Life at Court: Ideology and Audience in the Late Assyrian Palace 3963271345, 9783963271342

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marru 11 Portuese • Life at Court

Life at Court Ideology and Audience in the Late Assyrian Palace Ludovico Portuese

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Life at Court Ideology and Audience in the Late Assyrian Palace

Ludovico Portuese

© 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

marru Studien zur Vorderasiatischen Archäologie Studies in Near and Middle Eastern Archaeology

Band 11 Herausgegeben von Reinhard Dittmann, Ellen Rehm und Dirk Wicke

© 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

Life at Court Ideology and Audience in the Late Assyrian Palace

Ludovico Portuese

Zaphon Münster 2020 © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

Illustration on the cover: Wall painting from Til-Barsip (8th century BCE); A. Parrot, Assur (L’Univers des formes 2; Paris: Gallimard, 1961). Fig. 112 (https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Tell_Ahmar,_mural_palacio_rey_ Tiglatpileser_audiencia_sicglo_VIII.jpg)

Ludovico Portuese: Life at Court. Ideology and Audience in the Late Assyrian Palace marru 11

© 2020 Zaphon, Münster (www.zaphon.de) All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Printed in Germany Printed on acid-free paper ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 ISSN 2569-5851

© 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

A Tea e Leopoldo Maria con profondo amore

© 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

© 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

Acknowledgments This book is a revised version of my doctoral dissertation, presented at the Freie Universität Berlin in 2019. I am grateful to many for their support in the course of this project. My special and foremost thanks goes to Prof. Dr. Dominik Bonatz (first supervisor), for his thoughtful and critical reading of my work, and for the model of thoroughness and precision in scholarship that his own work provides. My greatest debt is to Prof. Dr. Florian Janoscha Kreppner (second supervisor), who gave me extremely valuable suggestions. His methodological conscientiousness in archaeology has led me to think with more attention the approaches to ancient architecture. This feat was possible also because of the unconditional support provided by Prof. Davide Nadali. My debt to Davide extends widely. He is the one who, back in my undergraduate years, indirectly introduced me to the Assyrian art and to the groundbreaking scientific approaches his own work offers. He gave me continuous support and guidance in the years that followed and kept me motivated throughout the writing and editing of the articles bound in this work. I also wish to thank past teachers, especially Prof. Stefania Mazzoni and Prof. Giuseppe Del Monte. They introduced me to the archaeology, art, history, languages, and texts of the ancient Neat East, starting me on my journey towards the study of the relationships between images and texts in antiquity. They have continued to encourage me throughout my doctorate at the Freie Universität Berlin, and I am particularly indebted to them for their perseverance in helping a former student. I am also hugely appreciative to Prof. Paolo Gentili, for his valuable guidance, scholarly inputs and consistent encouragement I received at the early stage of my research work. He was a tremendous guide for me and played a crucial role in my academic career. I feel extremely privileged to have been his student and I owe a lot to him for this achievement. I am indebted to a number of other scholars I had the privilege to meet at various stages of my research. These include Prof. Dr. Reinhard Bernbeck, Prof. Chicako E. Watanabe, Prof. Lorenzo Verderame, Prof. Paolo Matthiae, Dr. Silvana Di Paolo, Dr. David Kertai, Dr. Paul Collins, Dr. Elisabeth Wagner-Durand, and Dr. Norma Franklin. The final book has greatly benefited from their work. I want to thank the publishing house Zaphon, its owner Dr. Kai A. Metzler for his sustained and invaluable support throughout the review process, and the series executive board for publishing my work. I have to express my warmest thanks to my other colleagues and friends in Berlin who supported me academically as well as emotionally. This especially applies to Marta Pallavidini and Marco Copercini, Federico Longo, Nathalie Kallas, Federico Manuelli, Mariacarmela (Mia) Montesanto.

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Acknowledgments

The thesis would not have come to a successful completion without the help of Peter Trevelyan, who spent countless hours on my research work correcting my English with endless patience and helped me to improve my style of writing. Peter, his loving wife Diane and his talented son Julian, have left an indelible mark on my life. I thank them all. I owe a lot to my dad and mom, my brothers Orazio and Artù and sister Maria Pia Michela, my sister-in-law Darila. Their devotion, unconditional love and support, patience, sacrifices, optimism and advice were essential to go through all the difficulties and achieve this challenging result. They are a godsend, a balm for my life and soul. Finally, words cannot express how grateful I am to my wife Teresa: she took with loving sweetness, discreet support, full confidence, and great deference my yoke and burden. She is a grace and I dedicate this book to her and our love, Leopoldo Maria. Last and most, I am grateful to God, who is my Way, my Truth, and my Life.

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Table of Contents

List of Tables .................................................................................................... xiii List of Figures ................................................................................................... xiii Conventions ..................................................................................................... xvii Abbreviations ................................................................................................... xvii Introduction........................................................................................................... 1 Chapter 1: Sources and Their Reading ................................................................. 7 1.1 The Late Assyrian Empire ......................................................................... 7 1.2 Sources and Their Reading ...................................................................... 11 1.2.1 Archaeological Sources: the Royal Palace and the City ....................... 11 1.2.2 Art Historical Sources: Reliefs ............................................................. 13 1.2.3 Textual Evidence .................................................................................. 16 1.3 Kingship and Ideology ............................................................................ 17 1.4 Court and Audience ................................................................................. 20 Chapter 2: Protecting the Palace ......................................................................... 23 2.1 Introduction ............................................................................................. 23 2.2 The Architecture of Two Case Studies .................................................... 23 2.2.1 Architecture and Connectivity .............................................................. 28 2.3 Doors and Protective Figures .................................................................. 33 2.3.1 Rituals and Incantations ....................................................................... 40 2.3.2 Doorways and Circulation .................................................................... 50 2.4 Summary and Further Reflections ........................................................... 53 Chapter 3: Reasons for Entering the Palace and Identity of Entrants ................. 55 3.1 Introduction ............................................................................................. 55 3.2 Great Events ............................................................................................ 55 3.2.1 Compulsory Events: Tribute and Audience Gift .................................. 60 3.2.2 Procession Scenes................................................................................. 69 3.3 Crime, Arrest, and Public Exhibitions ..................................................... 77 3.4 Private Events .......................................................................................... 81 3.5 Religious Events ...................................................................................... 86 3.6 Personal Meetings ................................................................................... 95 3.7 Summary and Further Reflections ........................................................... 98 Chapter 4: Royal Protocol................................................................................. 101 4.1 Introduction ........................................................................................... 101 4.2 When Visiting the King ......................................................................... 101 4.3 Preparations Before Going to the Palace ............................................... 103 4.4 In the Palace itself: People Responsible for the Ushering in ................. 105 © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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4.5 Etiquette................................................................................................. 110 4.5.1 Insiders ............................................................................................... 111 4.5.2 Outsiders ............................................................................................. 118 4.6 The Interpreter ....................................................................................... 122 4.7 Summary and Further Reflections ......................................................... 124 Chapter 5: Before the King ............................................................................... 127 5.1 Introduction ........................................................................................... 127 5.2 Appearing Before the Assyrian King ................................................... 127 5.3 The King’s Appearance ......................................................................... 130 5.4 The King’s Insignia ............................................................................... 134 5.5 The King’s Gestures and Etiquette ........................................................ 139 5.6 Protection and Assistance for the King ................................................. 141 5.7 Summary and Further Reflections ......................................................... 143 Chapter 6: During the Stay in the Palace .......................................................... 145 6.1 Introduction ........................................................................................... 145 6.2 Hospitality ............................................................................................. 145 6.3 Court Entertainments ............................................................................. 151 6.4 Summary and Further Reflections ......................................................... 158 Chapter 7: Palace Reliefs .................................................................................. 161 7.1 Introduction ........................................................................................... 161 7.2 Message: Northwest Palace ................................................................... 161 7.2.1 Procession Scenes............................................................................... 162 7.2.2 Mythical-Symbolic Scenes ................................................................. 163 7.2.3 Warfare Scenes ................................................................................... 164 7.2.4 Hunting Scenes ................................................................................... 170 7.3 Message: Dur-Sharrukin Palace ............................................................ 171 7.3.1 Procession Scenes............................................................................... 171 7.3.2 Warfare Scenes ................................................................................... 173 7.3.3 Hunting Scenes ................................................................................... 174 7.3.4 Banquet Scenes................................................................................... 175 7.4 Code ...................................................................................................... 176 7.4.1 Amplification...................................................................................... 178 7.4.2 Emotional Salience ............................................................................. 180 7.4.3 Simplification ..................................................................................... 182 7.4.4 Symmetry ........................................................................................... 183 7.4.5 Distribution and Contrast of Elements ............................................... 184 7.4.6 Central Positioning of Elements ......................................................... 184 7.4.7 Composition Regarding the Flow of Elements ................................... 186 7.4.8 Significant Objects ............................................................................. 186 7.5 Context .................................................................................................. 188 7.5.1 Northwest Palace: Throne Room Courtyard....................................... 189 © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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7.5.2 Throne Room (B) ............................................................................... 189 7.5.3 West Suite........................................................................................... 192 7.5.4 East Suite ............................................................................................ 193 7.5.5 South Suite ......................................................................................... 194 7.5.6 Dur-Sharrukin Palace: Throne Room Courtyard VIII and Courtyard III ....................................................................................... 194 7.5.7 Suite 5 ................................................................................................. 196 7.5.8 Suite 5a ............................................................................................... 199 7.6 Medium (Physical Channel) .................................................................. 199 7.7 Audience ................................................................................................ 201 7.7.1 Northwest Palace ................................................................................ 203 7.7.2 Dur-Sharrukin Palace ......................................................................... 207 7.8 Summary and Further Reflections ......................................................... 210 Chapter 8: Palace Inscriptions .......................................................................... 213 8.1 Introduction ........................................................................................... 213 8.2 Message ................................................................................................. 214 8.3 Code ...................................................................................................... 215 8.3.1 Language ............................................................................................ 215 8.3.2 Writing Plan (Genres and Forms) ....................................................... 218 8.3.3 Content and Structure ......................................................................... 219 8.3.4 Writing Relationship .......................................................................... 221 8.4 Context .................................................................................................. 222 8.4.1 Northwest Palace: Wall Slabs............................................................. 222 8.4.2 Northwest Palace: Throne Base .......................................................... 223 8.4.3 Northwest Palace: Colossi and Thresholds......................................... 224 8.4.4 Dur-Sharrukin Palace: Wall Slabs ...................................................... 227 8.4.5 Dur-Sharrukin Palace: Epigraphs ....................................................... 229 8.4.6 Dur-Sharrukin Palace: Colossi ........................................................... 230 8.4.7 Dur-Sharrukin Palace: Thresholds...................................................... 231 8.5 Medium (Physical Channel) .................................................................. 234 8.6 Audience ................................................................................................ 235 8.6.1 Northwest Palace ................................................................................ 237 8.6.2 Dur-Sharrukin Palace ......................................................................... 238 8.7 Summary and Further Reflections ......................................................... 240 Chapter 9: Palatial Spaces, Audience, Propaganda........................................... 243 9.1 Introduction ........................................................................................... 243 9.2 Palatial Spaces ....................................................................................... 243 9.3 Situational Audience ............................................................................. 252 9.4 Target Audience .................................................................................... 259 9.5 Temporal Audience ............................................................................... 260 9.6 Propaganda ............................................................................................ 261 9.7 Summary and Further Reflections ......................................................... 266 © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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Conclusions....................................................................................................... 269 Bibliography ..................................................................................................... 273 Indices ............................................................................................................... 307 Subjects ....................................................................................................... 307 Personal Names ........................................................................................... 310 Ancient Sources ........................................................................................... 312 Expressions for Etiquette ............................................................................. 318 Modern Authors .......................................................................................... 318

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List of Tables Table 1 Table 2 Table 3

Objects and gestures of apotropaic figures Organization of inscriptions in the royal palace of Dur-Sharrukin Groups and subsets of the situational audience

List of Figures Figure 1 Figure 2 Figure 3 Figure 4 Figure 5 Figure 6 Figure 7 Figure 8 Figure 9 Figure 10 Figure 11 Figure 12

Figure 13 Figure 14

Figure 15 Figure 16

Figure 17

Figure 18

Map of the Neo-Assyrian Empire Kalhu Kalhu citadel Dur-Sharrukin Dur-Sharrukin citadel Primary syntactic relations Northwest Palace (Kalhu) Royal Palace (Dur-Sharrukin) Reconstruction of a Neo-Assyrian sikkatu lock Northwest Palace (Kalhu): plan of the main suites showing fittings of doors found in situ Royal Palace (Dur-Sharrukin): plan of the main suites showing fittings of doors found in situ Northwest Palace (Kalhu): lion colossus holding goat, from the Throne Room (B), door d (B–d–1) and winged genie holding goat and palm frond, from corridor Z, door a (Z–a–1) Northwest Palace (Kalhu): winged genie holding cone and bucket, from room G, door d (G–d–2) Northwest Palace (Kalhu): winged genie holding a stalk of alternating tufted rosettes and cones, from the Throne Room (B), door b (B– 16) Northwest Palace (Kalhu): winged genie holding stag and palm offshoot, from the Throne Room (B), door d (B–30) Winged genie carrying a stalk of pomegranates and holding a mace, from the Northwest Palace, room S, door d (S–d–1); winged genie and genie from Dur-Sharrukin Palace, room 2, door G (relief 1) Northwest Palace (Kalhu): winged genie holding a stalk of rosettes and performing a blessing/greeting gesture, from room S, door b (S– 6) Northwest Palace (Kalhu): plan of the main suites and inner circulation © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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Figure 19 Figure 20 Figure 21

Figure 22 Figure 23 Figure 24 Figure 25 Figure 26 Figure 27 Figure 28 Figure 29 Figure 30 Figure 31 Figure 32 Figure 33 Figure 34 Figure 35 Figure 36 Figure 37 Figure 38 Figure 39

List of Figures

Royal Palace (Dur-Sharrukin): plan of the main suites and inner circulation Northwest Palace (Kalhu): procession scenes, drawings of reliefs lining the Throne Room (B) façade Royal Palace (Dur-Sharrukin): procession scenes, drawings of reliefs lining the southwest wall of façade n, the northwest wall of façade n, and the wall of façade L Royal Palace (Dur-Sharrukin): procession scenes, drawings of reliefs 6 and 7 lining the wall of corridor 10 Royal Palace (Dur-Sharrukin): ša-bēti-šanie, šaqû, mukīl appāti, šapān-ekalli, drawings of reliefs 35, 26, 30, 25 from façade L Royal Palace (Dur-Sharrukin): Phrygian tribute-bearers, drawings of reliefs 29 and 34 from room 6 Royal Palace (Dur-Sharrukin): torture scene, drawings of reliefs 11 and 13 lining the southeast wall of room 8 Royal Palace (Dur-Sharrukin): torture scene, drawings of reliefs 24 and 25 from room 8 Royal Palace (Dur-Sharrukin): banquet scene (upper register) and warfare scene (lower register), drawing of relief 18 from room 2 Northwest Palace (Kalhu): king accompanied by attendants and genies, drawings of reliefs lining the walls of rooms G and H Palace (Til-Barsip): enthroned king, wall painting from room XXIV, panel b Central Palace (Kalhu): Tiglath-pileser III on his throne, drawing of a relief Hall’s proxemic zones Royal Palace (Dur-Sharrukin): Sargon II and the crown prince, drawing of relief 12 from façade L Royal Palace (Dur-Sharrukin): musicians (upper register) and warfare scene (lower register), drawing of relief 21 from room 2 Palace (Til-Barsip): king with wild animal (?), part of the wall-painting from room XXIV, panel gb Northwest Palace (Kalhu): drawings of reliefs lining the walls of the Throne Room (B) Northwest Palace (Kalhu): warfare scenes, drawings of reliefs B–3– 11 lining the west side of the south wall of the Throne Room (B) Northwest Palace (Kalhu): warfare scenes, drawings of reliefs B– 17–18 lining the east side of the south wall of the Throne Room (B) Northwest Palace (Kalhu): royal hunt, drawings of reliefs B–19–20 lining the east side of the south wall of the Throne Room (B) Royal Palace (Dur-Sharrukin): royal hunt, drawing of the lower register of relief 11 from room 7 © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

List of Figures

Figure 40 Figure 41 Figure 42 Figure 43 Figure 44 Figure 45 Figure 46 Figure 47 Figure 48 Figure 49

xv

Northwest Palace (Kalhu): king flanking the stylized tree, drawings of reliefs B–12–14 and B–22–24 from the Throne Room (B) Royal Palace (Dur-Sharrukin): warfare scene, drawing of relief 22 from room 2 Northwest Palace (Kalhu): crying women, lower register of relief B–5 (left side) from the Throne Room (B) Royal Palace (Dur-Sharrukin): procession of captives, drawing of the lower register of reliefs 9 and 8 from room 5 Northwest Palace (Kalhu): Banquet Stele, from alcove EA Northwest Palace (Kalhu): Throne Room (B) and a paired tetrahedral representation of generation of bipolar emotions Royal Palace (Dur-Sharrukin): warfare scenes, drawings of reliefs 6 and 5 opposite door S, from room 5 Model of visual communication Royal Palace (Dur-Sharrukin): servants taking liquid from a cauldron, drawing of the upper register of relief 1, door H, from room 2 Crowd of medium size standing and walking in the Throne Room Courtyard of the Northwest Palace

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Conventions Proper Names This book follows convention by referring to king’s names and city’s names by their normalized names (e.g. Assurnasirpal, Sargon, Tiglath-pileser, or Assur), and special characters and diacritics have been simplified: sh replaces š; t stands for ṭ; h for ḫ. Ancient Words Transliterated Akkadian words are rendered in italics (šarru, ekallu), while Sumerian logograms appear in small caps with periods between (LÚ.GAL.MEŠ). Diacritics and special characters are included when citing the original language.

Abbreviations ABL AO ARAB 2 BM CAD CTN I CTN III CTN V MVN PNA 1/I PNA 2/I PNA 2/II PNA 3/II PNA 4/I RIMA 2 RIMA 3 RINAP 1 RINAP 3 RINAP 4 RINAP 5 SAA 1 SAA 2 SAA 3

see Harper 1892–1914 Antiquités orientales, Louvre Museum see Luckenbill 1927 British Museum Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago (1956–2010) see Kinnier Wilson 1972 see Dalley / Postgate 1984 see Saggs 2001 Materiali per il vocabolario neo-sumerico (1974–2003) see Radner 1998 see Baker 2000 see Baker 2001 see Baker 2011 see Baker 2017 see Grayson 1991b see Grayson 1996 see Tadmor / Yamada 2011 see Grayson / Novotny 2012 (Part 1), 2014 (Part 2) see Leichty 2011 see Novotny / Jeffers 2018 see Parpola 1987 see Parpola / Watanabe 1988 see Livingstone 1989 © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

xviii

SAA 4 SAA 5 SAA 6 SAA 7 SAA 8 SAA 9 SAA 10 SAA 11 SAA 12 SAA 13 SAA 15 SAA 16 SAA 17 SAA 18 SAA 19 SAA 20

Abbreviations

see Starr 1990 see Lanfranchi / Parpola 1990 see Kwasman / Parpola 1991 see Fales / Postgate 1992 see Hunger 1992 see Parpola 1997a see Parpola 1993 see Fales / Postgate 1995 see Kataja / Whiting 1995 see Cole / Machinist 1998 see Fuchs / Parpola 2001 see Luukko / Van Buylaere 2002 see Dietrich 2003 see Reynolds 2003 see Luukko 2012 see Parpola 2017

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Introduction “he spent all his time in the palace, seen by no one except his concubines and attendant eunuchs […]. And the fact that he was seen by no one outside the palace meant that everyone was ignorant of the extent of his luxurious lifestyle, and no one dared to speak ill of him through fear, as if he were an unseen god” (Ctesias, Persica, F1b, 21.2, 7).1 Around the 5th–4th century BCE Ctesias of Cnidos, the court doctor to the Great King and the Persian royal family, attempted in his famous Persica to articulate not only a history of Assyria but also the nature of the Assyrian king, his seclusion in his palace, overwhelmed by luxury, his passivity before events, his voluptuous character. Ctesias’ description implies the production of a cruel and fearful king, the image of an invisible person who lives like an unseen god in an inaccessible building, whose access is strictly regulated or even hindered by a rhetorical etiquette in the court. Ctesias states that a certain king Ninyas, son of Semiramis, introduced the king’s inaccessibility and invisibility and refers to this aspect as a change in the personal behavior of his royal persona, though also his successors up to the popular Sardanapallus ruled in a similar way.2 The tales of Ctesias were taken by later authors to be accounts of real facts and both Greeks and Romans had certainly no opportunity to confirm or deny the historical accuracy of these beliefs about the Assyrian kings. Thus, Ctesias’ view shaped the later tradition and decisively contributed to the creation and development of the stereotypical view of the Oriental court, in particular the concept of inaccessibility/invisibility of the palace/king.3 Archaeological remains and recent analyses of textual evidence have proved that Ctesias had little to do with historical reality and also his view on the lifestyle of the Assyrian king was perhaps fictional rather than real or at least exaggerated for some reasons. It is not unlikely that underneath there might be a kernel of truth: a direct memory of the Neo-Assyrian protocol or etiquette, through written and/or oral sources, is plausible. However, it is likewise probable that Ctesias, living at the court of the Achaemenid king, may have projected back to the Assyrian period behaviours and protocols of the Achaemenid court which he may have observed and pondered negatively with personal opinions. In a similar vein, in fact, Herodotus states that through personal inaccessibility and invisibility De1

Translation by Llewellyn-Jones / Robson 2010. Semiramis and Sardanapallus have been historicized and their names can be connected with Sammuramat, mother of Adad-nirari III (810–783 BCE) and Assurbanipal (668–631 BCE); by contrast, Ninyas is apparently a fictious figure (Lanfranchi 2011, 208–210; Rollinger 2017, 576; Frahm 2020). 3 Frahm 2003; Rollinger 2017. 2

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2

Introduction

ioces—the first Median king who freed Media from the Assyrian dominion—finally obtained a strong dominion, which Herodotus designates “tyranny.”4 Thus, for Ctesias the Assyrian Empire may have functioned as the base on which later empires and states built their own reality: the Assyrians, in other words, were the inventors and the founders of the concept of Asian kingship and the “Oriental” court.5 At this stage, the pushing back of the restricted royal accessibility and protocol to a period before the Achaemenids, an approach shared by Herodotus and Ctesias, might cast light on the then current etiquette of the Achaemenid court, which Ctesias may have had some experience. Today, may we accept the Achaemenid court life as a model and measure for the Assyrian court life? The fact that both Herodotus and Ctesias present negative views on Asian kings leads to the suspicion that the emphasis on the inaccessibility and invisibility of the king may have been an exclusively Greek attitude and their negative judgments were consequently the outcome of a specific ideological position, intended to depict the Persian kings as oppressive tyrants.6 No Achaemenid literature survives to study the problem from a Persian perspective, and our knowledge of Achaemenid Persia depends to a large extent on classical, and especially Greek, sources (beside Ctesias and Herodotus, also Xenophon and Pseudo-Aristotle). These basically show that ceremonies, dress, and posture operated around the figure of the Achaemenid king to differentiate him from guests and participants and reinforce his unique position. Notwithstanding the fact that ceremonies could be the occasion to see the king, descriptions give evidence of the inaccessibility of the king and his palace and he is described as a shadowy figure even to longstanding courtiers, separated physically from everyone also during dinners and feasts. As a consequence, the fortunate few able to access the palace and meet the king were perceived to be in a position of favour and influence. This inaccessibility was moreover enhanced by the strict etiquette that regulated any physical and verbal contact with the king. Although we must recognize that the Greek fascination with the image of the invisible and inaccessible king served a negative agenda to create the Hellenic stereotype of the degenerate Oriental despot, archaeological evidence and iconographic references from the Persian capitals (e.g. Persepolis, Susa), seem to indicate access to the king may have been controlled, and this contributed to turn him into a figure remote from his subjects. Scholars, accordingly, do not totally reject the notion of inaccessibility of the palace and invisibility of the king, and note that this aura of unseen demi-god was fundamentally important to the Achaemenid concept of kingship, allowing the king to control his courtiers, honour them with access to his person, and sparking rivalries among them to make them eager to 4

Herodotus, The Histories, 99, translation by Rawlinson, 2013. Lanfranchi 2010; 2011. 6 Brosius 2007, 17–18; Lanfranchi 2010; 2011. 5

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Introduction

3

better their social positions.7 Therefore, Achaemenid kings followed a practice adopted by other rulers, such as the Abbasid caliphs,8 Ottomans and Safavid shahs,9 Mughal emperors,10 and also late Ottoman sultans,11 which highlights the nature of the “court” that mirrors a specific “ideology” essentially built on a pronounced physical distance and natural difference between the ruler and his “audience.” The unhappy consequence for scholarship, however, is that the Assyrian court and the Assyrian king’s lifestyle were also associated with this region-wide courtly concept of royal invisibility and palace inaccessibility, and there have been scholars that subsumed the Assyrian reality into the general western view of the Oriental court, suggesting haphazard comparisons with the Ottoman period for instance, as though Assyria was the starting point of later Asian courts.12 Although this is one possible scenario, we must acknowledge that the nature of the sources predetermines our interpretations. Compared to the piecemeal evidence for the Achaemenid court structure, a good number of late Assyrian letters, administrative documents and iconographic references deal with court life and may help redefining the notion of inaccessibility of the palace and invisibility of the king. This would avoid too great a generalization or elusive references to the shapeless image of the Oriental court characterized, as western views believe, by generic phenomena—such as lust, backstairs influences, intrigues, flatteries, secrets—associated with bad or weak rulers or with whole societies classed as degenerate. The complexity and originality of the Assyrian court can be appreciated through such comparisons but these, of course, may lead to the misplacing or hiding of nuances that can be grasped only through a painstaking analysis of the sources at our disposal. The image of the Assyrian court life has not only been overshadowed by western preconceptions or tainted by fallacious comparisons, but also modern theoretical definitions and cultural loans have obfuscated its peculiar characters. It is significant, in this respect, that interpretations of the modern European court of Louis XIV dominated the academic discussion and became the most powerful general model for courts in Europe and elsewhere. This is due to the work of Norbert Elias, who used Versailles as a concrete case-study to represent the very epitome of a model court, which in fact became the starting point for comparative and interpretative excursions.13 However, although his work represents the first to impart scholarly rigour and which still appeals to a number of court historians, Elias describes and pictures a court that is fundamentally an arena for worldly and 7

Brosius 2007; Llewellyn-Jones 2013, 42–73. Van Berkel et al. 2013. 9 Duindam 2016, 179. 10 Koch 2011. 11 Stephanov 2016. 12 Grayson 1991a, 197. 13 Elias 1969. See Spawforth 2007; Duindam et al. 2011. 8

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4

Introduction

largely secular activities, where religion remains in the shadow: this is not the case with almost all pre-modern courts, where religion is the backdrop of any activity. The complexity of the subject therefore requires specific and not general investigations, and the problem of definition must be faced for every epoch because courts differ widely, built as they are on specific ideologies, and may change with time. The vagueness of the terminology may lead to inaccurate conclusions or contrived comparisons that inevitably create stereotypes or descriptions that are too general. In this regard, the labelling any royal building permeated by the presence of the king as “court” and any person orbiting around the king as “courtier,” establishes categories of comparison that obscure cultural and social divergences. The multiple associations of the terms court and courtiers, comprehensibly adopted for convenience in a number of studies, complicate understanding in the Near Eastern context, with varying sources, contexts and phenomena suggesting widely differing readings. In more detail, the term “courtier” is generally and ambiguously used to indicate any person at court from domestics to highranking officials and ruler’s intimates.14 It is the very elusiveness of this term that frustrates attempts to define a “court.” The court often appears a large amorphous body referring now to a physical location or an institution, now to a group of people, or even to a particular event. The difficulty in defining a court is also evidenced by the words of Walter Map, the Welshman cleric at the court of Henry II of England, who offers the following ironic definition: “in the court I exist and of the court I speak, but what the court is, God knows, I know not. I do know however that the court is not time; but temporal it is, changeable and various, space-bound and wandering, never continuing in one state. When I leave it, I know it perfectly: when I come back to it I find nothing or but little of what I left there…The court is the same, its members are changed…today we are one number, tomorrow we shall be a different one: yet the court is not changed; it remains always the same…a hundred-handed giant,…a hydra of many heads,…the court is constant only in inconstancy.”15 If already around the 1180 CE the chameleon-like and elusive nature of the court was manifest, the difficulties that this term poses when dealing with the preclassical Near East becomes even more complex. Part of the difficulty in defining and understanding the construction, functioning, and ideology of an ancient reality that might fall within the modern term “court” lies with the source material available. Scholars of the Achaemenid court, for instance, greatly benefit from comparisons with European examples, such as the Tudor England and the French court, but also older eastern courts such as the Egyptian, Neo-Assyrian, Babylonian, Urartian, Levantine, and Anatolian, and successive empires influenced by 14 15

Duindam 2011, 2. Walter Map, De Nugis Curialium; quoted in Griffiths 1991, 32. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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the Achaemenid court such as the court of Alexander of Macedon, the Seleucid, Roman and Byzantine courts up to the Safavid, Qajar and Pahlavi courts of the sixteenth to twentieth centuries CE.16 The Achaemenid court was accordingly defined as the “vibrant contact point” between the king and the ruling classes which could coincide with a single place, the palace, or could be itinerant or moveable.17 Additionally, scholarship has proposed a divide between a close or inner and a wider or outer court, the former being represented by the king’s friends, namely those figures orbiting around the king on an intimate base; the second being made up of figures who did not normally operate in close physical proximity to the king. But while some courts can be understood through remains of monumental buildings and isolated bits of textual information from other epochs, the late Assyrian Empire has an immensely rich legacy of written sources in addition to buildings and iconography. Instead, a polyphonic reading of the evidence supports a definition of the court and the reconstruction of the life at court in the late Assyrian period that does not rely either on comparisons or depend on theoretical definitions of court and courtier. The royal palaces at Kalhu, Dur-Sharrukin, and Nineveh in the “heartland” of the Assyrian realm provide, in this respect, a wealth of archaeological information and their interior was richly decorated with reliefs and inscriptions. These decorated spaces invite one to replace the notion of “inaccessibility” in favour of an openness of the palace to be seen and admired. This leads to a different notion of “court” built on an “ideology” that envisages positive and outward-looking interactions between the king and his “audience.” A comprehensive overview of the sources for a reexamination of the Assyrian court life, however, has still to be written. Some of the most basic issues, such as the ceremonies surrounding the ruler, the way reliefs and inscriptions partook in the activities taking place in the palace, and the identity of the audience which was expected to visit the palace and enjoying the royal court’s events, are still only partially considered in recent scholarship. This book brings together the currently available sources from the late Assyrian period (9th–7th BCE) and looks at the royal palace as the fixed physical location and ideological expression of the Assyrian royal court, the spatial framework of the king’s existence and also the social configuration with which he shared that space. Therefore, with an analysis of as broad a spectrum of material evidence as possible, this book expects to attain a more balanced overall picture of the accessibility or otherwise of the Assyrian royal palace and the extent of visibility of the king. The investigation offers an overview on the whole Assyrian period, although a first and basic choice was to focus on the Northwest Palace of Assurnasirpal II (883–859 BCE) at Kalhu and the royal palace of Sargon II (721–705 BCE) at DurSharrukin. The choice of selecting these palaces is primarily justified by 1) the good preservation of their interior decorative programs (reliefs and inscriptions), 16 17

Brosius 2007; Llewellyn-Jones 2013, 3–11. Llewellyn-Jones 2013, 9–10. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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whose original context is well known, and by 2) the similarities existing between these buildings, which affect both the interior decoration and the space management. A second fundamental choice was to deal with only those palatial spaces that were decorated with reliefs and inscriptions, since it is believed here that these were the primary location where numbers of persons moved and where the royal court was expressed at its best. After offering an essential overview of the sources at our disposal and proposing a reading to grasp information on the royal court (Chapter 1), the book develops two complementary paths: the first (Chapters 2–6) is an analytical collection of the different typologies of evidence—archaeological, visual, and textual—in order to reconstruct the various means that allowed, controlled, or prevented access to the royal palace and to the king, and that help outline court life. The second (Chapters 7–8) examines palace reliefs and inscriptions in order to figure out how they participated in court life and to what extent these were tailored to the identity of a target audience. In short, the book accompanies the reader as if she/he were a guest of the Assyrian king, starting with the physical access to the palace, then to the etiquette to be adopted, the entertainments proffered by the king and to the ways his court was fully experienced. In detail, Chapter 2 deals with the means used to protect the palace through an examination of the archaeological evidence, namely the layout of the royal palaces in the light of the notion of connectivity, and an analysis of connections between rooms and spaces, which were carefully protected by doors and guarded by apotropaic figures. These “barriers” both regulated access to and movement within the palace. The investigation proceeds with Chapter 3 by analysing the reasons that led people to visit the palace, with the main aim of identifying the persons admitted and expected at the royal court. Once in the palace, Chapter 4 attempts to reconstruct the rules of the royal protocol, that is to say the system of formalities about the correct way to act in formal situations and, especially, on the system of formal rules regulating the interaction between subjects and king, and access to the palace. Chapter 5 examines the ways through which the king manifested himself to his guests/audiences, and Chapter 6 the court entertainments through which he showed his hospitality. Conceived as basically court entertainments and tools used by the king to exhibit his kingship and power, palace reliefs and inscriptions are examined in Chapters 7 and 8 applying the procedures of semiotic analysis of messages, in order to detect how the palace decoration participated in the court life and interacted with inhabitants and visitors of the palace as well as with its target addressees. Finally, Chapter 9 tries to locate the activities performed in each palatial space and to outline the identity of guests received at the Assyrian court. These discussions are preliminary to a reappraisal of the term “propaganda,” being often abused in describing the content of Assyrian reliefs and inscriptions.

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Chapter 1 Sources and Their Reading 1.1 The Late Assyrian Empire Assyria’s history begins in the third millennium BCE (Old Assyrian period, ca. 2000–1500 BCE) in the city of Assur, a trading emporium in northern Mesopotamia (modern Iraq), which extended its control beyond the city and its hinterland, thereby developing from a city-state to a territorial state organized into provinces, spreading over the lands along the Tigris River and in the Jazira (Middle Assyrian period, ca. 1500–1000 BCE).18 This state emerged in the 9th century BCE as the first known empire in the world and, at its maximal extent in the 7th century BCE, it included most parts of modern-day Iraq as well as parts of Iran, Kuwait, Syria, and Turkey (Neo-Assyrian period, 934–609 BCE) (fig. 1).

Figure 1 Map of the Neo-Assyrian Empire. Toponyms written with large letters refer to regions or countries, those with small letters to cities. Placement of toponyms follows Parpola / Porter 2001

18

All dates given in this work follow the so-called middle chronology after Van de Mieroop 2016, 362–363. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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Such an extension, the complexity of its consequent organization, any “effort to overcome logistical challenges of distance as well as local resistance and obstruction,”19 bestow on this reality the definition of empire, which Liverani recently defined “as a political-territorial formation that sets as its program, its goal, to enlarge its borders incessantly, to subjugate the rest of the world through direct conquest or indirect control, to the point where its frontiers are coterminous with those of the entirety of the inhabited world.”20 A number of Assyrian kings have followed one another, although only some of them went down in history as powerful rulers, whose names are associated with important and grandiose military and building activities. It is during the reign of Assurnasirpal II that Assyria established itself as the most powerful state in the Near East. In the east, he conducted campaigns in the Zagros mountains; in the north, he fought repeatedly against the fierce tribal groups which inhabited the Nairi lands, a mountainous region north of the upper Tigris; in the west, he was engaged almost continually in battles with several Aramaic and Neo-Hittite kingdoms. He extended his reach to the western Euphrates and marched to the Mediterranean, collecting tribute from many of the kingdoms his army passed: Carchemish, Patina, and the Phoenician cities Tyre, Sidon, Byblos, and Arwad.21 Assurnasirpal II then used the tribute and booty amassed by his predecessors and himself to move the capital away from Assur to Kalhu (modern Nimrud, located 30 km southeast of Mosul) where he commissioned the socalled Northwest Palace and many temples. His son and successor Shalmaneser III (858–824 BCE) kept Kalhu as his royal residence and carried out military campaigns in many directions, especially to the west. Shalmaneser III commissioned plenty of royal inscriptions, as well as several temples and palaces, not the least the palace today known as “Fort Shalmaneser” or “Military Palace” in Kalhu.22 Another king who left his mark in Kalhu was Shalmaneser III’s grandson Adad-nirari III, with various buildings (e.g. Nabu temple) and the construction of a new palace, known as Upper Chambers.23 His mother Sammuramat appears to have had an influential role during his reign, which has been regarded as a time of decline, although this assessment is not undisputed.24 After the death of Adad‐nirari III, the number of Assyrian royal inscriptions available for this period is significantly smaller than the respective corpus from the previous era. This decrease should be ascribed to a gradual weakening of centralized authority in favour of the magnates or Great 19

Düring 2020, 9. Liverani 2017, 6. For a discussion on the use of the term “empire,” see Liverani 2005; Bernbeck 2010, 149–151; Pongratz-Leisten 2015, 29–30. 21 Liverani 1992. 22 Kertai 2015a, 59. 23 Russell 1999, 83–87. 24 Siddall 2013. 20

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Men (LÚ.GAL.MEŠ), a small group of Assyrian generals and officials who became highly influential during this time.25 A son of Adad-nirari III ascended the Assyrian throne: he assumed the throne name Tiglath-pileser (III) (744–727 BCE) and ushered in an entirely new era. Tiglath-pileser III firstly reduced the influence of magnates and their territories were divided into smaller units placed under the authority of provincial governors loyal to the crown. Tiglath-pileser III tried to widen or reconquer the Assyrian territory by increased military actions especially to the west and north. A salient feature of Tiglath-pileser III’s military policies were the mass deportations he undertook in territories occupied by his armies, from which large numbers of labourers were employed to do agricultural work in the provinces, or in the Assyrian capital cities to participate in large construction projects.26 Finally, Tiglath-pileser III ruled from Kalhu, where he built a new royal palace (“Central Palace”). Little is known about Tiglath-pileser III’s direct successor and son Shalmaneser V (726–722 BCE) and his image is somewhat obscured by his successor Sargon II, who probably became king in unorthodox circumstances. In fact, he has gone down in the secondary literature as “usurper,” although the question of Sargon II’s name and his image as usurper is still debated.27 In any event, the peculiar silence on his father could be a sign that he wanted to begin a new period, with a new political program. This was supported by the re-introduction of privileges. In fact, politically, Sargon II dispensed a number of privileges to the clergy and the aristocracy of the city of Assur and other cities by stating that Shalmaneser V had wickedly abolished certain privileges claimed by the city of Assur.28 Further, in his inscriptions he shows himself as protector of repentant enemies, rewarder of faithful vassals, defender of legitimate kings, promoter of good allies.29 From a military point of view, Sargon II reacted to the long series of antiAssyrian uprisings that occurred in Babylonia allied with the Elamites in the east, 25

Frahm 2017, 173. See Mattila 2000 for an in-depth analysis on the magnates. Frahm 2017, 176–180. 27 Chamaza (1992) observes that this personal name could quite probably be explained as a phonetic reproduction of the contracted pronunciation of Šarru-kēnu to Šarru-kīn; so that it should be interpreted not as “legitimate/just king,” but as “the king has obtained/ established order.” Thus, Sargon II was not a usurper, but he could have been a son of Tiglath-pileser III and brother of Shalmaneser V. However, Frahm (2005) notes that the reign of Sargon II can be seen as the turning point between two very different patterns of royal name giving and such a shift may reflect an awareness on the part of the late Assyrian rulers that they had entered a new political age (see also Frahm 1999, 74). For a reppraisal of Sargon II’s name, see also PNA 3/II, 1239–1240. 28 ARAB 2.78; Van de Mieroop 1999a; May 2015, 87–89; Matthiae 2015, 1054; Elayi 2017, 253. 29 Lanfranchi 1997. 26

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and in the west, in Hamath and supported by Arpad, Simirra, Damascus, and Samaria. Other campaigns were mainly conducted against Mannea in western Iran and Sinuhtu in Anatolia. Then, he conquered Carchemish on the Euphrates and begun building his new capital city of Dur-Sharrukin (modern Khorsabad, 20 km northeast of Mosul). Sargon II was later engaged in military activities focused on Urartu, against the Medes in the east, Arab tribes, Ionian pirates in the eastern Mediterranean, and also had encounters in central Anatolia with king Mita of Mushku (Phrygia). After the conquest of Babylonia, from 710 to 707, Sargon II spent most of his time in the city of Babylon. In 705, the king was killed in his final campaign in the attempt of controlling the belligerent people of Tabal in central Anatolia.30 The death of Sargon II was a major psychological blow for the Assyrians, and Sennacherib (704–681 BCE) did everything he could to distance himself from his father and moved the royal residence from Dur-Sharrukin to Nineveh (modern Mosul), with the building of a new grandiose palace (“Southwest Palace”). His first military activity led Assyrian armies to Anatolia to revenge Sargon II’s death, then he focused his action on Babylonia, with the final destruction of Babylon in 689, and on the west, with the siege of Jerusalem ending in payments of bribes by its king Hezekiah.31 Sennacherib’s son Esarhaddon (680–669 BCE) had to fight against his brothers in order to gain the Assyrian throne. Esarhaddon then undertook successful military campaigns in Cilicia, in Phoenicia, in the Zagros, and in the eastern Arabia. His military activities are, however, marked by repeated campaigns in Egypt, leading the Assyrian Empire to reach the largest geographic extent of its history until then. The policy of Esarhaddon concerning Babylon itself is characterised by its rebuilding and government in the aftermath of Sennacherib’s destruction. As to internal affairs, several documents attest that there was a conspiracy at court against the king. Esarhaddon took some measures to stifle the opposition and owed his survival to a highly developed domestic intelligence apparatus of spies. He nominated his son Assurbanipal as his future successor on the Assyrian throne, and another son, Shamash-shumu-ukin, as future king of Babylon.32 Esarhaddon died while campaigning towards Egypt, and the reign of Assurbanipal, the last “great” king of Assyria begun. The king basically ruled from Nineveh, living for a time in Sennacherib’s palace, and later he built a new palace (“North Palace”). Under Assurbanipal, the Assyrian army invaded and eventually conquered the Upper Egyptian capital of Thebes, confirmed his control over Elam (western Iran) and Babylon, with the conquest and devastation of Babylon, and one year later, of Susa.33 When Assurbanipal died, Assyria faced some serious 30

Melville 2016; Elayi 2017; Frahm 2017, 180–183. Elayi 2018. 32 Frahm 2017, 186–189. 33 Frahm, 2017, 189–190. 31

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problems. The final Assyrian collapse is, indeed, most persuasively understood in the light of climate changes and as resulting from the classic effects of “imperial overstretch,” namely the demographic and economic exhaustion of the Assyrian homeland.34 Additionally, Assyria was further weakened by a succession war between Assurbanipal’s sons. Things became more critical due to the independence of Babylonia, whose king Nabopolassar, together with a Median army led by Cyaxares, began a decade-long war. In 614 the city of Assur was captured, followed in 612 by the loss of the capital Nineveh. In 609 the coalition between Babylonians and Medes captured Harran, the last refuge of the Assyrian survivors. 1.2 Sources and Their Reading Late Assyrian kings left a huge variety of archaeological, visual, and textual material that proves their will and determination to put beliefs, values and history of a structured and organized elite into a concrete form. There is, however, a difficulty with using these sources as evidence for a reconstruction of the court life. In its life span, Assyria evolved from a territorial to an imperial state, and the relationships between kings and subjects may have changed both horizontally, the king gradually raised as emperor of more extended areas, and vertically, the king gradually appeared as the head of a universal empire. Accordingly, the reality of the royal palace changed too, its spaces became larger and their connections more complex in order to accommodate greater numbers of inhabitants, workers, and outer visitors. The access to the king, in his prominent position of universal ruler, may have been increasingly more open or more controlled, especially in particular political moments such as the Esarhaddon’s conspiracy. In other words, sources must be carefully selected and examined in order to avoid anachronisms and inaccuracies. At the same time, however, some practices seem to have outlived their time and some events leading persons to the palace, such as ceremonies, royal banquets, religious festivities, and the like, may have been performed throughout the whole late Assyrian period. Moreover, the architecture of the palace itself seems to have maintained general common patterns of connections between palatial spaces by time, although important differences occurred. 1.2.1 Archaeological Sources: the Royal Palace and the City The primary spatial setting where the king and his kingship was manifested was the royal palace. A king could possess more than one palace, but one dominated over the others for size and monumentality representing accordingly the main royal palace of the king. For example, Assurnasirpal II stated that he intended to build a palace for his “lordly leisure for eternity.”35 The palace was thus the place where the king resided and the seat of many activities: administrative, bureau-

34 35

Sinha et al. 2019; Liverani 2001, 387–391. RIMA 2 A.0.101.2, 58. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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cratic, industrial, and ceremonial as well as residential. It was, in brief, not just a “residence” but an “institution,” using the words of Winter.36 Before starting their own palace, however, most of the Assyrian kings resided in palaces constructed by their predecessors, although the buildings were rarely altered after completion. In a sense, developments could be ended after owner’s death, and kings seldom resided or resided long in their new buildings.37 For instance, the first known royal palace of the Neo-Assyrian period, the Northwest Palace built in Kalhu by Assurnasirpal II, was inaugurated about 864–860, just before king’s death.38 It was then re-used by his successors until Sargon II’s reign, 150 years after its completion, and also visited by later kings.39 This example proves that the royal palace was the actual eternal residence of the king, where the memory of his kingship perpetuates and was passed down through generations.40 In a similar vein, Sargon II laid the foundations of his new royal city called DurSharrukin in 717 BCE and it is most probable that he only took up residence definitively in 706 in his new palace, with all his administration.41 Shortly after the inauguration, Sargon II died in battle (705). Therefore, the palace was actually visited primarily during its inauguration. Afterwards, Sennacherib transferred the capital to Nineveh and Dur-Sharrukin became a minor administrative centre.42 This indicates that, compared to the Northwest Palace, the royal palace of Sargon II and its interior decoration was exposed to visitors and inhabitants only for a very short period of a year or two. The arrangement and organization of the internal spatial layout of the palace building is essential for a study on accessibility. Studies on space syntax analysis, which focus on social processes within the built environment, demonstrate in fact that architecture has social significance and controls social relations: the relation(s) between spaces creates relations between occupants living in the building, and between occupants themselves and visitors.43 As a matter of fact, the deeper internal cells of the structure will be occupied by the residents or controllers and the shallower peripheral cells by visitors. Positions of power will be then located deep within the building, the depth of the occupants will be an indicator of status, 36

Winter 1993, 27. Reade 2011, 111; Kertai 2013a, 11. 38 For an exact date of the completion of the palace, see De Filippi 1977, 36, 47; Russell 1999, 44 fn. 64; Reade 2002, 143; 2011, 114; Marchetti 2009, 85–86. 39 On the use of the palace by later kings, see Postgate / Reade 1976–1989, 311–314, 322; Reade 2011, 114–115; Nadali 2020a. 40 Gansell 2016, 91–93. 41 Elayi 2017, 208. On the building processes and related chronology of Dur-Sharrukin, see Parpola 1995a. 42 McMahon 2013, 166. A letter (SAA 5 282), probably written at the time the palace was abandoned, refers to the palace of Sargon II as “Old Palace,” highlighting that it was no longer used (see also Kertai 2015a, 109). 43 Hillier / Hanson 1984; Dovey 1999, 20–28. 37

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and the depth to which visitors were permitted to penetrate will indicate their status. This is also valid for the city in which the palace is positioned.44 The outer shape of the city might follow either the morphology of the natural landscape, or a geometrical pattern which could be the reflection of a cosmological idea. The alignment of the streets and their breadth were not only the result of movement requirements but also of political or religious expressions, as manifested by ceremonies or processions. The position of the main architectural elements of the city, such as palaces or temples certainly reflected the ideological system, and depended on the play between their intentional visibility or invisibility for every visitor or inhabitant moving inside the city. The positioning of buildings may project the idea of authority: an elevated building, for instance, became an obvious focus of attention for the inhabitants of the city and its visitors in order to signify domination and importance. Further, the position of buildings in the city may lead visitors through a direct or indirect approach, which may have been oblique or spiral and redirected one or more times to prolong the sequence of the approach. The physical approach was certainly a codified aspect in the design of the city and its buildings, conveying the impression that proxemics affected the use of large spaces.45 In this sense, the position of the main buildings, their accessibility— limited, controlled or restricted—manipulated the perceptions and sensations of inhabitants and visitors instilling specific messages of weltanschauung of the founder(s).46 In sum, architecture of buildings within a city does not only comply with practical requirements but becomes a reflection and expression of the organization of society: in semiotic terms, architecture by itself is a self-contained sign system, with its own grammar and syntax, thereby acting as a means of communication that is analogous to visual or written language.47 1.2.2 Art Historical Sources: Reliefs Among the aspects that typify a late Assyrian royal palace, decoration is certainly the most familiar, especially the orthostats of Mosul marble carved in low relief that lined the walls of important facades, courtyards and rooms.48 Considering our limited knowledge of the Middle Assyrian Period, it is not clear whether the tradition of reliefs had already been transmitted to Assyria from the west in the sec44

Novák 1999; 2014, 312. Eco 1980, 51–56. 46 Novák 1999, 24. 47 Whyte 2006, 154. 48 Reade 1979a, 17–18. It is still not clear precisely what the standard term was to describe the “Mosul Marble” (a form of anhydrite) so commonly used for relief sculptures, whether pīlu, pēṣu, parūtu, or some other word (Moorey 1994, 343–345; see also Mitchell / Middleton 2002). 45

© 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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ond millennium when the Hittite Empire exercised great political control in North Syria. It is possible that immediate artistic stimulus from the west was provided in the first millennium, although Assyrians transferred the use of reliefs from urban context and along the exterior walls of buildings, as western tradition prescribed, to the inside of their palaces, thus following a process of Assyrianization through an internalization of reliefs.49 Although most of the reliefs now appear the dominant palace decoration, they were once part of elaborate decorative schemes. The palaces were built primarily of sun-dried mud-brick, and bricks glazed with brilliant colours were used at particularly prominent points on the exterior. Additionally, wall paintings were used as well and monumental gateways were embellished by sculptures with apotropaic values. Thus, the reliefs were included in this lavish scenario: they were set against the bases of the walls, and themselves painted in part, with painted plaster continuing upwards to the ceiling, which was also painted.50 Each royal palace had its individual character and reliefs were designed for different kings, thus although reliefs persist across the whole Neo-Assyrian period, differences and choices made by each king are reflected not only in stylistic matters but also thematic content. In general, the subject-matter, in accordance with Mesopotamian tradition, concentrates on the achievements of the king and illustrate processions of tribute-bearers, banquets, battles, quasi-religious events, hunt, building endeavors. The choice of subject was certainly controlled by architectural context, thus the subject distinguished the perimeter of the palace areas and defined the proper space of each room, sometimes even suggesting the function of the rooms in the palace. Within their precise and original physical context, reliefs “find their own precise significance.”51 The persistence or disappearance of some motifs and subjects across the various royal palaces may have depended on political, cultural and religious reasons, the personal tastes of the king, but also the needs of a target audience that may have changed through time. The subjects of reliefs often relate to concrete facts and deals with “real” events, supporting the historicity of the event precisely through the display of its formal coherence-as-story.52 Other reliefs may instead represent something that did not happen in reality and that was reinvented.53 In the main, they show events that can be “read” in sequence, and “describe” scenes that receive “reality” and “identity” by an extensive use of topographical features and signature elements of dress, headgear, or associated goods. These elements, as Winter states, “become verifiers of the “truth” of the scene, the spatial immediacy that modifies the tem49

Winter 1982, 356; Bonatz 2004, 399; 2012, 52; Feldman 2011, 142–143. Reade 1979a, 17–23; Curtis / Reade 1995, 39. Clay reliefs, for instance, may have formed part of the decorative schemes in the palace (Collins 2006, 40–42). 51 Nadali 2014a, 35. 52 Winter 1981, 2–3. 53 Nadali 2019a; 2019b. 50

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poral anteriority of the action.”54 In this sense, the visual evidence offers perhaps the most clear-cut picture of actions performed in the Assyrian palace. The variety of episodes represents what in modern terms may be called “snapshot,” namely a short pictorial description that tells you what a particular place or situation is like at a particular time. Therefore, the Assyrian reliefs often give a snapshot of life in the palace, with the consequence that figures carved on slabs may outline personalities working at the palace court or represent official visits from a variety of persons, and also describe audience scenes which show the king in a “frozen moment” receiving his guests.55 Nevertheless, there is actually no explicit evidence that indicates who was the intended viewer of a given relief, nor any hint suggesting an emic reading of the reliefs. Assyrian reliefs undoubtedly represent a source for the culture and history of Assyria and its kings, but what the reliefs want to tell, or what the Assyrians themselves wanted from the reliefs, is not made explicit at all.56 In textual sources there is often reference to the expression ana tabrāti “for display” always applied to the spectacle of the royal palaces, with their architectural and decorative elements, and is addressed to the wider audience of royal subjects.57 The reliefs were without question expected to be seen and admired by someone, but if there was any specific message addressed to specific groups of persons this remains unclear.58 Quoting Mitchell, our concern should be “to make the relationality of image and beholder the field of investigation. […] to turn analysis of pictures toward questions of process, affect, and to put in question the spectator position.”59 Se54 Winter 1981, 2. A number of scholars (in particular Brandes 1970 and Russell 1998) have pointed out the theory according to which some reliefs often mirror actual events taking place in specific rooms of the palaces (e.g. procession scenes, banquets) and that offer clues regarding the function of the spaces that they decorate. By contrast, Ataç, by carefully analysing the hidden meanings underlying the iconographic complexity of Assyrian reliefs, separates himself from this theory and tends “to see most aspects of the visual program as the component parts of a visual language that were meant to be viewed and contemplated” (2010, 120). 55 Llewellyn-Jones 2013, 69. 56 Nadali 2012, 592; 2019c. 57 The first attestations of the word tabrātu in the sense of “spectacle (for the land)” (ana tabrāt māti/nišē) occurs in Tiglath-pileser III’s inscriptions (RINAP 1 47, r. 29´–30´). The verb tabrātu often features in Sargon II’s inscriptions (ARAB 2.73), and Sennacherib, in the description of his palace, uses the same expressions in stating that palace reliefs were made objects of astonishment (RINAP 3/1 1, 86). 58 Scholars usually tend to talk of an internal audience, the Assyrian king and the inhabitants of the palace as well as gods and future rulers, especially in the light of the inaccessibility of the royal palace (Cifarelli 1995, 37–49; Gillmann 2011–2012, 233; Bonatz 2011, 300; 2012; Nadali, 2019d, 71). 59 Mitchell 2005, 49.

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miotically speaking, reliefs are, in fact, full of signs that are certainly not static things but rather messages between an author/sender and an addressee/receiver. This implies that the message conveyed by reliefs is not simply designed to be passively perceived but to spark an active reaction in the receiver. If explored in this light, the Assyrian reliefs represent not only a source for Assyrian history, culture and the way of life at the Assyrian palace, but also a valid instrument to detect who was expected at the Assyrian court and how the interior decoration was experienced. 1.2.3 Textual Evidence Visitors at the Assyrian palace were surrounded by texts; above and below, and on every side. The mass of palace inscriptions was an impressive and hitherto unprecedented feature. The architectural context in which inscribed evidence was found is various and enormous: bull and lion colossi flanking doorways, thresholds, pavement and floor slabs, wall slabs, sculpted and plain. Almost everything carried a text. Assurnasirpal II was the first Assyrian, so far as we know, to erect substantial series of orthostats bearing inscriptions. Later kings, such as Sargon II, also continued this practice of inscribing every stone slab in the palace, and surviving palace remains show that building inscriptions were patterned directly on Assurnasirpal II’s palace. Palace inscriptions represent an important source to reconstruct the history of Assyria and the portrait of the kings who have produced them, and sometimes they represent a source to explore the life in the palace. A few statements refer to the relationships between the king and his subjects, as well as the ways the palace was experienced. Incorporated into the physical fabric, most of them were made visible to everyone visiting the palace, so that they were intended for visual, and perhaps also auditory, consumption by an audience at the time the palace was in use.60 Thus, monumental inscriptions were intended to be seen, touched and pondered. However, whether texts were intended to be read or not is the thorny question of studies approaching the reception of texts in antiquity. The content was likely accessible only to persons who could read them. Moreover, the popular conception of the elitist access to literacy implies that the common people were not considered a relevant addressee of inscriptions. Only the ever-present gods, future princely readers, and the state elite were the corporate audience that would have understood, appreciated the literary value and innovative nuances of the royal inscriptions.61

60

Conversely, a number of inscriptions were placed on the back of slabs or buried in the walls, therefore they were not intended to be seen (see Russell 1999, 19–30). 61 See, in particular, Oppenheim 1977, 146–148; 1979, 114–116; Garelli 1982; Liverani 1995, 2354–2355; 2014; Weeks 2007, 79–80. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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The expression ana tabrāti “for display” is applied either to royal buildings or to figurative monuments, but never to inscribed texts. An explicit hint at the actual recipient(s) of texts is evidenced by the concluding formulae—blessings and curses—of some inscriptions which indirectly addresses curses to the category of “scholars” (ummânu), “scribes” (ṭupšarru), “diviner” (bārû), and at the king’s posterity (a future prince) as the only experts able to read and change the content of the inscription and, accordingly, the expressions imply verbs of “seeing” (amāru) and “reading” (šasû).62 Notwithstanding these notions, non-explicit references can be detected by an internal analysis which considers palace inscriptions semiotically as a “sign” open to reinterpretations by a plurality of readers.63 Following this line of investigation, palace inscriptions may represent a source of information on Assyrian polity and culture but also on the ways inscriptions were perceived within the palace and how they participated in the everyday life at the Assyrian court, shedding light also on the expected audience that was invited to see or read the inscriptions. Another relevant group of textual sources is represented by the state correspondence, which consists of about 1,300 administrative letters from the reign of Sargon II onwards. Around 3,000 letters have been unearthed in Nineveh, and more than 250 are from Kalhu, mainly dating to the reigns of Tiglath-pileser III and the first five years of Sargon II. The majority of the preserved official letters were written to the king by his highest ranking officials and scholars about a number of issues that describe in detail a number of activities taking place in the palace, the identity of persons entering the palace or dealing with the king, and today give us a hint on the reasons that led persons to the palace, and the royal protocol, etiquette and behaviours to be followed while in the palace. Other texts enrich this information: administrative texts dating from the 9th down to the 7th century and found in buildings of Nineveh and Kalhu; ritual and cultic texts dating both to the Middle and Neo-Assyrian periods, which describe rituals performed in the temple and involve also the royal palace; reports and manuals for rituals and royal banquets. 1.3 Kingship and Ideology The Assyrian Empire was a large expansionist state that extended its control over less-powerful polities through conquest, coercion, and/or diplomacy. The Assyrian king (šarru) was one who wielded great personal power and was entrusted with supreme authority within his realm. In the day of his coronation, once the new king enters the temple of Assur, the tutelary god of the ancient capital city and state pantheon, commences his investiture with the sovereign authority of the

62

The inscriptions of Assurnasirpal II (RIMA 2 A.0.101.17, v 63–66, 75–80) and Sargon II abound of concluding formulae (ARAB 2.51). 63 Chandler 2007, 180–181; Hölscher 2014, 669–670. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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Assyrian Empire.64 But in the Royal Coronation Ritual, the priest (šangû) of Assur proclaims that “Aššur is king, Aššur is king!,”65 thus identifying the god Assur with the earthly king, who in turn assumes power. This ritual connected “the individual royal person with the divine world and thus to reassert the link between the king as body politic and the gods.”66 The new king thus embodies Assur, because Assur needs to possess a perfect body, who will be the recipient of the divine choice.67 The king is however not inherently different from other people, but only wields great power because he is perceived by others as belonging to a superstratum of human society.68 The king of Assyria acted as the intermediary or the link between deities and humans and this role is traditionally expressed by the title “vice-regent of Assur” (iššak Aššur). He acted as a proxy for the deity, or by divine mandate. The kingship, accordingly, is the work or creation of the divine, just like the world itself.69 Nevertheless, the king was not considered a god, neither in life nor after death, and in order to establish some connection with the divine sphere it was necessary to appeal to metaphors such as that of the “image” (ṣalmu) or the “shadow” (ṣillu) of god.70 The coronation ritual continues with a number of blessings and wishes, or tasks, addressed to the reign of the king by his magnates or Great Men and royal eunuchs (ša-rēš-šarrāni): “May your foot be pleasant in the temple and your hands pleasant [t]owards Aššur, your god! May your priest[hood] and that of your sons be pleasant to Aššur, your god! Expand your country with your just sceptre! May Aššur give you [c]ommand and attention, obedience, truth and peace!”71 It was therefore the king who was responsible for the well-being of the country. He is often described, following a very old and widespread motif in Mesopotamian tradition, as the shepherd who peacefully grazes his flock, maintains order and protects his subjects, similar to the duty of the shepherd to protect his flock. The king was thus responsible before the gods for the welfare of mankind, just as the shepherd is responsible for the flock before his own master.72 As a consequence, Assyria could expect to remain stable and successful provided the king was able to fulfil his responsibilities. To prove his ability he had to show himself as victorious commander and successful hunter, attentive worshipper and just 64

Holloway 2002, xv. SAA 20 7, i 27–i 29. 66 Pongratz-Leisten 2015, 435. 67 Nadali 2020b. 68 Parker 2011, 358–359. 69 Pongratz-Leisten 2015, 435; Karlsson 2016, 75–76; Liverani 2017, 11–12. 70 Liverani 2017, 11. 71 SAA 20 7, ii 32–ii 36. 72 Portuese 2017a, 111. 65

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ruler. In other words, the king had to present himself as the legitimate king of Assyria who was able to fulfil the expectations of the immediate beneficiaries of his kingship, that is to say the elites that invested the king with authority. These elites obtained privilege thanks to their proximity to the king, and “it is they who often had the most to gain, or to lose, from their investment.”73 Kingship was embodied by the king in the flesh, but also by everything that referred to the king. The iconography of the king, in particular, was a conventionally coded, culturally mediated, and idealized representation of the royal person, which texts refer to with the Akkadian expression ṣalam šarrūtiya, “image of my kingship.”74 This extensively debated expression describes an image of the concept of royalty instead of a verisimilar likeness of the character portrayed. Bahrani, in fact, proposes the translation “representation” for ṣalmu and considers its nature as the mimetic representation of a subject who acts and performs an action, which “has the potential of becoming an entity in its own right, a being rather than a copy of a being.”75 The paradox of an earthly king who incarnates the god Assur is the ideological tenet to three centuries of Neo-Assyrian history. This apparatus of ideas around the notion of kingship, built on textual and iconographic evidence, was referred to by historians as ideology, the Marxist term sometimes understood in its pejorative meaning.76 But the way this term will be adopted throughout this book encapsulates and regulates not only the material products of a social group or individual, such as political, social and economic expressions, including the artistic, literary and religious products, but also various immaterial products, such as ceremonies, rituals, gestures, words. Thus, ideology may be conceived as the materialization of ideas and beliefs in architecture, pictorial, textual, ritual, and ceremonial. This does not imply that different phenomena are subsumed under the same term, which would run the risk of neglecting the crucial question why a certain motif or theme or idea is adopted or manifested in a particular period or context in the Assyrian history.77 Rather, ideology is believed here to have the ability to shift and change, from ruler to ruler, although perhaps maintaining central themes constant throughout time.78 Thus, the politics of the late Assyrian kings were not guided by any distinctive concept but were rather a succession of pragmatic responses to the changing challenges and threats. In other words, the 73

Parker 2011, 358–359. Winter 1997, 364–366. 75 Bahrani 2003, 125. See also Bonatz 2002, 14–17, Fales 2009a, 261; Nadali 2012, 583– 587; 2018a; 2020a, 225. 76 For a reappraisal of the origins and the early history of the term “ideology” in Assyriological studies, see Siddall 2013, 134–140; Pongratz-Leisten 2015, 21–29; and Artemov 2018. 77 Artemov 2018, 47–48. 78 For a similar position, see Röllig 1993 and Nadali 2020a. 74

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Assyrian court, palace reliefs and inscriptions as well as architecture and state ceremonies did not maintain a constant presentation of royal or imperial ideology, but were shaped ad hoc depending on the personal preferences of the ruling king, his kingship, and his audience. 1.4 Court and Audience In contrast to other languages such as Greek aulē and Latin aula, no distinct term for “court” in Akkadian exists. The same holds true for the nebulous word “courtier,” which Greek texts termed hoi peri ton aulōn “those around the court” or aulikoi “those of the court.”79 The lack of specific terms, however, does not prevent us from attempting a definition. For the evidence we have, the Assyrian court can be defined in four ways: 1) a physical space, namely the palace; 2) a setting of kingship’s manifestation through architecture, reliefs, inscriptions, and ceremonies; 3) a circle of people whose life and activity are strictly bound to the palace and the king; 4) the physical contact point between the king and his audience. At a more detailed level, there seems to have been no distinction between public and private areas within the palace,80 thus the tendency to speak of an “outer court” and an “inner court,” is not applicable to the Assyrian royal court.81 However, there were spaces, those decorated with reliefs and inscriptions, within the palace where kingship was probably more manifested than in others through secular and religious activities in which a certain number of persons could take part. Moreover, reliefs and inscriptions were seen as actual manifestations of Assyrian kingship, thus even when the king was in absentia, his kingship authority nonetheless remained present among the group of people. Images and texts representing the Assyrian king were indeed carriers of his presence, or of his kingship, so that the king’s physical presence was not needed. The Assyrian court is strictly bound to the Assyrian kingship, be it the real or symbolic person, and can be therefore mostly regarded as the residing place of sovereign power where the king or his image was exposed to an audience. The courtier must be accordingly linked to the palace and, in Akkadian, two terms seem to be integrated on a permanent basis into the ambience of the palace, namely ša-rēši and mazzāz pāni. The former term is usually translated as “beardless courtier” or “eunuch.” He is attested in a number of tasks and functions inside the palace as well as abroad, from low menial household services to important 79

Llewellyn-Jones 2013, 10. The classical and widespread division into a public and a private realm, defined by the Akkadian expressions bābānu and bītānū, which can be translated as “outside” and “inside,” have been recently questioned (Kertai 2014a). 81 Kertai and Groß (2019) suggest a twofold organization of the Assyrian court: a “thresholds court,” administrative in nature and focused on specific palatial spaces, and an “itinerant court,” contextual and political and organized around activities taking place in the palace. 80

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military missions. The second term, instead, refers to a person who maintained personal contact with the king on a regular basis and was expected to constantly serve and support the king on a friendly or confidant basis.82 Thus, the courtier in the Assyrian realm was anyone had affiliation with the immediate sphere of the royal palace and close contact with the king. Courtiers could be bureaucrats and administrators, scribes, bodyguards, to name but a few. Courtiers, together with high-ranking officials, whose tasks were performed outside the palace formed part of a larger group of “insiders,” a convenient term which includes also the royal family, king’s mother, wives, concubines, children, siblings.83 “Outsiders,” instead, embraced a varied body of persons, such as merchants, subjects of the Assyrian king (human booty deported in Assyria or submitted to the condition of tribute-bearers), occasional visitors paying homage to the king, or foreign dignitaries and kings who kept an equal relationship with Assyria. Any person of each group entering the palace was a “palace enterer” (ērib ekalli).84 The Assyrian court was therefore the vibrant contact point of these groups of people that constituted the audience of Assyrian kingship. An audience in the palace should be interpreted as a set of “spectators” for the performance of kingship and its ideology which was likely institutionalized by the Assyrian Empire, that is to say that kings knew who was admitted in their courts, and who was expected to visit particular palatial spaces. In brief, the Assyrian kings were aware of the recipients of their ideology and power. But since the royal palace was a building and not an open space, its accessibility was certainly controlled and the audience was localized in place and time and was necessarily small by modern standards. The term mass, which is a product of the new condition of modern industrial urban society that implies largeness of scale, anonymity, and rootlessness, cannot be employed in the context of late Assyrian palaces. Rather, groups or small crowds of persons may have been expected in the palace. In the small group, in fact, all of its members would have known and interacted with each other and shared similar values and culture. The small crowd is a larger unit, although spatially restricted, temporary, and may have a sense of shared identity and “mood.”85

82

Groß / Pirngruber 2014. Although semantically similar, from written sources it seems that among the group of mazzāz pāni, ša-rēšis were included. By contrast, not all ša-rēšis were mazzāz pāni. 83 A few references in texts apparently also refer to an inner group as “palace entourage” (libīt ekalli), which is mentioned in relation to conquered countries in inscriptions of Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal, and as “entourage of the king” (libīt šarri) in texts of Sargon II. These terms were primarily used to refer to high-ranking associates of the king. Other terms, nišē ekalli “palace people,” muttabbil ekalli “palace servant,” seem to refer to the domestic personnel of the palace (Groß 2014, 312–315). 84 Groß 2014, 314. 85 McQuail 1997, 6–7. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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Therefore, it might be better to talk of mechanisms of selection that regulated access to the palace, rather than referring to an unidentified large and varied audience admitted en masse. A middle ground should be adopted, talking of a “selected” and “chosen” audience, where the former term indicates that someone has been picked out from a larger number, while the second term indicates someone carefully chosen as being the best or most suitable, namely above the ordinary in quality, recognition, social status, or the like. In this light, “selected” guests may be identified with distinct groups of persons chosen among insiders, the population of the capital city and of the foreign countries. Within each group, then, a further selection was made: “chosen” guests were few personages chosen on account of political status, role, prestige, relationship with the Assyrian king, and so on.

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Chapter 2 Protecting the Palace 2.1 Introduction The palace was the centre of power. It is obvious, therefore, that access to the palace would have been regulated. Exactly how this was achieved is not known, but the architecture gives some clues, and also suggests what the results might have been in practice. Access to the royal dwelling was certainly curtailed by the placement of the palace within a citadel, which probably made it less visible from the town, which would generally have been located at a lower level. Moreover, the route towards the building was also impeded by the presence of gates and open spaces. Nevertheless, the architecture of the late Assyrian palace does not support the idea of a remote king. Instead, the network of courtyards and corridors indicates that access to the king was mediated and therefore not immediate, and that there existed a hierarchy of areas and areas of hierarchy. In this regard, the clearest feature lies in the organization of access and movement within the palace, which works with the concepts of seclusion and zoning. The palace was organized into suites, a combination of rooms functioning as independent units, accessible only from courtyards, and to which movement was funnelled through corridors, making connections direct and efficient, and thus easy to control. In short, suites were essentially designed to afford different levels of access, which would have been both temporal and situational. Thus connectivity seems to be the key to figuring out the degree of accessibility of a given area/suite in the palace and, accordingly, the numbers of persons that would have had access to it. In effect, corridors and courtyards distributed and controlled movements through suites.86 2.2 The Architecture of Two Case Studies The royal palaces of Assurnasirpal II and Sargon II share a number of similarities and it is likely that the Northwest Palace of Assurnasirpal II was a source of inspiration for Sargon II. Moreover, both these kings decided to move their residence from the time-honoured religious and political centre of Assur to a newly founded capital.87 The good knowledge we have of the architecture and interior decoration of these two palaces make them good examples for an analysis of Assyrian court and audience practice.88 Differences between the two buildings, how86

Kertai 2015a, 6–7. On the practical reasons that led Assurnasirpal II and Sargon II to found a new city, see Russell 1999, 223–225, 234–241; Novák 1999, 129–134, 141–146; van de Mieroop 1999a. 88 For a recent analysis of the architecture of the Neo-Assyrian palaces, see Kertai 2015a, on which this analysis mostly relies on. 87

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ever, do exist. Once Assurnasirpal II had selected Kalhu, the new city was built partly by deportees.89 The basic feature of the new capital city was the clear distinction between what we call the citadel, on its high mudbrick platform, and a low-lying outer or lower town (figs. 2–3). The surface of the platform seems to have been about 15 m above the level of the Tigris flood-plain, which adjoins it on the west and south, and about 5 m above the level of the outer town, which extends to north and east.90 Unlike Assur, where probably there was no a clear-cut topographical separation between state buildings (temples, palaces) and private houses, at Kalhu, in contrast, no private houses on the citadel can be confidently dated before the 7th century, by which time Kalhu was no longer used as a capital city. Therefore, the citadel was certainly intended for government use.91 While it is often assumed that Assurnasirpal II built all of the platform and the citadel-wall, only the north-western sector of the citadel was occupied by buildings constructed by this king, thus the rest of the citadel appeared empty in this period. Shalmaneser III’s involvement in the construction of the citadel is clear at the East Gate, the only entrance in the citadelwall leading up from the outer town that has definitely been located.92 The citadelwall, at least at one point on the eastern side was 37 m wide and at least 15 m high. The wall incorporated two lines of defence which probably were comparable to Sennacherib’s city-wall at Nineveh, where the outer wall was some 11 m wide and 4,5 m high, the inner wall some 15 or 16 m wide and 25 m high.93 The northwest quarter of the citadel mound was filled by the new palace, which was then called Northwest Palace. Its excavated area measures 200 m north-to-south and 120 m east-to-west, and the palace probably reached its eventual maximum size about 26,400 m2 under Shalmaneser III.94 Besides the royal palace, Assurnasirpal II built a temple complex adjoining the main palace to the north, which included the Ninurta temple and accommodated other gods such as Ishtar Sharrat-niphi, Sin, Adad, Ea. Another notable building called Central Building, was located southeast of the Northwest Palace. It was suggested that the latter was a temple, but inscriptions on wall-panels call it palace. It seems, indeed, that the Central Building, guarded by apotropaic sculptures, could have been the outermost entrance to the Northwest Palace facing onto a large urban square in the centre of the citadel, leading to a forecourt east of the palace.95 89

People from Kaprabu, Suhu, Laqu, Sirqu, Zamua, Bit-Adini, Hatti, Patina seem to have been settled in Kalhu (RIMA 2 A.0.101.30, 33–36; RIMA 2 A.0.101.23, 16–17). 90 Reade 2002, 138. 91 Reade 2002, 141; 2011, 113. 92 Reade 2002, 138. 93 Postgate / Reade 1976–1980, 307; Reade 2002, 138. 94 Russell 1999, 9: Reade 2011, 114. 95 Reade 2002, 196; 2011, 114–115; Kertai 2015a, 24–25. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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The royal palace of Sargon II at Dur-Sharrukin was around 50,000 m2 in area, almost twice the attested size of the Northwest Palace at Kalhu. Adjoining the palace was a cluster of six temples for important gods, such as Sin. Both temples and royal palace were situated on a raised terrace of their own within the citadel; a neighbouring Nabu temple was also elevated (figs. 4–5). Both citadels at DurSharrukin straddled the city wall, raising their visibility to the external gaze (at Kalhu these features lay along the city walls but did not protrude beyond them). Thus, at Dur-Sharrukin the temples and the royal palace represented the highest point of the city.96

Figure 2 Kalhu (adapted from Kertai 2015a, pl. 1B)

96

McMahon 2013, 164. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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Figure 3 Kalhu citadel (adapted from Kertai 2015a, pl. 3)

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Figure 4 Dur-Sharrukin (adapted from Kertai 2015a, pl. 10A)

A further temple, that of Nabu, was connected by a stone bridge to the royal palace. At a lower level, the citadel contained other edifices which have been called residences and perhaps accommodated the king’s brother, some priests, the king’s eldest son, and a select group of high officials.97 The presence of a single building, Residence Z, located in the outer or lower town, suggests that there were many such buildings, although those in the citadel were evidently the most important. Alternatively, the building of houses in the lower town may have been left unfinished or perhaps occupation was intentionally sparse, to allow clear vistas of the citadel.98 The primary defence of both palaces, and their accesses, was provided by the thick city-wall. At Kalhu, a number of gates probably provided access to the city, although it was suggested that the main east gate was situated in a re-entrant angle of the wall just to the north of Fort Shalmaneser, on the line of Shalmaneser Gate of the citadel (fig. 2).99 The access to the city of Sargon II was similarly restricted. 97

Reade 2011, 118–120. McMahon 2013, 165. 99 Oates / Oates 2001, 28. 98

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The enormously thick city walls were equipped with seven gates (fig. 4). Each gate was named, as Sargon II tells us, after eight great Assyrian deities and thus probably had ideological and cosmological purposes.100 They may have complied with practical reasons or used in relation to the geographical provenance of visitors.101 It is however unlikely that city gates were used on the basis of their convenience and there must have been a hierarchy mostly governed by the identity of their users. Following the example of Kalhu, it might be also plausible that Gate 3 or 4 gave visitors the opportunity to approach straightforwardly the citadel and the monumental palace.

Figure 5 Dur-Sharrukin citadel (adapted from Reade 2011, fig. 5)

2.2.1 Architecture and Connectivity According to the studies on the space syntax analysis, both palaces embodied all the three syntactic relations (linear, ringy or looped, fanned or branching), which were gradually adopted as one moved from the exterior to the innermost palatial spaces (fig. 6). The linear structure does not offer a choice of pathway from one segment to another. The ringy or looped structure connects segments to each other and offers multiple choices of pathway. A fan (or branching) structure distributes people by controlling their access to a range from a single segment, such as a corridor or hallway. The main difference between these plans relies on the concept

100 101

ARAB 2.85; Battini 1996; 1998; 2000. Loud 1936, 11; McMahon 2013, 173. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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of “depth” or “shallowness,” and the degree of “ringiness” versus “control.”102 The Throne Room Courtyard and the Throne Room Suite mirror a linear plan, since access was direct but was carefully controlled if a visitor was to move deeply inside (figs. 7–8). Crossing this boundary space, the rest of the palace was a play between looped or ringy and fanned or branching syntax. The architecture clearly implies a clear difference between inhabitants of the palace and visitors to the palace. Nonetheless, the king was not extremely secluded. Rather, he could be “easily” reached in the outermost room of the palace, the audience hall or throne room. Moving to substance, there is no doubt that the structure and articulation of the royal palaces of Assurnasirpal II and Sargon II were very ambitious projects. Both were certainly associated by similarities in the method of elaboration of spaces, but differences in relation to connectivity and accessibility may be observed. The Northwest Palace was organized linearly with the temples in the northern part, thereby suggesting a close functional relationship with the Throne Room Courtyard and the main reception suites. The royal palace of Dur-Sharrukin, as Kertai notes, was not only larger, but also more “urban,” organized as it was in four quadrants formed by the southern quadrant (Entrance Courtyard XV), the northern quadrant (Throne Room Courtyard VIII), the eastern quadrant (service functions), the western and northwestern quadrant with two monumental suites located around the Central Courtyard (VI), Courtyard I and III on the terrace.103 A fifth quadrant was formed by the temple complex. This organization implies that more essential space was required in the time of Sargon II, and new functions, both in the service and representational areas, were added to the spatial organization of the palace. People with business entering either palace passed through an outer forecourt and were gathered in the large Throne Room Courtyard. In the Northwest Palace, the outer forecourt is only conjectural (the Central Building), but it is clear that at Dur-Sharrukin architects gave the Entrance Courtyard (XV) a special spatial character. It was out of alignment with the Throne Room Courtyard so as to create a less direct approach, both physical and visual, to the official reception area of the royal palace. The psychological impact was the one of disorientation and uncertainty. Quoting Matthiae, in the Entrance Courtyard (XV), architects “created an efficacious dissimulation of any visual reference point to orient the visitors. […] and they created a kind of almost geometric regularity in the pattern of the square court, which thus becomes a structural and gradual place of mediation between the outside and the inside.”104

102

Dovey 1999, 21. Kertai 2015a, 94, fig. 5.4. 104 Matthiae 2012, 479. 103

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Once in the Throne Room Courtyard, visitors would have been directed to stand before the façade of the throne room, the principal reception room of the palace. The approach to the throne room façade differs in the two palaces. In both the access was most likely served from the side, but in the Northwest palace the visual impact was immediate as one turned to the left. As Kertai notes, “the main throne of the empire was only one door away from the most accessible part of the palace” and the design does not suggest seclusion.105 Conversely, in the palace of Dur-Sharrukin, the access to the Throne Room Courtyard was somehow aligned with the main Throne Room (80–81), so diminishing the monumental impact of its façade and drawing visitor’s attention straightaway to the northwest wall of façade n.106

Figure 6 Primary syntactic relations (Dovey 1990, fig. 2.1)

105

Kertai 2014b, 338.

106

See also Novák 2012. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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Within the building, both palaces follow the Assyrian tradition of organizing the use of spaces in a combination of independent suites, integrated into a single palace structure. Accordingly, each suite was independently accessible from a courtyard, or occasionally a corridor, without the need to pass through another suite. Alternative routes were possible, but the spatial organization makes clear that specific movements were predetermined. A few examples may suffice to confirm this deduction.

Figure 7 Northwest Palace (Kalhu) (adapted from Kertai / Groß 2019, fig. 3) © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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In the Northwest palace, the connectivity between the main Throne Room (B) and the rest of the palace was restricted to the single doorway (b) that leads to room F, thereby suggesting that very few selected persons could cross this doorway. The same holds true for the relatively accessible room G, which starkly contrasts with the seclusion of the retiring room H and its surrounding rooms: these spaces appear to have been overtly closed off to the rest of the palace. Connectivity seems to have been made easier, instead, for the large West Suite (WK–WG) due to its two-sided structure: it could be entered from the Central Courtyard (Y) as well as from corridor WZ and Courtyard WT. Finally, the so-called King’s Suite was located far away from the Throne Room Courtyard and separated from the rest of the palace by corridors P and Z, thus its accessibility appears to have been highly controlled and concealed.

Figure 8 Royal Palace (Dur-Sharrukin) (adapted from Kertai 2015a, pl. 11) © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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In the royal palace of Dur-Sharrukin, the spatial organization permitted a few alternative routes for guests touring the palace. The Throne Room Courtyard (VIII) overtly offered two possible itineraries: the main reception room (VII) and/or the secondary throne room 8. The organization of the palace concentrates all the movement between the two courtyards (VIII–III) into corridor 10. The double-sidedness of Suite 5 (2, 5, 8) was characterised by a marked axiality and symmetry, although the different degree of accessibility between its two sides is remarkable. Its “external” side (room 8) was directly accessible from the Throne Room Courtyard through corridor 10 and, although it was located slightly further inside the palace, it did not automatically provide access to other areas. The “internal” side (room 2), instead, was located around the Courtyard I and was somehow connected to the more exclusive areas of the palace and to the Throne Room Suite. As a consequence, the accessibility of the inner reception room is likely to have been more limited.107 Room 4, leading to the smaller rooms 7 and 3, seems closely related to the secondary throne room 8, although it appears more confidential than room 8. Room 5 served as connector between the two sides, but also allowed access to the Suite 5a (6, 11). The accessibility of Suite 5a appears slightly concealed and secluded, being the access granted only to those who could pass room 8 or room 2. Alternatively, room 9 gave access to the Suite from Courtyard III, although this route seems unlikely. Finally, Suite 6 (14, 13) seems a prominent place within Courtyard III whose accessibility, or at least visual consumption, seems less controlled. In the main, the size of the representational and residential areas was similar in both palaces, although in the royal palace of Dur-Sharrukin these areas changed position and were organized around a T-shaped series of corridors. In addition, Sargon II’s palace contained more monumental courtyards than the palace of Assurnasirpal II. In the Northwest Palace, the five monumental suites grouped around the Central Courtyard (Y), are certainly of significant importance, whereas in the palace of Dur-Sharrukin their importance seems to have diminished, probably due to the increased number and size of major reception suites being placed on and around the palace terrace at the western edge of the palace. 2.3 Doors and Protective Figures Connectivity and accessibility, which were mostly a function of the architecture of the palace, were also affected by the use of doors and protective strategies placed at doorways to control movement within the palace. Although uninformative about the nature of the rooms to which they gave access, doors and doorways provide hints about the control of access, and the degree of protection at doorways may suggest both the importance as well as the accessibility of a given room, thus the door may act as pars pro toto.108 107 108

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In ancient Mesopotamia, accesses were conceived as much more than architectural features that simply facilitated entry and exit to a room or place: they were endowed with great ritual significance and exercised essential control over people to be admitted, or rejected.109 They were, in fact, full of magic and symbolism, with potentialities either for good or for evil. They were able to make all the difference between the prosperity or ruin of the building, temple, palace or city as the case might be.110 The implication is that protection was felt to be necessary, and the functions of doors went beyond the prosaic level of a “spatial passage” and became a “spiritual passage” at a higher conceptual level.111 This concept was vividly expressed in the late Assyrian palaces, where two devices essentially protected connections between spaces: architectural doors and protective figures. In order to control access to the palace and its various quarters, an essential means employed was equipping entrances with wooden doors with either one or two leaves (daltu) which were reinforced by horizontal metal strips. Each doorleaf was therefore firmly attached to a vertical door-pole or gate-post (šukû), formed from a single upright tree-trunk which was left in its rounded shape. This doorpost or pole was somewhat taller than the door-leaf and projected beyond it at top and bottom. The doorposts then turned on pivot-stones, namely shallow depressions cut in the centre of the upper face of a large more-or-less flat stone, which could bear a dedicatory inscription. In the case of a door with two leaves, these would have met in the middle.112 Now, to bar a door from the inside bolts and locks could be used. Whenever deemed necessary, both devices were employed either from inside to block access from outside, such as the exterior gates of a palace, or outside to hinder somebody in the inside from leaving, such as the women’s quarters or rooms housing guests. Instead, external locks were perhaps used for all those quarters and rooms in which something or somebody was to be enclosed without the possibility of opening the door from the inside, such as treasuries, storage rooms, armories, libraries, prison cells and the living quarters of foreign hostages.113 The best textual information on locking mechanisms is given by the description of the door of the temple of the Urartian god Haldi of Musasir in Sargon II’s inscription.114 We are told that the door was bolted with a golden bar and fash109

Particularly with respect to the relation between ritual and myth and the function and meaning of gates/doors in early Sumerian literary and administrative texts, see Ragavan 2013. 110 Barnett 2008, 1. 111 Jia 2014, 256. A number of scholars has treated the question of the cosmic significance, metaphysics and semiotics of the gate space as a liminal area. In particular, see PongratzLeisten 1994, 13–36; May 2014; Portuese 2017b; Verderame 2017. 112 For the measurements of doorposts and doors, see SAA 1 202–203. 113 Barnett 2008, 4; Radner 2010a, 269–270. 114 ARAB 2.213. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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ioned as a work of art, and the textual reference describes individually the four components of the lock. According to the text and following previous scholars’ studies, the mechanism can be reconstructed as follows (fig. 9). In the hole of a heavy transverse bar (aškuttu, A), a smaller holding bar (sikkūru, B) is pushed through. The holding bar is in turn kept in place with the help of one or several bolt-pins (sikkatu, C). In order to open the lock, the bolt-pins had to be removed from the holding bar with the help of a key (namzāqu, D). The key must have had a number of pegs at one end, which corresponded to the many holes in the wooden bar or bolt of the lock. The key was therefore inserted and the impediment to the drawing back of the bolt removed by raising up so many iron pins that fall down into holes in the bar or bolt corresponding to the peg in the key.115

Figure 9 Reconstruction of a Neo-Assyrian sikkatu lock (Fuchs 1998, 102)

Archaeological remains of locks are attested for the Neo-Assyrian period and their mechanism is reminiscent of the “Egyptian lock,” also known in Greece as the lakonian or balanos lock.116 In this respect, Fuchs called the Assyrian lock type sikkatu lock, after the named component.117 While locks offer remarkable information about locking systems in ancient Mesopotamia, a number of surviving doorposts found in situ more clearly indicates which room was intended to be closed off, thereby suggesting when insiders where in need of controlling access. Excavations, in this regard, have detected fittings of doors, and most of them are described in reports and highlighted in the drawn plans. In the Northwest palace (fig. 10), the presence of doors seems attested at the central doorway e in the Throne Room (B) and it is likely that doors c and d in the same room were provided with doors as well, although none have been found;118 in the passage connecting corridor Z and room U;119 perhaps at 115

Layard 1853, 596; Bonomi 1857, 170–171; Fuchs 1998, 97–107; Radner 2010a, 270– 271. 116 On this topic, see bibliography in Potts 1990, 188. 117 Fuchs 1998, 100–101. 118 Paley / Sobolewski 1992, 21, 23, plan 1; see also Mallowan 1953, 29. 119 Meuszyński 1981, plan 2. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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door c in room S;120 at the doorways leading to the treasuries A, V, O, R, M, and J;121 at the central entrance e in room WK, where it was restored.122

Figure 10 Northwest Palace (Kalhu): plan of the main suites showing fittings of doors found in situ (in full black ban symbol) (adapted from Kertai 2014b, fig. 3)

In the royal palace of Dur-Sharrukin (fig. 11), doorpost seats show that huge doors placed at each of the three entrances protected the Throne Room VII.123 Other doors were likely used at doorway C leading into corridor 10;124 at the three openings of room 8 facing into Courtyard III;125 at doorway S connecting rooms 5 and 8, and doorway E leading into room 2;126 at all the doorways of room 2;127 120

Paley / Sobolewski 1987, 36. Meuszyński 1981, plan 2; Paley / Sobolewski 1987, 71–72; Oates / Oates 2001, 55. 122 Paley / Sobolewski 1992, plan 3. 123 Loud 1936, 65, figs. 71, 82. 124 Botta / Flandin 1849/II, pl. 122. Bonomi (1857, 170–171) carefully describes corridor 10 and related lock doors, and also suggests that the small holes in the pavement (see a clear plan in Loud 1936, fig. 48) were used for metal bars to be inserted in order to keep the door open at a certain angle. 125 Botta / Flandin 1849/I, pl. 26; Bonomi 1857, 190. 126 Botta / Flandin 1849/II, pl. 84; Bonomi 1857, 190. 127 Botta / Flandin 1849 I/II, pls. 51, 102; Bonomi 1857, 213. 121

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in rooms 1 and 3;128 at the doorway connecting rooms 6 and 9, and also doorway z in room 9 facing onto Courtyard III;129 at the doorway leading into room 12 and room 14.130

Figure 11 Royal Palace (Dur-Sharrukin): plan of the main suites showing fittings of doors found in situ (adapted from Kertai 2015a, fig. 5.7)

Moving away from physical protection strategies, in addition to the protection offered by heavy doors and locks, the Assyrians relied on supernatural support in order to secure their entrances. In palaces, all major entrances were furnished with sculptures and pictures of protective deities or entities. These creatures were largely used to cope with and prevent fear and anxiety, or care and concern, from evil demons or other dangers lurking in doorways or sneaking into buildings. Most of these figures were hybrid creatures that combined human and animal body parts (Mischwesen), and in the palaces of Assurnasirpal II and Sargon II we can distinguish two general categories: colossi, namely Mischwesen, or Zwischenwesen, combining the body of a lion or bull with wings and a human head, and humanoid types, which are anthropomorphic figures often described as genies.131 A correlation between the textually-attested Mischwesen with those known from iconography remains elusive at the moment, although royal inscriptions and other texts occasionally describe some of these protective figures. Proceeding with the first category, the doors in Assurnasirpal II’s Northwest Palace in Kalhu were mostly protected by lion and bull colossi, while in the royal 128

Botta / Flandin 1849/I, pl. 48; Bonomi 1857, 226. Botta / Flandin 1849/II, pl. 121; Bonomi 1857, 209. 130 Botta / Flandin 1849/II, pls. 137, 144; Loud 1936, 21, fig. 22. 131 Genies belong to the group of Zwischenwesen, figures that stand “in-between” humans and gods. They are substantially distinguished from demons, because of their protective or beneficent role towards humans. For a taxonomy of Zwischenwesen in Mesopotamian religion, see Sonik 2013. 129

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palace of Sargon II at Dur-Sharrukin only bull colossi were present. The terms lamassu or šēdu, the male counterpart, have become conventional among archaeologists to designate these creatures, although the link between iconography and text is not as direct as it might seem, and various texts describe more than two colossi types.132 From a semantic point of view, these terms symbolised the expression of “vital strength” and their etymology seems to be close to the notion of “protection.” Though texts do not give any indication concerning the appearance of these guardian figures, in the environment of bull colossi it is the term aladlammû, attested only in late Assyrian building inscriptions, which perfectly describes the colossal winged human-headed bulls flanking the gates.133 In both palaces, these benevolent demons appear at various focal points and in the most pivotal locations. They always stand on their legs at each side of the main gates and doorways without performing any specific action or gesture. In only one instance, however, the lion colossi of the Throne Room (B) in the Northwest Palace are distinguished by the objects they hold and the gestures they perform. At door d, the lion centaurs hold a small hoofed quadruped clasped to the chest with the left hand, presumably a goat, and a stalk with three tufted rosettes in the lowered right hand. At door c, instead, the lion colossi fold their hands.134 Despite slight stylistic differences,135 winged human-headed colossi played a decorative or architecturally functional role, and had an important symbolic potential in protecting doorways and entrances. Tiglath-pileser III tell us, in this regard, that he set up at entrances “(statues of) lions, šēdu, (and) lamassu” in their splendour and “erected (them there) as objects of wonder (for the people).”136 A threshold inscription from the royal palace of Sargon II declares: “May the protecting colossus, the guardian god, wield unlimited sway therein, night and day; may they not depart from its side.”137 In his inscriptions, Sennacherib refers to colossi as creatures evoking protection and prosperity for the palace and its owner: “May the good šēdu (and) the good lamassu surround these palatial halls forever and ever. May they never leave them.”138 In two instances, Esarhaddon even more vividly describes the protective role of šēdu and lamassu: “I had stone šēdus and lamassus, whose appearance repels evil, placed to the right and the left of their gate(s) as protectors of the walk (and) guardians of the path of the king who made 132

CAD L, lamassu; CAD Š, šēdu. An exact correlation between texts and archaeology has been the focus point of most studies: Kolbe 1981, 1–14; Engel 1987; Russell 1991, 100–101; Danrey 2004, 134–135; Kertai 2015b, 150–153. 134 Portuese 2019a, 72. 135 For an examination of the stylistic features and differences between the bull colossi of the two palaces, see Danrey 2004, 133–134. 136 RINAP 1 47, r 29´–30´. 137 ARAB 2.101. 138 RINAP 3/2 40, 49´´–50´´. 133

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them,”139 and their benevolent aspect: “Let the good šēdu (and) the good lamassu, who guard my royal path (and) who make me happy, last forever and ever in that palace. May they never leave it.”140 In sum, from texts we clearly surmise that Assyrian kings largely used lion and bull colossi at the main doorways of their palaces for decorative, protective and propitiatory reasons. The second category of doorway guardians in the palace is represented by anthropomorphic figures, known as genies. Several were identified through textual sources and associated with the antediluvian apkallū sages, and distinguished in human- and bird-apkallū.141 The group apkallū also includes the fish-apkallū, though it has not been found in the palaces in question. These figures are differentiated in several ways and, although a small group can be identified as female, the majority are male. In the Northwest Palace, a further notable distinction is between those wearing the horned crown of divinity, or a headband decorated with rosettes, and with the head of a bird. Occasionally the figure with the horned crown is depicted with four wings, instead of the usual two, and in only few instances, there are wingless genies.142 In the royal palace of Dur-Sharrukin the apotropaic figures were absent from most rooms and internal doors, and only some doorways were protected by groups of apotropaic figures. In the main, the genies can be separated into bird-apkallū, human-apkallū, and wingless headband-wearing genie.143 While these physical features could suggest that they represent different entities, their functions within the palace do not seem to have depended on this distinction. The figures are actually more commonly distinguished according to the objects they carry. In Assurnasirpal II’s palace, in addition to their physical features, genies often perform specific gestures, such as raising the right hand in a greeting gesture, and hold a variety of objects: goat, tufted rosettes, bucket and cone, alternating tufted rosettes and cones, mace, stag, palmettes, palm frond, kid/lamb, pomegranates, rosettes. Instead, in Sargon II’s palace the number of objects decreases and is reduced to the bucket and cone, the goat, a three-branched plant with flowers, and an open lotus between closed buds. In addition, an exclusive protective figure is included and has been identified with the so-called laḫmu 139

RINAP 4 3, v 17´–v 20´. RINAP 4 1, vi 62–vi 64. 141 Some figures and their role have been identified through clay and metal statuettes of protective spirits, sometimes supplied with short inscriptions, which were buried underneath the thresholds in various buildings. Some of the figurines resemble types of orthostat genies exposed in the Assyrian palaces. For the identification of apotropaic figures known from large-scale wall reliefs and buried figurines, see Reade 1979a, 35–43; Kolbe 1981; Parker Mallowan 1983, 33; Green 1983, 87–96; Wiggermann 1992; Russell 1998, 674– 682; Nakamura 2004; Kertai 2015c. 142 Russell (1998, 674, 677–682) suspects that four-winged figures may have been considered particularly powerful and were favoured for cult areas. 143 Albenda 1986, 53–57; Kertai 2015d, 332. 140

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“the hairy one,” a bearded figure grasping a lion known as hero, occurring in inscriptions and rituals as protective spirit and apotropaic figure at gates.144 Throughout the palace, the figures appear to have been distributed in a spatially significant way, and the precise meaning of this distribution seems depending on the importance of their objects and posture. In fact, all the objects the figures hold were used in actual Mesopotamian rituals and incantations both for entrances or buildings and for persons. In particular, ritual texts may be of assistance to re-create apotropaic rituals performed at doorways and to make a link between ritual activity and internal movement, thereby assigning specific doors to individual groups of people circulating within the palace. 2.3.1 Rituals and Incantations Around the time of the late third millennium BCE, literary and administrative texts show that doors and entrances could be the recipients of offerings and the focus of ritual activities. Given the potential dangers lurking in gates and doors and the prophylactic measures taken against them, it is not surprising then that passage through entrances required special procedures. In some texts, gates and gateway guardians, such as sculpted animals, mythical, or divine figures stationed at gates occur as recipients of sacrificial animals. This is suggested for the ShuSuen’s funerary rites, where also protective spirits at gates received their offerings: “1 goat for the gate of the king, […], 1 lamb for the gate of the throne […].”145 Also visual art from the earlier Sumerian period offers a glimpse of sacrifices and offerings dedicated to doors and gates. On a cylinder seal from the Uruk period (ca. 3300–2900 BCE), the so-called “priest-king” (Sum. EN) is shown bringing an animal to a gate structure, followed by an attendant who presents dates.146 Later examples follow the tradition. The Middle Assyrian Royal Coronation Ritual lists numerous stones presented to a variety of deities as offerings to the gods, and mentions “two (stones) for the lions of the palace, one (for) the Upper Lamassu, one (for) the Lower Lamassu.”147 Lastly, a Neo-Assyrian text describes the purification of the gate and the magical defense against anticipated evil, such as unfriendly visitor, sorcery and “entry of the enemy:” “[That the o]ne may be at peace with the other: sprinkle [the threshold with vinegar]. [When some]one’s gate is purified, ˂ sulphur, gypsum, and red paste together you shall crush, ˃ […] you shall smear, […]. Sorcery will

144

Albenda 1986, 52–53, 102; Wiggermann 1992, 164–166; Ornan 2004, 89. MVN 13, 120; Sigrist 1992, 176; Katz 2007, 175; Ragavan 2013, 212, and fn. 68. 146 Schmandt-Besserat 1993; Aruz 2003, cat. no. 10a; Jia 2014, 269–271. 147 SAA 20 7, r iii 31–32. Each stone must have had its own properties, either good or bad (Annus 2002, 162; Pongratz-Leisten 2015, 438). 145

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not approach the house of the man.”148 Enlightened by these examples and having ascertained that apkallū and lamassu were, without question, designed to exclude or expel malign influences, sickness or misfortune, it is likely that they may have been also the beneficiary of the apotropaic rituals taking place around them rather than only a source of protection in themselves. In fact, most of the objects the figures hold were used in actual rituals both for entrances or buildings and for persons.149 Though the texts mentioned were written well after the construction of Assurnasirpal II and Sargon II’s palaces, they describe rituals that apparently refer to objects that are found in these palaces, and it seems reasonable to suppose that such rites served the same function in earlier times. Beginning with the goat, this is a somewhat uncommon object that was identified with the mašḫultuppû, scapegoat or “goat hitting evil,” and found as attribute of both human-apkallū and lion colossi (fig. 12). It is largely attested in apotropaic rituals to avert evil, performing the role of “protection” and “atonement.”150 In rituals for entrance/building we read: “by means of a mašḫultuppû you purify the palace”151 and “To avert evil I set up a scapegoat opposite the gate.”152 In rituals for persons, a sentence clearly shows the direct connection between lamassu and mašḫultuppû: “[…] may the protective spirit (dlamma) of health approach (the victim) with a healthy goat, may (the patient) be wiped clean like copper […]. Make the healthy goat into a ‘scapegoat’ […]. Sacrifice the healthy goat as a scapegoat, recite an incantation (over) the scapegoat’s hide […]. Bind the sash of the scapegoat on his head.”153

148

Wiggermann 1992, 125. The heterogeneity of written sources used may be deceptive, since they do not always refer to actual rituals performed in a building. However, for convenience, the collected texts will be divided in “rituals for building (or entrance)” and “rituals for persons,” in order to indicate that genies’ objects were part of actual rites addressed to protect from or purify or release of evil both the building and the persons having access to it. 150 Parker Mallowan 1983, 37–38; Wiggermann 1992, 77; Portuese 2019a, 72–73. 151 CAD M, mašḫultuppû, 366. This is the bīt rimki ritual, attested on tablets from Babylonia and Assyria of first millennium BCE, but which certainly belongs to an older tradition reaching back into the second or even third millennium. In addition, the ritual is often alluded to in letters from scholars and officials to the kings of the Neo-Assyrian Empire from the 8th and 7th centuries BCE (Ambos 2013, 39). 152 Meier 1941–1944, 150 (lines 213–214); Parker Mallowan 1983, 37; Cavigneaux 1995, 60. 153 Geller 2016, 413–417 (lines 72–73, 80–81, 98). This tablet is included in the canonical series of the utukkū lemnūtu incantations which was known to Assyrian and Babylonian scholars in first millennium BCE (Geller 2016, 3). 149

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Figure 12 Northwest Palace (Kalhu): to the left, lion colossus holding goat, from the Throne Room (B), door d (B–d–1) (Russell 1999, fig. 85a); to the right, winged genie holding goat and palm frond, from corridor Z, door a (Z–a–1) (BM 124561; © The Trustees of the British Museum)

Another item is the stalk of tufted rosettes, which defies any botanical identification, and whose use is still debated.154 However, relying on Bartl’s observations, such a plant/flower may be not real but rather might represent a combination of a flower shaped like pomegranates containing rosettes.155 Similar examples were indeed found in some ivories coming from Kalhu.156 Therefore, two readings can be proposed: its presence might be purely symbolic, or it could simply represent various plants used in actual rituals to purify and repel evil, thereby a “hybrid” plant combining the medical and apotropaic features of distinct plants.

154

E.g. Paley / Sobolewski 1987, pl. 3, S–c–4 and S–c–3. The only textual reference to a flower that can be used to interpret the plant in the hands of apotropaic figures is found in texts of Sennacherib, which describe palace doorways guardian figures holding the illuru flower (Russell 1998, 675, 677). The translation proposed for this flower is “poppy” (e.g. RINAP 3/1 17, vi 32–vi 33). The tufted rosettes, however, do not remind the silhouette of the poppy. 155 Bartl 2014, 32–33. 156 Hermann 1992, 57, pls. 6/51, 7/52. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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Figure 13 Northwest Palace (Kalhu): winged genie holding cone and bucket, from room G, door d (G–d–2) (CDLI – http://cdli.ucla.edu)

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Figure 14 Northwest Palace (Kalhu): winged genie holding a stalk of alternating tufted rosettes and cones, from the Throne Room (B), door b (B–16) (CDLI – http://cdli.ucla.edu)

Figure 15 Northwest Palace (Kalhu): winged genie holding stag and palm offshoot, from the Throne Room (B), door d (B–30) (CDLI – http://cdli.ucla.edu)

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Bucket and cone represent the most common combination of objects (fig. 13). They were identified from texts with the banduddû (ritual bucket) and mullilu (purification instrument or cleaner).157 The action performed by genies was most likely that of sprinkling by dipping the purifier in the bucket, and then flipped onto whatever or whoever was to be purified.158 In rituals for entrance/building, a Neo-Assyrian text describes the duties of priests of the Assur temple, and lists the cleanliness of some temple spaces such as the door: “To sweep the area from the Kunuš-kadru gate to the threshold, to guard the gods of the šahūru anteroom, to fill the purification cones, […] is the responsibility of […].”159 In this instance, the purification cones belong to the area of the door and the anteroom, suggesting that they were used in connection with this space. In a similar vein, a further ritual taking place in the temple of Assur states: “At the Anzû Gate water [for the purification cone I placed in the king’s hands].”160 In rituals for persons we read that the effect is the “release” of the threatened man by means of holy water sprinkled by the purification instrument or cleaner: “take the bucket, […], bring water from the mouth of the twin rivers, over that water cast your holy spell, purify it with your holy incantation, and sprinkle that water over the man, […].”161 A stalk of alternating tufted rosettes and cones held raised as to sprinkle the passer-by can replace the cone (fig. 14).162 Undoubtedly, the most unusual animal is the stag, described by the Akkadian words ajalu or lulīmu (fig. 15).163 Among rituals for entrance/building, in a building ritual of first millennium BCE, the exorcism procedures include stag horn when the construction came to an end.164 In rituals for persons, the ajalu is mainly mentioned in some Assyrian medical texts: “you grind stag’s horn, mix it in oil, smear (it) on, spread it, and he (the patient) will get well”165 or “[…] stag horn, soiled rag, […] (them) together. If you fumigate him (with it) over 157

Parker Mallowan 1983, 33. The nature of the mullilu is still unclear (see Stearns 1961, 24, fn. 43; Wiggermann 1992, 66–67; Russell 1998, 691–692 for previous literature). 159 SAA 20 50, ii 20–ii 25. 160 SAA 20 2, i 4´– i 5´. 161 Wiggermann 1992, 66. 162 The act of sprinkling (zarāqu) is found in a number of Assyrian ritual and cultic texts, and the liquid sprinkled is sometimes fragrant and sweet oil (e.g. SAA 9 3, ii 29; SAA 20 27, r 37´). Russell (1998, 707) notes that the combination of cones and tufted rosettes may have possessed particularly potent protective powers. In addition, however, one should speculate that specific plants were logically chosen for their properties as soapworts—that is, for their fragrance—as attested in many ritual texts (Magen 1986, 76–77). The protective powers therefore must have depended on the intrinsic cleansing properties of plants and flowers. 163 Portuese 2019a, 73–74. 164 Ambos 2004, 100–101 (lines 52´´–58´´); 2010, 234. 165 CAD A, ajalu, 226, mng. 1c. 158

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coals, he will get well.”166 The lulīmu is listed with other plants to clean the patient of evil: “powder of the horn of the stag […] (all) cleanse the patient […] they bind whatever causes evil.”167 Along with the stag is a stalk of palmettes held in the upraised left hand as ready to be used identified with the libbi gišimmari (palm offshoot) (fig. 15).168 In rituals for entrance/building, the previously mentioned building ritual also includes offshoots of the date-palm: “Two incense-burners, […], antlers of a stag, […], two offshoots of the date-palm.”169 In rituals for persons, the palm offshoot was used in exorcism to purify the patient “It is the incantation for binding the date-palm offshoot on the patient […] and put […] a date-palm heart at his head.”170 The palm is also found in the form of a palm frond (fig. 12, right), identified with the ara gišimarri “frond of the date palm.”171 It occurs in rituals for entrance/building, where it is associated to gates in hemerology texts of Neo-Assyrian period: “The 29th day: let him erect midribs of the date palm at his gate, he will prevail over his adversary.”172 In rituals for persons the palm frond occurs in a prophylactic ritual: “Split the date-palm frond and bind the limbs of that man. Cast the restorative incantation, so that an evil death and headache will not draw nigh to him.”173 The presence of genies holding a kid or lamb is hypothetical in the palace but plausible.174 The kid or lamb, unīqu and puḫādu in Akkadian,175 both do occur in ritual texts but especially in relation to the king and the palace gate: “spin a double-strand thread in the palace gate, spin a multi-coloured twine of hair of a virgin kid and virgin lamb, bind the limbs of the king, son of his god […]. May the evil Udug, Alû, ghost, Sheriff-demon, god, and 166

Scurlock 2006, 595, text 279. Geller 2016, 487 (lines 214–216). 168 Parker Mallowan 1983, 38; Wiggermann 1992, 68–69, 77–78; Portuese 2019a, 73–74. 169 Ambos 2004, 100–101 (lines 52´´–58´´). 170 Geller 2016, 475 (lines 144–145), 477 (line 159). 171 Parker Mallowan 1983, 38; Wiggermann 1992, 69–70, 77. 172 SAA 8 234, 3–4. Here the term is, however, zinē gišimarri “rib of palm-frond” (see Landsberger 1967, 25). That the palm frond was used to purify a place by sweeping it clean is confirmed by other Neo-Assyrian textual sources, such as the magical prescriptions concerned with expelling ghosts (Scurlock 2006, 45, 379). 173 Geller 2016, 477 (lines 160–163). 174 Paley / Sobolewski (1992, 17–20) have reconstructed the central door of the Throne Room (B) in the Northwest Palace, and placed a four-winged figure carrying a kid or lamb and stalk of “hybrid” plant between pairs of colossi. The position of such slab is hypothetical, but was actually found in this location on Assurnasirpal II’s Central Building façade, so the presence of some such figure here seems very likely (Barnett / Falkner 1962, pls. 126–127; see also Russell 1998, 706). 175 CAD U, unīqu, 159–160, mng. 7´b; CAD P, puḫādu, 478, mng. 2´b 167

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Bailiff-demons, not enter the palace, nor approach the side of the palace, nor come near the king […].”176

Figure 16 To the left, winged genie carrying a stalk of pomegranates and holding a mace, from the Northwest Palace, room S, door d (S–d–1) (CDLI – http://cdli.ucla.edu); to the right, winged genie and genie from Dur-Sharrukin Palace, room 2, door G (relief 1) (Botta / Flandin 1849/I, pl. 74)

There are instances in which genies hold a stalk of pomegranates, nurmû in Akkadian (fig. 16).177 In Neo-Assyrian ritual texts the plant is associated to the potency incantations and to the woman and female goddesses, and the pomegranate motif with its multiplicity of seeds, suggests indeed that this was a symbol for fertility.178 The pomegranate also occurs in anti-witchcraft rituals dealing with

176

Geller 2016, 521–523 (lines 80–82, 93´–96´). CAD N, nurmû, 346, mng. 2b. As for the botanic “legibility” of pomegranates and poppy-heads in Assyrian reliefs and related literature, see Hnila 2002. However, the faded reddish colour on reliefs along the three branches and the capsule, which clearly reminds that of the pomegranate (Botta / Flandin 1849/I, pls. 74–75) and the intentional representation of the typical crack along its leathery skin or rind, which usually tends to appear when a pomegranate is mature suggest that pomegranates were largely used in the reliefs of Dur-Sharrukin. 178 Gansell 2018. Both in the Near East and in the classical world, pomegranates seem mainly associated with female characters (Rova 2008, 562). A closer visual example is shown on one of Sennacherib’s rock reliefs at Bavian where the goddess is represented carrying a staff topped by a finial terminating in pomegranates (Winter 2003, 258). In 177

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potency problems and sexual impurity and in some medical prescriptions, and pomegranate juice is advised as therapy to treat ghost-induced roaring in the ears, inflammation, heaviness, suppuration, and bleeding from the ears.179 In few instances, genies hold a mace (fig. 16, left), identified with the e’ru “cornel(-stick) mace,”180 used in rituals by the exorcist to drive away evil evoking the notion of “protection:” “He thus placed the exalted e’ru-wood staff of Anu on his (the patient’s) head. May the good spirit and good genius be present at his head […].”181 In a ritual addressed to protect the king, it is said: “Of the palace gate, [...................................] is called ‘evil’ [..................], organise the mighty e’ru-wood mace and noises at his head, cast the Eriduspell […]. May the evil […] not enter the palace, nor approach the side of the palace, nor come near the king.”182 Occasionally we find the stalk of rosettes, associated by scholars with the Mesopotamian goddess Ishtar (fig. 17).183 As observed by Winter, the rosette represents that which endures and generates, and is an appropriate symbol for goddesses associated with fertility.184 And indeed the rosette was linked to the notion of “Plant of Life,” well attested in cuneiform literature, which does not refer to a specific plant, but various plants may be called “Plant of Life,” and the rosette may be an obvious candidate.185 Therefore, its presence is more symbolic than practical. The blue lotus, which appears in only one instance in the palace of Sargon II, can be similarly interpreted. According to the still preserved colour on Flandin’s drawings, the represented type must be the Caerulea blue lotus or blue water lily (Nymphaea caerulea, aquatic flower), which opens and closes daily, flowering from sunrise to midday.186 Accordingly, the flower is a constant reminder of regeneration, and its connection with the sun is clear as well, as the blue lotus bud opens precisely at dawn and closes at midday, when the sun is most destructive. Thus, the blue lotus may have embodied the notion of “Plant of Life” just like the rosette.187

addition, the pomegranate was used as female ornaments in jewellery objects of the Queens’ Tombs and in sculptures (Hussein 2016, pls. 16e, 17, 44, 89b, 119). 179 Abusch / Schwemer 2011, 101, Text 2.5 (lines 4, 6), Old Babylonian; Scurlock 2006: 69. 180 Wiggermann 1992, 60, 67–68; Russell 1998, 675. 181 Geller 2016, 473 (lines 134–135). 182 Geller 2016, 522–523 (lines 87´–89´, 93´–96´). 183 Barrelet 1955, 244; Albenda 1978, 9; Russell 1998, 696, 707. 184 Winter 1976, 46. 185 Selz 2004, 201; 2014, 664. 186 Botta / Flandin 1849 I/II, pls. 43, 113; Bleibtreu 1980, 103–104; Hnila 2002, 122–123. 187 Portuese 2018. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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Figure 17 Northwest Palace (Kalhu): winged genie holding a stalk of rosettes and performing a blessing/greeting gesture, from room S, door b (S–6) (CDLI – http://cdli.ucla.edu)

A conclusive pair of objects held only by the laḫmu “the hairy one” is the gamlu (curved staff) and the lion.188 The gamlu is a curved staff, used as ritual weapon by the exorcist for repelling evil forces and for purifying.189 In his left hand, the figure grasps an adult lion to his body.190 These attributes are very appropriate for the bearded hero, since he occurs in mythology as the naked hero originally a spirit of the rivers, mastering wild animals and taking care of the domesticated herds with his water. The composition of the hero grasping lion incarnates somehow the royal hunting scenes of the attack on the lion by the king to secure his mastery and supremacy over all animals, both domesticated and wild. In this sense, the powerful qualities of these heroes reinforce symbolically the might of Assyrian kingship, and the lion symbolizes the opposing wild forces subdued by Sargon II.191 However, the hero also incarnates apotropaic values, since he holds the crooked staff, the ritual weapon used to repel evil forces and to purify. Thus, the laḫmu and its attributes aimed at showing the power of the king and served as apotropaic means against evil. Alternatively, or combined with these qualities, it seems not too farfetched to believe that the height of the bearded figures at Dur188

Botta / Flandin 1849/I, pl. 41. Wiggermann 1992, 61; Ambos / Krauskopf 2010, 127–130. The king can hold the same tool, as shown in the statue of Shalmanser III (Magen 1986, 69–73, pl. 14 fig. 3; Karlsson 2016, 117). 190 Van Buren 1939, 10; Strawn 2005, 154, fn. 120. 191 Albenda 1986, 102. 189

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Sharrukin stands out for the tallness of the hero Gilgamesh and his companion Enkidu as to highlight the king’s special relationship with this epic.192 Besides objects, two gestures are performed by protective figures. The gesture of blessing or greeting, karābu in texts, always done with the right hand by genies (fig. 17),193 and perhaps used as sprinkler when accompanied by the ritual bucket, and folded hands, performed only by lion colossi, representing an ancient Mesopotamian gesture indicating prayerfulness and respect.194 All the objects can be tabulated as follows, according to their distribution throughout the palaces (table 1):195 Description

Northwest Palace Doorways (room/room-door letter)

Goat mašḫultuppû Tufted Rosettes

D/B–d; Z/T–a

D/B–d;197 ED/B–e;198 F/G–a; S/AJ–b; S/X–c; S/Y–e; Z/T–a Bucket and Cone B/C–a; B/F–b; F/Y–f; P/N; banduddû and mullilu N/G–d; G/Y–c; G/Y–b; G/H–e; H/L–d; H/K–c; H/I–b; I/J–a; Y/Z; Z/T–a; Z/WG–b; T/S–d; S/X–c; S/Y–e; S/Y–a Bucket C/ramp–b; H/L–d; H/K–c; H/R– banduddû a; Y/Z Stalk of Tufted B/F–b Rosettes and Cones Stag D/B–d ajalu/lulīmu Stalk of Palmettes D/B–d libbi gišimmari Palm Frond Z/T–a ara gišimarri

Dur-Sharrukin Palace Doorways (room/roomdoor letter) III/9–Z; VI/33–g196

VIII/VII–f; III/14–p; III/9– Z; III/8–Q; III/8–P; 8/5–S; 6/11–X; I/2–B: I/2–F; I/2– G; I/1–A199

192

Annus 2012. Wiggermann 1992, 61, 78; Frechette 2012, 35–38. 194 Russell 1999, figs. 83a, 84a. Magen 1986, 40–45, pl. 6, figs. 2–8; Cifarelli 1998, 216. 195 The apotropaic figures examined here were placed both at the jambs of the door and at each side of the passage. 196 The genie is actually placed on façade m facing towards door g, but perhaps not in a protective function. 197 Lion Colossi. 198 According to the reconstruction of Paley and Sobolewski. 199 The presence of bucket and cone is hypothetical (see Botta / Flandin 1849/I, pl. 48). 193

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Description

Northwest Palace Doorways (room/room-door letter)

Kid/Lamb unīqu/puḫādu Pomegranates nurmû

ED/B–e200

Mace e’ru ‘cornel(-stick) mace’ Stalk of Rosettes Lotus Flower Crooked Staff and Lion gamlu Blessing/Greeting Gesture karābu

Folded Hands

T/S–d

Dur-Sharrukin Palace Doorways (room/roomdoor letter)

VIII/VII–f; VIII/10–c; III/8–P; III/8–Q; III/14–p; III/9–Z; 8/5–S; 8/5–U; 4/7–R;201 6/9–Y; 6/11–X; I/2–G; I/2–B; VI/33–h

E/B–c; G/Y–c; P/N; S/T–d

S/Y–a; S/AJ–b; Z/WG–b VI/33–g VIII/VII–q (façade n); façade A E/B–c; C/ramp–b; F/G–a; P/N; G/Y–c; G/H–e; H/R–a; H/K–c; H/L–d; S/Y–a; S/AJ–b; S/X–c; Z/T–a; Z/WG–b; Y/Z E/B–c; BB/WT–a203

see Pomegranates202

Table 1 Objects and gestures of apotropaic figures in the Northwest Palace and Dur-Sharrukin Palace

2.3.2 Doorways and Circulation In the light of the evidence collected so far, it seems that the arrangement of the apotropaic figures was most probably deliberate, and one may observe it was consistent with relative secrecy and function of the room/suite. In the Northwest Palace, for instance, it has been argued, that outsiders were received in the Throne Room (B) by entering door d and going out by door c (fig. 18).204 In fact, at door d a high concentration of purifying materials such as goat, tufted rosettes, stag, stalk of palmettes was used firstly to purify and protect the door and secondly to expiate, heal and rid passers-by of evil. By contrast, at the opposite door c genies hold the mace to repel the evil from stepping in and performs the karābu gesture,

200

According to the slab found on Assurnasirpal II’s Central Building façade. The presence of pomegranates is hypothetical (see Botta / Flandin 1849/I, pl. 80). 202 All the genies holding stalk of pomegranates in the left hand also perform the blessing/greeting gesture with the right hand. 203 Lion Colossi. 204 See previous literature in Portuese 2019a, 70 fn. 8. 201

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while lion colossi fold their hands in a gesture of obeisance. Ideal gestures to greet passers-by leaving the room who, at that stage, did not need to be purified.

Figure 18 Northwest Palace (Kalhu): plan of the main suites and inner circulation (adapted from Kertai 2014b, fig. 3)

It has been also suggested that the central and monumental door e was usually kept closed. Presumably, this doorway was reserved for the king in state occasions.205 This assumption finds support in the hypothetical genie guarding this door, which carries kid or lamb explicitly used in rituals to protect the king. A similar analysis can be applied to the South Suite of the palace, which was defined the King’s Suite. The presence of goat and palm frond suggests that both doorway a in room T and passers-by underwent purifying and protective rituals. By contrast, guests left the room by doorway a in room S, where genies greet and bless who left the room. Russell suspects that in the King’s Suite, the king received his high court officials and entertained palace women.206 Confirmation of this hypothetical interpretation is found in the stalk of pomegranates at door d, which evokes the notion of healing, potency, fertility, and possesses propitious

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meanings, and in the stalk of rosettes, which may have represented a plant of rejuvenation, conveying propitiatory and fertility concepts. Lastly, the East Suite was said to represent the secluded context of the Northwest palace and, accordingly, its audience was more restricted and internal. Protective figures are coherent with this picture. The doorways lack genies holding animals, but most of the figures performs the karābu gesture to bless, and holds bucket and cone to purify. Only in few instances, the genies hold the mace. This attribute occurs at specific doorways connecting with the outside to repel evil. The repertoire of protective figures in the palace of Sargon II at Dur-Sharrukin appears to be repetitive and utilized without discretion for the location. Bird- and human-apkallū are the most prominent figures in the palace, but often are accompanied by the plant-holding genie placed behind them. Along with these figures, winged human-headed bulls protected the main doorways and entrances of the palace. What emerges from an overall look at these guarding figures is that a similar protection was extended over the doorways of the palace, where bucket and cone were employed to purify and stalk of pomegranates were believed to possess healing and apotropaic properties, as well as meanings of potency and manliness. A few remarkable features can be detected in the distribution and characterization of apotropaic genies. 1) Bird-apkallū were mainly located in the more secluded courtyards, namely Courtyards I and VI. Thus, one might suspect that the need of protection was different, and most likely was related to the accessibility of the spaces. 2) In one instance, a pair of wingless genies carries a goat in the left arm while performing the blessing/greeting gesture with the right hand (III/9–Z), and in one case a wingless genie holds the lotus flower in the right hand while carrying the goat in the left hand (VI/33–g). The first group had certainly apotropaic functions, but it is plausible that the goat was associated with specific rituals associated to the doorway, to the room itself, and obviously to the king. In a similar vein, the second genie, placed by the entrance of what has been interpreted as the King’s Suite, holds the goat that may have indicated the performance of rituals for the doorway and the king, as the main passer-by, while the lotus flower represented a symbol of rejuvenation and rebirth, perhaps as a result of the duly performed rites. 3) The so-called hero grasping the lion represents a new introduction in the repertoire of apotropaic figures of late Assyrian palaces. It can be conceived as a symbolic figure representing the might of Sargon II and his connection with Giglamesh, rather than apotropaic. However, the protective values were evoked by the crooked staff, and were addressed to the whole palace, rather than to a single entrance. 4) Doors Q and S leading passers-by from courtyard III to room 5 were associated by the same decoration: human-apkallū and wingless genies. The latter facing either into Courtyard III or room 8 or room 5. Thus, it is likely that they

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made an ideal route for visitors moving from corridor 10 towards room 5 or 6 (fig. 19). 5) There must have been no need of protection at doors O and H leading to room 6, whose jambs contained narrative motifs. This seems consistent with the seclusion of rooms 2 and 5, whose occupants must have been close to the king.

Figure 19 Royal Palace (Dur-Sharrukin): plan of the main suites and inner circulation (adapted from Kertai 2015a, fig. 5.7)

In addition to these observations, the number of findings referring to the use of doors offers more hints on the control of movements in the royal palace of Sargon II. Beside the main Throne Room VII, the access to corridor 10 and to the terrace courtyards was barred by a single door. The access to room 8 was also supervised, while connection with rooms 5 and 4–7 was free. Door S was however barred by a door suggesting that, together with door Q, it could be used on occasion as unique and direct passage without the need of walking the entire length of room 8. From room 5, the adjacent rooms 6 and 11 were easily accessible, while doors controlled access to rooms 9 and 12. Room 9, in turn, was closed off from Courtyard III. Finally, the most secluded room appears room 2, which was isolated from every surrounding room. 2.4 Summary and Further Reflections Bringing this all together, one may readily surmise that the presence of these numerous countermeasures express inherent fear and anxiety, or care and concern, over the safety of something or somebody. The conspicuous presence of ritual objects strongly suggests that doorways and gates in the palace provided not only the settings for ritual activities, but were themselves recipients of and/or participants in actual rituals. The protective figures and the alleged ritual activities performed at doors also cast light on the architecture of the royal palaces and on the degree of accessibility © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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of their suites, offering hints on circulation routes that were planned for residents and visitors touring the palace. Therefore, archaeological evidence and arrangement of apotropaic creatures are helpful to re-enact access and movement within the palace, and to disclose the nature of each space.

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Chapter 3 Reasons for Entering the Palace and Identity of Entrants 3.1 Introduction Groups of insiders and outsiders met, to different degrees, the king in his palace, which was both the representative building of the royal court and the place where the king exhibited his kingship. Extensive written and visual records help in reconstructing the reasons for visiting the palace and the identity of those who interacted with the Assyrian king at his royal court. This evidence frames the physical interactions between king and audience in the perspective of an extraordinary privilege. 3.2 Great Events The most explicit reason found in texts leading persons to visit the palace is the celebration of great events and the participation in lavish banquets. The Assyrian king used to show himself to all or part of the population on the occasion of special events, which must have been so magnificent that they drew the participation of women and men belonging to every social class from all the regions of the empire, ensuring appropriate show for the king and whatever messages were intended to be conveyed were widely disseminated. Huge amounts of food and drink were usually offered at the king’s table to a remarkably large number of guests and, from the sources at our disposal, the royal palace must have been the main setting for these important meetings. Though the exact place, or “dining room,” is not explicitly described in texts, one may envisage that the location for great events coincided with the largest rooms or courtyards of the palace, in the open air around the palace, including the gardens of which the kings proudly talk in their inscriptions.207 In this regard, a number of royal inscriptions, administrative records, letters and inventories provide us with a great amount of detail of the organization of such complex and articulated events at the king’s court, offering the opportunity of reconstructing the size and identity of the guests invited by the king. The main outcome is that a variety of events could gather various persons in the palace and that the most likely scenario was the royal palace itself. Among the events described in texts, the most explicit reference to the palace as the setting for big celebrations is the inauguration of new royal residences, which becomes the occasion for great banquets with high-ranking officials and various people of the Assyrian Empire. The Banquet Stele text of Assurnasirpal II is the best evidence in this regard. The monument, set in the alcove EA of the Northwest Palace, commemorates the

207

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dedication of the new building (fig. 44). This is the best-known source for an Assyrian royal feast in so far as it gives us some important clues to the demography of the royal city, the size of the extended royal household, and the various guests invited. Assurnasirpal II firstly states that when he consecrated the joyful palace he “invited inside Aššur, the great lord, and the gods of the entire land.”208 Secondly, he declares that “47,074 men (and) women” came from every part of Assyria, followed by “5,000 dignitaries (and) envoys” from the following lands: Suhu, Hindanu, Patina, Hatti, Tyre, Sidon, Gurgum, Melid, Hubushkia, Gi1zanu, Kummuh, and Musasir. Then, the king housed “16,000 people of Calah, (and) 1,500 zarīqū” of the palace, for a total of “69,574 (including) those summoned from all lands and the people of Calah.”209 All these guests received food and drink and other pleasant treatments for ten days. Noting the number of guests (almost 70,000) and the duration of the feast, one may question of the reliability of the Banquet Stele figures, and wonder perhaps whether they would have been exaggerate for propagandistic purposes. However, in the light of later texts describing meals in the Achaemenid court, all the quantities mentioned in Assurnasirpal II’s text seem trustworthy.210 What is more striking, however, is the identity of each guest or group of guests, which are carefully selected and arranged hierarchically throughout the text. The inscription firstly mentions the divine world as participant in the lavish celebrations, followed by the most numerous group (47,074 people), which comes from “all the lands of the country,” that is of Assyria, probably from the capital city Assur and the other major centres of the empire. The precision of this number, as suggested by Ermidoro, might derive from a census, regularly performed by the central administration.211 Then, in detail, the text mentions short-stay visits of delegations and emissaries (5,000) from the small countries around Assyria. The word used for dignitaries or foreign chieftains—attested only for foreigners—is ṣērāni (LÚ.MAḪ.MEŠ) and šaprātu.212 These figures were the highest associates of the vassal ruler, who likely acted as bringers of tribute and as ambassadors on other matters as well. The Banquet Stele text then lists 16,000 guests resident in Kalhu, and 1,500 zarīqū. The first number leads to the assumption that a large part of the population of the city was somehow affiliated with the palace or the religious institutions on the citadel in various functions;213 the second indicates the

208

RIMA 2 A.0.101.30, 102–105. RIMA 2 A.0.101.30, 140–151. 210 See Ermidoro 2015, 104, fn. 48 for a bibliography on Achaemenid royal banquets. 211 Ermidoro (2015, 206) notes that evidence of census operations comes from administrative texts such as SAA 11 200–219. 212 CAD Ṣ, ṣīru, 213; CAD Š, šapru, 480–481. 213 Barjamovic (2011, 45–46) notes that the total number of officials employed at the palace (16,000 people together with 1,500 zarīqū) seems roughly comparable to that given by 209

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officials employed at the palace and functionaries bound to the palaces located throughout the Assyrian territory. In detail, the title zarīqū (lit. “sprinkler”) is only known from Middle Assyrian and Neo-Assyrian sources. The title occurs also in the decree of the appointment of Nergal-apil-kumu’a dating to Assurnasirpal II’s reign referring to zarīqū who resides in the province.214 Thus, the zarīqū can be seen as personnel of the palaces situated throughout the empire and also in company of the king when travelling or campaigning. Their court connection is, however, supported by the fact that individuals known as zarīqū occasionally appear as courtier or eunuchs (ša-rēši), palace servant (urad ekalli),215 and once as chief palace official (ša-muḫḫi-ekalli) in Middle Assyrian sources.216 This official disappears after the reign of Assurnasirpal II, suggesting a change of designations possibly accompanied by structural changes among the court personnel.217 Less grandiose is the description of the dedication feast of Sargon II at the celebration of Dur-Sharrukin, though structured in similar fashion. After completing the building of the new capital, Sargon II firstly invites his protective gods: “In a favorable month, on an auspicious day, I invited into them, Ashur, father of the gods, the great lord, the gods and goddesses who abide in Assyria.”218 Secondly, he sat down in his palace to celebrate: “Zusammen mit den (Vasallen) Königen aller Länder, den Provinzherren meines Landes, den Aufsehern (und) Leitern, den Fürsten, den Eunuchen und den Ältesten Assyriens setzte ich mich in meinem Palast hin und feierte ein Freudenfest.”219 Just like the Banquet Stele, the palace inscription enumerates the gods as first guests, then rulers from all the countries (malki matitan), probably accompanied by their personal entourage (trustworthy dignitaries, bodyguards, and servants). The inscription then specifies palace associates, namely provincial governors (bēl pīḫati), supervisors (aklī), commanders (šāpirī), princes (rubê), courtiers or eunuchs (šūt rēši), and elders of the land of Assyria (šībūtu).220 Going in detail in these categories of guests, although definitional problems lead modern scholars

the Greek historians Dinon and Ctesias, who claim that some 15,000 people composed the palace staff at the Persian court. 214 SAA 12 83, r 20–21. 215 PNA 4/I, 218. 216 Jakob 2003, 78–79. 217 Groß 2014, 261–262. 218 ARAB 2.74. 219 Fuchs 1994, 355, lines 177–179. See also ARAB 2.74. Fuchs’ translation is adopted here as the more accurate of the two sources. 220 The inauguration of new royal residences was occasion for summoning foreigners and king’s associates even in later periods. E.g. RINAP 3/1 15, viii 16´´–18´´; RINAP 4 1, vi 49–vi 53. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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to wrestle with Assyrian terms, one may see that each group was quite familiar with the palace and their presence at court was not unusual.221 The first term refers to the governors of territorial provinces (bēl pīḫati, and also šaknu).222 They must have had access to the palace, since the governor of Tamnuna, Nabu-usalla, is mentioned in a letter sent to Sargon II as mediator of three leaders of the Kummeans, who request an audience with the king.223 In addition, in the Middle Assyrian Royal Coronation Ritual, governors are listed among the high officials who stand before the king to determine their positions.224 The general term aklu may indicate an overseer in charge of a group of soldiers, workers or craftsmen.225 Likewise, šāpiru, is translated as overseer, provincial governor, prefect.226 The word rubû may be rendered into prince, or nobleman, and may have indicated important and influential persons of the Assyrian aristocracy.227 Sargon II’s text is not clear in specifying tasks and roles of these figures, but one may only speculate that were valued by the king as important guests. Sargon II’s inscription also refers to the general category of ša-rēši, although it does not add detailed information on the exact position of these figures invited at the inauguration. However, one may speculate that these eunuchs or courtiers were employed in the court performing various tasks such as household servants, messengers, musicians, scribes. This is well shown in the letter sent to the king Sargon II written by Adad-ibni, who sent four eunuchs to the palace, among which were a cupbearer, a confectioner, and a cook.228 Their dominance at court is further evidenced by letters where ša-rēšis are mentioned together with the royal entourage and the magnates,229 and where the ša-rēši Mardi proposes that he goes to the king Sargon II instead of the writer.230 Finally, as to the šībūti, they are likely to have been elder heads of upper-class families.231 Their admission to the palace may be gleaned by the letter of Nabu221

See Richardson 2016 for an attempt to define socio-political terms of elite definition in Assyrian letters. 222 CAD P, pīḫati, 367–368, mng. 1-2´. The terms apparently describe the same office and no clear distinction seems possible. The office bēl pīḫati occurs several times in letters, and the bēl is often dropped, leaving pīḫātu to mean “governor” by itself (Postgate 1973, 8, fn. 21; 1980, 70; Mattila 2000, 133; Karlsson 2016, 157; see also CTN I, 12–15). 223 SAA 5 104. 224 SAA 20 7, r iii 11. 225 CAD A, aklu A, 277–280. See also a short reference in Groß 2014, 470, fn. 1165 in relation to the chief of master builders or chief builder (rab etinni; PNA 4/I, 95). 226 CAD Š, šāpiru, 457, mng. 2´. 227 CAD R, rubû A. 228 SAA 1 184, 8–12. 229 SAA 5 291, r 7. 230 SAA 1 132. 231 CAD Š, šību, 392, mng. 2. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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shumu-iddina, mayor (ḫazannu) under Esarhaddon.232 In sum, all these figures must have been familiar with the palace and their access was probably granted on more than one occasion. They may have in the large part represented the “upper crust” or “jet set” of Assyrian society.233 Beside monumental inscriptions, other sources—mainly used by scribes for practical purposes inside the administrative circle of the royal court—can be used to reconstruct the carrying out of big events in the capitals. In this respect, an informative written source is the group of documents known as the Nimrud Wine Lists (NWL). The discovery was made in situ, in the rubbish of the room SW 6, during the work in the Shalmaneser III’s palace at Kalhu, later called ekal mašarti (arsenal). The finding consisted of a small group of clay tablets, 11 in number. Four years later, during investigations in the area of the NE courtyard, in rooms 48–49, an additional 46 tablets and fragments were discovered.234 The tablets deal exclusively with the quantities of wine doled out and offer the names of the various groups and classes of people forming the royal household, from the queen to the lowest menials, and mention by name several influential courtiers and groups of foreign people lodged at court. The tablets date back to the 8th century, with the earlier dating to the end of the reign of Adad-nirari III and the beginning of the reign of Shalmaneser IV (782–773 BCE), and the later to the second half of the reign of Tiglath-pileser III and the first half of the reign of Sargon II.235 Therefore, the groups of tablets spread over as much as a century, from 800 to 700 BCE. The tablets list from the higher functionaries, senior officers, and advisors of the king, to the lower classes, workers, servants, musicians, and even foreigners coming from all over the empire. An important aspect that must be highlighted is that the king does not feature in the wine lists, whereas the queen (MÍ.É.GAL/ MÍ.KUR) and the king’s sons (mar’ē šarri) appear in the lists and are mentioned at first.236 This suggests that they did not always dine with the king. Alternatively, one may reasonably guess that the king is absent from the lists because he was involved in cultic activities elsewhere or,237 more likely, because the foodstuffs for his table came from special storehouses not included among the normal ones counted in the texts.238

232

PNA 4/I, 35–39; SAA 13 80, 16–r 6. Elders is rendered paršamūti (LÚ.AB.BA-MEŠ) here. Richardson 2016, 42. 234 CTN I, 1. 235 For the chronology, see Parpola 1976, 170; CTN III, 22–24; Fales 1994, 363–366; Russell 1991, 230. Parpola (1976, 170), using internal connections, divided the tablets in three distinct groups, arranging them in the following chronological order: Group 1 (792–786), Group II (785–779), Group III (778–774). 236 CTN I, 6; CTN III, 285; Ermidoro 2015, 265–266. 237 Fales 1994, 370, fn. 52. 238 Ermidoro 2015, 99. 233

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The grand total of persons involved in the occasion recorded in the tablets comes to about 6,000. Though this number is very low in comparison with the number of persons invited to other festive events, such as the banquet of Assurnasirpal II, one may envisage that the NWL would show an occasion basically limited to a specific sector of the court.239 It is actually still disputed whether these texts represent regular allocations to court personnel and visiting dignitaries or extra distributions on special occasions, and scholars have reached no consensus on the real purpose of the rations distribution.240 Either way, the tablets list the recipients in order of importance, thereby providing us with a glimpse into palace hierarchies in the 8th century BCE. Although the tablets were found in the arsenal, perhaps referring to rations only for the arsenal staff, nevertheless, two of the lists explicitly state that a certain ration was for recipients “on the citadel.”241 In the environment of big events and lists of guests, a conclusive closed group of documents comes from Nineveh, probably from the South-West Palace, and dates back to the reign of Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal: they have been classified as “Accounts from ceremonial banquets” held in the Assyrian capital. Seven of these documents were conceived as a unique group of texts composed by the palace “bookkeepers,” which listed various amounts of food with the indication of the recipients mentioned with their names or their positions.242 The event celebrated is unclear: some scholars proposed that these texts record allotments distributed during the New Year festival arranged twice a year (in Nisannu and Tishri) in the Assyrian capital, although no certain evidence confirms this.243 3.2.1 Compulsory Events: Tribute and Audience Gift The royal palace was essentially the secular residence of the king and acted undoubtedly as the economic and political epicentre of the empire. As such, the palace was the stage where political decisions were made and economic activities performed. Any subject, whether king’s associate or foreigner, had to recognize the capital city of Assyria as the central locale of the administration of the empire, and for this reason compulsory journeys to the capital city annually took place. Obligations in this sense were imposed by the state in the form of economic appointments, to which texts often refer. In this regard, royal inscriptions, royal cor239

Fales 1994, 370, fn. 52. Kinnier Wilson (1972, 72) and Parpola (1976, 171) basically believe that the NWL represented records of a per diem allotment of wine, whether renewable every ten days or every day. Fales (1994, 369–370) considers these records as the result of a one-day distribution, associated with a great event perhaps taking place once a year. See also CTN III, 24; Mattila 2000, 157; Ermidoro 2015, 101. 241 CTN I, text 3, i 10; CTN III, text 141, line 12. 242 SAA 7 148–157. Although different and each one conceived as an individual document, Mattila (1990) unified and considered them as a composite source using a unique model. 243 See further comments in SAA 7, xxxi–xxxiii, and Ermidoro 2015, 101–102. 240

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respondence and administrative texts of Neo-Assyrian period often deal with two compulsory duties, both economically important, which led subjects to the royal palace in the presence of the king: the receipt of the tribute (madattu), and the delivery of audience gift (nāmurtu). Usually, after plundering a conquered land, the victorious king imposed continuous payments of tribute by the defeated party, and this served the dual purpose of indicating the latter’s loyalty as well as contributing to the income of the Assyrian state.244 The usual practice was to leave a local ruler in charge (bēl āli, “city-ruler”), and to appoint an Assyrian representative (qēpu) to oversee the subject.245 Therefore, these vassal states were allowed to retain their own leaders, but often signed treaties with the Assyrian king which included the provision of tribute to Assyria. This tribute is found in texts under the term madattu and is applied strictly only to compulsory payments to the Assyrian king imposed upon a subject state that had not been absorbed into the administrative structure of Assyria itself. In other words, the madattu was never given by kings who gave free will offerings or by areas that were fully incorporated into the Assyrian Empire. The interruption of the payment of tribute was interpreted as an act of rebellion and was punished as such.246 In detail, royal inscriptions mention two types of tribute: the yearly tribute and the tribute paid on campaign. The first form is usually defined by specific expressions such as “yearly” (šattišam) or can be recognized by the fact that the tributary must come to Assyria. The second form is instead made evident by the context, because it is usually paid during a military campaign in the face of the approaching army.247 The latter is the most common form of tribute found in inscriptions, while the first falls under the scope of this work because often implied a journey to the palace in the capital city. The tribute was probably extracted by Assyrian magnates in person, or brought into the empire by the subject peoples. The final addressee was, however, always the king. At most, if royal delegates acted as collectors, they always informed the king on the reception of tribute.248 It seems, however, unlikely, as Postgate observes, that large amounts of common and bulky materials, such as corn, sheep, or oxen, were transported all the way to the capital city.249 They may have been brought to the nearest convenient centre. Nevertheless, there is no question that some part of the tribute had to be delivered to the capital city itself. This may have included small goods, valuable metals, and horses. In fact, the amounts of tribute 244

Radner 2007, 219; Jakob 2017, 155. Postgate 1974, 119. 246 Postgate 1974, 119–121; Reade 1979b, 332; Liverani 1992, 155–156; Bär 1996, 7–8; Elayi 2017, 34. 247 Bär 1996, 7–8. 248 Bär 1996, 11. 249 Postgate 1974, 119–123. 245

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did not fall under the jurisdiction of the governors, and the collection of tribute belonged under the central administration alone. The journey to the capital city may therefore be explained as a direct control over valuable items and since the tribute was a personal payment from a vassal king to the king of Assyria, the yearly contribution must have been combined with a formal renewal of the vassals’ loyalty. In fact, since it was also an expression of loyalty, the business of bringing tribute was usually done by the most important persons of the vassal ruler. These are usually indicated by the already discussed word ṣērāni (“emissaries”) who, according to Postgate, must have been the equivalent of the Assyrian magnates.250 These figures probably acted as bringers of tribute, but perhaps also as ambassadors.251 This process of bringing tribute is described in a number of royal letters, mostly dating to the reign of Sargon II, although references to the various chances people had to meet the king in his royal palace do not imply a priori that all tributaries had access to the royal palace of Dur-Sharrukin. It must be noted, indeed, that most of the documentation pre-dates actual use of the palace in question. Thus, most of tribute was delivered in other palaces which later were gradually displaced by the new palace. Moreover, in the period of Sargon II, a number of kingdoms and countries that were vassal states and paid regular tribute were already turned into provinces at the time Dur-Sharrukin was elected as new capital. In fact, with the establishment of so many additional provinces taxes were collected by provincial governors.252 Proceeding with the royal correspondence, in three letters sent to the king, the crown prince Sennacherib reports to his father on the tribute brought from foreign embassies. The tribute of the Ashdodites is brought to Kalhu and deposited in the palace, although no ambassadors or leaders are mentioned.253 The tribute from Kummuh (Commagene) was delivered, perhaps, also in Kalhu.254 In a third letter, there is reference to the Zikirtaeans as bringing their tribute and, since the topic of the letter regards the ongoing work in Dur-Sharrukin, that this was the destination of the tribute seems, therefore, unlikely.255 A significant tribute brought to Kalhu from various emissaries, perhaps on occasion of a festival, is the subject of a letter of Marduk-remanni, governor of the city, sent to Sargon II: “I have received 45 horses of the [pala]ce. The emissaries from Egypt, Gaza, Judah, Moab and Ammon entered Calah on the 12th with their trib250

Postgate 1974, 123–125. For instance, in letter SAA 1 10, the Urartian ambassadors are not engaged in bringing tribute but have come to meet captives. 252 Radner 2007, 220–227. 253 SAA 1 29, r 22–24. 254 SAA 1 33, 8–14. 255 SAA 1 39, r 16. 251

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ute. The 24 horses of the (king) of Gaza are with him. The Edomite, [Ashdo]dite and Ekronite [……]. The emissary from Que [......] is departing and going [...] the Bow [River]; the [...] of the Commander-in-Chief is with him.”256 Tribute addressed to Kalhu is also found in a letter sent by Ah-abi, who writes to the king about the king of Karalla who is coming to Kalhu.257 Tribute from Yala, the crown prince of Andia, accompanied by the emissary Nergal-belu-usur, is mentioned in a letter sent by Dinanu, a royal official operating at the northeastern border of Assyria: “Yala[...], the crown prince of And[ia], is coming t[o ...], accompanied by the em[issary] Nergal-belu-uṣur. 16 red horses; 13 irginu horses; 14 black horses; 1 Haršean horse; 1 tuanu horse; 6 mares; 5 mules; in all 51 horses from the crown prince of Andia.”258 In a letter, Assur-dur-paniya, treasurer, writes to Sargon II that Shubrian emissaries are on their way to the king.259 This delegation is made up of Yata, a man in charge of the towns near the Urartian border, and Abi-yaqa, a local inhabitant. The content regards the problem of fugitives fleeing their obligations to the empire.260 However, together with eight men, maybe servants, the emissaries are bringing one mule and three donkeys, perhaps as tribute or audience gifts. Besides letters, also from administrative records the reception of tribute can be gleaned. In a list of precious items issued to visiting delegations during an unidentified occasion perhaps taking place in the palace, there is apparent mention of the tribute delivered in Arbela and somewhere else.261 The text refers to a number of foreign delegations from Ekron, Bit-Ammon (biblical Ammon), Byblos, Arqa, Simirra, Tabal, Hubushkia, Mazamua (Arzizu), Der, Ganata, Habhu (Birat), and a man from an Aramean tribe (Yasubu), and Arabian sheiks.262 In a similar fashion, a further text consists of a letter from Sennacherib to his father, listing contributions received by the palace at Nineveh from Azuri of Ashdod, and from another city-state in the same area, and then distributed to various officials and 256

SAA 1 110, r 4–17; Radner 2007, 219 fn. 23. SAA 19 169, 4–11. PNA (1/I, 57) describes Ah-abi as a servant of the king Tiglathpileser III. However, the publication SAA 19 edited the text as belonging to the reign of Sargon II. 258 SAA 5 171, 1–r 3; PNA 1/I, 385. 259 SAA 5 52, 21–r 1. 260 PNA 1/I, 180. 261 SAA 7 58. The destinations of these delegations were for sure Arbela, and perhaps Kalhu or Dur-Sharrukin. Arbela as destination means that presumably the king was there en route to or from a campaign (SAA 7, xxiii–xxiv). 262 SAA 7, xxiii. Some of the personages mentioned are unknown: the lady Yat[i]a (SAA 7 58, r ii 16) and Hammeashti (SAA 7 58, r ii 21; see also PNA 2/I, 448). 257

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palace personnel.263 An inventory of tribute from western provinces (Ashkelon, Gaza) seems to have been delivered in Kalhu and consists of silver, cloths, horses, fish.264 On all these occasions, envoys or rulers that had made the journey to the Assyrian capital were of course expected to deliver the goods in person, most likely having an audience with the king. Coming for such an audience was referred to in letters as coming “for greeting” (ana šulmi), and this reference certainly implied a personal meeting with the king.265 For instance, in a letter sent by Tab-sill-Esharra, governor of Assur, to Sargon II, it is said that Marduk-shumu-iddina, an individual active near Birati “[......ha]s come [......] right now [he is on his way] to greet [the king, my lord].”266 The same expression occurs in a letter written by Nashir-Bel, governor of Amidi, to Sargon II.267 Likewise, a letter of Inurta-ila’i, an official active in the region of Til-Barsip, reports to Sargon II on people (the name is missing) that “have cr[ossed] the river on [the…th] of Nisan and [left] for the Palace to greet (the king).”268 In all these instances, a face-to-face meeting with the king in his residence was expected. Additional information on the madattu comes from the royal inscriptions. Here, the yearly tribute brought to the capital city is seldom alluded to, and most of the tribute is said to have been proffered whenever an Assyrian invasion became an immediate threat. It may, on the other hand, have simply been delivered to the nearest convenient centre. Yamada notes that the reason for the rarity of references to “annual tribute” is that this sort of tribute is mentioned almost exclusively when it was imposed for the first time, while its subsequent annual delivery is not recorded.269 Despite this lack, it is likely that all the countries subject to the yearly tribute made at least an annual journey to the palace. The standard terminology is “annual tribute” and “I imposed upon them:” this full formula ex-

263

SAA 1 34; Postgate 1974, 111, 283–284. Postgate 1974, 147, 387–389, ND 2672. Tributes and audience gifts are placed at the disposal of Adda-hati, the recruitment officer of the chariotry in Kalhu (PNA 1/I, 45). 265 Postgate 1974, 125–126. Interestingly, a personal visit to the king seems to have been accepted as respectful behaviour in first millennium BCE, a kind of compulsory duty. This is shown outside the Assyrian Empire in a message of Argisti, king of Urartu, addressed to the Kummeans and contained in a letter written by Assur-resua, a high-ranking intelligence agent based in Kumme (PNA 1/I, 212–213). In the letter, the lack of regards becomes the reason of a complaint, highlighting the importance of “respectful” visits: “[...Ever s]ince [I ha]ve been on the throne, there has not really been (anybody) you have sent to greet me; (everybody) comes to me in the na]me of Aššur and your gods” (SAA 5 95, 3–5). 266 SAA 1 86, 5–8; PNA 2/II, 732. 267 SAA 5 18, 7–r 5; PNA 2/II, 932–933. 268 SAA 1 186, r 1–4. See also SAA 1 187, r 1–7; PNA 2/I, 550–551. 269 Yamada 2000, 240. 264

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plicitly indicates that the tribute was fixed on a yearly basis and had to be delivered to the Assyrian capital. In the inscriptions of Assurnasirpal II, the “annual tribute” is said to have been imposed on the cities of the land Habhu,270 the land Laqu,271 the land Nirbu,272 the land Zamua,273 the city Matiatu,274 the city Madara,275 the city Til-abni,276 BitZamani.277 In only one instance, Kalhu is indicated as the destination of the tribute brought by the governor of the land of Suhu and the governor of the land of Lubdu, which consisted of five wild elephants.278 Moving to Sargon II’s inscriptions, some of the kingdoms and countries mentioned therein appear at the beginning of his reign as vassal states that pay regular tribute. However, when the new capital was founded, many of them were already turned into new provinces and included in the Assyrian administration. This means, as already said, that payments were made in the form of taxation through the usual administrative channels. As a consequence, the annual journey to the palace to deliver the tribute was not expected. Given this assumption, it is probable that some kingdoms still were paying tribute when Dur-Sharrukin was active as royal capital (706). In the west, in Palestine, Judah, Gaza, Ekron, and Gibbethon were autonomous vassal states.279 In the north, the small state of Kumme was independent and supplied goods to Assyria, but perhaps was later incorporated in the Assyrian administration.280 Sargon II perhaps tried to impose upon the small state of Ukku some vassal obligations such as tribute.281 The kingdom of Mannea remained an Assyrian vassal or at least an ally and sometimes paid tribute to Sargon II.282 The kingdom of Hubushkia/Nairi was a small independent state that remained a loyal vassal of Assyria and sometimes paid tribute.283 In the east, 270

RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, i 58b–67. RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, i 93–94, iii 44b–48a. 272 RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, ii 9–12a. 273 RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, ii 46–47; ii 77–80. 274 RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, ii 89–90. 275 RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, ii 98–100. 276 RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, iii 63–64. 277 RIMA 2 A.0.101.19, 92. 278 RIMA 2 A.0.101.30, 95–96. 279 The kingdom of Israel and Ashdod were converted into Assyrian provinces (ARAB 2.4, 30). For Judah, see discussion in Elayi 2017, 52–55. For Gaza, see ARAB 2.55. Gibbethon and Ekron are not mentioned in the inscriptions of Sargon II, but they are explicitly represented in the reliefs of his palace (room 5). In particular, it was suggested that in 706 Hezekiah the king of Judah had the chance to visit the new capital built by Sargon II (Gallagher 1999, 268). 280 Radner 2012a, 254–257; Elayi 2017, 124–126. 281 Radner 2012a, 257–260; Elayi 2017, 124. 282 Melville 2016, 82–86, 94–95, 116–119, 123–130; Elayi 2017, 129–136. 283 Elayi 2017, 143–144. 271

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a few vassal polities of the central Zagros region remained independent and governed by local city lords, retained together with the Assyrian governors, who delivered tribute.284 A dual system was also installed in Media, with the Assyrian administration that controlled the collecting of tribute on the one hand and the local city lords on the other.285 Ellipi was an independent kingdom and became an excellent ally of the Assyrian king, as well as mentioned as tributary.286 Finally, it seems likely that those kingdoms and countries that were mentioned in inscriptions as occasional tributaries were invited to great and solemn events, such as the inauguration of the new capitals. This is the case of the envoys invited at the banquet of Assurnasirpal II: Suhu, Hindanu, Patina and Hatti, the Phoenician cities, the Anatolian kingdoms and the Iranian kingdoms.287 The same holds true for Sargon II’s reign. In the west, Phoenician cities, except for Simirra,288 and Cyprus may have been occasional tributaries.289 Special guests may have been present at court for prestige. Sargon II received tribute from Egypt, the kings of Dilmun and Saba and from the queen of Arabia.290 Texts refer to these lands through the šemû-rūqu paradigm, a narrative trope which highlights the distant (rūqu) lands that were apprehensible through hearing (šemû) rather than seeing.291 Moving to the second term “audience gift” (nāmurtu), it seems that originally in the Middle Assyrian period it indicated a gift brought to the king on the occasion of an audience with him, whenever subjects came to him for a favour or some kind of help.292 The association of nāmurtu to the Babylonian form tāmartu (sight, viewing, gift)—which derives from the verb “to see” (amāru) making the translation as “viewing-gifts”—partly explains its audience connotation.293 In Neo-Assyrian times, however, it can be also conceived as a subsidiary gift to accompany the tribute—thus paid yearly—a gift received from the king, or a payment to the king, which was more or less compulsory. It could be paid by governors or highranking officials, or extracted from tributary vassal rulers and delivered together with the tribute. The quality and quantity of the contributions greatly varied, from 284

The central Zagros was organized into five Assyrian provinces, Zamua, Bit-Hamban, Parsua, Kishesim, Harhar. See Lanfranchi 2003 and Elayi 2017, 155–163 for a discussion on the special status of the Zagros elites. 285 ARAB 2.58; Radner 2003a, 50–57; Elayi 2017, 163–169. 286 Elayi 2017, 169–170. 287 In this respect, for the political status of the kingdoms mentioned in the Banquet Stele, see Liverani 1992, 114, 121–122 and Portuese 2016, 194–196. 288 Simirra was turned into an Assyrian province (Elayi 2017, 61, 67). 289 ARAB 2.70; Na’aman 1998; Radner 2010b, 434; Melville 2016, 174; Elayi 2017, 67, 72–78. 290 ARAB 2.18, 41; Elayi 2017, 80–81, 190–199. 291 Richardson 2018. 292 Postgate 1974, 154, 156–162; Bär 1996, 9–10. 293 CAD T, tāmartu, 111, 113–114, mng. 3; Karlsson 2016, 174 fn. 195. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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corn and straw, silver, horses, oxen, sheep, wine, and prestige commodities like linen, precious metals. Apparently, documents do not list low quality goods such as goats, mules and donkeys, wool, etc. The nāmurtu is often attested in the royal correspondence of Sargon II, which again offers a clear identity of the persons going to the Assyrian capital. In a letter of Sennacherib to his father, the tribute of the Mannean king is mentioned together with the audience gift brought perhaps in Kalhu: “A messenger of the Mannean (king) has come to me bringing a horse as the audience gift.”294 In a similar fashion, a letter of Shulmu-beli, deputy of the palace herald, informs Sargon II that Urzana king of Musasir is staying in Alamu and will proceed on his way to Arbela via Hiptuna, Mushi and Issete. The text mentions then the audience gift: “We have se[nt ...] 56 horses, [x oxe]n, and 2,000 sh[eep]; 100 [...], the audience gift, [...].”295 It is unclear, however, whether the destination was Arbela, Kalhu, or Nineveh.296 Kalhu, instead, seems the destination of cloths and horses as part of audience gifts from Ashkelon listed in the above-mentioned inventory of tributes.297 Audience gifts are presumably mentioned in the letter of Urzana, ruler of Musasir, who writes to Sargon II about his difficulties in bringing oxen and rams to the king, because the road is blocked by snow.298 That the audience gift was integral part of the visit to the king and perhaps a compulsory contribution, can be gleaned from the already discussed letter of Dinanu, which besides mentioning the tribute from Andia, also asks about the audience gift: “Abat-šarri-uṣur, the Mannean emissary, is coming with them. I asked him: “Is the audience gift with you?”.”299 The destination both of the tribute and the audience gift is not specified, but in general, goods expressly addressed to Dur-Sharrukin are rare in texts. In only one instance, however, there is a clear reference: in a letter concerning debts of men from the city of Qappata, in Nasibina, in the region of the upper Habur, the text lists quantities of textiles, silver, oxen and horses as audience gift: ““[We] have already giv[en] 150 sheep, 20 oxen and 2 horses, as audience gift of the town D[ur-Šarruken]”.”300 A single entry at the end of a list in tablets dating to the reign of Sargon II and found in the area ZT 4, the administrative wing of the Northwest Palace at Kalhu, concludes that a number of horses represents the nāmurtu payment from Halman in Iran.301 Perhaps, this audience gift must be seen in the environment of the gift or tribute of horses brought by the messenger of Dalta king of Ellipi to Sargon II, 294

SAA 1 29, r 18–20. SAA 5 136, r 2–6. 296 PNA 3/II, 1272–1273. 297 Postgate 1974, 387–389, ND 2672, 12–16. 298 SAA 5 146. 299 SAA 5 171, r 4–10. 300 SAA 7 45, r 1–6. See SAA 7, xiii–xiv for the dating. 301 Parker 1961, 45–46; Postgate 1974, 149, 394. 295

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which occurs in a letter written by Nergal-etir.302 Audience gifts received from Azuri of Ashdod, and from another city-state in the same area, and then distributed to palace personnel and high-ranking officials in Nineveh, are found in the already mentioned letter written by Sennacherib. The contributions, chiefly consisting of silver, textiles, and fish, are given to the palace, the queen (issi ēkalli), and the grand vizier (sukkallu).303 Besides royal correspondence and administrative documents, the royal inscriptions also offer hints on the delivery of audience gifts. In this regard, the royal Annals of Assurnasirpal II do not explicitly mention audience gifts delivered to the king in person, but the Banquet Stele text lists kingdoms invited to the consecration of the new capital that remained autonomous and diplomatically related to Assyria, thus they probably sent envoys with special “audience gifts,” perhaps along with their tribute. In the Annals of Sargon II, instead, there is mention of the audience gifts brought by Uperi, king of Dilmun, while Sargon II was probably in Babylon.304 Audience gifts are also referred to Mutallum of Kummuh and Marduk-apal-iddina of Babylon, who are said to have withheld their audience gifts.305 The same is said of Tarhunazi of Melid (Kammanu).306 Except for Dilmun, the other kingdoms were turned into provinces when Dur-Sharrukin was inaugurated. To this documentation, information may be gathered also from the NWL. In fact, there is one class of foreigners in the wine lists, usually located near the end, listed according to their place of origin and not by profession: Suhu, Manisa, Elam, Harhar, Zurzukaza, Hubushkia, Guti, Andia, Samaria, Madira, Dan, Arpad, Musasir, Hazazu, Tabal, Mannea, Malatya, Babylon, Borsippa, Urartu, Carchemish, Sam’al, Bunisa, Media, Sangibutu, Kush, Ashdod, Edom, Gaza, Judah, Ulimaya, Ekron, Itu’a, Moab, Nuqudina.307 It seems likely that all or most of them designate diplomatic missions of foreign emissaries, since in two lists the foreigner is defined “ambassador,” “envoy,” and “sheik.” They were presumably leaders and ambassadors bringing tribute and audience gifts during a special occasion celebrated in the wine lists.308 In sum, both types of compulsory payments were reasons to lead persons to the capital city, in order to bind the relationships between the king and his subjects. In particular, after making a long journey, ambassadors were expected to deliver the goods in person, and probably had a chance to have an audience with the king. 302

SAA 15 66. The western neighbours of Ellipi were Bit-Hamban, Halman and Tupliash (Zadok 2002, 127). 303 SAA 1 34. 304 ARAB 2.41. 305 ARAB 2.64, 66. 306 ARAB 2.60. 307 Russell 1991, 234. 308 CTN III, 24. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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3.2.2 Procession Scenes The best visual evidence that describes important events and provides a representation of the identity of the persons visiting the palace is given by the procession scenes sculpted on slabs lining the walls of the palace courtyards. These show lines of Assyrian courtiers, high-ranking officials, and foreign tributaries bearing goods as they approach the entrances of the throne rooms. These scenes are given no spatial context, but the reliefs were physically located within the palace courtyards, so that the palace itself is the topographic backdrop where figures move. The identity of insiders and the origin of foreigners is not always clear. As a rule, however, insiders are usually distinguished in bearded men (ša-ziqni) and beardless figures who are usually described as eunuchs (ša-rēši). Visually, bearded men are characterized by beard and defined musculature like that of the king, and eunuchs bear eunuchoid features and are beardless, with soft and rounded bodies.309 In addition, a further distinction may be proposed: armed personages, usually with sword, are likely officials, while those unarmed must have been attendants. As to foreigners, it should be noted that none of the figures bringing goods are under escort: they are tributaries, not captives. Their provenance is often suggested by garments and attributes, which are represented with wealth of detail. The illustrations do not indicate what event is represented, but both the number and the variety of persons suggest that it must represent a big celebration. Texts, in this respect, indicate that insiders and outsiders gathered in the palace on occasion of great events and that on the occasion foreigners delivered their tribute or gift. Assurnasirpal II introduced the motif of processions in his Northwest Palace. Here, the lines of tribute-bearers and Assyrian officials decorated the walls on either side of the two preserved entrances of the main Throne Room (B) (Court D and Court E) (fig. 20). The figures stand the full height of the slabs (ca. 2,30 m).310 As to the identity of foreigners depicted, scholars agree that both the goods they bring and their garments all lead to identify them as individuals from the west.311 A more detailed identification may be proposed. Foreigners of court D, if compared with the figures depicted on the temple gates of Assurnasirpal II at Balawat, find correspondence in Phoenicians, most likely from Tyre and Sidon.312 Foreign-

309

See Bonatz 2008 for a review of beardless figures on palace reliefs. Paley / Sobolewski 1992, 12. 311 Winter 1981, 17; 1993, 44–45, fn. 71; Russell 1991, 236. 312 Curtis / Tallis 2008, figs. 63–64, 65–66, 79–80, 97(?). Comparable figures are also shown on the Rassam Obelisk of Assurnasirpal II, and it is likely that they may come from the area from the Middle Euphrates to the Phoenician cities and Palestine. The events depicted may be related to Assurnasirpal II’s Mediterranean campaign, during which he received tribute. Otherwise, a possible occasion represented on the obelisk might be the inauguration of the royal palace at Kalhu (Reade 1980a, 9–10; Bär 1996, 93–97). See also 310

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ers of court E, if compared with figures sculpted on the Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III, may find correspondence in Patineans, who also wear large headbands and boots.313 The presence of Phoenicians and Patineans at the Assyrian court of Assurnasirpal II is made explicit in a number of already discussed textual sources. This identification seems also supported by the tribute they bring, since monkeys are enumerated among the tribute from Patina and from the Syrian coast.314 As to the identity of insiders, the official who introduces the procession might be interpreted as the palace manager (rab ekalli), who occurs as supervisor of access to the palace from the Middle Assyrian period. In fact, the office of the palace supervisor (ša-pān-ekalli) was apparently introduced in the reign of Adadnirari III. The official who stands before the alleged palace manager is not qualified by any specific feature, but he must have certainly been a high-ranking official, perhaps belonging to the group of the magnates. The eunuch standing with folded hands is distinguished by a turban, an apron and sheath attachment, and a staff/stick. Most of late Assyrian procession scenes show a similar figure, always in second place, wearing headcloth or bandanna wider behind than in front,315 but only in the Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III he also holds a staff/stick.316 Reade correctly notes that these features may have qualified a few senior officials, such as the commander-in-chief (turtānu) and the chief eunuch (rab ša-rēši), or royal siblings.317 However, the presence of the staff cannot be underestimated. In the Middle Assyrian Royal Coronation Ritual, the staff occurs as a sign of office of

the bronze bands of the Balawat gates of Shalmaneser III for comparison (Schachner 2007, pls. 24a, 25a). 313 Both scenes depicted on the bronze bands of the Balawat gates and the registers of the Black Obelisk are inscribed with captions that represent an unequivocal guide to the identity of the events shown (Curtis / Tallis 2008; Börker-Klähn 1982, e.g. fig. 152 C5). See, instead, Wäfler 1975, 226 and Ataç 2010, 23. 314 RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, iii 76; RIMA 2 A.0.101.2, 30–31. 315 This figure occurs a number of times. For the sculptures of Assurnasirpal II, see the lower register of reliefs B–19–20 from the Throne Room (B) of the Northwest Palace (fig. 38; see also relief WFL–22 in Paley / Sobolewski 1987, pl. 5). For sculptures of Shalmaneser III, see Mallowan 1966/II: fig. 371a. For sculptures of Tiglath-pileser III, see Barnett / Falkner 1962, pls. VIII, XXI, LXXXV, C (the turban appears to be later delated). For Til-Barsip wall paintings, see Thureau-Dangin / Dunand 1936, pl. L (XXIV gb), LII. For a discussion on this Assyrian official, see Reade 1972, 95; 2009, 250–251, 257. 316 Börker-Klähn 1982, figs. 152 A1/A2. Both the Black Obelisk and one side of the throne-base of Shalmanser III show officials, men and eunuchs, with the same turban, suggesting that this headdress could identify more than one official, at least in the 9th century. The Black Obelisk, however, shows some anomalies in representations and thus appears often unreliable (Reade 1972, 95; 2009, 251). 317 Reade 1972, 95; 2009: 251. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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the grand vizier (sukkallu) and his deputy.318 This reference does not confirm the identity of the official, but certainly cannot be ruled out.

Figure 20 Northwest Palace (Kalhu): procession scenes, drawings of reliefs lining the Throne Room (B) façade; above, Court D; below, Court E (CDLI – http://cdli.ucla.edu)

The bearded man, usually located first in line before the king, has been interpreted as the crown prince (mār šarri).319 He is manifestly second in importance to the king and his characteristic position is at the head of a procession leading up to the king. The figure is visually identified by a diadem, with ribbons attached, which is much like the diadem or upturned brim that forms the lowest element of the king’s fez. This figure in diadem occurs regularly in reliefs from the reign of Assurnasirpal II until that of Esarhaddon. In the royal palace of Dur-Sharrukin the repertoire of depicted topics was expanded, and the parades of insiders and outsiders moving towards the king were abundant and even extended inside the palace (figs. 21–22). Compared to Assurnasirpal II’s figurative programs, there seems to have been at Dur-Sharrukin a clear distinction between lines of insiders and outsiders. Along the southwest wall of façade n in the Throne Room Courtyard were only insiders, as well as on façade L in Courtyard I and in rooms 9 and 12. On the north-western wall of façade n, instead, the parade included both insiders and outsiders. Processions of outsiders only were extended along the walls of corridor 10, which seemingly continued the parade on façade n.320 Also the walls of rooms 6 and 11 were lined by long parades of outsiders and insiders, thus extending the motif within the palace’s rooms.321

318

SAA 20 7, r iii 8–iii 9. See Kertai 2017 for previous literature. 320 Botta / Flandin 1849/II, 122–136. 321 Botta / Flandin 1849/II, 102–106bis; 137. 319

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Figure 21 Royal Palace (Dur-Sharrukin): procession scenes, drawings of reliefs lining the southwest wall of façade n (above), the northwest wall of façade n (middle), and the wall of façade L (below) (Botta / Flandin 1849/I, pls. 30, 29, 10)

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Figure 22 Royal Palace (Dur-Sharrukin): procession scenes, drawings of reliefs 6 and 7 lining the wall of corridor 10 (Botta / Flandin 1849/II, pls. 129–130)

A precise nomenclature that identifies each Assyrian attendant or official is difficult. In fact, all the figures wear a similar garment and Matthiae appropriately supposes that they might have been distinguished by different colours of costumes, allowing visitors to identify the various figures.322 Thus, the visual evidence from the reliefs are not of assistance for a definitive identification, and only a few details and modern editions of relevant texts may give few suggestions. The most plausible candidate for the group of unarmed eunuchs carrying furniture and equipment is the servant or lackey (ša-bēti-šanie), who was part of the domestic personnel and in charge of a number of activities, such as bringing in and out furniture and other equipment, taking care of fire and torches, cleaning up the room, as attested in textual evidence (fig. 23).323 On reliefs, they are involved in domestic tasks and appear to be unarmed. Thus, they were unlikely officials. Among the armed figures, one may tentatively see the cupbearer (šaqû) in the eunuchs carrying animal-headed situlae or bowls, although they are armed and

322

Matthiae 2015, 1068. SAA 20 33. Literally “the one of the Second House,” interpreted as “palace servant” or “lackey” (PNA 4/I, 146). According to Groß (2014, 119), a literal translation of the title is preferred since he was involved in more than simple domestic tasks. This figure is mentioned also in the NWL (ša É 2-e; CTN III, 286).

323

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perhaps might be identified with officials rather than with domestic personnel (fig. 23).324 The men guiding horses or bringing a chariot on their shoulders should be identified with the chariot driver (mukīl appāti) (fig. 23).325 The man leading horses might be also understood as groom (sūsānu).326 It must be noted, however, that the three figures dealing with chariot and horses are associated by a distinctive garment: a knee-length tunic with a long flounced cloth hanging pendant between the legs. The sword attached to a baldric features only the chariot drivers.327 The person leading the lackeys by raising his left hand seems to be identified with the palace supervisor (ša-pān-ekalli), the official acting as overseer in introducing and selecting persons entering the palace or approaching the king (fig. 23).328

Figure 23 Royal Palace (Dur-Sharrukin): from left to right, ša-bēti-šanie, šaqû, mukīl appāti, ša-pān-ekalli, drawings of reliefs 35, 26, 30, 25 from façade L (Botta / Flandin 1849/I, pls. 23, 16, 20, 15)

The other officials may have had different titles, but since they are dressed alike, their presence on reliefs is quite inexpressive. We may fairly suspect that in depicting high-ranking officials, sculptors considered especially the seven magnates.329 Few figures were, however, remarkably distinguished. Besides the crown prince, who always stands before the king wearing his princely headgear, the official behind him may have been a high-ranking official, such as the turtānu or the rab ša-rēši. On the southwest wall of façade n, however, there are visible traces of a beard, suggesting that the figure was transformed into a eunuch and May suggests he may have been Sargon II’s brother Sin-ahu-usur, the grand vizier 324

The cupbearer (KAŠ.LUL) is mentioned in the NWL (CTN III, 285). Chariot drivers (DIB.PA.MEŠ) are mentioned in the “Accounts from ceremonial Banquet” (SAA 7 149, iii 8). The usual name in the Neo-Assyrian period for the chariot-driver is mukil appati (PNA 4/I, 59–65). 326 Groß 2014, 616; PNA 4/I, 136–139. 327 See other examples on reliefs of Sargon II: e.g. Botta / Flandin 1849 I/II, pls. 71 (lower register), 109 (lower register). See also Reade 1972, 98–99. 328 Reade 1972, 95; Bonatz 2008, 133. 329 Matthiae 2015, 1068–1070. 325

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(sukkalmaḫḫu), whose office became important and prominent for the first time only under Sargon II.330 Without any specific trait, other men and eunuchs in the procession cannot be distinguished from one another. Moving to the identity of all the foreigners or outsiders, the visual clues provide us with several pointers to an identification of their place of origin. Considering both garments and goods they carry, it was suggested that in corridor 10 the upper registers show western foreigners, recognizable by their turbans, while the lower registers show easterners, identified by the skin cloaks. In this sense, registers of corridor 10 would show foreigners coming from the two ends of Sargon II’s empire.331 In detail, the animal-skin on the back is an item of dress characterizing inhabitants of the Zagros area, as shown in the reliefs of rooms 1, 2 and 14 displaying Sargon II’s eastern campaigns.332 In addition, textual sources discussed above inform that horses were brought from the east both as tribute (madattu) and especially as audience gifts (nāmurtu). Thus, since there is no clear distinction among the men here depicted, we may fairly suspect that this distinctive look is used for all Zagros inhabitants including the Medes.333 The distinctive clothing and hairstyles of the foreigners depicted along façade n and the upper registers of the decoration of corridor 10, serve to identify the men as coming from the west of the empire, possibly the Syro-Palestinian coast.334 In this respect, the clothing of prisoners portrayed on the reliefs lining the walls of room 5, which show Sargon II’s Syro-Palestinian campaigns, is reminiscent of the long dress with coat worn by those represented in corridor 10.335 In the same room, the soldiers are also clad in identical short tunics with long fringed fabric reaching to the calves worn by some tribute-bearers of corridor 10.336 This visual reference further suggests that soldiers and servants accompanied leaders and city-rulers in their journeys to the palace. Wäfler also noted that the headdress and garment worn by Barrakib, king of Sam’al (733/32–713/11 BCE), is actually similar to one of the distinctive caps worn by one of the leaders of tribute-bearers in

330

Loud 1936, fig. 38; Mattila 2000, 91–92; May 2012a; 2017. All the Assyrian eunuchs and men on façade n, apart from the king and the crown prince, were originally carved with simple headbands, which were later cut out and replaced by hair. May suggests that the remodelling of the headgear of the officials must have depended on Sargon II’s administrative reforms, which stripped his magnates of certain functions, gradually diminishing their power (see, in this respect, also Reade 2009, 259–260). 331 Reade 1976, 97; 1979c, 83; Gopnik 1992, 65; Russell 1991, 238. 332 Bär 1996, 203–204. 333 In general, depicting the eastern mountain peoples in animal skins is a Mesopotamian artistic convention attested from the third millennium BCE onwards (Radner 2013). 334 Bär 1996, 206–207; Collins 2012, 78. 335 Botta / Flandin 1849/II, pl. 92, lower register. 336 Botta / Flandin 1849/II, pl. 93, upper register. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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corridor 10.337 Presumably, each distinctive headdress indicated the city-ruler or leader of a specific region or city. In addition, Sargon II’s Syro-Palestinian campaigns provided Assyria with a vital supply of horses and camels, often mentioned as tribute in texts.338 The large sacks might be plausibly interpreted as wineskins, since they appear to be quite stiff when carried on the shoulders of foreigners. Finally, the bowl carried in each hand by a number of foreigners can be identified with the silver tribute-bowls attested in texts.339 In the light of these considerations, in both rooms 6 and 11 the foreigners depicted probably, at least in part, come from the west. In room 6, costumes allow distinguishing three groups of tributaries. The first group, is clearly distinguished from the other two groups, leading to the idea they come from a different area. No obvious comparisons are found in Assyrian art, although it was suggested that they might represent Urartians.340 It is largely accepted that the fibula identifies the second group as Phrygians (fig. 24).341 In fact, this type of fibula is very common at Phrygian centres, particularly at Gordion where many examples have been found in tombs dating to the late 8th century BCE.342 Moreover, texts inform that king Midas sent Phrygian ambassadors to Sargon II in 709 BCE, after signing an unexpected peace with Assyria.343 The costume of the third group of foreigners is very similar to that worn by the first group, although it lacks belt, tassels, and fibulae. This suggests that they must be westerners, perhaps coming not far from Phrygia, such as Que or Tabal. This seems confirmed by their clothing, which is reminiscent of that worn by king Warpalawas, ruler of Twana, one of the Tabalic kings, on a monumental rock relief found at Ivriz, near Konya, and on a stele from Bor.344The goods brought by foreigners can be partly useful for an identification of the foreigners, although of particular interest are some objects carried by the first and second group, namely the lion-headed situlae, also found at the Phrygian capital, Gordion.345 Finally, no detailed drawings of foreigners advancing on the walls of room 11 have been provided by Flandin, but from his panoramic drawing

337

Wäfler 1975, 177–189; Botta / Flandin 1849/II, pl. 127, upper register; see also Bär 1996, 205–206. 338 See Mitchell 2000 for a study of features and provenance of camels in Assyrian reliefs. 339 Postgate 1974, 127. 340 Basmachi 1975, 238. Urartian ambassadors, wearing floppy-topped caps, appear on a relief of Assurbanipal, even though they differ in a number of details from those of Sargon II (Barnett et. al. 1998, pl. 302). 341 Bär 1996, 199–200. 342 Barnett 1948, 9; Muscarella 1967, 82; 1998; Wäfler 1975, 190–195; Vassileva 2012. 343 ARAB 2.42; SAA 1 1; Muscarella 1998, 151. 344 On both reliefs, Warpalawas wears a Phrygian clothing, or clothing made of Phrygian textiles, particularly distinguished by the Phrygian fibula (Simpson 2010, 86). 345 On the meaning of the lion-headed situla on Assyrian reliefs, see discussion in Muscarella 1998, 156, Álvarez-Mon 2008, 138–139 and Ebbinghaus 2008. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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we may surmise that westerners similarly clad were probably depicted.346 In conclusion, formal processional scenes offer a clear-cut description of the persons moving throughout the palace and the activities that were occasionally performed during important celebrations. The relative high number of figures depicted on walls implied a remarkable influx of insiders and outsiders in the palace, who then toured specific rooms and courtyards of the palace.

Figure 24 Royal Palace (Dur-Sharrukin): Phrygian tribute-bearers, drawings of reliefs 29 and 34 from room 6 (Botta / Flandin 1849/II, pls. 106–106bis)

3.3 Crime, Arrest, and Public Exhibitions There may be a further hypothetical reason leading persons to the palace in the presence of the king: crime and arrest. Though it seems unlikely that criminals were led into the palace to be judged by the king, the royal correspondence however often refers to persons led in chains to be questioned by the king in person. It seems most probable that such an unpleasant meeting would have taken place in the royal palace, although we do not know if trials in the form that we now know them actually took place there or anywhere else. From letters dating to Sargon II’s reign we are informed about persons explicitly requested by the king to be led in his presence, while other are handed over by officials to the king. For instance, from two letters of Taklak-ana-Bel, governor of Nasibina, we learn that the king explicitly asks for men to be found, arrested and led into his presence. In the first letter, the name of the wanted man is missing, but the soldiers found and brought his brother in Mutianni, his home town: “[As 346

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to PN] about whom the king, my lord, [wrote to me]: “Send (word) that he should [be arrested] and brought to me!” […] I am now sending [him] to the king, my lord.”347 In the second letter, it is said that the prisoner is a runaway servant of Adad-remanni: “I have [put] his hands and fe[et] in irons and sent him to the king, my lord.”348 Letters also show a variety of reasons leading prisoners to the king. For instance, persons in fetters were sent to the king for legal reasons, such as a group of smugglers which is suggested to be personally questioned by the king.349 In a letter from Babylon, we learn that also persons accused of desertion were sent to the king in order to be questioned.350 In the context of crimes and arrests, a further hypothetical circumstance giving the chance to visit the palace may have taken place after military victories and during the tragic “show” of flayed or chained important prisoners offered to palace members and inhabitants of the capital city.351 Celebrative inscriptions include references to the spectacles organized for the Assyrian public with the spoils of successful campaigns: exemplary punishments inflicted on defeated kings, and prisoners exposed to the public. Entry to the palace is not explicitly stated, but the special emphasis in royal texts on similar events and the wide participation of a popular audience suggests that large scale meetings likely took place during these celebrations. This practice is ancient and dates back to the reign of Assurnasirpal II who, after executing and skinning a number of defeated kings, especially traitors and usurpers, displayed theirs skins on the walls of cities. Assurnasirpal II asserts that he brought Ahi-iababa, a usurper coming from Bit-Adini, to Nineveh, and “flayed him, (and) draped his skin over the wall of Nineveh.”352 Likewise, the city ruler of the city Nishtun was flayed and his skin draped over the wall of the city Arbela.353 While in these instances the punishment is performed for the sadistic pleasure of the Assyrian audience, the practice was also used in foreign countries to terrorize and deter enemies: Assurnasirpal II flayed Hulaia, city ruler of Kinabu, and draped his skin over the wall of the city Damdammusa, and that of Bur347

SAA 1 245, 1–2. SAA 1 246, r 4–7; PNA 1/I, 34–35. See also SAA 1 252, 7–10. The reasons of arrest is not always clear. See for instance SAA 5 116, which concerns arrests in Kumme, SAA 5 243, regarding arrested persons from Carchemish, and the fragmentary letter SAA 15 299, whose subject seems dealing with arrest. 349 SAA 5 100, r 6–13. 350 SAA 15 244, 4–r 9. 351 See Liverani 2014, 378; 2017, 85–90 for a survey on these “shows.” Banquets and celebrations after the conquest of vassal reigns usually took place in conquered cities or within the palaces of the defeated foreign leader, as proudly stated in royal annals (see Ermidoro 2015, 106–113 for a detailed analysis of the Neo-Assyrian royal banquets with soldiers). 352 RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, i 93. 353 RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, i 67–68. 348

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Ramanu on the walls of Sinabu.354 Tiglath-pileser III explicitly states that he impaled his defeated enemies in public in order to ensure that the people of the defeated land would watch the instructive spectacle.355 Similarly, Sargon II relates that he brought Hanunu, the ruler of Gaza, to Assur, in chains; Iamani, ruler of Ashdod, who is said to have been sent in fetters, shackles and bonds of iron, before the king in Assyria after a difficult journey; Bel-sharru-usur, ruler of Kishesim, who is said was deported to Assyria. One may suspect that celebrations took place in similar occasions.356 Under Sennacherib, Shuzubu, the Babylonian king is tied up “in the middle city-gate of Nineveh, like a pig.”357 Esarhaddon humiliates his enemies by choosing places frequented by large numbers of people. After beheading Abdi-Milkuti king of Sidon and Sanda-uarri king of Kundi and Sissu, he addresses the inner Assyrian audience, in an atmosphere of joy and feast: “To show the people the might of the god Aššur, my lord, I hung (the heads) around the necks of their nobles and I paraded in the squares of Nineveh with singer(s) and lyre(s).”358 Assurbanipal offers similar shows, and explicitly mentions the participation of a high number of people at the exhibition of Elamite prisoners: “I cut off their heads, sliced off [thei]r lip[s], (and) t[oo]k (them) to Assyria to be a spectacle for the people of my land,”359 and of the beheaded Elamite king Teumman: “(As for) the decapitated head of Teumman, I displayed (it) opposite the Citadel Gate of Nineveh as a spectacle in order to show the might of (the god) Aššur and the goddess Ištar, my lords, to the people.”360 Although there is no direct reference to Kalhu or Dur-Sharrukin as settings of these events, the gruesome exhibition of flayed or chained important prisoners offered to palace members and inhabitants of the capital city as a public “show” was amply confirmed by the visual evidence, which demonstrates that the annihilation of defeated enemies is a widespread motif in Assyrian tradition and usually represented the concluding episode of any battle scene. Indeed, in Sargon II’s palace the motif is further expanded and becomes the principal subject of two entire rooms. Specifically, rooms 8 and 4 were both decorated by single-register orthostats displaying captives being tortured before and by the king. Some of the reliefs actually show public exhibitions that took place in Assur after successful campaigns. From this evidence one gets both an impression of the harsh nature of this public exhibition, and information as to the identity of some of the partici354

RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, i 110; RIMA 2 A.0.101.19, i 91; Liverani 2017, 85. RINAP 1 20, 10´. 356 ARAB 2.5; ARAB 2.63; ARAB 2.10. 357 Luckenbill 1924, 88, lines 35–36. 358 RINAP 4 1, iii 36–38. See also RINAP 4 1, iii 41–42; RINAP 4 2, i 50–56; RINAP 4 31, r 10–11. 359 RINAP 5 8, ix 32´´–ix 34´´. 360 RINAP 5 3, vi 57–vi 60. See also RINAP 5 11, viii 1–13. 355

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pants. In room 8, the king, accompanied by attendants and the crown prince, holds a spear turned downwards to touch the eye of a kneeling captive, perhaps Hanunu king of Gaza,361 and ropes whose outer ends are tied to small rings attached to the lips of three captives who face the king (fig. 25).362 Other captives, identified by an inscription with easterner rulers, are presented to the king in fetters and shackles by the palace supervisor (ša-pān-ekalli).363 The cruelest scene is, however, depicted before the furthest entrance of the room from the place where the throne was located, and shows a naked person facing down and outstretched across the width of the slab, tied presumably on the ground (fig. 26). A label identifies the captive being executed with Ilu-iabi’di of the land Hamath.364 Other enemies, kneeled, fettered, or held by ropes tied to their lips, were shown also on the walls of room 4.365

Figure 25 Royal Palace (Dur-Sharrukin): torture scene, drawings of reliefs 11 and 13 lining the southeast wall of room 8 (Botta / Flandin 1849/II, pls. 117–119)

In sum, although it is unclear whether or not Dur-Sharrukin was itself the setting for public punishments, it is quite possible that these gruesome exhibitions were one of the reasons that led persons close to the king to visit the palace, and inhabitants of the capital city flock to the public spectacles proffered by the king. In this respect, Liverani suggests that the expected audience of these public spectacles was mainly an Assyrian audience, in order “to reinforce its team spirit, to 361

The round cap or turban suggests that these prisoners must be westerners. In this respect, see textual references ARAB 2.5; Melville 2016, 74, 240 fn. 80. 362 Niederreiter (2005) has identified the unusual bearded attendant behind the king with Sargon II’s brother, Sin-ahu-usur. He would be identified by the mace he holds, which is a clear sign of power. However, this seems unlikely due to the position he occupies, just behind the king, acting more as king’s bodyguard rather than king’s brother (see May 2012a, 204, fn. 61). 363 Botta / Flandin 1849/II, pl. 116; Russell 1999, 117. 364 Russell 1999, 117. 365 Botta / Flandin 1849/I, pls. 80–83. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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make it rejoice in its own cruelty toward a weak and defenceless enemy, against whom it was possible to rage without fear of a reaction.”366 In a nutshell, these public exhibitions instilled reassurance in Assyrians especially in relation to the fear of death and repugnance or remorse for killing fellow human beings. Thus, we may take for granted that in these occasions, both the population of the capital city and important figures of the Assyrian state as well as some foreigners were most likely invited to celebrate with the king. The former was involved in the public parades outside the palace, whereas the latter must have taken part in private meetings and feasts with the king inside specific reception halls of the palace.

Figure 26 Royal Palace (Dur-Sharrukin): torture scene, drawings of reliefs 24 and 25 from room 8 (Botta / Flandin 1849/II, pl. 120)

3.4 Private Events Beside big events involving hundreds or thousands of people, textual sources provide us with information about more confidential circumstances involving fewer privileged guests. Private meetings with the king must have been extremely difficult to arrange, but texts inform of occasions in which every invited member was a trusted, loyal man whom the king could talk to in private. In this respect, the most explicit event that texts often refer to is the royal meal. Eating with the king, namely at the king’s table, must have represented the most private and exclusive event: “eating under protection of the ruler, […] was the ultimate proof of his trust and special benevolence.”367 Therefore, when administrative documents report on private royal meals and describe these separate and confidential meetings, the brief lists of participants reveal crucial hints on the identity of figures that most likely had access to the royal court. Particularly informative in this regard is the tablet K 8669 (SAA 20 33), which describes the protocol for an important royal feast and gives the identity of the

366 367

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few people admitted to a royal banquet that took place in the palace.368 The text should be interpreted as a series of indications or guidelines given to different participants who needed to know how to move, speak and act inside a set. The name of the king and year are not specified, though on the base of the contents and internal indications, the tablet has been dated to the Neo-Assyrian time.369 It seems however certain that the event took place in the winter month Tebetu (December–January)—renamed Kanunu during the Neo-Assyrian period —due to the explicit reference to this month in text and the frequent use of stoves during the banquet.370 Ermidoro notes that the banquet described in SAA 20 33 shares many similarities with texts that give details of diverse rituals. Accordingly, she suggests that this royal banquet did not represent any royal banquet or a frequent meeting of the empire, but rather an extraordinary or annual event that took place at regular intervals in the Assyrian palaces.371 Moreover, the absence of any reference to religious personnel, objects of worship or sacred spaces, suggests that the meal was a “secular” banquet that likely took place in a closed room, and perhaps within the royal residence. According to its opening lines, the magnates or Great Men (LÚ.GAL.MEŠ), namely the highest officers of the empire, participate in the banquet: “At the time of the dinner, when the ki[ng] enters the dinner [together with the magnates, the table and] the couch for the king [are place]d opposite the doorway.”372 Of the seven highest-ranking ranks of the state, however, only the palace herald (nāgir ekalli), the vizier (sukkallu), and the chief eunuch (rab ša-rēši), appear in the text. The treasurer (masennu), the chief cupbearer (rab šāqê), the chief judge, or chief bailiff (sartinnu), and the commander-in-chief (turtānu), who complete the group of the so-called “cabinet” of the king, are never explicitly mentioned.373 The palace supervisor (ša-pān-ekalli), who finally leads in the crown prince (mār šarri) and king’s sons (mar’ē šarri), introduces all these figures. The text also mentions a countless number of servants (ša-bēti-šanie) and footmen in charge of cooking, serving, keeping the room clean and ensuring a pleasant atmosphere. In detail, two figures are connected with the kitchen and the drinking: the chef (rabnuḫatimmi)374 and the cupbearer (šaqû), who respectively are asked to announce 368

SAA 20, xxvi. Both the lexikon and the presence of the nāgir ekalli (palace herald) in the banquet—a high-ranking official first attested during the reign of Assurnasirpal II (PNA 4/I, 70–71) —assign the text to the Neo-Assyrian times (Ermidoro 2015, 169–170). 370 Ermidoro 2015, 171; SAA 20 33, ii 6–8. 371 Ermidoro 2015, 170. 372 SAA 20 33, i 1–i 3. 373 Parpola 1995b. The Great Men (GAL.MEŠ) are very often mentioned in the NWL (CTN III, 283, 284, 286; Vizier/SUKKAL, Chief Eunuch/GAL LÚ.SAG, GAL.SAG, Chief Cupbearer/GAL.KAŠ.LUL), in the “Accounts from ceremonial Banquet” (SAA 7 148–157), and in the “Lists of Court Personnel” (SAA 7 1–7). 374 Ermidoro 2015, 183; see also Groß 2013, 10–12; PNA 4/I, 111. 369

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the dinner and to pour beverages to commensals, and the chariot-driver (mukīl ašâte) who brings in incense or perfume burners.375 A section of text is missing here, which prevents us from knowing if there were other participants. However, the end of the text clearly states that no other was present: “The crown prince sets off (first). The magnates rise and remain standing. The tables of the crown prince and of the magnates are lifted up. The table of the crown prince and the table before the king are set in motion. Lackeys [ent]er, sweep (the floor) with brooms and go.”376 Therefore, it seems quite evident that text SAA 20 33 describes a royal banquet to which only few people were admitted.

Figure 27 Royal Palace (Dur-Sharrukin): banquet scene (upper register) and warfare scene (lower register), drawing of relief 18 from room 2 (Botta / Flandin 1849/I, pl. 65)

A similar interpretation may be placed on the private meal described in an administrative text, the headline of which may be understood to say “Second meal of the pal[ace].”377 In fact, the figures enumerated are high personages, beginning with the queen, the crown prince, the grand vizier, the deputy vizier, a general reference to the king’s seed thus perhaps including also his daughters, the chariot driver(s), and the cohort commander(s) (rab kiṣir). The reference to the queen 375

The name used in SAA 20 33 is attested only in the Middle-Babylonian, Nuzi, and Late Babylonian time (Ermidoro 2015, 182 fn. 62). 376 SAA 20 33, r i 50–53. 377 SAA 7 155. The headline is uncertain, since the text is broken. Editors admit that other reconstructions, beside É.[GAL], are also possible (see SAA 7, 161 fn. 155). © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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suggests that the queen ate her meal not in a separate area of the palace but together with the king’s sons and other high officials. To envisage such a scenario, suffice is to look at the reliefs of rooms 2 and 7 in the royal palace at Dur-Sharrukin (fig. 27). In room 2, the upper register is entirely devoted to the banquet scene, which is basically rendered through groups of seated banqueters facing each other across a table with foodstuff, who raise beakers as to drink or make a toast, and standing attendants.378 The banqueters are mostly bearded, perhaps officials, wearing the standard Assyrian costume, and are apparently barefooted. Beside seated banqueters, slabs also show Assyrian armed soldiers, wearing a short tunic with flounced cloth hanging pendant from the belt, who stand and face each other. Each person holds a beaker in the right hand and a mace in the left hand. Three or possibly more musicians gladden the repast by playing multi-stringed instruments. In the banquet scene there are also five Assyrian eunuch attendants, one of whom holds a broom and two carry lion-headed beakers, while two other attendants draw some liquid with the beakers from a huge footed cauldron, set between them (fig. 48). The king is apparently absent from the whole banquet scene, although he must have been represented somewhere, perhaps on slab 2 in the middle of the short northern wall, as Reade suggests, where he is also present in the lower register.379 A similar format was applied in the upper registers of the reliefs lining the wall of room 7.380 The scene includes attendants arranging foodstuffs on a table and preparing the meal, groups of seated banqueters raising beakers, both bearded and eunuch, each consisting of two pairs of seated persons facing each other across a table originally laden with food, and attendants with broom or serving the banqueters. Also in this banquet scene, the king must have certainly been present, most likely in the destroyed slab opposite the door.381 These banquet scenes have been interpreted as consequence of the successful military campaigns depicted on the upper register and/or lower register (room 2), and the rewarding hunting of the lower register (room 7).382 In this sense, the joyous feast was held to celebrate a military achievement or the conclusion of a royal hunt, and the diners must have been some of the officials and soldiers that were seen fulfilling their tasks in battle or in hunt. The identity of each figure might be further supported by the text SAA 20 33. The eunuch attendants, who stand between banqueters can be identified with the palace servant or lackey (ša-bētišanie), since it is said that “Lackeys stand between the tables of the king’s sons and the magnates, holding torches.”383 On reliefs, some of them hold a broom in 378

Botta / Flandin 1849/I, pls. 52–67. Reade 1979c, 81. 380 Botta / Flandin 1849/II, pls. 107–114. 381 Reade 1979c, 83. 382 Winter 2016a. 383 SAA 20 33, r i 41–42. 379

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the hand, which was used to watch over and clean up if necessary. In this respect, the text specifies this task as belonging always to the ša-bēti-šanie: “Lackeys with brooms in their hands and one with a wooden box in his hand keep watch.”384 The reliefs, which certainly represent a “frozen moment” rather than the actual ongoing banquet, appears to show that lackeys attend the banquet for the whole meal. However, the text suggests that they left the room when their tasks were duly performed.385 In room 2 the eunuchs filling beakers from a huge cauldron may be identified with the cupbearer (šāqû), who would have poured the drink to commensals, as this passage proves: ““Give to drink, cupbearer!”.”386 According to the same text, the chef rab-nuḫatimmi was present during the banquet, as responsible for the supplying and control of the good functioning of the royal kitchen. The chief cook, indeed, enters the dining-room to announce that the ““Dinner has been served”.”387 It is tempting to see this important professional in room 7 in the figure depicted as preparing foodstuff on a table, although the slab is fragmentary and no visual proof can be adduced.388 In room 2, the banqueters mostly consist of bearded officials attired in the standard Assyrian costume, and bearded soldiers. The officials are apparently inexpressive in appearance and it is exceedingly difficult to draw any generally reliable lines of demarcation between them. We may only suspect that among these officials the highest-ranking officials of the empire, such as the magnates and important provincial governors, were certainly included. As for soldiers, no conclusive identification can be drawn. Figures in this costume are involved in a variety of duties in reliefs and are often distinguished also by a baldric.389 Beside the baldric, which may have not been a sign for rank, the mace is a clear standard Assyrian symbol of authority. On Sargon II’s reliefs, these figures are involved in the hunting scenes depicted in room 7, as part of the royal parade, standing behind and before the royal chariot led by the king.390 Thus, these soldiers probably belonged to the royal cohort (kiṣir šarrūti), and terms such as ša-qurbūti or ša-šēpē can be applied to the mace-bearers, although precision is impossible.391 Although eunuchs appear more numerous in domestic scenes, in room 7 both bearded officials and eunuchs are seated for the banquet. No visual sign actually is of assistance for the identity of each personage, but it is likely that commensals 384

SAA 20 33, r i 47–48. SAA 20 33, ii 22–ii 27. 386 SAA 20 33, r i 46; Botta / Flandin 1849/I, pl. 76, upper register. 387 SAA 20 33, r i 49. 388 Botta / Flandin 1849/II, pl. 111, upper register. 389 Botta / Flandin 1849 I/II, pls. 20, 21, 50, 61 lower register, 77 lower register, 86 lower register, 90 upper register, 120, 146. 390 Botta / Flandin 1849/II, pls. 111 lower register, 113–114 lower registers. 391 Reade 1972, 99, 102. 385

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were mostly the same officials who partook in the royal hunt depicted in the lower register.392 Here, there seems to be a number of fowlers, some of whom are eunuchs, who may be identified by the Akkadian word sandû (fowler), attested since the reign of Assurnasirpal II and in the NWL.393 In sum, even though the events celebrated in these texts and reliefs are rarely explicit, it is plausible that in different moments of the year, similar meals or celebrations were performed for different audiences with other performers, but always involving a restricted number of participants: the possibility of sitting close to the ruler was a clear sign of open trust and friendship. In this respect, we may envisage that in particular the magnates gathered in the Assyrian capital in special occasions, such as after successful battles or hunts, secular and religious festivals, or when a new king ascended to the throne and assigned the state offices.394 3.5 Religious Events Ritual texts from Neo-Assyrian period describe and give precise instructions for those activities taking place in temples that were directed to the care of the gods, including feeding, washing, clothing, and others.395 Despite the fact that such activities were firmly integrated in temple life and elevated to a higher status because of their beneficiaries, they were also partly performed in the royal palace as 392

Winter 2016a, 47 fn. 23. MUŠEN.DÙ; CTN III, 285; Groß 2014, 606–613. 394 Parpola (1995b, 393) suggested that there must have been a comprehensive meeting of all magnates (mentioned as “the assembly of all the lands” in letters) which was “a public event serving as a visual demonstration of the royal power and the unity of the empire.” However, as Radner (2011a, 371) notes, the only two available references to this “assembly of the lands” refer to a Babylonian institution rather than an Assyrian one. There is, instead, a reference to the assembly of magnates in reference to a dispute (SAA 1 236, r 10–12). 395 This is not the place for an exhaustive exposition about the meaning of the word “ritual.” However, summarising the previous scholars’ definitions in the context of Mesopotamian studies, the term can be understood as a standardized sequence of acts, gestures, and words and whose course is strictly fixed and adheres to a strict etiquette (see Ermidoro 2015, 44–48 for a reappraisal of this matter). In the environment of Neo-Assyrian rituals, Pongratz-Leisten (2015, 390) firstly defines the ceremonial public performance of rituals “as one of the central devices used to manifest divine support for the king’s authority.” The state ritual in Assyria can be only understood, indeed, if viewed from an ideological perspective, which located the king as guarantor of civic and cosmic order at centre stage. Accordingly, these obligations explain the pervasive existence of combat myths and their ritual re-enactment in royal context. Therefore, though prescriptions for ritual performance can appear mere instructions, “cultic commentaries, however, explain how rituals reiterate a sequence of action that combines hunting, warfare, cosmic battle, and the renewal of the king’s status as ruler of the universe in a continuum of confrontation with the forces of chaos, which are defeated and brought under Assyrian control” (2015, 390). 393

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a secondary or short-lived setting. In first millennium Assyria, there was no clearcut separation between “sacred” and “secular” events, which makes it quite plausible that religious events should on occasion take place in the palace.396 In the late Assyrian period, even when it was not the political capital, the city of Assur retained its status as a cultural and religious centre of primary importance and as a centre for the performance of state rituals. Nonetheless, capital cities could also be the setting for ritual activities and, albeit texts do not explicitly refer to Kalhu or Dur-Sharrukin, some hints point at these cities as backdrops for important rituals. In this regard, the important ritual of the month Shebat seems to have been introduced by Assurnasirpal II and perhaps performed in his new capital city.397 In fact, he dedicated this month to the warrior god Ninurta—for which he had built a temple opposite the Northwest Palace—and established a ritual complex for Ninurta in the month of Elulu: “I adorned the room of the shrine of the god Ninurta, my lord, with gold (and) lapis lazuli, I stationed bronze...on his right and left, (and) installed wild ferocious dragons of gold at his throne. I appointed his festivals in the months of Shebat (and) Elul. The name of his festival in the month Shebat I called ‘Splendour’. I established for them food (and) incense offerings. I created my royal monument with a likeness of my countenance of red gold (and) sparkling stones (and) stationed (it) before the god Ninurta, my lord.”398 As Pongratz-Leisten notes, in the ritual complex the king would have emulated Ninurta both in his role as warrior deity and his investiture.399 Therefore, the Shebat cycle re-enacted king’s investiture, reconfirming the king’s legitimation to rule over Assyria. In the light of this evidence it seems reasonable to guess that the performance of the Shebat ritual could occur at Kalhu after Assurnasirpal II abandoned the so-called Old Palace and the New Palace in Assur and moved to his new residence at Kalhu. Consequently, the prescriptive texts of the Shebat ritual, which have Assur as locale, may outline possible actions and persons involved in the ritual performed at Kalhu.400 The following analysis of the ritual will envisage the royal palace of Kalhu as the main setting. The ritual was performed within the Assur temple and its courtyard, notably in spaces open to a wider public than just the king and the priestly class. Few sentences confirm this scenario: “[After the king] has entered the palace, Šarrat396

SAA 20, xv. SAA 20 1–6. 398 RIMA 2 A.0.101.30, 69–78. 399 Pongratz-Leisten 2015, 408–409. 400 Analysing the Throne Room (B) of Assurnasirpal II in the Northwest Palace, also Di Paolo (2003, 531) touches upon the question of festivals or celebrations in honour of Ninurta in relation to his temple and the palace position. 397

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nipha [...s] (and) is seated [on her seat]. The oxen and sheep of the house of [Dagan] are lined up [before the king in the courtyard of the pa]lace.”401 The locations were not static at all, and included movements in the Old and the New Palaces in Assur, the Dagan temple, and the Anu temple. The king firstly goes to the temple to perform the appropriate rites: “On the 18th day the king goes down to the House of God.”402 Afterward “[He seats the] chanter[s and goes to the palace.”403 After a while, again “The king co[mes out] from the palace and goes down [t]o the House of God.”404 In the temple, the prescriptive texts of the ritual describe the performance of purification rites, funerary offerings, food offerings and libations, processions, and the ritual of the opening of the mouth.405 In the palace, few ritual activities took place. Besides the above-mentioned instance, the courtyard appears to be the backdrop for rites, as we read: “He mounts the rickshaw, enters the courtyard [...], (and) sits down at the right side of the entrance. The sheep of the house of [Dagan] parade past him. The king goes [straight] to the palace.”406 In a further instance, the palace itself seems the destination of deities: “Šerua, Kippat-mati and Tašmetu go to the palace and sit down in the Labbunu-house.”407 As to the participants, the ritual alludes to some figures who were involved in the ritual and that most likely entered the palace as the prescriptions instruct. A high office that on occasion seems having access to the palace is the priest (šangû). In two instances, he appears performing rituals in the palace courtyard.408 The governor, queen, crown prince, and grand treasurer are present in the palace and provide for the wedding ceremony of Mullissu.409 Other persons involved are the chariot driver and the courtiers or eunuchs.410 Though the figures mentioned are few, one may speculate that this coming and going from the palace to the temple, and vice versa, was performed in the form of processions, to which other important figures must have participated as spectators. In this regard, the ritual prescriptions often make clear that the movement between palace and temple was set in processions: “The king co[mes out] from the palace and goes down [t]o the House of God. [The g]od sets [out] (in procession).”411 Similar processions between the royal palace and the temples area probably were performed also during the already mentioned inauguration of the new palace. 401

SAA 20 1, r 1–3. SAA 20 1, 1. 403 SAA 20 1, 27. 404 SAA 20 1, 30–31. For the specific cultic locales involved in the ritual, see PongratzLeisten 2015, 409–411. 405 Pongratz-Leisten 2015, 412–413; SAA 20, xx. 406 SAA 20 1, r 15–17. 407 SAA 20 5, 4´–5´. 408 SAA 20 1, r 4; SAA 20 5, 1. 409 SAA 20 1, r 18; 2, 1´, ii 8´; r iii 2´, r iv 36´, r iv 42; Pongratz-Leisten 2015, 412. 410 SAA 20 5, 2´–3´. 411 SAA 20 1, 30–31. 402

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Probably, statues portraying the deities were brought to the palace, along with priests and other temple personnel who, in turn, would have had access to some areas of the palace. According to the so-called “Reports Performed by Assurbanipal in Šebat-Addar, 650,” and the “Manual for Chanters” from the reign of Assurbanipal, scholars agree that the rituals of the months Shebat, Addaru, and Nisannu are components of a whole complex period of rituals, centred on human and divine kingship, and would represent a unity that began in the eleventh month, Shebat, and ended with the akītu-festival in the first month of the year, Nisannu.412 According to the ritual reports of Assurbanipal, Assur functioned as the main cultic locality also in the month of Addaru, continuing with offerings to Assur, and on the following day to Mullissu. That the rituals described in these reports were also performed in the royal capitals under the reigns of Assurnasirpal II and Sargon II is hypothetical. It is however proved that other cities besides Assur were the setting of the akītufestival, which begun after the eighteenth of Addaru, on the second of Nisannu. The earliest evidence for an Assyrian akītu-festival dates from the period of Shamshi-Adad I (1807–1775 BCE), to be later reintroduced and institutionalized in the reign of Sennacherib, for which he reshaped Assur’s cultic topography. This festival is focused on the god Assur and commemorates his victory over the forces of chaos, with the result that Assur appeared the chief god of the Assyrian pantheon. On this occasion, the king, accompanying the chief god, reconsolidated his own position and stabilized the existing social and civic order. The climax of the ritual was the procession of the gods who left the temple and proceeded towards the akītu-house located outside the city. The whole celebration appears to have extended over eleven days in the city of Assur. However, the text describing the rites of days seven and eight of Nisannu states that the ritual performance could be carried out “whether in Nineveh, [or in] Calah, or in an enemy country.”413 This suggests that the king did not have to remain in Assur for the entirety of the akītu-festival and that part of the celebrations were perhaps performed also in the capital cities. Though the text is fragmentary at this point, this assumption would confirm that both Kalhu and Dur-Sharrukin could be the stage for festivities to which a high number of persons probably took part.414 In addition, we know from texts that Sargon II, to honour the celebration of the new capital, held the royal New Year’s reception at Dur-Sharrukin making offerings and sacrifices to the deities.415 It is moreover interesting to note that palaces and temples were architecturally distinct but spatially connected. In fact, Sargon II, as much as Assurnasirpal II with the Ninurta temple, even built a bridge between the

412

SAA 20 9–11; Pongratz-Leisten 2015, 407–409. SAA 20 15, i 55´–56´. 414 See Pongratz-Leisten 2015, 416–426 for a detailed analysis of the akītu-festival. 415 ARAB 2.74; Parpola 1995a, 66–67. 413

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temple of Nabu and the palace, and included the temples of the major Assyrian deities in the palatial area.416 A further textual reference to religious events taking place or involving the palace seems to be the bīt rimki (“House of Ablution” or “Bath-house”) ritual. This series of texts deals with ritual ablution, and contains the complete instructions for the participants in the ceremonies for procedures to be adopted, and lists all the incantations to be recited. The ritual was subdivided into seven separate “houses,” in the course of the performance of which evils were transferred from the king to a whole series of unjust persecutors.417 Although a true bīt rimki should be outdoors away from the city, so that any demons washed away will be unable to find refuge indoors in the palace, the texts also describe ablutions that take place in the palace.418 In fact, the king was purified while still in his palace, pronounced prayers of absolution, bathed in water, wore pure garments, and washed hands.419 Afterward, he left the palace and went to the site of the bīt rimki with the exorcist. The exorcist (mašmaššu), who therefore had access to the palace, attended and performed the whole ritual. In short, according to texts and considering the closeness of temple areas to the royal palace, it is likely that religious events often took place throughout the year, with the participation of the temple personnel, the royal family and the king’s associates, who were involved in the ritual procedures, and a varying number of other guests who acted as spectators. The most important religious festivities, such as the Shebat and the akītu-festival, must moreover have been the occasion for large scale meetings between the king and his subjects, who gathered in the capital cities probably bringing their gifts and tributes to honour the king. In this respect, reliefs, just like texts, sometimes represent events that can be ascribed to the religious sphere. However, identification of religious events in Assyrian reliefs inevitably prompts a long and complex list of questions. One issue is whether these events can be understood as either purely secular or purely religious, if a clear-cut distinction can be made; another question is whether the visual image is simply a passive record of a religious event, or is itself an active agent used in religious ritual;420 another issue is whether practices presented in a given visual incident mirror actual rituals performed in a given context. As Reade notes, every scene in Assyrian sculptures was in a sense both ritualistic and religious, since every activity redounded to the glory of god, and the presence of the king

416

This is recorded in the inscriptions on the thresholds of the shrine chapels dedicated to the gods Ea, Sin, Ningal, Shamash, Nabu, and Ninurta (Fuchs 1994, 369–371; PongratzLeisten 2015, 184–191). 417 Scurlock 1988, 203. 418 Turner 1970, 193 fn. 90; Russell 1998, 697. 419 Rit. 26, i 18–32; ii 1–11; iii 1–20; Zimmern 1901, 123–127. 420 Nadali 2013a, 209–210. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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necessarily implied a variety of court rituals.421 However, sidestepping these questions, Assyrian reliefs sometimes allude to the performance of proper secular/religious rites at the royal court within specific rooms of the palace, and single out the performers involved in these rituals. Palace reliefs represent a number of incidents that appear to be religious or ritualistic, but only few show the palace as backdrop for their performance. In fact, most of them imply rites that took place either in proximity of shrines, or in open ground during the carving of rock monuments in distant lands, or in camp after a battle, on the occasion of military triumphs, or at the end of royal hunts.422 In these contexts, the presence of religious paraphernalia, such as offering tables, incense or oil burners, sacred standards, animals for sacrifice, and the participation of men of priestly status (šangû, kalû, alaḫḫinu)—usually represented with tall hats and fully shorn—automatically endow the scene with religious overtones.423 Nevertheless, their absence do not always exclude a religious element. Other visual cues may indeed suggest definition as ritual, but only in a worldlier secular context. In this respect, the scenes depicted in the interior walls of the East Suite (formed by rooms G, H, I, J, K, L, M, N, O, R.) in the Northwest Palace may represent an example of religious event, taking the iconographic features as literal pointers to the activities carried out in the rooms of the palace (fig. 28).424 In general terms, the main theme consists of the king appearing in company of eunuch courtiers, genies and the “stylized tree.”425 By looking at the interior decoration of the whole suite, the reliefs of each room suffices to convey an overall imagery of standardized sequence of acts and gestures, whose course is strictly fixed and adheres to a strict etiquette. The rituals appear as a progression in the visual program from human to otherworldly subject matter as one moves from the outer room G to the inner chambers H, I and L.426 The motif of room G shows apparently a ritual which focuses on the king holding bowl and bow when flanked by eunuch attendants, and a ritual which focuses on the king holding arrows and bow when flanked by winged genies. The latter is also the subject of the decoration in room N. Both attendants and winged genies use purifier and flywhisk as an aspergillum, and the ladle was perhaps used to hold liquid.427 In room H, the 421

Reade 2005, 7. Reade 2005. 423 Reade 1972, 96; 2005, 8. 424 For an in-depth description and analysis of the decorative program of the East Suite, see Meuszyński 1981, 40–71 and Russell 1998, 671–697. 425 In order to avoid any cultural or ideological implication and presupposition about its function or symbolic meaning, the well-known Assyrian tree will be called “stylized tree” (see also Russell 1998, 687). See Giovino 2007 for a general study. 426 Brown 2010, 9. 427 Collins 2010, 185–186. 422

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ritual focuses only on the king holding bowl and bow, who is always flanked by winged genies. The human presence, then, disappears as one goes in the innermost rooms L and I, where the motif shows an alternation of genies flanking the stylized tree. Therefore, both articulation and rhythm of the actions depicted on reliefs apparently provides a set of “visual instructions” for the performance of ritual activities taking place in the East Suite, although the decoration does not offer any actual visual hint about the nature of the ceremony.

Figure 28 Northwest Palace (Kalhu): king accompanied by attendants and genies, drawings of reliefs lining the walls of rooms G and H (CDLI – http://cdli.ucla.edu)

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A number of scholars has discussed the meaning of these scenes, but no consensus has been reached. Russell’s analysis appears to be closest in determining the exact nature of the rituals carried out in the East Suite. Russell brings the possibility that the East Suite was the setting for the performance of an integrated set of ritual activities which revolves around purification of the king’s body and include offerings to the gods and presentation of weapons in room G, followed by the blessing of arms in room H, and culminating with bodily purification in rooms I and L.428 In detail, the king with bowl and bow would represent a scene of ritual libation, while the king with arrows and bow surrounded by genies would stand for the purification of his weapons. In other terms, the bowl was conceived as a sign of the transcendent, whereas bow and arrows were intended as the Assyrian military insignia par excellence. The result is that here the king is shown in his roles of priest and military leader, and that in both roles the focus of activity seems to be on his weapons. In the light of this alternation, Brandes notes that the king as priest is shown in human company, while the military leader is accompanied by divine beings.429 This leads to suspect that 1) when the genies are absent they might be implicitly present, even though this hypothesis seems unlikely,430 or 2) that the king embodies the role of šangû.431 In this light, if room G is expression of the terrestrial versus celestial roles of the king, in room H the emphasis in the reliefs is entirely on libations and, accordingly, on the king as priest.432 By contrast, the inner rooms I and L are entirely lined with apotropaic figures—divine beings and stylized tree—which insure that the occupants and activities therein will be immune from evil influences.433 These premises cast a little light on the identity of the participants in the alleged rituals. The human presence on the reliefs of the East Suite shows a progression from room G inwards. Room G shows sixteen eunuchs surrounding twelve images of the king during the performance of various rites. Room H shows only the king (ten times), and no human was made present on the walls of rooms L and I. As Kertai notes, a simple correlation between reliefs and accessibility should not be made.434 However, it is significant that in most iconographic evidence from Neo-Assyrian period, the number of persons involved during indoor rituals is selected and 428

Russell 1998, 671–697. Alternatively, Richardson 1999–2000 and Brown 2010 have offered a more complex reading of the significance of the activities performed in the East Suite, mostly linked to the ancestors’ cult. 429 Brandes 1970, 151–154. 430 Karlsson 2016, 116. 431 Magen 1986, 65–69; see also Ataç 2010, 96–97. 432 Russell 1998, 692; Ataç 2010, 116–119. 433 Russell 1998, 697. 434 Kertai 2015a, 38–39. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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restricted, and mainly includes courtiers who attend to the king’s physical comfort and the priests who perform the correct sacrifices and rituals.435 Therefore, it is unlikely that a high number of persons surrounded or attended the king during ritual activities within the royal palace. Moving away from the palace of Assurnasirpal II, a second example that might be included in this examination and connected to ritual purification practices for the king is the decoration of rooms 9 and 12 in Sargon II’s palace at Dur-Sharrukin.436 The decoration lacks religious paraphernalia, suggesting that there are no rituals taking place in these rooms. However, the size of each room and its fixed features, as well as the presence of a pair of wingless genies carrying a goat, strongly suggest that actual cleansing ritual activities were performed here. In particular, the goat was associated with specific rituals (animal sacrifice?) connected with the doorway, to the room itself, which was most likely a bathroom, and obviously to the king. There is greater human presence here but it is still limited, and includes always the crown prince, and eunuch officials (room 9)437 or eunuch attendants (room 12). All eunuchs are depicted with folded hands, and led by the crown prince, who stands before the king and raises his right hand in a gesture of salutation. In both rooms, the king receives his associates holding a long staff in his right hand and a lotus flower in his lowered left hand.438 Although no other subject matter describes or indicates rituals or religious activities taking place in the palace, there is one more example that vividly represents what textual sources refer to as religious processions, usually implying movements between palace and temple area. Formal processions of this sort are displayed only on a series of Sennacherib’s reliefs found in the part of his palace closest to the Ishtar Temple at Nineveh. The nature of the ritual taking place is undefined, but it represents the king and his entourage passing that way, and includes detailed representations of distinct types of figures. According to Reade, two groups were likely depicted in the processional scene, one descending a slight slope, while the other ascending. The descending group comprises many soldiers with spear and large shield, three bearded drummers, five women with drums or cymbals, two pairs of harpists, each consisting of one priest and one bearded man.

435

Indoor rituals are not widely attested, and mainly concern ceremonies performed in camp after a victory rather than in the palace. See, for instance, the priest removing an animal’s entrails in the camp of Assurnasirpal II, during a campaign (Budge 1914, pl. XVI/1), the ritual performed by priests and a bearded man with animal for sacrifice in a Tiglath-pileser III camp (Barnett / Falkner 1962, pl. LX), and the ritual in a camp of Sargon II’s general in the presence of two beardless figures (Botta / Flandin 1849/II, pl. 146). See other examples in Reade 2005. 436 Botta / Flandin 1849/II, pls. 121, 138. 437 Plate 63 in Albenda 1986 shows the Assyrian eunuchs as unarmed. Actually, Flandin’s drawing in Botta / Flandin 1849/II, pl. 121 shows eunuchs with sword. 438 Loud 1936, 20–28; Albenda 1986, 62–63. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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The ascending group consists of bearded high-ranking officials, each carrying a mace, followed by the crown prince, chariot drivers and eunuch attendants, the king in his rickshaw and his royal attendants, and possibly more soldiers.439 Although these rituals naturally were important part of life and similar processions were certainly organized on occasion of important events, the series of Sennacherib is unparalleled and no other king used this type of representation in his palace. The lack of specific themes from the visual programs must be seen in the generally uneven distribution of religious scenes in Assyrian reliefs through time. In fact, if rituals are dominant in the decorative scheme of Assurnasirpal II, then they become less prominent, and only sporadically do they mirror actual rituals taking place in the palace.440 The palace itself was clearly not the main setting for cultic activities, but the latter seem to have been largely exploited by Assurnasirpal II, who devoted entire suites to apotropaic and ritual imagery. Of course, the choice of subject matter must have been dictated by the king and reflects the public image which he wished to present. In conclusion, texts and reliefs give hints on actual ritual and religious activities that were performed in the palace when it was in use. Some of the selected scenes might be defined not strictly “rituals,” but as Reade notes “ritual connotations are never far below the surface of Assyrian art.”441 3.6 Personal Meetings Beside great, private and compulsory events, the royal correspondence very often alludes to requests for personal audience with the king or special permissions to see the ruler. These encounters do not always imply the access to the palace, but provide us with the identity of the figures who personally met the king and, accordingly, had perhaps access to the palace. Texts speak of the ardent desire of courtiers to behold the faces of their kings, and direct requests of personal audience were sent to remove misunderstandings, and obviate the weariness of writing letters and getting no answer. From letters we deduce that it was considered a great favour to be allowed to look at the king face to face—a favour mostly granted to those privileged to stay in the king’s entourage. For instance, Bel-ibni, Assurbanipal’s turtānu in the south, writes to his ruler stressing that “[Once] or twice I have written to the king my lord, and I long [for] the sight of the king my lord, that I may see the face of the king my lord. Let him send a reply to my words.”442 In a similar vein, Nabu-shumu-iddina, 439

Barnett et al. 1998, 133, pl. 473; Reade 2005, 12–13; Nadali 2006, 96–103. As long as this did not depend on the preservation of reliefs, Reade (2005, 27–28) concludes that at the beginning rituals were important, then they become less prominent, then under Assurbanipal they are transformed into grand public occasions, through a theology of war, with ritual victory processions, and the ritual killing of lions. 441 Reade 2005, 28. 442 ABL 285, r 5–8; Tomes 2005, 82–83; PNA 1/I, 305–310. See also Frame 1997, 60 and 440

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mayor of the Nabu Temple of Kalhu, expressly requests an audience with the king: “The face of the king my lord has been seen by very many (people). Let an order be given to the palace-overseers: when the elders pass by beneath the terrace, let them allow me to see the face of the king, my lord, and may the k[ing] look at me. Let them constantly send me word on the health of [the king, my lord]. Upon whom are my eyes fixed? (In) that I have written, let them allow me to enter before the king and speak (with him).”443 Besides direct requests for personal audience, many texts indicate that meetings with the king required the submitting of indirect formal requests to highranking officials who acted as mediators. Nabu-usalla, governor of Tamnuna, writes to Sargon II that three leaders (lit. “powerful men”) of the Kummeans have come before him and Mar-Issar, the royal bodyguard, requesting an audience with the king. Later on in the letter, the Kummeans speak as follows: ““Our people may go where the king said, but your messenger should take us to the Palace. There is a matter [concerning] another country we (wish to) discuss [in] the king’s [pres]ence. [...] ...; we [will] not tell it to you, [n]or will we tell it to the royal bodyguard. Else if you do not take us to the Palace, sooner or later we shall say to the king: ‘We spoke with the governor and the royal bodyguard, but they did not agree to bring us to the Palace’”.”444 In a letter sent to Sargon II from an unidentified high official, there is mention of the Hargaean ruler who is sent to the king to discuss some legal troubles.445 Likewise, Sharru-emuranni, governor of Mazamua, refers to city lords—perhaps Medians—going to the king.446 In a further letter, the same author sends the prelate of Sippar to the king: “He spoke [with me]: “Let me go [to the Palace......, and let him go (there)] on [his] o[wn].” Now then [I am sending him] to the king, [my] lo[rd, in charge of my messenger]. Let [the king, my lord] speak [with him...].”447 Sharru-emuranni again mediates for an audience request on behalf of fifteen citizens of Borsippa together with Nabu-eresh and his brother Nabu-le’i: “Nabû-ereš the brother of Nabû-le’i, accompanied by 15 citizens of Borsippa, came to Sippar into my presence on the 14th of Shebat (XI).

Waters 2002, 79. 443 SAA 13 80, 11–r 14; PNA 2/II, 885. The letter is undated, but this mayor was active under the reign of Esarhaddon and probably also the reign of Assurbanipal. 444 SAA 5 104, 10–r 11; PNA 2/II, 900. 445 SAA 5 149, r 4–10. 446 SAA 5 203, r 8–13. 447 SAA 15 225, r 3–10; PNA 3/II, 1234–1237. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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[They] have previously [not] visited the Palace [of] Nineveh. […]. [Now] t[hen, should] they [c]ome [to the Pa]lace?.”448 An intermediary to the audience with the king is also Adad-ibni, a high official active on the Assyrian-Babylonian border. Adad-ibni requests, indeed, an audience with Sargon II on behalf of an anonymous Babylonian.449 Similarly, Gabbuana-Assur, palace herald stationed in Kurba’il, gives Sargon II notice that an official and a scribe are going to the palace.450 Besides direct and indirect requests, letters also allude to meetings that took place or will be taking place between the king and the author himself, revealing the close relationships between the ruler and his associates. Sharru-emuranni, governor of Bit-Zamani, wishes to see the king: “On the 15th of Tammuz I would like to come and see the face of the king, my lord, (about) my work.”451 Mannuki-Ninua, governor of Kar-Sharrukin (Harhar), refers to a previous audience that he had with Sargon II.452 Bel-iqisha, an official active in Babylonia, states that after being twice to the audience with the king, he is regaining dignity.453 The letter of Bada, another official active in Babylonia, addressed to Sargon II, alludes to his messenger who did not come to the audience of the king.454 A further letter addressed to Sargon contains complaints about the governor of Uruk Nabushuma-ishkun who is said to have gone to the audience with the king.455 Allusions to meetings with the king are made explicit also in a letter of Il-iada’, Assyrian official active in northern Babylonia, who states that the messenger of Etiru, temple prelate of Esaggil at Babylon, has visited the king a number of times and is again sent to the palace to talk to the king. In the same letter, there is also mention of the Chaldean Nabu-ushallim, who is being sent to the king in charge of a messenger.456 A fragmentary letter seems to mention the visit of a sheik to Dur-Sharrukin,457 while another refers to seven local rulers, presumably coming from the Taurus and Zagros regions, forwarded to the king.458 Finally, an allusion to audi-

448

SAA 15 226, 4–r 3. SAA 5 241, 5–r 4. 450 SAA 5 122, r 6–10; PNA 1/I, 413–414. In this environment, see also the fragmentary letters dealing with people sent to the king (SAA 15 296–298), or persons going to the palace (SAA 15 301–302). 451 SAA 5 47, r 1–4; PNA 3/II, 1235. 452 SAA 15 101, 15–r 3. 453 SAA 17 27, r 1–2; PNA 1/I, 315. 454 SAA 17 101, r 13–14; PNA 1/I, 249–250. 455 SAA 17 130, 5–12. 456 SAA 15 161, 9–r 12. 457 SAA 15 281. 458 SAA 5 138. The letter mentions Ada, a ruler in the vicinity of Ukku, on the frontier of Urartu (PNA 1/I, 20–21); a Nikkurean (?), from Nikkur, in the Zagros; an Uluean, vassal state in the Taurus, in the region between Assyria and Urartu; a Mesaean and a Lullupayu, 449

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ence with the king is found in a letter of Shamash-belu-usur, governor of Arzuhina and later Der, who writes about various men, presumably from Der, who are on their way to see the king.459 Letters from the later reign of Esarhaddon reveal that meeting between temple personnel and the king were expected.460 Further letters dating to the reigns of Esarhaddon/Assurbanipal, mention intellectuals who speak about encounters with the king.461 In this context, it may be of interest mentioning the group of letters sent by Esarhaddon to his scholars concerning the visits of the crown prince. The letters contain the reply from astrologers to the king’s questions about a suitable time to meet the crown prince. In particular, many attestations of the crown prince Assur-mukin-pale’a are found in letters of scholars advising Esarhaddon on suitable days for visits by his son.462 Nonetheless, this correspondence must be understood as an exception, since the crown prince seems to have been of rather delicate health.463 In other letters, however, other crown princes are mentioned.464 3.7 Summary and Further Reflections This chapter has focused on the reasons leading persons to the royal palace and the interactions between the king and various groups of persons according to textual and visual sources. The picture that emerges clearly represents the royal court as the main setting for a number of events, which inevitably attracted a wide variety of persons before the king and in the palace’s rooms. This turns the palace itself into a location for the advertisement and manifestation of royal power and ideology, and a conspicuous backdrop for large scale celebrations, private meetings, religious events, political negotiations and the reception of foreign dignitaries. As a consequence, the royal building should be seen more as a cosmopolitan stage where the king exhibited himself to his audience rather than a hidden place from which most people were excluded. Besides humans, it must be said that a non-human component is often referred to as entering the royal residence: the divine world. The presence of gods is attested both in great events, such as the inaugurations of new capitals, and during ritual activities involving movements between secular and religious buildings. respectively a man from Mesu and a man from the country of Lullubu, both in the Zagros region. 459 SAA 15 117; PNA 3/II, 1194. 460 SAA 10 349, 28–29. 461 SAA 10 69, r 9–16; SAA 10 240, r 21–e. 1; SAA 10 276, 13–r 8; SAA 10 315, 7–12. The letters refer to the figure of the astrologer, chief exorcist, the crown prince’s ummânu, the chief physician. 462 SAA 10 22, 52–53, 70, 74, 207. 463 PNA 1/I, 197–198. 464 In SAA 10 48, 190, 203 the crown prince is unnamed, while in SAA 10 54 is mentioned a general “man,” and in SAA 10 73 the crown prince for whom a visit date is asked is suggested to be Shamash-shumu-ukin. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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The debate has been laid aside so far because the divine component does not seem to be always present in the palace but rather occasionally: the palace was essentially conceived for humans, and for human interactions only. In inscriptions commemorating dedication ceremonies for secular buildings, gods are always mentioned at first. The reference to the divine world appears to be the most explicit hint at a role of a non-human audience for the royal palace, and both the inscriptions of Assurnasirpal II and Sargon II confirm this assumption. Gods are the first to step inside the new buildings and to take part in the great celebration. However, what should be regarded as a fundamental aspect is that gods did not partake in the great meal offered to humans because they had already received their meals inside their temples, before the beginning of the “earthly” banquet. Once the rites were over, inscriptions inform indeed that deities probably were shown out and left the palace. Such a notion seems to belong to a general Assyrian tradition, since a clear division between palace and temples, humans and gods, is particularly evident already in the inscription of Tiglath-pileser I (1114– 1076 BCE): “This cedar palace I built with understanding and skill (and) called it Egallugalšarrakurkurra, ‘Palace of the King of All [Lands]’. I [made it fitting] for my royal residence for eternity. As the former palaces — into which princes who preceded me, older kings down to my time, who constructed such palaces and (made them fitting) for royal [residences for eternity], would invite inside the god Aššur, my lord, and the [great] gods at the festivals of their city and make sacrifices [...] — (as) those palaces were not consecrated or designated as divine residences [but when a prince/king] built a palace, his gods would come inside (and) he would present therein sacrifices [to] the gods: as the numerous palaces, [which] the kings who preceded me did not consecrate or designate as divine residences, this cedar palace, first/one year, palace of the god Aššur, my lord, and the great gods [...] eternity, sacrifices were made before them (although) this palace was [not] consecrated or designated as a divine [residence] — the king and his [...] dwell therein.”465 The inscription vividly declares and reiterates that the palace was not consecrated or designated as a divine dwelling. Thus, the gods could go in just to receive offerings and sacrifices, but they did leave the palace at the end of the rites. This notion endures and is found in late Assyrian inscriptions. Gods leave the royal building after the rituals were duly performed in the new Sargon II’s palace: “The great mountain, Bêl (Enlil), lord of (all) lands, who dwells in Eharsaggalkurkurra, the gods and goddesses who abide in Assyria, turned aside (and entered) their city amid jubilation and feasting.”466 Afterwards, the earthly banquet with human 465 466

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guests could take place. This is further evidenced by Esarhaddon who, for the dedication of the armoury in Nineveh, invited the deities to join the king’s company, and received sumptuous offerings and gifts. The gods in turn blessed both his kingship and his reign. Afterwards, the great feast with dignitaries, officials and common people could start.467 From these attestations, we may safely state that gods were invited as special guests during great celebrations but only for a limited span of time. After receiving offerings and sacrifices they were brought into their new abodes. The presence of gods within the royal building must be therefore interpreted not as a permanent presence but occasional. This “otherworldly” presence must have had the main focus of obtaining special blessings for the palace, the royal family and the courtiers, and for all the inhabitants in the lands of the empire. Gods entered when the king stepped into the palace for the first time as auspicious beginning, received their offerings and sacrifices performed in the new building, and blessed both the kingdom and its ruler.

467

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Chapter 4 Royal Protocol 4.1 Introduction The interaction between the Assyrian king and his audience was framed in the set of rules regulating the official audience and, implicitly, the accessibility to the palace and the king. From the evidence in the written and visual sources, it appears that to enjoy the benefits of a royal audience and relish the luxurious royal court, insiders and outsiders had to undergo tight customary procedures carefully set up by the Assyrian administration. 4.2 When Visiting the King An interesting point gleaned from the documents that have come to light so far is the reference to the dates of the meeting: specific dates were proposed to the applicant, and each decision complied with religious requirements which imposed auspicious and inauspicious days or periods for the safety of the king, they were not made randomly. From the great events examined, we learn that the new capital of Sargon II was celebrated in the month Iyyar (April/May), while the texts of the NWL are dated mostly to the last or the first month of the year, that is from around AddaruNisannu (February/April). The so-called “Accounts from ceremonial banquets” may plausibly describe an event taking place in the New Year festival arranged in the months Nisannu (March/April) and Tishri (September/October) in the Assyrian capital. As to private events, the only reference to which we may refer is the royal banquet described in SAA 20 33, which likely took place in the month Tebetu (December/January). Of the religious events ascertained as taking place in the Assyrian capital, the months Shebat (January/February) and Elulu (August/September) are chosen by Assurnasirpal II as months dedicated to the god Ninurta. In this respect, the months Shebat, Addaru, and Nisannu become recognizable as components of a complex period of rituals which ended with the akītu-festival in the first month of the year, Nisannu. Moving to the compulsory appointments with the king, references in the annals make it clear that the delivery of tribute and perhaps of audience gifts was an annual event. Although there is no definitive evidence as to when exactly payments were due, however, in practical terms, one may guess that in some times of the year the weather was unsuitable for the long journeys of some of the bringers of tribute, or, in the summer months, the king would have been absent on campaign. Therefore, it is not too farfetched to believe that the tribute was delivered © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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either in the spring or at the beginning of the autumn, during the New Year festivals of Nisannu, or else in the late autumn, after the campaigns.468 In this regard, the royal correspondence supports this suggestion. Assur-dur-paniya writes to Sargon II that Shubrian emissaries, presumably bearing tribute, reach the Assyrian territory on the 23rd of the 12th month (Addaru: February/March), suggesting a delivery of the tribute at the New Year.469 Likewise, in a letter dating to the reign of Tiglath-pileser III, the governor of Nasibina, Inurta-ila’i, informs the king on emissaries of Que, together with the interpreter, coming to Kalhu on the 30th of Addaru.470 In other letters, it is said that emissaries left Til-Barisp in Nisannu.471 That the Nisannu was the month in which outsiders went to the palace seems also confirmed by a letter sent by Nabu-belu-ka’’in, governor of Kar-Sharrukin: “Concerning what the king, my lord, wrote to me: “Be at Calah on the 1st of Nisan (I)” — we are clearing the roads, but it is snowing and snow is filling them up. There is very much snow. [...] the 3rd of Shebat (XI) [...] he se[n]t the first 20 horses. The year before last, (when) there was as much snow, rivers were frozen and the men and horses who were with me died in the snow. I shall be in the king my lord’s presence on the 6th or 7th of Nisan.”472 The problem of the snow mentioned in other letters can therefore suggest that emissaries must be in the Assyrian capital around the months Addaru and Nisannu. In this respect, Assur-belu-usur, governor of Kishesim, informs the king that delivery of the tribute is held up by snow: “I shall do my best to set out with the troops and tribute, but because of the snow I had to leave one chariot that came with me in Bit-Hamban. The king knows that there is very much snow.”473 In the same season perhaps took place the visit of Urzana, king of Musasir, who wished to go to the king: “Snow has blocked the roads. (As) I am looking out now, it is impossible: I cannot go empty-handed to the presence of the ki[ng].”474 The month Addaru and the problem of the snow is made explicit also in the following letter sent by Tab-shar-Assur, the Treasurer: “I am sending [......]. [Perhaps the king], my lord, will say: “[Why was it not ...] until now?” [The blanket of snow] is very thick, [......] the month Adar (XII) [...... ] to me.”475 As to personal meetings, whoever wished to meet the king in a personal audience, had to wait until a suitable date was proposed. In fact, scholars advise the 468

Postgate 1974, 121. SAA 5 52, 4–6. 470 SAA 19 54. 471 SAA 1 186–187. 472 SAA 19 190, 5–16. 473 SAA 15 60, 4–11. 474 SAA 5 146, 7–10. 475 SAA 5 285. 469

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kings in various letters on days that are auspicious to visit him in relation to the stars. Though the letters mostly belong to Esarhaddon’s reign, one may deduce that earlier kings also used this procedure. In a letter, the observation of the stars may sway the meeting with the crown prince, which seems fixed on the month Nisannu.476 The astrologer Nabu-ahhe-eriba informs the king about a suitable date for a visit by princes, and again the month Nisannu seems to be the favourable one.477 The exorcist Adad-shumu-usur answers positively to a request of Esarhaddon whether Assur-mukin-pale’a should visit him and whether his brother Sinper’uukin is to accompany him: “let them come up together: Iyyar (II) is a good month, it has numerous good days. The foot of the god has gone to rest; it is (really) very auspicious to go (now) to the king, my lord.”478 Likewise, the same writer suggests that the crown prince enters before the king on the month Shebat. From this evidence, it seems that besides single occasions, the audience with the king mostly took place in the months Addaru and Nisannu. Documents further show that timing a visit in this period may have depended on two mutual and interwoven reasons, religious and astrological. In fact, large scale gatherings took place during the period Shebat-Addaru-Nisannu, the large festive cycle that began in the eleventh month, Shebat, and ended with the akītu-festival in the first month of the year, during which various cultic ceremonies were performed. Accordingly, this period was usually regarded as auspicious according to the stars: “Concerning what the king, my lord, wrote to me: “Is it favourable for the crown prince to come into the presence of the king?”—it is very favourable. The crown prince may come into the presence of the king, my lord, this (very) day. […] The month is good, this day is good: the planet Mercury (signifies) the crown prince, and it is vis[ib]le in the constellation [Ari]es; Venus [is] visible in [Bab]ylon, in the home of [his] dynasty (lit. father); and the moon will complete the day in the month Nisan (I). We count this together: it is propitious.”479 4.3 Preparations Before Going to the Palace Texts allude to sorts of preparation, or kinds of protocol, that took place before gaining an audience with the king, although the details are not made explicit. For great events, the protocol probably required that an official invitation was sent to all the guests invited (qariūti).480 The Assyrian administration was then informed of the potential participants, and each city or kingdom invited sent its own delegation made up of emissaries, dignitaries, and rulers. For the occasion, 476

SAA 10 48, r 10. SAA 10 73, r 13; SAA 10 74, r 19. 478 SAA 10 207, 12–17. 479 SAA 10 73, 7–r 17. 480 CAD Q, qarû, 145; RIMA 2 A.0.101.30, 142. 477

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all king’s associates, high-ranking officials, supervisors, commanders, eunuchs, aristocrats, elders, and the palace staff were gathered. The same may have happened for private events, where obviously the number of guests was more limited. Looking at compulsory appointments, further insights can be obtained. Firstly, the kingdoms subject to tribute, and associated audience gifts, must have been already informed about the date of payment: the month Nisannu is suggested here to be the most common period for journeys to the palace. The delegation, made up of the city-ruler with his servants and envoys, was accompanied by a kallapu messenger,481 a messenger (mār šipri),482 or a dispatch rider (kallāp šipirti).483 Once the delegation has left the country for the Assyrian capital, high-ranking officials promptly sent a letter reporting the king on the identity, provenance, and size of the tribute and/or audience gifts.484 Perhaps, in the case the king was not present, he was informed on the reception and amount of the goods received.485 As for personal meetings, letters inform that, depending on the social and political status, requests for personal audience could be sent directly to the king,486 or submitted to high-ranking officials who acted as mediators.487 In the case of written communications sent directly to the king, one may imagine they were sorted by trusted official(s). The system regarding incoming and outgoing letters of the royal palace must have been strictly organized and controlled by a group of literates and some letters may never have reached the king. A fragmentary letter perhaps written by Esarhaddon seems to offer the procedure prescribed in the palace administration before forwarding a letter to the king: “As [to what you wrote to me]: “You did not read [nor open the letter] which [I sent] to you.” How [would] I [not do] thi[s]? When a letter whi[ch you send to me comes] to [my re]porter, [he pe]rsonally [opens] the let[ter] and [makes me hear] its [infor]mation. [W]hy [should I read] a letter? I take care of myself. (When) I see [a letter], I do not open it nor r[ead it]. Besides, the messenger [who brings a letter] to [his lord], whether a guard, [a ...], or a mounted [messenger ...] — let them bring [......].”488 Thus, a messenger (mār šipri) or a guard (ša-maṣṣarti) or a mounted messenger (kallāp šipirti) brought and delivered the letter to a reporter (bēl ṭēmi) in the

481

E.g. SAA 1 184, r 2. The kallapu messenger is however mentioned in relation to a group of professionals for the palace staff, rather than a delegation. 482 E.g. SAA 5 104, 12; SAA 15 161, r 10; SAA 15 297–298. 483 E.g. SAA 15 66, r 1. 484 E.g. SAA 1 186–187; SAA 5 52, 136, 146, 171. 485 E.g. SAA 1 29, 33–34. 486 E.g. ABL 285; SAA 13 80. 487 E.g. SAA 5 104, 241; SAA 15 225–226. 488 SAA 16 6. See also SAA 18 1, in particular lines 16–r 4, in which a letter is promptly rejected and sent back to its senders. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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palace, who would have opened and read it aloud to the king or to a scribe. In case it was the latter, he would have decided to forward the written communication to the king, as is indicated at the end of the letter sent by an official active under Esarhaddon: “Whoever you are, O scribe, who are reading (this letter), do not hide it from the king, your lord! Speak for me before the king, so Bel (and) Nabû may speak for you before the king.”489 The selected letters were then read to the king by specific figures, such as scribes or reporters. From written sources, indeed, one may glean that there may have been different persons in charge of reading before the king, each one with specific skills, as shown by the following passage: “Maybe the scribe who reads to the king did not understand. Šumma izbu is difficult to interpret.”490 This text proves that some literates had specific skills to read complex texts, such anomaly omens, while others may have had sufficient skills to read simpler texts, such as daily letters.491 If the request was granted, and the date was not already established,492 the king consulted his astrologers for advice on the suitable and auspicious day of the visit.493 Afterward, the palace administration produced an official reply, which was sent to the applicant or to the sender of the letter. Eventually, the applicant(s) could start his journey to the palace: perhaps, an official or a messenger always accompanied foreigners,494 but there seems to be no reference to escorts accompanying king’s associates. One may speculate that personal audiences took place at the same time for all the persons to whom the audience was granted. Meanwhile delegations and visitors made their journey to the palace, the palace administration probably drafted a list of all the entrants. This is evidenced by a document of Esarhaddon’s reign, which shows a list of visitors entering the palace.495 Once in the palace, guests were welcomed by specific figures and a more complex protocol was likely prescribed before meeting the Assyrian king. 4.4 In the Palace itself: People Responsible for the Ushering in Access to the palace was not immediate but mediated. A central figure at the Assyrian court who held the role of introducer to the king and chief of palace protocol was the ša-pān-ekalli, literally “the one in front of the palace,” and often translated as “overseer of the palace” or “palace supervisor.”496 This office operated in the immediate environment of the king and on behalf of the king, and the organi489

SAA 16 32, r 17–22; PNA 2/II, 905–907. SAA 10 60, 15–r 2. 491 See also Luukko 2007, 231, fn. 18 for a cursory reconstruction on the system of communication in Assyrian times. 492 SAA 5 241. 493 E.g. SAA 10 48, 52. 494 SAA 5 104. 495 SAA 16 50. 496 PNA 4/I, 168–169. 490

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sation and control of access to the king was a central concern of his, although he also performed many tasks, such as overseeing of building materials and taking care of deportees.497 Barjamovic compares this Assyrian official with the Persian court official called chiliarch (literally, “commander-of-one-thousand”) by the Greeks.498 Considering his closeness to the king, the palace supervisor may have resided at the palace or in its vicinity.499 A number of written documents, mostly dating to the reigns of Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal, demonstrate the paramount importance of the palace supervisor in introducing visiting outsiders and selecting who could enter the palace and meet the king. In the already discussed letter of Nabu-shumu-iddina, the author writes to the king for a personal audience addressing the request to the palace supervisors: “The face of the king my lord has been seen by very many (people). Let an order be given to the palace-overseers.”500 The event is not specified, but the letter refers to the presence of more than one palace supervisor. That the palace supervisor would have held the power in deciding who could enter the palace may be also gleaned from the following letter sent by Assurbanipal in reply to a complaint expressed by the city assembly at Nippur: “And in regard to what you wrote: “When fifteen of our elders came to greet the king, only half of us were (allowed) to enter before the king”. This is the fault of the šandabakku, who is your governor, and secondly, of the palace supervisor, who did not admit you into my presence. By Aššur, my God, I swear that I did not know that only half of your number had entered before me. How should I know who is who?.”501 In a similar vein, his authority in allowing admittance to the king’s presence is attested by the following fragmentary passage: “the palace [supervis]or of the Succes[sion] Palace [ref]us[e]s to receive m[e]”,502 and by a letter of the temple official Dadi to Esarhaddon: “[The ...] of the overseer of the palace should ask [...]. […] [As] he does not have access to the king [and] all of his men [are...] he should not] enter the palace.”503

497

Groß 2014, 62–64. Barjamovic 2011, 40–41; Llewellyn-Jones 2013, 31, 43, 71–72. 499 Groß 2014, 61. The closeness of the palace supervisor to the king and the royal entourage may be gleaned from the lists of tribute and audience gifts received in the palace (SAA 1 34, r 17). He is mentioned after the queen, the crown prince, the grand vizier, the commander in chief, the sartinnu, the second vizier and the chief eunuch, and receives 5 minas of silver, 3 togas, and 2 tunics. In a similar fashion, he also appears in the NWL as recipient of wine rations (ša IGI KUR/É.GAL; CTN I, 63; CTN III, 286). 500 SAA 13 80, 11–15. 501 ABL 287; Barjamovic 2011, 41. 502 SAA 18 109, r 3–4. 503 SAA 13 24. 498

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The palace supervisor also held the role of chief of the palace protocol, and acted as director or master of ceremonies on occasion of great events, as confirmed by the textual reference to the royal dinner, where he introduces the partakers and orders the cupbearer to fill the heavy beakers of the princes and the magnates.504 A number of different subordinates may have assisted the palace supervisor in his task of controlling access to the palace. For instance, bodyguard (ša-qurbūti), messenger (mār šipri), and adjutant (rādi qātē) of the palace supervisor are involved in the transfer of the treaty tablet of a certain Gurdi to the adê-ceremonies in the temple. In detail, the bodyguard and the messenger appear to have been in charge of introducing the emissaries into the courtyard of the temple.505 The deputy of the palace supervisor (ša-pān-ekalli šaniu), instead, seems to have been involved in the review of the so-called “tribute-chariot,” as a 7th century document shows.506 Further functionaries cooperating with the palace supervisor were perhaps the watchman (ša-maṣṣarti) and the staff-bearer (ša-ḫuṭāri), since both offices are mentioned together with palace supervisors in the two queries to the sun-god Shamash from the reign of Esarhaddon.507 With special regard to the watchman, this office is attested since Sargon II’s times and the term was used to designate a person who guards a concrete object. Albeit no textual evidence describes the watchman as guard of an entrance, it cannot be ruled out that it may well have happened occasionally in order to reinforce the protection of doors.508 The connection of these functionaries with the palace seems suggested by their sporadic occurrence in the NWL.509 Summing up, the palace supervisor was a central figure at the Assyrian court, whose office formed part of the king’s entourage and that his primary point of reference was the king in person. The leading role played by the palace supervisor in the context of ceremonial banquets and organization of visitors within the palace suggest that he was presumably subject to strict regulation and was the holder of formalities and royal etiquette. His tasks were assisted by subordinated figures, such as deputies, messengers, watchmen and staff-bearers.510 Besides the palace supervisor, another important figure concerned with management of access to the palace was the rab ekalli, translated “chief palace offi504

SAA 20 33, i 4–i 10, r i 46. SAA 1 76, 6–r 7. 506 SAA 11 36, ii 8. 507 SAA 4 142, 8; 144, 8; Groß 2014, 66. 508 Radner 2010a, 273–274. 509 Staff-bearer/ša (GIŠ).PA (-ri); watchman/ša EN.NUN; CTN III, 286–287; Parpola 1976, 168; Groß 2014, 221. 510 Other subordinates of the palace supervisor may have existed, although it seems that only some of them co-operated with the palace supervisor in controlling the access to the palace (see Groß 2014, 65–66 in this respect). 505

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cial” or “palace manager.”511 Written sources actually offer only a single instance where the palace manager is associated with the temporary access of certain persons to the palace: the addressee of the list of enterers is an unnamed palace manager, who was apparently responsible for the access to the palace.512 Notwithstanding this is the only reference in late Assyrian sources, the Middle Assyrian Palace Decrees clearly show that supervising access to the palace was a responsibility of the rab ekalli in the second half of the second millennium: the palace manager grants access to the women’s quarters for a royal eunuch sent by the king.513 In regard to the chronological development of the two main offices dealing with access to the palace, it seems that the office of palace manager was mainly active from the Middle Assyrian times up to the 9th century BCE, where the palace manager Nergal-apil-kumu’a is attested as influential figure in the reign of Assurnasirpal II.514 Though this distribution may be owed to the status of the sources, one may assume that the palace manager was concerned with palace access during the second half of the second millennium and, perhaps, up to the reign of Assurnasirpal II. Then, during the Neo-Assyrian times and especially in the 7th century, there may have been a steady growth in the number of active palace supervisors.515 A further functionary that probably was already active during Sargon II’s reign is the gatekeeper (atû), often attested as “of the palace” in documents dating to the reign of Sennacherib. Regarding the general gatekeeper, the attestations begin with the reign of Adad-nirari III but mostly date to the 7th century, especially during the reigns of Sennacherib and Assurbanipal or later. In particular, according to Esarhaddon’s queries to the sun-god dealing with possible rebellions against either the king or the crown prince, there were in the palace gatekeepers qualified as “of the inner gates (bētānu)” and “of the outer gates (qannu).”516 This suggests that gatekeepers active at the passages between different palace spheres may have existed. Since there appear to be gatekeepers in texts dating to Sargon II’s reign, one may suppose that gatekeepers were also employed in the royal pal-

511

Klauber 1968, 32; PNA 4/1, 93–94. SAA 16 50. 513 Jakob 2003, 76; Radner 2010a, 279; Groß 2014, 36. 514 SAA 12 82, 83; Van Buylaere 2009–2010, 155; Groß 2014, 83–84. 515 This growth was perhaps in line with the creation of other offices concerned with entrances, such as the lock master (rab sikkāte) and entrance overseer (ša pān nērebi). These figures, in fact, are not attested at all prior to the reign of Assurbanipal, and this innovation may be related to a previous trauma and dangers affecting the kings. Thus, creating new offices the control of access to the palace was shared by several officials, reducing the power of specific figures (Radner 2010a, 279–280). 516 SAA 4 139, 7–8; SAA 4 142, 7. 512

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ace of Dur-Sharrukin.517 Therefore, with special focus on the reign of Assurnasirpal II, the presence of the palace manager (rab ekalli) as responsible for access to the Northwest Palace at Kalhu may be valid. Instead, for the reign of Sargon II, the existence of the palace supervisor (ša-pān-ekalli) and his subordinates (bodyguard, messenger, adjutant and staff-bearer), the watchman (ša-maṣṣarti), and the gatekeeper (atû), as figures responsible for the ushering in of visitors can be taken for granted. They were in charge of directing the circulation inside the palace and leading guests before the king, although the rab ekalli seems to have been part of the palace’s staff, while the ša-pān-ekalli was more a political figure.518 The importance of the palace supervisor seems confirmed also by visual evidence, where he often appears as the last eunuch official in the procession before the king who waves his hand at the view in a characteristic gesture. This official is clearly responsible for marshalling, heading and introducing people into the king’s presence and is usually identified with the palace supervisor. His portrait does not change over time: he always appears as clad in a standard Assyrian costume, namely a long fringed tunic with a shawl draped diagonally across his shoulder and around his waist, earrings, armlets and wristlets, and conventional sandals. A baldric is often made evident (fig. 23). Sometimes the alleged palace supervisor carries a staff often consisting of two sticks joined together (fig. 22).519 The staff features only some of the officials leading processions in Sargon II’s reliefs, making the staff an unusual object. In addition, not every official with staff and leading lines of figures raises his hand. Whether the staff distinguishes another official is unclear, since the position he occupies is the same of the palace supervisor. Scrutinizing other reliefs of late Assyrian period, the staff occurs in a variety of circumstances. It is held by the eunuch, tentatively identified with the sukkallu, standing behind the crown prince on a slab lining the wall of the façade of the Northwest Palace ( D–3, fig. 20), and on the Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III. However, the eunuch wears a headband larger at the back than in the front and holds the staff under his left arm rather than in hand as ready for use. In more than one instance, the staff occurs as instrument to inspect and count captives and booty. On a relief of Assurnasirpal II from his Throne Room (B), a eunuch holds a staff in his right hand and inspects captives after a triumphal procession scene (B–7, upper register; fig. 36). In a similar vein, the eunuch with staff presides over a review of booty or counts captives’ heads on reliefs of Tiglath-pileser III.520

517

Radner (2010a, 273) also proposes this assumption. See SAA 6 6, r 14–15; SAA 11 209, r iii 3. 518 Kertai / Groß 2019, 16. 519 Botta / Flandin 1849/I, pl. 82; Basmachi 1975, fig. 135. 520 Barnett / Falkner 1962, pls. IV, XLVIII–XLIX; LXIII. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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The identity of this figure is unclear, but his engagement in review scenes and his presence among other officials along with the palace supervisor, suggest that this must be a specific official, perhaps distinguished from the palace supervisor, but close to his office. Now, limited to the textual sources of Sargon II’s times, the palace supervisor appears as engaged in the movement, lodging and provisioning of captives and deportees. Since there must have been more than one palace supervisor at a time, the official with staff depicted on Sargon II’s reliefs may have been a further palace supervisor with the specific tasks of counting and reviewing prisoners and visitors to the king. Alternatively, the staff-bearer (šaḫuṭāri), who seems to have been counted in texts among the palace supervisor permanent staff, might be an obvious candidate, since his Akkadian name indicates that he was equipped with stick or staff.521 Texts inform that other officials were involved in the organization, control and management of persons in the palace. However, no other professional can be identified in illustrations as in charge of leading visitors through the palace and escorting them before the king. For the time being, we can mainly rely on the figure of the palace supervisor as the prominent functionary responsible to leading visitors in the royal court and, looking at texts and reliefs, a list of his tasks can be outlined as follows: • Calling visitors to move; • Counting companions; • Arranging them according to their rank; • Silencing their speech, preparing them for entering the throne room; • Informing on sets of rules and duties; • Ushering them to the king’s seat; • After the audience takes place he possibly directs them, perhaps outside; • Quieting them again inside the audience hall if necessary. 4.5 Etiquette Etiquette indicates the rules conventionally established which govern comportment in life’s interactions, and suggests the correct or appropriate behaviour in a specific social setting: their concern is not the choice between right and wrong but between proper and improper, seemly and unseemly, fitting and unfitting. Sources from Neo-Assyrian times do not explicitly offer a list of all the guidelines for guests or visitors concerning the proper and polite way to behave. But textual and visual evidence describes court ceremonials and the intricacies surrounding them, provides a representation of the micro-language through which imperial politics were articulated, and offers an implicit picture of the etiquette through which the 521

According to Middle Assyrian laws, the stick was the instrument used to inflict punishments or used as a weapon (Llop 2016, 206). This might explain its use in review scenes of captives and human booty. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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ruler was honoured. Ceremonies at the Assyrian court must have been the favourite way for a ruler to exhibit his political authority, and on these occasions he was likely separated and distanced from the gaze of his subjects. In this light, formalised etiquette certainly created a special aura around the throne, and visitors were invited to undergo or be conversant with palace protocol to ensure that guests behaved with decorum and respected preordained rules in the presence of the king. Norms of conduct certainly depended on the social and political status, thus on the closeness to the royal person. In this sense, etiquette may be conceived as an instrument of power: together with court ceremonial, etiquette could be one of the tools used by the ruler to visually maintain distance from people at court and to stabilize the balance within its entourage. 4.5.1 Insiders Etiquette, that is to say the knowledge of formulae for correct greeting and obsequiousness, had to be mastered, firstly, by insiders, who were certainly expected to do the right things before the king to keep their court positions or to to avoid being dismissed. Approaching the king implied that a specific posture was conventionally established. In the Assyrian world, in fact, it seems that postures were closely associated with one’s social and political status, and they portrayed an image of a confident and composed person. In this sense, posture was part of nonverbal communicative technique. In detail, posture involves maintaining the body as a whole in a relatively motionless, stable state for an indefinite period. It tends to matter especially in situations where social hierarchies are being constructed and displayed, and may be conceived as the principal nonverbal signifiers of social dominance in a number of different cultures. From Assyrian texts we learn that an upright posture was associated with dignity and correctness. Thus, erect posture probably was considered as having positive connotation, and holding the head high perhaps indicated pride.522 It was therefore desirable to stand upright with head held high when some persons met the king: “[If] you come [to greet] the king, the king will lift up [your heads] and see you.”523 This occurrence suggests that an upright position allowed holding high the head and seeing the face of the king. This posture was an element expressing reciprocity because implied an eye contact between figures of different rank.524 This is particularly evident on palace reliefs, where both the Assyrian king and his court members and high-ranking officials are always depicted with an erect 522

Cifarelli 1998, 215. SAA 15 117, r 8–9. 524 Such a reciprocity has a linguistic analogue in Akkadian when meeting or visiting someone: amāru “to see;” īna amāru “to see the eye;” and panī amāru “to see the face (of)” (Frechette 2012, 31). 523

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posture and a measured gait, with their backs, waists, and legs perfectly straight, and their heads held high. Such a posture conveys a solid and rigid appearance to the figures, and an upright position involved an eye contact, which has an inherent reciprocity. Visual evidence shows that also their feet are evenly spaced and firmly planted on the ground, and the obeisance to the king is encoded in the gesture of folded hands, which indicates prayerfulness and respect (figs. 20–21).525 In procession scenes there seems to be a strict organization and control of movements. The first figure approaching the king, identified with the crown prince, always stands distanced from the rest of the parade, while officials and attendants are arranged either in single line or more often in two lines, evidenced by the overlap of persons’ feet (e.g. figs. 20–21).526 Prominent officials were probably arranged in single line in order to emphasise their hierarchical role. In addition, since proximity to the king indicates rank, persons closer to the king were the highest officials among Assyrians, while the last figures carrying furniture in the parade of Sargon II were attendants. Often, there is nothing between court members, officials, and the king in pictures, but audiences in the palace must have been governed by a noticeable asymmetrical relationship of power, where dominance and submission were clearly formulated and expressed in a specific theme: the seated figure is the master or king, and the subordinate stands or performs an act of obeisance. Thus, the only separation we may envisage is the dais upon which the throne is placed (figs. 29– 30).527 The actual physical distance from the king and between court members and officials cannot be ascertained from reliefs, but one may speculate that specific distances were already established by the royal protocol.528 In this regard, the word proxemics, introduced by the anthropologist Hall, is relevant and defines the interrelated observations and theories of man’s use of space, intended not only as the measurable distances between people as they interact, but also as a protective measure, and especially as a form of non-verbal and implicit communica525

Reade 1980a, 9; Cifarelli 1998, 214–216. The organization of court members and high-ranking officials advancing towards the king seems to have been standardised in Assyrian monuments of Neo-Assyrian period. See, for instance, register A1 of the Rassam Obelisk (Reade 1980a, pl. II), and register A1 of Shalmanser III’s Black Obelisk (Börker-Klähn 1982, fig. 152 A1). Wall reliefs of Tiglath-pileser III (Barnett / Falkner 1962, pls. VIII, LXXXV), and wall paintings from TilBarsip follow the same pattern (Thureau-Dangin / Dunand 1936, pls. XLIX, L, LII). See also the parade of prisoners and soldiers on Sennacherib’s reliefs from Nineveh showing the Assyrian attack on Lachish (Barnett et al. 1998, pls. 342–345), and the procession scene in the passage to the Ishtar Temple (Barnett et al. 1998, pls. 473–478). 527 See also Thureau-Dangin / Dunand 1936, pl. LII. 528 Achaemenid visual tradition, beside the throne dais, shows two incense-burners which help to demarcate the royal space and accentuate its sacredness (Llewellyn-Jones 2013, 69–70, fig. 3; see Gabelmann 1984, 7–22 for an examination on the audience scenes at Persepolis). 526

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tion.529 Hall categorizes the physical distances into four discrete distance zones and describes the primary types of activities corresponding to them (fig. 31):530 •

•

• •

Intimate (0–50 cm): the distance of individuals in close relationship, where people can see the other close person, hear a whisper, feel the heat or smell another person, and touch them. Personal (0.5–1.2 m): the distance for interactions with friends or family, where it is still possible to touch the other person, and people can speak at a lower volume to each other. Social (1.2–3.5 m): the distance imposed in a more formal setting, in which it is not easy to touch another person and the voice is louder. Public (> 3.5 m): the distance of a speaker to an audience, where people have to speak louder to talk each other and the primary sensory experience involved is vision.

Applying these categories to the procession scenes remains merely speculative, although few reconstructions for a hypothetical etiquette can be envisaged. Firstly, the intimate distance can be easily discarded, since normally people enter this distance of another person only with permission and when they are intimates (e.g. partners). Instead, the personal distance exists between people who are close (e.g. friends) and, according to the procession scenes in Assyrian reliefs, it may have been applied to court members and high-ranking officials approaching the king or standing side by side. Thus, a distance of approximately 0.5–1.2 m may have existed between royal functionaries. Court members and high-ranking officials were however kept at short distance from the king and most likely official encounters with the ruler took place within the social distance, namely at least 3.5 m.

Figure 29 Palace (Til-Barsip): enthroned king, wall painting from room XXIV, panel b (Parrot 1961, fig. 112)

529

Hall 1966, 113–129; see also Marquardt / Greenberg 2015, 33–34. As a cautionary note, it must be considered that these categories apply mostly to North American culture, and may not be widely accepted in all cultures, especially past cultures.

530

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Figure 30 Central Palace (Kalhu): Tiglath-pileser III on his throne, drawing of a relief (Barnett / Falkner 1962, pl. XVIII)

Figure 31 Hall’s proxemic zones (source: author)

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Further information regarding the Assyrian court etiquette for insiders who were allowed to get close to the king is found in the already examined codified manual of the procedures enacted at a royal banquet (SAA 20 33). This unique text gives in fact a detailed description of the highly controlled ceremony and protocol associated with such occasion, and provides an excellent insight into the regulations that were followed by the magnates at the king’s table and that were certainly adopted during an official royal audience in the main throne rooms. The austere and strict etiquette described aimed at showing respect to the honoured host, but whether it represented the norm is difficult to say although plausible. From the text, we learn that the king enters first an empty room, and sits on a chair-throne waiting for his guests; then, follow his guests: “As soon as the king is seated on his seat, the overseer of the palace enters, [kisses] the ground before [the king], and gives (his) report before the king. The overseer of the palace [goes out] and brings in the palace herald. The palace herald e[nters], kisses the ground before the king, and stands with the stan[dard opposite the king]. The palace herald gives (his) report before the king. [The overseer of the palace goes out and] brings in the grand vizier. [The grand vizier en]ters, [kisses the ground] opposite the king before the threshold, and stands opposite the king. The palace herald and the] grand vizier go out. [After they have l]eft, the crown prince enters. He keeps his right foot stiff [......], places [a]ll his [...] on the ground [......], leans [......, ......, and] occupies (his) place. [The (other) sons of the king enter] and stand [opposite the king]. [The ......] gives (his) [repo]rt. [The ......ente]r [and giv]e [(their) reports before the king].”531 The text basically offers hints on a potential “audience scene,” whose core dynamic is an asymmetrical relationship of power, where the theme of “dominance and submission” (“Dominanz und Unterwerfung”) is evident. This asymmetry is firstly evidenced by sitting and standing figures: the dominant figure is seated, while the subordinates are standing.532 Secondly, it is expressed by two significant movements referring to honouring the ruler: kissing the ground (kaqquru našāqu) and making a report (ṭēma turru). Only the crown prince differs expressing his respect with a simple bow, although visual evidence shows that he enacted the greeting gesture known in Akkadian as karābu, which the standard lexicons gloss as “to greet, pray, bless, praise,” and includes a gesture involving 531

SAA 20 33, i 4–i 20. Gabelmann (1984, 2–3, 32–34), followed by Hartenstein (2008, 54–56), by reviewing visual evidence for an audience from the ancient Near East up to the present, observes enduring basic elements of procedures for an audience scene, where the theme of “dominance and submission” (“Dominanz und Unterwerfung”) is formulated in specific visual elements such as the sitting or standing figure receiving someone, specific bodily postures of the subordinate, and the presence of intermediaries.

532

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the lifted right hand positioned at a level chest-high or higher and directed towards the addressee (fig. 21, below).533 This gesture would mark the beginning of the audience, and the verb indicates that one participant has recognized the status of the other and connotes a reciprocal relationship favourable to both parties, a relationship governed by mutual obligations and benefits. It is reasonable guess that also the king may have performed a karābu-like gesture to bless/greet his guests, since it can take place either between humans of different rank or between humans and deities. In this sense, the simultaneous performance of the salutation gesture conveys that the two figures are in an authority-subordinate relationship characterized by reciprocity.534 Interestingly, the crown prince only on Sargon II’s reliefs performs a proper karābu gesture.535 Besides, also the official behind the crown prince, according to Flandin’s drawing, sometimes performs this gesture, perhaps as to highlight the importance of his office (fig. 21, middle). As to the act of kissing the ground or the feet (šēpu našāqu) or grasping the feet (šēpu ṣabātu) of a higher authority by any subject—whether courtier or prisoner or city-ruler—is widely attested from old times as part of the court ceremonial, and represents a gesture of respect, homage, admiration, submission, and obeisance.536 The king could also in turn perform this gesture when approaching a god.537 One may speculate that court members and officials bowed down and kissed the ground before the king at arm’s length. However, no relief shows such as significant movement to honour the ruler.538 This kind of homage towards a superior authority falls within what has been called as the Mesopotamian “audience-concept,” an expression which lies behind the meeting between someone who was in need of asking for something and a higher authority.539 This concept is suitably applied to the Mesopotamian text The Poor Man of Nippur, which tells 533

Botta / Flandin 1849 II, pl. 118. The greeting gesture made towards the king was made even if the king was unable to reciprocate it, being his hand full, with a bowl, staff, bow and/or arrows (see, instead, Kertai 2017, 126). See Bär 1996, 216–217 for categorization of the five types of gestures performed by the alleged crown prince. 534 On this gesture and its ideological implications, see Magen 1986, 39 and Frechette 2012, 38. 535 Loud 1936, fig. 38. It must be noted that the crown prince enacts a proper karābu gesture also on register A1 of the Rassam Obelisk (Reade 1980a, pl. II). 536 The audience scene with related gestures are described in a number of royal letters: e.g. SAA 1 8, r 7; SAA 1 131, r 11–12; SAA 13 178, 9. 537 See, for instance, SAA 17 146, 10; SAA 20 10, 2–3. 538 On the lower register of relief B–18 in the Throne Room (B) of Assurnasirpal II (fig. 37), there is a figure prostrating himself before the king. It was identified with an Assyrian soldier (Reade 1979c, 60), but since he is at the head of a line of captives being led before the king, this figure must be interpreted as the highest ranking member of prisoners (Portuese 2016, 191). Furthermore, foreign captives are usually shown as kneeling at king’s feet rather than soldiers. 539 Zgoll 2003. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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the story of a man who falls on hard times and resolves to give a goat as a gift to the mayor of Nippur. Following the phases described in the text, the man asks the mediation of a doorkeeper or protocol-chief, who was in charge of controlling access to the ruler, then he enters the room and, when in front of the authority, he bows down, kisses the ground before the authority, and raises his hands towards the authority. Only after these standardised greeting formulae, the person admitted stands up and can start speaking to the king.540 In a similar fashion are described the scenes of an audition included in the Middle Assyrian Royal Coronation Ritual, where magnates and royal eunuchs prostrate themselves (šuka’’unu) before the king, kissing his feet.541 Only then can they glorify the king, while the ruler remains seated, and present their gifts to the king.542 In this sense, magnates talked to the king after performing the expected movements and, according to the protocol of royal banquet, words pronounced in front of the king are expressed by ṭēma turru, an expression that might refer to a report presented in a written or oral form to the king.543 It can be conceived somehow as an information or announcement communicated to the king in the environment of the administration of state affairs, or opinions on all matters of governance, state policy, and strategy.544 The level of formalised communication at a royal banquet or audience was probably high, and we can only speculate whether most meetings between the king and his subjects may have been stylised to a point where they involved little direct communication. In this regard, the king’s reply in the already quoted letter ABL 287, in reference to a complaint expressed by the city assembly at Nippur who wished to be admitted in the presence of the king, sheds light on the apparent failure of the leaders to simply inform the king about their absent colleagues: “I swear that I did not know that only half of your number had entered before me. How should I know who is who?”545 This example suggests, but does not offer definite proof, that dialogues between king’s associates and the king were controlled by formal protocol and rules that perhaps dictated specific and succinct communications. Nevertheless, it must be also said that conversations 540

Gurney 1956, 153, lines 72–75; Ermidoro 2015, 186. This ceremonial act of obeisance can be expressed by the word known to the Greeks as proskynesis (Greek, pros “towards;” kyneo “to kiss”), which incorporates the idea of bowing or prostrating and then kissing from the hands. This act is more appropriately applied to the Median and Achaemenid courts. See, in this regard, Llewellyn-Jones 2013, 71–72. 542 SAA 20 7, r iii 2–iii 6. In SAA 20 33 there is no explicit mention of gifts presented to the king. But considering that no one went to visit the king empty-handed, Ermidoro (2015, 186) fairly suspects that gifts were proffered to the king in this occasion. The royal banquet is, however, described in detail, and such an omission may be not accidental. That gifts had already been given prior to the royal dinner, during a previous first audience, perhaps in the morning, with the king in his palace is very plausible. 543 CAD T, ṭēmu, 88, mng. 1g. 544 Ermidoro 2015, 185, fn. 69. 545 Barjamovic 2011, 41. 541

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with high officials is attested in royal letters, and frequently mention private discussions with the king through the expression “in the presence of the king my lord.”546 Following the etiquette described by text SAA 20 33, from this moment onward up to the end of the banquet there are no other indications of any gestures or movements performed by the guests, and most of the actions performed refer to the movements of servants such as scraping fire, pouring water, or collecting napkins and food. We may suspect that for these tasks perhaps the lackeys got very close to the royal person. At the very end of the banquet, the text offers a picture of what may have been the end of an official audience: the king was the first to take his place, and is also the last to retire; then follow the crown prince and the magnates. 4.5.2 Outsiders According to written and visual sources, specific acts seem explicitly referred to outsiders to markedly distinguish them from insiders. Firstly, the approach to the king likely required an antithetical correct demeanour: if the upright bearing expressed dignity and pride and was associated with insiders, a stooped posture seems to have signified with moral and physical wretchedness and was associated with outsiders. In fact, it seems that stooping, bending the neck, lowering the head figuratively expressed low status, humility, and submission. This action seems to have been expressed by the supplication verb kamāsu, which is usually translated literally as “to stoop,” and the expression kanāšu kišādu, “to bend the neck” is used idiomatically as “to submit” and “to force into submission” in a variety of texts.547 In conjunction with the crouched posture, in texts there seems to be reference to a gesture performed by outsiders, and that further emphasised their low status and humble demeanour: raising the fists before the face. As noted by Cifarelli, this gesture reminds the one often enacted by the Assyrian kings before the symbols of gods and known as labān appi, literally “to touch the nose,” which consists in raising the hand in front of the face with the thumb fully extended.548 Thus, it implies an upward movement and involved a hand lifted to the face, suggesting that it was performed only while standing.549 The raising of one hand depends on the fact that the other is free or occupied with another task.550 This royal 546

E.g. SAA 1 75, 6–8; SAA 1 240, 16–17; SAA 5 154, 4–5; SAA 15 121, 6–7. Cifarelli 1998, 215. 548 Cifarelli 1998, 216. 549 That the hand gesture was enacted standing and not in prostration is confirmed by the following passage in Sargon II’s text: “I offered superior pure sacrifices to Nergal, Adad and Ishtar, the lords of battle, the gods who inhabit the world and the gods who inhabit Assyria, and I stood before them engaged in the gesture of entreaty and in supplication, and I extolled their divinity” (text quoted in Gruber 1975, 79). 550 Gruber 1975, 77. 547

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gesture represents a ceremonial stance or ritual act that expresses humility and intensified begging for mercy in the presence of divinity. Its meaning also includes definitions such as “to beg humbly, to exhibit utmost humility.” It usually occurs between persons in asymmetrical relationship and is always performed by the subordinate towards the authority, be it a god or a human.551 The gesture is, however, registered in Sargon II’s inscriptions as also performed by prisoners of war approaching the king, thus it seems reasonable to think that outsiders when approached the king enacted it, as a gesture demonstrating their reverence or submission to the ruler. Therefore, outsiders implored mercy and formally expressed their submission to the nearly divine king in the same way as the king besought the gods. This is also mirrored in palace reliefs where, in sharp visual contrast with insiders, outsiders in procession are represented in a stooped or crouched posture and raise the fist(s) or open hands before their face (figs. 20–22). A variation of the gesture is found on Sargon II’s reliefs, where many tributaries are shown raising both open hands before the face.552 The overall crouched posture assumed by outsiders when approaching the king boosted asymmetry and reduced reciprocity in an audience scene: the eye contact was absent, hand gestures were reduced to few movements, and the hands before the face somehow covered the eyes. In this light, the physical distance from the king was markedly enhanced for outsiders, and seeing and speaking directly to the sovereign were tightly controlled or at least followed strict formulations of etiquette and diplomacy. Posture and hand gestures possibly limited the visual field, but this may have complied with a controlled eye contact. In spatial terms, indeed, looking is a form of access and looking at king’s face probably ranged from intimacy to audacity, from sympathy to threat.553 Informative in this sense is an adulatory sentence uttered by a Babylonian scholar to the king Esarhaddon: “I am a dead body. Let me behold the face of the king, my lord, and die.”554 Distance was enhanced also by the organization of outsiders visiting the palace and the king. Though reliefs display single-file line figures, the overlap of persons’ feet, and also animals’ on Sargon II’s reliefs, proves that they may have

551

See Frechette 2012, 46–48 for a review of previous studies on this gesture. Botta / Flandin 1849/II, pl. 125, lower register. Bär (1996, 220) notes that the gesture is rarely attested in tribute scenes and usually occurs in conquest and deportation episodes as performed by enemies to implore mercy. See also Goldman 1990 (in particular, nos. 3– 5, 11–16, 25–30). 553 Chavel 2012, 9. 554 SAA 10 160, r 38–39. A similar sentence is found in the letter sent by the physician Ikkaru to Esarhaddon: “Let me come and behold the face of the king, my lord! If the king, my lord, does not say (“no”), I will return and come” (SAA 10 328, r 20–23). In a further letter, looking at king’s face is regarded as essential to live: “If I [cannot see] the face of the king, my lord, why should I live?” (SAA 13 184, e. 1–2; see also SAA 18 73, r 2–5). 552

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been arranged in two, three or even four lines (fig. 22). The highest-ranking members of the foreign city, such as city-rulers, leaders or emissaries, led the various groups of tribute-bearers and occupied the head of the line. These important figures were sometimes empty-handed or carried small and valuable objects, and were often distinguished by their costumes or beard. Instead, servants, who were charged to bring considerable tributes (e.g. animals, large sacks), usually occupied the position behind leaders.555 Although outsiders appear to be unevenly arranged as they approach the king, it is reasonable to suspect that they entered the room in order. Like courtiers and officials who, according to textual sources, entered and were seated in the order of precedence, also foreigners were ordered, and access was firstly granted to leaders and then to their servants bringing tributes and audience gifts. The latter probably had to follow a specific etiquette to bring and present their goods to the king. Reliefs often display small and valuable objects held in the upraised hands as to be exhibited to the viewer and, thus, to the king, while grooms and herdsmen were in charge of horses and other animals. Especially on large scale scenes, four/seven persons of the royal entourage usually separate the king from outsiders, implying that seeing and speaking to the king were tightly controlled or even impossible for outsiders (figs. 20–21, 29). Thus, distance between king and foreigners is represented by a human demarcation, and it is likely that audience with the ruler took place at a public distance, namely more than 3.5 m. Prostrating (šuka’’unu), kissing the ground (kaqquru našāqu), or the feet (šēpu našāqu) and grasping the feet (šēpu ṣabātu), were certainly acts and honouring movements also enacted by outsiders, such as foreign ambassadors or city-rulers. Some behaviours occur a number of times in the texts of Sargon II: for instance, Ullusunu of Manneans is said to have grasped the feet of Sargon II,556 while seven kings of Cyprus brought goods to Sargon II and kissed Sargon II’s feet.557 In this respect, also reliefs often show a gesture or posture associated exclusively with foreigners and it is the full or partial prostration just before the king. The precise posture of these figures is somewhat varied, but in general they kneel with the palms of their hands and their foreheads touching the ground, often in close proximity to the foot of the king (fig. 30).558 Everyone approaching the king probably bowed down and kissed the ground, but whether tributaries and foreign guests could get close enough to the king to grasp or kiss his feet seems unlikely, at least 555

Bär 1996, 218–219. ARAB 2.10. 557 ARAB 2.70. Other occurrences referring to foreigners: chieftains of the Gambulu tribe grasped the feet of the king (ARAB 2.31), foreign chieftains brought to Dur-Athara their tribute and grasped the royal feet (ARAB 2.32), the same is said for six chieftains of Iatburu who went to the king with their tribute and laid hold of king’s feet as a sign of submission (ARAB 2.34). 558 Thureau-Dangin / Dunand 1936, pl. LII. Bär 1996, 220; Cifarelli 1998, 218. 556

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during official audiences. In addition, it is likely that deeper appropriate prostrations and long pauses were a sign of respect and formality when meeting the king. Physical contact between subjects and king is unlikely ever to have existed. An appropriate safety distance was probably expected and these expressions should be regarded more as conceptual metaphors expressing signs of submission, adulation and deference than actual movements enacted before the king.559 In letters, expressions which sound like bringing all lands or enemies “to submission before the feet of the king” often occur,560 but similar formulae must be understood as verbal or mental “images” used by scribes to express total control over something or someone by the king. Thus, outsiders presumably prostrated themselves and laid down on the ground before the king to honour him and manifesting their total submission, but any physical contact must be excluded. In addition, a stance found in texts and known as napalsuḫu “to throw oneself fall to the ground, to let oneself fall to the ground” (in supplication, despair, etc...) may be included here: the expression occurs both in religious contexts before gods, and in other circumstances before the king. In particular, some examples are found in Sargon II’s texts and describe this prostrating gesture as performed by prisoners and enemies.561 The supplication was perhaps also expressed by the qāta tarāṣu gesture, which literally means “to stretch out the hand,” a gesture usually performed by the king towards his subordinates in contexts of greeting or recognition, but that also subordinates could perform on occasion. The gesture was presumably taken as idiomatic for “to beg,” evoking the image of a hand stretched horizontally to receive something from an authority or other person.562 Other formal expressions of deference may be supposed. It seems also reasonable to believe that foreign tributaries were clad in their best clothing in order to visit the palace appropriately dressed or at least modestly and for the occasion. Besides, one may suppose that there was a concern for breath odour, both for insiders and outsiders, as attested in instructions prohibiting Mesopotamian ritual experts from ingesting foods such as garlic, fish, and leeks prior to engaging in ritual activity.563 559

Lakoff / Johnson 1980; Portuese 2020. SAA 16 127, 11–12. The expression ina sepal šēpē ša šarri kanāšu “bringing to submission before the feet of the king” occurs in a number of letters (SAA 10 69, r 15–16; SAA 16 126, 18; SAA 16 128, 12–13; SAA 16 132, 7–8). 561 CAD N, napalsuḫu, 271–272, mng. 1b. 562 In an elegiac composition telling problems affecting the righteous sufferer (perhaps the king Assurbanipal), there is mention of a similar stance enacted by a human towards another human: “I have become smaller than the small, lower than the low; my hands are stretched out even to the destitute one, who seeks out my door” (SAA 3 12, 15–16). Examples are given in CAD T, tarāṣu, 211, mng. 3c 2´; CAD T, tirṣu, 427, mng. 1b 1´. See also Frechette 2012, 40. 563 Food prohibitions and dietary rules occur most frequently in the hemerologies (e.g. SAA 8 231). According to the study of Van der Toorn (1985, 33–36), dietary prohibitions 560

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There is good reason to believe that irascibility and hot-headedness were fundamentally wrong, just as were careless talk and improper speech.564 In this regard, talking kindly was translated by the Akkadian expression dibbī ṭābūti issīšu(nu) dabābu, meaning “to speak kindly to (lit. kind words with) him/them.” This expression is largely found in letters as directly authored by the Assyrian rulers and associated to all the foreign groups or polities bound to Assyria as clients, vassals, or allied. In this respect, Fales suggested that this “formula” represented an item of political “shorthand,” used to describe Assyria’s control through diplomatic and non-violent means.565 However, this definition might be extended to any context required a general correct way to talk diplomatically, especially in meetings and audience scenes where favours or protection or cooperation were demanded. Thus, also outsiders and any other guests at the Assyrian court had to behave correctly in front of and speak kindly to the king. 4.6 The Interpreter Akkadian was the prime official language of Assyria, even if most of king’s subjects, including officials, were more comfortable with Aramaic. Besides Aramaic speakers, the territorial expansion led Assyria to confrontation and interaction with speakers of many different languages, such as from Shubria and Urartu in the north, Mannea in the east, Elam in the southeast, Babylonia in the south, SyroPalestine—speaking West Semitic languages such as Ugaritic, Phoenician, Moabite—Egypt. In the context of talking to the king, one must consider that in such a multilingual environment such as the late Assyrian Empire, the problem of understanding the languages of distant countries was real, and audiences with the king were probably mediated by interpreters, who clearly became the first interlocutor and addressee of royal messages. Interpreters must have been part of the foreign delegation as members in charge of translating and communicating the royal messages to city-rulers and envoys. As with any visitor before the king, the interpreters would have had to follow the specific formulations of etiquette and and food taboos seem concentrated on certain periods, especially the first three days of Nisannu, and the first seven days of Tashritu, when intensive religious ceremonies were celebrated (see also Ermidoro 2014, 86–91). 564 In the queries to the sun-god, the chain of formulae beginning with the word ezib, “disregard,” lists a number of impurities caused by thought, word or deed, which could affect the outcome of the extispicy (SAA 4, xiii). Among these formulae, some offer hints for an ideal etiquette that probably had to be respected also in ceremonial courts: “Disregard that an angry man, or one in distress, [spoke angrily] the words of [his] report. […] Disregard the (formulation) of the prayer for today’s case, be it [good, be it faulty]. Disregard that an unclean [person has performed extispicy] in this place. Disregard that he who touches the fore[head of the sheep is dressed in his ordinary soiled garments]. Disregard that I, the haruspex [your servant, am dressed in my ordinary soiled garments], have eaten, [drunk, (or) anointed myself with] anything unclean” (SAA 4 81, 18, 20–r 3). 565 Fales 2009b. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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were those who were fortunate (or unfortunate!) enough to have dared to speak directly to the sovereign. Nevertheless, the figure of the interpreter is rarely mentioned in Assyrian sources, although they were certainly necessary and enjoyed official recognition. The word targumannu “interpreter, translator, dragoman” is firstly found in the NWL under the Aramean name “Nanī, the interpreter.”566 The problem of understanding the languages of distant countries was sometimes treated in official sources, as in an account from Assurbanipal’s Annals concerning a messenger of the Lydian king Gyges arriving in Nineveh, where no one could understand him: “They brought him to Nineveh, my capital city, [...], before me. (Among all) the languages (from) sunrise (to) sunset, which (the god) Aššur had placed at my disposal, there was not a master of his language. [H]is language was different and his speech could not be understood.”567 The interpreter is, however, often mentioned as member of a foreign delegation going to the palace, for instance from Que as attested in the correspondence of Tiglath-pileser III.568 In a delegation of envoys from Iran is listed also a certain Giki qualified as “interpreter of the Manneans(s).”569 An interpreter is also found in relation to Urartu’s pressures on Habhu,570 while another is presumably required for the Median city ruler Kubaba-satar with whom Sharru-emuranni is to speak nicely.571 In the light of this evidence, it seems that an interpreter always accompanied foreign delegations. However, interestingly, interpreters are never mentioned in contexts of encounters or contacts with Babylonians or West Semites; but when dealing with people of Anatolian, Hurrian, Shubrian, Urartian, or Mannaean.572 We may envisage that once in the palace, besides mediating with the king, interpreters also acted as guides for visitors, perhaps to read carved texts or short captions as already pointed out by other scholars.573 We do not have information about the prior careers of interpreters, but certainly he must have been an excellent skilled scribe working in diplomatic settings: he needed solid preparation in simultaneous translation and must have had a broad knowledge, keeping up to date with world political, social and economic

566

CTN III, 287. RINAP 5 1, vi 7´–13´. 568 SAA 19 54. That the interpreter was part of the delegation is further confirmed by a fragment mentioning interpreter and audience gift (SAA 5 212). See Zilberg 2018. 569 SAA 11 31, 6–8. 570 SAA 5 108, b. e. 30; SAA 5, xxiii. 571 SAA 5 203, 14–r 7. 572 Luukko / Van Buylaere 2017, 321. 573 Liverani 1976, 23–24; 1979, 302; Paley 1983, 53; Russell 1991, 233; Porter 2003, 185; Nadali 2008, 482. 567

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affairs. Perhaps, interpreters possessed also extensive knowledge of two or more diplomatic languages, the ability to express ideas clearly, and above all great familiarity with the different cultures. In diplomatic settings, such as at the Assyrian court, good knowledge of etiquette and proficiency of court protocol rules must have been assets that probably acquired even more weight in official audiences. The interpreter is a widespread figure in the ancient Near East. Egyptians, for instance, had sophisticated methods for developing interlingual communication. Inscriptions, in fact, mention frequently interpreters under the “overseer of dragomans,” and the interpreter was thought of as “the speaker of strange tongues.” Greek sources tell us that the Egyptian court ceded Egyptian boys to Hellenic settlers in the Nile Delta so that they would learn the Greek language. Textual evidence also proves that pharaohs had Egyptians acquire a foreign language.574 This exogenous evidence suggests that perhaps foreign delegations came to the Assyrian court along with Assyrian interpreters or with their own interpreters, learned and educated at the Assyrian court, in the guise of mediators between king and envoys, as well as translators of monumental inscriptions and captions. 4.7 Summary and Further Reflections This chapter has first and foremost demonstrated that appropriate actions, good manners, proprieties and decorum had to be enacted in the palace and before the Assyrian king. In endeavouring to draw up a hypothetical royal protocol at court, we can identify at the outset the preparations to gain an audience with the king: sources show that access to the palace was carefully mediated by a long and sometimes inconclusive bureaucratic procedure, representing the first obstacle to visiting the royal palace. If access was granted, the second stage implied that guests were instructed on specific sets of rules. Etiquette, in this respect, also played an essential role in regulating movement and approach to the king and his palace. In this regard, a prominent functionary that was regarded as the one who acted as the “keeper” of the etiquette was the palace supervisor (ša-pān-ekalli). This figure specifically served as overseer of the contacts (physical and cultural) between outsiders and insiders within the palace, as manager of movements through specific spaces of the palace, as supervisor of correct behaviours and deportments of visitors approaching the king. Differences in the norms of conduct were remarkable between insiders and outsiders and divergences affected not only the demeanour of guests but also the visual accessibility to the king. This was overtly manifested on reliefs. Firstly, insiders are distinguished by specific positive postures and gestures that conveyed physical dominance, dignity and correctness: upright bearing, head held high, 574

Hermann 2002, 15–17. Also biblical sources prove the presence of interpreters at the Egyptian court: “They did not know that Joseph understood, because there was an interpreter between them” (Genesis 42, 23). © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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folded hands. In sharp visual contrast, outsiders are shown in negative demeanour and gestures that signify the performers as in low status and humility: stooped posture, bent neck, raised hands. Secondly, insiders are always shown in an orderly manner and duly spaced-out from each other. Conversely, outsiders appear crowded and unevenly arranged. Thirdly, insiders are distinguished by their approach to the king framed in an asymmetrical but reciprocal relationship: insiders look at the king and the king reciprocates his gaze. By contrast, outsiders are depicted in a clear asymmetrical and non-reciprocal relationship with the king: they take their eyes from the king, apparently avoid eye contact, and are markedly distanced from the throne. What emerges from this analysis is that, far from being a mere uncritical representation of events taking place at court, posture and gesture on reliefs were a kind of visual instructions and likely perceived by sculptors much as the language used by scribes: the process underlying verbal and nonverbal behaviour may be analogous, thus communication takes place not only with words but also with body movements. Assyrian relief artists most certainly acknowledged the potential of the nonverbal communication and included in their artistic productions head movements, hand and arm gestures, physical space, touching, eye contact, and physical postures. In a nutshell, just as culture exerts considerable influence over the verbal language, culture also exerts considerable influence over nonverbal expression. Therefore, consciously or unconsciously, gestures, distance, gaze and postures depicted on reliefs primarily reflect the Assyrian culture as it relates to other cultures, and then record particular actions taking place at court. Despite the differing treatment of insiders and outsiders, the resulting royal protocol, or etiquette, had a common final aim: creating a special aura around the king.

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Chapter 5 Before the King 5.1 Introduction During official audiences, the king interacted with his subjects inside the palace and it is specifically his presence that must have been the main attraction at court. Written and visual sources depict the king’s appearance in enrapturing terms, presenting him as the epiphany of gods or other heavenly beings, in the awesome radiance of his majesty, clad in splendid garments and covered with precious jewels. 5.2 Appearing Before the Assyrian King Access to the king was highly controlled and carefully mediated, but when he was viewed by members of his court, officials, or foreign delegations he was a sight worth seeing. Sources, in this regard, well illustrate the emotional moment of being before the king by using overly sentimental and affectionate words, such as “let me behold that beautiful face of yours,”575 or “the shadow of the king, my lord, is pleasant for everything. Let them come up and run around in the sweet and pleasant shadow of the king, my lord. […] The king is the perfect likeness of the god.”576 These references strongly suggest that king’s figure was clearly distinguished from other participants, both for his isolated or somehow unique position and his physical and aesthetic features, which certainly determined his aweinspiring image. The king’s body was special, sharing in appearance the best physical attributes. His posture probably encoded military prowess and sportsmanship; his cloths and insignia emanated strength and vitality; his hair and his beard must have been luxuriant and radiated health and vitality; his face must have been noble and handsome. In other words, authority and dominance presupposed perfection, expressed in the terms of good form, auspiciousness, sexual allure or charm.577 This is not the place to reiterate in detail the Mesopotamian notion of kingship, but it is clear that king’s appearance was built on the Mesopotamian mythic concept that kingship originated in heaven, as related in the Sumerian King List and other narratives of power in the period leading up to the Assyrian tradition. What is interesting in this regard is that the performance of kingship relied on king’s royal insignia and physical aspects, and Mesopotamian texts vividly describe the exercise of authority through these nonverbal instruments and media.578 575

SAA 13 190, r 17–18. SAA 10 207, b.e. 20–r 5, r 12–13. 577 Winter 1996, 11–14; Pongratz-Leisten 2015, 220. 578 For an examination of sources in this regard, see Pongratz-Leisten 2015. 576

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In Neo-Assyrian times, the image of the perfect king is reiterated and Assyrian kings proudly declare the origin of their appearance and attributes as from the divine world. In one of his inscriptions, Esarhaddon states that when he was crowned as king, he was bestowed the crown (agû) by Anu, the throne (kussû) by Enlil, the weapons (kakku) by Ninurta, and the “awesome splendour” (šalummatu) by the very lord of the netherworld, Nergal.579 A similar description is found in the Assurbanipal’s Coronation Hymn, a ritual performed before the sun god Shamash, which articulates the utopian vision of the just king who safeguards social order: “Anu gave his crown, Illil gave his throne; Ninurta gave his weapon; Nergal gave his luminous splendor.”580 In an Assyrian ritual commentary that equates the king with Ninurta, the bestowal of the insignia is vividly described: “The king, who wears on his head a golden tiara from the inside of the temple and sits on a sedan chair, while they carry him and go to the palace, is Ninurta, who avenged his father. The gods, his fathers, decorated him inside the Ekur, gave him the sceptre, throne and the staff, adorned him with the splendour of kingship, and he went out to the mountain.”581 Textual sources also inform that regalia were purified. According to the mīs pî ritual (“washing of the mouth”), purification rites were enacted upon royal regalia, which were then placed before deities: “They carry a purification sprinkler. You give the scepter to the king and you recite [the incantation “Wood of the S]ea,” You sprinkle water on the tiara, You give the golden tiara and you recite the incantation “Tiara, its Awe-Inspiring Sheen,” You give the bow and you recite the incantation “Long Bow,” You give the staff and you recite the incantation “Great Lord, (clothed in) Awe-Inspiring Sheen.” In this ritual every object belonging to the king is purified: “Incantation: Weapon bestowed with namrirru-splendor, made suitable for kingship, Eminent miṭṭu-weapon, which is made perfect for the hand (lit. arm) of the king, Surrounded by the ferocious melammu-splendor, to whose side nobody can come close.”582 What is most striking from these texts in the context of the king’s appearance is the king’s aura, or melammu, a kind of radiant and terrible aura said to emanate from the ruler, as from deities, temples, weapons and other selected artefacts.583 579

RINAP 4 48, 52–54; Ataç 2010, 193. SAA 3 11, r 5–8. 581 SAA 3 39, r 20–23. 582 Pongratz-Leisten 2015, 444–446. 583 Winter 1997, 373, fn. 52. The Akkadian term melammu broadly signifies “radiance, awe-inspiring sheen” (Pongratz-Leisten 2013). Winter (1994, 128–129) includes also 580

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Since the king received everything from the divine world, his exposure or vision of the divine world provided the king with “a challenging religious experience that results in a transformation of ordinary human faculties.”584 As a result, Assurnasirpal II includes among his attributes/epithets that he is “crowned with splendor,”585 and that his enemies take fright before his powerful royal aura.586 As a destructive force, melammu helps the king overwhelm his enemy and acquires a malevolent sense associated with the concept puluḫtu, which can be literally translated as “fear” or “terror.” Shalmaneser III unleashes his “lordly radiance” upon his enemies,587 and Sargon II refers to “the terrifying splendour of my royalty” as “weapon” that overpowers enemies.588 Therefore, individuals facing the king must have sensed terror and awe in front of the splendour and the radiance of his person to such an extent that “nobody can come close.” Significantly, the feeling and excitement, as well as the fear of being before something or someone emanating awe-inspiring radiance is vividly described in the Neo-Assyrian poem known as the Underworld Vision of an Assyrian Prince, which describes the night-time vision of a prince, perhaps Assurbanipal. When the prince comes face to face with the god Nergal he appears to be bewildered and flustered, and asserts: “I looked at him and my bones shivered! His grimly luminescent splendour overwhelmed me, I kissed the feet of his great divinity and knelt down.”589 In a similar vein, when Assyrian kings proudly state that they emanate radiance from their bodies and a visitor refers to their beautiful faces and define them as the perfect likeness of the god, one should envisage that the king meeting the god, and visitors meeting the king, experienced the same feelings. The special kind of aura bestowed on the king by the gods places the king in a privileged position analogous to that of these very gods.590 In sum, the king was provided with material, but at the same time divine, instruments to exercise his kingship, but also with corporal beauty and perfection to mediate between the human and divine world. The radiance (melammu) was then extended to everything endowed with divine power or sanctified by divine presence, which certainly contributed to an aesthetic value of the royal person.591 Only

other light-bearing Akkadian terms (šarūru and šalummatu) and summarises their qualities as manifesting on three levels of reference: “the visible property by which the quality was manifest, the inherent characteristic, or power, for which the visible was the manifest sign, and the emotional response appropriate to each.” 584 Ataç 2007, 296. 585 RIMA 2 A.0.101.23, 13. 586 RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, i 26 and elsewhere. 587 RIMA 3 A.0.102.5, 3–4. 588 ARAB 2.63. 589 SAA 3 32, r 14. 590 Ataç 2007, 309. 591 Oppenheim 1943, 31; Winter 1994, 129. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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in the light of these heavenly premises, can the king’s appearance with his attributes be fully understood. 5.3 The King’s Appearance Proceeding in detail with Assyrian king’s features, physical qualities were the first to be admired when facing the Assyrian ruler. Textual sources imply a tradition of the handsome king and references are clear in this regard: “that beautiful face [of the king, my lord],”592 “Turn your beautiful face [...] towards me!,”593 “may that gracious face [of the king], my lord.”594 These expressions are certainly stereotyped, but the beauty of the king was probably connected to the connotation that the king was superlative in all respects. Inscriptions also tell that the gods were in charge of making the new king beautiful: “Great gods […] they properly created me […], they altered my stature to lordly stature, they rightly made perfect my features and filled my lordly body with wisdom” asserts Adad-nirari II (911– 891 BCE).595 Similarly, more than two centuries later, Assurbanipal claims that it was the gods who “endowe[d my body] with power, viri[lity], (and) unrivalled strength.”596 The ruler’s appearance, then, was moulded by the gods in order to make him recognizable as one fit to rule, suggesting that the king physically embodied “ideal” qualities.597 Visual evidence also mirrors this concept and represents the king with his “ideal” qualities and physical markers of leadership which make him as one fit to rule (fig. 32).598 In detail, the king appears on reliefs in his hypermasculine fashion: well-formed body and represented in his upright and proud position, well defined musculature, virile stance and direct gaze. These attributes purveyed the dominance and authority of the royal image, radiating male vigour and potency, and thus sexual allure. In addition, the king is also shown with prominent recognizable signs external to the person, such as headgear, clothing, accoutrements which vary on the basis of the iconographic context. Far from being an actual “portrait” of the Assyrian king, it is rather an idealized representation of the royal person “that by means of precise connotations and qualities is an Assyrian king.”599 There is no individualized portrait of the king, but the “portrait of a king,” whose physiognomic markers and external signs make it the “portrait of an Assyrian king.”600 592

SAA 16 126, r 2–3. SAA 17 135, r 10–11. 594 SAA 10 284, r 2–3. 595 RIMA 2 A.0.99.2, 5–7. 596 RINAP 5 15, i 6´–7´. 597 Winter 1997, 373; 2009, 266. 598 Winter 2009. 599 Nadali 2012, 586. 600 Winter 2009, 268. This phenomenon can be cautiously compared with the so-called 593

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Figure 32 Royal Palace (Dur-Sharrukin): Sargon II and the crown prince, drawing of relief 12 from façade L (Botta / Flandin 1849/I, pl. 12)

As a result, the face and body of the king were probably surrounded by rituals and symbolic connotations. In this respect, highly significant in the Assyrian Empire were, in particular, hair and beards. Hair signalled a person’s state of health, as all the greatest heroes of Near Eastern tradition were long-haired.601 A full beard was a sexual characteristic, a mark of fully-developed manhood, symbol of a manly power, like the lion with his mane, but was also a shorthand of fatherhood.602 Given the symbolism lying behind beards as superlative symbol of manhood, the punishment inflicted on foreign rulers of sweeping and cleaning the palace floor or the king’s feet and sandals with their beards, as a sign of emasculation and humiliation, can be appreciated.603 Assyrian kings carefully grew and cared for their beards to represent their strength and virility and were probably dressed by skilled hairdressers, known in Akkadian as gallābu “barber.”604 We Pop Art, in particular, with the most famous Warhol’s portraits of multiple images of the same person—Jacqueline Kennedy, Marilyn Monroe, Elizabeth Taylor, Marlon Brando— thereby turning the person into an artistic icon (Kandel 2016, 168–171). 601 Suter 2012. 602 Winter 1997, 370–371; N’Shea 2016. 603 E.g. SAA 1 1, 26–30. See Karlsson 2016, 236. 604 Groß 2014, 423–424; PNA 4/I, 35. Excessive hair growth was considered effeminate and barbarian. See Near Eastern examples in Suter 2012, 443. Also in the book of Daniel © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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may speculate that the barber was in charge of cutting hair and twisting the curls into shape by using perfumed oil to keep them shiny and fragrant.605 Sources also indicate the use of scented perfumes and the presence of a perfume maker (muraqqiu), who was certainly in charge of manufacturing fragrances for the body.606 In addition to the personal care of the king, royal physicians and exorcists also took care of king’s health in order to maintain the physical integrity of the king in his public appearance. One example is the labour of Esarhaddon’s personal physician—most likely a medical professional—to hide the physical weakness of the king manifested in a permanent skin rash that covered large parts of his body and especially his face and other chronic afflictions, from public view.607 Likewise, in one of Assurbanipal’s inscriptions, the king explicitly wishes for a good health which ensures a good appearance: “In order to ensure his good health, to prolong his days, to make his appearance (lit. “body”) radiant.”608 In the context of king’s head, a further symbol of royalty needs to be examined: the crown or tiara (agû). The crown signified a state of honour or dignity and because of its divine origin and sacralisation, it possessed the divine radiance. In this respect, Assyrian kings proudly make explicit that the crown is a divine gift throughout their inscriptions. Assurnasirpal II declares that the gods Anu, Enlil and Ea gave him the sceptre, the crown, and the staff, to rule and subdue all the lands,609 and likewise Shalmaneser III states that Assur crowned him with a lofty crown to exercise his dominion.610 From Tiglath-pileser III onwards, kings apparently recognise the god Sin as “the one who gives scepter (and) crow[n] (to the king), the one who establishes lordship.”611 The crown, as it might be expected, ratifies the official recognition of the new ruler: the culminating stage in the Royal Coronation Ritual is represented by the very bestowal of the crown to the king. Afterward, magnates and royal eunuchs recite blessings for the new crowned king.612 According to sources, the crown, or tiara, was probably made of special colour or metal, like gold. A golden crown is mentioned with other paraphernalia as gifts of Sennacherib for Esarhaddon.613 In the Assyrian ritual commentary, it is said that the ruler wears on his head a golden tiara.614 Likewise, in the mīs pî ritual, the 4, 33, when the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar went into a mental decline he is described as follows: “his hair had grown like eagles’ feathers and his nails like birds’ claws.” 605 In this respect, see SAA 5 108, 25–26. 606 Groß 2014, 423–425; PNA 4/I, 65. 607 Pongratz-Leisten 2015, 222; see also Radner 2003b, 169. 608 RINAP 5 Babylonian 16, 12. 609 RIMA 2 A.0.101.40, 10b–12a. 610 RIMA 3 A.0.102.1, 12–13. 611 RINAP 1 37, 5. See also RINAP 3/2 1023, 8; RINAP 4 1, ii 32; RINAP 5 11, i 3. 612 SAA 20 7, ii 24–29. 613 SAA 12 88. 614 SAA 3 39, r 20. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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tiara is said to be made of gold. Whether the royal crown was a soft headdress made from threated leather, felt, suede or cloth, lacquered with gold, or a rigid metal cylinder is unclear, but certainly precious materials and bright colours were used to further boost the awe-inspiring radiance described in texts. In this respect, reliefs offer further hints. The king is almost always recognizable by his crown, which is a fez with a pointed top and is surrounded by a diadem with two strips of cloth pendant behind. It seems that the king tended to use a taller fez when performing ritual. The diadem is higher in front than behind, and is protected by rosettes. The top of the fez is framed by a decorated band, and the cone on top can be decorated too.615 The surviving colours show no uniformity. A surviving sculpture of Assurnasirpal II has part of the front and side of the diadem painted red, while glazed bricks of Shalmaneser III show a white fez with black outlines.616 On Sargon II’s reliefs, the fez is white, the three red bands are decorated with white rosettes, while the fringes of the ribbons are red and perhaps also blue.617 The wall paintings from Til-Barsip show apparently white fezzes and ribbons with red fringes, but also fezzes with either plenty of red or dingy brown.618 Together with the royal tiara, clothing must in the Assyrian society have been an important element signifying the physical, economic, social, and symbolic status of a person. Additionally, according to ritual texts, clothing was a medium of identity transmission.619 Handmade fabrics were in fact costly and dyes and decorations added further value to costumes. Highly evocative, in this regard, are the textual sources which speak of the Assyrian king as clad in clean garments and a magnificent robe.620 In ritual performance, the royal robes enhanced the king’s presence and were certainly purified and imbued with royalty and radiance: “On the 25th day, at night, the kettledrum will be placed before [Ne]rg[al] upon the garments of the king. At the same time we shall perform the (chants) of Saturn. The god will [bless] the king, my lord, on account of the [pr]aise.”621 Since few physical remains of Assyrian textiles have survived, orthostats decorating the royal palaces can convey the idea of the wealth of garments at court.622 We learn, for instance, that royal garments had perhaps incised decorations on the edges, showing a wide range of simple geometric floral designs as well as com-

615

Bartl 2014, 58, pl. 7. Reade 2009, 250. 617 Loud / Altman 1938, 83–85, pl. 89. See also Botta / Flandin 1849/II, pl. 155; Place 1867, pl. 27; Reade 2009, 256. 618 Parrot 1961, figs. 112–113. 619 Gansell 2018; Verderame 2019. 620 SAA 3 7, 13–14. 621 SAA 10 340, 9–r 6. 622 Textile fragments were found in the Neo-Assyrian royal graves of Kalhu. See Gaspa 2013. 616

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plex mythical and narrative scenes.623 In addition, traces of colour which are still visible on some palace reliefs, wall paintings and glazed bricks offer an idea of the colours of the textiles used by the Assyrian ruling elite. Assurnasirpal II’s basic dress worn on certain ceremonial occasions is an ankle-length tunic with short sleeves and fringed lower hem, covered by a large fringed shawl, which leaves only the arms and one shoulder bare. This garment appears to be worn also by later kings.624 Drawings of Sargon II’s reliefs made at the time of their discovery show a band of rosettes inscribed in squares at the bottom of the royal long tunic, from which there extend knotted and beaded tassels (fig. 32). The fabric of the dress is richly ornamented with a repeated motif of a rosette-in-a-square, and even smaller rosettes serve as fillers between the squares. The large single shawl is embroidered and fringed, and its fabric is ornamented with rows of small squares in which a rosette and simplified citadel alternate. The rosette may be woven or embroidered, or they may be fabric or metal appliqués.625 The royal garment was also coloured. The wall paintings of Til Barsip show very colourful fabric decorations of red, blue, white, and black.626 The main tunic appears blue, the rosettes are painted with red and the fringes are black. The same palette of colours decorates the sandals. The restored painted plaster decoration from residence K at Dur-Sharrukin shows a white tunic with red and blue fringes.627 Finally, the Assyrian king was certainly embellished with rich jewels, since in illustrations are shown earrings, necklaces of several strands, varied animalheaded armlets and wide bracelets, generally decorated with rosettes.628 5.4 The King’s Insignia Texts inform that usually the king appeared to visitors on his throne, clad in purified and radiant cloths. The king also appeared to an audience sitting in a chariot or in a rickshaw, or even walking,629 but clearly when he was in the palace receiving guests or banqueting with commensals, he is seated on the royal throne or a portable chair or a couch. The most common Akkadian terms for throne are kussû and nēmettu, although in texts the former is translated as throne and is often attested as referring to kingship and the king, also in metaphorical terms for rule or dominion such as “the endurance of my throne;”630 the second term is translated

623

Bartl 2014. Madhloom 1970, 66–67; Reade 1972, 92. 625 Botta / Flandin 1849/II, pl. 105; Albenda 1986, 59; Guralnick 2004, 226. 626 Parrot 1961, figs. 112–113. 627 Loud / Altman 1938, pl. 89. See also Place 1867, pl. 27. 628 Madhloom 1970, 90–92. 629 SAA 4 139, 17–18. 630 SAA 3 3, 12. 624

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as couch and occurs in other contexts.631 It is not always clear, however, which term is appropriate to indicate the throne in the palace. The royal throne was one of the representative elements of kingship. In an Assyrian ritual commentary, the royal throne occurs as being brought down from heaven, since gods “gave him the sceptre, throne and the staff, adorned him with the splendour of kingship.”632 Accordingly, the throne underwent purification rituals in order to sacralise the institution of kingship and was conceived as pure object that further boosted the sanctity of the king’s figure.633 It seems that the throne was a separate portable “chair” for use in ceremonies in other locations, such as the rites performed during the Royal Coronation Ritual: “The carrier[s pla]ce [the throne of the king upon their necks] and s[et off] for the House of God. They enter the [House] of God.”634 Since any royal insignia was regarded as of divine origin, the throne must have been made of precious materials, though no description in Neo-Assyrian texts survives. But relying on few texts, some hints can be surmised: for instance, in the composition Enki and the World Order, the throne is said to have been fashioned from the wood of the highland mēsu trees,635 and in an Old Babylonian prayer of the divination priest, it is said that diners sat on their golden thrones.636 In Assurnasirpal II’s inscriptions, there is reference to thrones made of ebony and boxwood and, among goods apparently carried off from Marduk-apal-iddina, Sargon II lists a golden throne.637 The throne physically separated the king from other persons, since it was placed on a solid platform to lift the seat of the king above the level of its surroundings. This is particularly evidenced on reliefs, which offer a good deal of information about furniture and especially the royal throne. The throne is often shown on the Assyrian reliefs, although always in profile, and the evidence proves that the king must have been seated during audience scenes. In the reign of Assurnasirpal II occurs the representation of a backless throne or stool with ornate feet surmounted by stylised palm capitals, bull’s heads decorating the corners of the seat, a cross-bar with opposed volutes, fringe fabric and cushion (fig. 28, above). Similar thrones or stools are used also by Shalmaneser III, as shown on his Balawat gates.638 Backless thrones are later earmarked also for banqueters. Thrones with high backs are also used and these appear on the so-called White Obelisk, which antedates the Neo-Assyrian period, on the bronze bands from the Balawat gates of Assurnasirpal II, on the Rassam Obelisk, and also on reliefs from 631

CAD kussû; CAD nēmettu, 164, mng. 4. See also Ermidoro 2015, 255. SAA 3 39, r 22–23. 633 Pongratz-Leisten 2015, 444–445. 634 SAA 20 7, i 26´–i 27´. 635 Pongratz-Leisten 2015, 446. 636 Goetze 1968, 26. 637 RIMA 2 A.0.101.17, v 19; ARAB 2.67. 638 E.g. Schachner 2007, pls. 28a–28b. 632

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Tiglath-pileser III’s reign.639 On Sargon II’s reliefs from Dur-Sharrukin, the royal chair has an appropriate high and straight back, pine-cone feet, a crossbar with opposed volutes, and also supporting figures arranged in single row, which are shown with folded hands.640 In one example, there are also supporting figures arranged in two rows, of which one made of large and one of small supporting figures, and in another mounted on a wheeled carriage the supporting figures with horned cap are accompanied by a horse, perhaps to make connection between throne and the horse-drawn vehicle on which it is mounted.641 In both backless or high-backed throne, the king rests his feet on a footstool, which may have lion’s paws at the bottom or lion’s feet resting on a bar supported by pine-cone feet.642 The Til-Barsip wall paintings show that the throne was painted, and the palette comprises colours red and blue, similar to those painting king’s robes.643 As to the materials, not much can be said. It is likely that the thrones, as any Assyrian furniture, was mostly made of wood, to which were added fittings of other material such as bronze, ivory, stone, shell and terracotta. Bronze terminals were fixed on with bitumen, and ivory was certainly used for capitals.644 The material remains, however, are limited and do not help in reconstructing complete pieces of furniture. The archaeological evidence, on the other hand, provides us with detailed material to reconstruct the base on which the royal throne was placed. In fact, representations on reliefs and wall paintings show that the throne was often placed on a raised platform, sometimes decorated by rosettes painted of red on a blue background (figs. 29–30).645 In detail, two-stepped throne bases were found in royal palaces from Kalhu. The first was uncovered by Layard at the short eastern end of the Throne Room (B) in the Northwest Palace before a niche in the wall. It measured 247 x 336 x 36.5 cm and had two projecting tongues at two levels in the centre of the dais.646 The throne base was inscribed with an inscription. Two throne bases were found during excavations in Fort Shalmaneser. A great throne base (320 cm overall) was found set against the outer face of the eastern wall of room SE8 in the courtyard. Its front step and two compartments on the back were inscribed, while the rear portion where the throne once stood was narrowed on either side to fit into a niche.647 The better-preserved base was found, however, 639

Thureau-Dangin / Dunand 1936, pl. LII; Reade 1980a, pls. 3, 6; Pittman 1996, 338, especially register D–7; Curtis / Tallis 2008, figs. 67–68, 83–84. 640 Loud 1936, fig. 44. 641 Botta / Flandin 1849/I, pls. 17–18; Curtis 1996, 170. 642 Loud 1936, fig. 43. 643 Parrot 1961, figs. 112–113. 644 Curtis 1996, 178–179. 645 Thureau-Dangin / Dunand 1936, pl. LII; Parrot 1961, figs. 112–113. 646 Russell 1999, 43, fig. 18. 647 Mallowan 1966/II, 424–426. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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against a niche in the wall at the east end of room TI, the main throne room. It measured 228 x 382 cm, had a shallow step of 9 cm high leading to an upper platform and projecting tongues at two levels in the centre. The throne probably stood about 50 cm above the level of the floor and a series of shallow depressions cut in the base suggest that the throne and footstool had been altered in position.648 The larger part of the upper surface was inscribed and engraved with geometric designs of rosettes, while the texts ran above the reliefs carved along the sides of the base.649 A two-stepped throne base set in a niche was also found at the southeast side of the Throne Room (VII) in the royal palace of Sargon II at Dur-Sharrukin. It measured 4 m in width, projected into the room 460 cm from the face of the wall, and was probably more than 1 m above the floor. The frontal face does not show any direct evidence of sculptures, while the two side faces were carved in relief and rosettes.650 In sum, the throne base further separated the king sitting on his throne, and this physical elevation must have added additional distance from visitors during official audiences. Beside the royal throne, the king could appear in two further positions: on a terrace (tamlīu), and on a couch (nēmettu ?). As for the former, a passage in the already discussed letter sent to the king Esarhaddon offers the best evidence for terrace as a place for public show: “when the elders pass by beneath the terrace.”651 The terrace is also the location for the performance of cultic rites.652 As to the second term, it comes into play when the king enters the royal banquet described in SAA 20 33,653 and it is translated as couch or seat.654 This couch/seat is listed in the annals among precious items collected as booty during wars, or sent to the king as tribute. For instance, Assurnasirpal II states that among the tribute of Sangara, king of Hatti, he received a gold couch with trimming, as one of the objects befitting his royalty,655 and Sargon II mentions a golden couch among the booty from Dur-Iakin.656 These attestations show that this particular seat was made of rare expensive materials, presumably composed of a structure in wood or gold, with inlaid decorations of ivory and other precious metals. This seat or couch might have been used during private events by the king, as suggested 648

Mallowan 1966/II, 444–450. Marcus 1987, 84–85. 650 Loud 1936, 61, 65–67. A further throne base was also found in room 8, which is said to have been uninscribed (Bonomi 1857, 190). 651 SAA 13 80, 16–r 2. 652 See, for instance, the ritual texts SAA 20 7, ii 44; SAA 20 20, i 11, i 13; SAA 20 21, 11, 18–20. 653 SAA 20 33, i 3, ii 3. 654 The term occurs as couch of the king also in cultic activities in texts SAA 20 9, r ii 4 and SAA 20 16, i 8. 655 RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, iii 68. 656 ARAB 2.39. 649

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by text SAA 20 33, rather than in public audiences. Nevertheless, the same term occurs in an epigraph on a relief from the Southwest Palace of Sennacherib at Nineveh to indicate probably the depiction of the king sitting on his throne while the booty of the city of Lachish passes before him.657 Along with robes, weapons, and throne, other items also wielded by the king were regarded as divine gifts. In particular, the sceptre (ḫaṭṭu) and the staff (šibirru) are the most common objects in royal inscriptions and apparently the most appropriate for official meetings. Ascertaining the actual ideological nature of these items is difficult. Inscriptions are sometimes inconsistent in describing the role of the sceptre and staff as having positive or negative qualities. However, we may note that while ḫaṭṭu and šibirru are both associated with the shepherding role and beneficial adjectives in the early phases of the Assyrian Empire, in the later phases only the staff acquires more negative overtones being described by threatening adjectives such as merciless and terrible.658 As for shape and material of sceptre and staff, there is not much information. In a letter sent by Nabu-ashared to the king concerning the design and manufacture of a statue of the king, the scholar debates the proper positioning of the king’s sceptre and the correct representation of his dress. He thus sends sketches or actual sculptures to the king for his approval: “As for the royal image which they are making, the scepter is lying across his arm and his arm is resting on his thighs.”659 From this evidence, it might be surmised that the sceptre (ḫaṭṭu) was perhaps short in size, since it lay across the king’s arm. As to the material, in one inscription of Assur-etel-ilani, a sceptre presented to Marduk was made of red gold;660 while Sargon II mentions a golden sceptre among the goods belonging to Marduk-apaliddina.661 As for the staff, references are very meagre. A weak attempt to identify the shape of the šibirru as straight and long might be found in a letter of a chief haruspex active under the reigns of Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal.662 The text contains a reference to the temple built outside the city of Harran, and the god Sin is said to have been seated upon a staff (šibirru), with two crowns on his head. Now, the staff must have been straight and long in size and was probably used to support the statue or otherwise represented the god Sin as the crescent pole, which became very common in Neo-Assyrian times.663 As to the material, a few references describe the staff as made of lapis lazuli in an Old Babylonian extispicy prayer, and

657

Kertai 2015a, 212. Portuese 2017a, 112. 659 SAA 13 34, r 2–6; SAA 13, xiii–xiv; PNA 2/II, 806. 660 RINAP 5 2, 10. 661 ARAB 2.67; CAD ḫ, ḫaṭṭu, 153–155, 1b. 662 SAA 10 174, 12. 663 Ornan 2005, 163–167. 658

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ivory sceptres are mentioned among the booty from the temple of Haldi of Urartu.664 Reliefs, in this respect, offer further clues. In detail, when the king receives court members and foreigners, he holds specific regalia: either bow and arrows, or a long straight staff, perhaps the šibirru, sometimes accompanied by a plant/ flower (figs. 29–30). Bow and arrows represent essentially martial objects and are associated with triumph in battle or hunt (D–2, fig. 20). In booty and tribute procession episodes the bow rests on the ground as if not ready for use, thus it should be interpreted as an emblem of royal might. The long straight staff and plant/flower, instead, often occur in audience scenes of 9th and 8th century. Therefore, this combination of regalia seems more appropriate for an actual audience scene taking place in the royal palace. The long staff (šibirru) has the same length in all the representations, slightly lower than the king’s height, and is always held upright or obliquely mostly in the right hand, which is open or closed. It appears painted of red on Sargon II’s reliefs and black on Til-Barsip wall paintings.665 Its use actually carries profound meanings to show the shepherding role of the Assyrian king and his paternalistic attitude towards his flock, since it never occurs during warlike scenes, but is always held during peaceful or non-bellicose events.666 It cannot be established whether the king interacted with his guests by means of the insignia he held during official audiences. But textual evidence makes reference to a “plant of life” (šammu balāṭi) apparently held by the king which it is said he placed in the nostrils of his subjects. This plant has been recently identified with the lotus flower held by the king in a number of palace reliefs when receiving his guests and tribute-bearers and was mostly used to indicate the king’s status/role of life-giving ruler.667 5.5 The King’s Gestures and Etiquette From his throne the king attended, inspected, and listened to any official audience, and there is good reason to believe that he remained seated for the whole reception. A passage of the Royal Coronation Ritual vividly describes a similar occasion and offers clues to envisage a speculative royal audience: “[The singers] sing, the magnates and the royal eunuchs prostrate themselves [before] the king and kiss the king’s feet. [While] they [glor]ify (him), he remains seated on the throne. They start presenting gifts [to] the king.”668 Thus, visitors approaching the king were probably received by an impassive figure, who appraised every person prostrating before him. The apparent absence of emotion would have certainly height664

CAD Š, šibirru, 377–378, 2´b, d. Parrot 1961, figs. 112–113. 666 Portuese 2014; 2017. 667 Portuese 2018. 668 SAA 20 7, r iii 2–iii 5. 665

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ened the almost divine aura surrounding the royal person. Albeit the text illustrates a specific event, the same scene can be surmised from the protocol of royal dinner, for which the text does not describe any particular action performed by the king while receiving banqueters.669 The king most likely remained seated during the obligatory pleasantries, in his upright and proud position, following the royal etiquette, and few gestures were perhaps enacted in accordance with the circumstances. In this respect, the blessing/greeting gesture (karābu) was perhaps addressed towards king’s associates and high-ranking officials, while the stretching out the hand (qāta tarāṣu) was perhaps performed towards any subordinate. The king, in this regard, is sometimes the subject and the approaching individual, the addressee of the gesture. This relationship is evidenced by a letter sent to the king where the author praises the king for his support: “I [was a dead dog], but the king, my lord, revived me. He helped me conquer [my famine and h]unger. [Now if] I had not written [to] the king, my lord, concerning the house of my lords [and ...], they would not have sought [... from] my [hands, and the king, my lord], would not have stretched out [his hand towar]d me.”670 This gesture, although perhaps metaphorical in texts, could be performed by an authority, whether a god or a king, towards a subordinate in contexts of greeting or recognition, as shown in the following passage perhaps referring to the king: “May Marduk, the great lord, the leader of the gods his fathers, make barley rare for him to chew and make him stretch out his hand (for help) to his servant!”671 On reliefs, supposing that the iconography of the king holding the long staff mirrors the actual image of the king in audience scenes, the greeting or blessing gesture (karābu) is always depicted and performed with the right hand, while the left hand rests on the pommel of the sword.672Alternatively, the left hand holds a flower or plant (figs. 21, middle; 29–30). While it is quite common on Assurnasirpal II’s iconographies, on Sargon II’s reliefs the greeting gesture made by the king was performed even if the crown prince was unable to reciprocate it. In addition, on Sargon II’s reliefs the king always closes his right hand when holds the long staff, even if the crown prince performs the gesture of salutation (fig. 21, above, below). The greeting gesture is, however, always enacted when Sargon II does 669

SAA 20 33. SAA 13 173, 3–8. 671 SAA 18 24, r 4–6; Frechette 2012, 38–42. 672 Bär 1996, 225. Only in a few instances the king holds the staff in his left hand: on a group of bronze bands from the Balawat gates of Assurnasirpal II (Curtis / Tallis 2008, figs. 35–36, 73–74, 81–82), and on the throne base of Shalmanser III, where the king clasps the right hand of the Babylonian king (Mallowan 1966/II, 447). 670

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not grasp the staff and holds the lotus flower in his left hand (fig. 21, middle).673 The reasons underlying these stances remain unclear, although the karābu gesture seems mostly related to parades of both insiders and outsiders. In the presence of a foreign leader who prostrates himself before the royal throne, the king apparently touches with the long staff the head of the leader, although this is not a rule and may have depended on the circumstance.674 Possibly in specific meetings, the king greeted with a handshake. The gesture is apparently found only on the throne base of Shalmaneser III and visually commemorates the Assyrian king’s support of the Babylonian king against his rebellious brother.675 Physical contact, however, should be regarded as exceptional, since only a very restricted group of persons could get close to the king. This is somewhat confirmed by the specific distance emphasised on reliefs between courtiers, high-ranking officials, and the king. Albeit this gap is not visually measurable, the overall dimension of the throne bases found in the original context can offer causes for reflection. The total length of the throne bases, from the face of the wall projecting into the room, ranges between 336 cm (Assurnasirpal II’s throne base) and 460 cm (Sargon II’s throne base). According to the illustrations, the throne was placed on one end of the dais, the closest to the wall. Taking for granted that it occupied at least 1 m including the seated king, then the gap between those approaching the dais and the king would have ranged between 2 m and less than 3.5 m. This well corresponds to the Hall’s social distance (1.2–3.5 m), namely the distance imposed in formal settings, in which it is not easy to touch another person and the voice is louder. Beside the horizontal distance, the height of the throne base clearly contributed to a vertical distance: if the throne itself must have stood about 50 cm above the level of the floor, then the king appeared taller than other persons in the room, but also visible from a distance. In conclusion, the evidence presented so far demonstrates an asymmetrical power relationship: the asymmetry of the encounter between king and guests was expressed through the gestures performed (greeting gesture), as well as position and size (distance and height). 5.6 Protection and Assistance for the King To ensure that the ruler’s passage or appearance was both safe and smooth, some texts refer to individuals who safeguarded the royal person. In this regard, a group that was perhaps in charge of this office was the royal cohort (kiṣir šarrūti). The 673

Botta / Flandin 1849/II, pl. 105. Thureau-Dangin / Dunand 1936, pl. LII. In one example from the reign of Tiglathpileser III (fig. 30), there can be good reason to believe that the king holds a spear rather than a staff. See also Portuese 2017a, 116–117. 675 Mallowan 1966/II, 447. There is apparently no explicit Akkadian term for “handshake.” In this respect, see Kalluveettil 1982, 21; Malul 1988, 219–231; Goldman 1990, 45, 47, no. 34. 674

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term is attested only from the reign of Sargon II and in the royal inscriptions of the later kings. It was a body of troops under the command of the king. Thus, it was probably based at one of the capital cities and acted as standing body of troops attached to the king himself. This royal cohort is thought to have been subdivided into the qurubtu-forces, consisting of ša-qurbūti and ša-šēpē, members of the king’s personal guard.676 The term ša-qurbūti literally qualifies as “the one of proximity,” and refers to his role in the physical proximity to the king and as a trusted confidant. This is the reason why the term designates the role of “bodyguard” of the king or “agent.” This figure is attested from the reign of Assurnasirpal II.677 Though the ša-qurbūti usually concerned with matters not related to the royal household proper, he was important amongst the palace members, as shown in the NWL, mentioned next to the households of the queen and of the rab ša-rēši.678 The term ša-šēpē, literally meaning “(he) of the feet,” is usually translated as “personal guard,” though its etymology suggests that it corresponds better to the units of the infantry bodyguard. It is attested from the reign of Shalmaneser IV or Assur-dan III (772–755 BCE) on. His closeness to the king’s court is indicated by his reference in the NWL and in legal documents from the palace environment of 7th century Nineveh.679 However, though the ša-šēpē appears frequently in the Neo-Assyrian text corpus, it is never in a “position of trust” like the qurbūtu guards.680 Thus, whether the ša-šēpē accompanied the king when he resided in his palace remains unclear, though he (that is, the personal guard) was probably considered a permanent force of the king.681 To these figures, other military functionaries qualified in administrative contexts as “of the palace” may be added, who represent the palace forces of the royal cohort under supervision of the rab ša-rēši.682 Other personal guards who probably protected the king were eunuchs (šarēšis) and bearded men (ša-ziqni) qualified as “stand guard for the king” and attested as bearing arms in a query to the sun-god.683 Although this document comes from the reign of Esarhaddon, it must be noted that on reliefs, at all dates, the king appears in company of eunuchs (ša-rēši) on foot, carrying arms, sunshades, fans, or towels. In the 9th century these eunuchs are usually armed (fig. 20), while are 676

Postgate 2007, 17. SAA 12 82–84. 678 Postgate 2007, 11–13. 679 ša GÌR.2; Henshaw 1980, 305; CTN III, 286. 680 For a detailed analysis of the written sources, see Postgate 2007, 19 and Dezső 2012, 121–122. See also SAA 11 36, r i 6 and Fuchs 1994, 114, line 150; 133–134, lines 248– 250 for references to the ša-šēpē in Sargon II’s reign. 681 Groß 2014, 616–617. 682 Postgate 2007, 19; Groß 2014, 619. 683 SAA 4 142, 12; 144, 13. 677

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often apparently unarmed on Tiglath-pileser III’s reliefs and on Til-Barsip’s wall paintings (figs. 29–30). Instead, they sometimes appear armed on Sargon II’s reliefs and, according to Flandin’s drawings, when there are two eunuchs behind the king, usually the closest one to the king is armed, although this is not a rule.684 While the sunshade appears when encounters probably took place in the open, eunuchs in audience scenes usually act as arms-bearers equipped with mace, bow and quiver, and on Sargon II’s reliefs also with spear.685 It seems that these eunuchs attended primarily to the king’s protection, acting as bodyguards, but also to the king’s physical comfort. Thus, they were constant component of the royal entourage and were characterised by their physical proximity to the king, probably enjoying the confidence of the king. For the task they performed and relying on visual evidence, the distance from the body of the king was probably quite intimate (at least 50 cm), so that these figures could see closely the king, hear a whisper, feel the heat or smell of the king, and touch him.686 5.7 Summary and Further Reflections Relying on textual and visual evidence, it seems clear that the Assyrian king exhibited himself in his pride and magnificence just like an actor in a great royal drama, and his guests acting as both players and spectators. At court the king must have been the main attraction, a kind of sacred object which must have been presented in a proper light to others, and in turn must have seen and treated with proper ritual care. In other words, the theatrical paraphernalia of the king was certainly intended to instill fear and wonder in visitors, since the actual protagonist of the courtly drama and the impressive and overwhelming sight was the Assyrian king himself.

684

For instance, the overall drawing of the decoration of room 6 shows two eunuchs armed (slabs 11–12). However, the individual drawing of these slabs shows only one armed eunuch, who is the furthest from the king (Botta / Flandin 1849/II, pls. 103, 105). 685 Reade 1972, 99–100. 686 For an in-depth analysis on royal attendants, see Collins 2010. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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Chapter 6 During the Stay in the Palace 6.1 Introduction The whole apparatus of ceremonial acts, actions, and performances, revolves around the figure of the king, who actually represents the main attraction at court. However, it was through the lavish hospitality and the pleasant court entertainments, as well as the complex series of symbolic ritualised acts that the aura of majesty was created around the king. 6.2 Hospitality The written commemoration of events in which royal meals were proffered to guests voices the court hospitality at its best. Participants, indeed, were usually fed at the state’s expense. Banquets were the moment of refreshment, relaxation and entertainment and amusement, but represented also the moment to forge any political and cultural relationship with insiders and outsiders of every social level and provenance; “commensality mirrors profound social relations and opens a view on the mechanisms of politics.”687 The Assyrian royal banquet was expression of the “rhétorique de l’abondance.”688 In this regard, the Banquet Stele text of Assurnasirpal II is the clearest example. It represents the exceptional exhibit of power and control, and expresses so vividly and evidently the magnificence and richness of the Assyrian hospitality of first millennium. Within the text, great attention was paid to the disposition of different categories of guests: the hierarchical status was made visible by means of different positions in the text, so that gods are the first guests to be invited to the repast before the “earthly” banquet. Then, the text proceeds by listing the “human” guests. During the ten days of celebration, the text states that all the guests, both high Assyrian officials and foreigners as well as the whole population, were bathed and anointed, and received food and drink. Interestingly, the Banquet Stele text does not mention dishes offered to guests, but rather lists the various raw ingredients and beverages, which certainly must have been the noblest and most expensive. Meat is mentioned at first: several animal species, such as calves, sheep, spring lambs, deer, ducks, geese, birds and hundreds of oxen, the most prestigious meat of all. The list of cereals, legumes, vegetables, fruits, spices and oil is also highly varied. As beverages, the king offered beer, wine, and milk.689 Listing so much food and drink in the text had the clear intent of exhibiting the Assyrian hospitality and court richness. 687

Ermidoro 2015, 89. Winter 2013. 689 RIMA 2 A.0.101.30, 106–140; Ermidoro 2015, 204–206. 688

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A similar scenario should be envisaged for the dedication of Sargon II’s royal palace at Dur-Sharrukin: texts state that the king invited to a “feast of music” the kings of the four quarters of the world, his provincial governors, princes, eunuchs and the elders of the land of Assyria. Although the description of Sargon II’s celebrations appears quite scanty, the hospitality described by later kings during the dedication of their residences is more detailed. Sennacherib uses expressions such as “at the inaugura[tion of] the palace, I had the heads [of] the subjects of my land drenched (and) I watered [their] insides with sweet wine.”690 Esarhaddon, more explicitly, declares that “the officials and people” of his country seated “at festive tables, ceremonial meals, and banquets,” and he “made their mood jubilant,” “watered their insides with wine and kurunnu-wine,” and his servants “drench their (the guest’) heads with fine oil (and) perfumed oil.”691 Court hospitality is also manifested in the amounts of wine proffered to guests listed in the NWL during a “feast” perhaps taking place in the palace at Kalhu once a year. In a similar fashion must be understood the already mentioned “Accounts from ceremonial banquets,” which list amounts of edible commodities, such as cuts of meat, sheep, and different kinds of birds distributed to a variety of offices.692 Beside big events, written documents show that every reception of foreign embassies at court apparently included a meal, consumed in the presence of the hosting king. For instance, Sargon II personally strives for the reception of a highstatus woman and her escort: “The king, my lord, [wrote me]: “The daughter of [NN] is coming, and there are many men [and women] wi[th her]. Let them eat [bread and drink] wi[ne], [......] sweet [oi]l”.”693 In a similar vein, one should also consider perhaps the food rations issued to emissaries recorded in a large ration list connected with traffic of horses from foreign countries dating to Sargon II’s reign.694 A picture of the hospitality lavished on guests in more private banquets is given by the tablet K 8669 (SAA 20 33). The room of the dinner must have been extremely clean, scented, and well heated, since the presence of lackeys who prepare the room, handle the incense burners, towels and water for hands, burn aromatics, distribute dishes, tend heating brazier, and pour beverages is registered. In detail, incense and other aromatics were burned with the purpose of scenting the air and covering the smell of the food: “When most of the dinner has been served, they burn many aromatics between the tables of the king’s sons and the magnates.”695 During the repast, since commensals probably ate with their hands, 690

RINAP 3/2 42, 54´–55´. RINAP 4 1, vi 49–vi 53. 692 Mattila 1990, 14. 693 SAA 15 359, 4–10. 694 ND 2803, i 19, r i 21, Parker 1961, 16, 55–61. See also Postgate 1974, 127. 695 SAA 20 33, r i 41–45. 691

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they were steadily provided with towels and napkins, and could clean their hands with water: “One special stock-room assistant keeps watch, receives dirty napkins and gives out clean ones, receives dirty handkerchiefs and gives out clean ones. One lackey stands before the container of hand-water. [If water] is lacking, he pours water from the hand-water (container).”696 Vessels, dishes, and goblets used on these occasions must have been of high quality and made of precious materials: “Large goblets are placed (on the tables).”697 In addition, comfortable chairs and tables used on the occasion were probably of a high quality, giving pleasing comfort to guests. Thus, the overall atmosphere perceived by participants must have been warm and intimate, and the level of relaxation may have been high thanks to the use of wine and the consumption of abundant repasts consisting of various types of meat, goose, birds, jerboas.698 The iconography suggests that at the commencement of the feast the dining room is apparently empty, and the servants bring in the table and the chair or stool for the most important persons, although the richly decorated furniture depicted on Sargon II’s palace façades must have belonged to the king (fig. 21, above, below). Guests were placed in a traditional seating-arrangement before the king, with attendants standing between them serving or approaching banqueters with drinking vessels (fig. 27, upper register). To judge from the Assyrian reliefs, backless thrones/stools for guests appear to be smaller and less rich or decorated compared to the ones used by the king, but still appropriate for both the situation and the status of the diners. More ordinary types of stools have conical feet, consisting either of superimposed ribs or inverted pine-cones. The cross-bar is usually decorated with opposed volutes, and at each corner of the seat is a bull’s head. In most cases, there appear to be two people sitting on each stool, although this must have been an artistic convention to show two stools side by side.699 Footstools were perhaps used on occasion, but on the reliefs of Sargon II in the banquet scenes in rooms 2 and 7, banqueters sitting on stools do not use footstools. Tables sometimes have animals’ heads at the corners, especially rams’ and lions’ heads, generally stand on bulls’ or lions’ feet and a central support in the form of a rod with a small palm capital mounted on it. Their surface can be covered with a long cloth.700 Occasionally, tables are shown with crossed legs, suggesting that Assyrian furniture was probably often foldable, or perhaps crossed legged tables were 696

SAA 20 33, ii 16–ii 21. SAA 20 33, r i 45. 698 SAA 20 33, r i 29–31, r i 46. 699 Kyrieleis 1969, 8, fn. 12; Curtis 1996, 171–172. 700 Albenda 1986, 80–82; Curtis / Reade 1995, 121–132. A table-cloth is evidenced also on the relief showing Assurbanipal’s banqueting scene (Barnett 1976, pl. LXV). 697

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only simpler to make and were more stable. They were generally used for preparing or serving food, as in one of the banquet scenes in room 7 at Dur-Sharrukin.701 As for the material of furniture, relying on the findings, wood and bronze but also stone and ivory must have been largely used.702 Iconography can be partly useful also in reconstructing the hospitality materialized in the menu and the presentation of the dishes brought to guests. For instance, some of the banqueters depicted in rooms 2 and 7 at Dur-Sharrukin hold lion-headed beakers in their upraised hands, probably made up sets for drinking wine, used mostly on solemn occasions, and often made of silver according to textual sources.703 The focus of any banquet on Assyrian reliefs is drinking: the typical gesture of banqueters was not eating itself, but the moment of drinking consisting in the act of raising cups of wine or beer held in their hands. Partly unidentifiable foodstuffs appeared upon the tables of the banquet scenes from Dur-Sharrukin, which seem to consist of flat breads and cut melons.704 A clearer evidence of foodstuffs at court comes from the reliefs in corridor 51 of Sennacherib’s South-West Palace at Nineveh, where various attendants carry pomegranates, locusts, birds, hares and trays of fruit.705 The documents dealing with great events list a wide variety of guests. It is unclear where exactly all these persons were welcomed for days in the Assyrian capital, but there is good reason to believe that they were hosted in the palace or nearby. Considering the high number of participants, presumably during big feasts it is likely that the whole capital city—whether Kalhu, Dur-Sharrukin, or Nineveh—became the stage for the celebrations. Therefore, we may just suppose that the king hosted his family and the high officials, the foreign emissaries and cityrulers inside the new palace, while the citizens, men and women from every part of Assyria, must have been placed in other buildings, courtyards and every other open space available in the city. Hints in this respect are given by a group of texts containing the indication of the respective lodging designated for officials in mixed groups of military, civilian and domestic staff who wanted to linger at the palace on the occasion of great meals and events held in Nineveh. Significantly, scholars have suggested that these were lists of “hotel rooms,” since the various different residences are described as e.g. “beneath the Window,” “central,” “of the scribes,” “of the governors,” “of the brewer(s),” “of the steward,” “of the chief 701

Botta / Flandin 1849/II, pls. 111–112, upper registers; Curtis / Reade 1995, 123; Curtis 1996, 178–179. 702 Curtis / Reade 1995, 121; Curtis 1996, 178–179; Thomason 2010, 203–208. 703 Curtis / Reade 1995, 133–134. Lion-headed beakers are referred to in late Assyrian texts as SAG.DU.UR.MAḪ and mentioned also in the NWL and in rituals. See Curtis 2000, 194 and Ermidoro 2015, 228 fn. 126 for an overview of textual evidence. 704 Albenda 1986, 81–82; Winter 2016a, 41. See Gaspa 2012 for comparisons between the various classes of foodstuffs and the iconographic evidence from Kalhu and Nineveh. 705 Reade 1979c, 93; Barnett et al 1998, 123–124, pls. 432–441. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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singer,” “of the chief eunuch,” “of the magnates.”706 The lists date to the reigns of Esarhaddon or Assurbanipal, and we may only speculate that also earlier kings bestowed such a hospitality to guests. To these manifestations of hospitality, it is worth mentioning the gifts the Assyrian king donated to his guests in various circumstances, whether in great events, or on the occasion of the delivery of tribute and audience gifts, or during confidential meetings. Texts inform that guests received valuable objects and garments, and also oils with which they were dressed, anointed and blessed by the king. This must have been a quite common treatment for those who showed loyalty to the king by paying respect, delivering tribute and bringing audience gifts.707 In this regard, the author of a letter vividly declares that: “Each and everyone who lays down his life under [your feet] and keeps your treaty, […] you will dress him (in purple) and bl[ess him] as today.”708 Further letters confirm this picture. For instance, Sennacherib informs his father that in response to the visit of the Mannean messenger who brought audience gifts and gave the regards of his ruler, the crown prince “dressed him (in purple) and put a silver bracelet on his arm.”709 In this context, we may perhaps envisage that Assurnasirpal II used the same treatment with his guests, such as Ili-ibni, governor of the land Suhu, who went to Nineveh bringing his tribute and imploring help to Assyria.710 Also local chiefs are so treated in letters. Mannu-ki-Ninua, governor of Kar-Sharrukin, reports to the king of the arrival of the son of the eastern nobleman Asrukani (Mede), who is received with great honours: “The son of Asrukanu has come [to visit]. I dressed him in (purple) garments and [put silver] bracelets [on his wrists].”711 An undated text (perhaps Sargon II), informs on packages of items (textiles, shoes, precious metals, silver tribute bowls and silver ring) that were issued to Urartian ambassadors.712 Similarly, two texts apparently from the reign of Sargon II seem associated to this list.713 Surprisingly, in both texts, gifts were even given to the servants (urdu) of emissaries. In a further instance a text mentions packages which include precious metals and stones, textiles, a horse, chariot and arrows, in association with a num706

SAA 7, xvii–xix. Ermidoro (2015, 98–99) notes that confirmation that guests stayed long periods is given by the reference in the NWL of wine distributed in the evening, ina nubatti. 707 Receving garments in the ancient Near East was clearly an indication of special favour and this act is largely attested from biblical sources to the Achaemenid Empire (LlewellynJones 2013, 65). 708 SAA 1 134, 11–13. 709 SAA 1 29, r 21. 710 RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, i 99b–101. 711 SAA 15 91, r 1–2. See a similar reference in SAA 15 90, 26–27, written by the same author. 712 SAA 7 127. 713 SAA 7 57–58. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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ber of Assyrian officials,714 while a horse and a linen head-cloth are respectively given to the governor of Parsua and a delegate of Tyre.715 Neither text says whether they are the recipients or the givers. However, it is not perhaps too farfetched to believe that these were gifts issued to guests at the Assyrian court and these texts may reflect palace hospitality for visiting dignitaries and highranking officials.716 Either way, guests expected to receive gifts from the Assyrian king and their omission could produce complaints, as attested in a text recording the return home of foreign envoys to various countries of the Zagros region: “One horse, a shield (and) a linen garment [are not pres]ent.”717 In addition to letters, monumental inscriptions and annals provide information or hints of the magnanimity of the Assyrian king towards his subjects of any social status. Sennacherib, for instance, clothed the workmen who dug out his canal, as referred to in the inscription written on a cliff face at Hinnis-Bavian.718 Also Esarhaddon seems to have rewarded his skilled architects with clothes.719 In the inscriptions of Assurbanipal, offering gifts is a clear incentive to the subjects to be punctual with their payments and to maintain their loyalty towards Assyria.720 In the context of court hospitality, however, the following passage may appear more pertinent: “I, Ashurbanipal, […] convened those citizens of Babylon at a sumptuous banquet, clothed them in garment(s) with multi-colored trim, (and) fastened gold bracelets around their wrists.”721 The practice of anointing someone was perceived as a beneficial favour, a kind of blessing, bestowed from the Assyrian king on a subordinate. This is shown by a passage in a treaty of Assurbanipal: “[and that Ashur]banipal, king of Assyria, your lord, put oil on you and turned his friendly face towards you.”722 It was also believed that similar procedures—from being anointed to receiving foods and beverages at the Assyrian court—were meant to give peace and joy, as the conclusive sentence of the Banquet Stele text shows: “for ten days I gave them food, I gave them drink, I had them bathed, I had them anointed. (Thus) did I honour them (and) send them back to their lands in peace and joy.”723 In conclusion, the description of court hospitality in textual and visual sources evidences the king’s will to show his power and legitimacy: by asking foreign rulers, princes and governors to participate in the highest moments of the reign, 714

SAA 7 126. SAA 7 128. 716 SAA 7, xxix. 717 SAA 11 31, r 6–8; SAA 11, xx. 718 RINAP 3/2 223, 33–34; see also RINAP 3/2 154, r 5´–6´. 719 RINAP 4 54, 32´–35´. 720 RINAP 5 3, ii 77–ii 86. 721 RINAP 5 11, iii 87–iii 93a. 722 SAA 2 10, 8–11. 723 RIMA 2 A.0.101.30, 151–154. 715

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and parading gifts and foodstuffs, the Assyrian ruler presented himself as a universal leader, who offered himself to the homage of his vassals. In the light of written documents, Assyrian court hospitality embraced convivial, hospitable and warm events/meals, the presentation of gifts, anointments and baths, in order to send back guests with a pleasant message to report to their chief. 6.3 Court Entertainments The world of the performing arts was also part of Assyrian court culture and hospitality, and producing fine music and song was certainly expected in the royal palace. In the sources, entertainments were proffered to guests to make their stay comfortable and enjoyable, and texts describe important events as sparking positive emotional effect: Assurnasirpal II states that he sent back his guests in “peace and joy,”724 while Sargon II instituted a “feast of music.”725 Esarhaddon also declares that his guests seated “at festive tables,” and that he “made their mood jubilant.”726 Music seems to have been an important social practice at the Assyrian court, since a number of written documents deals with sound production, namely singers and musical instruments. In Neo-Assyrian texts, the “musician” is translated with the Akkadian word nuāru, which is not limited to “singer” but is used also for instrumental musicians. Written sources also outline a specific organization within the category of musicians, making a difference between the chief musician (rab nuāri) and royal musician (nuāri šarri). The former is for instance attested in ritual acts,727 in the decree of the appointment of Nergal-apil-kumu’a dating to Assurnasirpal II’s reign,728 and in documents dating to Assurbanipal’s reign, which show an increasing status of the chief musician with time. The second occurs in a document from the reign of Adad-nirari III under the name of Shunu-qardu who is likely the same recorded as recipient of wine in the NWL.729 A further inner organization in the group of musicians active in the palace can be evidenced from the NWL, which mention “clothed” musicians (labbašūte), and musicians qualified as ina bītāni.730 The former might be intended as “musicians of the royal cloth” or simply musicians dressed in specific uniforms and perhaps acting in special occasions. The second leads to suspect that if there were musicians active in the inner areas of the palace, there must have been a high number of musicians active in the more accessible areas of the palace, where more people gathered. 724

RIMA 2 A.0.101.30, 153–154. ARAB 2.74. 726 RINAP 4 1, vi 50–51. 727 SAA 20 16, i 24. 728 SAA 12 82, 8. 729 Groß 2014, 232. 730 CTN I, 76; CTN III, 285; Groß 2014, 227. 725

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Unlike many of the other palace personnel, the origin/ethnic background of musicians is a matter of record. In the earlier lists the musicians, who all seem to be male, are subdivided into Assyrians, Kassites, Syrians (Hatti), Chaldeans, and men from Tabalu and Kummuh. In the later lists are male Assyrian, Aramean, Kassite, Syrian (Hatti), and perhaps Malatyan musicians. In the same list, female musicians, presumably from Arpad and Hatti, are recorded.731 It is reasonable guess that these musicians came to the Assyrian court as diplomatic gifts or booty or were, as ethnic groups, already present in Assyria. In this respect, royal inscriptions and administrative records of the Assyrian kings often show the tendency of taking musicians in the perspective of a cultural exchange between kingdoms. For instance, Assurnasirpal II states in his Annals to have pacifically taken as tribute ten female singers from the royal city of Lubarna, the Patinu.732 Tiglath-pileser III declares that Hiram, king of Tyre, brought male and female musicians as tribute and,733 in a similar fashion, Sennacherib received male and female musicians as tribute from Hezekiah of Jerusalem.734 As to the skills of musicians, they could use their voices as instruments or played specific instruments. Singers sing their chants during cultic activities,735 in a ceremony taking place after the king’s death,736 and on the occasion of the Royal Coronation Ritual.737 But singers were perhaps also involved in reciting fine poetry or stories concerning the heroic deeds of the king told through music, since texts often refer to singers in the act of reciting.738 Musical instruments are associated to musicians, and in a hymn to Nanaia of Sargon II, they play lyre (kinnâru), the small harp (šebītu), the clapper (kanzabu), the flute (malīlu), the oboe (ṣinnutu), and the long pipes (arkātu).739 One may speculate that a musician was able to play more than one instrument, and that the palace was provided with skilled musicians (nuāru palkû) who needed an advanced education for entertaining guests and the king himself during official receptions, festivities and banquets.740 731

CTN III, 285; Russell 1991, 232–233. See Groß 2014, 238–240 for a list of all the attestations of musicians by their place of origin and related chronology of the NWL. 732 RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, iii 76. 733 RINAP 1 49, r 8. 734 RINAP 3/1 4, 58. 735 E.g. SAA 3 37, 21. Singers are recorded as intoning their chants in a number of rituals taking place in the akītu House and in the temples of Ishtar, in rituals for private devotees, and in records of cultic reforms and events (SAA 20, 183 “nuāru”). 736 SAA 16 95, 10–11. 737 SAA 20 7, r iii 2. 738 CAD qabû; e.g. SAA 20 32, 5, r 2, r 18. 739 SAA 3 4, i 7–i 9. 740 Among the figures listed in the NWL there were dozens of musicians. Kinnier Wilson (1972, 76–78, 117–120) calculated the number of musicians to be about 200 out of the total court of 6000. Cheng (2001, 52), building on Kinnier Wilson’s calculation, has tried © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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Beside religious activities, musicians were certainly involved in secular activities. For instance, in the letter addressed by Sargon II to Assur recounting in detail the events of his eighth campaign, it is said that: “With joyful heart and jubilation, accompanied by players (on) the harp and tambourine, I entered my camp.”741 Esarhaddon celebrated the beheading of two enemies by parading in the squares of Nineveh together with singers and lyres.742 In a similar fashion, Assurbanipal entered Nineveh with singers performing music to celebrate the defeat of Teumman, the king of Elam.743 A few attestations prove that musicians gladdened also royal banquets and official meetings. This is evidenced by the so-called “Accounts from ceremonial banquet,” where six singers are listed among the partakers.744 From these attestations, there are valid reasons to believe that in royal audiences, especially on occasion of great events and festivities, music played an important role in entertaining visitors: they were certainly gladdened by vocal and instrumental performances of fine songs, music, and poetry, leaving a powerful impression and a substantial emotional effect on guests. There are no representations of music performed during an audience scene, but reliefs reveal that court musicians were always present with string, wind and percussion instruments during a number of events. Pictorially, a musician is identified as a person who holds, or who is playing a musical instrument. No obviously female musicians appear on reliefs before Assurbanipal, because they are represented as male in most cases.745 Music accompanied triumphal military events. On a relief lining the southern wall of the Throne Room (B) of Assurnasirpal II, musicians play harps and drum while soldiers who have successfully completed a battle collect enemy heads and return to camp (B–6, upper register; fig. 36).746 Beardless and bearded musicians playing drums, harps and sistrum accompany a triumphal return to a town with captives and the king with his attendants on two bronze bands from the gates of Assurnasirpal II’s palace at Balawat.747 Music is always performed in the aftermath of a battle, and the setting is therefore a foreign land. The audience of triumphal military scenes includes Assyrian soldiers and the king himself but also to balance this number suggesting that perhaps dozens of ensembles could have been playing almost constantly in various rooms. The hypothetical scenario he envisages is the following: “groups of 5 musicians each in three shifts would allow for 13 ensembles playing at a time (and a total of 40 different quintets). Another: 8 shifts with 5 groups of 5 musicians each.” 741 ARAB 2.156. 742 RINAP 4 1, iii 37–iii 38; 2 i 55. 743 RINAP 5 3, vi 46. 744 SAA 7 150, ii 12. 745 Cheng 2001, 63–66. 746 For a detailed image, see Collins 2008, 47. 747 Curtis / Tallis 2008, figs. 21–22, 37–38. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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shackled enemies. Music was probably perceived as triumphant and inspiring by the victorious Assyrians: it may have been conceived as a means for exalting the triumph of the Assyrian king, replacing the noises of battle and emphasising the glory of the moment.748 By contrast, unfamiliar music from another culture must have been disheartening for the enemy.

Figure 33 Royal Palace (DurSharrukin): musicians (upper register) and warfare scene (lower register), drawing of relief 21 from room 2 (Botta / Flandin 1849/I, pl. 67)

Music also accompanied religious events, which are mainly defined by the presence of divinities among the audience, and include specific actions such as libations, processions and dedications. Assurnasirpal II offers libations over a dead lion and a dead bull in the presence of various attendants and two bearded harp players with sticks held in their right hands (fig. 38).749 Music is also performed in a procession between Sennacherib’s palace and the Ishtar Temple at Nineveh.750 In these instances, musicians probably played for deities and participants in specific settings for religious scenes. 748

Nadali 2013b, 79. For a detailed image, see Collins 2008, 35. 750 Collins 2018, 46. 749

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Finally, music at banquets is well attested on Sargon II’s reliefs in the upper register of room 2 at Dur-Sharrukin, where the royal meal is enlivened by three bearded musicians with lyres (fig. 33). Here the recipients of music are certainly the male banqueters most likely consuming the repast in the palace. Although the damage on the reliefs obscures the third musician, it seems that the only instrument played during the meal is the lyre. In sum, music was certainly offered to guests as court entertainment. The evidence at our disposal for music performed in the palace itself is, however, meagre. The only iconography we can refer to music addressed to visitors is the royal banquet, where lyre players gladdened the banqueters. Notwithstanding the lack of pictorial documentation of music performed during audiences, we cannot rule out the presence of musicians during the encounters with the king in his palace. It could be moreover speculated that in these occasions, stringed musical instruments (harps, lyres) were more appropriate and preferred over percussion musical instruments (used in processions) for their soothing, warm vibrations, and their relaxing and emotional sound.751 Beside singers and musicians, where there was music, there must have been dance.752 However, no attestations of late Assyrian period describe dancers at court, but we may safely speculate that dance was part of art programs taking place in the palace. Dance is associated in texts with feasts and joy in events gladdened by music. For instance, in a document dating to the reigns of Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal, the exorcist celebrates the king by listing all the positive events featuring his good reign: “The old men dance, the young men sing, the women and girls are merry and rejoice.”753 It is attested that the sarrānus (a group of deities or their impersonators) perform a dance,754 and jesters (aluzinnu), jugglers and tumblers are also recorded.755 Unfortunately, there is little further information, and there is no evidence that the Akkadian word indicated jester, though according to the few textual references this profession must have been one that created a humorous effect.756 Like written sources, there is no visual evidence for dancers at court. However, the action performed by the characters with a lion’s skin covering their heads and backs on reliefs of Assurnasirpal II and Tiglath-pileser III was perhaps that of 751

See Cheng 2001, 155–166 for an examination of textual descriptions on musical aesthetics. 752 The word “dancer” is translated in Akkadian as raqqidu (CAD R, raqqidu) and mummilu (CAD M, mummilu). For an examination of dance in ancient Mesopotamia, see Kilmer 1995, 2608–2613 and Collon 2003. 753 SAA 10 226, 16–18. 754 SAA 20 52, r i 37´–i 39´. 755 Texts from Mari mention acrobats performing for Zimri-Lim and his guests during a banquet (Ermidoro 2015, 232 fn. 131). 756 See examples in CAD A, aluzinnu. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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dancing and singing.757 These figures have been tentatively associated with the celebration of triumphs at least in the 9th and 8th century,758 or interpreted as mummers who performed specific actions, immediately after a battle, to honour Ishtar whose animal was the lion,759 or thought to be in a “temporary liminality” in the context of a ritual, perhaps of exorcism, since they hold a whip which was one of the paraphernalia used by the exorcist in his profession.760 However, it is likely that these two figures were the kurgarrû and assinnu, both mentioned in the Assyrian War Ritual (K 9923), dating to the time of Assurbanipal and describing a ceremony taking place after the successful victory, and associated with the performance of scenes and singing as mime-actors, in a kind of theatrical representation of the battle.761 Thus, since lion-masked figures were essentially associated with rituals rather than with secular circumstances, it is hard to suppose that they were present during official receptions, although the presence of mummers or jesters cannot be excluded. In conjunction with making music at court, a further entertainment we can infer from texts is the presence of exotic animals at court. These were the subjects of written sources as well as of pictorial representations with the main aim of showing the control over far lands and the wild nature. In this regard, a few instances will suffice to illustrate kings’ will to use animals as court amusement. Assurnasirpal II declares that from his campaign to the Mediterranean he brought female and male monkeys in Kalhu to be displayed to all the people of his land.762 Then, the king proudly enumerates other exotic animals herded in Kalhu as prestigious and awesome booty—lions and lion cubs, tigers, wild bulls, elephant, ostriches, wild asses, deer, bears and panthers—and concludes “I displayed (them) to all the people of my land.”763 Shalmanser III received elephants, monkeys or apes, an unusual antelope, and perhaps a rhinoceros, as a gift from far away.764 A list of booty collected by Tiglath-pileser III includes sheep and birds that were coloured purple or blue.765 In short, texts refer to animals that served no apparent ritual or practical purpose and were captured only to be put on display, turning the king’s role from protector and soldier into creator.766

757

For a detailed image see Reade 2005, fig. 18; Barnett / Falkner 1962, pls. 1–2. Reade 2005, 20; Nadali 2013b, 79 fn. 9. 759 Curtis / Reade 1995, 62. Alternatively, Ataç (2010, 42) suggests an association also with Nergal, the god of the netherworld and of war and plague, whose symbol is a lion too. 760 Ataç 2010, 42–43, fn. 21. 761 May 2012b, 461–467; Nadali 2013b, 80–81. 762 RIMA 2 A.0.101.2, 31b–32. 763 RIMA 2 A.0.101.2, 37–38. 764 RIMA 3 A.0.102.89. 765 RINAP 1 15, 1–5a. 766 Thomason 2005, 190. 758

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Visual evidence, just like texts, highlights the interest of the Assyrian king in collecting, and wild animals are often shown not only as being killed by the royal hunter, but also as domesticated animals exhibited and included in the ordered world.767 On the Throne Room façade of the Northwest Palace, a tribute-bearer in procession brings with him two monkeys, wearing collars and leashes (D–7, fig. 20). The artist of this sculpture seems to have had difficulty with the representation of the monkeys, since both slightly look humanoid.768 Moreover, the ability of monkeys to climb onto the shoulders and head of their keeper is an affectionate detail on the part of the artist, which further emphasises the “real moment” of delivery of diplomatic gifts.769 An obelisk fragment, dating back to the 9th century, shows a tribute-bearer carrying what may be a crocodile, perhaps stuffed as also attested in textual sources.770 The Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III typifies the tradition of receiving animal tribute and includes the gifting of camels, a single rhinoceros, a water buffalo, a lone antelope, female elephants, as well as female monkeys and apes.771 Also here, the apes look humanoid and somewhat disproportionate, and even the horned animals look humanoid quadrupeds, although the epigraph carved on describes them as all natural animals.772 It is likely that the artist aimed at depicting deliberately the idea of a quasi-fantastic fauna of distant lands, and the whole resulted in a kind of imperial cabinet of curiosities.773 Texts inform that the animals, having been safely transported to the capital city, became part of the king’s breeding program and that cages were used both for animal capture, transportation as well as for display.774 Visual evidence of such a public “show” is found on the wall painting from Til-Barsip, where an 8th century Assyrian king is accompanied by a lion (fig. 34). In addition, reliefs also from Assurbanipal’s reign inform that he kept lions in a garden, presumably selected among those intended for hunt and later tame for royal collection and exhibition.775 Thus, wild beasts were not always killed, but sometimes they were caught, collected and included in royal zoological gardens, becoming part of the universal gardens and artificial paradise of the Assyrian kings.776 What we should envisage, then, is the presence of ancient zoos, like modern ones, which were 767

Karlsson 2016, 133. Ataç (2010, 22–28) notes the bodily intimacy between man and animal, which mimics that among human figures themselves, such as the captive and the child on his shoulder. 769 Llewellyn-Jones 2017, 319. 770 See discussion in Reade 1981a, 146, pl. XXe; 2004, 258. 771 Börker-Klähn 1982, figs. 152 A3, 152 B1, 152 B3, 152 C3, 152 D3. 772 If the caption’s toponym is interpreted correctly, the row of exotic and fabulous animals come from Egypt (RIMA 3 A.0.102.89; see also Karlsson 2016, 138). 773 Thomason 2005, 193; Ataç 2010, 25–28; Llewellyn-Jones 2017, 313. 774 Llewellyn-Jones 2017, 317. 775 Barnett 1976, pls. XIV–XV; Reade 2004, 260. 776 Karlsson 2016, 137. 768

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intended for display to an audience.777 Thus, whether tame and exotic animals were displayed in the official reception halls during encounters cannot be ascertained. It is rather more likely that animals were kept and exhibited in royal parks and gardens, together with a range of plants and trees from all parts of the known world, which certainly served as curiosities, entertainment, and perhaps as objects of study, the main aim being the manifestation of the king as “royal gardener and hunter.”778

Figure 34 Palace (Til-Barsip): king with wild animal (?), part of the wall-painting from room XXIV, panel gb (Thureau-Dangin / Dunand 1936, pl. L)

In this regard, some reliefs of Sargon II’s palace show gardens with plenty of plants and animals.779 In the centre of a small lake or river a pavilion can be seen with an open column hall like that of the bīt ḫilāni, which Sargon II refers to in his inscriptions. This building has been tentatively interpreted as the representation of Monument X, in the western corner of the citadel of Dur-Sharrukin.780 Thus, the scene would represent a landscape within the city and closely related to the royal palace. The gardens of Nineveh created by Sennacherib and Assurbanipal were also within the city, more precisely beside the citadel and alongside the royal palace. It is therefore reasonable guess that privileged guests toured these artificial paradises and were exposed to the flourishing gardens, rich with fresh air, cool shade, sweet fruits and cold water, which would have contrasted greatly to the arid regions from where many of the visitors would have come.781 6.4 Summary and Further Reflections The information presented above casts a light on a complex system of pomp and ceremonies which are the eloquent demonstration of the Assyrian ideology of the 777

Thomason 2005, 188. See Llewellyn-Jones 2017, 324 for remarks on the use of the terms zoo and menageries. 778 Novák 2002, 452. 779 Botta / Flandin 1849/II, pls. 108–114. 780 Winter 1982, 362; Novák 2004, 350–352; Reade 2008, 36; Gillmann 2008, 45–46; Nadali 2015, 166–167. 781 Novák 2002, 443, 446–451; Nadali 2015, 164–171. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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ruler. When a courtier, a high-ranking official, or a foreigner participated in a court ceremony or some other great event and was granted an audience with the king, or was even permitted to join the royal dinner table, the guests would have unconsciously participated in the micro-language through which the imperial polity was articulated.782 In respect of the court at Mari, Glassner proposes the identification of three phases of royal protocol to welcome strangers at court: “un échange de propos convenus, la consommation en commun de nourriture et de boisson, l’acte de porter un toast, d’engager une confrontation normée.”783 These phases are encapsulated in textual and visual sources, which lay clear emphasis on the hospitality and court entertainments bestowed from the palace owner to his guests: food and wine, scented oils and precious gifts, music and exotic animals, interposed with political, economic and cultural exchanges. These celebratory events at court were set apart from everyday life by being turned into ceremony.784 The examples gathered in this chapter aim to demonstrate that music, dance, and exotic plants and animals at court must be imagined as integral part of the lavish splendour of the reception hall and of the palace in general. They were probably offered and shown during meetings between king and guests, perhaps surrounding the area where the ruler was seated or populating artificial gardens. The final aim was to achieve a clear emotional effect on guests, and to gladden them. Furthermore, we should keep in mind that rulers “who have understood the importance of the arts in creating the spectacle of a dramatic and theatrical state have benefited greatly from the patronage they bestowed on painters and sculptors, musicians, poets, playwrights, and theatrical impresarios.”785 Thus, entertainments such as music and the exhibition of exotic animals were part of a specific cultural program for the performance of power, despite their being apparently of limited importance. It is properly in this context that the interior decoration of the Assyrian royal palace, mostly made up of reliefs and inscriptions, was exhibited to a variety of guests who, for various reasons and after passing through a carefully selected sequence dictated by the architecture of the palace and the rigid protocol procedures, was admitted in the palace. Therefore, reliefs and inscriptions must be seen not as the sole means of communication of king’s ideology or the only visual entertainment of the palace, but they were embedded in and part of a broader, and very lavish scenario.

782

Llewellyn-Jones 2013, 42. Glassner 1990, 60. 784 Llewellyn-Jones 2013, 67. 785 Llewellyn-Jones 2013, 124. 783

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Chapter 7 Palace Reliefs 7.1 Introduction The carved slabs in the Assyrian palace must be understood as Machtkunst, namely official art in the service of the king. Accordingly, their creation would have involved the ruler’s initiative, direction, or active involvement.786 Royal inscriptions show, in fact, that the Assyrian kings took as much of a personal interest in the interior decoration of their palaces as in the building design and construction.787 The daily supervision of the work was probably delegated to specific figures and the king would have been consulted to approve the design.788 At least one “artist” was certainly literate and had skills to prepare sketches as models for making images. The execution was then performed by the stone-carver (parkullu), the sculptor (urrāku), along with the engraver (kapšarru).789 In this respect, Shalmaneser III’s Balawat gates, show a similar cooperation.790 Moreover, in the environment of battle scenes on reliefs, we can also believe that scribes in the field, often depicted on reliefs dating from Tiglath-pileser III onwards, acted as warhistorians and war-artists, and probably drew sketches of interesting details such as architecture, clothing, and landscape for later carving in Assyria.791 This interactive relationship between patron and the artists/artisans implies a coordinated effort of ideologically motivated planners and aesthetically/technically expert practitioners. Thus, the decorative program of any royal palace in Assyria depended on the patron-planner-artist network.792 Applying the procedures of semiotic analysis of messages, according to the standard features of message, code, context, medium (physical channel), audience, palace reliefs can be dissected in order to understand how they participated in court activities, interacted with people, and tailored their message to an expected audience. 7.2 Message: Northwest Palace The Northwest Palace was the most monumental and sumptuously decorated building of the empire at the time of its inauguration. The basic themes of the 786

Gunter 1990, 14; Sonik 2014, 269. E.g. RIMA 2 A.0.101.23, 19–20; RIMA 2 A.0.101.30, 29–32; RINAP 1 47, r 31´; ARAB 2.84. 788 SAA 13 34; Nadali / Verderame 2019. 789 E.g. RINAP 1 47, r 27´; ARAB 2.73; Groß 2014, 538–539. 790 Kreppner 2002, 375; Shafer 2007, 141–142; Schachner 2007, pl. 50b. 791 Madhloom 1970, 121–122; Reade 2012, 710–712; Nadali 2019a, 54–55. 792 Gunter 1990, 11; 2019; Sonik 2014, 267; Nadali 2014b, 469. 787

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Northwest Palace wall-decoration can be distinguished in three categories of subject-matter: processions and mythical-symbolic, mostly consisting of large-scale reliefs in single register, and narrative, consisting of small-scale reliefs in two registers. 7.2.1 Procession Scenes The foreigners depicted on the slabs have been identified with Phoenicians and Patinenans, while the courtiers and high officials leading the line towards the king have been tentatively identified, from right to left, with the palace manager (rab ekalli), a senior official (turtānu, or rab ša-rēši, or royal sibling, or sukkallu) and the crown prince (mār šarri). The king stands before the crown prince accompanied by his bodyguard or fan-bearer (fig. 20). Now, considering that the tribute of Phoenicians and Patinenans was most likely occasional rather than annual, it seems reasonable to guess that remoteness and exoticism led artists to choose tributaries from these distant regions as subjects to decorate the Throne Room façade.793 Therefore, the main aim seems to have been that of showing the maximal territorial extent of the empire, with the result of conveying a general message of power: the line of figures can be connoted as the control over remote territories and military dominion over closer kingdoms and regions.794 In this sense, artists’ task was primarily in depicting the reality of any tributary and visitor entering the palace, without addressing specific messages to specific recipients. Accordingly, any group of visitors bringing goods to the king could identify itself in the figures depicted. The main result generated a horizontal attachment: on the one hand bonding the collective, by associating individuals through shared political status of subjects/visitors, and on the other hand directing the guests towards the Throne Room.795 The consequence is a “homogenization” of viewers, which erases social and political differences. Besides foreigners, the presence of royal members leading tribute-bearers before the king was clearly aimed at emphasising the importance of royal associates in the imperial activities. However, unlike tribute-bearers, the court members and high-ranking officials depicted on the façade were endowed with specific identity, which would certainly have sparked a high visual involvement. These reliefs were probably meant to be admired as well as enjoyed by the highest officials, whose closeness to the king was a sign of trustfulness and loyalty. Therefore, their presence in formal processions can be considered as a strategy to strengthen friendship and loyalty bonds. Finally, the portrait of the king in his military connotations, namely holding bow and arrows, was overtly displayed to everyone approached the Throne Room:

793

Bonatz 2004, 387. Reade 1979b, 336. 795 Portuese 2019a, 69. 794

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the choice of this specific royal portrait implies that the king intended to show himself primarily in his military power. 7.2.2 Mythical-Symbolic Scenes Mythical-symbolic scenes are those depicting divine and semi-divine figures. They are scattered throughout the palace and chiefly in rooms C, F, the East Suite and the King’s Suite. Most of these scenes had probably apotropaic significance. However, in some instances, such as in the East Suite, the interior decoration must have played a more practical function, perhaps serving as visual instructions for the performance of rituals. In fact, these reliefs, unlike those merely representing parades or royal deeds, were imbued with a set of connotations for an informed (inner) viewer that activate the work beyond its surface “content.” There are also clues suggesting that there was more to this suite than hitherto suspected. The reliefs of rooms N, G and H conveyed other hidden implications (fig. 28). The king was not distinguishable from semi-divine genies but was exhibited in his tight relationship with the divine world, through his physical closeness to genies and through the performance of rituals. These reliefs represent, in brief, the fusion of regal and divine worlds, whereby the secular “touches” the sacred and the sacred “enters” the secular. In this sense, images show how the king is assimilated into the divine world and the rituals that came thereof: here time is absent and the ritual system is suspended at the particular stage of encounter between secular and sacred, between the king and the divine.796 The reliefs do not show the final accomplishment of the rituals, namely the complete assimilation of the king to the semi-divine, but the meeting point between two worlds and the necessary steps to be performed before reaching the divine absorption. Therefore, the reliefs indicated the “way” to turn the king into something “other” and the East Suite, accordingly, was the setting where the king participated in and was touched by the divine. The consequence of such a divine “touch” was that the king was made similar to the gods, with perfect features and all divine attributes, was covered by the radiant and powerful aura (melammu), and received the weapons and insignia to rule. This conjectural premise leads to the idea that in the East Suite the king, his physical body, his royal insignia, and his robes went through a series of practical cleansing and purifying rituals that aimed at perfecting his appearance. The closeness of the king to the divine world was thus the probable general message conveyed by most of the mythical-symbolic imagery of the Northwest Palace.

796

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7.2.3 Warfare Scenes The warfare scenes have been often subsumed under the category of “historical narratives,” since they tell a story, developed in space and across a fixed time.797 Within the palace, these narratives are mainly located in the Throne Room (B) and disposed in two registers describing the king’s achievements (fig. 35). The slabs averaged 2.7 m in total height and were sunk into the ground for support, so that from 2.2 to 2.3 m stood above ground. The reliefs of the north wall are largely missing; on the south, the motifs consist of hunting scenes, and a long series of battle and tribute scenes. Through synthesis and analysis, the narratives include a great use of pervasive identifiers such as topographic and clothing details, serving to increase the particularity and the historicity of the scenes.798 In the case of sieges and battles, the reliefs appear to today’s viewers almost as “photos of war.”799 Some scholars have cautiously suggested parallels between military scenes and specific campaigns described in Assurnasirpal II’s Annals.800 However, they have reached no consensus or definitive solution on the exact identity of the carved events and, perhaps, conclusive correct readings will never be achieved. Anyway, building on previous interpretations the following pages will propose an identification of the carved events in attempting to disclose the political reasons underlying the selection of the subjects’ reliefs and the message they convey. Along the south wall of the Throne Room (B) there are two tableaux of narrative compositions. The longer one, in the western side, far away from the throne, consists of nine slabs. The shorter one, in the southeast corner of the room closest to the throne dais, consists of four slabs. At a glance, the scenes of the upper register of the western reliefs of the south wall all share common elements, so that the top section may be seen as the array of a single historical event or, at least, that took place in a specific region and at one point in time (fig. 36). The binding elements shared by registers B–11–8 and B–4–3 are the 1) enemy clothing, 2) the scattered beheaded bodies and 3) the orientation. The open battle (B–11–8), moving towards the right, precedes the siege scene (B–4–3) that in turn resumes the former movement interrupted by the central registers (B–5–7).

797

In reference to the ancient Near East, see Winter 1981, 2 and, more recently, Nadali 2019d. 798 Matthiae 2018, 249; Nadali 2019a, 56. 799 Nadali 2019b, 57. 800 Reade 1979c, 64; 1985, 212; Winter 1981, 15; 1983, 22–28; Matthiae 1988; Roaf 2008. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

Palace Reliefs

Figure 35 Northwest Palace (Kalhu): drawings of reliefs lining the walls of the Throne Room (B) (CDLI – http://cdli.ucla.edu) © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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Figure 36 Northwest Palace (Kalhu): warfare scenes, drawings of reliefs B–3–11 lining the west side of the south wall of the Throne Room (B) (CDLI – http://cdli.ucla.edu)

By contrast, the triumphal and review scene on B–5–7, precisely because of the central position it occupied and the different orientation, appears to be an independent event. However, the presence of scattered beheaded bodies along the back way on B–5 and the collecting of heads on B–6 link the central scenes with those on the sides, making the upper register the visual description of a unique event. Such a reading perhaps finds textual confirmation in the Annals of Assurnasirpal II, where, in only one instance, the attack against the land of Nirbu, in the midst of the Kashiyari mountain range, do all the registers match this single

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event.801 In detail, registers B–11–8, that is the battle on the plain against the troops of Nirbu, represent the episode preceding the siege. The scenario described in the text as “plain” corresponds with the registers in the absence of cities and mountains. The following episode is the approach to the city Tela which is described as shown in register B–3, namely fortified by three walls and surrounded by trees on which Assurnasirpal II hung the foes’ heads. The enemies are said to have been tortured and killed, as in B–3, and the Assyrians made one pile of heads, as in B–6. As for reliefs B–5–7, there are no points in common to the Annals, but there is good reason to believe that the whole scene represents the Assyrian War Ritual described in the already mentioned text K 9923, as suggested by May, which describes a ritual ceremony, perhaps performed in the field, which imitates the battle and that takes place after the victory.802 This identification appears more compelling in the light of the textual correspondences here suggested: the operations in the land of Nirbu represent the actual conclusive military actions of the second campaign before Assurnasirpal II’s march back to Assyria, thus the triumphal performance of the field war ritual was expected to ratify and celebrate the end of the campaign. The pattern used in the upper register may have been applied to the lower register too, where common elements make the military actions a single event. In detail, a binding element might be the river, which is made present both on registers B–11–9 and near the walls of the besieged city on registers B–3–5, suggesting that the attacked fortified city is presumably built on the bank of the same river or nearby. The second binding element is represented by the approaching army on the one hand, and the captives on the other: both scenes converge in the review scene in the centre (B–8–6). The third binding element might be seen in the women who, more than once, are shown on the turrets of the besieged town (B– 4), among prisoners (B–5), and on the walls of a town (B–8). Now, proceeding with registers B–11–9, scholars have suggested that the action takes place with the crossing of the Euphrates, which the Annals describe with wealth of details.803 Immediately after the textual narrative of these events follows a brief description of hunting and the building of new cities, and then begins the recount of the eighth campaign, which consists only in the siege and taking of Kaprabu, the only fortified city mentioned in these passages. When compared with the Annals, the description of the siege matches the scene shown on reliefs B–5–3.804 Thus, Kaprabu might be the city represented on the lower registers B–5–3. The eighth campaign concludes with the reception of tribute from Bit-Adini and Til-abni and the taking

801

RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, i 111–i 118. May 2012b, 461–467. 803 Winter 1981, 15; 1983, 22; Reade 1985, 212; Matthiae 1988, 365–367; Marcus 1995, 197. 804 RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, iii 50b–53. 802

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of hostages to whom the king showed mercy.805 These events might be related to the central conclusive registers B–6–8, where Assurnasirpal II receives hostages before a city on which are women. Similar scenes are shown on the bronze bands of Assurnasirpal II’s Balawat gates, where women look at battles from the walls of towns in Bit-Adini: if we compare these military incidents, then the town on B–8 might be located somewhere in Bit-Adini.806 The shorter and the last sequence of slabs was set in the east side, close to the throne, and shows a scene of warfare and reception of the tribute (B–17, B–18, fig. 37). Now, clothing, landscape and architectural details, convey specific identity to the depicted scenes in the east side and a recent extensive stylistic comparison with other monuments belonging to the reign of Assurnasirpal II has led to the supposition that the events depicted on slabs B–17–18 are related to the land of Suhu.807 Military scenes probably appeared again along the north wall, though it is less complete. In the light of comparisons with the embossed bronze bands of the Balawat gates of Assurnasirpal II, there is no doubt that they show events related to the land of Carchemish or in the Carchemish-Patina region.808 The identifications of military actions must always remain questionable, though there seems to be a high degree of correlation between written and iconographic sources. Further support for this reconstruction may be found in the reasons underlying the political status of the lands involved in the events depicted, namely Nirbu, Euphrates, Kaprabu, Bit-Adini, Suhu and Carchemish. In fact, if we look at the Annals of Assurnasirpal II, the choice of selecting these historical incidents appears reasonable. Nirbu represents the first and the most significant target of the first campaign in Nairi: its conquest permitted the Assyrian army to extend eastwards (Nirdun), westwards (Bit-Zamani) and beyond the Tigris (Dirru) during the fifth campaign. Third, the sentence “From the source of the River Subnat to the interior of the land Nirbu,”809 describes the territorial acquisitions of Assurnasirpal II and highlights the importance of this area. The ideological and strategic importance of crossing the Euphrates, the conquest of Kaprabu, the submission of Bit-Adini represent three important stages which allow Assurnasirpal II to expand the imperial borders and obtain a prestigious afflux of tribute.810 Suhu remained substantially independent and kept an actual “peaceful” relationship with Assyria. This may explain why on reliefs no Suheans appear killed, and the military action is characterized by extreme calm and non-aggressive or upsetting 805

RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, iii 55–56a. Curtis / Tallis 2008, figs. 9–10, 19–20, 25–26. 807 Portuese 2016. 808 Curtis / Tallis 2008, figs. 11–12, 17–18, 21–22, 23–24, 37–38; Reade 1985, 212–213; Marcus 1995, 198. 809 RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, ii 128–129; Liverani 1992, 40–41. 810 Liverani 1992, 69, 88, 94–95. 806

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atmosphere.811 Carchemish remains also independent, although Assurnasirpal II uses it as a border for his territorial ambitions: “from the opposite bank of the Tigris to the city Carchemish of the land Ḫatti, the entire land Laqû, (and) the land Suḫu including the city Rapiqu.”812 Similarly, Patina performs the same political status: during the ninth campaign Patina does not try to resist to the Assyrian approach, accords a free passage, pays a tribute, and allows that an Assyrian base is established in Aribua.

Figure 37 Northwest Palace (Kalhu): warfare scenes, drawings of reliefs B–17–18 lining the east side of the south wall of the Throne Room (B) (CDLI – http://cdli.ucla.edu)

Warfare scenes were also extended to the so-called West Suite of the Northwest Palace. Unfortunately, little remains of the interior decoration of this suite whose walls were once lined with two-register reliefs.813 Nonetheless, it seems reasonable guess that most of the events depicted may have been related to the Mediterranean campaign (ninth campaign) and the series of forays against neighbouring communities.814 In sum, whether or not these identifications are correct—these are in fact not “photo reportage of war”—815Assurnasirpal II’s sculptors obviously chose historical episodes that were representative of the most important strategic and ideological achievements of the king.

811

Portuese 2016. RIMA 2 A.0.101.26, 21–23; Liverani 1992, 119. 813 See reconstruction in Paley / Sobolewski 1987, 78–79, pl. 5; Russell 1998, 667–670. 814 Albenda 1972; Cifarelli 1995, 285; Thomason 2001, 70. 815 Nadali 2019b, 64. 812

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7.2.4 Hunting Scenes In the Throne Room (B), slabs B–19 and B–20 in the east side show the royal hunt (fig. 38). Hunting scenes also decorated the walls of the West Suite, and it is likely that most of them originated from room WK and WG.816

Figure 38 Northwest Palace (Kalhu): royal hunt, drawings of reliefs B–19–20 lining the east side of the south wall of the Throne Room (B) (CDLI – http://cdli.ucla.edu)

These incidents are clearly reminiscent of Assurnasirpal II’s hunting exploits displayed on the palace gates from Balawat, whose epigraphs identify the venue of the hunt as “by the River Euphrates,” presumably the Upper Euphrates where the king’s Annals record the hunt,817 and “by the River Balikh” in North Syria.818 If so, then the motif would adhere to the dominant subject-matter of the West Suite, that is to say the campaigns in the west. A similar identification in the Throne Room (B) would be a clear association with the reliefs showing the campaign in the land of Suhu, since at the end of that campaign the hunting of wild animals is recorded.819 As to the message of the hunting scenes, the ideas associated to this motif trace their origins back to the oldest cultures of the ancient Near East. The beasts, such as the lion or the bull, were represented in order to emphasize their strength, power and ability to induce fear, which constituted a threat for the king. In this sense, the 816

Paley / Sobolewski 1987, 75–76, pl. 5. Reade (1985, 209–211) placed these reliefs in room WI, though it seems unlikely that such motif decorated a bathroom (Kertai 2015a, 36, fn. 105). 817 RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, iii 48b–iii 50a. 818 Curtis / Tallis 2008, 33–34, 41–42. 819 Marcus 1995, 197. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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hunted animal represents the adversary of the king by embodying dark and demonic forces, which defy the ruler’s power. This aspect lends the royal hunt a symbolic and metaphoric meaning, which expresses the manifestation of the abilities of the ruler who fights against the enemies of the empire, symbolised here by the animals. Therefore, either a military event or the tòpos of the king as superior hunter could be transmitted by depicting either defeated enemies or hunted animals. In this sense, the juxtaposition of the royal hunt with the warfare scenes acquires meaning by being synonym of the power and ability of the Assyrian king. In addition, Watanabe suggested that both bull hunt and lion hunt have possible mythological connotations: the bull hunt have parallels with the heroic episode in which the legendary Gilgamesh who slays the Bull of Heaven, while the lion hunt reminds myths and rites of the god Ninurta.820 Then, concluding the hunt by a libation ritual, which was intended as an act of purification, atonement or symbolic restoration, strongly suggests that the hunt as a whole needs to be seen in a ritual context.821 7.3 Message: Dur-Sharrukin Palace The royal palace of Sargon II was mostly decorated with carved orthostats, many of which showed single-register procession scenes, but several rooms contained two-register narrative scenes. In the main, Sargon II’s four important innovations in the choice of the relief subjects are the introduction of long parades, of individual military campaigns in single rooms, of banquet scenes with several participants, and of game hunt scenes in woods.822 7.3.1 Procession Scenes Although insiders and outsiders do appear intermixed in procession scenes, artists made an effort to distinguish the two groups on reliefs. For the first time, the endless scenes of processions walking towards the king line entire walls, so that the king himself appears often surrounded only by his courtiers and officials. The clear intent was to display a significant duality in the empire, that it was founded on monarchy and aristocracy. As noted by Matthiae, the visual show of the imperial court on the walls of the royal residence encompasses a twofold message.823 First, the long rows of courtiers and officials displayed the perfect agreement between the king and the elite as element of stability and unity of the empire. Second, they exhibited the efficiency of the system of the imperial organization, which guaranteed protection and peace to the unified subjects. A third aspect then comes to light: the clear visual distinction of insiders from outsiders. This emphasized social, political and cultural differences with the intent of strengthening the 820

Watanabe 1998; 2002, 69–82. Gillmann 2011–2012, 225–228. 822 Matthiae 2012, 482. 823 Matthiae 2014, 393; 2015, 1060–1061. 821

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collective of courtiers and officials and their mutual bonds. In other words, Sargon II’s artists wished to give a large space in the carved decoration of his new palace to the most relevant figures of the Assyrian aristocracy. The reasons underlying this choice has been linked to Sargon II’s concession of special fiscal privileges to the town of Assur and other cities, which probably marked the stormy beginning of his reign. Thus, the king wished to exalt the role of Assyrian aristocracy in the management of the empire and to celebrate visually the articulation and structural complexity of his government. More importantly, the portrait of the king as good shepherd, namely holding the long staff, was presented only before lines of court members and officials, thereby suggesting that this image was pictorially addressed only to insiders. Sargon II therefore largely exploited the emblem of the long staff to convey his paternalistic attitude towards his subjects and to obtain behaviours of approval and consensus from his entourage.824 The presence of large numbers of foreigners coming from the Syro-Palestinian coast, the Zagros area, Phrygia, Que or Tabal, clearly exhibited the Assyrian control over two ends—west and east—of Sargon II’s empire. This control was exerted not only through the flux of goods from abroad but also through the participation of some of them in the building of the new capital city. In fact, there seems to be a close connection between the narrative of timber transport depicted on the northeast wall of façade n and the lines of figures along the same façade n and corridor 10 (fig. 21, middle). The whole scene probably depicts the transport of lumber from the central and northern Zagros Mountains, and the labourers wear a western headdress that is akin to that worn by the westerners of façade n and corridor 10.825 Since an alliance with Phoenicians—skilled in the nautical professions—was established during Sargon II’s campaigns in the west, it is reasonable guess that this alliance was visually shown in the series of reliefs representing the hauling of timber by river.826 In this light, the processions of façade n and corridor 10 were ideologically related: westerners were depicted both as tribute-bearers and labourers; by contrast, easterners (Zagros inhabitants) were shown as tributebearers and their land as supplier of timber. The implication is clear: both groups now build the capital and bring tributes to the king.827 To close, it is interesting to note that the portrait of the king holding the lotus flower and performing the karābu gesture occurs only when the ruler receives foreigners. As already discussed, the lotus was used primarily by the king to metaphorically indicate himself as a life-giving ruler. Together with the karābu 824

Portuese 2017a, 123. Linder 1986; Parpola 1995a, 59–60, 74, fn. 78; Friedman 2015. See, however, Reade 2018. 826 Elayi / Cavigneaux 1979; Linder 1986, 281; Melville 2016, 93, 120; Elayi 2017, 67– 72; Fales 2017. 827 For a similar iconographic association in court VI of the Southwest Palace of Sennacherib at Nineveh, see Russell 1991, 260. 825

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gesture, this royal portrait stands for the king’s benevolence and protection towards his subjects. 7.3.2 Warfare Scenes One of the most remarkable innovation of Sargon II’s visual program is devoting more than one hall of the palace to different episodes of one individual military campaign. Of each campaign, the carved decoration shows the whole development: from the march of the Assyrian army to the attack and, finally, to the deportation of defeated enemies together with the booty collected by the Assyrian soldiers.828 Therefore, in rooms 1, 2, 3, 5, 13, and 14 devoted to the illustration of military deeds the viewer follows the figurative tale of one campaign.829 The individuality of each military campaign in a single room is evidenced by captions written on the sculptures, which include place names. Although there is no hard evidence as to whether the events depicted showed exclusively a single campaign, the dates proposed by scholars find high degree of correspondence in the visual.830 Moreover, it is clear that the relief decoration of each room dealt with the most ideologically important events of Sargon II’s reign and that artist’s choices were built on accurate and reasoned selections. The eastern campaign of room 1, though unidentified, is in line with the decoration of the adjacent room 2, whose subject apparently deals with a single campaign in the Zagros area that took place in 716 BCE. The extreme importance of the events depicted accounts for the selection of this subject. This campaign was essential for the Assyrian Empire, because it pursued the main target of imposing and stabilizing the Assyrian presence in the Zagros. From this campaign onward, all the following campaigns in this region aim to reaffirm and rebuild the order imposed in 716. This expedition had in fact the main goal of stabilising the new government, which will be permanent for the whole Sargon II’s reign, extending definitive control over the routes connecting Assyria and Zagros, imposing the consequent collection of horses, the main reason leading Assyrians in this area.831 The decoration of room 5 was devoted to the invasion of Syria-Palestine in 720. We may fairly state that this was an astonishingly successful campaign: the western victory was of immense value to Sargon II both for suppressing a coalition decisively and especially for interfering with Egypt control over the territory right up to Egypt’s border. Moreover, this campaign opened the future commercial expeditions to the southern border of Palestine: Sargon II created new opportunities for trade with Egypt and Palestinian states with a vital supply of Kushite horses, as reported in several letters and administrative documents.832 828

Nadali 2013b, 76. Matthiae 2012, 481. 830 Reade 1976; Russell 1999, 115–122; 242. 831 Maniori 2014, 149–188. 832 Melville 2016, 65–74. 829

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Room 13 included fragments showing the capture of Musasir in the eight campaign of 714. The events of this campaign are described in the Sargon II’s famous letter to Assur, which offers the reason of the intervention: the affirmation of the Assyrian power over Manneans. Moreover, the sack of Musasir implied the plunder of the temple of Haldi, the most important god in the Urartian pantheon and who accompanied the Urartian king on campaign.833 Finally, room 14 displayed the 715 campaign into the Zagros. The campaign was undertaken under the leadership of the treasurer (mašennu) Tab-shar-Assur, and did not represent a territorial expansion but an expedition to reorganize the previously established jurisdictions. Only the south-western end of the room is known, therefore we may plausibly suppose that earlier battles in Mannea might have occupied the upper register, whereas the lower register showed the later ones in chronological order.834 In sum, the military events recounted in the visual record basically mirror the extent of Sargon II’s empire towards east and west. The reasons underlying this choice are ideological and practical at the same time. On the one hand, the expeditions to the east represent the prelude for a permanent presence and control of Assyria in the Zagros region and the actions in the west shows an astonishingly successful campaign in the Syro-Palestinian area, on the other hand, these events assure a vital supply of horses from both areas. Accordingly, these subjects appear closely related to the outer decoration and are linked: they rather seem linked and submerged into the long parades of façade n and corridor 10, which show tributebearers coming from east and west. In other words, the outer decoration summarises the factual consequence and conclusion of the victory: the reception of goods from conquered regions. In addition, the representation of the public annihilation and execution of the enemy in rooms 8 and 4 probably acted as visual conclusion of military campaigns displayed in rooms 2 and 5, and as visual consequence for those tributaries depicted on façade n and corridor 10. In short, rooms 8 and 4 embodied the chronological aftermath of action and the possible consequence of revolt against Assyria. 7.3.3 Hunting Scenes The lower register of the reliefs lining the walls of room 7 showed hunting in the royal park, with a bird-hunt performed by bearded and beardless attendants, both cavalrymen and soldiers. The procession moves towards a columned lodge beside a stela-capped hill, perhaps the site of the banquet in the upper register (fig. 39).835

833

Maniori 2014, 207–261; Melville 2016, 123–140. Maniori 2014, 189–206. 835 Botta / Flandin 1849/II, pls. 107–114; Reade 1979c, 83. 834

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Figure 39 Royal Palace (Dur-Sharrukin): royal hunt, drawing of the lower register of relief 11 from room 7 (Botta / Flandin 1849/II, pl. 113)

The royal hunt in Sargon II’s palace clearly diverges from the rituality of Assurnasirpal II’s hunt, appearing more as a pastime rather than an event full of anecdotal implications. As was noted, in hunt scenes the king is not the only protagonist.836 What is striking is that attention is focused on the hunters who certainly can be identified with important figures of Assyrian aristocracy. Sargon II appears, instead, on his royal chariot: he is shown raising his right hand in a gesture of salutation and is not the active protagonist of the hunt. He may have taken part in the hunt, but his position and gesture lead one to suspect that he might be rather a pleased spectator who gently joins in the pastime, without actively participating in the action. In addition, the ruler is shown in his blessing attitude expressed by the karābu gesture and the lotus flower: two elements that embody his life-giving role. Thus, even though royal hunts were central to the Assyrian ideology from the outset, and were divinely sanctioned, namely offered by the king to the gods as an expression of their love for him, in this instance it appears more as a spectacular and elegant courtly pursuit reserved for the king and his retinue.837 7.3.4 Banquet Scenes Banquet scenes were displayed in rooms 2 and 7 (fig. 27, upper register). It seems clear, as previously discussed, that the royal banquet represents the best way to celebrate the successful conclusion of a common effort. The proximity of themes related to war and hunt and consequent banquet clearly aimed at exhibiting two aspects of the kingship: a strong and victorious king, and the king’s carefulness 836 837

Matthiae 2012, 485–486; 2014, 393; 2015, 1061–1062. Thomason 2005, 189; Matthiae 2012, 486. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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and kindness towards his associates, who were invited to take part in his pleasures. In this sense, the depiction of royal private banquets aimed at associating and bonding the royal entourage and making exclusive its participation. In both instances, the related banquet was the visual narrative of the commemoration of battles and hunts, thereby to be interpreted as the “positive affirmation” and figurative celebration of symposia evidently taking place after these events.838 The peculiar meaning of this recurrent new theme derives from the fact that the protagonists of the symposia are members of the Assyrian aristocracy and not only the king. The king mingles with them but occupies, as in the hunt, a less dominant position.839 Although the image of the ruler is missing, he must have been visually distinguished by his associates and a good example on how he appeared comes from a fragment of ivory strip which shows the seated king surrounded by his personal attendants.840 If so, king and banqueters were shown in the banquet scene neither in asymmetrical nor in subordinate relationship. Reliefs rather exhibit an obvious reciprocity: king and most of the banqueters are seated and eye contact may be supposed. The reliefs actually show eunuch cup-bearers, a small group of standing individuals wearing a knee-length kilt, armed with a sword and mace, and seated dignitaries wearing an ankle-length ceremonial garments. Thus, a difference between standing and sitting participants suggests the unequal ranking status of these groups. However, it is possible that a subtext in these reliefs was to show the king’s will to diminish differences between banqueters: there is nothing demonstrably ritualistic about the scene, but raising beakers may have meant that men are toasting one other and this very scene of conviviality made the partakers similar in status. Therefore, banquet scenes functioned just like king’s associates in formal processions depicted in the outer court: in a sense, again, the interior decoration was not detached from the outer one. In sum, it seems that for the first time the king does not wish to visually dominate over his subjects, but rather surrounded by his elite and nobles, and to take part fully in their social life.841 7.4 Code We can envisage that the reliefs’ artist would have chosen and combined various formal devices in order to present an argument to persuade the expected audience842. In other words, the power of the artist to draw people’s attention, to teach and persuade them depends on his ability to engage viewers and to involve them psychologically in many ways. The artist’s skill lies in producing an image that contains the necessary “cues” in order to spark an emotional reaction in the 838

Winter 2016a. Matthiae 2014, 393. 840 Collins 2018, fig. 45. See also Curtis / Reade 1995, fig. 121. 841 Matthiae 2014, 393; 2015, 1064–1066. 842 Tyler 1992, 22, 29; Nadali 2019a. 839

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viewer, to allow the spectator to process it for a coherent desirable and desired experience, which involves his or her emotions and their cognitive processes. In modern times, image science (Bildwissenschaft) and visual culture studies, more precisely the psychology of art, have identified a range of correspondent “cues” in images that draws or catches attention by activating specific significant reactions to the cues, and these can be listed as follows: amplification, emotional salience, simplification, symmetry, distribution and contrast of elements, central positioning of elements, composition regarding the flow of elements, and significant objects. These “cues” are strictly related to our nervous system, which seems to be particularly involved in and activated by artistic representations.843 These cues seem to be universally accepted, since cognitive dispositions are hard-wired both in the brain and the human cognitive system.844 In detail, amplification refers to exaggerated representations of size but also of postures and movements that might function as a trigger to intensify reactions in cerebral areas with a role for the integration of emotions.845 The emotional salience affects the cognitive process when an image depicts expressions of joy as well as pain and horror, which are emotionally arousing stimuli. Simplification or non-redundant representations help the viewer to distract or interrupt his or her limited attention from chaotic images. Symmetry tends to seize viewer’s gaze and arouses his/her attention. The allure of symmetry has been explained with two evolutionary forces. The first explains that symmetry of many biological objects, such as prey, predator, member of the same species, or mate, all have symmetry in common, diverging from all other non-symmetric vegetal and material objects. The second explains that symmetry is unconsciously known as an indication of health, since symmetry of the face is a sign of it.846 Since we see images distinctly only in the central area of the retina, we cannot take in a whole image at once, because it is too big, thus attention focuses only on single elements of the image, which will be the most significant or prominent from an emotional or narrative point of view.847 Accordingly, specific “cues” or “factors” influence attention’s orientation to the elements of an image. The distribution and contrast of elements in the narrative of an image can be meant as a way to disseminate audience’s attention to specific parts of the image and can influence detection of internal relations that might be otherwise unknown. In this respect, the centre or central positioning of elements, namely explicit or implicit 843

Duarte / Stefanakis 2015. Duarte / Stefanakis 2015, 531; Sonik 2017. 845 Ramachandran / Hirstein 1999, 17; Duarte / Stefanakis 2015, 520; Kandel 2016, 34– 35. Intensified reactions to representations of exaggerated postures and movements have been linked to a hyper-activation of pre-motor neurons, named “mirror neurons” that “fire” both during an action execution and its observation (Nadali 2012). 846 Ramachandran 2011, 234–235. 847 Kandel 2012, 283. 844

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areas with bigger compositional weight would attract our attention and act as “action vectors” that converge the narrative towards the centre. In addition, the composition regarding the flow of elements of an image, such as vertical or horizontal alignment of elements that affects a vertical or horizontal movement of the eyes, conditions the attention of the viewer and acts as a cue for a non-erratic attention pattern.848 Finally, an attention attractor is the content or theme itself expressed in the image, thus significant objects, such as the human body and its parts, especially the face, which imparts information primarily through motion, identity, psychological state, emotions of others.849 Recent studies indicate that a character’s emotional expression of fear or anxiety can arouse the beholder’s attention, thereby evoking fear in the viewer. By evoking fear, the artists capture viewer’s attention and may make the viewer sensitive to aspects of the visual that he/she would otherwise have ignored.850 7.4.1 Amplification Deliberate use of amplification in palace reliefs can be seen in the exaggeration of the size of figures. An example is presented by the palace reliefs of Assurnasirpal II decorating his Throne Room (B). The group of slabs B–12–14 and slab B– 23 both show a religious-like representation that interrupts the narrative composition (fig. 40). The content is apparently similar and, besides subtle but symbolically significant differences, the slabs were twice the width of the standard wall slabs. They showed the Assyrian king, accompanied by winged human-apkallu, who flank the stylized tree. In only one instance, a pair of slabs (B–12–14) frames slab B–13, each carved with an image of the king holding a staff, behind whom is a beardless arms-bearer. These panels were carved in low relief with figures above life-size compared with the smaller-scale scenes of warfare, thereby catching the viewer’s eye due to the large scale of the king and associating the king himself to other large-scale figures in the room, such as all the otherworldly beings. The degree of diminution or exaggeration in a scene was certainly influenced by the need to depict subjects in their entirety and by the requirements of dimensionality and spatial distance. However, it may also have depended on the desire to emphasise through size the relative importance of selected subjects and characters.851 This is evidenced by a moderate amplification of the size of the Assyrian army and the king in the warfare scenes displayed in the Throne Room (B): the relatively small size of defenders from the walls’ town, in comparison with the Assyrian king and his soldiers, probably also contributed to the perception of bod-

848

Duarte / Stefanakis 2015, 521. Kandel 2012, 282–283, 302; 2016, 29–35. 850 Kandel 2012, 335–336; Duarte / Stefanakis 2015, 522. 851 Albenda 1998, 23. 849

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ies of exaggerated size (fig. 36).852 A similar intent can be discerned in Sargon II’s reliefs, where Assyrian soldiers are dramatically exaggerated with the assistance of small-size enemy towns and large figures. Siege scenes in rooms 2, 5 and 14 are similarly rendered: whether this artistic expedient was intentional or not, it is rather likely that also unconsciously it functioned as a “cue” for catching the attention of the viewer (fig. 41).

Figure 40 Northwest Palace (Kalhu): king flanking the stylized tree, drawings of reliefs B–12–14 and B–22–24 from the Throne Room (B) (CDLI – http://cdli.ucla.edu)

Finally, the use of exaggeration in size might be seen in the processions of men and tortured men above life-size, which are overtly distinguished from the smaller-scale scenes of warfare. However, if parades of men along the outer courts are familiar in Assyrian artistic tradition—apart from rooms 6 and 11 in Sargon II’s royal palace—it appears unusual that in the secondary audience hall 8, and also in room 4, large-scale figures were overtly displayed (figs. 25–26). The aim was certainly to impress the spectator and, especially, to arouse and catch his/her attention.

852

For a detailed image, see Collins 2008, 36–37. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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Figure 41 Royal Palace (Dur-Sharrukin): warfare scene, drawing of relief 22 from room 2 (Botta / Flandin 1849/I, pl. 68bis)

Regarding the triggering of attention by exaggeration of posture, this can be observed on the upper register of slabs B–3 and B–8, and the lower register of B– 4 of the Throne Room (B) of Assurnasirpal II (fig. 36),853 on slab 25 in room 8 (fig. 26) and in a group of slabs from rooms 2 and 5 of Sargon II’s palace.854 The dramatic figures of captives under torture, enemy soldiers falling down from the walls or being trampled by chariots, exhibit the extreme posture of humans struggling with certain death and inevitably catch the viewer’s attention. The probable “empathy” with the characters postures possibly activates attention to the image, since it might promote the internal simulation of a posture of struggle and horror (captives being tortured), and of a posture of defeat (enemies being trampled by chariots). 7.4.2 Emotional Salience When dealing with past societies, how and why emotions are released depends on many factors such as context, situation, reception, perception and so on. More importantly, whether emotions were the intended objective of Assyrian reliefs is unclear. In this respect, it can be assumed that both human-headed winged creatures and narrative visual situations must have elicited and evoked strong emotional reactions. Thus, even though facial expressions of fear or joy seem to be non-existent or unrecognizable in the visual culture of Assyria—without however

853

For a detailed image, see Collins 2008, 50–51. E.g. Botta / Flandin 1849 I/II, pls. 58, lower register; 59bis, lower register; 88, lower register; 92, upper register.

854

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implying that faces were inexpressive—emotions could also be expressed by the overall situation: for instance, chaos, destruction, mutilation, torture, killing, impalements, hand-raising gestures and movements of desperation, were fear stimuli, while scenes of festivities or rituals could elicit calm or joyful feelings.855 Written accounts assist in detecting the basal or primary emotions such as sadness, fear, disgust, anger, surprise, calm, joy/happiness. Sargon II, for instance, states that his enemies “feared the (terrible) brilliance of my weapons,”856 but that he “instituted a feast of music and made glad the soul (lives) of the people of Assyria.”857 Although the visual display of emotions might not exactly correspond to these written accounts or might be distinct from our expectations, it is however true that fear was sometimes visually conveyed by warfare scenes or cruel images of physical pain. In detail, an instance can be seen in the previously discussed reliefs showing amplification or exaggeration of posture. As a matter of fact, these excruciating scenes of pain and death also seize the viewer due to the awfulness of the depicted situation, and are increased by other elements that surround the involved characters. Thus, Assurnasirpal II’s reliefs display scattered beheaded bodies together with women acting in gestures of desperation (figs. 36, 42);858 Sargon II’s reliefs, instead, emphasise the pain and horror of the tortured figure by associating him to other captives being publicly annihilated (figs. 25–26). Moving to its antithetical emotion, calm, joy and happiness were materialized in the visual performance of music and banquet scenes. Accordingly, positive emotions must have been conditioned by representations of calm or relatively “peaceful” scenes, such as the play of music on reliefs of the east side of the Throne Room (B) (figs. 35, 37–38),859 and on Sargon II’s reliefs in room 2, as well as banquet episodes in rooms 2 and 7 (fig. 33, upper register).860 Therefore, in general terms, it seems reasonable to believe that primary emotions that are somehow universal were on display and their visualization in Assyrian art operated not through facial expression but through movements, gestures, and the overall atmosphere dominating the scene.

855

Bonatz 2017; Wagner-Durand 2017; 2018; Sonik 2017; Nadali 2019a, 56. ARAB 2.26. 857 ARAB 2.138. 858 For detailed images, see Collins 2008, 39. 859 For a detailed image, see Collins 2008, 35. 860 Botta / Flandin 1849 I/II, pls. 65, upper register; 67, upper register; 111–112, upper registers. 856

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Figure 42 Northwest Palace (Kalhu): crying women, lower register of relief B–5 (left side) from the Throne Room (B) (BM 124552; © The Trustees of the British Museum)

7.4.3 Simplification The attention can be caught also by a simplification of the narrated events and this phenomenon can be seen both in Assurnasirpal II and Sargon II’s palace reliefs. Among the palace reliefs decorating the Throne Room (B) of the Northwest palace at Kalhu, those close to the throne, in the east side of the room (B–17–20, figs. 37–38), stand out for the subjects depicted and the narrative composition, which appear less violent and less chaotic than those carved in the west side, which display complex and violent scenes (B–3–11, fig. 36). The warfare images (B–17/18, upper registers), in contrast to the tribute scene (B–17–18, lower registers), which abides by canonical stylistic rules, greatly differ from other battle scenes found in the room. Indeed, here the warfare is described by an extremely simple narrative composition, which shows Assyrians and enemies facing each other, but without engaging in actual aggressive fighting.861 The hunting images (B–19–20), are not per se a violent subject, and did not seek to impress the visitor, but were probably meant to be enjoyed as much as admired. As for the warfare images of the upper registers of slabs B–17–18, even if they are by their very nature violent scenes, the sculptural solutions adopted by the artist mute this element. The violence on these slabs is highly filtered—there are no dead bodies or violent fighting—and the scenes are realized with an excep861

For a detailed image, see Collins 2008, 36–37. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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tional simplicity—Assyrians and enemies are deployed on opposite sides, enemies escape by means of a river. On the contrary, in the west side the reliefs are of outstanding complexity and extremely daunting scenes dominate: scattered beheaded bodies, falling people, crying women. With this artistic expedient, the images mobilize attention through the schematic and simplified representation of the narrative, which starkly contrasts with the chaos and frenzy actions of battles in the west side of the room.862 The simplicity effect on attention can be seen also in the simple banquet episode depicted above warfare scenes in room 2 at Dur-Sharrukin (figs. 27, 33). The banqueters are neatly arranged along the walls of the room, seated or standing, where movements are circumscribed to a few calm and harmonious actions: toasting and playing music. The whole banquet is basically represented relying on a schematic and simplistic pattern—clusters of banqueters facing each other served by attendants—which does not allow any room for crowds, nor chaotic actions, nor extreme and exaggerated movements. Thus, everything contributes to the perception of simplification of the scene depicted, which starkly contrasts with the nearby warfare scenes. 7.4.4 Symmetry Symmetry in Assyrian art was defined as the expression of ideals of formal beauty combined with a concept of world order peculiar to Assyrian thought.863 The use, in Assyrian reliefs, of symmetry as a possible cue for attention, can be illustrated by design patterns like the symbolic motif of the stylized tree that, although its appearance varied from example to example, the drawing of the tree is always symmetrical. Besides, bilateral symmetry is conveyed by the winged and wingless genies and also the Assyrian king, which confront the stylized tree. These examples can be found especially in the Northwest palace of Assurnasirpal II, not only in religious themes, but also in the apotropaic figures flanking entranceways. In particular, strict mirror imagery (reflection symmetry) was utilized specifically in room I of the East Suite, where two-winged genies kneel on either side of the stylized tree.864 Instead, the doubling image of the genie or the king combines two kinds of symmetry: rotation, namely the torso turns laterally around a vertical axis centred in the tree, and reflection, namely the bodies are reflective, they do not rotate in a three-dimensional space (fig. 40).865 Symmetry applied to other scenes seems to have been used selectively and examples can be found in the royal palace of Sargon II. In detail, the banqueters displayed in rooms 2 and 7 are often depicted in a rotation symmetry, namely the torso turns laterally around a vertical axis centred in the table or in the space be862

Portuese 2016, 181–184. Albenda 1992; 1998, 11. 864 Paley / Sobolewski 1987, pls. 1–2. 865 Albenda 1998, 12. 863

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tween the banqueters (fig. 27, upper register). Finally, an almost mirroring image was shown on façade L, where the portrait of the king facing the crown prince was duplicated on either side of the central door leading into room 2 (fig. 21, middle). In sum, it is the symmetry displayed on some focal points in the palaces that seems to attract the attention like a kind of “visual magnet” eliciting feelings of beauty and equlibrium.866 7.4.5 Distribution and Contrast of Elements In a few instances from the Northwest palace, the distribution of elements in the narrative can be interpreted as a way to direct the attention of the audience to specific parts of the image, and can be instructive in detecting internal relations that might be otherwise missed. For example, the beheaded bodies scattered along the upper registers in the west side of the Throne Room (B) associate the narrated episodes as a single unit (fig. 36). The same might be said of the river and the stream, which somehow associate the lower registers of the same relief series.867 Likewise, the same clothing of foreigners depicted in the relief B–17, in the east side of the room, relate the upper register to the lower register (fig. 37).868 Additionally, binding elements that correlate visual narratives otherwise seemingly unrelated, are the killed animals shown in the hunting scenes (B–19–20, lower registers, fig. 38). Where looking at the hunting aftermath, the supposedly more informative element, the slain animals, are depicted at the centre, surrounded paradoxically by less informative elements that consist of the king and his entourage. At the same time, the hunting and tribute scenes are visually associated by the control over the enemy, represented by the kneeling figures of the bull, the lion and the prisoner (B–18–19–20, lower registers, figs. 37–38), thereby attracting the viewer’s attention and suggesting subtle and hidden ideological implications.869 The use of contrast in directionality as a way of leading selective attention to an element in the image might be exemplified by the representation of contrasting movement and orientation. The king, both in the palace reliefs of Assurnasirpal II and Sargon II, usually faces persons advancing towards him, thereby drawing attention to specific elements of the narrative, such as the encounters between the king and the crown prince, or with captives (figs. 20–21). 7.4.6 Central Positioning of Elements Drawing attention to a “centre” of the image is well exemplified on Assyrian reliefs by the ordering of motif in a three-part lateral sequence, in which the two 866

Duarte / Stefanakis 2015, 529. For detailed images, see Collins 2008, 42–45, 50. 868 For detailed images, see Collins 2008, 36–38. 869 Portuese 2016, 183 fn. 7. 867

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outer groupings are directed towards the central one, where the main activity takes place. In this sense, the latter acts as the vertical axis of an almost symmetrical composition.870 A remarkable example from the Northwest Palace is given by the processional scene extending from the lower registers B–5 to B–8 (fig. 36). The Assyrian king, turned to the right, stands at the encounter point of two lines moving from right to left and from left to right. On the right side, the procession consists of officials who escort a group of captives; on the left side the procession is composed of Assyrian chariots: the latter visually balances the first line of figures advancing to the king. Both processions centred on the Assyrian king, who acts as the central axis of a quasi-symmetrical scene. The use of a “virtual centre” can also be observed in the processional scenes occurring in rooms 9 and 12 of the royal palace of Sargon II. Here, the figure of the Assyrian king acts as visual centres of the whole composition, which consists of processions of beardless officials advancing towards the king from both sides.871 A further example of centrality can be seen in the scene carved on slabs 11–13 in room 8, where two groups of figures confront the king torturing his captives (fig. 25). Siege scenes rely on centrality. The enemy city is, indeed, often attacked from both sides, so that the two groupings of soldiers symmetrically move in direction of a central target (the fortified city), to which the viewer’s attention is probably attracted. In this respect, a straightforward example occurs in the lower register of reliefs B–3–5 of the Throne Room (B) in the Northwest palace, where the besieged city creates the visual centre of these slabs (fig. 36). The centrality is bestowed not only by the two groupings of attackers, but also by the birds hovering above the attack, which are strategically arranged on both sides of the city, apparently indicating the direction of the action and pointing to the central visual element of the scene.872 In addition, centrality was also the basis of the whole relief series of the west side: as proposed by Pittman, this series is governed by the structuring principle of centrality and directionality.873 Particularly, the cruciform symbol in the circular camp (B–7) would act to direct the gaze of the view down to the king in the register below; thus, left and right direct the viewer’s attention to the centrally located culminating scenes, and those directly adjacent to the central slabs act to connect the other scenes with the central ones.874 Upper and lower registers—although apparently disconnected—were clearly planned as a visual unit: the action scenes flank the central registers and direct the viewer’s attention 870

Albenda 1998, 15–16. Botta / Flandin 1849/II, pls. 121, 138. 872 For detailed images, see Budge 1914, pls. XVIII/2, XXIII/2. 873 Pittman 1996, 346–347. 874 Lumsden 2004, 369; see also Albenda 1998, 15, 30; Nadali 2010, 185–189; Bonatz 2013, 201. 871

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to the review and triumphal scenes, which probably represented the main ideological and significant event, as well as the conclusive result, namely the delivery of the tribute consisting of persons and goods. Thus, the calm of the central registers breaks and interrupts the swirling bellicose deeds shown on the sides, this leaps out at visitors, and acts to unify upper and lower register.875 The use of centrality as a cue to direct attention might also be seen in Sargon II’s siege scenes, particularly in the lower registers of the slabs lining room 2. Assyrian soldiers attack the fortified city from both sides and the spears as well as the arrows being shot towards the enemies are oriented towards the besieged city and probably conditioned a selective attention to it.876 7.4.7 Composition Regarding the Flow of Elements The use of this cue, as way of controlling audiences’ attention to the images depicted, can be identified in the composition of a selected number of reliefs which are organized around an imaginary triangle.877 In this respect, and restricting the investigation to the royal palace of Assurnasirpal II and Sargon II, there is only one instance which is the lion hunt of Assurnasirpal II (B–19, upper register, fig. 38). This is structured in an isosceles triangle the base of which rests upon the actual bottom of the register containing the image and whose apex ends near the top of the same register, above the conical headdress of the king; the upward diagonal axis moves along the leaping lion on the left side, while the descending oblique axis ends at the lower right corner beyond the prostrate lion at the right side of the slab.878 The two lions delineate the triangular framework of the scene, probably conditioning a selective attention to it. 7.4.8 Significant Objects A significant object that might be interpreted as an attention factor is certainly the power of the human body, especially the face and the eyes. The recurrence of the body thematic is particularly widespread in Assyrian reliefs, thereby suggesting that artists acknowledged its “magnetic” value. Some examples may suffice to support this assumption. In the Throne Room (B) of the Northwest palace, the upper register of slab B– 3 shows a captive being executed by two Assyrian soldiers (fig. 36).879 The unfortunate captive looks at the soldier on the left in the eyes, a gaze that might have ignited pain and fear, but also empathy, in the viewer. In the same register, a similar daunting and dramatic episode is illustrated before the walls of the besieged city, where enemy soldiers look into the eyes their slayers. In addition, proceeding 875

Pittman 1996, 347. Botta / Flandin 1849/I, pls. 61–64, lower registers; 70, lower register; 7, upper register. 877 Albenda 1998, 19–22. 878 For a detailed image, see Collins 2008, 35. 879 For a detailed image, see Budge 1914, pl. XVIII/1. 876

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along the upper register, the enemy’s head receives vivid importance, and the artist(s) brings to life the exact sequence of the beheading practice: the act of cutting off enemies in man-to-man combat (B–8 and B–3);880 the headless bodies (B–4– 5, 9); the act of heaping up the severed heads (B–6).881 Beheading and collecting severed heads was certainly a culturally symbolic event and, while the display of the beheading enemy soldiers on reliefs was used to threaten and shame the enemy, the individual heads collected signified victory in combat.882 But what is more important in this context is the inherent meaning of the head, its symbolic value and its visual implication when separated from the body. Janes, in this respect, stresses that explanation might be found in the natural meaning of the head, in its role as the locus of four senses (sight, hearing, taste, smell), the brain, and the mouth, fronted by the face. In brief, the head carries many species’ social identity.883 In addition, facial recognition is part of our basic wiring because humans and other primates possess nerve cells specific for faces; thus, much depends on it.884 Accordingly, in visual arts, studies show that human eyes look first to the head, make brief excursions to other parts of the image, and keep returning to the head. In addition, if the viewer’s eye follows the gaze of the eye in the image, then it discovers what that eye is watching. This clearly establishes a sympathetic bond with faces depicted on images.885 In this light, the representation of the orientation of enemies’ gaze acquires new meaning: heads, along with body posture, so well help to decode affection and despair, repeatedly arouse the attention and efficiently instil fear and pain in the viewer. The absence of a head bewilders and frightens, sparking similar feelings accordingly. In other words, headless bodies and enemy bodies being tortured can become the visual focus of even complex scenes. On Sargon II’s reliefs there is no such a focus on the enemy in siege scenes, except for a few instances in room 5. On one slab, a soldier is beheading an enemy,886 while another slab shows a captive in procession who appears to be the only one turning his head back: he addresses both his gaze and viewer’s gaze on a child being carried by a woman (fig. 43). Together with the gestures of desperation or imploring mercy, these were certainly cues for a selective attention to specific significant objects of the image depicted. However, it is especially in room 8 that attention is focused on the human body, especially on face and eyes. Slab 12 (fig. 25) shows the already discussed 880

The visual incidents do not actually show the act of beheading, although it can be implied. 881 For detailed images, see Budge 1914, pls. XV/2, XVIII/1, XVII, XVI/2. 882 Bahrani 2008, 23–55; Radner 2011a, 44–48; Karlsson 2016, 121. 883 Janes 2005, 4–5. 884 Kandel 2016, 29–35. 885 Janes 2005, 5. 886 Botta / Flandin 1849/II, pl. 90, upper register. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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image of the prisoner being blinded by a spear held in king’s hand. The dramatic and agonizing scene is entirely focused on the kneeling prisoner rather than on the surrounding figures, and especially on his head and eye: he is shown in a gesture of supplication, raising both hands and head towards the king. The king, however, does not reciprocate his gaze, which is instead addressed to the crown prince. Nevertheless, the prisoner does not go unnoticed: the spear, turned downwards, orients the viewer’s gaze to the kneeling captive and his eye, conditioning a selective attention to it. Therefore, viewer’s eye oscillates between spear and captive’s eye and is somehow “pierced” by the horrific scene: the drama metaphorically draws the viewer in to punish him through the eye.

Figure 43 Royal Palace (Dur-Sharrukin): procession of captives, drawing of the lower register of reliefs 9 and 8 from room 5 (Botta / Flandin 1849/II, pl. 92)

7.5 Context Context is represented by the physical setting in which kings and artists produce pictorial messages and in which viewers respond to them. It essentially played a major role in understanding how reliefs were experienced by visitors and participated in the royal court’s activities. Palaces were certainly not well lit as modern museums today, but rather were originally darker monumental spaces. In this respect, previous scholars supposed the use of clerestory lighting beneath the roof, as the doors were too narrow to let in much light.887 Shining surfaces used as mirrors may have been a solution during the day,888 while artificial light seems the most plausible solution after dark, as proved by the royal protocol text which describes the use of torches (zīqtu).889 However, we may speculate that the absence or limited amount of light inside the palace may have been an intentional

887

See Paley / Sobolewski 1992, 5, fn. 9–10, 10 for previous literature. Russell 1998, 671–672, fn. 45. 889 SAA 20 33, r i 37–i 40. See also Kertai 2015a, 189–190. 888

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strategy: the light could have been manipulated to highlight details in the reliefs, or to illuminate specific persons, such as the king himself, in order to spark a sensorial experience in visitors.890 7.5.1 Northwest Palace: Throne Room Courtyard The Throne Room Courtyard formed the main entry into the palace and, for its size, this was certainly a lively and comfortable space which welcomed visitors to the palace. This seems confirmed by the lines of figures depicted on the façade walking towards the Throne Room (fig. 20). Therefore, a large number of people would certainly have had the chance to see its sculpted wall. If we take for granted that people entering the Northwest Palace passed through the gate east of the Throne Room Courtyard, then the first reliefs visitors saw were those decorating court E (fig. 7). Only walking a little further, the rest of the decoration leaped out at visitors. It should also be noted that the portrait of the king was not overtly displayed as one stepped in the courtyard: the king’s position was hidden within a corner of the façade so that, to be seen, necessitated a 90-degree turn towards door d; the movement itself of the procession then drew the attention to the image of the king. Therefore, from the outset, the first royal portrait publicly shown to most visitors was Assurnasirpal II in his martial role, that is holding arrows and bow (D–2, fig. 20). 7.5.2 Throne Room (B) The Throne Room (B) was clearly a reception room, thus the most accessible part of the palace, the place where the king was physically present and received people. The interior decoration was displayed to a large number of persons accordingly, whose access was certainly not unrestrained but rather “controlled.” The warfare theme was dominant inside the room. The slabs were not randomly arranged and all the “cues” examined above were selectively distributed; it is likely that a specific design was devised by artists and sculptors, and this may have depended on movement and circulation inside the room. In fact, as already pointed out, door d, at the west end of the room, was in all likelihood earmarked for visitors, especially because of its distance from the throne, for the axial approach towards the throne, because entering the far side let visitor see the whole figurative program of the room, and for the apotropaic figures guarding the door (fig. 18). Crossing door d, the visitor would have been positioned in front of the slabs, whose visual impact increases arousal through the use of specific “cues,” such as exaggeration of postures, negative emotional salience, and significant objects. In fact, the slabs opposite door d show images that trigger specific primary emotions, such as fear, anxiety, disgust, hate, and anger: beheaded bodies, falling people,

890

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crying women (fig. 35–36). Visitors also fleetingly had the chance to glimpse the second royal portrait, set in room C, of the king holding bow and bowl.891 Within the room, the sequence of the images (B–3–11) would have maintained the high the level of arousal up to the symmetry of slab B–13, which inevitably directs the viewer’s attention to slab B–23: the doubling of the body of the king and genies flanking the stylized tree (fig. 40). Its mirror, or axial, symmetry would have reordered and interrupted the chaos induced by the reliefs of the south wall, producing an effect of calm and equilibrium. At this point, the visitor also came across the fourth portrait of the king: the king as shepherd holding a long staff (B–12, 14). Nonetheless, these slabs, along with slab B–13, were perhaps less prominent than one may expect. In fact, if we assume that the central and the most monumental door e was usually kept closed, and that the room was dimly lit inside, the image of the shepherd king would have acquired prominence only when the door was open, probably on special occasions at which fewer people took part. On the opposing east side, the negative images of the west side would have been interrupted by the calmer images of slabs B–17–20 (figs. 37–38). As for the royal hunt, although it can be interpreted in different ways, its non-bellicose aspect strongly leaped out at the audience after viewing the daunting warfare images of the first half of the Throne Room. Even to an untrained eye, the hunting scenes appear emotionally less intense and visually less impressive than the warfare ones. The lack of chaos and the presence of simplification evoke positive emotions, such as calmness. Finally, after paying homage to the king and admiring the royal portrait showing the king who flanks the stylized tree (B–23, fig. 40), the visitor was ushered in the Throne Room Courtyard. At this point, the last royal portrait that was overtly displayed to any person leaving the room was the king in his benevolent role of shepherd, depicted on the Banquet Stele, who blesses or greets who left the palace (fig. 44). In sum, the various aspects of the Assyrian king were all concentrated in one single room, but with different degree of accessibility and visibility. Fear-evoking images were set in the west side as to impress and arouse visitor’s attention, while calmness-evoking images were set in the east side as to peacefully usher the visitor out to the courtyard. In this sense, both architectural context and images carved inside where mutually functional: the length of the Throne Room distances the visitor from directing his gaze straight onto the king; at the same time, however, the length allowed the visitor making the full gradual journey to the king passing from fear to calmness. Reading the whole relief series of the Throne Room in this new light, such a subdivision or bipolarity seems to convey to its audience the opposing political attitudes of the Assyrian king: mercilessness and cruelty (west side), benevolence and paternalism (east side) (fig. 45).892 891 892

Meuszyński 1981, pl. 4, C–7. Portuese 2017a; 2019a, 85–86. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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Figure 44 Northwest Palace (Kalhu): Banquet Stele, from alcove EA (Wiseman 1952, pl. II)

Figure 45 Northwest Palace (Kalhu): Throne Room (B) and a paired tetrahedral representation of generation of bipolar emotions (Portuese 2019a, fig. 2.22)

This picture seems condensed also in the slabs B–13 and B–23, showing the doubling of the body of the king flanking the stylized tree (fig. 40). Much has

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been written on the differences between the depiction of the king on the left and right of the stylized tree, and on the exact meaning of the scene.893 But what is interesting in this context is that the king on the right is clad in the same garments worn by the king portrayed on the Banquet Stele, namely a double shawl with multiple fringes. By contrast, the king on the left side is similarly dressed in garments worn by the king in the reception of tribute-bearers. Considering these differences, it would be natural to suggest that the scenes represent the visual embodiment of the bipolarity of the Throne Room and of the attitudes of the Assyrian king. In fact, comparing the two slabs, we may note that the winged disk, perhaps Assur, bestows to or receives arrows and bow from the Assyrian king (B–13), who in turn faces right in the same manner as he does in most of the actions depicted along the south wall when he is engaged in military activities.894 In this sense, the king receives his military insignia and faces right towards the west side of the room, which represents his mercilessness and cruelty policy at its greatest. By contrast, the winged disk, perhaps Shamash, blesses with the right hand and bestows the ring to the king, and any reference to war is absent (B– 23).895 The king who, in turn, faces left, looks at the opposite side of the military king, thus indicating his second attitude shown in the east side of the Throne Room, namely benevolence and paternalism. This might explain why the king receiving the ring from the alleged Shamash is rendered in a similar manner to the king on the Banquet Stele. In sum, both images of the doubling of the king embodied and condensed at once the two aspects of king’s policy—mercilessness and benevolence—visually displayed in the reliefs of the west and east side respectively.896 Additionally, the architecture also cooperated with this ideological message: the long room led visitors into a gradual path, thereby presenting the antithetical attitudes of the Assyrian king, starting from his cruelty and turning to his benevolence. 7.5.3 West Suite The few surviving reliefs of the West Suite suggest that their content was perhaps not meant to impress or spark feelings of fear in the viewer; rather, it mostly shows less daunting warfare scenes than the Throne Room (B). However, because of its 893

See Watanabe 2014, 362 for a cursory list of all the differences identified by scholars. See also Brentjes 1994, 54–55, 64 and Brown 2010, 26–27 for an identification of the two figures with Adad-Nirari II and Tukulti-Ninurta II (890–884 BCE), Assurnasirpal II’s grand-father and father (see also Richardson 1999–2001). 894 All action depicted emanates from the king as he sits on his throne at the far eastern end of the room (Bonatz 2013, 201). 895 Nadali 2019e, 667. 896 This reading is supported by the interpretation suggested by Ataç (2010, 126–127), who regarded these differences as presenting two different aspects of kingship that he defines as “terrestrial/exoteric” and “celestial/exoteric.” © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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incomplete state of preservation, no extensive conclusions about the relationship between context and reliefs can be drawn. Interestingly, the picture emerging shows that most of the surviving reliefs displayed campaigns in the west, most likely beyond the Euphrates. In particular, it shows episodes related to the ninth campaign that led Assurnasirpal II to the far west. This is distinguished by its ideological aspects and, as a whole, the ninth campaign was characterized by a peaceful development and took place outside of the traditional borders of the empire. This assumption leads to the suspicion that these reliefs were perhaps meant to be enjoyed as well as admired, perhaps just like the reliefs in the east side of the Throne Room (B), rather than to impress an external visitor. Likewise, the royal hunt would have served the same purpose. In this respect, it must be stressed that the king’s achievements in the hunting field were restricted mainly to the more exclusive rooms, because this motif was somehow perceived as something “other,” and its messages addressed to specific groups of persons able to grasp all its ideological and religious implications. And in fact, the motif of the royal hunt was not overtly displayed at the beginning of the relief series in the Throne Room (B), but at its furthest end. As a consequence, a combination of position, architecture and the relatively “calm” subjects of the reliefs, suggests that the West Suite and its decoration were addressed to a selected audience, which did not need to be impressed or cowed. 7.5.4 East Suite Both architecture and decoration indicate that the East Suite was among the most important suites of the palace. This importance was further enhanced by its less accessible position, being located beyond the main Throne Room (B), suggesting that its audience was more privileged and internal.897 Accordingly, neither warfare nor hunting images were shown inside, thus no external nor internal visitor was expected or needed to be psychologically impressed. Rather, the image of the king is presented at strategic architectural points and its position appears particularly meaningful. In fact, anyone entering the suite by the central doors would have straightaway faced the royal portraits, whether turning right or left.898 The apparent featureless repetition of the reliefs decorating the East Suite makes the inquiry on their visual consumption rather puzzling. In addition, the interior decoration does not indicate—as previously stressed—the number of persons that could have access to the suite, and we may speculate whether Assyrian artists regarded the reliefs of the East Suite as “decoration,” namely something that adorns, enriches, or beautifies, the aim being to act as a visual spectacle for viewers.899 This was certainly one of the intended goals of narrative scenes, such as those in the Throne Room (B) and the West Suite. However, that the relief 897

Porter 2010a, 144–145. Dolce 1997. 899 Nadali (2017a, 292) recently raised a similar suspicion for the palace reliefs in general. 898

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series of the East Suite was primarily conceived to fulfil a similar purpose seems unlikely. It is more probable that it was the indexical sign, in semiotic terms, for the activities performed therein as well as to create a safeguarding backdrop. Thus, in the main, it seems reasonable to suspect that the images of the king partook in the alleged rituals performed in the suite, that reliefs were visual instructions for the performance of rites, and the whole created a ritualistic and protective setting. Additionally, the symmetrical images dominating the figurative program of the suite certainly sparked highly positive emotional responses of calm and equilibrium. 7.5.5 South Suite This suite has been interpreted as the suite of the king, and access was certainly limited. As a consequence, neither humans nor narrative scenes were displayed, and the abundance of apotropaic figures (genies flanking the stylized tree) make the suite a protected landscape. The single royal portrait depicted here, which interrupts the sequence of the apotropaic motif, was that of the king as shepherd, namely holding the long staff, while his weapons are delivered to the arms-bearers who surround the king.900 Interestingly, the shepherd king is again displayed in restricted or less visible spaces of the palace. This portrait certainly functioned as focal point for those entering the room from the vestibule T at the other end of the room. That it was used also by other selected persons cannot be ruled out, and perhaps this was expected. Although here the king is not depicted as receiving courtiers or foreigners, interestingly the engravings on the lower hem of his garment show an audience scene, in which the king receives officials, court members and tribute-bearers, in a very similar manner to that displayed on the western side of the Throne Room façade (fig. 20). A special relationship between the figurative themes of the reliefs, the scenes of the engravings and the architectural context may have existed, and it would be tantalizing to see in this audience scene a direct quotation of the actions performed in room S.901 7.5.6 Dur-Sharrukin Palace: Throne Room Courtyard VIII and Courtyard III According to the architectural plan, people entering the palace were first gathered in the Entrance Courtyard and then probably ushered into the Throne Room Courtyard by rooms 80–81, so that the Throne Room was approached from the side (fig. 8). Although this approach diminished the visual impact of the main façade, it nonetheless allowed visitors a direct view across the courtyard of the royal portraits of the king on the northwest wall of façade n (fig. 21, above and middle). Here the king overtly appeared on either side of door c, shown holding a lotus flower and performing the karābu gesture to the left of door c, and perform900 901

Paley / Sobolewski 1987, pls. 2–3. Portuese 2019b, 158. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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ing only the karābu gesture to the right of door c. The gaze of the king then drew the eyes respectively to the row of tribute-bearers, courtiers and officials, and to the line of officials and the transport of timber scene. In detail, to the left of door c, the edge of the first relief was hidden so that tribute-bearers emerged out of the corner giving the impression of an endless parade.902 Turning to the left, visitors immediately faced the southwest wall of façade n, which showed the long line of courtiers and officials advancing in the opposite direction of visitors entering the palace. At this point, the second royal portrait would have leaped out at visitors, presenting the king in his paternalistic and pastoral attitude, namely holding the long staff. The figures approaching the king increased in size towards the king and, moreover, the floor sloped down towards a drain at this point. The combination of these two factors meant that the king appeared particularly prominent in this relief.903 Looking at the two parades on the southwest and northwest wall, a peculiar feature should be noted. The visually clear distinction between the two lines is made evident by the opposite orientation of movement and by the different royal symbols exhibited by the king: long staff and lotus flower. These differences imply a different recipient, so that the royal portrait of the first row was pictorially addressed to insiders and the second mostly to outsiders. Therefore, even if the royal portrait of the shepherd king was publicly overt in the courtyard, architectural and iconographic devices are used to keep the underlying message concealed and confidential, just as observed in the Northwest Palace.904 The different orientation of the parades might indicate also a different destination: insiders moved towards the main Throne Room VII, and outsiders towards corridor 10, thereby assigning a specific route to each group of visitors. This is however merely hypothetical, and no conclusion can be drawn due to the fragmentary status of the Throne Room VII. The decoration of corridor 10 made of long rows of tribute-bearers was publicly displayed to anyone moved from the Throne Room Courtyard to Courtyard III. The corridor seems to have been oriented differently from the rest of the palace, and this may have been so for two practical reasons (fig. 19).905 First, this orientation led visitors straightaway to door P of room 8, the entrance probably earmarked for outsiders. Second, it would have allowed any passer-by to see the royal portrait depicted on the wall projecting into the open court, to the right of door P. Here, the king was shown accompanied by his fan-bearer and arms-bearer, performing the karābu gesture and holding perhaps a lotus flower, and facing the

902

Kertai 2015a, 104. Kertai 2015a, 103. 904 Portuese 2017a, 121. 905 Loud 1936, fig. 22; Kertai 2015a, 109. 903

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crown prince followed by a beardless official.906 The image further caught the viewer’s attention for its position, being framed in a recess. In Courtyard III, visitors perhaps had the opportunity to see the decoration of the southeast wall of façade N, to the right of door p leading to Suite 6 (rooms 14– 13). It showed only the lower parts of three persons turned to the left: they must have been the Assyrian king followed by two attendants.907 Visual consumption of these reliefs mostly took place only if one had to move towards Suite 6, which seems to have been reachable only from the terrace, or going back by corridor 10. Suite 6 is basically too fragmentary and, despite its apparent accessibility, a precise correlation between architecture, decoration and use is impossible to make at the moment. 7.5.7 Suite 5 Suite 5 (rooms 2, 5, and 8) represents the Double-sided Reception Suite of the palace, and is the architectural setting of four themes: torture, warfare, hunting, and banquet. In the suite, remarkably different degrees of accessibility can be noted. The “external” reception room (8) was directly accessible from the Throne Room Courtyard and was part of the more accessible areas of the palace. In contrast, the accessibility of the “internal” reception room (2) is likely to have been more limited, since it was located at a distance from the Throne Room Courtyard. In brief, the access to room 8 was less limited than access to room 2. To an extent, this is confirmed by the interior decoration of room 8, which was entirely devoted to the public annihilation of the enemies. These daunting images were certainly meant to be seen by most visitors coming from corridor 10, the aim being to evoke fear and intimidation. The access to the room was likely akin to that of the Throne Room (B) of the Northwest Palace, namely by door P, the furthest point from the throne. This assumption finds confirmation in the arrangement of the reliefs, which clearly complies with a specific circulation within the room. Interestingly, along the lines of the Throne Room (B), the first image any visitor came across depicted a prisoner being flayed by a soldier (fig. 26), the most brutal scene of the room. Thus, again, fear-evoking images were set in the furthest side of the room, in the opposite side of the throne. Turning 90-degree towards the left, the slabs behind the throne showed gory images of torture as well, but less frightening: the torture scene drew the viewer’s attention by means of its centrality and the exhibition of significant objects, such as the pierced eye (fig. 25). Therefore, violence was unlikely to be the only visual cue to catch viewer’s attention. Also the intimidating images of the southwest wall would have maintained the high level of attention, but the moment when people experienced the optimal and highest level of arousal took place entering the room by door P: such a psy-

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chological impact certainly created a status of alertness, situational awareness, vigilance, stress and direction of attention. Room 4 was strictly related to room 8 and this was manifestly visible in the axial position of door T which faced the throne on the other side of the room. Furthermore, the king was present on both sides of the doorjambs of door T, facing into room 4, and also at both sides of door T, thereby indicating a clear association with the king.908 Room 4 gave access to room 7, which has been related to the open space outside the palace.909 Though its function is unclear, its interior decoration complies with a basic tenet of palace reliefs’ program: the king’s achievements in the hunting field were restricted to the more secluded state apartments. The same apparently holds true for the banqueting scenes. As a rule, if the king was actually present on the slab opposite door R, then any visitor approaching the room would have faced the portrait of the king. Room 5 might have functioned as connector between rooms 8, 2 and 6. Its interior decoration showed warfare images of western campaigns, where largesize representations concentrate on Assyrian soldiers, and thereby giving prominence to the Assyrian army. Since there are no specific focal points indicating unidirectional movements, we may suspect that the room was intended to be toured. In fact, the lower register can be read from right to left and the upper from left to right, though where the sequence should start is uncertain.910 The monumental door U and the adjacent door S granted access to the room. Door U was on an axis with door E, while door S led visitors in front of warfare images showing the attack on two fortified cities, one of which is Gabbutunu in the lower register (fig. 46). The upper register, instead, showed a group of soldiers, one of whom bends forward to grab a fallen foe by his beard and thrust a sword into the latter’s neck. In this visual approach to the reliefs of room 5 we may detect three aspects that probably caught the attention of the viewer. First, the representation of the city, along with the enemy clothing and the identifying epigraph, allowed visitors to grasp readily the western environment of the scenes depicted in the room. Second, although in many places the reliefs were damaged, destroyed, or missing, the access from door S led visitors coming across the cruel and fearevoking image of the enemy being beheaded by an Assyrian soldier, thus abiding by the pattern applied in the throne rooms. Third, the lower register of slab 5 apparently shows an implicit visual quotation of slab 12 in room 8, namely an enemy being pierced by a spear turned downwards. The access to room 2 was probably more limited. Warfare episodes clearly aim at celebrating the prowess of the Assyrian army, and size exaggeration mostly concentrates on Assyrian soldiers. Beside warfare, the banqueting scene further 908

Kertai 2015a, 114. Kertai 2015a, 115. 910 Frame 2004. 909

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supports the notion of a controlled accessibility to the room, since the motif was also found in the small room 7. Thus, it is likely that this room was earmarked for few persons. This assumption seems confirmed by the reliefs shown opposite the main doors leading into the room which, given the content, do not seem aimed at psychologically impressing visitors entering the room.911 Rather, in the light of the exaggerated size of soldiers and the appearance of the king, it seems that viewer’s attention was drawn to the Assyrians rather than to the enemies. The lower register should be read from right to left, starting from the jamb of the northernmost door C, thus visitors had the chance of touring the whole room from door C up to door C again.

Figure 46 Royal Palace (Dur-Sharrukin): warfare scenes, drawings of reliefs 6 and 5 opposite door S, from room 5 (Botta / Flandin 1849/II, pls. 89–90)

Finally, rooms 3 and 1 being close to the “internal” side of the Double-sided Reception Suite were likely intimate spaces and their interior decoration was exposed to selected groups of persons. Accordingly, the parades of court members and officials displayed on façade L would also have received a limited degree of visual consumption. Here, the almost symmetrical image of the king holding the 911

Reliefs 17–18 opposite door G (Botta / Flandin 1849/I, pls. 64–65); relief 2 opposite door H (Botta / Flandin 1849/I, pl. 53); reliefs 7–8 opposite door B (Botta / Flandin 1849/I, pls. 55–56). © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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long staff and facing the crown prince created a sense of stability and balance that would have caught the attention of any viewer approaching room 2 (fig. 21, below). 7.5.8 Suite 5a The formal processions were extended to Suite 5a, consisting of rooms 6 and 11, 9 and 12. The position and arrangement of the rooms in the suite suggest that the degree of accessibility was higher for rooms 6 and 11 than for rooms 9 and 12, although a doorway leading to Courtyard III served room 9. This is evidenced by the interior decoration, which shows foreign tribute-bearers, courtiers and officials in rooms 6 and 11, and only officials in rooms 9 and 12. In room 6, the portrait of the king was in axis with door O, while turning 90degree towards the left visitors came across another royal portrait.912 Both portraits showed the king holding a lotus flower and raising his right hand in a gesture of salutation (karābu). This arrangement may suggest the ideal path within the room, thereby assigning to door O the role of introducing visitors coming from Courtyard III. The same axial arrangement can be noted in rooms 9 and 12, where the portrait of the king holding the long staff was shown opposite door Z, and door e, thereby suggesting that room 9 was mostly accessed by Courtyard III. There is again a basic artistic and ideological tenet that emerges from a joint examination of palace reliefs showing formal processions and their architectural context. The portrait of the king in his paternalistic attitude, namely holding the long staff, was shown in the most confidential settings of the palace, thus addressing its ideological implications to few privileged persons. This feature was also exploited in the palace of Assurnasirpal II. By contrast, the image of the king holding the lotus flower and performing the karābu gesture was the most overt portrait of the king, thereby suggesting that its meaning(s) was addressed to a wider audience. 7.6 Medium (Physical Channel) Mitchell defines the medium as the “middle ground between materials and the things people do with them.”913 As a means of expression, the medium is something that sits in-between us and those we are communicating with, acting on our behalf by relaying thoughts, ideas and feelings that we send to one another.914 In a sense, the “how” an image transmits its message can be the very essence of an image, with the consequence that “the more we pay attention to a medium, the less it can hide its strategies.”915 Images and texts as messages are shaped both in terms of their imagined or expected audience as well as in terms of the potentials 912

Botta / Flandin 1849/II, pls. 102–103. Mitchell 2005, 204. 914 O’Neill 2008, 9–10. 915 Belting 2005, 304–305. 913

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and facilities of the means and media of dissemination. Medium, then, cannot be understood simply as a technology that enables communication, but it is also a cultural system: quoting Jenkins “a medium’s content may shift […], its audience may change, and its social status may rise or fall, but once a medium establishes itself as satisfying some core human demand, it continues to function within the larger system of communication options.”916 That the stone was the most appropriate long-lasting material to preserve kings’ names and memories is beyond dispute. Its enduring character was inextricably linked to notions of monumentality and memory, and played an essential role in creating identities and historical posterity. Palace reliefs were essentially the materialization of ideas, values, stories, myths, and the like into a physical reality, and stone was chosen by artists as vehicle to share with specific and target groups of persons the Assyrian perception of the world.917 The consequence may have been that such a way to materialize inevitably associated a group with a practice and represented the power and authority of its leaders. In other words, reliefs carved on stone may literally have stood for the Assyrian identity. The reliefs on orthostats shaped as rectangular blocks were normally carved in situ, that is after being placed in position. Once the slabs were positioned against the walls, the motif or subject matter on the obverse side was outlined, probably together with inscriptions.918 Albenda notes that the subjects were raised from the background, so that natural light could light the linear forms. This was an added value in respect of visual consumption: bright daylight lit contours and patterns, whereas artificial light from oil lamps enhanced specific features. Accordingly, the fine linear shadows made some scenes on a human scale visible at close range. To demonstrate this, a recent exercise on a relief from the North Palace of Assurbanipal tested how different lighting angles cast light and shadow over a palace relief.919 The results demonstrated that the optimum lighting directions were found to be from oblique angles to the left or right, casting shadows of the greatest depth. In this way, image details and the features of figures could be clearly seen as light moved horizontally past the relief, thereby suggesting that a handheld light source may have been the actual source of light. The visual impact was further enhanced by colours. Certain details were indeed picked out in paint, and the main colours found are black and white (hair and eye pupils), red ochre (clothing, headwear, jewellery, weapons, wood, fire, horses), and blue (footwear, parts of weapons, plants, horses). It was found that red and black were the most frequently used colours in both the palaces of Assur916

Jenkins 2006, 14. DeMarrais et. al. 1996, 16. 918 Callot 1995. 919 Sou 2015. 917

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nasirpal II and Sargon II; however, a greater variety of colour features appeared on reliefs from Dur-Sharrukin, where blue was used more than black.920 The wall paintings at Til-Barsip show that foreigners were sometimes represented with red skin and hair colour.921 From the use of colour on reliefs, three aspects may be of relevance in this environment. First, no traces of paint have yet been found as background colouring. This leads to suspect that paint was mostly used to draw the attention of viewers on specific details.922 Second, from the analysis of colour on Sargon II’s reliefs emerges a substantial use of blue. In particular, the abundance of blue at DurSharrukin might reflect the increased expansion of the Assyrian Empire, which provided greater access to sources of blue pigment and foreign artisans whose own traditional techniques became reflected in Assyrian art. In this respect, it was suggested that the decision to depict horses in the unnatural colour of blue was intentional, in order to denote their high value before an audience.923 Third, the use of red colour on natural human features of foreigners was perhaps used to further distinguish foreigners from Assyrians and emphasise racial differences. In sum, these aspects clearly aimed at making the medium on which communication by images took place more eye-catching, because attracting the attention of viewers was one of the primary goals of the palace reliefs. Light and colour, in particular, may have been considered as falling within the visual code and certainly cooperated to catch the viewer’s gaze emotionally and to direct and orient his/her wandering eyes. If so, the aesthetic dimension of these reliefs requires reconsideration inasmuch as they may have been neither simply a public display of the coercion of the general audience nor an attempt to frighten vassal rulers. If exploitation of light and colour was regarded as a systematic code during the carving of reliefs, then the attention of observers was primarily sought in order to promote a general appreciation of the work as art and only secondarily to convey political messages. In this sense, Bahrani might be partly right in considering “the palace reliefs as works of art made for visual pleasure, for viewing in the palace.”924 7.7 Audience If admission to the palace and its spaces was selective, the choice of subject and audience for the reliefs by artists was also selective. In this sense, the notion of a visual consumption by a group of receivers to be indoctrinated with a very general message of power, which hinges on the presumption of an undefined and unidentified broad human audience, should be discarded in favour of the opposite as920

Reade 1979a, 18; 1983, 20; Verri et al. 2009; Sou 2015. Parrot 1961, fig. 116. 922 Reade 1979a, 18; Sou 2015. 923 Sou 2015, 17. 924 Bahrani 2008, 241–242, fn. 17. 921

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sumption: definite messages for “selected” and “chosen” groups of receivers. This implies that the royal message conveyed by visual media is not univocal and general but specific and well-defined: each representation carried a well-thought-out meaning that could involve a number of distinct viewers at different levels. The degree of comprehension could depend on the knowledge possessed by the viewer, on his/her readiness in appreciating the depicted details, their meanings, their associations in the iconographic context, and the ideological and political reasons lying behind the narrated episode. Consequently, the greater will be the understanding of the visual message and the greater will be the psychological involvement.925 Involvement, in its most general sense, means the degree to which a viewer invests emotional and mental effort in decoding a visual narrative, and in this regard, four central avenues for audience involvement have been identified by recent psychological studies: sensation and perception, identification and transportation (fig. 47).

Figure 47 Model of visual communication (inspired by Elleström 2016, fig. 5). The double arrow between “Author’s mind” and “Audience’s mind” indicates a two-way communication according to which the former can tailor the message on the second. As a consequence, the audience’s mind is not involved only in the act of reception but also in the act of production.

Although intimately related, sensation and perception play two complementary but different roles in how we interpret images. Sensation refers to the process of sensing the picture through a sensory organ, such as our eyes (bottom-up process). Perception is the way we interpret these sensations and therefore make sense of what is being observed; the information is thus read through our knowledge and associations based on earlier experiences (a top-down process).926 Thus, when one looks at a palace relief, much information is conveyed to the brain 925

This notion is reminiscent of Andy Warhol’s Brillo Boxes, appreciation of which depends on the easy access of understanding by a wide audience and emphasizes their effects rather than their appearance. Warhol’s “Pop Art” reveals, indeed, that interest and pscyhological involvement relied on what we all readily understand and thus appreciate. 926 Kandel 2016, 110–115. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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from bottom-up processing: fear-evoking images, such as beheaded bodies, are universally recognised as such. However, important information is also added from our memory of prior encounters with the content depicted: these memories of experiences enable viewer to infer the cause, meaning, historical backgrounds, and value of a given visual message on our retina. If the perception coincides with what the picture offers or communicates, then the level of involvement of the viewer will be high. When experiencing a visual message, we become deeply involved when we see characters affected by events: we become anxious when they face danger and we share their sadness or joy. Identification takes place when the viewer is highly absorbed by and mentally engaged with specific characters in the image and embraces for the while that character’s identity, with the consequence that the viewer will be more affected by the message. The second term, transportation, has similar emotional effects and describes the relationship with the narrative as a whole rather than with single characters, thereby increasing involvement in either enjoyment or aggravation.927 In the light of these premises, it may appear easier to understand which group of viewers was emotionally involved rather than which group of viewers artists had in mind when reliefs were carved. Accordingly, identifying the most involved audience might signify identifying the target or intended audience, which represents who the reliefs were actually meant to impress. It should be recalled here that the Assyrian king—and his successors after his death—was himself always the primary and most involved audience of any work of art displayed in the palace: he was the first and expected recipient of a sculpture during its implementation, and the actual and main audience during its exhibition in the royal palace. Afterwards, the king loved sharing the visual pleasure and visual messages with other contemporary selected and chosen groups of persons who, in turn, became the new target audience. 7.7.1 Northwest Palace The slabs lining the external walls of the Throne Room façade were certainly displayed to anyone who had entered the courtyard for an audience with the king. Since the spatial context was relatively open to all selected and chosen visitors, the message conveyed was rather general and could reach any viewer. However, different reading levels were certainly expected. In detail, the highest officials and court members of the Assyrian Empire, especially the crown prince, who was overtly exhibited as the legitimate heir to the throne, the palace manager, and senior officials were certainly target audience. The visual message was addressed to these figures who were keen to maintain court positions. At the same time the visual message was also addressed to any

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courtier and official of lower rank, who was eager to climb the ladder of success. Similarly, any tribute-bearer or subject bringing goods to the king, on viewing these slabs, was directly invited to admire the territorial extension of Assurnasirpal II’s reign and, through the intimidating martial representation of the Assyrian king, to keep up the delivery of tribute or audience gifts. Within the Throne Room (B), the entire narrative relief series appears episodic in character. Narrative continuity is maintained within episodes but does not extend to the whole series. This episodic and non-chronological series of representations implies that a number of events were included in the decorative program of the Throne Room, because probably a variety of addressees was expected. The episodes depicted lack any epigraphic description and contain pervasive features that give a general identity of the incidents displayed. The consequence is that specific costumes, geographical references, and scenery could refer either to a single city or region to represent the entire campaign, with ambiguity concerning the precise site and event depicted. This minimum possible level of specificity, however, guaranteed that the message(s) conveyed by reliefs could reach the large variety of people expected to enter the room.928 Thus, the reliefs of the Throne Room were not too specific and maintained a general character, with the consequence that they could put across the general royal message of the political and military power of the Assyrian king to any visitor approaching the room without losing the ability to convey specific messages to specific groups of persons. In this sense, if the identifications proposed are correct, the campaign against Nirbu (B–11–3, upper registers) implies processes of identification and transportation that involved officials stationed in the Assyrian capital but especially in the administrative centre of Nairi. This group of viewers would have been strongly aware of their essential role in the reception and administration of the annual tribute and certainly experienced a high involvement in the visual presentation. The religious elite also was probably expected to view these slabs and the ideological implications of the war ritual were especially perceived and understood by priests, intellectuals, exorcists and other figures in the temple personnel. An outer audience was certainly also expected, and this may be identified with envoys and local rulers from Nirbu. They paid the annual tribute and likely visited the palace of Assurnasirpal II. As a consequence, they would have recognised themselves in the figures depicted and would have grasped the messages addressed to them, namely keeping up the annual tribute with the dire consequence in case of interruption. At the same time, this group would include also a subset, represented by other diplomats and rulers of minor towns and villages of Nairi. According to textual sources, this group of people certainly had opportunities to visit the palace and were indirectly intimidated and persuaded of the mechanism of Assyrian administration and military machinery: interruption of the tribute was interpreted as

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an act of rebellion and was punished as such. At the same time, however, any envoy and local ruler from Nairi and neighbours, which the images evoked through costume and scenery, might have been impressed by the military actions of Assurnasirpal II in the regions nearby and might also have been expected to get the message. The crossing of the Euphrates, the following siege of Karpabu and the consequent taking of hostages from Bit-Adini (B–11–3, lower registers), would stand for any military activity in the states on and beyond the Euphrates. Officials stationed at the newly built Assyrian centres (Kar-Assurnasirpal and Nebarti-Assur), which protected the Euphrates crossing and the Bit-Adini border, were certainly involved in the visual message. As for an outer audience, the specificity of the scene would have insured the processes of identification and transportation especially in envoys and kings from Bit-Adini, in particular, from Kaprabu, and they would have grasped the message of a permanent presence of Assyria and military control beyond the river. Delegations from Bit-Adini were probably admitted in the palace, and inhabitants from Kaprabu are attested in Kalhu. At the same time, since Bit-Adini and Kaprabu had been involved in the Laqu revolts, these reliefs were perceived as messages of intimidation against potential rebellions. In addition, the general but pregnant meaning of the crossing of the Euphrates would have impressed any envoy from kingdoms beyond the river. Thus, if we take for granted that the message conveyed by these images, together with the events related to Carchemish-Patina (B–27–28, lower registers), implied the responsibility of Bit-Adini in the Laqu revolts, then the general message was addressed also to any state controlling the Euphrates crossing and located beyond the river. A number of kingdoms in these areas were subject to occasional tribute and had accordingly the chance to visit the main reception room of Assurnasirpal II. Summing up, through use of this minimum level of specificity in the reliefs on the west side of Throne Room (B), a wide audience could be reached through a relatively small number of relatively specific images. Conversely, the narrative relief series of the east side was entirely devoted to the campaign in Suhu, and the events were displayed with a wealth of details in order to spark processes of identification and transportation especially in envoys from Suhu. The intended addressees were the envoys from Suhu, who were undoubtedly guests of the Assyrian king. They would readily have grasped the messages expressly addressed to them, recognising themselves in the figures depicted through the extensive use of symbolic details, and would have figured out the “merciful” treatment of the Assyrian king. This “merciful” treatment was obviously intended to communicate the power of the Assyrian king over the land of Suhu but, at the same time, to transmit his pietas to those who maintained a good relationship with Assyria. Therefore, the non-upsetting warfare images (B–17–18, upper registers) aimed to reinforce the overwhelming power of Assyria, while the tribute scenes (B–17–18, lower registers) aimed to keep alive the benevolent treatment through the sending © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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of the tribute.929 Finally, the hunting scenes are the two narrative sculptures closest to the royal throne. The motif, as already discussed, is full of anecdotes and metaphorical meanings, and it is likely that this theme gave particular pleasure to the king himself and his entourage. Thus, it seems an appropriate subject for insiders, such a courtiers and intellectuals, which in turn may have acted as the target addressee of all the ideological hidden and symbolic messages conveyed. If visitors approaching the Throne Room (B) were selected, a more careful and strict selection was made among visitors admitted in the West Suite. The target audience of the surviving reliefs is unclear and may never be known. However, relying on the content of the surviving figurative program, the incidents were perhaps not meant to impress but to be enjoyed and admired. Accordingly, its intended audience may have been more internal—made up of the highest ranking officials of the empire—and, if an outer audience was expected, this must have been very privileged and included important foreign rulers and leaders. A privileged and highly selected audience can be certainly proposed for the interior decoration of the East Suite. The visual messages of the East Suite were probably addressed to the religious elite, including exorcists, although this hypothesis remains merely speculative. An intended addressee may be proposed for the various portraits of Assurnasirpal II. For instance, it is clear that the king depicted in his military aspect, namely holding arrows and bow, was sited in the most accessible areas of the palace, thereby suggesting that its intended audience was large and varied. In a similar vein, the portraits of the king with bowl and bow as well as the king flanking the tree were displayed to anyone was granted to visit the Throne Room (B). By contrast, the king in his paternalistic and pastoral duties, namely holding the long staff and performing the karābu gesture, was the most concealed royal portrait, being shown in limited focal points of the palace, where access was strictly controlled. Therefore, its target audience was internal, made up of the political and administrative elite.930 To close, it must be noted that the fact that reliefs were mostly located in the main reception suites suggests that visitors were expected to enter them. Additionally, it seems that a specific communicative and psychological tenet was applied in the arrangement of the reliefs within the palace: chaotic images were confined to the most accessible areas—where especially outsiders had a chance to see them—while calm images were limited to the less accessible ones. That is to say that where artists used specific artistic “cues,” such as exaggeration of figures’ size or posture, negative emotional scenes, or significant objects like severed heads to catch the attention of the beholder, an outer audience was expected. Instead, where “cues” such as the symmetry of the stylized tree or the simplification 929 930

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of the narrated events were chosen by artists, an inner audience was expected. This assumption, if correct, sheds light also on the psychological impact and the consequent aesthetic taste of Assyrians during the reign of Assurnasirpal II: if chaos was used to evoke fear and spark high levels of arousal, then calmness was used to elicit feelings of balance and peace. In this sense, symmetry and simplification on reliefs were highly valued by the king and consequently was earmarked for the most inaccessible rooms of the palace. By contrast, chaotic images were largely used in specific settings visited by outsiders who were required to be aroused and impressed. 7.7.2 Dur-Sharrukin Palace The long parades of courtiers, officials and foreign tribute-bearers lining the walls of the main Throne Room Courtyard (VIII) and corridor 10 were doubtless consumed visually by a broad and varied audience. The artists, however, had incorporated visual cues to indicate the general recipient for each parade and associated royal portrait. The reliefs showing exclusive lines of insiders advancing towards the king who holds the long staff (southwest wall, façade n), were clearly addressed to an inner audience, made up of courtiers, officials and aristocrats, which represents the intended recipient of all the ideological messages carried. At the same time, on viewing these slabs, an outer audience, chiefly made up of foreigners, was invited to perceive and admire the rigid and articulated organization of the Assyrian administration and the unity of the empire. Likewise, the reliefs showing parades of foreigners and insiders advancing towards the king who holds the lotus flower and performs the blessing/greeting gesture were meant to impress the political and administrative elite with the king’s achievements and the extent of his reign. As for an outer audience, although any outsider bringing tribute to the king identified and transported himself in the long processions of figures carrying goods, the intended addressees were most likely groups of people coming from western and eastern regions, who were both depicted as labourers and tribute-bearers, as well as suppliers of lumber. The torture scenes within rooms 8 and 4 were certainly visible to most tributebearers and foreigners coming from corridor 10, which was clearly meant for outsiders to traverse. The message conveyed was doubtless addressed to this group of outsiders, and the final goal must have been that of impressing any viewer, especially any leader or city ruler. In fact, the few surviving captions suggest that the captives had been leaders, and visitors having access to these rooms could have been in the position to later relate with awe the dire consequences meted out to rebels and tributaries stopping the annual payment, thus possibly sparking fear among their retinues. At the same time, the persistent presence of the royal entourage in any activity of the king was a clear message of trustworthy reliability towards his high-ranking dignitaries. Therefore, an inner audience made of courti-

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ers, officials and attendants was surely tacit, although it was not the intended recipient of this daunting message. A careful and stringent selection was probably made among the guests who were privileged enough to visit rooms 6 and 11. Here, the slabs showing lines of foreigners were exhibited to the political elite and aristocracy, who had to admire the gratifying parades of honoured guests visiting the court of Sargon II; at the same time, favoured outsiders may have been conceived as part of the intended audience of these representations. Room 5 was accordingly subject to a visual consumption by a varied audience, made up of insiders and outsiders. Beside the political elite, favoured guests must have been able to grasp the meaning of the western conquests and, since most of the figures depicted in rooms 6 and 11 were westerners, these may have been particularly targeted recipients. Through costume and scenery, westerners especially were involved in processes of identification and transportation, and would have identified themselves in the events depicted. A more controlled accessibility has been observed for rooms 9, 12, 1, 2, 3, and 7. The interior decoration complies with the confidential nature of these spaces, and suggests that its audience was mostly, if not exclusively, internal. The parades of beardless officials in rooms 9 and 12 were certainly addressed to the few persons living in the palace or belonging to the royal entourage that likely had the chance of attending the king in these very secluded spaces. Likewise, the banqueting and hunting scenes of room 7, together with all the ideological implications and anecdotes of these subjects were meant to be enjoyed, and probably gave particular pleasure to the king and his retinue. Images of Assyrian military achievements were restricted to the rooms in the less accessible side of the Double-sided Reception Suite. As Reade has already pointed out, these rooms were presumably used by Assyrian courtiers and officials.931 Banqueting and warfare scenes were closely related and both were perhaps meant as giving pleasure to high-ranking officials and the king himself. It must be noted, moreover, that unlike Assurnasirpal II’s palace reliefs, warfare scenes were characterised by a pronounced specificity by means of epigraphs. Thus, if ambiguity was used in the Northwest Palace to appeal to a range of insiders and outsiders, by contrast specificity was used in the royal palace of Dur-Sharrukin to appeal to a limited and selected groups of persons. In other words, epigraphs were the one way of ensuring that the images operated at the maximum possible level of specificity, so that a restricted audience could be reached by the message(s) conveyed. Therefore, an inner audience was certainly the target addressee of reliefs lining the walls of rooms 1, 2, 3 and, accordingly, of Courtyard I. This also explains why the pictorial narrative mainly concentrates on the Assyrian army rather than on the annihilation of the enemy.

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Finally, the royal portraits were set in specific locations of the palace so as to address specific ideological messages to specific groups of persons. In this regard, the intended addressee of the king holding the long staff was the political and administrative elite as well as the aristocracy, an inner audience. Insiders are, in fact, always dominant in scenes of the king as shepherd. Therefore, the paternalistic attitude of the Assyrian king was firstly addressed to this group of people. This royal role was concealed and not overtly manifest, since this portrait was mostly exhibited on reliefs placed only in the confidential or inaccessible spaces of the palace. The second, numerically, dominant portrait of Sargon II was the king with the lotus flower and performing the karābu gesture. The metaphorical meanings of this image, which implies the notion of life-giving ruler, was addressed to anyone but especially to outsiders. This portrait only occurs, in fact, in the presence of foreigners and never before exclusive rows of insiders.932 In sum, at first glance, Sargon II’s artists planned a figurative program made up of individual themes for specific spaces to be addressed to selected and chosen groups of receivers. That is to say, the thematic group “warfare-hunting-banquetking’s associates parades” were confined to the less accessible areas, while torture scenes and long processions of outsiders were overtly displayed in the most accessible spaces of the palace. On closer inspection, the figurative program appears uniform but diversified for a more efficient visual communication with a varied audience. The basic and main subject of Sargon II’s reliefs is, in fact, the representation of his endeavours in the western and eastern areas of the empire, but shown to palace visitors and its inhabitants in different ways according to what mainly caught the attention of a viewer. That is to say that both banquet and delivery of tribute represent the consequent celebration of any military campaign. However, to an inner audience was exhibited both the military event and the pleasant consequence of the royal repast; in contrast, to an outer audience was shown the final stage of the military event, namely the execution of enemy leaders, and the unpleasant consequence of the delivery of goods. Therefore, artists adopted a basic subject to decorate the palace, but this was then expressed differently through a careful adjustment for the different audiences to whom it was presented and according to the potential interest or psychological involvement of the viewer. The hunting motif was somehow set aside from this general program and indeed it was placed in a particularly secluded room, apparently dissociated from the other decorated rooms. There is a further basic artistic tenet behind the decorations in the palace of Sargon II. Although warfare scenes may contradict what has been proposed for the aesthetic taste of the reign of Assurnasirpal II, it seems that again calm, order, symmetry, and equilibrium in images were clearly appreciated by Assyrians, and

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artists usually designated these features to decorate the less accessible spaces of the palace. In fact, banquet scenes and long parades of courtiers and officials were mostly characterised by order, simplification and symmetrical dispositions of visual elements. By contrast, crowded lines of foreigners, exaggerated postures, fearevoking images, were designated to decorate the most accessible areas of the palace. Again, the psychological impact on viewers was essential in the visual communication, and artistic “cues” were carefully selected to spark alertness, vigilance, stress and direction of attention on visitors from outside, and calm, equilibrium and positive emotions on visitors from within the palace. 7.8 Summary and Further Reflections This chapter has basically explored the palace reliefs in relation to their audience and the architectural setting in which their visual consumption took place. In the Northwest Palace of Assurnasirpal II, formal processions and warfare episodes were overtly displayed to visitors entering the palace, hunting scenes received a less direct visual consumption, and mythical-symbolic motifs were mainly confined to the most inaccessible areas of the palace. Contrariwise, in the royal palace of Dur-Sharrukin, illustrations of Assyrian military achievements were restricted to anterooms and reception-rooms on the less accessible side of the Double-sided Reception Suite of the palace. Similarly, hunting and banqueting scenes were restricted to rooms with limited access. More accessible rooms and outer courtyards were instead decorated with long parades of insiders and outsiders, as well as with torture scenes. Artists all cooperated to make the visual message both detailed and, especially, eye-catching. The visual code adopted included a number of cues that created a state of alertness, situational awareness, vigilance, stress and direction of attention at the psychological level and to different degrees. Recent analysis, furthermore, has revealed that light and colour also played an essential role in the visual consumption process. In other words, the series of reliefs were certainly meant to be seen by a varied selected audience, and this was also attested by royal texts. The viewer’s attention, in this respect, was drawn by means of cues that trigger orientation to the images, that activates a disseminate attention to the parts of the images, and that arouse selective attention to specific elements in images. Interestingly, an aspect emerging from this analysis is that symmetry, order, and simplification seem to have been used discriminately, being mostly confined to images set in the less accessible areas of the palace, and used to a greater extent by insiders. In the light of the cues analysed, it was concluded that the intended recipient of a given relief is the one who was psychologically fully involved in the event depicted. This assumption might be true and applied to the Assyrian palace reliefs, although with caution and a number of limitations. In fact, the most “involved” audience does not imply that it was also the intended recipient by Assyrian artists. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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Of course, the target recipient upon whom the royal message was shaped may never be known with certainty. However, a joint examination of context, textual and visual sources indicates that specific rooms of the palace were earmarked for selected and chosen audiences, whether insiders or outsiders, thereby suggesting that a coincidence between “involved” viewer and “intended” viewer might be not too farfetched.

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Chapter 8 Palace Inscriptions 8.1 Introduction Textual evidence shows that officially the authors of royal inscriptions were— without question—the kings themselves.933 He mostly speaks, indeed, in first person of his deeds and endeavours, thus acting as author, narrator, and protagonist.934 However, the task of drafting content and composition of inscriptions was actually the work of scribes (ṭupšarru), who were trained to compose texts and taught on an entire systems of values and perspectives, such as the loyalty to the king and how to create an ideal image of the king.935 Additionally, scribes recorded military events which were later compiled and composed for inscriptions.936 Among these professionals, three figures must have played an essential role in the execution of texts: the chief scribe (rab ṭupšarri), the royal scribe (ṭupšar šarri), and perhaps the palace scribe (ṭupšar ekalli).937 There is evidence that other prominent scholars too were involved in the composition of royal inscriptions and, more generally, in the formulation of the imperial policies. These figures may have belonged to the scholarly group of professionals known as “wise men” consisting of the astrologer/scribe (ṭupšarru), the haruspex/diviner (bārû), the exorcist/magician (āšipu), the physician (asû), and the lamentation chanter (kalû).938 Representatives of these disciplines were “scholars” (ummânu), the most prominent position a man of learning could aspire to in Assyria.939 Once the text had been drafted and composed by these intellectuals, other practical skilled craftsmen set to work. Neo-Assyrian sources provide, in this respect, information on professionals that were engaged in the processing of stone, namely the stone-borer (pallišu), stone-carver (parkullu), and engraver (kapšarru). Among these figures, there is good reason to believe that the main skilled craftsmen of inscribing texts on stone was the kapšarru.940

933

RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, i 97–i 99; ARAB 2.112; SAA 15 4, r 1–6; SAA 10 358, r 2–4; SAA 16 143, 6–11. 934 Frahm 2019, 142–144. 935 Finn 2017, 4–5. 936 Reade 1981b, 154; Parker 2011, 366–367. 937 Luukko 2007. 938 SAA 10, xiii–xiv. 939 Finn 2017, 6. 940 Groß 2014, 537–539. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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Now, relying on the methods of semiotic analysis, visible palace inscriptions will be analysed according to the standard features of message, code, context, medium (physical channel), audience.941 8.2 Message The palace inscriptions are usually defined as commemorative because they were composed to commemorate the deeds of the king, such as building activity, military action, or both.942 The king, as the central character in these documents, was portrayed in ideal terms, thus the texts do not depict accurate real events but distorted and one-sided.943 The message is basically structured following a general system or “code” of style, implying that even when an account differs, the constitutive features remain the same.944 In detail, all inscriptions in the Northwest Palace and Dur-Sharrukin palace start by addressing legitimacy. This is obviously a very important matter because it is the proof for establishing a correct chain of relationships from god to king and from king to people, ensuring order and prosperity for the empire.945 However, if the king achieves his position through some irregular procedure, he has to justify himself in various ways. Therefore, if his access to power involved disrupting existing socioeconomic interests, the usurper will want to assume the role of the restorer of order and justice, as shown in Sargon II’s inscriptions.946 This emphasis on the legitimate king is also seen as a frequent theme of royal genealogy,947 genealogy which is absent in the inscriptions of Sargon II. As a consequence, the most important and decisive legitimation comes from the successful exercise of power: since success is only possible with divine support, and divine support is only granted to legitimate kings, a military success or any royal deed is indicative of the proper king and his good government.948 The king thus appears in inscriptions as the warrior of great gods, instructed and ordered to warfare.949 Success in warfare means death of people and destruction of material goods, control of crossing paths and of landscapes, as well as of extended regions as sources of raw materials.950 In this respect, the punishments inflicted on enemies are extremely daunting and the number of killed enemies, captives, tributes and booty

941

See also Liverani 2014. Grayson 1980, 150. 943 Garelli 1981; 1982; Karlsson 2016, 12; Frahm 2019, 151. 944 Fales 1981, 194; Liverani 1995, 2359–2361; Frahm 2019, 146. 945 RIMA 2 A.0.101.23, 1. 946 ARAB 2.53–54. 947 RIMA 2 A.0.101.23, 1–2. 948 Sano 2016, 221–222. 949 RIMA 2 A.0.101.23, 5b–7; ARAB 2.54. 950 Karlsson 2016, 125–133. 942

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is purposely exaggerated.951 The enemy is accordingly humiliated and, while the king is described as having heroic qualities and compared to the ferocity of the lion or the wild bull, the enemy is described in terms of cowardice and associated with weak animals such as mongoose, fox, pork, and the like.952 The other royal feature to be celebrated is the commemoration of palace and temple-building or the restoration of previous buildings. The narrations of warfare tend to dominate in inscriptions, but the concluding section often centres on the king as producing palaces and temples, emphasising the phenomenon of royal building activity as a vital element of the policy of the ruler.953 The royal role of master builder is particularly highlighted by Assurnasirpal II and Sargon II, who repeatedly refer to their building projects as blessed and decreed by the divine world.954 In sum, the message certainly served to strengthen the king’s position within the political community and to further his ascendancy. Therefore, inscriptions may seem to a modern reader to have a monolithic aspect, although a number of subtleties in the communicative code reveal that texts were also carefully shaped. 8.3 Code The production and interpretation of texts depends upon the existence of codes or conventions for communication. With modern documents, where codes are conventionally established, it is easy to draw the correct conclusions about the intended audience of a poem or a newspaper for example. But with ancient texts, and especially with Assyrian royal inscriptions, we tend to consider the communication as a “monolithic phenomenon,” leading to the inaccurate idea that texts presented essentially a single message to one or another very broad audience, ignoring that inscriptions could have been tailored to reach a specific audience of readers or listeners.955 This could be made through different codes, including language, writing plan (genres and forms), content and structure, writing relationship. 8.3.1 Language The choice of language is both selective and ideological.956 The Assyrians spoke and wrote Assyrian, a dialect of Akkadian, but the Neo-Assyrian Empire was a polyglot world which—through deportation and resettlement—confronted and interacted with regions where other languages were spoken. Assyria thus became home to other ethnic groups that had their own cultures and distinct languages. In 951

E.g. ARAB 2.10; ARAB 2.31. Sano 2016, 219. E.g. RIMA 2 A.0.101.23, 12; RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, i 52; ARAB 2.39. 953 Lackenbacher 1982; Karlsson 2016, 103–104. 954 RIMA 2 A.0.101.23, 14b–15, 18–19; ARAB 2.83. 955 Porter 2000, 9. 956 Porter 1995, 51. 952

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such a polyglot reality, the choice of a language that was comprehensible to certain groups also created a barrier for other groups. In addition, the practicality of the consonantal alphabetic of the Aramaic made it the popular language, which rapidly developed into the main spoken language of the empire.957 The Aramaic was never used for monolingual official inscriptions, but some evidence testifies to the official recognition of the Aramaic language. An example is the use of Aramaic epigraphs inscribed on cuneiform tablets, or the alleged presence of Assyrian and Aramaic scribes depicted standing side by side on palace reliefs.958 Aramaean scribes are also mentioned in the NWL,959 and a letter dating to the reign of Tiglath-pileser III refers to the expert scribes of the palace as lu aššurû lu armû “whether Assyrians or Aramaeans.”960 In addition, people—even queens—with non-Akkadian names are frequently encountered on all levels of administration in the late 8th and 7th centuries BCE.961 The relationship between Assyrian and Aramaic in the first millennium, however, provoked adversarial reactions. Expression of a sharp refusal or resentment occurs in the reply of Sargon II to an official in Ur, in southern Babylon, who wanted to write to the king in Aramaic: “why would you not write and send me messages in Akkadian? Really, the message which you write in it must be drawn up in this very manner — this is a fixed regulation!”962 This critical reaction was linked by Russell to the king’s will to protect the national identity through the preservation of the language, which induced the king to make extensive use of Akkadian inscriptions in his palace.963 He would be, in fact, the last king to use palace inscriptions in this way. This phenomenon leads to the suspicion that palace inscriptions were also meant as an assertion of identity, thereby making Akkadian the language of identity. In addition, one must bear in mind that Neo-Assyrian scribes decided to write the palace inscriptions in the Standard Babylonian, a non-vernacular dialect written in cuneiform script, which was considered “sublime” and “eternal” since it was reserved to celebrate gods and ancient heroes. Accordingly, its use linked the Assyrian kings to a stream of tradition making this language as everlasting.964 The restricted use of a language poses inevitably problems of literacy. According to a prevailing scholarly opinion, the knowledge of Akkadian seems to have been limited in the Assyrian Empire and the anecdotal evidence available to us 957

Tadmor 1982. Reade 2012, 708–712. 959 CTN III, 282. 960 CTN V, 239–240, lines 4–5. Beaulieu 2006, 188. For a detailed analysis of the phenomenon of Aramaization, see Fales 1977; 1991; 1995; 2010; Fales et al. 2005; Radner 2011b. 961 Tadmor 1975; 1982; Fales 1991; Dalley 1998; Kertai 2013b. 962 SAA 17 2, 13–21. 963 Russell 1999, 243. 964 Radner 2011b, 386–387; Frahm 2019, 144–145. 958

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apparently pictures a world in which the skill of reading was restricted to a small group of professionals trained as scribes and to their immediate employer.965 However, it seems that different types of literacy existed in antiquity. Following Veldhuis, the cuneiform writing system allowed for many fine distinctions between levels of literacy, namely functional, technical, and scholarly literacy.966 The former describes the knowledge of cuneiform that is extensive enough to write or read a letter or an ordinary business document; the second includes the knowledge of scholarly texts in Akkadian; the third refers primarily to the knowledge of the writing system and its history. Neo-Assyrian royal inscriptions, unlike scholarly texts, lack esoteric signs and thus were fairly easy to read.967 Accordingly, of the different types and levels of literacy, it may be reasonable to believe that the functional literacy should be regarded as the basic level to have access to palace inscriptions and, contrary to a popular misconception, there is good reason to believe that basic skills in reading and writing cuneiform were readily acquired and therefore widespread in the first millennium BCE. Neo-Assyrian documents show, in fact, that literacy in first millennium Mesopotamia was not so restricted as hitherto suspected and access to knowledge was neither controlled nor prohibited. Suffice is to mention some examples. A first document is represented by an anonymous letter sent to Esarhaddon, in which a goldsmith is not accused for teaching his son to read and write but for acquiring—without the king’s permission—knowledge in magic, extispicy and astrology, subjects potentially highly dangerous to the monarchy.968 This suggests that access to the cuneiform writing system was not prohibited. A second document, is a letter dating back to Sargon II’s reign sent by an Assyrian official who informs the king that he did not have a scribe and that he needed one.969 Nonetheless, the absence of a scribe did not prevent the scribe from writing himself, although a number of unusual spellings, word forms and phrases can be observed.970 This provides evidence of the high level of functional literacy, that is to say an Assyrian official was able to write a clear content because he previously possessed at least a practical literacy. A third document is represented by a passage found in some palace inscriptions of Sargon II, in which the king wishes to unify the vast diversity of the peoples of his empire in the language, culture, and religion of Assyria:

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See, in particular, Liverani 1976, 23; 1979, 302; 1995, 2354–2355; Grayson 1981, 43– 44; Winter 1981, 18; Larsen 1987, 220; Matthiae 1988, 354, fn. 31; Bachelot 1991, 121; Russell 1991, 8–10; Porter 1995, 53; Beaulieu 2006. 966 Veldhuis 2011. 967 Frahm 2019, 145–146. 968 SAA 16 65, 2–12; Parpola 1997b, 321, fn. 18. 969 SAA 15 17. 970 Parpola 1997b; Radner 2014, 68–69. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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“Peoples of the four regions (of the world), of foreign tongue and divergent speech, dwellers of mountain and lowland, all that were ruled by the Light of the gods, the Lord of all, I carried off at the command of Ashur, my lord, by the might of my scepter. I unified them and settled them therein. Assyrians, fully competent to teach them how to fear god and the king, I dispatched to them as scribes and sheriffs (superintendents).”971 The text passage clearly speaks about a process of cultural assimilation, which included the dispatching of Assyrian scribes to conquered regions. In addition, such a process seems also to include the acquisition of the Akkadian language by a wide group of persons, even though this is not the basic requirement to become Assyrian.972 Alternatively, this passage might be also interpreted as a metaphorical statement to express submission to the Assyrian king, without implying a radical change of language and identity of foreigners.973 In this environment, an important practice of acculturation, attested since the reign of Sargon II, is that of raising foreign individuals in the palace—known as mār ekalli—from their childhood or youth, so that they were educated in an Assyrian society/way.974 In a similar vein, a further practice of Assyrian acculturation was the taking high-born hostages (līṭu) and foreign ruling classes in general, who were brought at the Assyrian court in order to secure political treaties with foreign countries.975 In sum, it seems first that the choice of Akkadian for a text had ideological significance, especially when the historical traditions about the use of certain languages added further ideological overtones to language choice. Secondly, the sources show that, at least among officials and courtiers active at the Assyrian court, there was a sufficient level of competence for writing and reading simple texts. Therefore, especially after Assurnasirpal II’s reign, the meanings of cuneiform words were not a mystery for a reasonable number of people interacting with the Assyrian palace: perhaps, the extensive use of carved inscriptions worked in tandem with the processes of acculturation addressed to foreigners to be educated in Assyrian culture and language. 8.3.2 Writing Plan (Genres and Forms) Palace inscriptions may be divided into annalistic texts and summary texts. The purpose of annalistic text is to record the royal deeds according to a chronological order, that is to say the regnal years. By contrast, the summary text summarizes

971

ARAB 2.86. Liverani 2017, 231. In relation to the meaning of being “Assyrian”, see Fales 2019. 973 Sano 2016, 216–217. 974 Groß 2014, 265–270, 307–310. 975 Zawadzki 1995; Radner 2012b, 473. 972

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the events of several years without clear chronological demarcations.976 Accordingly, the annalistic text focuses on the details—names, dates, and places—of the king’s triumphs, often described in first person, whereas in the summary texts the royal deeds are usually arranged according to geographical proximity. Both genres are, however, part of a much larger category, namely commemorative inscriptions, and are straightforward prose compositions. As to the composition, the information contained in both genres of texts was probably gained from some material sources, such as the Assyrian chronicles, lists of booty and tribute, and kind of “diaries” of royal campaigns.977 Therefore, the incongruous fluctuation between first and third person in a few passages may be the result of a conflation of several sources of a variety of types, or perhaps a phenomenon depending on scribal carelessness or clumsiness.978 8.3.3 Content and Structure In general, both annalistic texts and summary texts are narratives of events without any distinctive literary style. However, a closer examination of the content may reveal more relevant differences in content and structure. The most widespread text inscribed on the walls of the Northwest Palace was a summary text, commonly called the Standard Inscription. The content can be summarized in six sections: 1) king’s name, religious epithets and royal titles, king’s ancestry; 2) epithets concerning valour, piety, power and military strength; 3) divine support, blessing to the king’s achievements, short reference to the king’s early campaigns; 4) enumeration of the principal achievements and a summary of territorial expansion; 5) epithets concerning various aspects of the kingship; 6) establishment of the capital at Kalhu and the building of the palace.979 Other carved inscriptions in the palace are essentially based on the Standard Inscription and diverge only in few sentences. Following Porter, if compared with the king’s royal Annals displayed in the Ninurta Temple, the Standard Inscription appears to be a very short text with relevant ideological differences.980 The text of the Annals is primarily a long, detailed, and often bloody account of a series of military campaigns described in gory and daunting terms by listing deaths and brutal punishments, and recounting the booty and tribute collection. A good example is the following passage: “I cut off their arms (and) hands; from others I cut off their noses, ears, (and) extremities. I gouged out the eyes of many troops. I made one pile of

976

Tadmor 1973, 141; Grayson 1981, 37; De Odorico 1994, 71. Grayson 1980, 164; 1981, 42. 978 Grayson 1980, 165–166, fn. 126; Hasegawa 2014. 979 RIMA 2 A.0.101.23; De Filippi 1977, 5. 980 Porter 2000, 13–16; 2010b. 977

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the living (and) one of heads. I hung their heads on trees around the city, I burnt their adolescent boys (and) girls.”981 By contrast, the message conveyed by the Standard Inscription is characterised by less aggressive images and dominated by more benevolent words. Accordingly, bloody and cruel descriptions are appeased and “sweetened:” “I felled with the sword the extensive troops of the Lullumu in battle. With the help of the gods […] I thundered like the god Adad, the devastator, against the troops of the lands Nairi, Ḫabḫu, the Šubaru, and the land Nirbu.”982 Also the epithets in the Standard Inscription give emphasis on the paternalistic role of the king, who is defined as “marvellous shepherd,” and secondly on his frightful role as the king “who subdues those insubordinate to him.”983 Again, later on, the king is introduced as “shepherd” and “protection of the (four) quarters,” and only then as the one who “has brought under his authority ferocious (and) merciless kings.”984 Violence is still implied here, but—quoting Porter—“references to it are so oblique as to minimize its presence almost to the point of elimination.”985 In sum, the threat of violence in the Standard Inscription is highly filtered and balanced by benevolent images of the king. Moving to the palace inscriptions of Sargon II, both types of inscriptions were used: an annalistic account of the king’s first fourteen years (Annals), and a historical resume (Summary Text) of the campaigns arranged geographically. Both types of text, however, conclude with an account of the building of the new palace at Dur-Sharrukin, and both are built on a similar descriptive pattern: an introduction, which explains the casus belli; the main plot that describes the Assyrian campaign or the reception of the tribute; the aftermath, characterised by the reconstruction of the conquered countries, relocations, and possible executions or suicides.986 Notwithstanding these common features, it seems that the use of chronological or geographical narrative implies a crucial difference in communicability, which is evident in some features affecting the Summary Text: succinct and clear description of single episodes, less attention for numbers, and cause-effect relationship more immediate. This is evidenced, for instance, in the campaign against Urzana of Musasir. The relationship between the casus belli and the action is more elaborated in the Annals: “Urzana of the city of Muṣaṣir, who had transgressed against the oath taken by Ashur and Marduk, and who sent a….word to Ursâ of Armenia: — 981

RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, i 116–ii 1. RIMA 2 A.0.101.23, 6–7. 983 RIMA 2 A.0.101.23, 2–3. 984 RIMA 2 A.0.101.23, 13–14a. 985 Porter 2010b, 116. 986 Fuchs 1994, 378. 982

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Ashur, my lord, gave me courage and with one of my chariots and 1,000 of my “rough riders” and foot soldiers, who are mighty in battle, over the mountains Shîak, Ardikshi, Ulâiau, and Alluria, steep mountains, where the terrain was favorable, I advanced on horseback, and where it was bad, on foot. And Urzana of Muṣaṣir heard of the approach of my expedition and fled like a bird, climbing the steep mountain. Muṣaṣir, the abode of the god Haldia, I besieged and the wife of Urzana, his sons, his daughters, 6,170 people, 690 mules and asses, 920 [cattle], 100,225 sheep, I brought out (therefrom).”987 On the contrary, this narrative is made clearer and immediate in the Summary Text: “Urzana of the city of Muṣaṣir, who trusted in Ursâ of Urartu, and forgot his vassalage (to Assyria), — with the masses of my troops I covered Muṣaṣir like a locust- (swarm).”988 These characteristics suggest that an easier comprehension was the reason underlying the choice of composing and using the summary text genre, whereas the wealth of details was the peculiar feature of the royal Annals and sensed as necessary to provide detailed accounts of the royal deeds. 8.3.4 Writing Relationship A conclusive code that must be highlighted concerns the writing relationship, namely the relationship sought between authors and audience in the text. As expected, the texts’ primary focus is on the king, his army and the subjugation of enemies through military conquests and forced or spontaneous reception of tribute. However, a secondary focus of the texts, although infrequently displayed, is on the reader, or listener, through the use of specific structural strategies which command his attention. In this regard, the clearest example is represented by the use of concluding formulae, blessings and curses, in which the reader rather than performing the “passive action” of reading or listening to an ideological and political message, is actively involved and called to respect what is read or seen. And the attention of the audience is caught by the threatening words, whether positive or negative, as in the following example from the Annals of Sargon II: “In days to come, may the future prince among the kings, my sons, restore the ruins of that palace, find my inscription, anoint it with oil, pour out libations (upon it) and restore it to its place. And Ashur will hear his prayers. Whoever destroys my inscription and name, may Ashur, my lord, over-

987

ARAB 2.22. ARAB 2.59. See also, for example, the episodes concerning Harhar in the Annals (ARAB 2.11) and in the Summary Text (ARAB 2.57), and against Tarhunazi of Melid in the Annals (ARAB 2.26–27) and in the Summary Text (ARAB 2.60).

988

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throw his kingdom, destroy his name (and) his seed from the land. May he have no mercy upon him.”989 In this sense, the group of phrases that make up the formulae is substantially a “dialogue” between the king/gods and the reader/viewer.990 Now, none of Assurnasirpal II’s palace inscriptions contains concluding formulae, while among the palace inscriptions of Sargon II concluding formulae are included only in the royal Annals and not made present in the Summary Text. 8.4 Context In trying to guess the audience of certain inscriptions, we should rely heavily on their context, because reconstructing their original architectural setting would mean determining who had physical access to the text, thereby identifying the potential addressee. This section will deal therefore with the various palace inscriptions so far known as they appeared when the palace was in use, namely in their intended context. 8.4.1 Northwest Palace: Wall Slabs The slabs lining the walls were crossed in the middle by a horizontal band of text known as the Standard Inscription. This single text is repeated over and over and literally surrounded any visitor of the palace, thereby transforming the building into a body of engraved inscriptions and giving a harmonious visual appearance throughout the rooms. The inscriptions run both on decorated and plain slabs, and it may appear on a band between registers or carved across the sculpted figures. The inscription is always inscribed in its entirety and has a standard number of lines which never continue onto an adjoining slab. If a slab did not have enough space, the inscription occurs truncated, and this happens in proximity of narrower slabs used for doorways, corners or short walls, except if the figure depicted is the king.991 Two sets of variants of the Standard Inscription have been identified and named “Type A” and “Type B,” and it has been suggested that they represent two chronologically successive types where Type A predates Type B. The main criterion that defines these types is the reference to the northernmost extent of Assurnasirpal II’s conquest which is “to the interior of the land Nirib” in Type A, and “to the land of Urartu” in Type B.992 The latter is the most dominant on sculpted slabs.993

989

ARAB 2.51. Portuese 2017b, 33, fn. 17. 991 Russell 1999, 40. 992 Paley 1976; de Filippi 1977; Reade 1985; Russell 1999. 993 For a careful investigation of the Standard Inscription, its production and peculiarities, see the dissertation by Howard 2017. 990

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The Standard Inscription was inscribed on every inner wall slab of the palace and also outside, on the wall slabs lining the façade of the Throne Room (B) and of courtyard Y.994 Its repetitive, omnipresent and decorative character supports the notion that the Standard Inscription was meant to be seen or read by any and everyone, without discrimination. 8.4.2 Northwest Palace: Throne Base At the east end of the Throne Room (B), the large throne base was inscribed with a single text, which was called Throne-Base Text.995 Regarding the content, the Throne-Base Text is identical to the first two-thirds of the Standard Inscription but, at the second section of epithets, it diverges by adding more royal epithets and continuing with accounts of a campaign to the West, which includes the Carchemish and Patina episode, where the king takes tribute and hostages, and the Mount Lebanon and Mediterranean episode, where the king gathers and hunts animals. Finally, it ends with the construction of Kalhu and its palace.996 Unlike the Standard Inscription, the passages inserted in this inscription emphasise two “peaceful” aspects of kingship: the king in his peaceful role of collector of tribute, and the king as hunter and pacifier of foreign animals. The first aspect enhances the king’s ability to exact tribute, and this is expressed without mentioning violent actions: “At that time I received tribute from the kings of the sea-coast, from the lands of the people of Tyre, Sidon, Amurru, Byblos, Maḫallatu, Kaizu, Maizu, and the city Arvad.”997 The non-violent approach as well as the voluntary submission of the enemy is more evidenced in the campaign against Kunulua, the royal city of Lubarna, the Patinu: “He took fright in the face of my raging weapons (and) fierce battle and submitted to me to save his life. I received as his tribute 20 talents of silver, one talent of gold, 100 talents of tin, 100 talents of iron, 1,000 oxen, 10,000 sheep, 1,000 linen garments with multi-coloured trim, decorated couches of boxwood with inlay, beds of boxwood, decorated ivory beds with inlay, many ornaments from his palace the weight of which could not be determined.”998 The second aspect expresses the king’s victory over the wild beasts highlighting his manly strength and courage: “I killed 30 elephants from an ambush pit. I slew 257 strong wild bulls from my...chariots with my lordly assault with swords. I killed 370 strong lions like caged birds with the spear.”999 The wild beasts are 994

Russell 1998, 707. Russell 1999, 41. 996 RIMA 2 A.0.101.2; Dewar 2017. 997 RIMA 2 A.0.101.2, 26–29. 998 RIMA 2 A.0.101.2, 48–51. 999 RIMA 2 A.0.101.2, 41–42. 995

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also caught and collected to turn the royal zoological gardens into an artificial paradise: “I captured 15 strong lions from the mountains and forests. I took away 50 lion cubs. I herded them into Calah and the palaces of my land into cages.”1000 Although they do appear different in nature, the collecting of material goods from conquered lands as tribute and the gathering animals from foreign lands for pleasure, were metonymically the same phenomenon. Therefore, the king is here celebrated in his benevolent image of marvellous and merciful shepherd towards conquered lands, which accept his sovereignty and authority without opposing resistance and delivering their own goods, and towards hunted animals, which are collected and brought into the capital.1001 Now, if read in its original context, the meaning and significance of the Throne-Base Text becomes clearer: it was displayed in the main reception room where visitors where received and brought their gifts and goods to the king; thus, the textual references to peaceful collection of tribute complement the role of the room as reception suite.1002 Its meaning must have been purely symbolic, however, since a few persons would have been able to get close to the throne to read the message. Nonetheless, this text was also inscribed on colossi, where it would have been more exposed. 8.4.3 Northwest Palace: Colossi and Thresholds Doorways connecting rooms and courtyards were characterised by a high concentration of inscriptions. Both lion and bull colossi flanking doorways and pavement slabs in doorways (thresholds) were inscribed with texts. The Throne-Base Text was inscribed on colossi to fit the available space, but in no case the text was entirely inscribed.1003 It was arranged in four columns, placed in the three empty spaces between the legs and in the area beneath the wing behind the tail. It runs from left to right: on a colossus facing left, the inscription begins between the forelegs, while on the one facing right, it begins beneath the wing at the back. Likewise, no thresholds bore the Throne-Base Text in its entirety. But other texts were used for thresholds. Some of them carried a truncated version of the Standard Inscription, and few were inscribed with the so-called Palace Wall Foundation Text (an earlier version of the Standard Inscription), or the Annals of the first, fourth, and fifth years.1004 Russell offers an explanation for the use of these different texts for thresholds. As for the first two types of text, their use may have depended on a chronological order so that thresholds with the Palace Wall Foundation Text were the earliest to be inscribed, while those with the Standard Inscription or Throne-Base/Colossus 1000

RIMA 2 A.0.101.2, 33–34. Liverani 1979, 313–314; Dewar 2017, 79–80. 1002 Russell 1999, 44. 1003 Russell 1999, 246–251. 1004 Russell 1999, 22–23, 48–49. 1001

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Text would be the latest. As for the Annals, this text was long enough to fill the space of the largest thresholds and, since these Annals bear the accounts of the campaigns in the first five years, it is reasonable guess that these accounts were the only ones available for use.1005 On the basis of this information and considering their extensive and indiscriminate use, it seems that inscriptions on thresholds and colossi were chosen without concern for the content and location but according to the chronological order and the available space. Nevertheless, the few exceptions occurring through the palace are unlikely to have been random or to depend on only practical issues, and appear somehow the conscious and intentional choice of scribes and engravers. In this respect, the most remarkable exceptions are represented by doorways d and c which connect the Throne Room (B) with the main Throne Room Courtyard. The first difference concerns the colossi. Both human-headed lions of door d display the Throne-Base Text. On colossi d–1 and d–2, the inscription is incomplete and terminates exactly at the end and in the middle of the hunting account. In detail, lion d–1 carries the longest version of the Throne-Base Text.1006 By contrast, the human-headed lions flanking door c carry two different texts. Lion c–1 shows the Throne-Base Text ending at the epithets passage that precedes the account of the campaign to the Mediterranean and the hunting account. Instead, lion c–2 carries a truncated version of the Standard Inscription that stops in the middle of the building account.1007 In sum, both the narrative of the Mediterranean campaign and the gathering and hunting of animals are included in the lions of door d but are omitted in the lions of door c. Unless this is a consequence of the available space, it seems instead that the choice of inscribing a single lion centaur with the Standard Inscription was deliberate. The second difference affects the thresholds. The large threshold slab between the lion colossi of door d was inscribed with the Throne Base/Colossus Text. It begins at the southeast corner of the slab, running from east to west, so that it was intended to be read from outside, looking into the room. The text is incomplete, but the available space and the presence of a narrow threshold slab abutting the north side of the large central slab suggests that probably the inscription contained originally the first 40 lines of the Throne-Base Text. The content was, therefore, the same as the text engraved on the lion colossi.1008 By contrast, the threshold between the lion colossi of door c (named by Layard ICC 48–49) was inscribed 1005

Russell 1999, 47–52. d–1: RIMA 2 A.0.101.2, 42, “with the spear I killed;” d–2: RIMA 2 A.0.101.2, 34, “I caged them;” Russell 1999, 248. 1007 c–1: RIMA 2 A.0.101.2, 23, “the wisdom which the god Ea;” c–2: RIMA 2 A.0.101.23, 17, “I dug down to water level;” see Russell 1999, 247–248. 1008 The preserved part begins with “king of the universe” and ends around line 25, though perhaps could reach the hunting account (RIMA 2 A.0.101.2, 2–25). 1006

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with a text that begins at the southeast corner of the slab, running from east to west, so that it was intended to be read from outside, looking into the room. Beyond the point the inscription ends the text is almost entirely illegible. It begins with the royal genealogy from the Palace Wall Foundation Text,1009 and proceeds with a fairly close duplicate of a passage from Assurnasirpal II’s Annals. The content recounts the first part of the campaign in the king’s fifth year and consists of a succession of military enterprises and delivery of the tribute: e.g. “On the first day of the month Sivan, in the eponymy of Ša-ilīmadamqa, I mustered (my) chariotry (and) troops. After crossing the Tigris I entered the land Katmuḫu. I consecrated a palace in the city Tīl-uli. I received tribute from the land Katmuḫu. Moving on from the land Katmuḫu I entered the pass of the land Ištarāte. I pitched camp (and) spent the night in the city Kibaku. I received tribute from Kibaku, oxen, sheep, wine, (and) bronze casserole(s).”1010 Adjacent to this slab, to the south side of the ICC 48–49 slab, was a slab (ICC 84) bearing an inscription that duplicates another portion of the annalistic account of the campaign in the fifth year. The slab is oriented in the doorway so as to be read from inside the Throne Room (B). Unlike slab ICC 48–49, the content of the text engraved on ICC 84 describes violent warfare episodes: e.g. “Moving on from the city Pitura I went down to the city Arbakku in the interior of the land Ḫabḫu […]. I slew 1,000 of their men-at-arms within the rugged mountain, dyed the mountain red with their blood, (and) filled the ravines (and) torrents of the mountain with their corpses. I captured 200 soldiers alive (and) cut off their arms. I carried off 2,000 captives from them.”1011 The differences between doorways d and c therefore suggest a different role for these doors in relation to visitors. In fact, the inscriptions carved on thresholds and colossi of door d showed to any visitor the encouraging message of bringing tribute to the king. By contrast, those who entered by door c were surrounded by inscriptions on colossi that omit the passages concerning the delivery of the tribute. Moreover, visitors could also see the text on the threshold slabs, readable from both sides, so that persons leaving the room faced threatening words describing violent warfare scenes; conversely, people entering the room received infor-

1009

RIMA 2 A.0.101.9–10. RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, ii 86b–ii 88. See the complete text in RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, ii 86–ii 101, RIMA 2 A.0.101.10. 1011 RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, ii 112b–ii 115. See the complete text in RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, ii 110– ii 117, RIMA 2 A.0.101.14. For an in-depth analysis of these slabs, see Russell 1999, 253. 1010

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mation about king’s military achievements, mainly focused on the reception of tribute rather than on the aggressiveness of the army.1012 In this environment, a further exception which deserves attention was found in the central door e of the Throne Room (B). The large threshold slab is lost, but the doorsill, the west doorpost seat, and a fragment of the east doorpost seat survive from the south side of the doorway.1013 On the west doorpost seat was the beginning of the Standard Inscription, and the text apparently broke off when the space was filled. The inscription was oriented to be read from inside the room.1014 On the east doorpost seat the inscription disappeared because it was badly eroded. The doorsill was inscribed with a text in two columns, though the first lines of the second column are preserved. The text was from near the end of the annalistic account of the campaign in the fourth year.1015 Thus, there is good reason to believe that the text broke off uncompleted, and that the large threshold slab(s), now lost, carried the first part of the annalistic account of the fourth year. The inscription was oriented so as to be read from inside the room.1016 No conclusions can be drawn from this picture, but it is noteworthy that at least two thresholds in Throne Room (B) were carved with annalistic accounts of the king. In sum, these observations suggest that both doors addressed different ideological messages, perhaps according to the type of visitor: encouraging words for those who entered by door d or door c, threatening words for those who left by door c. Perhaps, considering that inscriptions at door e were meant to be read from inside the room, and given that occasionally the king positioned himself opposite the doorway, we may surmise that the king and some of his entourage would have read these inscriptions. 8.4.4 Dur-Sharrukin Palace: Wall Slabs The palace inscriptions of Sargon II were presented in their entirety without truncation or overcrowding of words, suggesting that scribes and engravers were more conscious of the available space. As for the wall slab texts, these were carved on a band across the middle of reliefs in two registers or across the lower portion of scenes in one register. As seen beforehand, both Annals and Summary Text were used, and their arrangement within the palace rooms can be summarised as follows: rooms 2, 5, 13, and the northeast portion of 14, were carved with similar editions of the Annals; rooms 1, 4, 7, 8, and 10 each contained the same Summary Text; the southwest end of

1012

It should be noted, however, that the inscription lacks 20 concluding additional lines (Russell 1999, 253). 1013 Paley / Sobolewski 1992, 21. 1014 RIMA 2 A.0.101.23, 1–5. 1015 RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, ii 79–ii 81. 1016 Russell 1999, 255. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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room 14 was carved with a shorter Summary Text; rooms 6, 9, 11, 12 and façades L, N, n, and m were uninscribed.1017 The meaning of all these differences in the use of inscriptions is unclear, though they are unlikely to have been random. Russell points out a close relationship between the subject of reliefs and the carved inscription. In rooms inscribed with the Annals, the subject of the reliefs is always warfare. Since the emphasis of the reliefs appears to be on individual campaigns, the Annals, recounting single campaigns, are the most appropriate textual complement to these scenes. By contrast, scenes of punishment of rulers from foreign countries are accompanied by the Summary Text. Since the latter genre emphasises the geographical extent of the empire, it seems to be more appropriate than the Annals. Likewise, though tribute processions are usually uninscribed, in room 10 the foreign tribute-bearers are accompanied by the Summary Text.1018 These observations are certainly correct. But other aspects mainly correlated with the intended use and associated audiences of the rooms should be considered, thereby making a relationship between the organization of inscriptions and the degree of accessibility of rooms with “limited access,” namely where few selected people entered, and “controlled access,” namely where a larger and variegated groups of people entered (table 2). What emerges is that the Annals are mostly inscribed in rooms with limited access, whereas the Summary Text is mostly found in approachable spaces whose access was obviously controlled but not limited. The access to rooms 1 and 7 was certainly limited, however it is likely that the Summary Text was chosen in relation to the room’s size. An exception is also represented by room 14, whose southwest wall was inscribed with the short Summary Text: the room is however fragmentary and conclusions can be hardly drawn. Therefore, it seems clear that the Summary Text is associated with rooms where a number of persons of different status and provenance flowed, such as foreign leaders and envoys, whereas the Annals are found in rooms earmarked for few people, such as courtiers and highranking officials. Accordingly, the type of inscription was strictly correlated to the audience. This is also true insofar as structure and content of texts complied with a need of different communicability, where Annals provide a longer and more detailed description of events and seem appropriate to inform insiders about the royal deeds, while the Summary Text offers a clearer and more succinct description of single episodes, concentrates on less details, and provides a causeeffect relationship more immediate, resulting more appropriate to inform a lessskilled audience. A further relevant difference between Annals and Summary Text is the absence, in the second, of the concluding formulae. The Annals of Sargon II, in fact, always end with blessings and curses addressed to future Assyrian rulers. Moreover, being overtly showed in palace rooms, it was also a threatening message for 1017 1018

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contemporaries, such as crown princes and high-ranking officials who could yearn for the throne, after the king’s death. Interestingly, the short Summary Text inscribed in room 14, whose access was apparently limited, also has concluding formulae. Room 2 5

Inscription Type Annals Annals1019

Relief Subject Warfare and Banquet Warfare Warfare Warfare Courtiers Procession

Limited access

1 7 10

Annals Annals (Northeast portion) Short Summary Text (Southwest end) Summary Text Summary Text Summary Text

Accessibility Limited access Limited/ Controlled access Limited access Limited access

Limited access Limited access Controlled access

4 8

Summary Text Summary Text

Warfare Hunting and Banquet Tribute-bearers procession Torture Scenes Torture Scenes

13 14 14

Controlled access Controlled access

Table 2 Organization of inscriptions in the royal palace of Dur-Sharrukin (adapted from Fuchs 1994, 367)

8.4.5 Dur-Sharrukin Palace: Epigraphs Beside Annals and Summary Text, the narrative reliefs were accompanied by epigraphs, namely short captions describing the scene depicted. These were found in rooms 2, 5, 8, 13, and 14, and perhaps epigraphs were also in room 4, though none were reported. These captions consist of a single city name in rooms 2 and 5 (e.g. “The city Harhar,” room 2), whereas some in rooms 13 and 14 require two lines of text (e.g. “The city P[a]zashi, a fortress of the land of Mannea on the pass to Zikirtu,” room 14). In room 8, and once perhaps in room 4, the epigraphs label people and occupy two, three, or more lines, and at least one of these includes three separate subjects.1020 There seems to have been no standard location for Sargon II’s epigraphs, which in some cases are carved directly on the wall of the besieged city, while in others they are placed above or beside it. In room 8, how-

1019

In room 2, which had the best preserved version of the Annals, the inscription ran in a consistent clockwise manner, as did the remaining inscriptions on the wall slabs of the other rooms. Instead, the spatial arrangement of the text within room 5 was mistakenly confused by Botta and now a recent logical order was proposed by Frame 2004, 89–102. 1020 Russell 1999, 115–122. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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ever, the long epigraphs are written directly above the bodies of the captives and appear to be dominant and well visible to the viewer. The epigraphs were certainly intended to better identify the scenes depicted, so that they were closely related to what they labelled. However, these short texts were not particularly closely related to the Annals and the Summary Text carved with them. In fact, a number of city names in the captions are not found in the palace inscriptions, thus epigraphs were probably used to augment or support the campaign narratives in the Annals. By contrast, the epigraphs describing the captives depicted in room 8 seem closely related to the accompanying Summary Text, which includes all of the people and places mentioned in the epigraphs.1021 Basically, Sargon II followed Tiglath-pileser III’s innovation of placing epigraphs on the reliefs themselves. However, the former introduced some changes: the texts are longer, provide greater specificity, and label both cities and people.1022 Therefore, Sargon II’s epigraphs are very informative sentences bestowing on the representation the maximum level of specificity both in identity and action. The epigraphs were therefore definitely intended to be read. 8.4.6 Dur-Sharrukin Palace: Colossi All of Sargon II’s colossi were apparently inscribed with the same text and each colossus contained the text in its entirety. The inscription was distributed between the two bulls of each doorway and inscribed in rectangular frames located between the belly and between the hind legs of each bull. The inscription begins under the belly of the left-hand bull, continues between the rear legs of the same bull, and then concludes between the rear legs and under the belly of the righthand bull. Only each bull of door M in room 8 contains the entire text. The content of the inscription is basically arranged in three parts. A very brief titulary followed by a list of Babylonian and Assyrian cities to which Sargon II granted special favours; a summary geographical description of Sargon II’s conquests. The text concludes with a lengthy account of the building of Dur-Sharrukin, followed by a brief curse, asking the gods to protect the works of Sargon II’s hands.1023 According to these features, a few general observations may be drawn. First, the completeness and the architectural location of the inscription suggest that the text was meant to be read. Thus, the entrances were perhaps a kind of staging post where a number of visitors gathered and awaited to be escorted by officers. In this respect, the sentence referring to the tribute brought from conquered lands in the colossi inscription makes sense and acquires more significance: “From the princes

1021

Reade 1976; Russell 1999, 120–122. Each Tiglath-pileser III’s epigraph is very brief, and consists only of a single word— the city name—written directly above the walls of the city (Russell 1999, 96–98). 1023 ARAB 2.92–94. 1022

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of the east and west I received gold, silver, everything costly, (which would be) appropriate for these palaces, as their rich gifts.”1024 Second, as Russell notes, most of the text is devoted to the building account, so that the primary function of Sargon II’s bull text was to emphasise the building activity carried out by the king using the resources of conquest.1025 In fact, judging from the royal letters of Sargon II we learn that the realization, erection, measurement, and transportation of bull colossi occupied a great concern for the king, and thus represented the exemplary manifestation of building skills of the palace’s owner.1026 Third, the text on colossi has concluding formulae made up of curses against whoever does not respect the king’s work.1027 The presence of formulae on colossi is in line with an Assyrian practice: winged human-headed bulls, by bearing blessings and curses on their bodies, acquired more power and became themselves recipient of this message of protection towards the palace.1028 It is furthermore interesting to observe that, unlike the concluding formulae of Sargon II’s Annals, the formulae in the colossi text show curses addressed to “whoever” rather than to future rulers of the Assyrian lineage. 8.4.7 Dur-Sharrukin Palace: Thresholds Beside colossi, doorways also bore inscriptions on thresholds.1029 In detail, five different texts have been used on thresholds, and Russell correctly notes that the choice of which of these five texts had to be inscribed on a given threshold mostly depended on the size of the threshold.1030 In addition, he observes that texts of similar length, namely nos. 2, 3, and 5, were not intermixed in the principal reception rooms, so that in room 2 doors B and G were both carved with text no. 2, whereas in room 8, the thresholds of doors Q and S were carved with text no. 3. However, in corridor 10 the apparently identical thresholds of doors c and d were carved with different texts, namely nos. 5 and 3 respectively. Thus, one may fairly suspect that the available space was not the only criterion used to make decisions on which text would have been carved. Text no.1 represents the base for the introduction of texts nos. 2 and 3 and, being the shortest text among the threshold texts, it was suitable for the smallest thresholds (doors A, C, and Y).

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ARAB 2.94. Russell 1999, 106. 1026 See SAA 1 25, 56, 61, 110, 119, 120, 145, 150, 163, 164, 166, 167. 1027 ARAB 2.94. 1028 Portuese 2017b. 1029 The inscriptions were published by Botta / Flandin 1849–50, who gave size, proportions, and format, though no the orientation, of each text. 1030 Russell 1999, 110. 1025

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Text no. 2, which is considerably longer, duplicates text no. 1 and adds a detailed description of the building of the palace very similar to the description incorporated into the Summary Text. However, interestingly, it omits the reference to the building of Dur-Sharrukin by means of the labour of the people from the conquered lands, which is instead included both in the texts carved on the wall reliefs and in texts nos. 3, 4, and 5.1031 The text was displayed in room 2 (doors B, G), whose access was limited, and was probably read by insiders. The omission to outsiders as labourers would be consistent accordingly. Text no. 3, instead, adds the reference to labourers in the brief account of the building and dedication of the palace: “At that time, with the (labour of) the enemy peoples which my hands had captured, which Ashur, Nabû and Marduk had brought in submission to my feet and who bore my yoke, at the command of god, I built a city at the foot of Mount Musri, above Nineveh, following the promptings of my heart, and I called its name Dûr-Sharrukîn.”1032 The text, being carved on the thresholds of the secondary throne room 8 (Q, S) and in corridor 10 (d), was visually displayed to a considerable number of outsiders. Therefore, text no. 3 was very appropriate for room 8 and corridor 10. In addition, text no. 3 is also the only text which mentions “From the princes of the four regions (of the world), who had submitted to the yoke of my rule, whose lives I had spared, together with the governors of my land, the scribes and superintendents, the nobles, officials and elders (?), I received their rich gifts as tribute. I caused them to sit down at a banquet and instituted a feast of music.”1033 This sentence, as Russell observes, is appropriate for the reliefs of room 8 that show the punishment of errant rulers.1034 To this, two further aspects must be noted. Firstly, the text does not mention “punished” rulers, but “spared” (eṭēru) rulers, who are even associated with high-ranking officials and members of the royal staff. Secondly, text no. 3 was inscribed on thresholds of doorways d, Q, S, and O, namely the route leading visitors to rooms 6 and 11, whose walls were decorated with foreign rulers and leaders bringing “rich gifts” to the king. Considering these aspects, it is likely that doors d, Q, S, and O traced an ideal path for “spared” foreign rulers and leaders—as suggested by text no. 3—who moved from corridor 10 to rooms 6 and 11—as indicated by the reliefs of rooms 6 and 11 (fig. 19).

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ARAB 2.97. ARAB 2.98. 1033 ARAB 2.98. 1034 Russell 1999, 110. 1032

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Text no. 4 was inscribed on the largest thresholds of the palace (doors H, E, U, T, M, l, g, j, and k) and presented a summary of the king’s political decisions and triumphs, the borders of his empire, a detailed palace building description and blessing. Being designed for monumental entrances, text no. 4 adequately presented the king to everyone especially in state occasions, when the main doorways where certainly open. The inclusion of blessing suggests that the message was also addressed to the flanking doorway colossi: “May the protecting colossus, the guardian god, wield unlimited sway therein, night and day; may they not depart from its side.”1035 Text no. 5 is broken in the middle of the building description and the remainder of the text is lost, thus only few interpretations may be proposed. This text was chosen to be inscribed on threshold of doorway c, leading into corridor 10. Like other threshold texts, text no. 5 also mentions the sentence regarding enemies employed as workmen for the building of Dur-Sharrukin, and since the walls of the corridor were decorated with foreigners from conquered lands moving towards the king, text no. 5 seems very appropriate for this location. In addition, although the beginning of text no. 5 is similar to text no. 4, the former adds the sentence “In the might of the great gods, the lords, I advanced and brought in subjection to my feet insubmissive, lands and unyielding mountain (peoples)”1036 which further boosts the relationship with the subject of corridor 10 but also with the transport of lumber from mountains depicted on façade n. Such an association might also explain why two different texts—5 and 3—were used respectively for doors c and d. A distinctive and conclusive difference among thresholds’ texts is the use of the first and third person. Texts nos. 1 and 2 were written in the third person, 3 and 5 in the first person. Text no. 4 mixed the third and first person, though the third person prevails. The meaning of this change is unclear, but it is unlikely to have been random. In this regard, it is noteworthy that inscriptions written in the third person are mostly located in the doors surrounding Courtyard I, whereas those of Courtyard III were mostly written in the first person.1037 Accordingly, in terms of accessibility, third-person texts were mainly found in the rooms whose access was limited, while first-person texts were located in more accessible spaces. The most remarkable consequence of such a shift is that, in third-person texts the king is “presented,” whereas in first-person texts the king “presents” himself to readers and listeners. This leads directly into a further consideration: according to modern narration rules, third-person point of view generally seems to readers and listeners the most objective and trustworthy viewpoint since an allknowing narrator is telling the story; first-person point of view, instead, appears more subjective with the consequence that the reader can only experience the 1035

ARAB 2.101. ARAB 2.102. 1037 Kertai 2015a, 114. 1036

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story through the eyes of the person who is speaking. In other words, third-person perspective appears impersonal and objective, a kind of “God’s-eye-view,” or agent-neutral perspective, whereas first-person perspective sounds more intimate and subjective.1038 Therefore, to the privileged audience of rooms with limited access the king intended to be presented objectively, whereas to the audience of more accessible areas of the palace the king intended to present himself subjectively. 8.5 Medium (Physical Channel) Like images, written communication in the Neo-Assyrian period was mainly realised in a monumental form by means of inscriptions carved on stone. This medium had been in use since the palace of Assurnasirpal II, where almost every stone surface was inscribed, up to that of Assurbanipal, where only wall reliefs carried brief captions. Writing on stone was certainly meant to guarantee the survival of kings’ memory in the minds of later generations. The Epic of Gilgamesh, for example, refers to and relates the quest for eternal life with memory: “He (Gilgamesh) went on a distant journey, pushing himself to exhaustion, but then was brought to peace. He carved on a stone stela all of his toils.”1039 Significantly, the knowledge that Gilgamesh acquired was to be shared, and so “he carved on a stone stela all of his toils.” Likewise, Assyrian kings required an inscription to immortalize their names, titles, and deeds, to be communicated later to any contemporary or future passer-by. Moreover, in order to gain a high level of visibility, palace inscriptions were even carefully carved on stone slabs to make them immediately visible. The texts were all carefully engraved on stone with evident skill, using elements shaped like nails and assembled into a pleasing and attractive rectilinear display, which would have impressed any visitor.1040 Unlike hidden texts, which seem to have been inscribed without care, most of the visible inscriptions were apparently compiled specifically for their intended location, with special care taken that they constitute a complete and intelligible whole.1041 While some of Assurnasirpal II’s texts seem not to have been always tailored for the intended location, from Shalmanseser III onward there seems to have been an increasing

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Fox 2006, 148–149. Van De Mieroop 1999b, 40. 1040 In the story Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta, the new writing system is compared to the “nail” (Sumerian GAG “nail, wedge”) in order to express its penetrating aspect to impress the reader: “The lord of Aratta inspected the table. The spoken words were mere wedges—his brow darkened” (Vanstiphout 2003, 87, line 540; 96, fn. 57; Pettinato 2007, 41). 1041 Russell 1999, 101; Frame 2004, 101. 1039

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special care for inscribed texts, and this perhaps should be linked to a growing literacy of the audience expected to read palace inscriptions.1042 To increase prominence and visual impact, sculptors and engravers made use of colour. Although much of the colour has been lost due to weathering, poor preservation and exposure to light and moisture, the cuneiform wedges were once inlaid with paint. In fact, the results of multispectral-imaging analysis carried out on Assurnasirpal II’s reliefs demonstrated that Egyptian blue was used to highlight the written word.1043 The importance of the blue colour should be connected, first, to its inherent positive qualities of lustrousness, and second to its association with lapis lazuli, which was particularly valued in Neo-Assyrian culture. Lapis lazuli was metaphor for unusual wealth and was for long synonymous with gleaming splendour, an attribute of gods and heroes; it had great prestige in cult practices and played an important role in magic texts; gave protective powers to objects, and was invoked as pure substance and used in incantations to dispel sorcery.1044 In addition, blue was prized in ancient Assyria since there were not a lot of natural resources to produce the colour, thereby having such a prestigious colour in the palace would have presented an image of wealth and power to visiting dignitaries. Considering all these premises, it is not too farfetched to believe that also the Egyptian blue (zagindurû) engraved on stones possessed lapis lazuli-like positive properties of wealth, authority and, perhaps, protection. Therefore, the coloured inscriptions worked in tandem in the palace “to create a dazzling stage for the king to display his wealth and authority.”1045 8.6 Audience According to explicit references in texts, the written communication seems to have been intended for scribes and the political and administrative elite, and direct instructions to read the inscriptions were addressed to scribes and later rulers, or any future passer-by. Therefore, besides an actual and intended audience, the written royal utterance had also a temporal audience, which involved not only future rulers, but also the various receivers that were exposed to a given text, from its production to its visual consumption up to the present day. These notions can be confirmed by the general “message” of palace inscriptions, which reveals the twofold cornerstone and imperative aspect of the ideology lying behind these texts, that is to say divine support and resulting legitimacy, which impose on the king the obligation to act by the command of and in compliance with the gods. This role was ratified during the already mentioned royal coronation, in which the king 1042

Russell 1999, 70. Thavapalan et al. 2016. 1044 Moorey 1994, 85; Winter 1999; Scurlock 2006; 2014: See, for instance, the foundation tablets of Sargon II, one of which was made of lapis lazuli (ARAB 2.114). 1045 Thavapalan et al. 2016, 198. 1043

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was crowned before the religious elites, the magnates and the royal eunuchs, who confirm the king in his office and bless the king: “Expand your country with your just sceptre! May Aššur give you [c]ommand and attention, obedience, truth and peace!.”1046 This blessing firstly provides a religious foundation for royal action in general; secondly, the blessing somehow embodies what the royal inscriptions say, namely the expectations of king’s supporters, with the consequence that texts engraved in the palace were more “demonstrative” rather than “commemorative” texts. Accordingly, the primary and intended audience of the royal inscriptions carved in the palace was constituted by magnates, royal eunuchs and any other high-ranking official who, by reading the royal deeds, were persuaded that the king satisfied their expectations.1047 This reasoning may explain also why the Standard Inscription of Assurnasirpal II was repeated over and over in the Northwest Palace. For literates the Standard Inscription functioned, accordingly, as an insistent demonstrative text to satisfy the expectations of magnates and courtiers about king’s legitimacy in the light of his royal deeds described in the text. This notion is further substantiated by Sargon II’s inscriptions and the account of the fiscal measures implemented by the king towards important cities. Sargon II asserts in his inscriptions that he exempted all the temples of Assyria from paying taxes. Both Assur and Harran, indeed, most likely got their privileges due to the support that they lent to Sargon II in his struggle for the throne. The main Babylonian cities such as Babylon, Nippur, and Sippar were also exempted from task work and taxes, so that Sargon II was seen as the king dispensing economic justice and could lean on other social groups, in particular on the powerful Babylonian clergy. Therefore, the inscriptions of Sargon II aimed at meeting the requirements of his office and especially the expectations of his political supporters, making the aristocratic elites, the magnates and royal eunuchs the ideal, primary and intended recipient of the palace inscriptions. This ideological motivation probably underlay the choice and selection of textual genres. The annalistic genre was not used to “impress” but to “convince” a skilled audience through exceedingly detailed descriptions, giving precise numbers, specific place names, and exact dates. Therefore, this was the best genre of written communication to constantly communicate with an inner audience. Contrariwise, the summary text genre was more general and approximate and was not conceived to convince but rather to offer a general idea of king’s legitimacy and divine support. Such a choice is demonstrated by the architectural context in which inscriptions were shown. 1046

SAA 20 7, ii 34–36. In different ways, this conclusion has been drawn by a number of scholars. See in particular, the seminal work of Liverani 1979 and the notion of “self-indoctrination” of the ruling class, the purpose of which is to convince royal members of what they already know. 1047

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8.6.1 Northwest Palace The text of the Annals of Assurnasirpal II, displayed on the walls and floors of the Ninurta Temple’s inner rooms, was not accessible to outsiders at all, thereby suggesting that its intended audience was the god whom it explicitly addresses, whose support Assyrians considered essential to the king’s continued military success and longevity. In addition, its intended audience probably included the priests of the Ninurta temple and perhaps some of king’s courtiers and family.1048 Therefore, the detailed and also violent descriptions of king’s deeds were not intended to intimidate but, rather, to present an extremely accurate version of his conquests and achievements in order to prove his legitimacy and divine approval before insiders. Therefore, as a rule, the Annals represented the best genre to communicate with few selected persons to be precisely informed. In contrast, the Standard Inscription was excessively repeated in the Northwest Palace to present the king in his general aspects, without the need of accurately informing an audience. Accordingly, although for literates the Standard Inscription functioned as an insistent demonstrative text, the presence of the Annals in the Ninurta Temple suggests that the Standard Inscription was not regarded as the main source to communicate with an inner audience, but rather as a complementary means of emphasising the royal ideology. Moreover, the Standard Inscription presented written enjoyment for the king himself as primary author of the inscription, and for the scribal group as secondary authors. For non-literate visitors and non-Akkadian speakers, instead, the content may have been obscure, especially during the times of Assurnasirpal II, when the acculturation process, such as the one started by Sargon II, was at its early stage. However, the Standard Inscription, as any other palace inscription, may have functioned at least at four nonverbal levels. At one level was the simple fact of the inscription’s presence, which must have been perceived as synonym of resources, authority, and power of the patron who ordered the composition of large numbers of extensive texts and have them engraved in stone. Another level was the control of writing, which must have been sensed as symbol of power and control over large groups of scribes.1049 The third level was the mere presence of the cuneiform script, which bestowed identity upon the palace’s owner and the ruling class, and imposed itself as the language of power and identity. The fourth level was the aesthetic value of the inscription given by the use of colour, thereby acting as a prominent decorative element within the palace embellishment. Besides these nonverbal levels, it is reasonable guess that the Standard Inscription could have been intended for auditory communication by means of interpreters and readers. As to the content of the Standard Inscription, it is likely that it participated in the alleged bipolar nature of the Throne Room (B) just like reliefs and architecture (fig. 45): the threat of violence is filtered and balanced by benevolent images, 1048 1049

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presenting the king as a fearful and benevolent ruler, in his positive and negative images. These antithetical contents and, accordingly, emotional impacts on readers and listeners clearly reflect the bipolar nature of emotions, concentrating negative and positive emotions into one single text. This is somehow evidenced also by the colossi and threshold inscriptions of doors d and c giving access to the Throne Room (B), which offered two different messages to visitors: an encouraging message to those bringing tribute and entering by door d, threatening words describing warfare events to those leaving by door c, perhaps as a reminder to keep-up payment, acting just like the images shown on slabs B–17–18. In addition, the fact that threshold at door c was oriented so as to be read also from outside shed new light on circulation patterns within the room. Those entering the room by door c, indeed, were welcomed by a narrative of Assurnasirpal II’s campaigns that focused on tribute rather than on warfare. 8.6.2 Dur-Sharrukin Palace The use of Annals is here extended to the palace itself and its audience did not change accordingly: the annalistic genre was displayed in areas where access was limited to insiders, the target group that was intended to be accurately informed of the king’s legitimacy and divine approval. This may explain why blessings and curses were used primarily in the Annals, since the message was addressed not to a broad audience but to future kings, the crown prince and king’s heirs. Therefore, the use of formulae finds its suitable place in those locations where the king entertained his court members and high-ranking officials together with his siblings and sons. This perhaps could explain also the use of concluding formulae in the Summary Text displayed in room 14, suggesting that access to this room was rather limited. In contrast, the colossi inscription shows only curses addressed to “whoever” rather than to future rulers of the Assyrian lineage. This omission may indicate that the message was addressed to the variety of persons, both insiders and outsiders, who entered the palace. The Summary Text, instead, was displayed in more accessible spaces probably due to a basic reason: a crucial difference in communicability thanks to its general and simplified descriptions sometimes characterised by a more immediate relationship between the casus belli and the action. This was probably aimed at a different audience, which was not meant to be “convinced” through use of accurate temporal references and exact numbers, but “informed” of the king’s power through use of the geographical extensions of his empire. As for epigraphs, what is remarkable is that their precise content meant that a more specific audience could be reached through a large number of individual images. There is therefore good reason to believe that epigraphs labelling conquered cities were firstly meant to be seen and read by those who partook in the campaigns undertaken by the king, namely Assyrian officials, and secondly by occasional visitors, namely outsiders such as foreign guests, who most likely © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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toured rooms 6 and 11, passing through room 5, whose reliefs bore short labels. On the contrary, epigraphs labelling captives led in the presence of the king depicted in rooms 8 and 4 were certainly conceived as explanatory texts addressed to foreign leaders and tribute-bearers, who perceived every allusion contained in the epigraph and image as a threatening message and as an exhibition of king’s territorial extent. That scribes tailored texts for a specific audience can be seen especially in the threshold inscriptions. For instance, text no. 2 deliberately omits the reference to the building of Dur-Sharrukin by means of the labour of the people from the conquered lands, a reference that may be conceived as a message primarily addressed to outsiders rather than insiders. This omission might be explained in the light of its original context: text no. 2 was carved on thresholds of room 2, which was likely earmarked for insiders. Therefore, we may suspect that the exclusion of this textual reference may have depended on the physical location, because the text was read mainly by an inner audience rather than outer. Accordingly, it was perhaps an intentional choice rather than accidental. By contrast, text no. 3, that was exposed in more accessible areas, not only makes reference to foreign labourers, but also to foreign rulers spared by the Assyrian king who later brought gifts and tribute and took part in the king’s banquet. Therefore, it is likely that this text was read by or at least translated for an outer audience, especially made up of foreign leaders invited to the king’s repast. Finally, the different use of first and third-person in threshold inscriptions does not seem accidental at all. Since palace inscriptions have been primarily defined as “demonstrative” texts in so far as they strove to affirm that the king met the requirements of his office and that he complied with the religious and political administrative expectations, the third-person viewpoint seems the most appropriate to communicate with an inner audience made up of magnates, high-ranking officials, and royal eunuchs. This assumption leads to the idea that third-person inscriptions, such as threshold text nos. 1, 2, and largely 4, were believed to make the writing and reading sound more objective. On the contrary, first-person inscriptions, like threshold texts nos. 3, 5, and partially 4, were probably meant to give readers an open invitation to develop a deeply personal relationship with the narrator’s viewpoint (the king) and greater intimacy, so that the reader or audience became aware of the events and characters of the story through the narrator’s views and knowledge. In sum, texts written in third-person addressed specific messages to an inner audience, whereas texts in first-person were meant to be read by or to an outer audience, mainly consisting of foreign rulers and princes, envoys and tribute-bearers. To close, a non-human audience must be considered. Text no. 4 includes blessings addressed to the flanking doorway colossi. In this sense, protective divine beings were the target receiver of the blessing. This reference raises a thorny question: besides the lay audience, what can be said about the gods and the religious © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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elites? Were these groups an expected audience of palace inscriptions? The answer might be negative because there is evidence that the divine world and the clergy were often informed by privileged means. In fact, according to the architectural setting in which texts were exposed and to the appropriate genre in which they were composed, privileged and differentiated channels were specifically intended for a distinguished audience, gods and clergy, making clear the divide between lay audience and religious audience. Practical examples of this type of communication are represented by the text of the Annals of Assurnasirpal II, which was set inside the Ninurta Temple and aimed at informing the god and the members of the religious elites, whereas Sargon II informed the divine world and his priests by means of reports in the form of letters submitted to the god Assur, to the city of Assur and its people at the completion of a major successful campaign.1050 8.7 Summary and Further Reflections The message of palace inscriptions was essentially ideological and grounded on two basic aspects of the Assyrian kingship: legitimacy and divine approval. According to these notions, the palace inscriptions have been defined as demonstrative texts because they were meant to satisfy the expectations of an inner audience about king’s legitimacy in the light of his royal deeds. As a consequence, it was suggested that the intended audience was primarily inner and made up of magnates, high-ranking officials, royal siblings and heirs, and royal eunuchs, both in the present and in the future. Nonetheless, rather than being a monolithic message addressed only to insiders, intellectuals strove to tailor each text for various addressees by means of different textual codes. This notion relies especially upon the assumption—largely shared by scholars—that palace inscriptions were also read aloud on occasion by scribes or interpreters. First, it seems that the annalistic text, with its wealth of details, was believed necessary to provide an inner audience with detailed accounts of the royal deeds. By contrast, the summary text gave a general description of the events and was accordingly meant to better communicate with an outer audience. As a consequence, annals were only installed in secluded areas of the palace, while the summary texts were located in more accessible spaces. The Standard Inscription, in this respect, represents an exception, and this might be explained with the incipient attempts of scribes to engrave a text between registers. At the same time, however, the content was carefully selected to present a “bipolar” image of the Assyr-

1050

Though hypothetical, Oppenheim (1960) suggested that it was read in public before the citizens of the city of Assur, proposing the thesis of the “wider audience.” Nonetheless, the primary and intended addressee remained the divine world, while a much more circumscribed audience can be certainly admitted, such as priests of the Assur’s temple (Tadmor 1997, 331–332; Sano 2016, 226–230). © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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ian king, both merciless and benevolent; moreover, lacking excessive specificity, the text content could certainly reach a broader audience. Second, especially in the palace of Sargon II, texts written in third-person were mostly addressed to an inner audience, while first-person texts were meant to be read by or to a wider audience. Third, scribes accurately selected specific texts to decorate thresholds and colossi in order to address distinct messages to insiders and outsiders. Besides the use of different textual codes, palace inscriptions also acted as decorative element in the Assyrian architecture: painted texts carved across or next to reliefs were not aesthetically subordinate to images, but rather complementary. Therefore, palace inscriptions were not neglected or regarded as secondary means of communication with an outer audience, but rather on equal terms with reliefs. In addition, since it was believed that the blue colour carried positive properties and qualities, and was perhaps conceived as a means of protection and purity, it is likely that experiencing coloured inscriptions was not a mere passive action implying only the actions of seeing and reading or listening, but it must have been also a multi-sensorial experience that may even have involved actual physical contact, thereby “touching” and “being touched” by the brilliant royal words. In this sense, approaching the monumental medium of the royal communication signified experiencing something “other,” because the medium itself was conceived as a cultural system. In sum, the popular misconception of a restricted access to inscribed texts should be reappraised in favour of the notion that different ways in antiquity existed to approach a text, ensuring always a certain degree of communicability both with an inner and an outer audience.

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Chapter 9 Palatial Spaces, Audience, Propaganda 9.1 Introduction The aim of this chapter is to review the previous results through three examinations: 1) locating the activities performed at court in the various palatial spaces; 2) providing a list of situational audiences and target audiences of palace reliefs and inscriptions according to the function of each palatial space; 3) discussing the long-debated issue of “propaganda” relying on the purpose(s) of the palatial spaces (context) and the identity of the situational/target audiences. 9.2 Palatial Spaces The king and his guests participated in a system of royal activities, and the setting for at least some of these activities was the palace. Locating these activities in their architectural context is not simple and requires an interpretation, rather than just a simple identification, of the function of the various parts of the palace. The interpretative process is based first, on the palace architectural layout and a variety of other clues present in the architecture; second, on the assumption that the subject of the decoration (reliefs and inscriptions) in each suite of rooms mirrored or was influenced by the function of that suite; third, on the textual sources previously discussed. The fact that each palatial space may have become a different setting for different activities and also new (or later) occupants may have temporarily transformed the environment may complicate the investigation. That is to say that in studies involving past settings we must consider that buildings that stood for centuries may have outlived their original function, ending up by becoming a storehouse for instance. This was the case of Assurnasirpal II’s palace that, under Sargon II, was reused as storage rooms (in particular, rooms U and I), while under Esarhaddon it came to be used like a quarry for reliefs.1051 In similar cases, some features change more easily and co-vary with activities, and the original function of a palace room can hardly be recovered, with the consequence that rushed conclusions may accordingly reach the wrong result. But if we exclude some archaeological remains of doubtful chronology and take for granted that specific settings were not affected by extensive changes, we must consider that, in theory, the use of a given space may have been influenced by various other factors, such as the linkages and barriers between settings, the time of day or season of year, the nature and requirements of the audience being accommodated, and the number and availability of spaces required by the system

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of activities. In other words, some spaces may have served multiple purposes and activities. The function of the room under these different conditions may be altered by the placement of movable furnishings or may simply be determined by the consensus of those present. Therefore, in interpreting past settings, the possibility of multiple uses combined with the absence of the living actors makes the aforementioned cues critical.1052 Moving to substance, most monumental rooms in the palace, for their size and position, could have been used for meetings, banquets, dinners, and other activities. The use of these spaces was however situational and may have depended on their position and accessibility. The decoration of the Throne Room façade of the Northwest Palace along with the presence of the throne base prove that the Throne Room (B) was originally and primarily used for the reception of tribute and audience gifts, and for official audiences with insiders and outsiders.1053 The interior decoration showing the royal deeds and the king in his various aspects also supports the notion that this room was used by the king to exhibit himself to a variety of persons. Thus, the activities performed in the royal throne rooms must have been many and varied. The evidence at our disposal shows, however, only a small part of what was going on therein when the palace was in use. It must be stressed, indeed, that in the notion of “audience,” manifold sub-activities were included, such as diplomatic encounters, political bargains, judgement of prisoners, and the like. Beside secular events, relying on its position and according to textual sources, we may speculate that the Throne Room (B) of the Northwest Palace was the setting for religious events in specific months and acted as “threshold space” between the palace (the “secular”) and the temple area in the north (the “sacred”). Other festivities certainly required the access to the Throne Room (B), and the position of a second location for the throne—opposite the main entrance—both in Assurnasirpal II and Sargon II’s palace, suggests that the king may have sat here during special occasions. Finally, the Throne Room (B) had a square slab with a hole in its middle that was placed next to the exit doorway (fig. 18). The meaning of these slabs remains elusive.1054 However, as an installation associated with liquids, a plausible use can be surmised from the protocol procedures for hospitality, which often dictated fragrant and sweet oil to be anointed on guests. This may explain the position of the stone slab next to the doorway intended as the exit for persons leaving the palace. Size and placement of these stone slabs differed considerably in the palace and their use could, therefore, have been location-dependent. 1052

Rapoport 1990. The terms bētu dannu (“large/strong bētu”) and bēt šarri (“bēt of the king”), suggested for throne room, do not provide much information on its actual use (Kertai 2015a, 216– 217). 1054 See interpretations in Kertai 2015a, 194–195. 1053

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Locating specific activities in the Double-sided Reception Suite (West Suite) may appear even more difficult, although the term bētu šaniu (lit. “second bētu”) suggested to designate this suite offers cause for reflection on some of the activities performed therein. With regard to the Northwest Palace, the term is mentioned on a doorsill, which states that it was the “paving slab of the bētu šaniu.”1055 Unfortunately, the doorsill was found out of context in the Central Courtyard (Y), but Paley and Sobolewski opt for the central doorway e of room WK.1056 Following this reconstruction, it was suggested a correlation between the ša bēti šaniu functionaries, who played a prominent role in the already discussed banquet text SAA 20 33, and the banquets, thus proposing that the bētu šaniu referred to spaces where such banquets took place. In particular, Russell notes that the “internal” room 2 of the Double-sided Reception Suite of Dur-Sharrukin’s palace was decorated with a banquet scene, thereby making likely the hypothesis that the West Suite may have been the setting for banquets.1057 Following this assumption, it seems that specifically the “internal” room of the suite may have been the setting for banquets. This is supported by two pieces of evidence. First, room WG possessed tram-lines through which braziers were moved to allow heat to be controlled and, in the banquet text SAA 20 33, there is specific mention of a brazier supervised by a lackey.1058 It must be said, however, that similar installations cannot be taken as indicative of the performance of specific activities since they seem to represent the only proper form of heating available within the palace.1059 Second, as other rooms in the palace, room WG had a square slab with a hole in its middle that was placed next to door a. If these slabs may have been also used for placing cauldrons upon, this interpretation could find support in the banquet protocol text, where a lackey is said to pour water from the hand-water container.1060 Further, the banquet scene in room 2 of Sargon II’s palace depicts a cauldron from which liquids were taken in one of its doorways (fig. 48). The “external” room WK does not offer particular elements that suggest the activities that were performed inside, but it is likely that it was used as audience hall. The rooms placed between the “internal” and “external” rooms of the suite must have been the setting for other activities, but no hints can be gleaned from other elements. At the moment, they can only be conceived as strategies to separate the two sides of the suite and allow connection with other spaces in the suite. In detail, room WH gave access to a storage room (WM) and to a vestibule (WJ), which led into a storeroom (A) and a bathroom (WI). The meaning of these spaces 1055

Paley 1989, 140–142. The text is written on its underside, thus it was not meant to be read. 1056 Paley / Sobolewski 1992, 47. 1057 Wiggermann 1992, 48; Russell 1998, 666–667. See also Kertai 2015a, 220–222. 1058 SAA 20 33, ii 6–ii 15. 1059 Turner 1970, 186. 1060 SAA 20 33, ii 20–ii 21. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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is unclear. Room WM may have been used for storing mundane items such as furniture used in the activities performed in the adjacent rooms, perhaps for banquets.1061 Room A, instead, was perhaps intended as a secure store for more precious objects, since its access was barred. The definition of some spaces as bathroom, such as WI, does not fully explain their purpose, although some elements found inside suggest that they may have been used for hygiene reasons, but also for libations and other cultic activities.1062

Figure 48 Royal Palace (Dur-Sharrukin): servants taking liquid from a cauldron, drawing of the upper register of relief 1, door H, from room 2 (Botta / Flandin 1849/I, pl. 76)

In sum, these elements suggest that the West Suite was the locus for a number of activities. Its “internal” side (room WG) may have been appropriate as banquet hall for private royal meals; the storerooms surrounding the suite were probably used for storing precious items and furniture, perhaps in connection with the activities performed inside; its “external” side (room WK) must have primarily been the setting for audience and meetings between the king and selected guests. These activities comply somehow with the interior decoration which mostly showed gratifying royal deeds, such as the western campaigns, and pleasant scenes of the king hunting wild animals. The latter, in particular, might be linked to a further role of the West Suite. As already discussed, Assurnasirpal II laid out, close to his newly founded residential city of Kalhu, a huge kiri rišāte “garden of pleasure” covering an area of 25 km2, where he planted different kinds of trees and kept several kinds of wild animals. Inscriptions tell us that everything was publicly exhibited for the astonishment of the Assyrian people. According to archaeological and literary evidence, the garden stretched south and west of the city, and since the royal palace itself was situated at the western edge of the citadel, it overlooked both the Tigris valley and part of the gardens (fig. 2). As a consequence, it is not 1061 1062

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too farfetched to believe that West Suite had open access to a kind of panoramic terrace.1063 The East Suite displays a concentration of paved rooms, some of which also equipped with drains, thereby suggesting that this suite served some activities that involved liquids. The exact activities performed inside may never be known, but the interior decoration, as already discussed, suggests that this suite was the setting for the purification of the king’s body and include offerings to the gods and presentation of weapons in room G, blessing of arms in room H, and bodily purification in rooms I and L. Some elements confirm this picture. The square slabs in rooms N and G may have been used for libation and, indeed, the image of the king holding a bowl show actually the king pouring libation. This is confirmed by the fact that in room G, in correspondence of the square slab with hole in the middle, the relief shows the king holding a bowl accompanied by an attendant without ladle,1064 while the relief of the seated king on the north wall of room G could represent the king drinking because the attendant holds a ladle to catch falling liquid (fig. 28, above). This subtle difference suggests that reliefs showed two different practices during the performance of the ritual: drinking and pouring libation. That weapons were involved in the rituals seems implicitly indicated by the number of storerooms surrounding the suite (O, R, J, M), which may have served for storing royal arms securely, since these spaces were all carefully barred from the outside. Finally, both the interior decoration and the fixed architectural features of rooms L and I lean towards activities revolved around the bodily purification. These spaces have been identified as bathroom since they were equipped with stone slabs with a depression that was rounded at one end where bathtubs were probably placed. There is no drain, suggesting that the bathtubs were probably emptied rather than drained.1065 The stone slabs placed next or in front of most of the bathtub slabs seem to have been functionally related to the alleged bathtubs. A lavatory seat might have been located next to the niche in room I, in correspondence of four circular depressions next to the niche in room I.1066 All these features point to the importance of cleanliness, which must have been both physical and cultic. In this regard, Turner and Russell suggested that rooms I and L, in particular, may have been associated with the bathing rituals described in the bīt rimki ritual, which deals with purification through bathing and describes rites that take place in the palace.1067 In sum, the entire East Suite appears a ritualised space where the king performed both practical rites for his cleanliness and for whatever cultic and religious 1063

Novák 2002, 446. Meuszyński 1981, pl. 9, G–29. 1065 Since no buthtubs have been found, Kertai (2015a, 192) suspects that these were likely made of metal. 1066 Kertai 2015a, 191–192. 1067 Turner 1970, 193; Russell 1998, 697. 1064

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purpose. The alleged rituals depicted were likely preformed to turn the king into a quasi-divine being and covered with the melammu. This conjectural premise leads to the idea that in the East Suite the king, his physical body, his royal insignia, and his robes went through a series of practical cleansing and purifying rituals that aimed at perfecting his appearance. This seems reasonable in the light of the proximity of the East Suite to the Throne Room (B), the main audience hall of the palace where the king made his public appearance. It was probably after undergoing a series of ritual preparations performed in the East Suite, in order to make him in likeness to the gods, that the king appeared to his audience, with the consequence that texts refer to the Assyrian king as a sight worth seeing and describe him using overly sentimental and affectionate words. If this reasoning is correct, a further aspect of the function of palatial spaces may be proposed. The Throne Room (B) possessed a means to reach the roof (room C) through ramps or a staircase, although the use of ramps is more plausible.1068 Considering that the Throne Room (B) was probably at least 15 m high, reaching the roof allowed the king, and other important officials, courtiers or royal family members, to appear from the highest point of the palace and to exhibit himself to a large number of persons gathered in the Throne Room Courtyard. A similar “public” exhibition seems confirmed, first, by an already discussed textual reference according to which the king may have used a terrace as a place for public show, second, by a panel (A 3) of the Rassam Obelisk located east of the Central Building, which shows Assurnasirpal II receiving officials and, perhaps, tribute-bearers standing on a crenellated wall. In fact, the presence of a stretch of river and a stylized city inside suggests that the whole scene could plausibly represent the reception of tribute at Kalhu.1069 Now, if the royal protocol dictated such a “public” exhibition of the king by means of a terrace on the Throne Room (B), then the interior decoration of room C acquires a proper significance. By reproducing the same imagery of the East Suite, that is to say an apotropaic landscape of winged deities and the image of the king holding bowl and bow accompanied by attendants,1070 its decoration suggests that room C may have acted also as locus for some of the king’s cleansing and purification procedures before exhibiting himself to his audience. Accordingly, both the East Suite and room C may have been the setting for preparing the king’s appearance before meeting his guests “privately”—in the Throne Room (B) through the East Suite— and “publicly”—in the Throne Room Courtyard through room C. Moving to the South Suite, this was identified as the King’s Suite and, as Russell points out, both the apotropaic figurative program and the location of the suite within the palace, suggest that this suite may have been the location in which the king conducted his private affairs, such as receiving courtiers, high court officials, 1068

Kertai 2015a, 215–216; Kertai 2015e. Reade 1980a, 11, 20, pl. IV. 1070 Meuszyński 1981, pl. 4. 1069

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palace women, or performed more personal activities such as eating, bathing, and sleeping.1071 Russell’s hypothesis appears perhaps to be closest in determining the function of the South Suite. In fact, although there are no explicit features that could suggest the specific activities that were performed in the suite, it is likely that one of the royal activities was that of receiving very selected and chosen guests. In fact, the engravings on the lower hem of the king’s garment, depicted on the short western wall of room S, show an audience scene which might be interpreted as a direct quotation of the actions performed in room S. The bathroom V may have accommodated, accordingly, the cleansing activities for the king before appearing to his special guests, just like room WI in the West Suite. All the suites and palatial spaces were organized around courtyards, which mostly acted as intermediate spaces to organize movements within the palace and also provided natural light to the surrounding suites. The Central Courtyard (Y), in particular, was equipped with square pavement stones with holes through which the water in the courtyard could drain.1072 The other holes, instead, were close to the entrances to the suites and may have been the places where poles of awnings were placed.1073 Finally, other spaces in the palace around the Throne Room Courtyard may have served as settings for palace administration and some rooms may have hosted many officials working in the palace. In detail, rooms ZT 21, 25–27 and perhaps ZT 32–30 can be interpreted as a corner office, probably occupied by the rab ekalli during the reign of Assurnasirpal II, the official in charge of organising entry. Other spaces around the courtyard probably were archival rooms. This is the case of rooms ZT 4 and 5, probably intended for accommodating the scribal office, where different boxes installed on the ground and about 350 tablets were found.1074 In the light of this examination, the function of some palatial spaces of the royal palace at Dur-Sharrukin might be described as follows. The Throne Room (VII), with its size and the presence of a throne base upon which one can expect the unpreserved throne to have stood, acted as the main audience hall of the palace. Unlike the Northwest Palace, the Throne Room of Sargon II—apparently for the first time—possesses a bathroom. This may have plausibly been used for several purposes, such as hygiene, libations and other cultic activities, but considering its position it may have been plausibly used for the performance of cleansing procedures for the king before appearing in front of his guests. The occasions for official audience were certainly numerous and varied, such as encounters with foreign delegations or high-ranking officials, political 1071

See also Kertai 2015a, 225–229. Paley / Sobolewski 1992, 35. 1073 Kertai 2015a, 200. 1074 Mallowan 1966/I, fig. 106; Winter 1981, 16; Kertai 2015a, 196–197. 1072

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bargains, reception of tribute and gifts, religious events and royal festivities, great secular celebrations and the like. For great events, the Throne Room ramp (22– 23) probably allowed the king to appear from the roof or terrace before a large number of spectators (fig. 8). The palace of Sargon II also possessed a secondary throne room (8), strictly associated to room 4, which may have served as a subsidiary audience hall (fig. 19). The presence of the throne, indeed, indicates that the king could receive his guests here. When and which selected guests were accommodated in this room remains uncertain. The interior decoration of corridor 10, rooms 8 and 4 suggests that foreign delegations bringing tributes or audience gifts must have been among the selected visitors of these spaces. The scenes depicting the punishment of leaders led to the definion of these rooms as “halls of judgement.”1075 Although the interior decoration is not necessarily a reflection of the activities performed inside, it is not unlikely that in rooms 8 and 4 the king met prisoners to be judged. However, it seems more probable that in these spaces both the behaviour of foreign leaders and tribute/audience gifts brought were evaluated by the king. Room 7, served by a passage, is apparently associated with rooms 8 and 4. The function of this relatively small room (50 m2) is however unclear and only the upper register of its interior decoration vaguely suggests that it might have been the setting for royal banquets. This assumption appears, however, awkward since banquets probably took place in larger spaces. The lower register, instead, shows a hunt for small game taking place in a wooded park and includes a small building with two-columned portico where the king and his retinue probably refreshed themselves after a hunt. This functional connection, together with the absence of doors between rooms 7 and 4, and also 8, indicates that visitors were perhaps intended to visit this area of the palace and that the three spaces were functionally related. In this sense, one possibility could be that room 7 was used by specific professionals who would have escorted visitors towards the royal park: a suggestion that appears plausible in the light of the court hospitality, that prescribed official visits of the flourishing zoological gardens. In this regard, room 3 may have served as a “confidential” entrance for insiders both from the exterior and from room 2 to reach room 7, while outsiders would have made the full tour of rooms 8 and 4 to reach the exterior. The activities performed inside room 5 remain unknown, but it is likely that its primary function was to provide access to the more prominent Suite 5a, hampering a direct connection with room 2. Considering the reliefs decorating rooms 6 and 11, it seems that they may have functioned as audience halls, where the king received favoured selected and chosen visitors, most likely outsiders, with their tribute and special gifts. That these spaces were also venues for banquets cannot be excluded.

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The presence of bathrooms (9 and 12) may indicate that the king prepared himself here before meeting his guests. Some elements which point to the presence of bathtubs, indicate that they were certainly used for hygiene purposes. The interior decoration of both rooms suggests that the king took baths inside, and that these required the presence of numerous attendants. Room 9, however, was somewhat different. Unlike the hidden and deeply located room 12, room 9 was a vestibule, which was directly accessible from the courtyard. More interestingly, the doorway Z was guarded by a wingless genie holding the lotus flower in the right hand and a goat in the left hand. Albeit it cannot be excluded that in both rooms apotropaic rituals were performed, room 9 might have been a more likely candidate for the performance of specific cultic activities. The “internal” side of Suite 5 (room 2) was perhaps used for private banquets, as the upper register of the wall decoration suggests. Its size may have indeed accommodated a large number of persons. The room certainly hosted other court activities, but no fixed-feature elements provide helpful hints. The decoration of its façade L indicates that many persons of the inner group gathered in the room and the presence of the royal furniture carried by courtiers suggests that room 2 may have also served as audience hall, probably for private meetings. The adjacent bathroom (room 1) could confirm this assumption and, although its position may appear awkward, its access was barred. The activities performed in Courtyard I were certainly varied and is impossible to define all of them. This space gave access to rooms 2 and 1. The number of persons moving here must have been high: at least two long processions of Assyrian attendants and officials walked through the entrances of room 2, while a third procession walked away from room 2 and perhaps continued either until it reached the king shown on the north-western wall of Courtyard III or ended earlier.1076 Courtyard I also served the mysterious Monument X (also known as “bâtiment isolé”, after Place’s definition), whose actual function is unclear. In this respect, the pavilion with columns depicted in room 7, often pointed to as a candidate for the bīt ḫilāni, has been tentatively interpreted as the representation of Monument X. If this identification is correct, according to royal inscriptions the bīt ḫilāni/Monument X was built for luxury and enjoyment. Further, the visual reference indicates that it was used for the performance of banquets, perhaps after a hunt. Accordingly, Monument X partook in the hunting activities taking place in the royal park. This apparent function seems confirmed by the two black stone wall-panels that were found in the archaeological remains of Monument X that show scenes of men and eunuchs shooting birds or hawking.1077 The private nature of the banquet depicted in room 7, together with the position of the edifice located in the secluded Courtyard I, basically suggest that Monument X was apparently 1076 1077

Kertai 2015a, 110. Reade 2008, 18–19, fig. 7. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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not expected to be visited by outsiders. Nevertheless, two aspects must be considered. First, among the Assyrian officials and attendants depicted on façade L is shown a foreigner carrying the model of a city (slab 8; fig. 21, below). Second, reliefs were uncovered in Room 99 on the far side of the main palace, what has been thought to be a sculptor’s workshop, and showed bearded men in western dress bearing model cities as tribute, and an Assyrian eunuch attendant. Considering that these reliefs were made of the same material and size as those found in Monument X, Reade suggested that they were perhaps intended for Monument X.1078 If so, then we should acknowledge that outsiders may have been present in Courtyard I, and that a visit of Monument X was perhaps expected as part of the tour of the royal park. If, on the other hand, the reliefs do not reflect the identity of persons visiting these palatial spaces, we should think that reliefs were only an exhibition of the power of the Assyrian king who receives foreign visits from afar. Summing up the findings of this section, the general impression is that, once again, the royal palace was the setting for various activities that revolved around the figure of the king and his interaction(s) with a variety of residents, visitors and guests. Nonetheless, if a number of elements shed light on the performance of important and pompous ceremonials, on the implementation of state affairs and other issues that an Assyrian king had to address, they neglect both the minor activities and daily life of the inhabitants of the palace, and how the Assyrian king lived in his palace. In this respect, Liverani tries to envisage the tremendous tasks of the Assyrian king and describes his daily life as a “full day, a hard day, a stressing day.”1079 The “ordinary day” of the king cannot be ascertained from the fixed and semi-fixed feature elements, but nonetheless the king and his dozens and dozens of courtiers, exorcists and astrologers, bodyguards and servants, priests and scribes, high-ranking and palace officials, participated in the court life at the royal palace and must have been exposed daily to the vision of reliefs and inscriptions which could affect, animate, embolden, and inspire their everyday activities. Extraordinary events, instead, involved a wider range of persons and focused on the Assyrian king as main actor and his royal palace as the main stage, leading to the assumption that it could be more instructive to approach the study of audience in terms of spectators. 9.3 Situational Audience Assessing audiences in antiquity is a tricky business. Mesopotamian studies crudely divided audiences into two general opposed groups—literate or illiterate—and have tended to eschew analysis. Whatever may nowadays be said about audiences could well be incorrect, but the historical existence of audiences cannot be avoided. Our knowledge of the palace reliefs and inscriptions, and our

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interpretation of the meaning of their semiotic signs, is only possible if we understand the crucial role of audiences just as it was duly recognized in antiquity. As already seen in the previous chapters, the composition of visual narratives, the selection of images and texts appropriate for conveying specific messages, and the choice of the physical context for a visual consumption were all carried out with some idea of the desires, expectations, interests and thoughts of the audience. Our understanding of the constitution of audiences not only shapes our sense of the possible reception of palace reliefs and inscriptions themselves; it is also intimately connected with ancient conceptions of the audience and the patron-audience network involved in the production of communication. In this study, “audiences” are therefore defined in terms of an elite that communicates in various and multifaceted ways in order to reach different and specific (target) groups. The first subdivision used rhetorically throughout this work is the typology of audience according to three general types: situational audience, target audience, temporal audience. In detail, the situational audience is represented by the numerous references in both texts and images to groups of people who either visited or lived in the palace and who participated in the palace court life and consequently were exposed to at least some of the reliefs and inscriptions. This audience would thus comprise both the group of “insiders” and “outsiders” (table 3): Groups of situational audiences Otherworldly beings Royal Family King’s magnates

Palace functionaries

Provincial elite Assyrian aristocracy

Subsets gods, genies king (šarru); crown prince (mār šarri); king’s sons (mar’ē šarri); king’s brothers, queen (issi ēkalli) magnates or Great Men (LÚ.GAL.MEŠ): palace herald (nāgir ekalli); vizier (sukkallu); chief eunuch (rab ša-rēši); treasurer (masennu); chief cupbearer (rab šāqê); chief judge, or chief bailiff (sartinnu); commander-in-chief (turtānu) zarīqū; son of the palace (mār ekalli); eunuchs (šarēši); bearded men (ša-ziqni); palace manager (rab ekalli); palace supervisor (ša-pān-ekalli); adjutant of the palace supervisor (rādi qātē); deputy of the palace supervisor (ša-pān-ekalli šaniu); watchman (ša-maṣṣarti); staff-bearer (ša-ḫuṭāri); gatekeeper (atû) provincial governors (bēl pīḫati/šaknu) princes/noblemen (rubê); elders of the land of Assyria (šībūtu)

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Groups of situational audiences Military personnel

Subsets

commanders (šāpirī); cohort commander(s) (rab kiṣri); guard (ša-maṣṣarti); royal cohort (kiṣir šarrūti); bodyguard (ša-qurbūti); personal guard (ša-šēpē) Other functionaries chariot-driver (mukīl ašâte); supervisors (aklī) Communication kallapu messenger; messenger (mār šipri); dispatch personnel rider or mounted messenger (kallāp šipirti); reporter (bēl ṭēmi) Intellectuals scribe (ṭupšarru); chief scribe (rab ṭupšarri); palace scribe (ṭupšar ekalli); master scholar (ummânu); royal scribe (ṭupšar šarri); astrologer/scribe (ṭupšarru); haruspex/diviner (bārû); exorcist/magician (āšipu); physician (asû); lamentation chanter (kalû) Temple personnel priest (šangû); exorcist (mašmaššu) Domestic personnel cupbearer (šaqû); servant (ša-bēti-šanie); palace servant (urad ekalli); chef (rab-nuḫatimmi) Personal care profession- barber (gallābu) als Court entertainers musician (nuāru); chief musician (rab nuāri); royal musician (nuāri šarri); “clothed” musicians (labbašūte); musician qualified as ina bītāni; jesters (aluzinnu); sarrānus Workers craftsmen/stone-carver (parkullu); sculptor (urrāku); engraver (kapšarru); stone-borer (pallišu) Assyrians residents of the capital city and inhabitants of other major centres of the empire Subject foreigners emissaries (ṣērāni); rulers (malki matitan); cityrulers (bēl āli); bodyguards and servants accompanying their rulers; interpreter (targumannu); hostages (līṭu) Independent foreigners envoys, kings, merchants Prisoners assyrian and foreign prisoners, criminals Posterity future kings and princes, any passer-by Table 3 Groups and subsets of the situational audience

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Otherworldly beings: while the divine was omnipresent in the royal palaces, especially in the Northwest Palace through the sculptures of protective genies and semi-divine beings, gods are often referred to in royal inscriptions as occasional visitors. It is uncertain what this means in practical terms. Russell suspects that it indicates that statues of gods were moved into the palace shrines within the temple complexes.1080 It is however likely, according to textual sources, that divine statues were carried through the most prominent courtyards and decorated rooms of the royal palace, to be visited and blessed by the divine presence. Royal family: the highest ranking component of reliefs and inscriptions was the king himself, who was producer and consumer of his palace. Relying on textual and visual sources, the crown prince played an important role in the empire and probably partook in many royal activities performed in the royal palace, such as grand official celebrations, religious festivities, private meetings and the like. He probably often had occasion to visit most of the reception suites of the palace, such as the throne rooms and perhaps the King’s Suite. The same can be said perhaps for the other king’s sons, who are attested as partakers of the royal meal. King’s brothers probably had regular access to the palace; in detail, the proximity of Residence L of Sargon II’s brother to the royal palace at Dur-Sharrukin suggests the importance and the close relation between the king and his brothers. It seems that the king was married to one wife only, who would have been the queen of the reigning king.1081 The queen occasionally may have been exposed to at least some of the reliefs and inscriptions of the palace, although she must have occupied the most secluded wing of the palace often referred to in the scholarly literature as the royal “harem” (bēt isāte, “House of the Women”), and all other high-ranking “court women” in the harem were named sekretu “female personnel of the palace” (lit. “a closed up woman”).1082 Nonetheless, this apparent seclusion did not hamper the queen and her “entourage” from partaking in events taking place in the main reception suites, perhaps benefiting from hidden, shorter and easier passages that allowed them to avoid the people visiting or working in the palace. In this respect, Kertai notes that “there is no indication that the palaces were organized along gender lines” nor there is indication that there were “restrictions on the settings in which women could act;” accordingly, there is insufficient knowledge “to assume that women could not be active in any of the other spaces of the palace.”1083 Other figures of the royal family probably participated in the court life at the Assyrian palace, although not prominently mentioned in texts or depicted 1080

Russell 1991, 239. Kertai 2013b. 1082 Barjamovic 2011, 48–57; Parpola 2012; Stol 2016, 529–536. 1083 Kertai 2015a, 247. See also Gansell 2018. 1081

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on reliefs: e.g. the queen mother, the king’s daughters, the king’s grandchildren, the crown prince’s wife. King’s magnates: this group includes the highest-ranking officials active in the palace and in the empire in general. The magnates or Great Men were influential figures and their presence in the palace is largely confirmed, although most of them must have spent a considerable part of the year abroad, reducing their presence at court. At regular intervals, it is attested their participation in private events, such as the royal meal, and probably assembled with the king in the imperial capital on the occasion of the secular and religious festivities and the muster of military forces. Palace functionaries: Various functionaries, often identified with the terms šarēši and ša-ziqni, were permanently active in the royal palace. In particular, the palace supervisor, his deputy and adjutants had regular access to the palace and some of them probably resided in specific rooms of the building. Provincial elite: less frequent must have been the presence at court of the socalled “provincial elite,” although Sargon II’s inscriptions show that they were certainly admitted on special occasions. This group includes the provincial governors as well as those holding many offices (e.g. the “village manager” rab ālāni). Assyrian aristocracy: images and texts show that members of the Assyrian aristocracy and elders of Assyria, occasionally visited the palace and were expressly invited to take part in official celebrations. It is likely that these figures were hosted in the palace or in some areas nearby and, beside the main throne rooms, they were perhaps welcomed in more confidential reception rooms, such as the West Suite or the King’s Suite in the Northwest Palace, and room 2 in the palace of Dur-Sharrukin. Military personnel: a permanent force of the king guarding the palace was expected. In particular, images and texts show that the king was protected by specific figures who must be regarded as personal guards or bodyguards. These appear on reliefs often in proximity of the king, thus some of them lived in the palace and regularly followed the king moving through the palatial spaces. Other functionaries: according to visual and textual sources, low-ranking officials were often involved in court activities and were certainly exposed at least in passing to the reliefs and inscriptions of the royal palace. Communication personnel: this group includes the professionals who occasionally entered the palace and personally informed the king on matters, read aloud letters, or escorted visitors to the palace. It cannot be said which room was seen by these figures, but the main throne room was certainly the most attended space in the palace. Intellectuals: the group of intellectuals was particularly active in the royal palace and some palatial spaces hosted their scribal activity (e.g. the northern side of © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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the Throne Room Courtyard in the Northwest Palace). Moreover, some figures were responsible for drafting the royal inscriptions and likely partook in the reliefs’ design. Thus, intellectuals formed one of the primary audience of the palace decoration. Temple personnel: members of the temple personnel mostly attended the palatial shrines. However, we can imagine that priests, exorcists and the like were involved in the performance of rites taking place in the palace, especially during the religious festivities that implied movements between the temple area and the royal palace. Domestic personnel: members of this group probably resided in the palace and were continually exposed to its interior decoration. Figures like cupbearers and servants are especially attested during the royal meal, and both visual and textual evidence proves that they were active in the royal palace and could visit several palatial spaces. Personal care professionals: in this group, only the figure of the barber is included. Judging from textual evidence, both this professional individual and the necessity of shaving were integral to cultic procedures involving the king and his sons, just as with the priesthood. Considering that the barber somehow participated in the care for the physical appearance of the king, it is only very speculative that he had access to the so-called “bathrooms” of the palace. Court entertainers: it was suggested that the palace hospitality was also enlivened by means of court entertainments, and that music performance was regularly exploited by the Assyrian kings. The performers, musicians, singers and the like, gladdened guests at court during royal meals, great celebrations, and perhaps also official audiences. Thus, these figures had certainly the chance to attend the royal court and admire its interior decoration. Workers: this group embraces those skilled workers/craftsmen involved in the implementation of palace reliefs and inscriptions, thus representing their initial audience. Part of this labour force would presumably still have been working on the palace during and after the time reliefs and inscriptions were carved, it is therefore possible that they could have been an interested audience. Assyrians: it seems unlikely that residents of the capital city or other major centres of the empire often visited the palace. They were certainly involved in the great events, such as the inauguration of the royal palace or the public shows offered to everyone. However, it seems more likely that the imperial population participated from outside, that is to say in the “party” taking place in the public settings of the capital city, such as squares and open spaces. If very few residents were selected and invited to enter the palace, these might have been easily accommodated in the large Throne Room Courtyard or in the piazza before the main entrance. Subject foreigners: there is clear indication, both in images and texts, that subject foreigners visited the palace. These delegations comprised envoys and rulers, © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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accompanied by their bodyguards and servants, who delivered their tribute and audience gifts to the king. In some instances, a delegation came to the palace along with an interpreter. They met the king in his principal throne room, delivered their tribute or audience gifts, and probably spent some nights in the capital city before going back to their hometown. Within the palace, it is likely that special guests (e.g. important kings) were selected and escorted in the more secluded palatial spaces (e.g. Suite 5a in Sargon II’s palace). Beside the palace itself, guests could also tour the flourishing royal parks. Independent foreigners: envoys and kings from countries not subject to Assyria’s direct political control are often mentioned in textual sources and these may have been regarded as special guests. Among outsiders may be included hostages taken from foreign countries and brought to the royal palace who would also have been involved in the court life and exposed to some of the palace decoration. Prisoners: captive foreign labour was often used in the construction of the royal palaces, while other captives were apportioned to the palace, presumably as servants or labourers. It is known that criminals were sent to the palace and judged by the king, thus having occasion to visit some of the palace rooms. Posterity (temporal audience): many inscriptions of Assurnasirpal II and Sargon II contain a message directed specifically at the king’s posterity, but also at later people and whoever, requesting that the palace (including reliefs and inscriptions) be restored to its original condition or at least not destroyed nor altered its original function. These various groups of people that compose the situational audience for court life, palace reliefs and inscriptions would have possessed varying degrees of access and of visual, as well as verbal, literacy. While we can try to offer a general location where each group resided or was admitted, the intended capacity of each suite is not clear. As Kertai notes, the number of workers must have been high, perhaps up to a hundred, and residents not necessarily used the suites as dormitories but probably had their own residences.1084 The Banquet Stele text provides us with a high number of palace workers (1,500 zarīqū) which, however, might also mirror the actual high number of workers active in the palace and not living in the palace. Outer visitors could instead be easily accommodated in the large courtyard and reception suites of the royal palace. For instance, Courtyard Y in the Northwest Palace was the second or third largest courtyard in the complex, ca. 27 x 36,5 m , or over 950 m2 in area. The largest courtyard was the Throne Room Courtyard, nearly three times the size of Courtyard Y (almost 3000 m2); the second largest was probably WT, the eastern face of which was over 50 m long.1085 Considering these dimensions, it seems clear that Assyrian designers devised and valued large 1084 1085

Kertai 2015a, 248. Paley / Sobolewski 1992, 34. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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spaces that allowed comfort and free flowing, suggesting that large courtyards did not accommodate high crowd density (the number of people per square metre) to the point of people being in physical contact with each other. Now, it has been calculated that a crowd of medium size is usually at 2,5 people per square metre, while density can increase above three people per square metre, the crowd’s speed of movement drops dramatically (fig. 49).1086 According to these parameters, the Throne Room Courtyard, at its minimum estimated extent, could contain a crowd of around 7500 individuals. Therefore, the size of this space was well tailored to perform its task of public arena for extraordinary events.

Figure 49 Crowd of medium size standing and walking in the Throne Room Courtyard of the Northwest Palace (Still 2014, fig. 2.15)

9.4 Target Audience Within each group and subset discussed above, the Assyrian administration singled out specific groups which were supposed to see the reliefs and read the inscriptions. The problem of which of these groups, and their respective subsets, constituted the target audience relies essentially on three aspects: context, accessibility, subject. These three parameters must be scrutinized in order to reveal how reliefs and inscriptions interacted with its intended context, to what extent access to a given palatial space affected the choice of subject (both in images and texts), and “what” images and texts tell, in the present, and told, in the past. In this sense, the “hermeneutic” approach changes radically: the interpretations did not concentrate on the official statements but on the “Komplexität” of the objects and their “kontextuellen Verflechtungen.”1087 The final aim of such an approach is disclosing meaning, perception and interpretation of reliefs and inscriptions. In addition, the different degrees of psychological and emotional involvement(s) must be 1086 1087

Still 2014, 58–59, 62, figs. 2.22, 2.23. Juwig / Kost 2010, 15. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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taken as an essential aspect to establish the intended ancient beholder/reader/ listener of a given relief or text, with the consequence that the most involved was the most interested and might have coincided with the target audience. Thus, in the Northwest Palace, violent images seem to have been mainly addressed to an outer audience, while calmer images characterised by equilibrium, symmetry, and order, were likely addressed to an inner audience. The inscribed texts performed the main task of demonstrating and convince the inner audience or king’s supporters, while the outer audience had to be informed. In the palace of Sargon II, instead, the meanings of the representations of battles, hunts, and banquets were primarily addressed to an inner audience, the reminder was addressed also to an outer audience. The monumental inscriptions were much more assimilated in the palatial spaces. Thus, the annalistic genre and thresholds’ inscriptions in the third person were more appropriate to communicate with an inner audience; by contrast, the Summary Text and thresholds’ inscriptions in the first person were mostly addressed to an outer reader/listener. 9.5 Temporal Audience In outlining the “evolutionary process” of the palace, from its building to its abandonment, Assyrian kings painstakingly describe each phase: texts provide information on the idea that came up in king’s mind to found a new city, the reason leading a king to build a new residence, the start of construction works, the main building activities, the dedication on completion, the fear for the potential abandonment after owner’s death materialized in blessings and curses. It is precisely in the account of the phases of the “building life cycle” that kings instantiate the reason for building a new palace and its basic audience. In this regard, Assurnasirpal II’s textual references are pragmatic: the king first states his intention to build a palace for his “lordly leisure for eternity”1088 and then “for the eternal admiration of rulers and princes.”1089 Both reasons show a key tenet, the “eternity,” that is to say the eternity of the king’s name and his residence. The eternity of a king’s activity was regarded as essential and the king himself appealed to future generations to keep alive his name and image engraved on the stone. The king’s image, in particular, “both preserved the biographical memory of an individual and secured his role in the elite ideological memory of kingship.”1090 Thus, it seems that the target audience of the palace itself, along with its reliefs and inscriptions, was firstly—and obviously—the king himself and secondly the future generation, especially rulers and princes. Any king laying the foundation of a new edifice was certainly aware that after his death a new ruler could reside in his building. This is well-demonstrated, in practical terms, by the Northwest Palace, which was used until Sargon II’s reign, 150 years after its completion. This notion complies with 1088

RIMA 2 A.0.101.2, 58. RIMA 2 A.0.101.35, 8. 1090 Gansell 2016, 92. 1089

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the Mesopotamian conception of time: “while we advance along a timeline that has us “facing the future,” the Mesopotamians advanced along the same time-line but with their eyes fixed on the past. They moved, as it were, back-to-front— backing into the future”.”1091 Thus, Mesopotamian culture was focused on the past, and, ultimately, the starting point of all existence. The progress of Assyria relied on this conception: king’s deeds in the past were “in front” of later kings rather than “behind.”1092 9.6 Propaganda The audience is the basis which underpinned the architecture, reliefs and inscriptions as an integral and interactive creation, and is not just the last link in a sequential process. On the assumption that the royal palace was not a strictly secluded place but also a “stage” where the king exhibited himself to a selected and chosen group of “spectators,” the question centres on whether the royal palace and its decoration can be conceived as the setting for the performance of a political and ideological manipulation of viewer/reader/listener in a propagandistic practice. In short: can the palace itself, the court activities, the reliefs and inscriptions, be described as an ideological means of propaganda as suggested by a number of scholars?1093 In general terms, propaganda acts as a tool to communicate ideology, to disseminate particular ideas. In Latin, it means “to propagate” or “to sow” but, in some contexts and ages, the word loses its neutrality and later usages have added a tone that implies a negative and deceitful message, such as the totalitarian regimes of the 20th century CE. To offer an answer, propaganda should be dissected in its characteristics and placed within the relationships between author/sender, message, code, context, medium, and audience. This examination relies on a recent definition of propaganda which focuses on the communication process and, more specifically, on the purpose of the process: “Propaganda is the deliberate, systematic attempt to shape perceptions, manipulate cognitions, and direct behavior to achieve a response that furthers the desired intent of the propagandist.”1094 Let us examine the words of this definition to see what it implies and how it can be applied in the context of the late Assyrian communication. Deliberate. Deliberate implies that authors, namely the king and his intellectuals, have carefully selected what will be the most effective strategy to promote their ideology and maintain an advantageous position. Deliberate choices can be 1091

Maul 2008, 15–16. Nadali 2018b, 155; Nadali 2020a, 227. 1093 Just to name a few recent contributions which continues the seminal works of Liverani 1979 and Reade 1979, see Sano 2016; Karlsson 2016; 2017. A group of academics have, instead, pondered and questioned the issue of propaganda for palace reliefs and inscriptions. See, most recently, Bernbeck 2010; Siddal 2013, 149; Collins 2014, 621; Bagg 2016; Nadali 2017b, 3–4; 2018b, 154–158; 2019c; 2020a. 1094 Jowett / O’Donnell 2012, 7. 1092

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firstly seen in the building process: the royal palace must be prominent within the capital city, either for its size or/and position; its plan is carefully organized so as to allow or deny access from the exterior and movements inside. There is also a well-thought-out selection in the choice of relief subject to decorate each palatial space. In both palaces, for instance, fear-evoking scenes were mainly confined to the most accessible spaces of the palace, while calm-evoking scenes were mostly shown in less accessible spaces. This process of deliberate selection also affects the choice of texts to be inscribed. For instance, in the palace of Assurnasirpal II a painstaking selection was made for the texts inscribed on the colossi and thresholds of the Throne Room (B), where divergent messages were addressed to those entering or leaving the palace. This phenomenon is more evidenced in the palace inscriptions of Sargon II, where textual messages were individually sent to insiders and outsiders, and markedly distinguished by specific sentences explicitly referring to a different group(s) of audiences. Systematic. Systematic implies that deliberate choices are carried out with organized regularity. For example, kings and intellectuals systematically used the throne rooms to impress visitors by displaying fear-evoking images. Shaping perceptions. This goal is usually attempted through images and language, namely reliefs and inscriptions. The perception of viewers and readers/listeners, in ancient times as much as today, is based on past experiences and complex psychological, political, and cultural thought patterns (top-down information). Assyrian artists and scribes probably understood that audience’s constructed meanings were related to both its past experience and knowledge of images, language, and the culture and context in which they appear and, although reconstructing the perception of past audience is hampered for obvious reasons, strategies for shaping audience’s perception can be found in some cases. For example, in the contrast with the otherness that king’s ideologies were emphasised and perception was manipulated. In this respect, the comparisons of enemies with animals having negative or weak characteristics is a widespread motif both in reliefs and, especially, in inscriptions. Further, the victory or defeat depends on the presence of divine assistance or its lack. Enemies are not assisted by gods and this reason entails their defeat. By contrast, Assyrian troops are led by the god Assur and their victory is certain. The exaggeration of cruelty on reliefs highlights the military power of the Assyrian army compared to the military weakness of the enemy army. The disembodiment of corpses and the destruction of enemy fortresses metonymically emphasise the actual frailty of the enemy and the vulnerability of any attempt of opposition to Assyria. The exaggeration of cruelty must have been regarded as essential to shape the viewer’s perception in order to establish Assyria’s power and enemy weakness. However, exaggeration of cruelty is absent in the palace inscriptions of Assurnasirpal II, whereas it is made vivid in the palace inscriptions of Sargon II. The representation of the reception of captives and tribute-bearers certainly indicates the general control of Assyria over foreign © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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countries, but it is also an eloquent expression of the different status between insiders (receivers) and outsiders (giver). This probably instilled the desired negative self-image in subjects, thereby shaping their perception and leading them to embody a new predetermined condition as subordinate. More importantly, in the palace decoration of Sargon II there seems to have been a clear intention to distinguish insiders from outsiders: insiders were the king’s supporters, outsiders the empire’s subjects. Manipulate cognitions. These perceptual attempts, to be effective, were supported by a manipulation of cognitions. In fact, if the audience’s beliefs are wellformed, a person’s perceptions are influenced by it or need to be confirmed in order to strengthen those beliefs. Instead, this does not happen in a vacuum, where an audience must be indoctrinated on or manipulated into certain beliefs. In the first case, however, the audience will be influenced to adopt that point of view in a voluntary fashion, while in the second the audience background will be manipulated in a somewhat forced manner. Accordingly, the communication by way of reliefs and inscriptions within the palace must have been tailored in accordance with the different needs and, for the moment, only the second case will be evaluated here. The titles and epithets of the Assyrian king that directly refer to the otherness are numerous and wide-ranging in palace inscriptions. To name a few, the subaltern sometimes appears as a cosmic entity, such as when Assurnasirpal II states that he “has no rival among the princes of the four quarters,”1095 or as a dominated human, such as when he calls himself as “king of lords.”1096 Likewise, the role of cosmic ruler is used in Sargon II’s epithet when he defines himself as “king of the four regions (of the world).”1097 Although perhaps the royal titulary did not totally mirror the reality, it was certainly pretentious and could well have manipulated the cognitions of listeners and readers. The palace inscriptions of Assurnasirpal II do not provide the reader/listener with numbers or quantity of tribute, booty or prisoners but only very general references to the considerable entity of conquests. Sargon II, instead, often refers to the high number of deported persons, tribute and booty: whether these were fictional or real, it seems clear that extensive numbers lent the king a more powerful aura and would have impressed the audience. Lack of defeats or wounded Assyrian soldiers on reliefs visually represents the Assyrian Empire as invincible, excluding any defeat or deaths from the representation of the warfare. Further, the Assyrian army is shown well-equipped with all the bellicose powerful weaponry that is obviously lacking in the enemy army. The loser, accordingly, is always the enemy and reliefs highlight again this aspect by juxtaposing victory of Assyria and annihilation of the enemy. This point was less 1095

RIMA 2 A.0.101.23, 2. RIMA 2 A.0.101.23, 12b. 1097 ARAB 2.77. 1096

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evidenced in the reliefs of Sargon II displayed in the most accessible rooms. Only room 5, indeed, presented to visitors the military achievements of the king, but these warlike episodes were probably intended as visual praises of a gratifying endeavour in the west. There is no mention in palace inscriptions of defeats of the Assyrian army, and descriptions sometimes gloss limited or unsuccessful campaigns with outstanding results. In the palace inscriptions of Assurnasirpal II, the example of Suhu is illuminating in this respect. Liverani notes that although Suhu is described as under Assyrian control, some aspects seem to have been deliberately manipulated to conceal the partial conquest.1098 In particular, it must be noted that the southern part of Suhu was never reached and later on a full series of autonomous governors of Suhu were attested. A similar example was noted by Sano in regard to the control of Sargon II over Phrygia, by comparing the royal correspondence and the Summary Inscription of Sargon II. According to the information in the letter, Sargon II accepted the truce proposed by the Phrygian king Mita and provided political refugees as a gesture of friendship. However, this event is reported in the royal inscription as if Mita had been brought into an Assyrian vassal relationship.1099 In sum, these two examples clearly show that both defeats or partial conquests, and the use of diplomatic means were rewritten when drafting the royal inscriptions, thereby suggesting that texts were primarily fictional and only secondarily historical. The aim of such a manipulation of history was certainly the manipulation of cognitions. There is a concluding aspect that must be taken into account when dealing with the means used for manipulating cognitions. Since it was stated that ideology encapsulates all the expressions of a culture and that propaganda was the way to disseminate these expressions, we should also include here not only the tangible “tools” but also the intangible ones. The ceremony, in fact, is not separate from power, but is an indivisible aspect of it.1100 It seems therefore appropriate to believe that any ceremony revolving around the ruler, his appearance in public shows, the inauguration of new buildings, the lavish banquets and warm hospitality proffered to guests, the solemn and grandiose religious festivities, were the most concrete ways to manipulate spectators who had to be astonished and impressed by the materialized ideology. All these occasions, were “a powerful mechanism for publicizing the body politic of the king in his cosmic function.”1101 Both the shaping of perceptions and the manipulation of cognitions show the common intent of directing a specific behaviour in the audience. In the context of Neo-Assyrian communication, the desired behaviour was certainly the willingness by anyone to support the current Assyrian royal ideology. Accordingly, a 1098

Liverani 1992, 114. Sano 2016, 224–225. 1100 Siddall 2013, 137. 1101 Pongratz-Leisten 2015, 390. 1099

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specific reaction or action from an audience that furthers the desired intent of the message(s) was expected and the propagandistic effort was successful if it achieved a response. The propagandistic motives will be the selfish ones, which can be negative but also positive. In general, reliefs and inscriptions invited an inner audience to respect and honour the legitimate ruler, while an outer audience was invited or forced to keep up payments and not to violate the obligations imposed on subjects. These desired behaviours and responses were awarded and valued by the Assyrian king, who in turn guaranteed his mercy and protection. In sum, considering that many reliefs and inscriptions fulfil the definition of propaganda, we may conclude that they could be used as propagandistic tools to “impress” firstly, and “shape” and “manipulate,” secondly. This assumption, however, allows waivers. Since a number of factors influences the formation of beliefs, attitudes, and behaviours, the propagandist must be informed or has to gather information about the target audience. In this respect, kings and intellectuals made any effort to catch the attention of specific groups of persons, and tactics to frighten outsiders or value insiders were not universal but carefully selected on the basis of the expected audience. This leads into a further reflection: not all reliefs and inscriptions were attempts to shape perceptions, manipulate cognitions, or direct behaviour to achieve a response, with the consequence that not all this evidence can be labelled propagandistic in character. In detail, we should note that nearly all the reliefs and inscriptions, as well as ceremonies, examined so far were mostly displayed or performed in the most accessible spaces of the palace, namely the Throne Room Courtyards and the throne rooms. But can we detect similar propagandistic purposes in less accessible spaces? Was the communication with insiders propagandistic in character? If we look at the reliefs of the East Suite and King’s Suite in the Northwest Palace, it appears clear that the subjects depicted did not aim at impressing the viewer but served a twofold purpose. In the case of the stylized tree and divine beings, the reliefs acted as apotropaic motifs; in the case of the royal portraits, the reliefs acted as reminder of the king’s qualities. The reliefs of the West Suite were instead intended to positively impress the audience through the gratifying deeds of the king. In the palace of Dur-Sharrukin, the reliefs embellishing the less accessible spaces functioned in a similar way. The warfare scenes of room 2 acted as a visual appreciation of the king and his army, while the banquet and hunting scenes conveyed respectively the hospitality proffered to insiders by the king and their participation in the most delightful private activities of the king. The reliefs of rooms 9 and 12, instead, visually and metaphorically expressed and strengthened the palace court bonds. Further, the palace inscriptions set in palatial spaces with limited access were conceived to convince an inner audience that Sargon II was the legitimate ruler. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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In all these instances, there seems to have been no attempt to shape or manipulate perceptions and cognitions, but rather to inform and confirm well-formed audience’s beliefs. Accordingly, far from being an actual propaganda, these strategies of communication lead to define these sources as means of persuasion, namely a persuasive message (visual or textual) “with a point of view or desired behaviour for the recipient to adopt in a voluntary fashion.” If it is successful, persuasion has the effect of resulting in a reaction such as “I never saw it that way before.”1102 In this sense, palace reliefs and inscriptions, as well as ceremonies, were used by the Assyrian king to impress and persuade an inner audience that he was the legitimate ruler who performed kingship better than his predecessors. Accordingly, the recipient of the persuasive interaction (for Assyria, the king’s supporters) may relate to, or contrasts the message with, his/her existing repertoire of information, beliefs, attitudes, and experiences. Because the people of this audience already had positive attitudes towards the empire, the king (persuader) reinforced and stimulated their positive attitudes through specified forms of behaviour. Therefore, the change sought was response reinforcing, that is to say that people of the palace or king’s entourage had to be motivated to support that king and perform their duties year after year.1103 In brief, specific reliefs and inscriptions, as well as particular ceremonies, triggered an interactive process of persuasion in which the recipient or king’s supporter foresaw the fulfilment of a personal expectation or court desire if the persuasive purpose was adopted. The king, or persuader, was satisfied only if the persuadee accepted the persuasive purpose. Because both king (persuader) and his supporters (persuadee) looked for fulfilling their needs, persuasion was probably regarded as more mutually satisfying than propaganda, especially in the case of communication with an inner audience. 9.7 Summary and Further Reflections A reappraisal of the evidence has shown that the Assyrian royal palace may be regarded as the main stage for the performance of various activities, where the Assyrian king acted as the main actor and a selected and chosen variety of persons served as spectators. Palace reliefs and inscriptions were not separate means of communication but part of and embedded in the performance of any court activity. Against the previous preconceptions, it is now well understood that the number and identity of performers or spectators was high and varied, and the communication by means of images and texts was tailored to the groups of target audiences. The identity of each group was suggested on the basis of a joint examination of the context, its accessibility, and the subject of reliefs and inscriptions carved therein.

1102 1103

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Ceremonial performance, monumental art and royal inscriptions were facets of a comprehensive communication strategy which functioned as a tool for disseminating the royal ideology. Depending on the identity of the audience, the dissemination of the expressions of Assyrian ideology and culture took place following two strands: a deliberate attempt to shape perceptions and manipulate cognitions, in a word “propaganda;” an attempt to influence others with already positive attitudes to adopt a change or reinforce a belief, in a word “persuasion.” The first form of communication was mostly used to interact with an outer audience, while the second form was adopted to communicate with an inner audience. In both instances, however, ceremonies, reliefs, and inscriptions were associated with the final aim of “impressing” any spectator, whether insider or outsider. Everything, tangible or intangible, was imbued with emotional aspects, the aim being to elicit specific emotional states such as astonishment and awe, fear and alertness, admiration and consternation, calmness and composure. Thus, ceremonies and official audiences were powerful means by which to disseminate and reinforce power, and their dignity and stateliness and effect had to leave an influential impression upon spectators.

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Conclusions The work reported here has throughout demonstrated that the king was actually less secluded in his palace than hitherto assumed by the classical tradition originating from Ctesias, and followed by modern scholars. It is clear that his relatively public appearances were regarded as extraordinary events which interrupted his daily royal activities. When the king was not on campaign or outside the palace for some reason, his daily life was essentially conducted in his royal palace. His activities revolved around every aspect of the empire, such as political, economic, religious and social. Besides these daily activities, the year was studded with exceptional and unusual events; these might either have taken place abroad, such as military campaigns, or inside the palace, such as audiences or banquets with selected and chosen guests. Exceptional events in the palace diminished and even perhaps overcame (for a while) the inaccessibility of the palace and the invisibility of the king. According to textual sources, some persons visited the palace routinely, while others travelled weeks if not months for a once-in-a-lifetime visit to the king and his palace. Others, instead, tried to see the king but their request was rejected or their admission to the palace was perhaps confined to the Throne Room Courtyard. Therefore, the king was daily isolated in his palace or at least his state affairs were largely concealed. Nonetheless, his public appearance to a variety of guests was part of the performance of power. Accordingly, access to the palace and to the king was situational, because it was based on extraordinary events and circumstances; temporal, since it happened in few established occasions throughout the year; spatial, that is to say that the palace plan itself hampered or controlled access to the king; and formal, because it was strictly regulated by written and often mediated requests and answers. We should however make clear that access to the palace did not necessarily imply access to the king. In fact, letters of the royal correspondence prove that the king was often informed of the reception of guests in the palace and this indicates that the king was not present. Whether visitors could tour the palace or not is uncertain. It is rather likely that they were welcomed in the capital city, then few selected and chosen persons of the group entered some open spaces (e.g. courtyards) of the palace and their tribute delivered in storage spaces. This reconstruction is merely speculative, and primary sources better elucidate on official audiences where the king was present in his throne room and his appearance embedded in the exhibition of the lavish interior of the palatial rooms for an astonishing performance of power. This study has shown that all the strategies that apparently hamper access to the royal court should be considered as highlighting the extreme privilege of being admitted to the palace and not as ways of emphasising the seclusion of the king. Various circumstances, indeed, led a number of persons to visit the palace and © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-134-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-135-9 (E-Book)

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meet the king and, even though this was occasional, each event had to be perceived by the visitor(s) as exceptional. Thus, the whole protocol procedure together with the architectural obstructions were strategically used both to protect the king but also to make the event exceptional. One may also approach this topic from a different direction by asking “why did the Assyrian kings need such huge buildings.” Seen in the light of the spectacular events at the Assyrian court, the basic answer seems to be what Winter calls the WOW! effect on the people/ visitors, namely the buildings were required in order to elicit the response of admiration or awe.1104 This is, after all, the basic reason why the royal palaces cannot be conceived as secluded places, but as buildings that were expected to be seen and experienced, albeit by selected and chosen groups of persons. Thus, far from being mere speculation, royal vanity and court hospitality required that favoured visitors to the palace did not leave without being shown and amazed by its inner splendors. This is confirmed by the biblical reference to the king of Judah Hezekiah, who received envoys from Babylon, and he “showed them all his treasury, silver and gold, spices and fragrant oil, his armory and everything to be found among his treasures; there was nothing in his house and in all his realm that Hezekiah did not show them.”1105 The Assyrian kings, as already proved, were also subject to the urge to show off their palaces and treasures, and this probably met a twofold purpose. First, through such display of the royal palace, any visitor could be made fully aware of the wealth and power of the Assyrian king. Second, this firsthand and direct observation of the lavish royal palace was essential for a movement of secondhand and indirect dissemination of the grandiose and aweinspiring experience. Consequently, knowledge of the beauties of the Assyrian capital and its royal palace could thus be envisaged radiating outward from the centre and thereupon spreading out within all peripheral areas. This may have been the basic mechanism underlying the references to the Assyrian ideology in the Deutero-Isaiah and other Biblical sources contemporaneous to the Assyrian campaigns against Judah, in which numerous Assyrian ideological tenets are reproduced and quoted as such, thus revealing a deep and accurate knowledge of the distinctive Assyrian ideology of universal rule.1106 In this case, a channel of communication may have been the ambassadors sent by Judah to the Assyrian capitals to deliver tribute or gifts, who in the course of their stay would surely have come into contact with reliefs, inscriptions, and court activities. All of these persons and groups admitted to the presence of the Assyrian king would have later related with awe what splendour was realistically shown and exhibited in the royal palace. This assumption leads into the issue of the visual consumption of reliefs and inscriptions. This should be conceived as an integral part of the performance of 1104

Winter 2000, 35. 2 Kings 20, 13. 1106 Machinist 1983; Fales 2009a, 281–282. 1105

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kingship, which imbues everything, and not simply as in a museum context. Images and texts engraved in the interior of the royal palace were firstly intended to “impress” and secondly to “communicate.” In the first instance, regardless of the type of medium, both elements came into the viewer’s eye as a visual entity, as a block of visual material and a block of language as text. In fact, “the interaction of visual image and text is constitutive of representation itself”1107 and the visual, whether as image or as a block of language, has semantic impact at that initial level. The great mass of reliefs and inscriptions, just like monumental architecture, were essentially another way to impress patrons, inhabitants, and faraway visitors. This was inherently a way to communicate something at a superficial level, in particular the considerable expenditure of resources. The second instance implies that visitors had, at least in the most accessible rooms of the palace such as the throne room or the outer room of the Double-sided Reception Suite, the chance of inspecting reliefs and inscriptions, perhaps with officials who could have guided them during their visit by describing images or translating texts. The less directly accessible decorated rooms in the interior of the palace could, instead, be visited by insiders and court members. The reliefs in these less accessible rooms functioned in a similar way, that is to say positively to impress and communicate. In these particular circumstances, reliefs and inscriptions communicated more subtle and even hidden messages by providing information about the ideology underlying the visual image and the words, and encapsulating the coherent system of thought, customs and beliefs revolving around the figure of the ruler and his kingship. The viewer’s examination could produce a number of different readings of a given relief or inscription depending on his/her own viewpoint and perception. Accordingly, the interaction between reliefs and inscriptions was also subject to manifold readings by a viewer, with the main consequence that the image/text dialectics may have appeared ill-defined and not univocal. In other words, some interactions between the two could be clear and intentional, while other required the viewer/reader to find them. This is why the interaction reliefs/inscriptions may be conceived as “visible,” when the singular perceptual modality of “seeing” was involved, and as “invisible,” when more complex cognitive processes were required and more perceptual modalities—e.g. seeing and hearing—were implied. Therefore, on the initial level of observation, there is no need to distinguish the individual message conveyed by reliefs and inscriptions because both appeared as decorative elements of a single visual entity. At the next level of analysis, more and varied “invisible” interactions could be detected.1108 Moreover, it must be said that all the possible parallelisms be-

1107

Bahrani 2003, 99. For interaction between texts and images, inscriptions and reliefs, see Winter 1981; 2016b; Russell 1999; Crawford 2014; Morello 2016; Nadali 2019f. 1108

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tween images and texts could be found only if a viewer had direct (reading) or indirect (listening) access to the inscription. In sum, reliefs and inscriptions worked together to decorate the palace. The majestic presence of the royal aura materialised in images and words projected a form of blessing and spiritual solemnity on all the activities performed within the palace. Yet, the palace was more than a focal point for royal exhibition: it was a place for learning, interpreting, and admiring the Assyrian kingship in the wider sense. Thus, the decoration enhanced the building: it delighted the eye, turned the court into a place of beauty open to few selected and chosen persons, offered an attractive and even alluring change of scenery far removed from the possibly monotonous or impoverished daily routine and arid foreign countries. Accordingly, images and texts spoke together as a single entity communicating beauty and aesthetic pleasure to each viewer: painted texts were embedded in the visual, while the latter was vividly supported and highlighted by texts. Both forms of communication appeared as concrete ways to please viewers through the unique and more immediate perceptual modality of “seeing,” affecting the beholder psychologically and physiologically. Bringing this all together, the palace decoration was reified both in image and in text, and both channels of communication cooperated with ceremonies and activities for multivalent purposes. In this sense, reliefs and inscriptions, along with the court life, cannot be separated but must be evaluated as a single unit. In fact, paraphrasing what has been said for the Grand Mosque at Shoushtar, images, texts, and court activities together civilize: they present knowledge, wealth and aesthetic identity of a place and a group of persons, and create an emotional state and an atmosphere of beauty. Images, texts, and court activities teach: their combination conveys a plethora of meanings that everyone can delve into according to his/her own knowledge, perception, and relationship to the Assyrian Empire. They also have the function of calling or recalling. Whatever their complexity, images, texts, and court activities offer an exhibition of kingship. Images, texts, and court activities inform and educate: by presenting the Assyrian perception of the world and the role of the king in human events, reliefs, inscriptions and any activity become a “silent education” in that they raise awareness, influence or inspire consciousness, generate respect, and encourage a mental and physical attitude of obedience and deference. Finally, images, texts and court activities carry blessings: through the omnipresence of the king and the apotropaic values of some images, together with the royal word, and the performance of rituals and ceremonies they convey blessings; and the global harmony creates an atmosphere of order, rationality and grace, which can also be a form of blessing.1109

1109

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Indices Subjects Accessibility 2, 5, 12, 13, 21, 23, 29, 32, 33, 52, 53, 93, 101, 124, 190, 196, 198, 199, 208, 228, 229, 233, 244, 259, 266 agû 128, 132 ajalu 44 and fn. 165, 49 akītu-festival 89 and fn. 414, 90, 101, 103 aklī 57, 254 alaḫḫinu 91 aluzinnu 155 and fn. 756, 254 ana šulmi 64 ana tabrāti 15, 17 Annals 68, 78 fn. 351, 101, 123, 137, 150, 152, 164, 166–168, 170, 219, 220–221 and fn. 988, 222, 224–229 and fn. 1019, 230– 231, 237– 238, 240 apkallū 39, 41, 52 ara gišimarri 45, 49 Aramaic 8, 122, 216 Aristocracy 9, 58, 171–172, 175– 176, 208–209, 253, 256 āšipu 213, 254 assinnu 156 Assyrian War Ritual (K 9923) 156, 167 asû 213, 254 atû 108–109, 253 audience involvement 202 audience-concept 116 Balawat gates 69 fn. 812, 70 fn. 813, 135, 140 fn. 672, 161, 168 banduddû 44, 49 Banquet Stele 55–57, 66 fn. 287, 68, 145, 150, 190–192, 258 bārû 17, 213, 254 bēl āli 61, 254

bēl pīḫati 57–58 and fn. 222, 253 bēl ṭēmi 104, 254 bētu šaniu 245 Bildwissenschaft 177 bīt ḫilāni 158, 251 bīt rimki 41 fn. 151, 90, 247 Black Obelisk 70 and fn. 313 and 316, 109, 112 fn. 526, 157 Bottom-up process 202–203 Chiliarch 106 Colours 14, 73, 133–134, 136, 200 Conceptual metaphors 121 Concluding formulae 17 and fn. 62, 221–222, 228–229, 231, 238 Coronation Hymn 128 Crowd density 259 Dance 155 and fn. 752, 159 De Nugis Curialium 4 fn. 15 Dominanz und Unterwerfung 115 and fn. 532 e’ru 47, 50 Egyptian blue 235 Enki and the World Order 135 Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta 234 fn. 1040 ērib ekalli 21 Exotic animals 156, 158–159 gallābu 131, 254 gamlu 48 Handshake 141 and fn. 675 Harem 255 ḫaṭṭu 138 and fn. 661 Hotel rooms 148 illuru flower 42 fn. 154 Image science 177 Image/text dialectics 271 Inaccessibility 1–3, 5, 15 fn. 58, 269

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Inauguration 12, 55, 57 fn. 220, 58, 66, 69 fn. 312, 88, 161, 257, 264 Invisibility 1–3, 13, 269 issi ēkalli 68, 253 kakku 128 kallāp šipirti 104, 254 kallapu messenger 104 and fn. 481, 254 kalû 91, 213, 254 kapšarru 161, 213, 254 kiri rišāte 246 kiṣir šarrūti 85, 141, 254 kurgarrû 156 kussû 128, 134, 135 fn. 631 laḫmu 39, 48 lamassu 38 and fn. 132, 39–41 Legitimacy 150, 214, 235–238, 240 libbi gišimmari 45, 49 libīt ekalli 21 fn. 83 libīt šarri 21 fn. 83 Life-giving ruler 139, 172, 209 Literacy 16, 216–217, 235, 258 līṭu 218, 254 Lock 35–36 fn. 124 Lotus 39, 47, 50, 52, 94, 139, 141, 172, 175, 194–195, 199, 207, 209, 251 LÚ.GAL.MEŠ 9, 82, 253 lulīmu 44–45 Machtkunst 161 madattu 61, 64, 75 malki matitan 57, 254 mār ekalli 218, 253 mār šarri 71, 82, 162, 253 mār šipri 104, 107, 254 mar’ē šarri 59, 82, 253 masennu 82, 253 mašḫultuppû 41 and fn. 151 mašmaššu 90, 254 mazzāz pāni 20, 21 fn. 82 melammu 128 and fn. 583, 129, 163, 248

mīs pî ritual 128, 132 Mischwesen 37 mukīl appāti 74 mukīl ašâte 74, 254 mullilu 44 and fn. 158, 49 mummilu 155 fn. 752 muraqqiu 132 muttabbil ekalli 21 fn. 83 nāgir ekalli 82 and fn. 369, 253 nāmurtu 61, 66–67, 75 nēmettu 134–135 fn. 631, 137 Nimrud Wine Lists (NWL) 59, 60 and fn. 240, 68, 73–74 fn. 323– 324, 82 fn. 373, 86, 101, 106 fn. 499, 107, 123, 142, 146, 148 fn. 703, 149 fn. 706, 151, 152 fn. 731 and 740, 216 nišē ekalli 21 fn. 83 nuāri šarri 151, 254 nuāru 151–152 fn. 735, 254 nurmû 46 and fn. 177 Oriental court 1, 3 Oriental despot 2 Palace Wall Foundation Text 224, 226 pallišu 213, 254 parkullu 161, 213, 254 Persuasion 266–267 Plant of Life (šammu balāṭi) 47, 139 proskynesis 117 fn. 541 Proxemics 13, 112 Psychology of art 177 puḫādu 45 and fn. 175 puluḫtu 129 qariūti 103 qēpu 61 rab ālāni 256 rab ekalli 70, 107–109, 162, 249, 253 rab kiṣir 83 rab nuāri 151, 254 rab šāqê 82, 253

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rab ša-rēši 70, 74, 82, 142, 162, 253 rab sikkāte 108 fn. 515 rab ṭupšarri 213, 254 rab-nuḫatimmi 82, 85, 254 rādi qātē 107, 253 Rassam Obelisk 69 fn. 312, 112 fn. 526, 116 fn. 535, 135, 248 Royal Coronation Ritual 18, 40, 58, 70, 117, 132, 135, 139, 152 Royal portrait 163, 173, 189–190, 193–195, 199, 206–207, 209, 265 rubê 57, 253 ša pān nērebi 108 fn. 515 ša-bēti-šanie 73–74, 82, 84–85, 254 ša-ḫuṭāri 107, 110, 253 šaknu 58, 253 ṣalam šarrūtiya 19 ša-maṣṣarti 104, 107, 109, 253–254 ša-muḫḫi-ekalli 57 sandû 86 šangû 18, 88, 91, 93 ša-pān-ekalli 70, 74, 80, 82, 105, 107, 109, 124, 253 ša-pān-ekalli šaniu 107 , 253 šāpirī 57, 254 šaqû 73–74, 82, 254 ša-qurbūti 85, 107, 142, 254 ša-rēši 20, 57–58, 69, 253, 256 ša-rēš-šarrāni 18 sarrānus 155, 254 šarru 17, 253 sartinnu 82, 106 fn. 499, 253 ša-šēpē 85, 142 and fn. 680, 254 ša-ziqni 69, 142, 253, 256 šēdu 38 and fn. 132, 39 Semiotic analysis 6, 161, 214 Sensation 202 ṣērāni 56, 62, 254 Shepherd 18, 138–139, 172, 190, 194–195, 209, 220, 224

309

šibirru 138–139 and fn. 664 šībūtu 57, 253 Space syntax analysis 12, 28 Stalk of rosettes 47–48, 52 Standard Inscription 219–220, 222 and fn. 993, 223–225, 227, 236– 237, 240 sukkallu 68, 71, 82, 109, 162, 253 sukkalmaḫḫu 75 Summary Text 220, 221 and fn. 988, 222, 227–230, 232, 238, 260 sūsānu 74 tamlīu 137 targumannu 123, 254 The Histories 2 fn. 4 The Poor Man of Nippur 116 Throne-Base Text 223–225 top-down process 202 Transportation 203–205, 208, 231 Tufted rosettes 38–39, 42 and fn. 154, 43–44 and fn. 162, 49–50 ṭupšar ekalli 213, 254 ṭupšar šarri 213, 254 ṭupšarru 17, 213, 254 turtānu 70, 74, 82, 95, 162, 253 ummânu 17, 98 fn. 461, 213, 254 Underworld Vision of an Assyrian Prince 129 unīqu 45 and fn. 175 urad ekalli 57, 254 urdu 149 urrāku 161, 254 utukkū lemnūtu incantations 41 fn. 153 Visibility 5, 13, 25, 190, 234, 269 Weltanschauung 13 White Obelisk 135 zarīqū 56 and fn. 213, 57, 253, 258 zīqtu 188

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Personal Names Abdi-Milkuti 79 Abi-yaqa 63 Ada 97 fn. 458 Adad-ibni 58, 97 Adad-nirari II 130, 192 fn. 893 Adad-nirari III 1 fn. 2, 8, 9, 59, 70, 108, 151 Adad-remanni 78 Adad-shumu-usur 103 Adda-hati 64 fn. 264 Ah-abi 63 and fn. 257 Ahi-iababa 78 Argisti 64 fn. 265 Asrukani 149 Assurbanipal 1 fn. 2, 10, 11, 21 fn. 83, 60, 76 fn. 340, 89, 95 and fn. 440, 96 fn 443, 98, 106, 108 and fn. 515, 121 fn 562, 123, 128– 130, 132, 138, 147 fn. 700, 149– 151, 153, 155–158, 200, 234 Assur-belu-usur 102 Assur-dan III 142 Assur-dur-paniya 63, 102 Assur-etel-ilani 138 Assur-mukin-pale’a 98, 103 Assurnasirpal II 5, 8, 11, 12, 16, 17 fn. 62, 23 and fn. 87, 24, 29, 33, 37, 39, 41, 45 fn 174, 50 fn. 200, 56, 57, 60, 65–66, 68–69 and fn. 312, 70 and fn. 315, 82 fn 369, 87 and fn. 400, 89, 94 and fn. 435, 94 fn. 435, 95, 99, 101, 108, 109, 116 fn. 538, 129, 132–135, 137, 140 and fn. 672, 141–142, 146, 149, 151–156, 164, 166–170, 175, 178, 180–184, 186, 189, 192 fn. 893, 193, 199, 200–201, 204–210, 215, 218, 222, 226, 234–238, 240, 243–244, 246, 248–249, 258, 260, 262–264 Assur-resua 64 fn. 265

Azuri 63, 68 Bada 97 Bel-ibni 95 Bel-iqisha 97 Bel-sharru-usur 79 Bur-Ramanu 78–79 Ctesias 1–2, 56 fn. 213, 269 Cyaxares 11 Dadi 106 Dalta 67 Deioces 1 Dinanu 63, 67 Dinon 56 fn. 213 Enkidu 49 Esarhaddon 10–11, 21 fn. 83, 38, 59, 60, 71, 79, 96 fn. 443, 98, 100, 103–108, 119 and fn. 554, 128, 132, 137–138, 142, 146, 149–151, 153, 155, 217, 243 Gabbu-ana-Assur 97 Giki 123 Gilgamesh 49, 171, 234 Gurdi 107 Gyges 123 Hammeashti 63 fn. 262 Hanunu 79–80 Henry II 4 Herodotus 1–2 and fn. 4 Hezekiah 10, 65 fn. 279, 152, 270 Hiram 152 Hulaia 78 Iamani 79 Il-iada’ 97 Ili-ibni 149 Ilu-iabi’di 80 Inurta-ila’i 64, 102 Kubaba-satar 123 Louis XIV 3 Lubarna 152, 223 Mannu-ki-Ninua 97, 149 Mardi 58

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Marduk-apal-iddina 68, 135, 138 Marduk-remanni 62 Marduk-shumu-iddina 64 Mar-Issar 96 Mita/Midas 10, 76, 264 Mutallum 68 Nabopolassar 11 Nabu-ahhe-eriba 103 Nabu-ashared 138 Nabu-belu-ka’’in 102 Nabu-eresh 96 Nabu-le’i 96 Nabu-shuma-ishkun 97 Nabu-shumu-iddina 58, 95, 106 Nabu-usalla 58, 96 Nabu-ushallim 97 Nanī 123 Nashir-Bel 64 Nergal-apil-kumu’a 57, 108, 151 Nergal-belu-usur 63 Nergal-etir 68 Ninyas 1 and fn. 2 Pseudo-Aristotle 2 Sammuramat 1 fn. 2, 8 Sanda-uarri 79 Sangara 137 Sardanapallus 1 and fn. 2 Sargon II 5, 9 and fn. 27, 10, 12 and fn. 42, 15 fn. 57, 16, 17 fn. 62, 21 fn. 83, 23 and fn. 87, 25, 27–29, 33–34, 37–39, 41, 47–48, 52, 57–59, 62–63 and fn. 257, 64–65 and fn. 279, 66–68, 74 and fn. 327, 75 and fn. 330, 76 and fn. 340, 77, 79, 80 fn. 362, 85, 89, 94 and fn. 435, 96–97, 99, 101–102, 107–110, 112, 116, 118 fn. 549, 119, 120–121, 129, 131, 133– 142 and fn. 680, 143, 146–147, 149, 151–153, 155, 158, 171– 175, 180–187, 201, 208–209, 214–218, 220–222, 227–231,

311

235 fn. 1044, 236–237, 240–241, 243–245, 249–250, 255–256, 258, 260, 262–265 Semiramis 1 and fn. 2 Sennacherib 10, 12, 15 fn. 57, 24, 38, 42 fn. 154, 46 fn. 178, 62–63, 67–68, 79, 89, 94–95, 108, 112 fn. 526, 132, 138, 146, 148–150, 152, 154, 158, 172 fn. 827 Shalmaneser III 8, 24, 59, 69–70 and fn. 312 and 315, 109, 129, 132–133, 135, 141, 157, 161 Shalmaneser IV 59, 142 Shalmaneser V 9 and fn. 27 Shamash-belu-usur 98 Shamash-shumu-ukin 10, 98 fn. 464 Shamshi-Adad I 89 Sharru-emuranni 96–97, 123 Shulmu-beli 67 Shunu-qardu 151 Shu-Suen 40 Shuzubu 79 Sin-ahu-usur 74, 80 fn. 362 Sin-per’uukin 103 Tab-shar-Assur 102, 174 Tab-sill-Esharra 64 Taklak-ana-Bel 77 Tarhunazi 68, 221 fn. 988 Teumman 79, 153 Tiglath-pileser I 99 Tiglath-pileser III 9 and fn. 27, 15 fn. 57, 17, 38, 59, 63 fn. 257, 70 fn. 315, 79, 94 fn. 435, 102, 109, 112 fn. 526, 114, 123, 132, 136, 141 fn. 674, 143, 152, 155–156, 161, 216, 230 and fn. 1022 Ullusunu 120 Uperi 68 Urzana 67, 102, 220–221 Walter Map 4 and fn. 15 Warpalawas 76 fn. 344 Xenophon 2

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Yala 63 Yat[i]a 63 fn. 262

Yata 63 Zimri-Lim 155 fn. 755 Ancient Sources

2 Kings 20, 13 270 fn. 1105 ABL 285 104 fn. 486 ABL 285, r 5–8 95 fn. 442 ABL 287 117, 106 fn. 501 ARAB 2.4, 30 65 fn. 279 ARAB 2.5 79 fn. 356, 80 fn. 361 ARAB 2.10 79 fn. 356, 120 fn. 556, 215 fn. 951 ARAB 2.11 221 fn. 988 ARAB 2.18 66 fn. 290 ARAB 2.22 221 fn. 987 ARAB 2.26 181 fn. 856 ARAB 2.26–27 221 fn. 988 ARAB 2.31 120 fn. 557, 215 fn. 951 ARAB 2.32 120 fn. 557 ARAB 2.34 120 fn. 557 ARAB 2.39 137 fn.656, 215 fn. 952 ARAB 2.41 68 fn. 304 ARAB 2.42 76 fn. 343 ARAB 2.51 17 fn. 62, 222 fn. 989 ARAB 2.53–54 214 fn. 946 ARAB 2.54 214 fn. 949 ARAB 2.55 65 fn. 279 ARAB 2.57 221 fn. 988 ARAB 2.58 66 fn. 285 ARAB 2.59 221 fn. 988 ARAB 2.60 68 fn. 906, 221 fn. 988 ARAB 2.63 79 fn. 356, 129 fn. 588 ARAB 2.64, 66 68 fn. 305 ARAB 2.67 135 fn. 637, 138 fn. 661 ARAB 2.70 66 fn. 289, 120 fn. 557 ARAB 2.73 15 fn. 57, 161 fn. 789 ARAB 2.74 57 fn. 218–219, 89 fn. 415, 99 fn. 466, 151 fn. 725 ARAB 2.77 263 fn. 1097 ARAB 2.78 9 fn. 28 ARAB 2.83 215 fn. 954 ARAB 2.84 161 fn. 787

ARAB 2.85 28 fn. 100 ARAB 2.86 218 fn. 971 ARAB 2.92–94 230 fn. 1023 ARAB 2.94 231 fn. 1024 and 1027 ARAB 2.97 232 fn. 1031 ARAB 2.98 232 fn. 1032–1033 ARAB 2.101 38 fn. 137, 233 fn. 1035 ARAB 2.102 233 fn. 1036 ARAB 2.112 213 fn. 933 ARAB 2.114 235 fn. 1044 ARAB 2.138 181 fn. 857 ARAB 2.156 153 fn. 741 ARAB 2.213 34 fn. 114 CTN I, text 3, i 10 60 fn. 241 CTN III, text 141, line 12 60 fn. 241 Daniel 4, 33 131 fn. 604 Genesis 42, 23 124 fn. 574 MVN 13, 120 40 fn. 145 ND 2803, i 19, r i 21 146 fn. 694 Persica, F1b, 21.2, 7 1 RIMA 2 A.0.87.4, 77–89 99 fn. 465 RIMA 2 A.0.99.2, 5–7 130 fn. 595 RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, i 110 79 fn. 354 RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, i 111–i 118 167 fn. 801 RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, i 116–ii 1 220 fn. 981 RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, i 26 129 fn. 586 RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, i 52 215 fn. 952 RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, i 58b–67 65 fn. 270 RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, i 67–68 78 fn. 353 RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, i 93 78 fn. 352 RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, i 93–94, iii 44b– 48a 65 fn. 271

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Indices

RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, i 97–i 99 213 fn. 933 RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, i 99b–101 149 fn. 710 RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, ii 110–ii 117 226 fn. 1011 RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, ii 112b–ii 115 226 fn. 1011 RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, ii 128–129 168 fn. 809 RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, ii 46–47; ii 77– 80 65 fn. 273 RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, ii 79–ii 81 227 fn. 1015 RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, ii 86b–ii 88 226 fn. 1010 RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, ii 86–ii 101 226 fn. 1010 RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, ii 89–90 65 fn. 274 RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, ii 9–12a 65 fn. 272 RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, ii 98–100 65 fn. 275 RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, iii 48b–iii 50a 170 fn. 817 RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, iii 50b–53 167 fn. 804 RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, iii 55–56a 168 fn. 805 RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, iii 63–64 65 fn. 276 RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, iii 68 137 fn. 655 RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, iii 76 70 fn. 314, 152 fn. 732 RIMA 2 A.0.101.2 223 fn. 996 RIMA 2 A.0.101.2, 2–25 225 fn. 1008 RIMA 2 A.0.101.2, 23 225 fn. 1007 RIMA 2 A.0.101.2, 26–29 223 fn. 997

313

RIMA 2 A.0.101.2, 30–31 70 fn. 314 RIMA 2 A.0.101.2, 31b–32 156 fn. 762 RIMA 2 A.0.101.2, 33–34 224 fn. 1000 RIMA 2 A.0.101.2, 34 225 fn. 1006 RIMA 2 A.0.101.2, 37–38 156 fn. 763 RIMA 2 A.0.101.2, 41–42 223 fn. 999 RIMA 2 A.0.101.2, 42 225 fn. 1006 RIMA 2 A.0.101.2, 48–51 223 fn. 998 RIMA 2 A.0.101.2, 58 11 fn. 35, 260 fn. 1088 RIMA 2 A.0.101.9–10 226 fn. 1009 RIMA 2 A.0.101.10 226 fn. 1010 RIMA 2 A.0.101.14 226 fn. 1011 RIMA 2 A.0.101.17, v 19 135 fn. 637 RIMA 2 A.0.101.17, v 63–66, 75– 80 17 fn. 62 RIMA 2 A.0.101.19, 92 65 fn. 277 RIMA 2 A.0.101.19, i 91 79 fn. 354 RIMA 2 A.0.101.23 219 fn. 979 RIMA 2 A.0.101.23, 1 214 fn. 945 RIMA 2 A.0.101.23, 1–2 214 fn. 947 RIMA 2 A.0.101.23, 12 215 fn. 952 RIMA 2 A.0.101.23, 12b 263 fn. 1096 RIMA 2 A.0.101.23, 13 129 fn. 585 RIMA 2 A.0.101.23, 13–14a 220 fn. 984 RIMA 2 A.0.101.23, 14b–15, 18–19 215 fn. 954 RIMA 2 A.0.101.23, 1–5 227 fn. 1014 RIMA 2 A.0.101.23, 16–17 24 fn. 89

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RIMA 2 A.0.101.23, 17 225 fn. 1007 RIMA 2 A.0.101.23, 19–20 161 fn. 787 RIMA 2 A.0.101.23, 2 263 fn. 1095 RIMA 2 A.0.101.23, 2–3 220 fn. 983 RIMA 2 A.0.101.23, 5b–7 214 fn. 949 RIMA 2 A.0.101.23, 6–7 220 fn. 982 RIMA 2 A.0.101.26, 21–23 169 fn. 812 RIMA 2 A.0.101.30, 102–105 56 fn. 208 RIMA 2 A.0.101.30, 106–140 145 fn. 689 RIMA 2 A.0.101.30, 140–151 56 fn. 209 RIMA 2 A.0.101.30, 142 103 fn. 480 RIMA 2 A.0.101.30, 151–154 150 fn. 723 RIMA 2 A.0.101.30, 153–154 151 fn. 724 RIMA 2 A.0.101.30, 29–32 161 fn. 787 RIMA 2 A.0.101.30, 33–36 24 fn. 89 RIMA 2 A.0.101.30, 69–78 87 fn. 398 RIMA 2 A.0.101.30, 95–96 65 fn. 278 RIMA 2 A.0.101.35, 8 260 fn. 1089 RIMA 2 A.0.101.40, 10b–12a 132 fn. 609 RIMA 3 A.0.102.1, 12–13 132 fn. 610 RIMA 3 A.0.102.5, 3–4 129 fn. 587 RIMA 3 A.0.102.89 156 fn. 764, 157 fn. 772 RINAP 1 15, 1–5a 156 fn. 765

RINAP 1 20, 10´ 79 fn. 355 RINAP 1 37, 5 132 fn. 611 RINAP 1 47, r 27´ 161 fn. 789 RINAP 1 47, r 29´–30´ 38 fn. 136 RINAP 1 47, r 31´ 161 fn. 787 RINAP 1 47, r. 29´–30´ 15 fn. 57 RINAP 1 49, r 8 152 fn. 733 RINAP 3/1 1, 86 15 fn. 57 RINAP 3/1 17, vi 32–vi 33 42 fn. 154 RINAP 3/1 4, 58 152 fn. 734 RINAP 3/2 40, 49´´–50´´ 38 fn. 138 RINAP 3/2 42, 54´–55´ 146 fn. 690 RINAP 3/2 154, r 5´–6´ 150 fn. 718 RINAP 3/2 223, 33–34 150 fn. 718 RINAP 3/2 1023, 8 132 fn. 611 RINAP 4 1, ii 32 132 fn. 611 RINAP 4 1, iii 36–38 79 fn. 358 RINAP 4 1, iii 37–iii 38; 2 i 55 153 fn. 742 RINAP 4 1, iii 41–42 79 fn. 358 RINAP 4 1, vi 44–53 100 fn. 467 RINAP 4 1, vi 49–vi 53 fn. 57 fn. 220, 146 fn. 691 RINAP 4 1, vi 50–51 151 fn. 726 RINAP 4 1, vi 62–vi 64 39 fn. 140 RINAP 4 2, vi 10–24 100 fn. 467 RINAP 4 3, v 17´–v 20´ 39 fn. 139 RINAP 4 31, r 10–11 79 fn. 358 RINAP 4 48, 52–54 128 fn. 579 RINAP 4 54, 32´–35´ 150 fn. 719 RINAP 5 1, vi 7´–13´ 123 fn. 567 RINAP 5 2, 10 138 fn. 660 RINAP 5 3, ii 77–ii 86 150 fn. 720 RINAP 5 3, vi 46 153 fn. 743 RINAP 5 3, vi 57–vi 60 79 fn. 360 RINAP 5 8, ix 32´´–ix 34´´ 79 fn. 359 RINAP 5 11, i 3 132 fn. 611 RINAP 5 11, iii 87–iii 93a 150 fn. 721 RINAP 5 11, viii 1–13 79 fn. 360

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Indices

RINAP 5 15, i 6´–7´ 130 fn. 596 RINAP 5 Babylonian 16, 12 132 fn. 608 Rit. 26, i 18–32; ii 1–11; iii 1–20 90 fn. 419 SAA 1 1 76 fn. 143 SAA 1 1, 26–30 131 fn. 603 SAA 1 8, r 7 116 fn. 536 SAA 1 10 62 fn. 251 SAA 1 25, 56, 61, 110, 119, 120, 145, 150, 163, 164, 166, 167 231 fn. 1026 SAA 1 29, 33–34 104 fn. 485 SAA 1 29, r 18–20 67 fn. 294 SAA 1 29, r 21 149 fn. 709 SAA 1 29, r 22–24 62 fn. 253 SAA 1 33, 8–14 62 fn. 254 SAA 1 34 64 fn. 263, 68 fn. 303 SAA 1 34, r 17 106 fn. 499 SAA 1 39, r 16 62 fn. 255 SAA 1 75, 6–8 118 fn. 546 SAA 1 76, 6–r 7 107 fn. 505 SAA 1 86, 5–8 64 fn. 266 SAA 1 110, r 4–17 63 fn. 256 SAA 1 131, r 11–12 116 fn. 536 SAA 1 134, 11–13 149 fn. 708 SAA 1 184, r 2 104 fn. 481 SAA 1 186, r 1–4 64 fn. 268 SAA 1 186–187 102 fn. 471, 104 fn. 484 SAA 1 187, r 1–7 64 fn. 268 SAA 1 202–203 34 fn. 112 SAA 1 236, r 10–12 86 fn. 394 SAA 1 240, 16–17 118 fn. 546 SAA 1 245, 1–2 78 fn. 347 SAA 1 246, r 4–7 78 fn. 348 SAA 1 252, 7–10 78 fn. 348 SAA 2 10, 8–11 150 fn. 722 SAA 3 3, 12 134 fn. 630 SAA 3 4, i 7–i 9 152 fn. 739 SAA 3 7, 13–14 133 fn. 620 SAA 3 11, r 5–8 128 fn. 580

315

SAA 3 12, 15–16 121 fn. 562 SAA 3 32, r 14 129 fn. 589 SAA 3 37, 21 152 fn. 735 SAA 3 39, r 20 132 fn. 614 SAA 3 39, r 20–23 128 fn. 581 SAA 3 39, r 22–23 135 fn. 632 SAA 4 81, 18, 20–r 3 122 fn. 564 SAA 4 139, 17–18 134 fn. 629 SAA 4 139, 7–8 108 fn. 516 SAA 4 142, 12; 144, 13 142 fn. 683 SAA 4 142, 7 108 fn. 516 SAA 4 142, 8; 144, 8 107 fn. 507 SAA 5 18, 7–r 5 64 fn. 267 SAA 5 47, r 1–4 97 fn. 451 SAA 5 52, 136, 146, 171 104 fn. 484 SAA 5 52, 21–r 1 63 fn. 259 SAA 5 52, 4–6 102 fn. 469 SAA 5 95, 3–5 64 fn. 265 SAA 5 100, r 6–13 78 fn. 349 SAA 5 104 58 fn. 223 SAA 5 104, 10–r 11 96 fn. 444 SAA 5 104, 12 104 fn. 482 SAA 5 104, 241 104 fn. 487 SAA 5 108, 25–26 132 fn. 605 SAA 5 108, b. e. 30 123 fn. 570 SAA 5 122, r 6–10 97 fn. 450 SAA 5 136, r 2–6 67 fn. 295 SAA 5 138 97 fn. 458 SAA 5 146 67 fn. 298 SAA 5 146, 7–10 102 fn. 474 SAA 5 149, r 4–10 96 fn. 445 SAA 5 154, 4–5 118 fn. 546 SAA 5 171, 1–r 3 63 fn. 258 SAA 5 171, r 4–10 67 fn. 299 SAA 5 203, 14–r 7 123 fn. 571 SAA 5 203, r 8–13 96 fn. 446 SAA 5 212 123 fn. 568 SAA 5 241 105 fn. 492 SAA 5 241, 5–r 4 97 fn. 449 SAA 5 243 78 fn. 348 SAA 5 282 12 fn. 42

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SAA 5 285 102 fn. 475 SAA 6 6, r 14–15 109 fn. 517 SAA 7 1–7 82 fn. 373 SAA 7 45, r 1–6 67 fn. 300 SAA 7 57–58 149 fn. 713 SAA 7 58 63 fn. 261 SAA 7 58, r ii 16 63 fn. 262 SAA 7 58, r ii 21 63 fn. 262 SAA 7 126 150 fn. 714 SAA 7 127 149 fn. 712 SAA 7 128 150 fn. 715 SAA 7 148–157 60 fn. 242, 82 fn. 373 SAA 7 149, iii 8 74 fn. 325 SAA 7 150, ii 12 153 fn. 744 SAA 7 155 83 fn. 377 SAA 8 231 121 fn. 563 SAA 8 234, 3–4 45 fn. 172 SAA 10 22, 52–53, 70, 74, 207 98 fn. 462 SAA 10 48, 190, 203 98 fn. 464 SAA 10 48, 52 105 fn. 493 SAA 10 48, r 10 103 fn. 476 SAA 10 54 98 fn. 464 SAA 10 60, 15–r 2 105 fn. 490 SAA 10 69, r 15–16 121 fn. 560 SAA 10 69, r 9–16 98 fn. 461 SAA 10 73 98 fn. 464 SAA 10 73, 7–r 17 103 fn. 479 SAA 10 73, r 13 103 fn. 477 SAA 10 74, r 19 103 fn. 477 SAA 10 160, r 38–39 119 fn. 554 SAA 10 174, 12 138 fn. 662 SAA 10 207, 12–17 103 fn. 478 SAA 10 207, b.e. 20–r 5, r 12–13 127 fn. 576 SAA 10 226, 16–18 155 fn. 753 SAA 10 240, r 21–e. 1 98 fn. 461 SAA 10 276, 13–r 8 98 fn. 461 SAA 10 284, r 2–3 130 fn. 594 SAA 10 315, 7–12 98 fn. 461 SAA 10 328, r 20–23 119 fn. 554

SAA 10 340, 9–r 6 133 fn. 621 SAA 10 349, 28–29 98 fn. 460 SAA 10 358, r 2–4 213 fn. 933 SAA 11 31, 6–8 123 fn. 569 SAA 11 31, r 6–8 150 fn. 717 SAA 11 36, ii 8 107 fn. 506 SAA 11 36, r i 6 142 fn. 680 SAA 11 200–219 56 fn. 211 SAA 11 209, r iii 3 109 fn. 517 SAA 12 82, 8 151 fn. 728 SAA 12 82, 83 108 fn. 514 SAA 12 82–84 142 fn. 677 SAA 12 83, r 20–21 57 fn. 214 SAA 12 88 132 fn. 613 SAA 13 24 106 fn. 503 SAA 13 34 161 fn. 788 SAA 13 34, r 2–6 138 fn. 659 SAA 13 80 104 fn. 486 SAA 13 80, 11–15 106 fn. 500 SAA 13 80, 11–r 14 96 fn. 443 SAA 13 80, 16–r 2 59 fn. 232, 137 fn. 651 SAA 13 173, 3–8 140 fn. 670 SAA 13 178, 9 116 fn. 536 SAA 13 184, e. 1–2 119 fn. 554 SAA 13 190, r 17–18 127 fn. 575 SAA 15 4, r 1–6 213 fn. 933 SAA 15 17 217 fn. 969 SAA 15 60, 4–11 102 fn. 473 SAA 15 66 68 fn. 302 SAA 15 66, r 1 104 fn. 483 SAA 15 90, 26–27 149 fn. 711 SAA 15 91, r 1–2 149 fn. 711 SAA 15 101, 15–r 3 97 fn. 452 SAA 15 117 98 fn. 459 SAA 15 117, r 8–9 111 fn. 523 SAA 15 121, 6–7 118 fn. 546 SAA 15 161, 9–r 12 97 fn. 456 SAA 15 161, r 10 104 fn. 482 SAA 15 225, r 3–10 96 fn. 447 SAA 15 225–226 104 fn. 487 SAA 15 226, 4–r 3 97 fn. 448

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SAA 15 244, 4–r 9 78 fn. 350 SAA 15 281 97 fn. 457 SAA 15 296–298 97 fn. 450 SAA 15 297–298 104 fn. 482 SAA 15 299 78 fn. 348 SAA 15 301–302 97 fn. 450 SAA 15 359, 4–10 146 fn. 693 SAA 16 6 104 fn. 488 SAA 16 32, r 17–22 105 fn. 489 SAA 16 50 105 fn. 495, 108 fn. 512 SAA 16 65, 2–12 217 fn. 968 SAA 16 95, 10–11 152 fn. 736 SAA 16 126, 18 121 fn. 560 SAA 16 126, r 2–3 130 fn. 592 SAA 16 127, 11–12 121 fn. 560 SAA 16 128, 12–13 121 fn. 560 SAA 16 132, 7–8 121 fn. 560 SAA 16 143, 6–11 213 fn. 933 SAA 17 2, 13–21 216 fn. 962 SAA 17 27, r 1–2 97 fn. 453 SAA 17 101, r 13–14 97 fn. 454 SAA 17 130, 5–12 97 fn. 455 SAA 17 135, r 10–11 130 fn. 593 SAA 17 146, 10 116 fn. 537 SAA 18 1 104 fn. 488 SAA 18 24, r 4–6 140 fn. 671 SAA 18 73, r 2–5 119 fn. 554 SAA 18 109, r 3–4 106 fn. 502 SAA 19 54 102 fn. 470, 123 fn. 568 SAA 19 169, 4–11 63 fn. 257 SAA 19 190, 5–16 102 fn. 472 SAA 20 1, 1 88 fn. 402 SAA 20 1, 27 88 fn. 403 SAA 20 1, 30–31 88 fn. 404 and 411 SAA 20 1, r 1–3 88 fn. 401 SAA 20 1, r 15–17 88 fn. 406 SAA 20 1, r 18; 2, 1´, ii 8´; r iii 2´, r iv 36´, r iv 42 88 fn. 409 SAA 20 1, r 4 88 fn. 408 SAA 20 1–6 87 fn. 397 SAA 20 2, i 4´– i 5´ 44 fn. 160 SAA 20 5, 1 88 fn. 408

317

SAA 20 5, 2´–3´ 88 fn. 410 SAA 20 5, 4´–5´ 88 fn. 407 SAA 20 7, i 26´–i 27´ 135 fn. 634 SAA 20 7, i 27–i 29 18 fn. 65 SAA 20 7, ii 24–29 132 fn. 612 SAA 20 7, ii 32–ii 36 18 fn. 71 SAA 20 7, ii 34–36 236 fn. 1046 SAA 20 7, r iii 2 152 fn. 737 SAA 20 7, r iii 2–iii 5 139 fn. 668 SAA 20 7, r iii 2–iii 6 117 fn. 542 SAA 20 7, r iii 31–32 40 fn. 147 SAA 20 7, r iii 8–iii 9 71 fn. 318 SAA 20 9, r ii 4 137 fn. 654 SAA 20 9–11 89 fn. 412 SAA 20 10, 2–3 116 fn. 537 SAA 20 15, i 55´–56´ 89 fn. 413 SAA 20 16, i 24 151 fn. 727 SAA 20 16, i 8 137 fn. 654 SAA 20 21, 11, 18–20 137 fn. 652 SAA 20 27, r 37´ 44 fn. 162 SAA 20 32, 5, r 2, r 18 152 fn. 738 SAA 20 33, i 1–i 3 82 fn. 372 SAA 20 33, i 3, ii 3 137 fn. 653 SAA 20 33, i 4–i 10, r i 46 107 fn. 504 SAA 20 33, i 4–i 20 115 fn. 531 SAA 20 33, ii 16–ii 21 147 fn. 696 SAA 20 33, ii 20–ii 21 245 fn. 1060 SAA 20 33, ii 22–ii 27 85 fn. 385 SAA 20 33, ii 6–8 82 fn. 370 SAA 20 33, ii 6–ii 15 245 fn. 1058 SAA 20 33, r i 29–31, r i 46 147 fn. 698 SAA 20 33, r i 37–i 40 188 fn. 889 SAA 20 33, r i 41–42 84 fn. 383 SAA 20 33, r i 41–45 146 fn. 695 SAA 20 33, r i 45 147 fn. 697 SAA 20 33, r i 46 85 fn. 386 SAA 20 33, r i 47–48 85 fn. 384 SAA 20 33, r i 49 85 fn. 387 SAA 20 33, r i 50–53 83 fn. 376 SAA 20 50, ii 20–ii 25 44 fn. 159

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SAA 20 52, r i 37´–i 39´ 155 fn. 754 Expressions for Etiquette dibbī ṭābūti issīšu(nu) dabābu (to speak kindly to (lit. kind words with) him/them) 122 folded hands 49–50, 70, 94, 112, 125, 136 kamāsu (to stoop) 118 kanāšu kišādu (to bend the neck) 118 kaqquru našāqu (to kiss the ground) 115, 120 karābu (to bless, to greet) 49, 50, 52, 115–116 and fn. 535, 140– 141, 172, 175, 194–195, 199, 206, 209

labān appi (to touch the nose) 118 napalsuḫu (to throw oneself fall to the ground, to let oneself fall to the ground) 121 and fn. 561 qāta tarāṣu (to stretch out the hand) 121 šēpu našāqu (to kiss the feet) 116, 120 šēpu ṣabātu (to grasp the feet) 116, 120 šuka’’unu (to prostrate) 117, 120 ṭēma turru (to make a report) 115, 117

Modern Authors Abusch, Tzvi 47 fn. 179 Albenda, Pauline 200, 39 fn. 143, 40 fn. 144, 47 fn. 183, 48 fn. 191, 94 fn. 437 and 438, 134 fn. 625, 147 fn. 700, 148 fn. 704, 169 fn. 814, 178 fn. 851, 183 fn. 863 and 865, 185 fn. 870 and 874, 186 fn. 877, 196 fn. 907 Altman, Charles B. 133 fn. 617, 134 fn. 627 Álvarez-Mon, Javier 76 fn. 345 Ambos, Claus 41 fn. 151, 44 fn. 164, 45 fn. 169, 48 fn. 189 Annus, Amar 40 fn. 147, 49 fn.192 Artemov, Nikita 19 fn. 76–77 Aruz, Joan 40 fn. 146 Ataç, Mehmet-Ali 15 fn. 54, 70 fn. 313,93 fn. 431–432, 128 fn. 579, 128 fn. 584 and 590, 156 fn. 759–760, 157 fn. 768 and 773, 192 fn. 896 Bachelot, Luc 217 Bagg, Ariel 261

Bahrani, Zainab 19 and fn. 75, 187 fn. 882, 201 and fn. 924, 271 fn. 1107 Bär, Jürgen 61 fn. 246–248, 66 fn. 292, 69 fn. 312, 75 fn 332 and 334, 76 fn. 337 and 341, 77 fn. 346, 116 fn. 533, 119 gn. 552, 120 fn. 555 and 558, 140 fn. 672 Barjamovic, Gojko 56 fn. 213, 106 and fn. 498 and 501, 255 fn. 1082 Barnett, Richard D. 34 fn. 110 and 113, 45 fn. 174, 70 fn. 315, 76 fn. 340 and 342, 94 fn. 435, 95 fn. 439, 109 fn. 520, 112 fn. 526, 147 fn. 700, 148 fn. 705, 156 fn. 757, 157 fn. 775 Barrelet, Marie-Thérèse 47 fn. 183 Bartl, Peter V. 42 and fn. 155, 133 fn. 615, 134 fn. 623 Basmachi, Faraj 76 fn. 340, 109 fn. 519 Battini, Laura 28 fn. 100

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Beaulieu, Paul-Alain 216 fn. 960, 217 fn. 965 Belting, Hans 199 fn. 915 Bernbeck, Reinhard 8 fn. 20, 261 fn. 1093 Bleibtreu, Erika 47 fn. 186 Bonatz, Dominik 14 fn. 49, 15 fn. 58, 19 fn. 75, 69 fn. 309, 74 fn. 328, 162 fn. 793, 181 fn. 855, 185 fn. 874, 192 fn. 894 Bonomi, Joseph 35 fn. 15, 36 fn. 124–127, 37 fn. 128–129, 137 fn. 650, 250 fn. 1075 Börker-Klähn, Jutta 70 fn. 313 and 316, 112 fn. 526, 157 fn. 771 Botta, Paul E. 36 fn. 124–127, 37 fn. 128–130, 46 fn. 177, 47–50 fn. 186, 188, 199 and 201, 71 fn. 320–321, 72, 73, 74 and fn. 327, 75 fn. 335–336, 76 fn. 337, 77, 80 fn. 363 and 365, 81, 83, 84 fn. 378 and 380, 85 fn. 386, 388– 390, 94 fn. 435–437, 109 fn. 519, 116 fn. 533, 119 fn. 552, 131, 133 fn. 617, 134 fn. 625, 136 fn. 641, 141 fn. 673, 143 fn. 684, 148 fn. 701, 154, 158 fn. 779, 174 fn. 835, 175, 180 fn. 854, 181 fn. 860, 185 fn. 871, 186 fn. 876, 187 fn. 886, 188, 196 fn. 906, 198 and fn. 911, 199 fn. 912, 229 fn. 1019, 231 fn. 1029, 246 Brandes, Mark 15 fn. 54, 93 and fn. 429 Brentjes, Burchard 192 fn. 893 Brosius, Maria 2–3 fn. 6–7, 5 fn. 16 Brown, Brian A. 91 fn. 426, 93 fn. 428, 192 fn. 893 Budge, Wallis E. A. 94 fn. 435, 185 fn. 872, 186 fn. 879, 187 fn. 881 Callot, Olivier 200

319

Cavigneaux, Antoine 41 fn. 152, 172 fn. 826 Chamaza, Vera G. W. 9 fn. 27 Chandler, Daniel 17 fn. 63 Chavel, Simeon 119 fn. 553 Cheng, Jack 152 fn. 740, 153 fn. 745, 155 fn. 751 Cifarelli, Megan 15 fn. 58, 49 fn. 194, 111 fn. 522, 112 fn. 525, 118 fn. 547–548, 169 fn. 814 Cohen, Jonathan 203 fn. 927 Collins, Paul 14 fn. 50, 75 fn. 334, 91 fn. 427, 143 fn. 686, 153 fn. 746, 154 fn. 749–750, 176 fn. 840, 179 fn. 852, 180 fn. 853, 181 fn. 858–859, 182 fn. 861, 184 fn. 867–868, 186 fn. 878, 261 fn. 1093 Collon, Dominique 155 fn. 752 Crawford, Cory D. 271 Curtis, John E. 14 fn. 50, 69 fn. 312, 70 fn. 313, 136 fn. 639, 641 and 644, 140 fn. 672, 147 fn. 699– 700, 148 fn. 701–703, 153 fn. 747, 156 fn. 759, 168 fn. 806 and 808, 170 fn. 818, 176 fn. 840 Dalley, Stephanie 216 fn. 961 Danrey, Virginie 38 fn. 133 and 135 De Filippi, Wilhelmine 12 fn. 38, 219 fn. 979, 222 fn. 992 De Odorico , Marco 219 fn. 976 DeMarrais, Elizabeth 200 fn. 917 Dewar, Benjamin 223 fn. 996, 224 fn. 1001 Dezső, Tamás 142 fn. 680 Di Paolo, Silvana 51 fn. 205, 87 fn. 400 Dolce, Rita 193 fn. 898 Dovey, Kim 12 fn. 43, 29 fn. 102, 30

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Duarte, Antonio M. 177 fn. 843– 845, 178 fn. 848 and 850, 184 fn. 866 Duindam, Jeroen 3 fn. 9 and 13, 4 fn. 14 Dunand, Maurice 70 fn. 315, 112 fn. 526–527, 120 fn. 558, 136 fn. 639 and 645, 141 fn. 674, 158 Düring, Bleda S. 8 fn. 19 Ebbinghaus, Susanne 76 fn. 345 Eco, Umberto 13 fn. 45 Elayi, Josette 9 fn. 28, 10 fn. 30–31, 12 fn. 41, 61 fn. 246, 65–66 fn. 279–286 and 288–290, 172 fn. 826 Elias, Norbert 3 fn. 13 Elleström, Lars 202 Engel, Burkhard J. 38 fn. 133 Ermidoro, Stefania 55 fn. 207, 56 and fn. 210–211, 59 fn. 236 and 238, 60 fn. 240 and 243, 78 fn. 351, 81 fn. 367, 82 and fn. 369– 371 and 374, 83 fn. 375, 86 fn. 395, 117 fn. 540–541 and 544, 121 fn. 563, 135 fn. 631, 145 fn. 687 and 689, 148 fn. 703, 149 fn. 706, 155 fn. 755 Fales, Mario F. 19 fn. 75, 59 fn. 235 and 237, 60 fn. 239–240, 122 and fn. 565, 172 fn. 826, 216 fn. 960– 961, 218 fn. 972, 270 fn. 1106 Falkner, Margarete 45 fn. 174, 70 fn. 315, 94 fn. 435, 109 fn. 520, 112 fn. 526, 114, 156 fn. 757 Feldman, Marian H. 14 fn. 49 Finn, Jennifer 214 fn. 935 and 939 Flandin, Eugène 36 fn. 124–127, 37 fn. 128–130, 46 fn. 177, 47–50 and fn. 186, 188, 199 and 201, 71 fn. 320–321, 72, 73, 74 and fn. 327, 75 fn. 335–336, 76 and fn. 337, 77, 80 fn. 363 and 365, 81,

83, 84 fn. 378 and 380, 85 fn. 386, 388–390, 94 fn. 435–437, 109 fn. 519, 116 and fn. 533, 119 fn. 552, 131, 133 fn. 617, 134 fn. 625, 136 fn. 641, 141 fn. 673, 143 and fn. 684, 148 fn. 701, 154, 158 fn. 779, 174 fn. 835, 175, 180 fn. 854, 181 fn. 860, 185 fn. 871, 186 fn. 876, 187 fn. 886, 188, 196 fn. 906, 198 and fn. 911, 199 fn. 912, 229 fn. 1019, 231 fn. 1029, 246 Fox, Warwick 234 fn. 1038 Frahm, Eckart 1 fn. 2–3, 9 fn. 25– 27, 10 fn. 30 and 32–33, 213 fn. 934, 214 fn. 943–944, 216 fn. 964, 217 fn. 967 Frame, Grant 95 fn. 442, 197 fn. 910, 229 fn. 1019, 234 fn. 1041 Frechette, Christopher G. 49 fn. 193, 111 fn. 524, 116 fn. 534, 119 fn. 551, 121 fn. 562, 140 fn. 671 Friedman, Zaraza 172 fn. 825 Fuchs, Andreas 35 and fn. 115 and 117, 57 fn. 219, 90 fn. 416, 142 fn. 680, 220 fn. 986, 229 Gabelmann, Hanns 112 fn. 528, 115 fn. 532 Gallagher, William R. 65 fn. 279 Gansell, Amy R. 12 fn. 40, 46 fn. 178, 133 fn. 619, 255 fn. 1083, 260 fn. 1090 Garelli, Paul 16 fn. 61, 214 fn. 943 Gaspa, Salvatore 133 fn. 622, 148 fn. 704 Geller, Markham J. 41 fn. 153, 45 fn. 167, 170 and 173, 46 fn. 176, 47 fn. 181–182 Gillmann, Nicolas 15 fn. 58, 158 fn. 780, 171 fn. 821 Giovino, Mariana 91 fn. 425

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Glassner, Jean Jacques 159 and fn. 783 Goetze, Albrecht 135 fn. 636 Goldman, Bernard 119 fn. 552, 141 fn. 675 Gopnik, Hilary 75 fn. 331 Grayson, Kirk A. 3 fn. 12, 214 fn. 942, 217 fn. 965, 219 fn. 976– 978 Green, Anthony 39 fn. 141 Greenberg, Saul 113 fn. 529 Griffiths, Raph A. 4 fn. 15 Groß, Melanie M. 20 fn. 81, 21 fn. 82–84, 31, 57 fn. 217, 58 fn. 225, 73 fn. 323, 74 fn. 326, 82 fn. 374, 86 fn. 393, 106 fn. 497 and 499, 107 fn. 507 and 509–510, 108 fn. 513–514, 109 fn. 518, 131 fn. 604, 132 fn. 606, 142 fn. 681– 682, 151 fn. 729–730, 152 fn. 731, 161 fn. 789, 213 fn. 940, 218 fn. 974 Gruber, Mayer I. 118 fn. 549–550 Gunter, Ann C. 161 fn. 786 and 792 Guralnick, Eleanor 134 fn. 625 Gurney, Oliver R. 117 fn. 540 Hall, Edward T. 112–113 and fn. 529, 114, 141 Hanson, Julienne 12 fn. 43 Hartenstein, Friedhelm 115 fn. 532 Hasegawa, Shuichi 219 fn. 978 Henshaw, Richard A. 142 fn. 679 Hermann, Alfred 124 fn. 574 Hermann, Georgina 42 fn. 156 Hillier, Bill 12 fn. 43 Hirstein, William 177 fn. 845 Hnila, Pavol 46 fn. 177, 47 fn. 186 Holloway, Steven W. 18 fn. 64 Hölscher, Tonio 17 fn. 63 Howard, Caleb J. 222 fn. 993 Hussein, Muzahim M. 46 fn. 178

321

Jakob, Stefan 57 fn. 216, 61 fn. 244, 108 fn. 513 Janes, Regina 187 and fn. 883 and 885 Jazayeri, Mousavi S. M. V. 272 fn. 1109 Jenkins, Henry 200 and fn. 916 Jia, Yan 34 fn. 111, 40 fn. 146 Johnson, Mark 121 fn. 559 Jowett, Garth S. 261 fn. 1094, 266 fn. 1102–1103 Juwig, Carsten 259 fn. 1087 Kalluveettil, Paul 141 fn. 675 Kandel, Eric R. 130 fn. 600, 177 fn. 845 and 847, 178 fn. 849–850, 187 fn. 884, 202 fn. 926 Karlsson, Mattias 18 fn. 69, 48 fn. 189. 58 fn. 222, 66 fn. 293, 93 fn. 430, 131 fn. 603, 157 fn. 767, 772, 776, 187 fn. 882, 214 fn. 943 and 950, 215 fn. 953, 261 fn. 1093 Katz, Dina 40 fn. 145 Kertai, David 8 fn. 22, 12 fn. 37 and 42, 20 fn. 80–81, 23 fn. 86 and 88, 24 fn. 95, 25–27, 29 and fn. 103, 30 and fn. 105, 31–32, 33 fn. 107, 36–37, 38 fn. 133, 39 fn. 141 and 143, 51, 53, 71 fn. 319, 93 and fn. 434, 109 fn. 518, 116 fn. 533, 138 fn. 657, 170 fn. 816, 188 fn. 889, 195 fn. 902–903 and 905, 197 fn. 908–909, 216 fn. 961, 233 fn. 1037, 244 fn. 1053– 1054, 245 fn. 1057, 246 fn. 1062, 247 fn. 1065–1066, 248 fn. 1068, 249 fn. 1071 and 1073–1074, 251 fn. 1076, 255 and fn. 1081 and 1083, 258 and fn. 1084. Kilmer, Anne D. 155 fn. 752 Kinnier Wilson, James V. 60 fn. 240, 152 fn. 740

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Klauber, Ernst 108 fn. 511 Koch, Ebba 3 fn. 10 Kolbe, Dieter 38 fn. 133, 39 fn. 141 Kost, Catrin 259 fn. 1087 Krauskopf, Ingrid 48 fn. 189 Kreppner, Janoscha F. 161 fn. 790 Kyrieleis, Helmut 147 fn. 699 Lackenbacher, Sylvie 215 fn. 953 Lakoff, George 121 fn. 559 Landsberger, Benno 45 fn. 172 Lanfranchi, Giovanni B. 1 fn. 2, 2 fn.5–6, 9 fn. 29, 66 fn. 284 Larsen, Mogens T. 217 fn. 965 Layard, Austen H. 35 fn. 115, 136, 225 Linder, Elisha 172 fn. 825–826 Liverani, Mario 8 and fn. 20–21, 11 fn. 34, 16 fn. 61, 18 fn. 69–70, 61 fn. 246, 66 fn. 287, 78 fn. 351, 79 fn. 354, 80–81 and fn. 366, 123 fn. 573, 168 fn. 809–810, 169 fn. 812, 214 fn. 941 and 944, 217 fn. 965, 218 fn. 972, 224 fn. 1001, 236 fn. 1047, 252 fn. 1079, 261 fn. 1093, 264 and fn. 1098 Llewellyn-Jones, Lloyd 1 fn. 1, 3 fn. 7, 5 fn. 16–17, 15 fn. 55, 20 fn. 79, 106 fn. 498, 112 fn. 528, 117 fn. 541, 149 fn. 707, 157 fn. 769 and 773–774, 158 fn. 777, 159 fn. 782, 784–785 Llop, Jaume 110 fn. 521 Loud, Gordon 28 fn. 101, 36 fn. 123–124, 37 fn. 130, 75 fn. 330, 94 fn. 438, 116 fn. 535, 133 fn. 617, 134 fn. 627, 136 fn. 640 and 642, 137 fn. 650, 195 fn. 905 Lumsden, Stephen 185 fn. 874 Luukko, Mikko 105 fn. 491, 123 fn. 572, 213 fn. 937 Machinist, Peter 270 fn. 1106

Madhloom, Tariq 134 fn. 624 and 628, 161 fn. 791 Magen, Ursula 44 fn. 162, 48 fn. 189, 49 fn. 194, 93 fn. 431, 116 fn. 534 Mallowan, Max E. L. 35 fn. 118, 70 fn. 315, 136–137 fn. 647–648, 140 fn. 672, 141 fn. 675, 249 fn. 1074 Malul, Meir 141 fn. 675 Maniori, Fulvia 173 fn. 831, 174 fn. 833–834 Marchetti, Niccolò 12 fn. 38 Marcus, Michelle I. 137 fn. 649, 167 fn. 803, 168 fn. 808, 170 fn. 819 Marquardt, Nicolai 113 fn. 529 Matthiae, Paolo 9 fn. 28, 29 fn. 104, 29 and fn. 104, 73 and fn. 322, 74 fn. 329, 164 fn. 798 and 800, 167 fn. 803, 171 and fn 822–823, 173 fn. 829, 175 fn. 836–837, 176 fn. 839 and 841, 217 fn. 965 Mattila, Raija 9 fn. 25, 58 fn. 222, 60 fn. 240 and 242, 75 fn. 330, 146 fn. 692 Maul, Stefan M. 261 fn. 1091 May, Natalie N. 9 fn. 28, 34 fn. 111, 74–75 fn. 330, 80 fn. 362, 156 fn. 761, 167 and fn. 802 McMahon, Augusta 12 fn. 42, 25 fn. 96, 27 fn. 98, 28 fn. 101 McQuail, Denis 21 fn. 85 Meier, Gerhard 41 fn. 152 Melville, Sarah C. 10 fn. 30, 65 fn. 282, 66 fn. 289, 80 fn. 361, 172 fn. 826, 173 fn. 832, 174 fn. 833 Meuszyński, Janusz 35 fn. 1119, 36 fn. 121, 91 fn. 424, 190 fn. 891, 247 fn. 1064, 248 fn. 1070 Middleton, Andrew P. 13 fn. 48

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Mitchell, Terence C. 13 fn. 48, 76 fn. 338 Mitchell, Thomas W. J. 15 and fn. 59, 199 and fn. 913 Moorey, Roger P. S. 13 fn. 48, 235 fn. 1044 Morello, Nathan 271 fn. 1108 Muscarella, Oscar W. 76 fn. 342– 343 and 345 N’Shea, Omar 131 fn. 602 Na’aman, Nadav 66 fn. 289 Nadali, Davide 12 fn. 39, 14 fn. 51 and 53, 15 fn. 56 and 58, 18 fn. 67, 19 fn. 75 and 78, 90 fn. 420, 95 fn. 439, 123 fn. 573, 130 fn. 599, 154 fn. 748, 156 fn. 758 and 761, 158 fn. 780–781, 161 fn. 788 and 791–792, 164 fn. 797– 799, 169 fn. 815, 173 fn. 828, 176 fn. 842, 177 fn. 845, 181 fn. 855, 185 fn. 874, 192 fn. 895, 193 fn. 899, 261 fn. 1092–1093, 271 fn. 1108 Nakamura, Carolyn 39 fn. 141 Niederreiter, Zoltán 80 fn. 362 Novák, Mirko 13 fn. 44 and 46, 23 fn. 87, 30 fn. 106, 158 fn. 778 and 780–781, 247 fn. 1063 O’Donnell, Victoria 261 fn. 1094, 266 fn. 1102–1103 O’Neill, Shaleph 199 fn. 914 Oates, David 27 fn. 99, 36 fn. 121, 246 fn. 1061 Oates, Joan 27 fn. 99, 36 fn. 121, 246 fn. 1061 Oppenheim, Leo A. 16 fn. 61, 129 fn. 591, 240 fn. 1050 Ornan, Tallay 40 fn. 144, 138 fn. 663 Paley, Samuel M. 35 fn. 118, 36 fn. 120–122, 42 fn. 154, 45 fn. 174, 49 fn. 198, 51 fn. 205, 69 fn. 310,

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70 fn. 315, 123 fn. 573, 169 fn. 813, 170 fn. 816, 183 fn. 864, 188 fn. 887, 194 fn. 900, 222 fn. 992, 227 fn 1013, 245 fn. 1055– 1056, 249 fn. 1072, 258 fn. 1085 Parker Mallowan, Barbara 39 fn. 141, 41 fn. 150 and 152, 44 fn. 157, 45 fn. 168 and 171 Parker, Barbara 67 fn. 301, 146 fn. 694 Parker, Bradley J. 18 fn. 68, 19 fn. 73, 213 fn. 936 Parpola, Simo 7, 12 fn. 41, 59 fn. 235, 60 fn. 240, 82 fn. 373, 86 fn. 394, 89 fn. 415, 107 fn. 509, 172 fn. 825, 217 fn. 968 and 970, 255 fn. 1082 Parrot, André 113, 133 fn. 618, 134 fn. 626, 136 fn. 643, 645, 139 fn. 665, 201 fn. 921 Pettinato, Giovanni 234 fn. 1040 Pirngruber, Reinhard 21 fn. 82 Pittman, Holly 136 fn. 639, 185 and fn. 873, 186 fn. 875 Place, Victor 133 fn. 617, 134 fn. 627 Pongratz-Leisten, Beate 87 and fn. 399, 8 fn. 20, 18 fn. 66 and 69, 19 fn. 76, 34 fn. 111, 40 fn. 147, 86 fn. 395, 87 fn. 399, 88 fn. 404– 405 and 409, 89 fn. 412, 90 fn. 416, 127 fn. 577–578, 128 fn. 582–583, 132 fn. 607, 135 fn. 633 and 635, 264 fn. 1101 Porter, Barbara Nevling 123 fn. 573, 193 fn. 897, 215 fn. 955– 956, 217 fn. 965, 219 and fn. 980, 220 and fn. 985, 237 fn. 1048 Porter, Michael 7 Portuese, Ludovico 18 fn. 72, 34 fn. 111, 38 fn. 134, 41 fn. 150, 44 fn.

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163, 45 fn. 168, 47 fn. 187, 50 fn. 204, 66 fn. 287, 116 fn. 538, 121 fn. 559, 138 fn. 658, 139 fn. 666– 667, 141 fn. 674, 162 fn. 795, 163 fn. 796, 168 fn. 807, 169 fn. 811, 172 fn. 824, 183 fn. 862, 184 fn. 869, 189 fn. 890, 190 fn. 892, 194 fn. 901, 195 fn. 904, 206 fn. 929–930, 209 fn. 932, 222 fn. 990, 231 fn. 1028 Postgate, Nicholas J. 12 fn. 39, 24 fn. 93, 58 fn. 222, 61 and fn. 245–246 and 249, 62 and fn. 250, 64 fn. 263–265, 66 fn. 292, 67 fn. 297 and 301, 76 fn. 339, 102 fn. 468, 142 fn. 676, 678, 680 and 682, 146 fn. 694 Potts, Daniel T. 35 fn. 116 Radner, Karen 34 fn. 113, 35 fn. 115, 61 fn. 244, 62 fn. 252, 63 fn. 256, 65 fn. 280–281, 66 fn. 285 and 289, 75 fn. 333, 86 fn. 394, 107 fn. 508, 108 fn. 513 and 515, 109 fn. 517, 132 fn. 607, 187 fn 882, 216 fn. 960 and 964, 217 fn. 970, 218 fn. 975 Ragavan, Deena 34 fn. 109, 40 fn. 145 Ramachandran, Vilayanur S. 177 fn. 845–846 Rapoport, Amos 244 fn. 1052 Rawlinson, George 2 fn. 4 Reade, Julian E. 12 fn. 37–39, 13 fn. 48, 14 fn. 50, 24 fn. 90–95, 27 fn. 97, 28, 39 fn. 141, 61 fn. 246, 69 fn. 312, 70 and fn. 315–317, 74 fn. 327–328, 75 fn. 330–331, 84 and fn. 379 and 381, 85 fn. 391, 90 and fn. 421–423, 91 fn. 421– 423, 94 fn. 435, 95 and fn. 439– 441, 112 fn. 525–526, 116 fn. 535 and 538, 133 fn. 616–617,

134 fn. 624, 136 fn. 639, 143 fn. 685, 147 fn. 700, 148 fn. 701– 703 and 705, 156 fn. 757–759, 157 fn. 770 and 775, 158 fn. 780, 161 fn. 791, 162 fn. 794, 164 fn. 800, 167 fn. 803, 168 fn. 808, 170 fn. 816, 172 fn. 825, 173 fn. 830, 174 fn. 835, 176 fn. 840, 201 fn. 920 and 922, 208 and fn. 931, 213 fn. 936, 216 fn. 958, 222 fn. 992, 230 fn. 1021, 248 fn. 1069, 251 fn. 1077, 252 and fn. 1078, 261 fn. 1093 Richardson, Seth 58 fn. 221, 59 fn. 233, 66 fn. 291, 93 fn. 428, 192 fn. 893 Roaf, Michael 164 fn. 800 Robson, James 1 fn. 1 Röllig, Wolfgang 19 fn. 78 Rollinger, Robert 1 fn. 2–3 Rova, Elena 46 fn. 178 Russell, John M. 8 fn. 23, 12 fn. 38, 15 fn. 54, 16 fn. 60, 23 fn. 87, 24 fn. 94, 38 fn. 133, 39 fn. 141– 142, 42 and fn. 154, 44 fn. 158 and 162, 45 fn. 174, 47 fn. 180 and 183, 49 fn. 194, 51 and fn. 205–206, 59 fn. 235, 68 fn. 307, 60 fn. 311, 75 fn. 331, 80 fn. 363–364, 90 fn. 418, 91 fn. 424– 425 93 and fn. 428, 432–433, 123 fn. 573, 136 fn. 646, 152 fn. 731, 169 fn. 813, 172 fn. 827, 173 fn. 830, 188 fn. 888, 204 fn. 928, 216 and fn. 963, 217 fn. 965, 222 fn. 991–992, 223 fn. 994–995, 224 and fn. 1002–1004, 225 fn. 1005–1007, 226 fn. 1011, 227 fn. 1012 and 1016, 228 and fn. 1017–1018, 229 fn. 1020, 230 fn. 1021–1022, 231 and fn. 1025 and 1030, 232 and fn. 1034, 234 fn.

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Indices

1041, 235 fn. 1042, 237 fn. 1049, 243 fn. 1051, 245 and fn. 1057, 247 and fn. 1067, 248–249, 255 and fn. 1080, 271 fn. 1108 Sano, Katsuji 214 fn. 948, 215 fn. 952, 218 fn. 973, 240 fn. 1050, 261 fn. 1093, 264 and fn. 1099 Schachner, Andreas 69 fn. 312, 135 fn. 638, 161 fn. 790 Schmandt-Besserat, Denise 40 fn. 146 Schwemer, Daniel 47 fn. 179 Scurlock, JoAnn 45 fn. 166 and 172, 90 fn. 417, 235 fn. 1044 Selz, Gebhard J. 47 fn. 85 Shafer, Ann T. 161 fn. 790 Siddall, Luis R. 8 fn. 24, 19 fn. 76, 264 fn. 1100 Sigrist, Marcel 40 fn. 145 Simpson, Elizabeth 76 fn. 344 Sinha, Ashish 11 fn. 34 Sobolewski, Richard P. 35 fn. 118, 36 fn. 122, 42 fn. 154, 45 fn. 174, 49 fn. 198, 51 fn. 205, 69 fn. 310, 70 fn. 315, 169 fn. 813, 170 fn. 816, 183 fn. 864, 188 fn. 887, 194 fn. 900, 227 fn. 1013, 245 and fn. 1056, 249 fn. 1072, 258 fn. 1085 Sonik, Karen 37 fn. 131, 161 fn. 792, 177 fn. 844, 181 fn. 853 Sou, Li 200 fn. 919, 201 fn. 920 and 922–923 Spawforth, Tony 3 fn. 13 Stearns, John B. 44 fn. 158 Stefanakis, Manolis I. 177 fn. 843– 845, 178 fn. 848 and 850, 184 fn. 866 Stephanov, Darin N. 3 fn. 11 Still, Keith G. 259 fn. 1086 Stol, Marten 255 fn. 1082 Strawn, Brent A. 48 fn. 190

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Suter, Claudia E. 131 fn. 601 and 604 Tadmor, Hayim 216 fn. 957 and 961, 219 fn. 976, 240 fn. 1050 Tallis, Nigel 69–70 fn. 312–313, 136 fn. 639, 140 fn. 672, 153 fn. 747, 168 fn. 806 and 808, 170 fn. 818 Tal-Or, Nurit 203 fn. 927 Thavapalan, Shiyanthi 235 fn. 1043 and 1045 Thomason, Allison K. 148 fn. 702, 156 fn. 766, 157 fn. 773, 158 fn. 777, 169 fn. 814, 175 fn. 837 Thureau-Dangin, François 70 fn. 315, 112 fn. 526–527, 120 fn. 558, 136 fn. 639 and 645, 141 fn. 674, 158 Tomes, Roger 95 fn. 442 Turner, Geoffrey 90 fn. 418, 245 fn. 1059, 247 and fn. 1067 Tyler, Ann C. 176 fn. 842 Van Berkel, Maaike 3 fn. 8 Van Buren, Douglas E. 48 fn. 190 Van Buylaere, Greta 108 fn. 514, 123 fn. 572 Van de Mieroop, Marc 1 fn. 18, 9 fn. 28, 23 fn. 87, 234 fn. 1039 Van der Toorn, Karel 121 fn. 563 Vanstiphout, Herman 234 fn. 1040 Vassileva, Maya 76 fn. 342 Veldhuis, Niek 217 and fn. 966 Verderame, Lorenzo 33 fn. 108, 34 fn. 111, 133 fn. 619, 161 fn. 788 Verri, Giovanni 201 fn. 920 Wäfler, Markus 75 and fn. 337, 70 fn. 313, 76 fn. 337 and 342 Wagner-Durand, Elisabeth 181 fn. 855 Warhol, Andy 130 fn. 600, 202 fn. 925

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Watanabe, Chikako E. 171 and fn. 820, 192 fn. 893 Waters, Matthew W. 95 fn. 442 Weeks, Noel K. 16 fn. 61 Whyte, William 13 fn. 47 Wiggermann, Frans A. M. 39 fn. 141, 40 fn. 144, 41 fn. 148 and 150, 44 fn. 158 and 161, 45 fn. 168 and 171, 47 fn. 180, 48 fn. 189, 49 fn. 193, 245 fn. 1057 Winter, Irene J. 12 and fn. 36, 14 and fn. 49 and 52, 19 fn. 74, 46 fn. 178, 47 and fn. 184, 69 fn. 311, 84 fn. 382, 86 fn. 392, 127

fn. 577, 128 fn. 583, 129 fn. 591, 130 fn. 597–598 and 600, 131 fn. 602, 145 fn. 688, 148 fn. 704, 158 fn. 780, 164 fn. 797 and 800, 167 fn. 803, 176 fn. 838, 217 fn. 965, 235 fn. 1044, 249 fn. 1074, 270 fn. 1104, 271 fn. 1108 Wiseman, Donald J. 191 Yamada, Shigeo 64 and fn. 269 Zadok, Ran 68 fn. 302 Zawadzki, Stefan 218 fn. 975 Zgoll, Annette 116 fn. 539 Zilberg, Peter 123 fn. 568 Zimmern, Heinrich 90 fn. 419

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