland, Rogaland 48 Strap distributer as part of harness fitting from Berdal, Vik, Sogn og Fjordane and strap end from Laland, Klepp, Rogaland 49. Drinking-horn from Voll, Overhalla, Nord-Trøndelag 50. Part of sword in Trewhiddle style from Grønneberg, Larvik, Vestfold 51a. The distribution of balance scales of insular origin found in Norway 51b. Balance scale with 8 weights from Jåtten, Stavanger, Rogaland 52. The distribution of clerical and liturgical objects found in western Norway 53. Cross-mounts from Årsheim, Selje, Sogn og Fjordane 54. Northumbrian styca, struck by King Eadberht of Northumbria and Archbishop Eggbert of York AD 737–758, found at Ervik, Hove, Selje, Sogn og Fjordane 55. Stone cross of type A from Loen churchyard, Stryn, Sogn og Fjordane 56. Stone cross type E from Rygg, Gloppen, Sogn og Fjordane 57. Folva, Stryn, Sogn og Fjordane, book-mount 58. Bronze bowl from Gloppestad, Gloppen, Sogn og Fjordane 59. Skrøppa, Gloppen, Sogn og Fjordane, mount from a reliquary 60. Hinge from a reliquary from Sanddal, Gloppen, Sogn og Fjordane 61. Hanging-bowl with 3 anthropomorphic escutcheons, from a rich male boat-grave at Myklebust, Eid, Sogn og Fjordane 62. Bottom part of a thick-walled glass vessel from Sanddal, Gloppen, Sogn og Fjordane 63. Stone cross type B from Svanøy, Kinn, Flora, Sogn og Fjordane 64. Gilded mount, probably from a book or book shrine 65. Hanging bowls, escutcheons, ladle and balance scale from Hopperstad, Vik, Sogn og Fjordane 66. Mount from a reliquary from Skjerven, Vik, Sogn og Fjordane 67. Mount, probably from an altar, from Vangsnes, Vik, Sogn og Fjordane 68. Gilded bronze-mount from a reliquary from Brekka, Kyrkjebø, Vik, Sogn og Fjordane 69. Kaupanger stave church, Sogn og Fjordane, with the Sognefjord in the background 70. Calibrated radiocarbon dates from Kaupanger stave church (II), Sogn og Fjordan. 71. Urnes stave church, Sogn og Fjordane 72. Calibrated radiocarbon dates from Urnes stave church (I), Sogn og Fjordane 73. Stone cross of type A at Eivindvik, Gulen, Sogn og Fjordane 74. Mount from a cross from Hantveit, Gulen, Sogn og Fjordane

List of figures

ix

Figure 75. The archaeological interpretation of the analysis at the churchyards at Veøy, Møre og Romsdal Figure 76. Calibrated radiocarbon dates from Veøy, Molde, Møre og Romsdal Figure 77. Reliquary, part of a crozier, hanging bowl and bronze weights from Setnes, Grytten, Rauma, Møre og Romsdal Figure 78. Mount, possibly from a shrine from Sogge, Surnadal, Møre og Romsdal Figure 79. Two stone crosses from Kors cemetery, Flatmark, Rauma, Møre og Romsdal Figure 80. Gilded silver penannular brooch from Veøy, Molde, Møre og Romsdal Figure 81. Mount of gilded bronze, probably from an altar from Romfo, Sunndal, Møre og Romsdal Figure 82. Bronze bowl from Bryn, Voss, Hordaland Figure 83. Two enamelled escutcheons from hanging bowl from Utne, Ullensvang, Hordaland Figure 84. Clerical and liturgical objects from Rogaland, western Norway Figure 85. Two stone crosses of type C from Tjora, Sola, Rogaland Figure 86. Parts of a set of horse harness fittings from Gausel, Stavanger, Rogaland Figure 87. Bowl, originally the base of a chalice, secondary used as case for a balance from Jåtta, Stavanger, Rogaland Figure 88. Set of 22 harness fittings of gilded bronze from Soma, Sandnes, Rogaland Figure 89. Stone cross of type E, ‘The Erling Skjalgsson cross’, from Stavanger, Rogaland Figure 90. Calibrated radiocarbon dates from St Svithun Cathedral, Stavanger, Rogaland Figure 91. Part of hinge from a reliquary from Orresanden, Klepp, Rogaland Figure 92. Stone cross of type C from Njærheim, Hå, Rogaland Figure 93. Base of a chalice from Nærbø, Hå, Rogaland Figure 94. The Kuli runic Stone from Kuløy, Edøy, Møre og Romsdal Figure 95. The distribution of clerical and liturgical objects found in Trøndelag Figure 96. Mounts from crosses or reliquaries from Strand and Vang, Oppdal, Sør-Trøndelag Figure 97. An antropomorphic-shaped mount, possibly from a house-shaped reliquary from Rise, Oppdal, SørTrøndelag Figure 98. Calibrated radiocarbon dates from St Olaf ʼs Church, Trondheim, Sør-Trøndelag Figure 99. Calibrated radiocarbon dates from Hernes, Frosta, Nord-Trøndelag Figure 100. Possible part of a crozier from Re, Stjørdal, Nord-Trøndelag Figure 101. Cross-shaped mount, probably from an altar from Hofstad, Stjørdal, Nord-Trøndelag Figure 102. Huseby, Stjørdal, Nord-Trøndelag: mount of gilded bronze, probably from an alter Figure 103. Book-mount, Late Saxon with an ‘Anglian’ cross, from Fulset, Stjørdal, Nord-Trøndelag Figure 104. Part of a crozier from Salthammer, Levanger, Nord-Trøndelag Figure 105. Wooden bucket with covering plates, handle and cruciformed handle-mounts of bronze from Halsan østre, Levanger, Nord-Trøndelag Figure 106. Four bronze cross amulets on a necklace with beads and other amulets, from Verdal, Inderøy, NordTrøndelag Figure 107. Probable fragment from a crozier from Ås, Steinkjer, Nord-Trøndelag Figure 108 Three-sided hanging bowl and bird-shaped escutcheon from Skei, Steinkjer, Nord-Trøndelag Figure 109. Excavation plan of Mære church, Steinkjer, Nord-Trøndelag showing post-holes from a wooden church and graves belonging to this church or an older one Figure 110. The distribution of clerical and liturgical objects found in northern Norway Figure 111. Gilded bronze mount from a reliquary, from Lurøy, Nordland Figure 112. Mount with animal figures from an altar from Meløy, Nordland Figure 113. Borg, Vestvågøy, Nordland: excavated and reconstructed Viking Age farm and its nearest surroundings Figure 114. The big house reconstructed at Borg, Vestvågøy, Nordland Figure 115. Plan of the big house excavated at Borg, house I:1a, with walls, post-holes, the interpretations of rooms and the distribution of high status artefacts Figure 116. Borg, Vestvågøy, Nordland. Gold plaque, Tating ware pitcher, glass vessel and part of bronze bowl Figure 117. Manuscript pointer (æstel) from Borg, Vestvågøy, Nordland Figure 118. Silver penny struck for King Alfred the Great of Wessex Figure 119. Ottarʼs travels to Hedeby, England and the White Sea Figure 120. Replica of a Viking ship of a similar type as Ottar used, from Borg, Vestvågøy, Nordland Figure 121. Hålogaland, with the situation of Borg and other chieftain centres

x Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure

List of figures 122. The Viking Age sailing rout from Vestvågøy to Nordkinn peninsula 123. Map of Vestvågøy, Lofoten, Nordland 124. Calibrated radiocarbon dates from Haug, Hadseløya, Hadsel, Nordland 125. Crucfix of silver from Botnhavn, Hillesøy, Lensvik, Nordland 126. Crucifix of silver from Kjøpsvik, Tysfjord, Nordland 127. The distribution of clerical and liturgical objects found in eastern Norway 128. Haugen nedre, Rolvsøy, Østfold: rich chamber grave with hanging-bowl, bronze bucket, mounts, horns, balance scale and 10 weights 129. Holstad, Ås, Akershus: hanging bowl with bird-shaped escetcheon 130. Excavation plan of St Clementʼs church, Oslo, phase I 131. Calibrated radiocarbon dates from St Clementʼs church, Phase 1, Oslo 132. The Jelling rune stones, Denmark 133. Clerical and liturgical objects from Vestfold, east Norway 134. ‘The Buddha bucket’ from the Oseberg ship burial, Slagen, Tønsberg, Vestfold 135. The Gokstad chieftain? Mount from the Gokstad ship burial, Sandefjord, Vestfold 136. Map showing locations of Kaupang, Skíringssalr (Huseby) and Tjølling in Vestfold, Norway 137. The Viking Age town Kaupang by the Viksfjord, Tjølling, Larvik, Vestfold 138. Round silver disc from a shrine; late Saxon, from Kaupang, Larvik, Vestfold 139. Hinge or other part of a reliquary from Kaupang, Larvik, Vestfold 140. Cross-shaped mount of gilded bronze, possibly from a shrine or a book from Kaupang, Larvik, Vestfold 141. Book-mounts from Nordre Bikjholberget, Kaupang, Tjølling, Larvik, Vestfold 142. Grave find Ka 280 from Kaupang with glass beads and a silver cross pendant 143. Calibrated radiocarbon dates from the earliest Christian graves at St Peterʼs Church, Tønsberg, Vestfold 144. Bronze ladle from Bergan, Hedrum, Larvik, Vestfold 145. Wooden bucket with handle and cruciformed handle-mounts of bronze from Farmen, Hedrum, Larvik, Vestfold 146. Mount, Northumbrian, probably from an altar from Komnes, Kongsberg, Buskerud 147. Sem, Øvre Eiker, Buskerud: Square mount from a reliquary, decorated with enamel and fragment of a hinge from a reliquary or a book clasp 148. The hoard from Hoen, Øvre Eiker, Buskerud 149. Bird-shaped escutcheon from a very fragmented hanging bowl found at Gimsøy, Skien, Telemark 150. Calibrated radiocarbon dates from Faret church, Skien, Telemark 151. Calibrated radiocarbon dates from Bø church, Phase 1, Bø, Telemark 152. Stone cross from Rollag stave church, Numedal, Buskerud 153. Balance scale from Bringsvær, Fjære, Grimstad, Aust-Agder found together with 6 weights and a German silver coin in a male cist grave 154. Hoard from Slemmedal, Landvik, Grimstad, Aust-Agder 155. Gilded bronze boss from a cross of Irish origin, from Valle prestegård, Valle, Aust-Agder 156. Sword from grave 8 at Langeid, Bygland, Aust-Agder found together with an axe, 2 Anglo-Saxon and a German penny 157. Escutcheon on a hanging bowl with enamelled double-face from a rich grave from Løland, Vigemostad, Lindesnes, Vest-Agder 158. Calibrated radiocarbon dates from Kvinesdal church, Liknes, Vest-Agder 159. Mount from a reliquary from Fonbækk, Ullensaker, Akershus 160. Bronze mount from a shrine from Løken, Skedmo, Akershus 161. Bronze bowl from Flakstad, Vang, Hedmark 162. Gilded bronze mount from a shrine or book from Prestegården, Sør-Fron, Oppland 163. Mount, probably from a reliquary, from Nedre Listad, Sør-Fron, Oppland 164. Burial mound, ‘The Olav mound’ at Hundorp, Sør-Fron, Oppland 165. King Olav Haraldsson speaking to the farmers at Hundorp 166. Calibrated radiocarbon dates from Lom stave church, Lom, Oppland 167. The Olav altar frontal telling the story of King Olav Haraldsson and his death

List of tables

Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13.

Radiocarbon Radiocarbon Radiocarbon Radiocarbon Radiocarbon Radiocarbon Radiocarbon Radiocarbon Radiocarbon Radiocarbon Radiocarbon Radiocarbon Radiocarbon

dates: Kaupanger Stave Church (II), Sogn og Fjordane dates: Urnes (I) Stave Church, Sogn og Fjordane dates: Veøy, Molde, Møre og Romsdal dates: St Svithun Cathedral, Stavanger, Rogaland (van der Sluis et al. 2016) dates: St Olaf’s Church, Trondheim dates: Hernes, Frosta, Nord-Trøndelag. dates: Haug, Hadseløya, Hadsel, Nordland dates: St Clement’s Church, Phase 1, Oslo dates: St Peter’s Church, Tønsberg, Vestfold dates: Faret Church, Skien, Telemark dates: Bø Church, Phase 1, Telemark dates: Kvinesdal Church, Liknes, Vest-Agder dates: Lom stave Church, Lom, Oppland

Preface

Central places and Viking Age towns like Helgö and Birka in Sweden, Kaupang in Norway and others, have not just been arenas for trade, but also places where people with different religions have met. In Buddhism, as well as Islam and Christianity, phenomena and processes like mission and conversion have many common traits. I was presented some of these views in 1993, when I entered the multidisciplinary research project ‘The change of religion in Scandinavia’ at the University of Oslo. I thank all colleagues here for the inspiring years, and see this book as my end product of these studies. What I learnt then were the limitations of the historical sources and the great possibilities in the interpretations of archaeological material, but most of all, to combine the two. After I retired in 2011 I have had a senior agreement with the Museum of Cultural History at the University of Oslo. It is under these favourable conditions that I have done most of the writing of this book. I thank the staff at the museum

for their support, especially the librarians, photographers and illustrators, in addition to archaeological friends and colleagues. Thanks also to all others who have supported me with photos and drawings, persons and institutions, making this book, hopefully, a pleasant one. A thank also for a grant from the Norwegian Archaeological Society for proofreading. The main parts of the manuscript were finished at the end of 2017. In the last stages of the work on this book I have had the great pleasure of cooperating with the publisher Oxbow Books in Oxford and their professional editors, designer and marketing team. I thank all of them for creating a result that we should all be proud of. Last but not least: thanks to my dear Kirsti for her untiring support and encouragement. Oslo, June 2019 Egil Mikkelsen

Part 1 Sources and models for missionary activity

1 Introduction

The Christianization process in Norway and the Nordic countries has, in the past 30–40 years, been the subject of a growing research interest, especially in the form of large multidisciplinary projects, where history, philology, archaeology and history of religion have been the dominant subjects. Examples of such projects are ‘Sveriges kristnande’ (The Christianization of Sweden) and ‘The Christianization of Norway’ at the University of Oslo (Nilsson 1996; Sigurdsson et al. 2004) (the author participated in the last project). Christianization and conversion have been the focus of these studies. A monograph by Sæbjørg Walaker Nordeide (2011) is a comprehensive state of research on the subject. My main focus will be the study of the Christian mission into present day Norway during the Viking Age, focusing on the process more than the results. We have written sources to throw light on the subject. However, we have to face the fact that not all events are mentioned and preserved in these sources, and the archaeological material will therefore be of great importance. I will first look at what the written sources tell us and which models we can build for the missionary process from these sources. I will then examine how different categories of ancient monuments and objects can be interpreted contextually into a missionary model, and then conclude how the process of the Christian mission might have worked during the Viking Age.

The spread of Christianity in north-west Europe In north-west Europe, Ireland was the first country to establish Christian communities, from as early as the beginning of the fifth century. When St Patrick came to Ireland as their very own Christian apostle, possibly in 432 but maybe sometime later, there were Christian communities in south-east Ireland. A characteristic of the early Christian

communities in Ireland is that they were primarily related to monasteries and monasticism. These had developed through contacts with south Wales, south-west France, Spain and the Mediterranean countries. Cities did not exist in Ireland at that time but, by the seventh century, Christianity was well established. Then began the Irish missionary work abroad, which meant the foundation of new monasteries on the Continent. There were monks – many lived as hermits – who were active missionaries. One of them was the later saint, St Columban (d. 615) (Hillgarth 1989, 118 f.). The Christianization of England took place on the initiative of Pope Gregory the Great (590–604) who, in 597, sent monks there as missionaries. Here they met monastery missionaries from Ireland. Eventually, it was the Roman Church who won decisive influence, and by the 680s all the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms had converted to Christianity. The conversion was more collective than individual (Hillgarth 1989, 150–151). In the seventh and eighth centuries Irish, and later AngloSaxon, monks were responsible for the Christianization of Flanders and Germany. Frankish monks continued St Columban’s missionary work on the Continent. One of them, St Amand (d. 675), was the first real missionary in Flanders (Hillgarth 1989, 137, 150). Later, c. 690, followed the Anglo-Saxon Willibrord (658–719), who came from Ireland, and Bonifacius (c. 675–754), who worked both in Flanders and Germany. They had the support of the Frankish king and the papacy and sought further support from local rulers to implement the Christianization process. Churches and monasteries were erected. From 722 Bonifacius organized the Church in Germany. With brothers Carloman and Pepin III on the throne after Charles Martel’s death in 741, the Carolingians established an important alliance with the papacy. Around 750 most of Western Europe and the British Isles were Christian (Hillgarth 1989, 168–170).

4

Looting or Missioning

The change of religion in Norway – a long process, not a short event I have referred to how the Christianization process in northwestern Europe extended over a period of about 300 years. There are several scholars who claim that the process in the Nordic region and in Norway also stretched over an equally long period of time. Olav Haraldsson’s death at Stiklestad in 1030 marks more a symbolic than a real end point of this process in Norway. However, from when can we trace the first attempts of Christianization in Norway? Bjørn Myhre has examined a series of Norwegian graves previously dated to the 800s. The late dating of many graves must, in his opinion, be attributed to the notion that the Viking Age did not begin before the attack on Lindisfarne in the year AD 793. This is despite the fact that the graves contain insular materials which, in the British Isles, are dated to the seventh and eighth centuries. Bjørn Myhre now proposes a dating of some of these graves to the middle or later part of the eighth century but does not exclude that they are even older (Myhre 1993, 183 ff.). Later we will see how this archaeological material can be interpreted as part of the mission and Christianization process. On the basis of graves from Rogaland, Per Hernæs pointed out possible Christian influences in burial customs dating back to the mid-700s, where the material indicates associations with the British Isles as well as the Continent (Hernæs 1993). In studies of graves’ material from Hordaland there are indications that Christian influence may have been present from the beginning of the ninth century (Gellein 2007, 94). A similar study of material from Nord-Trøndelag shows no apparent Christian traits in burial customs in the early Iron Age (Melvær 2007). Without doubt, early on their trade journeys, the Norwegians – long before the Viking Age – became acquainted with Christianity. In the British Isles they encountered Christianity in the monasteries from at least the eighth century. As trading places like Hedeby, Ribe, Birka and Kaupang emerged, these were also meeting places for different religions. Dagfinn Skre (1998) has seen Christianization in Norway as a 500-year-long process; first there was a period of early influence of Christianity on the Norse from the late Migration Period, the sixth century; then there was a period of more rapid conversion, with missionaries as active participants until the end of the eleventh century. Skre mentions missionaries prior to the so-called ‘Christian Kings’ (c. 950–1030), from Ireland, England and Germany but these are not explicitly dated earlier than the tenth century. With regard to the ninth century, he is speaking about ‘the possibility of substantial Christian influence in western Norway in the late ninth century’ (Skre 1998, 33).

Here I will discuss how early we can speak of a Christian mission and the conversion process in Norway, based primarily on archaeological sources. When and how did the missionaries start working and how did this work change through time and in different parts of Norway?

Written sources – archaeological sources The current conception of the Viking Age has so far largely been based on and guided by the written sources. Even the archaeological research that has dealt with the Viking Age has disappointingly often been overridden by historians interpreting literary and other sources (Myhre 1992, p.3). It is likely that this has caused limitations in the possibilities to acknowledge primeval conditions that apparently are in conflict with the historical sources or, perhaps worse, conditions that have not ever been covered by historical sources. (Hernæs 1995, 80–81, my translation cf. Gellein 2007, 19)

Denmark and Sweden were targets of Ansgar’s mission in the ninth century. There is less clear evidence of individual missionaries to Norway that early in the written sources but I will later mention a couple of sources mentioning Norway or what probably was Norway at a very early time. There are several indirect allusions to missioning in Norway, both through Rimbert’s and Adam of Bremen’s descriptions. The sources are much more detailed regarding Norway and the missionary kings in the tenth and early eleventh centuries, when they brought missionaries from England to Norway. Nevertheless ‘the evidence of Christian influence in Norway itself is mainly archaeological’ (Bagge and Nordeide 2007, 129–130). The archaeologist Jörn Staecker (1997) has looked at the early mission reports concerning Scandinavia. In studies of archaeological material, he explores whether it is possible to track these early missionary efforts. Moreover, he examines whether, based on archaeological grounds, it is possible to trace missionary activities other than those mentioned in the written sources (see also Staecker 2003). Staecker tries to link five finds of so-called ‘AngloIrish’ croziers, or parts thereof, to Irish or Northumbrian missionary activity in Scandinavia in the eighth century. The objects include the famous crozier from Helgö; the others come from Lund, Hedeby and Setnes in Møre og Romsdal, and from the Stavanger area (Staecker 1997, 423–430). This would be missionary activity that is hardly enshrined in the written sources. (For a more recent discussion of the problem, see Murray 2016). Wilhelm Holmqvist (1969, 23–24), on the other hand, is suggesting that the crozier from Helgö might relate to Adam of Bremen and his mission to Birka in 852. Staecker’s next task is to try to link archaeological finds to Ansgar’s missionary activity in the ninth century,

1. Introduction as described in Rimbert’s Vita Anskarii. In this context, he refers primarily to the so-called ‘Frisian’ or tin-foiled pitchers, that he and others have seen as liturgical vessels, used for wine or holy water, and that others have previously linked to Ansgar’s mission in Birka (cf. Staecker 2003, 466–467). Both Staecker and others have further attempted to associate a certain type of Christian silver cross to Unni’s missionary work in Birka in 936 (Gräslund 1984, 115). The possible provenance of these crosses means that they may also be linked to an Anglo-Saxon missionary activity which is not mentioned in the written sources. A small crucifix from the eleventh century is interpreted by Staecker as the result of possible effects of Russian–Byzantine (Orthodox) missionary activity. A review like this shows that the archaeological evidence, interpreted within the context of missionary activity, can provide new contributions to the understanding of the Christianization process in Scandinavia. Not only can it confirm or elaborate on the written sources but it also provides new independent contributions to uncovering mission attempts that are not explicitly mentioned in the written sources. And why should these sources be preserved so completely that we should rule out missionary activities that are not discussed there? I will come back to the object groups Staecker used as examples later.

Written sources on the missionary activity in Scandinavia during the Viking Age Based on written sources it is often claimed that the Nordic (and Norwegian) mission was primarily an organized mission, directed by Carolingian, Ottoman and AngloSaxon Church power, with Christian kings as impeachers. It started with the initiative of Louis the Pious, son of Charlemagne and the Frankish emperor, and a mission from the west, with King Håkon the Good and English clergy as the first representatives (Tveito 2005, 35). There are, however, many signs pointing to a much earlier mission from the British Isles, rarely or less documented in the written sources.

Ireland and the British Isles We have seen that, at an early stage, monks were often missionaries from the British Isles into other parts of Europe. The historical records are apparently silent about Irish mission to Norwegian territory but this can, of course, result from the general source situation (Hernæs 1995, 112). Maybe the very character of the mission, the lack of planning and organization, explains why such a mission cannot necessarily be expected to be enshrined in written sources. It is claimed that the Christian mission from Ireland was disorganized and aimless and that it was based on spontaneous missionary zeal that spread through the monasteries (Krag 1995, 30). A church-related mission plan

5

for the Nordic countries neither existed for the Anglo-Saxon Church (Tveito 2005, 97). It is, however, a narrative that indicates Christian ties between Ireland and Norway in the Viking Age. This is found in the legends of St Sunniva and the Seljumenn (Rekdal 1998; Hommedal 2018). There have, however, been repeated discussions as to whether the core of the Selja legend is based on actual historic events or has some foundation in the possible presence of Irish hermit monks on the islands. Some claim that Sunniva never existed as a real person (Hommedal 2018, 78; Fig. 1). The legend tells that the Christian Irish virgin, princess Sunniva, with many supporters flew from Ireland in three boats. After a long journey they reached the coast of Norway, where they settled. Sunniva came to Selja, where she and her fellow travellers found shelter in a cave; others found their living on the island of Kinn. The Christians at Selja were attacked by local pagans and, to escape from the Norse, they prayed to God to be buried under rocks falling down upon them in the cave. Some time later miracles were observed in the cave, and with the human bones, and they were declared martyrs, Sunniva as well as the other people found here. King Olav Tryggvasson built a church here in 996, and Sunniva was possibly enshrined in this church as a holy saint. St Sunniva was the centre of the worship of a saint in western Norway, first based on the island of Selja, where the first diocese of the region was established. This and the shrine of St Sunniva were then moved to Bergen in 1170 (Tosterud 1997). It has, however, been suggested that the first church erected at Selja was dedicated to the Seljumenn and not to St Sunniva (Hommedal 2018, 73). A church and monastery were built on Selja in the twelfth century. The monastery was dedicated to St Alban and probably had a direct connection to a monastery in Northumbria (Johnsen 1968, 54; Figs 2a–b). There now seems to be general agreement that the cardinal figure, St Sunniva, is a secondary addition to an original legend that referred only to the Seljumenn (Hommedal 1995, 156, 158ff; 2018, 64, 78; Rekdal 1998, 285; Bagge and Nordeide 2007, 138). Both Selja and Kinn were sacred places, islands with caves where holy men would have been located. The core of the legend may be Irish monks having come by sea and settled into a hermitʼs life on Norwegian islands in the ocean without necessarily having mission as their main purpose. How far back this incident took place is hinted at in the description by Paul the Deacon in his work Historia Langobardorum. The work was written between 787 and 796, and the incident may well be dated to the seventh or eighth century. The story tells that seven dead Christian men rested in a cave ‘in the farthest boundaries of Germany toward the north-west, on the shore of the ocean itself’ (Paul the Deacon 1907 I, IV). Later the story is told by Adam of Bremen (c. 1080): ‘that in a cavern off the ocean in the farthest northern parts among the Skritefingi [Sámi], seven men lie as

6

Looting or Missioning 159; 2018, 79). It is significant that the Catholic holiday in the early Middle Ages, on 8 July, carried the designation Seljumannamesse and was not linked with the name of Sunniva. It is mentioned among the oldest Masses included in the church year in the ancient Norwegian laws. Seljumannamesse was also referred to as ‘The Mass for the holy men in Selja’ or ‘The Mass for the holy (men) resting in Kinn and Selja’ (Halvorsen and Rindal 2008). The fact that Seljumannamesse is mentioned in all the oldest provincial laws in Norway testifies that this cult seems to have had a wide distribution and is of very ancient origins (Johnsen 1968, 41, 56). Birkeli (1979, 29–31) believes that the circumstances at the two locations Kinn and Selja show ‘that we might be dealing with some kind of Irish–Celtic hermit or monastery mission’. The island Kinn lies in the sea in Sogn og Fjordane. As in the case of Selja, the legend says that the holy men settled in a cave (Fig. 3). On the oldest existing maps of the west coast of Norway, from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries, Selja and Kinn are two of often very few named and clearly marked islands:

Figure 1. Selja, with the rock shelter to the right, the church in the foreground and St Alban monastery in the background. Photo: Wikimedia Commons.

if asleep. There are divergent opinions about them, including the belief that they are going to preach to those heathen about the time the world will end’ (Adam of Bremen IV, chap. 32, Add. 145). Could this be the so-called ‘Seljemenn’, originally Irish monks who came to Selja, perhaps even before the Viking Age? That Adam of Bremenʼs mention of Olavʼs (Olav Tryggvasonʼs) church makes it probable that the site under consideration is Selja, even though the writer makes no direct mention of the island (Hommedal 1995,

Selja: Sælöe (1761, 1785), Sæley (1772, 1779) Søløe (1780), Selløe (1789 f.), Selej (1797). It is more common to find the name ‘Stadt’ (on maps from 1540 onwards, in different forms of the name), the peninsula extending into the ocean north of Selja (Ginsberg 2006; 2009; 2012). Kinn: Kind (1532 f.), Kiin (1589), Kyn (1598 f.), Kin (1598, 1849), Kijn (1648 f.), Kinø (1680, 1706) and Kinn (1779) (Ginsberg 2006; 2009; 2012).

The Romanesque church at Kinn is oldfashioned and reminiscent of the oldest buildings in Selja (Johnsen 1968,  57). The church is one of six preserved stone churches in Sogn og Fjordane, and the richest in Sunnfjord, despite the seemingly remote location. Utvær are the westernmost islands in Norway, 60 km south of Kinn, and west of the Sognefjord. A tradition (not part of any official legend) says that one of the ships bringing the Irish royal princess Sunniva to the Norwegian West coast, landed here, at Utvær. Another ship ended up on Kinn and a third, with Sunniva on board, at Selja. At each of these places churches were built. A chapel dedicated to

1. Introduction

a

b

Figure 2a–b. a) St Sunniva, from Austevoll church, Hordaland. Photo: Nina Aldin Thune, Wikimedia Commons. b) St Sunniva, from Urnes Stave Church, Sogn og Fjordane. Photo: Arild Finne Nybø, University Museum of Bergen. Licence: CC BY-SA 4.0.

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have been in the past; as sailing marks, port of refuge, but probably also relating to their old legends and traditions and the sanctity of these places. Alf Tore Hommedal (1995:165) compares the situations at Selja and Kinn with Iceland, where Irish Christian men (monks, priests), the so-called papar, lived when the Norwegians arrived there in the late ninth century. They had also travelled by sea as hermit monks from Ireland: ‘But they went away, because they did not wish to live here together with heathen men, and they left behind Irish books, bells and croziers, from this it could be seen that they were Irishmen’ (Are Frode: Íslendingabók 5; Hermann 2010, 145). On the old maps I have discussed, from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries, we find, on the outer coast of Hordaland, just south of Bergen and south of Krossfjorden (‘The Cross Fjord’) the name Pape Fioerd (Crawford 1996, 10; Harald Olsen 2010, 6) and variants of this name: Papenuoers (1558, 1562), Pape sondt (1596, 1655), Papesont (1601), Pape sundt (1608, 1663, 1712), Pape Sond (1646, 1665), Pape sunde (1650), Pape sound (1671, 1675, 1700), Pape sund 1690, 1716), Papefiord (1680), Pape Fiord (1680–1755) (Ginsberg 2006; 2009; 2012; Fig. 4a–b).

Paparfjord (now: Møkstrafjorden) and Krossfjorden are preferred exit points when sailing to England, France and beyond (Jostein Tvedt personal communication). Papar-names have many parallels on the British Isles. The word Papar – from the Latin papa, via Old Irish, meaning ‘father’ or ‘pope’ – is interpreted as the name that Norse people gave the monks and priests of Celtic origin on Iceland, the Faroes, Shetland, Orkney, the Hebrides and the northern parts of the Scottish mainland. They either lived in monastic communities in solitary retreats, or they were priests devoted to missioning (http:// en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Papar; http:// www.paparproject.org.uk; Harald Olsen 2010). We know that hermit Figure 3. Kinn church, Sogn og Fjordane. Photo: Arne Stubhaug. monks sought solitude on exposed islands along the coasts of the British Isles in the sixth– St Clement, patron saint for sailors and merchants, is known eighth centuries (Crawford 1996, 10). On the coast of from Utvær (Aaraas et al. 2000). Utvær is also often marked south-east Scotland there are several island locations that on the early maps of western Norway: are linked to missionary saints of the early Celtic church, Utweer (1601 f.), Utwaer (1659 f.), Udvær (1761 f.), which legends share similarities with the Selja cults Uytweer (1671), Udvar (1680), Utwer (1690 f.), Udvær (Crawford 1996, 22–23). (1761 f.), Utvær (1779) (Ginsberg 2006; 2009; 2012). Some of the missionaries became saints: Columba (521–597), the Gaelic Irish missionary monk who became The frequent naming of these three islands Selja, Kinn the Apostle of the Picts (the name means ‘dove of the and Utvær, on the early maps, shows how important these

Looting or Missioning

8

a

b

c

Figure 4a–c. a) Map by Waghenaer 1588. ‘Pape sondt’ is one of the names along the Norwegian coast. The National Library Norway Map 4565. no-nb_krt_00640.jpg. b) Detail of regional map from Jan Blaeus´ AtlasMaior 1662. ‘Papefioerd’ is one of the names along the Norwegian coast. The National Library, Norway fMap 3730 ib.no-nb_krt_00213.tif. c) Detail of map by Sebastian Münster, Basel 1540. ‘S Brigid’ is marked on the map west of Bergen. After Ginsberg 2006, map 10.

1. Introduction church’) and St Columbanus (540–615). He was also an Irish missionary, founding several monasteries on the European Continent, in the Frankish and Lombard kingdoms. His name means the ‘white dove’, and he is often depicted with a white dove and a book (see Fig. 34). It is told that Columbanus would often withdraw to a cave. The example of Columbanus stands out as the prototype of missionary enterprise directed towards Europe, followed up from England and Ireland by such men as Saints Killian, Virgilius, Donatus, Wilfrid, Willibrord, Swithbert, Bonifacius and Ursicinus of Saint-Ursanne (Adomnan of Iona; http// en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Columba, http://en.wikipedia.org/ wiki/Columbanus). ‘It would be surprising if such intrepid peregrini had not reached the Norwegian coast in their search for spiritual fulfilment’ (Crawford 1996, 10, cf. p. 22). If we return to the old maps of western Norway, we find place names here that must relate to saints: S Brigid (1540, 1548, 1561), S Bregitta (1562), S Brigitta (1578). The names on the maps often relate to a sign resembling a church or monastery, and with these early dates they must refer to medieval or earlier Christian sanctuaries. St Brigid (c. 453–525) is one of Irelandʼs patron saints, along with Patrick and Columba. Irish hagiography makes her an early Irish Christian nun and abbess and foundress of several monasteries. She was a patron for boatmen. The name S Brigid in western Norway is found on maps on the outer coast, west of Bergen (Figure 4c). 43 place names in Ireland and a few in Wales and Scotland relate to St Brigit (Herbermann 1913). The occurrence of this saintʼs name in western Norway is another possible trace of Christian mission from the British Isles and Ireland. Are the names S Bregitta and S Brigitta other forms of St Brigid, or do they refer to the Swedish saint Birgitta or St Bridget of Sweden (1302–1373)? These place names are also found west of Bergen, probably where S Brigid is located. They are therefore likely variants of this name. The place names could, however, also refer to Munkeliv monastery in Bergen, which the Bridgettines took over around 1425 and kept until it was abandoned in 1531 (Hommedal 2014). S Stefoni is a place located north of Bergen, found on a map from 1574 (Ginsberg 2006, map 26). St Stephanie (died 160) is an Eastern Orthodox saint (https://wikipedia. org/wiki/SaintStephanie). I do not know what role she might have played in Northwest Europe and what her name might represent in western Norway. In hagiographies from the British Isles, preaching and missionary activities are rarely mentioned as direct reasons for breaking up and migrating. It appears more as a consequence and a result of the journeys (Harald Olsen 2005). One exception and, from what we know, only mentioned in one source, is the hagiography of the Scottish St Kentigern (c. 518–612), living his last years in Glasgow. It is said that he sent monks as missionaries to preach the

9

faith in the north of Scotland, in the isles of Orkney, in Norway and Iceland (Green 1998). In the original Latin text, Norway is written Noruuagiam (Forbes 1874, 220) and there is no reason to doubt this really means Norway. This mission attempt must have taken place around the year 600. The hagiography was probably written down by the monk Jocelyn of Furness c. 1180 but was based on an older legend from Glasgow and a document written in Irish. It has been said that the narrative could be ‘somewhat doubtful’ or it ‘has no support in any other sources’ (Green 1998), but these are not valid arguments. That the narrative is mentioned in one source only is more often the rule than the exception for ancient narratives or legends. A dating to around AD 600 seems very early compared to what is ‘common knowledge’ about the first Christian mission in Norway. It is, however, close in time to the narrative told by Paul the Deacon about the seven sleeping men in a cave at the farthest north-western border of Germany, by the shore of the big ocean, a story remarkable similar to that of the Seljemenn – the holy men at Selja and Kinn. We also have radiocarbon dates from work carried out outside the cave and rock-shelter at Selja from perhaps as early as the midseventh century (Hommedal 2018, 76, 79). Lastly, we will see that some of the religious insular objects found in Norway were also made around AD 600. They are, however, dated to the Viking Age because they were buried in graves from that period. The question, then, is: made in the British Isles around 600 and buried in Norway 850 – what happened in between? We cannot rule out an early Christian mission to Norway from the British Isles in the Merovingian period, between AD 600 and 800.

Frankish Empire: Germany, Denmark According to the preserved written sources, Christianization and missionary activity came early to the Nordic region from Frankish/German and English regions (Krag 1995, 30). As the area around the Oslo fjord (Viken) in the ninth and tenth century was under Danish rule (Skre 2007e), Christianization probably took place here from the south (Bagge and Nordeide 2007, 138–139). One of the first continental sources to mention Norway was in connection with the Danish King Harald Klak who, in 813, had sailed north to assert his father’s old dominion at the western side of Folden, i.e. in Vestfold, on the west side of the Oslo Fjord (Hougen 1960, 102–103). Some years later, in 826, Harald Klak travelled with his family and large retinue of servants to see the Frankish King Louis the Pious. At this court Harald was baptized, and the Frankish King became his godfather. This occurred possibly due to Ebo, Archbishop of Reims, who did missionary work in Denmark in the year 823. Harald returned home to Denmark, richly endowed with valuable gifts, liturgical objects and many priests and monks, among them Ansgar

10

Looting or Missioning

(Tveito 2005, 53). Harald left a son and a nephew at Louis’ court as members of Louis’ bodyguard (Wood 1987, 36, after Fuglestvedt 1997). Ansgar (801–865) was originally a Benedictine monk in the Corbie Monastery in the Frankish empire, and later in the Corvey Monastery by the River Weser. From there he was sent as a missionary to Denmark. The very first paragraph of Rimbert’s Vita Anskarii states that Ansgar was ‘the holy Apostolic chair’s messenger to Swedes and Danes and among slaves and other resident people in the north who are still engaged in pagan worship’ (cf. Rimbert chap. 13). Although Norway here is not mentioned by name, it is very likely that it is Norway Rimbert is thinking of when he speaks of ‘other sedentary people of the north’. Just as King Harald Klak sought King Louis and became Christian, messengers from the Swedes also sought the emperor and told him that there were many in Sweden who wanted to convert to Christianity. They asked the emperor to send them preachers (Rimbert chap. 9). The two monks Ansgar and Witmer were selected to serve as missionaries in Sweden. They embarked on the journey to the marketplace Birka in the year 829/830. They travelled together with traders on a ship which was attacked by pirates on its way. This report tells us that they brought with them gifts from Emperor Louis to the Swedes. These, as well as nearly 40 books and many other things that they had with them, were lost. They, however, reached Birka and stayed there as missionaries for one and a half years. They preached and baptized several people. Their leader Hergeir built a church on his property. Ansgar was subsequently appointed Archbishop of Hamburg by the emperor (Rimbert chap. 10–12). About 832, Ansgar sent Gautbert to Sweden, with episcopal insignia and what was needed to conduct services of worship. He was received there by the king and the people, and he began to build a church (Rimbert chap. 14). Sometime between 837 and 842 the people of Birka revolted against Bishop Gautbert, raided his house and everything they had with them, killed his relative Nithard and drove them out of the country. Rimbert says explicitly that this did not happen at the king’s command but only as a result of a conspiracy among the population. After this, Birka was without a priest for almost 7 years. Then the hermit Ardgar re-established contact and travelled to Birka, where he met people who were still Christians, but he left Birka after a short time so that once again they were without a priest (Rimbert chap. 17, 20). In 848 Ansgar was archbishop of the merged Hamburg– Bremen archdiocese. He contacted the Danish king Hårik and a church was built in the trading town of Hedeby (Schleswig) and a priest placed there. Many were baptized there. A church was also built in Ribe and assigned a priest (Rimbert chap. 24, 32). Ansgar would again send priests to Birka and asked Bishop Gautbert to visit. He had been expelled from

there and did not dare to travel again. After a vision, Ansgar decided to travel to Birka himself. He brought with him a letter of recommendation from the Danish king Hårik to the Swedish king Olof. This second trip to Birka happened in the year 851/852. After the matter was discussed at the assembly in Birka, at another assembly, Ansgar again got permission to place priests; churches were going to be built and anyone who wanted could, without hindrance, be Christianized. Thereafter, the priest Erimbert (c. 852–856) and later Ansfrid (c. 856–859) worked in Birka. When another priest, Reginbert, was travelling to Birka from Hedeby, he was attacked by Danish pirates who plundered everything he had with him. Ansgar then sent the priest Rimbert and, after that, conditions in Birka became more stable. When Ansgar died in 865, Rimbert was still a priest in Birka. He then took over Ansgar’s position as archbishop (Rimbert chaps 25–29; 33; 41; Fig. 5). Adam of Bremen, a German medieval chronicler, lived and worked in the second half of the eleventh century. His chronicle Gesta Hammaburgensis Ecclesiae Pontificum describes the missionary work that was led from Hamburg– Bremen from 788 until the death of Adam, around 1081/1085 (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Adam_of_Bremen). The first 100 years are the best and described in most detail by Rimbert. Adam then describes a new mission thrust in Denmark and Sweden, and eventually also mentions Norway more or less explicitly in the accounts. In Adam of Bremen (Book I, chap. 38) we are told that ‘the Danes and the Northmen [under Archbishop Rimbert (865–888)] had been subjected to the pastoral care of the Church of Hamburg.’ In another part (Book I chap. 42) Adam tell stories that are obviously about missionary activity in Norway during the ninth century: And because the desolation brought about by the Northmen and Danes exceeded all belief, one may wonder the more that the holy confessors of God, Ansgar and Rimbert, should have gone undaunted through such great perils by sea and land and preached to peoples.

More accounts of missionary work are provided by Adam of Bremen, now describing what was happening in the tenth century: Bishop Liafdag [the first bishop of Ribe, dead 980] shall have been preaching ‘beyond the sea, that is, Sweden and Norway’ (Adam of Bremen Book II chap. 26). In Book IV chapter 34 Adam says: ‘The first bishop, a certain John [Johannes], came from England to Norway, and he baptized the king [Olav Tryggvason] with his people’. In Addition 147 to this chapter Adam says that: Although Liafdag, Odinkar and Poppo, of our community, preached to this people before him, it can be said that ours laboured, but that the English entered into their labour.

Odinkar was the second bishop of Ribe, born c. 947 and educated in England, whereas Poppo was the second bishop

1. Introduction

11

Figure 5. Inventory of the inhumation grave 854 in Birka, Sweden, with Tating ware pitcher, funnel beaker glass and hanging bowl. After Arbman 1943, fig. 275.

12

Looting or Missioning

of Slesvig (Hedeby), and the one who baptized King Harald Bluetooth in 965. Snorre says that King Harald Bluetooth of Denmark sent missionaries to Viken, and ‘many were baptized’. The German Emperor Otto II is also said to have sent two ‘earls’ to this area in the 970s, where they worked as missionaries (Skre 1998, 31–32). Many were also converted when German missionaries came to Norway at the time of Archbishop Adaldag (d. 988; Bagge and Nordeide 2007, 138–139). We should conclude that there are several pieces of evidence in the written sources of active missionary work from Hamburg–Bremen bishops into Norway during the ninth as well as the tenth century. This is in opposition to many researchers saying that there is no such evidence or undercommunicating the content of the written sources, especially the early ones. Based on this background we have to look for traces of Frankish/German missionaries in the archaeological material in Norway, especially around the Oslo fjord, in the ninth and the tenth centuries (Mikkelsen 2002, 123). The written sources tell of the many attempts at converting the pagans in Scandinavia that did not succeed; where bishops and priests were robbed, killed or driven away. I have already mentioned the many instances mentioned by Rimbert. Here are three examples from Adam of Bremen: I.21.: At that time Bishop Gauzbert [Gautbert] was also driven from Sweden by the fury of the heathen, and Nithard, his chaplain, and several others were crowned with Martyrdom. I.28.: As soon as he took over the kingdom of the Danes he [Horic/Hårek] raged with an inborn ferocity against the Christians, expelling the priests of God and ordered the churches to be closed. I.55.: The Danish King Hathacanute Gorm was a bitter enemy of the Christians: He set about completely to destroy Christianity in Denmark, driving the priests of God from its bounds and also torturing very many of them to death. The whole written story about the conversion of the pagans to Christianity comprises stories of repeated attempts of mission, baptism, relapse into paganism (‘repaganization’ cf. Tveito 2005, 281) and new missionary attempts and conversion to Christianity.

England and the Norwegian ‘Christianization kings’ ‘Missionary activities in Norway from the west, depicted in Norse sources, are primarily based on initiatives from the Norwegian kings, accompanied by clergy’ (Tveito 2005, 97–98).The mission of the Norwegian Christianization kings seems to have been supported by Anglo-Saxon kings and the church (Tveito 2005, 106).

Håkon the Good (Adalsteinsfóstri)

King Harald Fairhair sent his son Hákon, at the age of 8–10 years, to be brought up at the court of King Æthelstan in Wessex (between 924 and 939; some say around 926– 933/5). King Harald must have been well aware that his son would return to Norway as a Christian (Sigurdsson 2014, 229). Hákon Adalsteinsfóstri (Æthelstan’s fosterson) was baptized and given a Christian education at the ostentatiously religious court of the English king (Abrams 1995, 217; Sigurdsson and Hellerud 2012, 13, 22, 36). Then Hákon returned home and reined as king c. 936–961. Torstein Jorgensen (1996, 103–106) emphasizes that ‘King Håkon’s close contact with the Kingdom of Wessex and his rule in Norway is very important as a platform for a special mission initiative from Wessex to Norway, which developed into an organized enterprise, and with some interruptions would come to last nearly 130 years’. Wessex had long been the basis for sending out missionaries and missioning to Norway was a continuation of this tradition.

Snorres Kongesoger Snorres Kongesoger (1997, 87–91) [Snorre’s King Sagas] mention that Håkon, after some time in Norway, and after he had lured some of his closest friends to Christianity, sent a message to England to get a bishop (Sigfrid of Glastonbury) and some priests (c. 950–955). He wanted to introduce Christianity throughout the country, and he forced the farmers to come to the thing (Frostating) and asked them to join Christianity.

Ágrip Ágrip (2008, 10–11) mentions that Håkon built churches and installed priests. Many were converted to Christianity (Fig. 6). Later people from Uttrøndelag sailed to Møre in the north-western part of southern Norway, burnt down three churches and killed three priests. The people of Trøndelag forced the king to give up the mission and take part in the pagan cult (cf. Bagge and Nordeide 2007, 135). Håkon was given a pagan funeral: he was buried in a grave mound with weaponry and in his best clothes (Sigurdsson and Hellerud 2012, 100). Western Norway was the heartland of Håkon’s power, and it was here that he began the Christianization work. It is believed that this continued successfully. A cemetery with Christian graves on Veøy in Romsdal from the first half of the tenth century is cited in support of this (see Fig. 75). There were also stone crosses from the Viking Age, nearly all from western Norway, that may have been raised in Håkon’s time as king (Sigurdsson and Hellerud 2012, 106).

Håkon Jarl Earl Håkon was born at Lade near Trondheim about 935. During the 960s he spent several years on Viking travels: around the Baltic Sea, in today’s Sweden, the Baltic

1. Introduction

Figure 6. King Håkon the Good baptizing the son of the Earl. Remark the baptismal bowl. Drawing by Christian Krogh in Snorre Sturlason Kingʼs Sagas. Photo: The National Museum of Art, Architechture and Design, Oslo. Lisense: CC BY-NC.

13 been christened around 965 (Stylegar 2013, 147). The emperor also wanted to Christianize Norway. Earl Håkon finally felt forced to be baptized, probably in 974 (Stylegar 2013b, 155), and he promised to promote Christianity in Norway. He was given the Viken region as fief (Tveito 2005, 94). However, the priests and scholars that the emperor had sent with the earl were put ashore at the first opportunity, before he crossed the Kattegatt on their way home (Odd monk Snorresson 1977, 48–52; Stylegar 2013, 144; Fig. 7). Snorre mentions that Harald Bluetooth sent two missionaries (Germans) to Viken and that many let themselves be Christianized (Stylegar 2013, 156–157). Eventually the alliance ceased between the earl and Harald Bluetooth, and Håkon contributed more and more to breaking down the Christianization that Håkon the Good had begun. Indeed, it may even have been a renaissance for Norse paganism, until a new missionary king entered the arena after Håkon’s death in 995: Olav Tryggvason (Stylegar 2013, 14–15, 162, 172).

Olav Tryggvason Some of the priests who came with Bishop Siegfried while Håkon the Good ruled could have continued to operate in Norway after his death. When Olav Tryggvason (b. probably about 968, d. 1000) was installed Figure 7. Håkon Jarl setting the priests ashore. Drawing by Christian Krogh in Snorre as King of Norway in 995; there is Sturlason Kingʼs Sagas. Photo: The National Museum of Art, Architechture and Design, good evidence in English as well Oslo. Lisense: CC BY-NC. as Norwegian sources that he was baptized and had taken the Christian faith. His contact with Wessex was decisive. He received countries and Poland, and he stayed in Denmark in the a Christian education in England, and he was confirmed winter with his friend Harald Bluetooth. The two were in with King Ethelred as his godfather (Tjønn 2012, 76). cahoots with each other. Around 970 they had conquered Olav brought with him Bishop Jon and many priests from Norway and Håkon had gained power from Lindesnes and England when he returned to Norway in 995, with the island northward. Viken – the coastal area from Agder, around the of Moster as their landing place. There he erected a church. Oslofjord to the Bohuslän – was now regarded as part of He also built churches at Selje and in Trondheim (Tveito Denmark and ruled by petty kings and tax kings under the 2005, 307). He would try to make Norway a Christian Danish king. One of these was Harald Grenske (Stylegar nation (Jørgensen 1995, 106; Odd monk Snorresson 1977, 2013b; 11, 36, 51, 68–70, 103–104). 72; Tjønn 2012, 8, 79–80, 83). The German Emperor Otto the Second wanted to convert Olav had to wage a battle to Christianize the infidels. He Denmark to Christianity at the time Harald Bluetooth met no resistance along the west coast, not until he came to was king there. It is believed that Harald had already

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happened in 1015 (Titlestad 2013, 38–46). When Olav Haraldsson returned to Norway from England in 1015 to subdue the entire country, he brought with him four bishops and several priests. He wanted to make it a Christian country. Olav built a royal residence in Nidaros and settled there. He brutally attacked those who would not convert, appearing in Oppland, then in Hålogaland (northern Norway). In Trøndelag, the farmers continued with their old pagan customs, drinking and sacrificing. This Olav also suppressed with an iron hand. People were forced to take to Christianity and Olav placed priests there and built churches. This form of Christianization has been Figure 8. King Olav Haralsson killed in the battle at Stiklestad in the year 1030. Drawing by called ‘Christianization by force’ Halfdan Egedius in Snorre Sturlason Kingʼs Sagas. or ‘Christianization by the sword’. Around 1021, Olav Haraldsson was at the height of his power in Norway. He had managed Trøndelag. There Olav had to use powerful remedies and to join up with powerful men in all parts of the country forced people to adopt Christianity, without completely (Titlestad 2013, 63, 71, 100, 105 f., 115, 131–132). succeeding. He also had to use force in Hålogaland, while Olav Haraldsson wanted to institutionalize a Christian he was better received in Viken, which had long been national church, which was to include the entire Norwegian under Danish sovereignty and Christian influences. On population, and simultaneously form the basis for a new type the Oppland opposition was some stronger. Agder was of absolute monarchy. He proclaimed the Christian faith at also converted to Christianity, likewise parts of Western an assembly at Moster in Hordaland, western Norway in Norway (Tjønn 2012, 113–115, 124). Odd monk Snorresson the year 1024, near the church built by Olav Tryggvason argued that Norway was completely Christianized under in 995 (Titlestad 2013, 130). Olav Tryggvason, and he called him ‘The Norwegian’s Bishop Grimkjell was central to Olav’s Christianization Apostle’ (Birkeli 1979, 52–53; Odd monk Snorresson process and his Christian Law laid the foundation for all 1977, 11, 69, 151). the oldest ecclesiastical laws of Norway, based on English Olav Haraldsson laws. According to Adam of Bremen, Olav Haraldsson also established contact with the archbishopric of Hamburg– Olav Haraldsson was born in Telemark in 993 or 995, and Bremen and asked for missionaries to be sent to Norway was probably baptized when he lived with his stepfather on (Jørgensen 1995, 106–107; Adam of Bremen Book II Ringerike, in 996. At a young age Olav joined the Vikings, chap. 57; Bagge and Nordeide 2007, 136). There was, travelling to Denmark, Sweden and the Baltic Sea, along however, competition between the two churches, the Anglothe Spanish coast and to England. Here the Viking army to Saxon and the Hamburg–Bremen, which was deliberately which he belonged looted, inter alia, Canterbury Cathedral incited by the Danish royal house, developed from the fear and set fire to it (Titlestad 2013, 23, 28–29, 31). They let that the Germans were going to dominate church politics themselves, however, to be enlisted by King Aethelred the (Staecker 2003, 474). Gradually, however, the Pope brought Second of England, who was married to a Norman princess together the entire Nordic region and mission work there and therefore had close ties to Normandy. Some argue that under the archdiocese Hamburg-Bremen (Birkeli 1979, 59). Olav was first baptized there, in Rouen, around 1012/1013, Olav first raised churches on his own estates (Ágrip 2008, after an education in the Christian faith and cult (Titlestad 31) and at least one church in each county (fylke) (Birkeli 2013, 23, 36–7). However, Olav turned against King 1979, 61 ff.). Aethelred and signed an agreement with King Canute of After King Canute of Denmark conquered Norway in Denmark to help him to conquer England. In return, Olav 1028, Olav had to go into exile in Sweden and Russia. He acquired Viken, which lay under the Danish king. This

1. Introduction returned to retake Norway 2 years later. The decisive battle took place at Stiklestad in Northern Trøndelag, where Olav Haraldsson fell in 1030 (Fig. 8). This was not a struggle between pagans and Christians; they fought on both sides. The reason why Olav’s death still stands as a symbol of Christianity’s final breakthrough in Norway is because there were observed wonders about his body, and 2 years after his death he was declared a saint (St Olav). His remains

15

were kept as relics in Trondheim, first in the St Clement’s church, then later in the Nidaros Cathedral – and this made Nidaros one of Europe’s foremost pilgrimage sites. Olav became a royal patron saint but was worshipped in large parts of northern Europe and especially in England. In the next generation after his death, the Christian church was fully integrated into Norwegian society (Birkeli 1979, 66 ff.; Titlestad 2013, 159 f.).

2 Models for the missionary activity

What is a mission? Ian Wood (2016) has recently discussed the concept of ‘mission’ and asked the question: What is a mission? It is an early modern concept, first developed among the Jesuits in the 1590s. The terms mission and missionary came into use from the 1640s onwards. The early medieval authors had no single word for what we describe as a ‘Christian mission’. The word coming closest to what we mean by the term is preaching: preaching the Gospel (Wood 2016, 135–136). Wood claims that for certain individuals, a small-scale mission could come close to eremitism and is close to eremitical monasticism. One of the individuals sent to look after the Swedish Church in the Viking Age was the hermit Ardgar (Rimbert 19–20). Although anachoresis (withdrawal from the world) and mission might seem incompatible, there is a clear overlap, according to Wood, who provides several examples (Wood 2016, 136, 141, 150). Stories about missions in Europe often mention that missionaries, or people travelling with them, were killed, but also beaten, sold or enslaved. The number of people in a mission group varied considerably, from 12 to 40, but most of them were small: 2–4 people. The Danish and Swedish ninth-century missions were usually staffed by one priest, and never by more than two or three clergy. One reason was that the task was thought to be extremely hazardous: it was, therefore, important that whoever undertook it did so willingly. (Wood 2016, 138–148). The scale of a mission might provide an indication of the strategy of evangelization that was to be followed. Small groups might be more appropriate for several reasons, and that they might accomplish more, not least when a mission was carried out as a ‘bottom-up’ mission project. The opposite was a well-planned ‘top-down’ or ‘top-bottom’ mission, being initiated by a king, a bishopric or other highranked persons, and spread to people of lower social rank (Tveito 2005, 124–127; Wood 2016, 147–148).

The mission activities described above are different, both depending on where the mission was based and the conditions that prevailed in the ‘mission field’. The desire to spread Christianity could be one of the motives of both parties, the need to build political and strategic relationships and alliances could be other forces at play. Another challenge the missionaries faced was the problems of language, of understanding each other. It was a necessary prerequisite for the mission preaching to take place in the people’s own language. The liturgy, however, was advocated in Latin. The missionaries had to be skilled in languages themselves or they had to use interpreters. In the sources’ mention of northern European missions we hear about both. Irish missionaries must have had the greatest problems if they did not speak Anglo-Saxon; Scandinavians and Anglo-Saxons could understand each other. Frankish and German missionaries had some language problems after the split of the German language into a south and north branch in the seventh century (Tveito 2005, 239–242).

Model 1: Individual monks and priests as missionaries coming from the British Isles This model is the most diffuse. It takes its starting point from how Irish monks were missionaries in England from the seventh century, partly from accounts of hermit monks in Iceland from the late eighth century (Tierney and Bieler 1967, 115) and possible interpretations of legends about the Selje men at Selja and Kinn in western Norway. This raises questions about whether the first voyages to Iceland and possibly Norway can be characterized as missionary activity at all. Rather, they were journeys undertaken by hermit monks who sought solitude for their faith. The reason I still mention them here is because they could have been the start of a contact with Ireland from where mission evolved. Admittedly, in Iceland, the papas

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left the island when Norse settlement was established. In western Norway, by contrast, the Seljemanna – and eventually the Sunniva cult – grew in importance, which may suggest that the Irish element here has played a major role. Other features I would like to emphasize in this model are that the monks had Irish monasteries as their base. They were apparently acting in a relatively disorganized manner and indiscriminately, and the mission seems to have been very much based on the individual, both from the missionary side and from that of the receivers. Some missionaries were saints. From accounts from Iceland, we know that when they went out the monks took with them (inter alia) books, bells, croziers and other liturgical equipment (Landnámabók chap. 1).

Model 2: Organized mission from the Frankish Empire and Germany – ‘the Ansgar model’ This model can be developed primarily through the descriptions Rimbert gives in the book of Ansgar’s life. Clear initiatives were taken to start missioning in Scandinavia. The thrust took place as a mutual understanding between the Frankish emperor, the Pope and the archdiocese of Hamburg—Bremen. Ansgar, as a representative of these, even sought partly to go into alliances with the local kings of Sweden and Denmark to get permission to conduct a Christian missionary. In one case the matter of whether to allow missioning was raised at the Assembly. Even the kings themselves summoned priests and bishops who could come to their kingdoms and preach Christianity. In this model the conversion to Christianity was a voluntary and individual matter. Often the alliance with the Church was politically justified. On one occasion, when the Danish king left his son and nephew to a Christian upbringing at

the court of the Frankish king, this probably also played a role in alliance building.

Model 3: Mission with Norwegian kings as initiators All three Norwegian ‘Christianization kings’ – Håkon the Good, Olaf Tryggvason and Olav Haraldsson (reigned 936–1030) – stayed abroad, including in England and Normandy, in their younger years, before they became kings of Norway. Here they were also baptized and returned home as Christians to their royal duties. Particularly strong were those related to Wessex in southern England and the king and his court there: Håkon was fostered there for 10 years. The kings asked for priests and bishops to be sent to Norway from England to carry out a mission. In one case, we know, the king also asked for assistance for missioning from the archdiocese of Hamburg–Bremen. The missionaries brought with them all the equipment they needed for the business in hand. Churches were built including on royal estates. The king tried initially to entice people to take to Christianity. Sometimes the case was raised at the Assembly. Finally, Olav Haraldsson introduced Christianity through law at the Moster Assembly in 1024. In Norway, as in Sweden, attempts at Christianization met with strong resistance, which seems to have been strongest in Trøndelag. Priests were killed or chased away and churches were burned. Therefore, although the king was a Christian, it was not possible to force people to take the new faith. Not until Olav Haraldsson and his successors did Christianity find a firmer foothold in Norway. The country got its own saints: Olav Haraldsson was Norway’s holy king St Olav, with connections to Trondheim, and we also acquired St Sunniva based on Selja, later Bergen (see Chapter 1).

Part 2 Tracing missionary activity in Norway based on material culture

I have described the written sources that tell about missionary activity, or possibly so, and presented some models for Christianization in the Viking Age in Scandinavia, based on these sources. We shall hereafter examine what material culture accompanied the Christian missions and the creation of the first Christian communities: what did the missionaries bring in terms of equipment and other objects and what was needed to serve as a missionary? Missionaries were monks, priests, bishops and even later an archbishop (Ansgar). They brought gifts to the king and the people and they also brought a number of liturgical objects and sacred books – equipment that was required to preach the service, conduct baptism, officiate at the Mass and give the Sacraments; various Christian symbols such as crosses and cross pendants, portable altars, church art and liturgical clothes; sometimes they also brought episcopal insignia. It is thought that liturgical equipment was quite simple during the missionary period (Tveito 2005, 244–245). That missionaries often had bishop status, means they must have been tied to the erection of churches and the establishment of church organization. They had the authority to consecrate priests and churches (Tveito 2005, 129). The first churches were built specifically in relation to the trading places Birka, Hedeby and Ribe. We see through these mission reports how Birka and parts of Sweden, but also Denmark, were subject to several mission attempts from Hamburg–Bremen. Several times the missionaries became vulnerable to attack, pillage, exile and murder; both by pirates while travelling to the mission field

and as an expression of popular revolt in the place where they worked. Mission operations, as described by Rimbert in the ninth century, consisted of repeated forays, acting as a missionary for a while, then getting knocked down again; missionaries were killed or displaced and often returned to their own country. The equipment missionaries brought with them, must have been left in the local community. Through the Saga narratives we see some of the same traits in Norway in the tenth century as those in Sweden and Denmark in the ninth century: kings brought home priests and bishops (who we must assume had brought liturgical books and other equipment) to conduct a Christian missionary. As in Sweden, where churches were burnt, priests were killed and a new missionary effort had to be repeated, so we must expect to find in Norway as well, in the context of the Viking Age, objects that the missionaries had brought with them, but were now dispersed in the local community around the mission site and put into use in a Norse context, where the objects probably had a different meaning and function. In the following chapters we will look at possible material (archaeological and other) sources of Christian missions in Norway in the Viking Age. The starting point for the analysis is that all items that are in their original form, meaning and function can be given a Christian content, regardless of the context in which they are found in Norway. First we will look at the stone crosses raised in Norway, mostly during the Viking Age. They have by many authors in one way or another been regarded as monuments connected to the Christian mission period.

3 Stone crosses

Raised stone crosses have been an important source group, drawn into the discussion of the Christianization process of Norway. The person who previously examined this material in depth was Bishop Fridtjov Birkeli, in his dissertation Norwegian Stone Crosses in the Early Middle Ages (Birkeli 1973). A new study of the west Norwegian stone crosses has been made by Kristine Holme Gabrielsen (2005; 2007). All these works are published in Norwegian. I mainly build on their review and classification of the material. Ian Fisher refers to the studies of Norwegian stone crosses by Birkeli, Gabrielsen and Baug in English (Fisher 2010, 107, 109). Recently a publication dealing with the stone crosses has been published in English (Baug 2015). Unlike the rest of Scandinavia, where raised stone crosses are not known, some 60 examples are documented in Norway, of which 40 are in western Norway, in the counties of Rogaland, Hordaland and Sogn og Fjordane (Fig. 9a–b). Birkeli and Gabrielsen classify certain crosses as a ‘Celtic’ type (Type A) and an ‘Anglian’ type (Type B) of raised stone crosses, all found in western Norway. The first type has its closest parallels in the Celtic parts of the British Isles, Ireland, Scotland and Wales, while the Anglian crosses point towards connections with England (Birkeli 1973, 239–245; Gabrielsen 2007, 137 ff.). Gabrielsen has classified the stone crosses into five typess, A–E. Birkeli’s ‘Stavanger-Tjora’ group of crosses correspond partly to Gabrielsen’s Type E and also displays similarities with England and, possibly, to old Irish relations as well. Type E crosses are a heterogeneous group with few distinct form elements and, on the whole, a simple design. C-crosses represent some of the highest crosses, and of the D-crosses there is only one example (Gabrielsen 2007, 140–144). Sæbjørg W. Nordeide (2009, 175–177; 2011) has tried to explain the Norwegian cross tradition as a German influence

Figure 9a. Stone crosses in western Norway. Redrawn from Gabrielsen 2007 by Ermias B. Tesfamariam. Terrain basemaps produced using Copernicus data and information funded by the European Union – EU-DEM layers https://www.eea.europa.eu/ data-and-maps/data/eu-dem#tab-metadata.

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Looting or Missioning

Figure 9b. Typology of stone crosses from western Norway. After Gabrielsen 2007.

but this has recently been criticized (Baug 2015, 118) and I do not see the arguments for it either. The east Norwegian crosses are predominantly of a completely different type than those found in western Norway and should preferably be dated to the Middle Ages (Amundsen 1999; Gabrielsen 2007, 260–261; Bow 2015). A group of simple stone crosses from Christian cemeteries in Numedal, with possible relationships to the Continent, perhaps Germany (Birkeli 1973, 127–130; cf. Nordeide 2009), may be somewhat older than the other east Norwegian stone crosses (Amundsen 1999, 88). Most east Norwegian crosses are, however, wheel crosses found at cemeteries, most often associated with Christian graves from the Middle Ages (Amundsen 1999, 77–78, 84), and they are believed to date from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries (Bow 2015, 158). Therefore, the majority of the east Norwegian stone crosses are omitted from the present analysis. The dating of the other raised stone crosses has also been much debated. They are largely based on comparisons with foreign material (form and decoration), runic inscriptions, archaeological and landscape context. The datings, however, are strongly influenced by the historical context within which they are interpreted, and then the dangers of circular argument lay close to hand. Celtic crosses, with parallels in Ireland, Scotland, the Isle of Man and Wales, appear from about 750. The majority are from the ninth century and the first half of the tenth (A-crosses), while E-crosses may already have been in existence from the seventh to eighth centuries (Gabrielsen 2007, 158–159). The Anglian crosses (B-crosses) are dated in English areas from ​​c. 700 to the mideleventh century, while C-crosses are given a possible dating frame from c. 900 to the late eleventh century (Gabrielson 2007, 159–161). Ian Fisher sees parallels to some of the Norwegian crosses in the Outer Hebrides: cruciformed stones with tight bevelled armpits. The closest parallel in Norway is from Grindheim, Etne, Hordaland (Fig. 10). Some share features with the Sola-Stavanger group. He also refers to the cross from Rygg in Gloppen, Nordfjord (Fisher 2010, 110–111; see Fig. 56). Ingrid Fuglestvedt (1997, 51–52) believes that it should also be possible to date stone crosses in western Norway

Figure 10. Grindheim, Etne, Hordaland. Stone cross type A (height 1.96 m). Photo: Siri Johannessen, Wikimedia Commons.

to the period between 750 and 950/1000, but that they may have been raised at different times and for different motives. Birkeli (1973) and Gabrielsen (2005; 2007) both believe that the stone crosses could theoretically date back to the eighth and the ninth centuries but, as they both associate the crosses with the Norwegian ‘Christianization kings’ period, which started with King Håkon the Good’s Christianization attempts, 950 would be the earliest limit for dating the Norwegian crosses. The question of who raised the stone crosses is thus crucial for the dating (cf. Fuglestvedt 1997,  51). Here we must again argue that a unilateral

3.  Stone crosses coupling of archaeological data to preserved historical sources narrows the scope for dating and interpretation of the material, which we have the opportunity to expand here. Moreover, the dating of stone crosses cannot be based on the runic inscriptions found on some of them. These may be secondary to the raising of the cross. This can be illustrated with the so-called Oddernes stone, a rune stone from Oddernes church at Kristiansand. It has two inscriptions: one is dated to the early tenth century, the other to the eleventh (after 1030) (Birkeli 1979, 22). If only the second inscription had been found on the stone, its erection would have been set to the eleventh century. Now, because of the first inscription, it must be dated to the early tenth century. Excavations have recently taken place at several quarries in western Norway, where not only bakestones and quernstones, but also stone crosses, dating from the beginning of the Viking Age till the end of the Middle Ages, have been taken out. Most important are quarries in Hyllestad, Sogn og Fjordane (Baug 2015). Of the 40 stone crosses found in Sogn og Fjordane, Rogaland and Hordaland, 22 are made of garnet mica schist, a stone most probably coming from Hyllestad (Baug 2015, 116). In excavation trenches made through spoil heaps in the Hyllestad quarries, stone crosses and fragments have been found (Fig. 11). Trench 7, layer 6, is radiocarbon dated to cal AD 995–1025 (TUa-7927), layer 9 is dated to cal AD 895–990 (TUa-7926) (Bauge 2015, 58-61), i.e. late Viking Age. The oldest dating of the quarrying goes back to as early as AD 715–890 and AD 730–965 (Baug 2015, 162). The excavated crosses, however, come from the latest production phase at the quarry, meaning that extraction may date back further. Large and small crosses were extracted simultaneously but the tallest type of free-standing cross was not found. This may be a coincidence, but it is also possible that these crosses have an earlier date (Bauge 2015, 117). So they probably belonged to the Christianization process during the tenth century, whereas the small crosses on medieval churchyards are from the Middle Ages. The remains of crosses found in the Hyllestad quarries vary in shape and size, but a common feature is the V-shaped cutting below the arms, which means cross Type C (according to Baug 2015, 55, 117; Gabrielsen 2002; 2007). This fits well with the date we have given Type C crosses above, starting c. 900 and continuing into the eleventh century. It appears that the A- and E-crosses (the ‘Celtic’ and the simple stone crosses) could have been raised at an earlier stage than the other crosses (Figs 10 and 13). These are also far more often placed on pagan burial mounds (18 of the stand-alone crosses originally stood on burial mounds; Birkeli 1973, 166). They are particularly widespread in Rogaland (Gabrielsen 2007, 227–233). Eight of the A- and E-crosses are found in Rogaland, three in Hordaland and three in Sogn og Fjordane (see map Gabrielsen 2007, 122;

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Figure 11. Hyllestad, Sogn og Fjordane – stone cross of type C, from the excavations in a quarry in Hyllestad (BRM 928 3). Photo: Svein Skare, © 2019 University Museum of Bergen. License: CC BY-SA 4.0.

Fig. 9a). A dating of these crosses to the time 750–900 must remain open. The ‘Anglian’ (B-) crosses are, with two exceptions, found in Sogn og Fjordane (Fig. 12). They must be younger than the A- and E-crosses, but we cannot determine how far back in time they occurred in Norway. Three C-crosses were found in Rogaland (Fig. 15, below) and four in Sogn og Fjordane and can be, as mentioned above, dated to the tenth and eleventh century. Who raised the stone crosses and in what context did it occur? Different proposals have been put forward. One interpretation model claims that it was people living in Norway who had taken to Christianity and wanted to mark the occasion by raising stone cross. This model limits cross raising to the mid-tenth century. The second interpretation is that it was missionaries, monks, priests or bishops, who had come to Norway to convert people to Christianity, who raised or arranged to have erected stone crosses. This business could theoretically go back to the mid-eighth century. In addition: … landowners and elites are thought to have been responsible for erecting crosses in the main, but in a few

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Looting or Missioning cases … a collaboration of farmers and magnates – a so-called bygdeting (assembly within the rural district) is likely: crosses were a symbolic substantiation of conversion to Christianity. (Gabrielsen 2007; Baug 2015, 157)

It has also been suggested that crosses have been erected as part of the Christianization process, used in connection with outdoor services before the construction of a church. ‘There are no confirmed links between the king and erection of crosses’ (Bauge 2015, 156).

‘Celtic missioning’

Figure 12. Stone cross of type B at Krossteigen, Eivindvik, Gulen, Sogn og Fjordane (height 2.49 m). Photo: John Erling Blad. License: CC BY-SA 2.5.

Birkeli (1973, 240–1) believed that the ‘Celtic’ crosses in Norway represented a missionary and church connection between western Norway and the ‘Celtic’ part of the British Isles. He believed the crosses in this group from Grindheim in Etne (Fig. 10), Eivindvik, Sogn og Fjordane (Fig. 12) and Loen in Nordfjord (see Fig. 55) were probably made by foreigners. It has been pointed out that many of the stone crosses, especially those belonging to the E-type, have a ‘primitive impression’. They are made of many different species of rock. Birkeli (1973, 224–225) explained this by saying that the Norwegians were not so familiar with carving in stone. He sees these stone crosses, which are relatively abundant in Rogaland, as an expression that ‘Christianization seems here to have happened through many smaller channels and on a broader popular basis earlier than possibly elsewhere in the country’, the connection between Rogaland, the Isle of Man and Ireland being emphasized (Birkeli 1973, 252–253). Hernæs’ demonstration of early Christian influence in graves in Rogaland as early as about 750 must also be taken into account (Hernæs 1993). In an analysis of who might have been the cross erectors, Gabrielsen (2005; 2007, 250) claims that it was probably men

Figure 13. Krosshaug, Hauge, Klepp, Rogaland. Stone cross type E (height 1.80 m). Photo: Åge Pedersen, Arkeologisk Museum, University of Stavanger.

3.  Stone crosses

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with high status who dominated as cross erectors in southern parts of Rogaland, where the majority of the early ‘Celtic’ and simple crosses (A- and E-types) exist. In many cases the crosses were, as we have seen, erected on pagan graves. Many scholars believe that the large stone crosses in Western Norway: … would not be earlier than the reign of Håkon the Good, ‘Athelstanʼs foster-son’ (d.961), whose abortive mission involved clerics from Anglo-Saxon England where he had been educated. There is a widespread perception in the West, commonly expressed on Internet pages, of a longer and more symbiotic process of ‘Celtic’ conversion, symbolized by St Sunniva’s companions, the ‘Selja-men. (Fisher 2010, 107)

Two places in western Norway, both in Sogn og Fjordane, have a special position in terms of connections to Ireland: Selja at the end of Nordfjord, and Kinn in Flora. Both sites are linked to the legend of St Sunniva and the ‘Selje men’; there is a great rock shelter or cave at both sites, at both places a church is found (on Selja there is also a monastery) and there are stone crosses on the site or in rural areas nearby. Although there is great uncertainty as regards the person known as Sunniva, there is greater consensus that the ‘Selje men’, having come to Kinn as well as Selja, were Irish hermit monks who settled there (cf. Birkeli 1973, 253–254; see Chapter 1). Whether they eventually worked as missionaries or they attracted missionaries from Ireland, we cannot say. Alf Tore Hommedal (1995, 166) says that it could be ‘likely to think of an Irish presence on Selja in conjunction with an early Christian missionary effort in the area’. In these cases, one can imagine that there were Irish/ Celtic monks – missionaries – who managed to convert smaller groups of people locally and entered into league with converted powerful men to get the stone crosses erected. They were made locally using local rocks (Gabrielsen 2007, 249). The crosses may have served different functions: they could mark the transition from paganism to Christianity (crosses erected on pagan burial mounds) (Gabrielsen 2007, 227), or they could mark the holy places where preaching and primsigning/baptism took place (Lidén 1995, 136–137).

‘Anglian missioning’ The ‘Anglian’ stone crosses stretch from Haugesund to Kors in Rauma, Møre og Romsdal in western Norway (see Fig. 79) and are supposed to be evidence of the Church’s influence from England. One of the stone crosses at Eivindvik, Sogn og Fjordane (Fig. 12), at the place where it is assumed that the Gulatinget assembly place lay, in addition to related crosses of ‘Anglian’ type, Birkeli supposed: must have been created by people who were familiar with the cruciform from his own country, and that it was

Figure 14. Korssund, Askvoll, Sogn og Fjordane. Stone cross type B (height 3.96 m). Photo: Irene Baug. probably a cleric, who was set to be a priest at the assembly by a king and bishop, who had enough time to carve it or to get it carved. (Birkeli 1973, 242–245)

‘The King’ in this case may have been Håkon the Good. All the classifiable ‘Anglian’ crosses, B-crosses, are made of garnet mica slate from the quarries in Hyllestad in Sogn og Fjordane and all are nicely worked (Fig. 14). Five of seven C-crosses are also nicely made of the same rock (Gabrielsen 2007, 150–151). The erection of the crosses was probably prompted by the king, but there were certain districts or larger assemblies, together with the English priests and bishops – the missionaries – who were ‘the applicants’ of the crosses in the quarry in Hyllestad, which otherwise mainly produced millstones (Gabrielsen 2007; 241–242, 250–251). The crosses served a mission purpose in the Christianization process, and the cross may have marked the Christian gathering place before a church was

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Looting or Missioning built. Many of the crosses were erected on or near thing sites (assembly places) (Birkeli 1973, 223–224; Schumacher 2005, 35; Gabrielsen 2007, 230). There are reasons to assume that Christianity was accepted at the Assembly.

German missioning As Nordeide has pointed out, ‘Scandinavia was part of the missionary archbishop’s seat of Hamburg–Bremen from the ninth century’ (Nordeide 2009, 163). Nordeide wants to compare many of the Norwegian stone crosses with crosses from Germany. Her arguments are, however, not convincing, and the German crosses lack a precise date (ibid., 173). All stone crosses with a circle in the motif were found in eastern Norway (ibid., 165), and if we are looking for inspiration or even traces of missionary activity from the Continent in Norway, based on stone cross, these crosses have to be further studied. They are, however, of a medieval date (Nordeide 2009).

Preliminary conclusions

Figure 15. Kvitsøy, Krossøy, Rogaland. Stone cross type C (height 3.9 m). Photo: Ida Kristin Vollum, Vestfoto.

From what I have said above, I would argue that the early erection of stone crosses in western Norway can be linked to missioning from Scotland, Wales, the Isle of Man and Ireland from the mid-eighth till the end of the ninth century (‘Celtic missioning’). The later missioning, also in western Norway, from the tenth century, can be linked primarily to England and connected to the Norwegian Christianization King’s activity (‘Anglian missioning’). The crosses in eastern Norway are most likely to be linked to an already established Christianity in the Middle Ages.

4 The interpretation of insular metalwork in Norwegian Viking Age graves

Sacred objects in early Christendom High-quality metalwork for use in churches and monasteries was produced both in Ireland and in northern Britain in the seventh and eighth centuries (Cramp 1986). There was evidently a good deal of exchange of techniques, objects and probably even craftsmen between the two regions. The seventh century was the great period of Irish missionary activity in Scotland and northern England and it is largely in the monasteries of Northumbria and in the close relationship between churchmen in Ireland, Pictish land and England that the art of the Anglo-Saxons began to make a strong impact on the products of the Celtic metalworkers. Not only were Irish monks active in Northumbria but there were at least two Anglo-Saxon monasteries in Ireland. Anglo-Saxon imports to Ireland were almost non-existent (Ryan 1989, 126). In order to celebrate the rites of the Church, novel objects were required. This placed new demands on native craftsmen. In Ireland it is likely that most religious objects were made in monastic workshops. Precious metal was in short supply in both Ireland and Scotland in the eighth century and gemstones were very rare, amber more frequent. Instead, cast studs of inlaid glass and enamel were used. The objects included sacred vessels for the Eucharist: the chalice for wine and the paten or plate for Communion bread. Christianity required books, copies of the scriptures and collections of readings for the celebration of the Liturgy. Lamps, bells, censers, book covers and bindings were all needed, as well as objects like basins and towels for ablutions associated with the Mass (Ryan 1989, 125). Most archaeologists interpret the ‘Anglo-Irish import objects’ in Norwegian Viking Age graves mainly as a result of plunder, an expression of the Vikings’ plundering of churches and monasteries in the British Isles, especially Ireland, in the early Viking Age (Wamers 1985, 39 ff. with references). Egon Wamers argues that it is unlikely that

the reliquaries, crosses, books, liturgical objects and the like should have been merchandise (Fig. 16). The large number of mounts from such objects found in Scandinavia and particularly numerous in Norway, excludes, according to Wamers, an interpretation of these as expressions of missionary activity or gifts. The secondary use of objects as jewellery is taken as evidence that the new owners had a

Figure 16. Insular metal objects found in Scandinavia. After Wamers 1985.

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Looting or Missioning

Figure 17. The frequence of plundering and burning in Ireland during the Viking Age (AD 775–1050).

different perception of the objects than the original religious function ( Wamers 1985, 40). Jan H. Larsen (1982, 92) argues ‘that the Vikings have been blamed for looting and pillage that were really caused by internal strife, especially in Ireland’. It is of great interest that an Irish scholar, A. T. Lucas (1967), raised objections to the previously held interpretation of the Anglo-Irish ‘import’: ‘He is well aware of the material in the Norwegian graves but does not find it very likely that raids should have aimed first and foremost at seizing objects of the kind we have discussed here’ (Blindheim 1978a, 173). Lucas sees churches and monasteries in Ireland as places of safekeeping for lay property, places where grain and other food products and equipment were stored. Raids could therefore include grain, livestock and land (cf. Sawyer 1971, 206). Sanctuary of goods in the church and their livestock must, then, account for a large proportion of the total number of recorded church plunderings (Lucas 1967, 205). Lucas says (ibid., 210) that ‘it has been almost unquestionably believed that the staple of the Viking harvest of plunder from Irish churches and monasteries consisted of altar vessels, shrines and other choice and costly items of church furnishing’. We are left with the impression that plundering and burning was a normal hazard of a church or monastery in ancient and medieval Ireland. Lucas reminds us that the Irish annals are monastic compilations in origin and that they maintain throughout a very definite clerical point of view. The documented picture is, however, that of the 309 occasions on which ecclesiastical sites were plundered between AD 600 and 1163, where the nationality of the plundering party is known, the Irish were responsible on 139 occasions and the Norse on 140, while on 19 occasions the plundering was carried out by the Irish and Norse in combination (Lucas 1967, 173 ff.; Fig. 17). Thus, the plundering of churches and monasteries was quite common among the Irish, starting before the Vikings arrived, and not by the Vikings. There was much war and looting between the Irish clans, who often stood as owners of the monasteries. Thus, Lucas thinks there is substantial reasons for doubting that the pillage of church furniture – the

‘treasures’  – could have provided the incentive for the Viking raids. Referring to the Irish material found in Scandinavian Viking Age graves, Lucas is of the opinion that the bullion value of the great bulk of the Irish metalwork was exceedingly small. Gold was used only in microscopic quantities in the form of gilding, filigree and granulation and silver not a great deal more lavishly. The overwhelming proportion of the weight of the items consisted of bronze (Lucas 1967, 211–212). Lucas concludes his analysis as follows: It would seem that neither the documentary nor the archaeological evidence supports the widespread belief that a major part of Viking activity in Ireland consisted of plundering monasteries for the sake of the rich booty of shrines, altar vessels and church ornaments which they afforded. … The looted church valuables recede from being the prime objectives of the raids into the category of ‘fringe benefits or even of souvenirs to be sent as gifts to friends and relatives in the homeland. (Lucas 1967, 213)

Peter Sawyer (1971, 120–147) has discussed the relationship between the written and the archaeological sources when coming to the question of Viking raids in Western Europe and the British Isles. These are described in the Annals, mainly by churchmen, and he claims: … there is every reason to suspect exaggeration in their descriptions of the size and destructiveness of the raiding bands. … Similarly the archaeological evidence is too often interpreted in the light of the written sources; and objects of western European origin found in Scandinavia are normally treated as loot without qualification. ... When the archaeological evidence conflicts with that of the contemporary writings, as it does in the scarcity of ninth-century west European coins in Scandinavia, the main efforts of historians and archaeologists alike seem to be to explain away the archaeological evidence rather than treat it as a welcome check on the historical. (Sawyer 1971, 120, 122)

Charlotte Blindheim (1978a, 173 f.) has also discussed possible interpretations of these ‘insular’ objects: were these objects gifts that the Vikings acquired from missionaries that they met abroad? Were they the expression of Christian influence, or did they have any connection with missionary activity? She will not admit that there was any early AngloIrish missionary activity in Viken in the ninth century, but rather that the most conspicuous objects should be considered as gifts or bribes. Objects like the house-shaped reliquaries or the thurible (censer), however, can best be explained as having something to do with missionary activity. They could hardly have served as merchandise. In the case of most of the objects, which have been cut up into smaller pieces, Blindheim liked to see them as having been sold second-hand as precious jewellery in the marketplaces of Scandinavia, together with more ordinary things (Blindheim 1978a, 173–176).

4.  The interpretation of insular metalwork in Norwegian Viking Age graves Øystein S. Geber (1991) has classified insular objects in western Norway according to their possible clerical or profane meaning. He asks whether the different object groups reflect raids and looting, trade, mission or gifts. He ends with the conclusion that raids and looting were most common in the early Viking Age, with trade coming later. Subsequently Geber says that clerical objects in Norwegian Viking Age material were looted, and profane objects came here as a result of trade (Geber 1999; 75; cf. Bakka 1963, 5). Geber refers to Charlotte Blindheim’s theories above, but he does not discuss interpretations within the contexts of missionaries or exchange of gifts. Bjarne Gaut (2001) tried to show that insular metal objects found in Norway might have come prior to the Viking raids mentioned in the written sources (793), beginning around 750. Many of these objects were reused as female costume jewellery, a practice also known in other parts of Europe during the early medieval period (Gaut 2001, 100–110). He concludes by stating that the reworking of insular metalwork perhaps should: not be considered as a way to vandalize Christian art, but rather as a continuation of the tradition of reusing objects whose decorative splendour was particularly appreciated or as a short-term solution to metal shortage. Implicitly, neither the combination of jewellery nor the rework per se is necessarily indicative of the circulating artefacts having been looted, and Wamers is running the risk of confusing a chronological concurrency with a causal relationship when arguing along these lines. (Gaut 2001, 102)

Bagge and Nordeide have also discussed insular metalwork. They say that how the imported objects from the British Isles: … arrived in Norway, by trade, plundering or gift exchange, may vary from case to case and often cannot be decided. Nevertheless, the exchange of objects with foreign countries facilitated a long period of religious influence in Norway prior to its ‘official’ Christianization. … Many Christian objects may have been plundered from churches and monasteries; they were used purely for decoration or were destroyed, as for instance book mounts torn off a book, in order to use the precious metal, which clearly shows that contact with Christians did not lead to Christian influence. (Bagge and Nordeide 2007, 130–131)

Sæbjørg Walaker Nordeide (2011, 151–152) has nuanced her interpretation from 2007 when she put up four different models that would explain how the insular imports found their way to Norway, (in this case the Rauma district in Møre og Romsdal): 1. Merchants brought commodities for trade/exchange. 2. Exogamic groups exchanged spouses, providing them with dowry.

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3. Scandinavian people raided insular areas and returned with booty. 4. Clergy/missionaries travelled to establish the Church in non-Christian areas. Referring to the Setnes female boat grave that contained a reliquary, a decoration from an abbot’s or bishop’s crozier, a bronze hanging bowl with three tinned birdshaped hook-escutcheons and several other objects (see Fig.  77a– e; Marstrander 1963a; 1963b; Raven 2005, 377–380), Nordeide says that the insular objects ‘comprise a group of items uniquely suitable for the use by the clergy’. The possible abbot’s staff might have belonged to a monastery at Veøy, whereas the small reliquary indicates travelling monks ‘rather than being the result of a Viking raid of insular churches’ (Nordeide 2011, 152; cf. Blindheim 1986, 3). Nordeide argues for a monastery at Veøy by mentioning that ‘Quite a few incidents of Irish monks or eremites going to distance islands are mentioned in written sources’ (l.c.). ‘The monastery may have been accepted for a while, but later the Christians may have been driven away, with their ritual objects and other items confiscated by the local people and distributed into the surrounding areas’ (l.c.). One is tempted to ask: why do these objects have to be linked to a monastery and not just to a missionary? Zanette Tsigaridas Glørstad (2010) analysed the ringed pins and penannular brooches found in Viking Age graves in Norway, both those which are manufactured in the insular areas and imitations made in Norway. She believes the first category of ringed pins and brooches, like horse- and strap ends, are profane object types that were used in Norway as they were originally intended. They should not automatically be grouped together with the ecclesiastical and fragmented objects from the British Isles and they should therefore not necessarily be seen as being a result of looting (Glørstad 2010, 122). This new type of dress pin, introduced from the insular area (Irish, Celtic and Pictish), was brought home to Norway from the end of the eighth and through the ninth century. Here they are mainly found in female graves, especially in Rogaland, Sogn og Fjordane and Trøndelag. The women belonged to a rich social stratum (Glørstad 2010, 162). Probably there had been close relations – networks and contact surfaces – between the political elite in Norway and in Ireland and Scotland, and the insular dress pins are expressions of these relations. Thus, they also tend to be viewed as an expression of gift exchange, dowry or other relationship-building actions. In several papers Aina Heen-Pettersen has analysed the total insular material from Trøndelag (Pettesen 2013; Heen-Pettersen 2014; 2015). Four rich ‘burials from Grande, Gjeite, Skei and Melhus represent the earliest graves showing contact between the British Isles and Norway’ (Heen-Pettersen 2014, 25). The insular material

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Looting or Missioning

‘comprises both clerical and secular objects and seems to reflect a different form of contact than pure, random plundered loot’ (Heen-Pettersen 2014, 25). Heen-Pettersen thinks that alliances formed between Norse chieftains and Irish kings resulted in interactions of goods, drinking horns and other types of secular objects at an early phase of the Viking Age (Heen-Pettersen 2014). If we support Lucas’s interpretation of the so-called ‘Anglo-Irish import material’, which is found in Norwegian Viking Age graves, namely that it is far from representing some significant values ​​that could form the motive for the Viking raids of monasteries and churches in Ireland, it is then easier to launch alternative interpretations for this material. I have argued that much of the ‘Anglo-Irish’ material of ecclesiastical character, which is found in Norway, derived from Irish and English missionaries or priests who came on a mission journey to Norway, but who were killed or displaced and that the objects they brought with them were confiscated and dispersed among locals. I shall examine alternative interpretations more fully hereinafter. Looking at the so so-called ‘Anglo-Irish import objects’ found in Norway as a whole, we might discuss the models presented by Nordeide (2011), with the addition of Glørstad’s views (2010), and those speaking in favour of these models. We have, however, to distinguish more strongly between objects of a clerical/liturgical/ecclesiastical and those of a profane meaning. Several archaeologists have tried to make this distinction (Geber 1999; Jåtten 2006; Sørheim 2018). Too many objects have, however, in my opinion, been classified as profane. Hanging bowls and strainer/ ladles (interpreted as wine sets), buckets, and glasses are examples of objects that are most commonly interpreted within a profane sphere. Profane insular objects of more obvious character are: certain swords, horse equipment, bridles, ringed pins, balances and weights. Taking as a starting point Nordeideʼs models of interpreting how insular metalwork and other insular objects might have reached Norway (Nordeide 2011), and combining this with the model presented by Glørstad (2010), I will formulate the following possibilities (models): Trade and exchange carried out by merchants, either of Norwegian or insular origin. • Gift exchange, dowry in connection with exchange of spouses and expressions of political networks and alliances between Norway and the British Isles. • Raiding of insular areas and returning home with booty. • Objects brought by clergy (monks, priests, bishops) travelling to Norway as missionaries to establish a Christian Church. •

It is obvious that trade had been an important activity across the North Sea, even before the Viking Age (Geber 1991; Myhre 1993; Hernæs 1995). Clear evidence for trade can be seen in the many balances and weights of insular origin

found in Viking Age graves in Norway, especially in the west (Geber 1991; Glørstad 2010). These have probably been used to weigh silver as payment in trade relations but probably also for weighing silver related to the collection of taxes, fines and fees (Pedersen 2000, 81, cf. Martinussen 2010, 90–92). What types of objects were traded is less obvious, if we look at the group of objects called ‘insular import’. Egon Wamers (1985) thinks it is less likely that reliquaries, crosses, books and liturgical objects were trading objects. Gift exchanges are very common in societies that we find during the Viking Age. This was common practice between parties, families and persons in Norway and abroad, especially in the upper stratum of society. We have many stories of people travelling, bringing gifts to people they met in new places, where they wanted to attain something. Examples of gift-giving are merchants coming to carry out trade, chieftains visiting or wanting to build alliances with other chieftains and gifts given as part of marriages. Glørstad (2010) has shown how important was alliance building – marriages and contacts between the political elite in Norway, Ireland and Scotland. Ringed pins, penannular brooches, horse mounts and equipment, swords and drinking horns are interpreted within such a context. We have written sources that tell how missionaries coming to new places for the purpose of conversion also brought gifts with them. Here, however, the type of objects given is not mentioned. Looking at the insular objects found in Norwegian Viking Age graves as booty from raids on the British Isles, one will see that many of the objects can be viewed as personal objects and items used on travels and not of the type one would expect to have been the result of raids and looting of churches and monasteries. Some of the objects are of little value and not of the kind you will expect to have been taken as booty. I have referred to what Wamers and others have written, and the strong criticism that can be raised against interpreting so many objects as being the result of Viking raiding. There has been a strange resistance to interpreting parts of the insular objects as a result of missionary activity in Norway. Egon Wamers (1984) ruled out this interpretation by arguing that the number of objects is too many. That is not an argument. An activity probably at work for 300 years could easily have left this amount of objects. Using the stories told by Rimbert and in the Sagas, we know that the missionaries – monks, priests and bishops – brought all the equipment they needed for baptism, carrying out the Mass, the giving of the Communion and other sacraments. They even brought gifts to the chieftains they were going to meet. With great confidence it is regularly established that the insular objects largely represent Viking booty from the plundering of churches and monasteries, without it being discussed seriously (e.g. Bø 1926; Petersen 1907; Shetelig 1927). It is obvious that the view of insular objects as representing direct evidence of Viking raids has been very

4.  The interpretation of insular metalwork in Norwegian Viking Age graves

±

strong in archaeological research for a long time (HeenPettersen 2013, 4). Griffin Murray has recently discussed these problems (2016). Based on the finds of insular crozier fragments found in Scandinavia, he asks whether these and other insular clerical objects were the result of Christian missionaries entering Scandinavia or the result of Viking raids on the British Isles. The two pieces from Norway discussed are the crozier knop from Setnes, Møre og Romsdal (see Fig. 77b) and the cylindrical crozier mount from near Stavanger, Rogaland (Fig. 19a–b, below). It is necessary to go into more detail regarding his discussion. 1. The traditional theory is that it represents material looted from church sites in Ireland and Britain during Viking raids, which was subsequently broken up and the decorative elements retained and reused. 2. A number of Scandinavian archaeologists suggested that these finds may represent evidence for undocumented early Christian missions to Scandinavia (Murray 2016, 176). Murray claims that the argument for the missionary theory is ‘unconvincing’. His arguments against this theory are (Murray 2016:177): i) The Irish documentary record for this period is so good that it seems highly unlikely that missions were being made to Scandinavia from Ireland, or even from Irish monasteries in Britain, for which no historical or hagiographical evidence survive. ii) This deliberate fragmentation was the way in which most plundered Church metalwork was treated, both in Viking longphorts in Ireland (Sheehan 2008, 287) and in Scandinavia itself. iii) None of the crozier fragments from Scandinavia was recovered from a Christian context – in direct contrast to the finds of fragments of croziers from Ireland and Scotland, which were mostly found on, or close to, known early ecclesiastical sites. I will argue against this: 1. It is not tenable to use written sources ex silentio. Whether an incident like a Christian mission is mentioned in the sources or not depends on many circumstances: how the mission was organized; how official it was; whether such information was written down at all, in contrast to the descriptions of raids, robberies and burning. Another reason is the heavy loss of written sources through time, sources that could have contained stories about missionaries going to Scandinavia. 2. Deliberate fragmentation of Church metalwork could have been carried out in the British Isles as well as in Scandinavia, and for different reasons: to mark

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Figure 18. Counties in Norway.

opposition to the Christian faith; to use the metal fragments for a secondary purpose, such as jewellery or as scrap metal. 3. That none of the croziers and other insular objects are found in a Christian context in Scandinavia can be explained by using the many stories about missionaries being killed or chased away, leaving their holy objects behind to the pagans in the actual district and being reused in a pagan context; and at last in Viking Age graves. In the following I will try to find arguments for interpreting certain insular objects as representing the missionary process in Norway during the Viking Age (see Fig. 18 for the counties of Norway).

Croziers We have heard that monks, priests and bishops came as missionaries to Norway in the Viking Age. The bishops must have brought with them their, perhaps, foremost insignia, the crozier, which was held as their personal property. It is also natural to imagine that during the rebellions and murder that we hear about regarding the missionaries who came here, the crozier must often have gone astray and may have been scattered in the vicinity of where the bishop had worked.

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a

and c. 750–850, respectively (Murray 2016, 173–175). The piece from Setnes was, however, found in a grave from the tenth century (Marstrander 1963a; 1963b; Wamers 1985, 21, 94, no. 38, pl. 8.6). In addition to these croziers, Wamers mentions three more fragments found in Norwegian Viking Age graves that might come from croziers: Salthammer Nedre, Levanger, Nord-Trøndelag (T 6418; see Fig. 104): deformed conical mount of gilded bronze from a crozier, with amber inlay, found in a female grave from the second half of the ninth century (Wamers 1985, 21, 91; no. 17, pl. 8.8). Re, Stjørdal, Nord-Trøndelag (T 1680; see Fig. 100): mount fragment of gilded silver, possibly from a crozier, found in a female grave from the first half of the ninth century (Wamers 1985, 21, 92, no. 21, pl. 8.1). Ås, Solberg, Steinkjer, Nord-Trøndelag (T 12337 d; see Fig. 107): ridge of gilded bronze from a crozier or bellshrine, found in a male grave from the second half of the ninth century (Wamers 1985, 22, 91, no. 13, pl. 9.1).

b

Figure 19a–b. Part of a crozier, a stray find from around Stavanger, Rogaland. Danish National Museum, Copenhagen. Photo: a: Egil Mikkelsen; b: drawing after Staecker 1997.

Five croziers or parts of such are reported by Staecker (1997, 423–430, figs  1–2) from eighth- and ninth-century Scandinavia – from the Old Danish kingdom: from the settlement of Haithabu (Capelle 1970) and Lund (AlenstamPetersson 1952) and from Helgö, Sweden (Holmquist 1955). The remaining two come from Norway: one cylindrical mount of gilded bronze, a stray find from the area around Stavanger, Rogaland (Fig. 19a–b) (Undset 1878, 46–48, fig. 38a–c; Wamers 1985, 21, 99, no. 89, pl. 8.4), the other, a gilded bronze mount from Setnes, Grytten, Rauma, Møre og Romsdal (T 18198 e; see Fig. 77b; Marstrander 1963). These two crozier fragments are dated to the late seventh century

These croziers have earlier quite unilaterally been interpreted as looted goods (Murray 2016). Now it is asked whether ‘the croziers be seen instead as evidence for a mission instigated from the Irish/Northumbrian area’ (Staecker 1997, 425; cf. 428–429; cf. Staecker 2004, 464). The Setnes grave is a boat grave with several objects of insular origin in addition to the knop of a crozier: a house-shaped reliquary, a hanging bowl, a silver seal mount, two weights and a balance (see Fig. 77a–e). The knop of an abbot’s or bishop’s crozier is a semi-global mount of gilded bronze, with an animal frieze in relief (see Fig. 77b). The ornament of the knop finds its best parallels in Northumbrian art (Cumbria) (Marstrander 1963, 144 ff., fig.  11; Murray 2016, 174). The grave is a female grave, dated to the early part of the tenth century (Wamers 1985, 94). When the crozier was brought to Norway and how old it was at that time complicates the dating of the primary activity that the Setnes crozier is associated with; a whole time span between c. 750 and 900 is possible. The crozier fragment from the Stavanger area is a stray find (Fig.  19a–b), where the object itself is dated to the late seventh century (Murray 2016, 175). The other three mounts from Norway which belonged or may have belonged to croziers are all found in graves from the ninth century in Nord-Trøndelag. I choose to interpret all five finds of croziers from Norway as strong indications of missionary activity from England or Ireland, before 900, activity that is not embodied in written sources.

Reliquaries and shrines In early Irish monasticism Christendom the cult of saints and relics was very popular. In addition to relics in the form of the human bones or the hair of a saint or a martyr, the

4.  The interpretation of insular metalwork in Norwegian Viking Age graves sacred objects used by the saint – his book, bell and crozier – were also enshrined (Ó Floinn 1994,  14). There are a few surviving examples of what may have been large shrines of sarcophagus proportions (Connolly and Picard 1987, 25). However, complete or fragments of portable reliquaries are the most numerous objects to survive from the early Church of Ireland and Scotland, especially the house-shaped or tomb-shaped reliquary, an insular version of a common Continental form. Their contents and proportions indicate that they are miniature versions of Late Antique sarcophagi. Surviving Irish examples range in date from the late sixth to the tenth centuries. The earliest datable Irish reliquaries are also the smallest, down to just 8 cm long (Ryan 1989, 129; Ó Floinn 1994, 5, 14). The shrines were made to be carried hung around the neck and carried on the chest on straps. Their backs are therefore usually plainer than their fronts. Irish missionaries brought reliquaries on their journeys through Europe (Ryan 1989, 129). ‘A number of these tomb-shaped reliquaries are known from Viking graves in Norway, appropriated for use as jewellery caskets … are eloquent physical testimonies of the missionary activity of Irish monks’ (Ó Floinn 1994, 14–15). Reliquary or shrine mounts are actually the most numerous group of insular metalwork found in Viking Age Norway (Wamers 1985, 17). Three rather complete reliquaries and a range of mounts that were probably part of such objects from the Norwegian Viking Age are known (Wamers 1985; 17 ff.; Blindheim 1986; Heen-Pettersen and Murray 2018). A small houseshaped reliquary of wood, faced with copper plates with tin coating, is today kept at the Danish National Museum in Copenhagen (NMK 9084; Fig. 20a–b). It originally came from Norway, but it lacks additional context information. It is 13.4 cm long, 5.5 cm wide at the bottom and 10.3 cm high. It has ornaments in Celtic style and the shrine is of Irish type. On one side there are three rectangular frames, on the opposite side there are three circular escutcheons. There are parts of carrying devices preserved. It is dated to the ninth century (Crawford 1923, 85). A runic inscription is carved under the bottom of the shrine: RANUAIK A KISTU THOSA. This is interpreted by Magnus Olsen as Ranvaig owns this casket (cf. Petersen 1940, 79). The inscription can be dated to the tenth century and not later than the year 1000 (James E. Knirk pers. comm.). The shrine contained (according to Ingvald Undset’s surveys in 1876) several relics and other objects (Undset 1878, 63, fig. 47a–b). Above the runic inscription there are engraved four ships’ sterns and part of a ringed chain. According to Wamers (1985, 106) the following objects were found inside the shrine in 1968: several pieces of green and red silk, remnants of leather, felt and wadding and three bone fragments (probably from the skull), a square piece of wood, fragments of a wax seal, parchment and paper fragments with Latin, Scandinavian and New High

33

a

b

Figure 20a–b. Reliquary found in Norway; a) front and b) back, possibly from around Stavanger. Danish National Museum, Copenhagen (NMK 9084). Photo: a) Egil Mikkelsen; b) Lennart Larsen, Danish National Museum. License: CC BY-SA.

German writings, telling that the wood is from the cross of Christ and one bone originated from St Paul. It is uncertain when these things came to the shrine. A modern and detailed description of the reliquary is given by Martin Blindheim (1986, 40–44; figs 36–38). He also provides the following information on the Copenhagen shrine: It came to Norway either as booty or by way of trade, quite possibly as late as during the eleventh–thirteenth centuries. … Finally it came to a church, where it was used as a reliquary. It is mentioned in the inventories of art in the possession of the Crown in 1737, and at that time it held relics dating from the late Middle Ages. (Blindheim 1986, 12)

Another house-shaped reliquary has been found in a rich boat grave, a double grave from around 800 at Melhus, Ranem, Overhalla, Nord-Trøndelag (Fig. 21; Wamers

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Looting or Missioning

Figure 21. Melhus, Ranem, Overhalla, Nord-Trøndelag, reliquary (11.8×4.7×8.3 cm) (T8144). Photo: Per E. Fredriksen, NTNU University Museum, Trondheim. License: CC BY-SA 4.0.

1985, 91; Blindheim 1986, 44, figs 39–42; Heen-Pettersen and Murray 2018). It was made of hollowed-out wood to form a box and its lid and covered with bronze plates. It is obviously of Irish origin and has many similarities when comparing it with the previous reliquary from Norway kept in Copenhagen and reliquaries from Ireland, Scotland and Italy. It was made during the seventh century (HeenPettersen and Murray 2018, 64). The reliquary is 11.8 cm long, with a width at the bottom of 4.7 cm and a height of 8.3 cm. The front has a round escutcheon on the lid and two on the box, all made of brass. The shrine has been fitted with a leather strap; some of it preserved. This has been fixed in carrying hinges disposed on the gable walls, but only the set on one side is preserved. The shrine is made of bronze, with patterns of red enamel and millefiori in black, yellow and white. Also of Irish origin from the grave are two fragments of a decorated bronze mount, probably from a dress ornament (Wamers 1985, Taf. 6, 7; Heen-Pettersen and Murray 2018, fig. 4). The third reliquary of Irish origin from the Norwegian Viking Age comes from the rich boat grave at Setnes, Grytten, Rauma, Møre og Romsdal (see Fig. 77a–e), mentioned above, containing a hanging bowl, a crozier, a balance weight, two further weights covered with Irish mounts and several other objects (Wamers 1985, 94; Blindheim 1986, 44–46, figs 43–45). Just to repeat: this is a rich woman’s boat grave from the tenth century, with a reliquary made in Ireland in the eighth century. The reliquary is house-shaped, like the other two, made of a hollowed-out wooden box, covered with thin sheets of copper with tin coating. The reliquary is 11.5 cm long, the width at the bottom 5.0 cm and the height 8.8 cm. This reliquary is more fragmented than the other two. Many of the original details are missing. Two rectangular escutcheons are preserved, one on the lid and the other on

the box. There are traces of red and green enamel on the box. Even the Setnes shrine could be carried on a strap around the neck. There are traces of mounts with hinges on both ends of the shrine (Marstrander 1963, 131, fig. 6). Many of the known reliquaries have the remains of a greyish-white coating which, according to analysis, seems to be tin. This was probably used to imitate silver (Blindheim 1986, 4); the same could be observed on many of the birdshaped hook escutcheons (doves) found on the hanging bowls, also of Irish origin. The use of tining cut away to reveal the contrasting bronze underneath was a favourite trick (Ryan 1989, 127). Sverre Marstrander noted in 1963 that among the material of ‘Irish import’ in Norway are several pieces that may have belonged to decorations from shrines of the kind described here (Marstrander 1963, 138). All the examples Marstrander mentions are later included as mounts from reliquaries by Egon Wamers (1985). Marstrander believes that these examples indicate ‘that the Vikings in most cases have broken up the shrines to apply their lockets, plaques and mounts for jewellery or other decorative purposes, for example to decorate weights’. The Copenhagen shrine shows that complete shrines could be adopted as caskets of honourable women, as the inscription on this shrine suggests (Marstrander 1963, 139). Appendix C shows all fragments (52) and nearly complete (3) reliquaries found in Norway, mainly from Viking Age graves (according to Wamers 1985, 17–19, with 12 additional new finds). The three nearly complete shrines have been described above. Of the 52 fragments, at least seven are of Anglo-Saxon origin (Wamers 1985, 17), the rest probably Irish. Some 25–30 are mounts, mainly of gilded bronze, a few of silver, belonging to different parts of shrines, mainly circular escutcheons and a few rectangular frames. Five pieces are shrine mounts that have been used secondarily as lead-weights, at least 11 are parts of hinges, two of suspension devices and one part of a carrying device. Most of all these pieces seem to belong to house-shaped reliquaries. As 40 out of the 52 pieces are described and illustrated by Wamers (1985), I do not give further descriptions of the fragments here (Fig. 22a–c). The reliquary fragments are found in all parts of Norway. They are most numerous in Vestfold, Rogaland and Sogn og Fjordane. The majority have been reworked into brooches, used by Viking women and deposited in their graves. How many stem from reliquaries of Irish or English missionaries arriving in Norway and later destroyed here, or whether any have arrived as a result of Viking raids on the British island, is hard to decide. I just want to stress that ‘the raiding model’ is not the most obvious explanation. The very small size of the reliquaries is undoubtedly a result of their particular use: they were not, as a rule, stationary in churches or chapels but were the personal property of monks out on long or short journeys. The monk carried this reliquary

4.  The interpretation of insular metalwork in Norwegian Viking Age graves

a

b

c

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furnished with carrying devices and the Melhus shrine even had parts of the leather cord preserved. This makes it easier to suggest that some – perhaps most – of the reliquaries found in Norway were brought here by Irish and English missionaries. However, by the time of the Viking incursions in Ireland, references to the destruction of relics are numerous. In 798 the island of Ireland’s Eye off the Dublin coast was raided and the Shrine of St Dochonna broken up (Ó Floinn 1994, 6). Some of the many fragments found in Viking Age graves could, of course, have been brought back to Norway as looted goods, but the fact that these have predominantly been small reliquaries that were carried around as personal belongings speaks more in favour of these being brought here by missionaries. Brit Solli (1996, 196) states that it is difficult to know whether the insular objects (in Møre og Romsdal) were obtained through raiding or by more peaceful activities: But it must be assumed that a reliquary shrine of the kind deposited in the burial on Setnes, constituted an object which a Christian in Ireland would not voluntarily be deprived of.’ Solli is interpreting the Setnes burial ‘as a manifestation of the old way of thinking and living, against a new way of thinking and living under a period of severe tension and stress. (Solli 1996, 203)

Nordeide says it even more clearly: The destruction of the reliquary, the disposal of the relic, and the deposition of the Christian cult objects in an obviously Norse grave, demonstrate disrespect for the Christian, original meaning of the objects, removing any doubt that this is a Norse rather than a Christian grave. (Nordeide 2011, 132–135; cf. 140; cf. Heen-Pettersen and Murray 2018, 77)

Figure 22a–c. a) Suspension device from a house-shaped reliquary (length 9.3 cm), from Gjønnes, Hedrum, Larvik, Vestfold (C19919). Photo: Adnan Icagic, Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo. License: CC BY-SA 4.0. b) Mounts from reliquaries from Refsnes, Hå (diameter 4.2 cm), (S3426c) and Reve, Klepp (diameter 2.7 cm) (S1865), Rogaland. Photo: Terje Tveit, Arkeologisk Museum, University of Stavanger. c) Mount from a reliquary from Brekke, Høyanger, Sogn og Fjordane (diameter 5.5 cm) (B6637a). Photo: Svein Skare, University Museum of Bergen. License: CC BY-SA 4.0.

from a cord round his neck, in his hand or in his luggage, all according to what suited the occasion best. When travelling on missions to the pagan Germanic tribes in order to spread Christianity, Irish monks were equipped with these portable reliquaries (Blindheim 1986, 3). The three more complete examples found in Norway were

In a recent paper on the Melhus reliquary (Heen-Pettersen and Murray 2018) the function of these objects is discussed. These authors conclude: ‘we consider it far more likely that both the Setnes and the Melhus shrines arrived in the hands of returning Viking raiders, rather than in the hands of Christian missionaries’ (ibid., 65). When discussing the function of the same type of house-shaped reliquaries found in Italy they, strangely enough, conclude that they ended here ‘as a result of missionary and pilegrimage activity by insular eccesiasts’ (ibid., 69). I have argued for the last interpretations, finding no reason of having two different interpretations of the occurance of small portable reliquaries in Norway and in Italy.

Crosses and cross mounts The cross was the most important symbol in Christendom. It had a statunary use in churches and monasteries, was used in processions, as an amulet and was also probably carried by missionaries on their journeys. From Ireland we know of large crosses of wood and metal (Ryan 1989). Crosses including relics of the True Cross are recorded in Ireland from the ninth century and we know crosses were

36

Looting or Missioning

a

b

c

d

Figure 23a–d. a) Part of cross-mount (greatest length 8.0 cm), from Skånsar, Lom, Oppland (C18116). Photo: Kirsten Helegeland, Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo. License: CC BY-SA 4.0. b) Seim, Lidås, Hordaland, mount, probably from a cross (length 6.5 cm) (B492). Photo: Svein Skare, University Museum of Bergen. License: CC BY-SA 4.0. c) Fure, Askvoll, Fjaler, Sogn og Fjordane, pyramidalshaped mount, probably from a cross (7.5×6.0×2.0 cm) (B4969a). Photo: Svein Skare, University Museum of Bergen. License: CC BYSA 4.0. d) Cross-mount from Vernes, Stjørdal, Nord-Trøndelag (5.7×5.4 cm), (T16136b). Photo: Ole Bjørn Pedersen, NTNU University Museum, Trondheim. License: CC BY-SA 4.0.

also associated with saints (Ó Floinn 1994, 37). Several Irish processional and other crosses were furnished with receptacles for relics (Crawford 1923, 75). Twenty bronze mounts of different shapes have been classified by Wamers (1985, 20–22) as belonging or probably belonging to crosses, mainly wooden crosses of a reasonable size. Appendix D shows the 20 mounts, mainly pyramidal-shaped, hemispherical bosses and mounts from the arms or the middle of a cross. They are made of gilded

bronze. Many have holes for attaching the metal to the wooden cross (Fig. 23a–d). The cross mounts have a wide distribution. Eleven (58% of the mounts where we know the precise finding-place) come from western Norway: Rogaland, Hordaland, Sogn og Fjordane and Møre og Romsdal. One of these comes from Årsheim in the Selje parish, another from Hopperstad in Vik, both important places that we will return to. The two from Vestfold also come from well-known sites: Oseberg and Kaupang.

4.  The interpretation of insular metalwork in Norwegian Viking Age graves

a

37

c

b

Figure 24a–c. a) Gold cross amulet (diameter 2.6 cm), from the Slemmedal hoard at Lia, Grimstad, Aust-Agder (C36000f). Photo: Kirsten Helgeland, Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo. License: CC BY-SA 4.0. b) Silver crucifix from Hårr, Hå, Rogaland (B5307). Photo: University Museum of Bergen. License: CC BY-SA 4.0. c) Soapstone mould for making cross amulets (8.0×4.8×2.2 cm) from Eikenes, Larvik, Vestfold (C32841). Photo: Kirsten Helgeland, Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo. CC BY-SA 4.0.

Cross amulets Cross amulets or pendants are identified as Christian symbols. Their precise symbolic meaning or value within Christianity, however, may be less unambiguous. Charlotte Blindheim (1982, 26) interprets crosses in Viking Age graves as evidence of external cultural contacts and possible signs of contact between paganism and Christianity. It has been suggested that cross amulets have been worn by people who were primsigned, to show that they had access to Christian areas. This was a pragmatic solution that often related to non-Christian merchants who needed to communicate with Christians. Primsigning could also function as a delaying of baptism (Tveit 2005:286–296). Compared to Sweden and Denmark, cross amulets in Viking Age contexts in Norway are not very common. Only one subtype can be dated before 900; the others are from the tenth and eleventh centuries (Staecker 1999a; Jensen 2010, 73–75; Fig. 24a–b).

Two of the crosses dated to the tenth century and probably the oldest cross amulets from Norway are the silver one from Kaupang (Blindheim and Heyerdahl-Larsen 1995, 81, pl.74; see Fig. 142) and the gold cross from Slemmedal (Blindheim 1982, fig. 2, 3b; Fig. 24a) are both of a characteristic type where a round silver or gold foil has four U-shaped segments removed, thus forming distinct arms. These have been called crosses of a ‘Celtic type’ (Blindheim and Heyerdahl-Larsen 1995, 81), ‘Anglian’ (Blindheim 1982, 25) or ‘Greek cross’ (Staecker 1997, 437). Five of this cross type has been found in Birka graves in Sweden, all from female graves, and their distribution in Europe is clearly eastern (Skovmand 1942, 120; Blindheim 1982; Gräslund 1984, 111; Staecker 1997, fig. 6). Staecker (1997, 437 ff.) does, however, claim that it seems likely that this cross type had its origin in AngloSaxon art: ‘It does not seem impossible that the pendants are the result of an Anglo-Saxon mission, about which nothing is known from documentary sources.’ The other

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Looting or Missioning

a

b

Figure 25a–b. a) Book-mount (7.2×5.9 cm) from Borhaug, Vanse, Farsund, Vest-Agder (C1773). Photo: Adnan Icagic, Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo. CC BY-SA 4.0. b) Bjørke, Ørstad, Møre og Romsdal, book-mount (7.2×7.1 cm) – Late Saxon (B8256b). Photo: Ann-Mari Olsen, University Museum of Bergen. CC BY-SA 4.0.

gold and silver finds in the Slemmedal treasure point to Frankish, Anglo-Saxon and Irish origin (Blindheim 1982; Staecker 1997). A soapstone mould to be used for making small crosses was found at Eikenes, Larvik, Vestfold (Fig. 24c). From the city of Trondheim we have three clay moulds for crosses. They are dated to the eleventh century (Bergquist 1989). While crosses found in hoards (often from the eleventh century) are interpreted as representing a silver or gold value, cross amulets in graves are interpreted as expressions of Christian funerals, often with the cross pendant in a chain on the chest, along with beads, in female graves (Gräslund 1984, 115–118). Other simple silver cross amulets like those from Haukøy, Troms and Bergen and Hårr, Rogaland (Fig. 24b), dated to the tenth or eleventh centuries, are evidence of connections with the British Isles during the mission period (Kjellberg 1928, 35–39). The context of the finds does not tell us anything helpful in interpreting the occurrence of the cross amulets. Some of the northern finds may, however, come from Saami treasure finds from the eleventh century (cf. Gräslund 1984, 115), while bronze crosses are supposed to be of eastern origin. ‘When the mission was successfully completed in the late eleventh century, the objects disappear. The items reflect the impact of missionary activities and they give us a hint about the people who were willing to get baptized.’ (Staecker 2003, 475). Finds showing the transition from paganism to Christianity are those combining a Thor’s hammer and a Christian cross.

A Thor’s hammer of silver from Søndre Tveiten, Porsgrunn, Telemark was decorated on one side with a Christian cross (Dørum 2014, 84).

Book mounts and book-shrines Holy books were an important part of religious life. They were hand-written and sometimes decorated on the inside as well as on the cover with gilded mounts and sometimes also precious or semi-precious stones. Normally, however, the books had a relatively simple cover, with no ornaments. Books and manuscripts could be kept in decorated bookshrines: boxes composed either of metal plates or of hollowed pieces of wood to which metal plates were attached. Many of these book-shrines were designed as sealed containers, making access to their content difficult and were returned to a secure place after the reading (Andrieu 1948, 65; Ryan 1989, 129; Ó Floinn 1994, 36–7; Fig. 25a–b). Accessories for books (book mounts) are relatively rare in Scandinavian Viking Age finds. Egon Wamers lists only eight book mounts or other accessories, three of which are made in Anglo-Saxon style or have an Anglian cross (Wamers 1985, 19). This could be explained by the normal holy books having no decorated cover at all. The oldest books we know from Scandinavia had wooden covers, sometimes added or just having a cover of hide, parchment or fabric (Bugge 1957). It is most probable that early missionaries to Norway brought such simple books that left no traces behind. Exceptions were when the missionary was a bishop, sent out on an official mission, when the books showed his higher status.

4.  The interpretation of insular metalwork in Norwegian Viking Age graves

Manuscript fragments We hear from the oldest mission reports from Scandinavia that the missionaries brought liturgical books with them on their journeys. Rimbert’s description of Ansgar’s first trip to Birka around 830 is the best known example. Here it is said that he brought with him 40 books (Rimbert, Vita Ansgari chap. 10). The Sagas tell of similar incidents from Norway in the tenth century. Liturgical books from the Viking Age are not currently preserved in Scandinavia. However, there are a large number of Latin manuscript fragments from all three Scandinavian countries, which may help to elucidate our oldest book culture. I limit myself mostly to describing the material from Norway. Most Latin manuscript fragments are found in the National Archives in Oslo (about 5500), but collections are also found in the National Library in Oslo and in other collections in Norway, Sweden and Denmark, and even in other European countries. The fragments in the National Archives in Oslo (Riksarkivet) come from medieval books that were dismembered into leaves that were used as binding material for the bailiffs’ account books, mostly from 1560 to 1640. The majority of the fragments, approximately 4–5000, are from liturgical books, many with musical notation (Karlsen 2006, 17). The oldest fragments probably represent remains of missionary books (Karlsen 1995, 147, 162). They can help to shed light on the Christianization process, where the oldest Christian books came from and the liturgical traditions to which they belonged (Pettersen and Karlsen 2003, 70). I want to examine the manuscript fragments found in present-day Norway: the few from the ninth and tenth centuries and those from the eleventh century, where they were written, the type of book they were part of and the provenance in Norway. They should be used, like the archaeological evidence, to elucidate where we find the Christian relations and missionary activity in Norway during the Viking Age. (Gunnar I. Pettersen, the National Archives, autumn 2013, compiled a list for me with an overview of all the Latin fragments he believes to date to the ninth/tenth and eleventh century. We are talking about fragments of 36 liturgical texts. In the following I will build much on this list, but also pull in relevant literature to supplement this material). The type of liturgical texts represented in the manuscript fragments are in the early days, up to c. 1100, and are much more limited than later in the Middle Ages. Missals (Missale) and reading texts to the Mass (Lectionaria missae) constitute c. 65% of the text fragments. Lyrics to prayers (Antiphononarium) and to the Mass (with notes) (Graduale) constitute 29%. These were clearly the most necessary texts a priest needed to conduct the Mass in the oldest times (cf. Pettersen and Karlsen 2003, 59–60). Looking at where the books were made – determined by the fonts of the texts in the manuscript fragments, music notation, the quality of the parchment and content

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(local liturgical traditions) – draws the following picture of Norwegian material from the tenth and eleventh centuries. Of the material where we can determine production site with certainty or probability, 45% were written in England or on the Continent, while 55% are believed to be written in Norway or Scandinavia. If we look at the first group separately, 53% come from England, 13% from Germany and 7% from the Duchy of Lorraine. From the Continent or England/Germany/Lorraine comes 27%. So there is a substantial dominance of liturgical books coming from England (cf. Pettersen and Karlsen 2003, 70). The same tendency has been discovered in the Swedish material, although a stronger German influence would be expected (cf. Abukhanfusa 2004, 19). Where, then, is the primary provenance of the manuscript fragments? From which church, diocese or part of Norway do they come? The starting point is the post-Reformation account books that the fragments are sewn together with, where the place of origin is known (secondary provenance). It is believed that the medieval books that were cut up for binding came from nearby churches and monasteries where they had been used; and that the primary provenance of the manuscript fragments is linked to the diocese where the account books originate (cf. Gjerløw1961, 30–32; 1970, 123; Pettersen and Karlsen 2003, 55–58). From the overview of manuscript fragments older than c. 1100 on which I have based this study, 32 can be related to one of the medieval dioceses: Oslo 19 (59%), Hamar 3 (9%), Stavanger 3 (9%) Bergen 2 (6%) and Nidaros 5 (16%). If we compare this with the production sites of the same fragments, there are only 13 manuscripts where we know the production site as well as the primary provenance. Seven of them (54%) are of English origin, 6 (46%) are written in Germany, Lorraine or elsewhere on the Continent. Of the eight manuscripts that have their primary provenance in the Oslo diocese, four come from England (in Norway: Bratsberg and Tønsberg) and four from Germany or Lorraine (in Norway: Værne, Tønsberg and Akershus). It is from these figures we can see a clear majority of surviving manuscript fragments where one knows both the production area and primary provenance: from eastern Norway there are nine, from west Norway there are none, and from central and northern Norway there are four. This picture agrees well with that previously observed: ‘The first phase is characterized by foreign, mostly English, material (eleventh century). Then you get to a phase of copying of foreign books beside the book import (from 1000/1100s). In both of these phases the English influence is strong’ (Karlsen 1995, 152–153). Indications of a connection between Anglo-Saxon missions and monastic religious life are also available through the preserved liturgy fragments. The liturgy was probably brought to Norway during the mission period. (Tveito 2005, 116).

Looting or Missioning

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I will take a closer look at some of the oldest manuscript fragments, those that can be dated to the tenth and early eleventh centuries:

Manuscript fragments from the tenth and eleventh centuries not written in Norway Missale Mi 1, NRA Lat.fragm. 207, 1–4, 208, 1–8, 210, 1–3 + Copenhagen DRA fragm. 3084, 3085 (Fig. 26). The 16 manuscript fragments come from one missal, where the script is the early Anglo-Caroline minuscule, following early Winchester standards of the school of script created by St Æthelwold, Bishop of Winchester (963–984), in Old Minster and in monastic houses founded or reformed by him (Gjerløw 1961, 32, 35). It is said that this might be one of the oldest English missals to have come with an English missionary bishop (Pettersen and Karlsen 2003, 65). The Missale manuscript has been dated to the early eleventh century: 1020s/1030s (Rankin 2013, 68) or around c. 1050 (Gullick 2013b, 128). All the fragments come secondarily from administrative units within the boundaries of the ancient diocese of Oslo, and Mi 1 probably came from a church or monastery in this diocese (Gjerløw 1961, 30–32), perhaps the nunnery of Gimsøy (Pettersen 2013, 55). Mi 5, NRA Lat. fragm. 204, 1–4, 9–10. This includes six fragments from three leaves of a missal. ‘The scripture is the Anglo-Carolingian minuscule from mid-1000’, with origins in England. The content is from the church year and from the celebration of saints. The secondary provenance of the manuscript fragments are Eiker (1623) and Moss (1615) (Gjerløw 1974, 81–82, 124). In addition, comes one fragment from Copenhagen (RA 4593) and one from Kalundborg (1629–1630). English scholars have discussed whether this is an English or a local manuscript (Espen Karlsen 2017, pers. comm.). Mi 9, NRA Lat. fragm. 221, 1, 269, 271, 1. This includes three fragments of three sheets of a missal; the earliest missal fragments (together with Mi 30), from the ninth or tenth century (c. 840–920), are probably written in Lothringian (Karlsen 1995, 150; 2006, 20): From the 8th century onward insular script, Irish and Anglo-Saxon, played an important role on the Continent and its influence was of great importance long after the Carolingian minuscule breakthrough in the ninth century. Our missal shows the conflict between the two written forms. The dating of such a font is somewhat problematic. But one would hardly put it later than about 1100. Secondary provenance is Langesund (one of the fragments) 1605–1606. (Gjerløw 1974, 83)

Mi 11, NRA Lat. fragm. 227, 1–23. Twenty-three manuscript fragments of this missal are known. Hartzell (2013, 88–90)

thinks it was written in England or on the Continent ‘on commission from England’. He discusses the dating: 930, 970 or between c. 955 and 975, earlier than Gjerløw (1961) who suggested c. 1020, although she thought these were fragments of an English missal, which found its way to Norway during the mission period beginning in the late tenth century (Hartzell 2013, 83). Rankin (2013, 68) dated the Missale to 1020s/1030s¸ Gullick ‘to about the middle of the first half of the eleventh century’, between 1010 and 1030 (Gullick 2013b, 129). Mi 14, NRA Lat. fragm. 228, 1–21. This is comprised of 21 fragments, of up to ten sheets of a missal. The font is distinctly English, from the time c. 1050–1075. It is similar to a missal written in Winchester somewhat after 1050 (Gjerløw 1974, 75). The content is from the church year. The missal is a descendant of the Gregorian sacramentarium from Carolingian time. Rankin (2013, 69) argues that the manuscript was made at Old Minster, Winchester, in English Caroline minuscule writing. He dates it to c. 1050–1075 (cf. Gullick 2013b, 129). Secondary provenance is Tønsberg (1630–1636) (Gjerløw 1974, 75–77). Mi 30, NRA Lat.fragm. 850, 1. Among the earliest missal fragments, from the ninth or tenth century, probably from around 950, written in northern Italy or southern France (Karlsen 1995, 150; 2006, 20). Secondary provenance: Trondheim gård 1627. Mi 100a, NRA Lat. Fragm. Unum.III. (Karlsen 2013c, 218). There is not much material among the eleventh- and twelfth-century liturgical fragments in hands which display Germanic features that could bear witness to influence from the diocese of Hamburg-Bremen, to which Norway belonged until 1104. … There are a few liturgical items from the eleventh century that are clearly Germanic or copied elsewhere but follow Germanic traditions of writing Caroline minuscule. Mi 100a … comes from an imported missal dating from the second half of the eleventh century, written by a competent scribe whose handwriting points to the Rhineland (plate 1). (Karlsen 2013a, 218). Secondary provenance: Tønsberg 1591.

Mi 101, NRA Lat. fragm. 274, 1. A two-leaf fragment from a small book, written in Anglo-Saxon England. ‘The hand is very like that of the scribe Ælsinus who wrote part of a prayerbook … and other manuscripts at New Minster, Winchester.’ The fragments are dated to the 1020s (Gullick 2013b, 129; cf. Rankin 2013, 67). Missale Nidarosiense (Nidaros missal), Oslo NB DPal 44. A completely preserved Nidaros missal, printed in 1519 (cf. Karlsen 2013c, 35), bound with fragments of a manuscript from the tenth century, probably in Nidaros. The font is Carolingian minuscule, continental; the font is small. (Espen Karlsen pers. comm.). Lectionaria missae. Lec-Mi 1, NRA Lat. fragments 201, 1; Oslo NB Ms.lat.fragm. 9. Two small fragments

4.  The interpretation of insular metalwork in Norwegian Viking Age graves

41

Figure 26. Fragment (1 page) of a service book (Missale) from about AD 1000. It is written in Latin on parchment, in early Anglo-Caroline minuscule script and pointing to an origin on the British Isles. The book was probably used in a Church or monastery in Telemark and is one of the oldest documents in The National Archives of Norway. (Ref.: Mi 1 NRA lat .fragm. 208). Photo: National Archives of Norway, Oslo.

42

Looting or Missioning

of a Lectionarium missae, written in Anglo-Saxon square minuscule (Gullick 2013a, 105; 2013b, 128). ‘The letterforms on the whole conform to the usage of the late tenth century;’ (Gjerløw 1979, 265–266; cf. Gjerløw 1957, 109–122). The manuscript is dated by Karlsen (1995, 150) to the first half of the tenth century (c. 890–920), by Gullick (2013b, 128) to the second quarter of the tenth century (925–950). Its secondary provenance is Bratsberg amt (1632) (Karlsen 1995, 150 n. 18). Lec-Mi 3, NRA Lat. Fragments 1001, 1. Continental Lectionarium missae, dated to the tenth century (Karlsen 1995, 150, n. 18; Gunnar I. Pettersen 2013, pers. comm.). This dating is supported by Gullick, according to Gunnar I. Pettersen (pers. comm.; see also Gjerløw 1979, 266 n. 1). Secondary provenance is Skjerstad in Salten (1665).

Antiphonarium Ant 1: Archives of Ketil Rygnestad No. 95. This is a fragment of an Antiphonarium (singing parties to the church daily prayers) in Anglo-Saxon hand, belonging to the private archives of the Rygnestad family (Gjerløw 1979, 5). It is dated to the first third of the eleventh century (Gjerløw 1979, 21).

Graduale Gr 1b, NRA Lat.fragm. 226, 3–9 (Hadeland 1637–1640) + 338, 1–2 (Hedmark 1638) + (45) 35. This manuscript is written in Carolingian minuscule of the Lothringian type (according to Gullick). An Anglo-Saxon origin has been suggested by Gjerløw. It is dated to the second half of the eleventh century (around 1050–1100) (Gunnar I. Pettersen, pers. comm.). Gr 2, NRA Lat.fragm. 214, 2–3. According to Gullick (Gunnar I. Pettersen, pers. comm.), this is a manuscript from Southern England, dated to the second half of the eleventh century.

Manuscript pointers (æstels) At the chieftain’s Viking Age farm Borg on the island of Vestvågøy in Lofoten, Nordland – north of the Arctic circle – ‘an outstanding artefact made from gold was found just outside the northern corner of room C [Ts 8334 a; see Fig. 118a–b]. The object is pear-shaped, hollow and has a socket at the narrow end’, ornamented with beaded gold threads (filigree), ‘giving the impression of a face’. This has been interpreted as being the head of a manuscript pointer used when reading holy books or manuscripts, to follow the lines. The meaning of the word æstel comes from the Latin: astula = ‘small spear’ or ‘splinter’; we find a similar word in Old Irish: astul = ‘spear’ (Keynes and Lapidge 2004, 205). It has an Anglo-Saxon origin, dating from the second half of the ninth century (Munch 2003a, 246–247, fig. 8; see Fig. 118a–b).

In total, nine manuscript pointers or æstels are known: eight from England (Fig. 27a–i) and one from Borg, Norway. The most well-known is the Alfred Jewel, made of gold, rock crystal and enamel. The other eight æstels are smaller and simpler but also made of gold. They are decorated in filigree technique with gold beads and wire. All miss the pointer (holes are seen for fastening the pointer), that would have probably been made of wood, bone or walrus ivory. The closest parallel to the Borg æstel is one found in 2005 in Aughton in south Yorkshire (Fig. 27g), now called the Yorkshire æstel (Yorke 2008, 18; Hinton 2013, 35–36). All nine æstels are dated to the time of King Alfred (871–899) (Yorke 2008; Hinton 2013).

Manuscript turners At the Viking Age town of Kaupang in Vestfold were found ‘two brush shafts’ – these bronze objects from Burial K IV/1954, as English colleagues have suggested, may be socalled ‘manuscript turners’, used to turn the leaves of a book while reading the text during the Mass. They are considered to be Celtic, probably of Irish production (Blindheim 1978b, 21, 26, fig.  9; Blindheim and Heyerdahl-Larsen 1995, pl. 72h; Blindheim et al. 1999, 52). No parallels for these objects are known. They are slightly arched in cross-section and are believed to have been placed on a different material. On the leaf-shaped parts there is a weak pattern of lines. The objects (Fig. 28) were found in one of the richest equipped male graves of Kaupang, a boat grave at Nordre Bikjholberget (Burial K IV/1954). It contained a full weapons set: a magnificent sword, spear and axe, tools such as sickle, knife, strike-a-light and needle hone, soapstone vessel and insular ‘import material’, a ringed pin of bronze, button and a bud of bronze, two tongue-shaped fittings of bronze, four small pieces of hack-silver and, then, the two bronze objects that are interpreted as ‘manuscript turners’. The grave dates to the ninth century (Blindheim et al. 1999. 20–21, 52, 56). It is difficult to understand how these manuscript turners came to Kaupang and what function they might have had here. It is not reasonable to interpret these as looted goods from Viking raids in Ireland or examples of trade. They were probably so intimately connected to books and manuscripts that there are reasons to believe that the manuscript turners came together with books. These could have been gifts that were brought back by a Kaupang chieftain or tradesmen from Ireland (like the Alfred and Ottar example mentioned later); or, most probably, they were brought by missionaries coming from the British Isles to Kaupang.

Hanging bowls Bronze bowls of the kind that are called hanging bowls in the British Isles ‘are hemispherical vases of bronze fitted with three or four hooks for suspension, sometimes with enamel, sometimes with cast or open-work bronze ornaments’ (Henry 1936, 209).

4.  The interpretation of insular metalwork in Norwegian Viking Age graves

a

43

e

f b

g

c

h d

Figure 27a–h. Manuscript pointers (æstels) found in England: a) The Alfred Jewel, (AN 1836p.135.371) from North Petherton, Somerset. Length 6.2 cm. Image © Ashmolean Museum, University of Oxford; b) Æstel with a manʼs face in cloisonné technique, probably from the Oxfordshire area. Length 3.6 cm. Sold on auction by St Jamesʼs Ancient Art, London. Photo: St Jamesʼs Ancient Art; c) The Minster Lovell Jewel (AN 1869.20), from Minster Lovell, W. Oxfordshire. Length 3.1 cm. Image © Ashmolean Museum, University of Oxford; d) The Warminster Jewel, from Warminster, Wiltshire. Photo: © Salisbury Museum; e) The Bowleaze Jewel (1993, 0102.1), from Bowleaze Cove near Weymouth, Dorset. Length 2.8 cm. Photo: © British Museum; f) The Bidford Bobble from Bidford-on-Avon, Warwickshire. Photo: kind permission of Warwickshire Museum; g) The Yorkshire Æstel, from Aughton near Rotherham, South Yorkshire. Sold by Bonhams antiquities auction 2008. Photo: British Museum; h) Æstel found in Drinkstone, Suffolk in 2014. Length 3.1 cm. Moyseʼs Hall Museum. Photo: St Edmundsbury Heritage Service.

Looting or Missioning

44

± NORTHUMBRIA

!

MERCIA

!

! ! WESSEX

!

!

" Winchester )

! 0

50

100 Km

1:4 500 000

Figure 27i. Map of Æstels found in England. Open circle: æstel probably from the Oxfordshire area. Drawing by Ermias B. Tesfamariam, Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo.

Outside the British Isles, it is in Norway where most such bowls are found, in all 32 (Appendix F). Most are found in Viking Age graves along the Norwegian coast, from VestAgder to Møre og Romsdal, five come from south-eastern Norway and one from Trøndelag. Outside Norway come inter alia one bowl from Hedeby and one from Birka, but otherwise they are nearly unknown in the other Nordic countries (Raven 2005, 41 ff., map.11; Fig. 29). The hanging bowls have, in recent years, been treated as separate from other insular metal objects (Wamers 1985, 26; Raven 2005). This is probably partly due to the fact that the hanging bowls were not destroyed and reworked, to the same degree as other insular metalwork but gained new functions in Norway in relation to their area of origin; partly because they may have come to Norway in a peaceful manner, before the Viking raids (Undset 1889, 309), and partly because they have been interpreted as less unambiguous sacred objects. Although hanging bowls are best represented in England and there are far fewer examples in Ireland, Francoise Henry (1936, 210 ff., 243–244) has argued that the group of hanging bowls that were found in Norway were manufactured in Ireland, especially due to the enamel work and the ornamentation that

Figure 28. Two manuscript turners of bronze, from grave K IV/1954 at Nordre Bikjholberget. Drawing by Tone Strenger, Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo.

are found on these bowls (cf. Bruce-Mitford 2005, 28; Raven 2005, 56). This is supported by Fowler and others. Fowler mentions the production of escutcheons at the two Irish monastic sites, Ferns and Clonmacnoise, as still one more proof of this Irish origin (Fowler 1968, 299). All the complete bowls found in Norway belong to Henry’s group C, and were found in graves from the late eighth to the ninth century (Henry 1936, 218–239). It is, however, of great interest when Henry claims that ‘Irish metalwork of the IXth century is practically unknown to us’… and, ‘This industry of enameled bowls disappears probably at the time of the Viking raids (IXth century)’ (Henry 1936, 244–245). When Bruce-Mitford (2005, 40) dated the same group of bowls (his D and E bowls) to the eighth–eleventh centuries ‘and even later’, he was probably dating the deposition time for the bowls. Raven dated the D and E bowls thus: group 6: seventh–eighth century; group 1: eighth–ninth century; groups 2–5: ninth–tenth century (Raven 2005, 55). It is not uncommon that some treasured items could have been up to 2 or even 300 years old before they were finally buried (Raven 2005, 44). Raven’s dating of production of the Norwegian hanging bowls, summarized by the present author, shows that 23% belong to the seventh–eighth centuries, 48% to the ninth and 29% to the tenth century. It has been suggested that the hanging bowls were spread by trade, as loot or as diplomatic or inter-family

4.  The interpretation of insular metalwork in Norwegian Viking Age graves

45

Figure 30. Hanging bowl (diameter 37.5 cm) from Hopperstad, Vik, Sogn og Fjordane (B4511a). Photo: Svein Skare, University Museum, Bergen. License: CC BY-SA 4.0.

Figure 29. Insular hanging bowls in Norway. After Raven 2005, map 11.

gifts (Bruce-Mitford 2005, 3). Raven (2005, 59) doubted that they were looted from churches. I will argue below that they were spread through missionary activities. Many suggestions for interpretations of the original function of the hanging bowls have been put forward, for example use as church lamps or lamp reflectors (Henry 1936, 213); vessels for liturgical used in washing the hands or Communion vessels; finger bowls; vessels for weighing wool; containers for fruit etc.; holy water stoups for washing the chalice and paten and other holy implements after the Communion service; washbasins; and vessels for drinking or other secular ceremonial use in the hall or at high table (Bruce-Mitford 2005, 30 ff.). Bruce-Mitford (2005, 32) sees no other likely use of the hanging bowls than in the ecclesiastical context, as holy water stoups or for the washing of hands or the Communion vessels. When occurring in Viking Age graves in Norway, the hanging bowls are often linked to women’s role in the household (Raven 2005, 44), having probably changed their function from the Irish origin. Jane Brenan, who has presented an extensive discussion of the function of hanging bowls, says that:

Figure 31. One of three anthropomorphic escutcheons (height 7.8 cm) from a hanging bowl (diameter 38.0 cm) from Myklebost, Eid, Sogn og Fjordane (B2978). Photo: Ann-Mari Olsen, University Museum of Bergen. License: CC BY-SA 4.0. most authors have seen the bowls as having two separate functions: an original function, for which the bowls were manufactured, and a secondary function created by the Anglo-Saxons, who might not necessarily have used them for the same purposes’ – a Christian and a secular use. (Brenan 1991, 27)

One might add: a secondary function by the Vikings (Figs 30 and 31).

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Looting or Missioning

Figure 32. Bird-shaped hook-escutcheons. 1) Skomrak, Lyngdal, Vest-Agder (C5784); 2) Hopperstad, Vik, Sogn og Fjordane (B4511a); 3) Aska Frälsegården, Sweden; 4) Høyland, Sandnes, Rogaland (S1765); 5) Fana Church, Bergen, Hordaland (B322); 6) Eige Litle, Eigersund, Rogaland (S7930h); 7) Hegreberg, Rennesøy, Rogaland (S6782h); 8) Skei, Sparbu, Steinkjer, Nord-Trøndelag (T20913.l); 9) Haugen, Rolvsøy, Fredrikstad, Østfold (C4195a). Raven 2005.

The original hanging bowls were designed to be suspended, as the hooks imply. As far as we know, none of the complete bowls have been found with any remains of chains. Cords might have been used, but are unlikely to have survived (Fowler 1968, 288). ‘It might, however, be possible to visualize the bowl suspended from three hooks at the top of a tripod. Wooden or metal folding tripods may have been used’ (Fowler 1968, 288–290). Let us suppose that the bowls were used with tripods, but subsequently a new use for them was found which necessitated a strengthening of the rim; and this is precisely what we find on the rims of the much larger

bowls deposited in Viking graves in Scandinavia, which are generally considered to be late eighth and ninth century in date. (Fowler 1968, 290)

The Norwegian hanging bowls (of D and E type of Irish origin) have – when they are complete – three hooks. Twenty of the 26 hanging bowls have bird-shaped hook-escutcheons (Raven 2005, table 4, figs j–n). (Fig. 32). The bird shape was described as early as 1889 by Ingvald Undset. Which bird species we find on the hanging bowls is rarely mentioned explicitly. Sheila Raven says that the birds’ heads ‘bear closest resemblance to the water-fowl breeds’ (Raven 2005, 385). It is said that the bird has a ‘broad spread tail’ and

4.  The interpretation of insular metalwork in Norwegian Viking Age graves ‘oval bird shape with short square-ended tails and slender curved hooks ending in birds’ heads, slightly stepped to allow the “beaks” to rest on a rim’ (Raven 2005, 52, 359, 365, 369, fig. 556). The only author I have found interpreting the bird on hanging bowls as a dove, is Hayo Vierck discussing the socalled Lullingstone bowl where we find the combination of birds, deer and fish. They are seen as a specifically Christian combination, the birds representing the holy dove and the deer as the deer in Psalm 42, who are thirsting for fresh water, i.e. those waiting to be baptized (Vierck 1970, 43; Brenan 1991, 36). The ‘birds’ on the Setnes bowl ‘appear “silvered”, though this may be due to a higher tin content in the metal rather than actual silvering’ (Raven 2005, 377–378; see Fig. 77c). On the description of the Skomrak bowl that has three birdshaped hook-escutcheons, it is said that these are ‘tinned: All the escutcheons appear to be tinned on the body and possibly also the hooks’ (Raven 2005, 396–397). Ingvald Undset (1889) also observed ‘a white coating’, possibly tinning or silvering, on many of the bird-shaped hookescutcheons. I have found five examples described in the literature, but a more thorough examination will possibly show more ‘tinned birds’. A more detailed study of the design of the bird-shaped hook-escutcheons makes the most likely interpretation to be that they are doves, as Vierck has suggested. They are characterized by a round, thick body, fan-shaped tail, short neck and a small head. The Rock Dove (Columba livia) is the progenitor of our regular domestic dove and its many races. These may also occur as plain white (Peterson et al. 1954). We have seen that in some cases the bird-shaped hook-escutcheons along the rim of the hanging bowl are tinned or silvered. This is probably made to let them look like white doves. In Christian iconography the dove is the symbol for the Holy Spirit. As soon as Jesus was baptized in the river Jordan, he rose up out of the water. At that moment heaven was opened, and he saw the spirit of God descending like a dove and alighting on him (Matthew 3: 16). Thus the dove occurs frequently as a symbol or representation of baptism, but also of peace, purity and the water of creation (Cooper 1990). At a baptismal font from the first half of the twelfth century in Dalby church outside Lund, Sweden, a scene with John the Baptist baptizing Jesus is seen, while a dove hovers down from heaven (Fig. 33). The dove is the symbol of baptism (cf. Vierck 1970, 43, 48). In Christian art, one also finds doves drinking from a fountain (Kilström 1958, 422–423). The doves along the edge of the hanging bowls are also about ‘to drink of the bowl’. This means that the Holy Spirit is drinking the water of life (Cooper 1990). It seems likely that the hanging bowls can be interpreted as baptismal bowls.

47

Figure 33. The dove on a baptismal from Dalby Church, Schonen, Sweden, from the first half of the twelfth century. Photo: Egil Mikkelsen.

Something that strengthens this interpretation further, is the fact that the dove in Latin, as earlier mentioned, is named Columba. One of the most famous Irish missionaries on the European Continent in the sixth and seventh century was St Columbanus (Irish: Columbán, meaning ‘the white dove’). His symbols are a book and a white dove (http:// en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Columbanus; Fig. 34). Now that we have established that the hanging bowls that are found in Norway have come from Ireland, it becomes all the more reason to ask the question: are the hanging bowls baptismal bowls that were brought to Norway by Irish missionaries? Vierck (1970, 48ff) believed that hanging bowls have been used as baptismal bowls and that they may have been brought on missionary travels. The fact that they occur in such a small number in Ireland is interpreted by Vierck as ‘There was apparently no demand for such bowls in Ireland in the beginning’ (after Fowler 1968, 301). Were they perhaps made specifically as baptismal bowls for missionaries? Of the 26 hanging bowls found in Norway, at least 22 are documented as coming from Viking Age graves; of the graves determined as to sex, six bowls come from male and 11 from female graves. About 50–60% of the graves have hanging bowls dated to the ninth century, 20–25% to the eighth and the tenth centuries, respectively. There are few differences here between the male and the female graves. Many of the graves are richly equipped, containing weapons, jewellery and tools of daily life. At least two were boat graves (Hopperstad and Setnes) – one having a boat-shaped burial mound (Skei). Insular metal objects, in addition to hanging bowls, were found in eight graves, including other bronze bowls, ladles, wooden buckets with

48

Looting or Missioning gilded bronze ornaments in Irish style, Irish fittings, mounts and binding strips, balance scales and lead weights covered with pieces of insular bronze mount. Three of the richest graves equipped with insular objects are the boat graves or boat-shaped graves. The graves from Myklebost (No. 152), Hopperstad (Nos 150–151), Gausel (No. 142), Skei (No. 173) and Setnes (No. 148) contain the richest collections of insular objects.

Bronze bowls (not hanging bowls)

Figure 34. St Columbanus. His symbols are a book and a white dove. Window of the crypt of the Bobbio Abbey. Photo: Wikimedia Commons.

Figure 35. Hanging bowl (diameter 34 cm, depth 13 cm) and bronze bowl (diameter 18.3 cm, depth 7.8 cm) from Fana Church, Bergen, Hordaland (B322–323). Photo: Svein Skare, University Museum of Bergen. License: CC BY-SA 4.0.

There is another category of late insular bronze bowls, found in an Irish and Scandinavian contexts, which has some technological links to the E-group hanging bowls but which, to date, has produced no examples with suspension devices. They lack hook-escutcheons and rings. There are such bowls found in Ireland ‘which may suggest that they were of Irish manufacture’ (Raven 2005, 45) (Appendix G). Examples of this group of bowls are found at Kaupang in Vestfold, Norway. One of these bronze bowls had an inscription: I MUNTLAUKU – ‘in mundlaugu –’ where ‘mund’ means ‘hand’ and ‘laug’ means ‘bath’: in the hand basin (Liestøl 1953; Fig.  36). Here it is suggested that bronze bowls like this were used in liturgical washing of hands in the insular churches and monasteries, in connection with the distribution of Holy Communion, but also as a common basin in wealthy homes in Ireland, England and in areas abroad, including in Norway (Liestøl 1953, 165–170; Wamers 1985, 65). Charlotte Blindheim (1978b, 21–22) also believed that the bronze bowls from Kaupang and similar vessels were used for liturgical and profane handbasins. McRoberts (1963, 303–305) supports Liestøl’s interpretation of such bronze bowls (which also occur in silver) as handbasins but which would be intended for use in the liturgy and used together with a ewer (perhaps of earthenware): ‘the basin and the ewer would be held by some assistant, perhaps a deacon, when they were used for the washing of the hands in the Liturgy’ (McRoberts 1963, 303). Here the bowls are not linked to baptism, but I would suggest that they were. The most recent finds of this group of bowls have been found during excavations of a chieftain’s farm at Borg, Vestvågøy in Lofoten, Nordland: two rim fragments, 5.2 cm and 3.1 cm long, of a large bronze vessel (Ts 8334 i, o; see Fig. 116d). They were found in the area in or close to the northern corner of room C (Munch 2003a, 244–245). Here were also sherds of Tating pitchers and most of the glass vessel fragments recovered. It is tempting to see these finds in context, and then baptism, Communion and other religious rituals come into consideration. I will therefore conclude that both the hanging bowls and other bronze bowls were used as baptismal bowls that were brought by missionaries to Norway to be used to baptize people who converted to Christianity. Later the bowls lost

4.  The interpretation of insular metalwork in Norwegian Viking Age graves

Figure 36. Bronze bowl with a runic inscription from grave III K/ IV at Søndre Bikjholberget, Kaupang, Larvik, Vestfold (C57041/3) (diameter 32.5 cm). Drawing by Mary Storm, Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo.

their original function and were adopted as washbasins in wealthy homes, among chieftains and mighty farmers.

Bronze strainers/ladles and buckets Bronze strainers and ladles are, based on their similarities with bronze bowls, relatively easy to attribute to the insular area. What is more, it is an object group that is frequently found in the British Isles (O’Floinn 1989, 90, 123). Taking into account that these object groups occur in sets, it is also an indication of their insular character (Geber 1991, 10). ‘There are examples of ladles occurring in an ecclesial context ... but they are also found in secular surroundings’ (O’Floinn 1989, 90). The elaborate strainer-ladle found in the Derrynaflan hoard was no doubt intended for the ritual purification of the wine intended for the Eucharist. In Rome in the seventh and eighth centuries, the chalice used on solemn occasions was filled at the Mass by pouring wine from a ewer through a sieve (Andrieu 1948, 93). (Ryan 1989, 128)

In Norway, Jan Petersen (1940, 85–111; 1951, 391–394) carried out a comparison of finds with bronze ladles. Here, strainers are not shown. He refers to 14 finds, most of them from female graves from the ninth and tenth centuries. In five of the graves the bronze ladles are found together with hanging bowls or bronze bowls: Flakstad, Vang, Hamar, Hedmark (C 21671 e): bronze ladle and bronze bowl found in a female grave from the tenth century. Trå, Ulvik, Granvin, Hordaland (B 6657 u): fragments of a saucepan of bronze found together with fragments of a hanging bowl in a rich female grave from late Viking Age (Kaland 2007). See below for a further discussion of this grave find. Hopperstad, Vik, Sogn og Fjordane (B 4511 d): fragments of a bronze saucepan found together with two hanging bowls in a rich female grave from the tenth century.

49

Figure 37. Bronze ladle (diameter 11 cm, the handle 28 cm long) from Steinvik, Bjugn, Sør-Trøndelag (T4621). Photo: Ole Bjørn Pedersen, NTNU University Museum, Trondheim. License: CC BY-SA 4.0.

Mo, Ørsta, Møre og Romsdal (B 6360 d): bronze saucepan, a bronze basin and a hanging bowl found in a female grave from the Viking Age. Steinvik, Bjugn, Sør-Trøndelag (T 4621-22): bronze ladle (Fig. 37) found together with a bronze cauldron, fragments of another one and two bronze handle mounts from a wooden bucket in a male grave from the Viking Age. Four of the five graves are female, and the dated graves belong to the tenth century. Later the following was found: Skei, Sparbu, Steinkjer, Nord-Trøndelag (T 20913 b): Bronze ladle found together with a triangular hanging bowl of bronze of Irish origin, a wooden pail covered by three ornamented bronze bands, probably of Northumbrian origin and a rectangular gilt bronze mount of insular origin, an early type of oval brooch, a whale bone plaque, traces of textiles, etc. All this belonged to a woman’s grave in a stone cist, with the body buried in a wooden coffin. It is dated to the late eighth or early ninth century. There is a court site at Skei, showing that this was a chieftain’s centre (Stenvik 2001). The context of these ladles makes it likely to link them functionally to the hanging and bronze bowls. This would mean that the ladles were used to bail water into the bowls when they were prepared for use as baptismal bowls and later, in a profane local context, as handbasins or in serving beer or mead. The grave from Trå has been presented and interpreted by Sigrid Kaland (2007). In addition to a saucepan and a hanging bowl, other kitchen utensils were found: a spit, frying pan, iron kettle, iron ladle, soapstone vessel, a knife and two hone stones. Textile tools, parts of a chest, two bits and harness fittings, and a rich collection of jewellery

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Looting or Missioning

(with amulets) and textiles of very high quality were also found in this grave. On the bronze saucepan, two runic inscriptions have been found and interpreted by Magnus Olsen (1957:26–38). The first inscription is read as: sikat — ni uritar uritar uilki, translated to (No): Jeg ser ikke — ikke urette, urette slett ikke. By filling in words obviously missing in the inscription, Olsen suggests the text to be: (No.): Jeg ser ikke (runer merket på ménvoldende) og ikke urette runer, urette, slett ikke. (Eng.): I do not see … … not wrong [runes?], absolutely not wrong … (James E. Knirk pers. comm. 2017)

The second inscription is read as: auarkar karþir is kuinn k—, translated to

(No.): Legemsbeskadigelser (blir) påtalt ettersom det er satt kvinnegrid. (Eng.): … Bodily harm (will be) charged since women’s inviolability [is set?] (James E. Knirk pers. comm. 2017)

This inscription is about a situation where the housewife wishes to have calm and peace while pouring out beer or mead with the saucepan from the bronze bowl. (The same secondary use might have been the case with the find of the combination of bronze bowls and saucepans from Hopperstad, Mo, Ørstad and Flakstad, see above). Sigrid Kaland (2007, 360–361), based on the find, the runic inscriptions and the Norse Sagas, interpreted the woman in the Trå grave as a gydje, the the pristine offering, the organizer and leader of the official pagan cult and feast. She was serving the guests the ritual drink from the bronze bowl and using the saucepan with magic runic inscriptions. This grave from Trå is a very good example of how Christian equipment, originally related to baptism and other Christian ceremonies, during Viking Age Norway were turned into the most pagan rituals we could imagine: offerings to pagan gods by a pagan pristine, the gydje. Buckets have been linked to bowls and ladles, but then interpreted together in a context of exclusive serving or drinking equipment (Bødal 1998; Graham-Campbell 2001, 33; Heen-Pettersen 2014; Fig. 38). I know of about 11 bronze-covered wooden buckets from Norway, complete or in fragments (Appendix I). Some have cruciformed handle mounts, some bird-shaped escutcheons like we find on hanging-bowls. This strengthens my interpretation that these buckets were used during baptism: the bucket containing holy water, the ladle being used for pouring water from the bucket into the bronze- or hanging bowl, which was used as a baptismal bowl. In a local pagan context they were probably used for water, beer or mead.

Figure 38. Wooden bucket with handle and 2 trilateral escutcheons of bronze and partly tinned (diameter 10.5–18 cm, height 18.3 cm), from Hopperstad, Vik, Sogn og Fjordane (B4511e). Photo: Svein Skare, University Museum of Bergen. License: CC BY-SA 4.0.

Tating ware pitchers One type of jug or pitcher known as Tating ware (‘Frisian jugs’ in earlier references) have often been discussed in relation to early Christian mission in north-west Europe. It is a pitcher of dark grey or nearly black ware, with handle and spout, geometric decorations in tinfoil and often with an equal-armed cross near the bottom (Winkelmann 1972, Abb.1–2). They are dated to around 770–850 (Winkelmann 1972, 45; Gabriel 1988; Holand 2003a, 207). Petrological analyses of sherds from different sites (including Kaupang, Ribe, York and Dorestad) indicate that production of Tating ware took place at several different places: Mayen, the middle Rhine area, the Eifel mountains, Rhineland, northern France and England (Holand 2003a, 207). We have the following finds from Norway: Gimmen, Idd, Halden, Østfold: Fragments of a Tating ware pitcher with spout and part of the handle (glued together) (C15867), found in a grave mound (Lorang 1869, 61–63, Abb. 1868, 61 ff.; Petersen 1940, 209, fig. 168; Hougen 1960, 95–96, fig. 3). Huseby, Tjølling, Larvik, Vestfold: One sherd of Tating ware was found at the hall platform at Huseby, Tjølling just north of Kaupang (Pilø 2011, 292). Kaupang, Tjølling, Larvik, Vestfold (Fig. 39): Tating ware sherds from graves as well as the settlement areas (marketplace) have been found. Two and one sherd, respectively, come from two burial mounds at N. Kaupang. At the marketplace, Charlotte Blindheim, during the excavations in 1956–1974, found a nearly complete jug and 104 sherds (Hougen 1960, 92–97; 1963, 146–147; 1969a, 100; 1993, 21; Blindheim et al.

4.  The interpretation of insular metalwork in Norwegian Viking Age graves

Figure 39. Tating ware pitchers from Kaupang, Larvik, Vestfold. Photo: Ove Holst, Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo. License: CC BY-SA 4.0.

1981, 175). During the excavations at the marketplace in 2000–2003, Dagfinn Skre found 30 sherds of Tating ware, 54 sherds of black-burnished sherds without applied tinfoil and 14 sherds of greyish-brown sherds with applied tinfoil (Pilø 2011, 292). Borg, Vestvågøy, Nordland: Fifty-six sherds of Tating ware were found at the rich chieftain’s farm at Borg. Most sherds were found in a post-hole in the northern corner of room C or just outside. They represent two typical Tating pitchers (A: 16 sherds, B: 40 sherds, a number of sherds are joined together to form the rim and neck of the pitcher; see Fig. 116b). There are preserved parts of the tinfoil pattern, on B a row of downward-pointing triangles (Holand 2003, 203–204, figs 5–6). The only known parallel to A is the pitcher from Birka grave 597 (Arbmann 1943, 195–196, Abb. 149, Taf. 220:1), which shows the same neck pattern (Holand 2003a, 206). Ingegjerd Holand (203a, 204–205) mentions parallel finds of Tating ware. ‘Over forty find locations are known in northern Europe, twenty-five of them in Scandinavia’ (Staecker 1997, 431, fig. 4). I will just mention some marketplaces where such pitchers have been found: Helgö and Birka, Sweden, Ribe in Denmark, Winchester and York in England, Haithabu, Mainz, Hamburg and Cologne in Germany and Dorestad in Holland. In Birka, three cremation graves and three inhumation graves, all female. contained Tating ware (Staecker 1997, 431). The interpretations of the ‘Frisian pitchers’ have been many, but the main discussion has been about whether these can be interpreted as liturgical vessels, vessels of holy water, Communion wine or the like, or whether they should be perceived as more regular import goods and expressions of trade (Selling 1951; Hougen 1960; Ellmers 1965; Winkelmann 1972). As pitchers for holy water,

51

they may have been related to ritual hand-washing of the priests or for pouring holy water into the baptismal font, or for measuring and storing liturgical wine or for mixing wine and water during the Mass (Staecker 1997, 431). Winkelmann (1972, 45) asked the question directly: were these jugs used during baptism? One of the reasons why many have wanted to give them a religious context is that many have a tinfoiled equal-armed cross on the bottom of the belly. In Germany, sherds of Tating ware pitchers are often found in the immediate vicinity of churches (Winkelmann 1972, 44). Selling (1951, 292) and Winkelmann (1972, 43) suggested that similar finds of ‘Frisian pitchers’ from Birka could be linked to Ansgar’s first mission journey. Aslak Liestøl (1953, 169) was inclined towards the same interpretation and would tie bronze bowls from Kaupang religiously and functionally to these pitchers. He mentions in this connection that, in grave 854 in Birka, a ‘Frisian pitcher’, a glass beaker and a hanging bowl were found in the same grave (Arbman 1940–1943, 326 f.; see Fig. 5). Dagmar Selling wanted to look at the ‘Frisian pitchers’ as expressions of continental missionary activities in the Nordic countries (Selling1951, 292). Ellen Karine Hougen (1960, 100) has also asked the question: ‘Are the tinfoil pottery at Kaupang, that we have found, remains of continental missionary work in Vestfold 100 years before Håkon the Good’s Anglo-Saxon missionaries came to Western Norway?’ She replies in the negative to the question, out of the argument that there have been too many of these jugs found in the Nordic areas. She believes it is unlikely that so many pitchers from Christian altar service would have escaped and ended up in pagan graves up here. She sees them as regular daily life vessels. Yet she does not quite dismiss the idea of an early Christian mission at Kaupang. She says: The idea about traces of a continental mission already in the ninth century, however, is new, but just at Kaupang is not unreasonable. When Vestfold is mentioned for the first time in continental sources, it is in connection with the Danish King Harald Klak, who in 813 had sailed northward to assert his father’s old dominion on the western side of Folden. (Hougen 1960, 102–103)

I would like to note the views expressed above that Tating ware pitchers have also been produced in England and that they are therefore not necessarily to be linked to the Continent, but also to English missionary activity. That the number of sherds of such pitchers would argue against attaching them to the mission activities is hardly a strong argument. From Borg come 56 sherds from two pitchers. From the market place at Kaupang was found an almost complete jug, 158 certain and some possible sherds of Tating ware pitchers. If we use Borg as the base for our calculations, the number of pitchers on Kaupang marketplace is estimated to be seven.

52

Looting or Missioning

Concerning the Borg site in Lofoten, with sherds of two Tating ware pitchers, Holand is ‘strongly suggesting that the Tating pitchers were imported not as utilitarian pottery, but as special purpose vessels’ (Holand 2003a, 208). I want to tie the Tating ware pitchers to missionary activity, whether from England or the Frankish area on the Continent. However, I would not yet take a position on whether they should be interpreted primarily as holy water containers and then see them in connection with the hanging bowls or other bronze bowls, used for baptism, or whether they were also used as wine pitchers, linked to the chalice and used during Communion.

Glass vessels Glass is often considered a luxury item in the Viking Age, spread through trade. Glass beakers are usually found in richly equipped graves, sometimes along with other ‘imported goods’, on settlements or gathering sites linked to society’s upper layer or to trade- and marketplaces and in the towns (Fig. 40).

I know of 22 burial finds and seven settlement sites containing glass or glass fragments belonging to vessels found in Norway and dated to the Viking Age or late Merovingian period (see Gaut 2011). Often the glass sherds are too small or indistinct in form to be determined to type or form. Sometimes glass fragments come from cremation graves and the glass has smelted. Many have interpreted the glass beakers, primarily the funnel beakers, into a religious context as wine glasses to be used during the Communion (Ellmers 1965; cf. Hougen 1960, 102). The most recent researcher working with the Kaupang glass material, Bjarne Gaut (2011, 169, 255) argues that most of the glass was probably related to the consumption of wine, appearing together with the pitcher. For forms other than funnel beakers, it is difficult to put forward proposals for interpretations of their function, but they have probably been finer storage vessels for liquids (Gaut 2011, 193). In the following text I will limit the presentation of the glass material to funnel beakers found in Norway in a Viking Age context. Only four out of 22 graves

Figure 40. Funnel beaker glasses of Viking Age types, found at Birka, Sweden. Sherds of the same type of beakers are found at Kaupang, Larvik, Vestfold. Photo: The Swedish History Museum, Stockholm.

4.  The interpretation of insular metalwork in Norwegian Viking Age graves

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with glass sherds have glass that can be classified with certainty to funnel beakers: Kaupang, Tjølling, Larvik, Vestfold: S. Bikjholberget, female boat grave (II) Ka. 304 from 800–850: five glass vessel sherds of light blue-green funnel beaker, found together with a rectangular gilded bronze mount, with ‘checkerboard carved pattern’, reworked into a brooch; probably of Anglo-Irish origin (Blindheim and Heyerdahl-Larsen 1995, 30–32, pl. 25). Kaupang, Tjølling, Larvik, Vestfold: S. Bikjholberget, male boat grave Ka. 305 from 850–900: three glass vessel sherds of green-blue funnel beaker, found together with ‘round insular bronze mount with enamel inlay in a yellow-white geometric pattern, probably initially an escutcheon to a shrine or hanging bowl, secondary reworked into a buckle, diam. 3 cm’ (Blindheim and Heyerdahl-Larsen 1995, 32–34, pl. 27). Hadsel prestegård, Hadsel, Nordland: (Ts743), Female grave from the ninth century, with pieces of a funnelshaped drinking vessel of green glass, found together with parts of an Anglo-Irish ring-brooch (Hougen 1968, fig. 6). Sanddal, Breim, Gloppen, Sogn og Fjordane: (B9014; see Fig. 62), Female grave from the ninth century: the bottom part of a funnel-shaped glass vessel of thick green glass, found together with a carrying device from an Irish reliquary (both manufactured in the Merovingian period). We can provisionally conclude that: funnel beakers were found in four graves in Norway, three from female and one from a male grave. All the four graves contain Anglo-Irish objects in addition to the glass sherds. Glass sherds from funnel beakers are known from three settlement sites in Norway: Huseby, Tjølling, Larvik, Vestfold Kaupang, Tjølling, Larvik, Vestfold Borg, Vestvågøy, Nordland We will look more carefully into those sites. Huseby, Tjølling, Larvik, Vestfold. (C52518). (Gaut 2007): During the Kaupang excavations carried out by Dagfinn Skre in 2000–2001, in a hall at a chieftain’s settlement site from the Viking Age – probably a site connected to the nearby Kaupang marketplace – six glass sherds were uncovered. Three light-green, convex thin-walled body sherds are supposed to be the lower section of funnel beakers. Kaupang, Tjølling, Larvik, Vestfold (Hougen 1969b; Gaut 2011): From Charlotte Blindheim’s excavations at the Kaupang Viking Age marketplace 1956–1974, 240 out of 450 glass sherds have been identified as vessel glass (Gaut 2011, Tab. 9.3). According to Hougen (1969b:119) sherds of funnel beakers dominate. From the excavations of the settlement area at Kaupang by Dagfinn Skre (1998–2003),

Figure 41. Gold decorated glass from Borg, Vestvågøy, Nordland (Ts8334). Photo: O. Kvalheim, Tromsø University Museum. License: CC BY-NC-ND 3.0.

322 vessel fragments, representing 32–34 vessels (but possibly around 50) have been identified (Gaut 2011, 169). Only 46% of these sherds have been identified to vessel-type. The majority come from cone-/funnel-shaped beakers and globular jars of the early Viking Age, with the funnel beaker as the most frequent (Gaut 2011, 182–189), in good accordance with the results from the Blindheim excavations. The Skre excavations have shown ‘that the activity horizons that contained vessel glass often also contain sherds from Tatingware jugs or Badorf-ware pottery’ (Gaut 2011, 256). Borg, Vestvågøy, Nordland (Holand 2003b): At the Borg chieftain’s site in Lofoten the following finds of glass have been found: 117 glass sherds from a minimum of 15–16 different vessels, from the Merovingian period and the Viking Age (Holand 2003b). Holand suggests that three vessels were of English origin, one from the Rhine area and two from the Continent; the origin of the rest is unclear. (Henderson and Holand 1992; Holand 2003b, 211). Sherds of funnel beakers from the Viking Age are: 54 sherds of palm cups and funnel beakers – representing ten vessels of light-green glass, dated to the eighth–ninth century; 23 sherds of nearly colourless or slightly greenish glass, the majority of which are decorated with applied gold foil in geometric patterns – representing one funnel beaker (Fig. 41, 116c). This beaker with gold foil decorations is thought to resemble closely that of an early and slightly smaller funnel beaker from Birka grave 464 (Arbman 1943, Taf. 191:1). The glass beaker from Borg has a central cross motif and four smaller crosses. It is dated between 750 and 850. No other gold glass has been found in Norway (Holand 2003b, 216–221). Gold glass found elsewhere in northern Europe is known from Valsgärde, Torslanda, Helgö and Åhus, Sweden, Ribe in Denmark, Paderborn and Niedermünster, Germany, Dorestad, Holland and Liège, Belgium (Holand 2003b).

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Most sherds have certain pattern elements common with the Borg glass, but the cross and ‘candlestick’ motifs are unknown elsewhere. The nearest parallel is from Dorestad (Holand 2003b, 219). Agneta Lundström (1971, 220) saw this type of glass as representing liturgical vessels and compared them with early Christian chalices. Lundström therefore suggested a connection between the gold glass and the first Christian missions to Scandinavia. She compared the gold glass to tin-foiled Tating ware, which also usually displays a cross symbol. She therefore concludes that both gold glasses and Tating ware had a connection with an ecclesiastical environment. Holand (2003b, 220) says that the Tating pottery and the gold glass were probably produced in the Rhine area, possibly in the monastery at Lorsch. Although these may have been produced on the Continent, they might well have come to Norway via the British Isles (cf. Hougen 1968, 104). It is interesting that all the three sites with funnel glass vessels, Huseby, Kaupang and Borg, also contain sherds of Tating-ware pitchers. That strengthens an interpretation of both types of objects being related to the handling of wine for the Communion. The finds of funnel-shaped glass vessels from the four graves in Norway all contain pieces of Irish or Anglo-Irish origin. That speaks in favour of interpreting them in relation to insular missions during the early ninth century. This interpretation does not exclude the glass vessels being used during feasts, too. Bjarte Gaut (2011, 255 f.) sees glasses used at Kaupang as proof of a wine culture introduced there from the Continent, and Dagfinn Skre (2011b; 2011d) connects the wine drinking to the Frisian family that was living in one of the houses at Kaupang.

Chalices and patens Altar equipment like the chalice, paten, censer and water sprinkler are rarely identified in Scandinavian Viking Age context (Wamers 1985, 23). Even in Ireland such objects are rare from this time. There, five chalices and one paten of eighth- or ninth-century insular manufacture survive, coming mostly from hoards (Ryan 1989, 127). ‘The larger ones [chalices] could have been used to serve Communion wine to the congregations, and the plainer ones of medium size may have been intended for daily use, for the celebrant of Mass or for serving smaller congregations’ (Ryan 1989, 128). The chalice and the paten are the holy vessels of the Christian church (vasa sacra), used in the Communion to serve wine and bread, representing the blood and flesh of Christ. They should preferably be made of gold or silver, but gilt bronze is accepted (Andersson 1963, 168–169). This may explain why so few chalices and patens have survived to the present day: they were, to a greater extent than bronze objects, melted down.

Figure 42. Probably base from a travelling chalice (calix viaticus) (diameter 3 cm, height 1.1 cm), from Bære-Var, Stokke, Vestfold (C20716b). Photo: Adnan Icagic, Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo. License: CC BY-SA 4.0.

Some of the oldest chalices we have preserved in the Nordic region are called Communion chalices, often a small so-called ‘travelling chalice’ (calix viaticus), often the priest’s or bishop’s private property, which he used during travels. The so-called Jelling cup from the tenth century, found in one of the huge Jelling grave mounds on Jutland in Denmark along with other Christian artefacts, is the oldest known complete example in the Nordic countries of such a travelling chalice (Andersson 1963, 169). From the Norwegian Viking Age contexts we know of three pieces that have probably belonged to chalices: Bære-Var, Stokke, Vestfold (C 20716 b; Fig. 42): a small, round convex object of gilded bronze, 2.9 cm in diameter, probably the base from a travelling chalice, but uncertain function. Grave from first half of the tenth century (Wamers 1985, 23, 103, pl. 16, 1). Jåtta, Stavanger, Rogaland (B 4772 b; see Fig. 87): a bowl of gilded bronze, diameter 10.5–11.0 cm, originally from a chalice, secondarily used as case for a balance weight. Probably from a hoard (Wamers 1985, 23, 99, pl. 32, 2). Nærbø, Hå, Rogaland (S 2005; see Fig. 93): a fragment of gilded bronze, diameter c. 5.5 cm, from a possible chalice. Stray find (Wamers 1985, 23, 101, pl. 19, 2). The only object among the Norwegian Viking Age finds interpreted as a possible paten is from: Tisnes, Kvaløya, Tromsø, Troms (Ts 793; Fig. 43): a discshaped, slightly domed object of tinned bronze, diameter c. 22 cm, from a richly furnished ninth-century female

4.  The interpretation of insular metalwork in Norwegian Viking Age graves

Figure 43. Paten from Tisnes, Kvaløya, Tromsø, Troms (diameter 22 cm), (Ts793). Photo: Tromsø University Museum. License: CC BY-NC-ND 3.0.

grave (Sjøvold 1974, 167, 246, pl. 28, 40b; Wamers 1985, 24, 90, pl. 19, 4). The few and uncertain finds of possible chalices and patens described here, do not give room for further speculation. It is, however, of interest that even Christian objects like these might have been in use in Norway during the Viking Age. Our conclusions in the previous paragraph, however, indicate that funnel-shaped glass vessels were more commonly used as chalices in the first period of Christian activity in Norway.

Holy-water sprinkler An object found at Vinjum, Aurland, Sogn og Fjordane (B 7713 h; Fig. 44), has been interpreted as a censer (Wamers 1985, 24), amulet capsule (Bakka 1963, 33 f.) or a sprinkler (Geber 1991, 69). It is made of copper alloy and consists of a two-part spheroidal body of beaten metal, diameter 12 cm, with incised ornamentation on the tinned upper half and seven pierced holes on the base. From the top rises an open-ended tube with a handle terminating in a stylized animal head. Its origin is said to be Northumbria in the

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Figure 44. Holy-water sprinkler from Vinjum, Vangen, Aurland, Sogn og Fjordane (diameter 12 cm) (B7731h). Photo: Ann-Mari Olsen, University Museum of Bergen. License: CC BY-SA 4.0.

eighth century, but it was found in a Norwegian female grave from the second half of the ninth century (Petersen 1940, no.75, fig.  63c; Youngs 1989, 122 no. 121). Egon Wamers (1985, 24, no. 67) interpreted the Vinjum piece as a censer. No censer of insular origin is known, however (Ryan 1989, 128). The object from Vinjum has only one close parallel, from Swallowcliff Down, Wiltshire, England, which is of Celtic origin and found in a richly-furnished Anglo-Saxon female burial dated to the late seventh century. This and the Vinjum piece are interpreted as sprinklers, rather than censers or amulet capsules. Experiments carried out with a replica of the Swallowcliff find have shown that it is functioning well as a liquid (water) sprinkler (Youngs 1989, 56, no. 42). I suggest that these sprinklers were for ecclesiastic rather than domestic use: to spread holy water during the religious (Christian) ceremonies.

Altar- and tabernacle mounts Altar and tabernacles were important objects to be decorated with gilt bronze mounts. Twelve such mounts coming from

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Looting or Missioning

a

c

d

b

Figure 45a–d. a) Probabe part of a cross from an altar (diameter 11.8 cm), from Nedre Bakkene, Nord-Aurdal, Oppland (C24193v). Photo: Adnan Icagic, Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo. License: CC BY-SA 4.0; b) Mount with an Anglian cross (Northumbrian) probably from an altar (diameter 7.8 cm), from Lilleby, Øvre Eiker, Buskerud (C3762). Photo: Adnan Icagic, Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo. License: CC BY-SA 4.0; c) Vatne, Seim, Lindås, Hordaland, bronze mount with gold and tin, from an altar (5.8×2.0–4.5 cm) (B3308k). Photo: Svein Skare, University Museum of Bergen. License: CC BY-SA 4.0; d) Fragments from an altar from Halsan Østre, Levanger, Nord-Trøndelag (T503). Photo: Ole Bjørn Pedersen, NTNU University Museum, Trondheim. License: CC BY-SA 4.0.

Viking Age Norway have been classified by Egon Wamers, but with great uncertainty due to lack of parallels (Wamers 1985, 22–23); see Appendix J. The 12 mounts show a great variety in shape: round, round vaulted, rectangular, rhombic-shaped and cross-

shaped. Three are made of bronze only, eight are of gilded bronze and one is made of bronze with gold and tin coating. I refer to the descriptions and photos of all the mounts by Egon Wamers (1985). They have all been interpreted as mounts on wooden altars and tabernacles (Fig. 45a–d).

4.  The interpretation of insular metalwork in Norwegian Viking Age graves Most common on the Continent during the Viking Age were altars made of stone, whereas in England and Ireland altars made of wood were quite common until the eleventh and twelfth century, in parallel with stone altars (Braun 1924, 105f; Wamers 1985, 22). Every consecrated altar, and also the portable altar, was to contain sacred relics, and in that matter was a kind of reliquary. Portable altars (altare portatile) were quite common. They could be carried by kings and bishops when they travelled and could be used to have Mass read whenever required, independent of a church. ‘When you put the portable altar at a most ordinary table, for example, in a dwelling house, this table could be used as the altar’ (Stylegar 2010, 64). A wooden altar was often covered with ornamented gilded bronze plates. It could have a stone piece or a plate at the top, normally made of Greek green porphyry. A handful of such stone pieces have been found in Norway, called sepulkral stones, used in portable altars. The most recently reported from Norway are from Skjævesland, Marnardal, Vest-Agder, measuring only c. 2.5×2.0×0.5 cm and one from Sweden: a twelfth-century grave from Varnhem church, Västergötland (Stylegar 2010). The other three from Norway are from the medieval churches at Lom, Oppland and Nore, Buskerud and the medieval town layers of Bergen. Churches and cities are everywhere the most common finding places for sepulkral stones, for example: Sigtuna (7), Roskilde (2), Schleswig (4) and Hedeby (2). From Ireland we know of 12 such stones, seven from excavations of medieval city layers, and five from the context of churches. From Scotland, church finds dominate. It is difficult to date many of the sepulkral stones. The one from Hedeby and that from Orkney are dated to the ninth century; most others are from the eleventh and twelfth centuries (Lynn 1984; Stylegar 2010, 64–65; Tesch 2007). On the British Isles it has been suggested that the trade and craft milieu in Dublin have played an important role in the spread of sepulkral stones of the kind we have presented here, as well as other religious objects (Warren 1976, after Stylegar 2010, 66). It seems that the altar mounts have an Irish origin, although the question has not been debated exhaustively. Although altars or portable altars are not specifically mentioned among the objects that missionaries carried with them, there are good reasons to believe that portable altars would be among the equipment. Some researchers have claimed that portable altars belong to the early Christian time, before the real start of church building (Stylegar 2010, 64). Sten Tesch (2007) interpreted the sepulkral stones found in Sigtuna, Sweden as being an indication that the worship took place in private homes using portable altars during early Christian times. It is, however, said that a Mass should be held in a church, or lacking a church, at a specific place marked by a cross (Jensenius 2001, 24–26).

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Secular objects of insular origin It is not always easy to classify the original function of fragments of insular and continental objects that are found in Viking Age graves in Norway. Often they are broken up, reworked and reused as jewellery. For our purpose it has been important to distinguish between clerical or liturgical objects on the one hand and secular objects on the other. The first categories I relate to Christian mission activity, as I have argued for in the foregoing chapters; the secular objects might have been brought here through different types of contact and relations. The secular objects that I am including in the coming geographical analyses are (Fig. 46): • • • • • •

Ring pins and brooches Harness fittings, strap distributors and other horse fittings Belt clasps, strap ends etc. Drinking horns Swords from Western Europe Balance scales and weights

The type of relations that might have resulted in the spread of those types of objects in Norway that I will discuss are: • • • • •

Gifts brought by missionaries – normally on behalf of the king or other high-ranked persons – to be given to the chieftain or others at the destination of the mission. Objects given between allies on the British Isles and Norway. Gifts given between friends in the insular world and Norway. Objects brought as dowry by marriage, normally by bringing a wife from the British Isles to Norway. Objects generated through trade.

Ring pins and brooches In 1940 Jan Petersen published 18 objects classified as penannular brooches and ring-headed pins (Petersen 1940, 12, 197–204). Zanette T. Glørstad (2010) has studied the total material from Norway, made a classification of them and tried to separate insular forms from imitations and locally developed forms in Norway. In Appendix M I have included all ring pins and brooches that Glørstad has classified as types of insular origin. Here I have also included seven fragments of such objects found at the settlement at Kaupang, Vestfold (Fig. 47) and published by Wamers (2011) and Graham-Campbell (2011). This totals 28 ring pins and brooches. The ring pins and brooches are made of bronze or silver, often covered with tin or gilding and in four cases decorated with amber. They are dated by Glørstad mainly to 800–900 or the Viking Age in general; those from Kaupang are dated by Wamers and GrahamCampbell to 600–900.

Looting or Missioning

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Nordland

SECULAR OBJECTS Ring pins & brooches of insular origin

G

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Drinking horns & mountings from The British Isles Swords from Western Europe & The British Isles

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Harness fittings, strap distrubitors and other horse fittings Belt clasps, strap ends etc. of insular & Carolingian origin

Trøndelag

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Figure 46. The distribution of secular objects of insular origin found in Norway. Drawing by Ermias B. Tesfamariam. Terrain basemaps produced using Copernicus data and information funded by the European Union – EU-DEM layers https://www.eea.europa.eu/data-andmaps/data/eu-dem#tab-metadata.

friends and allies on the islands. The ring pins and brooches were an integrated part of clothing, especially the cloak, and it was also subject to gift giving (although they are rarely preserved). The cloak and the brooches are seen as being loaded with power, spread through gift-giving and rituals carried out to secure loyalty to a political hierarchy network (Glørstad 2010, 206–207). We know from written sources that cloaks and other clothes were among gifts given between kings (Sigurdsson 2014, 229).

Harness fittings and other equipment related to horses Figure 47. Ring pinned brooch from Børgøy, Hjelmeland, Rogaland (S5110). Photo: Terje Tveit, Arkeologisk Museum, University of Stavanger.

Glørstad (2010) has discussed the wide variety of contacts the ring pins and brooches reflect. Many were brought back by Norse people, normally of high rank, visiting the British Isles; many have also been gifts from

These are among the most numerous and varied groups of objects found in Viking Age graves in Norway, but normally made of iron and in simple forms (Petersen 1951, 9, 24f). Of insular origin are the ornamented gilded bronze harness fittings: strap ends and distributers (Fig. 48a–b), round and rectangular mounts and other horse fittings. They have been published by Egon Wamers (1985). I have listed 35 finds with all together 74 fittings (Appendix N). The finds from Gausel, Stavanger (see Fig. 86a–d) and Soma, Sandnes (see

4.  The interpretation of insular metalwork in Norwegian Viking Age graves

a

59

and Soma in Rogaland show that this type of equipment is linked to the highest social level in the Viking Age society. It was prestige equipment that was well suited as gifts between friends and allies and through intermarriage arrangements.

Belt equipment, clasps, strap ends, etc Most of these objects are made of iron, but we also have many of bronze, gilded bronze and silver. Sometimes it is difficult to distinguish between strap ends and buckles from the horse equipment and a belt for a man (Petersen 1951, 31, 490). Egon Wamers (1985) has classified the belt equipment of insular and continental origin found in Norway. I have added the most recent finds, and we now know about 18 finds with all together 30 objects (Appendix O). Strap ends, belt clasps and strap mounts are the most common (Fig. 48b). They are normally ornamented in an insular style and made of gilded bronze. The few of continental origin are made of gilded silver. The belt equipment is dated to all parts of the Viking Age. We know from written sources that belts – expensively decorated – were gifts given between high-ranking persons during the Viking Age (Sigurdsson 2014, 229). We thus can count on such belt equipment as suitable gifts given in different types of relation-building.

b

Figure 48a–b. a) Strap distributer as part of harness fitting from Berdal, Vik, Sogn og Fjordane (B602). Photo: Svein Skare, University Museum of Bergen. License: CC BY-SA 4.0; b) Strap end from Laland, Klepp, Rogaland (S5670a). Photo: Terje Tveit, Arkeologisk Museum, University of Stavanger.

Fig. 88), both in Rogaland, consisted of sets of 13 and 22 harness fittings of gilded bronze, respectively, found on the heads of horses buried in the graves. The earliest harness fittings are from the eighth century but they are also from later parts of the Viking Age. We have a couple of insular harness fittings from the Oseberg burial, of very high quality. Also, from the rich ship burials at Gokstad and Borre in Vestfold and Haugen in Østfold we find richly decorated harness fittings, but these are probably of eastern origin, from Sweden and Russia (Myhre 2015, 153f). The occurrence of richly decorated harness fittings in the ship burials in Viken as well as in the rich graves at Gausel

Drinking horns Drinking horns found in Norwegian Viking Age graves are mostly of insular origin. A few times the horn itself is preserved; normally we find the mouth-mount of bronze or tin-coated bronze. The terminal mounts are in the shape of an animal head, bird, a cylinder and ball. In 1940 mounts from 12 drinking horns were known from Norwegian Viking Age finds (Petersen 1940, 11, 169–172); in 1951 the number had increased to 26 (Petersen 1951, 398) and today the number is about 30 (Appendix P). The drinking horns are dated to the ninth (mostly) and tenth century and are found almost equally in male and female graves (Petersen 1951, 396–400; Fig. 49).

Figure 49. Drinking-horn from Voll, Overhalla, Nord-Trøndelag (T1184). Photo: Ole Bjørn Pedersen, NTNU University Museum, Trondheim. License: CC BY-SA 4.0.

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Figure 50. Part of sword in Trewhiddle style from Grønneberg, Larvik, Vestfold (C16477). Photo: Kirsten Helgeland, Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo. License: CC BY-SA 4.0.

Drinking horns were used during feasts, for instance during the mid-winter celebrations, weddings, etc, when drinking beer or mead. The drinking horn is the object that is the strongest symbol for those celebrations, and it is depicted on picture stones from Iron Age Sweden, on the gold plaquets and mentioned in written sources. The drinking horn is one of the symbols on the old calendar, primstaven, for the 25 December (https://forskning.no/historie-jul/2009/12/ drikkehornet-det-sterkeste-julesymbolet) Drinking horns were probably typical gifts in gift exchange systems, both between men and women and as a marriage gift.

Swords of insular, mostly English origin These are quite common in Viking Age graves in Norway. They were first published in more detail by Jan Petersen (1919, 11): 38 swords ‘as being pretty certain of Western provenance’ (14 type L-swords). Jostein Aksdal (2017) has recently published a new study of these swords. Until now the classification system set up by Jan Petersen (1919) has been used. One type of sword (K-sword) is seen as Carolingian or Frankish, S-swords do also possibly have a Frankish origin, whereas the L-swords and possibly the O-swords are Anglo-Saxon (Petersen 1919, 105–158; Martens 2004; Aksdal 2017). In Appendix Q I have included one K-sword, 46 L-swords, seven O-swords and three R-swords (with ‘Ulfberth’ inscriptions). One Æ-sword (from Langeid, see Fig. 156) is also included. The majority of the western swords are dated to the tenth century by Jan Petersen (1940, 11), whereas Jostein Aksdal dates the L-sword to c. 850–900 or a little into the tenth century (Aksdal 2017, 71; Fig. 50). Some swords of type L in Norway and northern England might demonstrate a kind of Norse–Anglo-Saxon community network in the second half of the ninth century (Aksdal 2017, 69, 71). L-swords are related to Christianity through the decorations used, and it is suggested that many of the Norse owners of the L-swords might have been primsigned in England (Aksdal 2017, 76–77). We know through written

sources that swords were valuable gifts given between kings. We have stories telling that the Frankish emperor Louis the Pious gave the Danish King Harald Klak, among other gifts, a splendid sword (Sigurdsson 2014, 229), and the English King Adalstein and King Harald Fairhair exchanged gifts as tokens of their alliance, where King Harald received a valuable sword and Adalstein a ship (Opedal 1998, 186–187).

Balance scales and weights Strangely enough the only review of balance scales found in Norway (Fig. 51a–b) is an unpublished thesis from 1974 by Erik Jondell (63 finds). Here he tried to separate between balance scales of insular (mainly Irish) and eastern origin. Jan Petersen had, however, already in 1940, published insular balance scales from the west found in Viking Age graves in Norway (44 finds). These have later been supplemented with studies by Egon Wamers (1985), T. Jåtten (2006) and Aina Heen Pettersen (2013). The complete set of weighing equipment consists of: a beam of bronze (11–19 cm long), with bronze chains in the ends carrying two scale pans (diameter 6–8 cm) of bronze, with a very high content of tin. Sometimes the scale pans have a glossy tinned surface, resembling silver. They are normally decorated inside with geometric patterns, with circles dominating. The beam has a tongue at the middle, often made of iron, and a holder with a ring to fasten the carrying chain. The balance scale and the beam can be folded together, and sometimes they are found in a case of bronze or wood. I know of 74 balance scales of insular origin found in Norway, ten with a case; 12 found in boat graves (Appendix R). Twenty-five of the graves with balance scales also contained 1–10 weights, most commonly 2, 1, 5, 6 or 8. The balance scales are, for the most part, dated to the tenth century but a few are also from the ninth and the eleventh centuries. They are, to a great degree, contemporary with the silver hoards in Norway (Jondell 1974,10, 34). Many of the balance scales are found in graves with no other insular objects. Finds with balance scales and weights of Anglo-Irish origin are normally related to trade, and most of them are found along trading routes. Prosperous men and women, however, needed such equipment when they had to pay for something or even to receive payment within the Viking Age’s silver economy, and it does not necessarily mean trading but could just as well be linked to the collection of fines, taxes and fees. So a grave with a balance scale could represent a chieftain or another person of high position in society as well as a tradesman, and even both. It is difficult to classify any graves with balance scales as female (Jondell 1974, 34).

4.  The interpretation of insular metalwork in Norwegian Viking Age graves

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Figure 51a–b. a) The distribution of balance scales of insular origin found in Norway. Drawing by Ermias B. Tesfamariam. Terrain basemaps produced using Copernicus data and information funded by the European Union – EU-DEM layers https://www.eea.europa.eu/ data-and-maps/data/eu-dem#tab-metadata. b) Balance scale with 8 weights from Jåtten, Stavanger, Rogaland (B4772). Photo: Ann-Mari Olsen, University Museum of Bergen. License: CC BY-SA 4.0.

5 Early Christian churches and graves

The Mass shall only be celebrated by a consecrated altar and not in an ordinary house. This did not prevent the services from being held in open air, using a portable altar, altar portatile. It is likely that such altars were used by missionaries. The Mass could also be celebrated in a tent. Another possibility, if consecration of a church was impossible at the time, was that the actual altar stone could be consecrated by a bishop and then brought to the church. Erected crosses may have been the oldest way to mark the place of liturgical actions, before churches were built (Tveito 2005, 300–303). The possibilities for the presence of Christian graves and churches that can be dated back to the late Viking Age are strongly under-communicated; despite the fact that after World War II a number of archaeological excavations were completed that may have revealed such cases. This applies to the many excavations in still-standing stave and stone churches from the Middle Ages, from church ruins or from excavations where traces appear under level ground. In recent decades much progress has been made on dating methods that have been used in dating churches and early Christian graves. The standing churches are often dated using written sources, dendrochronological dates on construction timbers and/or the occurrence of coins found under the church floor. In many instances, stratified remains of one, two or even three wooden churches have been found beneath extant structures. This allows for a certain chronological assessment of the age of the older wooden churches. Such an assessment, with estimates of the expected lifetime of the different wooden churches, is rare to find. Coins are often used in dating but it can be difficult to relate them to the individual stages of church buildings. In addition, coins earlier than the eleventh century rarely occur in church remains (I know one coin find from the tenth century, from Mære Church, where an English coin from King Aethelred II (971–991) has been found). The use of

dendrochronology is also rare for materials other than those found in standing buildings. Radiocarbon dates exist but, in some cases, their value can be questioned because of wide error margins. In many comments on actual dates, they are said to be ‘earlier than expected’. It can be the case that the woodwork and posts that are dated are not taken from the outer (ie the youngest) part of the original timber and consequently have a certain age of their own (an ‘old age’ effect) which does not directly reflect the date of use of the timber in the church structure. Then the dates can be older than expected. However, when radiocarbon dates from older churches repeatedly indicate the tenth century, one must ask which sources are to be trusted when we want to date the remains of a church. If one has as a starting point that Christianity in Norway first really broke through in the early eleventh century, one would not expect the date of churches to be earlier. Of course, this applies even more to areas where the written sources tell of great opposition to Christianity and, thus, one would expect late church buildings and Christian graves. It is common to find graves in connection with the earliest churches. The fact that these are Christian graves may be concluded from the lack of grave goods, the orientation (near) east–west and that fact that the dead are buried in a wooden coffin. Where there is a succession of wooden churches, the graves are also found in several layers but oriented according to the location of the churches. Since the graves rarely contain datable coins, radiocarbon dates may be obtained from the skeleton, the wooden coffin and, in some cases, wooden sticks in the grave. The most accurate dates are achieved from thin sticks (roundwood), as well as skeletal debris, while dating of wooden coffins may also suffer from the ‘old age’ effect, depending on where the samples of the original tree come from. It is important that datings from churches, skeletons, coffins and any other dated materials are studied in context

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so that it becomes possible to uncover any sources of error that may be present. It is also important that datings that differ from the expected age are not simply ‘explained away’, and that one is open to the possibility that statements in written sources, especially the kings’ Sagas, are not necessarily to be trusted. We must expect that Snorre

Sturlasson and other Saga writers wanted to emphasize the ‘Christianization Kings’ efforts in the Christianization process, and especially overstate the role of Norway’s national saint Olav Haraldsson in this regard. That could prevent us from discovering other established Christian communities in Norway that are not mentioned in the Sagas.

6 A geographical analysis of the Christianization process in Norway

How can we describe the Christianization process in Norway, based on the archaeological material presented above, supported by written sources where they are present? In addition to insular metal objects I have included in the study stone crosses, Tating ware pitchers and glass. Manuscript fragments from abroad but found in Norway and made in the tenth and eleventh centuries are also included. In the following geographical analysis I will also look at the earliest occurrence of Anglo-Saxon and Frankish coins, mainly to trace the relations abroad. Certain rune stones will be looked at when elucidating the Christianization process. The earliest Christian graves and churches are important too. In the analysis I have chosen those that are radiocarbon dated within the Viking Age. My aim is to study the context of all these objects and monuments in different parts of Norway to find out which might relate to missionary attempts, which are more likely expressions of gift exchange and alliance building and which might rather relate to trade. From what I have said earlier, raiding and robbing are for me of secondary importance. Based on the written sources, we have to look at the Irish influence into Norway, especially western Norway, in the archaeological material between AD 600 and the tenth century, but probably that from England and Northumbria as well. In the eastern parts of Norway especially we will also look for influence from the Continent, from the Frankish empire, from Friesland and other parts of Germany and Denmark. The written sources and some of the archaeological material show Christian influence from those parts of Europe. There are, however, no reasons to believe that there were sharp boundaries between the different zones of influence. One exception is the stone crosses. Most of them are found in western Norway. Many are supposed to be of Celtic forms, others Anglian and some are of a very simple form that might belong to the earliest Christianization phase. We will see how the stone crosses relate to insular metal objects found here. It has been suggested that stone crosses were erected at sites for Christian worship or to mark the Christian

identity of the landowner. How are they to be interpreted in western Norway? Many crosses and cross-marked stones Clerical, Liturgical

æ

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Stone crosses Croiziers Reliquaries & shrines Cross mountings Book mountings

Møre og Romsdal

Manuscript pointer & turner Hanging & bronze bowls

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Ladles & buckets Altars & tabernacles Tating ware pitchers Glass vessels

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æ æ

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æ æ

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Grimstad

Figure 52. The distribution of clerical and liturgical objects found in western Norway. Drawing by Ermias B. Tesfamariam, Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo. Terrain basemaps produced using Copernicus data and information funded by the European Union – EU-DEM layers https://www.eea.europa.eu/data-and-maps/ data/eu-dem#tab-metadata.

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have been found round some of the papa sites on the Islands of the western ocean (Olsen 2009). I will work through all parts of Norway, starting in the west around Selja, where we have the earliest indications of Christian influence.

Western Norway Selja and Nordfjord, Sogn og Fjordane Many of the earliest ecclesiastical objects found in Norway are confined to this area, and they might suggest an undocumented attempt to set up a Celtic eremitic community in the region. The objects may have come into the hands of the Norse population if the community of monks died out (or were killed), or as a result of the giftgiving that often supplemented or was part of attempts to convert pagans in early medieval Europe. (Gaut 2001, 121)

Near the island of Selja, in Selje municipality, two archaeological evidences of connections to the British Isles are known; both on the Stadt peninsula: Årsheim, Hove s., Selje (B 6613a) (Fig. 53): Two corresponding mounts of gilt bronze, rectangular, divided into two panels of equal size. One of them is pyramidalshaped with a square, empty setting at the top. The latter has only interlaced-ornamentation, while the other has animal ornaments too. Size 6 by 3.7 cm.: probably from a woman’s grave. It cannot be accurately dated. (Petersen 1940, 55). It has been classified by Wamers (1985) as a cross-mount (Appendix D). Ervik, Hove s., Selje (cf. B 6307–9) (Fig. 54): A coin classified as a Northumbrian styca and dated to 750 (Petersen 1940, 150). Kolbjørn Skaare (1976, 158) says this is an ‘Anglo-Saxon (Northumbrian) sceatta, c. 750/8. … found in shifting sands on the shore’. The sceat was jointly struck by King Eadberht of Northumbria and the Archbishop Eggbert of York and is now dated to c. 737–758 (Gaut 2001, 74–91; Screen 2013, 58).

Figure 53. Cross-mounts (each 6.0×3.7 cm) from Årsheim, Selje, Sogn og Fjordane (B6613). Photo: Svein Skare, University Museum of Bergen. License: CC BY-SA 4.0.

Figure 54. Northumbrian styca, struck by King Eadberht of Northumbria and Archbishop Eggbert of York AD 737–758, found at Ervik, Hove, Selje, Sogn og Fjordane. Photo: Lill-Ann ChepstowLusty, Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo. License: CC BY-SA 4.0.

In Nordfjord, which extends from the coast south of Selja and eastwards into the country, four stone crosses are located (Appendix A): Loen churchyard, Stryn: Celtic stone cross type A, from 750–tenth century (Fig. 55) Rygg, Gloppen: stone cross of simple/old type (E), from 600–?. ‘A cross in Cornwall is in shape very close to this unprecedented Norwegian cross’ (Birkeli 1995, 56). Reference to the Outer Hebrides has, however, also been mentioned (Fisher 2010, 110–111). (Fig. 56). Vereide, Gloppen: stone cross of C-type, from 900–1000. Midtgjeld, Eid: stone cross of C-type, from 900–1000. Here several other insular metal objects are also found: Folva, Stryn (B4752b) (Fig. 57): gilded bronze book-mount, from a female grave from the ninth century (Jåtten 2006, 98).

Figure 55. Stone cross of type A from Loen churchyard, Stryn, Sogn og Fjordane (height 2.07 m). Photo: Tourist Photo, Willy Haraldsen.

6.  A geographical analysis of the Christianization process in Norway

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Figure 58. Bronze bowl (diameter 27 cm, depth 9.5 cm) from Gloppestad, Gloppen, Sogn og Fjordane (B4844i). Photo: University Museum of Bergen. License: CC BY-SA 4.0.

Figure 56. Stone cross type E from Rygg, Gloppen, Sogn og Fjordane Height 2.13 m). Photo: Gloppen sogelag.

Figure 57. Folva, Stryn, Sogn og Fjordane, book-mount (4.8×3.9 cm) (B4752b). Photo: Svein Skare, University Museum of Bergen. License: CC BY-SA 4.0.

Figure 59. Skrøppa, Gloppen, Sogn og Fjordane, mount from a reliquary (diameter 5.7 cm) (B11304a). Photo: Svein Skare, University Museum of Bergen. License: CC BY-SA 4.0.

Midresunde, Stryn (B4505b): fragment of ring brooch of gilded bronze, from a female grave from 800–850 (Jåtten 2006, 98–99, Glørstad 2010, 64). Bø, Stryn (B4297c): part of a balance, found in a male grave from the eighth century (Jåtten 2006, 99). Hilde, Stryn (B5766a): fragments of a bronze bowl, found in a female boat grave (Jåtten 2006, 99). Fure, Stryn (B5786): bridle of bronze from a male weapon grave from the ninth century (Jåtten 2006, 99). Sande, Gloppen (B6538g): small balance and two lead weights, found in a male grave from the tenth century (Jåtten 2006, 99). Sande, Gloppen (B6026): mount of gilded bronze and two ringed pins of bronze, from a mixed male and female grave (Jåtten 2006, 99). Gloppestad, Gloppen (B4844i, k) (Fig. 58): bronze bowl and balance with case, found in a weapons grave from the tenth century (Jåtten 2006, 99–100). Eide, Gloppen (B8821f): balance of bronze, from a male weapon grave from the tenth century (Jåtten 2006, 100).

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Figure 60. Hinge from a reliquary (length 7.4 cm), from Sanddal, Gloppen, Sogn og Fjordane (B9014c). Photo: Svein Skare, University Museum of Bergen. License: CC BY-SA 4.0.

Skrøppa, Breim, Gloppen (B11304) (Fig. 59): disc-shaped shrine mount, possibly from Anglo-Saxon area (Bakka 1963, 55–56). Sanddal, Breim, Gloppen (B9014c, d) (Figs 60, 62): a complete set of hinges from a reliquary and bottom part of a thick-walled glass vessel. Sårheim, Gloppen (B6675): silver thistle brooch (Jåtten 2006, 100). Bø, Gloppen (B6688 and 6618): fragments of a balance, from a rich male grave from the ninth century (Jåtten 2006, 100). Bø, Gloppen (B3081): well-preserved balance of bronze, found in a weapon grave from the ninth century (Jåtten 2006, 100–101). Henden øvre, Eid (B11096): Insular ringed pin of gilded bronze; from a female grave (Glørstad 2010, 64). Myklebust, Eid, (B2978) (Fig. 61): hanging-bowl with three man-shaped escutcheons, from a rich male boat grave, from the eighth–ninth century. Myklebust, Eid (B5807 III): the rim of a bronze bowl, from a female grave from the eighth–ninth century (Jåtten 2006, 101). Myklebust, Eid (B5730o): balance scale from a weapons grave from the tenth century (Jåtten 2006, 101). Lefdal, Eid (B470): bridle of bronze. The areas around Selja and eastwards in Nordfjord already exhibit relations with the British Isles in the archaeological material from about 750. This is reflected in stone crosses, hanging bowls, bronze bowls and mounts and hinges from reliquaries. The contact areas were particularly with the Irish/Celtic/Northumbrian parts of the British Isles and, to a lesser degree, with the Anglo-Saxon areas. Kalle Sognnes (1979, 75–83) designated Gloppen as well as Stryn, where three of the four stone crosses and pieces of reliquaries are found, as two possible economic centres in western Norway, with international contacts during the Viking Age. In Nordfjord the influence from the British Isles lasted in any case until the tenth century. It is likely that there was active missionary activity here from the Celtic areas of the British Isles, and that Christianization was marked by erecting stone crosses at central locations, maybe to mark the first baptism and church sites. The relatively large number of ringed pins, balances and bridles might reflect gift-giving,

Figure 61. Hanging-bowl with 3 anthropomorphic escutcheons from a rich male boat-grave at Myklebust, Eid, Sogn og Fjordane (B2978) (diameter 26 cm). Photo:Adnan Icagic © University Museum of Bergen. Licence: CC BY-SA 4.0.

Figure 62. Bottom part of a thick-walled glass vessel (height 3.2 cm) from Sanddal, Gloppen, Sogn og Fjordane (B9014d). Photo: University museum of Bergen. License: CC BY-SA 4.0.

either through missionary activity or through relations with people in Ireland and Northumbria.

Kinn, Flora, Sogn og Fjordane On the island of Kinn and on Svanøy in the same municipality, two stone crosses are known: Kinn, Flora: stone cross of Anglian type, eighth–eleventh century. Svanøy, Flora: stone cross of Anglian type, eighth–eleventh century (Fig. 63). There is a runic inscription on the cross, an epitaph. The runes are dated to ‘the oldest Christian time in Western Norway’ (M. Olsen, after Birkeli 1995, 56). As with

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Figure 64. Gilded mount, probably from a book or book shrine (MS 5579/1) (diameter 7 cm) from Naustdal, Sunnfjord, Sogn og Fjordane: Photo: Egil Mikkelsen.

Figure 63. Stone cross type B from Svanøy, Kinn, Flora, Sogn og Fjordane (height 2.04 m). Copyright © Johan Trygve Solheim 2007.

around Selja, we have close relations with the British Isles around Kinn, which may go back to the eighth century. The crosses here, however, are pointing to Anglo-Saxon influences. Parts of a private collection, mainly of Viking Age artefacts, were donated to the Oslo Cathedral School library in 2016. Among these was an Irish boss, a circular mount probably from a book or book shrine. It is said that it comes from Naustdal in Sunnfjord, Sogn og Fjordane (Fig. 64). According to tradition it was part of a hoard (probably a grave find) of 14 Norse and Irish iron and bronze artefacts found by a farmer in Naustdal c. 1885 and kept by his heirs until 1990. It has been published by Susan Young (1993). It is a piece of very high quality, of gilt bronze, diameter 7.2 cm and richly decorated in ‘Scroll-and-trumpet-pattern’ with animals in Lindisfarne style (Wamers 1991, 119). It has one central inlay of amber and eight more gem settings. It was made in Ireland around 700–750 and has its closest parallel in the so called ‘Steeple Bumpstead Boss’, found in north Essex (Young 1993). On the back there are traces of iron needle fittings for later use as a brooch in the late Viking context. Kinn was probably among the country’s earliest Christian sites, linked to the Selje men who, early on, became revered

as saints. Several scholars have suggested that these may have been Irish hermit monks who settled in caves in these places near to the open sea. This may have occurred prior to the actual mission voyages from the British Isles and without monks bringing equipment with them to establish Christian churches from the beginning. The stone cross at Svanøy and the book mount from Naustdal are probably traces of later mission attempt eastward and inland from Kinn.

Vik, Sogn og Fjordane Vik in Sogn og Fjordane is the third economic centre Kalle Sognnes distinguished in this county, with plenty of finds from the Viking Age (Sognnes 1979, 81–82). The following archaeological finds of insular origin are included in the present analysis: Hopperstad (B4511): From this rich female grave from the eighth–tenth centuries the following objects of Irish or Northumbrian origin were found: 2 hanging bowls with bird-shaped escutcheons; fragments of a bronze bowl (Fig. 65a, b); handle to a bronze ladle (saucepan) (Fig. 65c); a wooden bucket with Irish ornamented mounts; a balance scale (Fig. 65d); and lead-weights with mounts of gilded bronze, originally from the roof-ridge of a houseshaped reliquary (Jåtten 2006, 96; Sørheim 2011, 54). Hopperstad Church (B328) (Fig. 65a): hanging bowl with one bird-shaped escutcheon from ninth–tenth century. Hopperstad (B9060b): mount, probably from an arm of a cross, from a female grave from the tenth century (Jåtten 2006, 96).

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a

b

d

c

Figure 65a–d. a) Two hanging bowls (B4511b and B328) (the largest diameter 42 cm). b) 3 escutcheons from hanging bowl B4511b. c) bronze ladle (B4511d) (handle length 25 cm. d) Balance scale (B4511h) from Hopperstad, Vik, Sogn og Fjordane. Photos: Svein Skare, University Museum of Bergen. License: CC BY-SA 4.0

Skjerven (B6500c) (Fig. 66): round gilded bronze shrine mount, from a female grave from the eighth or beginning of the ninth century. Vangsnes (B701) (Fig. 67): round vaulted mount of gilded bronze from an altar, from a female grave from the eighth or ninth century. Vangsnes (B690): very fragmented bronze bowl, found in a male weapon grave from the tenth century (Jåtten 2006, 97). Brekka, Kyrkjebø (B6637) (Fig. 68): Guilded bronze-mount from a reliquary. Sæbø (B1240): fragments of mount of gilded bronze, with traces of a lug (Jåtten 2006, 96–97). Hove (B5551f–g): a drinking horn mount, animal headshaped end. Hønsi (B716): fragmented bridle of iron and bronze, from a female grave from the tenth century (Jåtten 2006, 96).

We thus find fragments of two reliquaries, one mount from a cross and one from an altar and three hanging bowls in Vik, Sogn og Fjordane, but no stone crosses. Through the archaeological material in Vik, we can document influence: mainly from Irish/Celtic areas: from at least 800. It has been suggested that the rich female grave from Hopperstad (B4511) could reflect matrimonial alliances: a chieftain in Vik brought a Christian wife from Ireland as part of an alliance between two families. The insular objects are then seen as part of the dowry the Irish woman brought with her into the marriage (Bødal 1998, 106–108; Jåtten 2006, 67). Another interpretation is that relations with Ireland resulted in missionaries coming to Vik. After finishing or giving up the mission, objects brought by the missionaries were deposited into a local grave – a grave for a woman that might have been Christianized but where the surviving relatives preferred a pagan funeral. These are two of several possible interpretations of the insular finds in Vik.

6.  A geographical analysis of the Christianization process in Norway

Figure 66. Mount from a reliquary from Skjerven, Vik, Sogn og Fjordane (diameter 3.0 cm) (B6500c). Photo: Svein Skare, University Museum of Bergen. License: CC BY-SA 4.0.

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Figure 68. Gilded bronze-mount from a reliquary from Brekka, Kyrkjebø, Vik, Sogn og Fjordane, (diameter 5.5 cm) (B6637a). Photo: Svein Skare, University Museum of Bergen. License: CC BY-SA 4.0.

Figure 69. Kaupanger stave church, Sogn og Fjordane, with the Sognefjord in the background. Photo: Dagfinn Rasmussen, Directorate for Cultural Heritage, Norway.

Figure 67. Mount, probably from an altar, from Vangsnes, Vik, Sogn og Fjordane (diameter c. 14 cm) (B701). Photo: Svein Skare, University Museum of Bergen. License: CC BY-SA 4.0.

Kaupanger, Sogn og Fjordane Kaupanger is situated in the inner part of the Sognefjord, 40–50 km east of Vik. It was a junction between the inland and Eastern Norway and the coastal areas of Western Norway. In an area with permanent farming settlements

from the Iron Age, ironworking and smith’s activity are found. Then a marketplace: kaupang: developed, probably established by one or more local magnates in the late tenth century. At that time there was also an assembly place (tingplass) at Kaupanger (Knagenhjelm 2004; 2008). Today, Kaupanger stave church (Kaupanger III) from the twelfth century (sometime after 1137) stands here, on the outskirts of the former kaupang area. (Fig. 69). Excavations inside this church in 1964 confirm that two older churches were built here. The second church (Kaupanger II) was burnt down. It was built with standing posts with a wooden floor and frame construction walls; the nave measured

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Table 1. Radiocarbon dates: Kaupanger Stave Church (II), Sogn og Fjordane. Context

Material

Lab. ref.

Determination BP

Calibrated date AD, 1 σ

Calibrated date AD , 2 σ

Nave, fire layer

Charcoal

T-571

1200±80

690–950

670–990

Chancel, fire layer

Charcoal

T-572

1160±80

770–970

680–1020

Posthole B4

Wood

T-573

1150±80

770–970

680–1020

Nave, floor joist

Wood

T-575

1040±80

890–1150

770–1170

Nave, floor joist

Wood

T-576

1010±80

900–1160

770–1220

Pit W floor joist

Wood

T-577

1040±150

770–1170

680–1260

W floor joist

Wood

T-578

1120±80

770–1000

680–1040

Human bone

T-600

980±80

990–1160

890–1220

Grave 19

In all the tables the results were calibrated using OxCal v4.2.4 Bronk Ramsey (2013); r: 5 and the data set IntCal13 atmospheric curve (Reimer et al. 2013). Dates are rounded out to 10 years following the rescommendations of Mook (1986).

Figure 70. Calibrated radiocarbon dates from Kaupanger stave church (II), Sogn og Fjordane.

c. 8.3 × 5.2  m, the chancel 2.5 × 3–3.5  m. The church changed from a post- to a stave church (Lidén 1969). Radiocarbon dates exist from this church (Kaupanger II) (Bjerknes and Lidén 1975, 43–44; Knagenhjelm 2004, 86) (Table 1), indicating that the church Kaupanger II was probably built in the tenth century, the late Viking Age, and must, according to the radiocarbon dates, be one of our oldest churches. Several graves were found in the area directly outside the burnt church. Their situations in relation to the walls of the latest church (Kaupanger III) show that the graves were older than this present church. They were obviously Christian graves: oriented east–west, the dead buried in wooden coffins and without grave furniture. Unfortunately no anthropological investigations were carried out on the skeletal material. One of the earliest graves was radiocarbondated to cal AD 890–1220 (Table 1, T-600) (Bjerknes and Lidén 1975, 41, 43–44; Knagenhjelm 2004, 86). The excavator, Hans-Emil Lidén (1969, 78, 66) thought that the

age of the church and this grave ‘are a little too high’. This must be based on an expectation that Christianity and church building, according to written sources, were first introduced during the eleventh century. The existence of Christian graves older than the burnt church point to the possibility of there being an even older church at the site (Lidén 1969, 68). Post-holes that were sealed by burnt layers and thus older than the burnt Kaupanger II are, for obvious reasons, parts of the first church at the site, Kaupanger I. This church had corner posts and posts in the middle of the long walls and measured c. 5.5 × 4.2 m; no chancel was found. Graves surrounded this church building too (Lidén 1969, 68, 71). No skeletal material or samples from the graves or Kaupanger I have been dated, although Christoffer Knagenhjelm (2004, 89) suggests that grave 19 and Kaupanger I were contemporaneous and that both are from the first half of the eleventh century. If we use the radiocarbon dates from Kaupanger II above (Table 1), Kaupanger I must belong to the tenth century and perhaps

6.  A geographical analysis of the Christianization process in Norway

Figure 71. Urnes stave church, Sogn og Fjordane. Photo: Egil Mikkelsen.

even early in that century. So, a Christian society probably existed here during parts of the tenth century. As we yet lack tenth century radiocarbon dates from the market place so it is difficult to determine the relationship between this, Christianization and church building. The archaeological material, however, shows manufacturing activity, mainly ironwork, at the end of the tenth century. Knagenhjelm says that ‘the oldest church in Kaupanger could, theoretically, have been built before as well as after the establishing of kaupangen [the market place], depending on who built it and in what context’ (Knagenhjelm 2004, 89). It is assumed that the first church, Kaupanger I, was a small private church built by a farmer or a man of high status (Knagenhjelm 2004, 119–120). We cannot decide whether or not the manufacturing and market site at Kaupanger was what attracted missionaries to Kaupanger, as was possibly the case at Kaupang in Vestfold. There was, however, a close relation between a central farm here, with a powerful man initiating iron and other types of production, which again laid the foundation for a market place, Christianization and church-building during the tenth century.

Urnes, Sogn og Fjordane Urnes stave church is situated in a fertile area in the inner part of the Sognefjord, by the Lustrafjord in Luster. The present stave church is dated to c. 1140 (Urnes IV). Archaeological excavations have shown that three older churches stood on the same site (Urnes I–III; Fig. 71). Urnes I was a post-built church, with a nave measuring c. 6.5 × 5.0 m, chancel c. 3 × 3 m (Christie 1959). Urnes II had earthfast corner posts, with ground sills as part of the wall construction and a nave of at least 8.2 × 5.8  m (Bjerknes 1959; Krogh 1972). Knud J. Krogh (2011, 171 f.) argued for a third forerunner for the present church, Urnes III, and that this was raised c. 1070 or may be a little later. This is the church that originally contained the richly carved

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Urnes ornaments that are incorporated in the present church. It had staves in the corners and these and the outer walls were infilled with planks standing on ground sills with rectangular cross-sections lying, on the broadside, on stone foundations. The nave measured at least 7.2 × c. 5.2 m; the chancel was 3.5 m wide. There are three radiocarbon dates from the churches (Gulliksen et al. 1978, 131; Table 2). It is clear that, with three churches prior to the one built c. 1140, it is probable that church building at the site took place late in the tenth century. It has been suggested that the Urnes church was originally built as a private farm church. That means Christianization here of at least a family (or the community) in the later part of the Viking Age. That could have been the result of the same mission that resulted in Christian conversion at both Kaupanger and Urnes. Christian graves were found during the excavations at Urnes, even under the stone filling beneath the floor of Urnes I and thus older than the first church. Håkon Christie (1959, 55–56) observed stratigraphically several graves that were older or contemporary with Urnes I. That means graves from the tenth century (or older). Unfortunately no radiocarbon dates exist from these graves.

Gulen, Sogn og Fjordane In the tenth century, if not earlier, the Gulathing Law province and an assembly place for western Norway were established, localized to Gulen in Sogn og Fjordane (Andersen 1977, 94; Iversen 2015, 10). The vicarage in Gulen is Eivindvik, and here are erected two stone crosses: Eivindvik, Gulen: one stone cross is of Celtic type (from 750–950) (Type A; Fig. 73), and one is an Anglian stone cross (from the eighth–eleventh century; Type B; see Fig. 12; Birkeli 1995, 55; Gabrielsen 2007). These show that Christian influence had been active here during the Viking Age, and it is tempting to relate the two crosses to the introduction of Christianity.We have heard that it was common during the Christianization process in the tenth century, under Håkon the Good and Olav Tryggvason, to address the question of Christianization at the assembly place. In any case, the Anglian cross may well be linked to the decision to convert to Christianity here at Gulatinget under ‘the missionary kings’ (cf. Birkeli 1995, 55). A simple carved baptismal font, which is currently located inside the Eivindvik church, had earlier stood near to the sea, next to the Celtic cross. It is suggested by Birkeli that this may be linked to early multiple baptism. A similar stone basin is found by another large stone cross, at Korssund in Askvoll (Birkeli 1995, 55–56). Another discovery has been made in Gulen, interpreted as religious equipment: Hantveit (B10243) (Fig. 74): circular mount from a cross with four semilunar extensions.

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Table 2. Radiocarbon dates: Urnes (I) Stave Church, Sogn og Fjordane. Context W nave raft beam

Material

Lab. ref.

Determination BP

Calibrated date AD, 1 σ

Calibrated date AD, 2 σ

Wood

T-1776

980+70

990–1160

890–1220

NE post in chancel, older building

Wood

T-1777

1120+110

770–1020

670–1160

Roof boarding in nave

Wood

T-1778

1010+70

970–1160

880–1210

Figure 72. Calibrated radiocarbon dates from Urnes stave church (I), Sogn og Fjordane.

Figure 74. Mount from a cross from Hantveit, Gulen, Sogn og Fjordane, (greatest measurement 7.3 cm) (B10243). Photo: Olav Espevoll, University Museum of Bergen. License: CC BY-SA 4.0.

Figure 73. Stone cross of type A at Eivindvik, Gulen, Sogn og Fjordane (height 2.7 m). Photo: John Erling Blad, Wikipedia License: CC BY-SA 3.0.

The crosses in Eivindvik can partly be interpreted as testimony of an early Celtic mission thrust in the area (the oldest cross) and partly as marking a Christian place after Christianity was adopted at the Gulathing in the tenth century, during the reign of the Christianization kings Håkon the Good or Olav Tryggvason.

Veøy and Rauma, Romsdal, Møre og Romsdal Veøy (meaning: ‘the holy island’) is a small island, located where Moldefjorden eastward splits into the Romsdalsfjord

and the Langfjord. Here is a medieval stone church and the remains of a market place from the same time (which probably goes back to the tenth century). During excavations carried out by Brit Solli, two cemeteries were also found, with graves and two wooden churches inside one of the cemeteries (Solli 1996; 2008a; 2008b; 2013; Fig. 75). The earliest graves were very badly preserved, the skeletons as well as the coffins. They were oriented east– west and were obviously Christian (Nordeide 2011, 142). Seven of the graves have been radiocarbon-dated (Table 3), showing that these must be the earliest Christian graves we yet know of from Norway. They cover the whole tenth century but also possibly parts of the ninth. The two rectangular stone enclosures surrounding the graves are later than the oldest graves, probably from the eleventh century

6.  A geographical analysis of the Christianization process in Norway (Nordeide 2011, 145). There could, however, have been wooden fences around the churchyards from the beginning, as the earliest Christian Laws prescribed such fences before a church could be consecrated (Bøe 1963). As there was no ‘black soil’ like that found in the surrounding market place inside the enclosures, the market place must be later than the enclosure, although ‘black soil’ started to accumulate early in the tenth century (Solli and Stamnes 2013, 185). That may strengthen the theory that earlier wooden fences were replaced by stone walls. Geophysical investigating of the site in 2011 showed the distribution of graves within the enclosures (Fig. 75). In the middle of churchyard 1 (enclosure 1) were found traces of two buildings, both interpreted as church buildings. Building 1 was small and deeper, measuring c. 5.6 × 5.8  m and oriented east–west. A later building (church) above building 1 had a nave measuring c. 12–13 × 8.2 m and a chancel of 4.7 × 4.5 m. A third construction measuring 4.5 × 4.5 m is

Figure 75. The archaeological interpretation of the analysis at the churchyards at Veøy, Møre og Romsdal. From Solli and Stamnes 2013, fig. 15.

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interpreted as being the remains of a free-standing bell tower (Solli & Stamnes 2013, 196–197). Graves, but no church, were found inside churchyard 2. There are no radiocarbon dates for the two early wooden churches. No graves, however, are found inside the churches but surround them (Solli and Stamnes 2013, figs  13–14). That means that the churches were probably as early as the early graves, indicating a church building by at least around 900. This is about the time that the market place was starting to grow. There might be a connection between the Christianization process and urbanization at Veøy (Solli 2008a). Solli (1996) argues that whoever was controlling Veøy in about 950 must have been a powerful man and that he and his family who, during the tenth century, converted to Christianity, had strong ties to the expanding unified kingdom, with the missionary Kings Håkon the Good and Olav Tryggvason and especially Håkon (cf. Solli 2013, 187, 190). Sæbjørg Walaker Nordeide (2011) argues that the existence of an early Christian burial place at Veøy already

Figure 76. Calibrated radiocarbon dates from Veøy, Molde, Møre og Romsdal.

Table 3. Radiocarbon dates: Veøy, Molde, Møre og Romsdal. Context

Material

Lab. ref.

Determination BP

Calibrated date AD, 1 σ

Calibrated date AD, 2 σ

Human bone

T-10411

1111+151

710–1040

650–1220

Grave 16/1

Bark

Beta-56479

1180+70

730–960

680–990

Grave 16/2

Pine wood

T-10412

1117+78

770–1020

680–1040

Grave 16/2

Pine wood

Beta-56480

1060+60

890–1030

770–1160

Grave 17/1

Pine wood

Beta-56482

910+50

1040–1170

1020–1220

Grave 17/2

Pine wood

T-10415

1098+42

890–990

770–1030

Grave 17/2

Pine wood

Beta-56483

1090+60

890–1020

770–1030

Grave 17/3

Pine wood

T-10416

1101+42

890–990

770–1030

Grave 17/3

Pine wood

Beta-56484

1130+60

770–990

730–1020

Grave 19/1?

Diff. wood

T-10418

985+101

900–1170

770–1260

Grave 19/2

Pine wood?

Beta-56485

1160+50

770–950

720–990

Grave 16/1

76

Looting or Missioning

a

d

b

e

c

Figure 77a–e. a) Reliquary (11.5×5.0×8.8 cm) (T18198a); b) Part of a crozier (diameter 3.7 cm) (T18198e); c) Hanging bowl (diameter 35 cm) (T18198b); d–e) 2 bronze weights (weight 53.6 and 18.4 g) (T18198c-d) from Setnes, Grytten, Rauma, Møre og Romsdal. Photos: Ole Bjørn Pedersen, NTNU University Museum, Trondheim. CC BY-SA 4.0.

in the ninth century is due to the possible presence of an early monastery on the island founded by foreign monks as part of a mission strategy. The existence of a monastery with British monks is rejected for good reason by Solli (2013, 190). I want to see if there is anything in these opposing viewpoints that might be reconciled. Solli (1996, 192f; 2013) as well as Nordeide (2011) discuss Veøy in relation to the insular objects found in Grytten, Rauma, Romsdalen, at the bottom of the fjord that leads eastward from Veøy. Of particular interest is the Setnes grave find, one of the richest graves we know containing insular objects in Norway.

Setnes, Grytten (T18198) (Fig. 77a–e): Rich female boat grave with a relatively well-preserved reliquary; a piece from a crozier of gilded bronze; a hanging-bowl with three bird-shaped escutcheons; scales and weights etc (Nordeide 2011, fig. 8a–c). All these objects are of Irish or Northumbrian origin and are dated to about 700–900. The date of the burial itself is early tenth century (Marstrander 1963, 136f, 155; Solli 1996, 195). The Setnes grave has been interpreted as a reaction against the Christians (Nordeide 2011, 140) – a manifestation of the old way of thinking and living, against a new way of

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Figure 78. Mount, possibly from a shrine (8.4×1.6 cm), from Sogge, Surnadal, Møre og Romsdal (T15949a). Photo: Ole Bjørn Pedersen, NTNU University Museum, Trondheim. License: CC BY-SA 4.0.

Figure 80. Gilded silver penannular brooch (B1471) from Veøy, Molde, Møre og Romsdal, Photo: Svein Skar, University Museum of Bergen. License: CC BY-SA 4.0.

Figure 79. Two stone crosses from Kors cemetery, Flatmark, Rauma, Møre og Romsdal. Photo: Wikimedia Commons. License: CC BY-SA 3.0.

thinking and living under a period of severe tension and stress. The symbolic manifestation in the material culture of the Setnes grave might have provoked those who were already Christians (Solli 1996, 203–204). One more grave with insular metalwork has been found in Grytten, Rauma: Hen, Grytten (T4351): Bronze bowl. A woman’s grave, most likely from the earlier half of the ninth century (Petersen 1940, 107). In addition to these finds we have insular finds in Romsdal from Bud (T9607): a drinking horn mount of bronze (Petersen 1940, 62); from Tornes (T10479): part of horse garments (Wamers 1985, 93); and from Sylte (T290)I an animal sculpture of jet. At Nesbø (B4826) a hoard of 272 Anglo-Saxon coins has been found, together with 3 Irish, 119 German, 1 Norwegian, 1 Russian and 2 Kufic coins, fragments of a silver brooch and a silver ingot. The hoard was hidden around 1023 (Petersen 1940, 150; Skaare 1976). Two stone crosses from Romsdalen have also recently been ‘discovered’, standing on the cemetery of Kors old church foundation by Flatmark, Rauma, Møre og Romsdal (https://no.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kors_kirke; Fig. 79). They

are relatively short, resembling the stone crosses from Numedal, Buskerud and some from north Jæren, Rogaland. Judging from photos, they are probably of the B-type (Anglian) which is difficult to date precisely within the Viking Age (Gabrielsen 2005, 2007; Baug 2015). It remains an open question as to whether the erection of the stone crosses has anything to do with the mission work that is expressed through the Setnes grave and other insular objects from Grytten, or later missioning attempts under Håkon the Good or the other Christianization kings. Returning to Veøy, an interesting discovery has been made there that may establish connections between Setnes and Veøy: in the vicarage on Veøy was found a silver penannular brooch (Fig.  80) and a bronze strap-buckle. They are probably of Irish origin, and presumably from a man’s grave (Pettersen 1940, 60; Solli 1996, 195; Glørstad 2010, 64, 68, 317). The brooch is dated to the ninth century (Wamers 1985, 93). Brit Solli (1996, 196) merely concludes ‘that artefacts of Irish provenance are found on Veøy is of course highly interesting’. Glørstad (2010, 70) claims that the insular buckles come from areas with special contact with the insular areas. We have, in other words, objects of Irish/Northumbrian origin from the ninth century in Grytten, Rauma, in the inner part of the Romsdalsfjord and at Veøy. The objects in the Setnes grave can be interpreted as an expression of Christian missionary from Ireland or Northumbria (cf. Nordeide 2011, 152): a bishop, perhaps with accompanying priests or monks, was carrying a crozier and a reliquary, which was worn around the neck. The hanging-bowl may have been used during baptism. In addition, scales and weights from the Setnes grave, drinking horn mounts and horse garments point to close Irish relations in Romsdalen. And finally: at Veøy, a penannular brooch and a strap-buckle of Irish origin were found. The mission attempts in the ninth century may have included both the inland districts of Romsdal and Veøy,

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Looting or Missioning

Figure 81. Mount of gilded bronze, probably from an altar (8.7×4.64.8 cm), from Romfo, Sunndal, Møre og Romsdal (C6185). Photo: Eirik I. Johnsen, Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo. License: CC BY-SA 4.0.

but the result may initially have taken a different course. On Veøy it was probably a powerful man’s family who lived and converted to Christianity and then backed the oldest church building, complete with graveyard, at the same time as the market place was being established on site. The penannular brooch and the strap-buckle found on Veøy may have been gifts given by missionaries or friends or allies in Ireland. The fact that the missionaries’ objects were deposited in an obviously pagan grave at Setnes a little later than the church was built on Veøy may indicate that people in the inner fjord were more reluctant to adopt the new faith; either by killing the missionaries and putting their holy objects in their pagan graves, or they were confiscated (Nordeide 2011, 152), or the missionaries died without the clergy being replaced. On Setnes Irish objects had found their way into a woman’s grave, as in many other places in Norway. In the outer part of Romsdal we find drinking horn mounts, horse garments and a jet figure, possibly indicating gift-giving and relations with Celtic cultures on the British Isles. We have here seen that the Christian conversion at Veøy must have taken place 50–100 years before the first missionary King Håkon the Good started his mission work in Møre og Romsdal, from about 950. Veøy could, however, have been a stronghold for his missionary work. We cannot rule out that the second and bigger wooden church at Veøy might have been one of the churches that Håkon built in Møre og Romsdal on this occasion, although the Sagas say that they were later burnt down. It was at Veøy that the county church (fylkeskirken) for Romsdal was located during the Middle Ages (Solli 2008b, 25–26).

Hordaland If we turn towards the southern part of Western Norway, we find two centres with stone crosses and Anglo-Irish objects, in Hordaland: Voss and Etne.

Figure 82. Bronze bowl (diameter 31.5 cm, height 14 cm) from Bryn, Voss, Hordaland (B3987a). Photo: Ann-Mari Olsen, University Museum of Bergen. License: CC BY-SA 4.0.

Voss, Hordaland Here are found two stone crosses of simple/old type (from 600+), from Vangen and Lirhus. Finds of Irish or AngloSaxon metalworks from Voss are: Lunde (B2234): a round disc fragment from a shrine from an Anglo-Saxon area (Bakka 1963, 12). Hornve, Byrkje (Sth.15460): fragments of a bronze bowl, from a female grave from the tenth century (Jåtten 2006, 93). Bryn (B3987a, q) (Fig. 82): bronze bowl, with traces of iron repair and a terminal mount of a drinking horn; from mixed female and male burials, from the ninth century (Jåtten 2006, 93–94). Hyrt (B4864e): tinned mount and top mounts from a drinking horn; from a double grave (male and female) (Jåtten 2006, 94). Voss is not defined as a real international economic centre but has many ancient monuments and finds from the Viking Age and a dense population (Sognnes 1979, 78). Voss might have been a place for insular missionaries during the Viking Age (stone crosses, reliquary and bronze bowls), although it is not possible to describe this in further detail.

Fitjar, Hordaland Fitjar church is situated on the island of Stord, c. 22 km north of Moster, Hordaland, by the inner channel along the west coast of Norway. Until 1867 a medieval stone church was located here, built in the twelfth century. A wooden church was probably standing here before that time but no traces of this church have been found. During archaeological excavations in 1997, a wooden coffin was found near the chancel of the present church, and this was radiocarbon dated to cal 890–1025 (1070+80 BP). No skeleton was found. This might be a grave connected to an older wooden church. This church could have been contemporary with the church built, according to Olav

6.  A geographical analysis of the Christianization process in Norway

79

Tryggvason’s Saga, at Moster in 995, when the king came to Moster with a bishop and priests from England to introduce Christianity. Both places, Moster and Fitjar, seem thus to be two of the strongholds for the final phase of the Christianization of Norway, led by the Norwegian kings. The church was built at the king’s Viking Age manor at Fitjar. (Dunlop 1998; https://kulturminnesok.no/ minne/?queryString=https://kulturminne.no/askeladden/ lokalitet/84143)

Etne, Hordaland At Grindheim: a Celtic stone cross is raised that is said to have been made by foreigners and having its nearest parallels on the Hebrides (Fisher 2010, 110–111; see Fig. 11). Birkeli (1995, 55) has suggested that even the stonemason might have come from the other side of the North Sea. Støle: a disc-shaped shrine-mount (B4712a), probably coming from an Anglo-Saxon area (Bakka 1963, 54–55).

Figure 83. Two enamelled escutcheons from hanging bowl from Utne, Ullensvang, Hordaland (B4266). Photo: Svein Skare, University Museum of Bergen. License: CC BY-SA 4.0.

Grindheim and Støle are two of the three biggest farms in Etne, the richest farming area in Hordaland. Many prehistoric burial mounds are found at these farms.

±

Hovland (B3700): fragment of a ringed pin (silver thistle pin), coming from a treasure find containing silver objects; dated to the tenth century (Jåtten 2006, 92).

æ

Kalle Sognnes (1979, 79) suggests that Etne had direct relations with the British Isles during the Viking Age. These relations probably included missionary activity, and the stone cross might be a manifestation of an early Christian conversion in Etne.

Ryfylke Karmsundet

Rogaland Nearly half the stone crosses from the Viking Age found in western Norway, come from the county of Rogaland: 15 in all. From here it is the shortest distance across to Scotland, Northumbria and England (Fig.  84). Fridtjov Birkeli (1971, 32) thinks the cross variation in Rogaland ‘indicates missionary influence from different sources’ [on the British Isles]. We have stated previously that the A- and E-crosses (the ‘Celtic’ and the simple stone crosses) could have been erected at an earlier stage than the other crosses. Eight of those are found in Rogaland. They are far more often situated on pagan burial mounds here than at other locations (Gabrielsen 2007, 227–233, map p. 122). These might go back to the eighth century. Rogaland is also the county that has the greatest number of Irish/insular metalwork, with one dense group at North Jæren (14 finds) and another a little smaller at Middle Jæren (10 finds). All objects are found in female graves from the ninth century, and mainly from the first part of the century (Bakka 1993, 285, 291).

æ æ 4 æ æ

æ æ

Rogaland

Stavanger

Clerical, Liturgical

æ

æ

Reliquaries & shrines

æ

Cross mountings Hanging & bronze bowls

Jæren

æ

Hå

Stone crosses Croiziers

Klepp

Ladles & buckets Chalice & patens

æ

0

7,5

1:600 000

15 Km

Figure 84. Clerical and liturgical objects from Rogaland, western Norway. Drawing by Ermias B. Tesfamariam. Terrain basemaps produced using Copernicus data and information funded by the European Union – EU-DEM layers https://www.eea.europa.eu/ data-and-maps/data/eu-dem#tab-metadata.

80

Looting or Missioning

Taking the stone crosses as the starting points, I have chosen to separate four concentrations in Rogaland, between Haugesund in the north and Hå in the south, as follows.

Karmsundet and Ryfylke At Gard, Haugesund, just opposite the royal site Avaldsnes, there is an Anglian cross. From Karmøy we have only three ringed pins of bronze, two from Ferkingstad (S1052 and S385) and one from Bygnes (S2980). On the island of Krossøy at Kvitsøy a high C-cross has been erected (see Fig. 15). Nearby are the ruins of a church dedicated to St Clement, but we do not know when this was built. On the island of Rennesøy (Sørbø) there is a D-cross. The islands north-east of Kvitsøy is an area with several Irish metal objects: Varaberg, Rennesøy (C6837): a hing for a reliquary or a book-shrine from late eighth or ninth century, from a female grave from the ninth century (Jåtten 2006, 90). Hegreberg, Rennesøy (S6782h): a hanging bowl with two bird-shaped escutcheons, from a rich mixed female and male grave from the ninth century (Jåtten 2006, 90). Kingestad, Finnøy (S4009a): fragments of a tinned bronze bowl. Vigen, Finnøy (S3258): cross-shaped mount of gilded bronze, with traces of a needle at the back (Jåtten 2006, 91). The crosses mentioned above must point to Christian influence in the area. Being placed at visible spots along the sea route they demonstrate the presence of a new faith. The reliquary, hanging bowl and bronze bowl might be traces of a Christian mission on the islands south of Karmøy. It is, however, important to note that there are no traces of early Christian activity on Karmøy, where the king’s estate, Avaldsnes, is located. The Viking kings had their own agenda on how to handle the Christianization process.

The Stavanger area and Northern Jæren The Stavanger area and Northern Jæren have given most evidence of Christianization in the whole of Norway. From the northern part of Jæren, around the medieval and present day city of Stavanger, we know about eight stone crosses. Three of them, found in Stavanger proper comprise one Celtic cross (Husabø, Hundvåg) and two simple crosses (Søre Sunde and Stavanger). From Sola (Tjelta, Melhaug and Tjora) come three simple and two C-crosses and a fragment of unknown type. The many E-type crosses (the simple type), point to an early Christian influence in this area, probably from Ireland from the eighth century onwards, the influence being maintained, probably also from England, up to the tenth century. (Fig. 85). Insular metal objects do also have a very dense distribution in this part of Rogaland (see Bakka 1993,

Figure 85. Two stone crosses of type C from Tjora, Sola, Rogaland. Photo: Bård Humberset, Sandalsand.

fig. 26). In the Stavanger area and Northern Jæren we have the following: Stavanger (National Museum, Copenhagen 7759): cylindrical mount of gilded bronze of an Irish bishop’s crozier; a stray find said to be from the area around Stavanger (see Fig. 19a–b). Stavanger area? (National Museum, Copenhagen 9084): a very well-preserved reliquary, which was found in Norway. Jåtten (2006, 89) has placed it in the Stavanger area, which must be based on an interpretation of the runes inscribed, which should belong to a special Jæren group (see Fig. 20). Gausel, Stavanger (B4233) (Fig.  86a–d): in this richly equipped female grave were found several metal objects of Irish origin: two gable fragments from a big house-

6.  A geographical analysis of the Christianization process in Norway

81

a

c

b

d

Figure 86a–d. Parts of a set of horse harness fittings from Gausel, Stavanger, Rogaland (B4233). Photo: Svein Skare, University Museum of Bergen. License BY-SA 4.0.

shaped reliquary, a hanging bowl and a set of horse mounts of gilded bronze and mounts to three tail attachments of bronze from drinking horns (Børheim and Soltvedt 2002, 289; Sørheim 2011, 53). Harestad, Randaberg (S2192): semilunar-shaped fragment from a cross-mount and a bronze ring from a ringed

pin; from a mixed female and male burial (Jåtten 2006, 90). Jåtta, Hetland, Stavanger (B4772b) (Fig.  87): bowl, originally from a chalice, secondarily used as case for a balance, and eight lead weights, and fragments of a ringed pin of bronze of a simple type (Jåtten 2006, 89).

82

Looting or Missioning

Figure 87. Bowl, originally the base of a chalice, secondary use as case for a balance (diameter 10.5 cm, height 3.5 cm), from Jåtta, Stavanger, Rogaland (B4772b). Photo: University Museum of Bergen. License BY-SA 4.0.

Hommersåk, Sandnes (S4228f): suspension to a vessel, with a double head, and a ringed pin; found in a weapons grave from the tenth century (Jåtten 2006, 89). Revheim, Stavanger (S1793): a handle from a bronze ladle (Jåtten 2006, 90). Revheim, Stavanger (S12185): gilded bronze mount; from a male boat grave from the ninth century (Jåtten 2006, 89). Objects that might be linked to Christian missionary activity here are the fragments of reliquaries, cross-mounts, hanging and bronze bowls and a chalice. All these are objects often brought by missionaries. A special find is the one from Gausel. (Fig.  86a–d). It is the richest woman’s grave in Rogaland from the Viking Age, from 850–860. During excavations at Gausel 1997–2000, 18 prehistoric buildings and ten burials were uncovered, among these three boat graves from the Viking Age. At Gausel are found the remains of horses in four graves, with harness and bit in two of them. Gausel was an important political power centre in early Viking Age (Børheim and Soltvedt 2002). A similar find with harness fittings like that from Gausel comes from Soma, Sandnes, only 4 km south-west of Gausel (Fig.  88). Along with drinking horn fittings, cheek-piece, Irish ringed pins and perhaps also scales and weights, these finds are of a non-religious character throughout which are interpreted by many in a different way to all the mounts that are broken off religious objects and often secondarily used as jewellery (Glørstad 2010). Horse gear and fittings may have been distributed through elite networks (Gaut 2001, 119). Altogether, the crozier from Stavanger, and the reliquaries, hanging bowls, a cross and a chalice, are strong indication of an active Christian mission, manifested by the many stone crosses on several of the old central farms on northern Jæren. The many simple stone crosses, put up in cooperation between farmers and missionaries, probably point to an early

Figure 88. Set of 22 harness fittings of gilded bronze from Soma, Sandnes, Rogaland (C1950). Photo: Eirik Irgens Johnsen, Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo. License BY-SA 4.0.

mission, possibly from the late eighth century onwards. Many stone crosses were erected on pagan burial mounds. One of the stone crosses, the so-called Stavanger III or the Erling Skjalgsson cross, found originally by Breiavatnet in Stavanger, has four runic lines (Fig. 89). One of them is read as follows: … (Asgeirr) the priest erected this stone in memory of Erling his master … when he fought with Olav (Liestøl 1954). Aslak Liestøl (1954, 254–256) has tried to identify the two persons mentioned as Erling Skjalgsson from Sola and King Olav Haraldsson, who fought a battle in Boknfjorden, where Erling was killed in the year 1028. The stone was then erected by a priest the year after, in 1029. He is supposed to have come from the British Isles as a missionary priest. His name indicates that he had Norse ancestors. Another runic stone (Stavanger II) was found during the demolition of the foundations of the Maria Church in 1883. It had probably stood close to where it was found. The stone is c. 3.6 m long, narrow and rectangular, with runes covering one of the narrow sides. It has been described as one of the most beautiful rune stones from Norway (Olsen 1954c, 242–245). The inscription is read as follows: Ketil erected this stone in memory of Jorunn, his wife, the daughter of Utyrme.

The rune stone is dated by Magnus Olsen (1954c, 245) to the first half of the eleventh century. The occurrence of a small cross carved in front of the first rune in the text defined the stone as Christian, and as long as Christianity, as one believed earlier, was not introduced earlier than the eleventh century, the rune stone could not be dated earlier than that, although the runic inscription can easily be dated to the tenth century (Terje Spurkland, in note 44,

6.  A geographical analysis of the Christianization process in Norway

Figure 89. Stone cross of type E, ‘The Erling Skjalgsson cross’, from Stavanger, Rogaland (height 3.00 m). Photo: Bård Humberset, Sandalsand.

in Brendalsmo and Paasche 2017, 113). It can thus fit well with other evidence of a Christian presence in the Stavanger area during the Viking Age.

Stavanger Cathedral and the Maria Church, Stavanger The medieval town of Stavanger is in the northern part of Jæren, beside a well-protected natural harbour and centrally located in relation to the coastal sea route and the farmlands in the surrounding countryside. Near the cathedral are found traces of settlements from the Migration period and the Viking Age, documented by archaeological finds as well as radiocarbon dates. Excavations in recent years have brought to light building

83

remains, household waste, everyday tools and equipment, waste from metalwork and smithery and comb-making from the middle of the tenth to the middle of the twelfth centuries. Near the Vågen harbour, sand fillings and objects such as pottery, pins from two ringed pins, parts of crucibles and antler waste from the same period have been found. Now it is possible to study a development that extends from a central Iron Age farm to a port, a place of exchange and a town with the name Stavanger. Stavanger had also been an old assembly place (thing place) (Brendalsmo and Paasche 2017, 106–123). In the Middle Ages Stavanger had two churches, the Maria Church from the twelfth century (now in ruins), and 15 m to the south, the cathedral that was dedicated to The Holy Trinity, in addition to St Svithun (died Winchester 862), which is still standing and in full use today. It was originally built as a Romanesque stone church in the early twelfth century, in Anglo-Norman style (Fischer 1964; Johannessen and Eriksson 2015, 47 f.). Graves were found during investigations under the church chancel in 1967–1968 and later excavations in the nave of the cathedral. Most of these probably belong to the oldest graveyard. The graves under the undercroft lie in several layers, which show that the graveyard has been in use for a longer period of time. On this site there was probably a wooden church, older than the stone church. This might have been a fylkeskirke (county church), probably built on the king’s manor. Altogether 11 Christian graves found are stratigraphically older than the Romanesque cathedral. Four of those graves are dated within the Viking Age, 680–1160 (Table 4), nine others to late Viking Age and early Middle Ages (1017–1278) (van der Sluis et.al. 2016, table 2). It is, however, assumed that a pagan cemetery with Viking Age finds was situated near the present-day cathedral. Brendalsmo and Paasche (2017, 113) say that ‘the runic stone and the other grave finds (balance scale and ringed pins) make it very likely, close to probably, that the cathedral and the Church of St Mary were built in a cemetery from the Viking Age’. It has been assumed that four post-holes documented under the chancel should originate from an older wooden church but these were situated stratigraphically beneath the graves and thus were older than these. The post-holes must therefore represent traces of activity in the Late Iron Age, probably related to a farm in the area (Brendalsmo and Paasche 2017, 114–115). The Stavanger area and northern Jæren have provided the greatest archaeological evidence for Christianization found in the whole of Norway, forming a dense group here. We know about eight Viking Age stone crosses at several central farms, often put up on pagan burial mounds. Of 14 finds of insular metalwork, many might be linked to Christian missionary activity, such as a crozier, reliquaries, cross-mounts, hanging and bronze bowls and a chalice. This

Looting or Missioning

84

Table 4. Radiocarbon dates: St Svithun Cathedral, Stavanger, Rogaland (van der Sluis et al. 2016). Context

Material

Lab. ref.

Determination BP

Calibrated date AD, 1 σ

Calibrated date AD, 2 σ

Grave 26

Human bone

TUa-4990

1010+30

990–1040

970–1160

Grave 27

Human bone

TUa-4989

1035+35

980–1030

890–1160

NO-STD-HB-19

Human bone

TRa-1776

1230+30

720–880

690–890

NO-STD-HB-27

Human bone

TRa-1771

1255+35

680–810

680–890

Figure 90. Calibrated radiocarbon dates from St Svithun Cathedral, Stavanger, Rogaland.

early mission might have started as early as the late eighth century. Two rune-stones, both with a Christian cross, found around the Stavanger cathedral are additional signs of this being an early Christian centre in the tenth and eleventh centuries. At the same time a market place and town were growing up, based on craft and trade. Here the first wooden churches were also built, probably in the late tenth century. The earliest Christian graves connected with the church area are dated within the eighth and ninth centuries. That is very early. However, if we compare with the dating of the many stone crosses and insular metal objects, it should not be ruled out that a Christian community existed around Stavanger during an early part of the Viking Age. The fact that the insular religious objects later ended up as grave furniture in pagan Viking Age graves strongly indicates that Christianity was not consistently established before the end of the tenth or the beginning of the eleventh century, when a more stable Christian society settled.

Klepp At Krosshaug (The Cross Mound), Hauge, Klepp we find one of the most spectacular stone crosses in western Norway: a simple stone cross, probably of the oldest type, raised on a pagan burial mound from the Early Iron Age (see Fig. 13). At other farms in Klepp we find: Reve (S1865): round gilded bronze shrine mount, from a reliquary, traces of an iron needle on the back (Jåtten 2006, 88). Bore (S7129): fragment of a mount of gilded bronze; from a female grave from the ninth century (Jåtten 2006).

Orre (S3549c) (Fig.91): part of a hing of gilded bronze from a shrine (reliquary); iron needle at the back (Sørheim 2018, 223). Orre (B2564): wooden bucket with gilded bronze mounts and two bird-shaped mounts; from a long barrow with two female and one male grave (Jåtten 2006, 88). Orre (B2561): mount of gilded bronze, traces of a needle at the back. Laland (S5670): tongue-shaped fittings of bronze reworked into a brooch (Jåtten 2006, 88). Again we find in Klepp the combination of stone cross, reliquaries and hanging bowl, pointing to mission activity and the erecting of a cross as a visual sign of the Christianization.

Hå At Njærheim there have been found one stone cross of the simple E-type and a fragment of another cross of unknown type at the same farm (Fig. 92). The Njærheim cross has been characterized as ‘a real Celtic ring cross’ (Olsen 2009,  7), or a close parallel ‘to the Manx crosses’ (Birkeli 1971, 35). One of the crosses contains a runic inscription showing that it was a grave stone (Birkeli 1995, 51). Njærheim was a cult site in pagan times (Sørheim 2018, 222). Of insular metal objects from Hå we have: Nærbø (S2005) (Fig. 93): a piece that had probably belonged to a chalice. Refsnes (S3426): a round gilded bronze shrine mount, from a reliquary, from the ninth century (Myhre in Obrestad 2004, 127).

6.  A geographical analysis of the Christianization process in Norway

85

Figure 91. Part of hinge from a reliquary (4.1×2.0 cm) (S3549c) from Orresanden, Klepp, Rogaland. Photo: Terje Tveit, Arkeologisk Museum, University of Stavanger.

Refsnes (S5073): a mount of gilded bronze, with traces of a needle at the back; from a female grave from the ninth century (Jåtten 2006, 87–88). Tårland (B1856–58): lead weight in a bronze mount (Jåtten 2006, 88). Bø (B5459a): hanging bowl with two bird-shaped escutcheons (tinned bronze). Kvalbein (S2351): part of a balance weight, from a female grave from the ninth century (Jåtten 2006, 87). Kvalbein (S2349): ringed pin of bronze, from a male weapon grave from the ninth century. In Hå, as in Klepp and many other areas in western Norway, we find the combination of stone crosses, a reliquary, hanging bowl and here in addition, a chalice. It is probable that chiefs from Rogaland were involved in the leadership of the Dublin kingdom in the ninth century. Therefore, it is possible that knowledge of Christianity, the Christian liturgy and the biblical stories came with the ecclesiastical objects that ended up in graves in Rogaland (Myhre in Obrestad 2004, 127). It would not be surprising if the Irish missionaries came with the people from Rogaland back to Norway to conduct missionary activity and that the insular objects are traces of this. Cross-erecting in Rogaland is a powerful manifestation of this early Christianization of Norway.

Figure 92. Stone cross of type C from Njærheim, Hå, Rogaland (height 1.48 m). Photo: Bård Humberset, Sandalsand.

Conclusions: insular mission in western Norway When I sum up the finds of insular objects found in western Norway, in the 14 districts I have analysed we can trace a certain regularity that might speak in favour of the interpretation that they belong to a missionary context. If we see links between reliquaries and missionaries, hanging bowls and bronze bowls and baptism, and stone crosses and the manifestation of Christianity, we see that six districts had all three elements represented. Another two districts had the combination of reliquaries and hanging/ bronze bowls, and one had the combination of a stone cross and a reliquary (Etne). It is difficult to believe that

Figure 93. Base of a chalice (diameter 5.3 cm, height 1.1 cm), from, Nærbø, Hå, Rogaland (S2005). Photo: Terje Tveit, Arkeologisk Museum, University of Stavanger.

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Looting or Missioning

this regularity could mirror raids and looting; then one would expect a greater variety of object types. Objects that are possibly secular: ring pins, horse garments and bridles, drinking horns and balances: could be seen as examples of gift-giving, either as signs of alliances between people in Norway and Celtic people or gifts coming as part of what the missionaries brought with them. In my opinion there is nothing to point more in favour to looting and trade to explain the occurrence of these insular objects rather than seeing them as part of missionary activity. Four places in western Norway: Selja and Kinn on the one hand, Gulen and Veøy on the other, need other explanations. Selja and Kinn were probably linked to early Irish monks coming to those two places as hermits but contributing, in the long term, to the establishing of Christianity in western Norway. Gulen was the thing place where Christianity was officially adapted and the marking of the place by stone crosses was linked to the role of this site. Veøy has been presented in detail earlier. I have suggested that the missionary came to the Rauma district and that the chieftain at Veøy was Christianized by him. This was not marked by a stone cross but by building a church, establishing Christian cemeteries around it and also a market place during the tenth century. Thus we see different ways of how Christianity was established in western Norway but, except for Selja and Kinn, it was mainly a result of extensive Christian mission activity from Ireland, Northumbria and probably other parts of the British Isles.

The Kuli Stone at Kuløy, Edøy, Møre og Romsdal On Kuløy there has been erected a stone with a large cross carved on the broad side, and a clearly Christian runic inscription on one of the side edges, the so-called Kulisteinen (the Kuli stone; Fig. 94). It is called Norwayʼs certificate of baptism. The inscription is read by Aslak Liestøl (1957 cf. Birkeli 1971, 32) as follows: Thore and Hallvard erected this stone in memory of [Ulfljótr] … For twelve winters had Christianity been in Norway.

Liestøl believed that the rune script should preferably be dated to the tenth century but since people in the 1950s believed that Norway was Christianized in the eleventh century, Liestøl felt ‘committed’ to dating the stone to the very beginning of that century and linked it to Olav Tryggvason’s mission work (Liestøl 1957, 286). Birkeli says, however, that ‘today, it should be quite natural to place this stone in the tenth century’ (Birkeli 1995, 48). A keyword in the text is kristintumr (Christianity). It is the first time this word appears in the Norwegian language, but then as a loanword from Anglo-Saxon. It supports the interpretation that Christianity came to Møre from the

Figure 94. The Kuli runic Stone from Kuløy, Edøy, Møre og Romsdal. Photo: Egil Mikkelsen.

British Isles and the Kuli stone being a witness of AngloSaxon missionary work in Western Norway. Was the event to which the stone alludes the coming of King Haakon Adalsteinsfóstri and his Bishop Sigfrid from Glastonbury to all the important places along the west coast of Norway in the 950s? If so, the stone was erected in the 960s … (Birkeli 1971, 32–33)

6.  A geographical analysis of the Christianization process in Norway Carl Fr. Wisløff (1966) saw Fridtjov Birkeli’s dating of the Kuli stone as being likely to be 962–967, 12 years after Håkon the Good and his missionary attempt (after Myking 2001, 159). In 1984 an archeological excavation was carried out near the Kuli stone, and the wooden pillars in the foundation of a causeway built across a marshy area were uncovered. It was radiocarbon dated to AD 930–1060 (Pettersen 1986, 15). Later a tree trunk was dated by dendrochronology to AD 1034. ‘Since many other rune stones from this period, particularly Swedish ones, mention bridge-building, it is a plausible but unconfirmed assumption that the causeway and the Kuli stone are contemporaneous’ (Knirk 2001, 413). That would date the introduction of Christianity here in north-west Norway and possibly the assembly at Moster to 1022, during the reign of Olav Haraldsson (Knirk 2001). A new investigation and a critical interpretation of the runic inscription of the Kuli stone were published by Jan Ragnar Hageland in 1998. He suggests that the final part of the first line Ulfljótr will have to be dismissed. The second line is read by Hageland as follows:

87

±

Clerical, Liturgical

æ

Stone crosses Croiziers

Reliquaries & shrines Cross mountings Book mountings Manuscript pointer & turner Hanging & bronze bowls Ladles & buckets Altars & tabernacles Tating ware pitchers Glass vessels Chalice & patens Holy-water sprinkler

Overhalla

Steinkjer Mære

3

Trøndelag

æ

Levanger

Bjugn Ørland Frosta Hernes

Stjørdal Trondheim Melhus Skaun

Twelve winters had Christianity secured law and order in Norway.

It is claimed that the new reading strengthen[s] our impression of the inscription as a monument of missionary propaganda for the new faith at an early phase of the Christianization of Norway’ (Hageland 1998, 139). James E. Knirk (2001) claimed that ‘there is e.g. little support for the new reading’ (Knirk 2001). That means that the reading of Aslak Liestøl (1957) is still valid. Summing up, there are three proposals regarding the introduction of Christianity which the Kuli stone might speak about (Orten 2004): 1. The Kuli stone is linked to the Christianization attempt of King Håkon the Good (Athelstenfostre) about 950–955. The Kuli stone was erected during the 960s. 2. The Kuli stone is linked to the assembly held at Dragseidet at the Stadt peninsula in 996 or 997, during the reign of King Olav Tryggvason. According to Snorre Sturlason, people at the assembly accepted Christianity. This is the first time that Snorre recognized that part of Norway was Christianized. The Kuli stone was erected between 1005 and 1010. 3. The Kuli stone inscription is referring to King Olav Haraldsson (later St Olav) and the assembly at Moster in Southern Hordaland in the 1020s, probably in 1022 or 1024. According to Snorre the Christianization of the whole of Norway was ‘fulfilled’ at that time. The Kuli stone was, according to this interpretation, erected in the middle of the 1030s (1034?). All three interpretations are possible, and all relate the Kuli runic inscription to a historical event taking place on the initiative of one of the ‘Christianization kings’, during the period c. 950–1022/24. I do not, however, think we have

Oppdal

0

25

50 Km

1:1 500 000

Figure 95. The distribution of clerical and liturgical objects found in Trøndelag. Drawing by Ermias B. Tesfamariam. Terrain basemaps produced using Copernicus data and information funded by the European Union – EU-DEM layers https://www.eea.europa.eu/ data-and-maps/data/eu-dem#tab-metadata.

enough evidence to choose between the three possibilities at the moment. The links to the British Isles is in any case quite obvious.

Middle Norway: Trøndelag The insular material from Trøndelag (middle Norway) has recently been published in an MA thesis by Aina Margrethe Heen Pettersen (2013). This gives us a very good starting point for studying relations between middle Norway and the British Isles during the Viking Age and to see whether we can trace similar Christian influence and missionary activity as we have seen in western Norway (Fig. 95). Only one stone cross is found in Trøndelag (see below: Inderøy).

Oppdal, Sør-Trøndelag Oppdal is an alpine farming area, surrounded by mountains, at the crossroad between eastern Norway through Gudbrandsdalen, north to Trondheim and west through Sunndalen to the fjords and coast of Nordmøre. Reindeer

88

Looting or Missioning

Figure 96. Bronze mount from Strand, from a cross (T15003f), with mount from a reliquary or a cross (T21291e), part of a hinge from a reliquary (C3341), and mount (T21339c) from Vang, Oppdal, Sør-Trøndelag. Photo: Per Fredriksen, NTNU University Museum, Trondheim. License BY-SA 4.0.

hunting in the mountains was important. During the Viking Age it was a relatively small economic centre but with close contacts to the British Isles through Nordmøre (Sognnes 1988a, 51), to Ireland, England and the Hebrides (Bourke 1993). From Oppdal we know four liturgical insular objects (Bourke 1993; Fig. 96): Strand (T15003f): pyramidal-shaped mount from a cross. Rise (C646) (Fig. 97): an anthropomorphic-shaped mount, possibly from a house-shaped reliquary. Vang prestegård (T3341): suspension device from a houseshaped reliquary. Vang (T21291): circular bronze mount, probably from a reliquary or a procession cross (Pettersen 2013, 120). Finds of profane character found in Oppdal are: Vang (T21339): part of a cross-shaped bronze mount, possibly from harness mount (Pettersen 2013, 120). Rise (T3197): ringed pin (Pettersen 2013, 105). Parts of small house-shaped reliquaries and cross(es) might be interpreted as the result of missionaries from the British Isles in the ninth century ending up in Oppdal, whereas the harness and a ringed pin could have been gifts, with their origin pointing in the same direction. Vang, Rise and Strand, where all the insular objects have been found, were the three biggest and most important farms in Oppdal (Farbregd 1993, 79–80). From a private collection come about 70 artefacts, mostly from the Viking Age, donated to Oslo Cathedral School library in 2016 and allegedly coming from excavations on the Vang cemetery during later part of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth centuries. The artefacts were bought from three or four antique dealers in 1992–1993. It is, however, impossible to get a safe provenance on the objects.

Figure 97. An antropomorphic-shaped mount, possibly from a house-shaped reliquary (length 6.5cm), from Rise, Oppdal, SørTrøndelag (C646). Photo: Ellen C. Holte, Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo. License BY-SA 4.0.

That is why I will just mention the four insular objects in this collection here, but not include them in tables or on maps. Among the four insular (Irish) objects that is said to come from Vang, Oppdal are three ecclesiastic objects made between c. 650 and 850: • • •

Decorated gilt bronze boss (diameter 6 cm), probably from a cross or another liturgical object. Gilt bronze disc decorated in Celtic style (diameter 5 cm), probably from a reliquary, book mount or another liturgical object. Rectangular bronze mount, richly decorated (4.5 × 2.7 cm) from a liturgical object of some kind.

6.  A geographical analysis of the Christianization process in Norway •

In addition to these comes part of a huge Irish penannular brooch of bronze, with high quality decorations (9 × 5 cm).

The provenance of these objects is not possible to confirm. I have, however, shown photographs of the four objects to archaeologist Oddmunn Farbregd, of Trondheim, who has worked with the finds from the Vang cemetery since the 1960s. He says that, according to the character of these objects, it is not unlikely that they come from the Vang cemetery. If these four objects are added to those we have already assigned to Oppdal, we get an even stronger insular (Irish) influence here, making a concentration of possible insular mission really important in this area

Skaun and Melhus, Sør-Trøndelag Just south of Trondheim there are six farms quite close to each other where insular objects have been found. There is a good farming area at Skaun and the north-eastern part of Melhus (Pettersen 2013, 43). Liturgical objects from Skaun and Melhus are: Midtlyngen, Melhus (Stockholm 17343, 1570): gilded bronze mount, probably from a reliquary (Pettersen 2013, 121). Solstad, Skaun (T3213): lead weight, covered with a gilded bronze mount, originally belonging to an Irish reliquary (Wamers 1985; Pettersen 2013, 105). Huseby, Skaun (T8525): two bronze mounts from the same object, of undetermined function, but probably clerical, from a female grave from 850–900 (Pettersen 2013, 109). Profane objects from Skaun and Melhus are: Huseby, Skaun (T8533,8540): end mount from a drinking horn of bronze and a small fragment of a bronze drinking horn, from a female grave from 850–900 (Pettersen 2013, 109). Nerrian, Skaun (T14551): bridle of bronze (Pettersen 2013, 112). Gravråk, Melhus (T456): six fragments of a balance scale of bronze, from a male grave from the ninth century (Pettersen 2013, 100). Vigdal, Skaun (T212): arm belonging to a balance scale of bronze (Pettersen 2013, 99). Three of the seven objects from Skaun and Melhus are weighing equipment. A bronze mount and parts of a drinking horn have been found from the Huseby farm. The traces of reliquaries are not definite, and the insular objects thus point to insular contacts resulting in gifts exchange, possibly trade or the use of balances and weights as taxation equipment.

Trondheim (Nidaros) There are no insular finds or other finds that indicate early Christian mission in Trondheim or the nearest surrounding areas. The earliest Christian objects know are two silver

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crosses and a crucifix from the tenth century belonging to the big silver hoard from the Central Post Office in Trondheim (T16978a–c): one iron and one bronze cross and three clay moulds for casting crosses, from the tenth–eleventh century found at the settlement area at the city library (Bergquist 1989). According to the Saga tradition, King Olav Tryggvason founded a town here in the year 997, on the Nidarneset peninsula, along the western side of Nidelva’s outlet in the Trondheim fjord. This was one of the best natural ports in the Trondheim fjord in the Viking Age. The city was called Nidaros. There were farm settlements here through Roman times, the Migration and the Merovingian periods, with a particularly intensive use of the area from the sixth to the end of the ninth centuries. During the tenth century, a nonagrarian settlement activity occurred in the area along the western riverbanks (Christophersen and Nordeide 1994). The recent archaeological excavations in Trondheim have shown that there was an exchange of goods here before Olav Tryggvason’s time. During the excavations under the St Clement’s church in 2017, three timber buildings, one above the other, belonging to the Viking Age town, were uncovered; the second youngest has been dendrochronologically dated to 982 (information provided by excavation leader Anna Pettersén at lectures in Oslo 24.10.2017 and 17.11.2017). There has obviously been domestic activity here from at least c. 950. One assumes that this activity is likely to be associated with the Ladejarls activities in Trøndelag (Johannessen & Eriksson 2015, 52). When the town Nidaros was founded, the current view is that people who settled here ‘were Christians from the beginning’ (Nordeide 2011, 116).

St Clement’s Church The first church that was built in Trondheim was dedicated to St Clement. It was situated inside the royal estate. According to the Sagas, both the royal palace and the church were built by King Olav Tryggvason. The church had then decayed and by 1015 it was burned down during an attack on the town. It was rebuilt after Olav Haraldsson fell, the year he was declared a saint, in 1031/1032. The body of the king, St Olav, was laid in the Olav shrine and placed above the high altar of the St Clement church. The church was given the status of the first pilgrimage site of the Olav cult. The shrine was later (c. 1050) moved to St Olav Church before it came to rest in the Nidaros cathedral (Nidarosdomen) (Klemenskirken: Wikipedia). The exact location of the Church of St Clement has long been somewhat uncertain. In the autumn of 2016, however, it was announced that something that seemed to be the remains of this church had been found. The excavations continued in 2017. The site is located at what was a bay in the Viking Age, the Saga’s Skipakrok, where Olav Tryggvason is said to have founded the town. The remains of four churches built of wood were found above each other.

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Table 5. Radiocarbon dates: St Olafʼs Church, Trondheim. Context

Material

Lab. ref.

Determination BP

Calibrated date AD, 1 σ

Calibrated date, AD 2 σ

SKJ AV 36

Human bone

T-14756

1032+36

980–1030

890–1160

SKJ AS 159

Human bone

T-14759

1026+36

980–1030

890–1160

Figure 98. Calibrated radiocarbon dates from St Olafʼs Church, Trondheim, Sør-Trøndelag.

St Clement’s Church 4 (the oldest church excavated) is a post-built church, with four post-holes visible, a 9 m long nave, with a chancel measuring 4 × 4 m. Three of the posts were well preserved, and they were dendrochronologically dated to 1009+3. They probably came from a reused timber. Soapstone fragments, possibly from a baptismal font, used as packing around all the posts indicate the existence of an even older church near Church 4. Church 3 has stone alignment for the wooden walls, posts and a stone altar. Churches 3, 2 and 1 are stave churches. The oldest church remains could come from the church built by Olav Tryggvason (or earlier). Some 280 graves were found at the St Clement’s church excavations. Most of them are wooden coffins or simply burials on a plank; some are found deposited on charcoal. The graves have not yet been studied in detail and none has been radiocarbon dated (Anna Pettersén, pers. comm. 2017). If the buildings used for commodity exchange in Nidaros (Trondheim) can be linked to the Earls (Ladejarls), could they also have been behind the erection of the first Christian church in the town before Olav Tryggvason? It may seem unlikely when we know that the Earls were some of the foremost opponents of Christianity and many were described as hard to sacrifice to the heathen gods. They lived at the Lade farm, east of the outlet of Nidelva, and this was where the sacrifice feasts were held. However, their alliances with the Danish king Harald Bluetooth provide a reason for asking the question: could any of the Earls have been active in the Christianization process? During the latter half of the tenth century, Earl Håkon Sigurdsson entered an alliance with King Harald and was, in fact, sole king in Norway in the period 970–995. Admittedly, he is considered the last Norwegian ruler who held on to the ancient gods, but Earl Håkon received a Christian baptism in Denmark, probably while the Danish king Harald

Bluetooth was baptized in 963 or 965, or later. This would probably have happened by force and it is uncertain whether Håkon actually converted. He received priests ‘and other learned men’ with him. However, the Earl would have put the priests onshore at the first and best opportunity (see Fig. 7). Nevertheless, one cannot rule out that Earl Håkon may have been forced to carry out certain measures in the Christianization process, as part of the alliance commitment to King Harald Bluetooth (Stylegar 2013b, 144 f.). In other words, in the further discussion of St Clement’s Church in Tronheim, one should not rule out Earl Håkon as a possible actor, in addition to Olav Tryggvason. The earliest dated Christian graves we know in Trondheim at the moment have been found under the stone ruins, which is identified as possibly St Olafʼs Church (Ramstad 2002, 49, 76–77; Nordeide 2011, 117). Two skeletons that are radiocarbon-dated have given the results in Table 5. The graves were oriented east–west, and one skeleton was lying on wooden planks. ‘The short and early range of date indicates that these are some of the earliest Christian graves in Norway thus far’ (Nordeide 2011, 117). These skeletons must belong to an undiscovered wooden church and the dates correspond with the reign of the Christianization kings Olav Tryggvason and Olav Haraldsson or shortly after the death of the latter in 1030 (Ramstad 2002, 78). It is possible that the earliest St Clement’s Church and the earliest St Olaf’s Church were built at approximately the same time. Future datings of the earliest graves from St Clement’s church will be significant to that question.

Ørland and Bjugn, Sør-Trøndelag North of the mouth of the Trondheim fjord, in Ørlandet and Bjugn, we have a concentration of five farms with graves containing objects from the British Isles. All are located near the sea, on marine sediments (Pettersen 2013, 43).

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Table 6. Radiocarbon dates: Hernes, Frosta, Nord-Trøndelag. Context

Material

Lab. ref.

Determination BP

Calibrated date AD, 1 σ

Calibrated date AD, 2 σ

Grave 1

Human bone

T-5834

980+50

1010–1160

970–1190*

Grave 3

Human bone

T-5835

1050+40

900–1030

890–1040*

Pine tree

T-6347

930+70

1020–1170

990–1250

Grave 3, coffin

* See text for marine C correction 13

Figure 99. Calibrated radiocarbon dates from Hernes, Frosta, Nord-Trøndelag.

We know the following liturgical insular objects from Ørland and Bjugn: Steinvik, Bjugn (T4621–25): fragments of a hanging bowl, 2 bronze escutcheons to the bowl and/or a bucket, 2 ladles of bronze, all found in a male boat-boat (Pettersen 2013, 107). These are the profane insular objects found in Ørland and Bjugn: Uthaug, Ørland (T17384b): three-sided bronze mount, originally part of harness mount Pettersen 2013, 115). Grande, Ørland (T17739b): gilded bronze mount, originally part of a harness mount Pettersen 2013, 116). Tønnøl, Bjugn (T1047): balance with case and weights, from a male boat grave (Pettersen 2013, 102). Nes, Bjugn (T13711): ringed brooch of insular type, with amber inlay; found in a female grave from 800-–850 (Glørstad 2010, 64; Pettersen 2013, 111). In this area we have the rich boat grave at Steinvik, where five insular objects have been found together. The objects might all belong to equipment for carrying out baptism, and they could have been deposited in one grave to mark an attempt to christening this man, whether they succeeded or not. The other objects, harnesses and a ringed brooch, are rather gifts received through alliances, the balance and weights are evidence of trade activity or taxation or fine.

Hernes, Frosta, Nord-Trøndelag Frosta is a fertile inlet in the Trondheimsfjord. Here the Hernes farm is an old, and one of the bigger, farms in this district, the whole or parts of it owned by the king in the Middle Ages, possibly also during the Viking Age. Hernes

was situated 2.5 km from the regional assembly place Frostatinget. In 1984 three Christian graves were found at Hernes, near a place where four graves were found in 1915. This was obviously a Christian cemetery, yet no church is known (Farbregd 1986). All the graves contained men. The person in Grave 1 had a needle case in his right hand. No coffin was found. In Grave 2: the man was buried in a rectangular coffin, while the man in Grave 3 was buried in a trapezoid coffin. Two of the graves were radiocarbon dated (Table 6). The dates have a range that covers the Viking Age: parts of the tenth and early eleventh centuries. Nordeide (2011, 115) refers to the calibration of the same datings by Steinar Gulliksen, using corrections of the two bone samples, for marine diet, with the level of C13 as c. 25±10%. That gives the calibrated date with 2 σ for Grave 1 of cal AD 1020–1270, Grave 3: cal AD 990–1220. These dates are also within the range of the Viking Age. Since the graves at Hernes are found at a king’s manor, and taking account of the radiocarbon dates, it is tempting to suggest that it was one of the Christianization kings Håkon the Good, Olav Tryggvason or Olav Haraldsson who built a church on this farm as part of the Christianization process in which they played an active part between c. 950 and 1028.

Stjørdal, Nord-Trøndelag The municipality of Stjørdal today consist of four parishes: Skatval, Lånke, Stjørdal (Værnes) and Hegra. Stjørdal with Værnes was the most important centre in Uttrøndelag (Outer Trøndelag) in the Viking Age (Sognnes 1988a; 1988b; Winther 2011, 65). If there was a market place in Stjørdal during the Viking Age, it is supposed to have been located at the farm Værnes, by the river flowing into the Tronheims Fjord.

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Looting or Missioning

Figure 101. Cross-shaped mount, probably from an altar (length c. 12.5 cm), from Hofstad, Stjørdal, Nord-Trøndelag (T2588). Photo: Ole Bjørn Pedersen, NTNU University Museum, Trondheim. License BY-SA 4.0.

Figure 100. Possible part of a crozier (length 4.3 cm) from Re, Stjørdal, Nord-Trøndelag (T1680). Photo: Ole Bjørn Pedersen, NTNU University Museum, Trondheim. License BY-SA 4.0.

Clerical insular objects found in Stjørdal are: Re (T1680) (Fig. 100): Anglo-Saxon silver mount from a crozier (Bakka 1963; Wamers 1985; Pettersen 2013, 103–104). Fasteraunet (T9593): several pieces of an Anglo-Saxon broken mount of gilt bronze, probably from a reliquary (Wamers 1985; Pettersen 2013, 109–110). Vernes (T16136b): gilded bronze mount, probably from the arm of a cross (Wamers 1985; Pettersen 2013, 114). Hofstad (T2588) (Fig. 101): cross-shaped mount of gilded bronze, with a man’s head, probably from an altar (Wamers 1985; Pettersen 2013, 104). Huseby (T15312b) (Fig. 102): round mount of gilded bronze, probably from an altar; from a female boat grave from early ninth century (Bakka 1963; Wamers 1985; Pettersen 2013, 113). Alstad (T1474): book mount, decorated with an ‘Anglian’ cross, probably Northumbrian, from the early ninth century (Bakka 1963, 37–40; Pettersen 2013, 103). Fulset (T912) (Fig. 103): open-work decorated mount of gilded bronze, with an ‘Anglian’ cross, Late Saxon, from the tenth century; probably a book mount (Bakka 1963, 19; Pettersen 2013, 101).

Figure 102. Huseby, Stjørdal, Nord-Trøndelag: Mount of gilded bronze, probably from an alter (diameter 10.0 cm) (T15312b). Photo: Per E. Fredriksen, NTNU University Museum, Trondheim. License BY-SA 4.0.

Kongshaug (T15077b): fragmented bronze ladle (Pettersen 2013, 113). These are the profane insular objects found in Stjørdal: Steinvik (T6028): sword type L (Pettersen 2013, 107). Bjørken (T4485): sword type L (Pettersen 2013, 106). Fasteraunet (T9591): several fragments of mounts and end fittings for drinking horn, as well as remnants of the horn (Pettersen 2013, 109).

6.  A geographical analysis of the Christianization process in Norway

Figure 103. Book-mount (diameter 6.5 cm), Late Saxon with an ‘Anglian’ cross, from Fulset, Stjørdal, Nord-Trøndelag (T912). Photo: Ole Bjørn Pedersen, NTNU University Museum, Trondheim. License BY-SA 4.0.

Hoset (T18301a): cross-shaped mount of gilded bronze, probably a strap distributor (Pettersen 2013, 117) Kolset (T14329d): a collection of horse harness from a male grave from the tenth century (Wamers 1985; Pettersen 2013, 111). Moksnes (T14431n): fragments of a balance scale, found in a male boat grave from c. 900 (Wamers 1985; Pettersen 2013, 112). Insular finds have been made in 12 graves in total in Stjørdal (Pettersen 2013, 33) but they are rather scattered and are partly rather peripheral farms (Sognnes 1988a, 421). The archaeological material and the topographic conditions have led some to suggest that individuals on a number of farms, including several of them with insular objects, may have had key positions in the Viking Age. Several farms in the area surrounding the estuary of the Stjørdal River may have collaborated on important centre functions (Henriksen 2004; Winter 2011, 72–73). One farm only has left more than one insular object: Fasteraune, where parts of a reliquary and a drinking horn have been found. Both from this and other farms in Stjørdal there are quite a number of finds of Anglo-Saxon objects: a crozier, reliquary mount, a book-mount and two AngloSaxon swords (Pettersen 2013, 44). ‘Stjørdal has one of the densest concentrations of Anglo-Saxon objects from grave finds in Norway ... It is only in Vestfold with adjacent areas that you find equal or greater concentrations than in Stjørdal.’ (Pettersen 2013, 72, 44). If we look at the original function of the insular objects, we find clerical objects that might have been objects carried by missionaries: crozier, reliquary, cross and book mount.

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Figure 104. Part of a crozier from Salthammer, Levanger, NordTrøndelag (T6418). Photo: Per E. Fredriksen, Vitenskapsmuseet, Trondheim. License BY-SA 4.0.

There are also two pieces of altars, probably portable altars, and a ladle; but hanging bowls are ‘missing’. Christian missionary activity might have taken place in Stjørdal in the ninth century (eight of ten datable grave finds from Stjørdal are from the ninth century; Pettersen 2013, 44). Anglo-Saxon missionaries might have arrived here in Stjørdal, whereas Irish missionaries seem more common in other parts of Trøndelag. A more lasting Christianity did not settle here before the end of the tenth or the beginning of the eleventh century. In Håkon the Good’s Saga, Torberg from Værnes is mentioned as one of four chieftains from Uttrøndelag who undertook to destroy the Christianization campaign of King Håkon (Sognnes 1988b, 423). The profane insular objects from Stjørdal consist of two Anglo-Saxon swords, a drinking horn, a set of horse harness and a balance. These are objects indicating close relations or perhaps alliances with people on the British Isles, especially Northumbria and England.

Levanger, Nord-Trøndelag Levanger belongs to the good farming districts that are found along the eastern part of the inner Trondheimsfjord. From here there are large valleys leading eastward to Sweden (Jämtland). At Geite, the Levanger market place appeared. It can be traced in the written sources back to the twelfth century, but it is probably older (Herje 1989, 94). Such a trading place in the Viking Age is a natural point of attack for foreign missionary activity.

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Looting or Missioning

Figure 106. Four bronze cross amulets on a necklace with beads and other amulets, from Verdal, Inderøy, Nord-Trøndelag (C5456). Photo: Kirsten Helgeland, Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo. License BY-SA 4.0. Figure 105. Wooden bucket with covering plates, handle and cruciformed handle-mounts of bronze (diameter 9.1–11.8 cm, height 9.1 cm), from Halsan østre, Levanger, Nord-Trøndelag (T497). Photo: Ole Bjørn Pedersen, NTNU University Museum, Trondheim. License BY-SA 4.0.

Clerical insular objects found in Levanger are: Salthammer (T6418) (Fig.  104): gilded mount fragment, with amber inlay, probably from a crozier, from a female grave from 850–900 (Wamers 1985; Pettersen 2013, 108). Halsan (T503): fragments of 2 rectangular ornamented mounts of gilded bronze, probably an altar mount, from a female grave (Pettersen 2013, 100). Gjeite (T21080): fragments of a bronze bowel, from a female grave from c. 800 (Herje 1989; Pettersen 2013, 119). Eggen (T1342): fragments of a bronze bowl, from a female grave. Alstadhaug (T12745b): bronze bowl, from a male grave from tenth century (Wamers 1985; Pettersen 2013, 110). Halsan (T497) (Fig. 105): wooden bucket covered by thin bronze plates, from a female grave (Pettersen 2013, 100). These are the profane insular objects found in Levanger: Gjeite (T21080): 2 orifice mounts and 2 end mounts of two drinking horns, from a female grave from c. 800 (Herje 1989; Pettersen 2013, 119). Storborg (T265–6): balance from a female grave from the ninth century (Pettersen 2013, 96). Two farms in Levanger have more than one insular object: from Gjeite we have a bronze bowl and mounts from two drinking horns, from Halsan a possible altar mount and

Figure 107. Probably fragment from a crozier (length 6.5 cm) from Ås, Steinkjer, Nord-Trøndelag (T12337d). Photo: Ole Bjørn Pedersen, NTNU University Museum, Trondheim. License BY-SA 4.0.

a wooden bucket with bronze plates. Most of the datable objects are from the ninth century (80%). A crozier, possibly belonging to a bishop, two pieces from altars, two bronze bowls and a wooden bucket might be interpreted within the context of a mission: the missionary preaching, collecting a congregation and carrying out baptism. Drinking horns are typical gifts in gift exchange. A balance could be related to trade or taxation and fine collecting. The only stone cross, as a manifestation of the Christian faith, found in Trøndelag, is from Øvre Rol in Sakshaug, Inderøy, Nord-Trøndelag. It is situated between the two centres Levanger and Steinkjer. The stone cross has been lost but has been described by the antiquarian Nicolay Nicolaysen (1862–1866, 642; see also the catalogue in Bergen Museum: BM 390; transferred to the museum in Trondheim: T11983). It was 1.05 m high and 0.62 m wide, standing on a huge burial mound. From a drawing of the cross one can say that the cross ‘underneath has circular armpits’ (Birkeli 1973, 213–214; 1995, 56). It thus has to be either of type B (Anglian) or type A (Celtic) (Gabrielsen 2007, 41). From the Sudnes farm in Inderøy comes an insular sword of type L, found in a male grave in a burial mound

6.  A geographical analysis of the Christianization process in Norway

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(Pettersen 2013, 101). In Inderøy there was obviously an early Christian site established and alliances with the British Isles, probably Ireland, during the Viking Age.

Steinkjer, Nord-Trøndelag The central area in Inntrøndelag (Inner Trøndelag) lay in the Viking Age in Verdal, Sparbu and Steinkjer, with most of the insular objects in Steinkjer (Sognnes 1988a). This is also a central farming district along the eastern side of the Trondheim Fjord. Liturgical insular objects found in Steinkjer are: Ås (T12337d) (Fig. 107): a gilded bronze mount from a crozier or a bell-shrine, found in a male grave from 850–900 (Wamers 1985; Pettersen 2013, 110). Tessem (T16336): mount with 8 small hinges, probably from a book. It is probably of Northumbrian origin (Bakka 1963, 49–51; Wamers 1985; Pettersen 2013, 114). Skei (T20913): rectangular ornamented gilded bronze mount, probably originally from a clerical object, from a cist grave dated to c. 775–800 (Stenvik 2001). Dalem (T5335): fragment of a decorated gilded bronze mount, probably originally from a clerical object, from a male grave (Pettersen 2013, 99). Tanem (T2060): wheel-shaped bronze piece in Celtic style, from a male grave (Pettersen 2013, 104). Skei (T20913) (Fig. 108a–b): three-sided hanging bowl of bronze, from a cist grave dated to c. 775–800 (Stenvik 2001). Lø (T18981a): fragments of a bronze bowl, found in a boat grave from 900–950 (Farbregd 1974, 12; Pettersen 2013, 117). Øksnes (T18027a): bronze ladle, from a male grave (Pettersen 2013, 116). Skei (T20913b): bronze ladle, from a cist grave dated to c. 775–800 (Stenvik 2001). Skei (T20913.3): wooden bucket, with bronze covering and handle with bird escutcheons, from a cist grave dated to c. 775–800 (Stenvik 2001).

Figure 108. a. Three-sided hanging bowl from Skei, Steinkjer, NordTrøndelag (side lengths 40.5-41.5 cm, depth c.13 cm) (T20913/1). Photo: Ole Bjørn Pedersen, NTNU University Museum, Trondheim. License BY-SA 4.0.

These are the profane insular objects found in Steinkjer: Heggestrøa, Hegge (T16054a): part of a sword type L, found in a male boat grave from the ninth century (Wilson 1965, 37; Pettersen 2013, 114). Fossem (T17535a): well-preserved ringed pin with inlay of amber, of insular production, from a female grave (Glørstad 2010, 64; Pettersen 2013, 116). Smolan (T4213): ringed pin of bronze, from a female grave dated to the ninth century (Wamers 1985; Glørstad 2010; Pettersen 2013, 106). Lø (T2279815): ringed pin of bronze, found in a male boat grave from 900–950 (Grønneby and Ellingsen 2012; Pettersen 2013, 120–121).

Figure 108 b. One of three bird-shaped escutcheons from the three-sided hanging bowl from Skei, Steinkjer, Nord- Trøndelag (T20913/1). Photo: Per Fredriksen, NTNU University Museum, Trondheim. License BY-SA 4.0.

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Looting or Missioning

Bjerkem (T2841): ringed pin of bronze, from a male grave (Pettersen 2013, 105). Lø (T23217): button of twisted silver wire, diameter 18 mm, found in a boat grave from 900–950. The button is probably from the British Isles and it is the only one of its kind found in Scandinavia (Grønneby and Ellingsen 2012, 26; Pettersen 2013, 120–121). Lø (T22798_14): complete balance of tinned bronze, found in a grave from 920–960 (Grønneby and Ellingsen 2012; Pettersen 2013, 120–121). Just as in Stjørdal, in the Steinkjer area there is a great variety of insular object types. The richest grave is found at Skei, with four insular objects dated to 775–800. (Fig. 108a– b). This find is among the earliest we know of in Norway with insular objects. The find: a three-sided hanging bowl of bronze, a bronze ladle and a bucket: could have been used for baptism (although other interpretations have also been suggested) around the start of the Viking Age. A crozier or bell-shrine and a book-mount of Northumbrian origin from two other farms are indications of Christian activity in the area, in addition to what is seen in the Skei grave. There are also several insular objects in the boat grave at Lø: ringed pin and balance, silver button and a bronze bowl, all from the tenth century (Pettersen 2013, 45). From other neighbouring farms come a L-sword, three more ringed pins (some probably of local production) and a balance. Again: these find points on alliances and gift exchange with the British Isles. The find distribution and the type of finds here strongly indicate that a trading place, a kaupang, in Inntrøndelag was established in Steinkjer during the Viking Age (Grønnesby and Ellingsen 2012, 31, 42). Such a place might have been the point of attack for attempts by Christian missionaries. Findings of weight equipment (balances and weights) are tentatively interpreted as an expression of collection of taxes, fines and fees (Martinussen 2010, 90–92, cf. Pedersen 2000).

Mære Church, Steinkjer The many insular objects found in Steinkjer show a very active Christian mission here from the British Isles, and also possibly trade relations and alliance building during the entire Viking Age. The area is, however, well known through the Saga descriptions as a very strong pagan area, with chieftains offering and showing strong resistance against attempts of Christianization. Therefore it is no surprise that missionaries carrying their Christian objects failed and their objects were confiscated and used for other non-Christian purposes and deposited in pagan Viking graves at many of the chieftains’ farms in Steinkjer: Egge, Skei and Dalem. The pagan cult centre in Inner Trøndelag (hovet) was not located on these farms, however, but on ‘neutral ground’, outside the power centres that each chieftain’s farm represented: at Mære. Here there are no big burial mounds and not any

rich Viking Age graves (Stenvik 1996, 88; Lidén 1999, 45). However, through archaeological excavations in 1966–1967 under the existing medieval stone church (built at the end of the twelfth century), traces of what is interpreted as a pagan cult building and probably two wooden churches were uncovered (Lidén 1969a; 1999; Olsen 1969; Magnell 2009; Fig. 109). The medieval stone church at Mære, and probably the earlier wooden churches, was one of eight county churches (fylkeskirker) in Trøndelag. They were all situated on royal estates (krongodsgårder), farms that probably had been confiscated by the king during the process of the gathering of Norway (rikssamlingsprosessen). It looks as if the king and the Church together subordinated an old pagan sanctuary and established a church at the same site (Lidén 1999, 46–47). The remains of a wooden church (Mære II) that was replaced by the existing stone church (Magnell 2009, 28) consisted of 14 post-holes belonging to the wall posts of this church; the fifteenth missing post was in the north-east corner post of the chancel. The nave was c. 10.5 m long and 6.5 m wide, with the chancel c. 3.5 × 3.5 m. The walls were probably horizontal boards inserted into slots made in the sides of the uprights. Remains of the wooden floor were found in the south-west corner (Lidén 1969a, 7–8). Round the wooden church (Mære II) a churchyard has been located, partly preserved inside the walls of the stone church. About 60 graves were found, ‘which either belonged to the wooden church or in a few cases seemed even older than it. … Along the south wall of the chancel we found 5 graves, one above the other’ (Lidén 1969a, 8). In some of the graves were found the remains of coffins and skeletons. ‘In one of the graves a coin from the eleventh century was found lying between the bottom of the coffin and the bottom of the grave.’ (Lidén 1969a, 8). Magnell (2009, 29) says that in those graves together were found nine coins from the eleventh century and one from the later part of the tenth century: in the post-hole of the south-eastern corner of the chancel, was found an English penny from King Aethelred II’s time (971–991). The coin may, however, also come from a damaged grave (Lidén 1999, 23). Based on the coins it is likely that we can date the building of Mære II, the late wooden church, to the eleventh century (Magnell 2009, 29). West of Mære II was a series of graves (Grave nos 29, 35, 63, 66–68) all properly oriented in relation to each other but askew in relation to both the wooden and the stone churches, and to graves belonging to these. Some graves had been damaged by graves belonging to Mære II. This has led us to believe that there has existed another, earlier, wooden church at Mære, oriented like the oldest graves. This church has been named Mære I. The building remains from this church are difficult to separate from the earlier (pagan) building remains and it is not possible to reconstruct its shape and size (Magnell 2009, 28). It is also questioned whether this building, functioning as the first church at Mære, was actually built as a church (Lidén 1969, 8–9; 1999, 29, 38–41; Magnell 2009, 27–28). This building ‘must date

6.  A geographical analysis of the Christianization process in Norway

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Figure 109. Excavation plan of Mære church, Steinkjer, Nord-Trøndelag showing post-holes from a wooden church and graves belonging to this church or an older one (Post-holes hatched). After Lidén 1969 Fig. 3.

from the Viking period and it appears to have existed right up to the time the wooden church was erected, i.e. sometime in the eleventh century’ (Lidén 1969, 9). We have to conclude that [in] the building that stood on the south baulk just before the wooden church was built, there were post-holes with gold plaques in the fill around the post. On the northern baulk, the waste layers above the earth floor indicate a building of distinctive profane character. The impression we get doesn’t agree very well with the building to having been the first church on the site. On the other hand, the eldest graves testify that such a church may have existed. Either this church must have disappeared without a trace, or we are faced with the fact that an original profane building has been converted to a church. (Lidén 1999, 41)

Olaf Olsen (1969, 25–27) has commented on the interpretations made by Lidén and the difficulties of understanding the stratigraphy in the lower layers: ‘I must question Lidén’s hypothesis that the so-called “Viking period building” (the one with the gold plaquets) is necessarily the immediate predecessor of the wooden church and also that Christian burials occurred in connection with it’ (Olsen 1969, 25). These oldest burials are oriented, not east–west but near ENE–WSW and must, according to Olsen, have been related to a church building oriented accordingly, and stood here ‘sometime during the period between the decay of the Viking period building and the erection of the wooden church’ (Olsen 1969, 25).

This situation is very similar to what we find at St Clement’s Church in Oslo, where the oldest graves are oriented according to the oldest wooden church and differently from later churches at the same place. There the oldest graves might go back in date to the tenth century, although Nordeide (2011) is inclined to date them to the eleventh. Unfortunately, and strangely enough, no-one has ever made any radiocarbon datings from the oldest graves at Mære or any other graves and building remains from the churches. We saw that Mære II was built during the eleventh century, dated by coin finds. It is then quite likely that its forerunner should be dated within the tenth century. Snorre Sturlason mentions in several places in his Kings’ Saga (Heimskringla) that the three Christianization kings in the second half of the tenth and first part of the eleventh century were forced, or invited, to carry out sacrifices to the pagan Norse gods at Mære. King Håkon the Good (c. 950) was invited by the chieftains of Inner Trøndelag to the midwinter feast at Mære where they asked and forced him to sacrifice. The king responded and did take part in the sacrificial feast (The Saga of Håkon the Good, chap.  18). Even King Olav Tryggvason (king 995–1000) was invited to sacrifices at Mære. However, when the king wanted to sacrifice the most respected men among them, they asked for peace and all men having come to Mære were baptized instead. (Here the term hov is used for the banqueting hall at Mære; The Saga of Olav Tryggvason, chaps 67–69). King Olav Haraldson also came to Mære where a sacrificial feast was prepared for. The king surrounded the place, killed

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Looting or Missioning

and captured many of the men gathered there, and took all the food that was prepared for the feast as well as other goods. All the people were converted to Christianity, priests were left here and a church was built (The Saga of Olav Haraldsson, chap. 109). This would have happened around 1021 (Titlestad 2013, 109–111, 215). If we trust the Sagas, the first church was built at Mære in 1021. But was this the first wooden church at Mære, Mære I or was it Mære II? Was there a church earlier than Olav Haraldsson’s church? It could also be that the first church (Mære I) must have been standing for a very short time during the eleventh century and was replaced by another (Mære II), built in the later part of the same century. New radiocarbon datings could contribute to solving this discussion. What we know about the earliest activities at Mære is that finds of glass and pottery sherds point to activity during the Migration period (400–600; Lidén 1999, 38, fig.  23). This is similar to what was later found at a site that had much in common with pre-Christian Mære, namely the chieftain’s farm at Borg at Vestvågøy, Nordland. The oldest house there (House I: 1b) is dated to the Migration period (Holand 2003a, 199–203). This phase has not been studied separately at Mære, and although glass and pottery are found in the same layers and building remains as the gold-foil plaques, the latter are dated to the Viking Age, although they may be dated to the Migration as well as the Merovingian periods or the Viking Age (cf. Munch 2003a, 251). It has been suggested that pre-Christian building(s) existed continually at Mære, from the Migration period until the building of the first Christian church (Lidén 1999, 37). The pre-Christian building-remains at Mære, containing 19 gold-foil plaques, were probably from a house that had been burnt down. It has been built of wooden posts and interlaced clay-and-wattle walls. Four huge post-holes were found, and 13 of the 19 gold-foil plaques were found in and around one of these. The excavator Hans-Emil Lidén (1999, 44) says: . . . consequently, the building with the post-hole containing the gold plaquets at Mære must have been linked to cult activity in one way or another. An obvious thought is that it is a hov we face, especially because written sources from the Middle Ages refer to the hov at Mære as an important pagan place of worship in Inner Trøndelag.

The concept hov has been discussed for a long time. However, Olaf Olsen, in his doctoral dissertation, stated that a hov did not have to be a separate building but rather was used for the big hall or the banqueting hall at a farm, equipped with cult furniture, pictures and carvings (Olsen 1966, 100). Wilhelm Holmquist (1962, 292) also said the longhouse was a combination of cult building and banqueting hall. Similar views are presented by Borg: it

is likely that a cult building on special occasions was used as a hov (Johansen and Munch 2003a, 18). The huge postholes at Mære, but also at Borg and Helgö in Sweden, are, at all three places, related to pagan gold plaques and it has been discussed whether the posts are the remains of high seat posts (Lidén 1969a, 19 f.), simply posts for carrying the roof of the hall (Holmquist 1962, 292) or the traces of wooden images of pagan gods (Olsen 1969, 26). As long as we have only the post-holes, it is difficult to confirm the correct solution. It is obvious that a church was built at the same spot as the pagan cult building at Mære and that it must have been a conscious act. I do not believe Lidén’s theory (1999, 46) that the cult house with the gold-foil plaques was transformed/ converted into the first church at the site. I do, however, agree that we here have one of the few known examples of ‘cult site continuity’ (cf. Tveito 2005, 322–327). If we keep to the Saga of King Olav Haraldsson, the reason why the first church at Mære existed for less than 100 years – maybe only 50 years – could be that this first church was built as a rush job during the Christianization process.

Overhalla, Nord-Trøndelag Overhalla was the centre of Namdalen during the Viking Age, a centre of smaller scale than Stjørdal and Steinkjer (Sognnes 1988a, 26, 39). The four farms where insular objects are found are situated along the River Namsen, some distance from the mouth of the river (Pettersen 2013, 46). Liturgical insular objects found in Overhalla are: Melhus (T8144) (see Fig.  21): house-shaped reliquary of wood, partly covered with bronze plates; found in a boat grave from about 800 (Wamers 1985; Pettersen 2013, 108; Heen-Pettersen and Murray 2018). Lilleberge (British Museum): circular ornamented mount of gilded bronze, originally part of a reliquary from the eighth–ninth century, found in a grave (Berglund and Dahl 2014). These are the profane insular objects found in Overhalla: Melhus (T6576): 2 fragments of a gilded and decorated bronze mount, found in the same boat grave as mentioned above, from about 800 (Wamers 1985; Pettersen 2013, 108). It is believed to have formed part of the womanʼs personal dress ornament (Heen-Pettersen and Murray 2018, fig. 4) Voll (T1184): drinking horn with bronze mounts, found in a male grave from the tenth century (Pettersen 2013, 102). Voll (T1187): balance of bronze, found in a male grave from the tenth century (Pettersen 2013, 102). Bjørnes (T1293): part of a balance of bronze, found in a male boat grave from 900–950 (Pettersen 2013, 95, 102–103).

6.  A geographical analysis of the Christianization process in Norway Bjørnes (T7364): part of a balance of bronze, found in a boat grave (Pettersen 2013, 109). At the Melhus farm a nearly complete reliquary of Irish origin from the seventh century is found together with an insular dress mount. From Lilleberge we have a mount from a reliquary. All these objects are found in Viking Age graves dated to around 800 and might speak in favour of attempts of a Christian mission. Special to Overhalla are the three finds of balance scales from the tenth century, from two different farms (Bjørnes and Voll). This is interpreted as an indication of a trading centre here during the Viking Age (Pettersen 2013, 48 with references), but signs of collection of taxes, fines, etc, may also be relevant (Pedersen 2000; cf. Martinussen 2010, 90, 92). A drinking horn (from Voll) is a high-status object in such a milieu and so is the dress ornament from Melhus.

Conclusions: insular contacts in Trøndelag The insular objects found in Trøndelag show a strong connection to farming areas, particularly along the east side of Trondheimsfjord. Many of the sites are ‘wealthy central areas strategically located in relation to trade and trade control’ (Pettersen 2013, 46–47). Areas that are highlighted are Stjørdal, Levanger/Verdal and Steinkjer (Pettersen 2013, 47). It appears that the contact between Trøndelag and the British Isles dates back to the late eighth century. We are talking about four graves with insular objects, from Grande, Geite, Skei and Melhus. Several of the graves above would presumably have been dated to the late Merovingian period against the background of brooch types in the grave finds if it had not been for the elements of insular objects. Graves with insular objects that can be older than 790, are often explained away as this does not match what one would otherwise think to know about the contact with the British Isles ... represent these findings [of] some of the earliest examples of burials with traces of contact between the British Isles and Norway. (Pettersen 2013, 50)

Heen Pettersen (2013, 67) believes that the insular objects from these four early dated graves ‘are objects that have come directly to Trøndelag through people who have been in the British Isles’. She suggests that the grave goods from these graves, and especially those from Skei and Geite, must be related to something other than casual looting voyages, such as expressions for alliances between Viking rulers and Irish tribal heads. The drinking horn, as found in several mounts from Trøndelag, including in the Geite burial, is often considered as a gift exchanged between allies (Pettersen 2013, 68). It is believed that there ‘has existed a close and mutual relationship between communities along the Trondheim Fjord and Norse colonies in insular areas’ during the

99

Viking Age (Pettersen 2013, 72). Heen Pettersen (2013, 77) interprets the drinking horn, along with wooden buckets with bronze fittings and bronze ladles associated with serving food and drinks, as secular objects related to feasts and gatherings. Thus these objects are also seen as an expression of peaceful relations with the insular areas and not of plunder or missionary activity. I have chosen to look at buckets with bronze fittings, bronze ladles and bronze bowls as an expression of Christian baptism in the early Viking Age, while drinking horns, together with ringed pins, horse garments and bridles are seen as gifts. I believe that the missionaries were carrying croziers, travelling reliquaries, small crosses and books, in addition to baptism equipment. There are signs of Christian mission in all the seven investigated districts of Trøndelag; strongest activities are from Ireland and Northumbria, in Stjørdal there even more from Anglo-Saxon England. In contrast to what we saw in western Norway, stone crosses as manifestations of Christianity are only found in Sakshaug, Inderøy. One AngloSaxon sword of the L-type is also found here, in addition to three more in Trøndelag (Stjørdal and Steinkjer), which probably shows the close alliances between chieftains in Trøndelag and England. Other objects mentioned above seem to be linked to missionary activity and also alliance building. The insular objects from Trøndelag reached their peak in the ninth century, with a strong dominance in female graves, like we saw in Western Norway. In many places the insular objects disappear around 900, particularly evident in Stjørdal, but not in the inner parts of the Trondheims fjord and in Namdalen. In other words, significant changes occurred in the contact westward after 900 (Petersen 2013, 44, 73–74). I interpret this as the Christianization process, based on the British Isles, which started in the late eighth century and continued through the ninth. In the tenth century contact between Norse colonies and allies in the British Isles probably dominated. The first mission period was a time of repeated mission efforts, where individuals and small groups could be baptized and adapt the Christian faith. It did not, however, result in real Christian communities. The equipment missionaries brought were taken up and transformed in the Viking society and used as grave goods in pagan graves. Whether positive memories of the Christian faith were embedded in any of these objects, we cannot say. First with ‘the Christianization kings’ in the second half of the tenth century and the first half of the eleventh, Christianity really forced its way through and eventually became predominant.

Northern Norway Compared to western and middle Norway the number of insular metal objects is quite few in northern Norway

Looting or Missioning

100

±

Clerical, Liturgical

æ

Stone crosses Croiziers Reliquaries & shrines Cross mountings Book mountings Manuscript pointer & turner Hanging & bronze bowls Ladles & buckets Altars & tabernacles Tating ware pitchers Glass vessels Chalice & patens Holy-water sprinkler

Finnmark

Hillesøy

Troms Bjarkøy

Bø Hadsel Borg (Vestvågøy) Steigen

Nordland Meløy Lurøy Nesna

0

50

100 Km

1:4 000 000

Figure 110. The distribution of clerical and liturgical objects found in northern Norway. Drawing by Ermias B. Tesfamariam. Terrain basemaps produced using Copernicus data and information funded by the European Union – EU-DEM layers https://www.eea.europa. eu/data-and-maps/data/eu-dem#tab-metadata.

(Gjessing 1939; Sjøvold 974, 244 f.). We have here, however, objects of possible Continental origin that might be linked to missions and Christianity (Fig. 110). Here, all these objects will be presented, the insular as well as the continental.

Nordland At Mindnes, Tjøtta, Alstahaug: a now lost silver hoard. In addition to silver rings were an unknown number of Anglo-Saxon pennies, among them coins struck during King Ethelred’s reign dated to 978/1016. This is a strong indication of relations with the British Isles. There are, however, no traces of objects that could be related to mission activity. Havsteinen, Herøy (T15297): balance scale, from a male grave from the tenth century (Sjøvold 1974, 23; Wamers 1985, 111).

Hov, Dønna (B1031): an Irish gilt bronze mount, probably part of a horse-harness, and a small annular brooch (R.682) (ringed pin) found in a boat grave from the ninth century (Sjøvold 1974, 28, pl. 53a; Wamers 1985, 91, Taf. 27,1). Lurøy, Lurøy (Ts3261a) (Fig. 111): square mount, with 4 masks in the corners, a circular central field decorated with Celtic entrelac and, in the middle, a hollow for inlay of amber or the like, of gilt bronze, originally from a house-shaped reliquary, found in a female grave, probably from the ninth century (Sjøvold 1974, 35, pl. 53b; Wamers 1985, 90–91, Taf. 5, 8). Ytre Kvarøy (Grave 8), Lurøy (Ts6377): an iron fragment with decorated gold plate, possibly from a reliquary of continental or English origin, found in a female grave from the early eighth century (Vinsrygg 1979, 70, Fig. 20, pl.7c).

6.  A geographical analysis of the Christianization process in Norway

Figure 111. Guilded bronze mount from a reliquary, from Lurøy, Nordland (Ts3261a) (measure diagonally 4.6 cm). Photo: June Åsheim, Tromsø University Museum. License: CC BY-NC-ND 3.0.

Figure 112. Mount with animal figures from an altar (7.5 × 3.8 cm), from Meløy, Nordland (B5393). Photo: Svein Skare, University Museum of Bergen. License CC BY-SA 4.0.

Ytre Kvarøy (Grave 12), Lurøy (Ts6381 b): an insular bronze bowl, found in a male grave from late eighth or the ninth century. Similarities with a bronze bowl from Kaupang, Vestfold have been mentioned (Vinsrygg 1979, 69, fig. 19, pl. 7b; Wamers 1985, 113). Meløy, Meløy (B5393a) (Fig. 112): an Irish gilt bronze mount, decorated with 8 free-sculptured animals in high relief, the space between them filled with ribbon interlacing, probably from an altar or a tabernacle; from a well-furnished female grave from the ninth century; the mount being dated to the eighth century (Sjøvold 1974, 39, 248, pl. 53d; Wamers 1985, 90, Taf. 17,1).

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Spildra, Meløy (B4565c): a circular gilt bronze mount of Celtic origin, decorated with animal figures and scrolls, probably part of a horse harness. A chance find from a barrow, probably a female grave from early ninth century; the mount is dated to the eighth century (Sjøvold 1974, 41–41, 247–248, Pl. 53e; Wamers 1985, 90, Taf. 26, 2). Øysund, Meløy (Ts6335a): a small equal-armed brooch of gilt bronze, decorated with band winding in chip-carving, of Celtic origin; probably from horse harness. Stray find (Sjøvold 1974, 43, 246, pl. 53c; Wamers 1985, 90, Taf. 27, 4). Kjelling, Gildeskål (Ts2367): 2 balance scales, from a male grave from the tenth century (Sjøvold 1974, 46, 322; Wamers 1985, 111). Stangholmen, Sør-Arnø, Gildeskål (Ts1476): balance scale, from a Viking Age grave (Sjøvold 1974, 44, 322; Wamers 1985, 111). Ljønes, Bodø (Ts1404): tinned balance scales, from a double burial from the tenth century (Sjøvold 1974, 56, 322; Wamers 1985, 111). Rønnvik, Bodin, Bodø, Nordland (Ts2556–65): 7 AngloSaxon silver pennies dated to 924/39–946/55, and buried after 949, found as part of a hoard with 46 silver coins (39 Kufic, 7 Anglo-Saxon), a penannular brooch of silver, rings and bars of silver and hack silver (Skaare 1976, 173; Screen 2013, 15). Steigen prestegård, Steigen (Ts1214): a small insular tinned bronze bowl, probably from a grave dated to the ninth– tenth century, possibly of Anglo-Saxon origin. The bowl has been torn from use at the bottom, and a bronze plate is riveted to the bottom from the outside (Gjessing 1939, 38; Sjøvold 1974, 72, 246, pl. 52d; Wamers 1985, 113). Hagbartsholmen, Grave I, Steigen (Ts5281): a balance scale, from a female grave from the tenth century (Sjøvold 1974, 65, 322; Wamers 1985, 111). Brennvik, Hamarøy (Ts1369): pyramidal-shaped mount, probably from a cross or a tabernacle mount of Irish or Anglo-Saxon origin, from a female grave from the tenth century, but the mount being dated to c. 700 (Pettersen 1940, 77, fig. 88; Sjøvold 1974, 76, 247, pl. 8d; Wamers 1985, 90, Taf. 13, 5). Borg, Borge, Vestvågøy (Ts8334): bronze bowl, Tating ware, gold decorated glass and an æstel of gold (manuscript pointer), from the settlement site (Holand 2003a; 2003b; Munch 2003b). Hadsel prestegård, Hadsel (Ts744): fragments of an Irish penannular brooch of silver, and (Ts743): fragments of a green glass vessel, all found in a female grave from the ninth–tenth century (Sjøvold 1974, 110–111, 246, pl. 52b; Glørstad 2010, 345). Hadsel, Hadsel (Ts2984): balance scale, from a male grave from the ninth century (Sjøvold 1974, 111f; Wamers 1985, 111).

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Ånestad, Hadsel (Ts757): tinned balance scale, from a male/ female grave from the ninth? century (Sjøvold 1974, 115, 322; Wamers 1985, 111). Hovden, Bø (B563): hemispherical boss, probably from a cross or the base of a chalice, from a female grave from the tenth century; the boss being dated to the seventh century (Sjøvold 1974, 115–116, 248; Wamers 1985, 90, Taf. 16, 4).

(1); æstel (manuscript pointer) (1); bronze bowls (4); pottery pitcher (1); glass vessels (2). Secular objects more probably being an expression of gift exchange or alliances are: parts of horse harness (3) and Irish brooches (2) (one find contains both types of objects). The eight balance scales are found in seven finds; all with the scales being the only insular object. I will now look at local concentrations of insular finds in northern Norway to see if it is possible to trace any missionary activity here during the Viking Age.

Troms

Lurøy-Dønna, Nordland

Bjarkøy prestegård, Bjarkøy (Ts938): fragments of an insular bronze bowl, from a male grave from the ninth century (Sjøvold 1974, 147 f.; Wamers 1985, 113). Lekangsund, Tranøy (Ts4815): open-worked disc decorated with spiral and trumpet ornaments in Irish style; a stray find from the ninth century (Sjøvold 1974, 151, pl. 53f; Wamers 1985, 90, Taf. 4,3). Tisnes, Kvaløya, Tromsø (Ts793) (see Fig. 43): disc-shaped piece of silvered bronze, interpreted as a paten. From a female grave from the ninth century (Sjøvold 1974, 246; Wamers 1985, 90, Taf. 19, 4). Storslett, Hillesøy, Kvaløya, Tromsø (Ts1002): disc-shaped shrine mount; Late Saxon (Bakka 1963, 15–17). Female grave from the tenth century (Sjøvold 1974, 159; Wamers 1985, 90, Taf. 2, 5). Sommarøy, Hillesøy, Tromsø (Ts4052b): gilded bronze disc that could have been part of a book mount; Late Saxon (Bakka 1963, 7). Female boat grave from the ninth century (Sjøvold 1974, 158–159, 246, pl. 54a; Wamers 1985, 90, Taf. 2, 3). Haukøy, Skjervøy: 5 Anglo-Saxon silver pennies (originally 6 coins), all mounted as pendants on 2 similar earrings. They are dated to c.9 97/1003–c.1028/35 and buried after 1029. They come from a hoard also containing other silver objects: rings, penannular brooch, chain with a cross and a figure of Christ (Skaare 1976, 175; Spangen 2005, 51–53; Screen 2013, 44).

Three grave finds from Lurøy, on the two different neighbouring islands Lurøy and Ytre Kvarøy, contained parts of reliquaries; one being ‘Celtic’ from the ninth century, the other of Continental or English origin from the eighth century. In another grave at Ytre Kvarøy from the late eighth or ninth century comes a bronze bowl. These objects are of the kind that missionaries brought with them on their travels to convert people to Christianity. On an island, just south of Kvarøy (which is also on the outer coast where ships were passing by) at Hov, Dønna, horse harness and a ringed pin of Irish origin have been found. These objects are, as we have seen in many parts of Norway, types of gifts given between friends and allies across the North Sea. So we can observe relations between the British Isles and Lurøy-Dønna that could be interpreted as manifestations of Christian mission as well as alliances.

Characterization of the insular objects found in Northern Norway The insular objects found in northern Norway are characterized as ‘Celtic’, Irish, English, Anglo-Saxon or Late Saxon, showing their origin in many parts of the British Isles. Some objects of ‘Christian significance’ may even originate from the Continent. Of a total of 24 finds, 22 could be dated to a specific century: 9% are dated to the eighth century, 14% to the eighth–ninth century, 41% to the ninth, 36% to the ninth–tenth or tenth century. That means that 15 finds are dated 700–900, 7 finds 900–1000 (four of the seven contain balance scales only). Finds with objects of an originally religious meaning are: parts of reliquaries (3); altar or tabernacle (1); cross or tabernacle (1); cross or chalice (1); paten (1); book mount

Meløy, Nordland A bit further north along the coastline lays Meløy, with insular finds from three sites, in Meløy, Spildra and Øysund. An Irish gilt bronze mount is probably from an altar or tabernacle, found in a ninth century grave at Meløy. The finds from Spildra and Øysund both contained horse harness of Celtic origin. Spildra and Øysund were important sites during the Viking Age, with rich graves, big burial mounds and long ship-houses (Storli 2006, 213). At Øysund there is even a possible so-called ‘court site’ with four houses. These are, however, dated to the Roman Iron Age (Storli 2006, 66–67). In any case, we have here farms where people of high rank were living and were able to maintain outward contacts, including with the British Isles, during the Viking Age.

Steigen-Hamarøy, Nordland Engeløya in Steigen was a well-known site during the Viking Age, and its power is manifested through the occurrence of two ‘court-sites’, large burial mounds, weapon graves and large boat-houses (Storli 2006, 112–115, 214). The ‘courtsites’ at Steigen are dated to 470–1030 and 260–610 (the Bø site) (Storli 2006, 63, 65). These are assembly sites (things). Insular finds found here are a small bronze bowl, probably of Anglo-Saxon origin, from a grave from the ninth–tenth century and a balance scale. These two finds

6.  A geographical analysis of the Christianization process in Norway might reflect Christian missions as well as trade or other forms of relations with the British Isles, and an attempt at conversion could have sought out a site like Steigen where there were powerful chieftains and the thing where decisions were taken. Also worth mentioning is the mount, probably from a cross or a tabernacle of insular origin from the neighbouring municipality of Hamarøy.

Borg, Vestvågøy, Nordland Based on the occurrence of imported objects from the Viking Age in northern Norway, Gutorm Gjessing suggested that Lofoten and Vesterålen had been a commercial centre during that period (Gjessing 1939, fig. 1). The location of two court sites at Vestvågøy, Lofoten (Leknes and Bøstad) and one at the neighbouring island of Grimsøy also makes this a region of political power (Storli 2006). What raises Vestvågøy to a higher sphere of importance during the Iron Age is the discoveries and excavations in the years 1981–1989 of house foundations at a chieftain’s site at Borg. Here I will focus on House I: 1a (‘the later building’), dating from the seventh to

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the tenth century. Borg was a political and economic centre, but also, according to Johansen and Munch, a religious centre, in pagan as well as in Christian times (Johansen and Munch 2003a, 14–18; 2003b, 36; Figs 113–114).

House I House I: 1a was 83  m long and c.12 m wide (outside measurements), divided into five rooms; the size being really an expression of wealth and power. One of the rooms, room C, is interpreted as the hall (c. 120 m2) where banquets and religious ceremonies took place, but also a room that served as a living room. Here was a central fireplace, broad benches along the walls and this is where the high seat was probably located. Almost all the luxury goods were found here: fragments of glass vessels, sherds of Tating ware, five gold plaques, the gold manuscript pointer and fragments of a bronze bowl. Most of these artefacts were found in the northern corner of the hall, near the high seat (Henderson and Holand 1992; Herchend and Mikkelsen 2003; Holand 2003a; 2003b; Munch 2003b; Fig. 115).

Figure 113. Borg, Vestvågøy, Nordland: excavated and reconstructed Viking Age farm and its nearest surroundings. Photo: Lofotr Viking Museum.

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Figure 114. The big house reconstructed at Borg, Vestvågøy, Nordland. Photo: Egil Mikkelsen.

The five gold-foil plaques (gullgubber) were found in and around a huge post-hole in the north-east corner of the hall of Borg, probably belonging to the high seat (Figs 115, 116a). They are difficult to date more precisely than within the period 500–900. Finds of gold-foil plaques at other sites in Scandinavia show that they come from particular places that were political and cult centres in the Late Iron Age (Munch 2003a, 247–251; 2003b, 254 f.). The gold-foil plaques show that Borg was an important heathen cult site during the Merovingian period and the Viking Age. I have already described in earlier chapters the objects found in room C that have originally been linked to Christianity or Christian culture: a manuscript pointer, bronze bowl, Tating ware pitcher and glass vessels. The fact that the heathen gold-foil plaques and the Christian objects were all found in the hall of the big chieftain’s house at Borg, in the same corner of that hall, around the high seat, makes it more likely that they all belonged to the religious sphere of the chieftain’s house.

I will look at these objects and see how they can be related to each other in a Christian context. Then I will suggest an interpretation of this context. The sherds of two Tating ware pitchers were found in the hall of Borg (Fig. 116b). Many of these pitchers (but not the two from Borg) have a Christian cross ornamented on the lower part of the belly and many have been found near churches, speaking in favour of these having a religious function. Containers for wine for the Communion is one possible interpretation of the Tating ware pitchers; another is a container for holy water for ritual hand washing or water to be used during baptism. In Helgö, Sweden, these pitchers are regarded as a direct Christian element (Holmqvist 1969, 23). Glass vessels have different forms and functions. The most probable drinking vessels are the funnel beakers: ten of light green glass and one colourless glass with gold decorations in the form of one central and four smaller crosses (Figs 116c; 41). The cross ornaments here like the crosses on Tating ware pitchers suggest a Christian link or function. Although many scholars have seen Viking Age

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Figure 115. Plan of the big house excavated at Borg – house I:1a - with walls, postholes, the interpretations of rooms and the distribution of high status artefacts, sherds of Tating ware and glass vessels. Drawing by Ermias B. Tesfamariam, Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo, based on four plans in Munch, Johansen and Roesdahl 2003.

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Figure 116a–d. Borg, Vestvågøy, Nordland. a) Gold plaque (1.0 × 0.8 cm) (Ts8334b). b) part of Tating ware pitcher. c) glass vessel and d) part of bronze bowl. (The gold-decorated glass (Ts8334gæ) is reconstructed in drawing by I. Holand and E.Høgtun.) Photo: Olga Kvalheim, Tromsø University Museum. License: CC BY-NC-ND 3.0.

glasses in the context of feasts, I would prefer to join the interpretation of Agneta Lundström (1971, 220) in seeing funnel-shaped glasses as liturgical vessels, used as Christian chalices. The shape of the funnel beaker makes it a hand vessel – not possible to place on a table. That fits well with the function as a chalice. Metal chalices from Viking Age Norway have been found in three examples (parts) only, made of gilded bronze.

The bronze bowl at Borg is, like the hanging bowls as I have argued earlier, best interpreted as a baptismal bowl, filled with holy water and hung or carried by hand during baptism. (Fig. 116d). The bronze bowl can be functionally linked to the Tating ware pitchers, both being parts of the baptismal equipment. This does not, however, necessarily rule out the pitchers used as wine jugs as well, together with funnel glass vessels during the Communion.

6.  A geographical analysis of the Christianization process in Norway Several scholars have, as I have already pointed out, suggested that the combination of Tating ware pitchers, funnel beaker glasses and bronze bowls might be evidence of early Christian mission. In Sweden, this find combination has been connected to Ansgar’s mission to Birka (Selling 1951; Lundström 1971; Winkelmann 1972), and at Kaupang, Norway, Aslak Liestøl (1953) suggested a religious link between the bronze bowl and the Tating ware pitchers found there. An interesting grave find in this connection, mentioned by several archaeologists, is Grave 854 from Birka (see Fig. 5). It was a very rich grave containing a Tating ware pitcher (with a Christian cross on the belly), a funnel beaker of glass and a hanging bowl of bronze (with bird-shaped escutcheons). A whalebone plaque in the grave points to contacts with northern Norway (Arbmann 1943, fig. 275; Storli 2006, 170–179). A Thorʼs hammer ring in the grave and the burial costume make Grave 854 at Birka a pagan grave, but the content strongly indicates a link to Christianity, maybe a missionary visiting Birka. Ingegjerd Holand (2003b, 221), in discussing the Borg site, does not, however, regard the objects as indications of Christian activity at the site. She says that ‘they are more likely to be objects of ritual significance in Christian societies, which were transferred to a Pagan context emulating certain aspects of the Christian rituals’. I do not really understand what she means by that. Objects with Christian functions, like an Irish crozier, a Coptic ladle and a cross-ornamented silver bowl found in the great hall at Helgö, Sweden, have been interpreted as a result of the hall having been used as a church in an initial phase of Christian presence at the site (Gansum 2008, 206 with refs). Wilhelm Holmqvist (1969, 23–24) adds to the crozier, the ladle and a silver dish, a bell shrine of iron, mounts with enamel and millefiori decorations ‘which undoubtedly have adorned objects used in the service of the Christian cult’, Frisian/ Tating ware pitchers and a gold-foiled decorated glass beaker as material of Christian character. He claims that many of the objects are valueless in other contexts, ‘and the idea that it may have been brought back as booty from foreign countries can be dismissed’ (Holmqvist 1969, 24). Holmqvist sees a relation between Birka and Helgö: Christianity and the Christian cult could have been practised at both sites. The Christian objects from Helgö were found in that part of the buildings where most gold plaques with figures have been found, related to huge post-holes, just as in the hall at Borg. ‘It should be possible to interpret this unreservedly as to mean that the Christian cult was introduced into the premises where earlier pagan sacrificial feasts had been held’ (Holmqvist 1969, 24). A similar interpretation is possible at Borg as well, without necessarily saying that the hall at Borg was used as a church. Gerd Stamsø Munch (2003b, 257–258), including even the manuscript pointer from Borg (see below), discusses the question of continuity from pagan religion to Christianity. She says:

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No other objects or features [than the bronze bowl, the Tating ware pitchers, the glass vessel decorated with gold foil and the manuscript pointer] were found which could possibly be interpreted as an indication of Christian activities. A missionary activity at Borg during the Early Viking Age seems even less likely than at Kaupang. The above-mentioned objects are considered as status symbols like the other outstanding artefacts. (Munch 2003b, 258)

I do not see this as an adequate argumentation against Christian missionary activity! Munch forgets to discuss the process by which these objects came to Borg, only how they were looked upon in that society. Ulf Näsman and Else Roesdahl (2003, 293) are in favour of interpreting these objects as the result of trade, not mission, but how can you trace trade and deny mission? The gold æstel (manuscript pointer) (Fig. 117a–b) was used when reading books or manuscripts, to more easily follow the lines. From the mouth of the handle, the pointer (probably of bone or walrus ivory) was fastened. There are good reasons to believe that books have existed here at Borg, together with the æstel. I will now look at where the æstel and all the other Christian objects might have had their origin. Tating ware was probably produced at several different places, in present day Germany, Netherlands and England (Tating ware has been found in Winchester, England). Glass vessels from Borg were produced in England (3), the Rhine area (1) and the Continent (2), the origins of the other 9–10 vessels are unclear. Bronze bowls like the hanging bowls were probably produced in Ireland, although they are best represented in England. The gold æstel was made in Anglo-Saxon England, probably in Wessex or Mercia. This means that all these objects might have come from England, although glasses and Tating ware were also produced on the Continent, all most probably in the eighth and ninth centuries. It is very tempting to look at the objects found at Borg as having a connection to Ohthere’s travel to King Alfred the Great around the year 890. Some scholars have suggested such a link (Yorke 2008, 17; Hinton 2013, 33). If many of the Christian objects came from Wessex around that year, what would that mean?

King Alfred the Great: Wessex 890 King Alfred, king of Saxon Wessex and Anglian Mercia between 871 and his death in 899, fought against the Vikings during his reign. From 878 to 892 there was, however, a period free from Viking attacks, and these were years of reconstruction and reforms in Alfred’s kingdom. The king, being a true Christian – perhaps the first fully Christian Anglo-Saxon king, engendered a revival of religion and learning in this period. During the 880s he recruited learned men from England, Wales and the Frankish kingdom. One of these, the monk Asser from Wales, wrote his biography

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Figure 118. Silver penny struck for King Alfred the Great of Wessex. Photo: The Royal Mint Museum.

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Figure 117a–b. Manuscript pointer (æstel) from Borg, Vestvågøy, Nordland (height 2.45 cm) (Ts8334a). Photo: M. Karlstad and O. Kvalheim, Tromsø University Museum. License: CC BY-NCND 3.0.

from which we have very detailed knowledge about Alfred’s life (Keynes and Lapidge 2004; Ryan 2013a, 262–266). At that time more and more people, including some among the clergy, were no longer capable of understanding Latin. Around 887 Alfred therefore decided to translate from Latin to Old English certain texts that he considered were the most important to know: Pope Gregory I’s Pastoral Care (Regula Pastoralis), Boethius’s Consolation of Philosophy (Consolatio Philosophiae), St Augustine’s Soliloquies and the first 50 Psalms. In addition, several translations were prepared, e.g. the works of Orosius and Bede. The translators worked in close cooperation with the king himself, or the king personally was the main translator. The last is probably the case with the earliest translation, that of Gregory’s Pastoral Care. In the preface of this work, King Alfred explains why he had undertaken to translate this and the other works: ‘that we too should turn into the language that we can all understand certain books which are the most necessary for all men to know’. The translation was completed in the year 890 (Keynes and Lapidge 2004, 26–28, 35, 124, 126). Alfred also explains the procedure by which he intended to have the book circulated. It is of great importance to quote what he says about this in the ‘Prose Preface’ to the Pastoral Care: I intend to send a copy to each bishoprie in my kingdom; and in each copy there will be an æstel worth fifty mancuses [equivalent to 1500 silver pennies]. And in God’s name I command that no one shall take that æstel from the book, nor the book from the church. It is not known how long

6.  A geographical analysis of the Christianization process in Norway there shall be such learned bishops as, thanks to God, there are now nearly everywhere. Therefore I would wish that they [the book and the æstel] always remain in place, unless the bishop wishes to have the book with him, or it is on loan somewhere, or someone is copying it. (Keynes and Lapidge 2004, 126)

In a note to this text, Keynes and Lapidge (2004, 294) say that if each bishop in Alfred’s kingdom were to receive a copy of the book and the æstel, at least ten had been needed, in addition to copies for important monastic centres founded by the king. Of course, a copy for the king himself and his court had to be included, reaching a number of about 15 copies of the book and probably as many æstels. Today Alfred’s translation of the Pastoral Care survives in some six manuscripts; two of these were probably written during Alfred’s lifetime (Keynes and Lapidge 2004, 293). We know of nine manuscript pointers or æstels (Latin: indicatorium or pointer); eight from England and the one from Borg. The most famous is the so-called Alfred Jewel with the Old English inscription ÆLFRED MEC HEHT GEWYRKAN: Alfred ordered me to be made. It has long been assumed that Alfred refers to the King himself, Alfred the Great (see Fig. 27a). The Alfred Jewel was found at North Petherton in Somerset, only 6–7 km from the monastery in Athelney which Alfred founded himself (Keynes and Lapidge 2004, 203). It is made of gold (as all the æstels are), rock crystal and enamel, depicting a man holding flowering rods, probably a representation of Christ. This is the handle. From the mouth of an animal head at the end would have been a pointer, probably of wood, bone or walrus ivory (Yorke 2008, 15–17; Hinton 2013). The other eight æstels are smaller and simpler. The eight from England come from Somerset, Oxfordshire (2), Dorset, Wiltshire, Warwickshire, Suffolk and south Yorkshire (Yorke 2008, 16–18; see Fig. 27b–h). They are decorated in filigree technique with gold beads and wire and all are missing the pointer. All nine æstels are dated to the time of King Alfred (871–899), and seven of them were found in his kingdom, in Wesssex and Mercia (see Fig. 27i). ‘King Alfred himself is known to have had goldsmiths in his service to whom he gave instructions’ (Asser 76), and his biographer Asser also says that the king employed craftsmen ‘from many races’ (Asser 101; Keynes and Lapidge 2004, 91, 106, 204). When looking again at the inscription on the Alfred Jewel, it makes sense that it was the king himself who ordered the æstel from one of his goldsmiths, one coming from Mercia (the words mec and heht are Mercian forms) (Keynes and Lapidge 2004, 204). There are reasons to believe that King Alfred also ordered the other æstels that we know exist to be made and to have them distributed together with the copies of Gregory’s book Pastoral Care, which was translated into Old English on the king’s command (see above).

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King Alfred and Ohthere (Ottar) The chieftain and tradesman Ottar (Ohthere in Old English) coming from northern Norway, visited the court of King Alfred just at that time, probably in the year 890 (Näsman and Roesdahl 2003, 293). That was probably the same year that the English version of Pastoral Care was completed (Keynes and Lapidge 2004, 35) and he distributed the book together with an æstel. Ohthere’s visit to King Alfred and the stories he told at the king’s court were written down. At that time the work by Paulus Orosius, Historiarum adversum Paganos Libri Septem, was also translated from Latin to Old English (Figs 119–120). Orosius (c. 375–418) was a Spanish historian who wrote this work describing the history of the world he knew at his time. When it was translated at Alfred’s court nearly 500 years later, the king wanted to add more information about the northern parts of Europe, and Ohthere’s story of his journeys e.g. north of the Arctic Circle was added to Orosius’s work (Bately 2007a). ‘The Old English Orosius could well have been complete by as early as 890 or 891’ (Keynes and Lapidge 2004, 35); that means the year Ohthere visited King Alfred or the succeeding year. We know that Ohthere brought walrus ivory to the king, maybe as a gift, but it is not explicitly said so in the text of Orosius (‘they brought some of their [walrus’] teeth to the king’; Bately 2007b, 45). It is possible that the lost pointer of the Alfred Jewel and other æstels could have been made from such a rare and precious material (Yorke 2008, 20). The Old English Orosius text says nothing about gifts or objects that have been given from Alfred to Ohthere. According to the traditions of the Viking Age society and also within the Anglo-Saxon society, it would be unthinkable that this did not happen. Gift giving and gift receiving, especially between high-ranking people, were an expected part of behaviour; as it is said in the Hávamál (145): ‘A gift always calls for a gift’ (Sheehan 2013, 809-–814; cf. Winroth 2012, 45–51). Jon Vidar Sigurdsson (2014, 228) points out that Ohthere called King Alfred ‘his lord’. That means that Ohthere was either a merchant under the king’s protection, or he was Alfred’s retainer. If we choose the latter interpretation ‘it is unlikely that he [Ohthere] was not baptized or at least prime-signed’ (Sigurdsson 2014, 228). Sigurdsson (2014, 227–228) says that ‘Scandinavian merchants probably stayed in England on many occasions over the winter, and must, after some time, have gained good insights into the Christian religion’. If Ohthere was baptized at Alfred’s court, it is relevant to refer to what happened in connection with the baptism of the Danish king Harald Klak and his family with the Frankish emperor Louis the Pious in 826: Harald and his wife received gifts without giving any in return, an act clearly denoting their inferiority to Louis the Pious. However, if the wish to be baptized and the

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Is it possible, then, to assume that Ottar got the æstel found at Borg as a gift from Alfred, probably together with books and other objects like glasses, pitchers and a bronze bowl? There was no use for an æstel or books if no-one could read them back home. At a time when the work of Gregory was just translated into Old English and several æstels were made at Alfred’s court, a proud Christian king might have wanted to spread the right faith to the far north. Did he send one of his bishops or priests on Ohthere’s ship back to northern Norway, bringing books, the æstel, the glass with gold crosses, Tating ware pitchers and a bronze bowl? That could explain why these objects found in the hall at Borg,

having obviously been treated with respect and been used here, possibly in religious ceremonies, were not found in a pagan grave. Again, a parallel story to that of the baptism of King Harald Klak is of great interest: Ansgar was sent with the king back to Denmark as ‘a result of the mission initiative that the events have actualized, but must also be seen as a result of the patron commitments Louis the Pious had taken as Harald’s godfather’ (Tveito 2005, 53). Bringing back a bishop from King Alfred in Wessex to Borg might have been the first real attempt at Christianization in Lofoten at the end of the ninth century.

Where was Ohthere’s home? Ottar himself said he lived in Halgoland (Hålogaland), in northern Norway. (Fig. 121). It is debatable whether his farm could have been Borg in Lofoten or if he came from further north; Bjarkøy or Hillesøy/Kvaløya by Tromsø has been suggested (Näsman and Roesdahl 2003, 293). We cannot, however, rule out that the writer at Alfred’s court misunderstood what Ottar told them, or that Ottar was

6.  A geographical analysis of the Christianization process in Norway

Figure 120. Replica of a Viking ship of a similar type as Ottar used, from Borg, Vestvågøy, Nordland. Photo: Egil Mikkelsen.

exaggerating when it is said ‘that he lived furthest north of all Northmen’ (Fell 2003, 307; Bately 2007b, 44). He could have said so even if there were other chieftains living north of him: he was among the few chieftains living far north in Norway. Olav Sverre Johansen (1989, 21–22) has also stressed that misunderstandings might have arisen, especially among some figures stated. It is clear that there must have been serious problems of communication between Ohthere and the note-taker (Bately 2007a, 31). The three researchers Pedersen, Stylegar and Nordseng (2003, 279–281) also think that ‘nuances may have been lost’, although the difference between Old Norse and Old English ‘was not so big that he couldnʼt make himself reasonably well understood’; ‘it is not easy to say how King Alfred’s Anglo-Saxon scribe has managed to render Ohthere’s travelogue’; ‘in details language problems are, of course, a possible source of error’. It is also worth mentioning that both Bjarkøy and Hillesøy/Kvaløya had stronger archaeological and historical sources for claiming these places as being the home of Ottar, before the excavations were carried out at Borg. Now the biggest house from the Viking Age found in the whole of Norway has been identified, with the finds we have just been describing, and is far richer than anything found at the

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two other places. Borg is described as ‘the northernmost elite residence of Merovingian and Viking Age Europe’ (Näsman and Roesdahl 2003, 296). I am not in favour of supporting the interpretation by Barbara Yorke (2008, 17) regarding Ottar not living at Borg: ‘it is feasible that when he returned home he shared out gifts he had received at Alfred’s court as part of maintaining his own network of contacts through the giving of gifts’. What Ottar brought back from Alfred were not just precious objects but a whole new faith. In this connection it is of interest to look at the heathen Norwegian king Harald Fairhair (king possibly c. 885–c. 933; Norseng 2015). He was king in western Norway during Ohthere’s visit to King Alfred in 890. King Harald sent his young son Håkon to be brought up at the Christian court of one of Alfred’s grandchildren, King Æthelstan (king 924–939) in Wessex, probably between 924/5 and 933/5. This might have taken place as part of an alliance between King Harald Fairhair and King Æthelstan to secure Harald’s realm on the Scottish islands (cf. Norseng 2015), only a generation after Ohthere’s visit to King Alfred of Wessex. Even if there are good reasons to argue for Ohthere living at Borg, based on the archaeological evidence: can we find support for this when we turn back to the story written down at Alfred’s court? (Bately 2007). I have already argued for possible misunderstandings in the story regarding Ohthere living ‘far north’ or the ‘furthest north of all Northmen’. Further on in the story it is said that he lived ‘beside the West Sea’ (OE: west sæ) (Bately 2007, 44). This is interpreted as the way Ohthere described ‘the stretch of sea west of his home’ (Bately 2007, 57). If, however, we look at this geographical description in relation to Borg, located at Vestvågøy in Lofoten, we find the name Vestfjorden: the West Fjord: between Lofoten and mainland Norway: ‘The West Fjord is a sea between Lofoten and Salten in Nordland. In a strict geological sense the West Fjord is not a fjord, but a sea area’ (Vestfjorden): (https://no.wikipedia. org/wiki/Vestfjorden_(Nordland); translated by the author). The west sæ is not west of Ohthere’s home, but east of it: he is living beside (west of) the West Fiord, in Lofoten. Ohthere then tells King Alfred of his voyage along the coast of Norway, north of his home and all the way to the White Sea: First he sailed north for three days: Then he was as far north as the furthest the whale hunters go. Then he continued to travel north, as far as he could sail in the next three days. Then the land there turned east, … he waited there for wind from the west and slightly north… (Bately 2007, 44)

A sailing voyage with a Viking ship north to the White Sea must have taken place during the summer season. This is a time of the year with the midnight sun and thus it is possible to sail all day and night without going ashore. When Ohthere describes the 6 days’ journey northward in 3 days × 2, it is

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Figure 121. Hålogaland, with the situation of Borg and other chieftain centres. Drawing by Ermias B. Tesfamariam, Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo.

probably because they sailed for 3 days and night at a time before camping ashore in between. Based on the hypothesis that Ohthere lived at Kvaløya by present day Tromsø, Anton Englert has tried to see his voyages from a nautical point of view (Englert 2007). He thinks the turning point in the furthest north is Nordkyn at the Nordkinn peninsula, 40 miles (c. 63 km) east of the North Cape (Englert 2007, 126, fig.  4). The distance from Kvaløya to Nordkyn is 251 nautical miles (nm; 465 km), which means 42 nautical miles sailing per day for 6 days (Fig. 122). The sailing speed of a Viking ship is of course dependent on the wind direction and stability. It is suggested that Ohthere sailed with a ship of a similar type as the Gokstad ship (Christensen 2007). When Magnus Andersen crossed the North Atlantic in 1893 with Viking, a replica of the Gokstad ship, they sailed the 2140 nautical miles (3963 km) from Bergen to Newfoundland in 28 days. That gives an average of 76.4 nautical miles a day (Englert 2012, 273). In Ohthere’s description of his sailing journeys he says that he sailed from Kaupang in Vestfold to Hedeby in 5 days, a distance of 400  nautical miles, or 80  nautical miles a day (Englert 2012, 270; 2015). Sailing a reconstruction of Skuldelev 1, a Viking ship 16 m long (7 m shorter than the Gokstad ship) showed a daily distance of 35–110 nautical miles, an average distance of 66.7 nautical miles a day. These sailings, however, took place during all sorts of weather and wind conditions (Englert 2012, table 37.2). These three examples, Ohthere himself (80 nm), Viking (76.4 nm) and Skuldelev 1 (66.7 nm) indicate that Ohthere’s home was perhaps not Kvaløya: the sailing distance a day calculated by

Englert (2007) was ‘too short’. We have to locate Ohthere’s home further south. If Ohthere’s home was Borg, was it possible to sail from Vestvågøy to Nordkyn in 6 days? I have been looking at the sailing plans for the Hurtigruten ship, sailing today along the coast of Norway, from Bergen to Kirkenes (Wikipedia: Hurtigruten). It has a stop at Stamsund, Vestvågøy and also stops at Kjøllefjord and Mehamn at Nordkinnhalvøya, with Nordkyn in between. The distance Stamsund–Nordkyn is about 442 nautical miles, which means an average sailing distance per day of 74 nautical miles in 6 days. This is in accordance with the examples given above, and 74 nm a day is close to what is called 1 tylft vikur (1 viku = 6 nm × 12): 72 nautical miles, which was a normal sailing distance in a day in the sixteenth century and even possibly earlier (Morcken 1978, 50, 66). If they sailed day and night during the 3+3 days’ voyage between Vestvågøy and Nordkyn, an average speed of 3 knots was enough. That is a quite moderate speed (Englert 2011, 108). There would be little problem for Ohthere (coming from Borg) in comfortably sailing the distance between Borg and Nordkyn in 6 days. It could even be claimed that Bjarkøy or Kvaløya, further north, do not satisfy so well the sailing description of Ohthere. Kvaløya (‘The Whale Island’) by Tromsø could, however, have been where Ohthere stopped on his voyage after 3 days’ sailing from Vestvågøy. The reference in Ohthere’s story in the work of Orosius goes as follows: after three days ‘he was as far north as the furthest the whale hunters go’ (Bately 2007, 44). That could be

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±

Nordkinn Nordkapp Hjelmsøya Ingøya

Magerøya

Rolfsøya

Tanafjorden Laksefjorden Varangerhalvøya

Porsanger

Sørøya NordFugløya

Varangerfjorden

Loppa

Arnøya Vannøya Ringvassøya

Kværnangen

Kvaløya

Senja Andøya

Hinnøya

Lo

200 Km

Lødingen

en

t fo

Borg

Vestfjorden 0

50

100 Km

1:2 500 000

Figure 122. The Viking Age sailing rout from Vestvågøy to Nordkinn peninsula. Drawing by Ermias B. Tesfamariam, Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo.

anywhere in northern Troms. Fridtjof Nansen (1911(1988), 136) thinks the story refers to walrus hunting and mentions the place name ‘Rosmålvik’ in Loppa as evidence on such hunting here in earlier times. We find even further south the name ‘Rossmålneset’ at Nord-Kvaløy in Karlsøy, Troms, indicating the same. From Karlsøy we have several traces of Viking Age settlement (Sjøvold 1974, 170–172), and it is said that here is ‘the Northern enclave with Norse settlement according to archaeological finds’ (Johansen 1989, 36). This could have been the place to stop after three days of Ohthere’s voyage. The distance Stamsund–Karlsøy is about 220–230 nautical miles, and that is very close to half the distance to Nordkyn, when sailing 74 nm/day. I will therefore suggest Karlsøy as the resting place for Ohthere after 3 days of sailing from Vestvågøy. A last argument against Borg being Ohthere’s farm is provided by Olav Sverre Johansen (1989, 43): ‘It is situated too far south and west and too far away from the Sami land and the pastures of the reindeers’. Recent research might show that this is not the case. He was a very prosperous man in respect of those possessions that their wealth consists of, that is, of wild

animals. When he sought the king, he still had six hundred domesticated animals unsold. These animals they call reindeer; six of them were stæl reindeer. They are very valuable [prized] among the Finnas, since they catch the wild reindeer with them. (Bately 2007b, 45–46)

This passage in Ohthere’s story has created much debate (see Storli 2007, 94): • Reindeer breeding has been associated with the Sami and not the Norse population. • Many scholars have rejected the idea that domesticated reindeer existed at Ohthere’s time, claiming that reindeer pastoralism was not established until the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Other scholars argue that this was established as early as the ninth century in some of the Sami settlement areas. Could we use Ohthere’s story to make a new interpretation of the situation of handling reindeer? H. D. Bratrein (1989–1994) has suggested (although referring to Karlsøy and Helgøy further north) ‘that Ohthere’s animals were probably wild reindeer pasturing on some of the islands in his home region, to which he claimed exclusive rights

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and from which he could regularly harvest with his six stælhranas, or decoys’ (Storli 2007, 94). Research into written historical sources, place names and registrations of Sami archaeological monuments from Lofoten has provided new possibilities for testing these interpretations. These show that all forms of Sami food procurement activity are known in Lofoten over a long-term perspective: from a hunting society based on wild reindeer and maritime hunting and fishing, through to coastal Sami farming settlement, reindeer pastoralism and seasonal fisheries. Hunting pits, stone fences and hunting blinds that have been used during reindeer hunting are found, but they are not precisely dated. However, one now believes that a Sami hunting population existed in Lofoten from the Iron Age (including the Viking Age; Hansen and Olsen 2004, 79; Nielssen 2005, 10, 13; 2008, 195–198, 206 f.). If we look at Vestvågøy specifically (probably the island of Ohthere’s farm) we find many traces of a permanent settled Sami population up to the nineteenth century, related to fishing, exploitation of other marine resources, reindeer herding and bear hunting. Place names with ‘finn-’ and ‘rein-’, referring to ‘Sami’ and ‘reindeer’ are found at 20 places on Vestvågøy, probably going back to the Viking Age (Nielssen 2008, 202, 205–206, 219). House sites, probably related to reindeer hunting or herding, are found in valleys and mountain areas (Nielsson 2008, 207; Fig. 123). One gets the impression that the ethnic relations between the Norse and the Sami population contained elements of cooperation. Ohthere owned reindeer herds, at a transitional stage from hunting to pastoral economy. The Sami population paid taxes in the form of reindeer hides but were, at the same time, incorporated in Ohthere’s economic and political organization as specialist groups. They probably received certain favours for the taxation: agricultural products and iron (Odner 1983, 24, 31). To conclude on the reindeer story of Ohthere, I find the model suggested by Bratrein interesting, and I will take that as a starting point, but develop it and transfer it to Vestvågøy in the Viking Age. Here both a Sami and a Norse population lived on the island but exploiting different parts of the land and different resources. The Sami population, living in the mountains, valleys and the bottom of the small fjords, hunted reindeer, but were in the process of having started to domesticate them and so had a form of control over the herds. In addition, they were fishing and hunting seal and whale and collecting other products that were highly appreciated by the chieftain and his ‘market’. Ohthere was not himself directly involved in reindeer pastoralism, but he was linked to a reciprocal redistributive exchange system with Sami groups that made deliveries predictable: Considering the great demand for food supply on the chieftains’ farm, his own included, his ample access to reindeer meat, and maybe even to products from reindeer

milk, must have been of considerable importance. Likewise it provided access to raw material like reindeer hides and antlers, which were appreciated by artisans in market towns like Kaupang and Hedeby. (Storli 2007, 95)

This possibility of seeing reindeer meat and other products from reindeer as a supplement to what Ohthere himself got from his own farming activity is interesting. Ohthere’s story about his farming says: He was among the foremost men in that land. However, he did not have more than twenty head of cattle and twenty sheep and twenty pigs, and the little they ploughed he ploughed with horses. (Bately 2007b, 46)

Ohthere’s modesty regarding the number of cattle, sheep and pigs and land to cultivate for cereal growing could show that his produce was for his household only and not for exchange or trade. This, in addition to what I have said above about the supply of reindeer meat, could explain the low numbers of cattle, sheep and pigs. We should point out here that Vestvågøy, where the Borg farm is situated, is today the most important farming municipality in the county of Nordland, with very good conditions for grass production and pastures (see Fig. 113). The numbers of cattle, sheep and goats are relatively high. The most fertile soil is in the inner parts of the island, where Borg is also situated, whereas the coastline is dominated by high mountains. The sun is above the horizon from 26 May until 17 July (Wikipedia: Vestvågøy). We do not hear anything about cereal production in Ohthere’s description only that he was ploughing land, obviously for such cultivation. Although it is well suited for cereal growing at Vestvågøy, we do not know if this was enough or if they had to import cereal from further south. It was during the Iron Age that the Sami population entered into an exchange and trading system with the chieftains along the coast of northern Norway, where they delivered different hunting products from sea and land. Ohthere’s description shows us how important were these relations and how the deliveries from the Sami were the most important sources of wealth of the Norse chieftains. They were dependent on having a Sami hunting or herding population in their neighbourhood (Hansen and Olsen 2004, 60–65; Nielssen 2008, 196, 217). Here is what Ohthere told King Alfred about his taxation of the Sami: But their wealth consists mostly of the tax [tribute?] that the Finnas pay them. The tax consists of animals’ skins and of birds’ feathers and whale’s bone and of those ship’s ropes that are made from whale’s [or walrus?] hide and from seals’. Each pays according to his rank [or lineage]: the highest in rank has to pay fifteen marten skins and five reindeer and one bear skin and ten ambers of feathers and a bear- or otter-skin tunic and two ship’s ropes; each must be sixty ells long, one must be made from whale’s [or walrus?] hide, the other from sealskin. (Bately 2007b, 46).

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±

Norse Iron age Grave mounds & -cairns House-grounds ¨ Boat-houses ¨ Hill-fort

Borgværet

Sami Monuments

È

Scree burials Bear graves Gamme sites (turf house sites) Hunting blinds Meat caches

Bøstad ¨ ¨ ¨ ¨

¨ ¨ ¨¨ ¨ ¨

Borg ¨ ¨

È ÈÈ

Vestvågøy

¨ ¨ ¨ ¨

¨ Leknes ¨¨ ¨¨ ¨ ¨¨ ¨ ¨ ¨ ¨¨ ¨ ¨ ¨

¨ ¨

¨ ¨

0

1,5

3

1:150 000

Km

Figure 123. Map of Vestvågøy, Lofoten, Nordland. Norse ancient monuments from the Norse Iron Age (including the Viking Age) (red), and estimated Sami monuments (green) from the Iron Age as well as later periods. Drawing by Ermias B. Tesfamariam, Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo. The map is based on the official database for ancient monuments in Norway – Askeladden. Terrain basemaps produced using Copernicus data and information funded by the European Union – EU-DEM layers https://www.eea.europa. eu/data-and-maps/data/eu-dem#tab-metadata.

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The story shows how important were marine hunting and gathering, in addition to hunting of fur animals. These products were the most important goods of exchange and trade that Ohthere had to his disposal when travelling southward to trading places in southern Norway, Germany and when visiting England. Ohthere lived in a close relation with the Sami groups at Vestvågøy, who exploited reindeer, walrus and a lot of other resources that were the basis for much of his own wealth.

Consequences From the discussion and arguments above, I find it reasonable to conclude that Ohthere lived as a chieftain at the Borg farm at Vestvågøy, Lofoten. Here the largest house known from the Viking Age in Norway (83 m long) is found, described as the northernmost elite residence of Viking Age Europe. The historian Torgrim Titlestad (2011, 103–104) has argued that the chieftain’s farm at Borg may have been the starting point for the expansion of the Håløyg lineage in the Viking Age and the establishment of the earl court at Lade near Nidaros (Trondheim). This probably happened in Ottar’s lifetime, in the late ninth century when Håkon Grjotgardsson was the first earl to settle on Lade (Wikipedia: Ladejarlene). The Christianization process in Lofoten probably started here at Borg, and Christian ceremonies replaced the heathen feasts; or Christianity was tolerated for a period and the new faith incorporated into the polytheistic Norse religion (cf. Pedersen et al. 2003, 477). We do not know how widely this attempt at Christianization spread and how long the Christian faith survived here. Did it survive until a church was built at Borg and Christianity had settled? The longhouse at Borg was demolished during the tenth century, and ‘there is some evidence to suggest that the abandonment occurred suddenly and violently’ (Näsman and Roesdahl 2003, 294). Näsman and Roesdahl say that this was the end of the chieftain’s prestigious residence, but there ‘is almost certainly continuity of status settlement … and of religious functions (from chieftain’s hall to church)’. However, the two authors have problems with explaining what happened at Borg as something that related to the introduction of Christianity: ‘official Christianity, supported by royal power, had hardly reached northern Norway when the great Borg building was demolished’ (Näsman and Roesdahl 2003, 294). Based on my interpretation of a Christian missionary at Borg as early as 890, I think the demolishing and abandonment of the large Borg house had something to do with a struggle having taken place between Heathendom and Christianity. However, again there are more questions than answers to put forward: was this an action from people at Vestvågøy or other chieftains trying to prevent the spread of a new faith? Or was it Ohthere or one of his predecessors who marked the change of religion by tearing down the old house with the pagan hall and building a new house and a church at another place nearby? The fact that the ‘Christian objects’ were found inside the hall of the longhouse, speaks

in favour of the first interpretation: that somebody from the outside destroyed the chieftain’s house. Again, like many times before, we have to raise the question: did the attempt to Christianize at Borg become the start of a Christian era in Lofoten, or was this only an episode, a missionary period of unknown duration, with a lasting Christianization occurring later in the tenth or eleventh century? From excavations at Borg, carried out by Brit Solli, three smaller houses (Borg II) were found, built at the end of the tenth century, not far from the longhouse (house I). In the eleventh century a longhouse (Borg III) was built about 100 m from the Viking Age longhouse (Borg I). No evidence of an early church has yet been found (Solli 2006). At Haug, Hadseløya, about 50 km north-east of Borg, we have found a Christian cemetery and the remains of a church. Some of the oldest graves are from the tenth century. The skeletons indicate that a mixed Norse–Sami population possibly existed here during the Viking Age (Sandmo 1988; 1990; Sellevold 1996; see below). We should not rule out the possibility that there was a relationship between the Christianization efforts at Borg and at Haug, Hadseløya during the tenth century. That means that we have to think of a Christianization that included the Norse as well as the Sami population, as the cemetery at Haug at Hadseløya indicates, and perhaps even at Vestvågøy.

Hadsel-Bø, Nordland This district has a variety of insular finds: a boss belonging originally to a cross or a chalice from Hovden, Bø, from the seventh century, found in a grave from the tenth century; an Irish penannular brooch of silver found together with fragments of a green glass vessel from the ninth–tenth century from Prestegården (the Vicarage), Hadsel (Spangen 2005, 61; Glørstad 2010, 345); and finally balance scales from Hadsel and Ångstad, Hadsel, from ninth century graves. The finds show close relations with the British Isles. Several large burial mounds, long boat houses, weapon graves and other richly equipped graves from the Viking Age are found (Storli 2006, 215), showing that people from Hadsel-Bø were able to carry out sea journeys, take part in wars and also go into alliances with other people, abroad as well as inland. During excavations of a farm mound at Haug, Hadseløya in 1987, the remains of a church and a churchyard were uncovered (Sandmo 1988; 1990; Sellevold 1996). Skeletons of nine complete individuals, in addition to parts of more than 20 others, were found in the churchyard, buried in wooden coffins. These were found associated with building remains of several phases: buildings with turf walls, paved floor and inner post, interpreted as the remains of churches, situated in one corner of the churchyard. The combination of wooden coffins, the churchyard and the lack of objects with the dead (a few nails, knives and arrowheads were found) show that this was a Christian burial ground. It has been

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Table 7. Radiocarbon dates: Haug, Hadseløya, Hadsel, Nordland. Context

Material

Lab. ref.

Determination BP

Calibrated date AD, 1 σ

Calibrated date AD, 2 σ

Grave H

Human bone

T-7817

1199+50

720–890

680–970

Wood

T-8193

1200+118

680–960

610–1040

Grave ‘Enhet 46’

Grave H, coffin

Human bone

T-7819

1169+41

770–940

720–980

Grave HP 2

Human bone

T-7818

1128+61

770–990

730–1020

Figure 124. Calibrated radiocarbon dates from Haug, Hadseløya, Hadsel, Nordland.

assumed that the churchyard had an extent of c.1000 m2, and about 1300 individuals were buried here during a period of c.300 years (Sandmo 1988; 1990). A detailed analysis of the skeletal material from 12–13 graves from Haug, carried out by Berit J. Sellevold (1996), is of great interest when discussing the Christianization process in northern Norway. Some of the skeletons and one of the wooden coffins are radiocarbon dated to the Viking Age (Sellevold 1996: table 1; Table 7). Grave H (Ts8818): a female grave, the dead laying on her back in a coffin, with a knife found by the right hip. Traces of birch bark were found around the left leg and inside the wooden coffin (Sandmo 1990, 66). Grave ‘Enhet 46’ (Ts8821): contained the skeleton of a child in a wooden coffin. Grave HP2 (Ts8809): a male grave, the dead lying on his back in a coffin, with an iron object found along the right side of the chest. These graves have to be interpreted as Christian graves that could be dated to the tenth or even the ninth century, although the oldest (and only) (calibrated) radiocarbon date of the church has given the result AD 1060–1260 (Sellevold 1996). These are the oldest Christian graves that we know of at present in northern Norway. In Historia Norwegie (probably written 1160–1175) it is told (chap. 2) that in Hålogaland, Norse and Sami people were to a great extent living together in the same areas and with close relations (Mundal 2012c, 344–345). Haug was

situated in such an area where we probably had a Norse as well as a Sami population during the Viking Age (Hansen and Olsen 2004, 79). Hadseløya, which is part of Vesterålen, has had a well-documented infusion of Sami people, with a special Vesterål-Saami dialect (Myrvang 1988, 62). We do not know how far back in time this goes, but a Viking Age date is possible. At Hinnøy, just east of Hadseløya, Sami people are recorded at the beginning of the twelfth century and, at Sandnes in Alsten just to the north, Samis are mentioned in the Sagas from the tenth century (Odner 1983, 25–26). Stone fences for guiding the reindeer are found in many places at Hadseløya. There is also a possible hunting blind (bogastille), the foundations of turf huts and Sami offering sites. The last time reindeer were heard of pasturing at Hadseløya was in the early twentieth century. We find several Sami place names here (Johansen 2008). Studies of DNA from Viking Age skeletons have recently shown that an adult female discovered in 1942 in Vevelstad, Helgeland, Nordland (A4448) had a sequence characteristic of Hg U5b1b1, sometimes referred to as the ‘Saami motif’ … The skeleton was classified as Norse based on the associated archaeological findings, namely a burial mound and an axe. The skeleton could represent a secondary burial in the barrow. (Krzewinska 2015)

This is an example of the close coexistence between Norse and Sami people in Nordland. Intermarriage between the two groups was common practice (Mundal 1997, 40–41)

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and that makes it less strange to find a woman of Sami origin buried according to Norse custom (Hansen and Olsen 2004, 87–90). Other examples of Sami presence in graves in northern Norway are mentioned by Asgeir Svestad (2017). It is interesting that among the graves at Haug, Hadseløya are found traits of grave costume as well as the skeletons that could be identified to both ethnic groups. Traits that could be related to a Sami population are the use of birch bark in two of the graves: Grave H, already mentioned, and Grave A. In grave E-1 a pulk (Saami reindeer sleigh) had been used as a coffin (Sellevold 1996, 11, 21). Looking at the skeletal material there are also possible elements of a Sami population. Grave J contained a man who, on the basis of his height, was closely related to the norm within a Sami population, and other traits might also point to a Sami affiliation. The number of individuals from the cemetery is, however, not large enough to draw a definite conclusion (cf. Sellevold 1996, 21–23). There is a possibility, putting all the evidence together, that late Viking Age Christianization at Hadseløya included both the Norse and the Sami parts of the local population. DNA analysis of the skeletons from Haug could confirm this in the future. If we look at Hadseløya and the whole of Hadsel and Bø, with the many insular objects found here, there were obviously strong relations with the British Isles and the Christian milieu that existed there during the tenth century. The objects found might relate to religious activity (cross, chalice, glass) as well as alliance building and gift exchange (penannular brooches of silver) and possibly trade (balance weight). So, early Christian conversion just here may suit the evidence well. A possible influence from the chieftain at Borg, Vestvågøy, 50 km to the south-west may also be counted on (cf. Munch 2003b, 258), with a possible Christianization attempt here from England at the end of the ninth century (see above). Another possibility has also been suggested: ‘The cemetery at Haug could be an indication of the success that King Olav Trygvasson apparently had in converting parts of the people here to Christianity just before the year 1000’ (Svestad 2017, 137–138; see also Sturlason 1991, 181).

Bjarkøy, Troms If Ottar was one of the Håløygian great chieftains, says Olav Sverre Johansen, it would be appropriate to place him in one of the economic-political centres that stand out through the archaeological source material: at Tjøtta, Steigen, Leknes, Borg/Bøstad or Bjarkøy. As Ottar’s report clearly shows the connections with the northern part of Hålogaland, Bjarkøy is the most reasonable location. (1989, 36–37). ‘Court sites’ from the Iron Age are found at all these places; the sites at Tjøtta, Steigen and Bjarkøy have been dated as being used during the Viking Age; the Bjarkøy site to 250–960 (Storli 2006, 48–51, 73–74, 116–118).

We have found insular objects at Steigen and Borg. From Bjarkøy come only fragments of an insular bronze bowl from a grave from the ninth century; a weak indication of visiting missionaries at the chieftain’s site at Bjarkøy.

Hillesøy-Kvaløya, Tromsø, Troms Gutorm Gjessing maintained that several insular finds of Anglo-Saxon origin and eastern imported objects of Finno– Ugrian types mark out Hillesøy as one of the commercial centres of northern Norway in the Merovingian period and the Viking Age (Gjessing 1939, 46–47; Sjøvold 1974, 246). Gjessing discusses whether this remarkable concentration of eastern and western objects in the Hillesøy area (on and around Kvaløya in the present day Tromsø municipality) can support a view that Ottar lived right here (cf. Johansen 1989, 34). The fact that it is Late Saxon and not Irish objects that are found here might support the interpretation that Ottar’s travel to King Alfred’s England had its starting point here at Hillesøy/Kvaløya (Gjessing 1939, 47–48). The three finds from Hillesøy and Kvaløya containing insular objects consisting of a shrine mount (reliquary), part of a book mount and a disc-shaped piece interpreted as a paten. These are all objects that originally related to Christian activity and that would normally have been carried by missionaries. Thus Hillesøy-Kvaløya could have been the northernmost outpost of Norse settlement and a trading centre that may even have been visited by Christian missionaries. If Hillesøy-Kvaløya was the home of Ottar, the insular finds here might have been brought back by him from King Alfred of Wessex. I have, however, already argued for Borg at Vestvågøy, not Kvaløya or Bjarkøy, as being the home of Ottar.

The Christianization of the Sami The earliest written sources Adam of Bremen (from about 1070) (Fourth Book, chap. 24) states that the Sami were Christians, and many things indicate that at least the south Sami people had converted to Christianity at the same time as the Norse people in Norway and Sweden. It is unclear how far north Adam believes the Christianization of the Sami may have stretched at that time (before 1070; Mundal 2012c, 342, 347). Historia Norwegie (probably written between 1160 and 1175) also presents the Sami as Christians. This applies primarily to the Sami in the south, while the Sami people farthest to the north remained largely pagans. At the same time, the author of Historia Norwegie generally depicts the Sami as great sorcerers (Mundal 2012c, 343–345, 347). The east Norwegian Christian laws in the Elder Borgarting Act and the Elder Eidsivating Act prohibited people from travelling to the Sami (Finns) or into the forest to search for predictions and cures for diseases. However, it has been questioned whether such law orders prove that the Sami were pagans in the relevant period, when the laws were

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written down for the first time, at the beginning of the eleventh century (Rindal 2008; Mundal 2012c, 345–347). How the Christianization of the Sami took place in the earliest period the written sources do not tell. One explanation is that some Sami, those who lived in closest contact with the Norse, converted to Christianity at the same time as they did. Later, Christianity spread among the Sami through the influence of already Christian Sami. It is assumed that this Christianization took place in mild forms. Many were baptized and some were primed. The Sami probably practised parts of their ancient religion even after the Christianization, then perceived more as an expression of supremacy. They could behave like Christians among Christians, but practise their own religion within their own sphere (Mundal 2012c, 348–350).

Silver hoards One group of finds that throws light on the relations between the Norse and Sami people and their religious interaction is the silver hoards dating from the tenth to the thirteenth centuries, found in northern Norway. We now know of 28 such silver hoards from the Viking and Early Middle Ages (Spangen 2005; 2010). They consist mainly of silver objects: coins, arm-, neck- and finger rings, earrings, ring pins and Christian crosses (Figs 125–126). Many of these objects are of Norse types belonging to south and west Scandinavia, but the hoards also include eastern objects, normally found in the Baltic and Russia, and usually associated with the Sami context during this period. They are found along the coast, but also in the fjords in Nordland, Troms and Finnmark, at liminal places between Norse and Sami groups. Silver was exchanged by the elite to ensure alliances and was also sacrificed to the gods to ensure their support. Marte Spangen (2005; 2010) suggests that the hoards were deposited by groups that identified themselves with the Norse as well as the Sami culture and therefore contained a mixture of cultural traits. She further suggests that in the turbulence accompanying Christianization of the Norse in the Early Middle Ages, such groups may have sought an increasing Sami identity to be able to maintain their traditional lifestyle and religion, bringing with them the Norse tradition of silver hoarding. It has been claimed that those who were regarded as Sami went largely free of the, often brutal, actions that occurred during Christianization (Spangen 2010, 76). The hoards from northern Troms and Finnmark are mainly from the Middle Ages, after c. 1050 (Spangen 2010, 70 f., map fig. 2). Some of them contain Christian crosses or a crucifix and could mark the Christian mission into the farthest north in the Early Middle Ages, when the Norse population in the south had already been Christianized. Four of the hoards contain large axe-shaped and cross- or clover-shaped silver sheet pendants. The same types are

Figure 125. Crucfiks of silver from Botnhavn, Hillesøy, Lensvik, Nordland (Ts1652). Photo: Mari Karlstad, Tromsø University Museum. License: CC BY-NC-ND 3.0.

Figure 126. Crucifiks of silver from Kjøpsvik, Tysfjord, Nordland (Ts2714). Photo: Adnan Icagic, Tromsø University Museum. License: CC BY-NC-ND 3.0.

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found in hoards in north Sweden, north Finland and Russia, dated to 1050–1100 (Spangen 2010, 71, figs 5–8). Whether Christianity really was established permanently on the coast and in the fjords of north Troms and Finnmark at this time, we cannot say for sure.

Written sources from the thirteenth to the eighteenth century It is told in the Saga of King Håkon Håkonsson (Chap. 333) that, in the middle or later part of the thirteenth century, he built a church in Troms, initiated missioning in the territories of Sami people here and converted them to Christianity. North and east of Troms, there were probably still pagan areas (Mundal 2012c, 347). In King Håkon Magnusson’s retterbot (royal legislation amendment) for Hålogaland of 1313, Sami who converted to Christianity got reduced fines, even for the next 20 years to come. After that they had to pay as others did. This retterbot was justified by the great poverty that the Sami lived in (Mundal 2012c, 339–340). The Sami people were converted to Christianity in NordTroms and Finnmark in the fourteenth century, when they probably learned to know the new religion as a result of Norse colonization in those areas. From about 1500 eastern Sami people in Finnmark were converted by the GreekOrthodox Church (Nordeide 2011, 69). One of the last Norwegian archbishops, Erik Walkendorf (1488–1544), tells that on a visit, he converted Sami people to Christianity in Finnmark. The fact that many postReformation sources refer to Sami as pagans, suggests that there were still Sami who were not baptized by the end of the Middle Ages, even though they were largely Christians. At that time the Sami community had been under Christian influence for at least 500 years, and throughout this period had converted to Christianity (Mundal 2012c, 353–355). The Sami people in northern Norway, however, kept their old faith more or less for themselves until Christian missionaries began intensive conversion work among them from about 1700. When, after the Reformation, the Sami were subjected to missionary activities, especially from Thomas von Westen, it was essentially a transition from the Catholic to the Protestant faith along with the removal of some Sami traditions and superstitions. The Catholic faith was considered as heretical as pagan. Bishop Peder Krog in Trondheim (1689–1731), who stood in opposition to von Westen, believed that the Sami already were mainly Christians. Missionary activity in the eighteenth century was more to be regarded as a revival than Christianization (Mundal 2012c, 353–356). Many of the Sami people who had been baptized, however, continued to honour their old gods and sacred places even after the seventeenth–eighteeth centuries (Spangen 2010, 76 with ref.).

Eastern Norway Viken Viken is the south-eastern part of Norway, mainly surrounding the Oslo fjord: Álfheimar: the district between Götaelv in Bohuslän (present day Sweden) and Glomma (present day Østfold); Vigulmork: Østfold west of River Glomma, Follo, Oslo, Bærum and Hurum; Vestfold: present day Vestfold, Sandsvær, Eiker, Drammen and Lier (present day Buskerud) and Grænafylki: includes Grenland, Telemark and Nummedal (Buskerud). These areas belong to the Borgarting law district, with its thing in Sarpsborg (Munch 1849). During the reign of Frankish emperor Louis the Pious (814–840), plans were made to Christianize the Nordic countries. The Archbishop of Rheims, Ebo, was responsible for the mission. The Danish king, Harald Klak (who also ruled over Viken) was baptized in Mainz in 826, the same year as Ansgar was sent to Hedeby and built a church there. In 830 Ansgar travelled to Birka in Sweden (Kisuule 2000, 36–37). Adam of Bremen (writing in the 1070s) mentions several bishops from Bremen who would have worked in Norway, which probably means Viken (Myking 2003, 139), and probably refers primarily to the tenth century (see Andersen 1977, 190). Claus Krag (1991) has emphasized that Viken and Vestfold were under Danish supremacy in the Viking Age, and even earlier. Axel Christophersen (1991, 166 f.) further developed this when he attempted to connect Kaupang in Tjølling to such a Danish supremacy, asking the question of whether Kaupang was a Danish transit port for an organized trading system that covered large parts of the east Norwegian valleys. Dagfinn Skre (2007c) has also emphasized Viken’s connection with the Danish king in the Viking Age, and that Kaupang was established by the Danish king or one of his Norwegian vassals. There was a close relationship between the towns, and the Danish kingdom flourished in south-western Scandinavia at the end of the first millennium. The three towns of the Danish king’s realm, Ribe, Kaupang and Hedeby, had one clear common feature: they were all positioned on the borders of his territory. It is likely that the three towns were founded by the Danish king on the model of the Frankish and Anglo-Saxon emporia which, inter alia, served to represent a strong royal presence at the frontier. (Skre 2007c, 445)

Using the written sources, most historians claim that Viken was Christianized from Germany, perhaps via Denmark, due to the close political relations mentioned above. ‘The power of the Danish king was strong enough to be able to invoke Christianity and be successful in the work of Christianization’ (Sæter 1974, 68). Sæter (1974, 100) assumes that Danish and German missionaries must have come to Viken, on their own, and that they were looking for central places, especially places with access to trade.

6.  A geographical analysis of the Christianization process in Norway

±

Clerical, Liturgical

æ

121

Stone crosses Croiziers

Reliquaries & shrines Cross mountings Book mountings Manuscript pointer & turner Hanging & bronze bowls

Vågå

Lom

Ladles & buckets Altars & tabernacles

Gudbrandsdalen Sør-Fron

Tating ware pitchers

Oppland

Glass vessels Chalice & patens Holy-water sprinkler

Valdres

Hedmark

Romerike

æ

Buskerud

æ

Oslo Øvre Eiker

Akershus

Follo

Vestfold

Telemark

2

Oseberg Tønsberg Stokke

Valle Grenland

Østfold

Gokstad Hedrum Kaupang

Bygland

6

2

3

Evje

2

Aust-Agder 2

Grimstad

Vest-Agder

0

25

50 Km

1:2 000 000

Figure 127. The distribution of clerical and liturgical objects found in eastern Norway. Drawing by Ermias B. Tesfamariam, Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo. Terrain basemaps produced using Copernicus data and information funded by the European Union – EU-DEM layers https://www.eea.europa.eu/data-and-maps/data/eu-dem#tab-metadata.

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Looting or Missioning

He believes, however, that Christianity receded because it could not be sustained by continual mission and organization of the Church. Shortly after 960, Harald Bluetooth was acclaimed as a supreme king in Viken, the Danish dominion was restored and prevailed over both local rulers and the heathen religion (Myhre 2015, 186). However, only under King Olav Tryggvason did Christianity achieve its final breakthrough in Viken, according to Tor Sæter (1974, 104, 108). Kisuule (2000, 97) believes that the Christian influence was much stronger in Østfold than in Vestfold and that it had already had a breakthrough here in the ninth century. A review of older historians’ views on Christianity in Viken has led to the conclusion that many believe the German mission had its strongest impact here, while others claim that England was also a strong force in missionary work here (see Andersen 1977, 189; Myking 2003 with ref.). Eivind Fjeld Halvorsen and Magnus Rindal (2008, xxiii– xxiv) have analysed the Borgarting Law and has found that the Church law in this showed older traits/features than in the other regional laws. They draw from this the conclusion that south-east Norway was permanently Christianized from the south (Denmark–Germany) whereas western Norway was Christianized from the west (the British Isles; cf. Myking 2003, 152). I will now see if the archaeological material can provide us with other information that can throw light on the Christianization process in Viken. I look at the various parts of Viken separately.

Østfold Viking Age finds from Østfold are relatively sparse compared with, for example, Vestfold on the opposite side of the Oslo fjord, which might be the result of close relations with Denmark and the Continent via Bohuslän, with Christian influence on the burial custom being one result (Forseth 1993, 92 f., 279 f.; Kisuule 2009; Pedersen et al. 2003, 390 f., 470). Only those farmers from the top social layer in Østfold were buried with weapons. A rise of power, can, however, be seen in the archaeological material between 850 and 950. This is manifested in the rich burials at Tune and Haugen, Rolvsøy and also the gold spur and gold mounts from Værne (Varna), Rygge; the power centres in Østfold during the Viking Age (Forseth 1993, 279 f.; 2003, 51; Ballangrud Andersen 2012; Myhre 2015, 149). The small number of Viking Age grave finds in Østfold is thus interpreted as the result of early and strong Christian influence on the graves and grave inventory. No grave finds are dated later than around 950 in Østfold (Pedersen et al. 2003, 470 f.). From the Viking Age of Østfold we have the following insular finds or other finds that could be interpreted within a Christian context:

Gimmen, Idd, Halden (C15867): fragments of a Tating ware pitcher with spout and part of the handle, found in a grave mound. Haugen nedre, Rolvsøy, Fredrikstad (C4190–97) (Fig. 128a– f): hanging bowl, found in a rich chamber grave, with bronze buckets, balance scale and 10 weights, from c. 900. Valle, Fredrikstad (C17670, 17668): sword with ornaments of Anglo-Saxon character (Norse-British?), found in a boat grave, with balance scale and 2 weights, from the tenth century. Tune prestegård, Sarpsborg (C16062): balance scale with chain and wooden pieces of case, found with 2 weights in a grave. Opstad, Tune, Sarpsborg (C18747): fragment of balance scale, from a grave find. Østby, Rakkestad (C802): bronze bowl from a male grave. Gudim, Rakkestad (29089): Celtic cross-shaped strap distributor of gilded bronze from eighth century. Kure norde, Rygge (C53023): kidney-shaped harness fitting of bronze from seventh–eighth-century Northumbria. Gunnersby, Rygge (C16380): sword (Type O), Ulfberth inscription; silver inlay (Norse-British). These finds do not give any strong indications of Christian missionary activity in Østfold, based on the archaeological material alone. The Tating ware pitcher found at Gimmen, Halden is a type of find that I am trying to link to Christian activity, as a pitcher used for holy water or wine. It is, however, difficult to make this interpretation without having more of the context that this find was a part of. The hanging bowl from Haugen, Rolvsøy and the bronze bowl from Østby, Rakkestad are objects that might have been used for baptizing purposes. The bronze buckets from the Haugen grave could point in the same direction. Thus, we cannot exclude these objects as indications of Christian missionary activity here, in Rolvsøy/Tune. The sword from the boat grave at Valle, Fredrikstad and other finds are taken as signs pointing to close relations between England and the chieftain’s milieu in Tune-Rolvsøy in the Viking Age (Pedersen et al. 2003). The sword from Gunnersby, Rygge, the harness fitting from Kure, Rygge and the strap-distributor from Gudim, Rakkestad point in the same direction: England and Ireland. I see swords and harness fittings like this as expressions of gift exchange between friends and alliances across the North Sea. The four graves in Tune-Rolvsøy with finds of balance scales and weights of probably Irish origin: the question is raised as to whether these types of finds are to be related only to trade. Prosperous men and women needed such equipment when they had to pay for something or even to receive payment within the Viking Age’s silver economy (Pedersen et al. 2003, 463), and it does not necessarily mean trading but could just as well indicate the collection of fines, taxes and fees.

6.  A geographical analysis of the Christianization process in Norway

a

123

d

b

c

e

f

Figure 128a–f. Haugen nedre, Rolvsøy, Østfold: rich chamber grave with hanging-bowl, bronze bucket, mounts, horns, balance scale and 10 weights (C4190-97). Photo: Lill-Ann Chepstow-Lusty Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo. License: CC BY-SA 4.0.

How is this material to be interpreted? First, there were strong relations between parts of Østfold and the British Isles during the Viking Age. The material does not, however, show strong evidence of Christian missions from there. It rather speaks in favour of close relations on other levels, probably social, political and economic. It might be that Østfold in the early part of the Viking Age was so much influenced by Christianity from Denmark and Germany

(without leaving material traces, except possibly the Tating ware pitcher from Gimmen) that insular mission had little to gain in Østfold. Instead relations were established with the British Isles on a more friendly level, between people who new Christianity well. It has been suggested that the representative of the Danish king in Østfold was settled at Værne or Huseby in Rygge. The gold spur found at Rød, Værne is decorated in

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Looting or Missioning

the so-called Hiddelseestil and dated to the tenth century (Stylegar 2005). The Continental origin visualized in this unique artefact, would be in keeping with a vassal of the Danish king having owned this spur. So Østfold was probably under strong Christian influence from the Continent, Germany and Denmark during most parts of the Viking Age. Therefore, the Irish and Anglo-Saxon church did not see Østfold as their most interesting missionary field.

St Nicolay Church, Sarpsborg As we have seen, Tune was an important central place in the Viking Age. Tune church was the county church (fylkeskirke) for the region: Vingulmork: in the Middle Ages (Stylegar et al. 2003). Three kilometres from here, King Olav Haraldsson erected an earth-wall and inside he built a castle, churches and an urban settlement, Borg (today’s Sarpsborg) in 1016. Borg was situated by Sarpsfossen and Norway’s largest river, Glomma. The town was most likely founded on the farm Alvim, which probably belonged to the king. Here also was the regional assembly place Borgarting located (Johannessen and Eriksson 2015, 42 f.). Few archaeological excavations have been made to supplement or test the written sources on Borg. The ruins of St Nicolay church: built from c. 1115: are preserved just outside the town wall. A small excavation here in 2006 recoevered human skeletal remains from a grave, radiocarbon dated to between 890 and 1015. Human skeletal remains from excavations in 2009 have been radiocarbon dated to 1040– 1165 (Sellevold 2010). These dated graves indicate that there had probably been a wooden church with a graveyard here before the stone church, during the tenth or eleventh century, either before Borg was established as a town (according to the Saga) or shortly after. This is in good agreement with the results we have presented above, that the small number of Viking Age graves from Østfold is the result of early and strong Christian influence, with no pagan graves found later than around 950 (Pedersen et al. 2003, 470 f.).

Follo Follo is a district in Akershus County, the area between Oslo and Østfold, on the eastern side of the Oslo fjord. It consists of the municipalities Nesodden, Frogn, Oppegård, Ski, Vestby, Ås and parts of Enebakk. The marine deposits have created good conditions for agriculture, and Ås is, together with Ski, Follo’s most important agricultural community. Most of the agricultural areas in Ås today consist of fields and gardens, with a lot of grain cultivation combined with animal husbandry (pigs, cattle). Some of the best farms are located on the many moraines in Ås (Vik 1978, 29). Insular findings have been made at the following farms in Ås: Holstad vestre, Ås (C957–58) (Fig.  129): hanging bowl with bird-shaped escutcheons, found with a balance

scale and weight of lead, in a male grave from the ninth century. Skisjordet, Ås (C1023): hanging bowl with tinned birdshaped escutcheons. The grave find from Holstad Vestre also consisted of a ring pin of bronze, an iron axe head and a whetstone, in addition to the hanging bowl, balance scale and lead weight (Vik 1978, 168). The hanging bowl from this grave and that from Skisjordet, Ås, are of the type that I have linked to Christianization and baptism. The balance weight is pointing in the same insular direction as the hanging bowls. The material is, however, too sparse to draw any specific conclusions other than these finds show relations to the British Isles, by preference Ireland.

Oslo Osloherad, the administrative unit in the innermost part of the Oslo fjord, was densely populated during the Viking Age, when we look at the number of farms in the area. The Cambro-Silurian bedrock in most of Osloherad made this a fertile farming area. Few grave finds, however, are known from Osloherad from the Early Viking Age (ninth century). We do not know if there was a farm here called Oslo, or if the farm Aker, where the fylkeskirke (county church) was built, was the most important farm during the Early Viking Age, but nothing indicates that there was an old centre or a strong chieftain in the inner part of Viken before the first establishment of an urban settlement here (Schia 1991; Nedkvitne and Norseng 2000). The archaeological finds from Osloherad show a strong increase in numbers at the end of the Viking Age (tenth century), especially the number of swords (26 dated to the tenth century, many of them of Frankish origin), and social changes must have occurred (Schia 1989, 59–60). A silver hoard was also found at the Teisen farm: 7 arm rings, one ingot, many hack-silver pieces, 16 whole and many pieces of Kufic silver coins. The youngest coin was struck in 919. This hoard also tells us about an increase in wealth in Oslo during the tenth century (Schia 1989, 60–61; 1991, 125–126). We have already heard several times about the Danish influence in Viken during the Viking Age. After the fall of Håkon the Good in 960, Norway was ruled by petty kings supported by the Danish king Harald Bluetooth (940– c. 985). After having got rid of his last vassal in 970/74, King Harald kept Viken for himself. On the Jelling stone on Jutland, raised about 980, there is an inscription saying that Harald Bluetooth ‘won for himself all of Denmark and Norway and made the Danes Christian’ (Schia 1991, 127; Fig. 132, below). Erik Schia saw it as likely that it was King Harald Bluetooth who established the oldest Oslo as an administrative centre for trade, collection of taxes and products and the need for a military stronghold, to control the inner landscapes,

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Figure 129. Holstad, Ås, Akershus: hanging bowl with bird-shaped escetcheon (C957). Photo: Lill-Ann Chepstow-Lusty, Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo. License: CC BY-SA 4.0.

Ringerike, Hadeland and Romerike and the districts further inland. The most likely dating of Oslo as an urban settlement is set at the time between 970 and 995 (Schia 1989, 64–66). By the time of the earliest Oslo, east of the Alna River, was a place called Trælaborg that has now disappeared. At places with the same name in Denmark and southern Sweden, huge military quarterings from the late tenth century are found. Erik Schia as well as Nedkvitne and Norseng are tempted to suggest that a similar ring fort was built in Oslo around 970–980, by Harald Bluetooth, as a concrete military stronghold and a defence for the upcoming urban settlement (Schia 1989, 65–66). The Danish king had converted to Christianity and forced the Danes to be baptized and take the Christian faith. Snorre Sturlason, in the Saga of Olav Tryggvasson, tells that King Harald Bluetooth sent two earls to Norway with a big army. They were told to introduce Christianity into Norway, and they succeeded in Viken, where Harald had the strongest power: there, most people were baptised (Schia 1989, 64; Nedkvitne and Norseng 2000, 37). Is it possible to trace and to support these incidents archaeologically?

In the years 1970–1971 the archaeologist Ole Egil Eide (1974) carried out excavations at St Clement’s Church in Oslo. The stone church at the site was built around 1130/40, but there have been two churches older than this one, and as many as eight layers of burials stratified above each other; a total of 143 skeletons were found. They were all Christian graves, and the earliest datings pointed to the last decades of the tenth century (Phase I). St Clement churches are common in Denmark, Germany and England (Eide 1974, 231–240). We know of six St Clement churches in Norway (Oslo; Vang, Hedmark; Kvitsøy, Rogaland; Bergen; Utvær, Sogn og Fjordane; Trondheim). In the following I will concentrate on the oldest graves from St Clement’s church in Oslo, from Phase I, which are those that can tell us about the early Christian influence in Oslo. (Fig.  130). Here 62 graves were found, in five layers. The first graves were dug into the natural ground inside a churchyard and probably around a first wooden church. The walls of the churchyard, the oldest church and the graves belonging to this phase, were all oriented northwest to south-east and not east–west as was the norm later

Looting or Missioning

126

• Christianity probably gained influence in Viken in the later parts of the tenth century, and it is not unlikely that the Danes played an active role in the missionary work. • The pagan grave material in Osloherad strongly decreased at the end of the tenth century, at a time when Christianity is supposed to have been established here. • Coffins made of hollowed trunks from Christian times are not found in Norway. At the Viking Age town of Kaupang, however, two coffins of this type are found, dated to the ninth century. They represent early Christian influence at Kaupang (cf. Blindheim 1960, 54; 1969, 33  f.). In Germany and neighbouring countries, coffins of hollowed trunks are quite common in Frankish cemeteries (ninth and tenth centuries, especially the tenth). These are also known in England and Scotland but were not common. They could have come to Oslo by the first mission. • Hazel wands in grave coffins have been found in Lund, Sweden from the eleventh century and they have been found in Jutland, Denmark from early Christian times.

V

I

ST CLEMENT’S CHURCH FISCHER 1921 8m.

Figure 130. Excavation plan of St Clementʼs church, Oslo, phase I. Redrawn from Eide 1974.

(Eide 1974, 63, 72–73). Among the graves in Phase I, 21 slightly trapezoid coffins of wooden planks put together with wooden nails, were found. Another 21 coffins were of planks where the size and shape could not be determined; four coffins were made of hollowed tree trunks. One skeleton was wrapped in birch bark and, in four graves, the same material was part of the coffin construction (cf. Svestad 2017, 142). In two graves hazel wands were found. There were also other peculiarities in Phase I graves that were not seen in later graves. The normal position of the body was on the back with the arms along the sides (Eide 1974, 203–206). Many of these aspects point to an early date of Norwegian and Scandinavian Christian burial custom. What are the dates for this oldest phase at St Clement’s Church? Several graves from Phase I have been radiocarbon dated but, before presenting these, we will look at other ways of dating them, as argued by Eide (1974, 217 f.). • All graves lack grave furniture, even the oldest ones, so these are Christian graves. • The uniform orientation of the graves point to a relatively established Christian burial custom, related to a first church and a topographic north-west to south-east axis.

In 1974 five of the oldest graves found at St Clement’s Church were radiocarbon dated (Eide 1974, 225–227). Later, several more dates were obtained (Schia 1989, 69; Nordeide & Gulliksen 2007, 14; Nordeide 2011, 211) (Table 8). Ole Egil Eide’s conclusions on these dates are that the oldest dated graves, Graves 136 and 137, belonged to the lowermost layers of graves in the churchyard. These must belong to a very early Christian time and ‘the beginning of Phase I must be placed in the last part of the tenth century’ (Eide 1974, 226–227). There has existed a settlement in Oslo, near this place with the early Christian graves and the first St Clement’s Church, which were the start of the urban centre of Oslo (Eide 1974, 251; Brendalsmo and Molaug 2014, 143 f.). When Nordeide and Gulliksen published their revised radiocarbon dates from the graves at St Clement’s Church in 2007 (Nordeide and Gulliksen 2007), they gave no reference to the article by Erik Schia from 1989, where Steinar Gulliksen had already calibrated and corrected the dates published by Eide (1974). The lack of reference to the article by Schia is commented upon by Jes Wienberg (2007, 188) in his discussion of the Nordeide/Gulliksen article, and Nordeide gives an answer to this comment. She could not have known the radiocarbon dates that had already been corrected by Gulliksen in 1989. The resampled and remeasured dates from the graves at St Clement’s Church in 2003–2005 led to the conclusion that ‘the earliest possible date of the graves is now more likely set after 1000, probably during the first half of the eleventh century’ (Nordeide and Gulliksen 2007; Nordeide 2011, 210). ‘The earliest graves can be dated in all probability to some point during the reign of King Olav Haraldsson’, … ‘nor is it possible to date the foundation of the town to the tenth century’ (Nordeide 2011, 211–215).

6.  A geographical analysis of the Christianization process in Norway

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Table 8. Radiocarbon dates: St Clement’s Church, Phase 1, Oslo. Context

Material

Lab. ref.

Determination BP

Calibrated date AD, 1 σ

Calibrated date AD, 2 σ

Wood

T-1156

890+150

1010–1270

770–1400

Human bone

T-1210

990+70

980–1160

890–1210

Pine wood

T-1325

1040+110

880–1160

710–1220

Grave 137

Human bone

T-1326

1020+100

890–1160

770–1220

Grave 145

Human bone

T-1327

930+100

1020–1210

890–1280

Grave 146

Human bone

T-1328

910+90

1020–1190

960–1280

Grave 133, stick Grave 136 Grave 136, coffin

Figure 131. Calibrated radiocarbon dates from St Clementʼs church, Phase 1, Oslo.

Once again this is an attempt to interpret dates without really looking at the details of the calibrations (controlled and recalibrated by Marie-Josée Nadeau, National Laboratory for Dating, NTNU, Trondheim: pers. comm. 2017). Why be so afraid of concluding on archaeological material that sometimes might contradict written historical sources? Graves 136 and 137 at St Clement’s Church have calibrated dates that include more than 100 years of the period before the year 1000 within the probability at 1 σ., and even more using 2 σ (Table 8 and Fig. 131) That fits well with an interpretation of this being a definite sign of Christianization of the inner part of Viken on the order of King Harald Bluetooth c. 970. If we look at the 2  σ probability distributions, all five graves from Phase I could theoretically be from the year 970. We have to conclude that it is not tenable to exclude the possibility that these graves date to the late tenth century. The theory set forth by Erik Schia (1989) that an urban centre was established in Oslo at the end of the tenth century and a Christian church with a cemetery was established here too, probably on the initiative of the Danish king Harald Bluetooth or his son Svein Forkbeard, is probably still valid. (Fig. 132a–b). Graves with birch bark around the body or as a groundsheet for the dead are normally interpreted as part

of the Sami burial costume. A few such graves were found in the two oldest phases at St Clement’s, mainly delimited to a certain part of the churchyard. Else Mundal (2012b) claims it is documented that Sami people were living in the south Norwegian forest zones and that they were already Christianized during the eleventh century. It has been concluded that ‘It is therefore not unlikely that Sami or more hybrid Sami–Norwegian graves were present in Oslo’ (Svestad 2017, 142). According to the dates presented above, the Sami graves might be as early as the tenth century and they could have been included in the Christianization process in Oslo at that time. We have no traces of insular missioning in the inner parts of Viken (Oslo) during the Viking Age. It was the Danish rule over Viken that also resulted in attempts to introduce Christianity here, probably starting early in the ninth century, but succeeding towards the end of the tenth century, when the urban centre was a reality.

Vestfold Vestfold has many more grave finds and much richer grave inventories compared to Østfold and other areas around the Oslo fjord and was probably the richest county in Norway during the Viking Age (Sjøvold 1944; Forseth 1993; Fig. 133).

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Looting or Missioning

a

In the Frankish annals the following story is told about the year 813: The Danish king Harald Klakk and his brother Reginfred went with their army to Vestfold, an area at the extreme northern border of their realm, to defeat a rebellion. Neither chieftains nor their people would acknowledge them as kings (Myhre 2015, 137). The cemetery at Borre and the ship burials at Oseberg and Gokstad, earlier interpreted as belonging to the Ynglinge lineage by historians and archaeologists, have now to be explained in the context of Vestfold being a Danish borderland (Myhre 2015, 138).

Borre – Oseberg – Tønsberg – Stokke – Gokstad All these locations are seen as power centres during the Viking Age (Ballangrud Andersen 2012). These parts of Vestfold are well known for their many huge burial mounds, most also being ship graves. It has been suggested that huge burial mounds with ship graves was a phenomenon that occurred in the Late Iron Age, at a time of fermentation between a pagan and Christian faith, disappearing at the end of the tenth century. An old ritual practice was renewed just in the meeting with Christianity (Fuglestvedt 1997; Fuglestvedt and Hernæs 1996).

Borre

b

Figure 132a–b. The Jelling rune stones, Denmark. Photo: Egil Mikkelsen.

We have seen that Vestfold was under Danish rule for much of the Viking Age. There are, however, few traits in the burial customs or material culture showing that Vestfold had been under long-lasting Danish influence (Forseth 1993, 280). The Vestfold chieftains have been regarded as being subordinated to the Danish kings. Many of the rich graves and hoards from the Viking Age in Viken and also in Denmark contain objects that show relations with the Frankish or Carolingian Empire.

Bjørn Myhre (2015) has published a comprehensive survey and interpretation of the famous royal cemetery at Borre, in the northern part of Vestfold: a cemetery that was in use from the Roman Iron Age, until c. 950. The large soil mounds were erected between 600 and 900 (Myhre 2015, 123–124). The ship burial at Borre contains harness fittings, straps and clasps ornamented in Borre style, which are also found in the Gokstad and the Haugen graves, which are all related to middle Sweden (Birka, Gotland), Ukraine and Russia and a Scandinavian elite in the first half of the tenth century (Duzcko 2004; Myhre 2015, 154). The Sagas from Olav Tryggvason, Olav Haraldson and later kings document a close relation between Scandinavia and the rulers in Novgorod and Kiev, based on intermarriage and trading agreements. The archaeological material indicates such relations at least from c. 900 (Myhre 2015, 58–59, 161). Three to four chamber graves have been found at Borre (Terje Gansum, pers. comm. 2016). They have not been further investigated and dated but there are reasons to believe that they are of the same main type as are also found elsewhere in Scandinavia and in the east. Bjørn Myhre (2015, 157) relates these graves to the market towns at Kaupang, Hedeby and Birka. Chamber graves are normally very well equipped and have been interpreted as graves belonging to a social and political elite of warriors and traders (and their wives). In Norway most chamber graves are found in Viken (Stylegar 2005; Myhre 2015, 157). Traces of Christian mission are not found at Borre and that could find its explanation in the fact that the Borre

6.  A geographical analysis of the Christianization process in Norway

Clerical, Liturgical

æ

129

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Stone crosses Croiziers

Reliquaries & shrines Cross mountings Book mountings Manuscript pointer & turner Hanging & bronze bowls Ladles & buckets Altars & tabernacles Tating ware pitchers Glass vessels Chalice & patens

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Figure 133. Clerical and liturgical objects from Vestfold, east Norway. Drawing by Ermias B. Tesfamariam, Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo. Terrain basemaps produced using Copernicus data and information funded by the European Union - EU-DEM layers https://www.eea.europa.eu/data-and-maps/data/eu-dem#tab-metadata.

chieftains had their relations mainly focused towards the eastern parts of Europe that were still pagan, at least during the first half of the tenth century. Not until c. 950 was the pagan cemetery at Borre abandoned. It has been suggested that King Harald Bluetooth was responsible for the opening of the burial mounds at Borre and even the mounds at Oseberg and Gokstad, shortly after 960 (Myhre 1994; 2015, 174, 186). By removing some of the most important symbols of the dead in the grave: swords and other weapons, jewellery etc.: symbols of political power, the position of the former ruler was broken down. King Harald Bluetooth re-established Danish supremacy in Viken, conquered local rulers and put an end to the pagan religion. Thus, the change of power was also a change of religion (Myhre 2015, 186) and marked the final conversion to Christianity at Borre and other parts of Vestfold. Bjørn Myhre (2015, 174) has claimed that Harald Bluetooth also built the first church with a Christian

cemetery at Borre c. 960, but there is no evidence for that. That the present stone church from the twelfth century, however, had a forerunner in the form of a wooden church from the eleventh or even the tenth century is likely. Repeated geophysical prospecting over the last 10 years has recorded three buildings at Borre, on the fields west of the cemetery. One or two of them can be characterized as hall buildings, the biggest being 63 m long (https://g.acdn. no/obsura/API/dynamic/rl/ece5/tr_1080_1053_1_f/0000/ gjen/2017/6/1 ... 15.06.2017). There are radiocarbon dates from here indicating the Merovingian period and the Viking Age (information from Christer Tonning 2018).Terje Gansum (2008, 204–205) has suggested that may be a hall building like this was used for the first Christian services. That would mean a cult continuity in the hall from pagan to the Christian religion, before a church was built and the hall was abandoned. I am of the opinion that Christian practice more likely took place in a wooden church at Borre.

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Oseberg The rich ship burial at Oseberg, Vestfold, containing the skeletons of two women, is dated to 834 by dendrochronological dating of the timbered grave chamber (Bonde and Christensen 1993; Myhre 2015, 125). The ship itself is similarly dated to c. 820 (Bonde and Stylegar 2009, 162). The timber from the grave chamber came from the Oslo fjord area, whereas the wood from the Oseberg ship came from south-west Norway, northern Rogaland or southern Hordaland, around Avaldsnes and Karmøy. This means that there were close relations between kings and chieftains at Karmøy and Vestfold during the Early Viking Age. Bonde and Stylegar (2009, 166–167) have suggested that ‘the Oseberg ship and its female owner came to Vestfold in the 820s as part of a marital alliance between chieftains or petty kings in Vestfold and rulers in Western Norway’. The ship then was probably her own travelling ship, given as dowry by marriage and as death ship for her last travel (cf. Bill and Daly 2012, 821; Skre 2015, 244). Karmøy was, at the end of the eighth century, an important centre. Two ship graves from that time are known here, Storhaug and Grønhaug, dated to 779 and 790–795 (Bonde and Stylegar 2009). In the ninth century, King Harald Fairhair, living at Avaldsnes, and the English King Adalstein exchanged gifts as tokens of their alliance. King Harald got a valuable sword and Adalstein a ship. Two very nicely decorated swords have been found near Avaldsnes, dating to the late ninth or early tenth century and probably of Anglo-Saxon origin (Opedal 1998, 186–187). It is quite likely that Christianity was known at Karmøy in the early ninth century, due to the connections and alliances with the British Isles. In Storhaug a piece of wax with a cross figure was found, indicating something in this direction (Opedal 1998, 155–158). Did the Oseberg lady bring any evidence of such influence to Vestfold? If we look at what was found in the Oseberg ship that must be of insular, mainly Irish origin, we have the following objects: C59581: mount, probably from a reliquary, decorated with enamel. C55000/286: pyramidal-shaped mount from a cross. C55000/156 (Fig. 134): the so-called ‘Buddha bucket’. C55000/18: bucket of yew, with brass mounts. C55000/271: 4 rectangular mounts of gilded bronze, probably parts of horse harness fittings. The mounts from a reliquary and a cross are objects found in Rogaland, in areas under Christian missionary influence, whereas the two uniquely decorated buckets, in addition to the gilded harness fittings, fit well as gifts for building alliances on a high social level (see Christensen 1992, 97–99).

Figure 134. ‘The Buddha bucket’ (diameter 26.5–32 cm, height 36 cm) from the Oseberg ship burial, Slagen, Tønsberg, Vestfold (C55000/156). Photo: Eirik I. Johnsen, Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo. License: CC BY-SA 4.0.

There is nothing pointing to any Christian conversion of the Oseberg first lady; rather the contrary. She is given the richest grave furniture ever found from the Viking Age. We do not know the name of ‘The Oseberg queen’, although ‘Queen Åsa’ or ‘Queen Alvhild’ are the most favorable suggestions, both wives of King Gudrød Veidekonge (Ingstad 1992). She is probably the younger of the two ladies buried in the Oseberg mound (Holck 2006). On a wooden bucket in the assemblage, the runic inscription asikriR is found, meaning Sigridr owns (NIyR II, 165). It is, however, uncertain if this was the name of either of the two women buried in the ship. Anne Stine Ingstad (1992) has discussed whether the Oseberg lady could have taken part in the worship of the pagan (Norse) gods during her stay in Vestfold between the 820s and 834. Was she a volve and does the 107 cm long stick found in the grave represent a powerful symbol of this status, the representative of the fertility goddess Frøya and closely related to the god Odin? Many of the motifs on the tapestries and objects found in the grave chamber speak in favour of such an interpretation (Ingstad 1992, 240 ff.). This interpretation is supported by Neil Price (2002, 159–160), and he characterizes one of the buried woman in the Oseberg grave ‘as perhaps the ultimate “volve” figure at the highest stratum of royal power’. Gro Steinsland (2005a, 258 ff.) describes the

6.  A geographical analysis of the Christianization process in Norway ‘volve’ in more detail: she was the prophetic medium in the pre-Christian religion, in mythology as well as in real life. It is also suggested that the ‘Oseberg queen’ could have had the role of ‘gydje’, an official cult leader (Steinsland 2005a, 415), like the woman buried in the grave at Trå, Hordaland. For our story it does not matter whether the Oseberg ‘queen’ was a volve or a gydje. The important thing is that both had strong female roles in the pagan religion, and thus she was an ‘ultra-pagan’ person, with no relation to Christianity, except possibly during her younger age in south-western Norway, where relations to Ireland were obvious, shown by several of the insular objects found in the Oseberg ship. During excavation of the Oseberg burial mound, the plundering of the grave was observable from the beginning (Brøgger 1945; Bill and Daly 2012). The skeletons of the two women were found outside the grave chamber or in the entrance tunnel dug by the robbers, together with many other parts of the grave that had originally been deposited in the chamber. Several spades and two stretchers that could be related to the break-in at the Oseberg mound have been dated by dendrochronological analysis, indicating that it took place after 953 but before 990; likely in the earlier part of that interval (Bill and Daly 2012, 813). The moundbreaking is understood as a dramatic staged event, with many eye-witnesses to the opening of the burial chamber and destruction of the skeletons, the grave furniture and taking out symbols, valuables and jewellery. It is seen as a new ruler’s conscious destruction of the predecessors of hereditary rights (Bill and Daly 2012, 818). Viken and Vestfold were, throughout most of the Viking Age, under Danish supremacy, but local rulers tended to seize power whenever the opportunity arose. From the 950s the Danish king Harald Bluetooth tried again to strengthen his power, not only in Viken but also in western Norway and established his own vassals here (Bill and Daly 2012, 818–820). As already mentioned, King Harald Bluetooth was probably responsible for the opening of the burial mound at Oseberg, sometime after 960 (Myhre 2015, 174, 186). In a female grave like this, one would have expected a rich occurrence of jewellery among the grave furniture: brooches, arm- and neck rings etc. When these are missing they must have been removed by grave intruders, as such objects were seen as important symbols of the dead, her social status and political power; they wanted to make the former ruler harmless. Thus, King Harald Bluetooth re-established Danish supremacy in Viken, ending the pagan religion and accomplishing the final conversion to Christianity.

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took place after 939 (Bonde and Stylegar 2009, 162; Bill and Daly 2012; Myhre 2015, 125). As we have heard, it is possible that the breaking into the Gokstad mound probably took place about the same time as at Borre and Oseberg; shortly after 960 (Bill and Daly 2012, 815). Based mainly on the occurrence of rich ornaments and horse equipment in Borre style, the Gokstad grave is, like the graves from Borre and Haugen in Østfold, related to eastern Europe and a Scandinavian elite in the first half of the tenth century. As with Borre, this could explain the lack of possible Christian influence in the Gokstad grave material. The Gokstad chieftain had his closest foreign relations with eastern pagan societies and rulers. The recent results of the investigations of the skeleton of the Gokstad chieftain show that he was a man in his 40s, tall and of extremely strong physical constitution. He had spent much time on horseback and several marks on his bones showed that he was probably killed in a battle (Holck 2009; Fig. 135). In 2012–2013 Jan Bill led an excavation at Heimdalsjordet, 500 m south of the Gokstad burial mound (Bill and Rødsrud 2013; 2017). During the Viking Age the site was located by the seashore and was a well-protected natural harbour. Here a market and manufacturing site was uncovered, surrounded by many burials and grave fields from the Viking Age (one male boat grave excavated). An area of 26,000 m2 was surveyed by georadar and metal detectors, and many Kufic coin fragments, weights, ingots and production waste were found. A little less than 400 m2 was totally excavated and traces of houses along a street were uncovered.

Gokstad The rich ship burial at Gokstad, containing the skeleton of a man, is dendrochronologically dated to 895–903. The ship was built around 885–900 and the plundering of the grave

Figure 135. The Gokstad chieftain? Mount from the Gokstad ship burial, Sandefjord, Vestfold. Photo: Eirik I. Johnsen, Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo. License: CC BY-SA 4.0.

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The coins found were struck between 710 and 910, before the burial of the Gokstad chieftain and contemporary with dirhems recovered from the Kaupang Viking Age town (Bill and Rødsrud 2017, 217, 223–224, fig. 11.5). Also based on dates for weights, beads, metalwork and radiocarbon dates, activity at the site started in the eighth century, continued through the ninth as its heyday and did not fall completely out of use until 1000 (Bill and Rødsrud 2017, 225). Artefacts found during the surveys and excavations show production as well as trade and probably other forms of international relations, including contacts with the Caliphate, the British Isles and the Frankish/Carolingian area. A total of 173 coin fragments, mainly Kufic silver dirhems, three weights with pseudo-Arabic inscriptions and beads of carnelian and rock crystal, point to relations eastward, to the Caliphate and all the way to India. Glass beads point to the south, to the Byzantine empire and Central Europe and yet beads and a few insular mount fragments point to the west, to the British Isles. Two strap ends are Carolingian types (C58678/1550, 1822). The impression of this site is that it resembles the Kaupang site, located just 14 km to the south-west but it also differs in many ways (see Bill and Rødsrud 2017, 225–228). Of the three insular gilded bronze mount fragments found at Heimdalsjordet, two are probably from reliquaries (C58678/1547, 1552), one from a harness fitting (C58678/1555). They are rather seen as metal meant for recycling. They do not give room for speculations on insular mission activity here.

Kaupang, Tjølling, Larvik Kaupang, Hedeby, Ribe and Birka were real towns in Scandinavia at the start of the Viking Age (Skre 2008). The

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first three were founded by the Danish king, within his realm and positioned on the border of his territory, to represent a strong royal presence at the frontier, following the model of Frankish and Anglo-Saxon emporia (Skre 2007c, 445, 455). Thus Kaupang is the only ninth-century town known in Norway, founded around 800 and existing until c. 960/980, first seasonally occupied, later with permanent settlements. The place was surrounded by several large cemeteries with perhaps as many as 1000 graves. No church has been detected in the area but whether there are any Christian graves among the pagan graves at Kaupang has been a subject for discussion (Nordeide 2011, 202; Figs 136– 137). With the close relations that existed between the Danish kings and Ansgar in the first part of the ninth century, there are good reasons for expecting that attempts at a Christian mission took place in the dependency of the Danish king in the north, around Viken and Kaupang was the nearest settlement from which to base such a mission: ‘The tradingplaces eased the arrival of missionaries, who headed for established administrative centres’ (Staecker 1997, 446). The written sources are, however, silent about concrete attempts at missioning at Kaupang. The artefacts found at Kaupang, from the graves as well as the settlement, demonstrate close contacts with the Carolingian/Frankish/Frisian areas during the first half of the ninth century, via the towns Dorestad, Ribe and Hedeby. In the second half of the ninth century, after the decline of Dorestad, the contact with the Frisians/Franks was greatly reduced. Ribe lost its importance as a trading-centre, while Hedeby and Kaupang survived because of other forms of contacts with the Baltic, especially Birka, which expanded their relations with the Rus empire, the Volga Bulgars and Byzantium (Myhre 2015, 162). The Insular contacts with

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Figure 136. Map showing locations of Kaupang, Skíringssalr (Huseby) and Tjølling in Vestfold, Norway. Drawing by Ermias B. Tesfamariam, Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo. Terrain basemap produced using The Norwegian Mapping Authority Digital Terrain Model (DTM 10): https://kartkatalog.geonorge.no/metadata/kartverket/dtm-10-terrengmodell-utm33/dddbb667-1303-4ac5-8640-7ec04c0e3918

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57049, 57050; C52504, 52516–19): 1553 glass sherds, from graves as well as the settlement, among these at least 572 sherds from c. 40–60 funnel beakers. Some Carolingian coins could, however, be included in this complex (see below).

Figure 137. The Viking Age town Kaupang by the Viksfjord ,Tjølling, Larvik, Vestfold. Photo: Dagfinn Skre. From Lars Pilø, The Settlement: Extent and Dating, Figure 8.1. In Dagfinn Skre (ed.), Kaupang in Skiringssal. Kaupang Excavation Project Publication Series, Vol.1, Norske Oldfunn XXII, 161–178.

Kaupang existed through the whole period of settlement and burials here, from c. 800 to 950 (Skre 2011c, 440). Finds of western Continental origin at Kaupang probably come from Hedeby, the Frisian areas close to the North Sea (including Ribe) and Frankish areas. They include swords, sword-belt mounts, strap ends, strap-slides, cross brooches, equal-armed brooches, pottery, glass vessels, in addition to one shield boss, locket and a reliquary. These objects are dated to c. 740–900 (Heyerdahl-Larsen 1981, 175 f.; Wamers 2011; Melgaard 2013, 49). In addition to the reliquary, glass vessels and pottery have a possible link to Christianity. (C52516-17, 52519): sherds of Tating ware pitchers: 3 sherds from two graves from north Kaupang, 158 certain and 68 possible sherds from the settlement representing c. 7 pitchers of the Tating type (C57021, 57029, 57046,

The Tating ware sherds come from two graves and from the settlement representing 9 pitchers in total. This type of ware is also found at other places in Norway, e.g. Borg in Lofoten, whereas other wares found at Kaupang are found only here (Pilø 2011, 292). That indicates that the Tating ware pitchers were distributed in a different way compared to the other wares at the site. Although the Tating wares were probably made in the Middle Rhine, the Maas or northern France (Pilø 2011, 292), their route to Kaupang could have gone from here, through Dorestad, Hedeby or Ribe, or indirectly through the British Isles to Norway. In the context of a Christian mission, these pitchers could be part of Frankish as well as insular missions. Among the glass vessels I am focusing on the funnel beakers, which are represented by at least 40–60 vessels. Only five of the excavated graves at Kaupang contained fragments of glass vessels and only two graves from the ninth century (Ka.304 and Ka. 305) have yielded more than single sherds (Gaut 2011, 176–177, 189). The most recent excavations at Kaupang show that complete vessels were used within the excavated buildings throughout the period of occupation. It has been argued that most of the glass was probably related to the consumption of wine (Gaut 2011, 189, 248, 255). It is, however, a question as to how much of this was private consumption and how much part of Christian Communion or the reuse of glasses after mission attempts that failed. Most scholars assume that the funnel beakers were produced in the Rhine area (Gaut 2011, 189 with ref.) but could, however, have come directly through Dorestad, through Hedeby, Ribe or the British Isles, just like the Tating ware, and could similarly have been part of a Frankish as well as insular mission. Gift exchange, trade or population movement, resulting in private use are other possibilities. There is good contemporary evidence in medieval Europe that pitchers and funnel beakers appear together as parts of a set of tableware for drinking wine. At the excavations at Kaupang it has been observed that the activity horizons that contained vessel glass often also contained sherds of Tating ware (Gaut 2011, 250–256). Four coins also come from the Continent: a Merovingian gold tremissis struck c. 650 in Dorestad or elsewhere in Frisia, and three Carolingian silver coins of the same Christiana Religio type, struck under Louis the Pious 822– 840 (Blackburn 2007, 30, 56–59). Jens Christian Moesgaard (2004) has argued that these types of coins may have been brought to Scandinavia through the missions of Bishop Ansgar in the 820s and 830s. It is worth noting that the emperor Louis the Pious was the person who baptized the Danish king Harald Klak in 826 and it was the same Danish

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king who went to Vestfold in 813 to claim his rule. Ansgar was the Frankish bishop, who was the Church’s messenger to Swedes, Danes and ‘People to the north [Norway]’, and he went to Birka in 829/830. So, the Carolingian silver coins found at Kaupang might well be related to early Christian mission activity from the Frankish/Frisian area, through Denmark, to Kaupang in the first half of the ninth century. House A301 at Kaupang is interpreted as the residence of a Frisian merchant and his family, living here in the second quarter of the ninth century. The house contained an overwhelming proportion of the Frankish/Frisian pottery, in addition to three out of four Frankish female dress accessories from the site and other types of evidence (Skre 2011, 411 f.; 2015, 238). This might have been a Christian family, coming from an area that had been Christian for some time and they could have brought the new faith to Kaupang. There are also many finds from the British Isles at Kaupang, from the graves as well as the settlement areas. Here is a list of what are known as insular objects and other objects that could have come from the British Isles. I have not documented the context of the objects at the first stage of analysis: C57007/1 (Fig. 138): round silver disc from a shrine; late Saxon, Anglian form (Bakka 1963, 17). C52517/959 (Fig. 139): hing part or other part of a reliquary (Wamers 2011, 81, 82, 93). C57043/11: small disc-shaped spiral-decorated fragment, from a shrine or bucket. C57068/4 (Fig. 140): cross-shaped mount, possibly from a shrine or a book. C57049/4: rectangular mount fragment from a reliquary, bell-shrine or cross. C52507: animal head mount of gilded bronze on a leadweight, originally from a house-shaped shrine (Wamers 1985, pl. 6,5). C57043/12: pyramidal-shaped mount from a cross, reliquary or book; Northumbrian. C57014/4 (Fig. 141): rectangular, ornamented mount from a book. C57041/3: bronze bowl; from a boat grave; eighth–ninth century. C52507: fragment of handle to a bucket of bronze, with enamel; eighth century. C52516/5785: fragment of a sheet copper-alloy strip belonging to a Hiberno-Northumbrian bucket from the eighth century (Wamers 2011, 80–81, 93). C57045/3: fragment of bronze mount, from an altar or bucket. Anglo-Saxon, eighth century. C57024/10, 11 (see Fig. 28): 2 manuscript turners of bronze of insular origin; found in a male boat grave from the ninth century, at Bikjholberget. C57050/17: circular mount of bronze with enamel, from horse harness fittings of insular origin, eighth century.

Figure 138. Round silver disc from a shrine; late Saxon, (diameter 4.5 cm) (C57007/1) from Kaupang, Larvik, Vestfold. Photo: Adnan Icagi, Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo.License: CC BY-SA 4.0.

Figure 139. Hing part or other part of a reliquary (C52517/959) from Kaupang, Larvik, Vestfold. Photo: Eirik Irgens Johnsen, Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo. License: CC BY-SA 4.0.

C52519/16673: buckle fragment of bronze, from footwear, spur set, bridle or a narrow girdle. Secondary reworked; from the settlement; 800–950 (Wamers 2011, 87, 93). C27740/d: strap buckle of bronze with silver inlay; 800–900. C52519/19592: part of a belt buckle of gilded bronze, 700–900 (Wamers 2011, 83, 93). C57024/15: 2 strap ends of bronze, 850–900. C52519/24653: rectangular ornamented mount fragment, excavated at the settlement, 800–900 (Wamers 2011, 83–84, 93). C52507: insular ring pin of bronze, from the Kaupang settlement. C57011/1: insular ring pin of bronze; stray find. C52519/16465: fragment of a gold-foil with filigree, Irish/ Hiberno-Saxon, from a brooch pin? 600–800 (Wamers 2011, 86–87, 93).

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C52517/2518: fragment of a penannular brooch of bronze, from survey at the settlement; 900–950 (GrahamCampbell 2011, 100–102, 106). C52517/2642: fragment of annular brooch (Pseudopenannular), from field survey, 700–900 (Wamers 2011, 82–83, 93). 2 Anglo-Saxon pennies, struck by Coenwulf of Mercia 798/821. From the settlement (Blackburn 2007). C57028/4: drinking horn mount from the British Isles; female grave from ninth century. C54296/2 Lamøya: rectangular ornamented mount of gilded bronze, insular, unidentified function; eighth century. Many of the objects are difficult to classify unambiguously. Where alternative interpretation of original functional identity is given, they are counted into all alternatives. We then arrive at the following objects that have possibly or partly belonged to mission and Christian activity: Figure 140. Cross-shaped mount of gilded bronze, possibly from a shrine or a book (length across the arms 5.7-6.0 cm) (C57068/4) from Kaupang, Larvik, Vestfold. Photo: Kirsten Helgeland, Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo. License: CC BY-SA 4.0.

Figure 141. Book-mount (7.8x3.0 cm) from Nordre Bikjholberget, Kaupang, Tjølling, Larvik, Vestfold (C57014/4). Photo: Adnan Icagic, Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo. License: CC BY-SA 4.0.

C52519/14057: the inlay for a penannular brooch or liturgical object, square gold foil with gold filigree appliqué, 700–900 (Wamers 2011, 84–85, 93). C52519/18608: thin gold-foil fragment with applied filigree, Irish/Hiberno-Saxon, probably from a penannular brooch or a liturgical object: chalice or paten, from the settlement, 600–850 (Wamers 2011, 85–86, 93). C52519/15773: small circular gold-foil disc with filigree and granulation decorations, probably from an Irish penannular brooch, from the settlement, 700–900 (Wamers 2011, 84–85, 93). C52519/19674: fragment of a penannular brooch of bronze, from the settlement; 800–900 (Graham-Campbell 2011, 99–100,106).

Reliquary/shrine ≤7 Cross ≤2 Bell-shrine ≤1 Book (mounts) ≤2 Manuscript turner 2 Altar