Lives and Afterlives: The Hiberno-Latin Patrician Tradition, 650-1100 2503606040, 9782503606040

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LIVES AND AFTERLIVES

STUDIA TRADITIONIS THEOLOGIAE

EXPLORATIONS IN EARLY AND MEDIEVAL THEOLOGY

VOLUME 55 Series Editor Thomas O’Loughlin, Professor of Historical Theology in the University of Nottingham EDITORIAL BOARD Director Prof. Thomas O’Loughlin Board Members Dr Andreas Andreopoulos Dr Nicholas Baker-Brian Dr Augustine Casiday Dr Mary B. Cunningham Dr Juliette Day Prof. Johannes Hoff Prof. Paul Middleton Prof. Simon Oliver Prof. Andrew Prescott Dr Patricia Rumsey Prof. Jonathan Wooding Dr Holger Zellentin

LIVES AND AFTERLIVES The Hiberno-Latin Patrician Tradition, 650–1100

elizabeth dawson

Cover illustration: Tabula Peutingeriana © ÖNB Vienna Cod. 324, Segm. VIII + IX

© 2023, Brepols Publishers n.v., Turnhout, Belgium. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise without the prior permission of the publisher. D/2023/0095/101 ISBN 978-2-503-60604-0 eISBN 978-2-503-60605-7 DOI 10.1484/M.STT-EB.5.133595 ISSN 2294-3617 eISSN 2566-0160 Printed in the EU on acid-free paper.

Contents

Acknowledgements

7

Abbreviations

9

Prologue

11

Chapter 1. Beginnings Patrick in his own words The Early Patrician Tradition The Earliest Hagiographical Tradition

13 14 21 26

Chapter 2. Tírechán Tírechán and the Collectanea Tírechán’s Methodology Tírechán’s Narrative

33 33 39 52

Chapter 3. Muirchú Muirchú and Vita Sanctae Patricii Muirchú’s Methodology Muirchú’s Narrative

63 63 70 76

Chapter 4. Beyond the Seventh Century The Legacy of the Seventh Century The Eighth Century and Beyond The Book of Armagh

87 89 90 93

Chapter 5. Expanding the Tradition: Vita Secunda, Vita Tertia & Vita Quarta Introduction The Manuscript Tradition Dating & Authorship Vita Tertia Vita Secunda & Vita Quarta

101 101 104 107 112 123

Epilogue

135

6

Contents

Bibliography

137

Appendices Table 1.1 References to written and oral sources in Tírechán’s Collectanea

155

Table 1.2 References to cult-objects and sites in Tírechán’s Collectanea

159

Table 2.1 Muirchú’s use of the Confessio and Epistola

163

Table 2.2 References to written and oral sources in Muirchú’s Vita Patricii

165

Table 2.3 References to cult objects and sites in Muirchú’s Vita Patricii

167

Table 2.4 Category of sections in Muirchú’s Main Text

169

Index

171

Acknowledgements

All books, in their own way, present a challenge. This one has a protracted history that involved many stops and starts. A great number of people have been instrumental in helping me see it through to completion and I am grateful to them all. In the first instance, I wish to acknowledge the financial support provided by the Irish Research Council postgraduate fellowship scheme. I carried out this fellowship in the Royal Irish Academy, and owe a debt of gratitude to all the Academy staff, particularly Anthony Harvey and the late Jane Power of the Dictionary of Medieval Latin from Celtic Sources project, the staff of the Academy Library, and Sophie Evans. I have had the pleasure of working in Queen’s University Belfast, University College Dublin and Carlow College in recent years and wish to thank the many colleagues in these institutions who have helped with various aspects of this book. Whilst too numerous to name friends and peers have helped in a myriad of ways. Special mention has to be given to Mark Empey, Susan Flavin, Pamela Fraher, Carole Holohan, Eoin Kinsella, John McCafferty, Sharon Melia, Mary O’ Dowd, Tadhg Ó hAnnracháin, Salvador Ryan, Coleen Thomas and Fionnuala Walsh. Elaine Farrell has been a wonderful writing partner, reader and voice of support. I am indebted to Elva Johnston for her encouragement and valuable discussions of this research – she has been a constant and valued friend throughout. I also wish to thank Thomas O’Loughlin who has proved endlessly patient and generous with his time. Naturally, all errors are my own. I wish to thank my family. This book is dedicated to my parents who encour‐ aged all their children in their educational endeavours and ensured we were always in a position to pursue our interests. My husband Mark and children Jack and Tommy are the greatest support network that I could ask for. This book would never have been completed without them and their effort has been just as great as my own.

Abbreviations

AASS AU BAR CGH CMCS CSANA DIB IHS JEH JRSAI JTS MGH MGH, AA MGH, SRM ODNB PBA PRIA SC SLH Trias

ZCP

Acta Sanctorum. The Annals of Ulster: to A.D. 1131. Part 1: Text and Translation, (S. Mac Airt and G. Mac Niocaill eds, Dublin, 1983). Biblical Archaeology Review. Corpus Genealogiarum Hiberniae. Cambridge Medieval Celtic Studies [later Cambrian Medieval Celtic Studies]. Celtic Studies Association of North America (Yearbook). Dictionary of Irish Biography. Irish Historical Studies. Journal of Ecclesiastical History. Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland. Journal of Theological Studies. Monumenta Germaniae Historica. MGH, Auctores Antiquissimi MGH, Scriptores Rerum Merovingicarum. Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Proceedings of the British Academy. Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy. Sources chrétiennes. Scriptores Latini Hiberniae. Triadis thaumaturgae seu divorum Patricii, Columbae et Brigidae: acta … collecta, scholiis & commentariis illustrata, & pluribus appendicibus aucta complectitur tomus secundus sacrarum ejusdem insulae antiquitatum nunc primum in lucem prodiens ( J. Cogan, ed., 1647, Louvain). Zeitschrift für Celtische Philologie.

Prologue

Patrick is a saint who exemplifies the fact that early medieval figures can exert an enduring influence into the present day. This is no mean feat, yet despite this quite remarkable achievement, to date there has been no systematic assessment of why and how Patrick has come to enjoy such recognition. This book examines just one form of Patrician devotion, albeit a significant one – the Latin vitae concerning the saint that were written in Ireland between the seventh and eleventh century. These texts offer some of the best evidence for Patrician veneration in the medieval period and together point to the range of communities who were involved in forging and sustaining the expansive cult. They have not been given the attention they deserve within the scholarship, and while some important studies have dealt with specific elements of the corpus, little consideration has been given to them as a group of connected texts that expanded, sustained and developed Patrick’s saintly persona. This gap in understanding is endemic of the treatment of the cult more broadly, and it is not altogether surprising that Patrick remains absent from broader studies of sainthood. Even Ludwig Bieler, one of the most important contributors to Patrician scholarship, was cautious in his approach to some of Patrick’s vitae, and in the preface to Vita Secunda, Tertia and Quarta states, ‘As documents illustrating the growth of the Patrick legend they have a limited interest in those sections which are not taken from earlier texts still in existence. As hagiographic literature they do not rank very high’.1 A flurry of scholarship on the later vitae did not follow Bieler’s edition. Indeed, his attitude towards them aided the telescoping of Patrick’s status even further in favour of the earliest Lives. As Bieler worked on editing the Patrician vitae another scholar, Daniel Binchy, sought to disentangle the legends created in these texts from the history of the fifth-century missionary. It was only after Binchy’s influential 1962 article ‘St Patrick and his biographers: ancient and modern’, that scholars truly began to analyse elements of the cult as expressions of contemporary concerns, rather than genuine accounts of the experiences of the fifth-century missionary.2 Despite the nod to the hagiographical endeavours that underlie the legend in the article title, Binchy was most concerned with divorcing the Patrick of myth and the ‘suspect’ writings that created this legend, from the real fifth-century man of the Confessio. Binchy was successful in this endeavour but his thesis did little for 1 Bieler (1971), preface. 2 Binchy (1962).

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Prologue

considerations of the cult, with subsequent scholarship emphasising the political motivations that lay behind the production of vitae at the expense of other possibilities. Amongst other things this has led to assumptions that the Armagh federation was the sole arbiter in the creation, cultivation and spread of the legend. Patrick is, therefore, treated as a saint whose status and influence emanates almost exclusively from his local and Irish institutional affiliations, and the fluidity and malleability that is accepted as central to the status of other saintly figures is rarely considered in relation to him. But this is not how saintly devotion works. The celebration of and attachment to any saint is dependent on a range of people, even within local contexts, who support them, depend on them and look to them for intercession. Saintly vitae play an important part in this and are written to engage audiences, generation after generation. Patrick was no different, and the number of Patrician Lives produced in the medieval period, both in Ireland and outside the island, are testament to the success of his cult. This book returns to consider a number of these Lives, which are connected by the tradition but were produced by different Irish communities at different times. It begins with an exploration of the real missionary in chapter one before moving on to deal with the individual contexts and content of Tírechán’s Collectanea in chapter two, Muirchú’s Vita Patricii in chapter three, the fragmentary evidence from the eighth century in chapter four, and finally the much-maligned Vita Se‐ cunda, Vita Tertia and Vita Quarta in chapter five. Whilst the two seventh-century Lives by Tírechán and Muirchú have come to be considered as more meaningful because of their antiquity, it remains the case that their contributions to the cult have not been fully appreciated. Chapters two and three consider both Lives not just in relation to the motivations and methods of their authors but also the contribution each text made to perceptions of Patrick and his saintly status. The seventh-century works were ultimately superseded by other Lives that were just as important to medieval audiences, and which offer a glimpse of the changes made to the tradition by subsequent generations, as well as their beliefs and needs. Chapters four and five, for the first time, explore these expressions asking what they contributed to Patrick’s evolving status.

cHAPTER 1

Beginnings

We are fortunate that two fifth-century writings confidently ascribed to Patrick survive. While direct evidence for the early Christian communities who venerated Patrick in the first two or three centuries of his cult is not available it is clear that they depended on the saints own fifth-century writing, the Confessio and to some extent the Epistola ad coroticum, in forming aspects of his saintly persona.1 The connection between Patrick’s writing and the hagiographers who developed his legend and cult is continual and the writers of the seventh-century Lives made use of their patron’s words, as did the biographers who came before and after them.2 Indeed, a defining feature of the hagiographical works concerning the saint is their individually consistent reference to the original text – a feature of Patrician hagiography that will be returned to throughout this book. The use of the saint’s writings by his earliest hagiographers is obvious; for instance, Ultán, one of the first known contributors to the Patrician tradition, was not only familiar with the Confessio but expanded upon its content.3 The connection between Patrick the man and Patrick the saint was therefore consistently preserved in the medieval tradition, however tangentially this was achieved. That writers maintained this link is hardly surprising – the fifth-century texts added legitimacy to their works whilst providing continuity with the saint as well as some of the first communities who followed him. But it is also the case that only certain aspects of Patrick’s story were incorporated into his saintly persona. In the same way that successive hagiographers altered aspects of Patrick’s saintly presentation, they similarly chose which aspects of his writings best suited their needs. So, while the writings offer important detail, ultimately the formation of each Life is the result of the ways in which the cult impacted different communities at different times. By the mid-seventh century there was clearly an acknowledgement in many quarters that Patrick was central to the conversion of the Irish.4 The status of the cult at this point influenced the writers of the earliest extant Lives, even if they added to or altered aspects of the saint’s biography. These accounts point to 1 Bieler (1952); Howlett (1994a). 2 Richard Sharpe has suggested that this is not the case for the Confessio, however assessments of the post-seventh century Lives suggest otherwise, Sharpe (1982a). See chapter five for further discussion. 3 While the work of Ultán does not survive Tírechán reproduces aspects of his writing in the seventhcentury Collectanea. See Bieler (1979), 124. 4 This is borne out in Liber Angeli (Bieler, 1979) but is also evident in other sources such as Cummian’s Letter De Controversia Paschali (Walsh & Ó Cróinín, 1988), and Brigit’s Vita Prima (Colgan, 1647). See Dawson (2017) for a discussion of the latter.

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a vibrant Patrick cult that had already developed in terms of writings, narrative and even landscape. Tírechán, as we will see in chapter two, frequently refers to the Patrician stories told to him by his elders, the written material available to him, and the landscape of Patrician cult sites which he both visited and heard about. Muirchú is less specific about the formation of his narrative, but even so acknowledges his debt to earlier writers, pointing to a seeming abundance of miracle stories and traditions. In addition, other less obvious sources, such as Cummian’s Letter, Epistola de controversia paschali, and the hymn Audite omnes amantes offer isolated and potentially independent glances of the progression of Patrick’s saintly biography.5 Together these works provide a broad appreciation of the early Patrician cult which indicates that many Irish Christian communities understood Patrick as the main instigator of religious change on the island and saw him as having a central role in the formation of the Irish Church. Patrick, it seems held a singular position as proselytiser and founder of the institutions of the Irish Church, particularly in terms of the episcopacy. This chapter considers the origin of these traditions – they may find their genesis in the saint’s own writings or potentially the Christian community who followed him in his lifetime, whoever they may have been. What is clear, however, is that by the second half of the seventh century Patrick was a key figure in the story of the Irish Church. The nature of the evidence for the earliest development of Patrick’s saintly persona is fragmentary but yields some important insights.

Patrick in his own words Patrick’s fifth-century writings reflect a real person; despite their limitations of context and however cryptic Patrick may be, they offer a window into his concerns, as well as the instabilities and successes of his missionary experience. Both the Confessio and Epistola are central to understandings of fifth-century Christianity in the medieval west, but they are equally crucial to an appreciation of aspects of the later cult. This is especially the case for the Confessio, which was preserved and expanded upon by Irish authors, although few of the seemingly controversial aspects of the text are touched upon in the later tradition. For instance, the unknown sin Patrick refers to in the Confessio does not feature in the tradition, being ignored or considered unimportant to Patrick’s saintly biography. The fate of the Epistola is less clear, but its survival in numerous British and Continental manuscripts indicates some interest in the text.6 The degree to which medieval scholars used these texts to appreciate the life of Patrick varies, although it is predominantly Patrick’s description of his missionary call and biography that

5 For Cummian see Walsh & Ó Cróinín (1988), and for Audite omnes see Orchard (1993). 6 Bieler (1952); Ó Corráin (2017), no. 216.

Beginnings

interested medieval audiences, and it is these aspects that his earliest followers expanded upon.7 The importance of Patrick’s writings should not be underestimated. They have been convincingly attributed to the saint and are the earliest substantial documents concerning the island.8 Indeed their preservation both in Ireland and on the Continent points to the value medieval communities placed on the documents, and this is particularly the case for the Confessio. The texts were written in Ireland, sometime into Patrick’s missionary career.9 Their aim is not autobiographical but, even so, they contain important information about Patrick’s life. The Epistola is the earliest of the two works and was composed as an open letter of denunciation against the Romano-British warlord, Coroticus, who had murdered and captured a number of Patrick’s converts.10 The Confessio, on the other hand, seems to have been written towards the end of Patrick’s missionary career and was probably directed at members of the British Church. The specific contexts that led to Patrick writing the Confessio are unknown, but it is clearly a defence of charges that were levelled against him, probably in relation to both his conduct and mission. Similarly the chronology of the writings is confusing, as they contain no exact dates or reference to events which might lead to an appreci‐ ation of when they were written or the sequence of their internal timelines.11 As a result scholars have suggested that Patrick may have been born as early as the late fourth century and could have died as late as the end of the fifth century.12 Even so the details of Patrick’s early life hint that he lived in Roman Britain at a time when the imperial administration was still functioning, a probability that has led to suggestions that he was born at some point before the year 410.13 The available literature does not provide any specific dates for Patrick until the seventh century. However, even at this point Irish Christians were confused by the timeline, with the Irish Annals providing obits for the saint between 457 and 461 as well as 491 and 496. Patrick’s death date of 17 March is however consistent and early and given there is no other obvious reason in choosing this date, there may be some legitimacy to this claim.14 The assumption that Patrick died at the age of 120 is supported in some of his earliest hagiographical literature, specifically the writings of Muirchú as well as the eighth-century anonymous notes following

7 This situation is unlike modern scholarship where it is precisely what Patrick does not say that has intrigued many experts. Most recently see Roy Flechner’s assessment of the holy man’s reasons to travel to Ireland (2011 and 2019). In addition, the proficiency of Patrick’s Latin has been the object of some debate. See Bieler (1952); Mohrmann (1961); Howlett (1989) & (1994a). 8 Mohrmann (1961); Bieler (1952); Howlett (1994a); Duffy (2000); Kelly (2011). 9 Howlett (1994a), 26–27, 92–93. 10 Howlett (1994a), 26–27. 11 For example, it is not clear how long Patrick spent in Britain after returning from his captivity. See Howlett (1994a), 66–69. 12 Dumville (1993); Koch (2003); Stancliffe (2004). 13 Howlett (1994a), 116. 14 For 17 March see Muirchú at II 7(6); Bieler (1979), 116–19.

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Tírechán’s Life in the Book of Armagh. This is clearly an assertion that finds its origin in the biography of Moses who is said to have died in his 120th year. Indeed, the comparison between both holy men continues in relation to various aspects of Patrick’s saintly biography, for instance, the unknown location of his grave.15 But in a more general sense Patrick’s role as converter is presented in similar terms to the role of Moses in leading the Israelites out of Egypt. John Hennig first pointed to the early development of this aspect of Patrick’s saintly biography, and particularly the shared roles of both holy men as legis latores.16 The alignment between Patrick and Moses is undoubtedly the result of the influence of the Old Testament on early Irish Christianity and the prophetic role of Patrick, but it is also possible that the comparison was strengthened or built upon because of real issues relating to Patrick’s burial and the liklihood that the location of his remains was genuinely unknown. The suggestion that Patrick lived to the age of 120 is also helpful in explaining how the saint managed to fit so much into his lifetime, whilst adding another extraordinary dimension to his saintly persona.17 Whether the comparison to Moses was purely the result of influential Christian traditions or perhaps a happy comparison (such as a lack of saintly relics), it is clear that some creativity was required in piecing together the parameters of Patrick’s life. This is also evident in the insistence that the saint returned to Ireland as a missionary in the year 432, a date that must have been chosen because it was the year after the Roman bishop Palladius was sent to the island by Pope Celestine.18 So, it is clear that important elements of Patrick’s saintly biography – the years of his birth, mission and death – were, by an early point in the development of the cult, almost entirely based on exterior evidence including biblical allusions. That aspects of the saint’s biography, particularly those relating to his role as Ireland’s converter saint, were established by the seventh century suggests that the process of commemorating and venerating Patrick had been in place for some time. As such, when his seventh-century biographers Muirchú and Tírechán came to write their Lives they had before them a range of sources from which to gather information about their protagonist. This included the saint’s own writings, expanded interpretations of the fifth-century works and even oral

15 Muirchú states that Patrick died at the age of 120 years, Bieler (1979), 118–19. This contention is also included in the Notae supplementum ad Tirechanum, Bieler (1979), 164–65. The comparison between Moses and Patrick is a clear feature of the saint’s biography from an early point and is especially evident in the Notae, see Bieler (1979), 164–65. 16 Hennig (1949–1951), 238. 17 Difficulties in ascertaining the correct chronology of saints is not unusual; for instance, see Stancliffe (1983), 111–33 on the implications of chronological disparity in the Life of Martin of Tours by Sulpicius Severus. 18 Muirchú says that Patrick only travelled to Ireland after Palladius decided to leave, see Bieler (1979), 72–73 (§ 8(7).2). Tírechán does not mention Palladius, but he does appear in the supplementary notae to his Life, which states that Palladius suffered martyrdom and that Patrick was sent as second bishop, see Bieler (1979), 164–67 (§ III 6). For a discussion of Palladius see Charles-Edwards (2000a), 202–14 and (1993).

Beginnings

testimony from seniores and writers who themselves were already engaged in preserving and sometimes documenting aspects of Patrick’s life and deeds. The Confessio was particularly useful in this respect; it is here that we learn that at the age of sixteen Patrick was captured near his native vicus or township, Bannaventa Bérniae, and brought to Ireland as a slave.19 The information regarding his family suggests that they held a relatively high status in their community.20 This is confirmed in the positions held by his father and grandfather – namely that his father, Calpornicus was a deacon and decurion, and that his grandfather Poti‐ tus was a priest.21 His family were therefore Romano-Britons, who held reason‐ ably important positions within their locality and were Christian. Patrick’s social standing means that he would have received the basics of a classical education.22 The extent of his education, however, has been a matter of debate and Patrick’s assertions of his literary inferiority, as well as the contextual confusion found in his writings, has sometimes led to the contention that his written Latin and writing style are poor.23 These criticisms are no longer accepted and the relatively high standard of Patrick’s Latinity is generally acknowledged.24 We can assume that his Latin fluency was the product of his education in Britain, before and after his captivity. Despite a confusing chronology in both the Confessio and Epistola Patrick indicates that he undertook his ecclesiastical training in the British Church after his escape from Ireland.25 And while Patrick’s education is likely to have suffered because of his captivity, he almost certainly exaggerated these limitations in his writings – a practice that was not uncommon at this time. Indeed, in terms of his later saintly persona his literary capacity was never in question. The earliest Irish communities who venerated Patrick understood him as a core founder of the Irish Church and converter of the Irish, and so Latin literacy and its provision was central to their appreciation of him. It is for this reason, that Patrick is often described as having books in his possession and why, in the vita by Tírechán, the saint offers alphabet tablets to new converts on multiple occasions.26 So, for

19 Howlett (1994a), 52–53. This is the version of the place name given in the Confessio, although there is some difference to that given by Muirchú; for a discussion see Byrne and Francis (1994), 69–70. The precise location of Patrick’s home is not certain, although multiple theories have been put forward. For an archaeological based assessment see Dark (1993); for general discussions of Roman Britain see Todd (2004), and Millett et. al. (2014). 20 Patrick’s reference to his family home as a uillula, ‘little villa’ suggests that the estate was modest. In the Epistola he says that they had several servants, pointing to their relative wealth: Howlett (1994a), 30–31, 52–53. For a discussion of Roman-British villas see Painter (1971). 21 Howlett (1994a), 52–53, 30–31. 22 Flechner (2011), 12–14, 35–36. 23 Bieler (1952); Mohrmann (1961); Howlett (1994a), 11–24. It is possible that Latin was Patrick’s mother tongue. For a discussion of languages in Roman Britain see Schrijver (2007). 24 Howlett (1989). 25 See, Howlett (1994a), 70–71. Nonetheless, Patrick speaks at length about the inadequacies of his education – quia non didici sicut et ceteri qui optime itaque iura et sacras litteras utraque pari modo combiberunt et sermones illorum ex infantia numquam mutarunt, Howlett (1994a), 56–57. 26 For a discussion of this aspect of the Life see chapter 2.

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medieval audiences, Patrick’s literary skills were an assumed primary element of his status as Ireland’s converter saint. Debates concerning Patrick’s level of education may be more of a concern for modern audiences, but the same cannot be said of his place within the British Church. Once again the fifth-century texts are not explicit and Patrick is often cryptic or unclear about his role in or connection to the Church.27 Nonetheless, in the Epistola Patrick declares himself a bishop but offers little further detail, while in the Confessio he suggests that his episcopacy was questioned by authorities in the Church, without providing a specific reason for this.28 Even so the link between Patrick and authorities in Britain is clear from both his religious training but also his need to defend his position to the Church authority.29 That he was a member of the Church at one time, is obvious from his statement that he was a deacon.30 Unfortunately, Patrick fails to expand upon the nature of this connection any further. The frustrating lack of certainty in the written record has led some scholars to suggest that Patrick was a self-proclaimed bishop, but we cannot be certain that this was the case. In fact, according to Patrick, he was reproved for his sins, reprobatus sum, by elders in the British Church, and these sins were in turn used to undermine his episcopacy. So, it would seem that they sought to question the status of his authority as a result of something that came to light at a later date and not because of the legitimacy of his episcopal title.31 That Patrick was sanctioned by elders from the British Church points to an ongoing, although hardly close connection between the missionary and his native land and leaves open the possibility that his religious standing was connected to Britain. However, the complexities of this situation are such that this element of his story is almost entirely eradicated from his later saintly tradition. Given the limitations of Patrick’s biography and the problems posed by his difficult relationship with the British Church it is not altogether surprising that by the time Muirchú and Tírechán came to write a developed narrative of Patrick’s formation, which focused on the Continent, was in place. Based on the mission‐ aries own statement that he had wished for the opportunity to visit his fratres in Gaul, medieval writers created a rather elaborate back story that saw Patrick travel to the Continent following his escape from Ireland, where he received extensive religious training and rubbed shoulders with important clerics such as

27 Jones (1996), 111. Contentions that Patrick was associated with the Church in Gaul have also led to confusion. This association is highly unlikely, and most scholars now understand his writings in relation to the British Church. Thompson (1985) especially 30–34 and 148–49. 28 Patricius peccator indoctus scilicet Hiberione constitutus episcopum me esse fáteor Certissime reor a deo ‘accepi id quod sum’, Howlett (1994a), 26–27; Et quando temptatus sum ab aliquantis senioribus meis qui uenerunt et peccata mea contra laboriosum episcopatum meum obiecerunt, Howlett (1994a), 68–69. 29 Howlett (1994a), 72–73. 30 Post annos triginta ‘inuenerunt me aduersus’ uerbum quod confessus fueram antequam éssem Diaconus, Howlett (1994a), 68–71. 31 Howlett (1994a), 70–71.

Beginnings

Germanus.32 Patrick’s biographers believed that while on the Continent their saint legitimately received his episcopate in preparation for his return to Ireland as a Roman-sanctioned missionary. The addition of these travels to Patrick’s saintly narrative may have been a reaction to the controversies that beset the missionary during his life, but it could also be the result of the development of Christianity on the island and the increasingly influence from Rome, where, by the seventh century, the Irish Church derived its institutional power. What is more, this story had the added benefit of explaining away the mission of the Roman bishop Palla‐ dius in 431, who, for various reason (according to medieval Patrician biographers) was unable to complete his own missionary efforts.33 So, where Patrick’s story was problematic or lacked depth, successive religious communities worked to create a more seamless narrative that ultimately reflected important elements of their present realities. The elaboration of the saint’s institutional formation and connections sees the beginning of increasingly embellished stories concerning Patrick’s conversion of the Irish and his time in Ireland. Again, the reasons for this are likely to be twofold – on the one hand Patrick offers little detail about his mission, but on the other hand as a converting saint this was a key element, if not the central aspect of his saintly role, and as such was given specific attention by later Christian communities. In the Confessio Patrick says that it would be ‘longwinded to relate [his] labour by single examples, or in parts’,34 and he offers little detail about his proselytizing – although his inclusion of a Creed in the text and his severe reprimands of the warlord Coroticus do suggest lines of persuasion.35 Patrick claims to have baptised thousands,36 says that he ordained men in remote parts, exteras partes, where no other cleric had ventured,37 and mentions that ‘sons and daughters of the petty kings of the Scots’ had become ‘monks and virgins of Christ’.38 But even these positives do not directly find their way into his legendary story, even if they are suggested in a more general sense. It is not surprising then that Patrick’s descriptions of the obstacles he faced are largely ignored by later hagiographers. This may explain why the story of Coroticus recounted in the Epistola is largely absent from later vitae. Nonetheless, as we will see in later chapters, it was important for the saint’s biographers to impress upon their readers the enormity of their protagonist’s achievements, and as such some of the

32 Germanus features in several texts: Muirchú mentions him in both his capitula and main text, Bieler (1979), 64–67, 70–73, whilst he appears in a more developed story in the Additamenta, Bieler (1979), 174–75. This was influential on the later tradition with similar features appearing in Vita Secunda, Tertia & Quarta, Bieler (1971), as well as the vernacular Tripartite Life, Stokes, (1887). 33 Muirchú refers to Palladius in both his capitula and main text, Bieler (1979), 64–65, 72–75; he is mentioned in the notae at Bieler (1979), 164–67 (§ III 6). 34 longum est autem totum per singula enarrare laborem meum uel per partes, Howlett (1994a), 74–75. 35 Howlett (1994a), 90–93. 36 Howlett (1994a), 26–27, 32–33, 60–61, 85–87. 37 Howlett (1994a), 28–29, 76–77. 38 Howlett (1994a), 32–33.

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obstacles that Patrick faced, such as his need to negotiate with local powerbrokers, feature in the later tradition.39 For the most part, aside from Patrick’s biographical details, individual writers chose to include elements of the saint’s writings that interested them, but these were not to become integral to his saintly story. For instance in the Confessio Patrick admits that it was difficult for those close to him in Britain to appreciate why he chose to return to Ireland and put himself in such danger.40 This is an ele‐ ment of the saint’s testimony that Muirchú incorporates into his seventh-century Life (indeed it is the only occasion where Muirchú mentions Patrick’s return to his homeland), however his near-contemporary Tírechán fails to mention any such return.41 There are, however, some aspects of Patrick’s mission that are more consistent in the hagiography. These include Patrick’s association with the area known as the Wood of Fochloth, siluam Uocluti, and his vision of an individual named Victoricius calling for him to return to Ireland.42 Both elements are influ‐ ential and expanded upon in the later hagiography. It is not difficult to appreciate why – in the case of the Wood of Fochloth we know that an important Patrician community existed there in the seventh century, while the story of Patrick’s vision contains elements that medieval audiences had come to expect of a saintly narrative.43 What is more in identifying this Irish community and describing his dream as a turning point, these are some of the most personal details and motivations revealed to us in Patrick’s writings. The fact that they relate to the beginning of Patrick’s mission in Ireland can be no coincidence either. From this point onwards, however, the fifth century writings of Patrick and those of his later biographers diverge. This could have something to do with Patrick’s unsatisfactory vagueness, but it is also because successive writers understood Patrick as the sole champion in the religious transformation of the island, and their narratives reflect the enormity of this achievement. For them Patrick’s conversion of the island could only be explained through miraculous acts that were predestined and preordained by God. And while the later tradition offers depictions of Patrick that are different in how they appreciate the saint’s achievements, they are consistent in their understanding that Patrick was the catalyst who single-handedly ushered in a new and revolutionary era for the Irish.

39 For example, Tírechán refers to Patrick’s need to pay for safe passage across the island even though moments before the saint had sat alongside Loíguire in judgement of the sons of Amolngid, Bieler (1979), 136–37. For Patrick’s testimony in the Confessio see Howlett (1994a), 86–87. 40 Patrick refers to the perceived danger of his mission at Howlett (1994a), 82–83. For objections to his mission and the involvement of his family see, Howlett (1994a), 56–57, 58–61, 66–67, 70–71, and 76–77. 41 Bieler (1979), 70–71 (§ I.4). Muirchú echoes Patrick’s assertions that his mission is ultimately sanctioned by God, Bieler (1979), 72–73 (§ I. 8). 42 Howlett (1994a), 66–67. For the Wood of Foclut: Bieler (1979), 72–73 (§ 8(7)), 134–37 (§ 14 and § 15), and 156–59 (§ 42 and § 43) for Victoricius. 43 Howlett (1994a), see especially 60–61, 74–79, 82–85.

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The Early Patrician Tradition Following the writings of Patrick there is a lacuna in the documentary evidence for the island meaning little is known about the specifics of Christian expansion. This absence comes to an end in the seventh century, from which point onwards a great number of literary sources survive, many of which are Christian and point to the fact that significant religious change had taken place. The earliest substantive texts concerning Patrick to survive are the two seventh century Lives written by the clerics Tírechán and Muirchú. However, these writers depended on what appears to have been a vibrant and extensive cult tradition that saw Patrick as the sole converter of the Irish and founder of the institutions of the Irish Church. Enduring elements of Patrick’s cult including the story of his triumph at Tara and establishment of the monastic community at Armagh were, at this early point, already part of Patrick’s expanding story. How aspects of this narrative were estab‐ lished is far from clear, but the evidence points to the existence of both written and oral traditions by the mid-seventh century.44 On the whole, the scholarship has focused on Armagh as the centre from which these traditions emanated. This association is well founded and is especially evident in the short and probably earliest surviving text produced at Armagh’s scriptorium, Liber Angeli.45 Even so, while the monastery is influential it is notable that a number of the earliest texts that mention Patrick were written elsewhere, pointing to a broad recognition of Patrick’s role and suggesting that multiple communities venerated the saint. This broader recognition is clear in the first datable reference to Patrick as a saint, which is found in Cummian’s famous letter concerning the Irish dating of Easter, the Epistola de controversia paschali.46 Writing around the year 633 Cummian sought to convince Iona and its constituent churches to adhere to the Roman practice of dating. In doing so the cleric lays out an inventory of texts that influenced the Irish Church on the matter, and it is within this context that he refers to Patrick as papa noster, crediting him with bringing the first Easter table to Ireland. Hailing from Clonfert in Connaught, Cummian’s emphatic reference points to an acceptance of Patrick’s role and status as father of the Irish Church by his own community at Clonfert (and indeed the other Irish Churches on whose behalf he wrote) as well as amongst the Columban federation to whom he addressed the letter. While the table is ascribed to Patrick, Cummian’s claim is almost certainly based on his own assumptions about Patrick’s role in establishing the Church rather than concrete evidence that it was brought to Ireland by the saint. Indeed, Dáibhí Ó Cróinín has pointed to the fact that the table is likely to have originated on the Continent rather than Britain as it follows the Continental practice of comparing 84- and 19-year tables, whereas British Christians relied on

44 Ultán is the best example of this as he offers oral testimony as well as written evidence to Tírechán. Bieler (1979), 124. 45 Bieler (1979), 184–91. 46 Walsh and Ó Cróinín (1988).

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the 84-year cycle alone.47 It is for this reason that he has argued for an alternative association in the person of the Roman sanctioned bishop Palladius, however while this is more plausible, identifying the avenues through which this table became known in Ireland remain speculative.48 Nonetheless, the association with Patrick shows that there was an assumption that the saint formalised Christian practice on the island. A fuller glimpse of the nature of the early cult is evident in the hymn, Audite omnes amantes, which celebrates Patrick and is ascribed to the Leinster-based cleric Secundinus.49 The hymn which is more commonly known as the ‘Hymn of Secundinus’, is preserved in the Antiphonry of Bangor (ad 680x691), however the attribution to Secundinus is first attested in the ninth-century Martyrology of Oengus.50 Again it is difficult to date the hymn precisely, although it almost certainly predates the Lives by Tírechán and Muirchú with scholars placing its production in the sixth or early seventh century.51 The attribution to Secundinus is undoubtedly spurious and is likely to be a case where an important individual associated with the later Patrician narrative became further entangled with cult tradition. Whoever the author may have been they left no indication of their institutional affiliation in the work. It has been suggested that the piece may have been written by Colmán Elo (d. 610) of Lynally in Co. Meath, although the evidence for this is also slim.52 Despite the uncertainties of authorship and production, however the hymn is an important indicator of the status of Patrician veneration in the first half of the seventh century. The piece is a clear and important example of continuity between Patrick’s own writings and the later tradition. Andy Orchard has pointed to the impact of both the Confessio and biblical exemplars on the work, exposing the fact that the author made a close study of the fifth-century documents.53 The hymn is written in the form of an abecedarium that celebrates Patrick as the apostle of the Irish and is part of a tradition of alphabet hymns that existed in both Ireland and abroad.54 It follows biblical models closely whilst offering a depiction of Patrick that is reminiscent of other early sources that celebrate the saint. Specifically, the hymn emphasises Patrick’s role as a converting bishop whose mission is sanctioned by God and 47 Ó Cróinín (1986), esp. 279–80. 48 Ó Cróinín (1986). Dumville (1993), 85–88 also discusses this hypothesis but is less convinced by the possibility. 49 ‘Audite omnes amantes’ in AH LI, 340–42 (no. 252); Warren (1895), 14–16. For discussions see MacNeill (1939–1940), Mulcahy (1945), Bieler (1952–1953), Curran (1984) and Orchard (1993). 50 Doherty (1991), 88–89. For a discussion of Secundinus see Dumville (1993), 89–98. 51 It is possible that Muirchú’s reference to a hymn written about Patrick is one and the same, (Bieler (1979), 116. For a discussion of the dating see Orchard (1993). 52 Carney (1961) suggests that a reference to the hymn in the Additamenta from the Book of Armagh attributing authorship to Colmán of Lynally may be correct. For a discussion see Orchard (1993), 161. 53 Orchard, (1993), esp. 156–65. 54 Orchard discusses the various other abecedarium hymns found in the Antiphonary of Bangor as well as the Liber Hymnorum, Orchard (1993), esp. 154–56.

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the Roman Church; he is a quintessential missionary who preaches to those at the edge of the world and is a teacher and leader of his fledgeling Christian community. Patrick’s personal attributes are highlighted throughout the piece and there is a strong focus on his suitability as a bishop saint as well as his Christian perfection – for instance, he is likened to an angel on numerous occasions. Crucially, the hymn demonstrates the centrality of Patrick’s writings to the early cult and shows that the holy man’s real experiences could easily be moulded to fit the saintly ideal and appropriate institutional connections. Other early sources build upon the importance of Patrick’s role as converter and bishop and pay particular attention to him as an institutional leader. This element of the saint’s persona is arguably most obvious in Tírechán’s Collectanea where he is presented as the leader of an extensive network of clerics. However, this is an aspect of the cult that the writer developed rather than created. Tírechán mentions a great number of individuals – some of whom can be identified whilst others are remembered solely because of their association with Patrician traditions. Earlier texts, such as the First Synod of St Patrick and Liber Angeli demonstrate the importance of such affiliations as they too name clerics said to have worked alongside Patrick. Most notably, a link had been made between Patrick and the Leinster-based clerics Secundinus (the supposed author of Audite omnes amantes mentioned above), Iserninus and Auxilius before Tírechán came to write. The incorporation of these clerics to the cult is likely to have come about because they were important individuals who played a role in the early development of the Irish Church – any real association with Patrick, though, seems highly unlikely. Their names tell us that they were foreign missionaries and it is possible that over time Irish Christians came to assume that the missionaries travelled to the island with Patrick.55 Indeed it is for these same reasons that some scholars have speculated that the holy men were part of the Palladian mission in 431, although evidence for such a connection is slim.56 All three clerics were active in Leinster and each lend their names to important early foundations in the region.57 The positions of these churches in Leinster, an area that is likely to have been exposed to Christianity in the initial stages of Irish conversion, strengthens 55 Auxilius and Secundinus are both Latin names and Iserninus is Celtic. See Dumville (1993), 89–98 and Charles-Edwards (2000a), 233–40. 56 Charles-Edwards (2000a), 239–40, has suggested that two of the clerics, Auxilius and Secundinus, travelled with Palladius from Rome and then travelled to Britain where the help of Iserninus was later enlisted. 57 Auxilius has his church at Killashee in County Kildare, Iserninus is associated with several churches in Leinster and Secundinus is the founder of the Church at Dunshaughlin in County Meath. For discussions and explanations of the place-name evidence see Sharpe (1984b), esp. 256–60, D. Flanagan and L. Flanagan (1994), esp. 70–74, Charles-Edwards (2000a) 233–37. All the foundations are early and the church at Dunshaughlin, Domnach Sechnaill, is especially interesting because of its use of domnach, an early term for church that was no longer in use by the seventh century. See D. Flanagan (1979), 1–8, specifically 2–3. It is worth noting that one of the churches associated with Palladius in the Vita Secunda and Vita Quarta is a domnach church – Domnach Arte – although this may be a later association. Byrne and Francis (1994), 37.

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the assumption that the three clerics were significant in their own right and remembered because of their work during the period of Christianisation. It may be no coincidence, then, that they are named alongside Patrick in a number of texts concerned with the institution of the Church. The so-called First Synod of St Patrick proports to be the account of a synod held by Patrick, Auxilius and Iserninus. The text is likely to be early, with scholars suggesting a composition date either in the sixth or early-seventh century.58 It is one of the earliest known texts to make a connection between Patrick, Auxilius and Iserninus, however the holy men only feature in the attribution rather than the text proper. It is generally agreed that the Synod was written at a point when Christianity was beginning to make significant headway on the island. The decrees do not, therefore, reflect Patrick’s experience in the fifth century but a point at which the religion had started to influence important power structures on the island. The text does not survive in any Irish manuscript and its place of produc‐ tion is uncertain, however it is telling that section thirty contains an unusual and distinct variant spelling of parochia = parruchia, that appears to have primarily, if not exclusively, been used by scribes working in the Armagh scriptorium.59 At the very least this shows that those involved in producing Patrician material were influenced by others within their circle, but it also strengthens the argument that the text was written by someone from within the Armagh sphere of influence. The decrees of the synod offer little specific information about Patrick’s expanding biography or indeed that of Iserninus or Auxilius, but the text is further evidence of the belief that Patrick was pivitol in leading the establishment of the Church institution. Patrick’s connection to the text must date to the seventh century as the early-eighth century Collectio canonum hibernensis, which makes frequent use of the synod, acknowledges the Patrician link. That Patrick is supposed to have been part of this important synod is hardly surprising in light of his perceived role as law maker and judge, which was seminal to his persona as the converter of the island and the institutional founder and leader of the Irish Church. The text Liber Angeli points to the consistency of many of these elements in the early tradition. For instance, the work makes use of the Confessio, presents Patrick as a preacher and institutional leader and connects the saint with other foreign clerics.60 Written in Armagh in the mid-seventh century the piece purports to be a record of the decrees of a synod held by Auxilius, Patrick, Secundinus

58 For the text see Bieler (1963), 54–58, and Faris (1976), 1–8. There are problems with the dating. Kathleen Hughes argues for a mid-sixth century date, (1966) 44–49. However other scholars place it in the seventh century, see Binchy (1962b); De Paor (1996), 135. Binchy was later to concede that the work may be of sixth-century origin, D. A. Binchy, (1968). For more recent studies see Dumville (1993), 175–78 and Flechner (2009). 59 Bieler (1975), 58. The spelling is consistent in the texts preserved in the Book of Armagh, with only one further example found in a section of the Hibernensis. Flechner (2019), Book I, 36.20, 265–66. 60 Bieler (1979), 184–91.

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and Benignus, and offers a combination of hagiographic and legalistic material.61 The sole extant copy is found in the Book of Armagh and Richard Sharpe has argued that it survived, alongside an edited version of Patrick’s Confessio, because of its antiquity rather than its content.62 Certainly, much of the material relates to a point when Armagh sought to consolidate its control on the Patrician cult and establish itself as the premier Patrician Church on the island.63 Tírechán includes a number of these pronouncements in his Life, pointing to the fact that the text had some longevity and impact, but this does not appear to extend beyond the seventh century.64 Even so the text is crucial to an understanding of the developing Patrician cult. The work is most often considered in relation to Armagh’s claims of pre-eminence and what this tells us about the status of the Irish Church at the time.65 There is little ambiguity in the presentation of the unique position that Armagh held by the author (as aspirational as this may have been), when they state: Ista quippe ciuitas summa et libera a Deo est constituta et ab anguelo Dei et ab apostolico uiro sancto Patricio episcopo specialiter dedicata. Preest ergo quodam p(re)uilegio omnibus aeclessiis ac monasteriis cunctorum Hibernensium uel superna auctoritate summi pontificis illius fundatoris.66 But whilst the intention of the text is to assert Armagh’s position it also points to how the Church formalised its connection with Patrick. This is an aspect of the saint’s biography that was problematic even for his later hagiographer Muirchú, who uses the final sections of his Life to firmly place the saint’s loyalties with Armagh. But while Muirchú’s aim at the end of the seventh century was to justify why Patrick was not buried at his primary foundation, the earlier Liber Angeli sought to explain why the monastery had a legitimate claim as the centre of Patrick’s cult and power. This is most evident in the earliest narrative section of the text where an angel visits Patrick and informs him of God’s intention for the saint and his heirs to lead the Irish church from Armagh. Here the angel begins by outlining Patrick’s achievements, all of which are in line with the picture of Patrick fostered in the sources discussed above, namely that he travelled the island preaching to and baptising the Irish.67 Patrick’s deeds underscore and validate his

61 Richard Sharpe has dated the text to c. 640, and believes that the final pronouncement regarding the relationship between the Patrician and Brigidine Churches in § 32 must date to 650, (1982a), esp. 22. However, Thomas Charles-Edwards, whilst agreeing that it must predate the production of Tírechán’s Life in the late 680’s has suggested a later production date sometime between 678 and 687, (2000a), esp. 438–40. 62 Sharpe (1982a). 63 Whilst the greater proportion of the text is connected there are a number of sections that appear to have been added at a later date; sections 14, 31 and 32 particularly stand out in this regard. 64 For a discussion of Tírechán’s use of Liber Angeli see chapter 2. 65 Doherty (1991) and Sharpe (1982b). 66 Bieler (1979), 186–87 (§ 17–18). 67 Bieler (1979), 184–85 (§ 1–6).

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institutional leadership, however the angel is not sent to reassure Patrick of his position but rather to tell him that his place will be at Armagh. Specifically, the angel states: Scit ergo Dominus Deus tuum praesentem locum quem praesto uidemus in alto positum cum parua celula angustum, ab aliquibus quoque regionis habitatoribus coartatum, et suburbana eius non sufficient cunctis ad refugium. Idcirco constituitur terminus a Domino uastissimus urbi Alti Mache, quam dilexisti prae omnibus Hibernensium telluribus … Ac deinde donauit tibi Dominus Deus uniuersas Scotorum gentes in modum paruchiae et huic urbi tuae, quae cognominatur Scotorum lingua Ardd Machae.68 Despite the importance of Armagh to the Patrician tradition, this story is not found in later writings about the saint. Some similar elements appear in Muirchú’s description of the foundation of Armagh, however while the premise remains the same (ie. that Patrick required additional space for his growing community) the details are quite different.69 This supports Richard Sharpe’s assessment that Liber Angeli became obsolete over time. So, while the text had some impact on the development of the cult in the mid-seventh century (as suggested by Tírechán’s inclusion of some of its stipulations), the pace at which the Church institution was changing limited its usefulness. This is true not only in relation to the claims of supremacy made by Armagh but also the need for that community to solidify and formalise the Church as Patrick’s primary foundation.

The Earliest Hagiographical Tradition The clerics who undertook the writing of the earliest extant Lives of Patrick were not the first of their kind, but followed in the footsteps of other Irish hagiographers, some of whom focused on Patrick while others commemorated saints such as Brigit and Columba. Indeed, it is possible that a number of these authors wrote about multiple saints. Unfortunately, only a small amount of infor‐ mation about these earlier writers and their works exists and, with only one partial exception, they do not survive.70 Even so it is clear that these individuals were part of the evolving traditions and memories of the early Christian period. Those who can be identified as producing material seem to have lived in the first half of the seventh century. Evidence for these writers is found embedded in the later hagiographical tradition, often referencing the process of ecclesiastical fosterage as a connecting point between generations of scholars and across various locales. The Patrician Lives therefore need to be understood as part of a broader endeavour of hagiographical writing. Tírechán, for example, acknowledges that he 68 Bieler (1979), 184–85, (§ 6–8). 69 Bieler (1979), 108–13. For further discussion see chapter 3. 70 Anderson and Anderson (1991), 188–91 (iii. 5).

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was the pupil and fosterling of the bishop Ultán bishop of Connor († 657),71 the scribe Dorbbéne inserts a section of Cumméne’s († 669) Life on the miraculous powers of Columba into Adomnán’s Life,72 while Muirchú refers to Cogitosus as his spiritual father.73 Of this early group of three, only the work of Cogitosus survives in complete form, while the writings of Ultán have been lost entirely (that is unless he is indeed the author of the anonymous Brigidine Life Vita Prima Sanctae Brigitae). However, there is potentially further important information in a ninth-century poem from the Rheims Prologue, which adds another writer to this list, the important Hiberno-Latin scholar, Ailerán († 665).74 The prologue accounts for the production of three Lives of St Brigit and names the writers as Ultán, Ailerán and Cogitosus.75 The use of three names could be attributed to the formulaic use of three in Irish texts such as the Triads of Ireland, and if this were the case could go some way in explaining the problematic inclusion of the author Ailerán in this list.76 Nonetheless, these three authors are also referred to in the same order in an introduction to the metrical Life of Brigit written by Donatus, bishop of Fiesole later in the ninth century.77 In addition the, Old Irish poem entitled Ní car Brigit states that Ultán collected together Brigit’s miracles.78 These early writers all died between 657 and 669 and so were likely to have been producing work during the first half of the seventh century, or very early in the second half. Ultán is chronologically the earliest, dying in 657, followed by Ailerán who is said to have died during the plague in 665.79 Cumméne died four years later. Herbert has argued that Cumméne’s work should be associated with the abbacy of Ségene († 652) and his drive to assemble testimonies about Iona’s founder-saint between c. 623–40, placing his writing firmly before 650.80 Similarly, it is reasonable to assume that the literary output of Ailerán and Ultán was concentrated before and around 650. It could even be the case that Ultán was born in the last decade of the sixth century. The evidence, therefore, whilst fragmentary points to strong traditions associating Ultán, Ailerán, and Cumméne with early Hiberno-Latin hagiography and an acknowledgement, by the seventh century, that a tradition of hagiographical writing had been in place for some time. 71 72 73 74 75

76 77 78 79 80

Bieler (1979), 124–25 (§ 1.1), 138–39 (§ 18.1). Anderson and Anderson (1991), 188–91 (iii. 5). Bieler (1979), 62–63 (Preface, 2). For the text of the Rheims Prologue see Mabillion (1732), Saec. IV, 2, 303–04; Ailerán is the author of a work that explains the names in Christ’s genealogy allegorically: see Breen (1995). He is also credited with Kanon euangelium rhythmica of which a modern edition is found in Esposito (1912a). Esposito suggests that Ultán wrote the first Life of Brigit, however this is speculative, see Sharpe (1982c). The identification of Ailerán’s Life of Brigit is also problematic. McCone (1982), argues that a lost Life by Ailerán lies behind the Vita Prima of Brigit. David Howlett goes one step further and suggests that Ailerán might be the anonymous author of Vita Prima, (1998), 1–23. Meyer (1906); for an analysis see Kelly (2003). Kissane (1977), especially 84; Sharpe, (1982c), 98. See Colgan (1647), 515–20; Sharpe (1982c), 100. AU 657, AU 665. Herbert (1996a), 24–25; also Fraser (2003–2004).

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All three were important ecclesiastical figures and, in each case, can be plausibly identified with known, though not always extant, religious literature. Ultán is a seminal figure who appears to have heavily influenced Tírechán’s later work. He held the title of bishop of Dál Conchobair and was also abbot of Ardbraccan.81 There is no reason to doubt Tírechán’s own first-hand account of drawing on a book belonging to Ultán, in producing the Collectanea. However, there is some ambiguity, as this book may have been in Ultán’s possession rather than authored by the cleric, though the latter seems far more likely. Either way a book written about Patrick was already in circulation, possibly outside Armagh, before Tírechán composed his work. Tírechán begins his Life by acknowledging his foster-father and includes several details from the older work – namely a de‐ scription of the four names of Patrick (an element that would remain a recurring feature of the cult), a reference to Patrick’s captivity and escape, and finally the saint’s apparent travels in Gaul and Italy. As touched upon in the next chapter, this description alludes to the fact that Ultán was familiar with the Confessio but that its contents had been elaborated considerably by the mid-seventh century.82 That Ultán wrote a Life of Brigit is less conclusive given the evidence.83 Kim McCone has suggested that Ultán’s work survives in the extant Vita Prima Sanctae Brigitae but this argument has not found universal acceptance.84 It is worth noting, however, that Vita Prima does contain a relatively developed biography of Patrick alongside Brigit – another indication that the cults of the two saints were not always seperated or entirely concerned with political gain.85 Other scholars such as Richard Sharpe and David Howlett contend that Ultán did produce a Life of Brigit but that it has not survived.86 More tenuous associations have been made between the cleric and the early Brigidine hymn, Brigit bé bithmaith, although this argument is not convincing, particularly given that in its current form it is unlikely to date to the seventh century.87 Ultán has also been associated with the hymn Audite uirginis laudes and the poem Ní car Brigit but again these links are far from proven.88 Given the limitations of the available evidence no one text can be conclusively associated with the cleric, but it is very likely that he produced a life of Patrick, although his associations with the Brigidine dossier are less concrete. Ultimately Ultán’s legacy and reputation was such that medieval

81 Tírechán refers to Ultán as the bishop of Connor ‘episcopus Conchuburnensium’, in the opening section of his Life, Bieler (1979), 124–25 (§ 1.1). For his career see Stalmans and Charles-Edwards (2004). 82 For a more developed discussion see chapter 2. 83 See Esposito (1935) for a discussion and the text of the poem found in the Rheims Prologue. 84 McCone (1982), followed by Howlett (1998) and McCarthy (2001). 85 Dawson (2017). 86 Sharpe (1982c); Howlett (1998). 87 The poem known as ‘Brigit bé bithmaith’ is edited in Strachan and Stokes (1975 reprint), 2, 323–36. For a translation see Ní Dhonnchadha (1992), vol. 4, 62. The text is dated here but there is no explanation given as to why it is linguistically not later than the eighth century. 88 For a discussion of the problems of ascription see Sharpe (1982c), 100.

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writers understood him as an important contributor to the earliest phases of Irish hagiographical writing. Like Ultán, Ailerán was a high-status Irish scholar who was probably active in the first half of the seventh century, however, unlike his contemporary a number of Ailerán’s writings have survived. He is commemorated as a sapiens in the Annals of Ulster, something which usually identifies the individual as an outstanding Hiberno-Latin scholar.89 This is borne out in Ailerán’s corpus of writings, which are of an exegetical nature. These are his Interpretatio mystica et moralis progenito‐ rum domini Iesu Christi which provides explanations for biblical names, and a poem on the Eusebian Canon known as the Kanon evangeliorum rhythmica.90 He has been associated with the Meath area, and it has been suggested that he was a teacher at the monastery of Clonard.91 But while Ailerán produced works of instruction for his pupils his notoriety as a hagiographer is less certain. Connections have been made between him and early hagiographical writings, but this is based entirely on evidence dating later than the eighth century. Unlike Ultán, the writers of the extant seventh-century Saints’ Lives do not refer to him. The Rheims Prologue states that Ailerán ‘made a selection’ from Ultán’s work on Brigit, and Donatus of Fiesole also includes him in his list of Brigidine writers, but it is not specified in either source that Ailerán wrote a Life of the saint. The later Tripartite Life of Patrick also names Ailerán, but on this occasion as an early author of Patrick’s biography.92 This association, however, is difficult to ascertain especially because the later writers Tírechán and Muirchú do not mention him. Ailerán’s involvement in the production of early Lives for either Brigit or Patrick therefore cannot be proven.93 Importantly, however, this points to an assumption that a tradition of writing existed before the end of the seventh century, particularly in the case of Ireland’s most prominent saints Brigit, Patrick and Columba. How this tradition was cultivated and fostered is not easily appreciable how‐ ever we are lucky that the Columban biographer, Cumméne, offers some further insights on the evolution of the hagiographical tradition in Ireland. Cumméne was abbot at Iona between 657–669 and seems to have written a Life of his founding saint, although this may have been written before he took the abbacy.94 It is clear in Adomnán’s Vita Columbae that from the early seventh century there was a determined effort on the part of the elders of Iona to record the miracles and important aspects of their founder’s life.95 This particularly seems to have been the case during the abbacy of his uncle Ségéne (623–652). Adomnán says that he was

89 90 91 92 93 94 95

Johnston (2013), 103–05. Breen (1995); Esposito (1912a). Also see Howlett (1998). See Kenney (1968) 279–81; Lapidge and Sharpe (1985) 82–83; O’Loughlin (2004). Stokes (1887), 256–57. D. Ó hAodha (1971–1976) and Howlett (1998). Herbert (1996a), 24. Herbert (1996a), 24–25.

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reliant on the fruits of this work for the information in his own Life of the saint – admitting that he was not the first to attempt such an undertaking.96 It seems that most of this information was collected through oral testimony, which was then written down for posterity.97 Supposedly the monk Silnán related his memories of Columba to the abbot Ségéne, whilst other members of the Iona community were similarly interviewed. Ségéne is also said to have received testimony from Oswald, king of Northumbria, and the Irish Ernéne, son of Craséne.98 Adomnán must have depended on this information when he came to write his Vita, but it was the eighth century scribe Dorbbéne who included Cumméne’s early text into the Vita Columbae. Even so, Máire Herbert asserts that Adomnán used Cumméne’s text, but saw fit to limit the information he included in his own work.99 Herbert argues that when Dorbbéne came to copy Adomnán’s text he added a section of Cumméne’s writings that was more applicable to the Iona community in the eighth century.100 We are lucky in this case that the process can actually be traced through surviving texts and this example is indicative of how the memory of a religious community such as Iona would have developed over time, as they returned to certain stories and omitted others when it suited or became more appropriate. Cumméne and his Liber are useful because they show that living memories of the saint were not forgotten. While this process was undoubtedly much more difficult when dealing with fifth-century material, it is not unreasonable to imagine a similar process of collection by the hagiographers associated with the Patrician traditions. Indeed, given the status that Patrick was afforded in some of Ireland’s earliest available documents and the evidence of Ultán’s expansion of Patrick’s own writings this may well be the case. The writings associated with Cumméne and Ultán help in bridging the time gap between Patrick and the authors of the extant seventh-century Lives. They demonstrate the crucial role that earlier Christian communities and writers played in forging the story of Irish conversion and developing the saintly traditions that would become synonymous with the island in future years. The scholarly empha‐ sis on institutional gain and foundational rivalries has unfairly pigeon holed some of these writers who were clearly influenced by the collective hagiographical un‐ dertaking that they were part of. Muirchú and Tírechán point to the importance of this system in cultivating their craft and offer a snapshot of their educational formation through the reference to their religious elders and mentors, Ultán and Cogitosus. The writers demonstrate the centrality of the process of ecclesiastical

96 sed ea quae maiorum fideliumque uirorum tradita expertorum cognoui relatione narraturum et sine ulla ambiguitate craxaturum sciat, et uel ex his quae ante nos inserta paginis repperire potuimus, uel ex his quae auditu ab expertis quibusdam fidelibus antiquis sine ulla dubitatione narrantibus diligentius sciscitantes didicimus, Anderson and Anderson (1991), 6–7. 97 Anderson and Anderson (1991), 6–7. 98 Anderson and Anderson (1991), 16–17. 99 Herbert (1996a), 25. 100 Herbert (1996a), 25.

Beginnings

fosterage in cultivating this tradition.101 So, it was not only the writings produced by their mentors but also their training that was fundamental to the vitality of the burgeoning tradition. Neither should we overlook the writer’s references to the existence of many more Patrician traditions, written and otherwise. By the middle of the seventh century, therefore, a practice of hagiographical writing was in place, and the frame of a Patrician narrative existed. As we will see each author wrote with an independent and interpretive gaze, but other factors, shared and individual, ultimately determined their approach. By the late seventh century Patrick was considered the leading figure in the conversion of the island and its people; he was Ireland’s first bishop and as such the figurative head of the Irish Church. Patrick’s centrality to the religious transformation of the island is bourne out in the surviving fragmentary sources discussed above, which together provide independent verification of this percep‐ tion. But, while there are gaps in our knowledge of the fifth, sixth and early seventh century, we can confidently say that Patrick’s legacy, which was firmly centred on his missionary role, was accepted during this period. The preservation, use and expansion of Patrick’s fifth-century testimony demonstrates both the progression of the cult and the core emphasis on which traditions grew. But while Patrick’s status as father of the Irish Church appears to have been accepted, his connection to Armagh and the role the powerful monastery played in this tradition is not wholly appreciable. Unquestionably important institutions on the island cultivated a tradition of writing from an early point, and Armagh was no exception. Whether this means the foundation had control of the Patrician tradition over the medieval period, however, requires further consideration.

101 Bieler (1979), 62–63 (Preface, § 2), 138–39 (§ 18.1).

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Tírechán

Tírechán and the Collectanea The earliest extant Patrician Life is probably that written by Tírechán. Since the time of James Ussher in the seventeenth century the work has come to be known as the Collectanea, as it is often viewed as a collection of stories rather than a Life per se.1 In many ways this title is an accurate reflection of the work; throughout the text Tírechán points to the multiple sources he drew upon for information, making the reader fully aware of the girth of available material concerning Patrick and his Church. This includes details of a great number of church sites and religious individuals, some of which are mentioned without an accompanying narrative. In this respect the work contrasts the Life by Muirchú, which offers a simplified and coherent story of Patrick’s life and mission. But, despite these methods, and even the often clumsy narrative to which many scholars point, Tírechán’s skills extend beyond mere collection; rather, the work is structured and purposeful, reflecting his intentions for writing, his assumptions about the island’s Christian past and Patrick’s role in it, and in this sense it is a true vita of the saint.2 Little is known about the author, and his Life survives in only one manuscript, the Book of Armagh.3 Here it is placed amongst a group of important texts concerning Patrick, suggesting the influence it had on the broader Patrician cult.4 Indeed, this influence is something that is apparent in the later vitae of the saint, including the vernacular Tripartite Life as well as Vita Secunda, Vita Tertia and Vita Quarta, where many of Tírechán’s stories about the saint are reproduced. So, while we know little about the physical transmission of the work, 1 The assumption that Tírechán did not intend to produce a saintly narrative extends into modern scholarship – Bieler (1979), 36 for instance says it is not a Life. 2 Tírechán’s writing skills are also called into question, Gwynn (1913), 1 and Bieler (1979), 36–37. 3 Dublin TC 52; Gwynn (1913). Bieler (1979), 35–43 for a discussion of the work and 122–63 for text and translation. For a consideration of the manuscript see Sharpe (1982a), 3–28. Note: Tírechán’s text begins at section [1.1] (begins in A on folio 9rb), but is preceded by five fragmentary notes [II 1] to [III 1] of unknown authorship, which Bieler placed at the start of his edition. See introduction by Bieler (1979), 35. Of the Patrician material Muirchú’s text comes first, and is followed by Tírechán’s Collectanea, the Additamenta, Notulae, Supplementum, and Liber Angeli. 4 The Additamenta and Notulae, which are also part of this group, are often associated with Tírechán, but they do not appear to share the same author. Eoin MacNeill (1930), 1–41 first put forward the idea that Tírechán might be the author of the Notulae. Indeed, a certain amount of material in the Additamenta, if not the entire document, is likely to have been composed in the eighth century. See Bieler (1979), 46–49; Stevenson (1990), 11–35.

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it can be said that Tírechán’s Life, or at least a version of it, was probably known outside Armagh. We should not, therefore, allow our perceptions of the quality of Tírechán’s work (particularly when compared to more typical and polished vitae) influence our understanding of the Life. Instead, it should be appreciated in the way Tírechán intended – as an account of the saint’s conversion of the island, and particularly his time in Connacht, that is based on the traditions he and others were familiar with in the seventh century. This chapter will investigate how and why Tírechán brought these disparate accounts of the island’s past together, and the contribution this methodology has made to the wider biography of Patrick and his Church. It will show that Tírechán’s aims were not solely politically motivated but were also part of a tradition that sought to preserve the stories of the earliest years of Christianity on the island – real or otherwise. The Life itself is not difficult to place in terms of date as Tírechán refers to two recent plagues that affected the island, one which we know to have occurred between 664 and 666, and the other between 686 and 688.5 So, it is very likely that Tírechán wrote after 688. Thomas Charles-Edwards has pointed out that in supposing that the King of Leinster is a member of the Uí Dunlainge (a reference that almost certainly alludes to Conall mac Fáeláin, who was king from 680 to 693) Tírechán is likely to have written before 693.6 Tírechán, then, wrote his Life around the same time as Muirchú, if not before. Tírechán is named as the author of the Life in a later addition to the beginning of the text found in the Book of Armagh, where he is also identified as a bishop, Tirechan episcopus.7 Outside of this, however, little bibliographical information for the cleric survives. Even so, his identification as a bishop is further implied in the attention he pays to the episcopal office in the work. Despite these hints, however we do not know if he was attached to a Church or ministered to a specific area. Tirechán’s extensive knowledge and familiarity with Connacht strongly suggests that he was a native of the region, and while his family is unknown his considerable interest in the descendants of Conall mac Éndai maic Amolngada and the area of the Wood of Fochloth to which they were connected, strongly implies that he was a member of the group.8 As discussed in Chapter 1 the Wood of Fochloth is the only Irish location named by Patrick in his fifth-century writings, so Tírechán’s interest in the area is not entirely surprising.9 In fact, Tírechán centres Patrick’s extensive travels on his arrival at the Wood and offers important evidence of the

5 AU. 6 Thomas Charles-Edwards (2000a), 439, concludes that as Conall’s reign was flanked by brief periods of rule by the Uí Máil/Uí Théig dynasty, it is almost certainly he to whom Tírechán refers. 7 § III 1, Bieler (1979), 124. 8 Thornton in ODNB (2004), Bieler (1979), 134–35 (§ 14.2–7; § 15.1–5), 156–57 (§ 42.1–7), 158–59 (§ 43.3; § 44.1). Arguably, the prominence given to Uí Amolngada is disproportionate to their actual power as they were no more than a locally significant familial grouping, but Patrick’s implied relationship with them enhances their influence and eminence considerably. Swift (1994), 53–82, esp. 78; Charles-Edwards (2000a), 48; O’Hagan (2011). 9 Howlett (1994a), 66–67.

tíreChán

continuation and vibrancy of the cult in the area. If Tírechán was a member of the Uí Amolngada, the focus on the Wood of Fochloth suggests a further motivation for the production of the Life. While Tírechán’s connection with Uí Amolngada is speculative, although at‐ tractive, his links with Ultán, bishop of Dál Conchobair and abbot of the midland southern Uí Néill church of Ardbraccan, is more definite. Tírechán refers to Ultán on two occasions in the text, in one instance naming him as his foster-father.10 What is more, a later addition to the Life states that Tírechán was the alumnus of Ultán. 11 Ultán’s position as Tírechán’s foster-father suggests a close relationship that would have started early in his youth and possibly lasted through to his late teens, with Ultán acting as a crucial influence on the future bishop’s intellectual formation.12 As touched upon in Chapter One it has been suggested that Ultán authored works on both Patrick and Brigit and he appears to have been an individual who held weight amongst the earliest Irish hagiographical writers. In this respect Tírechán was fortunate in his tutelage and was connected to the highest ranks of Irish ecclesiastical writers. It can be no coincidence that Tírechán refers to Ultán at the beginning of each of the two books that make up the Life; these references are a deliberate acknowledgement by the author of the influence of his mentor.13 This relationship may well have served as Tírechán’s entrée into an elite literary circle who appear to have been concerned with a tradition of Irish religious writing and the preservation of the Christian history of the island – a tradition that Tírechán also became part of and, himself, perpetuated. Moreover, if Tirechán was a native of north-west Mayo he came from an area that was itself steeped in the history of Patrick and this might even explain why he was sent to train with an individual like Ultán. It is clear from the text that Tírechán was most familiar with two Irish regions – his home territory Connacht, and the Uí Néill territory of his foster-father Ultán. Even so, it is often assumed that Tírechán wrote for Armagh and was associated with the community there because of the monastery’s promotion of Patrick as the leader of the Irish Church.14 Tírechán’s relationship with the monastery, however, is another thorny issue: it is not definitive where he wrote the Collectanea, why it was written, or for that matter for whom it was written. This is complicated by the fact that Armagh seems to have only really asserted a position of authority during the seventh century, and the survival of the sole

10 Bieler (1979), 124–25 (§ 1.1) and 138–39 (§ 18.1). For a general discussion of fosterage see Kelly (1988), 86–90; Mulchrone (1936), 187–205, is more detailed; Johnston (2013), 168–69. 11 Bieler (1979), 124–25 (III 1). This is a term also used by Adomnán to describe Columba’s fosterage to the priest Cruithnechán, see Anderson and Anderson (1991), 184, (iii. 2). Its use in both works indicates continuity in the process of ecclesiastical fosterage, suggesting it was widely practiced in the seventh century. 12 Ages of fosterage varied for each locality: however, it was generally from the age of 7 until 16. See Kelly (1988), 86, 88. 13 Bieler (1979), 124–25 (III 1 & § 1) & 138–39 (§ 18). 14 Binchy (1962), Doherty (1982), Sharpe (1982b), Sharpe (1984a).

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copy of the Life in the Book of Armagh, at the very least, shows that his writing was preserved at the monastery. Admittedly, Tírechán’s various references to the supremacy of Patrick over all the churches of Ireland points to his acknowledge‐ ment of its importance.15 In addition, we know that he was in Armagh at some point, as it was there that he saw one of Patrick’s patens that were believed to have been made by the smith Assicus.16 Indeed, on this occasion he may have consulted the seventh-century Liber Angeli, a slightly altered version of which appears in the Life.17 But this only tells us that he visited the monastery, in the same way that he visited the locations of two further patens and gathered written and oral testimony from many more religious centres. His presence there is therefore not proof of his residence in Armagh. In fact, Tírechán clearly states that multiple churches of significance were associated with the Patrician Church.18 While it is not clear that Tírechán was a member of the community, the references to Armagh in the Life are notable and significant and show that Tírechán understood the importance of the church in relation to the Patrician story. The introduction to the second half of the Life is indicative of Tírechán’s belief that the Patrician Church held a special and authoritative position. Here the author chastises the monastic community at Clonmacnoise for their apparent refusal to comply with the Patrician tradition that saw the saint as the head of the free churches in Ireland – a claim that is also put forward in Liber Angeli.19 The references to Clonmacnoise in the Life imply that the community there had taken advantage of the instability caused by the recent plagues by bringing a number of free churches under their control; indeed this appears to have been a motivating factor in the production of Tírechán’s Life. Tírechán states that the heir of Patrick could claim dominion over all the free churches in Ireland and in doing so confirms his belief that Armagh is the jurisdictional head of the Patrician Church (earlier in the work he identifies Benignus as Patrick’s heir, stating that he is, successor Patricii in aeclessia Machae).20 This section of Tírechán’s work closely reflects the stipulations of Liber Angeli and is a further indication that he had access to multiple written sources. It is curious, however, that while Liber Angeli explicitly connects Patrick’s claims of dominion with Armagh and the jurisdiction of the monastic community there, Tírechán does not mention the centre by name at this point in the text. Indeed,

15 Tírechán’s allusions to the supremacy of Armagh and Patrick are found at the following sections: Bieler (1979), 124–25 (§ 1.3); 126–27 (§ 5); 132–33 (§ 10); 138–39 (§ 18); 140–41 (§ 22); 150–51 (§ 33.2); 162–63 (§ 49). Swift (1994), particularly 62, suggests that these references do not indicate a special connection between Armagh and Tírechán. 16 Bieler (1979), 140–41 (§ 22.1). 17 Bieler (1979), 138–39 (§ 18). 18 Bieler (1979), 134–35 (§ 14.6), 140–41 (§ 22.1), 146–47 (§ 29.2), 150–51 (§ 35.1), 156–57 (§ 42.7). 19 Bieler (1979), 138–39 (§ 18.2); an example of one such free church is found at 150–51 (§ 33). Here the reader is told that a man from Irlochir in the south named Medbu studied in Armagh after which he founded a free church at Imgoe Már Cérrigi. 20 Bieler (1979), § 5 126–27. Charles-Edwards (2000a): 252–54.

tíreChán

whilst acknowledging the importance of Armagh, Tírechán’s narrative speaks of the Patrician cult in a more expansive way. It is striking that he does not refer to Armagh in one of the most targeted and personal statements in the entire work: Cor autem meum cogitat in me de Patricii dilectione, quia uideo dissertores et archiclocos et milites Hiberniae quod odio habent paruchiam Patricii, quia substraxerunt ab eo quod ipsius erat timentque quoniam, si quaereret heres Patricii paruchiam illius, potest pene totam insolam sibi reddere in paruchiam.21 Indeed, Tírechán’s treatment of Armagh throughout the Life points to his appreci‐ ation of the significant position the monastery held, but also an understanding that a number of other important centres venerated Patrick. It is entirely possible, then, that Tírechán may have been affiliated with another Patrician church, albeit one that recognised the authority of Armagh. But if Tírechán’s allegiance does not lie with Armagh directly, who is he writing for? In her formative article on the text Catherine Swift theorizes that although Tírechán expressed himself as part of the Patrician Church he was not writing for an Armagh audience, and did not have the ambitions of that Church in mind when compiling the text.22 Rather, Swift contends that the author was more interested in heightening the status of the Uí Néill – pointing to the fact that almost all the instances of rex that occur in the work are associated with the group.23 Given Tírechán’s tutelage under Ultán (whose monastery at Ardbraccan was situated in the southern Uí Néill territory of Síl nÁedo Sláine) such an association is likely to have been cultivated.24 Undoubtedly his fosterage made a significant impression on his allegiance, and his vita suggests that he retained an interest in the church and immediate ecclesiastical familia of his foster-father throughout his life.25 The possibility that Ultán wrote a Life of Patrick, and that he contributed to Tírechán’s knowledge of the saint, is an even more obvious reason why his pupil favoured the Uí Néill, and was familiar with stories associating the saint with the powerful kin. What’s more the role of the Uí Néill in solidifying Patrick’s position – something which is also evident in Muirchú’s text – must also have impacted Tírechán’s perceptions. The connections made by Tírechán between Patrick and the Uí Néill, however, do not preclude his concerns for Armagh and the Patrician federation generally. Instead, it is possible that Tírechán wrote with both the Patrician cult, with Armagh as its head, and the southern Uí Néill in mind. Conversely, it is not necessary to see all early Patrician connections as centred on Armagh and the importance of the Uí Néill as well as the Wood of Fochloth are fundamental examples of this. Taking all of this into consideration

21 22 23 24 25

Bieler (1979), § 18.2, 138–39. Swift (1994). Swift (1994). Charles-Edwards (2000a), 571. Lay fosterage provides a useful comparison. For example, the law tracts record that if a foster son is killed a third of his honour price should go to his foster father, see Kelly (1988), 89.

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a number of points about Tírechán are clear: namely that, if not a bishop, he was interested in the episcopacy; facilitated by Ultán, he was part of an elite group that sought to commit the traditions (many of which focus on the Uí Néill) of the Irish saints to writing; his religious outlook was formed by these traditions and those of his native region, Connacht; potential changes to ecclesiastical authority (probably triggered by the effects of the plagues to which he refers) are likely to have been a motivating factor for him to write; and finally he had a strong belief in the superior standing of the Patrician Church, in its broadest sense, on the island. This complicates our understanding of Tírechán’s readership. The fact is that Tírechán appears to have had a number of groups in mind when compiling the text, something which runs contrary to the general scholarly consensus that he wrote on behalf of Armagh with the sole intent to bolster its claim to supremacy over the Irish church.26 Certainly in the work he displays a keen awareness of ecclesiastical and secular politics, and this has led to particular focus on this facet of Tírechán’s career.27 But while this scholarship has almost solely centred on Ar‐ magh it is possible that through his writing Tírechán sought to officially claim par‐ ticular churches for the greater Patrician Church which included Armagh amongst others. The problems in defining the ecclesiastical structures on the island at this time have implications here – scholars are perhaps too quick to assume that the motivations of the early writers were entirely aligned with large institutional churches such as Armagh or Kildare. Conversely, there is an assumption that these important federations developed with the lead Church at the centre of such expansion. But, while this may have been the case as the federation developed, it is worth considering a scenario whereby multiple Churches aligned, ultimately contributing to a significant focus on a single foundation. Indeed, as mentioned in chapter one, this could be one of the reasons why Liber Angeli was written. This is certainly a possibility in the case of the Patrician cult, where multiple significant Churches venerated the saint while Armagh became the institutional centre of the cult over time. Speculatively, these two entities – the institutional might of Armagh and the powerful Patrician cult – were not fully aligned (if indeed they ever were completely); rather this connection seems to be a task that was not attempted by Tírechán but instead his counterpart Muirchú. If this were the case, it is possible that Tírechán, through his promotion of the Patrician Church in the Life, ultimately aided the eventual formalisation of Armagh’s supremacy and centrality to the Patrician cult without this being a core motivation of his writing. But, while competition with other church federations, such as Clonmacnoise, may have provided some of the inspiration for the production of Tírechán’s work, it does not account for all its complexities. Instead, we must consider other, less overtly political motivations that inspired Tírechán to write. Certainly, it is

26 Sharpe (1982b); Doherty (1991); Swift (1994); Charles-Edwards (2004), 79–102. 27 For instance, Tírechán’s reference to the community at Clonmacnoise illustrates the ecclesiastical rivalries of the time: Bieler (1979), 142–43 (§ 25.2). On the other hand, his concerns for various members of the Uí Néill show his secular concerns as discussed by Swift (1994).

tíreChán

implicit, and sometimes explicit, in the Life that the writer believes Patrick and his church hold supremacy, but Tírechán deals with various other aspects of the Patrician cult in much more detail. Indeed, once the reader looks past the catalogue of foundations and religious persons in the text it becomes clear that Tírechán was writing for audiences that were interested in far more than just political aggrandizement, even if this included a primary Armagh audience. For example, Tírechán’s multi-layered portrayal of Patrick’s conversion of the island shows the saint giving alphabet tables as well as law and baptismal books to large numbers of converts, demonstrating that the writer and his audience were interested in understanding the religious transformation of the island, and the consequences of this change.28 Tírechán builds on some of the existing models for Patrick, such as his role as a preacher and institutional leader, but adds further depth and detail to these depictions. In particular he sets out to align accounts of Patrick in Uí Néill territory with those of Connacht. Thus, the Life should be appreciated not just as a marker of increasing Patrician power but also as a record of Irish Christian traditions both from a practical and devotional point of view. Indeed, the elements of the work that are not overtly part of a simple political context offer insights into the veneration of one of Ireland’s greatest saints – a saint who represented many communities at a crucial point in the early development of his cult and associated narrative.

Tírechán’s Methodology Structure

Scholarly discussion of the Collectanea has often been concerned with singular aspects of the work (for instance Tírechán’s political outlook), but assessments of the Life as a hagiographical enterprise are thin on the ground. There are reasons for this, most obviously the contention that Tírechán did not set out to write a traditional vita of the saint, but also the possibility that the Life found in the Book of Armagh is not complete. This section considers Tírechán’s hagiographical scheme, his utilisation of source material, and his structuring of these traditions within a broad narrative, and argues that the work as we have it is, in most respects, complete and, given its edification of the saint, was intended as a vita. Tírechán’s portrayal of Patrick is distinctive because it does not relate a comprehensive biography of the saint; instead, the author recounts various apparently disparate stories of Patrick’s travels that are not necessarily or obviously governed by a timeline or extensively structured narrative. In this way the style and structure of the Life are not easily comparable with other

28 Bieler (1979), 126–27 (§ 6.1), 132–33 (§ 13.1), 150–51 (§ 33.1), 152–53 (§ 37.3), 158–59 (§ 43.1 and § 45.2), 160–61 (§ 47.2). Márkus (1996), 1–15.

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Irish or Continental vitae. For instance, its relatively loose chronology contrasts with that of the Life produced by Muirchú which has a fairly straightforward narrative – even though both writers appear to have shared some similar source material.29 Given these differences it is essential to consider the work’s structure in its entirety, particularly as the Life is not often treated as an ordered piece. This implies that Tírechán did not have a clear vision for his narrative. However, as will become clear in the following discussion, the structure of the work is one of the best indicators of the writer’s intentions in composing the Life. In addition, it exposes a great deal about Tírechán’s approach to, and knowledge of the Patrician story, and is especially illustrative of his reliance on extant source material, throwing light on his methodology and the intellectual world he was part of. The Life begins with a brief but succinct description of Patrick’s early career before he returned to Ireland on his conversion mission, some of which is based on Patrick’s own Confessio. In this introductory section Tírechán lays out his intention for the work promising to recount the latest of Patrick’s wondrous deeds.30 He then provides an outline of the beginning of Patrick’s conversion mission, which includes the saint’s consecration of his heir Benignus, and provides an extensive list of bishops and priests who either travelled with Patrick or were consecrated by him. This is followed by a short mention of Patrick’s battle with the druids Cruth and Lochlethlanu at Tara, after which Patrick continues on his travels where he proceeds to convert the island and set up the institutional structure of the Church. Narrative set-pieces are dispersed throughout the Life and Tírechán creates a degree of flow in the work through the recurrent reference to certain individuals (such as Endé son of Amolngid) as well as Patrick’s journey around the island. More generally Tírechán presents the same Patrician story, also contained in Muirchú’s Life – namely that Patrick was the driving force behind the conversion of the island.31 Nonetheless, Tírechán’s understanding of Patrick’s history is unique. The distinctive elements of the Life include stories that are not found in the other seventh-century Life by Muirchú, for example the story of the conversion of the daughters of Loíguire,32 and various recurring elements within the narrative, most notably his rigorous and constant adherence to the role of Church administration in the Christianization of the island (aspects that will be returned to later in this chapter).

29 The structure and sequence of Muirchú’s Life is detailed in table 2.4 (see appendices), and will be discussed further in the next chapter. Neither of the seventh century Patrician Lives contain a birth tale for Patrick – something which is common in many other vitae. The inclusion of one in Vita Secunda and Vita Quarta as well as the Tripartite Life is indicative of the development of the Patrician story and the genre. See Bieler (1971) for the Latin Lives and Stokes (1887) for the Tripartite Life. 30 Bieler (1979), 126. 31 In relation to Patrick’s defeat of the druids Tírechán states, et dixit Patricius: ‘In hac hora consumpta est gentibus Hiberniae tota’, Bieler (1979), 130–31 (§ 8.4). 32 Bieler (1979), 142–45 (§ 26). For a discussion see Dawson (2012).

tíreChán

Generally speaking, the work is structured according to location and geogra‐ phy, as the author has Patrick undertake a circuit of the island.33 This structure is not unparalleled in the hagiography of this time, where the travelling saint is often a feature of Irish saints’ Lives.34 There are some problems with Patrick’s circuit, however, as the saint does not complete a full journey of the island, and the absence of proper circuits for Munster and Leinster are obvious.35 The seemingly incomplete nature of the Life has led to contentions that the copy found in the Book of Armagh as well as its exemplar were unfinished.36 On the other hand, it is arguable and perhaps most likely, that Tírechán ends the Life abruptly and without lengthy references to these areas because he sought to write down the Patrician traditions that existed in Connacht, especially as the legacy of these traditions appears to have been under threat. A further structural feature is the division of the text into two books.37 This split is fundamental to an understanding of the Life and an appreciation of Tírechán’s intentions for it. It has been suggested that this split was forced upon the text by later scribes.38 Yet, a number of points support the contention that the division occurred at the time of composition. Most obviously the bipartite structure is a reflection of the two complete circuits that Tírechán has the saint undertake, with the first book focused on the lands of the Uí Néill, while the second takes place in the regions of Connacht.39 Tírechán’s inclusion of a lengthy introduction at the beginning of the second book, where he indicates both a change in location and purpose, is also indicative of this break.40 What is more, there is a clear differentiation between the source material used in the first book, and those relied upon in the second. In his introduction to the second book Tírechán states that he intends to be more specific in his approach from this point onwards:

33 Bieler (1979), 37–38. There are many opinions about why the writer has Patrick attempt this circuit, including Doherty (1982), who suggests that it is a form of field-survey of old ecclesiastical establishments. Tírechán’s use of this motif is comparable with the timchell made by Irish over-kings in order to claim supremacy over subject dynasties: Charles-Edwards (2000a), 10. The use of this tradition has led scholars to conclude that the vita is far more influenced by native Irish traditions than some of the other Lives: McCone (1984). 34 For instance, the structure of Brigit’s Vita Prima is similar, as the saint completes mini circuits of the island. Brigit undertakes a mini-circuit of Uí Neill territory, Munster, Connacht and the North. For a discussion of Brigit’s national connections see Charles-Edwards (2004) and Dawson (2017). 35 There is a brief reference to the supposed completion of the circuits of Connacht and Leinster at the end of the work, Bieler (1979), 162–63. 36 Sharpe (1982a), Picard, (1985), particularly 80. 37 The first book starts at § 1 and ends with § 17, while book two starts at § 18 and ends with § 51. Bieler (1979), 124–39 (§ 1–§ 17) & 138–63 (§ 18–§ 163). 38 Bieler (1979), 39. 39 Tírechán states clearly, Finit liber primus in regionibus nepotum Neill peractus. Incipit secundus in regionibus Connacht peractus, 138 (§ 17.2). 40 The end of § 17 indicates that the first book has ended, and § 18 introduces the material that will be contained in book two, Bieler (1979), 138–39.

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Omnia quar scripsi a principio libri huius scitis quia in uestris regionibus gesta sunt nissi de eis pauca quae inueni in utilitatem laboris mei a senioribus multis ac ab illo Ultano episcopo Conchuburnensi, qui nutriuit me, retulit sermo … omnia autem quae scripsi ab initio libri huius semplicia sunt; omne autem quod restat atrictus erit.41 This specificity is borne out in the second book where the narratives are far more developed than those found in the first section of the work. This change is also evident in his use of source material. Tírechán’s multiple sources are a distinctive feature of the work, to which the author often refers, and the use of written, oral and physical evidence is central to the development of the vita (elements that will be discussed more fully below). Tírechán’s use of this material reveals a great deal about the structure of the Life, where the first section of the work contains most of the references to written sources,42 while the majority of evidence from cult sites and objects appears in the second.43 For example, all of the references to Patrick’s own writings, as well as interpretations of these writings occur in the first book.44 Similarly, Tírechán only mentions Ultán as a source for this first section.45 His use of this type of material for Book One strongly suggests that this part of the work was based on established Patrician traditions. Much of the material that Tírechán includes in the first book therefore seems to have already been committed to writing, and it is possibly for this reason that he does not elaborate on it greatly. Indeed, on several occasions he brings other known writings about the saint to the reader’s attention – in essence directing them to material that expands on the subject matter should they need it.46 But Tírechán also states that he has included a number of stories that are ‘relevant to [his] enterprise’ in Book One – arguably, here, he points to his incorporation of material that is not part of the established Patrician narrative but relates to Connacht. This includes details and stories relating to the sons of Amolngid and Loíguire the king of Tara.47 Specifically the two sections of the work are connected through several linking storylines that are embedded into the Uí Néill narrative in Book One, and are later mirrored in the second book. This allows Tírechán to place the Patrician history of Connacht within a familiar framework. Amongst other things, the two books centre on a similar temporal framework with Book One detailing Patrick’s first Easter in Ireland, while the second relates Patrick’s journey into Connacht towards the Wood of Fochloth which we are told must be completed by the second Easter. The progression

41 42 43 44 45

Bieler (1979), 138–39 (§ 18). Table 1.1. Table 1.2. Table 1.1. Tírechán mentions Ultán in the introduction to the second book but only in relation to him as a source for material in the first book. See Table 1.1. 46 See Table 1.1. 47 Bieler (1979), 134–37 (§ 14.1, § 15.1 & § 16.6).

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and inevitability of Patrick’s missionary efforts is similarly evident in Patrick’s battle and defeat of the Uí Neill and Connacht druids at the beginning of each section. Further elements that are echoed in the two sections of the narrative include Patrick’s need for a charioteer, as well as the inclusion of a bishop list.48 In addition to this, Patrick’s inability to convert Loíguire in Book One is contrasted with his lengthy and persuasive conversion of the Kings daughters in Book Two – a contrast that connects the narrative and regions.49 There is, therefore, continuity in the way Patrick is presented. These narrative links also solidify the Patrician traditions from Connacht into those more broadly contained in the written Patri‐ cian dossier which at this point appears to have centred on Tara.50 By introducing these elements early in the Life the Connacht traditions become part of Patrick’s existing written biography, but they also act as a link in the narrative, signalling the direction of the Life to the reader. So, for Tírechán the first book acts by way of introduction to his main topic – the history of Patrick in Connacht. Nonetheless, the second book also contains elements of the Patrician story that must have been well known and important to the cult, such as those associated with the Wood of Fochloth.51 However, here, there is a much higher dependence on extant cult sites and objects as evidence for Patrick’s history – to be exact Tírechán refers to three cult sites or relics in the first book, but mentions fifteen in the second.52 This also leads to a change in the narrative as the chapters in the second book are lengthier and have a higher proportion of extended narratives.53 Tírechán’s use of this type of source material suggests that these stories may not have been written into the Patrician corpus, although they were possibly already popular in the oral tradition that appears to have flourished up to this point. This may also explain why Book Two is significantly longer than Book One. This all points to an intentional bipartite structure by the author, and suggests that the Book of Armagh recension of the Life is, on the whole, complete. What’s more this structure tells us a great deal about Tírechán’s intentions – namely his aim to relate the stories of Patrick in Connacht and specifically those that heighten the saint’s connection with Tír Amolngid and the Wood of Fochloth. The two books are therefore not only divided according to

48 Bieler (1979), Patrick travels with the charioteer Boidmal in Book One, 138–39 (§ 17) and the charioteer Totmáel in Book Two, 152–53 (§ 38). The bishop lists are found at 128–31 (§ 6–§ 7) in Book One and at 146–49 (§ 30) in Book Two. 49 Bieler (1979), 142–45 (§ 26). 50 Importantly the existence of Patrician traditions on the island is also borne out in the late seventhcentury Munster law tract known as Cáin Fhuithirbe, which contains an account of Patrick’s defeat of Loíguire at Tara and hence shows that by this time the success of Patrick’s missionary activities was already embedded in Munster history. For a discussion see Breathnach (1986). 51 Muirchú also refers to the Wood of Fochloth signifying that the area was popularly associated with the Patrician cult, Bieler (1979), 72–73 (§ 7(6)). 52 Table 1.2. 53 McCone (1984), especially 31.

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geography but also purpose. Practically Tírechán divided his work because of the change in location, but he also used the first section of the Life as an introduction to the main body of his work that focused on Connacht. Sources

As touched on in Chapter One the authors of the earliest extant Patrician Lives often depended on the written and oral stories that preceded them. Of all the medieval Patrician hagiographers Tírechán is the most revealing about his sources and his use of extant written works.54 Similarly, he acknowledges the influence of these writers and elders on his scholarly formation. Tírechán refers to his sources on numerous occasions throughout his text, naming a variety of material that collectively allowed him to create and appreciate a multi-layered story of the early Irish church that placed Patrick at its core. These sources are oral, written, and material, and could be classed as traditional, legendary, scholarly, pseudo-historical, or even historical. As mentioned, the information that came from church elders, both written and oral, are found in the first book, and we can assume that they formed a central component of the standard Patrician story at this time, whereas the evidence Tírechán gathered regarding cult objects and sites is almost exclusively used in the second book. This methodology shows that he actively sought evidence for Patrick’s history and the history of the early church – whether this was through talking with church elders or travelling to locations associated with the saint. In this way Tírechán did not solely rely on the written tradition that preceded him but sought to add to it by including his own personal research. This confidence is also reflected in Tírechán’s ability to create newly coined words. For instance, his inclusion and probable creation of the term archiclocus, ‘arch-thieves’, stands out, as it features in the introductory section to the second book. According to The Non-Classical Lexicon of Celtic Latinity the term finds its roots in the Greek ἀρχίκλωψ.55 Here Tírechán uses the term to describe non-Patrician churches that he believes have robbed Patrick and more pressingly his heirs, of their rightful succession. Tírechán’s incorporation of such a negative and striking term, points to the importance of this section of the Life and its message. But it is also indicative of Tírechán’s willingness to innovate and incorporate new material into his work. At the same time Tírechán’s acknowledgement of the evidence he gathered shows that he also wished to place the Life within the existing Christian traditions and history of the island. It is because of this girth of detail that scholars contend that Tírechán wrote in order to claim many of the free churches on the island for

54 See tables 1.1 and 1.2. 55 Harvey and Power (2005), 56.

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the Patrician cult.56 But while this is very likely, it is not the entire story. Tírechán’s motivations may have been linked to the claims of the Patrician Church, but it does not necessarily follow that the traditions he included did not already exist or were not valued and important to the communities who preserved them. Indeed, in including these stories Tírechán highlights the important historical lineage of the Patrician Church, thus pointing to its unique position of authority. The inclusion of this information arguably makes it the most complicated of the early Patrician Lives. Amongst other things, it gives the work the appearance of learned authority, but it also suggests that at the point of composition Patrick’s written biography was at a relatively early point of development. So, what was the written, scholarly understanding of Patrick’s life at the point when Tírechán came to write? As mentioned, Book One is predominantly made up of information gleaned from written and oral material, and includes informa‐ tion from Patrick’s Confessio, interpretations of the fifth-century text, Ultán’s work, and at times the testimony of other ecclesiastical authorities. Tírechán’s descrip‐ tion of the written sources available to him suggests that Patrick’s own writings had already been interpolated and expanded upon by the time he came to write. Patrick’s Confessio certainly played a part in the formation of his saintly biography up to this point. Tírechán does not, however, make use of Patrick’s other piece of writing, the Epistola.57 It is likely that the Confessio was greatly venerated; however, it is also a highly individual and complicated work with which it may well have been difficult to engage. It is possibly for this reason that Tírechán’s Life also includes details which were added to Patrick’s story over time.58 Specifically, it seems that later scholars such as Ultán supplemented and made assumptions about Patrick’s meaning in order to make sense of the work and create a more coherent biography for the saint that they could situate in an understandable Irish context. As a result, Tírechán depended upon Patrick’s writings in a variety of ways – in the first instance presenting the familiar biography of Patrick, elements of which originated with the Confessio, secondly by referring directly to details contained in the work, and finally through the use of information that developed out of assumptions and interpretations of the saint’s writings. This said, Tírechán’s Life does not include a detailed narrative of Patrick’s youth and captivity, although he does refer to the saint’s years as a slave and his visits from Victor early in the vita.59 This may again be a result of Tírechán’s intention to focus on Patrick’s time as a missionary in Connacht. Nonetheless, Tírechán does make use of the small amount of autobiographical detail that Patrick includes in the Confessio. Most

56 Bury (1902), especially 251–52, Gwynn (1913), xlvi, lii, lix–lx, MacNeill (1928a), especially 14–19, idem (1928b) 90, 94–95, Binchy (1962), 67–68, Doherty (1982), 303–04, Sharpe (1982b), 45, idem. (1984a), 68. 57 This is unlike Muirchú who is at least aware of Coroticus, Bieler (1979), 100–01 (§ 29(28) = B II 2). 58 Instances of such additions are categorized as ‘interpreted Confessio’ in table 1.1. 59 One such example is his statement, Omnia autem quae euenierunt inuenietis in plana illius historia scripta, Bieler (1979), 124–25 (§ 1.7).

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notably he pays particular attention to the area known as the Wood of Fochloth, a feature that unquestionably originates with the Confessio, in which Patrick acknowledges his association with the people of the area.60 The importance of the Wood is compounded by the possibility that Tírechán was a native of the region. Indeed, Tírechán adds greater depth to Patrick’s connection with the location and its people, as in the Life Patrick must arrive at the Wood on the second Easter following his return.61 In this way he creates a liturgical and chronological framework for Patrick’s mission, which places Connacht centrally.62 The inclusion of traditions associated with the Wood of Fochloth is just one example of how Patrick’s writings influenced his later cult, as well as Tírechán’s un‐ derstanding of the saint’s biography. Tírechán also refers to the Confessio directly, calling the saint’s work a commemoratio laborum in the first instance, but a scriptio in the next.63 On two separate occasions Tírechán attributes information in his Life to Patrick’s writings – in the first case referring to a text by Patrick that supposedly relates his travels in Gaul and Italy, and in the second describing a section of the Confessio where Patrick says he paid the price of fifteen men for his protection. Only the second incident is attested in the Confessio.64 Tírechán’s reference to a text written by Patrick that discusses his travels may suggest that he had access to more writings than are now extant.65 But this seems very unlikely. It seems far more plausible that Tírechán was not working directly with a copy of Patrick’s writings, but used an edited version of the saint’s Confessio that had been expanded upon by a later scribe or writer, possibly someone like Ultán. Indeed, the abridged text found in the Book of Armagh demonstrates that some versions were altered at an early point.66 So, in all likelihood, Tírechán’s source in both cases is a version of the Confessio, although it is arguable that he did not have direct access to the actual text, and instead depended on a version that was mediated through other writers such as Ultán. These two examples demonstrate Tírechán’s engagement with Patrick’s writ‐ ings, at least as they were understood by him. Significantly, in both cases extra elements are added to Patrick’s story – elements that are not contained in the abbreviated Confessio found in the Book of Armagh, or in the complete version that has survived in other sources.67 In the first instance where Patrick is referred to as a source Tírechán states:

Howlett (1994a), 67. Bieler (1979), 134–37 (§ 14.2, § 14.6 and § 15.5); 156–59 (§ 42.7 and § 43.3). Swift (1994). Bieler (1979), 124–25 (§ 1.6), 126–27 (§ 1.7). Howlett (1994a), 86–87. Muirchú also refers to Patrick’s travels on the Continent but has Patrick take a different route: Bieler (1979), 70–71 (§ 6(5)–§ 9(8)). 66 Dumville (1993), 191–202. 67 Howlett (1994a).

60 61 62 63 64 65

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Septum aliis annis ambulauit et nauigauit in fluctibus et in campistribus locis et in conuallibus montanis per Gallias atque Italiam totam atque in insolis quae sunt in mari Terreno, ut ipse dixit in commemoratione laborum.68 Some of these details find their origin in the Confessio but are much expanded; elements from the older text therefore developed over time creating an extended back-story for the saint. In particular the story of Patrick’s travels following his escape from captivity and his reference to Gaul were a focus of such elaboration.69 In the Confessio, Patrick describes his escape from Ireland and subsequent travels at length. He presents this journey as a test which strengthened his religious zeal but does not provide any details on the places he may have visited. Tírechán’s version suggests that later generations made assumptions about Patrick’s travels, supposing that he spent time in Gaul and Italy. This may have come about because of Patrick’s reference to his brothers, fratres, in Gaul at a later point in the text, whom he says he would like to visit but will not because he fears for the stability of his work in Ireland.70 Or perhaps it is because, as touched upon in Chapter One, it was more adventagous for later Irish Christian communities to align their saint with the Continental Church rather than Britain. Here the Confessio provides the basic skeleton of later traditions. In this case two separate incidents from the work were combined to create a more detailed account of Patrick’s early years and credentials as a Christian bishop. Similarly, in Tírechán’s second reference to the saint’s writings extra material is added. This is a much more straight-forward example. It comes from a section of the Confessio where Patrick states that he paid the price of fifteen men for safe passage.71 Tírechán’s later version of events is fairly accurate and states: et extendit Patricius etiam praetium quindecim animarum hominum, ut in scriptione sua adfirmat, de argento et auro, ut nullus malorum hominum inpederet eos in uia recta transeuntes totam Hiberniam, quia necessitas poscit illos ut peruenirent siluam Fochliti ante caput anni pasca secunda causa filiorum clamantium clamore magno, quorum uoces audiuit in utero matrum saurum dicentium ‘Veni, sanctae Patrici, saluos nos facere’.72 Here, Tírechán adds that Patrick paid this amount in silver and gold, giving his account a greater specificity.73 Moreover, Tírechán suggests that this amount had to be paid in order for Patrick to reach the Wood of Focloth on time – yet another instance where later connections have been made between separate parts of Patrick’s original account. Tírechán’s use of Patrick’s writings, in whatever manner he received them, shows that they were an important feature of the cult, and that 68 69 70 71 72 73

Bieler (1979), 124–25 (§ 1.6). Howlett (1994a), 62–67 for his travels, 80–81 (§ 43) for his reference to Gaul. Howlett (1994a), 80–81 (§ 43). Howlett (1994a), 86–87 (§ 53). Bieler (1979), 134–37 (§ 15.4 and § 15.5). Howlett (1994a), 86–87 (§ 53).

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even before he came to write, the Confessio had been studied and expanded upon greatly. The use of the Confessio as a starting point to build aspects of Patrick’s biography is clear, although the role that the Epistola played in this process is more difficult to ascertain. It seems likely that the extrapolations and expansion of aspects of the Confessio did not originate with Tírechán but were part of an already developed interpreta‐ tive approach to Patrick’s writings. The hagiographical endeavour to edify Patrick was therefore well underway and Tírechán’s mentor Ultán seems to have been a key player in this process. Indeed, while Tírechán utilised Patrick’s writings for his work he makes far more use of later traditions that built on this foundation. In many ways this is because of the biographical gaps in Patrick’s story, but it is also because other traditions were by now part of the Patrician record. A later addition to the beginning of the work states, Tirechan episcopus haec scripsit ex ore uel libro Ultani episcopi, cuius ipse alumpnus uel discipulus fuit.74 This note, although not part of the original text, points to an awareness of Tírechán’s dependence upon his mentor’s writings (particularly in regard to the information found in the first book). In the text proper, Tírechán refers to his dependence on Ultán on three separate occasions.75 The most obvious inclusion of Ultán’s work is found in the first chapter of the Life. This chapter starts and ends with references to Ultán. It sticks to a more traditional chronological format and is broadly biographical in content, a contrast with the rest of the Life where biographical details are scarce. These differences, as well as the repeated reference to Ultán, suggest that much of the detail in this chapter originated with the earlier writer. In this chapter Tírechán states that he has found four names for Patrick in Ultán’s book – Magonus, Succetus, Patricius and Cothirthiacus.76 It is not clear what kind of book Tírechán is referring to: it may be a book composed by Ultán, or one that was simply in his possession.77 Tantalizing as it is to suggest that Ultán was the author this is only very plausible rather than being definite. But it is clear from this statement that writings concerning Patrick’s history existed when Tírechán came to write. Later in the first section of the work Tírechán once again singles out Ultán, naming him as his source for information on Patrick’s travels to an island named Aralanensis, where he supposedly stayed for thirty years.78 This information does not come from the book referred to earlier, but instead appears to be oral testimony provided by Ultán. The mentor’s knowledge of this tradition points not

Bieler (1979), 124–25 (III 1). Bieler (1979), 124–25 (§ 1.1 and § 1.6) and 138–39 (18.1). For a discussion of these names see Harvey (1985), and MacEoin (2002). In the first section of the work Tírechán refers to a text on two separate occasions. The first book is that of Ultán while the second is mentioned towards the end of the chapter. Here Tírechán states, omnia autem quae euenierunt inuenietis in plana illius historia scripta, Bieler (1979), 124–27 (§ 1.7). Jane Stevenson (1989), especially 154, believes that this final declaration is a reference to a second Life that similarly has not survived. However, this reference could also refer to the same Life associated with Ultán, or indeed Patrick’s Confessio. 78 Bieler (1979), 124–25 (§ 1.6).

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just to his expertise but also the number of stories about Patrick that had emerged from the fifth century onwards. Here once more we have evidence of scholars elaborating the basic story told in the Confessio, and the ease with which such elaborations were incorporated into the cult. Tírechán’s final reference to Ultán occurs in the first chapter of the second book.79 Here he reiterates his dependence on his elder’s knowledge in relation to the detail contained in the first book of the Life. This, along with the other references to the older bishop, provides enough evidence to suppose that a significant amount of Tírechán’s information in Book One was garnered from either Ultán’s writings or his oral testimony. There is therefore a clear link between Tírechán’s project and Ultán. This could be because of Ultán’s knowledge of Patrician traditions but his mentorship of Tírechán suggests a more deliberate involvement that aimed at the cultivation of the hagiographical record. Indeed, it is very possible that he provided even more of the material contained in the Life than is now identifiable. Speculation aside, the incorporation of this range of source material points to the consistent modification and enhancement of the Patrician story by Tírechán, his contempo‐ raries and antecedents. Indeed, the hagiographer appears to be responding to an ongoing tradition of some vitality. Ultán was not alone in his work and Tírechán also includes traditions that were cultivated by the Christian community at large. In particular, he acknowl‐ edges help from church elders as well as the use of calculations made by numerical experts.80 In the introduction to the second book Tírechán acknowledges his debt to both Ultán and many church elders, seniores multes.81 These individuals appear to be part of a clerical elite knowledgeable of the island’s Christian history. These elders presumably provided him with oral testimony that is likely to have been as much part of the Patrician tradition as the written material that the author made use of. The expertise of such scholars is again evident in Tírechán’s reliance on what appear to be expert computists. For example, Tírechán states that the lapse of time between Patrick’s death and the birth of the Irish saint Cíarán is precisely 140 years, and this information is attributed to ‘those most expert in chronology’.82 Working out these dates was just one way in which later important figures, like Cíarán, could be incorporated into the much older story of Patrick, hence anchoring him more securely in the Christian history of the island. It is likely that such individuals were also responsible for calculating the length of time between the death of Patrick and the end of Loíguire’s reign – two to five years according to Tírechán.83 Tírechán’s use of these resources reinforces the impression that clerics in the seventh century were actively engaging with

79 80 81 82 83

Bieler (1979), 138–39 (§ 18.1). Table 1.1. Bieler (1979), 138–39 (§ 18). Bieler (1979), 146–47 (§ 28.3). Bieler (1979), 126–27 (§ 2).

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their past and placing their Christian history within chronological and liturgical frameworks. However, Tírechán’s use of information from expert scholars is only one facet of his complicated methodology and he plays an active part in the development of the Patrician story. Tírechán’s work is in a historicizing vein, and its novelty lies in the fact that the stories he included had not been heretofore brought together. It is in the second book that Tírechán’s work as an active Patrician collector comes to the fore, although there are also elements of this approach to be found in the first book.84 Tírechán’s references to cult objects and sites stand out in this regard. Other features include his use of a number of Irish sayings to strengthen the historicity of some of his stories,85 as well as the inclusion of information he received from local communities. For example, in chapter eleven Tírechán says that old men related the story of three brothers and a sister who Patrick left at the Ford of the Mill, while in chapter twenty-seven he learns from the monks in his community that Comgella was a nun to bishop Cethiacus.86 The various descriptions of extant sites and cult objects are, perhaps, the most striking feature of his research. Tírechán’s knowledge of these places and objects appears to be the result of his own personal familiarity with the Patrician cult as well as information he garnered as he travelled to various destinations associated with the saint’s history. These are traditions that were cultivated as part of the history of particular institutions and locations, as well as the objects associated with them. Patrick’s developing cult was therefore not solely the preserve of the scholarly elite but was created by multiple Christian communities, clerical and otherwise. Tírechán tells the reader that he saw numerous objects and visited particular sites associated with the Patrician cult.87 While it is possible that he visited a great number of places he is only explicit about a few – the stone of the druid Lochletheneus at Tara, the three patens made by Assicus found in the churches of Armagh, Ail Find, and Seól, and possibly the Latin inscribed stones at Selc.88 Despite their small number these sightings figure prominently in the formation of the text as they provide Patrick’s cult with a solid reality, which elevates the saint’s supremacy even further by grounding his actions in physical objects. Tírechán also mentions various places and extant objects of which he is aware (it is not possible to say with certainty that he visited these places). For instance, he refers to the location of the corporeal relics of Bruscus, Patrick’s charioteer Boidmal, and bishop Mucnoe. 89 Similarly, he includes details of a number of extant church sites that appear to have particular standing and association with old traditions. These

84 Examples are at Bieler (1979), 130–31 (§ 8.6), 132–33 (§ 11), 134–35 (§ 15.2), 136–37 (§ 16.10), 136–39 (§ 17.2). 85 Table 1.1, (§ 15.2 and § 26.19). 86 Table 1.1, (§ 11 and § 27). 87 Table 1.2, (§ 8.6, § 22.1, § 30.2). 88 Table 1.2, (§ 8.6, § 22.1, § 30.2). 89 Table 1.2, (§ 16.10, § 17.2, § 42.7).

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include Patrick’s church in the Wood of Fochloth,90 the church at Seól that is asso‐ ciated with bishop Felartus and which Tírechán visited in order to see one of the patens made by Assicus,91 the Basilica of the Saints that the author says was under the control of Patrick’s Franks,92 and the large rectangular church at Ard Uiscon.93 The list of sites and objects goes on and Tírechán mentions crosses, altar plate and various rocks connected with the saint. Taken together, this material reflects the complicated landscape of sites and structures that characterised Irish Christianity in the seventh century. However, Tírechán’s work simultaneously shows that this extensive history had already come together to form a relatively understandable narrative of the early church that fundamentally focused on Patrick. Moreover, the inclusion of this type of evidence shows that Irish Christians had forged a close connection with their physical surroundings, where specific objects and locations were valued as part of their Christian identity. Indeed, these sites point to an early tradition of Patrician pilgrimage, the development of which may have been a further motivation for Tírechán to write. Tírechán’s knowledge of the Christian history of Connacht again points to a strong affiliation with the area, and the predominance of this material in the second book suggests the expansion of the written tradition by the author. When Tírechán composed the Life, it appears strong local traditions about Patrick and the early Church in Connacht (some of which appear to have been oral) existed, while in Uí Neill territory an over-arching narrative of Patrick’s success, which focused on Tara, had already been committed to writing. Tírechán anchors his work using this extant written, overarching narrative, adding further material from the oral tradition. In doing so the Connacht stories included in the Life are further solidified as part of Patrick’s history. Tírechán’s text and the sources he used, therefore, provide a blue-print for how cult traditions evolved over time. The interpretation of texts such as the Confessio and the work of Ultán, as mediated through Tírechán, offers insights into the motivations for such development. For instance, the material provided by Ultán regarding Patrick’s international travels is revealing of a desire to situate the saint within a broader Christian and geographical framework. What is more, the collection of oral traditions by Tírechán suggests a desire to commit this developing narrative to writing. So, whilst embedded in the history of Irish Christianity Patrick’s story was still at a point of conscious evolvement, where scholars actively sought to ascertain the parameters of his mission and impact. Tírechán’s work points to a wealth of local information which was part of Patrician tradition but had not yet been written down. The great number of individuals involved in the endeavour suggests a considerable communal effort that was mediated through Tírechán, and which

90 Referred to as aeclessia magna Patricii in silua Fochlithi: Bieler (1979), 134–35 (§ 14.6). The church is mentioned again later at, 156–57 (§ 42.7). 91 Referred to as aeclessia magna Saeoli: Bieler (1979), 140–41 (§ 22.1). 92 Bieler (1979), 146–47 (§ 29.2). 93 Bieler (1979), 150–51 (§ 35.1).

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demonstrates not just the significance of the Patrician story to Irish Christianity but also the complexity of its formation. The centrality of Patrick as a saint for all the Irish, at least in terms of the written record, was therefore still being drawn together.

Tírechán’s Narrative Up to this point we have focused on Tírechán’s structure and sources; now we turn to the content of his narrative and the ways in which Patrick’s saintly biography is developed. As mentioned, the doubts cast about Tírechán’s skills of narration have affected examinations of the Collectanea. Unquestionably the text does not flow in the same way as Muirchú’s endeavour. In many ways this is the result of the amount of detail that Tírechán includes, where the Life relates a great number of stories about the people and places that Patrick encounters, with less emphasis on miracle stories and types.94 The result of this is that the Patrick who emerges is rather one dimensional – he is always central to the narrative but the episodes often offer more detail about the people he encounters rather than the saint himself. Here, Patrick is a figure head through whom multiple communities link their local histories. But this presentation is also the result of Tírechán’s methods of research. Even so, while his collection of traditional stories affects the Life in many ways, the text is underpinned by a core narrative which acts as an anchor for this material and demonstrates narrative intent. Specifically, Tírechán deliberately imposes a number of themes on the work, which are influenced by his own perception of the church, and ultimately stem from his seventh-century experiences. Some of these elements have already been mentioned, such as the links created between the first and second books of the work. In addition, there are other themes which carry through the Life; these include the assumption that Patrick created a developed church hierarchy, and that the first-generation of Christians in Ireland were central to the success of the religion. The nature of this detail is worth exploring as it sheds further light on Tírechán’s appreciation of the Patrician cult. It has long been acknowledged that by including a great number of churches and people in the work Tírechán claims many foundations and their associated histories for the Patrician cult. Not all the individuals and church establishments detailed in the Life are therefore likely to be part of a genuine Patrician his‐ tory.95 To this end Tírechán’s inclusion of such detail has been construed as an artificial incorporation of disparate minor cults into the greater Patrician narrative. But while Tírechán was politically motivated in some respects, Patrick’s supremacy and fundamental role in the conversion process seems to have been 94 For an overview of miracle types in the Lives see Picard in Clarke and Brennan (1981), 91–103; Bray in Cartwright (2003), 136–47; Stancliffe in Fontaine and Hillgarth (1992), 87–115. 95 Binchy (1962), Doherty (1982).

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well established by the time he came to write. Because of this Tírechán’s assump‐ tion that Patrick was involved in the foundation of many early churches is likely to have been a common one shared by various communities.96 Indeed, Tírechán’s collection of source material indicates that many traditions – local and otherwise – centred on the saint. That many of these traditions originate in Connacht, the only region mentioned by Patrick himself, is noteworthy, and it may be the case that at this point Patrician traditions were especially cultivated in the region. By pulling together much diverse material and placing it within Patrick’s lifetime, Tírechán, alongside other writers, significantly foreshortened the complex process of church development and consolidation that occurred in Ireland from the fifth century onwards.97 Consequently, these seemingly diverse traditions were placed within a coherent, if highly artificial, framework, ordered by a particular view of the island’s Christian history. Tírechán’s belief that Patrick was the main protagonist in the conversion of the island allowed him to incorporate a great deal of material, even though associ‐ ations with Patrick may have been slim. His Life sees Patrick and his associated clerics operate within a developed church organisation that is almost entirely based on the author’s seventh-century experience. The archaic and possibly cryptic histories of these clerics are made accessible to Tírechán’s contemporary audience through situating them within familiar institutional contexts, artificially backdated to the fifth century.98 The centrality of a network of clerics to Tírechán’s scheme is most obvious in the two lists of clerics included in the work, especially that placed early in Book One. In introducing this first list Tírechán states that Patrick consecrated over 450 bishops, after which he provides a list of over seventy Christians, predominantly clerics, whom he assumes are connected to the saint. Significantly, the order of clergy listed matches the seven ecclesiastical grades laid out in the early Irish law tracts Uraicecht Becc, Bretha Nemed Toísech and the Corpus Iuris Hibernici, namely bishops, priests, deacons, exorcists, janitors, lectors and finally sub-deacons.99 The early inclusion of these clerics and their grades highlights Tírechán’s perception that Patrick instituted a fully formed Christian landscape on the island.100 Some of these clerics are referred to else‐ where in the work and others feature at this point alone. It is not clear where Tírechán received this information but given his method of source collection, we can assume that he either created the list from material he gathered, or that he copied it from the work of others. Whatever the case may be, by the seventh century these clerics were thought to have operated during the earliest years of Christianity on the island. Because of this they are pivotal to an understanding of

96 Vita Prima Sanctae Brigitae also understands that Patrick was associated with a great number of churches and jurisdictions, Dawson (2017). 97 Etchingham (1999). 98 For a fuller discussion of what follows see Dawson (2014). 99 Kelly (1988), 39, fn 1. 100 Bieler (1979), 128–31 (§ 6.2, § 7.1 and § 7.2), 146–49 (§ 30.3 and § 30.4).

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how Tírechán and his predecessors undertook the formidable task of creating a coherent narrative of Ireland’s Christian past. Indeed, the volume of clerics listed points to the complexity of the religious transformation of the island and offers an explanation for their absorption into a single cult dominated by Patrick. Today the biographies of most of these individuals do not survive outside of the Patrician tradition, but a number can be identified independently, while others stand out as having played a significant part in proselytising the Irish but are not known in other extant sources. Secundinus for instance features on two occasions, initially as part of the early list, and for a second time later in Book Two as part of the narrative. He has received attention from scholars, often alongside the individuals Auxilius and Iserninus who also appear in Tírechán’s text.101 As already discussed in Chapter One, these clerics are associated with early church foundations in Leinster and there is enough evidence to suggest that they were originally independent of Patrick. Of the three clerics, Secundinus can be most convincingly placed in the fifth century, because of his association with Dunshaughlin (Domnach Sechnaill) a domnach church that must have an early origin. In the Life Secundinus is not part of any extensive narrative or story, but is simply present when Patrick founds a cell at the well of Mucno; the two clerics do not interact and it is noteworthy that Secundinus is neither baptised nor consecrated by Patrick. The connection between the two clerics therefore appears to be an artificial but well-known one. The British cleric Lommán, who is associated with an early church in Trim, also features in the two lists of clerics and the text proper. He is treated in a similar manner by the writer. Once again Patrick meets the cleric, but does not interact with or consecrate him.102 It has been suggested by Francis John Byrne that Lommán’s amalgamation into the Patrician cult was the result of pressure on the local Cenél Fedelmtheo community from the greater Cenél Lóegairi in the early eighth century.103 Here, however, is an example of his integration into the Patrician tradition in the seventh century – albeit in an apparently contrived way. The submission of the Cenél Fedelmtheo to the Armagh federation in the eighth century was undoubtedly related to their precarious political situation, but Tírechán’s text shows that the groundwork had already been laid for an association between the two communities even before this point. Importantly this also points to the fact that in the seventh century Patrician associations were not necessarily focused on Armagh. There are other individuals who appear in the Life and seem to be of note, but whose biographies are not attested elsewhere. For instance, the Franks who Tírechán says accompanied Patrick on his mission to Ireland standout because they are mentioned at various points in the text. Again, they feature in the list of

101 Iserninus and Auxilius are mentioned at, Bieler (1979), 162–63 (§ 51.3). Secundinus is mentioned at Bieler (1979), 128–9 (§ 6.2) and 150–1 (§ 34.1). For a discussion see Charles-Edwards (1993). 102 Bieler (1979), 150–51 (§ 34.2). 103 Byrne (1984).

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clerics, but are also important enough to mention on a further two occasions.104 In both the list and the text proper Tírechán writes that fifteen Frankish men and one sister accompanied Patrick to Ireland. Tírechán singles out the bishops Bernicius and Ernicius as noteworthy, stating Nomina quoque uirorum nolo dicere nissi duo principes Bernicius et Hernicius episcopi.105 It is therefore safe to assume that their histories were known and may have held some weight. Adding to the theory that this group of individuals were significant in their own right is the fact that Tírechán associates them with a number of ecclesiastical locations. Indeed, he writes that many places, multi loci, were given to the Franks. But these are not Patrick’s foundations and the saint’s connection to them is solidified merely by the fact that he is said to have chosen their locations.106 One of these locations is named the Basilica of the Saints, Bassilica Sanctorum, leading to contentions that it may be the important early monastic site of Baislec in Connacht.107 Thomas Charles-Edwards has pointed to the Frankish Latin origins of the placename and suggests that it may have been adopted by the Church following the acquisition of relics from Armagh in the mid seventh-century.108 If this were the case we must assume that the community also created the biographies of this group of Frankish missionaries, which seems unlikely. Indeed, Tírechán’s recognition that the site has important links to foreign missionaries provides a further explanation for the placename. And it is possible that they feature prominently in the Life because Tírechán is drawing on much older traditions, whether or not they are based in reality. So, here once again, Tírechán provides enough material for us to speculate about the independent origin of these clerics but firmly places them within the accepted Patrician tradition – a tradition that may well have been in place before Armagh sought to solidify their position of dominance.109 The inclusion of these clerics suggests that there was a general acceptance that Patrick was the motivator of religious change within a broader context which involved the contributions of other ecclesiasts. So while Tírechán portrays Patrick as the facilitator of Christian change, he also shows clerics other than Patrick consecrating and performing ordinations.110 This might explain why, during his travels, Patrick comes upon Christians whose conversion he is not obviously responsible for.111 In doing so Tírechán creates an account of Patrick’s mission, largely through association rather than replacement and allows for the

104 Bieler (1979), 126–27 (§ 3 and § 5.1), 128–29 (§ 7.1), 136–37 (§ 16.4), 146–47 (§ 29.1 and § 29.2). Tírechán initially describes Patrick’s foreign companions as Gauls, and this is perhaps another element taken from the Confessio, drawing on Patrick’s reference to his fratres in Gaul, Howlett (1994a), 80–81 (§ 43). Subsequently, however, they are referred to as perigrini and Franks. 105 Bieler (1979), 146–47 (§ 29.1). 106 Bieler (1979), 146–47 (§ 29.2). 107 Doherty (1984), 303–15. 108 Charles-Edwards (2000), 45. 109 Doherty (1984). 110 Bieler (1979), 136–37 (§ 16.1), 146–47 (§ 28). 111 Bieler (1979), 150–51 (§ 37.1) and 160–61 (§ 47.4).

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incorporation of pre-existing traditions without compromising the monumental role that Patrick played. But while Tírechán utilised this method he cannot have been the first to do so. Instead, it is likely that some communities already understood their Christian past and the conversion of the island in relation to Patrick. Indeed, the claims put forward by the author or authors of Liber Angeli, who state that jurisdictional dominance for Armagh is based on old traditions concerning Patrick’s supremacy, suggest this was the case.112 Tírechán’s broader perceptions of the early church and Patrick’s leading role in it are a further indication that these traditions were in place for some time. All of this supports the contention that when Tírechán wrote a developed impression of Patrick’s role in the conversion of the island was already in place. In Tírechán’s case this is evident in a number of important patterns that he includes in the Life, which create a consistent impression of Patrick’s work. These are aspects of his mission that Tírechán gives special credence to and which he must have understood as fundamental to the success of Christianity – they include the ordination and consecration of clerics (especially bishops), the foundation of churches and the acquirement of literacy as an underpinning of Christian belief. In more specific terms there is a recurring trend towards the ordination of young children and the sons of converted men, as well as the provision of alphabets to them.113 While these aspects of the text are not part of an extended schema per se they contribute to the overall message of the work. Some of these features are laid out by Tírechán at the beginning of the Life when he says: De episcoporum numero quos ordinauit in Hibernia quadringentos quinquaginta. De praespiteris non possimus ordinare, quia babtitzabat cotidie homines et illis litteras legebat ac abgatorias scribebat, et de aliis episcopos ac praespiteros faciebat, qui in aetate babtismum acciperunt sobria.114 Here again Tírechán links the beginning of Irish Christianity with a developed notion of church organization that probably only came into being towards the end of the sixth century at the earliest.115 But while Tírechán incorporated supposed historical figures in his narrative, he also has a definite understanding of how the development of this episcopal network came into being. Tírechán’s acknowledgement of the importance of the episcopacy becomes strikingly clear in a motif that occurs throughout the Life, namely Patrick’s tendency to consecrate the sons of the newly converted, rather than the first

112 Bieler (1979), esp. 184–86. 113 Bieler (1979), 126–27 (§ 6.1), 132–33 (§ 13.1), 150–51 (§ 33.1), 152–53 (§ 37.3), 156–59 (§ 43.1, § 45.1), 160–61 (§ 47.2) for the alphabets; 126–27 (§ 3), § 5.1, § 5.2), 134–35 (§ 14.5, § 15.2), 136–37 (§ 16.6), 146–47 (§ 30.5), 150–51 (§ 37.2), 156–59 (§ 43.1, § 44.2, § 45.2), 160–61 (§ 47.2), 162–63 (§ 49.1, § 51.4) for the baptism and ordination of younger converts. 114 Bieler (1979), 126–27 (§ 6.1). 115 Sharpe (1984b), Etchingham (1991) & (1999), Ó Corráin (1994).

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generation of converts.116 Tírechán may well have been inspired by Patrick’s reference in the Confessio to his conversion of the sons and daughters of important kings, but this cannot be the only reason for such a consistent trend.117 By consecrating the sons of the newly converted Patrick creates a new generation of Christians and the transition from a pagan to Christian island is once again foreshortened. Moreover, this ensures that the purity of the Christian hierarchy is maintained, as these bishops are Christian from their youth and not connected with an overtly pagan past. These aspects of the Life seem to be based on Tírechán’s own assumptions; assumptions that may have been shared by others. This motif is present from the outset as Patrick consecrates the son of a convert at the establishment of his first church.118 Immediately following this incident Tírechán relates the story of Benignus, Patrick’s heir and a key character in the Patrician story. Here, once again, it is Benignus’s father that converts, but his son that becomes important within the ranks of the church.119 Crucially, given his very young age he is untainted by pagan belief. The elevation of young converts within the ranks of the new ecclesiastical hierarchy is, therefore, an effective way for Tírechán to demonstrate the success of the new religious order and set it apart as the beginning of a new reality. This is also evident in the progression of the career of the cleric Macc Erce. He is discussed in two separate sections of the Life, where Tírechán maps his religious elevation. The first chapter sees Patrick baptize Macc Erce’s father and single out Macc Erce by giving him the blessing of a priest.120 Once again it is the parent who requests baptism, but their son who takes ranks in the church organization. Five chapters later, Patrick again encounters Macc Erce and consecrates him a bishop.121 In tracking the career of the child, Patrick remains central to the cleric’s Christian development and his pastoral and converting role is emphasized. Setting up this clerical hierarchy is only one aspect of Tírechán’s endeavour which also sees Patrick provide the new Christian elite with churches and on some occasions alphabet tables (described in the Life as elementa or abgitorium) to a number of his converts.122 It can be no coincidence that these alphabets are always given to young converts. This is an aspect of the mission which, as we have seen, Tírechán first mentions at the beginning of the Life. Significant emphasis is therefore placed on the education of converts and their acquirement of Latin, as well as Patrick’s centrality to cultivating and introducing the language to the island – a feature of his biography that was already in place. In total there are seven 116 Bieler (1979), 126–27 (§ 3, § 5.2, § 6), 136–37 (§ 16.6), 150–51 (§ 37.1–2), 156–57 (§ 43.1), 158–59 (§ 45.2), 160–61 (§ 47.2). 117 Howlett (1994a), 80–81 (§ 41). 118 Bieler (1979), 126–27 (§ 5.1). 119 Bieler (1979), 126–27 (§ 5.2–4). 120 Bieler (1979), 156–59 (§ 43). 121 Bieler (1979), 160–61 (§ 48.2). The territory of Macc Erce is also mentioned at 154–55 (§ 40.1). 122 Bieler (1979), 126–27 (§ 6.1), 132–33 (§ 13.1), 150–51 (§ 33.1), 152–53 (§ 37.3), 156–59 (§ 43.1, § 45.1), 160–61 (§ 47.2).

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references to alphabets in the text: two are contained in the first book while five appear in the second, suggesting that this theme is imposed by Tírechán.123 The first is a general reference to the provision of alphabets to converts. However, the following six describe Patrick giving alphabets to specific individuals. Importantly, of these six alphabets, four are given to the sons of converts, all of whom are con‐ secrated as bishops.124 Tírechán, therefore strongly associates bishops and literacy with conversion and the development of Christianity and seems to believe that bishops were integral to the dissemination of literacy on the island – something which is hardly surprising given his own status. Tírechán was therefore not just a collector of traditions but was innovative in his writing and influenced by his personal awareness of the past when producing the work. The clearest indication of Tírechán’s narrative purpose and originality however are the linking devices that he uses to connect Books One and Two.125 The geographical structure in the work is one aspect of this connection, however a more comprehensive or embedded link is the continuity the author creates for the main secular protagonists between the two sections of the work as they move between Uí Néill and Connacht territory. These connections act in solidifying the many, often disparate traditions that are a feature of the work. The stories of Loíguire mac Neill, king of Tara, and Énde son of Amolngid, whose prominence in the text is likely to be the result of the writer’s own familial connections, are the best example of this methodology. The Patrician traditions associated with Loíguire are attested in other sources including the Life of Patrick by Muirchú. However, Tírechán does not focus on the king in the same way as his counterpart and in contrast to Muirchú contends that Patrick failed to convert Loíguire. Patrick’s inability to convert Loíguire is possibly the best indication that Tírechán believed religious change was not brought about in a single action. This failure, Tírechán tells us, was the result of the high-king’s wish to be buried alongside his pagan ancestors on the ridges of Tara.126 Énde, the representative of secular power in Connacht, is the only other figure in the work who refuses to convert because he fears that his people will laugh at him.127 Crucially, this resistance occurs at the beginning of the first book in Uí Néill territory and its conclusion in Connacht forges a connection between the conversion stories of the east and west of Ireland. Moreover, the reluctance of these secular rulers to convert acts as Patrick’s entrée into the Connacht narrative, as the saint instructs Énde to bring him to the Wood of Fochloth by the following Easter. Before this can happen, however, Tírechán says that both Loíguire and Patrick together judged a dispute of inheritance

123 Table 1.2. 124 The four bishops are Senachus 152–53 (§ 37.3), Macc Erce 156–59 (§ 43.1), Macc Ríme 156–59 (§ 45.2), and the son of Hinu or Ineus 160–61 (§ 47.2). The other two examples are found at 132–33 (§ 13.1) and 150–51 (§ 33.1). 125 Gwynn (1913), xlviii–lii, highlighted a number of these links. 126 Bieler (1979), 132–33 (§ 12.2). 127 Bieler (1979), 134–35 (§ 14.5).

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amongst the Uí Amolngada. A lasting connection is therefore made between the principle secular powers and Patrick at this early point in the narrative. And, even though both leaders remain pagan, Patrick’s power is acknowledged in the position he is afforded. This is another section of the text where the saint is allied with the real Patrick of the Confessio (who must court the good will of kings and integrate with the social order of the time) but with enough alterations to allay undermining Christian superiority.128 Tírechán’s Patrick, however, does not simply accept that the secular elite will not convert, but instead focuses on a younger generation – again following Patrick’s own admission that he converted the sons and daughters of kings. So, while in Book One Loíguire and Énde refuse to accept the new belief system, in Book Two the makeup of the island’s secular elite is changed entirely by the conversion of Loíguire’s daughters, Ethne and Fidelm, and Énde’s son, Conall. This is undoubtedly an intentional scheme, which connects both sections of the Life, and aligns with his assumption that a new generation of Christians, untainted by the pagan past, influenced Ireland’s religious transition. The story of the conversion of Loíguire’s daughters is the most extensive and developed self-contained story in the Life. Given the cohesiveness of this section, it has been suggested that Tírechán did not write this passage, but rather that he incorporated an existing tale into the Life.129 Tírechán’s authorship and intention, however, is clear from his treatment of the other important secular figure in the text, Énde son of Amolngid and his son Conall.130 Moreover, the centrality of this story to the structural scheme of the text strongly suggests that Tírechán was intentional in his construction of this episode. What is more, it offers an explanation for the attention Tírechán pays to the conversion of the daughters – it is not a story that should be understood in isolation, but rather an integral element of the vita that is setup from the beginning of the work. The deliberate structuring of the text in this way not only offers an insight into Tírechán’s process but also his motivations in writing. The importance of the conversion of elites in the text shows that political manoeuvring amongst seventh-century monasteries was not the sole principal that underlay Tírechán’s work. A closer reading of the relevant sections is revealing of this. The conversion of Ethne and Fedelm is contained in a single chapter of the work that takes place at the Well of Clébach in Connacht, and is situated in Book Two of the Life. It is recognised for its inclusion of a Creed as well as its similarity to Muirchú’s description of the conversion of Monesan, the daughter of a British king.131 The similar way in which each author treats the women in their Lives suggests that they are working from well-known traditions that related

128 129 130 131

Howlett (1994a), 86–87 (§ 53). Bieler (1979), 223. Bieler (1979), baptism at 134–35 (§ 14.6–7), other references at 132–33 (§ 10), 156–57 (§ 42.4). Bieler (1979), 98–99 (§ I 27(26) = B II 1) for Muirchú’s story of Monesan, 142–45 (§ 26) for Tírechán’s story of the daughters of Loíguire.

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to the conversion period.132 An example is the later reclamation of relics, which occurs in both stories. Of the two episodes Tírechán’s is the most descriptive and gives a greater sense of why the women convert and die. The story outlines Patrick’s meeting with the women at the Well of Clébach where they query and are convinced of the credentials of the Christian God and ultimately die in order to come face-to-face with their regi caelesti. Following their death, the women are mourned by their community and buried in what is described as a pagan ferta; Tírechán suggests that this place became the focus of special worship with the bones becoming Christian relics and an earthen church constructed at the site. The girth of detail offered in this episode makes it of interest to historians and archaeologists alike. For instance, the inclusion of a version of the Apostles Creed offers insights into Irish Christian belief and the centrality of such formula to conversion.133 In a similar fashion Tírechán fully describes the baptismal rite. This culminates in the women asking to see the face of God. This crucial aspect of the story is directly inspired by the biblical topos, which calls on people to seek out the face of God through prayer and submission to the Lord.134 The women can only aspire to such heights if their Christian transformation is absolute, and so following their baptism the daughters receive the Eucharist, thus cementing their Christian conversion. The episode is inspired by Moses’ encounter with the Lord described in Exodus, where after requesting to see God’s glory, the Lord tells Moses that no one shall look upon God’s face and live, to which end Moses must be content with a glimpse of his back.135 Ethne and Fedelm, however, are successful in their request and after they receive the sacraments of baptism and communion, they die in order to achieve their objective. Tírechán’s story is, therefore, heavily influenced by biblical conventions, and the reoccurrence of many of these elements in Muirchú’s Monesan story indicates that these features of the bible were important to an early Irish Christian audience. The baptism of Conall is not as descriptive as that of Ethne and Fedelm, but it is no less important. Like the daughters who embrace a thoroughly Christian world so too must Conall, although as a man his role in the Christian hierarchy is more easily defined. It is during Patrick’s time at Tara that Énde son of Amolngid first appears – here Patrick hears Énde speaking behind him as he baptizes Erc, a key figure in the Patrician tradition. Énde subsequently refuses to return to his homeland, the Wood of Fochloth, with Patrick because he fears for both their lives. Having been convinced by the holy man, however, Énde agrees to have his son Conall baptized, but does not accept the religion himself for fear his people will laugh at him. Following this Conall is propelled into a thoroughly Christian world that sees him fostered by the bishop Cethiachus and his brother Mucneus, whose relics, we are told, can be found in aeclessia magna Patricii in silua

132 133 134 135

Dawson (2012). Bieler (1979), 142–43 (§ 26.8). For example, see, 1 Chr 16:11; 2 Chr 7:14; Ps 11:7; Ps 24:6; Ps 27:8; Ps 105:4; Dan 9:3. In particular see Ex 33:20.

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Fochlithi.136 A lasting and rather convenient connection is then made between the Uí Néill and Amolngid as both Loíguire and Patrick together sit in judgment over an inheritance dispute amongst Énde’s kin. Indeed, the stylistic link that sees Énde and Conall feature in both books of the Life compounds the impression that Tírechán imposed this element on the Life. Following this both Énde and Conall travel with Patrick and in Book Two appear alongside the saint as he confronts the druids of the sons of Amolngid. In what is one of the more dramatic episodes of the Life, Patrick confronts a large assembly of druids who seek to disrupt his conversion efforts, and in an attempt to defeat those who oppose him the saint instructs Conall to identify the chief druid so that he might kill him. The section is more reminiscent of the Patrick described by Muirchú, who achieves conversion through displays of might and Christian power rather than preaching. The episode also acts as an echo of the Loíguire story found in Book One, which describes the defeat of the Tara druids in similar terms, but is less detailed. Patrick’s altercation with the Tara druids was a strong feature of his story by the seventh century, how‐ ever Tírechán does not develop it further, perhaps because the story was already well understood. These linking sequences provide a much-needed structure to the dearth of information and traditions that Tírechán incorporates into his work, but they are also indicative of his intention to incorporate the story of conversion in Connacht into the greater Patrician narrative. His decision to fit the Connacht traditions within this scheme and make use of familiar conversion tropes points to the conscious expansion of the Patrician story. This expansion is based on existing oral and written traditions as well as the authors own imposition on it, which amongst other things was influenced by his general assumptions about conversion and the institutional setup of the Church. The result is that while the Church at the Wood of Fochloth was already appreciated as an important location for Patrick it now became part of the growing hagiographical tradition that had, by the seventh century, enveloped the story of the fifth-century missionary. Tírechán’s Collectanea is an important repository of information for scholars of early medieval Ireland but as a narrative endeavour it has not been given the consideration it deserves. The work is as complex as its author enigmatic, and while the Life by Tírechán’s near-contemporary, Muirchú, is often considered the more superior in terms of narrative and style, the structure that Tírechán imposed on the Patrician story cannot be denied. Tírechán’s work is replete with hidden gems in terms of detail, but it also makes a significant contribution to the devel‐ opment of the greater Patrician cult, demonstrating how established traditions about the saint formed over many generations and steadily influenced broader perceptions of the Christian history of the island. Tírechán’s portrayal is the result of his seventh-century experiences – this is why he pays so much attention to cult sites and relics, highlights the role of a structured Church institution, and has Patrick educate and preach to the Irish. Nonetheless, Tírechán manages to

136 Bieler (1979), 134 § 14.

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consolidate his own personal Christian experiences with the traditions of his elders, creating a fascinating hybrid whereby the past has significantly influenced his Christian present. The way in which this is achieved (using the framework of the Uí Néill narrative and imposing it on stories and traditions from Connacht) indicates that Tírechán sought to put order on what was already a vibrant but disparate, stratified group of written and oral traditions. Patrick seems to have already been established as a unifying figure for these histories, but the Life goes even further in solidifying this role. Thus, Tírechán’s Life is not just a work of political propaganda, it is a window on the complex ways in which Christian communities in Ireland came to terms with their past and the changes that were still taking place as Tírechán wrote.

cHAPTER 3

Muirchú

Muirchú and Vita Sanctae Patricii The second Patrician work under consideration is Muirchú moccu Macthéni’s Vita S. Patricii, which was probably written at some point in the 690’s, most likely after Tírechán produced his text.1 Since its rediscovery in 1827 the Life has been understood as a key contributor to the creation of Patrick’s saintly narrative and has been central to scholarly considerations of the cult as a result.2 The focus on Muirchú is entirely warranted, however the lack of attention paid to other expressions of the cult has led to an imbalance in understandings of Patrician veneration – as unintentional as this may be. This chapter considers the place of the Life within the tradition and what this tells us about changes to Christianity in Ireland and the evolution of Patrick the saint. There are similarities with Tírechán’s Collectanea, such as the inclusion of some shared material, but Muirchú’s text stands apart because it provides a solid sequential and understand‐ able narrative of Patrick’s biography.3 Muirchú’s use of a relatively archetypal hagiographical framework is central to his creation of an accessible narrative – one that would eventually came to epitomise Patrick and his history.4 The use of such a framework sets Muirchú apart from Tírechán, as he carefully choses a small number of stories associated with the saint that he must have understood as central to the saint’s Christianisation of the island. So, while Tírechán focuses on developing the Patrician written narrative to include Connacht traditions, Muirchú is interested in stream-lining the conversion story and placing Patrick at its core. He achieves this through a rigorous adherence to the developing hagio‐ graphical template. Muirchú’s Life shines a light on the process of transformation 1 There are two important editions and translations of the text. See Bieler (1979) and Howlett (2006). Bieler’s edition will be used, unless stated otherwise. For a discussion of the dating of the Life see Charles-Edwards (2000a), 438. 2 Betham (1827). 3 Common episodes include Bieler (1979), Erc’s conversion to Christianity [Tírechán 132–35 (§ 13), Muirchú 88–89 (§ I 17(16))], the story of the druids burning chasuble [Tírechán 130–31 (§ 8), Muirchú 94–97 (§ I 20(19))], the druid who was thrown into the air [Tírechan 130–31 (§ 8), Muirchú 88–91 (§ I 17(16))], the footprint of the angel on the Rock of Scirit [Tírechán 162–63 (§ 50), Muirchú 80–83 (§ II 15(13))], and the pagan speaking to Patrick from the grave [Tírechán 154–57 (§ 41), Muirchú 114–15 (§ II 2)]. These episodes share a proportion of similar material but also contain some individual detail. 4 Muirchú’s influence, as well as Tírechán’s is evidenced in texts such as Vita Secunda and Vita Quarta, see Byrne and Francis (1994), as well as Vita Tertia, Bieler (1971). For a discussion see chapter 5.

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that the figure of Patrick underwent to achieve the extents of his saintly status; a transformation that for many saints meant a blurring of historical detail in favour of an appreciable saintly legend. Muirchú drew on a well-developed Patrician tradition and, while he did not significantly expand it in terms of detail, he moulded these traditions into a pow‐ erful story. His innovation therefore lies in his writing style and the themes he em‐ phasises through the work. This fusion of extant traditions within a quintessential hagiographical format, makes use of Christian theology, the bible, and native Irish traditions, whilst also keying into the secular and ecclesiastical political concerns of the time. The production of this stream-lined version of the saint’s endeavours is telling of the hagiographer’s intention to overtly explain Patrick’s leading role in the formation of Christianity in Ireland, and points to the vitality of cult traditions in the late seventh century. His methods expose his motivations and in elaborating particular elements of Patrick’s story, such as the saint’s connection to the Church at Armagh (where a significant amount of the second half of the work takes place) the author prioritises the centre above other Patrician Churches. Similarly, in deliberately focusing on the miraculous nature of the holy man’s conversion of the Irish and aligning him with known biblical models, Muirchú propels Patrick’s saintly persona even further, immortalising his achievements to such an extent that the few aspects of Patrick’s real biography that feature in the Life, are themselves manipulated to bolster his profile as a quintessential saint.5 The success and legacy of the Life has meant that of all the Patrician Lives, Muirchú’s has been given the most attention by scholars.6 Many of these studies focus on the political motivations of the author and the central part that Armagh plays in the work. The degree to which Muirchú dominates scholarly understand‐ ings of the Patrician cult has meant that the motivations of other contributors, such as Tírechán, are considered in the same vein.7 Problematically, Muirchú’s affiliation to Armagh has also affected assessments of the text. Political ambition was undoubtedly a motivating factor for the author and his community, however, in the past this has overshadowed other considerations about the text.8 Recently a more overarching approach to Irish hagiography has benefitted interpretations of the text and lead to the identification of a range of influences on the author. For example, attention has been paid to its literary style,9 the influence of the bible on the work,10 as well as Muirchú’s use of secular native traditions.11 Even so, a cohesive understanding of the text, where the Life is placed within the greater 5 For biblical models see Hennig (1949–1951) who shows Muirchú’s debt to the Mosaic model. See also Bhreathnach (1996), O’Loughlin (2002) & O’Loughlin (2003). 6 Binchy, (1962c); Byrne (1984) is especially useful in understanding the growth of the Armagh federation in political terms. 7 Swift (1994) is a notable exception. See also Dawson (2014). 8 Binchy (1962c); McCone (1984). 9 Harvey (2016). 10 Carey (1996); O’Leary (1996); O’Loughlin (2002) and (2003). 11 Bhreathnach (1996).

MuirChú

Patrician tradition is needed. This chapter aims to go some way in framing such a discussion. The Life, so often considered a foundational text in the formation of the Patrician narrative, should not be treated as the beginning – a fact that has been demonstrated in the preceding two chapters. Rather Muirchú is the arbiter through which Patrick the man was finally lost to Patrick the saint. This chapter addresses some of these issues through a consideration of the many elements that influenced Muirchú’s writing, including extant traditions, political environment, and Muirchú’s own personal view of Patrick’s role in the history of the island. The question as to whether Muirchú articulated a growing consensus of Patrick’s role in the Irish Church, or indeed perpetuated it underlies this examination. A production date for the Life can be ascertained from internal evidence. Muirchú states that he wrote the work at the command of Áed, bishop and abbot of the mid-land monastery of Sleaty.12 It is likely that Áed asked Muirchú to compose the Life following Sleaty’s submission to the Armagh federation, which occurred during the abbacy of Áed’s predecessor Ségéne (661–688).13 Given that the amalgamation took place before 688 and Áed died in the year 700, Muirchú had at least started his work by the end of the seventh century. Indeed, the absence of a reference to Áed’s death suggests that it was completed by this point.14 The Life is found in four manuscripts – the earliest, known as the ‘Vienna Fragments’, contains only two fragments of the Life and survives in a manuscript of insular script dating to the late eighth century, which is now housed in the Nationalbibliothek, Vienna; a second survives in the ninth-century Book of Armagh, where the work is the first of a number of Patrician documents grouped together; the third exemplar is found in an eleventh-century manuscript of possible Italian origins, now housed in the Bibliothèque Royale in Brussels; and finally the fourth copy of the Life is contained in a thirteenth-century manuscript known as Novara 77.15 No full manuscript of the Life exists, and reconciling the extant manuscript copies is at times difficult.16 This has caused some problems in establishing the sequence of the work, but a general consensus has been met on its contents. In 1979 Ludwig Bieler produced a reconstructed edition and translation of the Life, and this was followed by a new edition in 2006 by David Howlett.17 12 Bieler (1979), 66. 13 This submission seems to have taken place towards the end of Ségéne’s rule in Armagh as his successor Flann Febla (688–715) appears to have been involved in the event. It is recorded in the Additamenta found in the Book of Armagh: Bieler (1979), 178–79, Epscop Aed bói i Sléibti. Luid du Ardd Machæ. Birt edoct cu Segéne du Ardd Machæ. Dubbert Segene oitherroch aidacht du Aíd, 7 adopart Áed aidacht 7 a chenél 7 a eclis du Pátricc cu bbráth. For a discussion of the submission see Byrne (1984). 14 For a succinct note on the dating of the Lives, including Muirchú’s Vita Patricii, see Charles-Edwards (2000a), 438. 15 The manuscripts are discussed by Bieler (1979), 2–9 and 21. For a discussion of the Novara manuscript see Bieler (1942), Bieler (1950). Bieler refers to it as a reproduction and contends that it may be the text from which Probus worked in creating his Life; for the Probus Life see Bieler (1971). 16 O’Loughlin (1996). 17 Bieler (1979) and Howlett (2006).

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Both have produced accessible, logical versions of the texts and mainly differ on the placement of some material.18 For example, Bieler retains the division of the Life into two books (a feature of the Brussels and Vienna manuscripts), whereas Howlett uses the division contained in the Book of Armagh exemplar.19 For the purposes of this discussion I will use Bieler’s edition and where appropriate refer to Howlett. Unlike Tírechán, whom we only know about because of the survival of his text, Muirchú has a relatively fuller biography that extends beyond the production of his vita. He appears alongside individuals such as Fland Febla of Armagh and Áed of Sleaty in the guarantor list of Adomnan’s Cáin Adomnáin, which was promulgated at the Synod of Birr in 697.20 His presence on this list points to the high status he held as a churchman and suggests he was active in Church politics. Perhaps more notably the guarantor list, which is divided according to rank and position, places Muirchú amongst a group that seems to have been included because of their learning and expertise.21 Nonetheless, like many individuals in the seventh century, this information allows little space for filling in a full personal biography, and further information about the author must be gleaned from the Life itself. It is through Muirchú’s ecclesiastical affiliations, both personal and institutional, that the writer is best understood. In particular, Muirchú’s relationships with two individuals stand out – Áed of Sleaty and Cogitosus of Kildare. Muirchú states that Áed commanded him to write his Life of Patrick, but his relationship with Cogitosus seems closer as he refers to him as his father.22 Muirchú was almost certainly a member of the monastic community at Armagh – a contention that is based on the sizable number of references to the institution in his text, but also the fact that he may have been a part of the Armagh-based kin-group of Túath Mochthaine.23 18 Howlett alters the sequence of certain chapters, however this does not heavily alter the flow of the work. Howlett orders the miracles stories from section I 27(26) = B II 1 in Bieler’s edition, in the following way: story of Macc Cuill § 23(22), story of Dáire and Armagh § 24, story of pagans working § 25(23), story of flooding land § 26(27), story of Monesan § 27(26), story of Benignus § 28(27), and finally the story of Coroticus § 29(28). Howlett also places section II 15(13) in Bieler’s edition to the very end of his edition, making it the concluding section. 19 Bieler splits the work at 144–45 (§ I 27(26)). For his discussion of the division see his introduction to the Life particularly 9–15. Howlett (2006) on the other hand splits his work after section XXVIIII, 112–13. 20 Ní Dhonnchadha (1982) and Houlihan (2020). For further commentaries and a translation of the text see O’Loughlin (2001). 21 The order of the individuals in the list seems to be grouped according to their role. This follows the introduction of the list, which states that the Law was signed by, among others, clerics, bishops, laymen and experts. Ní Dhonnchadha (1982), 180–81. 22 Áed is mentioned twice in the text; Bieler (1979), 62–63 (Preface), 66–67 (Preface). Cogitosus is mentioned once, 62–63 (Preface). 23 MacNeill (1924–1927); Kenney (1968), 331; Bieler (1979), 1; Sharpe (1982b). There are discrepancies in the author’s gentilic name moccu Machthéni. However, Muirchú is also mentioned in the guarantor list of Cáin Adomnáin, which gives the same form of Muirchú’s name, macui Machtheine.

MuirChú

Despite these clear Armagh associations, however Muirchú was also influenced by individuals outside the Armagh fold, something which is borne out in references to Áed and Cogitosus as well as his presence at Birr. Cogitosus, in particular, is of interest because we know that he produced the Vita S. Brigitae, contributing to the efflorescence of hagiographical writings in the seventh century. 24 The nature of the relationship remains unclear, but given that both individuals were highly skilled scholars it is generally assumed that when Muirchú uses the term pater he refers to a spiritual or professional bond rather than a familial affiliation.25 Like Tírechán, Muirchú is likely to have had contact with his Kildare-based foster-father in the early years of his religious development and training.26 The importance of such training is further strengthened by Muirchú’s admission that his writing follows the example of his elders. Indeed, Muirchú even mentions Cogitosus’s work as an exemplar for his own.27 Whatever the case may be, the relationship that existed between both clerics, familial or otherwise, tells us that Muirchú is likely to have spent a considerable amount of time with Cogitosus, possibly even in Kildare, and that this relationship impacted his educational formation. Again, this points to the existence of a learned elite on the island, who were part of a scholarly community that sought to pass on and hone their craft. Indeed, it is worth considering that these links had institutional roots – a situation which questions the scholarly assumption that there was an intense political rivalry between the larger monastic federations in the seventh century. This brings us to Áed, bishop abbot of Sleaty, under whose orders Muirchú wrote his Life. The connection between both men is not clear-cut, particularly because Muirchú is usually associated with Armagh, while Áed’s monastery at Sleaty is assumed to have first become linked with the larger foundation in the seventh century.28 As a result of Bieler’s mistranslation of dictante as ‘request’ rather than ‘command’,29 it has been assumed that Áed asked Muirchú to produce the Life after he left Sleaty to retire in Armagh.30 This has created the impression that Áed played a relatively passive role in the process, however as a bishop and abbot he would have held an important role and standing. Indeed, in stating that Áed commanded him to compose the Life, the author suggests a different scenario whereby he is subject to his superior. Moreover, it points to a more active

24 Colgan (1647); Connolly and Picard (1987). 25 Bieler (1979), 62–63, includes this assumption in his translation recording Cogitosus as Muirchú’s ‘spiritual father’. 26 Bieler (1979), 62–63. 27 Bieler (1979), 62–63 (Preface). 28 The reason for this affiliation was probably strategic and some scholars have viewed it as a move by the Sleaty community, which lay in Leinster territory, to resist the interests of the religious community at Kildare. Byrne (1984); Charles-Edwards (2000a), 262. 29 Bieler (1979), 66–67 (Preface); in his text Bieler translates dictante as ‘request’ instead of ‘command’. Howlett rectifies this mistranslation, Howlett (2006), 44–45. 30 Bieler (1979), 1.

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role in the project by the Sleaty bishop.31 Indeed, the developing relationship between Sleaty and Armagh must surely have been a motivating factor for the production of the Life. A further indication of Áed’s influence on the Life is the way in which Sleaty is represented in the text. Muirchú alludes to the church and its founder Fíacc on a number of occasions in the text.32 These references are not fleeting but form part of the most extensive narrative set-piece in the text, Patrick’s encounter and defeat of king Loíguire at Tara.33 For instance, in a verbal foreshadowing of the Sleaty cleric’s presence in the Life, the writer refers to the burial place of the men of Fíacc, Ferta fer Feic – a seemingly ancestral burial site – as the place where Patrick first celebrates Easter and encounters Loíguire.34 Fíacc, however, features explicitly later in the episode when Patrick enters the banqueting hall at Tara in order to confront Loíguire. As he enters only two individuals stand to greet the holy man – the poet Dubthach maccu Lugir and the later bishop of Sleaty, Fíacc.35 Fíacc and Sleaty are hence entwined in the most crucial section of the work and Áed’s ancestral leader is propelled into the Patrician narrative. Hence, the Life formalises Sleaty’s place within the Patrician story and by implication with Armagh. Áed, presumably, was a key reason for this element in the Life, and as such he aided the creation of a subtly new history and identity for his monastery – one which preserved the legacy of its founder but honoured the greatness of its new ecclesiastical patrons and the Patrician cult. The Life is therefore indicative of the new connection that had been forged between both communities and the importance that was attached to solidifying this relationship by both parties. The production of Muirchú’s vita was unquestionably influenced by the new ecclesiastical setup which saw Armagh expand its religious and institutional authority to include Sleaty. But while Tírechán’s Life shows that bringing church foundations into the Patrician fold was important, this does not seem to be the case for Muirchú who limits the number of people and places mentioned in his Life considerably – a fact that highlights the importance of the Sleaty connection even further. Indeed, the primary institution that concerns Muirchú is Armagh. Muirchú was almost certainly a member of this community; his writing shows that he was familiar with the site and that he had access to source material that must have been housed there. For example, in writing about Patrick’s acquisition of Armagh, Muirchú describes specific aspects of the site that existed in the seventh century, namely the burial-ground of the martyrs and the altar of the northern church

31 32 33 34

Byrne (1984). Bieler (1979), 84–85 (§ I 14(13).2); 86–87 (§ I 16(15).2; § I 19(18).3). Bieler (1979), 84–99 (§ 15(14)–§ 21(20)). Stout (2002), 64–65, 74–75. This is a tentative connection that rests on possible literary reflections. Tírechán also refers to the burial ground of the men of Fíacc as the place where Patrick encountered Loíguire and the druids from Tara – Bieler (1979), 130–31 (8.2). 35 Bieler (1979), 92–93 (§ I 19(18)).

MuirChú

at Armagh.36 Of course, it could be argued that this information was relayed to Muirchú through another cleric, but Muirchú also appears to have had direct access to the Confessio, which was probably housed at the library at Armagh.37 Perhaps most convincing, however, is his concern for the monastic house, which not only points to his likely affiliation but also his desire to cultivate and safeguard Patrician supremacy, with Armagh at its centre. In contrast to Tírechán, Muirchú explicitly connects Patrick’s supremacy with the authority of Armagh – a situation that is most apparent in the final chapters of the Life which describe Patrick’s death, and where the saint declares his loyalty to his community at Armagh and requests that pre-eminence lie with the church.38 These affiliations suggest that Muirchú’s aims and motivations are narrowly focused on his monastery, but while both Sleaty and Armagh were integral to the scheme, the author is also interested in creating a Life that comments on the con‐ trol of power more generally. Indeed, a concern with the control of secular power is noticeable throughout the narrative. For example, it has been assumed that Muirchú’s lengthy and descriptive chapters about Patrick’s conversion of Loíguire at Tara were written in order to favour the king’s great Uí Néill dynasty, within whose lands Armagh was situated.39 A closer inspection of the text, however, sug‐ gests otherwise, as Loíguire is presented as a negative figure who inevitably must relinquish power to the new Christian leader. Muirchú’s consistency in opposing secular power against the new Christian order could indicate an intention to bring secular power structures under the influence of the Church once and for all. It may also be that he understood ecclesiastical dominance in relation to the control of secular kings and not just the pagan religion.40 This is something that would have been obvious in an Irish context, where society was structured according to secular grades and kings held the greatest status. In this way the dominance of kings and their intrinsic link to forms of non-Christian worship, presented obvious models of opposition for later Christian communities and writers such as Muirchú.41 His attention to the defeat of kings, and particularly Loíguire, may have been an effective way for him to communicate with his seventh-century audience, who understood the makeup of society in this way. Thus, Muirchú’s comparison of Loíguire to biblical kings such as Nebuchadnessor and Herod fits well with Christian teachings but also with an early Irish readership who understood this context.

Bieler (1979), 108–09 (§ I 24 = B II 6). O’Loughlin (1994), 33–52. Bieler (1979), 116–17 (§ II 6(5)). Doherty (1991), esp. 86 ff. Much in the same way that Bede later considered the conversion of Æthelberht and the AngloSaxons. For a discussion of the Anglo-Saxon conversion as well as approaches to power and conversion see Higham (1997). 41 McCone (1990), 107–37; Bhreathnach (2011), 126–48, assesses the implications of the adoption of Christianity on kingship. 36 37 38 39 40

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The political aspects of the Life have, therefore, arguably been misunderstood, and rather than focusing on the competition between Armagh and Kildare,42 the relationship between secular and ecclesiastical authority, as well as its perceived influences on conversion must also be considered. For Muirchú, establishing the authority of Patrick and Christianity over secular rulers was as crucial if not more important than asserting Armagh’s power over other Christian churches. This may be the result of the time in which Muirchú wrote, a time in which many of the elite appear to have converted. For instance, it is possible that in writing for increasingly influential monastic federation of Armagh, Muirchú understood Christian dominance in relation to societal structures more generally and did not confine this superiority to religion alone. Arguably, this process is indicative of the last stages of conversion on the island, where ecclesiastical structures finally came to assert authority over secular rivals in the literature – a theme that was already well-established among early Christian writers, going back to the time of Pope Gelasius I in the fifth century and even earlier.43 In parallel with these developments, Muirchú was particularly influenced by Continental models of sanctity, and how this was structurally expressed in writing. It is this fusion of influence, time and intention that made Muirchú’s achievement possible.

Muirchú’s Methodology A consideration of the time in which Muirchú produced his text is imperative to an understanding of its place within the cult. Like Tírechán, who was as motivated by concerns of Patrician authority, Muirchú had a clear vision for the Life, and through his writing sought to create an understandable narrative of Patrick’s history. The production of the Life was not merely a simple gesture of patronage, but an attempt to forge a new appreciation of Patrick. The opening remarks of the vita, which Muirchú addresses to Áed, are particularly suggestive of this scheme.44 Here Muirchú admits the difficulties of his undertaking. He points to the extensive number of stories concerning Patrick as problematic, although not necessarily untrue, and suggests they have led to conflicting understandings about the saint.45 The cleric clearly operated at a time when the profusion of Patrick traditions may have led to problematic differences within the cult. Indeed, he states that some of these traditions date back to the earliest period of Irish conversion and that many individuals had already attempted to write a history

42 This is more of a function of Liber Angeli, Bieler (1979), 184–91. 43 See the Letter of Pope Gelasius to Emperor Anastasius, 494, on the two swords, in Robinson (1905), 72–73; for discussions see Ullmann (1972), 112–30. 44 Bieler (1979), 62–63 (Preface). 45 Bieler (1979), 62–63 (Preface). Sulpicius Severus and Constantius of Lyon also highlight their selectiveness of material, and he may be following their example in this regard: for Sulpicius Severus see Fontaine (1967–1969); for Constantius see Borius (1965), 118–20.

MuirChú

of the saint. Muirchú’s success and innovation is often connected to the creation of Patrick’s story, rather than its crystallisation of the saint’s biography. These earlier traditions and documents undoubtedly influenced Muirchú but it seems they also prompted him to produce a Life that was more concerned with Patrick the saint rather than Patrick the man. In the hope of coming to ‘one undisputed sequence of events’, Muirchú instead set out to produce a narratio sancta.46 He creates this succinct, coherent narrative through his concentration on a small number of inter-connected narrative set-pieces ordered in a progressive chrono‐ logical framework – pointing to the influence that hagiographical writers, such as Sulpicius Severus and possibly Constantius of Lyon, had on the construction of his Life.47 The Life by Muirchú was therefore a significant step for Patrick’s cult narrative, one which aligned the saint with his Continental counterparts and importantly offered an appreciable story of the island’s Christian formation. The work lays bare the ever-evolving nature of the veneration of saints, as Patrick’s heroic biography increasingly comes to mirror important exemplars (the saint’s comparison to biblical models is especially developed, for instance). So, how is it that Muirchú’s work came to facilitate such a development? Muirchú only identifies the writing of a single individual as influential on his work – that of his mentor Cogitosus.48 The text Muirchú has in mind cannot be concretely identified, but it is very likely to be the Vita S. Brigitae that was written by Cogitosus in the 670’s. It is difficult to say how Cogitosus influenced Muirchú’s writing, however one thing that they have in common is their stated intention to relate a select number of stories.49 A further commonality between the Irish writers is their intention to extol the importance of the monastic houses to which they are attached – a feature that is not present in Tírechán’s Life of Patrick or indeed the anonymous Vita Prima of Brigit. So, at the very least Muirchú was in‐ spired by Cogitosus’s approach to his subject matter, which may have come about because of the influence of popular Continental models. In comparing the body of both texts, however, there are differences of approach. Most noticeably Cogitosus sticks to a hagiographical format that is structured around the miraculous tales of Brigit, much in the way of Athanasius’ Life of St Anthony, while Muirchú uses a chronological arrangement that incorporates many other hagiographical motifs and is more reminiscent of texts such as that produced by Sulpicius Severus. Assuming that Cogitosus did not produce additional work that is no longer extant, Muirchú’s similarities to his mentor, therefore, seem to relate to his intentions for his work rather than his execution of it.

46 Bieler (1979), 62–63 (Preface). 47 Following traditional conventions, the Life is introduced by a preface in which Muirchú details his intentions and reasons for writing, Bieler (1979), 62–63 (Preface). Similar layouts are found in the Life of Anthony by Athansius, Bartelink (1994), and the Life of Martin by Sulpicius Severus, Fontaine (1967–1969). 48 Bieler (1979), 62–63 (Preface). 49 See the prologue of Vita S. Brigitae, Colgan (1647), 135; tr. Connolly and Picard (1987), 11.

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Muirchú was certainly inspired by a number of popular Continental hagio‐ graphical writings when he came to structure his Life, especially those of the type employed by Sulipicius Severus and Constantius of Lyon. Sulpicius, in particular, was an innovator, but so too was Constantius, despite his reliance on Sulpicius’ influential work.50 In his Life of St Martin, Sulpicius drew inspiration from the structural techniques of classical historiographers such as Suetonius, who favoured a chronological format.51 Following this pattern Sulpicius divided his Life according to Martin’s early career and his elevation to the episcopacy, his miraculous deeds, and finally his asceticism.52 This division is something which clearly influenced Muirchú when he wrote, as he structures his Life around a number of narrative set-pieces. These set-pieces create distinct sections in the work – Patrick’s early biography and education, his mission to and conversion of the island, miraculous deeds performed by the saint and evidence of his asceticism, and finally his creation of a monastic community at Armagh and eventual death.53 Muirchú therefore intended to place Patrick within the greater milieu of Continental hagiography and accepted perceptions of sanctity. His use of this structural pattern, however, also allowed him to create a dramatic flow in the Life, especially in the first half of the work which sees Patrick convert the entire island through his baptism of Loíguire, king of Tara. This is reflective of the methods utilised by Constantius in his Life of St Germanus. Writing in the late fifth century, Constantius was influenced by the Life of Martin, structuring his vita similarly. Unlike Sulpicius however, Constantius stuck more rigidly to his chrono‐ logical format, connecting his episodes throughout the work.54 The relationship and cross-over between these set-pieces, which centre on Germanus’s various journeys to Britain and on the Continent, create a dramatic movement in the Life – a feature that is demonstrated in Andrew Gillett’s assessment of the vita.55 Muirchú seems to have favoured these types of hagiographical models,56 and his technique is strikingly similar to that of Constantius, particularly in relation to the sections detailing Patrick’s conversion of the island.57 To this end, Muirchú focuses on Patrick’s conversion of the island from the beginning of his narrative and his description of Patrick’s early years, education and return to Ireland create a dramatic flow that ultimately leads to the adoption of Christianity. In building the reader’s anticipation towards the confrontation between Patrick and Loíguire, Muirchú also creates a defined identity for his saint, one where Patrick’s destiny

Gillett (2003), 115–38; Van Egmond (2006), 25–36. This is an aspect of his writings that has been studied particularly by Stancliffe (1984), 86–102. Stancliffe (1984), 86–87. See table 2.4 for chapters and sections. Sulpicius provides a broad chronological framework, but many of his miracle stories are not part of a specific timeline. See the discussion in Stancliffe (1984), 86–102. 55 Gillett (2003), 115–37. 56 Appendix 2.4. 57 For instance, see Constantius’ description of Germanus’ travels to Britain and defeat of the Pelagians there, Borius (1965) § 12–§ 16, 144–55.

50 51 52 53 54

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to convert the Irish and his preparation for it, simplifies his role and makes him all-knowing and all-powerful. The generalisation of Patrick’s identity is, among other things, derived from biblical models, which also heighten the sense of impending victory for Christian‐ ity. The adherence to biblical exemplars is a feature of hagiographical works and while Muirchú follows these templates, the way in which he treats his material indicates that he was also directly inspired by the biblical texts themselves.58 In particular, Tom O’Loughlin has shown that Muirchú’s vision of Patrick’s work was highly stylised, but that it created a perception which made sense to a seventh-century audience and fit well with contemporary understandings of sanctity and religious change.59 By placing Patrick within popular and accessible views of sanctity, Muirchú enhances the status of the saint and strives to explain his achievements on the island. Muirchú’s intention to create a stream-lined understandable narrative also sees him utilise Irish traditions that resonated with his Irish audience. Edel Bhreath‐ nach has studied this aspect of the text, and stresses the fusion of biblical and native symbolism used by the author.60 Again the dramatic build-up to Loíguire’s defeat at Tara is most emblematic of this fusion. Here Muirchú not only makes use of biblical comparisons, but also has Patrick subvert many traditional Irish taboos, geisi, in an effort to heighten his status as a Christian leader even further. The breaking of these taboos is systematically emphasised through the narrative, and is another structuring mechanism for Patrick’s confrontation with the king, which occurs over a number of days and at various locations. These taboos were inherently linked to kingship and the breaking of them by a king inevitably lead to their downfall and death.61 That Loíguire is incapable of adhering to once powerful geisi is illustrative of the defeat and death of the old order. Furthermore, Patrick’s subversion of these rules indicates the superiority of Christianity and Christian models of power. Significantly, Muirchú’s presentation of Patrick as the ultimate converting saint-hero culminates in the defeat of secular power and the triumph of ecclesiastical authority. Through the use of these literary techniques the author formalises Patrick’s role in the conversion of the island, making him the sole Christian proselytiser to the Irish. Muirchú’s scheme is innovative in its execution, however, he does not abandon the traditions of his ancestors, placing his contribution amongst a larger tradition of religious writers and writings in Ireland.62 In fact, the Life utilises many extant traditions concerning Patrick but situates them within a framework that mimics other well-known hagiographies. Unlike Tírechán, however, Muirchú is selective in the number of tales he includes, and uses a small few which he believed best

58 59 60 61 62

O’Loughlin (2000), especially 94–95, (2002) and (2003). O’Loughlin (2000), 87–108. Bhreathnach (1996). Bhreathnach (1996). See table 2.2 and 2.3.

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represented his patron. For his content he followed a similar methodology to Tírechán, turning to Patrick’s own writings, the evidence from cult sites and elders as well as written and oral testimony.63 Indeed at times he makes use of the same material.64 In doing so he popularised central features of Patrick’s career even further. The resemblance to Tírechán in this aspect of Muirchú’s composition points to a common approach among scholars of the time and suggests that while the pool of information regarding Patrick was extensive, there were central features of the cult that were already considered especially important. Patrick’s writings, particularly the Confessio, are utilised by Muirchú, with its contents dictating the early sections of the later work.65 The Confessio was an important element of the Patrician cult and it adds a sense of authority to Muirchú’s Life. The author appears to have had direct access to it, and at least knowledge of the Epistola, although the latter is mentioned only once and rather cryptically, suggesting that Muirchú may not have consulted it or, perhaps, that it was not easily available.66 In this instance the story of Coroticus is used as the basis for a miraculous deed performed by Patrick. It may well be that the original text was not well-understood when Muirchú wrote, but the miraculous focus of the tale does point to the fact that Patrick was now more familiar in his saintly guise rather than that of the troubled missionary who had lost his flock. Muirchú acknowledges his dependence on the Confessio on several occasions, and even quotes directly from it.67 This is particularly evident in his description of Patrick’s escape from Ireland. Here Muirchú quotes directly from the text on three occasions.68 He relies on the Confessio mainly towards the beginning the vita when describing Patrick’s early years, and for this reason he is most heavily influenced by the initial sections of the Confessio.69 The early sections of the Life mirror the text of the Confessio, relating details of Patrick’s family, his capture, return journey to Britain, and visions of Victoricus.70 Not surprisingly however, he presents these in a more concise manner making Patrick’s meaning more accessible to the reader and transforming the audiences appreciation of the earlier text in the process. Given the limitations of the Confessio it is not surprising that Muirchú added extra elements to Patrick’s biography. In a similar fashion to Tírechán it seems 63 See table 2.2. The stories Muirchú tells appear to have largely come from religious sources, but Muirchú also mentions a tradition that originates with the Ulaid and refers directly to Ferchertne (an individual whom is identified as a powerful poet in a number of secular texts) as a source. Muirchú’s reference to Ferchertne is the first in the written record. See, McKillop (1998). 64 Both Patrician writers include associations with cult sites, and on occasion mention the same places, such as the Rock of Scirit: Bieler (1979), 162–63 (§ 50) for Tírechán, 80–83 (§ II 15(13)) for Muirchú. 65 See table 2.1. 66 Bieler (1979), 100–01 (§ 29(28) = B II 2). 67 Table 2.1 outlines Muirchú’s use of the two documents. 68 Bieler (1979), 70–71 (§ I 1.4); 70–71 (§ I 3.1); 72–73 (§ I 7(6)). 69 Muirchú mentions various aspects from the Confessio later in the Life but these merely reiterate what has already been stated, for example his references to Victoricus. Bieler (1979), 80–83 (§ II 15(13)). 70 See table 2.1.

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that not all of these additions originated with Muirchú, but were built up over years of veneration. But Muirchú was also active in this embellishment. For example, in following the text of the Confessio he writes that Patrick came from a place called Bannavem Thaburniae. However, having researched this aspect of Patrick’s biography he adds that it is now known as Ventre – a piece of additional information that he says came from a reliable source. This is one of the few sections of the Life where Muirchú’s research is evident, and his decision to qualify his statement suggests that his information had not yet been incorporated into Patrick’s emerging biography.71 Muirchú also needed to fit traditional views of Patrick into his structural scheme, and he manipulated some of the information available to him for this purpose. For instance, through his description of Patrick’s education on the Continent he creates anticipation of the saint’s eventual return and ultimate conversion of the island following his escape from captivity. This is an aspect of Patrick’s career that is not elaborated upon in the Confessio and appears to have no true historical basis.72 Nonetheless, both Muirchú and Tírechán include sections on Patrick’s travels after he escaped from Ireland,73 noticeably by-passing Patrick’s discussion of his ‘toilsome’ episcopate.74 It is only Muirchú, however, who suggests that Patrick formalised his education during this time, when he relates a scenario where Patrick travels throughout the Continent, is educated by Germanus and legitimately consecrated by a bishop named Amathorex.75 Muirchú’s reference to Germanus may be the result of the saint’s popularity in Ireland (much of which was probably due to Constantius’ Life) and the saint’s association with the bishop Palladius. But Muirchú may also have associated Patrick with Germanus because of his missionary efforts in Britain. The link with a seminal figure such as Germanus strengthens the prophetic nature of Patrick’s mission in the text. Muirchú’s need to diverge from the original Confessio shows that while the real biography of the missionary was important to the cult, it had limitations. On the other hand, as we have seen, so too did many of the stories that developed as part of the cult. Thus, while Muirchú was intent on writing a 71 Bieler (1979), 66–67 (I 1.1). Byrne and Francis (1994) question the origin of this addition, 69–70. 72 Howlett (1994a), 70–71 (§ 27). Here Patrick refers to his elders, and his elevation to the deaconate but little else. 73 The two authors fail to agree on the route Patrick took, with Muirchú suggesting that the saint travelled through Britain and settled in Gaul after meeting Germanus, and Tírechán placing him in Gaul, Italy and the island Aralanensis in the Tyrrhene Sea. Bieler (1979), 70–75 (§ I 6(5)–I 9(8)) and 124–25 (§ 1.6). 74 The authors abandon the saint’s writings between chapters twenty-three and twenty-seven, coincidently at the point where Patrick begins to discuss his problems with the British church. Howlett (1994a), 66–71; Muirchú abandons the writings at Bieler (1979), 72–73 (§ I 7(6)), and Tírechán after chapter 1, Bieler (1979), 124–27. 75 Bieler (1979), 72–75 (§ I 8(7)–I 9(8)). Bury (1905), 347–49, suggests that Amator consecrated Patrick a deacon rather than a bishop in order to get around the suggestion that Amatorex was Germanus’ predecessor Amator. It is far more likely that Muirchú was inspired by the name Amator and thus created a new figure.

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stylised version of Patrick’s life, he saw the information contained in the Confessio as a central component of his narrative. In combining notable elements of the Patrician cult with familiar hagiographical structures Muirchú succeeded in his initiative to create a narratio sancta. His sequential but selective arrangement of Patrick’s miraculous endeavours provides readers with greater access to and understanding of Patrick as converter, but it also directs the narrative in a way that was advantageous to Muirchú and his community. A closer examination of the specifics of the material that Muirchú chose to include offers further insight.

Muirchú’s Narrative Muirchú intended to create a narratio and in doing so made use of existing material concerning the saint in a structured way. In his writing he aims to fully encapsulate Patrick’s life as a saint and missionary by developing particular aspects of his career – for instance, Patrick’s early education and miraculous achievements. Muirchú’s account is one which has a distinct progression. The text can be broken into a number of key parts which include: Patrick’s early biography and spiritual development on the Continent, the religious transformation of the island culminating in Loíguire’s conversion at Tara, the establishment of Armagh, a demonstration of Patrick’s saintly abilities, and finally Patrick’s death.76 Following the Tara episode two of the manuscripts provide a break in the text.77 It has been argued that a division might not have been intended by the author, nonetheless there is a natural break in the work which may have prompted later redactors to formalise this split. In this second section of the book, Patrick operates within the context of a predominantly Christian land – indeed this book might be seen as Patrick’s Christianisation of the island, in contrast to the conversion narrative which dominates the first book. It ends with Patrick’s death, and at this point we see that the transformation of the island is complete as secular powers fight for possession of his body.78 Drawing these two sections together is the continued inevitability of Patrick’s dominance and an emphasis on the prophetic nature of his mission. Whilst the Confessio is a fundamental resource for the early sections of the text much of the saint’s later biography originates with other sources. For instance, the text begins with five chapters that deal with Patrick’s religious formation and this aspect of his career is developed using the fifth-century writing as well as other independent sources. These formalise his credentials and qualify him as the sole missionary to the Irish, with Muirchú stating that Patrick’s education was preparation for his later mission:

76 See table 2.4 for a breakdown of these sections and the episodes contained in each. 77 Bieler (1979), 98–99 (§ I 22(21)). 78 Bieler (1979), 120–21 (§ II 13(11)).

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Egressus ad sedem apostolicam uisitandam et honorandam, ad caput utique omnium ecclesiarum totius mundi, ut sapientiam diuinam sanctaque misteria ad quae uocauit illum Deus ut disceret atque intellegeret et inpleret, et ut praedicaret et donaret diuinam graciam in nationibus externis conuertens ad fidem Christi.79 In this way the author demonstrates that Patrick alone is destined to convert the Irish. Moreover, following the saint’s visit from Victor, who tells him of his need to return to the Irish (something which Patrick reveals in the Confessio), Muirchú says that the saint was helped in his preparation by the famous cleric Germanus and his assistant Segitius.80 He then describes the failure of the mission of the Roman bishop Palladius, stating that ‘he was prevented from doing so (by the fact that) nobody can receive anything from the earth unless it be given from heaven’.81 It is at this point in the work that Patrick is finally consecrated, in order to travel to the Irish.82 Here Muirchú manages to explain two aspects of the conversion story that are especially problematic – the evidence for the mission of Palladius from Rome, and the doubt surrounding Patrick’s credentials as a bishop.83 Finally, Patrick makes an expediated return journey to the island highlighting the prophetic nature of the mission.84 The author, therefore, presents Patrick’s missionary role as predestined. This assumption is carried through the text as the druids of Tara foresee the coming of a new order, underlining the inevitability of the saint’s success.85 Patrick’s predestined dominance is again echoed in the swiftness of his conver‐ sion efforts. The thirteen chapters that follow Patrick’s return are all concerned with conversion, and relate three specific episodes – the conversion of Dichú, the refusal of Miliucc to convert, and the conversion of Loíguire. Each of these episodes is representative of a different facet of Patrick’s endeavour. Moreover, the stories are all inter-related and are framed by Patrick’s confrontation with Loíguire.86 The first of these tales concerns Díchu, who Muirchú tells us was ‘good by nature, although a pagan’.87 This description of the naturally good pagan, which takes its origins from Paul, is well attested in early Irish literature, occurring in Adomnán’s Life of Columba, as well as the Senchas Már which also describes the famous fifth-century poet Dubthach moccu Lugair in this way.88 Following a

79 Bieler (1979), 70–71 (§ I 5.2). 80 Bieler (1979), 72–73 (§ I 8(7)). 81 Bieler (1979), 72–73 (§ I 8(7).3), Sed prohibuit illum quia nemo potest accipere quicquam de terra nissi datum ei fuerit de caelo. 82 Bieler (1979), 72–75 (§ I 9(8).1). 83 Bieler (1979), 72–75 (§ I 9(8).1). 84 Bieler (1979), 74–75 (§ 9(8).4). 85 Bieler (1979), 74–77 (§ 10(9)). 86 The entire section focuses on this confrontation. This is indicated in Muirchú’s introduction of Loíguire as soon as Patrick reaches the island and relates how his druids prophesized the coming of a new religious order. Bieler (1979), 74–77 (§ I 10(9)). 87 Bieler (1979), 78–79 (§ 11(10)). For a discussion see Nagy (1997), 49–60. 88 Ó Corráin, Breatnach and Breen (1984); McCone (1986) and (1990), chapter 4.

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pattern that runs through the work Díchu thinks of killing Patrick,89 but Muirchú tells us that after seeing the face of the missionary, the Lord changed Díchu’s mind, and having been preached to by Patrick he is baptised.90 This simple tale of conversion is deliberately contrasted with Patrick’s attempt to convert his former master Miliucc, creating an effective diptych. Miliucc stands in opposition to Díchu; he is a slave owner with great wealth and power. In contrast to Díchu, who was inspired by the Lord, Miliucc is compelled by the Devil to kill himself rather than submit to Patrick and his Christian power. The inevitability of Patrick’s success is recognised by his former master whose decision to die is the result of his unwillingness to relinquish power. Christian power, therefore, takes prece‐ dence over secular power in this incident, as it does by implication through the submission of Díchu. Indeed, belief in the new or old religions does not solely influence Miliucc’s decision; rather power is key, and he is determined not to live in submission to Patrick or a Christian kingdom and so must end his life. Hence, a distinction between those who are open to conversion (Díchu) and those who are not (Miliucc) is apparent in the text. Muirchú presents Christian conversion as a choice, although this choice seems hollow given the inevitability of Christian dominance; in this sense the decision not to cede power and to obstruct Patrick can only end in death. The initial stages of Patrick’s missionary efforts set out his behaviour for the rest of the work, and aspects of Díchu and Miliucc’s situations are reflected in the lengthy sections concerning Loíguire and the druids at Tara. This main episode is the most dramatic of the narrative set-pieces as well as the longest, spanning a total of ten chapters.91 In Muirchú’s presentation, Patrick’s conversion of Loíguire is crucial to religious change on the island;92 Tírechán, on the other hand, does not have Loíguire convert but instead focuses on the defeat of the druids and conversion of a younger generation.93 In a further distinction, Muirchú suggests that the king is the head of the pagan belief system, rather than the druids.94 This highlights the different ways in which each writer focuses on Patrick’s trans‐ formation of the island, some of which may be the result of developments in the cult over time or even changes in the structure of power on the island. Tírechán 89 Along with Díchu, Loíguire, Mac Cuill and Dáire all try to kill Patrick. Bieler (1979), 78–79 (§ I 11(10).6) for Díchu, 86–87 (§ I 15(14).5) for Loíguire, 102–03 (§ I 23(22).4) for Mac Cuill, and 108–09 (§ I 24 = B II 6.5) for Dáire. 90 Bieler (1979), 78–79 (§ I 11(10).6). 91 The chapters concerning Loíguire and Patrick’s first Easter take up a third of the text; Bieler (1979), 4–9. 92 This is something that is asserted continually throughout the section, but it is particularly obvious at Bieler (1979), 82–85 (§ 13(12).3). 93 A major and fundamental difference between the two hagiographers is their portrayal of Loíguire in relation to the conversion story. In his work Tírechán asserts that the king remained pagan as the result of his allegiance to his ancestors whereas in Muirchú’s version the king converts, albeit under duress. Bieler (1979), 96–99 (§ I 21(20)) for Muirchú, 132–33 (§ 12) for Tírechán. 94 Bieler (1979), 82–83 (§ I 13(12).2), quod erat caput omnis gentilitatis et idolatriae, ne posit ulterius liberari.

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focuses on the establishment of an institutional church as central to religious change, and the replacement of the old religious order is key. Muirchú, on the other hand emphasises the subversion of power structures as a central theme and is more interested in those who hold ultimate control; he has a strong sense of the superiority of Christian power over secular power. For Muirchú, in order to Christianise the island all kings must submit to Patrick and the new religion. Indeed, while Muirchú shows Patrick oppose the druids, their defeat is a foregone conclusion as they have already predicted the demise of the old religion and recognise Patrick’s superiority.95 They are really just foils to Patrick in his struggle to convert and dominate Loíguire. For instance, towards the beginning of the Life Muirchú includes a poem, which he ascribes to the druids. His interpretation of its contents is symptomatic of his attitudes. Here the ostensibly pagan poem, which does not appear to originate with Muirchú, describes how men with shaven heads and new beliefs will come to the island and ‘chant impiety’. At no point does it explicitly refer to the destruction of kingdoms.96 Nonetheless, in his interpretation Muirchú understands it as a foretelling of the destruction of the pagan kingdom, writing ‘in our own language all this can be expressed more clearly. “When all this happens” (the druids would say) “our kingdom, which is a pagan one, will fall”’.97 In Muirchú’s estimation, then, Christianity gained a foothold in Ireland not just by changing people’s belief systems per se but through a shift in the personnel of the power structures that controlled the island. It was a rapid and thorough coup. When Patrick arrives at the burial place of the men of Fíacc (mentioned above), Muirchú describes the opposing pagan assembly at Tara as containing ‘kings, satraps, leaders, princes and the nobles of the people’ – a thoroughly secu‐ lar line-up which finds its origins in the Old Testament description of the court of Babylon.98 The reference to Babylon is further carried through the text as Loíguire is compared to the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzor who receives attention in the Old Testament Book of Daniel, among other things, because he ordered his subjects to worship a gold statue of his image.99 The opposition between the secular and Christian groups continues through the narrative. The subversion of geisi, already mentioned, is particularly effective taken in this context: it shows that secular custom must be replaced by the overriding power of Christianity.100 It also has a structural significance. For example, Muirchú juxtaposes a pagan festival with the Easter celebration, hence establishing the significance of the event and ultimately highlighting the inadequacy of the pagan celebration. The 95 Bieler (1979), 74–77 (§ 10(9).4). 96 Bieler (1979), 76–77 (§ 10(9).6), for a discussion see Ireland (2016). 97 Bieler (1979), 76–77 (§ 10(9).7) Quod nostris uerbis potest manifestius expraemi. ‘Quod ergo haec omnia fiant, regnum nostrum, quod est gentile, non stabit’. 98 Bieler (1979), 84–85 (§ 15(14)), regibus, satrapis, ducibus, principibus et optimatibus populi. For comparison see Daniel 3:2. 99 Daniel 3:4–6. 100 Bhreathnach (1996); O’Loughlin (2003).

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interaction between Loíguire, the idolatrous pagan king, and Patrick, the dutiful servant of God, is as effective. It firmly establishes the precedent for Christian authority over secular power and, in this case, the inferiority of the greatest of Irish kingships, that of Tara, to the Church. Moreover, it is clear that Loíguire’s conversion is certain. But in order to explicate this certainty Muirchú develops the event in a lengthy narrative which illustrates the inadequacies of the ruler and the pagan powers to which he adheres. Through this sequence, which sees Loíguire gradually realise his inability to retain supremacy and eventually, although reluc‐ tantly, recognise the superiority of Christianity, Muirchú extols the dominance of Christian belief, the status of his saint and ultimately the centrality of the Church as an institution. Loíguire’s submission is, however, no easy task, and Patrick meets the king on a number of occasions before it is completed. Patrick’s defeat of paganism is por‐ trayed as difficult but certain. The miracles he performs are indicative of the great lengths he must go to in order to achieve religious transformation – sainthood, after all, does not come easily even if it is predestined.101 Importantly, a number of these miracles, such as the druid flying into the air or the burning of the chasuble around Benignus, are found in Tírechán’s text also, again demonstrating that a tradition concerning Patrick’s battle at Tara already existed.102 Muirchú’s audience is likely to have been familiar with this material, but they may not have seen it presented in such a sophisticated way before. This narrative elaboration is possibly best exemplified through Muirchú’s comparative scheme. For instance, he states that by lighting a fire at Ferta fir Féicc before it was ignited at Tara Patrick is in violation of secular and pagan practice, the consequence of which, according to Loíguire, is death. Loíguire’s intent to kill Patrick is a recurring motif, even after he first agrees to submit to the saint.103 But as Miliucc’s experience already showed, Patrick and Christianity cannot be defeated, and Loíguire soon comes to the reali‐ sation that it is his life that is endangered rather than that of the cleric. Loíguire’s option is therefore life or death and in order to live he reluctantly converts. In this instance, the fusion of many elements – biblical conventions, traditional lore and a structured plot – combine to make a dramatic narrative set-piece that becomes the crux of the Life. In this single episode Muirchú establishes Christian and Patrician dominance. With this settled Muirchú has Patrick move on to perform miraculous deeds and establish a new seat of power at Armagh. The subsequent section, which starts the second book of the Life, is made up of ten chapters, seven of which relate miracles performed by the saint – Monesan’s conversion and death, Coroticus’ transformation into a fox, Benignus’ vision of

101 Bieler (1979): see for instance lifting the druid into the air, 90–91 (§ I 17(16)), and the competition with and defeat of the druid Lucet Máel, 92–97 (§ I 20(19)). 102 Bieler (1979): the lifting the druid into the air is found at 90–91 (§ I 17(16)) in Muirchú and 130–31 (§ 8.6) in Tírechán; the story of Benignus is found at 94–97 (§ I 20(19).9–13) in Muirchú, and 130–31 (§ 8.3–4) in Tírechán. 103 Bieler (1979), 86–87 (§ I 15(14).5), 90–91 (§ I 18(17).1 and 6), 96–97 (§ I 20(19).14).

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the heavens, Macc Cuill’s conversion and Patrick’s resurrection of the bandit’s pagan accomplice, Patrick’s cursing of the pagans working on Sunday, Dáire’s resurrection and subsequent gifting of the land of Armagh to Patrick, and finally the flooding of the land at Mag Inis. A further three chapters are focused on Patrick’s dedication to prayer and highlight his depth of spiritual awareness. The problems concerning the reconstruction of the text are evident in this middle section of the Life, as the Book of Armagh does not contain the miracle stories concerning Monesan, Coroticus and Benignus. Nonetheless, the story of Mone‐ san and Benignus are comparable to similar episodes found in Tírechán’s Life, and so are likely to have been in existence in the seventh century.104 Moreover, these stories are found in the other manuscripts which contain the Life, strongly suggesting their inclusion in the original text. The absence of these stories from the Book of Armagh has, however, lead to a difficulty in the reconstruction of this section. In his edition Bieler places the three stories at the beginning of the sequence, whereas Howlett places them at the end. Fortunately, despite these issues of reconstruction, the sequence of the chapters does not affect the flow or meaning of the work as each miracle story is contained in a single chapter.105 Although disparate accounts, covering narratives about pagan wrongdoing as well as successful conversion stories, the initial seven chapters of this section work together as examples of Patrick’s miraculous power, while the final three (in the Bieler reconstruction), which also contain miraculous content, focus on Patrick’s spirituality. Whilst not dramatic in the same way as the previous section, together, these tales are fundamental in establishing Patrick as the head of the Irish Church, and it is no coincidence that this includes the founding of Armagh. Together the stories form a unit, which formalises Patrick’s saintly credentials and his position as the leader of the newly Christian island.106 This structure is directly related to other well-known vitae, which also sought to prove their protagonists’ saintly abilities by including representative miracle tales, such as in the Life of Saint Martin.107 This template of sanctity was expected of most saints and is reflected in the use of common miracles in many texts. Some of the episodes, however, have a strong connection with extant Patrician traditions, grounding Muirchú’s narrative even further within an existing and accepted framework. For example, the story of Coroticus, although much changed, finds its origin in Patrick’s Epistola, while

104 The story of Benignus is very similar to that in Tírechán and must originate from the same tradition. See Tírechán, Bieler (1979), 130–31 (§ 8.3–4). Similarly, the story of Monesan is comparable to Tírechán’s episode about the conversion of the daughters of Loíguire as they contain strikingly similar elements. Bieler (1979), 98–99 (§ I 27(26) = B II 1) for the story of Monesan, and 142–45 (§ 26) for the story of the daughters of Loíguire. For a discussion Dawson (2012). 105 Bieler (1979), 98–99 (§ 27(26) = B II 1). 106 The purpose of this section is laid out by Muirchú in his introduction to the section: Bieler (1979), 98–99 (§ I 22(21)), Sanctus autem Patricius secundum praeceptum Domini Iesu iens et docens omnes gentes babtitzansque eas in nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti profectus a Temoria praedicauit ubique Domino cooperante et sermonem confirmante sequentibus signis. 107 Fontaine (1967–1969).

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Muirchú tells us that the story of Patrick and Benignus is already found in written form.108 So, unlike the first section of the work, which is almost singular in its attention to conversion, this part of the narrative extends Patrick’s biography to include typical saintly elements. It thus helps solidify other crucial aspects of Patrick’s biography and propels the story on towards his death. The miraculous tales in this section are fundamentally different to those that came before them as Patrick works in a predominantly Christian environment – or at least one that has already submitted to Christian dominance. Indeed, in the story of the British princess Monesan the reader sees that Patrick’s fame has even extended beyond the island and word of his work has reached Britain.109 In a further story, concerning pagans working on Sunday, there is an obvious expectation that this type of behaviour is unacceptable in the new order.110 Christianity has established a new norm for social conduct which places it above secular needs. In fact, the individuals described in these sections generally serve one of two purposes – either to extol the virtues of Christianity and the success of Patrick’s missionary efforts or, alternatively, to show how paganism has no place in the new Christian kingdom that Patrick has created. In narrative terms the perpetual dominance of Christianity is established. The individuals in this section are contrasted much in the same way as those featured in the first half of the work. However, instead of facing opposition from an organised hierarchy, in this section of the Life Patrick only encounters pockets of individual resistance. Macc Cuill, for example, is depicted as an outsider from society who lives in the hills killing those who pass by and is a socially disruptive force.111 The story of Coroticus serves as a reminder of the themes of the first book as the cruel king is defeated by Patrick whose prayers turn him into a fox, never to be seen again. But here the depiction of paganism is pushed to the margins as Coroticus is a British king. What’s more the king’s followers partake in his downfall after a poem, calling for him to abandon his seat, is read aloud.112 The king, who should be the centre of power, is marginalised and Coroticus’s fate is oblivion. In this section of the Life Patrick converts Monesan, Macc Cuill and Dáire,113 but fails to convince Coroticus as well as an unnamed man who refuses to allow Patrick to use his field for grazing and a group of pagans who work on Sunday. Like Díchu and Loíguire before them, both Macc Cuill and Dáire intend to kill Patrick but eventually come to the realisation that Patrick and Christianity will endure, and willingly submit to the saint. Indeed, Macc Cuill becomes a paragon of Christian behaviour as the bishop of Man and prelate of Arde Huimnonn 108 See Bieler (1979), 100–01 (§ I 29(28) = B II 2) for Muirchú’s story of Coroticus, and 100–03 (§ 28(27) = B II 3) for the story of Benignus. 109 Bieler (1979), 98–101 (§ 27(26) = B II 1). 110 Bieler (1979), 106–07 (§ 25(23) = B II 5). 111 Bieler (1979), 102–07 (§ 23(22) = B II 4). Sharpe (1979), 75–92. 112 Bieler (1979), 100–01 (§ 29(28) = B II 2). 113 Bieler (1979), 108–11 (§ 24 = B II 6). We are not told directly that Dáire converts but he does gift his land to Patrick and submits to Patrick’s power – conversion is therefore implied.

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– although he is banished from the island for his initial rejection.114 On the other hand Coroticus and the other unnamed pagans who do not convert, are individuals destined to be forgotten and are thoroughly defeated by the saint.115 In these episodes, and particularly those of Macc Cuill, Dáire and Coroticus, the su‐ periority of Christian power over the secular hierarchy is once again highlighted, as they either conform to the new religion or in rejecting it are punished through death. The story of Dáire and the gifting of the land at Armagh to Patrick is indicative of this final transition from the old pagan order to the new Christian kingdom. The focus of the story is not Dáire’s conversion, rather it introduces a new dynamic which sees Patrick assert his position as the leader of this new kingdom through the acquisition of land and gift-giving – a process that was essential to the ultimate success of the religion on the island. The episode sees Dáire gift Patrick the land below Druimm Sailech rather than the saint’s preferred location at the top of the hill. Having accepted the gift, Patrick is angered by Dáire’s continued use of the land. This leads to the death of the nobleman and his horse followed by Patrick’s miraculous resurrection of both. Recognising the power that Patrick yields, Dáire gifts him a bronze cauldron from overseas (a clear indication of its significance) but is unhappy when the saint responds with the cryptic retort, grazacham. Dáire’s confusion is the result of the unusual response from the cleric, which is likely to have Christian origins.116 The story therefore confronts the complications associated with the transition from the old pagan kingdom to the new Christian reality, albeit in an artificially foreshortened way. Ultimately Dáire is impressed by the steadfastness of the Christian leader and gifts him with both the cauldron and the superior land at the top of the hill, thus solidifying the status of the Church.117 In addition to establishing Patrick’s place on the island Muirchú champions the saint’s credentials in this section of the work. He achieves this by highlighting Patrick’s miraculous acts as well as demonstrating the saint’s closeness to God and attention to prayer. Muirchú’s depiction of Patrick as a paragon of Christian virtue is worth some consideration as he predominantly presents Patrick in opposition to pagan authority. Stories such as that of Benignus and the cross at the burial of a pagan are important because, among other things, they show that Muirchú understood Patrick’s role in a variety of ways.118 The story concerning Patrick’s decision to make Benignus his heir, for instance, sees him affirm the young cleric’s credentials when, together, they see the heavens open.119 Moreover, Patrick tests 114 Bieler (1979), 106–07 (§ 23(22) = B II 4, section 21). 115 Bieler (1979), 100–01 (§ 29(28) = B II 2), 106–07 (§ 25(23) = B II 5). 116 Harvey and Power (2005) suggest that the term, which is solely found in the Patrician Lives, is coined from gratias (Deo) agam(us); see 343. 117 This contrasts Liber Angeli which states that Patrick’s allotted territory is inadequate and not suitable for expansion, Bieler (1979), 184–91 (§ 13). 118 Bieler (1979), 100–01 (§ 28(27) = B II 3), 114–15 (§ II 2). 119 Bieler (1979), 100–01 (§ 28(27) = B II 3).

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Benignus’ ascetic endurance by having him pray with him while standing in a river.120 Both aspects of the tale – the opening of the heavens and praying in water – find their origin in biblical tales and are evidenced in the Lives of other saints.121 They therefore showcase Patrick’s saintliness. The story of Monesan stands out as it is the only conversion in the Life where the convert is a willing participant who seeks out the bishop. Monesan is one of only a handful of women mentioned in the Life, and the only woman that has an entire chapter solely focused on her experience.122 The story shares a number of significant similarities with Tírechán’s description of the conversion of the daughters of Loíguire suggesting a common tradition or way in which smaller local cults were incorporated into the greater Patrician fold.123 It offers an example of personal conversion as opposed to the dramatic public confrontations depicted in earlier episodes, and it is importantly remembered not just in writing but also in Monesan’s surviving relics. It stands out in the Life because Monesan’s conversion is primarily related to belief in God. This fits well with this group of episodes as Muirchú continues to show the development of Christianity on the island and highlights a new concern for the cultivation of belief. So, while this section of the work has the appearance of being more disparate than the Tara conversion narrative that came before it, when appreciated as part of a hagiographical scheme, where Patrick’s sanctity is the focus, it is entirely fitting. Indeed, it is a required precursor to the position that Patrick holds in the final part of the work which sees him lead a developed monastic community from Armagh and act as the first leader of the Irish Church. The final section of Muirchú’s Life focuses on Patrick’s death and solidifies his connection to Armagh. Here, the progression of the Christianisation of the island finds its zenith as pagans no longer feature in the work and secular rulers fight over possession of the saint’s body.124 The lengthy description of Patrick’s death and burial is yet another indication of the influence of traditional hagiographic exemplars on Muirchú. In emulating other influential Lives, he makes use of the stream-lined narrative to demonstrate that, as Patrick’s death approaches, Christianity is the dominant power in Irish society. The conversion of the island and establishment of the church is complete and as the saint nears his final days 120 Bieler (1979), 100–01 (§ 28(27) = B II 3). 121 For the opening of heaven see Acts 7:56; for short discussion see Bonser (1937), 385–88. Praying in water is found in other Lives such as Vita Prima Sanctae Brigitae, Colgan (1647), 539 (§ 96); for a translation see Connolly (1989), 42 (§ 94). For a discussion see Ireland (1997). 122 The other women mentioned in the text are Patrick’s mother Concessa, Loíguire’s unnamed queen, Monesan’s mother, and the woman who placed the cross for her son over a pagan grave. Bieler (1979), 66–67 (§ 1.1) for Concessa, 90–91 (§ I 18(17)) for Loíguire’s queen, 98–99 (§ I 27(26) = B II 1) for Monesan’s mother, 114–15 (§ II 2) for the buried pagan’s mother. 123 For a discussion of the daughters of Loíguire see Dawson (2012). Significantly Muirchú says that Monesan’s relics continue to be worshipped, suggesting that her martyrdom was considered important by later Christians. Bieler (1979), 98–101 (§ 27(26) = B II 1). 124 The only pagan mentioned is the corpse who speaks to Patrick telling him that a cross placed above his grave was done so mistakenly, Bieler (1979), 114–17 (II § 2). The fighting over Patrick’s relics is found at Bieler (1979), 120–21 (II § 13(11) and § 14(12)).

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the leadership of the new kingdom is formalised for future generations to come. Many of the details found in this section build on already established traditions and are similar to those in other Patrician sources, such as the Life by Tírechán and Liber Angeli. Following the earlier sections of his work, however, the author presents this material in a more polished fashion that offers the reader a greater degree of narrative structure. This structure not only aids comprehension but also imbeds legitimacy to the author’s unequivocal claims of absolute power for Patrick and specifically Armagh – something which was necessary given the burial of the saint at Downpatrick. This reality must have been a complicating factor for the Armagh community who claimed that Patrick’s jurisdictional pre-eminence lay solely with them, and it may even have been a motivating factor in Muirchú’s decision to write. Indeed, the legitimacy that Muirchú creates for Patrick at the beginning of the work is mirrored in the final sections as he yet again emphasises two aspects of the traditional Patrician story that had resonated with audiences for some time, Patrick’s comparison to Moses and his association with angels, in particular Victor. The section begins as an angel visits Patrick to tell him of his impending death; Patrick immediately begins his return journey to Armagh, quam prae omnibus terries dilexiti.125 However, on the road he encounters the angel Victor who appears in a burning bush and tells the saint that he will not be buried at Armagh but rather Downpatrick. As a result, Patrick makes four requests (including that pre-eminence lie with Armagh), all of which are granted. This first episode of the death story therefore squarely shifts the readers focus away from Downpatrick to Armagh. This is achieved not just through Patrick’s expressions of love for Armagh and stipulations regarding its future, but also in the interaction between the saint and his angelic visitors, who were already synonymous with the monastery. The journey to and arrival at Downpatrick are not part of the narrative that follows. Instead, Patrick’s treatment after death and details that reaffirm his sancitity predominate, as he is watched over by men and angels who leave behind them the sweet smell of honey. Finally, two oxen lead Patrick’s body to his burial place, which is presented as a place chosen because of its anonymity rather than its significance, and the Life ends with the message that access to Patrick’s relics must always be protected in order to secure peace. Muirchú, therefore, creates a fitting tribute to his protagonist, where Patrick’s centrality to the Irish Church, is emphasised through the miracles of evasion employed to protect his body. In doing so, he simultaneously draws a line between the saint’s burial place and his primatial legacy, which has already been formalised in the preceding Dáire episode. So, while the solemnity of Patrick’s final days is emphasised through the presence of the angels and the secrecy of his location, these elements are instrumental in affirming and bolstering the premier position of Armagh.

125 § II 4, Bieler (1979), 116–17.

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Unlike Tírechán, whose understanding of Patrick’s mission is complex and sometimes contradictory, Muirchú presents a story of Patrick that provides a clear narrative of events beginning with the saint’s captivity and concluding with his death and translation. This story was at once influenced by the traditions of early Irish Christianity that had built up over centuries, as well as the writer’s own clear understanding of the religious transformation of the island as an event that involved Christian dominance over pagan Irish society. Indeed, his achieve‐ ment lies in an ability to offer multiple points of reference, making the narrative accessible to the reader on many levels. His use of a hagiographical structure that highlights Patrick’s saintly attributes is just one element of this. The clarity of Muirchú’s approach is also obvious in his presentation of Patrick’s success as a reorientation of power dynamics on the island. Here Muirchú’s use of the Bible and his comparison of Loíguire with Nebuchadnessor, forms an important connection between Irish conversion and Christian understandings of the failings of secular power. The Christian struggle for dominance is at once pitched against the defeat of Loíguire and his household at Tara, but is also played out on a smaller scale in the stories of individuals such as Díchu, Macc Cuill, and Dáire. As the high-king of Ireland however, Loíguire’s defeat is representative of the conversion of the entire island. The success of Patrick’s endeavours is reinforced in the final sections of the Life where possession of the saint’s body is the focus of rivalry between the Uí Néill and Airthir, and the new seat of power, Armagh, is clearly defined. Muirchú’s polished narrative was clearly successful in streamlining the Patri‐ cian narrative and it is no surprise that in later hagiographical endeavours the narrative set-pieces which he so carefully developed become anchors around which further traditions are incorporated. The influence of Muirchú’s narrative is testament to his accomplished writing style, but also his ability to recognise elements of saintly veneration that were meaningful to multiple audiences. The Tírechán narrative is not as overtly influential but also plays an important part in the later tradition. The influence of both Lives demonstrates the achievement of the writers, but also points to the religious changes that had taken place on the island. The time in which these writers composed their Lives was crucial – both benefitted from formal ecclesiastical training, a significant amount of source material, and crucially the backing of an increasingly powerful church institution. But Patrick’s saintly biography was not stagnant and many followed in the footsteps of these writers allowing subsequent communities to engage with the ever-changing cult.

cHAPTER 4

Beyond the Seventh Century

Scholarly interest in Irish saints has predominantly concentrated on the early medieval nexus of these cults, while less consideration has been given to change within these traditions into the later medieval period.1 This is especially evident in the case of the Patrician cult, where despite much interest, attention has focused on two areas – the holy man’s fifth-century writings and his earliest extant Lives, particularly that written by Muirchú.2 But while these aspects of the cult are important, a more holistic approach is required. As discussed in the previous chapters this includes a reconsideration of the early dossier in its totality, but it must also involve an extended appreciation of the cult, that assesses later expressions of the Patrician legend.3 Patrick’s saintly status, after all, was sustained and reimagined over time with the active engagement of successive generations. In the case of the Patrician cult, it was not the Lives written in the seventh century that were most copied in the medieval period, but rather the extended narrative John Colgan named Vita Tertia – a Life that makes use of the earlier tradition but alters and expands it considerably. From the eighth century onwards several vitae were produced, and other shorter and fragmentary hagiographical pieces survive, some of which point to a more expansive corpus that is no longer extant. The narratives written after the seventh century were produced alongside other texts that venerated and celebrated Patrick to varying degrees, including laws, hymns, and poems.4 Like the material that came before it, this tradition was not linear but was written and influenced by individuals from multiple communities. Indeed, this is even more obvious for the later material, where the traditions of the cult are expressed in both Latin and Irish, and the recensions of some Lives of Irish origin show influence from non-Irish audiences. The dissemination of Patrician

1 Maire Herbert’s consideration of Columba is an exception (1996a). There are several studies of Patrick and his biographers within specific religious and political contexts. For instance, Jocelin has received considerably more attention than the authors of the works that he depended upon so heavily. See contributions in Downham (2013) and Birkett (2010). In an early modern context, there have also been important individual contributions, for instance see Cunningham & Gillespie (1995), McCafferty (1998). 2 The twelfth-century Life of the saint by Jocelin of Furness has been afforded a greater degree of attention than any other, see fn above. 3 There are some exceptions that consider later aspects of the cult outside Ireland: Abrams (1993); Bartlett (1999); Picard (2000); Clancy, (2009). 4 For a catalogue of Patrician texts see Bieler (1942); Ó Corráin (2017) provides a detailed analysis of the Irish sources; Dumville (1993) offers analysis of a number of later writings.

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Lives across the Continent points not just to the movement of Irish peregrini but also the interaction of non-Irish Christians with the cult. The development of the vernacular corpus adds a further dimension to our appreciation of how Patrick’s story evolved and the ways in which the authors of his biography created and melded seemingly different traditions.5 The ninth-century Tripartite Life of Patrick, a Life that is predominantly written in Irish but includes some Latin passages, demonstrates that these traditions were far from isolated, but depended on and engaged with each other.6 Indeed, the Latin and Irish of the fragmentary Additamenta and Notulae preserved in the Book of Armagh are a further and earlier indication of this.7 Crucially, the production of Latin and vernacular Lives demonstrates Patrick’s increasing status. The implications of this development are worth emphasizing, as they point to the endurance of the cult and the increasing diffusion of Patrick’s saintly importance. The emergence of the vernacular tradition shows that Patrick’s saintly story was not confines to an elite Latin-speaking readership, but influenced others within Irish society, whilst the broadened horizons of the cult in Britain and the Continent highlights the extensive appeal of the saint to wider Christian audiences. However, while we can be certain that the cult expanded greatly from the seventh century onwards, the cultural and intellectual avenues through which this occurred are far from clear. How the various literary branches of the cult evolved is uncertain and it is difficult to say whether they were part of one great enterprise, loosely connected or entirely separated. Whatever the case may be, the diversification of the cult as well as the fact that the saint gained a more expansive narrative, demonstrates that his saintly tradition was embedded in and evolved as part of multiple communities. An appreciation of why certain elements of Patrick’s biography were priori‐ tized by different communities at particular times may allow us to bridge just some of the considerable gaps that exist in our knowledge of this complicated dossier. Research in this area offers great opportunities in understanding the Patrician cult and its achievements, the dynamics of saintly veneration by multiple and successive Christian communities, and the ways in which these traditions were articulated by writers who were separated by time, geography and sometimes language. The corpus as a whole can inform our understanding of an important point of development in Irish literature, whilst shedding light on the individual and shared cultural, religious and social environments in which each text was produced. This chapter seeks to situate the varied strands of hagiographical material that survive from the eighth century onwards, particularly those that predate the Latin Lives Vita Secunda, Tertia and Quarta. Chapter Five offers a more in-depth consideration of the growth of the Hiberno-Latin hagiographical tradition through an analysis of these oft neglected Lives. The focus in these 5 The most recent and best discussion of these dynamics is found in Johnston (2013). 6 Stokes (1887). 7 Bieler (1979), 166–83.

Beyond the seventh Century

final chapters is limited to the Latin Lives produced in Ireland, however this is not without acknowledging the equally important vernacular tradition that was developing in Ireland or the contribution of non-Irish communities to Patrick’s story (an aspect of the cult that still requires scholarly attention).8 Despite these necessary parameters, however, the Latin works are considered within the broader contexts of the wider cult.

The Legacy of the Seventh Century It is clear that the seventh-century Lives by Muirchú and Tírechán offered later Patrician hagiographers a blueprint from which to build their own biographies. However, these later works are not mere re-workings of the older texts, rather the Patrick that emerges boasts a significantly developed biography and operates in a different Christian landscape – no doubt a reflection of the realities of the time in which the later writers lived. By the end of the seventh century the core story of the saint’s missionary work had been formalised, and the writings of Tírechán and Muirchú were highly influential on this. Patrick was now understood as the converter saint of the Irish, the leader of a developed church as well as the head of the church at Armagh. In addition, the seventh century hagiographers had helped to forge and establish important miraculous narratives about the saint that reflected seminal appreciations of his role and function. As discussed in the previ‐ ous chapters, Patrick’s role was a complicated one, which was not just about the jurisdictional dominion of Armagh. Indeed, even though Muirchú’s Life shows that the community at Armagh expressed the cult as centred on their monastery, it is not clear whether other communities appreciated Patrick, first and foremost, as a representative of the federation. Rather, in a similar situation to Brigit, it is probable that Patrick was a saint whose role, status and influence functioned differently according to those who venerated him.9 Indeed, the Lives by Tírechán and Muirchú point to this veneration in its various forms – the Patrick of the seventh century is a converter, a miracle worker, a pastoral leader, a travelling preacher as well as a monastic founder. So while Patrick was broadly understood as the father of the Irish Church, his role was nonetheless multifaceted. The Patrician writings produced immediately after the seventh century to varying degrees show the influence of the earlier Lives on later traditions. The continual importance of Muirchú’s Life is evident from its recensional history, 8 A striking example of this, which often goes unnoticed, is the fact that four out of the nine extant Patrician Latin Lives that survive from before the twelfth century were not written in Ireland. They are the composite Life found in the Historia Brittonum, Dumville (1993), the Life by William of Malmesbury, Winterbottom & Thomson (2002), the Life of Patrick by the elusive Probus, Bieler (1971), and the Life by Jocelin of Furness, Sperber, Bieler and Downham (forthcoming). For discussions of non-Irish Patrician material see Abrams (1993), Bartlett (1999), Picard (2000a) & Clancy (2009b). 9 Dawson (2017) & Charles-Edwards (2004a) for discussions.

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where the work is found in various continental manuscripts; Tírechán’s Life, however, does not appear to have fared as well with the only copy surviving in the Book of Armagh.10 This is not surprising given the author’s focus on local traditions, but it may also be because the work was superseded by later Latin Lives, which incorporated elements of its content. Later audiences, even those on the Continent, were therefore made familiar with at least some of the traditions of Tírechán’s work. The Life of Patrick by the elusive Probus,11 which can only be dated to any time between the mid-ninth and eleventh centuries, and was prob‐ ably produced at Glastonbury, is a good example of this; here Probus depends heavily on Muirchú, but on various occasions makes use of Tírechán.12 While it is unclear whether Probus had direct access to the text of the Collectanea or was even aware of Tírechán’s authorship, the relevant passages are similar and extensive enough to show that he at least saw a relatively faithful copy of several passages from the text. The importance of earlier writings to later Patrician authors is also evident in the use of Patrick’s own fifth-century testimony where they continue to include details from the Confessio useful to their enterprise. The importance of the Confessio to the wider cult lay not just in the information it provided but perhaps most crucially in the legitimacy that Patrick’s words offered. Again, Probus is a useful example – he depends on its content on various occasions showing that even writers outside Ireland familiarised themselves with and referred back to the seminal text.13 Indeed, as Patrick was a British cleric his testimony may have been especially important to a community such as Glastonbury. Patrick’s personal testimony was not dispensed with upon the production of more Lives, and while the Confessio cannot be said to play a central part in the saint’s developing biography, the writing and elements of its content were important to his story. While the existence of a letter penned by the saint was of seminal importance, its content was not necessarily sacrosanct. Indeed, the edited version of the Confessio found in the Book of Armagh shows that scribes were not averse to picking and choosing the evidence that best suited their intentions.14 The Lives produced after the seventh century therefore demonstrate that Patrician traditions, whether established in the recent or distant past, formed an important platform from which the cult and its associated narratives could expand.

The Eighth Century and Beyond The expansion of Patrick’s cult from the eighth century onwards is especially evident in the production of further Lives, the development of the Patrician story

10 11 12 13 14

Bieler (1942). See Bieler (1971), 191–219 for the text. Thornton (2004a) provides a biography of the writer. Bieler (1971), 39–42 discusses the sources. Bieler (1971), 39–42. Dumville (1993), 191–202.

Beyond the seventh Century

and the geographical spread of the writings. Precisely how the narrative expanded and who affected this change is unclear. This is not helped by the fact that the dossier of later Patrician writings is highly fragmented, with many texts no longer in existence. As a result, scholars have had to speculate about the date, origin, and authorship of most of the texts. As it stands the extant Hiberno-Latin Vita Secunda, Tertia and Quarta are speculated to have been written sometime between the ninth and eleventh centuries, however it is acknowledged that they all depend on one or more Lives that are no longer extant and may have been produced as early as the eighth century.15 The surviving writings are therefore part of a compli‐ cated textual landscape that operates across different stratified contexts and times. Indeed, the assertions made by Tírechán and Muirchú about the expansive status of their patron are, by the eighth century, evident across a plethora of sources. To date, however, little has been done to offer a clear picture of their connectivity or individual uniquenesses. The idea that Patrick is father and chief representative of Irish Christians, is reflected not just in the reach of the hagiographical corpus, but in a range of other sources that acknowledge his status in varying ways. For instance, the numerous canons attributed to Patrick in the Collectio Canonum Hibernensis offer proof of an island-wide recognition of the saint’s unique role as the head of the Irish Church (a role that does not necessarily imply Armagh pre-eminence).16 As discussed previously, this is a core aspect of the cult that is evident in the earliest written sources that mention Patrick. Nonetheless with each further iteration of Patrick’s centrality to Irish Christianity this perception became increasingly embedded in the minds of multiple communities – from those who engaged with the cult on a frequent basis to those who had a more fleeting connection to the saint. It is not always easy to identify the reach of a saint across different communities and times, but in the case of Patrick, the existing texts offer some opportunity to do so. This is especially the case because writings concerning or featuring the saint were produced in several environments; Armagh has naturally been a focus, but other Irish communities commemorated the saint, as well as groups outside of Ireland who made a crucial contribution to the prestige and endurance of the cult over time. It is within the context of Patrick’s extensive troupe of clerical disciples and associates that the saint is mentioned in the early eighth century poem by the Irish peregrinus Cellanus. This short poem, either written or commissioned by the Irish abbot of St Fursa’s monastery at Péronne in Picardy, celebrates the dedication of a church to Patrick.17 This is the first clear indication of the physical cult on the Continent, and the fact that it is facilitated by the foundation of another Irish saint

15 See the introductory essay by Byrne and Francis (1994) for details, and further discussion in Chapter Five. 16 Wasserschleben (1885). For a more recent edition and translation see Flechner (2019). 17 For the text and commentary see Howlett (1997) & (2003/4).

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demonstrates the status that Patrick was afforded by multiple Irish communities.18 That the community at Péronne dedicated a church to the holy man shows that he was an important part of their devotional practice, and perhaps that Patrick was already a known saint in the area. Indeed, contacts with Irish peregrini from as early as the sixth century must have significantly impacted the reach of the cult. This is something that occurred even before Tírechán and Muirchú wrote their Lives, and a reference to Patrick in the seventh-century Life of St Gertrude of Nivelles is clear proof of this.19 Here the author writes of Gertrude’s death on the 17 March, recognizing the correlation with Patrick. Patrick’s death-date was therefore already acknowledged outside Ireland, even if this information emanated from the Irish community of monks at Fosse. Importantly, engagement with Patrick’s cult outside of Ireland was not static and there is evidence that nonIrish communities were themselves expanding the saint’s traditional biography, adding elements that reflected their own beliefs and needs. To varying degrees the Lives of Irish origin formed part of a landscape of veneration that influenced these non-Irish communities, and in some cases may even have been the impetus for the cult to develop. The Continental and English recensions of Vita Tertia demonstrate this engagement, but there are other examples.20 Thomas Owen Clancy, for instance, speculates that Muirchú’s suggestion that Patrick came from a region known as Ventre may have influenced later Scottish generations to claim a connection between the saint and Dumbarton.21 Similarly, Clancy suggests that Muirchú’s narrative, which states that the bishop Palladius travelled to the Picts after his failed mission to Ireland, may have been a core tradition that influenced the beginning of the saint’s cult in Scotland. The cult of Patrick outside Ireland was therefore influenced by evolving Irish traditions but developed into specific and localized pockets of worship, some of which, in turn must have impacted the continual reimaging of the saint in Ireland. The celebration of Patrick alongside other Irish saints and the development of his persona outside communities of direct Armagh influence is also a feature of his associated writings. A clear example of this is the presentation of the saint in the Brigidine Life Vita Prima Sanctae Brigitae.22 The composition date of Vita Prima remains uncertain with strong arguments for both a mid-seventh-century date or a later eighth-century composition. What is certain, however, is that it must have been written by the eighth century as it is the basis for the ninth-century Life known as Bethu Brigte.23 Although the writer of Vita Prima has not been identified the Life was undoubtedly produced by a cleric who hailed from an Uí 18 This is not the first time Patrick is mentioned in a Continental context – the saint is also named in the seventh-century Life of St Gertrude of Nivelles, daughter of Pippin the Elder, see Krusch (1888). 19 See fn above. 20 Bieler (1971), 115–90. 21 Clancy (2009). 22 For an edition see Colgan (1647); Connolly (1989) provides a translation; Dawson (2017) offers a fuller discussion of Patrick’s role in the Brigidine Life. 23 Ó hAodha (1978).

Beyond the seventh Century

Néill-controlled area, possibly a part of what was once greater Leinster. Vita Prima is especially important to understanding the dynamics of saintly veneration in Ireland as it contradicts many scholarly assumptions about the ways in which the cults of saints functioned on the island in the early medieval period. Specifically, it shows that both Patrick and Brigit were celebrated by multiple communities and did not solely function as representatives of rival churches.24 This is especially evident in the presentation of Patrick in the Life. Here Patrick, in conjunction with his cohort of saintly bishops, facilitates Brigit’s travels around the island, and specifically outside of Brigit’s native Leinster. The interaction between Patrick and Brigit is clearly delineated by the anonymous writer who presents the saints as equals even though the specifics of their roles are quite different – Patrick is the institutional leader and converter saint, whereas Brigit is the leader of a female religious community and is shown to have a particular affiliation with the wellbeing of the Irish people. The Life is just one source which demonstrates that by at least the eighth century (if not earlier) Patrick was routinely appreciated as the founder of Irish Christianity, was often connected with other Irish saints and had become a singular representative of the religion on the island. The success of Patrick’s cult should not, therefore, be entirely aligned with that of Armagh, even though the foundation and saint are thoroughly entwined. Indeed, while successive Armagh communities were central architects in the preservation and development of Patrick’s saintly legacy, the unique success that Patrick came to enjoy cannot simply be explained by institutional control of the cult, and the impetus to commemorate Patrick, while central to Armagh’s success, was not just theirs alone.25 Despite this, it is because of the community at Armagh that many Patrician texts survive, and they clearly played a seminal role in preserving, advancing and celebrating the importance of the saint.

The Book of Armagh The ninth-century Book of Armagh offers some important evidence on how the Patrician dossier developed in the centuries following the production of the Lives by Muirchú and Tírechán. Indeed, the manuscript is a crucial part of our understanding of the Patrician cult from its earliest inception up to the ninth century, offering a unique insight into how successive generations engaged with Patrician writings. Importantly, the structure of the Book suggests that some of the Patrician material included in it was gathered from other locations, showing that the Armagh community appreciated the cult in its widest extents.26 The

24 Charles-Edwards (2004a). 25 The eighth-century supplementary Notes to Tírechán’s text in the Book of Armagh go some way in demonstrating this, as they set out the expectations for the celebration of Patrick’s feast day not just in Armagh affiliated churches but across the island, Bieler (1979), 166–67. 26 Sharpe (1982a).

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manuscript preserves the saint’s own testimony and early hagiographies, as well as some fragmentary eighth-century texts. The enterprise which was led by the chief scribe Ferdomnach, alongside at least two other scribes, came about at the request of their abbot, Torbach in 807.27 Richard Sharpe’s assessment of the codex was the first to argue that the Book was initially intended for personal use (presumably by Torbach) and was not produced for the purpose of veneration, even if it would eventually become a relic of some importance.28 A further number of important observations have been made, namely that the manuscript can be divided into six self-contained booklets,29 that despite a clear ‘house style’ the codex was worked upon by a number of scribes, and that it was produced using material present at Armagh and perhaps sources brought from elsewhere.30 Recent explorations of the manuscript point to a consciously imposed archaism on the part of the scriptorium at Armagh, that may have sought to validate the credentials of the monastery.31 The contents of the manuscript include the earliest extant full copy of the gospels in Ireland, a number of Patrician texts and the Life of St Martin by Sulpicius Severus.32 The Patrician material is made up of an edited version of Patrick’s Confessio (but not the Epistola),33 the Lives by Tírechán and Muirchú, and several shorter pieces such as the early seventh-century Liber angeli and later eighth-century Notulae and Additamenta. Of the three scribes who worked on producing the codex, two – Scribe A and Scribe F (Ferdomnach) – were involved in copying the Patrician material. In isolating the various hands that copied the Patrick works Richard Sharpe conjectures that the sections copied by Scribe A (the Lives by Muirchú and Tírechán as well as the Additamenta and possibly the Notulae) were part of an existing single source which he calls the ‘Composite Life’.34 He argues that the Composite Life was available to Scribe

27 Charles Graves (1846) first identified Ferdomnach’s ascription and reference to Torbach, through which he was able to date the manuscript. Sharpe’s assessment remains essential (1982a). For a more recent consideration see Brown (2021). 28 Sharpe’s influential study is essential reading in relation to all these points (1982a). For the later use of the manuscript see Casey (2016). 29 On the division into booklets see Sharpe (1982a), esp. 5. See also Kenney (1968), 338. 30 This has been accepted by many scholars including Best (1958), however Sharpe (1982a) is less convinced. 31 Arguments for this were put forward by Michelle Brown, Joseph Flahive and the present author at the conference, ‘The Liber Ardmachanus and Armagh scriptorium’ hosted by the National University of Ireland on 10 December 2022. 32 The Royal Irish Academy website www.confessio.ie gives a full description of the manuscript contents alongside the digitized original. 33 Dumville (1993) provides an edited copy of the Confessio preserved in the Book of Armagh, 191– 202. 34 Dumville is not convinced that the Notulae were copied by Scribe A, see (1993), footnotes 9 & 10, 204.

Beyond the seventh Century

A and that he copied this ‘master text’ into Torbach’s book.35 If this is the case, the hagiographical material produced from the mid-to-late seventh century already existed in combination alongside each other. This source was itself a combination of texts that were brought together over time – a gradual synthesis that remains evident in the manuscript. Structural features in this section of the manuscript, such as text breaks and the priority given to capital letters, highlight this process of consolidation. R. I. Best first noticed that the so-called Breuiarium (an underlying text made up of the Lives by Muirchú and Tírechán as well as the notes supplementary to Tírechán) formed an original text, which can be identified because of the distinctive cursive ad ligature that is found solely in this section of the manuscript.36 The preservation of a growing Patrician dossier starting with the Breuiarium, followed by the Composite Life and finally the Book of Armagh Patriciana testifies to the continual development of the Patrician dossier at Armagh, although the motivation behind each enterprise is not always clear. The other Patrician material that Ferdomnach separately copied into the Book of Armagh offers further insights into the nature of the project. Sharpe refers to this group of texts as the Supplementum. The Supplementum is made up of Muirchú’s Preface and capitula (separated from the main text), Liber angeli, and an edited version of the Confessio. The fact that this material was copied by Fer‐ domnach independently from the other Patrick works, has led to suggestions that some of it was collected outside Armagh and incorporated into the manuscript towards the end of the production.37 However Sharpe believes that the texts were present at Armagh but were included by Ferdomnach as an afterthought.38 It is his estimation that the writings in question had, by this point, been ‘rejected from the biographical tradition’.39 There may be some validity to this assessment given that Liber angeli and the Confessio are older texts, however, the use of the Confessio should not be dismissed out of hand, particularly because the writers of post-seventh century vitae were mindful to consult the saint’s own words. Moreover, Liber Angeli and the Confessio are of special significance as they record the words of Patrick and the angel, both of whom confer the position of Armagh. As such the pairing of these texts could be intentional. It should also be noted that the Additamenta and Notulae (discussed in more detail below), which are contained in the Composite Life copied by Scribe A, were themselves considered archaic in nature. Indeed, Hood’s suggestion that Ferdomnach received the capit‐ ula to Muirchú’s Book I after Scribe A had finished copying the Life proper, is eminently plausible, especially as the capitula record all of the chapters in Book I, while Scribe A worked from a version of the text that was missing chapters 27

35 Sharpe (1982a), 15. Thomas Charles-Edwards (2012), 6, provides a useful visual of the textual tradition. 36 Best (1958), 106. 37 Sharpe (1982a), 9. 38 Sharpe (1982a), 14. 39 Sharpe (1982a), esp. 15.

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to 29. In other words, the capitula record all of the known chapters in Muirchú’s work, but the main Book of Armagh text is missing three of these chapters. So, while the Book of Armagh shows that generations of monks at the monastery preserved Patrician writings their dossier was not complete. The possibility that the scribes pursued material that was not available in Armagh is, therefore, very possible. What’s more the inclusion of texts, may have been more purposeful than has been previously accepted. That the material in the Book of Armagh was included because of its perceived antiquity is suggested in the absence of the traditions related in the later HibernoLatin Lives, many of which were undoubtedly extant by the early ninth century.40 If this is the case, the texts contained in the manuscript and even those that were compiled after the Lives by Muirchú and Tírechán – specifically the notes supple‐ mentary to Tírechán, Additamenta, and Notulae – were considered archaic parts of the Patrician legend. Whilst short and fragmentary these texts are an important link between the earliest surviving vitae of Muirchú and Tírechán and the later Latin tradition found in Vita Secunda, Tertia and Quarta. They are the first extant post-seventh-century documents to focus on the saint (although other writings not found in the Book of Armagh include cursory references to Patrick).41 They are short prescriptive documents, and both the supplementary notes and Addita‐ menta contain some narrative elements. The notes supplementary to Tírechán were part of the Breuiarium and as such were the first writings combined with the seventh-century Lives before the incorporation of the other Patrician texts that came to form the patriciana of the Book of Armagh. The notes contain material relating to Patrick’s biography, sanctity and institutional legacy. The way in which Patrick is appreciated aligns with previous writings, containing details of Patrick’s age, his similarity to Moses, the instigation of his mission and finally his death. In addition, they record a number of petitions made by Patrick (something which also features in Muirchú’s Life). But while the nature of this material is not new, the detail does not always tally with older sources. For instance, the three petitions of Patrick contained in the notes state that any Irish person who does penance (even on their last day) should not be sent to hell, that the Irish not be ruled over by a foreign tribe and finally that the Irish will not live to see the final judgement.42 Muirchú on the other hand writes of four petitions, and while there are similarities these are far more focused on Armagh. Here the earlier writer states that Patrick asked for the pre-eminence of Armagh, to judge those who recite his hymn before death, for the success of Díchu’s descendants, and finally

40 Sharpe (1982a). 41 If Vita Prima Sanctae Brigitae, Colgan (1647), predates these texts it also offers a relatively lengthy account of Patrick, however this is in the context of Brigit’s biography. 42 Bieler (1979), 164–65.

Beyond the seventh Century

to judge all the Irish on the day of judgement.43 Further discrepancies are found in the calculation of Patrick’s age as well as the details regarding the beginning of his mission. Most of these differences are the result of individual interpretations and appreciations of the same story, however the Armagh focus that is evident in Muirchú’s text is entirely missing from the notes. It is likely that the writer of the notes made use of a different source or perhaps wrote from elsewhere. That two, sometimes contradictory versions of the petitions are found alongside each other in the Armagh dossier suggests that the community sought to preserve the details of the cult even where discrepancies existed, and perhaps that they were unclear as to which was the correct version (although they may have considered them all correct). What’s more it also suggests that the importance of placing Patrick at Armagh, which is demonstrated in Muirchú’s text, did not remain an ongoing concern for the community. The notes also offer some new detail about the cult, most importantly a full description of the celebration of Patrick’s feast day. This is the earliest known description of such a celebration. The text is precise in its directions, namely that the saint should be celebrated for three days and nights and despite the date falling during lent should include good food (although no meat), that mass be offered for Patrick, and that his hymn and Irish canticle be chanted throughout the time of celebration. Importantly, these liturgical instructions are addressed to all churches and monasteries throughout Ireland – again suggesting an audience that extended beyond Armagh.44 Whether such celebrations took place across Irish monasteries by the eighth century is unclear, however the intention of the instruction suggests that Patrick’s feast day was a significant and important celebration for many communities. What’s more the direction regarding Patrick’s hymn and the Irish canticle point to an existing and recognisable liturgical framework for the saint. The instruction finishes with a proviso that any founder of a church or monastery, or leader of a paruchia should be afforded the same honour – a further though subtle nod at Patrick’s leadership as head of the Irish Church. Whether these notes were attached to Tírechán’s work or were part of his scheme (which seems less likely), their inclusion in the Breuiarium suggests a composition in the first half of the eighth century. Whilst short, the effort by scholars to calculate Patrick’s age, the intention to preserve his associated traditions and place him within historical, Roman and Christian contexts, and finally to formalise these traditions through practice speaks to the vibrancy of the cult. The final two texts preserved in the Book of Armagh, which post-date the Lives by Muirchú and Tírechán, are the Additamenta and Notulae. The two pieces offer some insight into how the Armagh community preserved their writings and traditions. These texts were combined with the Breuiarium in the second

43 See petition one in particular, Bieler (1979), 116–17. Bieler (1979), 44, has pointed to these differences and suggests that the three petitions of the notes may in fact have been part of Tírechán’s Life, however he offers no reason for this assumption. 44 Bieler (1979), 166–67.

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half of the eighth century and their composition is confidently dated to this period through contemporary references to kings and dynasties.45 Each of the texts combines Latin and Old Irish to varying degrees. The Additamenta is the most intelligible of the two texts while the content and purpose of the Notulae are particularly cryptic. Despite the difficulties that the texts pose, both the Additamenta and Notulae are clearly centred on Armagh and must have been produced at the monastery or in one of its constituent foundations, such as Trim. It has been speculated that the text known as the Notulae, which appears to be a list of shorthand notes, is a key to further writings that do not appear in the manuscript but which the Armagh community were familiar with.46 Bieler describes them as a ‘series of catchwords’ and various hypotheses have been put forward as to their function, but it is generally agreed that they are some kind of index to Patrician material that no longer survives. It seems that some of the later Patrician writers may have had access to this lost material, as the Tripartite Life offers some parallels.47 Little information can be gleaned from the content of the Notulae, however its existence is proof of the extension of the written corpus and shows that significantly more material about the saint existed – material that, for whatever reason, was not incorporated into the Book of Armagh. The Additamenta is the lengthiest of the two texts and is often compared to Tírechán because it is concerned with the jurisdictional claims of the Patrician cult. The text can be divided into three separate traditions or groups; group one is concerned with the British missionary Lommán and Trim, the second with Con‐ nacht and the final with Leinster.48 Given the differing focuses of these sections they must once have been independent of each other and then combined to form the text as presented. Together the sections offer little in terms of the expansion of Patrick’s biography as they are more concerned with Patrick’s disciples rather than the saint himself. Nonetheless, they offer a window into the ecclesiastical politics of the eighth century and the ways in which constituent Patrician churches forged their relationship with Patrick and the monastery at Armagh (something which is especially evident in the sections concerned with Lommán and Trim). Although far more intelligible than the Notulae, the text is preceded by a scribal note that points to the difficulty the content presented later scribes, as well as the archaic nature of the text.49 The scribal notes included before the text (whether written by Scribe A or his predecessor who worked on the Composite Life) suggest that the material was copied as an act of antiquarianism rather than for more practical reasons. The scribal note reads:

45 46 47 48 49

Bieler (1979), 47–48 & 52. Mulchrone (1952) & Bieler (1954). Mulchrone (1952) & Bieler (1954) for discussions. Bieler (1954). It is unclear if these notes are the work of the Book of Armagh scribes or those who preceded them. If, as Sharpe (1982a) contends, they were contained in an existing Composite Life then they predate Ferdomnach’s enterprise.

Beyond the seventh Century

Incipiunt alia pauca serotinis temporibus inuenta, suisque locis narranda, curiossitate heredum dilegentiaque sanctitatis, quae in honorem et laudem Domini atque in amabilem Patricii memoriam usque in hodiernum diem congregantur.50 Again, it is difficult to say whether this statement originates with the Book of Armagh scribes or their predecessors, but the two concluding scribal notes that follow the text, which were clearly penned by different scribes at different times, demonstrate the difficulty the material presented later audiences as well as an ongoing tradition of preservation at Armagh.51 The first concluding statement goes: Finiunt haec pauca per Scotticam inperfecte scripta, non quod ego non potuissem Romana condere lingua, sed quod uix in sua Scotica hae fabulae agnosci possunt; sin autem alias per Latinam degestae fuissent, non tam incertus fuisset aliquis in eis quam imperitus, quid legisset aut quam linguam sonasset pro habundantia Scotaicorum nominum non habentium qualitatem.52 This is followed by a break in the manuscript and a final statement by a later scribe that asks readers for their prayers. This is most likely Scribe A, and his comment, scripsi hunc ut potui librum, while not as direct as that of his predecessor, offers a further indication of the disconnect between later generations and the material of the Additamenta. The transactional nature of the Additamenta may well be a reason for these comments as by the ninth century Trim had an accepted and well-established connection with Armagh. The preservation of the text, however, provides another example of Patrician writing that contributed to the development of the cult and perceptions of the saint. Even though some of the texts included in the Book of Armagh were now considered obsolete, the scribes and Torbach saw fit to combine them in the manuscript and it acts as an acknowledgement of the work of previous generations as well as the deeply imbedded legacy created for the saint by the early ninth century. Although scattered and sometimes incomplete, the surviving eighth- and ninth-century evidence for the Patrician cult demonstrates significant develop‐ ment of the cult narrative beyond the seventh-century Lives. The progressive development of the Patrick texts in the Book of Armagh shows that successive generations at the monastery were interested in preserving these traditions, even if some writings were considered outdated. On the other hand, the presence of Patrick in multiple texts that were produced outside the Armagh sphere shows that the development of Patrick’s biography was not inherently linked to his chief foundation. What’s more by the eighth century Patrick’s place as head and chief

50 Bieler (1979), 166–67. 51 Bieler (1979), 49. It has been suggested that the Additamenta was first presented in this way by the ninth-century scribes of the Book of Armagh, however Bieler argues that this happened at an earlier date. 52 § 17, Bieler (1979), 178–79.

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patron of the Irish Church was firmly established in this tradition. Vita Secunda, Tertia and Quarta expand these traditions even further and it is through these works that Patrick is presented to a growing international audience. It is to these texts that we now turn.

cHAPTER 5

Expanding the Tradition: Vita Secunda, Vita Tertia & Vita Quarta

Introduction The additional material in the Book of Armagh points to the extension of the Patrician narrative from the seventh into the eighth century. The manuscript hints at some of the details of this expansion but there are considerable gaps in our appreciation of the process that underlies these developments. Similarly, Patrick’s association with a range of Irish clerics and saints in the written and even mate‐ rial record demonstrates an increasingly ingrained understanding of him as the figurative leader of the Irish Church. Whilst the origins of these developments are not fully understood, they are, nonetheless, reflected in the extended narratives found in the Latin Lives Vita Secunda, Tertia and Quarta, and the predominantly Old-Irish Tripartite Life.1 These Lives greatly expand upon the earlier tradition and refocus the cult in ways that were necessary for each production and its immediate community. Nonetheless, these works are complex. The writers of the Lives remain unknown and attempts to ascertain their composition dates have proved difficult (dates of anywhere from the eighth to eleventh century have been suggested for the works). Despite the lack of contextual evidence, however, their impact should not be underestimated, especially as the Latin works survive in multiple British and Continental manuscripts. The Latin Lives, which are the focus of this chapter, survive only in manuscripts produced outside the island of Ireland. Vita Tertia is the most copied of all the medieval Patrician Lives.2 It was these Lives that Colgan included in his Trias Thaumaturga in 1647 and which influenced understandings of the saint in the early-modern period; indeed, the names of the Lives were assigned by the Franciscan friar.3 For early-modern scholars such as Colgan, the works were a core and central element of the Patrician story. The Louvain scheme set out to preserve and bring together as much material as possible, however the Lives by Muirchú and Tírechán are notably absent. Colgan was aware of the existence of the earlier works through Ussher’s 1639 Britannicarum Ecclesiarum Antiquitates but clearly did not have access to copies of either Life. This demonstrates the difficulties that he and his collaborators faced when compiling their work, but it also tells 1 For editions of the Latin Lives see Bieler (1971); for the Tripartite Life see Stokes (1887). 2 For a full description of the manuscripts see Bieler (1942). 3 Colgan (1647).

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us something about early modern knowledge of the cult. Indeed, any Lives that were known and available were included in Colgan’s endeavour. That Vita Secunda, Tertia and Quarta were appreciated for their contribution to Patrick’s biography, and that copies of the texts were traced is indicative of their influence on the Patrician narrative.4 Unfortunately, these Lives have been afforded little attention by modern scholars, even though they played a central role in medieval and early-modern understandings of Patrick’s biography.5 This is likely because of the complicated preservation of the works which leave many seminal questions unanswered, such as authorship, date range and place of production. But it is also the result of the focus on the origins of Patrick’s legend following the ‘rediscovery’ and first published edition of Muirchú’s Life by Sir William Betham in 1827.6 This focus was coupled with an assumption that the later Lives (particularly the Latin works) were of little literary merit and merely expanded upon a tradition that was already established by the earlier Patrician hagiographers Tírechán and Muirchú, in a linear and unimaginative way. The later Lives remained a feature of the scholarship but were appreciated as legendary extensions of the earlier texts. An example of this is Bieler’s treatment of the Lives in his work The Life and Legend of St Patrick where he makes a clear differentiation between the early and later works, assessing the seventh-century Lives in Chapter Four, entitled ‘The Real St Patrick: The Evidence of the Lives’, while the later dossier is discussed in Chapter Five, ‘A Literary History of the Patrick Legend’.7 Similarly, his 1971 edition of the works was not undertaken with the intention of developing further scholarship in the immediate area. Rather he saw it as an enterprise useful to his reconstruction and edition of the earlier seventh-century works in The Patrician Texts in the Book of Armagh, particularly because of the information the texts offer towards the reconstruction of Muirchú’s Life.8 Similarly, the ongoing scholarly debates in Irish history over the twentieth century (including nativist/revisionist approaches), whilst necessary in detangling the fifth-century Patrick from his legendary persona, did little for considerations of the cult in its entirety.9 These developments highlighted the edifying and political nature of hagiography and led to an appreciation of Patrick the saint within proper historical contexts. But while the earliest Patrician texts, particularly Muirchú’s Life, have received some

4 Colgan was aware of the existence of the Book of Armagh via Ussher but never accessed its full contents, Gwynn (1913), cviii. For a discussion of Colgan see Cunningham (2013). Ussher, who had the Book of Armagh in his possession in the early seventeenth century, made little use of the material at his disposal. Sharpe (2007), esp. 12 and 61–63. For a discussion of Ussher’s library see Alan Ford (2007), esp. 208–20. 5 Francis and Byrne (1994) are the only exception in relation to the Latin Lives. 6 Betham (1827). 7 Bieler (1949). 8 Bieler (1971), vii. 9 For a discussion of these debates see Moody (1978). Binchy (1962c) has been especially influential on the study of the Patrician corpus.

exPanding the tradition: Vita Secunda, Vita tertia & Vita Quarta

attention as part of this reassessment, Vita Secunda, Tertia and Quarta have not garnered the same interest and have been especially neglected. Little or no thought has, therefore, been given to the creativity of this group of Lives and their anonymous writers, or the important engagement that existed between Patrician devotees and their saint in expanding, redefining and even stabilising aspects of the saint’s legacy. The lack of appreciation of the Lives has implications for scholarly understandings of the cult, particularly before the twelfth century, where it is often perceived as a static entity that essentially survived on the coattails of seventh-century traditions.10 Certainly, there is an ebb and flow to the devotion of saints, but the importance and centrality of the medieval Patrician cult cannot be explained through what is often presented as a relatively passive process of expansion and preservation. Indeed, the cultivation of Patrician traditions outside of Ireland shows that a robust process of engagement with the cult took place. This is something that is reflected in writings by individ‐ uals such as Probus, who is likely to have written from the important cult site of Glastonbury; even in the act of rewriting aspects of Muirchú and Tírechán’s works Probus demonstrates the increasing importance and influence of Patrician devotion.11 This chapter is a starting point that aims to bring Vita Secunda, Tertia and Quarta into considerations of both the history of the Patrician Church as well as understandings of Irish and Continental hagiography more generally. Problems of dating and authorship remain, but some effort has been made to reflect on the literary merit of each Life and its contribution to the greater Patrician cult. The place, role and importance of the Patrician narrative to Christian communities is at the forefront of this examination, with attention given to the development of the texts in Ireland as well as their revision on the island and elsewhere. This two-tiered approach in the first instance acknowledges the importance of the core, original texts and traditions that lie at the heart of these works, but also seeks to appreciate the fluidity and malleability of these hagiographical endeavours overtime. Unlike the Lives by Tírechán and Muirchú, whose compositions are preserved in their original (or at least close to it), the later Patrician works, particularly Vita Secunda and Quarta, do not exist in their earliest form. Rather, the Lives as we find them today, demonstrate that they were active texts which were frequently copied and subject to change. This is evident not just from the extensive number of manuscripts that preserve them, but also from the multiple recensions and often-confused structures of some of the versions that survive, no doubt the result of scribal error or mismanagement over time. As a body of evidence, the works are therefore unique witnesses to the vitality and advance‐ ment of Patrician devotion in the medieval period, both in Ireland and abroad.

10 This is despite an acknowledgement that Vita Tertia was especially influential on later iterations of the cult; see Birkett (2010) and Flanagan (2013) for a discussion of the sources used by Jocelin. 11 For the text see Bieler (1971), 191–227; for a discussion of Glastonbury see Abrams (1993). Bieler (1971), 39–40 is less convinced of a Glastonbury link.

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This chapter considers the Lives as individual contributors to an ever-evolving Patrician cult. First, it is necessary to begin with a discussion of the complicated manuscript and recension history of the works as well as their potential place and time of production. Following this specific attention will be given to the earliest and arguably most faithful to its original, Vita Tertia, followed by a discussion of the connected texts Vita Secunda and Quarta.

The Manuscript Tradition An examination of the manuscript traditions of Vita Secunda, Tertia and Quarta is no easy task. Vita Secunda and Quarta are considered separate Lives but derive from the same exemplar known as W, and while Vita Tertia contains some com‐ mon material with the other works, it is part of a different tradition.12 A number of manuscripts combine elements of the two traditions – the best example of which is the preservation of the Vita Secunda preface in versions of the Vita Tertia text. Some of the scribes and the communities who preserved these works, it seems, sought to add material to the writings already in their possession.13 That the texts were copied in non-Irish circles is obvious from the frequent errors in spelling Irish personal and place names and Latin Hibernoisms that are a feature of most manuscripts.14 Indeed, in the case of Vita Tertia the now lost archetype, on which the extant recensions are based, was almost certainly produced in Britain (it in turn was based on an Irish original).15 Most of the manuscripts that preserve the works date later than the twelfth century and in some instances as late as the seventeenth century.16 The condition of these manuscripts is such that Bieler had little option but to normalise spellings in his edition – a situation that is not favourable to understanding the earliest strata of the Lives or potential links between recensions, exemplars and sources.17 To overcome the difficulties of the manuscripts, he includes a significant amount of additional information alongside the texts, but freely admits his inability to pursue some important routes of investigation.18 The manuscript tradition makes clear that the texts were copied on various occasions, that changes were made to them perhaps in Ireland but certainly after they left the island, and that the now lost exemplars on which they

12 Ó Corráin (2017), 269, refers to Vita Quarta as ‘a recension of Vita Secunda’, however whilst the Life is probably a later development of the text it also offers a fuller appreciation of the W tradition. As it preserves the greatest number of episodes it is treated as a separate Life. For a discussion of the manuscripts and their shared elements see Bieler (1942) & (1971). 13 The differences between the Continental and English recensions of Vita Tertia, see Bieler (1971), 13–25, as well as the additions made to Vita Quarta, see Bieler (1971), 5–9, point to such changes. 14 This is a feature of most of the surviving manuscripts: Bieler (1971), 1–39. 15 Bury (1903), 214. Bury designates the siglum W to the lost archetype. 16 Bieler (1971), 1–39. 17 Bieler (1971), 3. 18 Bieler (1971), 1–39 points to the issues on various occasions.

exPanding the tradition: Vita Secunda, Vita tertia & Vita Quarta

were based were themselves already removed from other original compositions, which also do not survive. A short consideration of each manuscript tradition is needed in order to demonstrate how their specific contexts affect readings of the vitae. I begin with Vita Secunda and Quarta – the two texts are connected and con‐ sidered twins having derived from a common exemplar. Together, Vita Secunda and Quarta represent two strands of a shared common original, which Bury called W (the text on which the writer of the Old-Irish Tripartite Life based some of their work).19 Vita Quarta is lengthier and shows that Vita Secunda is a shortened version of the original exemplar. Vita Secunda, however, appears to represent a more archaic version of the textual tradition and is preserved in the greater number of manuscripts.20 The manuscripts that preserve Vita Secunda range in date from the eleventh to the seventeenth century. Bieler identified three strands or recensions: H representing a now lost twelfth- or thirteenth-century manuscript from Saint-Hubert in the Ardennes which is preserved in Colgan’s Trias Thaumaturga, β representing a group of five related Belgian and Northern French manuscripts, and finally a small few sections of the text found in the German manuscript group of Vita Tertia.21 The sections of the Life that are found in all three strands allow for more editorial certainty in recreating the exemplar.22 Where consensus differed Bieler looked to Vita Quarta, the Tripartite Life tradition (which he refers to as r), and Muirchú via Probus for comparison.23 Bieler offers further details on his editorial decisions in his accompanying notes. Whilst the material in Vita Secunda represents the earliest surviving strata of the text, Vita Quarta, which contains ninety-seven chapters compared to thirty-four in Vita Secunda, preserves more of the content of the original. It survives in just a single manuscript, BL 19890 (Bieler designates the signum L for the text), which dates to the twelfth century. Because a sole copy of the text survives Bieler was almost entirely dependent on it for his edition, but the incorporation of sections fifty-one to eighty-five of the Life in the thirteenth-century P text of Vita Secunda allows for some comparisons.24 A difficulty in approaching the two works is ascertaining the point at which they split and deviated from the original W to become two separate works. A few certainties are worth stating. First, that W was the product of an Irish author; this is especially obvious in the relationship that exists between Vita Secunda, Quarta and the Tripartite Life where all three are connected through the inclusion of shared traditions and stories, but it is also obvious in the Irish focus of the content

19 20 21 22

Bury (1905), 271. Bieler (1971), 1–13. Bieler (1971), 1–3. Bieler points out that this is even more difficult because Colgan may not always be reliable in his transcription of the text from the Saint-Hubert manuscript, (1971), 3. 23 Bieler (1971), 3. 24 The manuscripts were both produced in Aulne-sur-Sambre, Belgium, which explains the connection.

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as well as the inclusion of Irish personal and place names.25 As to whether Vita Secunda and Quarta were separate entities before they travelled outside of Ireland is more difficult to determine. Nonetheless, it is suggested in certain differences between the texts. For instance, the inclusion of Old-Irish in a small number of sections of Vita Secunda suggests that the Life in its current form came into being in Ireland and that it is likely to have been aimed at an Irish readership.26 Vita Tertia is by far the most copied of all the Patrician Lives and given the geographical spread of the manuscripts in which it is found, it appears to have been more widely distributed than any other Patrician Life. As such it made a significant impact on appreciations of the saint’s biography in the medieval period and beyond. The Irish origins of the Life are again evident in the use of Irish proper names, but also in the authors reference to the island as haec insula.27 That changes were made to the Life after it was brought to England is clear from its two recensions. Bieler identified two distinct recensions of the Life, Γ designating the Continental recension and Π the English recension. A distinctive element of Γ is the inclusion and addition of the preface and second epilogue of Vita Secunda (and Quarta) specifically chapters 1–11 and section 94 of the second epilogue.28 Γ survives in eleven manuscripts, from which Bieler isolated six specific witnesses; manuscripts R, B, E, T, and S are single witnesses, while the final witness, α represents a total of seven manuscripts. The latter is distinctive because it preserves a confused structure of the Life. Together the Γ manuscripts all date in range from the twelfth to the fourteenth century. The English recension of the Life, Π, is preserved in three manuscripts designated O, C and D, while an abridged version, Bieler’s Ti, survives in both the fourteenth-century Sanctilogium and Historia aurea of John of Tinmouth.29 In addition, the Life of Patrick written by William of Malmesbury at some time between 1129 and 1135 (a work that only survives in notes made by John Leland), is predominantly based on a Π text of Vita Tertia (although it is possible that William also had access to a copy of Vita Secunda or Quarta).30 These notes act as an important comparative text for the English recension. A further important independent witness to Vita Tertia, which belongs to neither the Γ or Π recension, is a shortened version of the Life produced by Hermann Greven of Cologne in the fifteenth century (known as Gr). Bieler notes that ‘it is a very faithful reproduction of its Vorlage’, and surmises that, structurally, it is probably more representative of an earlier stratum of the

25 26 27 28 29 30

This connection was first established by Bury (1902) and Bieler (1971), 7–10, expands upon this. For instance, Vita Secunda includes Irish in the main text at § 32: Bieler (1971), 85–86. Bieler (1971), 25. Bieler (1971), 24. Bieler (1971), 22. Bury (1902–1904) offers an earlier discussion. William’s connection to Glastonbury seems to have been a main motivation in producing a Life of Patrick and his heir Benignus. Both Lives are a further indication of the vitality of the cult at the monastery. For the Lives see Winterbottom and Thomson (2002), and for further discussion see Thomson et. al. (2018).

exPanding the tradition: Vita Secunda, Vita tertia & Vita Quarta

text.31 The work allows for comparison between the two recensions, and crucially offers a more understandable structure of the Life. It is for this reason that Bieler includes it in the main alongside side his separate editions of Γ and Π. Bieler and Bury before him, have shown that the archetype from which both recensions derive was not the original composition or parent Life produced in Ireland.32 Rather, all of the surviving manuscripts derive from a version of the text that was copied in Britain. Bury first pointed to the inclusion of two distinct British glosses that are found in both Γ and Π, which must have been present in the archetype. In addition, he confidently identified the insula Tamerensis in the work as the island of St Nicholas on the river Tamar, suggesting that the Irish original was changed by and for a new audience based in the West of Britain.33 So, even though Vita Tertia is considered more faithful to its original Irish compo‐ sition than Vita Secunda or Quarta, the copies that were made outside the island show that these communities made changes to the text, albeit relatively conserva‐ tive changes. Importantly, however, the additions that were made succeeded in further establishing Patrick’s importance and connection to these communities. It is clear that non-Irish contributors to the Patrician cult were now influential on the development of the tradition. An excellent example is the reintroduction to Ireland of Vita Tertia material via a now-lost Life that has come to be known as the Opus Tripartitum, which James Ussher, James Ware and Geoffrey Keating all refer to and quote from in their writings.34

Dating & Authorship The importance of the Lives to an understanding of the Patrician cult is clear, however a major obstacle in appreciating their contextual history is the difficulty in ascertaining their place and time of composition. There are few established certainties about the time at which the Lives originated, and the successive changes made to the surviving texts complicates this task further. In particular it means that linguistic evidence is not always a reliable criterion for dating, and that any internal clues within the narrative may be the result of successive and changing attitudes.35 Even so, important observations can be made through

31 32 33 34

Bieler (1971), 24. Bieler (1971), 26–27; Bury (1902–1904), 212. Bury (1903), 214; Dumville (1996) does not agree. Bieler (1971) offers a reconstruction and commentary, 233–45; he suggests a mid-twelfth century date for the work, although this assumption relies on limited evidence. 35 The Tripartite Life is the best example of these difficulties, where a linguistic analysis of the text suggests a tenth century date with later eleventh century additions. See Jackson (1986) for linguistic considerations, Dumville (1993), 255–58, provides an overview. The value of the linguistic evidence has been questioned by Byrne and Francis (1994), 7, who argue that despite these later features the Tripartite Life is ‘replete with political messages, all internally consistent, which point to a date not later than c. 830’.

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a comparison of the narratives and the detail they share. The Tripartite Life is particularly important in this regard as both Vita Tertia and W were influential on the Irish text. The Irish Life is not dated later than the eleventh century, providing a terminus ad quem of the early eleventh century for the production of the original Vita Tertia text and W. This is, however, a conservative date for the Irish work, and scholars have suggested that the Life was composed as early as ninth century.36 If this is the case both Vita Tertia and W could date to the first half of the ninth century or earlier.37 In terms of the Latin Lives most scholars have tended to accept Vita Tertia as the earlier of the extant works, placing Vita Secunda and Quarta (in their surviving forms) later. Ó Corráin is confident of an eighth century composition date for Vita Tertia, while Kenney suggests the original was composed no later than the second half of the ninth century.38 Lapidge and Sharpe are vaguer about Vita Tertia, drawing their conclusions from the available manuscript evidence and stating only that it was produced any time before the twelfth century.39 Vita Secunda and Quarta are further divorced from their original W and as such the composition date of the primary text and its later iterations must be treated independently. Francis John Byrne and Pádraig Francis suggest that the now lost W was composed at some point in the eighth century.40 Kenney also opted for an eighth or ninth century date for the underlying text.41 Lapidge and Sharpe, alongside Ó Corráin, do not provide dates for W but instead query an eleventh-century composition date for Vita Secunda and Quarta in their current form.42 The Lives (or the traditions that underlie them) therefore may date to as early as the eighth century or as late as the eleventh. To date, only two possible names have been suggested as potential authors for the Lives – Colmán na mBretan, abbot of Slane (d. 751) and Cíarán, abbot of Dísert Cíaráin (d. 775).43 It is suggested that either may have been the original author of W; the evidence for both attributions, however, is not sufficiently robust to offer further certainties on the time and place of composition. Colmán’s author‐ ship is the suggestion of Byrne and Francis, who conjecture that his connection

36 Dumville (1993), 255–58. Based on a contextual reading of the Life Byrne and Francis (1994) believe the Tripartite Life should be dated to c. 830. Mulchrone (1939) believed it to have been written during the reign of Cenn Gécáin, King of Munster from 895–901, while Herbert (1999) suggests it was completed by the end of the tenth century. 37 Mulchrone (1952 & 1958) suggested that the Notulae of the Book of Armagh could represent the traditions preserved in W, however this is far from certain. 38 Kenney (1968), no. 134; Ó Córráin (2017), no. 219. 39 Lapidge and Sharpe (1985), 107. This follows Bieler’s contention that the Life cannot be precisely dated and could have been written anytime between c. 800 and c. 1130, Bieler (1971), 26. 40 Byrne and Francis (1994), 6. 41 Kenney (1968), no. 133. 42 Lapidge and Sharpe (1985), nos 365 & 366; Ó Córráin (2017), no. 219. 43 Colgan suggested that the seventh-century Irish cleric Ailerán was the possible author of Vita Quarta, however given the date of the text this cannot be the case; Colgan (1647), 35 and 44, fn. 1. For Cíarán see Bury (1905), appendix 7, 271; for the suggestion of Colmán see Byrne and Francis (1994), 14–15.

exPanding the tradition: Vita Secunda, Vita tertia & Vita Quarta

to Slane and possibly Wales, as well as the legal credentials of his monastery make him a potential candidate for authorship.44 Certainly, Slane, with its obvious affili‐ ation to Armagh and links to the development of the Patrician narrative may well have continued to foster the Patrician legend after the seventh century. Nonethe‐ less, the other inferences made by Byrne and Francis are based on circumstantial, and in some cases speculative details. For instance, they suggest that Colmán’s soubriqet, na mBretan (of the Britains), is an indication of his ‘familiarity with [the] Welsh language and topography’ – perhaps a tantalising inference but one that is far from precise.45 On the other hand Colmán’s connection to the Southern Uí Néill monastery at Slane offers a likely scenario as to why the author of W used and had access to the traditions of the Brigidine Life Vita Prima Sanctae Brigitae. This fact points to a likely authorship in Southern Uí Néill territory but does little more in terms of identifying an individual author. What’s more, as we will see, the writer of W is not concerned with Armagh, but instead focuses on Patrick as a saint who represents multiple communities and aligns with well attested saintly exemplars. Colmán’s suggested authorship is, therefore, at best a useful example of the type of individual we would expect to pen a Life of this kind, or worst a distracting red herring. Whatever the case may be, without any further detail the suggestion of Colmán as author whilst attractive is far from convincing. A further Uí Néill-based cleric has been suggested as the author of W. Ar‐ guably the most plausible of the two writers, this is Cíarán, abbot of Dísert Cíaráin in Bealach Dúin (now present-day Castlekieran, Co. Meath). He is mentioned as part of a list of Patrician authors, including Ultán and Ailerán, that survives in the Tripartite Life.46 As the cleric was active during the eighth century Bury proposed that he could be the author of W.47 Cíarán’s southern Uí Néill connections mean that he too was ideally placed in accessing the traditions of the Brigidine Vita Prima. As discussed previously the writers of the earlier seventh-century works boasted different affiliations; Ultán worked from Ardbraccan, Tírechán may very well have been educated in Ardbraccan, although his Life is concerned with the Patrician Church in a general sense and more particularly in Connacht, Muirchú has clear associations with Armagh (but also some connection to Slane and perhaps Kildare through Cogitosus), while the author of Vita Prima Sanctae Brigitae was almost certainly from southern Uí Néill territory. Multiple monastic houses were therefore influential on the tradition, and presumably continued to develop it. While it is difficult to say if Cíarán was the author of W, his mention in the Tripartite Life and affiliation with the Uí Néill Dísert Cíaráin at the very least makes his authorship contextually plausible. By at least the tenth century, Bealach

44 For a list of reasons see Byrne and Francis (1994), 15. The Brigidine traditions referred to in (e) are incorrectly assumed to originate with the Vita Tertia author, but instead are taken from Vita Prima Sanctae Brigitae; for a discussion see Dawson (2017). 45 Byrne and Francis (1994), 15. 46 Stokes (1887), 60–61. 47 Bury (1905), 271.

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Dúin also appears to have had a close affiliation with the Church at Armagh. In 922 the Annals of Ulster note the death of one of its stewards, Carnach son of Flann, who is described as ‘stewart of the community of Armagh from Bealach Dúin to the sea and from Bóinn to Casán’.48 If this connection was in existence in the eighth century it could offer a potential motivation for Cíarán to write a Life of the saint, although in the case of W a connection to Armagh is not a prerequisite for authorship. No potential author has been suggested for Vita Tertia, although the work demonstrates that whoever wrote it is likely to have come from the North, was well versed in aspects of the Patrician legend, and at the very least had a copy of Muirchú in front of them. Byrne and Francis posit that the Life was ‘composed at Lismore in the last quarter of the eighth century for transmission to Landévennec in Brittany; thence it found its way to Glastonbury (the fount of the Π recension) and to Germany (the Γ recension)’.49 The precise reasons for these assumptions are not laid out by the authors, but the suggestion of Lismore as a possible place of production is presumably the result of the Munster (specifically Cashel) episodes that feature in the Life.50 The inclusion of these stories, however, may have more to do with the increasing importance of the Munster kings and Patrick’s centrality to the Irish Church in the medieval period rather than a specific connection on the part of the author.51 Indeed, taking the Life as a whole, the authors consistent return to the North in the text suggests a plausible adherence to that part of the island. Ultimately, changes to the language, content and structure of the Lives over successive generations means that firm conclusions about their composition dates are difficult. Moreover, as it stands there is simply insufficient evidence to ascer‐ tain a place of production for Vita Tertia, W or its successors Vita Secunda and Quarta. The works were, however, composed in Ireland, and it seems probable that Vita Secunda and Quarta were in their current form before they left the island. There is even less possibility of ascribing authorship to any individual, however some inferences about the regions in which the Lives were produced are possible. Nonetheless, the changes made to the Lives demonstrates the vitality of the Patrician tradition in the medieval period. Indeed, taken together the surviving Lives are evidence of a cult that was not stagnant but underwent significant development after the eighth century. The complications of the contextual evidence have meant that scholars have shied away from examining the later Latin Lives in any robust way. Indeed, when considering the expansion of the Patrician narrative after the seventh century

48 maer muintire Aird Macha ó Beluch Dúin co muir 7 ó Bóainn co Cossán, AU 922.1; Etchingham (1999), 211. 49 Byrne and Francis (1994), 8. 50 Bieler (1971), 158–62. 51 Patrick’s Munster connection was established by the seventh century and is borne out in the Munster law tract Cáin Fhuithirbe. See Breathnach (1986), 49–50.

exPanding the tradition: Vita Secunda, Vita tertia & Vita Quarta

preference is often given to the extended but ostensibly later vernacular Tripartite Life over the Latin material.52 This is despite the fact that Vita Secunda, Quarta and the Tripartite Life draw on W, while Vita Tertia directly influenced the extended Irish Life. Certainly, the Tripartite Life preserves some of the same traditions as the Latin Lives, but they are not wholly homogenous texts, and their structures, audiences and presentations of Patrick differ, sometimes considerably. Perhaps the relative contextual certainties of the seventh century Lives have also led to a perception that little value can be garnered from an exploration of the later Patrician tradition in all its iterations (hence the extended narrative of the Tripartite Life has by default become a favoured reference point). It should be acknowledged that while the specific contexts of these works are difficult to ascertain, broader appreciations about the texts and the environments in which they were produced are achievable. The simple fact is that the right questions have not yet been asked of the available material. The Irish and Latin material produced in Ireland and, in some cases altered elsewhere, individually and collectively, have the potential to offer significant insights into the changing and developing role of Patrick in the history of Irish Christianity that is all too often taken for granted. This is especially the case for the later medieval Patrician narrative which is not simply a rendering of the Lives by Muirchú and Tírechán but reflects a changing and dynamic Irish Church that continually looked to the Christian world for inspiration and inclusion, as well as a Patrician cult that was beginning to function in diverse communities. It is within this context that Vita Secunda, Tertia and Quarta as well as the Tri‐ partite Life, must be appreciated. While the underlying text is always important, so too are the ways in which the Lives developed and changed over time. There are reasons why Patrick’s own writings as well as those of the seventh-century biographers were used and reused by later generations, and reasons why these groups added and removed material from the corpus, all of which are tied up in considerations of people, place, politics, tradition and more. In the case of the later Patrician Lives, we are often unable to offer a strict timeline for such changes, nonetheless there is scope for understanding the development of Patrick’s biogra‐ phy and status more broadly. What’s more it is only through an appreciation of the longue dureé of Patrician veneration that the phenomenon can be more fully understood. The later Hiberno-Latin Lives, for instance, collectively point to the growing importance of the materiality of the Patrician cult, something which may be linked to the growing renown of Patrick as a saint and by extension Armagh as a cult centre. Additionally, it is indicative of the increasing importance in the materiality of saints’ cults.53 As this is a consistent trend in the later Lives, it can be assumed that these objects (many of which are not mentioned in the earlier strata of Lives) became increasingly synonymous with and representative of the 52 For example, see Charles-Edwards (2000), 12–13, who discusses the development of the Patrician tradition but only refers to the Tripartite Life as a later expression of the cult. 53 Overbey (2012) & Wycherley (2016).

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Patrician story after the seventh century. The ability of these material objects to speak to multiple audiences is a further reason for this enduring and developed element of the cult. But while the Lives often display a shared appreciation of the cult, they are also individual in their presentation of the saint, with Vita Tertia representing one branch of the tradition and Vita Secunda and Quarta another. In order to appreciate the individual and combined contribution of these Lives to Patrick’s cult the remainder of this chapter focuses on their content, including their source base, structure and narrative. We begin first with what is probably the earliest of the Lives, Vita Tertia, after which the sister-Lives Vita Secunda and Quarta will be considered.

Vita Tertia Of the surviving Hiberno-Latin Lives, Vita Tertia is often considered to offer the most in terms of originality and detail. What is more, it is a text that appears closer to its original than the other surviving later Lives. The writer of the Life demon‐ strates a strong awareness of the extant writings concerning the saint, specifically the Lives of Muirchú and Tírechán as well as Patrick’s Confessio and Epistola, and has an interest in the North, suggesting that they had a particular affiliation with the region. Perhaps surprisingly, while it was the most copied of the Patrician works on the Continent, unlike the other later Lives (including the Tripartite Life), it does not develop a story of Patrick’s childhood outside of Ireland. Rather, it follows the template set down by Muirchú and Tírechán and begins at the time of Patrick’s captivity. In terms of structure, the Life could be described as an amalgamation of the earlier seventh-century works with some additions, but as we will see there is a certain mastery to the way in which the writer uses their source base to create a new appreciation of the saint. Moreover, despite the writer’s adherence to previous models the Life is demonstrably innovative, including new material and emphases that result in the creation of a familiar but unique Patrick for its audience. Before considering the structure and content of the Life, some appreciation of the author’s source base is necessary. The Vita Tertia writer appears to have worked from a range of original sources, and for this reason some scholars have suggested that it is the most complex or interesting of the later Lives in terms of composition.54 Certainly, because of the author’s use of earlier writings we are on firmer ground when appraising their intent and writing process. The writer does not, however, refer to the material they use, but the incorporation of existing writings is evident in the narrative elements of the Life, and on some occasions, content is directly copied from these works. The Vita Tertia writer, however, states that a great number of texts about Patrick already exist, and refers to

54 Bieler (1971), 33; Byrne and Francis (1994), 8.

exPanding the tradition: Vita Secunda, Vita tertia & Vita Quarta

knowledge of over sixty writings (the nature of which is not elaborated upon).55 Whether accurate or not, this appraisal of the written corpus at the very least suggests the perception of a robust literature concerning the saint. There are no other references to written material in the work. Indeed, the only insight into specific influences on the author are found in a number of statements about sites and objects that the writer says are extant at the time of composition.56 Our appreciation of the writer’s source base therefore depends almost entirely on a comparison with other extant texts. Vita Tertia is most clearly influenced by Muirchú’s Life, and of all the iden‐ tifiable sources it inspires the greatest number of stories in the work.57 This dependence ranges from aspects of subject matter to direct dependence on the earlier text, and suggests that the Vita Tertia author had access to Muirchú’s Life or at the very least a version of it that was close to the original. For instance, the writer closely follows Muirchú’s description of the competition between Patrick and the druid Lucet Mael, and on occasion copies directly from the earlier text.58 But while there are a number of occasions where Vita Tertia closely relies on Muirchú, overall, it predominantly draws on his narrative scheme, editing this material where necessary. In some cases, this involves shortening particular stories (the story of Macc Cuill for example), whilst in other parts of the work elements of the Muirchú text are changed entirely. So, despite the significant use of the text there is not blind adherence to it. These changes are especially insightful as they show that the Vita Tertia writer, or perhaps others who preceded them, were engaged in developing and altering elements of Patrick’s saintly biography. A straight-forward example of this development is the way in which the druid’s poem of the earlier Life is presented in the later work. In the original text, Muirchú takes time to explain the cryptic message of the poem to his readers, stating: Quod nostris uerbis potest manifestius expraemi. ‘Quando ergo haec omnia fiant, regnum nostrum, quod est gentile, non stabit’.59 However, when recreated in Vita Tertia the translation is seamlessly incorporated into the poem proper: Adueniet archicapus cum suo ligno curuo capite, cuius mensa erit in oriente domus sue et populus eius retrorsum ipsius, et ex sua mensa cantabit nefas, et tota familia sua respondebit ei: Fiat, fiat. Hic autem cum aduenerit, deos nostros destruet, templa subuertet, turbas seducet, et reges sibi resistentes occidet; et doctrina eius in modum regni in secula regnabit.60

55 Bieler (1971), 182. The Continental recension states that there are sixty-three writings, while the English recension refers to sixty-six. 56 See the following sections: § 14, § 23, § 37, § 44, § 45, § 54, § 60, § 73, § 79 and § 82, Bieler (1971), 123–79. 57 At least twenty-five of the chapters in the Life depend, directly or indirectly, on the Life by Muirchú. 58 The druid competition appears in Muirchú at § I 20(19), Bieler (1979), 92–97, and is found in the later writing at § 41 and § 42, Bieler (1971), 146–48. 59 Bieler (1979), 76. 60 § 30, Bieler (1971), 135–36; for Muirchú see Bieler (1979), § II 15(13), 80–81.

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The development of the poem in this way shows, not only that this element of the tradition was enduring, but also that its expansion stemmed from the Muirchú text. Other elements of Vita Tertia, while demonstrating a reliance on Muirchú, point to a re-evaluation of Muirchú traditions. For instance, Patrick’s supposed first convert, Díchu, is presented in a far more powerful light in the later work, as he is transformed from a naturally good pagan in Muirchú’s seventh-century scheme to a giant in Vita Tertia.61 As a seminal character in Patrick’s conversion story this is not altogether surprising, although this change is not a feature of Vita Secunda and Quarta. It may, however, be yet another indicator that the Vita Tertia author had a particular interest in the North and particularly the area around Saul and Downpatrick, Díchu’s homeland. A further and perhaps more striking change made to Muirchú’s narrative, however, occurs in the conclusion of the Tara episode, where Loíguire does not convert to Christianity. This is despite the fact that the author is directly inspired by Muirchú’s text for this section of the work. Given the centrality of Loíguire’s conversion in the earlier Life this, clearly deliberate change in Vita Tertia, highlights that while Muirchú was incomparably influential on later audiences and writers, seminal elements of his presentation of Ireland’s conversion were not taken for granted. This change may be the result of other traditions that accepted the high king’s refusal to convert (as evidenced in Tírechán’s Collectanea).62 Nonetheless, the willingness of Vita Tertia to break from the conclusions of Muirchú’s work shows that the author had their own perspective on the history of the saint. It is unclear whether the other identifiable sources in Vita Tertia were available to its author in their original form or through an intermediate text or texts. The writer was clearly aware of both the Confessio and Epistola. Indeed, Vita Tertia is the earliest surviving Life of Patrick to show a familiarity with Patrick’s letter to Coroticus.63 The author does not quote from the fifth-century text but elaborates upon the Coroticus legend laid out in Muirchú’s Life (where the ruler is turned into a fox), by including information about Patrick’s fifth-century letter. The Life therefore demonstrates a greater knowledge of the incident than is presented in Muirchú’s work, and shows that later writers returned to their sources in order to bolster aspects of the Patrician story.64 This is the only reference to the Epistola, and it would seem that the letter remained on the margins of the Patrician tradition. Much like the Lives that came before it, Vita Tertia makes use of the Confessio but only in relation to Patrick’s captivity and return to Britain. Even so the writer may have had direct access to the fifth-century text, and on a number of occasions includes detail that is not present in the extant earlier Lives, and on

61 62 63 64

§ 31, Bieler (1971), 136–37; for Muirchú see Bieler (1979), § I 11(10), 76–80. § 12, Bieler (1979), 132–33. Bieler (1971), § 72, 168–69. For the Muirchú story see Bieler (1979), § I 29(28) = B II 2, 100–01.

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occasion they quote directly from the text.65 Vita Tertia therefore demonstrates the continued value of Patrick’s words but perpetuates the customary use of the work by limiting the influence of the saint’s testimony. The other and last identifiable source that underlies Vita Tertia is Tírechán’s Collectanea. Whilst not drawn upon to the same extent as Muirchú in terms of content, Tírechán’s text provides the basis for the Connacht sections of Vita Tertia (as well as some other stories), and importantly appears to have inspired the structure of the later Life, which follows a geographical template. Much like the dependence on Muirchú, Vita Tertia uses elements of Tírechán’s account to varying degrees, sometimes sticking closely to the original text while on other occasions fashioning it to better suit the new narrative. For example, while Tírechán’s story of the Uí Néill king Conall and his gift of land to Patrick for his great Church, is drawn upon by Vita Tertia, this land is no longer measured out by foot but instead the saint uses his staff to draw out the plot – a hint at the development of the materiality of the Patrician cult.66 Other aspects of Tírechán’s work remain but their impact on the narrative is changed significantly. The important story of the conversion of the daughters of Loíguire, which is seminal to the structural scheme of the Collectanea, remains a strong feature of the Connacht section in Vita Tertia, however the link between the Tara events and the conversion of Connacht which Tírechán imposed on his narrative, is no longer present. Nonetheless, the importance of the Uí Amolngada remains acknowledged, and while members of the kin group such as Énda and his son Conall do not feature in the later Life, stories concerning the importance of Patrick’s early churches in the region associated with them remain and are even reemphasised.67 These earlier sources therefore are influential in terms of their content, struc‐ ture and appreciation of Patrick, but not unlike other saints’ cults, previous depictions of the saint are open to amendment. Together, the sources drawn on by the author of Vita Tertia demonstrate a continuing engagement with previous writings, however the fact that these texts and their authors are not directly acknowledged suggests a process of assimilation that has more to do with the veneration of the saint rather than a conscious rearticulation of a tradition of writing. In bringing together the two distinct narratives by Muirchú and Tírechán the Life is, however, evidence of a process of consolidation between the two accounts. This fusion of Patrick traditions may have already been underway by the time Vita Tertia was composed, but given the writers closeness to and treatment of 65 Use of the Confessio is clear in the following sections of Vita Tertia: § 13, § 14, § 16, § 17, § 18, § 19 & § 20, Bieler (1971), 122–29. 66 For Tírechán see § 10, Bieler (1979), 132–33, and for the later Vita Tertia account see § 44, Bieler (1971), 149–50. 67 These early clay churches are mentioned by Tírechán at § 44, Bieler (1979), 158–59. The Vita Tertia author mentions them again but in a different context, suggesting a general consensus that Patrician traditions were strong in the region from an early point in the Christian history of the island: Bieler (1971), § 54, 155–56.

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their sources the author also played an important part in this process. In bringing together different Patrician traditions the Vita Tertia author creates a new Patrick that aligns better with the saint’s developing cult, whilst also introducing new material to the written tradition. The creation of the Life was not a passive process of amalgamation, but instead saw the writer make important decisions on the sources and stories they would or would not use, as well as the way in which this material was consolidated. This decision making is obvious, for instance, in the choice to deviate from Muirchú’s account of the Tara story, and allow the difficult king Loíguire to remain pagan. That Vita Tertia expresses and creates a new Patrick for a new generation is clear; this is best appreciated through the structural and compositional scheme of the Life, which follows previous models broadly but in terms of detail reflects a developed and established cult landscape. The work follows a chronological structure that begins with Patrick’s captivity in Ireland, his Christian formation and education on the Continent, his return to the island and conversion efforts there, and finally his death in Armagh – a scheme that is strikingly reminiscent of Muirchú’s Life. More specifically, however, the Life sees Patrick complete an imbalanced circuit of the island that includes a considerable amount of time spent in the North and in particular Armagh, as well as travels to Tara, Connacht, Cashel and to a lesser extent Leinster (which is mentioned in only a small number of chapters). The geographical structure of the Life must have been influenced by the sources that the Vita Tertia writer utilised. Tírechán’s geography is an obvious inspiration, as is Muirchú’s focus on particular places such as Tara and Armagh. Unlike the Tripartite Life, which expands Patrick’s territorial story by developing the narrative in almost all Irish regions, Vita Tertia is, however, primarily focused on areas that were already traditionally associated with the saint, for instance Uí Néill territory, the North and Connacht. Indeed, the link between Patrick and these areas, most particularly the North, is engrained even further in the work. This does not necessarily mean that Patrick’s association with these regions is un‐ changed. Rather, while the regional emphasis remains consistent, particular places and areas (some new and some old) are afforded differing degrees of attention, which results in a refocusing of the earlier schemes. There are only two sections in the Life where the writer extends beyond the territorial associations developed in previous extant vitae – the first sees Patrick undertake additional travels on the Continent that are linked to the formalisation of his ecclesiastical credentials, while the second establishes Patrick’s connection to Cashel and Munster more generally. These extensions are far from surprising and in the first instance point to the increasingly developed appreciation of Patrick as an important representative of the Roman Church and its story of conversion, and secondly the political and religious significance of Cashel and the Munster kings. Vita Tertia, therefore, does not push the boundaries of Patrick’s territorial connections in any overt way. Importantly, however, by fusing the geographical associations of the works by Muirchú and Tírechán the Life makes sense of Patrick’s all-island status.

exPanding the tradition: Vita Secunda, Vita tertia & Vita Quarta

Patrick’s travels demonstrate his all-island supremacy and the notable position that he holds in the history of Irish Christianity. When the author came to write, Patrick was already accepted as the head of the Irish church and so there was no pressing need to establish this role for the reader. Rather, this aspect of Patrick’s saintly persona is built upon. The solidification of Patrick’s connection to particular areas through the foundation of churches and the ordination of clerics, which stands out in Tírechán’s text, is not present in Vita Tertia. Rather, the Life sees Patrick encounter various individuals on his travels and these connections serve to deepen established bonds. So, whilst following the circuit structure estab‐ lished by Tírechán, the Vita Tertia writer deviates from the focus on institutional affiliations and instead records the deeds and associations of the saint. It may be for this reason that the Vita Tertia writer, while influenced by Tírechán, rarely copies from the older text verbatim. Whilst Vita Tertia does not rival Tírechán’s Life in terms of the range of places visited or founded by the saint, the work provides a deepened sense of the importance and significance of many sites, some of which remain synonymous with the saint to this day. Only five Patrician foundations are mentioned in the Life; these are, the church built at Saul on the land gifted by Díchu, the great church at Mag Airthir built on the land gifted by Conal, the city of Armagh that is built on land given by Dáire, and finally various clay churches that are associated with Patrick in Connacht.68 Both Downpatrick and Armagh are presented as centres of particular importance and are the only foundations that are described in any detail. Downpatrick is presented as the first church to be established by the saint. The importance of the church is achieved not just because it is the burial place of Patrick but also because it is the site gifted by Díchu, the saint’s first convert. Patrick remains in the area for a number of chapters and his connection to it is solidified through his relationship with Díchu, which is the ultimate reason for his burial there.69 Whilst only introduced in chapter 79 of the text, the centrality of Armagh is acknowledged early on in the work as the author states that the staff of Patrick, which the saint receives from a hermit while on his return journey to Ireland, is now held at the city.70 Much in the same way as Díchu and Downpatrick, the stories concerning Armagh centre on the saint’s relationship with Dáire and his gifting of the land.71 Indeed, the description of Armagh included in Muirchú’s Life is not drawn on by the Vita Tertia author, and instead it is the story of Dáire’s interactions with Patrick that are relayed. Parts of the site are mentioned in the text, but there are no intentional or lengthy 68 While the Wood of Fochloth is mentioned early in the Life, Patrick does not visit the area and his church there is not referred to. § 31, § 44, § 54, § 79 & § 82, Bieler (1971), 136–79. 69 Saul is mentioned first in § 31 where Díchu gifts the land and the church is mentioned, then further in § 32 where Patrick defeats an opposing druid. Nearby Downpatrick lies on the land gifted by Díchu and appears in § 88, § 90, § 91: Bieler (1971), 136–87. 70 This first reference is at § 23 and Armagh is subsequently mentioned in § 79, § 82, § 83, § 88, and § 91: Bieler (1971), 131–87. 71 See especially § 79 and § 82, Bieler (1971), 175–79.

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descriptions of it.72 Rather the importance of Armagh is implicit, something that is reflected in the fact that it is consistently referred to as Patrick’s civitas. This is clearly an instance in which the editing of Muirchú’s earlier story does not affect the status of the subject. The small number of foundations that are singled out in the work are a sign that Patrick’s island-wide achievement is a matter of fact rather than a perception that needs to be reinforced. Other locations which are not associated with a foundation per se are also notable in the text. In Vita Tertia, Croagh Patrick (which first appears in Tírechán’s Life), for instance, is developed as an Irish desert.73 It is from the mountain that, during an altercation with demons in the form of black birds, Patrick rings his bell filling the area with angels who take the form of white birds, and where he makes a number of requests on behalf of the Irish people.74 Cashel is also a place of importance as it is here that Patrick converts Oengus, the king of Munster.75 Whilst baptizing him the saint mistakenly pierces the king’s foot with his staff and after healing him a lasting reminder of the miracle survives – this is Patrick’s stone on which, we are told, the kings of Cashel are ordained. Rome also plays an important part in the narrative as Patrick visits the city and from here is instructed by Pope Celestine to return to Ireland following the death of Palladius. What’s more Patrick is said to have visited the city later in life, where he receives the relics of the Peter, Paul and Stephen as well as a cloth with the blood of Jesus on it.76 Stories such as this must reflect the lived realities of Patrician veneration at the time that the Life was written. It can be no coincidence that many of these sites have strong connections to the cult with associated stories that often incorporate the relics of the saint. In Vita Tertia the number of sites described may be few, but the descriptions of them suggests an engrained memory of Patrick’s connection to them. The geographic division of the Life shows that preference is given to the North and the sites and churches invested in Patrick’s cult in the region, and it is likely that the author had the concerns of these communities in mind. The places that Patrick visits are an important aspect of the narrative but it is ultimately through the people that he encounters that these connections are secured. In addition, the changing fortunes of certain individuals in the narrative best highlight the ways in which the cult was altered in order to reflect the concerns of the author and perhaps even new and changing aspects of Patrician veneration. Specifically, there is a reemphasis on some secular characters in the Life. Loíguire, while still important, for instance is less central to the text, while Díchu is treated 72 The elements of the site that are mentioned are the ferta that lies beside Armagh at § 79, and a spring on the side of Armagh which cured people, § 83, Bieler (1971), 175–79. 73 § 85, Bieler (1971), 180–81. 74 For the original story in Tírechán see § 38 (Bieler, 1979), 152–53. Vita Tertia includes two stories in which Patrick makes requests. The first takes place on Croagh Patrick, § 85, Bieler (1971), 180–81, while the second occurs before Patrick’s death, § 88 Bieler (1971), 183–84. 75 § 60, Bieler (1971), 158–59. 76 § 84, Bieler (1971), 179.

exPanding the tradition: Vita Secunda, Vita tertia & Vita Quarta

in a more individual way rather than as a precursor to the Loíguire story (as is the case in Muirchú’s scheme). Patrick encounters a range of individuals in the text, both secular and religious, most of whom were already incorporated into the Patrician scheme by earlier writers. His connection to religious figures is especially important in the early stages of the Life and Germanus, Martin and Celestine are key in establishing the legitimacy of his credentials and the providential nature of his mission. In the later sections of the Life, however, most of the clerics mentioned reflect earlier traditions and are mentioned in acknowledgement of their significance within specific regional settings.77 Secular figures on the other hand play a far more important role in the Ireland-based sections of the Life. Again, many of these individuals were already established in earlier writings about the saint, however others such as Foilge and Echu son of Craim are new additions.78 Already-established individuals such as Miliuc and Díchu play seminal roles in the conversion narrative in the text, much of which is reorientated away from the Tara episode presented by Muirchú, to centre on the North. The most transformed character in terms of focus and importance in the Life is Díchu son of Trichim.79 The attention given to him is arguably the best indication that the Life was originally composed in the North, and that Saul, Downpatrick and Armagh were important to the writer. The later twelfth-century Life of Patrick by the cleric Jocelin points to the connection between the Armagh and Downpatrick churches, but Vita Tertia is another, earlier indicator of this relationship, even if the specifics of this connection are not always clear.80 Indeed, the willingness of the writer to develop Díchu’s connection to Patrick suggests that the difficulties Muirchú faced in explaining the centrality of Armagh over Downpatrick were no longer a concern. Díchu appears to have played a seminal role in the early Patrician tradition. Although Tírechán does not mention him in his work, Muirchú states that Díchu was Patrick’s first convert and as a result, before his death, the saint made a request that Díchu and his descendants ‘find mercy and do not perish’.81 Díchu is an important individual in the Muirchú Life because of his acceptance of Christianity – something that stands in stark contrast to the subsequent refusal of Patrick’s former slave owner Miliuc to accept the new religion. The fact that Muirchú, a clear promotor of the Armagh Church, includes Díchu and his descendants in Patrick’s final requests points to the importance of the group to the cult even at this early stage in its development. Díchu’s character, however, is not developed significantly beyond this in the seventh-century text, with the exception that we are told that he was the master of a swineherd, that he

77 78 79 80 81

An exception to this is Winnoc, § 71, Bieler (1971), 168. § 59 for Foilge, Bieler (1971), 157–58; § 65 & § 66 for Echu, Bieler (1971), 162–63. Ó Riain (2011), 265. For a discussion of the complexities see Charles-Edwards (2000), 64–67. Muirchú mentions Díchu at § 11 (10), § 14 (13) and § II 6(5), Bieler (1979), 78–79, 84–85, and 116–17. For a discussion see Nagy (1997), 49–59.

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was naturally good in nature, and that upon seeing Patrick he was compelled to convert. This is the impression of Díchu that predominates in a number of later Patrician Lives including Vita Secunda and Quarta and the Tripartite Life. The Díchu of Vita Tertia, however, is veritably transformed when compared to these other depictions. Specifically, in Vita Tertia, Díchu is the first individual of note to encounter Patrick with his role extending well beyond the story of his conversion. His acceptance of Christianity grants him a particular and unique status, but in Vita Tertia this plays out to an even greater degree than in any other Patrician vita, as his connection to Patrick is strengthened through the development of his character. This is first evident when he is described by the Vita Tertia author as a giant.82 The extension of the narrative in favour of Díchu continues as his kinsman Rus son of Trichim is introduced; here the story focuses on the conversion of Rus, an elderly man who at first refuses to convert but is convinced by Patrick after the saint offers to restore his youth. Rus is baptised alongside three of his kin and ultimately chooses eternal life in heaven rather than a long life on earth. In terms of content the story is not particularly unusual in the narrative, and a number of other chapters refer to the restoration of youth as a motivation to convert.83 In the context of Díchu and his descendants, however, the story is seminal in extending their connection to Patrick and participation in his cult. This connection is solidified futher as Díchu acts as Patrick’s emissary in trying to secure the good treatment of a number of Patrick’s people who have been taken hostage by Loíguire – a role reversal that significantly impacts the centrality of the king of Tara to the story (see further discussion below). The change in focus is further evident in the telling of Patrick’s death. Here, the author follows the Muirchú template which sees Patrick encounter Victor in a burning bush on the road, and ultimately leads to the redirection of the saint to Downpatrick rather than Armagh. Whilst similer to the seventh-century story, however, Vita Tertia includes additional detail centred on Díchu and his kin. Specifically, Victor explains to Patrick that he must be buried in Downpatrick because he promised the son of Trichim that his final resting place would be on his land.84 Patrick’s wish for Armagh to retain supremacy is respected, with Victor telling the saint, Noli contristari, quia ordinatio gratiae tuae in Ardmache fiet, dum illum locum diligis.85 The necessity for Patrick to be buried on Uí Díchon land because of his connection to the group whilst merely implied in Muirchú’s work is explicitly stated in Vita Tertia. This, alongside the extension of Díchu’s character solidifies the Downpatrick traditions in Vita Tertia. This is arguably one of the 82 This description is further developed in Jocelin’s twelfth-century Life of Patrick; for discussions of the later Life see Flanagan (2013) and Birkett (2010). A new edition and translation of the Life edited and translated by Sperber, Bieler and Downham is forthcoming. The edition is currently available on the Brepolis Archive of Celtic Latin Literature. 83 § 31, Bieler (1971), 136–37; Rus also appears in Vita Secunda and Vita Quarta, although his conversion story is different, see Bieler (1971), 84–85. 84 This promised is echoed in the genealogies, Ó Riain (1985), 136.2. 85 § 88, Bieler (1971), 184.

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best indications of the affiliations of the writer. Nonetheless, the complicated and elusive relationship that existed between Downpatrick and Armagh means that it is not possible to ascertain authorship in relation to either church more precisely. The Vita Tertia writer clearly has a different appreciation of the importance and centrality of certain individuals and groups to the Patrician story than some other writers. The extension of Díchu’s participation is indicative of this, but so too is the way in which Loíguire is treated. The fact that the king of Tara does not convert is an important aspect of this shift in focus. The Muirchú narrative is clearly an inspiration to the writer, but the changes made to the earlier scheme results in an entirely different story of conversion with a drastically altered political focus, where the fortunes of the Uí Neill are no longer as central. Muirchú’s story of Loíguire and Tara is considered by scholars to be the tour de force of Christian magistrey over pagan resistance in the Patrician narrative, however Vita Tertia questions the centrality of this story for at least some later audiences. Whilst the Tara narrative is a well-attested aspect of the Patrician story, the details were far from fixed, something that is clear from the different treatments given to it by Tírechán and Muirchú. What is most unusual about the approach of the Vita Tertia author, however, is the fact that they draw heavily on Muirchú’s text for inspiration but through a relatively small few changes manage to alter the perception and importance of Loíguire entirely. The author includes an edited version of the Tara narrative laid down by Muirchú and in total only six chapters are dedicated to the encounter.86 The reasons why the author deviates so fundamentally from the original story are likely to be multiple – they may not have been in agreement with Muirchú’s conclusion to the story, the need to focus on an all-encompassing and total conversion could, by the time the author came to write, have passed, or perhaps the author’s want to focus on the north of the island was a motivation in containing and reemphasising this aspect of Muirchú’s Life. Whatever the case may be, the perception of who benefitted from Patrick’s converting achievements is significantly altered. The change in fortunes for Loíguire and the Tara narrative more generally begins early on in the text when the prophetic poem ascribed to the Tara druids in Muirchú’s work, is credited to druids associated with Miliuc and the north of the island.87 The comparison between Loíguire and the biblical king Nebuchadnezzar, which Muirchú deploys to heighten the significance of the king’s conversion, is also missing. Rather, in Vita Tertia Loíguire is introduced in chapter thirty-five where he refuses to offer proper care to a number of Patrick’s people who he has taken hostage. This is the chapter in which Díchu acts as Patrick’s emissary, and the comparison between both individuals is obvious – Díchu represents religious change, while Loíguire is presented as a negative reminder of the old pagan order. Loíguire’s refusal to comply with Patrick’s requests means that following 86 Whilst Loígiuire features in a number of additional sections (§ 31, § 35, § 36 and § 46), the Tara section proper begins at § 37 and ends at § 42, Bieler (1971), 136–51. 87 For Muirchú see Bieler (1979), 76; for Vita Tertia see Bieler (1971), 135–36.

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the competition between the saint and the druids of Tara, the queen and the remaining population convert but the king does not.88 Loíguire’s refusal is not linked to his ancestral duties, as is the case in Tírechán’s narrative, rather the king is presented as a figure who is no longer relevant because of his blind adherence to the old pagan ways. This situation is consolidated in the chapters that follow. It is here that the Vita Tertia writer moves away from the Muirchú narrative to incorporate aspects of Tírechán’s Life of the saint. The Tara narrative is immediately followed by a number of stories that involve other Uí Neill members. The first two concern Loíguire’s brothers Carpre and Conal, where in following Tírechán’s writing, the former does not convert while the latter does. Continuing in the Tírechán vein, Patrick shifts his attention to Connacht, and in a final rejection of Loíguire the Vita Tertia author states that upon seeing the gold and silver idols of Cenn Crúach, worshipped by the king at Mag Slecht, Patrick turned them to dust.89 This final rejection is followed by a relatively faithful version of Tírechán’s original story of the converison of the king’s daughters.90 But, whilst the incorporation of Conal and Loíguire’s daughters acknowledges the important dynastic connection between Patrick and the Uí Neill, it is clear that the focus on the group is altered in Vita Tertia. Aside from Patrick, only a handful of individuals are developed to any extent in the Life – this includes Miliuc, Díchu, Loíguire and later Dáire, and it is notable that three out of the four are associated with the North of the island. Given this focus it is not surprising that whilst Loíguire remains an important player in Vita Tertia, it is instead Díchu and his descendants who are treated more favourably. The reorientation of the narrative in favour of northern traditions associated with the saint stands out plainly in the text. Nonetheless, the overall appreciation of Patrick that emerges in the work is of a saint who affected all regions of the island. The Vita Tertia Patrick is a saint who at once represents the multiple communities that exist across the island and has a special relationship with the local communi‐ ties who celebrate and foster his importance on a daily basis. Patrick is at once the apostle saint sent from Rome, the saint who routes the druids of Ireland, and the cleric whose duty to the kin of his first convert dictates his place of burial. The Vita Terita Patrick therefore represents a cult that is present in multiple and differing communities in Ireland and beyond. The reasons why Vita Tertia survives in the greater number of manuscript copies is not clear. Speculatively, it may be the result of its northern focus and association with Downpatrick, a clear

88 § 42, Bieler (1971), 148. 89 § 46, Bieler (1971), 150–51. For a discussion of the biblical origins of Cenn Crúach see Williams (2016), 182–83, and Dalton (1921–1924). It is notable that § 49 refers to the great Council held by Patrick in Connacht but Loíguire is absent, Bieler (1971), 153–54. Compare to Tírechán’s Life which sees the king sit alongside the saint in passing judgement of the Amolngid, § 15, Bieler (1979), 134–37. 90 The detail of their burial is missing however, see § 47 & § 48, Bieler (1971), 151–53.

exPanding the tradition: Vita Secunda, Vita tertia & Vita Quarta

influencer and cultivator of the cult of the saint. The Life offers an alternative view of Patrick that centres on the cult sites of Downpatrick and to a lesser degree Armagh, and as such it is likely to have made sense to audiences outside of Ireland. Their familiarity with Patrick would have been affected by a range of factors, but especially through knowledge of pilgrimage routes and sites, such as Downpatrick, and institutional settings such as Armagh. Whatever the case may be, the success of Vita Tertia is obvious, and the singular presentation of Patrick contained in the Life deserves further consideration from scholars.

Vita Secunda & Vita Quarta A study of Vita Secunda and Quarta is more complicated than that of Vita Tertia for a number of reasons. The twin Lives do not survive in as full a form as Vita Tertia (most especially Vita Secunda), and the changes instituted by successive generations means that they sometimes contain contradictory detail and that the structures of the works are often confusing. The following discussion considers the narrative of these Lives as they survive, but it is clear that the diverse and complicated ways in which the texts were copied and survive deserves further consideration and could add greatly to appreciations of the works and the spread of the Patrician cult. We cannot be sure what the original text, W, looked like, and while some discussion of it is included here a reconstruction of the text is not the aim. Nonetheless, the commonalities between the two texts offer some sense of the original they stemmed from. For instance, the two Lives question the assumption that Armagh was the main arbiter of the saint’s traditions, not just because they point to the multiple religious communities that contributed to the vitality and development of Patrick’s changing heroic biography, but also because both works are more concerned with traditions in the south-east of the country rather than the North. The cumulative detail contained in the works, therefore, suggests that W was not composed on behalf of the Armagh community with neither Vita Secunda or Vita Quarta expressing any overt affiliation with the important Patrician centre. The Lives do depend on earlier hagiographical works, but much in the same way as Vita Tertia, the way in which the authors treat their source base means that the political messages and affiliations that permeate these sources are altered to suit later and different audiences. The importance of the Lives also lies in the new appreciations of Patrick that they develop. The Patrician narrative is expanded significantly in these Lives to include childhood stories and new familial links for the saint, while Vita Quarta presents an alternative narrative for the saint’s death. In extending his biography the Lives offer yet another version of Patrick. Amongst other things this points to a re-emphasis of the types of stories that Patrician audiences sought for and expected of their saint. On a more local level the new death story demonstrates that some communities celebrated Patrick alongside other Irish saints of importance. Vita Secunda and Quarta, therefore, offer a different but just as important picture of Patrick as a Life

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such as Vita Tertia. This discussion begins with an evaluation of the sources that underlie each of the works before moving on to consider their content. It is important to examine the Lives alongside each other because they derive from the same original, however their individual treatment by the successive gen‐ erations who copied them means that they differ in many ways. Most obviously Vita Secunda is much shorter than Vita Quarta and so the source base for the latter is consequently more extensive. While the sources underlying each Life are at times treated separately here it is understood that Vita Secunda is once likely to have included a fuller story of the saint’s life, and that much of this content is preserved in Vita Quarta. What is clear from both Lives is that the original on which they depend often referenced written sources and in the same way as Tírechán, recorded cult sites that were extant in the landscape. For instance, both works refer to a number of churches in Leinster that are associated with the Palladian mission and the existence of various relics at the sites.91 What’s more the shared material in both Lives shows that W included an expanded biography for Patrick and as such, for at least some sections, deviated from the schemes set down by writers such as Muirchú. Indeed, the extension of the Patrician narrative to include childhood miracles in Vita Secunda and Quarta testifies to the fact that unlike Vita Tertia, which does not deviate significantly from the broad narrative of the earlier models, another branch of the writing tradition sought to expand Patrick’s biography. This extension is also a feature of the Tripartite Life and Jocelin’s Life of the saint, but it is generally accepted that it originates with the author of W.92 As the closest witnesses to W, the two Lives are therefore crucial in appreciating this development of the cult. It is clear that aspects of Vita Tertia were incorporated into Vita Quarta at some point. The inclusion of additional material at a later date means that caution is needed when determining the sources that underlie W. Nonetheless, both Vita Secunda and Quarta demonstrate that the original author sought to bolster and le‐ gitimise aspects of Patrick’s biography by using the missionaries own fifth-century writings, and this is especially the case for the new childhood sections of the narrative. Specifically, the Lives include quotations which it is claimed come from the saint’s book. While all of the quotes at the very least reflect the meaning contained in the fifth-century writing, they do not always faithfully reproduce the text of the Confessio. Whoever composed W may therefore have had access to a slightly altered or interpolated version of the missionary’s writing. For the childhood sections of the work, Vita Secunda and Quarta include quotations from the Confessio – this occurs on two occasions in Vita Quarta while there is just one quotation extant in Vita Secunda. In the former the first instance occurs at the very beginning of the Life proper, where the writer discusses Patrick’s descent, and in doing so includes the following quote from the saint: Nos dispersi sumus in ultimos 91 For Vita Secunda see § 4 XIX, Bieler (1971), 76–77, and for Vita Quarta see § 28, Bieler (1971), 75–77. 92 For a discussion see Byrne and Francis (1994), 5–16.

exPanding the tradition: Vita Secunda, Vita tertia & Vita Quarta

fines terrarum propter peccata nostra eo quod prœceptum Domini non custodiuimus et mandata eius non obseruauimus.93 Here the sense of the Confessio is captured but the wording is not reflective of the fifth-century text. Later a description of the young Patrick states that from infancy he possessed God’s favour, and this is yet again reinforced with a quotation from the Confessio: Misertus adolescentiae ignorantiae meae custodiuit me antequam scirem eum, et antequam saperem uel distinguerem inter bonum et malum muniuit me et consolatus est me ut pater filium.94 On this occasion the quotation is taken from Patrick’s description of his captivity in Ireland, but in the vita it is instead used in reference to his time as a boy in Britain. The text is far closer to the original fifth-century writing than the previous example, but in this instance, it is taken out of context and incorporated into a new aspect of the Patrician story.95 Vita Secunda also includes the Confessio quotation at this point and is almost entirely faithful to the original text.96 The inclusion of Confessio traditions is therefore very likely to lie with the original W author. It is difficult to say whether the W author depended on further written sources for the childhood section of the work, however a number of cult sites are mentioned in both extant Lives, which suggests first that the material is part of the early strata of composition, and second that a landscape of veneration may already have built up around some of these stories (or at the very least that the author sought to suggest that it did). For instance, both Lives state that the stone on which Patrick was born remains revered in the area, and that it miraculously causes those who perjure themselves to weep.97 Similarly, each work states that a spring emerged at the place where Patrick was baptized, and that this was subsequently covered by a church. Both works say that according to experts familiar with the location (periti) the spring eventually took the shape of a cross.98 The references to extant features in the landscape may well point to the spread and existence of new cult sites, but this detail additionally helps legitimize the childhood narrative. This material represents an important extension of Patrick’s biography not just in terms of his chronology but also the geography of the cult, which is now extended to include Britain to a far greater degree than in previous extant works. Indeed, these sections must have resonated with British communities familiar with the saint, such as that at Glastonbury. Beyond the childhood stories both works demonstrate strong and consistent use of the Confessio up to the point where Patrick reaches Ireland. As mentioned above, quotations from the fifth-century writing are included in the works, some of which are close to the original text while others are altered. On one occasion a

93 94 95 96 97 98

§ 1, Bieler (1971), 51; for the Confessio section see Howlett (1994a), 52–53. § 4, Bieler (1971), 53. For the Confessio section see Howlett (1994a), 52–53. § 4, Bieler (1971), 53. § 2 in both Lives, Bieler (1971), 52. § 3 II in Vita Secunda and § 3 in Vita Quarta, Bieler (1971), 53.

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quotation is drawn upon in order to rectify the incorrect assumption that Patrick was taken captive and brought to Ireland at the age of seven, suggesting that some, even well-established facts about the saint were altered over time.99 Much like Vita Tertia, however, the Lives testify to the fact that the saint’s words were added to and amended over time. Vita Quarta for instance includes a quotation that purportedly comes from the fifth-century document, and names Patrick’s mother, Concessa.100 Concessa does not feature in the Confessio as it survives, although she is mentioned by Muirchú. That she is included in a supposed quotation from the Confessio in Vita Quarta shows that this element of Patrick’s biography had become even further engrained in the tradition. A further extension that is present in both Lives occurs at the point when Patrick is told by a voice that a ship is ready to return him to his family.101 In the Confessio Patrick mentions only, that in the dream, a voice tells him, Ecce nauis tua parata est.102 Both Lives expand upon this, although in slightly different ways, with Vita Secunda stating that the voice tells Patrick his ship is waiting to take him to Italy so that he might go there to study. Vita Quarta, on the other hand, does not mention Italy but does connect Patrick’s escape with his need to attain the training that is necessary for his conversion mission. Each Life, therefore, imbues a sense of Patrick’s testimony into their individual narratives either through direct use of his fifth-century writing or by connecting later traditions and expansions to the earlier text. The extent to which the Lives include material from the Confessio strongly suggests that the author of W returned to it or a version of it at the time of composition. The endurance of this material even as the works were copied and changed, shows that Patrick’s testimony continued to play an important and recognisable part in his developing cult. However, the fact that some Confessio elements differ, albeit subtly, demonstrates that different writers made their own mark on the texts. Whether the authors accessed oral or written sources for this, however, remains unclear. As the story moves forward the narrative schemes of each work are more in line with earlier extant written sources. Muirchú is evidently a rich source for both Lives, and a significant portion of the texts focus on the Tara event and Loíguire’s conversion. Following the king’s decision to accept Christianity Vita Secunda ends. Bieler, and Bury before him believed that the work originally contained further chapters which mirrored those of Vita Quarta (with the exclusion of later inclusions such as the preface, mentioned above). Given the similarity between both texts up to this point, this seems very likely. As it survives, therefore, the sources that influence Vita Secunda are predominantly Patrick’s Confessio (and interpolations of it) and Muirchú’s Life. Vita Quarta on the other hand, because it survives in an extended form is influenced by additional writings (which will

99 100 101 102

§ 11 VIII in Vita Secunda and § 15 in Vita Quarta, Bieler (1971), 60–62. This example only occurs in § 1 Vita Quarta, Bieler (1971), 51. § 17 in Vita Secunda and § 21 in Vita Quarta, Bieler (1971), 67–69. Howlett (1994a), 62–63.

exPanding the tradition: Vita Secunda, Vita tertia & Vita Quarta

be returned to below). In some respects, Vita Secunda and Quarta are far more faithful to the Muirchú text than Vita Tertia. This is because the Lives preserve a fuller version of Muirchú’s Tara narrative and do not deviate from the original in the same way as Vita Tertia. The structure, for the most part, remains intact and while some sections are not as lengthy as Muirchú, they preserve the sense of the text. A small number of stories that survive in Vita Secunda and Quarta are also similar to those in Vita Tertia, such as developments in the Miliuc narrative and the conversion of Rus son of Trichim. It is difficult to ascertain precedence for these traditions but their inclusion in all three Lives indicates that they had become well-attested stories in the cult. Following Loíguire’s conversion to Christianity Vita Secunda ends, while Vita Quarta continues for a further fifty-seven chapters. Aspects of this narrative section depend on recognisable sources while other parts are entirely new in the extant tradition. What is clear is that these sections were influenced by a range of material. The Muirchú text is still evident and the stories of Macc Cuill and Daire are included. What’s more some episodes similar to those in Vita Tertia survive. Some additional sources not evident in the sections covered by Vita Secunda feature in Vita Quarta alone. Elements of Tírechán’s Life are included, as are traditions present in Vita Prima Sanctae Brigitae. For instance, the stories of Conal, Carpre, and Loíguire’s daughters directly follow the Tara story, but while they ultimately originate with Tírechán they appear alongside the story of the idols worshipped at Mag Slecht in precisely the same way as Vita Tertia. It therefore seems likely that Vita Quarta depended on an intermediate source (perhaps Vita Tertia itself) for these sections. The Brigidine traditions are similar to those in Vita Prima Sanctae Brigitae and it seems likely that the stories originate with it. For example the Vita Quarta story of Patrick preaching for three days and three nights closely follows the same story preserved in Vita Prima, with the important difference that in the former Brigit is not mentioned by name.103 Brigit, however, does appear in three further sections of Vita Quarta which are all reminiscent of a single story in Vita Prima.104 The story in the Brigidine Life describes how a bright cloud miraculously identifies Patrick’s burial place at Downpatrick, and Brigit’s explanation of the apparition to those present. Following this Patrick asks Brigit to make a linen shroud for him so that he might wear it on his death bed. This story is recreated in Vita Quarta but is expanded upon to such an extent that Brigit becomes an important part of Patrick’s death. In Vita Quarta the earliest section of the story mirrors that of Vita Prima but it is ultimately developed to include details of Brigit making the shroud in her cell, Patrick facilitating her travels to deliver the shroud, and finally a description of Patrick being placed in it before he is taken on his journey to Downpatrick. The way in which these various traditions are incorporated into the Life, where aspects of the early texts are preserved but 103 § 63 in Vita Prima Sanctae Brigitae, Colgan (1647), 534; § 72 in Vita Quarta, Bieler (1971), 104. 104 § 59 in Vita Prima Sanctae Brigitae, Colgan (1647), 534; § 91, § 93 & § 96 in Vita Quarta, Bieler (1971), 112–14.

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not always directly drawn upon, has led some scholars to suggest that the author of these sections (whether this was the writer of W or someone else) may not have had access to the original texts but depended on an intermediary.105 This seems likely for the Tírechán sections, however as will be discussed below, it is possible that the author of W was interested in bolstering the cult of Patrick in the south east, and so could themselves have built upon the Vita Prima story. The source base for Vita Quarta as a whole suggests a reliance on a range of Patrician material. Vita Secunda does so to a lesser extent but this is because it has been shortened. The influence of Muirchú is obvious in both works but there are significant deviations from the seventh-century text, such as the relative lack of concern for Armagh demonstrated in both Lives and the changes made to Patrick’s death story in Vita Quarta. These changes show that the Lives are not simple copies of those that came before them, and the range of sources, alongside new elements in the text, indicate that the writer of W and those who influenced the texts after them, sought to present and preserve their own particular view of Patrick. The individual scheme of each work is therefore important to appreciate how different communities regarded the saint. This is the case for Vita Secunda, for instance, which although a short version of W, nonetheless preserves a version of Patrick that was influential on some audiences. The narrative schemes of Vita Secunda and Quarta offer insights into the intentions and affiliations of the W writer as well as the aspects of Patrick’s biography that became important to later audiences (whether the changes made to the later Lives were intentional or not). This discussion now moves to focus on the composition and structure of the vitae, and seeks to come to grips with the multi-layered traditions they preserve. Assessing the narratives of Vita Secunda and Quarta is complex because of their preservation. Vita Secunda is difficult because it is very likely to be incom‐ plete, while Vita Quarta is a later iteration of the text which may not wholly reflect the intentions of the original author. They align with many aspects of the general understanding of Patrick presented in the seventh-century hagiographies – namely that Patrick was captured and brought to Ireland, escaped back to Britain and ultimately returned to Ireland as a missionary where he defeated the king at Tara. Vita Quarta continues in this vein and includes some material from the seventh-century Lives, such as the stories from Tírechán and Muirchú mentioned above. Both Lives include the new childhood narrative and expand upon aspects of Patrick’s captivity story, and as mentioned Vita Quarta provides a slightly different version of Patrick’s death. They are each structured around a chronological appreciation of the saint, and even though Vita Secunda is short‐ ened it begins with Patrick’s birth and ends with the completion of his conversion mission. Unlike Vita Tertia there are no indications of a geographical division in the work.

105 Bieler (1971), 9.

exPanding the tradition: Vita Secunda, Vita tertia & Vita Quarta

The Patrick of Vita Secunda and Vita Quarta is a converting saint and miracle worker. The focus on miracles is especially clear in Vita Quarta as, in addition to the childhood sections which include a great number of mircle tales, the post-Tara section of the work is predominantly based around the miracles performed by the saint. Two general statements made in Vita Quarta highlight this concern – the first occurs directly after the Tara episode and is losely based on the statement of intent that Muirchú includes at the beginning of his work.106 The second is found in chapter 76 and is especially indicative of the focus on miracle tales: Atque ita per omnes Hiberniensium regiones atque prouintias faecit. Vir namque Spiritu Sancto plenus et ante tempora secularia ab omnipotenti Deo apostolus Hiberniensium praedestinatus talem potestatem habuit ut neque homines neque demones sibi resistere potuissent. Omnes morbos uerbo sanabat et demones ex obsessis corporibus expellebat, et uictor in omnibus extitit quoniam omnipotens Dominus omnia per eum operabatur. Haec modo dixisse sufficiat, ut ad alia miracula disserenda reuertamur.107 Indeed, unlike Vita Tertia where the narrative pivots around a number of impor‐ tant figures associated with Patrick, Vita Quarta and to some extent Vita Secunda are more concerned with Patrick’s saintly abilities than the significance of the individuals that he comes into contact with. For example, Vita Quarta preserves a great number of resurrection stories and while various individuals are named in these chapters, Patrick is the focus.108 That the author of W sought to highlight Patrick’s miraculous achievements is again suggested in the childhood sections of the Lives. This aspect of Patrick’s biography is arguably the greatest development in Vita Secunda and Quarta. Even in the extended Vita Quarta the section takes up fourteen chapters. The majority of chapters are preserved in both Lives, however a small few are present in Vita Quarta alone. The childhood narrative develops a significant back story for Patrick that is reminiscent of the biography of Brigit in the seventh-century Life by Cogitosus and Vita Prima Sanctae Brigitae, which may be no coincidence given the Life depends on the latter for content.109 It includes a deepened sense of Patrick’s family background (for instance by introducing the saint’s sister Lupita), expands his repertoire of miraculous deeds, and ultimately creates a story that underscores the prophetic nature of his conversion mission. Lupita is a connecting figure in the works as she features in Patrick’s early years, captivity and his eventual escape from the slave-owner Miliuc.110 Any sense of the slave owning Romano-British 106 Bieler (1979), 62–3. 107 § 50 & § 76, Bieler (1971), 98 & 105–06. 108 Resurrection occurs in § 9, § 10, § 11, § 66/§ 67, § 78, § 81, § 84 & § 92 of Vita Quarta: Bieler (1971), 58–113. Only two resurrection stories survive in Vita Secunda: § 9 & § 10, Bieler (1971), 58–59. 109 Connolly (1989); Connolly and Picard (1981). 110 Lupita is referred to in Vita Secunda at Bieler (1971): § I. 1 (relics at Armagh), 51; § 7 V (injury story), 55; § 11 VIII (capture), 61; § 12 VIIII (enslavement), 62; § 16 (reunited), 66. In Vita Quarta at Bieler (1971): § 7 (injury story), 55; § 15 (capture), 61; § 20 (reunited), 66–67.

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Patrick of the Confessio is long gone, and he is presented as a humble child who helps his family and foster parents by tending to their animals and doing household chores, as well as performing miracles when needed. For instance, he saves the house of his fostermother from flooding, drives the devil from her possessed cows, and heals his sister Lupita when she falls and hits her head on a rock.111 Indeed, the attention given to miraculous content in these early sections means that the displays of power that permeate the Tara narrative and see the defeat of Loíguire’s druids, seamlessly connect with these new childhood stories. The attention given to Patrick’s miraculous abilities is therefore developed across both Lives, and throughout the later Vita Quarta sections, suggesting that this focus originates with the original W author. The deveopment of Patrick’s miraculous credentials is far more prominent in the two Lives than any extant previous vita. The reasons for this expansion are probably multiple and connected to the various ways in which Patrick was venerated and by whom. The manuscript survival of the works shows that this depiction of the saint made some impact outside Ireland and the incorporation of many of these stories into the Tripartite Life points to their acceptance in Ireland. Nonetheless, the Irish communities connected with the Vita Secunda and Quarta tradition are less obvious. A number of indications in the works suggest that they are not the product of Armagh as the writer is not overly concerned with Patrick’s claims to jurisdictional supremacy. The Lives are not structured according to geography, and while Patrick’s location is often understood (for instance he is in Britain during his childhood, the north during his captivity and Tara for the altercation with Loíguire) it is not a linking mechanism within the works. The lack of focus on Armagh stands out particularly. Specifically, Armagh is mentioned just once in Vita Secunda, as it is the place where the relics of Lupita, Patrick’s sister, are supposedly kept, and twice in Vita Quarta with both references connected to the story of Daire gifting the land to the saint.112 Notably the foundation does not feature in the story of Patrick’s death, even though aspects of the tale draw on Muirchú’s text. Rather, various chapters in Vita Quarta focus on the relationship between Patrick and Brigit. For instance, in Vita Quarta it is not the angel who reveals Patrick’s place of burial but rather Brigit – a tradition that is also present in the Vita Prima of Brigit. Muirchú on the other hand is at pains to emphasise the centrality of Armagh, and a considerable portion of the seventh century work draws attention to the monastery and its connection to Patrick even in death. Even so, a number of elements from the death story in Muirchú’s Life are incorporated into Vita Quarta such as the fact that following his death Patrick is brought to Downpatrick on a cart drawn by two oxen. Moreover, the text ends with a discussion of the dispute that arose between the Ulstermen and Airthir

111 The childhood episodes are found in Vita Secunda at Bieler (1971), § I. 1–§ 10 VII, and in Vita Quarta (which includes additional chapters and stories) at Bieler (1971), § 1 –§ 14 . 112 Armagh features in Vita Secunda at Bieler (1971), I. 1., 51, and in Vita Quarta at Bieler (1971) § 83 , 109 & § 86, 110–11.

exPanding the tradition: Vita Secunda, Vita tertia & Vita Quarta

over the saint’s body.113 The fact that Vita Prima is favoured over Muirchú and by extension the Church at Armagh is a strong indication that whoever wrote or compiled Vita Quarta did not have the concerns of that community in mind. It may be telling that neither Vita Secunda or Quarta include any of Patrick’s requests (an aspect of the tradition that is present in a range of Patrician sources) or the jurisdicitonal concerns that underlie them. But, if not Armagh where might the texts or W have originated? In order to come to grips with this aspect of the tradition it is important to isolate the strands that run through both Lives and are therefore likely to have been part of the early strata of the composition. This is not straight-forward and is dependent on an acceptance that the Vita Quarta text is broadly reflective of the original composition. The preservation of a significant number of Vita Secunda and Quarta stories in the Tripartite Life is one indication that it is.114 Moreover, the attention to miracle working that is evident in both Lives is a connecting strand. This focus coupled with the emphasis placed on Patrick’s connection to Brigit, suggests that whoever wrote W was more concerned in developing his deeds rather than any affiliation to a specific institution. The Patrick of Vita Secunda and Quarta is, therefore, a saint for all. One chapter placed towards the end of Vita Quarta draws the reader’s attention to this very point. Here the angel comes to visit Patrick before his death, but in a change to previous Lives where the angel agrees to pre-eminence for Armagh, Patrick is asked if he wishes to be revered alone or alongside other saints. This exchange between the saint and the angel follows: ‘Modebroth’, (hoc enim prouerbium habebat) ‘quoniam multi electi Dei post me in hac patria futuri sunt, uolo ut ipsi mecum honorem habeant’. Tunc sanctus angelus dixit: ‘Responsum tuum karitate plenum est. Sed tamen omnipotens Dominus nomen tuum celeberrimum et honorabile in istis regionibus quas per multa certamina multosque labores a squaloribus idolorum ac miserabili gentilitatis errore ad inuiolabilem sanctae ac indiuiduae Trinitatis fidem per uerbum praedicationis et lauacrum baptismatis uertisti plus caeteris sanctis honorabilius haberi disposuit’. Beato uero Patricio gratias omnipotenti Deo referente angelus Dei ad celum reuersus est.115 Here it is accepted that Patrick’s status is unique because he is the converter of the island, but also that he wished to function alongside other saints. This is reflected in the inclusion of Brigit in the Life but also in references to Irish saints such as Senan, Brendan and Columba early in the narrative, and points to a landscape of veneration that did not solely centre on institutional affiliation and allowed for the celebration of multiple saints alongside each other.116

113 114 115 116

§ 97, Bieler (1971), 114. The best comparison of the texts is found in the commentary by Byrne and Francis (1994), 64–113. § 89, Bieler (1971), 111. § 79, Bieler (1971), 107–08.

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The shift in focus towards Patrick the miracle worker as opposed to the institutional leader strongly suggests that the W author was not part of the Armagh community. This is further implied in yet another, albiet more subtle strand that runs through both Lives, which is the attention given to the southeast of the island, specifically southern Uí Néill territory and Leinster. As mentioned above, the inclusion of traditions stemming from Vita Prima Sanctae Brigitae in Vita Quarta, at the very least demonstates a connection with the earlier text, and the fact that it is likely to have been composed by a southern Uí Néill cleric hints at a regional dimension to the production of the Life.117 In addition to the incorporation of Brigit (a Leinster saint) and the seminal role she plays, there are other indications that the author favoured this part of the island such as the attention that is given to the Roman bishop Palladius as well as the continued focus on the Uí Néill-centred Tara narrative. The case of Palladius is curious as a number of traditions concerning the missionary appear in both Lives. They each repeat the assertion contained in the notes supplementary to Tírechán (found in the Book of Armagh) that Palladius and his mission were not sanctioned by God and that he died a martyr amongst the Picts.118 However, in both Vita Secunda and Vita Quarta this is accompanied by an extended narrative which lists the Leinster churches founded by Palladius, states that Palladius converted some individuals, and details the relics that the Roman bishop brought with him to the island.119 Of particular note is the assertion that he came with the relics of Peter, Paul and other saints. The attention afforded to Leinster, however, does not solely relate to the Palladian mission but also that of Patrick, and Vita Quarta states that the saint preached to and converted the people of Leinster, whilst also establishing churches and ordaining clerics for the area.120 This concern with Uí Néill territory and Leinster contrasts Vita Tertia in particular, which says little about the conversion of both areas and actively decentralises the Tara narrative. Other important centres such as Downpatrick and Croagh Patrick are mentioned in Vita Quarta, but it is the cluster of southeast traditions present in both works that suggests a particular concern for these areas. Despite the difficulties of contextualising Vita Secunda and Vita Quarta, it is clear that whoever composed the original that underlies them is unlikely to have written for Armagh. They were drawn towards traditions that expanded Patrick’s appeal as a miracle working saint and the expansion of Patrick’s early biography is an indication of this. Finally, whilst many of the well-established details of Patrick’s cult (such as his connection to Tara, Downpatrick and Armagh)

117 Dawson (2017). 118 For the Book of Armagh reference see Bieler (1979), 166. For Vita Secunda (§ 23) and Quarta (§ 28) see Bieler (1971), 74–77. A further tradition of his martyrdom appears in Vita Secunda at § 24 XX, Bieler (1971), 77. 119 Palladius is mentioned in Vita Secunda at Bieler (1971), § 23 XVIII, § 24, § 25 & § 26, 74–79, and in Vita Quarta at Bieler (1971), § 28, 75–77 & § 31 , 78–79. 120 § 75, Bieler (1971), 105.

exPanding the tradition: Vita Secunda, Vita tertia & Vita Quarta

remain, the writer was not averse to including traditions that drew attention to the southeast of the island. The Patrick created in Vita Secunda and Quarta is a malleable one that could be drawn on by a plethora of communities. This is not unlike the Patrick of Vita Tertia and it is clear that despite the individual nuances of each of these Lives, together they contributed to a robust and growing cult. That the traditions from which these Lives descended would eventually come together in the Tripartite Life is proof enough that they could coalesce and that the veneration and commemoration of Patrick amongst diverse communities was not just possible but that it resulted in even greater successes and possibilities for the cult. The extension of Patrick’s biography, however, is too often understood in relation to the Tripartite Life, where a just as important but nonetheless different Patrick emerges. It is clear from this examination that the Latin Lives deserve individual attention; they were composed on behalf of multiple groups and draw attention to different aspects of the Patrician cult accordingly. Vita Tertia points to the landscape of pilgrimage that grew and developed as part of the cult in the early medieval period. The inclusion of material objects associated with the saint that highlighted Armagh, Downpatrick and Croagh Patrick is endemic of these developments. On the other hand, the creation of a childhood narrative for Patrick and the developed repertoire of miracles in Vita Secunda and Quarta point to an audience that sought to understand the saint and his intercessory power. The Patrick of Vita Secunda, Vita Tertia and Vita Quarta has therefore moved on from the institutional focus of Muirchú and Tírechán (where the Armagh and the Patrician Churches, respectively, are central), and reflects a further departure for the cult where he is celebrated as part of a developed and embedded Christian landscape.

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Epilogue

This work set out to account for the significant and enduring persona that the figure of Patrick came to enjoy by the end of the eleventh century. The HibernoLatin hagiographical works written about the saint, together form a group of connected texts that show Patrick was a saint who was studied and reinterpreted across successive generations. The multiple and multifaceted Patricks that emerge from these Lives are the product of communities that differ in affiliation, motiva‐ tion and chronology. But despite these differences their works would themselves be combined to form other, later, depictions of the saint. The seminal and singular role that Patrick held as the converter of the island meant that he was important to a range of communities in different ways, and this seems to have been a feature of the cult from its earliest years. The attention paid to the north of the island, and especially Armagh, in the Life by Muirchú and Vita Tertia, is not surprising given Patrick’s institutional connections. However, neither is the Patrick of Tírechán’s Collectanea, who is more concerned with the Patrician Church in a general sense and the incorporation of Connacht traditions, or the saint that emerges in Vita Secunda and Vita Quarta, who acts as an example of saintly power whose deeds speak to a wide Christian audience that is not necessarily interested in institu‐ tional allegences. Patrick is a saint who all at once can be the foundational leader of Armagh, the proselytiser of the Irish and figurative head of their Church, as well as a miracle worker who cares for an expansive flock. The unusual status that Patrick achieved over the medieval period is difficult to explain. Perhaps the fifth-century cleric had such an effect that his work outweighed that of other missionaries, or it may be that the elusive early Christian communities who celebrated him were best at propelling the story of their saint to the fore. Whatever the case maybe it is clear that the fluid, expansive depiction of Patrick that emerges by the eleventh century is the result of a long and enduring acceptance of Patrick as Ireland’s patron saint. A great deal more work is needed to truly appreciate how Patrick and his cult flourished. This book has shown, at the very least, that Patrick’s success was the result of multiple communities and people, all of whom had different foci and motivations. This fact has implications for how we understand the Patrician cult, but also the ways in which Irish saints are appreciated in relation to their specific foundations. Patrick’s appeal was not simply formed by Armagh propagandists, but was created through reciprocity and engagement across communities and time.

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Appendices

Table 1.1 References to written and oral sources in Tírechán’s Collectanea

Book 1 § 1.1 [written] Inueni quattuor nomina in libro scripta Patricio apud Ultanum episcopum Conchubur‐ nensium. Book 1 § 1.6 [written]1 Septum aliis annis ambulauit et nauigauit in fluctibus et in campistribus locis et in conuallibus montanis per Gallias atque Italiam totam atque in insolis quae sunt in mari Terreno, ut ipse dixit in commemoratione laborum. Book 1 § 1.6 [oral testimony] Erat autem in una ex insolis, quae dicitur Aralanensis, annis triginta mihi testante Ultano episcopo. Book 1 § 1.7 [written] Omnia autem quae euenierunt inuenietis in plana illius historia scripta. Book 1 § 2 [computistical] A passione autem Christi colleguntur anni quadringenti triginta tres usque ad mortem Patricii. Duobus autem uel quinque annis regnavit Loiguire post mortem Patricii. Omnis autem regni illius tempus triginta sex, ut putamus. Book 1 § 11 [oral testimony] Pasca quoque claussa finita prima feria exiit ad Vadum Molae et ibi aeclessiam fundauit, in qua reliquit tres fratres cum una sorore, et haec sunt nomina illorum:

1 This section may reflect Patrick’s reference to his fratres in Gaul in the Confessio, Howlett (1994), 80–81.

156

referenCes to written and oral sourCes in collectanea

Cathaceus, Cathurus Catneus, et soror illorum Catnea, quae emulgebat lac ab dammulis feris, ut senes mihi indicauerunt. Book 1 § 12.1 [written] Perrexitque ad ciuitatem Temro ad Logairium filium Neill iterum, quia apud illum foedus pepigit, ut non occideretur in regno illius. Book 1 § 15.2 [unknown] Et dixit Endeus: ‘Filium meum et partem hereditatis meae ego immolo Deo Patricii et Patricio’. Per hoc dicunt alii quia serui sumus Patricii usque in praesentem diem. Book 1 § 15.4–5 [written]2 et extendit Patricius etiam praetium quindecim animarum hominum, ut in scriptione sua adfirmat, de argento et auro, ut nullus malorum hominum inpederet eos in uia recta transeuntes totam Hiberniam, quia necessitas poscit illos ut peruenirent siluam Fochliti ante caput anni pasca secunda causa filiorum clamantium clamore magno, quorum uoces audiuit in utero matrum suarum dicentium ‘Veni, sancte Patrici, saluos nos facere’. Book 2 § 18.1 [written and oral testimony] Omnia quae scripsi a principio libri huius scitis quia in uestris regionibus gesta sunt nissi de eis pauca quae inueni in utilitatem laboris mei a senioribus multis ac ab illo Ultano episcopo Conchuburnensi, qui nutriuit me, retulit sermo. Book 2 § 19.3 [written or oral testimony] Nescimus cuius potestatis hoc fuit, sed scimus quod nox longua trium dierum tot et noctium erat. Book 2 § 26.19 [unknown] De hoc est uerbum quod clarius est omnibus uerbis Scoticis, ‘Similis est Caluus contra Caplit’, quia crediderunt in Deo.

2 Howlett (1994), 86–87 (§ 53).

referenCes to written and oral sourCes in collectanea

Book 2 § 27.4 [oral testimony] Moris erat Cethiaco episcopos … in loco Curcu Sai in pasca magno; in pasca secundo fiebat in loco Comgellae sanctae super Vadum Duarum Furcarum, id est Dá Loarcc iuxta Cenondas … quia Cethiachi monachi dicunt monacham esse Comgellam Cethia‐ cho. Book 2 § 28.3 [computistics] Interest autem inter mortem Patricii et Cerani natiuitatem, ut peritissimi numerorum aestimant, centum quadraginta annorum.

157

Table 1.2 References to cult-objects and sites in Tírechán’s Collectanea

Book 1 § 8.6 [cult object & site] Et intenderunt omnes magum eleuatum per tenebras nocturnales poene usque ad caelum, sed reuersus cadauer illius conglutti natum grandinibus et niuibus, commixtum scintillis igneis in terram ante faciem omnium cecidit; et est lapis illius in oris austral‐ ibus orientalibusque Temro usque in praesentum diem, et conspexi illum oculis meis. Book 1 § 14.6 [relics] Conallus autem babtitzatus est, et dedit Patricius benedictionem super illum et tenuit manum illius et dedit Cethiacho episcopo, et nutriuit illum et docuit eum Cethiachus et Mucneus frater Cethiachi episcopi, cuius sunt reliquiae in aeclessia magna Patricii in silua Fochlithi. Book 1 § 16.10 [relics] In noctibus tribus somnium factus est: tertio die surrexit sanctus et arripuit anulum et trullam ferrumque et sepulcri fossam fodiuit et portauit ossa Brusci sancti secum ad insolam in qua sunt, et resticuit. Book 1 § 17.2 [cult site & relics] Venitque Patricius ad alueum Sinone ad locum in quo mortuus fuit auriga illius Boid‐ malus et sepultus ibi in quo dicitur Caill Boidmail usque in hunc diem et immolatum erat Patricio. Book 2 § 22.1 [cult objects] Asicus sanctus episcopus faber aereus erat Patricio et faciebat altaria et bibliothicas quadratas faciebat in patinos sancti nostri pro honore Patricii episcopi, et de illis tres patinos quadratos uidi, id est platinum in aeclessia Patricii in Ardd Machœ et alterum in aeclessia Alo Find et tertium in aeclessia magna Saeoli super altare Felarti sancti episcopi.

160

referenCes to Cult-oBjeCts and sites in collectanea

Book 2 § 23 [cult site] Patricius uero uenit de fonte Alo Find ad Dumecham nepotum Ailello et fundauit in illo loco aeclessiam quae sic uocatur Senella Cella Dumiche usque hunc diem. Book 2 § 29 [cult site] Franci uero Patricii exierunt a Patricio uiri fraters quindecim cum sorore una. Nomina quoque uirorum nolo dicere nissi duo principes Bernicius et Hernicius episcopi, et sororis nomen Nitria; et multi loci illis dati sunt, et ignoro nissi unum, in quo est Bassilica Sanctorum. Book 2 § 30.2 [cult object & site] Castrametati sunt in cacuminibus Selcœ et posuerunt ibi stratum et sedem inter lapides, in quibus scripsit manus sua literas, quas hodie conspeximus oculis nostris. Book 2 § 31.2 [cult objects] Patini eius et calix sunt in Cella Adrochtœ filiae Talain, et ipsa accipit pallium de manu Patricii. Book 2 § 34.1 [cult object & site] Et perrexit Patricius ad fontem quod dicitur Mucno et fecit cellam Senes, quae sic uocatur, et fuit Secundinus solus sub ulmo frondosso separatim, et est signum crucis in eo loco usque in hunc diem. Book 2 § 35.1 [cult site] Et perrexit ad regionem Conmaicne hi Cuil Tolith et posuit in ea aeclessias quadratas, quarum scio unam magnam aeclesiam Ard Uiscon. Book 2 § 42.7 [cult site & relics] et ordinauit Mucneum sanctum, fratrem Cethiachi, et dedit illi libros legis septem, quos reliquit post se Macc Erce filio Maic Dregin. Et fundauit aeclessiam super siluam Fochluth, in qua sunt ossa sancta Mucnoi episcopi. Book 2 § 43.3 [relics] Extendit manum et indicauit ei locum in quo sunt ossa eius procul et digito suo signauit locum et crucem posuit ibi.

referenCes to Cult-oBjeCts and sites in collectanea

Book 2 § 44.2 [cult site] Et portauerunt ad illum mulierem infirmam habentem in utero infantem, et babtitzauit filium in utero matris (aqua babtismi filii ipsa est aqua commonis mulieris), et sepilierunt eam in cacuminibus aeclessiae desuper, et est sedes ipsius sancti iuxta aeclessiam usque in praesentem diem. Book 2 § 45.3 [cult object] Et uenierunt trans Litus Authuili in fines Irai Patricius et Broonus et cum illis filius Ercae filii Dregin ad campum .i. est Ros Dregnige, in quo loco est cassulus Brooni. Book 2 § 46.4 [cult site] Drobaiscum autem benedixit, in quo tenentur magni pisces siue piscium genus effectum est. Flumen Drobaisco non habuit ante pisces, sed postea piscatoribus fructum dat. Book 2 § 48.3 [cult site] in Duin Sebuirgi sedit supra petram, quae petra Patricii usque nunc. Book 2 § 50.1 [cult site] Et exiit ad montem Scrite ad locum petrae, super quam uidit anguelum Domini stantem, et uestigium pedis illius usque nunc pene adest. Book 2 § 51.2 [cult site] Et perrexit ad fines Laginensium ad Druimm Hurchaille et posuit ibi Domum Mar‐ tirum, quae sic uocatur, quae sita est super uiam magnum in ualle et est hic petra Patricii in uia.

161

Table 2.1 Muirchú’s use of the Confessio and Epistola

This table outlines the chapters of Muirchú’s Vita Patricii that are directly related to Patrick’s own writings (C = Confessio and E = Epistola). Muirchú

Confessio/Epistola

I 1. (1)

C. (1)

I 1. (2)

C. (1)

I 1. (3)

C. (8);(17);(16)

I 1. (4)

C. (17);(23)

I 2. (1)

C. (19)

I 3. (1)

C. (21)

I 3. (2)

C. (22)

I 4.

C. (23)

I 5. (1)

C. (27)

I 7. (6)

C. (23)

I 29(28) = B II 2. (1–2)

Ep. general

Table 2.2 References to written and oral sources in Muirchú’s Vita Patricii

Grand Preface [written] Quoniam quidem, mi domine Aido, Multi conati sunt ordinare narrationem utique is‐ tam secundum quod patres eorum et qui ministri ab initio fuerunt sermonis tradiderunt illis, sed propter difficillimum narrationis opus diuersasque opiniones et plurimorum plurimas suspiciones numquam ad unum certumque historiae tramitem peruenierunt: ideo, ni fallor, iuxta hoc nostrorum prouerbium, ut deducuntur pueri in ambiteathrum in hoc periculossum et profundum narrationis sanctae pylagus turgentibus proterue gurgitum aggeribus inter acutissimos carubdes per ignota aequora Coguitosi expertum atque occupatum ingenioli mei puerilem remi cymbam deduxi. Book I § 7(6).1 [written or oral testimony] Peractisque ibi multis temporibus quasi ut alii quadraginta alii triginta annis. Book I § 10(9).5 [written or oral testimony] Portantem quoque suadentemque hunc morem signauerunt et profetauerunt hiis uerbis quasi in modum ueriiculi crebro ab hiisdem dictis, maxime in antecedentibus aduentum Patricii duobus aut tribus annis. Haec autem sunt uersiculi uerba, propter linguae idioma non tam manifesta: ‘Adueniet ascicaput cum suo ligno curuicapite, ex sua domu capite perforata incantabit nefas a sua mensa ex anteriore parte domus suae respondebit ei sua familia tota “fiat, fiat”’. Book I § 14(13).2 [oral testimony & cult site] donec postremo ad uesperum peruenierunt ad ferti uirorum Feec, quam, ut fabulae ferunt, foderunt uiri (id est serui) feccol ferchertni, qui fuerat unus e nouim magis profetis Bregg.

166

referenCes to written and oral sourCes in Vita Patricii

Book I § 28(27) = B II 3.1 [written] Dominici et apostolici uiri Patricii, cuius mentionem facimus, quoddam miraculum mirifice gestum in carne adhuc stanti quod ei et Stephano poene tantum contigisse legitur, breui retexam relatu. Book I § 24 = B II 6.16 [oral testimony & cult site] aquilonalem plagam Airdd Mache, ubi usque hodie signa quaedam uirtutis esse ma‐ nentia periti dicunt. Book I § 26(25).1 [oral testimony] Virum aliquem ualde durum et tam auarum in campo Inis habitantem in tantum stultitiae auaritiaeque incurrisse cremen periti ferunt … Book II § 4 [written] Post uero miracula tanta, quae alibi scripta sunt et quae ore fideli mundus celebrat adpropinquante die mortis eius uenit ad eum anguelus et dixit illi de morte sua. Book II § 6(5) [written or oral testimony] quicumque ymnum qui de te conpossitus est in die exitus de corpore cantauerit, tu iudicabis poenitentiam eius de suis peccatis. Book II § 8(7).2 [oral testimony] et plebs Ulod dixit quod usque in finem anni totius in quo abierat numquam noctium tales tenebrae erant quales antea fuerunt, quod ad tanti uiri meritum declarandum factum esse non dubium est.

Table 2.3 References to cult objects and sites in Muirchú’s Vita Patricii

Book I § 11(10).2 [Cult Site] ad anteriorem insolam, quae eius nomine usque hodie nominatur, prurim nauis conuer‐ tit. Book I § 11(10).4 [Cult Site] habitans ibi ubi nunc est orreum Patricii nomine cognominatum. Book I § 12(11).2 [Cult Site] ubi primum illam regionem in qua seruiuit cum tali gratia adueniens uidit, ubi nunc usque crux habetur in signum ad uissum primum illius regionis. Book I § 15(13).3 [Cult Site] Aliquando etiam anguelus illi loquens multa illi dixit et postquam illi locutus est pedem supra petram ponens in Scirit in montem Mis coram se ascendit et uestigia pedis angueli in petra hucusque manentia cernuntur. Et in illo loco triginta uicibus ad eum locutus est; et ille locus orandi locus est et ibi fidelium praeces fructum felicissimum obtinent. Book I § 17(16).3 [Relics] sed unus tantum a Domino adiutus qui noluit oboedire dictis magorum, hoc est Ercc filius Dego, cuius nunc reliquiae adorantur in illa ciuitate quae uocatur Slane. Book I § 19(18).3 [Relics] adoliscens poeta nomine Feec, qui postea mirabilis episcopus fuit, cuius reliquiae ado‐ rantur hi Sleibti.

168

referenCes to Cult oBjeCts and sites in Vita Patricii

Book I § 27(26) = B II 1.9 [Relics] Tunc Patricius prophetauit quod post annos uiginti corpos illius ad propinquam cellu‐ lam de illo loco tolleretur cum honore. Quod postea ita factum est. Cuius transmarinae reliquiae ibi adorantur usque hodie. Book I § 24 = B II 6.2 [Cult Site & relics] At ille noluit sancto terram illam dare altam, sed dedit illi locum alium in inferiori terra, ubi nunc est fertæ martyrum iuxta Ardd Mache. Book I § 24 = B II 6.15 [Cult Site] in loco in quo nunc altare est sinistralis aeclessiae in Ardd Machæ. Book I § 24 = B II 6.16 [Cult site] ad aquilonalem plagam Airdd Mache, ubi usque hodie signa quaedam uirtutis esse manentia periti dicunt. Book I § 26(25).3 [Cult Site] et possitus est iuxta profetae uerbum terra fructifera in salsuginem a malitia inhabitan‐ tis in ea. Arenossa ergo et infructuossa haec a die qua maledixit eam sanctus Patricius usque in hodiernum diem.

Table 2.4 Category of sections in Muirchú’s Main Text4

Category

Section

Early biography & Confessio

I 1 – I 9(8)

Patrick’s conversion of the island

I 10(9) (Loíguire’s conversion at Tara) I 11(10) (Díchu’s conversion to Christianity) I 12(11) (Miliucc’s refusal to convert) II 15(13) (Patrick visited by Victoricus)5 I 13(12) – I 21(20) (Loíguire’s conversion at Tara)

Miracle stories

I 27(26) = B II 1 (Monesan) I 29(28) = B II 2 (Coroticus) I 28(27) = B II 3 (Benignus) I 23(22) = B II 4 (MacCuill) I 25(23) = B II 5 (pagans working) I 24 = B II 6 (Dáire & Armagh) I 26(25) (flooding of land)

Dedication to prayer

II 1 (prayed & made sign of cross) II 2 (pagan burial & cross – miracle type) II 3 (charioteer & missing horses – miracle type)

4 This table is based on Bieler’s edition of the text (1979). Howlett (2006) makes a number of changes but they do not heavily alter the flow of the work. Specifically, Howlett orders the miracles stories from section § I 27(26) = B II 1 in Bieler’s edition, in the following way: story of Macc Cuill § 23(22), story of Dáire and Armagh § 24, story of pagans working § 25(23), story of flooding land § 26(27), story of Monesan § 27(26), story of Benignus § 28(27), and finally the story of Coroticus § 29(28). Howlett also places the story numbered § II 15(13) in Bieler’s edition at the end of his edition, making it the concluding section.

170

taBle 2.4 Category of seCtions in MuirChú’s Main text

Category

Section

Patrick’s Death

II 4 (requests to go to Armagh) II 5 (burning bush & Victor) II 6(5) (requests before death) II 7(6) (dies 17 March) II 8(7) (death suspends nightfall) II 9 (receives sacrament) II 10(8) (angels visit dead body) II 11(9) (angel gives details of burial) II 12(10) (buried under one cubit of earth) II 13(11) (war over relics) II 14(12) (Airthir & Uí Neill attempt to steal relics)

5 Howlett places this story at the end of his edition – see above.

Index

Adomnán of Iona Cáin Adomnáin 66 Vita Sanctae Columbae 27, 29–30, 77 Áed of Sleaty 66, 67–68, 70 Ailerán 27, 29 Ail Find 50 Airthir 86, 130–31 alphabet hymns 22 alphabet tables 17, 39, 56, 57–58 Amathorex bishop, 75 angels 23, 25–26, 85, 95, 118, 130, 131 Annals of Ulster 29, 110 Anthony saint, 71 Antiphonry of Bangor 22 Aralanensis 48 Ardbraccan 28, 35, 37, 109; see also Ultán Arde Huimnonn 82–83 Ard Uiscon 51 Armagh 21, 31, 34, 37, 50, 80, 86, 91, 93, 97, 98, 116, 123, 128 associated churches 55, 99, 109–10, 121 founding of 21, 26, 81 gifting of land to Patrick 81, 83, 117, 130 Later Latin Lives, treatment in 117–18, 119, 123, 130, 131, 132, 133 Muirchú’s Life, treatment in 25, 26, 64, 65–66, 67, 68–69, 70, 109, 130, 133, 135 pre-eminence, claims of 25, 26, 36, 38, 56, 69, 85, 89, 96, 117–18, 119, 130, 131, 133, 135

scriptorium 21, 24, 94–96, 98, 99; see also Book of Armagh Tírechán’s Life, treatment in 35–37, 38, 39, 133, 135 Armagh federation 12, 54, 65 Assicus (smith) 36, 50, 51 Athanasius’ Life of St Anthony 71 Audite omnes amantes (‘Hymn of Secundinus’), 14, 22–23 Audite virginis laudes (hymn) 28 Auxilius 23–24, 54 Baislec 55 Bannavem Taburniae (Bannavem Thaburniae, Bannaventa Bérniae), 17, 75 Basilica of the Saints (Basilica Sanctorum) 51, 55 Bealach Dúin (now Castlekieran) 109– 10 Belgian manuscripts 105 Benignus 25, 36, 40, 57, 80–81, 82, 83– 84 Bernicius bishop, 55 Best, Richard Irvine 95 Betham, Sir William 102 Bethu Brigte 92 Bhreathnach, Edel 73 biblical models 16, 22, 60, 64, 69, 71, 73, 80, 84, 86 biblical names 29 Bibliothèque Royale, Brussels 65, 66 Bieler, Ludwig 11, 66, 67, 81, 98, 102, 104, 105, 106–7, 126 Binchy, Daniel 11–12

172

index

Birr, Synod of (697) 66, 67 Boidmal 50 Book of Armagh 93–100, 101 contents 94 Patrician material 33, 65, 93–99, 101, 102; Breuiarum, 95, 96, 97; Composite Life, 94–95; Confessio, edited version of, 25, 46, 90, 94, 95; Liber Angeli, 24– 26, 94, 95; Muirchú’s Life, 65, 66, 81, 94, 95–96; Notulae and Additamenta, 88, 94, 96, 97–99; Supplementum, 95, 132; Tírechán’s Life, 16, 33, 34, 35–36, 39, 41, 43, 46, 90, 94 scribes 94–96, 98, 99 Book of Daniel 79 Brendan, saint 131 Bretha Nemed Toísech 53 Breuiarum see Book of Armagh Brigit, saint 26, 29, 89, 93, 130, 131 Lives of 27, 28, 29, 35, 71, 92–93, 109, 129, 132; see also Vita Prima Sanctae Brigitae Brigit bé bithmaith (hymn) 28 Britain 15, 17, 20, 21, 59, 72, 74, 75, 82, 88, 104, 107, 109, 114, 125, 128, 129–30 British Church 47 dating of Easter 21–22 Patrick and 15, 17, 18, 90, 125; ecclesiastical training, 17, 18; episcopacy, 18 British manuscripts 14, 101, 107 British missionaries 54, 98 Bruscus 50 Bury, John Bagnell 105, 107, 109, 126 Byrne, Francis John 54, 108–9, 110 Calpornius (Patrick’s father) 17 Carnach (son of Flann) 110 Carpre mac Néill (brother of Loíguire) 122, 127 Cashel 110, 116, 118

Castlekieran, Co. Meath (Bealach Dúin) 109 Celestine, Pope 16, 118, 119 Cellanus 91 Cenél Fedelmtheo 54 Cenél Lóegairi 54 Cenn Crúach 122 Cethiacus, bishop 50, 60–61, 157 Charles-Edwards, Thomas 34, 55 childhood of Patrick 17, 75, 92, 112, 123, 128 Vita Secunda and Vita Quarta, in 124–25, 129–30, 133 Church see British Church; Continental Church; Irish Church; Patrician churches; Roman Church Cíarán, abbot of Disert Cíaráin 108, 109, 110 Cíarán, saint 49 Clancy, Thomas Owen 92 clerics see Irish Church Clonard 29 Clonfert 21 Clonmacnoise 36, 38 Cogitosus 27, 30, 66, 67, 71, 109, 129 Colgan, John 87 Trias Thaumaturga 101–2, 105 Collectanea see Tírechán’s Life (Collectanea) Collectio canonum hibernensis 24, 91 Colmán Elo 22 Colmán na mBretan, abbot of Slane 108–9 Cologne 106 Columba, saint 26, 27, 29–30, 77, 131 Columban federation 21 Comgella 50 Composite Life 94–95, 98 Conal mac Néill (brother of Loíguire) 115, 122, 127 Conall mac Éndai maic Amolngada 34, 59, 60–61, 115, 117 Conall mac Fáeláin, king of Leinster 34

index

Concessa (Patrick’s mother) 126 Confessio (Patrick) 11, 13, 14, 15, 17, 18, 19, 20, 22, 24, 25, 28, 59, 90 manuscript copy see Book of Armagh scholarly elaborations 49 as source: for Audite omnes amantes 22; Later Latin Lives, 112, 114– 15, 124–26; for Muirchú, 69, 74– 76, 135 (table); for Tírechán, 45– 48 Wood of Fochloth, references to 46; see also Wood of Fochloth Connacht 51, 55; see also Croagh Patrick; Wood of Fochloth Patrician churches 117 Patrician history of: Additamenta, 98; in Tírechán’s Collectanea, 34, 35, 38, 39, 41, 42–44, 45, 46, 51, 53, 55, 58–62, 63, 109, 115, 118, 135; in Vita Tertia, 115, 116, 117, 122 Constantius of Lyon 71, 72, 75 Continental Church 14, 21, 47, 70, 71 Continental hagiography 72–73, 92, 101, 103, 106 Continental manuscripts 90, 92, 105 conversion narratives 40 Loíguire and his daughters see under Loíguire, king of Tara Muirchú’s Life 60–61, 69, 169 (table) Tírechán’s Life 57–58, 58–60 Vita Tertia 119, 121–22 Coroticus 15, 19, 74, 80, 81–83, 114; see also Epistola ad Coroticum Corpus Iuris Hibernicis 53 Cothirthiacus 48 Creed (Apostles Creed) 60 Croagh Patrick 118, 132, 133 Cruth (druid) 40 cult objects and sites see Patrician cult Cumméne 27, 29, 30

Cummian, letter of see Epistola de controversia paschali Dáire 81, 82, 83, 85, 86, 117, 122, 127, 130 death and burial of Patrick 15–16, 96 date of death 15, 49, 92 Muirchú’s Life, in 16–17, 69, 72, 76, 84–85, 86, 120, 130–31, 170 (table) Vita Secunda and Vita Quarta, in 123, 127–28, 130–31 Vita Tertia, in 116, 119, 120–21 Dichú son of Trichim 77–78, 86, 96, 114, 117, 118–21, 122 Dísert Cíaráin 108, 109 domnach churches 54 Donatus, bishop of Fiesole 27, 29 Dorbbéne 27, 30 Downpatrick 85, 114, 119, 120–21, 122–23, 127, 130–31, 132, 133 druids 40, 43, 50, 61, 77, 78, 121–22 Druimm Sailech 83 Dubhthach moccu Lugair 77 Dumbarton 92 Dunshaughlin (Domnach Sechnaill) 54 Easter 21–22, 42, 79 Echu, son of Craim 119 Egypt 16 Endé son of Amolngid 40, 58, 59, 60, 61, 115 England 106 Epistola ad coroticum (Patrick) 13, 14, 15, 17, 18, 19, 45, 48, 74, 81–82, 94, 112, 114 Epistola de controversia paschali (Cummian) 14, 21 Ernéne, son of Craséne 30 Ernicius, bishop 55 Ethne, daughter of Loíguire 59–60 Eusebian Canon 29 Exodus 60

173

174

index

Felartus, bishop 51 Ferdomnach (scribe) 94, 95 Ferta fir Féicc 80 Fíacc 79 Fidelm, daughter of Loíguire 59–60 First Synod of St Patrick 23, 24–25 Fland Febla 66 Foilge 119 Ford of the Mill 50 foreign missionaries 23, 24–25, 54–55 Francis, Pádraig 108–9, 110 Frankish missionaries 51, 54–55 free churches 36, 44–45 Fursa, saint 91 Gaul 18, 28, 46, 47 Gelasius I, Pope 70 German manuscripts 105 Germanus, saint 19, 72, 75, 77, 119 Germany 110 Gillett, Andrew 72 Glastonbury 90, 103, 110 Greven, Hermann 106 Hennig, John 16 Herbert, Máire 27, 30 Herod 69 Hiberno-Latin hagiography 27, 29, 88, 91, 96, 104, 111, 112, 135 Hood, A.B.E. 95 Howlett, David 28, 65, 66, 81 hymns 14, 22–23, 28, 87, 96, 97 Interpretatio mystica et moralis progenitorum domini Iesu Christi (Ailerán) 29 Iona 21, 27, 29–30 Irish Annals 15 Irish Church 19, 38, 39; see also free churches; Patrician churches Armagh’s claims of pre-eminence see under Armagh

clerics 56–57; foreign, 23, 24–25; grades, 53; lists, 40 early Christian communities 13, 14, 16, 17, 30 Easter, dating of, 21–22 organisation and hierarchy 40, 56, 60; episcopacy, 14, 56–57 Palladian mission see Palladius Patrick, role of; see also Patrician cult; converter of the Irish 13–14, 16, 17, 19–20, 21, 23, 39, 40, 52– 53; founder, 14, 17; father/ leader, 21, 25–26, 31, 35, 36 Irish sayings 50, 156, 157 Iserninus 23–24, 54 Israelites 16 Italy 28, 46, 47, 126 Jocelin of Furness, Vita Patricii 119, 124 John of Tinmouth, Sanctilogium and Historia aurea 106 Kanon evangeliorum rhythmica (Ailerán) 29 Keating, Geoffrey 107 Kenney, James F. 108 Kildare 38, 66, 67, 70, 109 Landévenne (Brittany) 110 Lapidge, Michael 108 Later Latin Lives 11, 12, 33, 88, 89, 91, 96, 100, 101–4, 135; see also Vita Secunda and Vita Quarta; Vita Tertia authorship and composition 108– 12, 133 dating 107–8 manuscript traditions 101, 103, 104–7 law tracts 53, 87 Leinster 22, 23–24, 34, 41, 54, 93, 98, 116, 124, 132 Leland, John 106

index

Liber Angeli 21, 23, 24–26, 36, 38, 56, 85, 94 Lismore 110 literacy 17, 56, 57–58 Lochlethlanu (druid) 40, 50 Loíguire, king of Tara 42, 49, 58, 61, 69, 78, 80, 82, 86 brothers of 122, 127 conversion narrative 72, 77, 78, 79, 126, 127; refusal to convert, 43, 58, 59, 114, 116, 121–22 daughters, conversion of 40, 43, 59–60, 83, 115, 122, 127 Later Latin Lives, treatment in 118, 119, 120, 121–22, 126, 127, 130 Muirchú’s Life, treatment in 69, 72– 73, 77–80 Patrick’s defeat of 73, 86 Tírechán’s Life (Collectanea), treatment in 42, 58–59 Lommán 54, 98 Louvain 101 Lucet Mael (druid) 113 Lupita (sister of Patrick) 129, 130 Lynally, Co Meath 22 Macc Cuill 81, 82–83, 86, 113, 127 Macc Erce 57 McCone, Kim 28 Mag Airthir, church at 117 Mag Inis 81 Magonus 48 Mag Slecht 122, 127 Man [Isle] 82–83 Martin, saint 72, 81, 94, 119 Martyrology of Oengus 22 Mayo 35; see also Croagh Patrick Meath 22, 29, 109; see also Ardbraccan; Slane; Tara Miliucc (slave-owner) 77, 78, 80, 119, 121, 122, 127, 129 miracle stories 14, 27, 29, 52, 135 Muirchú’s Life 80–81, 89, 169 (table)

Vita Secunda and Vita Quarta, in 124, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 135 Vita Tertia, in 118 Monesan (British princess) 59, 60–61, 80, 81, 82, 84 Moses 16, 60, 85, 96 Mucneus 60–61 Mucno, well of 54 Mucnoe, bishop 50 Muirchú’s Vita Patricii 12, 15, 18, 20, 21, 22, 25, 26, 27, 29, 30, 33, 34, 37, 38, 58, 63–86, 66–67, 87, 89–90, 92, 101, 102, 103, 110, 111, 112, 119 Armagh, treatment of see under Armagh chronological arrangement 40, 71 conversion stories see conversion narratives cult-objects and sites, references to 167–68 (table) dating 34, 65 death of Patrick see death and burial of Patrick dedication to prayer 169 (table) Later Latin Lives, as a source for 113–14, 121, 122, 124, 126–27, 128, 130 legacy of 64 literary style 64 manuscript copies 65–66, 90, 94; see also Book of Armagh methodology 70–76 miracle tales see miracle stories motivations for writing 64, 69, 70, 71 narrative 14, 71, 72–73, 76–86, 169–70 (table) political aspects 70 rediscovery (1827) 63, 102 sources 14, 16, 21 sources for 64, 65, 71, 86; Áed of Sleaty, 66, 67–68; biblical models, 73, 86; Cogitosus, 66, 67, 71; Confessio (Patrick), 69,

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74, 75, 76, 126, 163 (table); Continental hagiographers, 72; Epistola (Patrick), 163 (table); oral and written sources, references to, 165–66 (table); Patrician traditions, 64, 70–72, 73–74 structure 72, 80, 86; hagiographical framework, 63–64; second book, 80–81 Tírechán’s Life, comparisons with 52, 60–61, 63, 73–74, 78–79, 80, 86 Munster 41, 110, 116, 118 Nationalbibliothek, Vienna 65 Nebuchadnezzor 69, 79, 86, 121 Ní car Brigit 27 Non-Classical Lexicon of Celtic Latinity 44 Northern French manuscripts 105 Notulae and Additamenta see under Book of Armagh Novara 77 65 Ó Corráin, Donnchadh 108 Ó Cróinín, Dáibhí 21–22 Oengus, king of Munster 118 Old Irish 101, 105, 106; see also Tripartite Life of Patrick Old Testament 16, 79 O’Loughlin, Thomas 73 Opus Tripartium 107 Orchard, Andy 22 Oswald, king of Northumbria 30 Palladian foundations 124 Palladius, bishop 16, 19, 22, 23, 75, 77, 92, 118, 132 Patrician churches 36, 37, 38, 45, 64, 98, 133 Armagh’s claim of pre-eminence see Armagh on the Continent 91–92

Tírechán’s promotion of 38, 45, 50– 51, 52 Vita Tertia, references in 117, 118 Patrician cult 11, 12, 13–16, 21–25, 87, 93 commemoration and veneration 16, 22 cult-objects and sites 14, 43, 50, 51; in Muirchú’s Life, 167–68 (table); in Tírechán’s Life, 159–61 (table) diversification 88 endurance of 88 feast day 15, 97 outside Ireland 92, 107 Patrick’s writings, influence of 14– 17, 46, 47–48 pilgrimage 51, 123, 133 Tírechán and 33, 37, 38, 39, 159–61 and Wood of Fochloth 34, 35 Patrician Lives 11, 12, 13, 14, 16, 33, 35; see also Hiberno-Latin hagiography; Later Latin Lives; Muirchú’s Vita Patricii; Tírechán’s Life (Collectanea); Ultán; Vita Secunda and Vita Quarta; Vita Tertia Book of Armagh, material in see Book of Armagh earliest hagiographical tradition 26–31 sources 13, 44 vernacular tradition 88, 89, 111; see also Tripartite Life of Patrick Patrick’s childhood see childhood of Patrick Patrick’s death see death and burial of Patrick Patrick’s travels see travels of Patrick Patrick’s writings 14–15, 23, 46, 111; see also Confessio; Epistola ad coroticum biographical information 14–15, 16–18 chronology 15 literary skills 17–18

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Muirchú’s engagement with 69, 74– 76, 135 as source for Lives 13 Tírechán’s engagement with 45–48 Paul, saint 77, 118, 132 peregrini 88, 91, 92 Péronne, Picardy 91–92 Peter, saint 118, 132 petitions of Patrick 96–97, 119 Picts 92, 132 pilgrimage 51, 123, 133; see also peregrini plagues 27, 34, 36, 38 Potitus 17 Probus 90, 103, 105 relics 60–61, 94, 118, 124, 130, 132, 159–61 (table), 167–68 (table); see also Patrician cult Rheims Prologue 27, 29 Roman Britain see Britain Roman Church 23 Romano-British 15, 17, 129–30; see also Coroticus Rome 19, 118 Rus son of Trichim 120, 127 Saint-Hubert, Ardennes 105 St Nicholas’s island 107 Saul 114, 117, 119 Scotland 19, 92; see also Iona Secundinus, saint 14, 22–25, 54 Ségene, abbot of Iona 27, 30 Segitius 77 Selc 50 Senan, saint 131 Senchas Már 77 Seól 50, 51 Sharpe, Richard 25, 26, 28, 94–95, 108 Síl nÁedo Sláine 37 Silnán 30 Slane, Co. Meath 108, 109 Sleaty 66, 67, 68

Southern Uí Néill 35, 37, 109, 132; see also Tara Stephen, saint 118 Succetus 48 Sulpicius Severus 71, 72, 94 Swift, Catherine 37 Synod of Birr (697) 66, 67 Synod of St Patrick see First Synod of St Patrick taboos 73 Tamar (river) 107 Tara, Co.Meath 21, 51 druids 40, 50, 61, 77, 78, 121–22 king of 80, 120, 121; see also Loíguire Muirchú’s Life, references in 68, 69, 72, 73, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 84, 86 pagan assembly at 79 Tírechán’s Life, references in 43, 50, 58, 60, 61 Vita Secunda and Vita Quarta, references in 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 132 Vita Tertia, references in 114, 115, 116, 118, 119, 121–22, 126 Tír Amolngid 43 Tírechán’s Life (Collectanea) 12, 14, 16, 17, 18, 21, 22, 23, 25, 28, 29, 30, 33– 62, 34, 35–37, 38, 71, 78–79, 85, 89, 90, 92, 101, 102, 103, 109, 111, 112, 114, 117, 121, 124 Armagh, treatment of see under Armagh in Book of Armagh 16, 33, 34, 39, 41, 43, 90, 94 chronology 40 clerical lists 40, 53–54 Connacht, references to see under Connacht dating 34 methodology 39–52, 74 motivation 34, 35, 36, 37–39, 40, 43, 44–45, 52–53, 70

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Muirchú’s Life, comparisons with 52, 60–61, 63, 73–74, 78–79, 80, 86 narrative 39–42, 52–62 Patrick’s circuit of the island see travels of Patrick portrayal of Patrick 39–40, 52, 53, 55–56 readership 38, 39 sources and influences 36, 41, 42, 43, 44–52; church elders, 44, 49; cult objects and sites, 50; expert scholars, 49–50; Irish sayings, 50, 157; Patrick’s writings, 42, 45– 48, 155–57 (table); Ultán, 42, 48–49, 155–57 (table); written and oral sources, references to, 155–58 (table) structure 39–44, 58; temporal framework, 42–43 Tara story see under Tara Vita Tertia, as a source for 115, 116, 122 Torbach, abbot of Armagh 94, 95, 99 travels of Patrick 23, 47, 48 circuit of the island 25; Tírechán’s Life, 34–35, 39–40, 41, 42–43, 50, 55, 61, 117; Vita Tertia, 116– 17 on the Continent 18–19, 28, 46, 47, 48, 51, 75, 116 Triads of Ireland 27 Trim 54, 98, 99 Tripartite Life of Patrick 29, 33, 88, 101, 105, 108, 109, 111, 112, 116, 130, 131, 133 Túath Mochthaine 66 Uí Amolngada 35, 59, 115 sons of 20, 42, 61 Uí Díchon 120 Uí Dunlainge 34 Uí Néill 35, 37, 38, 39, 41, 42, 43, 58, 61, 62, 69, 86, 92–93, 109, 115, 116,

121, 122, 132; see also Southern Uí Néill Ulstermen: dispute with Airthir 130– 31 Ultán, abbot of Ardbraccan 13, 27–29, 30, 49, 109 Life of Brigit 28, 29, 35 Life of Patrick 35, 37, 45, 46, 48 Tírechán and 27, 35, 37, 38, 42, 48– 49, 109, 155–57 (table) Uraicecht Becc 53 Ussher, James 33, 107 Britannicarum Ecclesiarum Antiquitates 101 Ventre 75, 92 vernacular tradition 88, 89, 111; see also Tripartite Life of Patrick Victor (angel) 77, 85, 120 Victoricus 74 Vienna Fragments 65, 66 visions of Patrick 20, 74 Vita Prima Sanctae Brigitae 27, 28, 92– 93, 109, 127, 129, 130 Vita Secunda and Vita Quarta 10, 103, 104, 111, 112, 114, 122–33, 135 authorship and motivation 110, 124, 130, 131, 132–33; regional dimension, 132, 133 Brigit, references to 127–28, 130, 131, 132 dating 108 manuscript traditions 105–6, 107, 130 narrative 124–30; see also childhood of Patrick; death and burial of Patrick; miracle stories; Tara sources and influences 123–28, 132–33 Vita Tertia 87, 92, 101, 104, 111, 112– 23, 129, 133 authorship 110, 119, 120–21 dating 108

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death of Patrick 116, 119, 120–21 Dichú, portrayal of 114, 117, 118– 21, 122 geographical division 116–19; Armagh, importance of, 117–18, 119; Connacht references, 115, 118; Downpatrick traditions, 120–21; Munster references, 118 manuscript traditions 106–7, 122– 23 Patrician foundations 117, 118 reintroduction to Ireland 107 sources and influences 112–16, 121

structure 112, 116–18 Tara narrative see under Tara travels of Patrick 116–17 Vita Quarta, aspects in 124 Wales 109 Ware, James 107 Well of Clébach 60, 61 William of Malmesbury, Life of Patrick 106 Wood of Fochloth 20, 34–35, 37, 42– 43, 46, 47, 51, 58–59, 60, 61

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