Liberty in Mexico: Writings on Liberalism from the Early Republican Period to the Second Half of the Twentieth Century [1 ed.] 9781614879039, 9780865978423
Liberty in Mexico presents sixty-four essays and writings on liberty and liberalism, from the early republican period to
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Liberty in Mexico
Liberty in
Mexico
Writings on Liberalism from the Early Republican Period to the Second Half of the Twentieth Century Edited and with an Introduction by josé antonio aguilar rivera TranslatedfromtheSpanishby janetm.burkeandtedhumphrey
libertyfund Indianapolis
ThisbookispublishedbyLibertyFund,Inc.,afoundationestablishedto encouragestudyoftheidealofasocietyoffreeandresponsibleindividuals.
Thecuneiforminscriptionthatservesasourlogoandasthedesignmotifforour endpapersistheearliest-knownwrittenappearanceoftheword“freedom”(amagi), or“liberty.”Itistakenfromaclaydocumentwrittenabout2300b.C.intheSumerian city-stateofLagash. Translations,introduction,editorialadditions,andindex©2012byLibertyFund,Inc. “Latradiciónliberal”(TheLiberalTradition),“Laliteraturayelestado” (LiteratureandtheState),and“Poesía,mito,revolución”(Poetry,Myth,Revolution) are©OctavioPazandaretranslatedandreprintedherebypermissionofMarie TraminidePaz. Coverart:Ceremony in Which Santa Anna Knights Manuel Lebrija to the New Order of Guadalupe,byEdouardPingret,CONACULTA-INAH-MEX.Reproduction authorizedbytheInstitutoNacionaldeAntropologíaeHistoria,MexicoCity. Allrightsreserved PrintedintheUnitedStatesofAmerica C 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 p 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 LibraryofCongressCataloging-in-PublicationData LibertyinMexico:writingsonliberalismfromtheearlyrepublicanperiodtothe secondhalfofthetwentiethcentury/editedandwithanintroductionbyJoséAntonio AguilarRivera;translatedfromtheSpanishbyJanetM.BurkeandTedHumphrey. p. cm. Includesbibliographicalreferencesandindex. iSbn978-0-86597-841-6(hardcover:alk.paper) iSbn978-0-86597-842-3(pbk.:alk.paper) 1. Liberalism—Mexico—History—19thcentury. 2. Liberalism—Mexico— History—20thcentury. I. AguilarRivera,JoséAntonio,1968– II. Burke,Janet, 1943– III. Humphrey,Ted,1941– jC574.2.m6l56 2012 320.510972—dc23 2012005442 libertyfund,inC. 8335AllisonPointeTrail,Suite300 Indianapolis,Indiana46250-1684
Contents Introduction:LibertyandLiberalisminMexico/ix by José Antonio Aguilar Rivera Acknowledgments/xxxi 1 The Founding and Early Constitutional Experiments: 1821–1840
joSémaríaluiSmora/3 1 DiscourseontheIndependenceoftheMexicanEmpire/5 2 DiscourseontheLimitsofCivilAuthorityDeduced fromTheirSource/17 3 DiscourseontheFreedomofThought,Speech,andWriting/23 4 DiscourseontheMeansAmbitionUsestoDestroyLiberty/32 5 DiscourseontheCivilLibertiesoftheCitizen/40 6 DiscourseonLawsThatAttackIndividualSecurity/50 7 DiscourseontheIndependenceofJudicialPower/60 8 DiscourseonPublicOpinionandtheGeneralWill/68 9 DiscourseontheNatureofFactions/88
lorenzodezavala/100 1 IntroductiontoHistorical Essay on the Mexican Revolutions from 1808 to 1830/102 2 ConclusiontoHistorical Essay on the Revolutions of Mexico from 1808 to 1830/115 3 InterventionRegardingtheIndependenceoftheProvince ofGuatemala/134 valentínGómezfaríaS/137 IndividualVoteofMr.GómezFaríasontheIssueofthe AdvisabilityofConveningaNewCongress/138
vi : ContentS
luCaSalamán/150 ImpartialExaminationoftheAdministrationofGeneral VicePresidentDonAnastasioBustamante/151 2 Liberty in the Liberal Republic: 1845–1876
polemiCbetweenEl UnivErsal,El siglo XiX, andEl Monitor rEpUblicano,1848–1849[anonymous]/181 1 WhatMightBetheCausesofOurIlls,Part1/183 2 WhatMightBetheCausesofOurIlls,Conclusion/191 3 WhatMightBetheCausesofOurIlls,SecondArticle/197 4 WhatMightBetheCausesofOurIlls,ThirdArticle/202
marianootero/206 IndividualVoteintheConstituentCongress/207
iGnaCioramírez/242 1 TheNationalRepresentation/243 2 SpeechtotheConstituentCongress,July7,1856/251 3 LettertoFidel/258
franCiSCozarCo/262 1 TheQuestionoftheVeto/263 2 TheConstitutionalOrder/269 3 Elections/274 4 ProgressandInnovation/279 5 LawsandCustoms:TheFederationandFreedomof Religion/285 6 ManifestoasPreambletotheConstitutionof1857/291
iGnaCiomanuelaltamirano/298 1 AgainstAmnesty.SpeechbeforetheSecondConstitutional Congress,July,10,1861/299 2 MartyrsofTacubaya/307 3 SpeechbyCitizenManuelIgnacioAltamiranoontheOccasion oftheAnniversaryofIndependence,September15,1861/314
ContentS : vii
Guillermoprieto/321 1 InFavoroftheAbolitionofInternalDutiesandCustoms/322 2 FreedomofCommerce/324 3 OntheLawsofReform/326 4 OnReformstotheLawofPublicInstruction/333 5 OnFreedomtoWork/344
ConStitutionalGovernmentofmexiCo,1857–1861 (benitojuárez,melChoroCampo,manuelruiz, miGuellerdodetejada)/353 1 TheConstitutionalGovernmenttotheNation/355 (ontheLawsofReform) 2 DeclarationtotheInhabitantsoftheUnitedStatesofMexico onFreedomofWorship/372
3 Liberty and Order: 1876–1912
juStoSierra/381 1 EmilioCastelarandtheProgramofLa Libertad/382 2 Reservations/385 3 LiberalsandConservatives/388 4 PolemicwithJoséMaríaVigil/391 5 OurBattlePlan/406
joSémaríaviGil:polemiCwithSierra/408 1 BulletinofEl Monitor,August22,1878/409 2 BulletinofEl Monitor,August27,1878/415 3 BulletinofEl Monitor,September3,1878/421 4 BulletinofEl Monitor,September6,1878/426 5 BulletinofEl Monitor,September10,1878/431 6 BulletinofEl Monitor,September18,1878/436 7 BulletinofEl Monitor,September27,1878/440 8 BulletinofEl Monitor,October22,1878/444 9 BulletinofEl Monitor,October26,1878/449 10BulletinofEl Monitor,October30,1878/454
viii : ContentS
11 BulletinofEl Monitor,December17,1878/458 12BulletinofEl Monitor,December27,1878/462 emiliorabaSa/467 1 TheElection/468 2 SupremacyofLegislativePower/486 4 Against the Current: 1930–1989
jorGeCueSta/501 1 PoliticsintheUniversity/502 2 ANewClericalPolitics/509 3 CrisisoftheRevolution/514
antonioCaSo/518 ConsciousnessofLiberty/519
oCtaviopaz/541 1 TheLiberalTradition/542 2 LiteratureandtheState/548 3 Poetry,Myth,Revolution/553
Index/563
Introduction Liberty and Liberalism in Mexico byJoséAntonioAguilarRivera1
AftertheirindependencefromSpainintheearlynineteenthcentury,allofthenewnationsofSpanishAmerica(exceptfor thebriefandill-fatedMexicanEmpire)adoptedthesamemodelofpoliticalorganization:theliberalrepublic.Atthebeginningofthetwenty- first century all of these countries remain republics. Yet, at the same time,theLatinAmericandictatorbecameahallmarkofdespotismand brutalityduringthepastcentury.Thiscontradictionbetweenidealand realhasproducedavastbodyofliterature.Historians,politicalscientists,andsociologistshavetriedtoexplainthepervasiveauthoritarianismofSpanishAmerica. OnekeypeculiarityofLatinAmericaamongdevelopingandformer colonialregionsisitsliberalexperience,the“ideasandinstitutionsthat becameestablishedinthisoutpostofAtlanticcivilization.”2Yet,thefailureofwrittenconstitutionstobringabouttheruleoflawinthatpart oftheworldiswelldocumented.Thisskepticismhasalonghistory.Indeed,onDecember6,1813,ThomasJeffersonwrotetohisfriendBaron AlexandervonHumboldt: Ithinkitmostfortunatethatyourtravelsinthosecountrieswere sotimedastomakethemknowntotheworldinthemomentthey wereabouttobecomeactorsonitsstage.Thattheywillthrowoff theirEuropeandependenceIhavenodoubt;butinwhatkindof governmenttheirrevolutionwillendIamnotsocertain.History, Ibelieve,furnishesnoexampleofapriest-riddenpeoplemaintain 1.TheauthorwishestothankFabiolaRamírezandRobertoMostajofortheirassistancewithsuggestionsforresearch. 2.CharlesA.Hale,“TheReconstructionofNineteenth-CenturyPoliticsinSpanish America:ACasefortheHistoryofIdeas,”Latin American Research Review8(summer 1973):53–73. ix
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ingafreecivilgovernment.Thismarksthelowestgradeofignorance,ofwhichtheircivilaswellasreligiousleaderswillalways availthemselvesfortheirownpurposes.ThevicinityofNewSpain totheUnitedStates,andtheirconsequentintercourse,mayfurnish schoolsforthehigher,andexampleforthelowerclassesoftheir citizens.AndMexico,wherewelearnfromyouthatmenofscience arenotwanting,mayrevolutionizeitselfunderbetterauspicesthan theSouthernprovinces.3Theselast,Ifear,mustendinmilitary despotisms.Thedifferentcastsoftheirinhabitants,theirmutual hatredsandjealousies,theirprofoundignoranceandbigotry,willbe playedoffbycunningleaders,andeachbemadetheinstrumentof enslavingothers.4 Likewise,anelderlyJohnAdamswrotetoJamesLloydin1815: ThepeopleofSouthAmericaarethemostignorant,themostbigoted,themostsuperstitiousofalltheRomanCatholicsinChristendom....NoCatholicsonearthweresoabjectlydevotedtotheir priests,asblindlysuperstitiousasthemselves,andthesepriests hadthepowersandapparatusoftheInquisitiontoseizeeverysuspectedpersonandsuppresseveryrisingmotion.Wasitprobable, wasitpossible,thatsuchaplanas[Francisco]Miranda’s,ofafree government,andaconfederationoffreegovernments,shouldbe introducedandestablishedamongsuchapeople,overthatvastcontinent,oranypartofit?Itappearedtomemoreextravagantthan theschemesofCondorcetandBrissottoestablishademocracyin France,schemeswhichhadalwaysappearedtomeasabsurdassimilarplanswouldbetoestablishdemocraciesamongthebirds,beasts, andfishes.5 3.AlexandervonHumboldttraveledinSouthandNorthAmericaatthebeginning ofthenineteenthcenturyandwroteimportantbooksonthegeographyandsocietyof thenationshevisited.JeffersonrefersinthislettertohispoliticalessayonNewSpain. SeeAlexandervonHumboldt,Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain(Norman:UniversityofOklahomaPress,1988). 4.ThomasJeffersontoAlexandervonHumboldt,inThomasJefferson,Writings,ed. MerrillD.Peterson(NewYork:LibraryofAmerica,1984),p.1311. 5.LettertoJamesLloyd,March27,1815,inJohnAdams,The Works of John Adams,
introduCtion : xi
TheindependenceofSpanishAmericadidnotmakeJeffersonmore optimisticregardingthefutureofthosenations.OnMay14,1817,he wrotetothemarquisdeLafayette: IwishIcouldgivebetterhopesofoursouthernbrethren.The achievementoftheirindependenceofSpainisnolongeraquestion.Butitisaveryseriousone,whatwillthenbecomeofthem? Ignoranceandbigotry,likeotherinsanities,areincapableofself- government.Theywillfallundermilitarydespotism,andbecome themurderoustoolsoftheambitionoftheirrespectiveBonapartes; andwhetherthiswillbefortheirgreaterhappiness,theruleofone onlyhastaughtyoutojudge.Noone,Ihope,candoubtmywishto seethemandallmankindexercisingself-government,andcapable ofexercisingit.Butthequestionisnotwhatwewish,butwhatis practicable?Astheirsincerefriendandbrotherthen,Idobelieve thebestthingforthem,wouldbeforthemselvestocometoanaccordwithSpain,undertheguaranteeofFrance,Russia,Holland, andtheUnitedStates,allowingtoSpainanominalsupremacy,with authorityonlytokeepthepeaceamongthem,leavingthemotherwiseallthepowersofself-government,untiltheirexperiencein them,theiremancipationfromtheirpriests,andadvancementininformation,shallpreparethemforcompleteindependence.6
SpaniShameriCaandtheliberaltradition TheimportationofliberalconstitutionalismintoSpanishAmericahas beentheobjectofmuchpoliticalandscholarlydebate.Muchofthediscussionhasfocusedontheperformanceofinstitutions.AsCharlesHale asserts: Second President of the United States, comp. Charles Francis Adams, 10 vols. (Boston: Little,Brown,1856),vol.10,pp.143–45.ThekeyreasonforAdams’sskepticismregardingthepossibilitiesofdemocracyinSouthAmericawasthedeleteriousconsequencesof religiousintolerance.“They[thepeopleofSouthAmerica]believesalvationtobeconfinedtothemselvesandtheSpaniardsinEurope.Theycanscarcelyallowittothepope andhisItalians,certainlynottotheFrench;andastoEngland,EnglishAmerica,and allotherProtestantnations,nothingcouldbeexpectedorhopedforanyofthem,buta fearfullookingforofeternalandunquenchableflamesoffireandbrimstone.”Ibid. 6.ThomasJeffersontothemarquisdeLafayette,inJefferson,Writings,pp.1408–9.
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Muchoftheskepticismabouttheliberalexperiencehasfocusedon constitutionalism—theefforttoguaranteeindividuallibertyand limitcentralauthoritybythelegalpreceptsofawrittencode.The strivingsofliberallegislatorstoestablishseparationofpowers,federalism,municipalautonomy,andevenattimesparliamentarysupremacyorapluralexecutivetypifythedivergencebetweenideals andrealityandbetweenliberalinstitutionalformsandpolitical practicethatisthehallmarkofLatinAmericanpolitics.7 As a result, Latin America was excluded from the liberal experiencebymanyscholars.Liberalism,theycontend,wasonlyadisguise fortraditionalpractices.Oneofthesupportersofthisviewarguesthat “eighteenth-centurypoliticalliberalismwasalmostuniformlyandoverwhelminglyrejectedbySpanishAmerica’sfirststatesmen.”8TheseauthorsassertthatliberalismwasapoliticaltraditionalientotheSpanishAmericannations.TheBritishscholarCecilJaneidentifiedseveral contradictionswithinSpanishculture.Spaniardswereidealisticextremistswhosoughtbothorderandindividuallibertyinsuchperfectforms thatpoliticswentfromoneextreme(despotism)totheother(anarchy) ratherthan“findingstabilityinconstitutionalcompromisebetweenthe twocontendingprinciples.”9Conservativesinpowercarriedthe“pursuit of order” to such an extreme as to provoke a violent reaction in behalf of liberty. Likewise, when liberals enacted “standard western liberalprotections oftheindividual,” SpanishAmericansdidnotuse theselibertieswiththeresponsibilityexpectedbythe“Englishmenwho haddevelopedtheseliberties,butrathercarriedthemtotheextremeof anarchy.”10 RichardMorsefindsthekeytounderstandingSpanishAmericain 7.Hale,“TheReconstruction,”p.55. 8.GlenDealy,“ProlegomenaontheSpanishAmericanPoliticalTradition,”Hispanic American Review48(February1968):43. 9.LionelCecilJane,Liberty and Despotism in Spanish America(Oxford:Clarendon Press,1929).IfollowthecriticalreviewofculturalapproachesofSafford.SeeFrank Safford, “Politics, Ideology, and Society in Post-Independence Spanish America,” in LeslieBethell,ed.,The Cambridge History of Latin America(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1995),vol.3,pp.414–17. 10.Ibid.
introduCtion : xiii
the Spanish patrimonial state.11 The state was embodied in the patrimonialpoweroftheking,whowasthesourceofallpatronageandthe ultimatearbiterofalldisputes.Withoutthepresenceofthekingthe system collapsed. According to Morse, Spanish American leaders in thenineteenthcenturywereconstantlytryingtoreconstructthepatrimonialauthorityoftheSpanishcrown.OnefactorobstructingthereconstructionofauthorityalongtraditionalSpanishlines,Morseargues, wasthemeddlingofWesternconstitutionalideas.Anglo-Frenchliberal constitutionalism—withitsemphasisontheruleoflaw,theseparation ofpowers,constitutionalchecksonauthority,andtheefficacyofelections—stoodasacontradictiontothosetraditionalattitudesandmodes of behavior that lived in the marrow of Spanish Americans. Because liberalconstitutionalismwasilladaptedtotraditionalSpanishAmericanculture,“attemptstoerectandmaintainstatesaccordingtoliberal principlesinvariablyfailed.”Theauthorityofimportedliberalconstitutionalideas,whileinsufficienttoprovideaviablealternativetothetraditionalpoliticalmodel,wasoftensufficienttounderminethelegitimacy ofgovernmentsoperatingaccordingtothetraditionalmodel. Theseinterpretationsarewantinginseveralrespects.Foronething, theytreatcultureinanexcessivelystaticmanner;andwhileitistrue thatliberalconstitutionalideasinSpanishAmericafailedtogainthe hegemonythattheyenjoyedinotherpartsoftheworld,theydidhavea significanteffectonmodesofpoliticalthoughtandbecameatleastpartiallyincorporatedintothepoliticalrules.12 Never before were liberal constitutional procedures applied in so many places at the same time as in the first thirty years of the nineteenthcentury.Toassumethatthisfactsaysnothingaboutliberalconstitutionalismismyopicatbest.Untilveryrecently,scholarshadrefused todrawanylessonsfromtheLatinAmericanliberalexperiment.While itistruethatmanyliberalprinciplesflewinthefaceofSpanishpoliti 11.SeeRichardMorse,“TowardaTheoryofSpanishAmericanGovernment,”Journal of the History of Ideas15(1954):71–93;Morse,“TheHeritageofLatinAmerica,”in LouisHartz,ed.,The Founding of New Societies: Studies in the History of the United States, Latin America, South Africa, Canada, and Australia(NewYork:Harcourt,Brace&World, 1964);andMorse,Soundings of the New World: Culture and Ideology in the Americas(Baltimore:JohnsHopkinsUniversityPress,1989). 12.Safford,“Politics,Ideology,andSociety,”pp.416–17.
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caltraditionsandtherealitiesofSpanishAmericaatthetime,historians havenotseizedtheopportunitytoseeSpanishAmericaasthelaboratorywhereliberaltheorieswereputtothetest.Untilthen,liberalshad little empirical evidence to support their claims of universal applicability;thehistoricalrecordwasinconclusiveatbest.13WhywastheevidencefromSpanishAmericadisregardedbyliberalpundits?Embedded inthecentralpropositionsofliberalism,JoyceApplebycontends,“was thestoryofitsowntriumph,butitwasapeculiarlyahistoricalone.”14 Theideaofprogresshelpstoexplainwhy,intheeyesofpastandpresent liberals,thefailureofliberalisminSpanishAmericawasdismissedso easily.“Shiningthroughthedarknessthatwasthepast,”Applebyasserts, “wereliberaltriumphstoberecorded,examined,andcelebrated.The restofknownhistorywasuselesstoanenlightenedpresent,itsexistenceareproachtothehumanspiritsolongenshroudedinignorance.”15 SinceLatinAmericacouldnotbecelebratedasaliberaltriumphitwas repudiatedfromtheliberalpantheon. Yet,SpanishAmericaconstitutesthegreatpostrevolutionaryliberal constitutionalexperiment.Afterindependencealloftherevolutionary leadersmovedquicklytowriteconstitutions.AsFrankSaffordasserts, almostalloftheseconstitutions“proclaimedtheexistenceofinalienablenaturalrights(liberty,legalequality,security,property);manyprovided for freedom of the press and some attempted to establish jury trials.Almostallsoughttoprotecttheserightsthroughtheseparation ofpowersandbymakingtheexecutivebranchrelativelyweakerthan thelegislature.”16WithinthefirstfiveyearsofthemovementforindependenceinnorthernSouthAmericaapproximatelytwentyconstitutionsweredrawnupintheprovincesandcapitalsoftheoldviceroyalty of New Granada (present-day Ecuador, Colombia, Venezuela, and Panama).BythetimeAdamsvoicedhisskepticismaboutthepeopleof SouthAmerica,SpanishAmericahadalreadybeguntoexperimentwith 13.Eventheoretically,thegeneralapplicabilityoftheliberalconstitutionalmodel wasproblematic,asMontesquieu’ssmall-republictheoryevidenced. 14. Joyce Appleby, Liberalism and Republicanism in the Historical Imagination (Cambridge:HarvardUniversityPress,1992),p.8. 15.Ibid. 16.Safford,“Politics,Ideology,andSociety,”p.358.
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theinstitutionsofrepresentativegovernment,andhighlycompetitive electionshadtakenplaceinNewSpainin1812.Recenthistoricalstudies oncomparativeelectionsintheearlynineteenthcenturyshowthatone of the peculiarities of Spanish America was the precocious adoption of modern forms of representation and universal suffrage when votingrestrictionswerepredominantinEurope.Studiessuchasthoseof RichardWarrenonpopularparticipationinearlyelectionsinMexico show that the selection of representatives by universal suffrage often had an impact on popular participation that challenges the usual depictionofelectionsasanexclusiveandeliteaffair.Indeed,asbothJosé MaríaLuisMoraandLucasAlamánargueinthisbook,oneoftheirkey politicalproposalsinthe1830swastolimitbroadpopularparticipation inelectionsbyrestrictingthevotetopropertyholders.Moreover,even incountrieswhereformalrestrictionsforvotingapplied,electionsstill hadasignificanteffectontheprocessofdemocratization.17 The“liberalconstitutionalmoment”denotesthemoment,andthe manner,inwhichliberalconstitutionalismmadeitsappearanceinthe Hispanicworldatthedawnofthenineteenthcentury.18InSpainitcan betracedbackto1808.InRiodelaPlata,NewGranada,andVenezuela themomentfellbetween1810and1827;inBoliviaitwasconcentratedin the1820s;andinMexicoandGuatemalaitspeakoccurredbetween1820 and1830.19AsFrankSaffordstates,this“reformistburst”wasfollowed almosteverywherebyaperiodofpessimismandconservatism. OneofthemainweaknessesoftheintellectualhistoryoftheIberian worldhasbeenitsisolationism.HistoriansofSpanishAmerica,Anthony Pagden asserts, “generally study Spanish America as if neither New FrancenortheThirteenColonieshadeverexisted.”Afterall,America beganasEuropetransplanted:“Theintellectualhistoryofitsearlyde 17.See,particularly,RichardWarren,“ElectionsandPopularPoliticalParticipation inMexico,1808–1836,”inVincentC.PelosoandBarbaraA.Tenenbaum,eds.,Liberals, Politics, and Power(Athens:UniversityofGeorgiaPress,1996),pp.30–59. 18.OntherootsofSpanishliberalism,seeRobertoBreña,El primer liberalismo hispánico y los procesos de emancipación de América 1808–1824(Mexico:ElColegiodeMéxico, 2006). 19.ThisperiodizationcorrespondstoSafford’sphaseofinitialreforminSpanish America.SeeSafford,“Politics,Ideology,andSociety,”p.353.
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velopmentisahistoryoftransmission,andreinterpretation,ahistoryof howtraditionalEuropeanargumentsfromclassictextswereadaptedto meetthechallengesofnewandunforeseencircumstances.”20 Oneofthepeculiaritiesoftheliberalconstitutionalmomentinthe Hispanicworldisthattheswayofliberalideaswas,forthemostpart, uncontested.21Absolutismwasmoreapracticethananideology.Moreover,theBourbonabsolutismthatprecededtheliberalrevolutionsin Spainanditscolonieswasanenlighteneddespotism.Therewasacontinuitybetweenabsolutistreformandliberalrevolution:aconfidencein thepowerofreasontoordersociety.Moreover,liberalismfoundinSpain nativesupportinthetheoreticalwritingsofGasparMelchordeJovellanosandofschoolmanFranciscoSuárez.22ForSpanishliberals,however, the “enlightened” character of the monarchy ceased when Charles IV 20.AnthonyPagden,The Uncertainties of Empire: Essays in Iberian and Ibero-American Intellectual History(GreatYarmouth:Variorum,1994),p.x. 21.AccordingtoGuerra,inMexicotheliberalvictorywascomplete.François-Xavier Guerra,Mexico: Del antiguo régimen a la revolución(Mexico:FondodeCulturaEconómica,1991),vol.1,p.184. 22. Jovellanos was the “major intellectual figure” in Spain from 1780 to 1810. See GasparMelchordeJovellanos,Obras,2vols.(Madrid:Atlas,1951–52).OnJovellanos’sargumentsregardingtheancientconstitutionofSpain,propertyrights,andeducation,see CharlesA.Hale,El liberalismo mexicano en la época de Mora, 1821–1853(Mexico:SigloXXI, 1972),pp.66–73.SeealsoJohnR.Polt,Jovellanos and His English Sources(Philadelphia: AmericanPhilosophicalSociety,1964).Intheseventeenthcentury,theJesuitFrancisco Suárezwasoftheopinionthatamonarchy—orrule“byonehead”—affordedthebest formofpoliticalgovernment.Yet,thesourceoftheking’spowerwasanactoftransfer onthepartofthecommunityasawhole,expressiveofits“ownconsent.”Intransferring itspowertoamonarch,acommunitydidnotdeliveritselfinto“despoticservitude.”The transferwasmade“underobligation,theconditionunderwhichthefirstkingreceived thekingdomfromthecommunity.”Themonarchshouldrule“politically.”Onewho ruledotherwiseruledtyrannically.Inextremecircumstancessucharulermightlawfullybedeposed.SeeFranciscoSuárez,Tractatus de Legibus ac Deo Legislatore(Madrid: ConsejoSuperiordeInvestigacionesCientíficas,1971–81).BesideshisTractatus de Legibus(1610),Suárez’sotherinfluentialworksincludeDefensio Fidei Catholicae et Apostolicae Adversus Anglicanae Sectae Errores(1613)andOpus de Triplici Virtute Theologico: Fide, Spe, et Charitate(1621).SeealsoJ.H.Burns,ed.,The Cambridge History of Political Thought, 1450–1700(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1991),pp.292–97.
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andhisfavoriteminister,Godoy,showedclearsignsofpoliticalincompetence.23 Severaldevelopmentspreparedthegroundfortheuncontestedpredominance of liberalism in the early nineteenth century. First, there wasnoclassicalrepublicantraditiontodisputethefield;Spainhadno equivalent of James Harrington. As the fifteenth-century debate between Leonardo Bruni and Alonso de Cartagena over the merits of Bruni’s translation of the Ethics showed, the Italians saw Aristotle as anauthorwhosetextshadsomeliteraryandphilosophicalmerit,while theSpaniardsregardedhimmerelyas“anexponentofnaturalvirtue.”24 AlthoughtheimpactofhumanistAristotelianismwasfeltinSpainat aboutthesametimeasitwasinItaly,bytheendofthesixteenthcentury Spainhadreachedthebrink“ofthatdesperateobscurantismsocharacteristicoftheseventeenthandeighteenthcenturies.”25WhenFlorentine politicalthoughtwasflourishinginItaly,theSchoolofSalamancawas insteaddevotedtonewscholasticismandspeculativethought. The other historical development that proved crucial for Spanish liberalismwastheFrenchRevolution.Hispanicrevolutionarieswould havetoperformtwodifferenttasksatthesametime:ontheonehand, to make the revolution, on the other, to avoid following the steps of France.26Theterms“liberalism”and“liberal”werecoinedbytheSpanishCortesGenerales27inCádizwhiledraftingthe1812Constitution.28 23.François-XavierGuerra,Modernidad e independencias: Ensayos sobre las revoluciones hispánicas(Mexico:FondodeCulturaEconómica/mapfre,1992),pp.26–27. 24.AnthonyPagden,“TheDiffusionofAristotle’sMoralPhilosophyinSpain,ca. 1400–ca.1600,”inUncertainties of Empire,p.305.SeealsoAnthonyPagden,Spanish Imperalism and the Political Imagination: Studies in European and Spanish-American Social and Political Theory 1513–1830(NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress,1990). 25.Pagden,Uncertainties of Empire,p.312. 26.Guerra,Modernidad e independencias,p.251. 27.ThecorteswerethelegislaturesinSpain. 28.FortheSpanishoriginoftheterm“liberal,”seeVicenteLlorens,“Sobrelaaparicióndeliberal,”inLiteratura, Historia, Política(Madrid:n.p.,1967).“Liberal,”asapoliticallabel,J.G.Merquiorasserts,“wasbornintheSpanishCortesof1810,aparliament thatwasrebellingagainstabsolutism.”J.G.Merquior,Liberalism Old and New(Boston: Twayne,1991),p.2.ClaudioVélizasserts:“Itisfairtoaddthatits[theterm“liberal”] internationalcareerwasactuallylaunchedbythepoetRobertSouthey,whoin1816,
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TorecasttheSpanishAmericanrevolutionsasconstitutiveelementsof theliberalexperienceitisnecessarytoassesstheeffectivenessoftheinstitutionalstrategiesdesignedtolimitthepowerofabsolutesovereigns inlargestatesthatarefoundatthecoreofthemodernliberalrepublic.29 BeforetheAmericanRevolutiontherewasnohistoricalprecedentto predictwheretheapplicationoftheideasoftheEnlightenmentwould lead.AbstractthinkingwasmuchmoreimportantintheAmericanand French cases than in the Iberian world. Furthermore, the impact of theFrenchRevolutiononSpanisheliteswasmainlynegative.Spanish Americanrevolutionariesknew,fromtheFrenchexperience,wherethe revolutionarylogiccouldlead.30Thesefearswerenotwithoutfoundation:alargepopulationofthesecountriesconsistedofoppressedIndians.TheslaverevoltofSantoDomingoremindedthemofthedangers ofasocialrevolution.Thus,thereactionaryatmosphereofEurope“both reinforcedthesefearsandalsosubjectedSpanishAmericanleadersto moreconservativeideologicalinfluencesthantheyhadknownbefore 1815.”31 ThemostsingulartraitoftheSpanishAmericanrevolutionsisthe absenceofbothmodernpopular mobilization andJacobinism.32This assertion runs counter to a long-established tradition that considers theSpanishAmericanrevolutionsastheideologicalheirsofthe1789 revolution.33The“decisive”influenceofRousseauoverSpanishAmeriusedtheSpanishformasascornfulepithetaddressedtotheBritishWhigswhomhe describedas‘Britishliberales’inanobviousreferencetotheSpanishpoliticalfactionresponsibleforthedisorderlyandultimatelyunsuccessfulreformsinitiatedbythecortes ofCádizin1812.”ClaudioVéliz,The New World of the Gothic Fox: Culture and Economy in English and Spanish America(Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1994),p.130. 29.AsBiancamariaFontanaasserts,theaccentoftheliberalrepublicwasnotsomuch onhereditarygovernmentason“thelimited,moderatecharacterofthepowerthatany governmentshouldbeallowedtoexercise.”BiancamariaFontana,“Introduction:The InventionoftheModernRepublic,”inBiancamariaFontana,ed.,The Invention of the Modern Republic(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1994),pp.1–5. 30.Guerra,Modernidad e independencias,p.35. 31.Safford,“Politics,Ideology,andSociety,”p.359. 32.Terrorwouldprecludeterrorfromhappeningintheensuingrevolutions.Guerra, Modernidad e independencias,p.36. 33.SeeJoséMiranda,Las ideas y las instituciones políticas mexicanas(MexicoCity:Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 1952); Solange Alberro, Alicia Hernández,
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cansis,formanyhistorians,anuncontestedfact.Yet,thisinterpretationmissesoneofthemostdistinctivefeaturesoftheSpanishAmerican revolutions.ParaphrasingJ.G.A.Pocock,theSpanishAmericanrevolutionscanbeseenlessasthelastpoliticalactofJacobinradicalismthanas thefirstpoliticalactofmodernliberalism.NotRousseaubutBenjamin ConstantwouldprovetobethemostrelevantinfluenceforSpaniards andSpanishAmericansintheearlynineteenthcentury.Theuniversal influenceofConstantinthe1820sand1830s,Saffordstates,“isonlyone indicationofthehegemonyofmoderateEuropeanconstitutionalideas among Spanish American intellectuals.”34 The influence of Constant isimportantbecausemodernliberalismowesmuchtohim.35Manyof Constant’sideas,particularlythosedevelopedinresponsetotheTerror anditsThermidorianaftermath(suchasthelimitednatureofpopular sovereignty,thefreedomofthepress,theinviolabilityofproperty,and therestrictionsuponthemilitary),becameincorporatedintotheliberaltheorythatstillinformsmanyoftheconstitutionsofdemocratic countriestoday. ConstantprovidedSpanishAmericanswithapracticalguidetoconandElíasTrabulse,eds.,La revolucíon francesa en México(MexicoCity:ElColegiode México, 1992); Leopoldo Zea, ed., América Latina ante la revolución francesa (Mexico City:UniversidadNacionalAutónomadeMéxico,1993);andJacquelineCovo,“Laidea delarevoluciónfrancesaenelcongresoconstituyentede1856–1857,”Historia Mexicana 38(July–September1988),69–79. 34.“[T]hethreeauthorsmostfrequentlyencounteredwereMontesquieu,Constant, andBentham.Rousseau,ofgreathelpinjustifyingtheestablishmentofrevolutionary governments between 1810 and 1815, was decreasingly relevant to Spanish American concernsafter1820.”Safford,“Politics,Ideology,andSociety,”p.367.SeealsoRicardo Levene,El mundo de las ideas y la revolución hispanoaméricana de 1810(Santiago:Editorial JurídicadeChile,1956),pp.179–218. 35.OnConstant,seeBenjaminConstant,Political Writings(Cambridge:Cambridge UniversityPress,1988);Constant,Principles of Politics Applicable to All Governments,trans. Dennis O’Keeffe, ed. Etienne Hofmann (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 2003); Guy H. Dodge,Benjamin Constant’s Philosophy of Liberalism: A Study in Politics and Religion(Chapel Hill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1980);StephenHolmes,Benjamin Constant and the Making of Modern Liberalism(NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress,1984);EtienneHofmann,Les “Principes de politique” de Benjamin Constant,2vols.(Geneva:Droz,1980);and MarcelGauchet,ed.,Benjamin Constant: De la liberté chez les modernes(Paris:LeLivrede Poche,1980).
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stitutionmaking.36Thepoliticalelitewasinterested,aboveall,inworks devotedtothepracticalartsofgovernmentratherthanin“abstracttheoreticaltreatisesonthefoundationofsovereignty”;thus,SpanishAmericansturnedtoConstant’sCurso de políticaforitsusefulnessinconstitution writing.37 Constant was also popular among Spanish readers, Haleasserts,becausetheyfoundthemselvesinasimilarcircumstance: JoséMaríaLuisMoraandotherliberalsfacedrevolutionandarbitrary power,justasConstantdidin1815.Thereforetheysharedthelatter’s urgencyforestablishingsafeguardsforindividualliberty,anurgency that“wasnotfeltintheAnglo-Saxonworld.”38 Despite the decades of factional struggle and cyclical outbursts of dictatorshipthatfollowedindependenceinmanyLatinAmericancountries,thesearchforaconstitutionandthereformoftheoldorderwere themainmotivationsbehindthedifferentgroupsindispute.Lateron, asmostcountriesenteredaphaseofincreasingpoliticalstabilitybythe mid-nineteenth century, the observance of constitutional norms and liberalvalueswasalsoessentialtounderstandcrucialconflictsamong thepoliticalelite.
libertyandliberaliSminmexiCo As political practice strayed from ideal, Mexican historians and politicians sought to reaffirm the country’s liberal past. Many books and articleshaveattemptedtoshowthatliberalismwasatthecoreofthe founding of the republic in spite of authoritarian practices.39 Liberal theorieshadtocontendwithtraditionalideasandpractices,suchasthe commonnegotiationamongactorsovertheenforcementoflaws,aswell aslong-establishedpatron-clientrelations.Foryears,historiansdebated 36.TranslationsofConstantwerereadilyavailabletoSpanish-speakingreaders.The standardtranslationwasBenjaminConstant,Curso de política constitucional,trans.MarcialAntonioLópez(Madrid:ImprentadelaCompañía,1820).Inhistranslation,López suppressedthepartofthebookdevotedtoreligioustolerance.HeclaimedthattolerancewasirrelevanttoSpanishAmericansbecausetheonlyreligionpracticedtherewas RomanCatholicism. 37.Safford,“Politics,Ideology,andSociety,”p.367. 38.Hale,Liberalismo mexicano,p.72. 39.This scholarship is epitomized byJesús Reyes Heroles, El liberalismo mexicano, 3vols.(Mexico:FondodeCulturaEconómica,1988).
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whether modernity had lost to tradition or vice versa. Daniel Cosío Villegas,inhiswell-knownHistoria moderna de México(1955),claimed thatpoliticalpracticeaftertheReformaandtheRepúblicaRestaurada (theeraofliberaldominanceinthenineteenthcentury)had“betrayed” thepoliticalconstitutionofthecountry.40JesúsReyesHeroles,onthe contrary,proposedthatliberalismhadbeensuccessfulinestablishing analliancebetweenthemiddleclassesandthelowerstrataofthepopulation.WhereasCosíoVillegasfocusedonthesecondhalfofthenineteenthcentury,ReyesHeroles’soptimismwasgroundedinananalysis ofthefirstdecadesafterindependence. IncontemporaryMexico,nineteenth-centuryliberalismisnotjusta historicalphenomenon.Itis,asCharlesHalestates,anideologicallandmark.Thepoliticalrelevanceofliberalismhasoftenobstructedsound historicalresearch.41Nationalhistories,asApplebyrecognizes,reston avolatilemixtureofthemoralandtheinstrumental.Becausethey“aim toestablishorderthroughsharedsentiments,theyseekconsensus,but becausetheypartakeinscholarlytraditionsinimicabletopropaganda, theyencouragecriticalreasoning.”42Untilthelate1960s,thehistoriographyonliberalismreflectedmorethefirsttraitthanthesecond.Reyes Heroles,astatesman,wasfarfromadetachedscholar.43Hisinterpretationofliberalismwasinevitablypartisan. ThedebateonliberalisminMexicocentersonthepotencyascribed toinheritedintellectualtraditions.Liberalhistorians,followingthelead ofCosíoVillegas,haveconstructedanidealpictureoflate-nineteenth- centuryMexico(1867–76).Underliberalrule,theycontend,thecountryenjoyedunparalleledliberty,andindividualrightsflourishedasthey hadneverbefore—orsince.Inordertoestablishtheruleoflaw,the countrymustlookbacktoitsliberalpast,thesehistoriansclaim.This use of history by liberal intellectuals has been challenged. François- 40. Daniel Cosío Villegas, Historia moderna de México, 7 vols. (Mexico: Editorial Hermes,1955);andCosíoVillagas,La Constitución de 1857 y sus críticos(Mexico:EditorialHermes,1957). 41.CharlesA.Hale,“Losmitospolíticosdelanaciónmexicana:Elliberalismoyla revolución,”Historia Mexicana46,no.4(April–June1997),p.830. 42.Appleby,Liberalism and Republicanism,p.31. 43.JesúsReyesHeroleswasministerofeducationaswellaspresidentoftheruling partyinMexico,thepri,inthe1960sand1970s.
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XavierGuerra, Laurens Ballard Perry,andFernando Escalante assert thatthehistoricalrecorddoesnotsupporttherosypictureportrayedby CosíoVillegasandothersympathetichistoriansoftheRestoredRepublic.44EchoingMorse,thesethreescholarsclaimthatliberalinstitutions presupposedtheexistenceofabodyofcitizens.InMexicothesewere absentfromthepoliticalscene:therelevantactorswerenotindividualsbutthecorporations,thearmy,andtheChurchaswellastheIndian communities.Traditionalpracticessuperimposedliberalforms.EscalantecharacterizedliberalcitizensinMexicoas“imaginarycitizens,”45 butotherscholarshavenotgivenuptheefforttoestablishhistorically therootsoflimitedandconstitutionalgovernmentinMexico.46 Against the nationalistic “official” history Charles Hale provides a moreobjectiveoverallviewofliberalisminMexico.Hisworkstillis 44.François-XavierGuerra,México: Del antiguo régimen a la revolución,2vols.(Mexico: FondodeCulturaEconómica,1991);LaurensBallardPerry,Juárez and Díaz: Machine Politics in Mexico(DeKalb:NorthernIllinoisUniversityPress,1978);andFernandoEscalante,Ciudadanos imaginarios(Mexico:ElColegiodeMéxico,1993). 45.Escalante,Ciudadanos imaginarios,pp.13–20.Forasurveyonthecurrentliterature onliberalisminMexico,seeAlfredoÁvila,“Liberalismosdecimonónicos:delahistoriadelasideasalahistoriaculturaleintelectual,”inGuillermoPalacios,coord.,Ensayos sobre la nueva historia política de América Latina(Mexico:ElColegiodeMéxico,2007),pp. 117–18. 46.Oneofthemostinterestingdevelopmentsintheliteratureofnineteenth-century liberalismistheinterpretationofhowliberalinnovationsinteractedwithtraditional politicalstructures.Perhapsliberalinstitutionsdidnotworkastheywereexpectedto, buttheycertainlychangedthepoliticalscenarioofthetime.Forinstance,bymandating theformationofmunicipalitiesinterritoriescontainingmorethanonethousandpersons,theliberalSpanishCádizConstitutionchangedradicallythetraditionalstructure ofrepresentationinSpanishAmerica.Avastconstellationoftownshipswascreatedby thisliberalreform.Afterindependence,nationalleadershadtocontendwithalarge numberofnewlycreatedmunicipalgovernmentsthathadbeenorganizedduringthe lastyearsofSpanishruleandwerereluctanttocedetheirpowertoanationalstate.See AntonioAnnino,“ElJanobifrontemexicano:unaaproximacióntentativa,”inAntonio AnninoandRaymondBuve,eds.,El liberalismo en México(Amsterdam:Asociaciónde HistoriadoresLatinoamericanistasEuropeos,1993),pp.184–85.Onrepresentation,see François-XavierGuerra,“TheSpanish-AmericanTraditionofRepresentationandIts EuropeanRoots,”Journal of Latin American Studies26(1994):1–35.Morerecently,see AlfredoÁvila,En nombre de la nación: La formación del gobierno representativo en México (Mexico:Cide/Taurus,1999).
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thebestandmostauthoritativeaccountonthesubject.47PriortoHale’s work,littlecomparativeresearchhadbeenundertaken.48Haleargued that constitutionalisminMexicotooktwoforms,thedoctrinaireand thehistoricalortraditional.Thedoctrinairetendencyreflecteda beliefthatrigidadherencetoorimpositionofthepreceptsofthe writtendocument,howevergeneralorabstract,couldguarantee therealizationofconstitutionalorder.Doctrinaireconstitutionalistsoftentookaradicalanddemocraticpoliticalstand,believingit wasnecessarytochangesocietytoconformtotheconstitution.Historicalortraditionalconstitutionalists,arguingthataconstitution shouldreflectsocialandhistoricalreality,triedtochangeprecepts theyfoundabstractandunrealizableinMexico.Theytendedtobe politicallymoderateorconservativeandsociallyelitist;historical constitutionalistscalledfor“stronggovernment,”atthesametime resistingpersonalpresidentialpower.Historicalconstitutionalism inMexicodrewitsinspirationfromacurrentofFrenchpolitical thoughtthathaditsoriginsinMontesquieuandwasputforthin thenineteenthcenturybyBenjaminConstant,AlexisdeTocqueville,andEdouarddeLaboulaye.Frenchconstitutionalistsidealized Anglo-Americaninstitutionsandmadetheirpointofdeparturea critiqueoftheFrenchRevolutionandtheegalitarianrevolutionary tradition.49 47.Hale’sthreemainworksareMexican Liberalism in the Age of Mora, 1821–1853(New Haven:YaleUniversityPress,1968)[ThereferencesarefromtheSpanishtranslation: CharlesA.Hale,El liberalismo mexicano en la época de Mora(Mexico:SigloXXI,1972)]; The Transformation of Liberalism in Late Nineteenth-Century Mexico(Princeton:Princeton UniversityPress,1989);andEmilio Rabasa and the Survival of Porfirian Liberalism(Stanford:StanfordUniversityPress,2008). 48.AshortarticlecomparingMexicanandEuropeanliberalismswaspublishedin 1959:JoséMiranda,“Elliberalismomexicanoyelliberalismoeuropeo,”Historia Mexicana8(1959):512–23. 49.AsHalefurtherdevelops:“Bythemid-nineteenthcenturyFrenchhistoricalconstitutionalism was also receiving major influence from the German historical school oflaw,whosekeyfigurewasFredericCharlesdeSavigny.Savigny’shighlyinfluential manifestoof1814rejectedthetendencytowardFrench-inspiredlegalcodificationin Germanyandposited‘thespiritofthenation’astheonlysourceforalllaw.Edouard
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After1857,theprincipaldebatesbetweendoctrinaireandhistorical constitutionalistsinMexico focusedonthedemocraticandegalitarianprovisionsoftheConstitutionof1857—therightsofman,universalmalesuffrage,asingle chamberlegislature,parliamentarygovernment,aweakenedexecutive,andpopularelectionofjudges.Thedebatesemergedfirst in1878whenhistoricalconstitutionalists,ledbyJustoSierraand hiscolleaguesinthenewspaperLa Libertad,attackedthe“dogma ofequality”thatpermeatedtheConstitutionandcalledforconservativereforms.Theydidsointhenameof“scientificpolitics,” sincebythe1870sthenewscientificphilosophyofpositivismhad meldedwithhistoricalconstitutionalism.Theycalledthemselves “new”or“conservative”liberalsasopposedto“old”liberals,such asJoséMaríaVigilandIgnacioM.Altamirano,doctrinaireconstitutionalistswhodefendedthedemocraticandegalitarianprovisions ofthe1857document.Thedebateresurfacedin1893overaneffort bythehistoricalconstitutionalists,againledbyJustoSierra,toreformtheConstitutiontomakejudgesirremovable,insteadofbeing popularlyandperiodicallyelected,andthussubjecttopoliticalmanipulation.ThemeasurewasdesignedtolimittheincreasinglypersonalpowerofPresidentPorfirioDíaz.Theywereagainopposedby doctrinairedefendersofthepureConstitution(whodidnotnecessarilysupportthepersonalpowerofDíaz).Inthecourseofthe debatethehistoricalconstitutionalists,oradvocatesofscientific politics,cametobelabeled“científicos”andthedoctrinaireconstitutionalists“Jacobins,”labelsthatbecameembeddedinthepolitical rhetoricofthenextthirtyyears.50
deLaboulaye, whowroteanappreciation ofSavigny in1842, wasto become animportantguideforMexicanhistoricalconstitutionalistsofthelaternineteenthcentury.” CharlesA.Hale,“TheCivilLawTraditionandConstitutionalisminTwentieth-Century Mexico:TheLegacyofEmilioRabasa,”Law and History Review18,no.2(2000),4–7. 50.Ibid.AccordingtoHale,“thenineteenth-centurycurrentofhistoricalconstitutionalism,infusedwithscientificpoliticsorpositivism,wasperpetuatedafter1906by thejuristandhistorianEmilioRabasa,alatter-daycientífico.”
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AsHaleasserts,themajorenterpriseofpoliticalliberalisminMexico duringthefirsttenyearsafterindependencewastheconstructionof a constitutional system. Mexico experienced in the 1820s what Reyes Herolestermeda“constitutionaleuphoria.”Theconstitutionbecamea fetish,amagicalobjectthatwouldsolveallthesocialandpoliticalillsof thecountry.Inaway,thisfaithinwrittenconstitutionswasnew.The constitutionwasnotconsideredasthesafeguardofanancientformof government(asthemixedconstitutionthatpreservedlibertybysecuringaproperequilibriumamongtheone,thefew,andthemany).Itreflectednottheancientconstitutionbutawholenewsetofmaximsand principlesthatwouldcreateafreecivilstate.Theconstitutionwasthus aninstrumentofthefuture,notofthepast.Inthemidstofthis“euphoria”somewritersrecommended“prudence”andarguedthatreformers shouldconsiderthe“character”andtheparticular“needs”ofthepeople. One pamphleteer argued that “it is undeniable that the safety of the peopleisthefirstlawofsocieties,evenpriortothebestmeditatedconstitutionandevenolderthansocietyitself.”51 MexicanliberalsfollowedtheFrenchmodelregardingastrictseparationofpowers.TheAmericansystemofchecksandbalanceswaslittle known in Mexico when the first charters were drawn. The Federalist Paperswasnottranslatedorpublisheduntil1829.52ItisthusnotsurprisingthatMora,theleadingliberalfigureofthetime,discoveredthatthe “law”didnotprovideforadequateboundariestothelegislativebranch. That“defect”wasresponsible,inhiseyes,forallthe“woessufferedby the peoples of Europe” who had adopted a representative system. In supportofhisideasMoracitedtheexamplesofRomeaswellasthose oftheFrenchandSpanishrevolutions.Yet,whenassessingthelackof effectiverestraintsonlegislativeinvasion,Morafailedtoacknowledge thatthiswasadeficiencyofaparticularconstitutionalmodel,notofthe constitutionalmodelitself.Theweaknessoftheexecutiveunderasystemofstrictandfunctionalseparationwouldbecomeoneofthekey 51.JuanWenceslaoBarquera,La balanza de Astrea(Mexico,1820).Barquera,alocal representativefromQuerétaro,arguedthatcautionshouldbethefundamentalruleof theliberalmarch.CitedbyReyesHeroles,Liberalismo mexicano,1:61. 52.Ibid.,pp.200–203.In1829theliberalnewspaperEl Atletatranslatedselectionsof theFederalist Papers.ReyesHeroles,Liberalismo mexicano,vol.3,p.345.
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issuesinMexicoduringthenineteenthcentury.Thisdevelopmentwas seenasafailureof“liberalconstitutionalism,”notastheshortcomingof aspecificversionofit.53 In1857theliberalfactiondraftedanewconstitution.Althoughitfollowedthegeneraltenetsofliberalconstitutionalism,theConstitution of1857wasanoriginalcreation.Themixbetweenastrongparliament andapresidentialofficefollowedthemodeloftheFrenchconstitution of1848,buttheunicameralorganizationofthelegislatureinthecontext ofafederalstatebrokewiththemodelsadoptedbythevastmajorityof theconstitutionsatthetime.Innovationsalsoincludedthejuicio de amparo,aformofjudicialreview,andtheinclusionofemergencypowers, whichpreviousconstitutionsinMexicoomitted.Theprovisionsofthe constitution were designed to copewith specific political conditions: justasemergencypowerswereneededtodealwithchronicpoliticalinstability,theunicameralCongresswasintendedasasafeguardagainst thepreviousexperienceofexecutivedespotism.Thesewereperceived notastheoreticalbutastailor-madesolutionstorealproblems. Acentralaspirationofthenewconstitutionwastheeliminationof thetraditionalsocialorder,whichforMexicanliberalshaditscenter inthecorporaterightsandspecialjurisdictions( fueros)ofthemilitary, the Catholic Church, economic guilds, and Indian communities. The mostpowerfulofthesecorporations,particularlythemilitaryandthe Church,soonbecamealliesintheviolentoffensiveinitiatedbytheconservativeopposition.Shortlyaftertheenactmentofthecharter,thefoes oftheliberalregimeissuedthePlanTacubayain1858.Forthreeyears, fromJanuary1858untilJanuary1861,liberalsandconservativeskilled each other with unprecedented ferocity. The Reform War (or Three Years’ War) ended when the conservatives were defeated in January 1861,yettheoppositionhadnotbeeneliminatedanditsmemberssought othermeanstodestroytheliberalregime.Theconservativesattempted toreestablishmonarchicalruleinMexico.Conservatives’pleasfoundan answerinEmperorNapoleonIIIofFrance,whowantedaLatinempire. Maximilian,anAustrianprince,madehimselfavailablefortheadventureandwasrecruitedbyMexicanmonarchists.Maximilian,however, hadlittlemoresuccessthanthedozensofcaudillosbeforehim.InOcto
53.JoséAntonioAguilarRivera,En pos de la quimera(Mexico:fCe,2000).
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ber1866,whenPrussiabecameathreattoFrance,Napoleonrecalled histroopsfromMexico.Withoutforeignmilitarysupport,theempire collapsed. Thefalloftheempireimpliedthecompletedefeatoftheconservativefactionand,inaway,theendoftheconservative-liberalcleavage inMexico.Thediscreditingofconservatives(blamedfortheiralliance withaforeignpower)inauguratedaneraofliberalhegemonyinwhich mostideologicalconflictswouldtakeplacewithinthegeneralframeworkoftheliberalproject.Theliberalreformbecameareality.Laws thathadbeenissuedduringtheReformWar,suchasthenationalization ofChurchproperty,separationofchurchandstate,secularizationof society,andtheforcedsaleofcorporateproperty,werenowbackedby alegitimategovernmentactinginthenameoftheConstitutionof1857. However, theexperience ofthecivil warandforeign intervention deeplyaffectedtheperceptionoftheliberaleliteabouttheinstitutions thatcouldfinallystabilizethecountry.TowardtheendoftheFrench interventionitbecameincreasinglycleartoMexicanliberalsthatthe strengtheningofpresidentialpowerwasanecessity.WhentheRepublic wasfinallyrestored,in1867,theproblemofpoliticalorderwasfarfrom settled.Politicalturmoilwaswidespread,andlocalbosses,roadbandits, kidnappers,andsmallgroupsofrebelschallengedtheauthorityofthe nationalgovernment. Atthedawnofthetwentiethcentury,EmilioRabasa,apoliticalhistorianandjurist,pointedoutthatbymakinggovernanceimpossible,the liberalConstitutionof1857hadcondemnedthecountrytoadefacto dictatorship.Notsurprisingly,Rabasa,unlikemanyothers,waswellacquaintedwithAnglo-Americanpoliticalthought.54Rabasaassertedthat duringthewar,between1863and1867,PresidentJuárezdefactore 54.EchoingMadison,Rabasaarguedthatitwasnot“sensibletopretendthatthe exerciseofextraordinaryvirtueswouldinitselfcorrectinstitutions,andtothinkatthe sametimethatthoseinstitutionswerewise,whentheydemandedfrompublicofficials superhumanqualities.”Headded,“sincethephysicalexistenceofgovernmentisincompatiblewiththeobservanceoftheconstitution,thesuperiorlawprevailedandtheconstitutionwassubordinatedtothesupremenecessityofsurvival.”Rabasaexplicitlycited Federalist47whenhedecriedtherejectionoftheexecutivevetobythe1856ConstitutionalAssembly.EmilioRabasa,La constitución y la dictadura: Estudio sobre la organización política de México(MexicoCity:EditorialPorrua,1956),pp.67,112,173–74.
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placedCongressbyappropriatingforhimselfthepowervestedinCongress to enact laws, and he de facto replaced the voice of the people byextendinghisterminofficewithoutapopularelection.Whilethe amountofpowerconcentratedinJuárez’shandshadbeenunsurpassed, heusedthatpowervigorouslyandsuccessfullytofulfillhishighpurposes.The1857constitution,Rabasaasserted,“hasneverbeenobserved because,haditbeen,itwouldhavemadethestabilityofgovernmentimpossible.” As Hale indicates,55 major political controversies during the long regimeofPorfirioDíazinMexico(1876–1910)reversedtheinterpretationandapplicationoftheConstitutionof1857.Whileafractionof theoldliberalelitesawinthecentralizationofpowerunderDíazasa betrayaloftheprinciplesoftheConstitutionof1857,“new,”or“conservative,”liberalsdefendedtheinstitutionalchangesoftheregimeasnecessarytosatisfythedemandsofpoliticalorderandeconomicprogress. Thefirsthalfofthetwentiethcenturywasnomoreauspiciousfor liberalisminMexicothanitwasinotherpartsoftheworld.Whilein other countries fascist and communist parties clashed against liberal parliamentary governments, in Mexico a revolutionary state existed thatwasneithersocialistnorliberal.Mexico’sregimeaftertherevolutionwaseclecticinideology.Itdidnotopposeelections,butpolitical legitimacywasnotgroundedonthem.Asingleanticlerical,populist, andcorporatistpartyruled.The1917Constitutionenactedbytherevolutionariesembracedbothindividualismandcollectivism.TheMexican regimewasnationalisticandsupportedtheinterventionofthestatein theeconomy.Throughtheyearsthegovernmentnationalizedimportant foreign-ownedindustrialassetssuchasoil.WhiletheMexicanregime sharedsometraitswithseveralideologies,itidentifieditselfwithnone. For these reasons, the Mexican Revolution was a powerful source of illiberalinspirationfortherestofLatinAmerica.Whilenineteenth- centuryliberalismbecameafoundingmythoftheofficialnationalhistory,liberalpractices andideaslanguishedduringthelongperiodof postrevolutionaryhegemonyinMexico(1929–2000).Sincethe1930sa fewlonelyvoiceshavevoicedliberalideasinanadverseideologicalen 55. Charles A. Hale, The Transformation of Liberalism In Late Nineteenth-Century Mexico(Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress,1989).
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vironment.Afeweconomistsandsomepoets,historians,andphilosophershavedefendedlibertyagainstitsmanyfoes.56 Thisbookpresentssixty-fouressaysandwritingsonlibertyandliberalismfromtheearlyrepublicanperiodtothelatetwentiethcentury bykeyauthors.Thefirstperiod(1820–40)comprisesthefoundingof theRepublicandtheearlyconstitutionalexperiments.ThemostimportantauthorsinthiscreativeandturbulentperiodwereJoséMaríaLuis Mora,LorenzodeZavala,ValentínGómezFarías,andLucasAlamán. Duringtheeraofliberalhegemony,inthesecondhalfofthecentury (1845–76),themostsignificantfiguresincludedMarianoOtero,IgnacioRamírez,FranciscoZarco,IgnacioManuelAltamirano,Guillermo Prieto,JoséMaríaLafragua,andBenitoJuárez.TheruleofPorfirioDíaz (1876–1912)providedlivelydebatesoverthenatureoftheliberallegacy. Asnotedabove,theauthorsmorerelevantforthisperiodwereJusto Sierra,JoséMaríaVigil,andEmilioRabasa.Importantauthorsduring thetwentiethcentury(1930–90)includeJorgeCuesta,AntonioCaso, andOctavioPaz. Unlessotherwisenoted,allfootnotesinthetextsarethoseoftheauthors. Tepoztlán,Mexico,January2010
56.Besidestheauthorsfeaturedinthisbook,aloneeconomistpreachedthegospel ofthefreemarketinthehostileenvironmentofthe1960sand1970s.SeeGustavoR. Velasco,“AProgramforaLiberalParty,”inFriedrichAugustvonHayek,Toward Liberty: Essays in Honor of Ludwig von Mises on the Occasion of His 90th Birthday, September 29, 1971,vol.1,ed.F.A.Hayek,HenryHazlitt,LeonardR.Read,GustavoVelasco,andF.A. Harper(MenloPark:InstituteforHumaneStudies,1971).
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Acknowledgments IwouldliketothankEmilioPachecoforhis intellectualencouragementandcontinuedcriticism. Severalpeoplemadethisbookpossible.LauraGoetz providedvaluableeditorialinsights.JanetM.Burke, ArizonaStateUniversity,andTedHumphrey,Arizona StateUniversity,werewonderfulcolleagues,andIwas fortunatetoworkwiththembecausetheyareamong theveryfewpersonsabletoproficientlytranslate complexlegalandpoliticaltextsfromthenineteenth century.Also,IamindebtedtoRobertoMostajo, FabiolaRamírez,andEstebanGonzálezfortheir invaluableassistanceincompiling,reviewing,and editingthisvolume. JoséAntonioAguilarRivera ProfessorofPoliticalStudies CentrodeInvestigaciónyDocenciaEconómicas (Cide) MexicoCity
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1
The Founding and Early Constitutional Experiments 1821–1840
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josé María luis Mora JoséMaríaLuisMora(1794–1850),theleadingliberalthinker during the first federal republic (1824–53), was ordained as a priestandreceivedadegreeintheology.Laterhestudiedlaw andbecamealawyer.HewasamemberoftheprovincialdeputationofMexicoandlaterwaselectedasadeputytotheconstituentcongressofthestateofMexico.Heparticipatedinthe makingofthestateconstitutionandinthedraftingofimportantlaws. Mora edited and published essays in newspapers such as Semanario Político y Literario, El Indicador,andEl Observador de la República Mexicana.Heplayedanimportantroleasanadviser duringthebriefGómezFaríasadministration(1833–34)when thegovernmentputinplacethefirstreformpoliciesagainstthe privilegesoftheCatholicChurch. Theessaysgatheredherewerepublishedasunsignednewspaperarticlesbetween1821and1830.WhileMora’spositions wereveryclosetothoseofBenjaminConstantatthebeginning ofhiscareer,helaterrealizedthatfightingtheprivilegesofthe Churchandthemilitaryrequiredanactivegovernment.Two oftheessays,“Discourse onPublicOpinionandtheGeneral Will”(Discursosobrelaopiniónpúblicayvoluntadgeneral) and“DiscourseontheNatureofFactions”(Discursosobrelos carácteresdelasfacciones),havebeenattributedtotheSpaniard AlbertoListabecausetheyhadappearedearlierintheSpanish dailyListaedited,El Espectador Sevillano.However,wedecided to include the essays because they received prominent placementinEl Observador,ofwhichMorawastheeditorandthe arbiterastowhattoincludeandwhere.Clearly,Morabelieved theessaysexpressedimportantideaswithwhichheagreedand ofwhichhisreadersshouldbeaware.Thatis,hegavetheessays hisimprimatur,eventothepointofallowingreaderstoassume thattheessaysexpressedhisownviews,inasmuchashedidnot 3
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attributethemtosomeoneelseorotherwisesuggestthatthey werenothisorthathedisagreedwiththem.Furthermore,the viewsthattheessaysexpressareintegraltoMora’soverallargumentonfactionsandontheproperconceptionofhowpublicpoliticalandsocialopinionistobeformedandbroughtto action. We present nine newspaper articles written between 1821 and1827.
1
Discourse on the Independence of the Mexican Empire
Thecustomamongcivilizedpeoples,inmakingsome substantialchangetotheirgovernment,hasbeentorevealandclarify beforeallothernationsthereasonsthatjustifythosechanges.Inasmuch assuchchangecannotbelimitedtotheinternaleffectsthatconstitutionalalterationsproduceinastate,andinasmuchassuchchangeisnecessarilyveryimportanttoforeignsocietiesbecauseoftheestablished relationshipsthatunitethepeoplesoftheworldandhavemoreorless influenceontheirprosperityordecline,therightofself-preservation indisputablyauthorizes those other societies toinform themselves of themotivesthatdrovetheirneighborstoestablishthenewconstitution andalsotoremovetheobstaclesthattheconstitutionmightposetotheir justaspirations. TheMexicanEmpire,uponenteringintotheenjoymentoftherights thatfalltoitasanindependentnation,couldnotfeignignoranceof an obligation or consideration so important. It therefore endeavored tomakecleartotheworld,throughexplanations andpublicdeclarations, the justifications that supported it in requesting and effecting itsindependencefromtheSpanishmonarchy.Tothisend,itsdeputies havepursuedindependencewithfirmnessandpersistenceinthecortes of Madrid, its writers have defended it in Mexico against the charge oftreasonandrebellion,anditssoldiershavecontendedforitonthe battlefieldwitharmsinhand.Butdespitenothavingbeenabletogive asolidandsatisfactoryresponsetotheargumentsthatjustifyindependence,despitehavingnowprovenitselfbytheforceofarms,anecessaryeffectoftheextentandrapiditywithwhichtheopinionthatfavors independencehasspread,manyconsiderthatindependenceunjustand unlawful.Eventhelegislatorsofthe[Iberian]Peninsula,thoseillustri Original title: “Discurso sobre la independencia del imperio mexicano.” Source: Semanario Político y Literario de México,Mexico,November21,1821. 5
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ouspatriotswhohaveknownhowtoliberatetheirowncountryfrom theyokethatoppressedthem,refusingtorecognizetheprinciplessanctionedintheirConstitutionandopenlyproclaimedtotheworld,cannotreconcilethemselvestothefactthatlawsdeducedimmediatelyfrom thoseprincipleshavetheireffectivefulfillmentontheAmericancontinent,whichurgentlydemandstheybeobserved. ThoseheroeswhohavejustlybeenadmiredbythenationsofEurope forthegreatservicestheyhaverenderedthecauseofliberty;thosewise menwhohavelaidouttheroadandsmoothedthepaththatleadstoindependence;thosepatriots,werepeat,aretheoneswhomustbeaccused ofinconsistency,becauselovingthecause,theydetestandabominate theresult;becauseestablishingaprinciple,theyrejectitsconsequences; finally,becauseproclaiminglibertyintheircountrywiththegreatest firmness,theysustaintheslaveryofMexicowiththesametenacity. Indeed,withoutlookingbeyondtheSpanishConstitutionandwithout outside assistance from the works of the most celebrated writers onpubliclaw,theConstitutionitselfsuppliesuswithenoughtojustify theindependenceofourempire.TheConstitutionfirmlyestablishes, asanindisputableprincipleandasbaseoftheentireconstitutionalsystem,theessentialinalienablesovereigntyofthenation,andthelawsof thatcodeproclaimandrecognizethisdoctrineinthemostlegitimate way.Throughthoselawscomesrecognitionoftheincontestableright thatallpeopleshavetoestablishthegovernmentmostsuitabletothem, alterit,modifyit,andabolishitcompletelywhentheirhappinessrequiresit.ThroughtheConstitution,finally,comestherecognitionthat inthepeopleofthenationliestheauthoritytodictatethefundamental lawsthatoughttorulethenation,tocreatemagistratesthatapplythose lawstoparticularcases,settlingthedisputesthatcanoriginateinthe opposingnatureofinterestsandorganizingapublicforcethatmakes effectivetheobservanceofthelawsandtheenforcementofjudicialsentences. The consolidation of all these powers results in that supreme authoritythatexistsinsocietiesandthatweknowbythenameofsovereignty.If,then,sovereignty,inthosestatedterms,isanessentialand inherentpowerofallsocieties,howcanitbedeniedtothistotalityof individualsthatmakeupwhatwecalltheMexicanEmpire?IfthelegislatorsofthePeninsulawishtoactaccordingtotheirprinciples,theywill havetodooneoftwothings:eitheracknowledgetherightthathelped
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ustoeffectindependence,ordenythatwehavethecapacitytocreate astronggovernmentthatcansustainthatindependenceagainstexternalinvasions,toenterintopoliticalandtraderelationswithexternal powers,andtocombinethoseindividualinterestswiththepublicinterestinsuchawaythatinternalupheavals,thegermandoriginofcivil warandanarchy,areavoided.Inaword,theywillhavetodenythatour peoplecanandshouldbeunderstoodinthesensethatoneascribesto thisword“society.” Toproceed,then,withaccuracyonsuchanimportantsubjectandto finishoffthedisputesbetweentheSpanishandMexicanpeoplefrom theiroriginatonestroke,wewillattempttoputthequestioninitstrue perspective. TheindependenceproclaimedinMexicocanbeconsideredeither illegalforlackofauthorityinthesocietytoalteritsgovernmentoruntimelybecausetheindividualswhomakeupthisempirecannotyetbe countedamongthecompanyofsocietiesinasmuchastheydonotpossessthetotalityofconditionsnecessarytoconstituteapeople.Thefirst isnotoriouslyopposedtotheprinciplessanctionedintheSpanishConstitution,ofwhichwehavemademention,andcontrarytotherightsof allhumankind,whichtheauthoroftheuniversedidnotcreatetobea patrimonyofoneorofmanymenornations.So,then,theonlypossibilitythatremainstotheSpaniardsistodenythestatusofpeopleornationtotheinhabitantsoftheseprovinces.Toarguepersuasivelyagainst suchanincorrectview,itwillbeenoughtogiveanexactandprecise definitionoftheideascorrespondingtothesewordsandtoapplythem totheMexicanEmpireinawaysoclearandsoobviousthatnosensible mancandenyrecognizinginthetotalityofitsindividualsalegitimate andformallyconstitutedpeople. Thosewritersonpubliclawwho,totheirgreathonorandthebenefit ofhumanity,havesupportedandclarifiedthesovereigntyofthepeople, placingtheinalienablerightsofnationswithinreachofeventheleast informedclasses,havenottakenequalcaretodeterminetheconditions essentiallynecessarytoconstituteasociety.Inourjudgment,thislackof careisthereasonwhyallthegoodeffectsthatshouldbeexpectedfrom thisbeneficentprinciplehavenotbeenperceived.Ignorantpeople,persuadedoftheirsovereigntybutlackingpreciseideasthatdeterminein afixedandexactwaythesenseoftheword“nation,”havebelievedthat
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theentiretyofthehumanspecies,withoutotherqualitiesandcircumstances,shouldbeconsideredas“nation”—mistakenconceptsthatwill surelyfomentdiscordanddisunionandpromotecivilwar! Whatisit,then,thatweunderstandbythisword“nation,”a“people” ora“society”?Andwhatisthesensethatwritersonpubliclawhave giventotheword“nation”whentheyconfirmitssovereigntyinthose statedterms?Itcanbenothingotherthanthefreeandvoluntarycoming together of men who can and want, in a legitimately possessed land, toconstitutethemselvesasastateindependentfromtherest.Norisit crediblethatthenationsrecognizedassovereignandindependentcan allegerightsotherthantheinherentpowertoconstitutethemselvesas suchandtheirdeterminedintenttoeffectit.Butwhicharethesenecessarilyessentialconditionsunderwhichanationcanconstituteitself? Indispensableare:(1)Thelegitimatepossessionofthelanditoccupies. (2) The appropriate enlightenment and resolve to come to know the rightsofthefreemanandtoknowhowtosustainthemagainstdespotism’sinternalattacksandtheexternalviolenceofinvasion.Finally,a populationsufficienttoensure,inasteadyandstableway,thesubsistenceofthestatebyestablishmentofanarmedforce,whichbothavoids theinternalconvulsionsproducedbythediscontentoftheunrulydisorderlyelementsandcontainsthehostiledesignsofambitiousforeign countries.Inaword,alegitimatelypossessedlandandthephysicaland moralforcetosustainitaretheessentialcomponentsofanysociety. Fromtheseluminousprinciples,whosepalpableandmanifestevidencemustmakeastrongimpressionevenonthemostdubiousman, oneimmediateandlegitimateconsequenceisdeduced:thattheindividualsofthisempireareorshouldberecognizedasatruepeople.They occupyalandwhosepossessioncannotbedisputedbyanynationinthe world; they have made clear to the world by explanations and public declarationsthattheyknowtherightsofthefreemanandthejusticeof thecausetheydefend;finally,theyhavesucceeded,bytakinguparms, inachievingtheirindependencewithnoassistanceotherthantheirown strength,destroyinginthebriefspaceofsevenmonthstheformidable powerofanestablishedgovernment. Itremainsforustoputeachofthesepropositionstothetest. 1.Nonationintheworldcandisputewithusthelandweoccupy,becausewhichnationwoulditbeandwhichtherightsthatitcouldallege insupportofitsclaims?WoulditbeSpain?Thisseemstobetheonly
ontheindependenCeofthemexiCanempire : 9
one,andineffectnoothernationseeksit.Letusexamine,then,the titlestoitsdominion,andwewillseethattheyappeartobeunlawful. Neithertheking,inparticular,northepeopleoftheSpanishnationcan revoketherightofproperty.Thetimepassedwhenitwasacceptedas truethatthekingandsomenumberofcitizenswerethewealthyproprietorswithauthoritytodispossesstherest,fornootherreasonthantheir whim, from the land that the latter had made fruitful for cultivation throughtheirhardshipsandpersonallabor.Sincethefalloffeudalism, everymanhasasacredrightnottobedispossessedoflegallyacquired land.How,then,doesSpainclaimtohaverightsoveraterritorythatin nowaybelongstoit,thatitgaveawayentirelyinparcelingitoutamong thecolonistsfromwhomthecurrentownersdescend,andwhoperhaps neverpossesseditlegitimately? Indeed, all the rights commonly alleged to justify this illegitimate possessionappearunlawfulassoonastheyareexamined.Everything Spain can allege in support of its claims consists in: the donation of Alexander VI; the cession of Moctezuma; the right of conquest; the preachingofthegospel;theestablishment,defense,protection,anddevelopmentofthecolony;and,finally,theoathofloyalty. Tohold aslegitimate thedonation ofAlexander, itisnecessary to assumetheRomanpontiffwastheproprietoranduniversallordofall theearth.Well,havingnomorereasontoconcedehimthispropertyin AmericathaninEurope,Asia,andAfrica,ifhisdominionisadmittedin thefirst,itcannotbedeniedintheothers.Andwhatwouldbetheresult ofsuchadoctrine,asabsurdasitismonstrous?Thatthesacredrightof propertywouldberevoked;thatnothingcouldbefixedorstableonthis point,andthatallthepeoplesandnationswouldexistatthediscretion ofamanwho,withnootherreasonthanhissovereigntyandabsolute will,could,ascananyproprietor,dispossessthemfromthelandthey occupy;thatistosay,hecouldexhaustthewellspringofwealthanddry upthefountainsofpublichappiness.Andwouldthewiseandliberal legislatorsofthePeninsulalettheseantisocialdoctrinesstand?Inno way;inthecenturyoftheEnlightenmentandSpanishliberty,noneof itssonsthinkssoabsurdlyandmistakenly. ThecessionofMoctezumaisjustlikethatofFernandoVII:Itwas snatchedbyforce;itwasdeclarednullbythepeoplesoftheempire,who tookuparmstoresisttheusurpationsoftheinvadingarmy,which,like theFrenchinSpain,triedtolegitimatebyviolencearenunciationasun-
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lawfulasthatofBayonne.TheSpanishcensuredthis,andtheycannot endorsesomethingthatisentirelysimilartoit. Therightofconquestistherightofthestrongest,whichcanbeand infacthasbeensuppressedbyanother,equalright. TheproclamationoftheGospelcannotbealegitimateentitlement fortakingpossessionofthelandofcatechizedpeoples.Otherwise,the apostlesinthefirstcenturiesofthechurchandthemissionariesinthe followingcenturieswouldbelegitimateownersofthelandoftheconvertedfaithful,andthesacerdotalmonarchy,sojustlycensuredinthe catechistsofParaguay,couldberealized. Theestablishment,protection,anddevelopmentofthecolonieshave alwaysbeentheworkofindividuals,andtheSpanishgovernmenthas playednopartinthisexcepttoimpedebyitsprohibitivelawsandexclusivecommercetheprogressofagriculture,violatingnatureinaland capableofproducingeverythingandcausingthemiseryanddiscouragementofitsinhabitants.Theseinhabitants,becausetheywereprohibited fromfreelyexportingtheirsurplusfruitsandimportingarticlesofluxuryandcomfort,didnotmakethismostfertilelandproduceanything butwhatwasnecessarytosustainapaltrycommerceor,betterstated, monopoly, incapable of creating great wealth and therefore suitable onlyforholdingbacktheprogressofthisnascentcolony.Andwillitbe possiblethatwhathascausedtheunhappinessofMexicobeprecisely whatisallegedasarighttocontinueoppressingit?Whatperson,who isnotignorantoftheprinciplesofnaturalequity,willbeabletoapprove suchtyrannicalbehavior?Thefactsexpressedareconstant,theconsequencesarelegitimate.Whatargument,then,canstanduptosopalpableaproof?Willitperhapsbetheinvestmentofwealthintheestablishmentanddefenseofthecolony?Buthereonemustnotetwothings: first,thatMexico,althoughoppressed,hasproducedenoughtocoverits expenses,alwaysdeductingasurplusthat,untilthebeginningoftheinsurrection,neverhasbeenlessthanfivemillionduros,whichSpainhas arrangedtoitsfavorand,forthisveryreason,cannotbecertainithas sufferedanymisappropriationoffunds,inasmuchasitwasutilizedin theestablishmentofthecolonies.Thesecondisthatthisdefense,purely imaginary,hasbeenmoreharmfulandnoxiousthanusefulandbeneficialtotheMexicanterritory,whoseportsandcitieshavesufferedthe horrorsofaninvasionandtheviolenceofasackingfornootherreason thanitsdependenceonthePeninsula,dependencecontrarytotheintent
ontheindependenCeofthemexiCanempire : 11
ofnature,whichdidnotcreateanentireworldtosubjectittofollowing thefateofasmallpieceofEurope,theleastextensivepartofourantipodeanhemisphere. Itremainsforusonlytomakethisillusionofaloyaltyoathdisappear, anoaththathasbeenusedsomuchtofrightenthetimidconsciences andbewilderthemindsofignorantmen.Thisoathiscompulsoryand necessarilyconditional,thatistosay,thepeopleareobligedtoobeythe decisionsofthegovernmentsolongastheyarebeneficialtothecommunityandfulfilltheirpromise.Ifeitherofthesetwothingsisabsent, thegovernment’srighttocommandandthepeoples’obligationtoobey terminate,andthesocialcontractisdissolved.Everyactemanatingfrom agovernmentthatcannotorwillnotprovideforthehappinessofthe people that has put its trust in it is null, unlawful, of no value, and, for this very reason, unworthy of being obeyed, and this is precisely thesituationinwhichtheAmericasfindthemselveswithrespecttothe Spanishgovernment.OpentheConstitutionoftheSpanishmonarchy, and the slightest and most superficial examination will be enough to makeclearthecommitmentofitsauthorstodiminishAmericanrepresentationandobstructtheinfluencethatthenativebornofthosecountriescouldandshouldhaveinthegovernmentestablishedonthePeninsula.Ateachstep,onecomesacrossarticlesthatconfirmthistruth,and thiscode,justlyadmiredforthegoodjudgment,commonsense,and wisdomofallitsmeasuresinwhatpertainstoSpain,doesnotlackfor injustices, inconsistencies, and puerilities in what concerns America. ButletusgrantthattheconstitutionalchartercontainsnothingcontrarytotheinterestsofAmerica,thatallandeachoneofthearticles sanctioned in it are manifestly beneficial, and, if you wish, that they alonearecapableofprovidingtheirhappiness.Itseemsthatnomorecan beconceded.Nonetheless,Spain’scausehasnotbeenimprovedbythis. Andwhy?Becausedespitethecontinuousandenergeticdemandsthat havebeenmadetoenforcetheirobservance,nothinghasbeenaccomplished;oureffortshavebeenuseless,merithasbeenforgotten,virtue hasbeenbeatendown,incompetencepositionedinhighposts,andthe outcriesofapeoplereducedtomiserydisregarded.Well,now,either the Spanish government has tried to deceive us, observing a conduct entirelycontrarytowhatisprovidedforinthetextofthelaws,orithas nothadenergysufficienttoseethattheyareobserved.Ineithercasewe areabsolvedoftheoathofloyaltybecauseinneitherhavetheconditions
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beenfulfilledunderwhichthisoathwasoffered,conditionsthatarethe bondofunionbetweenthepeopleandthegovernment,essentiallyembeddedinthenatureofthesecontractsandthefundamentalprinciple ofeverysocialcontract. GiventhatneitherSpainnoranyotherpowerhasarighttotheland we occupy, we must make clear that this right resides in the general bodyoftheMexicanpeople;thatistosay,intheindividualsbornand lawfullydomiciledintheempire. Therightofthepeoplestopossessthelandtheyoccupymustnecessarilyoriginateinoneofthesethreeprinciples:origin,birth,orresidence,becausethedonationorpurchase,ifitisofoccupiedland,canbe madelegalonlybythewilloftheproprietors,andifthelandisunoccupied,norightwhatsoeverauthorizesthedonororsellertotransmitto thepurchaserorrecipientarightitdoesnothave. Agenerallyacceptedtruthisthatthelegitimatepossessorofunencumberedassetscantransferthedominionheenjoystohissonsand constitutethemlawfulmastersofthepaternalinheritance,andthisis what we understand by right of origin or filiation. In the same way, everyindividualhumanbeinghastherighttoliveinthecountrywhere hewasbornand,ifhesubmitstothelawsestablishedbytheappropriateauthority,toenjoythecomfortsthatthesocietyoccupyingtheland offers;andthisiswhatweknowasrightofbirth.Finally,everyforeigner settled in a society, with the expressed or tacit consent ofthe individualswhoconstitutethatsociety,canacquireproperty,enterinto theenjoymentofallthecomfortsthecitizensofthestateenjoy,andacquirearightwecallresidency.Becausetherightofsocietytotheland itoccupiesisnotnorcanbeanythingmorethanthesumoftheindividualrights,oneunquestionableconclusionfollowsbydeduction:that thecitizensofthestate,whichconsistsofallofthemtogetherbeingits lawfulproprietors,musthaveatruedominionovertheoccupiedland. Well,now,thecitizenswhomakeuptheMexicanEmpirefallintothree classes:thedescendantsoftheoldinhabitants,thechildrenofforeign origininthecountry,andtheSpaniardsandotherforeignersallliving togetherthere.Eachoneofthemisthelawfulproprietorofapartofthe land,andthistheSpanishgovernmenthasneverquestioned.Sotheempire,whichrepresentsthetotalityofallofthem,istheownerandabsolutemasteroftheterritorytheypossess.
ontheindependenCeofthemexiCanempire : 13
2.ButiftheMexicanpeople,orwhatisthesame,thepeoplewho makeupMexico,arethelawfulmastersofthelandtheyoccupy,itisno lesscertainthattheyaresufficientlyenlightenedtoknowtheirrights andthegreatbenefitsindependencecarrieswithit,andiftherewereno otherevidenceofthistruththanthemanyandgreatsacrificestheymade toachieveindependence,thesealonewouldmakeitclearinaconclusiveanddecisiveway.Elevenyearsofespionage,prisons,scaffolds,and uninterrupted defeats demonstrate the difficulty of the endeavor and theperseveranceoftheMexicanpeople,whichhasknownhowtosacrificeitsmostpreciousinterestsinordertoachieveliberty.Andthisimmutablesteadfastness,thisinvincibleperseveranceinconfrontingsuch powerfulobstacles,aretheynotproofsguaranteeingthatthereexistsin thegeneralbodyofthenationanintimateconvictionthateverything mustbesacrificedtotheinterestsofliberty?Hastheirconductnotdemonstratedthattheypreferdeathtoservitudeandthattheyarefirmlyresolvedtodiefreeratherthanliveasslaves?Butif,despiteallthis,even theirenlightenmentisdoubted,perusetheirwritingspublishedsince theyear1810inEngland,France,Spain,NorthAmerica,inMexicoin thepresenceofmasters,andnotonlywillonefindmanydocuments thatwoulddohonortosomenationsthatpassforenlightened,butalso atotalandabsoluteuniformitywithrespecttotheprincipalpoint;that istosay,eachonecooperating,bythemeansinhisgrasp,inthegreat workofemancipatingtheMexicanEmpire. Takeinyourhandsthispreciouscodesanctionedamidstthenoise andclamorofarmsinthetownofApatzingán.Examineitimpartially andyouwillfindinscribedinitalltheprinciplescharacteristicofthe liberal system: sovereignty of the people, the division of powers, the appropriatejurisdiction ofeachofthem,libertyofthepress,mutual obligationsbetweenthepeopleandthegovernment,therightsoffree man,andthemeansofdefensethatmustbeprovidedtothecriminal.In aword,youwillfind,delimitedwithsufficientprecisionandaccuracy, thelimitsofeachestablishedauthorityand,perfectlycombined,thelibertyofthecitizenandthesupremepowerofthesociety.Sowedonot hesitatetoaffirmresolutelythatthiscode,withsomeslightadjustments, wouldhaveproducedourindependenceandlibertyfromtheyear1815if theinsidiousmaneuversoftheSpanishgovernment,calculatedtodivide us, had not produced the pernicious consequence of separating from
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the common interests a portion of citizens who, although very small comparedwiththerest,wasthemostnecessarybecauseithadtakenup arms. But the happy day arrived when the dawning light of citizenship brokethroughoutthelandofMoctezuma,andtheactivityofthislight penetrated the body of the Mexican army. The memorable twenty- fourthofFebruaryarrived,andthefieldsofIgualarepeatedtheechoes ofthelibertypronouncedbytheimmortalIturbide.Atthatvoice,the chainsthatboundourhemisphereandanotherwerebroken,and,freeof them,weputintoplace,inthecountryofAnáhuac,athronetothelibertythathadbeenexiledfromitforthreecenturies.Thisvoiceresounds intheprovincesandspreadswiththespeedoflightintoallcornersof theempire.TheheroNegrete,asmoderateindiscussionsasfearlesson thebattlefield,dispelstheforceofthetyrantswithhispresencealone and,attheheadofhisarmy,freeshalftheempireintwomonths.These generals,aidedbythemeritoriousleadersGuerrero,Andrade,Bustamante, Echávarri, Herrera, Bravo, Barragán, Quintanar, Filisola, Santana,andothers,maketheSpanishdominationdisappearfromthissoil intheshortspaceofsixmonths,givinganewappearancetorevolution, purgingitofsomestainscontractedintheearliereraand,throughmoderationandconcord,makingitappearassured.Howisit,then,thatsome menwhohavemadethemostdeadlyanddestructivewaragainsteach othercometogethercordiallytoeffectthelibertyandindependenceof theircountry?Howhasitbeenpossiblethatthevoiceoftwogenerals intheshortspaceofafewmonthsunitedwillssodiscordantthrough alongelevenyearsthattheywouldevenwageadevastatingwar?This admirablephenomenonistheinevitableresultoftherapiddiffusionof thelight,originatingintheenlightenmentthathasmadeknowntothe peopletheirtrueinterests. And for a people who knew how to gain their independence, destroyingaformidableenemythattheyharboredintheirbreast,willit beimpossibletorepelaforeignforce?Apeopletowhomtherightsof libertyaresofamiliarandwhohaveamorethansufficientknowledge oftheeternalmaximsofjustice,willtheybeoppressedbyaninternal despotism?Innoway.Thisoutcomeiscontrarytotheexperienceofall thecenturiesanddoesnotcoherewithnaturalreason.Itiscertainthat theenemiesofindependenceandlibertywillmakeeveryeffort,first, tocompelustoentertheSpanishdominionand,second,toimpedeor
ontheindependenCeofthemexiCanempire : 15
makeillusorythereformsconsequenttotheliberalsystem.Buteachof theseuntilthisdayhasasmallfollowingand,withpassingtime,nofollowing,asistobehopedfromthelibertyofthepressandtheenlightenmentthatcharacterizesthemeritoriousleaderswhohaveledusto liberty. 3.Toconcludethisdiscourse,itremainsonlytomakeclearthatto sustaintheproclaimedindependence,thephysicalforcewehaveissufficient.Thisphysicalforcehasasitsbasethepopulationandthemeansof sustainingthatpopulation.Withthepopulationnumerousandthestate rich,thereiseverythingnecessarytoraiseanarmedforcecapableof checkingforeigninvasions,especiallywhenthisarmedforceisinured towarbyhavingbeenoncampaignaconsiderabletime. Our population is much superior to that of various independent statesofEuropeandisindisputablydoublewhattheUnitedStatesof Americahadwhenitpronounceditselfindependent,aforcethatmade theBritishnationtrembleandfrustratedentirelyalltheplansofsubjugation that Britain had with respect to its American colonies. This nation,whosemaritimeforceisthegreatestandmostformidablethe worldhasknown,couldnotsubjectthreemillionunarmedcountrymenlackinginmilitaryknowledgeandinalandthat,astheleastfertile oftheentirecontinent,couldnotprovideanythingbutthescarcestresources.AndwillSpainbeable,threatenedbyforeignarmies,shaken byinternalupheavals,andwithanavyinthemostdeplorablestate,to reducetoitsdominiontheMexicanEmpire,whichhasapopulation, accordingtothelowestestimate,ofsixmillion,anarmyinuredtowar, readytosacrificeitselfforthelibertyofitspatria,afertileterrain,rich andabundantineverytypeofcropand,forthisveryreason,capableof raisingandsustaininganarmytentimesgreaterthanwhateverthemost formidablepowerofEuropecantransport?Itwouldbedelirioustosay so,andonlyafoolishmancouldenterintotheridiculousundertaking ofsupportingsuchaparadox. Norcantheexigencieswehaveexperiencedinthesedaysbeavoided, fortheyaretheinevitableconsequencesofthedisorderthatmustemerge attheoutsetofagovernmentthatisstartingtoestablishitself.Drainthe waterfromthemines,establishfreedomoftrade,developagriculture, andthestate,bymeansofdirecttax,withoutanexcessiveburdenon individualsandwithouttheespionageandfettersthattheindividualand systemofcustomscarrywiththem,willhavewhatisnecessaryforall
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theexpensesofstate,tocoveritslettersofcreditandestablishapublic bankfree,ifpossible,oftaxesonindividuals“fortheextinctionofthe debt”or,attheleast,noticeablydiminishsuchtaxes. Fromtheprinciplesexpressedsofarandfromtheapplicationthatwe havemadeofthemtotheMexicanEmpire,onecandeduce:thatitisthe legitimateownerofthelandithasandcurrentlyoccupies;thatithasin itsfavorandinsupportofitssovereigndecreestherequisiteenlightenment,thenecessarypopulation—thatistosay,thephysicalandmoral power—to sustain them; that, for that very reason, it is and must be consideredandrecognizedasatruenation;andthat,byreasonofsuch, ithasanunquestionablerighttoalter,modify,andabolishtotallythe establishedformsofgovernment,substitutingforthemthoseitjudges suitableforachievingtheultimategoalofsociety,whichisnotnorcan be anything other than the happiness of the individuals that make it up;andthatforthisveryreasontheMexicanpeopleisnotnorcanbe calledrebelliousforhavingpronounceditselfindependentoftheSpanishmonarchy,forinthisithasdonenothingotherthanusethepowers concededbytheauthorofnaturetoallsocietiestoprovidethemselves withtheirhappinessbythemeanstheyjudgemostadequateandconducivetothisgoal.
2
Discourse on the Limits of Civil Authority Deduced from Their Source
Surelyfewnationshavebeeninsuchfortunatecircumstancesforcreatingconstitutionswithallpossiblehumanperfectionas aretheAmericannations,whichahalfcenturyagobecameindependent ofEuropeanpowers:Theenlightenmentgenerallydisseminatedbythe freedomofthepressestablishedinEngland,France,Spain,Portugal, and Naples; the spirit of liberty, rapidly diffused to all points of the globe;theenthusiasmwithwhichliberalideasandtherightsofpeoples, whichhavegoneontobethesubjectofageneraldiscussion,havebeen proclaimed,maintained,andelevatedtothehigheststate;theconviction,producedbythedisastersofthemostrecentrevolutions,thatone cannot successfully implement certain theories, which, even though theypresentastoreofspeculativetruths,cannotberealizedinpractice; and,finally,beingentirelyfreeoftheobstaclesnaturallyputintheway ofanyreformbyadespoticgovernmentconsolidatedthroughhundreds ofyearsonstalepreconceivednotionssuchashereditarynobility,feudaldomain,sovereigntyofkingsderiveddirectlyfromGod,andothers ofthesamesort,whichpracticallyconvincedpeoplesoftheabsurdand monstrousdoctrineofnaturalinequalityamongthechildrenofAdam and which have not permitted a total reform in the states of Europe throughtheslowbutalwaysprogressivestepsenlightenmenthasmade in them.Thislack of obstacles, we repeat, and thisabundance ofresourcesthatatpresentmakeupthepoliticalsituationoftheAmerican peoples,providesufficientgroundsforexpecting,fromthecongresses establishedontheirvastsurface,constitutionsmuchmoreperfectthan thosecreatedinEurope. Ineffect,theoutcomehasbeencompletelywhatwastobeexpected. TheConstitutionoftheUnitedStatesofNorthAmericanotonlyhas Originaltitle:“Discursosobreloslímitesdelaautoridadcivildeducidosdesuorigen.”Source:El Observador de la República Mexicana,Mexico,December19,1827,p.231. 17
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beenhighlypraisedbythemostcelebratedwritersofEurope,buthas alsocreatedgloryandprosperity,inafirmandstableway,inthefreest people of the world, even putting that country almost at the level of Englandinitsnavy,andofFranceinitsartsandmanufacturing.Ithas donethisintheshortspaceofahalfcentury,whenthoseothernations havenotbeenabletogettotheircurrentlevelofprosperityexceptafter hundreds of years and terrible political oscillations and fluctuations. We,then,desirousthatourcountrytakeadvantageofthehappyopportunitythathascomewithinitsreachtoconstituteitselfwithpeaceand tranquility,haveproposed,andhavealreadybeguntocarryout,placing beforeourfellowcitizenstheconstitutionsofthemostnotablepeoples. Attheendofallofthem,inaseparatediscourse,wemaketheobservationsandreflectionsthatseemmostsuitabletous.ButbeforeourproposaltakeseffectwithrespecttotheAnglo-AmericanandFrenchconstitutionsthatwehavejustpublished,ithasseemedworthwhiletous todeterminethegenerallimitswithinwhichtheauthorityofanygovernmentmustbecontained,withoutsubjectingourselvesblindlytothe doctrinesoftheEuropeanwritersonpubliclaw,andkeepinginmind onlythegoalofsocialinstitutionsandthenatureofthecontractthat unitespeopleswithgovernments. Whatevermightbetheoriginofsocieties,itiscompletelycertain thatthesecouldnotbeestablishedforanypurposeotherthanfosteringthehappinessoftheindividualswhomakethemup,securingtheir persons,theirinterests,andtheircivilliberty,insofaraslimitingthese isnotnecessarytoupholdtheinterestsofthecommunity.Fromthis luminousprinciplearededucedalltheconsequencesthatconstitutethe scienceofgovernment,andwewillproceedtosetthemout.Itfollows, inthefirstplace,thattheauthorityofsocietiesisnotabsolutelylimitlessasRousseaubelieved,forsuchauthority,whereveritmightreside, isnecessarilyandessentiallytyrannical.Forwhatdoesitmeanandwhat doweunderstandbyunlimitedauthority,ifnotthepowertodowhateveronemightwish?Andcannothewhobelieveshehasit,byvirtueof thispower,committhegreatestcrimes,deprivinganinnocentpersonof life,divestingthelegitimateownerofhisproperty,andtramplingonall thesafeguardsoflibertywithnoothermotivethanhiswhim?No,these arenotthesimplefearsofanoverexcitedimagination.Theyareoutcomesconfirmedbyexperience,for,asthefamousConstantobserves, thehorrifyingcrimescommittedintheFrenchRevolutionagainstindi-
onthelimitSofCivilauthoritydeduCedfromtheirSourCe : 19
viduallibertyandtherightsofthecitizenstemmedingreatpartfrom thevogueofthisdoctrine,whichnotonlyisnotliberal,butratheristhe fundamentalprincipleofdespotism.Thisprincipledoesnotconsist,as manyhaveconvincedthemselves,intheabusethemonarchmakesofthe authorityentrustedtohimorthathehasusurped.Inthatcase,itwould besupremelyeasytocurenationsoftheirpoliticalillsbyexilingthe monarchsforever,andthepopulargovernmentwouldalwaysbejustifiedinsuchacase.Butreasonandexperienceagreeindisprovingsuch anunfoundedtheory,showingusdespoticpeopleslikethoseofFrance initsrevolutionandliberalmonarchslikethoseofEnglandandSpain. Despotism,then,isnothingmorethantheabsoluteandunlimiteduse ofpower,withoutsubjectiontoanyrule,nomatterwhosehandsmight bedrivingthisformidablemassthatmakesallitsweightfeltontheindividualsofthestate.Itfollowsthatwecancalldespoticameasurethathas beendecreedonlytosatisfythewilloftheonewhocommands.Butifall government,consideredinthescopeofthethreepowers,mustexercise its functions within prescribed limits, determining those limits with thegreatestprecisionandexactitudeisanabsolutenecessitytoavoid theunfortunateconsequencesproducedbytheerroneousideasofmany writersregardingtherightsofthepeopleoverthegovernmentandof the government over the people. Let us return, then, to the original sourceofsocieties.Letusexaminetheprinciplesofthesocialcontract withattentiveimpartialityanddetailedreflectivemeditation,andwith thateffortalonewewilldiscoverthesolutiontothisproblem. Men,inadditiontothedivineordertomultiply,haveintheirnature strongdrivesforpropagatingtheirspeciesandsuchinbredself-lovethat thesedonotdisappearevenintheleastoftheiractions.Mendonot enjoyexceptwhentheirappetitesandneedsaresatisfied;nordothey becomesadandanguishedexceptwhentheylacksomethingthatisnecessary,ortheybelieveisnecessary,tosatisfytheirneedsandtorestin thattranquilityandreposethatconstituteshumanhappiness. Oneofhumannature’sstrongestinclinationsistheoneindividuals havetopreservethemselvesinthestateofnaturallibertybestowedon thembythecreatorofallthingsand,thus,toobtaintheenjoyments analogoustotheirnaturalinclinations;butinthefewstepstheymade onthispainful,difficult,andriskypath,theybecameconvincedthat thehappinessofeachofthemwasnottheactofasingleman,butrather theresultofcommonefforts.Surroundedeverywherebyenemies,at-
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tackedbyhungerandreptiles,pursuedbyferociousbeasts,andfeeling theweaknessoftheirstrengths,theyagreedtogiveeachotheraidunder certaincovenantsorconditions.Hereareboththefirstsocialcontract intheworldandthesovereigntyofthepeople,which,ineachoneof thecontractingparties,isnothingbuttherightonehasoveroneselfto provideforone’shappinessinaccordancewiththerulesprescribedby soundreasonand,intheassociation,theaggregateofindividualrights organizedtothesameend.Theseagreementsmade,whatcameabout was what should have been feared—that many of those who entered intotheagreementsreceived,withthehelpoftherest,thedesiredbenefit,but,whenitcametofulfillingthetermsofthecontract,theyrefused,eitherdenyingtheagreementorresistingitstakingeffectorinterpreting it in their own favor despite the protests of the others. In lightofthesedrawbacks,themen,unitedasdescribed,determinedto clarifytheestablishedpactsbycommonagreement,makinguseofcategoricalanddecisivephrases,andhereistheoriginofthelaws.Butdespitetheclarityoftheselaws,theinsistenceonexemptingoneselffrom them,sustainedbythespiritofcaviling,renderedthememptyandineffectual,thosewhoacknowledgedtheirexistenceclaimingthatsome individualcaseswerenotcomprehendedbythoselaws,casesbelieved usefultosomeandprejudicialtoothers,soitwasnecessarytocreatea neutralpowerinvestedbythecommonauthoritytoresolvedefinitively disagreements thatarose,andthisistheoriginofthejudicialpower. Finally,menrefusedtocarryouttheintentofthelawsandthedeclarationsofthejudges,anditwasnecessaryforeveryonetocombinetheir physicalforcestocompeleachonetofulfilltheobligationsenteredinto throughtheoriginalpact,andwhatresultedwaswhatwecalltheexecutivepower.Bythis,wedonotclaimthatthosedistinctpowerswere dividedfromtheoutset,conferringthemondistinctpersonsorbodies, foritisclearthatthiswastheworkoftimeandreflectivemeditation. Butwecertainlywantittobeunderstoodthatthesepowers,distinctin reality,andforthatveryreasonseparable,wereacknowledgedfromthe timesocietieswerefounded,althoughtheywerevestedinasinglepersonorbody.Forthisveryreason,thedoctrinethatinformsthisdivision isnotapuretheorytotallyunrealizableinpractice,asawriterofourday claims.Butletuscontinuereflectingonthissocietythatmovestoward itsperfection.Whenmembersofthesocietycreatedthesepowers,it
onthelimitSofCivilauthoritydeduCedfromtheirSourCe : 21
wasnecessarythattheyentrusttheexerciseofthefunctionstypicalof thesepowerstosomeindividualsoftheassociationwhowoulddedicate themselvesexclusivelytotheirfulfillment.Forthisitwasnecessaryto assistthemwitheverythingthattheirpersonalworkwassupposedto produce,andhereistheoriginofthepostsofjudgesandexecutorsof thelaws.Asforthelegislators,whowerethemselvesmembersofthe association,theyexercisedthelegislativepowerforthemselvessolong associetyconsistedofasmallnumberofindividuals;butthenumberof individualslatergrewtosuchadegreethatthepersonalattendanceof allandeachoneofthematthenationalassemblywasnotpossible,and hewhocouldnot[attend]entrustedhisvotetosomeonewhowasready toassist.Butasthesedifficultiesconstantlyincreased,manybegantoentrusttheirvotestoasmallnumberofindividuals,andsometimestoonly one,sothat,reflectivelyandmaturelyconsideringtheinterestsofeach, theymightprescribethosemeasuresthatwouldbemostadvantageous tothemaintenanceofall,andthisistheoriginofnationalrepresentationandlegislativecongresses.Butithappenedthat,inexercisinglegislativefunctions,thoseempoweredbythepeopledidnotexpressthewill oftheirconstituentsbutrathertheirindividualwishoropinion,seekingtolimitthenaturallibertyofthecitizensmorethanwasnecessary tosustaintheunion.Thentheindividualsofthesocietydeclaredthat therepresentativeshadviolatedtheboundariesoftheauthoritythathad beenentrustedtothem,andtheindividualsofsocietywrotedownin asolemnandpositiveway,inlawsputbeforetheentirepublic,theimprescriptiblerightsofmanandcitizen,workingoutthethreeacknowledgedpowersthatseemedmostusefulforthepreservationoftheliberty, property, security,andequalityofcitizens,andhereistheoriginofthese codesandcollectionsoffundamentallawsknownbythenameofconstitutions. Bywhathasbeenexpressedheresofar,oneseesclearlytheorigin, development,andpresentstateofhumaninstitutions,thegoalmenhave proposedinestablishingthem,andtheprimaryreasonforalltheirtransactions,thatistosay,thepreservationoftheirrightstotheextentthat allowsforthepreservationofsociety.Fromthisfollowsageneralconsequence,anditisthatallauthority,ofwhateverkinditmaybe,haslimits totheexerciseofitsfunctions,withinwhichitmustbecontained,andit isnotlawfulforeitherthepeopleortheirrepresentativestotrampleon
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therightsofindividualsonthepretextofpreservingsociety,giventhat men,ininstitutingsociety,hadnootherintentnorproposedanyother goalthanthepreservationoftheirliberty, security, equality,andproperty, andnottorelinquishthoserightstoamoralbodythatmightfullyand legallyexercisethemostdespotictyrannyoverthosefromwhomithad receivedthisimmenseandformidablepower.
3
Discourse on the Freedom of Thought, Speech, and Writing Rara temporum felicitate ubi sentire Quoe veils, equoe sentias dicere licet. Anexceptionallyhappytimewhen itislawfultothinkasonewants andtosaywhatonethinks. —Tacitus,Histories,bookI
If, in the time of Tacitus, the ability to think as one wantedandtospeakasonethoughtwasanuncommonhappiness,in ourtimesitwouldbeaconsummatemisfortuneandaquiteunfavorablemarkonournationandinstitutionsshouldonetrytoplacelimits on freedom of thought, speech, and written expression. Tacitus and hisfellowcitizens were undertherule ofa master,afterall, whereas weareundertheleadershipofagovernmentthatowesitsexistenceto suchfreedom,whichcanlastonlybecauseofthisfreedom,andwhose lawsandinstitutionshavegiventhisfreedomallpossibleexpanseand breadth,sparingnomeanstoguaranteecitizensthispreciousandinestimableright. Inthesamewaythatwehavetriedtodemonstrateinourfirstissue theimportanceandnecessityofthescrupulous,faithful,andprompt observanceofthelaws,letusmakeaneffortinthisissuetosettlethe entireandabsolutefreedominopinions,foralthoughthoselawsmust befulfilledcompletely,opinionsmustbefreeofallcensurethatprecedesorfollowspublicationofthelaws,becauseonecannotjustlydemandthatthelawsbefaithfullyobservedifthefreedomofexposing theirproblemsisnotperfectlyandtotallyguaranteed. Originaltitle:“Discursosobrelalibertaddepensar,hablar,yescribir.”Source:El Observador de la República Mexicana,Mexico,June13,1827,p.23. 23
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Itisnotpossibletoplacelimitsonthefacultyofthought;itisnot reasonable,just,oradvisabletopreventonefromexpressingbywordor inwritingwhatonethinks. Preciselybecauseinthemetaphysicalorderactsofunderstandingare necessary,theymustbefreeofallforceandcoercioninthepolitical order.Humanunderstandingisapowerasnecessaryasissight;itdoes notactuallyhaveanabilitytodecideforthisorforthatdoctrine,tokeep frominferringlegitimateorerroneousconclusions,ortoadoptevident orfalseprinciples. Itwill beable,happily, to apply itself toexaminingobjectswithcareandmaturity,orwithcarelessnessandnegligence; toexplorequestionsmoreorlessandtoconsiderthemcompletelyor onlyunderoneoftheiraspects;buttheoutcomeofallthesepreliminariesmustalwaysbeanactionasnecessaryasisthatofseeingclearly orvaguely,orwithmoreorlessperfection,theobjectheldatasuitable distance.Ineffect,theanalysisoftheword“know”andthatofthecompleteideaitindicatescannotdolessthanyieldthisresult. Knowledgeinthesoulislikesightinthebody,andthusaseachindividualofthehumanspecieshas,accordingtothedifferentconstruction ofhisvisualorgans,anecessarymannerofseeingthingsanddoesso withoutchoice,soalso,dependingonthedifferencesamongintellectual faculties,hehasanecessarymannerofknowingtoknowthem.Itistrue thatbothpowersaresubjecttoperfectionandaugmentation;itistrue thattheirerrorscanbecorrectedorprevented,thespherewithinwhich theyoperatecanbeextended,andtheactspropertothemcanbemade moreactiveorintense;notjustone,butmanyandinfinitelyvariedare themeansofattainingthem;one,many,orallcanbeputintoaction; theywill,intheirturn,giveperfect,average,andsometimesnoresults, butitwillalwaysbecertainthatchoicehasnotplayedanypartinit,nor canitbecountedamongthemeansforachievingthoseresults. Menwouldbeveryhappy,orattheleasttheywouldnotbesounhappy,iftheactionsoftheirunderstandingweretheproductoffree choice.Then,thebitterandsadmemoriesofthepastwouldnotcome torenewunhappinessesthatnolongerexist;norwouldtheyarisefrom nothingnessonlytocauseuspain.Then,forecastingthefuturewould not bring forward for us a thousand sorrows, presenting us ahead of time persons, events, and circumstances that either will not come to exist,oriftheydo,giveinadvanceanindefiniteextenttooursufferings.Then,finally,wewouldnotthinkaboutorexplorethroughreflec-
onthefreedomofthouGht,SpeeCh,andwritinG : 25
tionthecausesandcircumstancesofpresentunhappiness,norwould weworsenitsintolerableweightwithreflection.Thereiscertainlynot onesinglemanwhodoesnotwishtoseparatefromhimselfeverything thatcancausehimannoyanceandmakehimunhappy;andatthesame timethereisnot,norhasbeennorwillbeanyonewhohasnotsuffered agreatdealbecauseofsuchconsiderations.Andwhatdoesthisprove? Thatitisnotpossibleforhimtoputlimitsonhisthoughts;thatheisled necessarilyandirresistiblytoknowledgeofobjects,goodorbad,perfectlyorinadequatelygrasped;thattheimmediateordistantchoicehas nopartwhatsoeverintheactionsofthementalfaculties;andthat,consequently,inthemetaphysicalorder,theunderstandingisnotfree. How,then,toimposerulesonapowernotsusceptibletothem?How toeffectchangeinwhatismostindependentinman,makinguseofviolenceandcoercion?How,finally,toputorderintotheclassofcrimes andassignpunishmentstoanactthatbyitsessenceisincapableofgoodnessandevil?Manwillbecapableofnotconforminghisactionsand discoursestohisopinions;hewillbeabletogivethelietohisthoughts throughhisconductorlanguage,butitwillbeimpossibleforhimto disregardorgetridofthosethoughtsbecauseofexternalviolence.This methodisunsuitableandatthesametimetyrannicalandillegal. Wheneveroneattemptstoattainanend,nomatterwhatitsnature maybe,prudenceandnaturalreasondictatethatthemeansoneuses to attain it be naturally suitable to it. Otherwise, the plan will come tonothing,thenatureofthingsbeingstrongerthanthecapriceofthe agent.Suchwouldbethefollyoftheonewhotriestoattackfirearms withwaterorpreventpassagethroughamoatbyfillingitwithgrape shot.When,then,itcomestochangingourideasandthoughts,orinspiringnewonesinus,andforthispurposeoneusesrules,prohibitions,andpunishments,thenaturaleffectisthatthosewhosuffersuch violenceadheremoretenaciouslytotheiropinionanddenytotheiroppressorthesatisfactionhemightgetwithvictory.Persecutiongivesan unfortunatecharactertoopinionswithoutdestroyingthem,becausedestroyingthemisnotpossible.Humanunderstandingisasnobleinitself asitismiserablefortheeasewithwhicheverykindofpassionconfuses it.Thefirstprinciplesundeniableforeveryonearefewinnumber,but theconsequencesthatderivefromthemareasdiverseasthemultiplicand,becausethewayinwhichtheirrelationshipsaregraspedisinfinitelyvaried.Habitsandcustomsthateducationhasinspiredinus,the
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wayoflifewehaveadopted,theobjectsthatsurroundus,and,above all,thepersonswithwhomweinteract,contribute,withoutoureven beingabletoperceiveit,totheformationofourjudgments,modifying inathousandwaystheperceptionofobjectsandmakingthemappear clothedin,perhaps,athousandforms,withtheexceptionofthenaturalandgenuineperception.Thus,weseethatwhatisforhimobvious andsimpleisobscureandcomplexforothers;thatnotallmencanacquireordedicatethemselvestothesametypeofknowledgeorexcelin it;thatsomearefitforthesciences,othersforscholarship,manyfor thehumanities,andsomefornothing;thatwithagethesameperson changesopinion,evenholdingasabsurdwhathepreviouslydeemedevident;andthatnoone,aslongashelives,isfixedandunwaveringinhis opinions,orintheconcepthehasformedofthings.Astheintellectual facultyofmandoesnothaveapreciseandexactmeasureofthevitality withwhichitcarriesoutitsoperations,neitherdoesithaveameasureof theamountofknowledgeitneedsforexercisingthem.Toexpect,then, thatthemajoritybeconvincedbythejudgmentofsomeotherperson, evenwhenthisotherpersonmightbeanauthority,istoinsist,saysthe famousSpedalieri,thattheyseeandhearthroughanother’seyesand ears.Itistoobligethemtoletthemselvesbecarriedblindlyandwith nomorerationalethantheforcetheycannotresist.Itis,toputitsuccinctly,todryupallthesourcesofpublicenlightenmentandtodestroy beforehandandradicallythebestsourcestheymighthavebeenableto developoverthecourseoftime. Ineffect,whatwouldbecomeofusandoftheentirehumanraceif thewishesofthosewhohavewantedtoplacerestraintsontheunderstandingandlimitsonfreedomofthoughthadbeenfulfilled?What wouldhavebeentheprogressoftheartsandsciences,theimprovements ofgovernments,andtheconditionofmeninthestateofsociety?What, inparticular,wouldbethefateofournation?Thankstotheeffortsof theextraordinarycreativespiritsthatatalltimeshaveknownhowto throw off the chains that despots have sought to impose on thought, societies,althoughnothavingarrivedatthehighestlevelofperfection, havemadeconsiderableprogress.Governments,excludingonlyafew thatarecalledfree,havealwaysbeenalerttoanythingthatcoulddiminishtheirpowerandmakecleartheirexcesses.Therefore,theyuse everymeanstoputthoughtinchains,makingcrimesofopinionsthat donotconformandcallingthosewhoprofessthemcriminals.Buthave
onthefreedomofthouGht,SpeeCh,andwritinG : 27
theyhadtherighttodoso?Havetheyproceededlegallywhentheyhave madeuseofthesemeans?Or,rather,havetheytroduponthesacred rightsofman,assumingpowersthatnoonecouldgivethemorthatthey couldreceive?Thisisthepointwearegoingtoexamine. Governments have been established precisely to preserve public order,ensuringtoeachindividualtheexerciseofhisrightsandthepossessionofhisgoodsinthewayandformthathavebeenprescribedby the laws, and not in any other manner. Their powers are necessarily determinedinthepactsoragreementswecallconstitutionalcharters andaretheresultofthenationalwill.Thosewhodrawthemup,and theirconstituents,cannotmakeprovisionsinthemthat,bythenatureof things,arebeyondtheirpowers,suchasthecondemnationofaninnocentperson;makingcrimesofsuchtrulypraiseworthyactsaspaternal love;muchlesssubjectingtolawsfunctionsthatbynatureareincapable ofmorality,suchasthecirculationoftheblood,themovementofthe lungs,etc.Fromthis,itfollowsthatforalegislative,executive,orjudicialmeasuretobejust,legal,andequitable,itisnotenoughthatitbe pronouncedbythecompetentauthority,butitisalsonecessarythatit beintrinsicallypossibleandindispensableforpreservingpublicorder. Letussee,then,whetherthosemeasuresthathavebeendecreedorattemptedagainstfreedomofthoughtareofthistype. Tothispointwehaveshownthatopinionsarenotfreeandconsequentlyarenotcapableofmorality;itremainsonlytoshowthatthey canneveroverthrowthepublicorder,andespeciallynotintherepresentativesystem.Ineffect,publicordermaintainsitselfbytheprompt andfaithfulobservanceofthelaws,whichisentirelycompatiblewith totalandabsolutefreedomofopinions.Nothingismorecommonthan seeingmenwhodislikelawsandwhoseideasarecontrarytothem,but who at the same time not only observe them religiously but are personallyconvincedoftheirnecessity.Tosaythislawisbad,ithasthisor thatproblem,isnottosaythatitwillnotbeobeyedorcarriedout.The firstisanopinion,thesecondisanaction;theformerisindependent of all human power, the latter must be subject to the competent authority.Menhavetherighttomandatethatsomethingbedoneinthis orthatway,butnotinordertomakedoctrinesintodogmas,ortoobligateotherstotheirbelief.Thisabsurdrightwouldsupposethenecessityofasymbolorbodyofdoctrinecomprehensiveofalltruths,orthe existenceofaninfallibleauthoritybywhosedecisionsonewouldhave
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toabide.Nevertheless,nothingismorelackinginfoundationthansuch suppositions. Buthowcouldthefirsthavebeenformed,orwhowouldbesopresumptuous and audacious that he would dare to appropriate the secondtohimself?“Abodyofdoctrine,”saysthefamousDaunou,1“supposesthathumanunderstandinghasmadeallpossibleprogress,opposes itselftoalladvancementsthatremain,drawsacirclearoundallacquired understandings,inevitablyincludesmanyerrors,opposesthedevelopmentofthesciences,thearts,andalltypeofindustry.”Andwhowould becapableofhavingformedit?Evenif,forsuchanunattainableproject, themostcelebratedmenoftheuniversehadbeengatheredtogether, nothingwouldhavebeenachieved.Shouldtheirwritingsberecorded anyway,theywillbefoundfulloferrorsinthemidstofsometruths theyhavecontributedtopublicenlightenment.Thedailyandcontinuingimprovementperceivedinallhumanactionsisdemonstrableproof thattheperfectibilityofhumanmentalpowershasnolimitandofhow muchwouldhavebeenlostinholdingbacktheiradvancement,hadthis beenpossible. Wearepersuadedthatnoneofthepresentgovernmentswillboastof theirinabilitytoerr.Theyandthepeopleentrustedtotheirleadership aretooenlightenedtobeabletoclaimandgrantsuchprivileges,but ifthegovernmentsarecomposedofmenwhoareasfallibleasothers, throughwhatprincipleofjustice,orbywhatlegalright,willtheyproceedtodetermineorprohibitdoctrines?Howwouldtheydaredetermineforusthoseopinionswearetofollowandthoseweareprohibited fromprofessing?Isthisnotanactofaggressionwithanunattainable end,whichnothingcanjustify?Withoutdoubt.It,nonetheless,iscommonandalmostalwaysservesasapretextforclassifyingcitizensandimmediatelypersecutingthem.Itmakesmenresponsiblefortheopinions theyholdorassume,andtheseareconvertedintoareasonforhatred andloathing.Inthiswayfactionsareperpetuated,giventhatthetriumphantdogmawillonedaybetoppled,anditthencomestobeacrime toprofessit.Thisishownationsbecomedemoralized,andaforcedtraf 1.PierreClaudeFrançoisDaunou,1761–1840,wasapolitician,archivist,andFrench historian,andthelifetimesecretarytotheAcadémiedesinscriptionsetbelles-lettres. (Editor’snote)
onthefreedomofthouGht,SpeeCh,andwritinG : 29
ficinliesisestablishedthatcompelstheweaktoconcealtheirideasand makesthosewithstrongspiritsthetargetsofpersecution. Come,now,willitbelawfultoexpressallopinions?Doesnottheauthorityhavetherighttoprohibittheenunciationofsome?Willmany of them, inevitably mistaken, not be detrimental? Yes, but we assert resolutelythatopinionsaboutdoctrinesmustbeentirelyfree.Noone doubtsthatthesurestmeans,or,bettersaid,theonlymeans,toarrive atknowledgeofthetruthisexaminationthatproducesfreediscussion. Thennotonlyone’sownreflectionsarepresentbutalsothoseofothers, andithashappenedathousandtimesthat,uponcriticismandperhaps errororsomeone’sirrelevantobservation,thefateofanationhasdepended.Nounderstanding,nomatterhowvastanduniversalonesupposesittobe,canembraceeverythingorexhaustanysubjectmatter. Fromthisitfollowsthateveryone,inallsubjectmatters,especiallythose thattreatofgovernment,needsthehelpofeveryoneelse,whichthey willcertainlynotobtainiffreedomofspeechandwrittenexpressionis notassured,shelteringtheopinionsandtheirauthorsfromallaggressionthatcouldbeattemptedagainstthembythosewhodonotaccept theseopinions.Thegovernment,then,cannotproscribeorgrantprotectionforanydoctrine.Thisisbeyonditsjurisdiction;itiscreatedonlyto observeandseethatcitizensobservethelaws. Itistruethat,amongopinions,thereareandmustbemanyerroneous ones;itisequallytruethatallerror,ofwhateverkindandunderwhateveraspectitisconsidered,ishighlyharmful.Butitisnotlesstruethat prohibitionsarenotmeansofremedyingerror.Thefreecirculationof ideasandthedifferencesthatresultfromcounterviewsconstitutethe onlywaytocorrectopinions.Ifthepowertoregulateopinionswere concededtosomeauthority,thislatterwouldveryquicklyabusesuch power,andwhowouldbechargedwithrestrainingusfromerror?He whoisexemptfromit?Butgovernmentsdonotfindthemselvesinthis category;verymuchtheopposite.Whenonesearchesforcausesthat havemostspreaderrorandcontributedtoperpetuatingerror,theyare alwaysfoundintheprohibitinginstitutions.Ontheotherhand,ifgovernmentswereauthorizedtoprohibitallerrorsandpunishthefoolish, theworldwouldverysoonbemissingalargeportionofhumanity,the restbeingreducedtoeternalsilence.Wewillbetoldthatnotallopinionshavetobesubjecttothecontrolofauthority,butifoneopinionis
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subject,therestarenotsafe.Lawscannotmakepreciseclassificationor exactenumerationofallopinions.Thusitisthatsuchapowerisnecessarilyarbitraryand,mostofthetime,willbeconvertedintoareasonfor persecution.Thesearenotunfoundedsuspicions.Lookbackatthebarbariancenturiesanditwillbeseenthattheuniversities,theparliaments, thechancelleries,andthekingsweredeterminedtoplaceproscriptions onthelearnedwhoweremakingphysicaldiscoveriesandattackingthe doctrinesofAristotle.PedroRamosTritemio,Galileo,andinnumerable otherssufferedwhatwouldnotbebelievableifitwerenotmadeobvioustousbeyondanydoubt.Andwhatwasthefruitofsuchmethods? Didthegovernmentssucceedinwhattheywereattempting?Notinthe least.Convertsincreaseddaybyday,perhapsbecauseofthatverypersecution. Ineffect,ifonewantstogivecredencetoadoctrine,nothingelseis neededbuttoforbidit.Mennaturallysuppose,andinthistheydonot deceivethemselves,thatadoctrinecannotbefoughtbyreasonwhen itisattackedbyforce.Strongspiritsandcourageoussoulsholdfastto forbiddendoctrines,moreforshowthanfromconviction,becausethe spiritofnoveltyandmakingthemselvestheobjectofpublicexcitement, attractingtheattentionofeveryone,issolivelyapassion,andasafinal consequenceaninappropriateremarkthatmighthaveremainedburied inthecornerofahousedegeneratesintoheresythatpossiblyunderminesthesupportsofthesocialedificebecauseoftheimportancepersecutionbestowsonit. Butdoesnotdiscreditingthelawsmakethemcontemptibleandinspirementotransgressthem,deprivingthelawsoftheirstature?Andis thisnottheoutcomeofthefrankcriticismthatismadeofthem?When thelawshavebeendictatedwithcalmandcare,whentheyaretheoutcomeofafreediscussion,andwhenthespiritofpartisanshipandthe fearsthatitinstillsinlegislatorshavenotcontributedtotheirpreparation,makingthegeneralinterestsubordinatetotheprivateinterestfor reasonsexternaltothem,thefearofsuchoutcomesisveryremote;but topreventit,governmentsmustbeveryalertandnotlosesightofpublic opinion,favoringitineverything.Thisisformedonlybyfreediscussion,whichcannotbemaintainedwhenthegovernmentorsomefactionisgrantedthepowerofthepressandcondemns,withnosenseof shame,thosewhoeitherimpugnthedogmasofthesectorthrowlight onitsabusesofauthority.Onthecontrary,whenoneproceedswithout
onthefreedomofthouGht,SpeeCh,andwritinG : 31
prejudiceandingoodfaith,whenonelistensattentivelyandimpartially, everythingthatissaidorwritteninsupportoforagainstthelawsiscertainlyontheroadtobeingright.Wenevertireofrepeatingit:freedom ofopinionsregardingdoctrinehasneverbeendisastrousforanypeople; butalltheeventsofmodernhistoryprovewiththegreatestcertaintythe dangersandrisksthatnationshaverunwhenonefactionhasmanagedto takepossessionofthepress,hasdominatedthegovernment,and,availingitselfofit,hassilencedbyterrorthosewhocouldeducateit. But governments do not take warning despite such repeated examples.Alwaysfixedinthepresentmoment,theydisregardthefuture. Theirprincipalerrorconsistsinbelievingtheycandoanything,andit isenoughtohintatitswillforittobepromptlyandfaithfullyobeyed. Perhapstheyturnonthemselveswhenthereisnolongeranyremedy, whentheyhavebeendiscreditedandhaveprecipitatedthenationinto an abyss of evils. We conclude our reflections, then, recommending tothetrusteesofpowerthattheybeconvincedthatwhentheymake crimesofopinions,theyruntheriskofpunishingtalentsandvirtues, oflosingtheidea,andofmakingfamousthememoryoftheirvictims.
4
Discourse on the Means Ambition Uses to Destroy Liberty
Nothingismoreimportantforanationthathasadopted therepublicansystem,havingjustemergedfromadespoticregimeand havingwonitslibertybytheforceofarms,thantoreducetherealor apparentreasonsthatmightallowagreatmassofauthorityandpowerto accumulateinthehandsofasingleman,givinghimprestigeandascendencyoverallothercitizens.Thedownfallofpopularinstitutionshasalmostalwaysoriginatedinmeasuresimprudentlyprescribedtopreserve them,notbecausethispreservationwasnotseriouslyandeffectivelyattempted,butratherbecausethenaturalandconsistentconsequencesof causesrequisitetothedownfallcannotbealteredbythewillofwhoever setstheminmotion. Themisfortuneofrepublicsconsistsnow,andhasalwaysconsisted, intheverylimitedmoralandphysicalforceentrustedtothedepositariesofpower.Thisnecessitythatnaturallycomesalongwiththesystemhas,aswithallhumaninstitutions,itsadvantagesanddisadvantages. Theseshouldbeweighedfaithfullybeforetheiradoptionbecause,once accepted,itisnecessarytoconsiderthewholebeforemakingachange that, no matter how superficial it may be or may be imagined to be, opens the door to the total change of the system and is a shock that, althoughsuperficial,ifrepeated,slowlyunderminesthefoundationsof thesocialstructureuntilitcollapses.Whatismoreattractivethanbeing asfaraspossiblefromthecontrolofauthorityandsubmittingone’sown personandactionsaslittleaspossibletothevigilanceanddecreesof theagentsofpower?Andinwhatsystem,ifnottherepublican,ismore spaceenjoyedandgreaterbreadthgiventosuchprivileges?Innone,certainly. Wellthen,thisinestimablegoodisingreaterdangerofbeinglost Originaltitle:“Discursosobrelosmediosdequesevalelaambiciónparadestruirla libertad.”Source:El Observador de la República Mexicana,Mexico,June20,1827,p.55. 32
onthemeanSambitionuSeStodeStroyliberty : 33
thaninanyothertypeofgovernmentiffreemenarenotverymuchon thealerttoanticipateeverykindofaspirationthattends,ifonlyfora fewmoments,toreducetheirlibertyandtoaugmentwiththeselosses thepoweroftheonewhobeginsbydirectingthemandwillunfailingly endbydominatingthem. Theloveofpower,innateinmanandalwaysprogressiveingovernment,ismuchmoreterribleinrepublicsthanmonarchies.Theonewho issurehewillalwaysruleexertshimselflittletoincreasehisauthority; buttheonewhosees,evenfromafar,theendofhisgreatnessiftheimmensebodyofthenationandirresistibleforceoftruepublicopinion donotcurbhim,alwaysworksindefatigablytooccupythehighestoffice ifhebelievesitwithinreach,ortoprolongindefinitelyitsdurationand expanditslimitsifhehasmanagedtogainit. Themeansonecanputintoplaytoarriveatthisendareinfinite,but amongthemostcommonplacearemakingoneselfpopulartopromote one’srise,presentingoneselfasnecessarysoastomaintainoneselfin thepost,andsuggesting,soastodestroytheConstitution,theimpossibilityorineffectivenessofthefundamentallaws. Amonganewpeoplewhobecauseoftheirinexperiencehavenever knownliberty,demagogueshaveanimmensefieldonwhichtoexercise theirintrigues,givingfreereintotheirambition.Lookforpopularpassionsand,oncefound,flatterthemimmoderately;proclaimprinciples, exaggeratingthemtoadegreethatmakesthemodious;andarousesuspicionofallthosewhohavenotadvancedthisfarandprofessorpropound principlesofmoderation.Hereisthemeansofmakingoneselfpopular inanationmadeupofmenwho,forthefirsttime,treadthedifficultand alwaysdangerouspathofliberty. WhathasbeendoneinEngland,inFrance,inSpain,and,finally,in alltheformerSpanishcolonies,nowindependentnationsofAmerica? Considercarefullythefirstperiodoftheirrevolutions.Follow,keepinginviewallthestepsofthosewhoafterwardhavebeentheirmasters, anditwillbeseen,withoutexception,thattheyhaveowedtonoother meansthepopularitythatservedasstepping-stonestothesummitof power. In fact, people who have lived under an oppressive regime do not believethemselvesfreewhentheyshakeoffthechainsthatheldthem yokedtothecartofthedespot.Rather,theywanttobreakalltheties thatunitethemwithauthorityandeventhenecessarydependencethat
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bringswithitinequalityofclasses,aninequalityowingnottolawsbut tothevariousphysicalandmoralfacultieswithwhichnaturehasendowedeachman.Becauseofthistheylistenwithenthusiasmandelevatetoallthepublicofficesthosewhopreachthatchimericalequality offortunes,pleasures,andabilitytobeanything,andtheybecomeinflamedwithpassionagainstallthosewhotrytocurethemofthispoliticalfever,smearingthemwiththemostdenigratingnicknames,the mostcontemptuousinsults,andthemostbarbarouspersecutions,and forging, without noticing it, the chains that must once again reduce themtoservitude. Robespierre and Marat did not become masters of the destiny of Franceorspillsomuchbloodbymeansotherthanthese,andtheywere a thousand times more destructive than all the kings together whose lineagetheyoverthrew.Intheendtheyfell,asallthoseoftheirkind willfall,butleavingthewayopenfortheriseofotherswho,although morequietlybutwithahappieroutcome,manageforsomemoretime toachievetheirgoals,placingthemselvesatthepeakofpower,violatingallsocialguarantees,andperpetuatingthemisfortuneofthepeople who,becauseofaprolongedcycleofmiseriesandcalamities,returnto thesamepointofslaveryfromwhichtheyhadsetouttoembarkupon thepathofliberty. Thepeople,afterathousandoscillationsandfluctuations,theterror ofanarchyover,createapoorormediocreconstitution,andthenanotherfateawaitsthem.Soonenough,thosewho,bychance,haveowed theirpromotiontotheruleoffactionstrytogivethemselvesexcessive importance, affecting public esteem by means of all the externalities withwhichsuchesteemappearstobeinagreement,workingtopersuadeothersthatthestabilityoftherepublicdependsontheadverse orfavorablefateoftheirpersonalexistence.Thiserrorinsinuatesitself withextraordinaryeaseandhasreadysuccess,especiallyamongpeople whohavenotknownmoreofapatriathangroundstainedbyservility andslavery,morerightsthanthegratuitousandmeanconcessionsof alord,ormorelawsthanthevainandunstablecapricesofanabsolute master.Fromthemomentitisbelievedorfeignedtobebelievedthat thefateoflibertyandtheexistenceoftherepublicdependonthepoliticalexistenceofonesingleman,theyfindthemselvesonthevergeof ruin.Thenhewillbegrantedallmannerofcondescension;itwillbeattemptedtoputasideallthegoalsofthecitizens,ofthelawsandnational
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interests,tofixthemtotheambitiouspersonwhoseaggrandizementis sought;thesacrednamesofpatriaandlibertywillbedefiled,andthe poisonousrootwillbecultivated,which,withthepassingoftime,will bearnothingbutdeadlyfruit. Yes,youpeoplesandnationsthathaveadoptedasystemofgovernmentasbeneficialasitisdelicate,beverymuchonguardagainstthat onewhotriestomakehimselfnecessaryandtoassignhimselfgreater importancethangrantedbythosewhooccupypublicposts,theConstitution,andthelaws.Hewillbeginbyflatteringyou,promisingeverything,andwillendbypushingyoudownintoservitude,superimposing himselfonthelawsthatguaranteepubliclibertiesand,ifpossible,rippingfromyourheartsallthegeneroussentimentsthattheindependence ofatrulyfreesoulmighthaverootedinthem.Plungethosedetestable monsters,thosedisfiguredchildren,intotheabyssofnothingness,their odiousmemory,weigheddownbythepubliccurse,transmittedtoposterity. Having acquired an unmerited importance and the destiny of the patriaentrustedtotheirdirection,thesemensoonfixtheirintentions onexpandingtheirpowerbyputtingthemselvesinapositiontoprolongitindefinitely.Butwhatmeansdotheyuse?Howdotheyobtain thisfromapeoplethathasenthusiasticallyadoptedtheinstitutionsthat destroyanyarbitraryregime?Hereenterallthetactics,alltheskilland cunningofthedespotsofnewdesignationandrecentorigin:theprotectors,liberators,directors,etc. There is no man so incautious that he endeavors at the outset to seduce an entire people or insult them openly by clear and manifest contemptforthedutiestowhichhehasjustsubmittedhimself.This wouldbethesurewaytofrustrateanyplan,andambitiouspersonsproceedwithgreatercircumspection.Whatisit,then,thattheydo?They trytocreatealargefaction,accustomthepublictothetransgressionof thelaws,andfeignorstirupconspiracies. Itisimpossiblethatamanreducedtohisindividualstrengthscould acquireeithertheprestigeorthepowernecessarytosuperimposehimselfonanentirenation.Hisintentionsandplanswillalwaysbemistrusted by the multitude, and they will never have any noteworthy successexceptwiththehelpofanorganizedfactionthatisreplicated everywhere,thatseizesthevoiceofthenation,thatattacksallwhoopposeitsinterestsandreducesthemtosilenceandinactionbystirringup
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feelingsoffearinthosewhomighttakeonthefactionbythegathering oftheirforcesandthelegitimacyoftheircause.So,then,thefirstnecessityofanambitiouspersonistocreateapartyofthiskind. Itisveryeasytoeffectthisplanafterarevolutionlastingmanyyears, inwhichthebelligerentsideshavecalamitouslyharassedeachother.At thatpoint,theelementsnecessarytocarryouttheplansuccessfullyare spreadeverywhere,andbringingthemtogetherdoesnotposeamajor difficulty.Manymenareleftwithneitherfortunenoremployment,and astheoverbearingnecessityfordailysubsistenceisgreaterthanallpolitical considerations, they will have no option but to sell themselves tothefirstonewhomightpurchasethem.Thefearthatallunjustpersecutionbringswithitdemoralizesanation,thendestroysthenatural generosity of characters, obliges men to lie to themselves and others, tohidetheirfeelingsandsuppresstheirideasthroughaperpetualand constantcontradictionintheirspeech,andabjectlyprostratethemselves beforeallthosefromwhom,inprinciple,theyhopeorfearsomething. Anation,then,thatformanyyearshastraveledthisdangerouspathand that,moreover,findsitselfimpoverishedbecauseoftheaccumulationof propertiesbyasmallnumberofcitizens,becauseofitslackofindustry andbecauseofthemultitudeofjobsthatencourageaspirationism,1isa fieldopentotheintriguesofastuteandenterprisingambitionandoffers athousandmeansfortheorganizationofaudaciousfactions. Onthesefoundations,infact,ambitiouspersonsriseupand,going onfromhere,makethefirstattemptsatarbitrarinessonpersonswhoare littleknown,andbecauseoftheirobscuritydonotattractpublicattentionorfocusthegazeofthemultitude.Normally,suchtransgressorsremainhidden,eitherbecauseoftheignoranceofthosewhotoleratethem orbecauseofthelackofmeansforexposinganddenouncingthemto publicopinion.Fromthelowestclassitgoes,risinggradually,battering theresistancethatmightbeopposed,takingbreaksthatinspiresome confidence,makeanxietydisappear,andmakecitizensconceivethepossibilityoftheirsecuritybeingtrampledwithoutprotestsorinspiteof them.Hereiswherethefactioncomesintosupporttheonewhopays it.Itmakesaccusationsthatitrepeatsceaselessly,exemptingitselffrom ever proving them, feigning ignorance of any response to them, and 1.Aspirantismo,forwhichthereisnoclearEnglishequivalent,denotesanyonewhois power-ormoney-hungry.(Editor’snote)
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suggestinggratuitously,althoughconstantly,thatthosetargetsofpersecutionarecriminals.Sometimesittramplesthosewhodemandsocial guarantees,punishingthemforsedition.Othertimesitattackswithprohibitedweapons,insertingitselfevenintothesacrednessofthedomesticsanctuaryinordertomaketheirweaknessespublicandobvious.If theyarenotfoundthere,itdoesnotmatter;theyaresuggested,andwith thisitgetsoutofitsdifficulty.Inthisway,publicattentionisdistracted fromthematterathand;menofprobityandmeritareobligedtoabandonthefield;terrorimprintsitselfonalmostallcitizens,isolatingthem intheirhomes;theconsolidationofeffortsthatwouldmakefactions trembleisimpeded,andanentirepeopleisdominated,asawholeprovincegivesitselfovertoagangofbandits.Thusisformedaphantomof publicopinion,muchclamorisputforward,agreatnoiseismade,and newlevelsofpowerareacquired,whichleadtothehighestlevels,and thesetothedesiredend. Oneofthemeansthatambitionhasmostcommonlyemployedand thathasneverlostitseffectivenessdespitethefrequencywithwhichit hasbeenusedisfeigningconspiraciesorstirringthemupsothatthey serveasapretextfortheexpansionandaugmentationofthepowerit seeks.Peoplewhohaveobtainedtheirlibertyandindependenceatthe priceofbloodareveryeasytoplungeoncemoreintoslaverybyusing theirverydesiretopreventthoseevils.Ofcourse,itbeginsbymakinga pretextoftheexistenceofpowerfulandterribleconspiracies.Itmakes greatmysteryofthem,sparingnoefforttomakethisconvictionwell knownandpopular.Whenthishasbeenachieved,itventuresthedistinctionbetweenthegoodoftherepublicandobservanceofthelaws. Thenitgoesontomaintainthattheformershouldbepreferredtothe latter.Itassuresthatthelawsaretheoriesinsufficienttogovernandends byopenlyinfringingthem,seekingtheirtotalabolitionasitsoutsized prize. Thisinsidiousattackonpublicfreedomsisthemoreterribletothe extentthatonetakesthemasapretextandhidesbehindthemaskof theirpreservation.Almostneverhasitbeendonewithoutthedestructionofthegovernmentortherepublic.Ifthepeopleallowthemselvesto beovertakenbyfearofconspiraciesandpermitthesystem’sprinciples tobedestroyedinordertoextinguishorpreventthem,theyhavealready fallenintothetrap,andtheythemselves,withtheirtoleranceorpositive concessions,haveadvancedtheevilforwhichtheyseekaremedy.The
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firstthingsoughtbytheonewhotriestoestablishthearbitraryregime istohavethepersonsofcitizensentirelyathisdisposal.Onceattaining this,hemoveswithouthindranceuntilhearrivesathisgoal.Toachieve it,hesuggeststheneedtoincreasethestrengthofthegovernmentby suspensionofjudicialforms,bylawsofexception,andbyestablishment oftribunalsthatareallloyaltothepowerandareunderhisdirection and influence. For this, the system of exaggerating risks and dangers servesadmirably. WhenBonapartedisbandedtheConsulateofFranceanddestroyed theDirectory,thetalkinPariswasofanimmenseandintricateconspiracyinfavorofroyalism,whichneverexistedexceptinthemindsof thepeopleofhisfaction.Iturbide,intheattackshemadeonthenational representationonthethirdofAprilandthenineteenthofMay,when hefelluponsomeofitsmembersanddissolvedit,madenomentionof anythingotherthantheconspiracieshesupposedhadevenpenetrated the sanctuary of the laws. Nonetheless, time and subsequent events showedwiththegreatestclaritythatthemotiveofbothstrategemswas notthegoodofthepatria,ordevotiontoorconcernforpublicsafety, butratherthebeginningsofambition,ofaugmentationofpowerand personalaggrandizement. Itmattersnotatallwhetherthisaugmentationisobtainedbyforce orbyspontaneousconcessions;theeffectisalwaysthesame.Libertyis destroyedbyeventscontrarytoprinciples,whoevermightbetheagent towhomtheyowetheirorigin.Libertyisnotanameemptyanddevoid ofmeaningthatcanbeappliedtoanysystemofgovernment.Liberty isitselftheresultofaconjunctionofcautionaryrulesthattheobservationandexperienceofmanycenturieshavetaughtmenarenecessary toavoidtheabusesofthepowerfulandtosecurethepersonsandgoods ofthemembers,notonlyfromtheoppressionsofindividuals,butalso fromthoseofthepower.Andalthoughintendedtoprotectthem,many ormosttimesthepowerdegeneratesintoamalefactor,turningweapons againstthosewhoputtheminitshandssothatitmightdefendthem. Beconvinced,then,citizenswhohavethehappinessofbelongingto arepublicthathasadoptedfreeinstitutionsforitsrule—beconvinced oftheimportanceofputtingabrakeonagovernmentthatgoesbeyond ortriestogobeyondtheboundariesthatlimititspower;destroyby legalmeansallthosewhoshowaversiontotheprinciplesofthesystem andwhohavetheaudacityandbrazennesstoattackthem;distrustall
onthemeanSambitionuSeStodeStroyliberty : 39
thedemandsrelativetotheaugmentationorconcessionofpowersthat areextraconstitutionalorcontrarytothefoundationsofthesystem,no matterwhattheirtitleornamemightbe,especiallyiftoattainthem theexistenceorfearsofconspiraciesisalleged;listenwiththegreatest distrusttothosewhospeaktoyouaboutthemforthepurposeofprovokingyouintodisposingofthecommonrulesandestablishedorder; forifthisshouldbecarriedoutatsometime,politicalcrimeswillbe reproducedunceasinglyandfreedomwillneverbeseatedonitsthrone inanationthatisatheaterofreactionsandofpersecution,composedof oppressorsandoppressed,andthatcarriesinitselfthegermofitsruin anddestruction. PeoplesandstatesthatmakeuptheMexicanFederation,takewarningfromFrance,fromthenewnationsofAmerica,andfromtherecent eventsofyourhistory.Fearthepoweroftheambitiousonesandofthe factionstheycalltotheirassistance.Uniteyoureffortstodestroythem, sowillyoubeinvincible;isolated,theywillbeatyoubitbybit.Maythe lawandthenationalwillpresideoveryourdestiniesandmakedominion offactions,etc.,cease.
5
Discourse on the Civil Liberties of the Citizen Politicallibertyconsistsofsecurity, Oratleastintheopiniononehasofone’sownsecurity... Whentheinnocenceofthecitizensisnotsecure, neitherisliberty. —Montesquieu,The Spirit of Laws,bookXII,chapter4
Inasocietythatiswellconstitutedandintendstodestroyalltheabusesthathaveperpetuatedtheexistenceofanarbitrary regime,itisnecessarytoaccustomitsmembersnottobeenamoredof insignificantvoicesandrathertoconcernthemselveswiththerealityof things.Theabuseofunspecifiedwords,especiallyinpoliticalmatters, hasbeen,sincetheextinctionoffeudalism,thesourceofallthewoesof peopleswhoemergefromthecontroloflordsonlytobecomeslavesof governments.Theword“liberty,”whichhasbeenusedsooftenforthe destructionofitsownmeaning,hasbeentheusualpretextforallthe world’spoliticalrevolutions.Peoplehavebeenmovedjustbyhearingit pronouncedandhavereachedouttheirhandstoembracethetutelary spiritofsocieties,whichitsleadershavemadedisappearlikeaphantomattheverymomentitceasedbeingnecessaryfortheattainment and successful outcome of their ambitious aims. Philosophical lovers ofhumanityhaveraisedtheirvoiceinvainagainstsuchconduct.The peoplehavebeenandwillbefrequentlydeceivediftheyaresatisfied withformsofgovernmentandneglecttoensurethemostimportant pointofallfreegovernment,the civil liberty of the citizen,or,whatisthe same,thepowertodowithoutfearofbeingreprimandedorpunished everythingthatthelawdoesnotexpresslyprohibit. Thepreciousrighttodowhatdoesnotharmanothercannot,unfor Originaltitle:“Discursosobrelalibertadcivildelciudadano.”Source:El Observador de la República Mexicana,Mexico,July25,1827,p.219. 40
ontheCivillibertieSoftheCitizen : 41
tunately,beputintoeffectinthestateofnatureinwhichman,reduced tohisindividualstrengths,wouldinevitablybedespotorslave,dependingonwhetherthesestrengthsareadequatetosuppresstherestorinsufficient to resist their aggressions. Men, then, have regarded themselves as compelled to create societies and to organize a public force that,beingsuperiortothatofeachindividual,mightcheckandcontain theperpetratorsofhigh-handedcrimeagainsthelplessinnocents.But before long, governments and the force put at their disposal, forgetting theirorigin and feigning ignorance of thepurpose and endsfor whichtheyhavebeeninstituted,themselvescommitthosecrimesthat theyweresupposedtoavoidorcurbinindividuals.Itwasnecessary, therefore,toplacelimitsontheirpower,torequestandseekassurances thattheselimitswouldneverbeviolated,thattheauthoritycouldbe exercisedonlyincertainandspecifiedcasesandunderfixedrulesor conditions,which,whentheyhavebeenwellandreligiouslyobserved, have created in men such confidence that they can act as they please withinlegalboundarieswithoutfearofbeinginjuredordisturbedand whichweknowbythenameofindividualsecurity.Unfortunately,this openandhonestconductamongtheagentsofpowerhasbeenveryrare, anditslackhasledtoathousanddisturbancesbecauseoftheprolonged strugglebetweengovernmentsandthepeople,astrugglethatdepends onthediverseintereststhatdrivedifferentgroupsandarethereasonfor theirdifferentandcontrarywaysofacting. Itisinthenatureofthosewhodominate,whatevermightbetheir numberandthenamegiventothem,toseektomaketheexerciseof powerasadvantageousaspossibleforthemselves,anditisequallyinthe natureofthosewhobecomesubordinatedtomakedominationaheavy burdenforthosewhoexerciseitandthelightestitcanbeforthosewho endureit.Whatevermaybethenameofthosewhogovern,thequestion forthemisalwaysthesame.Whethertheybecalledpresidents,directors,emperors,orkings;betheyfiveorbetheythree,whetherthere aretwooronlyone;whethertheybeelectedorhereditary,usurpers orlegitimate,theirinterestisalwaysthesame:tohavepersonsattheir disposalinthemostabsoluteway,tohavenoobstacletotheexerciseof theirauthority,toshakeoffthegripofallresponsibilityorcensure.To thecontrary,thosewhoaresubjecttopower,whatevermaybeitsform orname,areconcernedtomakethemselvessafefromallarbitrariness sothatnoonemightmakeuseoftheirpersonswithoutruleormeasure.
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Theyareequallyconcernedtobecomefreeandtoremainsowithrespecttoeverythingthatdoesnotinfringeupontherightandsecurity ofanother.Fromthosetwoopposingtendenciesresultsaconflictthat musthaveasitsultimateendeithertheestablishmentofdespotism,no matterwhatmightbetheformofgovernment,orthedestructionofall arbitrarypower.Therewillbenorestamongthepeopleexceptwhen oneofthoseoutcomeshascometobesoessentialandinalterablethat everyhopeofalterationorchangehasbeenextinguishedintheheartof men. Thereisnodoubtthatpeoplewillbefreeunderanyformofgovernmentifthosewhorulethem,eveniftheyarecalledkingsandare perpetual,aretrulypowerlesstomakeuseofthepersonofthecitizen attheirwhimandwithoutsubjectiontoanyrule;andrepublicanforms willbeuseless,eveniftheheadofthenationiscalledpresidentand servesforafixedtime,ifthefateofthecitizendependsonhisomnipotentwill. ThewiseMontesquieu,whoanalyzedpoliticalpowersand,making cleartheirdrivingandconservingprinciplesplacedthefirststoneof theedificeconsecratedtocivilliberty,doesnothesitatetoassertthat, althoughtheformofgovernmenthassomeinfluenceoncivilliberty’s existence,itisnotitstrueandessentialcomponent.Inthejudgment ofthisgreatman,thelibertyofthecitizenexistsuniquelyandexclusivelyinindividualsecurityandinthestillness,repose,andtranquility thattheconvictionofitsexistenceproducesineachofthemembers.In effect,allthesewordscontaineverythingthatapeacefulman,freeof ambition,candesireandaskofsociety,andwhenoneactsingoodfaith andwiththespiritofdoingtherightthing,itiseasyandsimpleenough tograntsuchassurances. Onwhat,then,arecontingentthecontinuousandbittercomplaints thatareheardwithsuchfrequencyagainsttheagentsofthepower?Why aretheterms“indifference,”“indolence,”“arbitrariness,”“despotism,” and“tyranny”appliedwithsuchfrequencytotheactsthatemanatefrom the depositaries of the authority? How is it that they are accused by theveryoneswhohaveanextremelylivelyinterestintherepressionof crimesthatarebeingcommittedorcanbecommittedagainsttheindividualandpublicsecurity?Toresolvethesequestionswithcertainty,it isnecessarytoassertthatallthedepositariesoftheauthority,nomatter whatthepoliticalpowermaybe,havethestrictestobligationtoprevent
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unjustaggressionsamongindividualsandthemselvesrefrainfromcommittingthem.Wheneverthecitizensuffersorenduresanyexternalviolencewithouthavinginfringedanylaw,or,whatisthesame,isinnocent, thegovernmentmustberesponsibleandknowtomakepublicamends, for,asnothingmorethananagentofthenation,establishedprecisely withthesoleanduniqueobjectiveofensuringtheexerciseofpublic andprivaterights,tofailbyaggressionoromissioninsuchduties,as sacredastheyareimportant,istocommitacrimeoflèse-nation.Thus itiswhenhighwaymenandmurderershavethesupportoftheauthority or,attheleast,guiltytolerance;whenlibelersdamagethereputationof thehonorablecitizenwithimpunityandlacktheproprietyduetopublicmorality,feedingonandencouragingmaliciousdefamationthrough publicationofprivatedefects,trueorsupposed,withouttheauthority exercisinganyrestrainingmethodswhatsoever;finally,whentheabuse withimpunityofmenwhohavenoothercrimethantheirbirthorthe opinionstheyprofessispermittedortolerated,itisevidentthatindividualsecuritydoesnotexistandthatagovernmentthatisindifferent toorcolludeswithsuchattackersis,atbest,auselessburdenforthenationthatcreateditandonerousforthepeoplethatmaintainit,without servingthematall.Ineffect,fromthemomentoneorseveralmembers ofsocietyhavejustandwell-foundedreasonstofearthattheycannot countontheprotectionofthegovernment,and,soasnottoprovidethat protection,thegovernmentshieldsitselfwithalackofenergyorwith theridiculousexcusethatpublicopinionisagainstthepersecutedones anddefyingthatopinionisimprudent,fromthispoint,werepeat,individualsecurityisatanendandthebasesofauthorityareundermined. Thisindolentinertia,orthispartisanconduct,isnotonlydestructivetothosewretchedwhoendureit,itissoforthepersecutorsthemselvesand,aboveall,thegovernment.Norwillthosewhotodayattack therightsofotherswithimpunity,ridingroughshodoverthereputationandpersonsoftheiropponentsbasedonthefactthattheauthority, fromcomplicityorfearthattheseopponentshaveinstilledinit,cannot orwillnotcurbtheirexcesses,shouldtheirfortunebeadversetomorrow and should their misfortune make them a target of persecution, beabletoexpect,fromtheagentsofpower,thattheywillenjoysecurityandstability.Forthesamereasonsthatithasbeenacoldspectator tothecrimescommittedbyafaction,itwillsimultaneouslybeacold spectatortoallcrimesofotherfactions;andinitsshadowthereignof
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forceandanarchywillbeforming,whichsoonerorlaterwilltopplethe socialedifice,enmeshinginitsruinsthedepositariesoftheauthority. France,initsrevolution,providesuswithconclusiveevidenceofthis truth.FromtheinstallationoftheEstatesGeneral,thespiritofpersecutionbrokeloose,whichdidnotendevenwiththeRestoration.Inthat nation,thedestructionofapreviouslyvictoriouspartyfirmlydragged thegovernmentalongwithit.Theconstitutionalistsbannedtheroyalists;therepublicans,theconstitutionalists;theGirondistswerebanned bythecommitteesofpublichealthandpublicsafety;thosewhomadeup thesebodieswentinsuccessiontotheguillotinebytheordersofDantonandRobespierre.Thesefamouscannibalsfellatthestrokeofthe Thermadorians,andinalltheseconvulsionsFrancewasfloodedwith blood,anarchydevastatedeverything,andthegovernment,whichdid notknowordidnotwanttomakeeffectivetheguaranteesprotectiveof personalsecurity,wasalwaysthevictimoftherushofthefactions. Until now these have been and will always be the deplorable outcomesofthecriminalindifferenceandabandonmentwithwhichthose whoarechargedwithcurbingattacksonindividualsecurityviewthem. A government that deserves that name should shake off fear and not permititselftobebanished;itmustremainfirmandimpassiveamong thefactions.Toabandontheprinciplesofjusticeinordertoseekthe supportofthedominantfactionistobelost,istocommitacrimethat ismorethanatrocious,ineffective,andnotconducivetotheenditis endeavoringtoattain.Ineffect,whenthegovernmentdoesnotthink aboutgoverning,butratheraboutexistingthroughcriminaltolerance, itunfailinglyreconcilesthehatredofthosewhosufferwiththescorn ofthosewhopersecute.Thefirstcannotavoidbecomingexceedingly irritated,especiallyonseeingthattheyaresacrificedtotheexistenceof anauthoritythattheycreatedtoprotecttheirsecurity.Thesecond,inwardlyconvincedthattheyowetolerationonlytotherealorapparent strengthoftheirfactionandthattomorrowthesametolerationwillbe owedbyanother,whichattheverymomentitreplacesthem,oppresses them, look withdisdainful scorn onapower sodebased thatitloses thevalueofajustseveritywithoutescapingtheodiousnessofcriminaltoleration.Unhappypeopleentrustedtosuchagovernment!Public interestswillbemeanlysacrificedtotheinterestsoftheagentsofthe power,peacefulcitizenswillnothaveamomentoftranquilityorrest, becoming obliged to seek in themselves and by preventive measures
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owingtotheirindividualstrengths,thesecuritythatcannotorwillnot beaccordedtothembyanauthoritythatdoesnotthinkaboutthemexcepttodeliverthemdefenselesstothevoracityoftheirenemies.Invain willtheyinvoketheprinciplesofjustice,thenaturalfeelingsofcompassionforthemandfortheirfamilies,orthejustcompensationowedfor theirservices.Nootherrecourseremainstothembuttoenduretheir sufferingandredoubletheireffortstoplaceatthepropertimethesacred depositofpubliclibertiesinmorefaithfulhandsandtoentrustthereins ofgovernmenttoexpertpersonsofknownprobity. The people have another, much greater, woe to fear from governments,anditisthatwhenthesegovernments,emergingfromtheirindifference,enterintosuchactivitythattheythemselvescommitthecrimes theyshouldprevent;toclarify,transformingthemselvesfromprotectors toaggressors,theyattackindividualsecurityandturnagainstthecitizensthesameweaponstheyacceptedfortheirdefense.Thisabuseisthe moreterriblethemoretheverynatureofthepoliticalpowersgivesway tofrequenterrorsinsuchadelicatematter.Theauthorityofthegovernment,saysthewiseBentham,isnothingbuttheexceptiontothegeneral rulethatindividualsmustobserve.You will not kill, you will not deprive anyone of his liberty:thisistheobligationofanindividual.The judge will condemn the murderer to death; he will imprison the criminal; the government will have the sentence executed:herewehavethepowersoftheauthority. Althoughtheprimarybenefitofsocietyisprovidingindividualsecurity forusbycurbingtheaggressionsofothers,itisclearlypossibletoattain thisonlywhenthepersonofeachcitizenremainssubjecttotheaction ofthepublicauthorityintheeventofanattemptagainstthesecurityof another.Thisactofsubmissionispreciselywheretheriskisrun.Here iswherethegovernmentfeignsactingasprotectorwhenitisactually turningintoanaggressor;andasthedividinglinebetweenthesetwo actsissofineas,ingeneral,tobescarcelyperceptibletothemajorityof citizens,itisnotstrangethatitcontinuestoconfusethem.Sowestrive toexplainsoimportantasubjectthroughitseffectsandoutcomes. Fromthemomentinwhichthegovernmentisempoweredtoarrange thefateofcitizenswithoutsubmissiontoanyrule,allofthemareits slaves.Thecitizen’sstateisthatofgoverned,theslave’sthatofpossessed, and the distance that separates such different conditions is immense. Whatisit,then,tobepossessed?Itistobeentirelyandabsolutelyat thedispositionofanotheranddependentonhiswill.Andwhatisitto
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begoverned?Itistobeprotectedagainstallformsofaggression,reprimandedoneselfwhenonecommitsthem,andobligedtoconcuron themeansofpreventingthem.Anyothersacrificethatmightbecalled foronthepartofthecitizen,andanyotherinfluencethegovernment claimstohaveoverhisperson,isanactofoppressionandtyranny.A citizen, then, has no reason to complain when his imprisonment has beenprovokedbyanactcommittedbyhim,anactdeclaredcriminalby anexistinglawthatassignsafixedpenaltyandwhenthetrialdirectly followsthearrest.Thesemethodscaninnowaybecalledundermining ofindividualsecurity;onthecontrary,theycontributetomaintaining thispreciousrightandareindispensablynecessarytosecureit.Sucha proceduredoesnotcausealarmorlackofconfidenceexceptformalefactors,andthis,farfrombeinganevilagainstwhichoneshouldguard, isforasocietyagoodforwhichlegislatorsshouldalwaysstrive. Thoseactsoftheauthorityofwhichcitizenscomplain,andwithsuch justicecalloppressiveandtyrannical,arenotofthisclass.Theyarethose thatspreadmourningandconsternationinthefamilyofthepeaceful citizen,ofwhoseinnocencetheauthoritypretendsignorance;they are judicial persecutions without regular judgments, when the public power arrests and imprisons anyone it pleases, prolongs detentions indefinitely, exiles, and, finally, disposes of persons according to its whim,likeamasteroverslaveshe possessesandnotlikealeaderovercitizenshegoverns;theyare,finally, thoseactsbywhichtheauthorityitselfcommitsanoutrageagainstthe securityithaspromisedandisobligedtomaintain,andbywhichitperpetratesthedisordersitwassupposedtocurb. Thepublicauthorityinanationthathaschangedinstitutionsforthe firsttime,passingfromabsolutismtoliberty,isconstantlyreactionary; ithasnootherideaofgovernmentthanwhatitcouldreceivefromthe previousregime,norisitpersuadedthatcurbingcrimesandtakingprecautionsagainstthedestructionofthestatearepossiblebyanymeans otherthanthosethathavebeenlearnedintheschoolofdespotism.As theprinciplesofthislatterschoolareopenlycontrarytothenewinstitutions,thecomplaintsarenotonlyfrequentandrepeated,butalsojust, wellfounded,andincontestable.Theagentsofthepower,notfindinga waytoavoidthecomplaints,appealtothepreservation of the Republic,to thisprotectivegodoftyrantsandoppressors,bywhichtheytrytopersuadeoftheriskthegovernmentrunsifitdoesnotdisregardindividual security.
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Itiscertainthatthefirstnecessityofapeopleistheexistenceofits government,butitisnotequallysothatthisbeincompatiblewithsupportingsuchasacredrightasindividualsecurity. Itisnottheinterestsoftheauthority,butratherthoseoftheofficialstheyaretryingtosecure;becausewhatisittheyunderstandasthe interestsofthegovernment?Thingsnotcapableoffeelingcannothave interestsinanything.Itisthenclearthat,whenthisexpressionisused,it signifiesonlytheimpotenceoftheagentsofthepowertogivefreerein todespicableandthievingpassions,oppressingthosewhoovershadow themormakeevidenttheirevilacts.Certainly,itwouldbeasrareasit wouldbedifficulttopersuadethosewhoneitheroccupypublicposts norcangetanyuseofthemthatthearbitraryregimehasbeenestablishedpreciselyfortheirbenefit,tohavetheirpersonsattheirdisposal withoutsubmissiontoanyrule.Thetruthisthatitgreatlypleasesthose whorule,whatevercertainpeoplemaywanttosay,toconstitutethemselvesintomastersofthepeoplewhohavebeenentrustedtoitsdirection andtohavethepowertodisposeofthemembersthatmakeitupwithouttheobligationofaccountingtoanybodyorthefearofansweringto anybody.Alltheunhappinessofwhichtheycomplainisthusreduced tothefactthatsomedonotruleeverythingtheywouldlike;butwhatis unhappinessforthemisagreatbenefittotheothercitizenswhomake upthesociety. Letusopenlyconfess,then,thatillegalandarbitraryprisonspush mandownintoslavery,and,atthesametime,theyprepareaninterminableseriesofmisfortunesforapeoplethat,becauseoftheseacts,isin apermanentstateofrevolution. Thehistoryofalltimes,bothancientandmodern,showswithabsolutecertaintythatthecrimesofthearbitrarypowerinevitablyendin publicdisorders.Itwillbeuselesstoseekinthesepoliticaloscillations the reestablishment of individual security; they will have had this as theiraim,butitwillnotbeachievedwhiletheylast.Sometimesambition,othertimeshatredandvengeance,alwaysthemostviolentpassionstakepossessionofandempowersuchmovements,andinthisviolentwhirlwindtheyaresurroundedandstifledandsuccessivelybecome victorsandvanquished.Thenprinciplesareabandonedandathroneis erectedtotheempireofcircumstance.Thesenecessitiesgivethecommonpretextfordestroyingregularlawsthatcouldhavestoppedthem, andinthiswayinjusticeandirregularity,whichwillbeconstantlyde-
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mandedasapledgeofpublicsecurity,willperiodicallyrenewthemselves.Seehere,saysafamouswriter,howthegenerationscontemporarytothesecatastrophesnevergatheranythingbutbitterfruitandhow rareitisthatthefollowinggenerationsinherithappierones.Looking forsecurityinthemidstofconvulsionsisthegrossestoferrors,butan activeandsensitivepeopleisinvinciblyimpelledtowarditwhenoppressionhasdraineditspatience. Anypoliticalsystemthatallowsarrestandexilewithoutdueprocess carrieswithinitselfthegermofdisturbancesthatsoonerorlaterwill explodewithadeafeningnoise. Sogovernmentsthattrytoarguethatthemeansofcontainingthe disturbancesistodisregardindividualsecuritywithprotectivemethodsdeceivethemselvesanddeceiveothers.Publicindignation,whichis theprecursorofalldisturbances,becomesstirredupinsoindisputable awaythatitcanbehiddenfromnoone.Amongamoderatelyrefined people,whenitissuspectedthataninnocentpersonsuffers,theliveliestinterestistakeninthisvictimofarbitrariness,andtheparticulariniquitiesofthepowerarepubliclyandvigorouslycensured.Whenthis happens,discontentandalarmspreadrapidlythroughallmembersof society,whofromthismomentplacethemselvesinopenwarwiththe government;veryjustwar,butatthesametimethemostdangerousand harmfulthatcanbeundertaken,becausethroughitthesocialbondsare completelydestroyedandmenareinthebarbarianstateofnature. Weneveradvisepeoplestotakesuchastep,buttheymovetoadopt it,asifthroughinstinctandwithoutdeliberation,whenthecrimesof thepowerhavebeenmultipliedtosuchapointthattheyhavedestroyed intheheartofmenallhopeofanalternative.Thenhatredandrevenge, driven strongly by the furor that oppression causes, inspire the most cowardlyandplaceadaggereveninthehandsoftheweakest.Theirresistiblewrathofarebelliouspeoplecausesthemostdreadfuldamage.It expressesitselfinthesanctuaryofthelaws,hurlingfromit,asviolently asignominiously,boththosewhohaveusurpedthemostmajesticpower andtheperfidiousagentswho,betrayingtheirduties, havenotgiven lessthoughttoanythingthanmaintainingthepubliclibertiesdespicably sacrificedtotheinterestsofacontemptibleandcriminalfavorite,but alsothehonorablemen,theirfaithfulrepresentatives,whohavelearned tosacrificeeverything,includingtheirexistenceandpoliticalreputation,tothepublicgood,tothenationalgood.Thecanopiedthroneof
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thekingandthearmchairofthepresidentwhocannotordonotwishto sustainthecivillibertyofthecitizen,orwhoattackhisindividualsecurity,seethemcollapse,splatteredalloverwiththebloodspilledthrough hatredandnationalvengeance.Themurdererswhosetthemselvesup intribunalsagainsttheexpresswilloftheconstitutivelaw,converting themselvesintoinstrumentsoftyrannyandoppressorsofhelplessinnocence,expeltheirlastbreathinthehandsofthefuror,andtheirdreadfulcadavers,coveredwithbloodandwounds,areexhibitedthroughthe streetsandplacedinthepublicplazas,unless,topreventthiscatastrophe,asunfortunateasitishorrible,thepromisesandassurancesthat theirmastersgavetothosedespicableandcontemptibleslaveshadbeen effective. Ifonlythecriminals whoinstigatedsuchexcesses suffered, but,inthenet’sdangeroushaul,innocentsandevenmeritoriouscitizens areunfortunatevictimsofthepowerofanarchy. Takewarning,then,ohyouwhopresideoverthedestiniesofpeoples. Thereisamomentinwhichtheirexhaustedsufferingmakesthembreak uplikeanavalanchethattearstopieces,destroys,anddragsalongbehinditeverythingthatbeforecontaineditsstrengthandreignedinits spirit. Ifyouopen some gapinthelegal barriers, this immense mass willrushheadlongthroughitandyouwillnotbesufficienttoresistit. TheFrenchRevolutionisapracticalandrecentexamplethatyoushould always keep in your sights. It teaches you that the public authority has never attempted a crime against the rights of free men with impunity, and the first step taken against individual security is the unfailing harbinger of the destruction of the nation and the government.
6
Discourse on Laws That Attack Individual Security Inpopulargovernments,lawsofproscription haveneversavedapeople. —Montesquieu,Considerations concerning the Greatness and Decline of the Romans
Ifonecarefullyseeksthecausesofangeranddiscontent thatoneobservesamongpeopleswhohavetriedvarioussystemsofgovernment,passingfromthemostabsolutedespotismtothemostunrestraineddemocracy,onewillfindthatalwaysoralmostalwaysitisdueto theobviousoppositionandthecontinualconflictbetweentheprinciples oftheconstitutivelawandthecharacterofsecondarylaws.Whenthe firstisgiventothemortheyinitiateitthemselves,theyreceiveandproclaimitwithenthusiasm;theyimaginethemostagreeableprospectsand theyconsiderthemselvesfreesimplyfromthefactofhavingdeclared themselves so. But when experience makes them see that such declarationshavebeenfutile,thatdespitethemtheoppressorregimecontinuesandwhatismostsacredandindependentinmancomestobethe patrimonyoftheauthority,theyareannoyedattheformofgovernment theyhaveadoptedandtearapartthegoverningconstitutiontoseekin anotherwhattheyhavefailedtofindinit.Fromheretheysometimes removethosewhoholdpower,substitutingforthemotherswiththe sameoradifferentdenominationandatothertimesmakeelectivewhat washereditary.Whenitisamatterofshakingofftheyokeofaking,all socialbondsareloosenedsuccessivelyandgraduallyuntilendinginanarchy,butwhenonetriestogetoutofthisanarchy,onerunsthescale inaninverseorder,andpowerproceedstoconcentratewithoutinterruptionuntilitsettlesentirelyandfullyinthehandsofasingleperson. Originaltitle:“Discursosobrelasleyesqueatacanlaseguridadindividual.”Source: El Observador de la República Mexicana,Mexico,August8,1827,p.287. 50
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Attheextremes,asinthecenter,thesamethingisalwayssought, thatistosay,liberty,butalwaystonoavail,forthesetofdeclarationswe calltheConstitutionisnotwhatprovidesit,butrathertheagreement secondarylawshavewiththeConstitution.Whenthisagreementisnot sought,itwillcontinuallyandwithoutinterruptionriseandfallinthe fathomlessseaofpoliticalsystemswithoutbeingabletoattachitselfto anyofthem,butonceobtained,publictranquilitywillacquireanunshakablefirmnessandsolidity. Allconstitutions,notexceptingeventhosethathavebeencalculated insupportoftheinterestsofthegovernment,containthesumofthe essentialprinciplesofcivilliberty,whichserveasthebaseoftheentire socialorder;buttheyarewithoutdoubtcontinuallyandfrequentlyviolatedbysecondarylaws,which,farfrombeingaconsequenceoftheir principles,areinopenoppositiontothem,byvirtueofwhichisdestroyedwithonehandwhathasbeenbuiltwiththeother.Thus,then, freedomofthepress,individualsecurity,inviolabilityofproperty,and thedivisionofpowersaresanctionedintheConstitution.Thelegislative bodywillbeprohibitedfromchangingtheconstitutivelaw,thegovernmentwillbeprohibitedfromimposinganypunishmentforitsownsake orusurpingthefunctionsofjudgesbyhavingthecitizen,directlyorindirectlyattheirdisposal,prescribingtothetribunalstherigorousobservanceoftheformulas.Allthisandmuchmorewillbeintheconstitutive law.Afterward,however,willcomeothersecondarylawsthroughwhich thegovernmentremainsinvestedwithextraordinary powers to move, from one point to another in the nation, anyone who seems to it suspicious; military commissions, war councils, and advisers will be createdthatjudgeandprescribeasitappearstothemandsuitstheirinterest;itwilltrytomake themindependentofthesupremejudicialauthorities,exemptingthem fromresponsibilityandtheirverdictsfromreview.Thegreatestconcern,however,willbethattheyarecompletelyandabsolutelyunderthe influenceofthegovernmentsothat,throughthemandprotectingitself withthisphantomofjudicial power,itcandisposeofthepersonswho inconvenienceitandwhomitwouldoutlawwiththeshowofatrial.It willauthorizethesetribunalsofmurderers,asacelebratedFrenchlegal expertcallsthem,1tohearexclusivelythecrimesofhightreason,and itwillexemptthemfromobservingtheformulas.Theywillservethe
1.Dupin,Legislación Criminal.
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power,lendingthemselvesasinstrumentsofallthepower’siniquities, andthispowerinitsturnwillsupportalltheirevilacts,rewardingthem sometimeswithpromotions,pensions,andpostsandexemptingthem othertimesfromtheresponsibilityandpunishmentwithwhichthey arethreatened. BythishorrificpicturetheregimeoftheterrorinFranceunderthe committeesofpublic health and public safetywillberecognized,influencedbythefactionofsans culottes,2atwhoseheadwereDantonand Robespierre.ItpaintsaportraitalsooftheempireofNapoleonandthe stateofothernationsthat,bypathsastortuousandmisguided,move rapidlyandwithgiganticstepstotheirdestructionandextermination. Whenitisamatter,then,ofpreventingtheseevils,orsolvingthemif theyhavealreadybegun,onemustseektheiroriginandcuttheirroot, whichinrepresentativesystemswillalwaysbefoundinthelawsofexceptionthroughwhichcivillibertyismadeillusory,attackingindividual security.Thelegislativebodies,aconstitutionassumed,lackpowersto decreesuchlawsandaretrulyaggressorswhentheylendthemselvesto doingit.Theirmethodisunjustinitselfbecauseittendstoabsolutism, itisillegalbecauseitinfringesontheconstitution,anditisimprudent becauseitalarmsthepeople,destroysconfidence,andperpetuatesthe barbarousstateofadisastrousrevolution. Despotismdoesnotconsist,asthemajorityofmenwhoreflectlittle persuadethemselves,intheruleofoneonly,orintheconsolidationof powers,butratherinwhatisunlimitedineachoneorinallofthem together.Thelawsofexceptionassumeinoneaspecttheexistenceof suchapower,andinanotheraspecttheytendtostrengthenit.Ineffect, asaconstitutionisnothingotherthanthedeclarationoftherightsof maninsocietyandthedistributionofpoliticalpowerswithaviewtothe preservationoftheseveryrights,thelawsofexception,whichconsistin thetotalorpartialsuspensionofthiscode,candonolessthandeprive manofsomerightorofsomeofthemeanstomakeitactual.Howisit possibletoproceedinthiswaywithoutsanctioningorsupposingthe omnipotenceofdeliberativebodies?Whatlimitscanbeplacedupon theactionofabodythatdoesnotrecognizetheselimitsinindividual 2.Thesans culotteswereextremeradicalrepublicansatthetimeoftheFrenchRevolution.(Editor’snote)
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rightsandbelievesitselfauthorizedtodepriveanyoneofthemeansof maintainingthem?Ifthereareinjusticesintheworld,withoutdoubt thisisthegreatestofall. Thegeneralwillmustnotbeareasonthatjustifiessuchravaging;it cannotbeunlimited,anditsactionmustceasewheretherightofanotherbegins.Wherewouldweendupbyassertingtheprinciplethat thegeneralwillcandoeverythingandissufficientbyitselftolegitimate doingso?Themostrepressiveandtyrannicalacts,themostbarbarous proscriptions,andthemostenormouscrimeswouldneednothingto convertthemselvesintorightsexceptacertainnumberofvotes,which couldnotevenbefixed,giventhatnationscannotconsistofaprecise anddeterminatenumberofpersons.ThedeathofSocratesandPhocian, theexileofAristidesandMiltiades,andathousandotherloathsomeacts throughtheentirehumanlineagewouldremainfullyjustifiedbysuch anabsurdandantisocialdoctrine.Inaword,theignominiousexecution ofJesusofNazareth,themostinnocent,themostbeneficent,themost virtuous,andtosayitnow,thegreatestofthewholelineamongthechildrenofmen,wouldbenothingotherthanalawfulactandtheexercise ofarightessentialtoallsociety. Nonetheless,thereisnoonewhodoesnotknowanddetestsuchinjustices,andthisisthemostdecisiveproofthattheredoesnotexiston earthanyunlimitedpowerorauthority,andevenwerethevotesand opinionsoftheentirehumanracegathered,theywouldnotbesufficient tojustifywhatbyitselfandbyitsnatureisnecessarilyunjust. Well,now,ifthegatheringofallrationalbeingscannotbestowthis characteroncertainacts,cansomefractionsofit,muchlesstheveryfew calledrepresentatives,beinvestedwithsuchpower?Itwouldbenonsenseandtheheightofabsurditytomaintainit. But what rights are violated, it will be asked of us, by changing, throughlawsofexceptionincertainanddeterminatecases,thetribunals andformsoftrials,omittingsomeproceedingswhenpublicsafetyisin danger?Wedonothavedifficultyinassertingthatmanyandalmostall rightsareviolated,becauseeitherthosetribunalsandformshavebeen consideredabsoluteandindispensablynecessarytoguaranteeindividual securityanddistinguishtheinnocentfromtheguilty,ornot.Iftheyare necessary,innocasecanthetribunalsbechangedortheformsomitted withoutattackingthemostsacredrightofman,whichconsistsofthein-
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dependenceofhispersonandinthefreeuseoftheindispensablemeans tomakeclearhisinnocence.Iftheyarenotnecessary,thetribunalsmust notbeestablished,northeformsagreedto. Toclarify.Whentheordinarytribunalswereestablishedtheyhadto beconstitutedonsuchfoundationsthat,atthesametimetheythreatenedcrimetheyprotectedinnocence,inspiringinthiswayconfidence intheindividualsandthegovernment.Theyhadtobe,underoneaspect, a bulwark of individual security and, under another, the maintainerofpublictranquility.Toattempt,then,tokeepthemfromexercisingtheirfunctionsincertaincasesistoexposetheoneortheother, andsometimesboth,tobeingtrampledanddestroyed.Therewillbea reason,perhaps,tochangetheirprogramandmethodofproceedingif experienceprovesinthemsomeimperfectionsinseparablefromhuman institutions,butitwillbeimpossible,atanygiventime,todetectthese imperfectionsinordertodenythesetribunalsjurisdictionoversome crimes. Wesaythesameaboutjudicialforms.Theyhavebeenestablishedas anessentialmeanstomakecleartheinnocenceorguiltofanaccused person.Thusitisthattheachievementofthismostimportantgoaldependsontheirexactandfaithfulobservance,andtoabandonthegoal istoberenderedabsolutelyandtotallypowerlesstorulewithcertainty andobtainahappyoutcomeinsodelicateamatter.Thereisnohalfway. Iftheformsdonotleadtomakingclearthetruthofanaccusationand thecertaintyofacrime,theyshouldbedroppedaltogether;butifonthe contrarytheyareconsiderednecessarytothepurpose,theymustnever besetaside. Norcantheriskofthreatenedpublicsecuritybegivenasanexcuse sufficienttojustifysuchprovisionsbecause,besidesthefactthatpublic securitycannotbedistinguishedfromindividualsecurityandhewho attackstheinterestsofthefirstcanhardlylookafterthesecond,wehave alreadydemonstratedthatthetribunalsandproceduresinwhichone canhaveconfidenceinthepunishmentofsomecrimesshouldinspire confidencethatthetribunalsandprocedurescancurbthemall. Nothing, then, can exonerate laws of exception from the mark of injusticeandthetendencytodespotism;nottheauthorityofthelegislativebodiesthatreceive thatauthority fromthepeople,northeauthorityofthepeople,becausebyitsnatureandessencethatauthority isnecessarilylimitedbyindividualrights;norpublicsecurity,because
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publicsecuritycanbeprovidedthroughordinarymeans;generally,public security is not at risk except when the civil liberty of the citizen isattacked,andfearofthisceaseswiththerenunciationofextraconstitutionalmethods.Aprocedureofthatkindremains,then,nothing morethananactofarbitrarinessanddespotismbylegislativebodies,by meansofwhichtheyoverstep,withoutreason,theboundariesimposed byprinciplesofnaturaljustice,engravedwithindeliblecharactersinthe heartsofallmen.Butitisnottheonlyerrorfromwhichtheseagreementsthatareincorrectlycalledlawssuffer;illegality,disloyalty,and inconsistencyarewhatconstitutetheirdistinctivecharacterandmake themmoreodioustoallmeningeneralbecausetheygraspmoreclearly thecontrastnotedbetweenpromisessetoutinfundamentallawsand theviolationsofthesepromisesbylawsofexception. Any system in which one acts contrary to a compulsory law and throughwhichapreviouslymadecommitmentisignorediscalledillegalanddeceitful.Theseideasareclear,precise,andwidelyaccepted.The wiseandtheignorant,theconcernedandtheimpartialcannothelpbut knowtheirtruth.Wecome,then,totheapplicationthatcanbemadeof theminthesubjectwithwhichwearedealing. Ifthereisanyuniversalandpreferentiallycompulsorylawinsociety, itisthefundamentalcode.Aconstitutionisclearlynothingifitisnot thelawofalltheothersandifitdoesnotobligateallthepowersofanationinthesamewayasthoseindividualswhomakeitup.Assoonasthe subsidiarylawscanwithdrawfromtheruleofconstitutivelaw,restrict it,violateit,orsuspendit,itbecomesreducedtoamagnificentfaçade andanillusorymonumentbehindwhichthechainsofdespotismare devisedandforged.Iftheconstitutionistheonlyineffectiveoneamong allthelaws,andifitcandonothingagainsttheotherlawswhichcando anythingagainstit;ifitexistsonlytoreceiveinsults,whatkindofobligationdoesonehavetoobserveit,andhowisonetounderstandthat immutabilitythatoneventurestograntit?Anobligatoryandimmutablelawisonethatbindseveryoneandfromwhoseobservancenoone isexempt.Itsdestructionbeginsfromthemomentanyoneofitsliteral provisionsisdisobeyedorthwarted,evenbyactsthatarecalledlegislative,anditremainswithoutauthorityif,inanyofitsquestionsthathave beenresolvedpositively,anytextotherthanitisconsulted. When legislators enter into the exercise of their august functions, theyrenewbyapublicandauthenticactthecommitmentthat,inthe
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roleofindividuals,theycontractedtoobserveit,andatthesametime they assume another new commitment not to oppose it by acts that mightdestroyit.Thissolemnaffirmationestablishesarightineachone ofthecitizenstoobjectnotonlytotheirnonobservancebutalsototheir positiveinfraction.Thosewhodaretoofferthisproofofrespectand obedienceforthefundamentallaw,simplybyconfirmingit,agreethat theywillconsidernullandillegalallactsthatinanywaymightoppose it,andbecauseamongthemmustbecountedthelawsofexception,it isasclearasthelightofmiddaythatitsprovisionsshareinthesejudgments. Ineffect,iftheconstitutionallawofanationisthestatementofthe rightsthattheentiretyofcitizensshouldenjoyandtheexerciseofthese shouldbespecifiedbythesecondarylaws,andifthefirstshouldproclaimtheprinciplesandthesecondensuretheirbeingcarriedout,no peoplewhoobtainafundamentalcodeandarepresentativegovernment couldconsiderlegalprovisionsthatopposetheseimportantends.On thecontrary,thesocialguaranteesdemandedinthenameoftheprincipleswouldbeconstantlyviolatedorevaded,thankstoitsexceptions; andthiscontinualbattlewouldmakethefateofanationmoreunfortunatethanifithadremainedsubjecttothearbitrarinessoftheabsolute power, which, deprived of all the appearances of philanthropy in its principlesandregularityinitsaction,wouldpresentathousandflanks andweakpointsthatcouldbeattackedwithsuccess. Theendeavor,then,tolegalizetheseacts,althoughquitenaturalto theirperpetrators,canneverbecarriedoutorhavealastinganddurable effect.Thefraudinthelongruncannotbehiddenfromanybody,and thecontradictionandoppositionthatexistbetweenthefundamental lawandthosethathaveastheirgoalunderminingit,makingitillusory, revealnaturally,andmakecleareventotheleastsharp-eyedview,this fraudulentsystem.Wecannotgiveanothernametodeclarations,always repeated,ofrespectforindividualrights,accompaniedbythemostinsidiousattacksthatreducetheserightstoabsolutenothingness.Thisbehaviorwouldnotbebelievableifitwerenotsowellknowninpublic officials,entrustedinaspecialwaywiththedepositoryofpublicliberties.Theyproclaimandtalkconstantlyaboutthemostliberalprinciples, butintheexcessiveuseoftheirpowerstheysometimesmaintain,and othertimesprescribeandissue,decreessobarbarousthattheycouldnot passeveningovernmentsbrandedasabsolute.Theinquisitorialsystem
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reestablishesitselffromthemomentwhenitsuitstheirambitiousgoals tooutlawafaction.Throughactstheycalllaws,allthosewhomakeup thefactionaredeliveredtomilitarycommissions;itcompelsthemto bejudgedbypeoplewhohavealreadyirrevocablydecidedtheirsentence;anditsubjectsthemtoabarbaricandabsolutecodethatpermits prolongingarrestsandsolitaryconfinementindefinitelyanddelaying carryingouttheverdict.Itistruethatallthisisalwaysinopposition tothefundamentallaw,butasitemanatesfromthelegislative body,itis calledlaw,andasthecircumstancesdemand,itcannotbeotherthanlegal. Inthiswaythepeopleandthelawsaremockedbythosewhosepositionitistosustainthelawsandprotectthepeople.Thisishow,through actsthattheycallcircumstantial laws,theyperpetuatethearbitraryregime andwithitthegermofdisturbancesandriots,andthustheyoverpower socialguarantees,seekingtodeceivethepeoplewithalanguagethatis fraudulent. Andwillitbesaidofthisbehaviorthatitiswise?Inasmuchasitisnot legal,doesitoffersecuritytothefreedomsofthepatria?Willitcalm publicdisorders?Notintheleast.Itplacesinstitutionsindanger,the spiritofpersecutionisperpetuatedandtakesrootinnations,itdestroys confidenceinone’sownsecurityandprovokesrevolutions. Itisdifficulttofindameanslesssuitableforstrengtheningtheinstitutionsofanationthanthatofviolatingthem,anditwouldseemimpossiblethatitmighthaveoccurredtoanyonetousethismeansforthe attainmentofthisend,ifexperiencedidnotprovethatthedelusionsof mencanreacheventhispoint.Thesimpleexplanationoftheexpressionswillbesufficienttoconvinceusthatlawsofexceptionaredirected tothisandnothingelse.Ifoneaskswhatissoughtwiththem,itwillbe saidthatitisthesalvationofthepatria.Asthisisnotdistinctfromthe salvationofthefundamentallaws,intheendwewillcometodeduce thatputtingtheselawsoutofdangeriswhatisintended.Butifoneasks againwhatalawofexceptionis,theonlyresponsecanbethatitisthe deprivationofeitherarightorameansofsustainingit,bothsetoutin theconstitutionalcharter,andfromthiscanbededuced,asinthelast analysis,thatwhatissoughtistosavethischarterbyitsowndestruction.Onceoneconstitutionalarticleisviolated,therestarenotsafe.The guaranteeofoneistheguaranteeofalltheothers,andnomatterhow pressingonemightassumethereasonspresentedtodemolishthefirst article,therewillbenolackofotherreasonsthat,intheirturn,arecon-
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sideredpressingenoughtoattacktheothers.Ifthelegislativebodymanagestoprovidethisperniciousexample,thegovernment,thetribunals, andevenindividualsthemselveswillnotbelonginimitatingit,andas everyoneisprohibitedfromdoingso,noonewillhavetherighttoreprimandtherest. A constitution violated by the legislative body offers no security whatsoever,forasthetransgressoristhesupremeauthority,itcannot belegallyreprimanded,noraretheremeanstostopthisaggressionby punishingtheguilty.Thealarm,then,whichlackofconfidencefollows ismorelastingandpermanent.Asifindividualsecuritycanhaveprotectionwhentheattackcomesfromthelawsthemselves.Menbecome inflamedinsuchcasesuponseeingthattheydonotgaininsocietythe equivalentofwhattheylose,forifonecountsthevalueofthesacrifices,ontheonehand,andthepersecutionthatthelawscausethemor theprotectiontheydonotprovidethem,ontheotherhand,thesumof woescomesoutgreaterthanthatofthegoods,or,bettersaid,thelatter disappearcompletely,andtheformerremainentirely. Buttheeffectsoftheseabusivelawsinthejudicialorderareworth closerscrutiny.Whenonewantstoreducetowordsemptyofmeaning therightssetdowninaconstitution,beforecorruptingordinaryjudges putinplacetodefendthoserights,oneattemptstocreatespecialtribunals,whoseverynameisenoughtoimaginewhatmustbeexpected fromthem.Nooneisunawarethatsuchmannerofadministeringjusticedoesnothaveasitspurposetheprotectionofinnocence.Thosewho requestedordictatedsuchlawshastentomakeuseofthemtogetridof theirenemiesthroughtheverdictofjudgeswhoareallatthedisposal ofwhoeverappointedthem.Theirdecisionswillberepeatedandconfirmedasifbyanechowherevertheyarebrought.Butpublicopinion censuresthemwithafirmandunanimousvoicethatonlytheirauthors willhavethemisfortunenottohear,becauselendinganearonlytothe voiceofthemanonwhomtheydependorofthosehehasathisservice, theyareconcernedonlywithsupportingafactionthatmighthavedisappearedmuchearlierfromtheheartofsociety.Thisregime,whatever mightbetheguiseunderwhichitattemptstopresentitself,isatitsheart oneofdeception,shamelessness,andcruelty.Init,withoutanyexception,allquestionsaredecided,notbyexaminingthefacts,butrather onthebasisoftheviewsthattheyhaveregardingthepoliticalopinions oftheaccused.Andwhenthemostatrociousandentirelyestablished
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abusesofauthorityremainunpunished,iftheperpetratorsbelongtothe factionclassifiedassound,theopinionscontrarytoitareconsideredunpardonablecrimes.Buttheleastofalltheillsthatlawsofcircumstance causeistheobstinacythattheirauthorsshowtowardleavingthetortuouspathdownwhichtheyhavebegun,givingdangerouscircumstances as their pretext, without wishing to understand that these dangerous circumstancesbecomecriticalonlywhenaconstitutionstruggleswith anarbitraryregimeandwhenthesecuritiespromisedbyfundamental lawsareevadedandremainwithouteffectbecauseofspeciallaws.This ishowtheveryprincipleoftheillthatfomentsandperpetuatesthesicknessisappliedasremedy. Anymoderatelyreflectivemanwillbeabletoanticipatetheconclusionofthisfraudulentregime.Itmustendeitherinthetotallossofindividualsecurityorinpoliticalfluctuationsthatdonotofferindividual securityuntiltoolate.Whatisastonishing,saysacelebratedpublicist3 inpubliclaw,isthatsuchlawscanreestablishthemselvesandthatpeople enlightenedenoughtoreclaimindividualrightsandstrongenoughto gainrecognitionforthemtakethoughtlessnessandnegligencetothe point of allowing these rights to be reduced to puerile illusions. But whodoesnotrecognizetheswaythatwords,formulas,andappearances exerciseattheoutset?Constitutionalarticlesinwhichtheserightsare proclaimed,bodiesconstitutedtodefendthem,representatives,voters, theapparatus,finally,ofarepresentativesystemappearvisibletoeveryone,calmthespirits,anddiscreditthefirstalarmsofthesmallnumber ofcitizensithasnotbeenabletoseduce.Thetimerequiredforpublic opiniontodevelopisusedtoemployallthemeansofusurpationand imposture in corrupting public agents, in depriving those who resist themofallinfluence,andinformingthosehabitsandcustomsadvantageoustoasystemofthiskindamongthevariousclasses,untilindiscretionsand,whatisworse,excessesbringsetbacksthatupsetthissystemandstormsthattearitfromitsmoorings.Thenitsfallisasrapidas certain,becausethefirstsymptomsthatannounceitdissipatetheillusionsandreturntopublicopinionitsenlightenment,itsliberty,andits power.
3.Berencer,Justice Criminelle.
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Discourse on the Independence of Judicial Power Ne quid nimis.Nothinginexcess. —Fedro
Theinflamedfrenzythathasbeenobservedagainstthe defeateddissentersandtheexcessiveandsometimesimmoderatedeterminationwithwhichtheirpunishmentisurged,seemstoustobelongtothenumberofthoseexcessesthat,ingeneral,arenotsubjectto anobleprinciple,nordotheyhavefavorableoutcomes,especiallywhen thejudgesareliabletoloseanindependenceonwhichsocialorderrests. Themostaugusthonor,themostnobleprivilege,andthemostdifficultassignmenttherecanbeamongmeninanygovernmentisbeing thearbiteramongtheirequals,endingtheirdifferences,andbeingable todeprivethemwithasinglewordoftheirgoods,honor,andevenlife. For this reason, in the first periods of the civilization of nations and intheinfancyofsocieties,itwasthesupremeleaderofthestatewho fulfilledsuchimportantfunctions,administeringjusticetothepeople. Oncethemachineofgovernmentbecamecomplicatedandtheattention oftherulerswasdistractedbymanygoals,itwasnecessarytodismemberthisbranchofthesovereignauthorityandtoentrustthejudiciaryto aparticularclassofmagistrates.Thegovernmentstillreservedforitself theirselection,thechargeofoverseeingthem,thepowertopunishtheir breachesoftrust,andthebeneficentrightofmitigatingtheseverityof judicialverdicts. Nonetheless, it was observed that the government, as the one that selected the judges and the one that rewarded their zeal or punished theirnegligenceandinterveneddirectlyinjudicialaffairstoundoerrors ormitigatetheseverityofsentences,exercisedtoomuchinfluenceover Originaltitle:“Discursosobrelanecesidaddequeseaefectivalaindependenciadel poderjudicial.”Source:El Observador de la República Mexicana,Mexico,May26,1830. 60
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thejudgesandcouldabusethatinfluencetooppressinnocenceormake judgmenttipfromthesideofpassion.Sincethenitwassoughtinevery good system of government to surround the judicial order with such guaranteesthatitshouldbeassumedfundamentallythatthejudges,free ofalldependence,wouldnotlistentoanothervoicethanthatoftheir conscienceorhaveanotherregulatoroftheirtransactionsthanthelawof whichtheyaretheinstrumentsandministers.Inthenations,then,that aregovernedbytherepresentativesystem,althoughthepowertochoose andnameallthejudgesislefttothegovernment,anditischargedwith overseeingtheirconduct,itisnotpermittedtoremovethemfromoffice atitswill.Evenfortheselectionitself,qualitiesandcircumstancesthat personsmusthaveinordertobenamedareset;andwiththeseorsimilarprecautions,whatthewritersinpubliclawcalltheindependenceof judicialpowerisensuredineverycountrythatmightnotbeConstantinopleorMorocco. Thisindependenceisoneoftheprimaryandmostimportantguaranteesthefundamentallawcanandmustaccordthecitizensothathis personandpropertymightalwaysberespected,becauseitservesamere individuallittletohaveawell-organizedlegislativebodyandverygood lawsoranexecutivepowerwhoseauthorityhasbeengreatlycurtailedif hehasgoodreasontofearthat,whenoneneedstodefendhisfinancial interestsbeforeciviltribunalsorhisinnocencebeforecriminaljudges, itisnotthelawbutthewill,caprice,orpassionofmenthatdecideshis fateandacquitsorcondemnshiminhislawsuits.Whatdoallthedoctrinesofthewritersinpubliclawonthedivisionofpowersandthebalanceofpoliticalforcesmattertotheindividualofthesocietyif,despite allofthem,heisunjustlydeprivedofhisgoodsorhislife? Lifeandthemeansofpreservingandpassingitinanagreeablemanner;hereiseveryman;hereiseverythingthatherequiresandtheonly thingthatinterestshim;andhereiswhythegreatestbenefitsocietycan givehimisthatheneverbedeprivedofexistenceorthethingsthatcan makeitpleasantexceptwhenhehasmadehimselfunworthy,through hiscrimes,oflifeorthingsthatmakeitdesirable.Butthisbenefitcannotexistiftheconstitution,thelaws,and,aboveall,thevigorofthe supremegovernmentdonotmakeimpossible,insofarasitisgivento humandiscretion,partialityinjudgmentsorverdictsofthecourtsand tribunals.Theconstitutionensureshonestyandimpartialityinjudges when, through the qualities that it requires to become one and the
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methodoftheirselection,itcanbehopedthatthisselectionwillfall equallytopersonsofeducationandprobity,andwhen,throughtheunremovabilitythatitbestowsonthem,itsheltersthemfromarbitrary dismissal,thefearofwhichcouldmaketheminstrumentsoftheself- interestedaimsofthegovernment.Thelawsaugmenttheseguarantees, assuringthemappointmentswithwhichtheycanlivewithouthaving toselljusticetosilencethevoiceofpoverty,atemptationsopowerful thatfewresistit;threateningthemwithveryseriouspenaltiesshould theyprostitutetheiraugustministry;andspecifyingwithgreatclarity thecircumstancesandwaysofdemandingresponsibilityfromthemin theeventofbreachofduty.Thegovernment,finally,completesthissystemofguaranteesandindependence,creatingrespectforthepersons ofjudges,whicharesacredduringthetimeinwhichtheyexercisetheir judgeship,protectingthemfromanyviolence,insult,orthreatthatis intendedtoextractfromthemanunjustverdictoronecontrarytotheir opinioninwhateverthemattermightbe. Herearethegeneralandcommondoctrinesonwhichallwritersin public law agree, without a single one having expressed up to now a contrary opinion or having expressed the least doubt in even one of theseprotectiveprinciples;andwhatismore,herearesomeideasthat, insomeway,canbecalledinnateintheheartofmanbecause,ineffect, inittheinstinctforhisownpreservationhaswrittenthemwithindeliblecharacters.Whoisthemanwho,ledintothepresenceofthejudge forhiscrimes,orperhapsonlyfortheappearanceofthem,wouldwish atumultuousmultitudetobepresentintheaudienceand,withraised knife,shoutouttheinterpretationofthelaw:condemnthatwretchyou arelookingat,andifnot,bothofyouwilldiebyourhands?Wellnow, ifnoone,whetherdefendantoraccused,wouldwanttheonewhowasto pronouncetheterrifyingverdictonwhichhislifemightdependthreatenedinthisway,willitbejustifsomeonedaredtothreatenjudgestothe sameeffectwhentheyareabouttopronounceinthetrialofanother? Andwilltheybeloversoftheconstitution,friendsofthelaws,andadherentsofliberty,thosewho,inafreegovernment,threatenthejudges toprejudicetheirverdictanddowhatwouldnotbetolerated,notpermitted,norhaseverbeenseenunderanarbitraryregime?Ifsuchthreats areoverlooked,theywillendinopenviolence,andifthesegounpunished,theywillberepeated,andthenwhatwillbecomeoforderandthe ruleoflaw?Forwhatisittospeakofliberty,ofenlightenment,orof
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philosophy?Hasitnotrepeatedlybeenthecase,andisitwithoutdoubt verycertainthattheaimofpoliticalconstitutionsandtheeffectofenlightenmentandphilosophyisthatcitizenslivesubjectonlytolawand nottothewhimsorpassionsofmen?Forhowcanthosewhoendeavor tosubstitutetheirwillforwhatispredeterminedinthelawsandwho commandwiththreatsthepropheciesthathavetobepronouncedinthe sanctuaryofThemisbeconstitutionalists,philosophers,orloversoflibertyorthelaws?Wearefullypersuadedthatthosewhopermitsuchsacrilegiouscrimesdosocarriedawaybyazealverylaudableinitselfbut veryunfortunateinitsconsequences,veryfoolish,andreprehensible, andforthisveryreasonweadvisethemwithconfidencethatoncethey knowtheerror,theywouldbethefirsttodetestit,torepent,andtobe horrified. Arethosewhorequestofthejudgesinthiswaythatanaccusedbe condemnedtodeathsurethatheisguiltyofacapitaloffense?Havethey fullyexaminedtheactofwhichheisaccused?Isitlegallyproventhat heistheperpetratorofthatcrime?Havetheyconsideredandweighed carefullyallthecircumstancesofthatdeed?Aretheyfullyconvinced thatnocircumstanceextenuatesitsmaliciousnessorexcusesitinsome manner?Isitasclearasthelightofdaythatthelawcondemnshimto death?Ishisparticularcasedecisivelyforeseenanddefinedinthepenal code?We,theysay,neitherknownorcaretoknowanythingaboutthese quibbles of a lawyer; the public voice says that the accused has committedacrimethateveryoneconsiderscapital,andwewanthimexecuted,bethedeedprovenornot,andbethereornotanexpresslawthat condemnshim. Well,now,isthereasingleman,notyetliberal,humane,andenlightened,butonewhopreservesinhissoulsomelove,somerespectforjustice,whoisnotembarrassedbysuchaclaimandbygivingaresponse thatonewouldnotevenfindinthemouthsofthosewhomakeupthe mostsavagetribe?Forthisis,insum,thebehaviorofthosewhodemand theheadofanaccusedpersonwithoutknowingwhetherheisguiltybecausetheyhavenotstudiedhiscase,andtheresponsetheytacitlygive whentheyaretoldthat,becausetheconstitutiondidnotgivethemthe righttoapplythelawsbutrathergaveittothejudgesnamedbythegovernment,theymustleavethosejudgesinfullfreedomsotheymight judgeaccordingtothecircumstancesofthetrialandwhattheirconsciencestellthem,andthattointimidateajudgewiththreatssothathe
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wouldpronounceaverdictdictatedtohimisthegreatestcrimethatcan becommittedagainsttheconstitution,forittearsdownanddestroysat asingleblowthedistribution,division,balance,andindependenceof thepowersthathavebeenestablishedinitforthebenefitofall. Butstilltheyreply:Andifthejudgehasbeenbribedtoacquitacriminalorimposeonhimamoregentlepunishmentthantheonehestrictly deserves?Theassumption,generally,isfalseandslanderousandalmost alwaysunfounded,butconcedingthatitmightnotbe,thesolutionis verysimpleanddelimitedinthesamelaws:denouncesuchascandalousandcriminalbreachoftrust,judiciallypursuethatoneorthosewho havesoldjustice,andensurebylegalmeansthatasensationalexample ismadeoftheminordertodissuadeallotherswhoareinthatsituation fromimitatingtheiriniquity.Buttothreatenwithtakingjusticeinto theirownhandsandkillingtheaccusedonthepretextthatthejudgehas treatedhimwithtoomuchkindness,andtointimidatethetribunalthat hasnotruledtotheirsatisfaction,morethanbeingthegreatestaffront, thegreatestinsultthatcanbemadetohumanity,toreason,andtojustice,isthesurestwaytoputanendtotheconstitutionalregimeandthe mostinfalliblemeansofmakingeventhenameoflibertyhateful. Inthefirstplace,ifsuchcrimesarerepeated,therewouldnotbea singlegoodmanwhowouldwanttobeajudgeinacountryinwhich heisthreatenedandtheverdictsheistopronouncearedictatedtohim, fornomanofanyprobitywantstoseehimselfreducedtothedifficult choiceofcommittinganinjusticeorbeingridiculedandinsulted.Inthe secondplace,whatsensiblemanwouldwanttoliveunderagovernment which,werehetohavethemisfortunetobeaccusedjustlyorunjustly ofcertaincrimes,couldnotpreventhisconviction,evenwhenthetribunalsrecognizedhisinnocence?Whowouldnothastentofleefrom suchacountryofiniquity?Whowouldnotblasphemefreeinstitutions iftheysawthat,withthisname,theupheavalofsociety,thesubversion ofallprinciples,andtheviolationofthemostsacredrightswerejustified? Amongallinjustices,themostodious,theleastbearable,isthatwhich iscommittedwithjudicialformsinthenameofjusticeandbythevery magistrateswhoweresupposedtoadministerit.Andifthisisso,when theinjusticeistheresultoftheerrorormaliciousnessofthejudge,how muchmorehorrificandterriblewilltheatrocitybewhenitisbornof violence?Againsttheerrorsorpersonalarbitrarinessofthejudges,the
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Constitutionandthelawshaveprovideduswithasolution,authorizing appeals,andifthesearenotsufficient,meansforannulment;butagainst theviolenceofthreatsoratgunpoint,whatmeanswilltheunfortunate personhaveoverwhomthisstormbursts?None,ofcourse.Thosewho applaud,praise,orexcuseatleastthefirstcrimesofthiskindcannow countonthemostbitterfruits,fortheyserveasthetextforthedisreputeandslanderswithwhichourenemiesseektodiscreditusincultured,powerful,andcivilizedEurope. Itistimenowthatthosewhoheretoforehaveproceededinthisway retracetheirstepsandconsiderthatviolatingjustice,tramplingonthe authority,sorespectable,ofthetribunals,andintimidatingandthreateningindividualsisnotagoodwaytoguaranteeandmakeamiablethe presentorderofthings.Itwillhaveservednothingtohaveremovedand eliminatedthepowerandfavorthatresurrectedthenotableextraordinaryauthorities,theweakinfluencetheycouldhaveontribunalsand theirdecisions,ifaninfluencemuchmoredirect,powerful,andterrible incriminalsentencesisnowusurpedbyafractionofthepeople. Nogoodintention,nomotive,howevernobleonemightsupposeit tobe,canjustifythethreatsthat,inprivateconversationsandgatherings andinsomepublicpapers,arepouredonthejudgesandotherconstitutedauthoritiesbecausetheydonotventuretoviolatetheforms,upset theorderoftrials,orapplycapitalpunishmenttothosewho,intheir judgment,donotdeserveit;onthispointreasonisinagreementwith theConstitutionandthelaws.Wesincerelydesiretomakethosewho arethusdeludedknowthetruth,andforthis,withoutinsistingmoreon theincontrovertibletruthsthatwehavejusturged,wewillconcludeour discoursewithonesingleobservation. Theysaythattheyareloversofjusticeandofthepresentorderof things,thattheyseeitperishingthroughtheapathyanddelayofthe judgesinacceleratingcasesandfortheirkindnessintheapplicationof punishments;arrange,then,thejudgesandtribunalsinthedesiredway and,oncethisisdone,letusaskwhatwillhappenwhenthesejudges acquit,aswillhappenmanytimes,oneormorepersonsaccusedofpoliticalcrimes?Willtheyseekthemouttotaketheirlivesbecausethey havenotruledastheywanted?Andwho,afterallthis,wouldacceptthe honorablepostofjudge?Andwhatwouldbecomeofthelibertyand independencethatthelawassuresthemintheirdeliberationsandjudgmentsiftheydonothavetoperformaccordingtotheirconscience,but
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ratheratthewhimofthosewhowanteveryoneexecutedwhomthey supposedeservingoftheultimatepunishment?Wesaythatmanyof thoseaccusedofpoliticalcrimeswouldbefullyacquittedbecause,inthe momentmenseethemselvesinvestedwiththeaugustcharacterofthe judgeship,theybecomeotherthanwhattheywerebefore,andtheysee themselvesplacedunderanobligationtofollowthepreciseletterofthe law.Fromthisresultsthat,notbeingabletogetoutofthecasematerial anticipatedinthelawthatservesasthebasisfortheaccusationofguilt, andthismanytimesnotbeingthesameasthelawdesignates,theyhave todeclarehimnotguiltyofthecrimeofwhichheisaccused;andasitis verydifficultforthelawtoanticipateorpreciselydefineallcrimes,for somecrimesitwillinevitablycomeabout,becauseofnotbeingspecifiedinthecode,thatitwillbenecessarytoacquittheaccused.Wehave manyexamplesofthiseveninthose tribunals disposedabsolutely to condemnanduniversallyrecognizedasbarbarousandinhumane. Thesedetestablequalitiescannotbedeniedintherevolutionarytribunalestablished intheverysaddaysoftheFrenchConvention and under the immediate influence of Robespierre; nonetheless, this tribunal,althoughinrealityitwasnotatribunalnordiditmeritsucha namesimplybecauseithadtheappearanceofone,sometimesdidnot satisfytherevolutionariesandabsolvedfromthepainofdeathvarious personsaccusedofpoliticalcrimesthroughthefuryoftherevolutionaries.Onemust,then,beconvincedthatitwillnotbepossibletofind a judge, even though deliberately sought, who would be sufficient to quenchthatrabidthirstforbloodthatrisesinthosemomentsimmediatelyfollowingthetriumphofpoliticalfactions,andthatgenerallyis duemoretoignoblerevengethantoimpartialjustice. Andwillitbeagreatmisfortuneforsocietyiftheexecutionerhas feweroccasionstoexercisehisodiousandterribleministry?Ifsound philosophywouldlikethebloodyspectacleofanexecutiontobeabolished,evenforcommonatrociouscrimes,willthisshowitselfwithmore profusionandfewerformalitiesinpoliticalcrimesthatareonlycrimes in specific places? If those actions that generally depend on opinion goingastray,onerroneousconceptsandwrongideasmustbepunished withthelossoflife,whatpunishment,then,willbeimposedonmurderers,thieves,andtheotherviciouspeoplewhosecrimeshavetheir sourceintheheart’sperversity?Yes,weinsistthatitbekeptinmind thatpoliticalcrimesareamongthoseinwhichsomeleniencyisappro-
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priate,becauseordinarilytheyarebornofanerrorinunderstanding andnotofthatmalignancyofanincorrigibleheartwhich,whenaman hascommittedaseriesofatrociouscrimes,makesitalmostnecessaryto exterminatehimlikeawildanimalfromwhichsocietycanexpectnothingbutinjury. Suchamanistodaytheenemyofthepresentorderofthings,andhe workstodestroyit,and,correctedbyanimprisonmentorexilemore orlessextensive,willneverreturntotakeupthebusinessofcounterrevolution,becausehedoesnotcontractthehabitofplottinglikethe onewhokillsorrobs.Hewhohasbeenaccustomedtobeingathiefdoes noteasilyletgoofthisvicioushabit,buthewhocomesoutbadlyinan attemptedrevolutiongenerallyremainsforevertaughtbypunishment. Thisrulecanhaveexceptions,butitisfairlygeneral. Ifwedidnotobserveinmanyofourfellowcitizensthattendency toacceleratecases,trialsofconspiracy,andtoforceandprejudiceina certainwaytheverdictsofjudges,while,ontheotherhand,theydonot showgreatinsistenceonthepersecutionofothercrimes;ifwedonot recognizeallthis,werepeat,wewouldhaveexemptedourselvesfrom fightingthisinclination,which,ifitbeginstogrowlarger,canmake itselfexcessivelyharmfultothesystemoftribunalsandputsocialguaranteesingreatdanger.Wehavesufferedtoomuchintheperiodsofour revolution,anditisnowtimeforustoreestablishthereignofharmony, moderation,andjusticeinashakingupthathastakenasitsmottothe constitution and the laws.1
1.ThisessaywaswritteninMay1830.Morawasreferringtothemotto(“ConstitutionandLaws”)ofthelastsuccessfulrebellion.ThegovernmentofVicenteGuerrero wastoppledin1830byGeneralAnastasioBustamante.(Editor’snote)
8
Discourse on Public Opinion and the General Will
Herearetwophrasesasoftenrepeatedinrepublicsas silencedinabsolutemonarchies,perhapsbecausetheirtrue meaningconstitutesthecompellingstrengthofthefirstandistheimpliedcensure andmostconstantthreatagainsttheexistenceofthesecond.Butseeat the same time two phrases humanity and philosophy will never pronouncewithouttrembling,becauseintheirnamehorriblecrimeshave been perpetrated in the world, and because they have been and will alwaysbethecloakofdemagogues,thedeadlydefenseoffactionsand favoritewatchwordofallrevolutionaries,similartothecomets,innocentstarslikealltheothers,butwhichlentbarbarismtheoccasionto cause,throughimpassionedimaginations,damagesinwhichtheydid nottakeanypartwhatsoever.Thesephrasesservemaliceasahorrific weapon to get its way with their sacrilegious intentions, even when nothingcorrespondingtothephrasesexistsexceptsounddevoidofall reality. Just because the significance of these terms is so respectable, it is enoughtopronouncethemtomakeabsolute governmentstrembleandfill withsuspiciousdistrustandsilencepopular governmentsandmakethem lowertheirheads;butbecareful,becarefulwithcarryingthatrespect beyonditslimitsinsuchawaythatitpreventsusfromapproachingthe intendedobjectthatmustproduceit(asalmostalwayshappens),for thatwayanillusionwillgenerallyintimidateus;wewouldworshipa shadowinsteadofthedivinityweimagine. In no government is that examination more necessary than in the popular,andnevermoreinterestingthanintimeslike,unfortunately,the present,inwhichdiversefactionsargueoverthebenefitoftheiropposing interests.As,then,eachoneofthemdefendshisintentionswiththose Originaltitle:“Discursosobrelaopiniónpúblicayvoluntadgeneral.”Source:El Observador de la República Mexicana,Mexico,August1,1827. 68
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respectablephrases,itisindispensibletoknowwelltheirfullvalueto determineifnone,some,andwhichoftherivalspossessessuchtreasure. Letusattempt,then,todoforthegovernmentandtheMexicanpublic a most interesting service, examining what those terms signify; if whattheysignifycanexistandinwhichcases;iftherewillbesureindicationstorecognizetheirexistence;and,finally,ifitisassumed,whether therewillalwaysbeanobligationtoyieldtotheirrule,orifonewillbe abletoorevenshouldresistitatsometime. Thesequestionsdeservealltheattentionandstudyofourfellowcitizens, particularly the legislators and public officials, because on their erroneousresolutionrestathousandfuturewoesofthepatriaandthe noisyorsilentunderminingoftheinstitutionsonwhichitbases,with reason,itsstabilityanditsfate.Letusnowgettothesubjectsothatour reflectionsmightcontributeabundantmaterialtowhomevercanspeak withgreaterknowledge. What do these phrases signify? Inmetaphysics, opinionisadherenceoftheunderstandingtoapropositionorpropositionsthroughsolidfoundationsthatoneisconvincedto bethetruth,butnotsoclearlyandevidentlythattheyfreeitcompletely fromthefearthatitmightbeitscontradiction.Thereare,forexample, reasonsforbelievingthattheebbandflowoftheseaistheresultofthe attractionofthemoon,butthereareother,opposingreasons.Hewhoon thebasisofthefirstsetofreasonsdecidestoattributesuchaneffectto themoonwithoutcompletelyresolvingthesecondissaidtoembrace opinion.Ofhimwhorepeatsthatpropositionfornoreasonotherthanhaving heardit,whatcanbesaidwithaccuracyisthathe does not know,andat most,thathebelieves,ifhisentirefoundationforregardingthepropositionascertainistheregardhehasforthepersonfromwhomheheardit. The significance of the word “opinion” does not change when it carriesoverintothepolitical.There,thesameasanywhereelse,theterm denotesadopt, embraceastrueapropositionbasedonfoundationsthat seemsolidtotheunderstanding,andmoresolidthanthosefoundations thatpersuadeoftheopposite,althoughitcannotprovidethemacompletelysatisfactoryresponse. Theword“will”iswellunderstoodbyeveryone;italwayssignifies the attachment of our soul to some object that the understanding has
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conceivedasgood.Theintensityofloveordesireisproportionatetothe degreesofgoodnessthatweapprehendintheobjectandthoseofthe claritywithwhichtheunderstandingpresentsthatgoodtous. Theseideasareveryclear;theyarethosethatallphilosophersassert andwhatallmenexperience.Fromthemwededuce,then,thetruths thatpertaintoourcase. Tothispointweareproceedingwell,andwewillnotbecontradicted. Thedifficultybeginswiththeadjectivesinthesephrases,becausedelvingdeeplyintowhat“public”meansinthefirstand“general”inthe second,itisnecessarythatthespellvanishwithwhichtheunwaryare deceivedsoastomakethemblindinstrumentsofdestruction,whowill, intheirturn,bedestroyed. These phrases, “public opinion,” and “general will,” either signify nothing that can serve demagogic purposes, or they must denote the opinion and the will, at least, of the greater number of citizens who makeuparepublic,butnottheabsolutetotal,asitseemsitshouldbe. Noticethattheclassicalauthors,whentheyusethesephrasestoestablishtheirdoctrines,seemnottogivesomuchlatitudetotheirmeaning, butrathertheyunderstandbythemtheopinionandwillmoregeneralizedamongthosewhoarecapableofformingitwithrespecttoeach subject;butwe,whoseintentionistocombatthefrequentanarchicapplications, give them generally the sense of coincidence of opinions and desire of all,oreventheconsiderable majorityofthecitizens regarding a specific object.Havinggiventhiswarningandthetermsnowdefined,letus considerthesecondquestion. Is there a subject regarding which auniformityof opinions and the desire of the greater part of the citizens can be verified? Ithasbeensaidalreadythatthereisnotdesireorlovewithrespect toobjectsthatarenotknown,andthatthereisnoopinionaslongasthe understandinghasnotsettledonfoundationswhosesolidityissufficient topersuadeit.So,therefore,therewillnotbeuniformityinthethinking anddesiringofthegreaternumberofcitizensofarepublic,butrather onlywithrespecttothoseobjectsthatarewithinthereachofthatmajority,thatistosay,inthereachofallmen.Howmanyobjectsofthat classwilltherebe?Willtheyexceedthenumberoffingersofthehands ifweusethemtocount?
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Itcanbeestablishedasageneralrulethatonlycertainexperimentaltruthsandsimplefirstprinciplescanbeconceiveduniformlybythe majority;butatthemomentwhenobjectsbecomecomplicatedintheir relationships,andinproportiontohowtheserelationshipsmultiply,how theygetinthewayofeachother,andhowthetermsrecedeawaytoa greaterdistance,theimpossibilityofuniformityarisesandgrows.Themajorityabandonit,andtheirexaminationdoesnotevenoccurtothem,and thefewwhohaveanabilityanddedicatethemselvestotheexamination seethemfromdifferentanglesand,forthatreason,establishonthebasis ofthemverydiverseandeven,manytimes,contradictoryprinciples. Allmenhavethesamefaculties,butperhapsnotwoapplytheminthe samewaytotheiraims,fromwhichgrowssuchamultitudeofpassions, suchadiversityofdesires,andtheinfinitevarietyofconcepts.Everyone experiencespleasures,buteachinhisownway;everyonesufferspain, butinhowdifferentaway,andhowmanytimesdoesthesameobjectthat providespleasurestosome,causeanguishandrepugnanceinothers!So, abouttheonlyagreementwehaveisonthevague and indefinitedesireto behappy,childofabstract,confused,andgeneralunderstandingofhappiness.Butwhenitcomestorealizingorsatisfyingthatdesire,eachonegoes byaverydifferentroadandbelieveshimselfabletofindthistreasurein objectsverydistantfromoneanother.Letusagree,then,thatifthetruth isnotpractical and experimentalorexceedingly simple,wewastetimelooking foritwithrespecttothetrue opinion and willofthegreaternumber. Associetiesandrepublicsarenothingmorethantheconsolidationof families,andtheseofindividuals,itisnecessarytoacknowledgethatpublic opinionandgeneral will,iftheyexist,musthavethesamesourcesas individualopinionandwill,andthosecanbeverifiedonlyifthesource oftheseothersisidentical.Well,now,letusexaminethemen,orbetter leteachmanexaminehimself,andtelluswhichwerethesourcesofthe opinionstheyembracedintheirlives,whichhaveproducedlastingopinionsandwhichtransient,andallwillrespondthattheiropinionshave ariseneitherfromeducationorfromrespectful habitsthattheyacquired fromtheireducationorfromtheirperceptionsorfromtheirreflective meditations and study;thatthosewhichoriginatefromthislastsourcearegenerallyreadilychangeablebecause,evenwhentheyarecertain,theyare accompaniedbyfear,becauseoftheexperienceofothererrorsandmistakes;thatthosewhichoriginateintheotherthreeprimarysourcescreate deeprootsand,evenshouldtheybefalse,aresetasidewithdifficulty.
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Assumingthis,anditbeingimpossiblethatthegreaterpartofthe citizensdedicatethemselvestoreflective meditationandstudy,thereonly remainstous,asoriginsofpublicopinion,general education,sensations, and respectful acquiescence,repeatinginregardtothislastthatitismore likelythesourceoffaiththanofopinionbecause,notprovidinguswith directfoundations,itmakesusdefertowhatthepersonorpersonsto whomwegivecreditpresenttousascertain. Sensationsprovideusonlywithexperimental truths,forexamplethat the sun gives light, that fire burns; and so, putting these to one side, therecanbepublic opiniononlywithrespecttothoseobjectsthatmight havebeensubjectsofgeneral education. From this, anyone will infer very correctly that, it being unfortunatelyundeniable,therehasneverbeenamonguspopular education;that thefruitsofwhatissowntodaywillbegatheredtwelveortwentyyears fromnow;thatthemajorityofourpeopledidnotgotothefewandbad schools;thatthosewhowenttothemlearnedonlyandatmostthecatechismofRipalda,badlyexplainedmostofthetime;andthatpopular instructionhasbeenrelativeonlytoreligion—andwouldthattheypresenteditinallitspurity!—willinfer,werepeat,that,besidesthetruths ofimmediate experience,thereisamongMexicancitizensuniformityof thoughtsanddesiresonlyinmattersofreligion,becausetheydrinkit withmother’smilk,andinindependence of all foreign domination,because it is such a simple object, so perceptible, and because of its deprivationmisfortunescametousthroughallthesenses.Exceptedfromthis ruleareneitherthefewthattheremaystillbewhohavelosttheirsense ofcivicresponsibility,longingforthesepulchralcalmofthetimeof slavery,norsomewho,fortheirmisfortuneandours,detestablebooks havecorrupted,whichtheyreadwithneitherprinciplesnorcriticism, andthosebookshavemadethemwaverinandevenabjuretheholyreligiontheyprofessed. The well-off class among our youth and the humblest and poorestamongourcitizens providetheconfirmation ofthesetruths.Observetheformercarefullysinceourindependenceandyouwillnote theyearning with whichthis class searches for works of thesciences whosenameswedidnotpreviouslyknow;thepromptnesswithwhich it adopts the principles of each new work that arrives; the ease with whichtheyareapplieddespiteoverrunningeverything;andtheequal easewithwhichtheyareabandonedwiththearrivalofanotherwork
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thatestablishesdifferentprinciples.Fromwhatdoesthischangeability arise?Fromanexcessofingenuityandalackofexperienceinscientific education.Thedesiretoknowandthenecessityofgoverningourselves makeusdevourwhatevercomestoourhands,andnotbeingwellrooted inthetrueprinciples,becausetheynevergavethemtous,nordidwe learnthemourselves,wewanderfromtheorytotheory,andthesame thing will happen to us until sufficient time has passed for reflective meditationandexperiencetorootusinthesolidtruthswhichwestill distrust.Therefore,fornowwemustnotallegepublicopinionwithsuch satisfactionandgenerality,noteveninspeakingofthewell-to-doand studiousclass,becausewhatwedonotacquireineducationonlystudy andexperiencecangiveus,andthoserequireagreaterpassageoftime thanwhathaspassedsincewehavebecomefree. Inthepoorestclass,whichisincomparablythegreater,theassertion isstillmorepalpable:whoevergoesouttodealwiththepeopleofthe country or enters into artisan workshops to explore what they think abouttheinnumerablequestionsofpolitics,economics,andmorality thatlegislatorsmusthandledaily,willseethatsomerespondonlywith thesmile of suspicion, indicatingthattheyfearonewantstomakefun ofthem;andothers,moresimple,respond:And what do I know of that? Thereisnoneedtogivethistoomuchthought.Ourpeoplearealmost uniquelygenerally satisfiedwithreligion,withindependence,withthe desiretopayaslittleaspossibleintaxesornothingifthatispossible; withwhateverwillallowthemtoworkandfreelypursuetheirlives;that theirpersonalsecuritybestable;thattheycanenjoytheirpossessions inpeace;andtheybecomeinvolvedinnothingelse,noteventoinform themselvesaboutgovernmentprovisions;theyrespecttheirlegislators, thegovernment,andthesubordinateauthoritiesandletthemdotheir work. Itseemsverycertain,then,anditisamongusevenifitmightnotbe everywhere,thattheonlyobjectsofcommonopinionarethosethatderivefrompopulareducation,thosethatcomethroughthesenses,thatis tosayempiricaltruths,orthataredirectlydeducedfromthem,andthose veryfewwhich,becauseoftheirsimplicityandtotallackofrelational complicationwithotherobjects,areofferedtothemajorityandareperceptibletoeveryone;butspeculativetruths,complex and difficulttruths likethosethescienceofgovernmentembraces,areneitherobjectsofthe opinionofthegreaternumber,noristhereregardingthemthatunifor-
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mityofthemajority,exceptinthecaseinwhichtheyadoptthembytradition,instilledbythreeorfourpeoplewhoarereferredtoasentourage. Then,themajoritybelieves,doesnotopine;isincitedmechanically,does notincite;andthustheirthought,astheirdesire,doesnotgenerallylast longerthanthatofthevoiceswithwhichthosewhohavesetthemselves upascoryphaeusesurgethemon. The law,wewillbetold,is the expression of the general will;thenhow cantherebesofewobjectsofpublic opinionandconsequentlysofew objectsofthat will?Ifthat maxim, takenfromRousseau, wereabsolutely true, says thevery profound Bentham,1“there is not acountry that would have laws, for neither in Geneva nor in the small democraticcantonsdoestherightofsuffragehavethatuniversality,noristhat rightofsuffrageofthetruemajorityofthetotalnumberofinhabitants eververified.”If,throughsuchaprinciple,onewantstoindicatethat thosewithresponsibilityformakingthelawsreceivedfromthepeople thatveryaugustinvestitureorthat,giventhelaw,thecitizensaccept it,thoseobligatedtoitbytheirsocialpacts,then,yes,ithasajustand truemeaning,andthewilltocarryoutwhatthelawprescribesisperfectlyunderstoodastheprimitivewilltoobservewhatthosewhomthe peopleselectedforthatveryimportantenddecree.Everythingthatis notthisisneitherintelligible norphilosophically sustainable andisthe eternalbreedinggroundofanarchyanditsconsequentmisfortunes. It remains, then, to resolve the third question, and what has been saiduntilnowwillshortenmuchoftheroadthatwehavetowalkin examining If there will be some fixed signs by which to recognize whether public opinion has been formed. Onthismatteritiseasiertosaywhatisnotthanwhatis;thenegative rulesareverycertainand,onthecontrary,thepositiveonesareambiguous,andgenerallytheirapplicationtothepracticalcanproduceonly probabilities. Ithasbeensaidthatthereisnopublic opinionifthequestionorpropositionwithwhichitdealsisnotpractical and experimentalorsosimpleas tobewithinthereachofthemajorityofpeople,andconsequentlythere 1. Jeremy Bentham, Tactique des assemblées législatives, 2 vols. (Geneva and Paris, 1816).
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isnotpublicopinionexcept,aswewillstatelateron,overpropositions that,althoughpractical, havecomplication ofcircumstances andaims that,inordertocombinethem,requiremorethantrivial attentionand somethoroughreflectivemeditation,foritisclearthatthegeneralityof citizensisnotcapableofthis. In questions and propositions that are speculative, complicated, and profound,therecanbenotruepublicopinionunlessthesequestionsand propositionshavebeentheobjectofpopular,constant,andgeneralized education,inwhichcase,althoughtheycometobeadoptedtraditionally andgenerallywithoutproofs,theway of thinkingisuniform,althoughit cannotstrictlybecalledopinion,givenwhathasjustbeensaid. Self-loveistheuniversalpassionofallmen,andinthejudgmentof eventhegreatphilosophers,alltheotherpassions,towhicharegiven differentnamesaccordingtotheobjecttowhichitapplies,arethevery same.Whatisbeyonddoubtisthat,ifnoteverymanislasciviousnor vindictive,etc....everymanloveshimselfandseekshiswell-beingwhereveritmaybeandinallhisactions,sothat,althoughtheobjectsofthe applicationandreflectivemeditationofmenmightbeinfinitelyvaried, andalthoughtheexerciseofstudymightbeforsoveryfew,thereis nomanatallforwhomhisindividualinterestdoesnotrequireofhim attention,deliberations,andfrequentperiodsofthinking;andasmeditationisasourceofopinion,itfollowsthattherecanbepublicopinion onobjectsofcommoninterestorutility. ThewiseBenthamwas,then,quitecorrectwhen,referringtolegislation,hesaidpublic utility was the surest criterion of public opinion,2 an expressionthatweconvertintoanegativemaxim,saying:nomeasure whatsoeverthatisnotinthecommoninterest,immediateandreadily perceptible,isaproperobjectoftruepublicopinion. Focusforamomentontheexpressionimmediate and readily perceptible becausethereareinnumerablemeasuresthatwillsurelyproducegeneral well-beingandhappiness;butbecausethishasnotbeentheirimmediate outcomenorhasityetbeenexperienced,theydonothaveintheirfavor themajorityofthepeople,forwhomonlyexperienceisthefoundation forbelievingandthinking,andforwhomgoodandevilhaveeitherto enterthroughthesensesortheyenterthemalmostnever.
2.Ibid.
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Bayle3observed,beforeus,thatitisalmostnaturalinmennottothink forthemselvesandthataquasi-innateapathymakesthemformanidea ofoneorsomeindividualstoallowthemtoknowandholdforcertain whatthoseindividualstellthemtheyhavethought.Generallywepay thatrespectful deferencetoourparents,masters,andsuperiors,inwhom weareaccustomedtoimaginingmorelearningandtalent.Thus,weexperience,generally,thattheopinionofthefatheristhatofthesons,the opinionofthemasterthatofhisservants,andtheopinionofaleaderof acommunity,ifheiswellliked,thatofthosewhoarehissubordinates. Besidestheserelationships,sourcesofopinion,thereareothersthat,in ordertodistinguishthemfromthose,wecouldcallartificial.Among everypeople,individuallyifthepeopleisnotverynumerous,oneor someinhabitantsacquireafollowingbecauseoftheirgenerosity,becauseoftheirhonesty,becauseoftheirbeneficence,andevensometimes becauseofsomereprehensiblevice.Suchasthesealsobecomesources ofbeliefs and persuasions,andtheirwayofthinkingspreadsamongtheir cronies,whobytraditionembraceit.Opinionsadoptedandgeneralized inthiswaydonotmerit,asIhavealreadyrepeated,thenameofopinion, butitisappropriatetocallthembelieforpersuasion;andwesaythatit canbetakenascommon persuasionwhatisfelttobesobythegreaterpart ofthoseindividualswhohaveafollowingintheirtowns. Nonethelessthepreviousruleisveryopentoambiguities,principally intimesoffactions,forwellknownaretheeffortsthateachoneofthem makestowinoverthosepopular coryphaeuses,thosewho,wonoverby fairlywell-knownmeansrepeat,manytimesagainsttheirconscience, thefavoriteaxiomsofthefactionthatwonthem.Theirfollowershear them,andtheydothesamething.Beadvised,however,thatthevoices arenotdiverse;itisonevoicewithvarious echoes,averyinterestingobservation,especiallyforlegislatorswhomthesituationalwayssubjects totormentsfromwhichtheywillnotemergewellexceptwithrulesthat wewillpresentinthefourthquestion,anticipatingthemnow,thecelebratedmaximandeternaltruthoftheimmortalBentham,“Goodfaith andjusticearethemosthealthypoliticsandthemostlasting.”4 Neitherofeachindividualalone,norofallormostofthemtaken 3.PierreBayle,Frenchphilosopherandcritic,founderofeighteenth-centuryrationalism.(Editor’snote) 4.Bentham,op.cit.
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together, can it be said that they have opinion, as long as understandingsvacillateandwanderuncertainoverthetruthsunderdiscussion.In orderthattherebeopinionitisnecessarythattheunderstandingbedecided,andnotwillfully,butbecauseoffoundationssosolidthatthey musthavecompelledassentdespitenothavingfoundasatisfactoryresponsetotheconflictingones;andwhentheunderstandinghasbeen settledforreasonsofthisnature,neitherhasitdonesoinstantaneously, butratherbyaslow and reflectiveprocess,nordoes it change opinion easily, andsolongasanotherreflectivemeditation,yetslowerthanthefirst, doesnotpresentnewandmoresolidreasonsinopposition. Onemustunderstandthatconstancyisnotthesameasinvariability, andthuswhenweestablishasarulethatonecannothavepublicopinionwithoutconstancy,thatistosaywithoutthemajorityofthecitizens beingconstantlyadvisedofit(whichisknowneither,first,whenthe sameopinionisobserveddespitevaryingcircumstancesor,then,when it is being repeated notwithstanding the passage of time), we do not meanthatthepubliccannotchangeitsopinions,butratherthatithasto changetheminthesamewayitformedthem,slowlyandgraduallyand (thesameaseachindividual)bythissilentexaminationoftheopposing foundationswithwhichpublicopinioncansometimesbechanged;but thisisneitherfrequentnortheworkofamoment,butratherworked outoveralongtime. This reliable rule should allow us to give their legitimate value to thosepopularandtumultuoussurges,principlesofrevolutionsandexclusiveworkofambitiousdemagogues.Theywillneverbethemarkof publicopinionandthegeneralwill,becauseamongotherqualitiesthey arelackingstability and firmness;theywillbepassingthoughtsanddesires,becausealwayssuggestedbythedepraved,buttheywillnotbe thepublicdesire.Astirredupanddeceivedmultitudewillapplaudthe deathoftheGraciiinRome;inParisitwillcarryofftotheguillotine themostenlightenedandvirtuousmen;itwillrequest,inMexico,the elevationofacaudillotothethrone,5butnoneofthesethingswillbe theeffectofpublic opinion,butrather“theechoofseduction,thecryof thescoundrelsandwhoreswhowillclimbhigher,asafamousjournalist explains,thebetterthecoryphaeusesofthefactionshavepaidthem.”6
5.ThisisareferencetoAgustíndeIturbide’senthronementin1824.(Editor’snote) 6.Espectador Sevillano,no.3.
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The most essential character of public opinion is liberty. Human understandingisthepowermostjealousofitsindependence,itdoesnot bearfetters;towanttoputthemonthingsthataresubjecttoitsability isthegreatestandmostintolerabletyranny.Thisqualityofpublicopinionisdeducedfromthedefinitionofitsessenceinthesamewayasthe previousone.Cantherebeopinionintheparticularindividualwhenhe isnotallowedtoreflectandifhedoesnothaveallthefreedomnecessarytoweighthereasonsthathavetoresolveit?Surelynot;forhisopinionmustalwaysbethefruitofacalmreflectivemeditation;andeven regardingfaith,althoughhecannotreflectonitsimmediateobject,he shoulddosoonthefoundations of credibility;thereforeifpublic opinionis nothingotherthanthecomingtogetherofindividualopinions,itisnecessarytoacknowledgethatthereisnot,norcantherebe,public opinion whenitdoesnotexist,andaboutobjectsrelativetowhichthereisnot liberty. Inferfromthisthat,inatimeofbloodyfactions,duringwhichnot onlyisitnotlawfultosaywhatonethinksbutnoteventothinkinaway otherthanwhatsuitsthecoryphaeusofthedominantfaction;thatwhen thesobriquetsofseditious,enemy of the patria,andothersofthissortthat aremaliciouslyinventedonsuchoccasionsemergewithalltheretinue ofcalumnies,abuses,andsatirestostiflethevoicesthatdonotagreeto beechoesofthepowerfulfaction;andaboveall,thatwhenthegovernmentdeclaresitselfforoneofthefactions,theallegationpublic opinion istopresentanillusionbeyondallreality.No,thereisnotsuchpublic opinion,becausetherehasnotbeenfreedomtocreateit.Onthecontrary,truepublicopinionwillbestifled;itwilltriumphinthelongrun, andthesamepeoplewilltakerevengeforitontheiroppressors;butin themeantimeitdoesnotexist,norcanitbealleged. Well-knownwriters,particularlywhentheyspeakofthebenefitsof freedomofthepress,considerpublic papersasasurethermometerfor knowingpublic opinion,andthisisoneofthebenefitswithwhichthey mostextolthatinstitution.No,wewillnotdenyanassertionsoauthoritativeandrational;butunfortunateexperiencescauseustoassertthat, toapplyitwithoutimmediatefearoferror,somecriticismisneeded. Ofcourse,publicpapersdonotmakelawinthecountrieswherethe powertopublishthoughtsbymeansofprintingisnotfree;butletus notethatthatisproventruenotonlywheredespotismsubjectswriters topriorcensorship,butalsowhereonehinderswritingbydirectorin-
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directmeans,unlessitisinaspecifiedway.Whatdoesitmatterthat theconstitutionofacountryestablishesfreedomtopublishideasifa dominantfactionwillmanagewithcertaintytoruinanyonewhowrites againstitsinterest?Whatdoesitmatterthatthatlibertyisguaranteed, establishingthatwritingscanbejudgedonlybyindividualschosenby thepeople, who, itissupposed, will vote forthose ofgreatereducationandprobity,ifthespiritoffactionalonemanagestopresideover theelection,makingitfalltothemembersmostattachedtoit,andthat asaconsequence,theywillletpassneitherastatementnoratruththat hurtsthefaction?Thishappensfewtimesinpopulargovernmentsand inwhichthelawsofelectionarewellthoughtout,butithappens,and whenthecircumstancearises,freedomofthepressisnominal.Itshould beablebutcannotsaywhatitthinks;thefearofpersecutionandpunishmentssilencesmostofthecitizens.Fewarethosewhohaveallthecouragenecessarytospeakthetruthbutalmostneverwithimpunity.We say,then,thatwhenthereisnotruefreedomofthepress,beitinone wayoranother,publicopinioncannotbededucedfrompublicpapers, whichofcoursemustexpressonlythejudgmentofthetyrant,bethis anabsoluteking,avizier,orapopularfaction.Publicpaperscanbea thermometerofpublic opinionwhentheycanproduceit,shoulditnotbe formed,andwhen,ofthequalitieswehavedeterminedpublic opinionto haveandtoserveasamarktorecognizeitwhenitdoesexist,arederived directlythosethatthepapersmusthaveinordertoproduceorshowit. Intruth,ifpublicopinionmustbeandcannotbelessthanthefreeand spontaneousoutcomeofcalmreflectivemeditationonthesolidfoundationsthatpersuadeoneofatruth,almostalwayspracticalandgenerally simple and perceptible,paperswillproducepublic opiniononlyiftheywere writtenincomplete freedom,withsimplicity,impartiality,firmness,and circumspection,showingwhattheyaretryingtoprove,notthreateningand forcingwhatistobebelieved;lettingreasonspeakthroughthemand timematuretheirassertions,notpresentingascimitartocutoffheads that do not bow at their voice. When the writers of a nation, or the greaterpartofthem,especiallyjournalists,seethemselvesasrespecting thesequalitiesinwhattheyproduce,andtheydiscoveruniformityregardingsomeassertion,theycanbelievetheywillestablishpublicopinion,andtheycanbelievethattheyspeakthetruthiftheyannouncethat itnowexists.Ontheotherhand,ifthenationisdividedintobloody factions,villainouswriterssellthemselves,dippingtheirpensinblood
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andblackbile,hurlingsarcasmsandthreats,shamefullytearingawaythe alwaysrespectableveilofdomesticmysteries,thenneitheristherepublicopinion,norcanthewritersproduceit,norcanitbeknownthrough thewritings.“Awriter,”saysthejudiciousjournalistalreadycited, whoprovokesthestruggleofthefactions,whoshowshimselfattachedtooneofthem,whowantstotyrannizepublicopinion,lavishinginsultsonthosewhodonotthinkashe,orsilencingthem bymeansofthreats,isamanwhopresagesdespoticdispositions; heisamanunworthyoftheesteemandconfidenceofanationthat aspirestolibertyandthatknowsthatthemostsacredrightisthatof thought.Muchmoreodiousmustbethosewho,intheirwritings, imagesoftheiratrocioussouls,sowcalumniesandsatiresagainstthe virtuouscitizenwhoisnotoftheirfactionandtrytomakethose whodifferfromthemintheirpublicopinionslooklikeenemiesof thenation....Wheretherearecertainfavoriteerrorsofadominant factionagainstwhichitisnotlawfultospeak,whereitisnotlawful todiscusseventruthsthemselves,thereisnopublic opinion. Wedwelledonthisthirdquestionmorethanweintended,butits importanceexcusesus,andletusnowproceedtogatherthefruitinthe resolutionofthefourth. Is there always an obligation to submit oneself to public opinion and the general will? Wehavealreadyindicatedthat,wheneverthereareexistingparties, popularfactions,aninabilitytobaseameasureorresolutionthatone desiresinsolidargumentsandintheeternalprinciplesofequityand justice,thedefendersappealtopublic opinion;theycryoutasloudasthey can,the people want this, the people desire that,andalwaystheclamoring factiontriestoidentifywiththegeneralityofthenation,secureinobtainingitsaimsor,atleast,ofimposingthem. “Letusdistinguishcarefullythepopularvoicefrompublicopinion: thefirstisformedwiththesameeaseasthecloudsofspring,butwith thesameeaseitvanishes.Itisproducedbyviolence,terror,factions, ignorance,athousandotheraccidentalcausesthatcanbedestroyedby opposinginterests....[T]hecriesofapeopledeceivedorsubduedby
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terrorarenotpublicopinion;theyaretheirephemeralandfalseimages, inventedbythepowerandperfidytodeludethenations.”7Inconfirmationoftruthssoundeniable,weneednothingmorethantoremember themultitudeofcontradictorycries,unjustandofallmannerthat,with thegreaterappearanceofuniversal,wehaveheardthroughthestreets ofMexicosince1808amidsttheclamoringofthebells,thenoisydinof artillery,etc.,etc.,demandingfirst...andthen...Shouldweforgetthe historyofourdisgracesitwillserveusonlytorepeatthemateachstep. Takecare,muchcare,inbelievingandcallingpublic opinion and general willwhatcommandedandbrazenbandsimploreoncertainoccasions. Ithasalreadybeenunderstoodthatthosedifficultmoments,asthey do not contain public opinion, are not included in the present matter; nordotheyneedanyprincipleotherthanunwavering firmnesssoasnot to give in to the disorganizing torrents. It is equally understood that neitherdowespeakhereofthemultitudeofoccasionsonwhichtheapplicationoftheprinciplesthatwehaveestablishedshowthatnoopinion existsalthoughitisallegedbytheinterestedparties.Letuspass,then, tothecaseofthequestionathandandweseewhattheobligationofa legislatoriswhenthereispublic opinionoratleastmuchprobabilitythat anopinionisgeneralized. Thosewhoarguefortheobligationtoyieldtoitandalwaystofollow itappealtothesovereigntyofthenationbecause,theysay,thepeopleis sovereign,andthewillofthesovereignmustalwaysbeobeyed.Weask ourselves,wheredoessovereigntyreside?Isitnottruethatitresides notinsome,notinmany,noreveninmost,butratherintheabsolute totalityofthenation?Therefore,sothattheallegedwillmightobligate assovereign,itwasnecessarytoshowineachcasethatallandeachone ofthecitizenswantedthatthing.Howwillitbepossibleevertoprovidesuchaproofand,muchless,todeliberatingbodiesinwhosevery breasttherearemanyrepresentativeswhoopposeoneanother?Orisit onlythewillofthedeputiesthatshouldbecountedfornothingwhen thesuppositions,perhapsimaginaryandalwaysindemonstrablefrom outside,countforsomuch? Seeing theimpossibility that there mightbe,andsetting asidethe impossibilityofshowingthatuniversal will,onewillperhapsappealto thewillofthemajority,sayingthatthelessernumberisobligatedto
7.Espectador Sevillano,no.3.
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yieldtothegreater.Ifthereisnomorethanthis,wesaythatthemindof themajorityalone,withoutotheraggregates,cannotproduceobligation to yield.Ineffect,nomatterhowmuchthedefendersofthosedoctrines racktheirbrains,reasonwillneverseeinthemajority aloneanythingbut force and power,inasmuchasitisnormalthatthegreaternumbercan domorethanthelesser.Butisforcealone,ordoesforcegivelegitimate right?Webelievethatfreerepublicanswillnotevenhavetograntitasa hypothesis;thenifrightandobligationarecorrelative,andinthemajority as suchthereisnorighttocommand,intheminoritythereisnoobligationtosubmit. Someconsiderationsandcircumstancescanbeattachedtotheprecedingcasethatalterthequestionanditsresolution;forexample,when inarigorously democraticgovernmenttherehasbeenanexplicitsocial pacttosubmiteveryonetotheopinionandwillofthemajority.Inthis casetherewillbeanobligationproceedingfromthepact,butitwillnot bethecaseinquestionnorwillitbeours.Perhapsitwillhappenthat thewillofthemajoritycanberesistedonlyviolentlyandbytheroad of revolution,andthentheobligationtopreservesocialorderandthatof avoidingtrulymajorwoescancompeltheminoritytotolerate,endure, andacquiescetothewillofthemajority.Forthiscasepolitical moralistsgiveverygoodrulesthatarenottoourpresentpurpose,andthose whowouldlikewillbeabletoseetheminLocke,Paley,andothers.We repeat,then,thatthewillofthemajority,for its mere sake,cannotbe obligatory. Thisbeingso,someonewillsay,arepresentativeofthegeneralcongress,agovernment,andapublicagentarenotbound,evenwhenopinionandgeneralized willexist,whichseemsincompatiblewiththecharacterofmandataries of the people,andnootherruleoftheirconductcanbe conceivedifitisnotthatfromwhichtheyalwaysoperateastheychoose, whichtrulyisaverycleardespotism. Beforerespondinganddeterminingtherules,wemustdismissamost unfortunateerrorthatthedemagogues and anarchistshavespreadandrepeatedwithoutcease:they,ignoringthetrueessenceoftherepresentative system,believe,orfeigntobelieve,thatarepresentativeisnothing morethanamandatary of the peoplethatelectshim;thathehastoreceive instructions,rules,andordersfromthemthathecannotviolate;that thepeoplecanrevokehispowerswhentheyconsideritwise;inaword, thatheisasimplepassiveorganofthedesiresorcapricesofhisconstitu-
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ents.ThefamousMartinezMarinahasgivenamotiveforsomeofthis. MartinezMarinawho,completelyconversantandsteepedinalltheold courtsofSpain(wheretheagentsofthecitieswhohadavoteinthem wentnottodeliberatebutrathertopresentpetitionsofthecitycouncils andtopromotepurelymunicipalinterests,andattimesasridiculousas addingafiguretoacoatofarms,etc.,etc.),calleddeputiesmandataries andwishedtoapplytothemsomeoftheattributesthatciviljurisprudencegivestothecommonmandate. Itisneithertheonlynortheprincipalreasonfortheestablishment ofdeliberative congressesandfortheenthusiasmofthepoliticiansinexaminingtherepresentativesystem,justlyregardingitasthemostsublimeendeavorofphilosophy,thatinwhichallthecitizensofasociety, manyinnumberandspreadoverimmenseterrains,couldnotassemble anddeliberatetodecide,anditwasnecessarytoadopttheexpedient bywhichtheywouldelectsomefromamongthemselvessothatinthe nameofallandontheirbehalf,theywouldtakepartinthecreationof lawsandinsystematizingallpublic welfare.Thetrueoriginofthemodernrepresentativesystemistheimmensedivisionoflaborsandoccupationstowhichcitizensnowexclusivelydedicatethemselvesforthe civilizationandprogressofenlightenmentofthepeople;eachindustry, eachposition,hasbeendividedandsubdividedintodifferentbranches, and each one of them is the sole occupation of a certain number of individualswho,dedicatingalltheirattentiontothem,haveraisedthe arts and sciences to the degree of perfection in which we see them. Sincethen,philosophy,economics,and jurisprudencealsoformedseparate branches,whoseintensestudythemultitudeofcitizenslefttoavery smallnumber,andsincethen,therearefewwhoacquireandhavethe capabilitytothinkthroughandworkoutthemostdifficultpointsofa civilgovernmentandtofaceuptopublicadministration.Few,veryfew, arethosewhocanhaveontheirshouldersthechargeofworkingoutthe laws,andofthose,veryfewaretheonesthepeopleelectforthepurposeofdoingso,choosingnotjustmouthssothattheygotoexpresswhat theirconstituentssuggesttothem,butrathertheirconsciences and minds, sothattheymightreflectonandunderstandwhattheconstituentsare notcapableofunderstandingorevenofgivingittheirattention,allof thememployedinverydifferententerprises.Theirconscience and wisdom, werepeat,arewhatpeopleselect,sothatwithouteverprostitutingthe first,andguidedalwaysbythesecond,theydiscoveranddecidewhatis
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bestandmostsuitableforthecommongood,andeveryonesubmitsto theresolutionandwilloftheseexperts.Hereisthetheoryofthedivine representative system,whichwehavefortunatelyadopted,forwhichthe nationsthathaveitarehappy,andforwhichallthosewholackityearn. Thedemocracyofmodernpeopleshasnothingtodowiththatofthe ancients;theyareofaverydifferentnature.Thelatterwasbarbarous, filledwithallthevicesanddefects,alwaysdegeneratingintoanarchy andinvolvedinthedisordersresultingfromthetumultuousgatheringof dullpeoplesintheplazasofAthensandRome,wheretheyallcastindividualvotesonmattersofgreatseriousness.Thedemocracyofthemodernrepublicsisnowpurgedofallthedefectsthatdiscreditedit,evento theextentofshowingitashorribleamongtheGreeksandRomans— Everyonealegislator!Everyonegivinganopiniononmattersoverwhich theyhadneverreflectedandthatrequirestudybyanordinarymanfor hisentirelife!LetusdistanceourselvesforthatreasonfromGreece, Rome,smallcantons,alwaysinuprising,alwaysindisorder!Apuzzling thing,verypuzzling.Iftoamanofletters,merchant,etc.oneproposes hemakeastatueorsomeotherartifact,notonlywillhesaywithoutthe leastshame,and what do I understand of that, when did I learn that job?But hewouldeventakeitasaninsult;andwhenitisamatterofmaking laws, themostsublimeworkofwisdom,everyoneconsidershimselffit,and theywouldevenshowthemselvesoffendedifonesaidtothemthatthey arenotsuitabletobelegislators!Willperhapsabustbemoredifficult thanagood law,orwillitrequirehavinghadgreaterapprenticeship?Distinguishedyouth!Maythefamoussocial contractoftheveryprofound Genevannotinstillitserrorsinyou,butratheritsbrillianttruths.Read, rereadonceandmanytimesBook2,chapter7.Learntherewhatalegislatorisandwhatisrequiredtobeone;andfarfromseeking,eachone willtrembleifthehonorablemisfortuneofbeingelecteddeputyfalls tohim.Butletusreturntothesubject. Theideaofmandataryandofmandatebeingfalseanddangerousappliedtotherepresentativesofanationalcongress(onwhichwecould expound, drawing obvious terrible consequences, which perhaps we willdoanothertime),itseemstousthatifonewantstotakefromcommonjurisprudencesomeideaasthesourceofmaximsandapplyit,with lessdangerofabsurdities,tomoderncongressesandtheirmembers,one shouldratherhavelaidone’shandsonthatideaofindependent arbiters throughwhosejudgmentthepartiestoalawsuitareobligedtopassthan
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thatofmandataries and mandates.Noristhisexact,butitismuchless dangerous. Letuslisten,incorroborationofeverythingsaid,tooneofthegreatest politicians that a nation fertile with them has had, the immortal Burke,speakingtotheelectorsofBristolwhohadnamedhimmember ofParliamentandwantedtogivehiminstructionsforhisconduct: Itishis[therepresentative’s]tosacrificehisrepose,hispleasures, hissatisfactions,totheirs[constituent];andaboveall,ever,andin allcases,toprefertheirintereststohisown.But,hisunbiassed opinion,hismature judgement,hisenlightened conscience,heoughtnotto sacrificetoyou;toanyman,ortoanysetofmenliving.Thesehe doesnotderivefromyourpleasure;no,norfromtheLawandthe Constitution.TheyareatrustfromProvidence,fortheabuseof whichheisdeeplyanswerable....IfGovernmentwereamatter ofWillonanyside,yours,withoutquestion,oughttobesuperior. ButGovernmentandLegislationaremattersofreasonandjudgement,andnotofinclination;and,whatsortofreasonisthat,inwhich thedeterminationprecedesthediscussion;inwhichonesetofmen deliberate,andanotherdecide;andwherethosewhoformtheconclusionareperhapsthreehundredmilesdistantfromthosewhohear thearguments? Todeliveranopinionistherightofallmen;thatofConstituents isaweightyandrespectableopinion,whichaRepresentativeought alwaystorejoicetohear;andwhichheoughtalwaysmostseriously toconsider.Butauthoritativeinstructions;Mandatesissued,which theMemberisboundblindlyandimplicitlytoobey,tovote,andto arguefor,thoughcontrarytotheclearestconvictionofhisjudgementandconscience—thesearethingsutterlyunknowntothelaws ofthisland,andwhicharisefromafundamentalmistakeofthe wholeorderandtenourofourConstitution. ParliamentisnotaCongress of Ambassadorsfromdifferentand hostileinterests;whichinterestseachmustmaintain,asanAgent andAdvocate,againstotherAgentsandAdvocates;butParliamentis adeliberative Assembly of one Nation,withoneInterest,thatofthe whole;where,notlocalPurposes,notlocalPrejudicesoughtto guide,butthegeneralGood,resultingfromthegeneralReasonof thewhole.YouchooseaMemberindeed;butwhenyouhavechosen
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him,heisnotMemberofBristol,butheisaMemberofParliament. IfthelocalConstituentshouldhaveanInterest,orshouldforman hastyopinion,evidentlyoppositetotherealgoodoftherestofthe Community,theMemberforthatplaceoughttobeasfar,asany other,fromanyendeavourtogiveitEffect. Thesetruthsassumed,andtheperniciouserrordismissed,letusproceedtogivedefiniterulesthatmightdirectthelegislator,whetheritis amatterofadoptingabad measureinordertoagreewiththecommon opinionanddesire,orofrejectingagood measuretogoagainstit. Itisthefirstandprincipalrulethat,evenifitbepossiblethatthere istrue public opiniononameasurenotoriously unjust and contrarytothe eternal principles of equity and reason,notonlycantherepresentativenot submittosuchopinionandvoteforit,butratherhehasaverystrictobligationtoopposeit,underpainofcommittingacrimebeforeGodand beingatraitortohisownseducedconstituents,who,soonerorlater, willdetesthimandmakehimsufferthepenaltyofhiscriminalcomplaisance.Thistruthdoesnotneedmuchjustification:Godmustbeobeyed beforemen;nounjustcommanddeservesthenameofsuch,norshould itbeobeyed.Theholy scriptures,thepriests,andmoralandpoliticalphilosophersarefulloftheseandsimilarmaxims.Well,ifinunjustmatters notevenhewhocanmandatemustbeobeyed,howshouldpublic opinion beobeyed,which,aswehaveshown,mustnotbethecompulsoryruleof arepresentative?Thepreconceivednotion,saysBentham,“canbeanexcuseforthecommonpeoplebutnotforpublicmen:it,atleast,willnot bejustifiedwhenitmightbethesourceoroccasionforerrors,”andnow thissameprofoundpoliticianwarnswhathappensinthoseassertionsof publicopinion:“Itevenmanages,”hesays,“toremovemeasuresfrom examination;andwhatbeginstodemonstratethebadfaithisthatthey trytosupportthemwithallthepowerandinfluenceofgovernment.” Thesecondverydefiniteruleisthat,ifpublicopinionisforameasurewhich,althoughitmightnotbeabsolutelycontrarytotheimmutable principlesofreasonandjustice,therepresentativebelievesorknows willbedetrimentaltothenationinsomeway,hemustnotapproveit butratheropposeit.Forthishewaselected;hisobligationistoexamine anddecideonlywhatcanleadtothecommongood;hedoesnothaveto answertoGodortomenforanother’sjudgment,butonlyforhisown; andhemustsaytothosearguingthecontrary public opinionwhatValen-
onpubliCopinionandtheGeneralwill : 87
tianosaidtothearmythathadjustelectedhimemperorandrequired himtojoinwithValenteinrule:Vestrum fuit, o milites, cum imperator nullis esset, imperii mihi habens tradere, sed postquam illud suscepi meum deinceps, non vestrum est publicis rebus prospicere. ThethirdmaximisfromthesameveryprofoundBentham:Therepresentative,ifhemustnevervoteforameasurethathebelievesunjust, neverforoneheconsiderswillcausepublicmisfortunes,neithermust heinsistontheadoptionofameasurethat,althoughinhisjudgment beneficial,mightbecontrarytogeneralopinion;inthiscaseheshould notgiveitupcompletely,butinsteaddeferittoabettertime.“Public opinion,”saysthislearnedman,“beingonlythatofthegreaternumber, withoutotherevidence,isanargumentwithoutforce:forthelegislator itisnotgoodreasoning,butratherrespectable.Itisnotareasontorenouncethemeasure,butrathertodeferitinordertoenlightenminds, usinglegitimatemeanstocombattheerror,forthetruth,daughterof time,securesitallfromherfather.”8 Tothesethreerulesthatincludeeverythingwewilladdnow,onlyfor lightindarkmattersoffactions,twomaximsfromthesameauthorrepeatedalsobyPaleyandvariousothers.“Itisalwaysboasting,”hesays, “toseeveracityinpoliticsasthemoralityofsmallmindsandproofof simplicityandignoranceoftheworld;andmenfearfuloflookinglike foolsadopt,relativetotheirconduct,publicprinciplesthattheycondemnintheordinaryactionsoftheirlife.Afactionis,insomerespects, averyvigilantandactiveguard;butifitsprincipalaimistoseizepower, itwillbeinitsinteresttoperpetuatetheabusesandwillseetheminadvanceasfruitsofitsvictory.” Wehaveconcluded,ifnotwiththedignitythatthematterrequires, or with the profundity with which we would like to have treated it, givingmorethanenoughpointssothattruescholarsandteachersofpoliticalsciencemightbeinspiredtoenlightenusintheseveryimportant questions.Neitherthelimitsofthejournalnorourcompetencepermits usmore;butwhatwehavesaidisenoughforthosewhoreflectonour assertionswithmaturity,sheddingpreconceivednotionsandpartialities unworthyofaphilosopher.
8.Bentham,op.cit.,Sophismes,pp.71ff.
9
Discourse on the Nature of Factions Themostperversehavethegreatestpowertostirup seditionsanddiscords;peaceandcalmaloneareconserved forthevirtues. —Tacitus
Liberal institutions bring with them differences of opinion, because with each person making use of the precious right toexpressanopinionfreely,itwouldbeimpossiblethatallmembers ofsocietywouldagreeonhowtoviewissues.Thus,withreasonithas beensaidthatthisdivisionandbalanceofopinionsisthelifeofarepublic,supportsthevigilanceofsomeauthoritiesoverothersandofthe peopleoverallauthorities;itexaminesthetruthclosely,andenlightenmentisadvanced,throughwhichthelegislatorandgovernmentdiscover appropriatemeanstocarryoutthehighaimsoftheirinstitution,and thecraftinessandtortuousnessofarbitrariness,naturalenemyoffree thought,cannotbehidden. But is this liberty indefinite, or are there bounds within which it mustbeconfined?Ifthereare,bywhatsignswillweknowwhenthese boundshavebeencrossedorwhenthedisputesdegenerateintodangerousfactions?Whatwilltheconsequencesbe?Sucharethepointswe proposetoelucidateatatimeinwhichabuseofwords,anarchicaldoctrines,andpoliticalabsurditiesaregrowingintoanintenseforcetolead theincautiousastrayandjustifyenormouscrimes. Inanalreadyconstitutedsociety,theconflictofopinionscannever beaboutthetrulyessentialfoundationsofsociety,thatistosay,about theagreementsandlawsthatsecureindividualguarantees.Forallmen feeldeeplyembeddedintheirbeingtheneedtopreserve,byallpos Originaltitle:“Discursosobreloscarácteresdelasfacciones.”Source:El Observador de la República Mexicana,Mexico,October17,1827. 88
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siblemeans,theirsecurity,theirliberty,theirproperty,becausethey lefttheforestsandformedsocietiesonlywiththispreeminentgoal.The unanimityofthisfeelingisthusimmutable,anddissentwillbeonly themostoffensivedegradationorthemostfoolishignorance.Thus,all opinionthatopenlyordeceitfullyattacksitiscriminalbyitsnature. Norcantherebedifferencesoverclearlyconstitutionallaws,which are,accordingtoLanjuinais,“thosewhich,createdoragreedtobythe representativesofthenationorbythenationitself,determinethenature,theextent,thelimitsofpublicpowers,sothatthiscodeistruly thesupremelawandhasaspecialcharacterofpermanencethatdistinguishesitfromordinarylaws.”Thepermanencethatmustbeanessentialcharacteristicoftheconstitutioniscontrarytodiscussionthattends tochangeit,forotherwisesocietywouldneverhavethatfirmandpermanentreposeindispensableforachievingitsgoals,andthecontinual fluctuationwouldendindestroyingsocietyandmakingittheprisoner oftyranny. Letusnotethatnotallthearticlesofaconstitutionareconstitutional, butratheronlythosethatsanctionnationalindependence,theformof government,thedivision,limitation,andsphereofpublicpowers.Such sanctionsareasanctuarywherenooneshouldgoexcepttoworshipthe protectordeityofsocieties.Evenwhenabetterworkedoutconstitutioncanbeimagined,theonethatexists,establishedbythevoteand respectofthenation,willalwaysbepreferable,andthedifficultiesof thechangecanneverbecounterbalancedbywhateveradvantagesare imagined,foranewconstitutionhasbeenwrittenonlyontheruinsand ashesofthenationthatdictatesit;andaslongastheguaranteesarerespected,aslongasthelawsareobservedandtheconstitutiongivessecuritytosomeandenergytoothers,thepeoplearehappy,theywilllivein tranquility,andtheywillnotremembertheterriblerightofresistance, whoseuseshouldbesorare,itisevenmoreunusualforalteringtheconstitution,andsothatresistancemoreoftenhasrestorationasitsobject thanchange.Theclassesthatactuallymakeupthenationwillneverrisk theirfateandwell-beingtothesetbacksofanunfortunatecommutation.Suchdesiresarefromthosewho,withoutindustryorloveofwork, pursuedrelentlesslybypovertyandprovokedbyfierceambition,base theirhopesontheupheavalandruinofthepatria. Theverybroadfieldofcombatisinthemethodsofadministration; inthemanagement,investment,andgooduseofpublicrevenues;inthe
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applicationofpoliticaleconomytotheneedsofthenation;intherules andproceduresofjustice;intheplansforeducationandnationalinstruction;inthegreatandvariousmattersthatthelegislativebodyexamines;...thepoliticalsubjectsthat,inafreesystem,canbeclarifiedby publicwritingscannotbeenumerated;inthemeachonecanandmust deploythetalentsandknowledgethatnatureandhisworkhaveafforded him,keepingwhatismostusefulandrefutingtheerrorsofhisopponents.Thebeneficialtruthsaredeepenedandrefinedinthesedisputes; andifonewishestogivethemthenameofparties,thesearenecessary andadvantageousforthepeople,foreventhosethatareincorrectare usefulatleastoccasionallysothatthetruthcanberecognizedandtriumph.Agoodgovernmentdoesnotremainindifferentamidstviolence, anditmakesgooduseoftheenlightenmentthatisspread,impartially choosesthebetter,andstimulatesthediscussionnecessaryforsuccess. Butgoingbeyondthiswell-definedterritory,andwhenheightened andbasepassionsaresubstitutedforthecalmandsincerityofdiscussion,inasmuchastheycannotopenlyandimpudentlyattackthoseprimaryandessentialaims,theyseekdetoursandtunnelstoundermine them;theyarenotcontentwithreasons;theytakeholdofseduction, converterror,theabsurd,topractice;theysetoutastheirsoleaimthat theinventionsandcunningmeansofinjusticetakeroot.Thentheold resentmentsareunearthed,thebitternessofthestruggleisinflamed, hatredexplodeslikeavolcano,vomitsslandersandcalumnies,intellectualdarknessgrows,andtheydonotconsiderthenatureofthemethodstheyusetodestroyandannihilatetheopponent.Unfortunatenation thatcarriesinitsbreastthesefrenziedsonswho,cuttingeachotherto pieces,breakandcrushthenation.Thesearethetruepartiesorfactions ofwhomthedignifiedHumejustlysays, Asmuchaslegislatorsandfoundersofstatesoughttobehonoured andrespectedamongmen,asmuchoughtthefoundersofsectsand factionstobedetestedandhated;becausetheinfluenceoffaction isdirectlycontrarytothatoflaws.Factionssubvertgovernment, renderlawsimpotent,andbegetthefiercestanimositiesamongmen ofthesamenation,whooughttogivemutualassistanceandprotectiontoeachother.Andwhatshouldrenderthefoundersofparties moreodiousis,thedifficultyofextirpatingtheseweeds,whenonce theyhavetakenrootinanystate.Theynaturallypropagatethem-
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selvesformanycenturies,andseldomendbutbythetotaldissolutionofthatgovernmentinwhichtheyaresown.Theyare,besides, plantswhichgrowmostplentifullyintherichestsoil;andthough absolutegovernmentsbenotwhollyfreefromthem,itmustbeconfessedthattheyrisemoreeasilyandpropagatethemselvesfasterin freegovernments,wheretheyalwaysinfectthelegislatureitself, whichalonecouldbeable,bythesteadyapplicationofrewardsand punishments,toeradicatethem. In truth, if, in a free government, the factions come to grow and progresstothatextreme,onecaninferthatitsagentsareeitherimbecilesordepraved,becauseeveryconstitutedsocietyhasinitsauthorities,initslawsandtribunals,meansthatarequitesufficienttostifleat theiroutsetandrootoutthefactionsthatdisrupttheorder.Noexcuse canvindicateagovernmentthatseesandacquiescestoafactionthatincreasesgreatlybecausethegovernmentacquiescedtoit,forifithadnot, thefactionwouldhaveperishedwhenitwasfirstarising. But to what must this willingness to oblige be attributed? What interestcanthegovernmenthaveinpretendingnottonoticedestructivefactions?Thisiscleartoanyonewhoknowsthatinfreegovernmentstheremustbeapersistentconflictbetweenthemandtheirsubjects.Thepowerexercisedbymen,nomatterhowbroaditmightbe, alwaysbringswithitanirresistibledrivetoextenditselfmoreandmore, becomesannoyedwiththeobstaclesthatthelawputsupagainstit,and, likeatorrent,constantlypushesandhollowsoutthedikesinwhichthe generalwillkeepsitcontained,alwayswatchfulandreadytoinvadeif thereisnoresistance.Asitcannotopenlyandclearlytrampleonthe laws,itavoidsthem,glossestheminaccordwithitsintentions,varnishes itstransgressionswithlovelynames,hypocriticallytakesasamottowhat societymostesteems,thatis,itsindependenceandtranquility,pretends dangers,feignsorexaggeratesconspiracies,andusesthevagueandinsignificantnameofcircumstances(whenitisnotpossibletohavethem becauseofinjustice)asaveiltohideitsliesandasaweapontodestroy allsocialbenefits. Butthepersonalinterestofeachmemberofsociety,spurredonby thedangerthatthreatensit,claimsoffensesonthepartoftheauthority, demandsobservanceofthelaws,criesoutagainstabuses,criticizesthe conduct of those who govern, and, with the weapons of reason and
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justice,encirclesitsguaranteesagainsttheassaultsofthepower,calls thenationtoitsaid,andbecauseofthisvaliantresistancetheyendup thwarted. Italsohappensthatintheirweakness,thosewhogovernneverbelieveitpossibletoadvancebythewell-wornpathofthelaws;theysupposethattheirpowersarenotsufficientforemergencies,allbeneficial measuresareparalyzedintheirtremblinghands;theydonotdareupholdlegalmethodswithvigorandintegrity,fearfulofeverythingand everyone, and in vacillation anduncertainty regarding alland everything,thosewhogovernlosethefavorableopportunity,squanderthe bestelements;theedificeiswornaway,andeverythingdiesundertheir slowandcollapsedadministration,thosebeingthefirstwhoaresubmergedinnothingness,wheretheyshouldalwayshidethemselves. Inbothcases,whicharecommonamongrecentlyconstitutedpeoples, inwhichthepublicspirithasneitherprogressednorformedcustoms, the government, not finding in itself means to triumph or resources nottodie,castsitscovetouseyesonthevariousclassesthatmakeupthe nation;butthevirtuouscitizensarenotcapableofhelpinginjusticetriumph,andtheyarealsoveryopenintellingthoseimbecileswhogovernthattheonlythingtheyhavetodoisentrusttheposttowhomever knowshowtoexecuteit.Itis,then,acertainconsequencethatanevil orweakgovernmentwilldependonfactionscomposedofcorruptcharacters,thosewho,inexchangeforcommandingthegovernmentitself, lendthemselvestothemostiniquitousgoals,andasarewardtheyimmediatelyrequestandobtainjobs,pensions,wealth(allspoilsofasacrificednation);ascollaborators,theysetthemselvesupasessential,they identifythemselveswiththegovernment,oneistheirinterest,theother theirgoal;disorder,injustice,oppression.Inthiscasetheagitatorsbelieveandconsiderthemselvestobethegovernmentitself,andwhenthe publicvoicecriesoutagainsttheirlies,theyrespondwithinsolencethat doingsoistodiscreditthegovernment,thatto attack them is to attack it, asifthenameofgovernmentcouldjustifyiniquities,orasifagovernmentthathasmadeitselffactiouswouldstillmeritrespectandesteem, whichinarepublicistherewardforvirtues.Meanwhiledullorperverse rulersdegradethemselves,makingthemselvesblindandpassiveinstrumentsoftheirownandthegeneralruin.Andhereisthefirstandmost terriblecharacteristicofadevastatingfaction. Themajorityofanationisalwaysjustandreasonable,formen,al-
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thoughtheymightindividuallybebad,gatheredtogetherorcollectively are virtuous, according to Montesquieu’s observation. Men gathered together inevitably identify themselves with what is useful to all, a clearinstinctmakesthemsensethatanyinjusticewhatsoeverredounds againstthem,andiftheydotheevildeedthinkingtheycanescapeits consequences,theyneverputintopracticetheevildeedthathangsover theirheads. Never,then,candisastrousprojectsbetheworkofanybutasmall group that, tenaciously pursuing its own prosperity, will impudently treadonthelaws,doawaywithallbarriersthatopposevirtue,themost wickedmethodscostingitnothingsolongastheyleadtotheventing of its revenge or the insatiable yearning of its ambition or avarice, it willdefypublicopinionandwillabjurealldecency.Theagitatorsthemselveswillbeamazedathavingarrivedwheretheydidnotforesee,for, drunkenwiththeirfirsttriumphs,theywillhaveembarkeduponand achievedexcessesthatcannothavehappenedtoanyone,exceptwhen that one is involved in enormous crimes that it is necessary to cover overwithother,evenmoreatrociouscrimes.Forthem,morality(the onlytruepolitics)isanimpedimentthattheyhaveremovedfromtheir course,growingdeaftoitsclamors,andbyforceofcombatingit,they havemanagedtohardenthemselvesagainstremorseandhonor.What mustbethefateoftheunhappynationwhosedestinyisinsuchhands? Whatfortuneswillbeenoughtogratifytheravenousswarmofcatilinarians?Whatlaws,whatequity,whatrightswillberespectedbythose whoforsakeorder? Thedifferencebetweenthemethodsofafactionandthoseofasound partormajorityofapeopleispalpable.Thislatterknowsnoothermethodsthanguarantees,laws,justice,becausethesemethodscanneverever becontrarybytheirnaturetotheendtowhichtheyaspire;thereare betweenthemintimaterelationsthatcanhardlyexistbetweeninjustice andbenevolence,whichisuniversaljustice.Howcanthosewhoviolate theprinciplesofjustice,then,arguethattheylovethenation,thatthey promotethegeneralgood,theonlyfoundationforjustice?Arepeople sostupidthattheycometobelievethattheycanbesavedonlybytramplingonthevenerableprinciplesofvirtue?Willthosewhooffendthis essential principle and soul of the republic be republicans? Will the nationeverthinkthatitssituationissuchthatthepoliticaldogmasto whichithasconsecratedreasonandexperienceofallthecenturieshave
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nothingtodowithit?Hasthenatureofthingschanged?Andso,ifit suitsafaction,mustweabjurethemostevidentandholytruthsandviolatereason,thissupportandasylumofman?Youwhomakeashowof savingusbycrushingtherightsofhumanity,knowthatifitwerepossiblethatourexistenceandhonorwereincompatiblewithjustice,we wouldratherchoosetodieindisgrace.Butitdoesnotdependonyouto changewhatisdisinterestedandeternal,anditismucheasiertobelieve andevenfeelthatyourtricksandprocessesarewhatisincompatible withthegoodandhonorofmen;theirfuturewilldependonandbe securedforeverbyjustice.Ifyouwerefairyouwouldsaythatambition, vengeance,avarice...arethetruemotivesforyourconduct;giveup fraudandhistrionicsthatnoonebelievesandeveryonedetests. Butdespiteeverything,haughtywiththeexperimenttheyhavemade oftheirpower,theytrytomakegooduseofthemoments,knowingthat theirfatalinfluencewilllastonlyuntilthenation,terrifiedbyupheaval, deploysitsirresistibleresourcesagainstthishandfulofvipersthateat awayatitscore;sotheytrytolullthenationwithdeceitfulsnaresand tointimidateandpersecutethosemenwho,withwisdomandcharacter, canunmaskthemandmaketheircrimesevidenttothepeople,leadareactioninsupportoftheconstitutionandthelaws,andoustthem.From hereemanatesthespiritofintoleranceandpersecution,anotherinnate characteristicoffactions. “Ofalltheproscriptions,”saysthefamousBignon,1“themostterriblearethosestirredupbyaminority.Themajority,whichknowsits strengths,canbemomentarilycruel;butneitherisitforalongtime,nor isitalways.Theminority,onthecontrary,believesthatitincreasesits numberbymultiplyingitsharshacts....Proscriptionhasafrightening characterwhenitattemptstorepressthedominantspiritofnations,for inasmuchasitthenoriginatesfromafragmentthatwishestosubjugate themajority,itisinevitablethatitbemoreviolentandexpansive.The nationasawholeneedsfixedandconstantlaws,theminorityhasneed oflawsofexception.” Inafreeandcivilizednation,itisnotthesametoseizepowerasto captureopinion;onthecontrary,theseizingofpowerisalwaysguarded againstandopposedbythosewhofear(andthatiseveryone)thediminishmentoftheirrights.Ajustgovernmentrespectsthisguarding
1.LouisPierreEdouard,BaronBignon(1771—1847),Frenchdiplomatandhistorian.
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andoppositionfortheadvantagesthatredoundtoit;butafactionora factiousgovernmentthatcannotbeartheinspectionofthepublicbecomesirritatedandenragedbyitsownconscience,foritknowsthatits errorsandcrimesareobvioustoeveryone,andintheinabilitytostifle thetruthitfuriouslypronouncesthemaximoftyrants:Let them hate me, so long as they fear me.Muchbetterwouldbetheloveandrespectof thepeopleiftheychangedcourse.Butwhatabouttheresponsibilityof theministers?Howisitpossiblethattheyresignthemselvestogiving uptheirpostsandbecomeobjectsofcontemptandcursing?Howtoacknowledgethemselvesdefeatedinastruggleinwhichtheyhaveprostitutedtheirconsciences,soldtheirhonor,assaultedwhatismostsacred? Willtheynotthenrevealtheirdreadfulsecrets,andwilltherenotcome tolightsomanymachinations,treacheries,depravities,atrocities...? Thus,theyseethemselvescommittedtocontinuingtheirmaneuvers atanyprice,totramplingwhatevercrossestheirpath,toaimingtheir gunsatwhomevermighthavethecourageandabilitytoopposethem. Thefirstshotshitpersonstheycarefullymakeloathsomebeforehand, suggestingtopeoplethattheyaretheirenemies,asthesans-culottesdid inFrancewiththosetheycalledaristocrats.Distortedequalitywasthe popular idol, andasmanyascalumnyhaddesignated weresacrificed toit.Withthatnameemphaticallypronounced,severalthousandwere draggedtothescaffold,crushingtheformsandallrights.Itwouldbe easytociteotherexamples,butunfortunatelywehaveamongourselves practicedworsetramplingunderfoot,forthereisnoproscriptionmore barbarouslyunjustthanthatwhichbesetsanaccidentalqualitythathas norelationtothecrimeandisenoughnonethelesstofulminateatrocious punishment with neither conviction nor any process against an industrious,honorablemultitude,whosepersecutionismoreharmful tothenationthantotheonesproscribed. Bythisthepeoplearedeceived,themostabsurdcalumniesbreakingloose,butrepeatedbyathousandfilthyandhiredmouths.Blackeningthepurestreputation,theytransforminnocenceandmeritinto guilt,fortheimmoralityofthefactionscannotpardonthem;fantastic dangers are concocted and conspiracies revealed. In the workshop of thefactionarecreatedtheinstrumentsofdeath,andinthedarknessof theirdensarewoventhecordsinwhichonewishestoseizevirtue.The victimspileup,theyaredeniedalllegalresources,theyaredeprivedof allmercy,andthecrueltyoftheirpersecutorsfeedstheirtorment.Thus
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theyintendtointimidateallthosewhoaregood.Madmen!Theydonot knowthatthehumanheart,raisedbyvirtue,becomesenthusiasticin dangerandistriumphantonthescaffold,thatthemajorityofanation canbecalmedbyflatterybutneversubduedbyviolence. Fearisalwayscruel,andtyrants,alwaystremblingfromtheirinjustices,stupidlybelievetheyarediminishingtheirdanger.Crowdingtortures together, they wish to dominate, not over free men, who make themtremble,butratheroverthecoldtombofanation,somuchdo theydesireitssilenceandinertia.Buttheexactoppositehappens,becauseiftheclemencyandmoderationofCaesardidnotshieldhimfrom thedaggerofBrutus,howcouldCaligulahopethathisatrocitieswere morepowerfultosavehim?Toattackguaranteesistocalltoarmsand toincitetheindignationofthemostgentlecitizen;itisthesameassayingtothenation,defendyourselffrommyaggressions;andwhowould daresayittowhom?Afaction,ahandfulofmiserablepeople,tothe powerfulandaugustgatheringofmillionsofcitizenswho,ledbythe constitutionandthelaws,goforwardmajesticallytotheirhappiness, andwhowilltramplethosedestructiveinsectswhoaretryingridiculouslytofrightenit. Because a faction never can be made up of illustrious and distinguishedmen,thesensible,thepropertyowners,neverenlistunderthe tatteredbannerofdemagogueryorbandtogetheragainstthecommon happinessofwhichtheirownisapart,andherewehavethethirdcharacteristicofthefactions.Vagrantswhohavenotdedicatedthemselves toanyindustry;thosewho,fleeingfromworkanddisdainingfrugality, havenotknownhowtoacquireorpreserveanhonestfortune;those whohavenootherwealththanamindcapableofadaptingitselftoall thewhimsofthepowerful;thosewhohavenootherresourcethanemployment,wagesoftheirinfamy;thosewho,withoutanymeritwhatsoever,wishtobeprominentandstandout;thosewho,consumedbyenvy, trytoknockdownandpunishvirtue;alloftheseseekinafactionthe supportandprotectiontheycannotfindinjusticeandorder;theyearningtosupplantandsubstitutethemselvesinallpositionsstirsthemup; theycanonlyandwishonlytolivefromthesubstanceofthenation. Toachievesuchpatrioticends,itisnecessarytodestroytheestablished system,turnitallupsidedown,stirupdiscord,andfomentrevolutions, whoseresultmightbetoleavethemmastersoftheungodlyspoilsofthe patria.
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Thosewhohaveproduced,throughtheirtalentsandprobity,amerit acknowledgedbythepublic;thosewho,dedicatedtoagriculture,the arts,business,haveacquiredapreciousindependence;thosewhotruly makeupthenation(forafamousauthorcalledtherest,withreason, tenantsofthestate);thosewhocarryoutpublicdutiesandactuallysustainthegovernmentwithpartoftheirfortunes,acquiredbymeansof zeal,risk,andfrugality;thosewhosewealthcannotgroworbemaintained except in the tranquility and security of public order; those, finally,whoarethenerve,thehope,andtheonlypoweroftherepublic, willneverbeagitators,theywillneverwantchanges,alwayshazardous, theywillneverfosteranythingbuttheruleofthelawsunderwhose protectiontheythriveandprogress.Thesources,thecommunicationof publicabundancethatisintheirhands,areblocked,areinterruptedby disturbances;confidencedisappears,andwithitalltheresources;burdens are increased and products are weakened. Everything redounds againstthepropertyowner,whiletheidlersviewtheruinwiththecoolnessofthosewholosenothing,orwiththecomplacencyofthosewho seeadvancementinit. Forthatreason,intimesofdanger,thepatriaalwaysturnsitseyes towardthepropertyowners,whoarethosewitheffectivemeanstosave it,anditnevercountsontheegotisticalvagrantswhowillsellthemselvestowhomeverwillpaythemthemost,andwhobringtheirpatria andalltheirdutiesintotheirpersonalinterest.Thepropertyholdersare oneandthesamewiththepatria,andthusinthecrisisthatitsuffersthey silenceresentments,abandonpersonalaspirations,andemulationconsistsinlookingatwhowillmakethegreatestsacrificesforthegeneral happiness.Thisispatriotism,thisthecharacterofthetrulyfree,thisthe publicspiritthatmustalwaysbegeneralizedamongus.Thus,onehas seenatvarioustimesinEnglandthattheToriesandWhigshavealternatelycededtheiraimsandtheirpositionstotheirrivalswhenthepatria hasrequiredit,anditwouldbeforthepatriaahorriblecrimetoseize, outofspite,theministerialseatbecauseofanobstinacyasridiculousas itisfierceandfoolish.Thelawsinrepresentativegovernmentshaveprudentlyandjustlyanticipatedthatthedestinyofthenationbeentrusted onlytopropertyowners,whoseprogressissointimatelytiedtoitthat thespeculationsofindividualinterestshappilycoincidewiththegeneral interest;thelackoftheselawswillfrequentlycompromiseus. Finally,omittingotherlessimportantindicators,whichcanbere-
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ducedtothosealreadyexpressed,thelastistheimpudenceofviolating all forms of legal equality. Neither the right and property of the professions,veryeffectivelysupportedwithclearreasonsbyBentham, norinnocenceandvirtuewillbefreefromviolentplunderingifpersonshavenotbowedtheirheadstoreceivethesealofthehorriblemysteriesofthefaction.Outstandingmerit,themostdistinguishedservice, isexcludedinexorablyfromeveryposition,ifpersonslacktheshameful mark;butwithitisobtainedsecuritytoviolatethemostsacredlaws; theimpunityofthemostatrociouscrimesisaconsequenceoftheinstallation,and,underthisprotection,theconstitution,thepublicfaith, whateverisrespectableandholyisabused,notonlywithoutfearofpunishmentbutinsteadcertainofreward.Theimportantjobs,thepositions oftrust,therevenuesareconcentratedinthehandsoftheagitators.The pressisintheirpayandattheirservice;anarchicwritingsarefinanced, bought,lavishedprofuselywithpublicwealth;thosewhocourageously supportsocialrightsaretenaciouslypursued.Inthisway,theywantto keepthenationchainedinordertodevouritinpeace. Iffactionsarealwaysharmful,theyaremuchmoresoinapeople who,justhavingemergedfromslaveryanddevastatedbyit,needtosee asevidenttheadvantagesofthenewgovernmentinordertobecome enthusiasticaboutitandloveitsincerely;butifinsteadofthemagnificentpromisesthatweremadetothem,theyseeonlydiscord,injustices, maltreatment,disrepute(inaverygreatwaywehavefallencompared withallnations),burdens,andmisery,resultsinseparablefromthefactions,itfollowsthatasenseofemptinessanddespairisengenderedin spirits,whichscornsasystemthattheunwisecommonmanregardsas thesourceofwoesandwhichgivesrisetothenaturaldesiretochange it,intendingtoimproveit.Sobrokenlawsareviewedwithdisdain,the authorities,whoseprestigeconsistsentirelyinobservingthem,become suspectanddistrustedintheirhandlingofthings,obedienceisundermined,impunityencouragesinsubordination,andasitprogresses,there isnotyetenergyorresolvethatmightcontainit.Thecontagionprogressesrapidly,andthegovernment,attackedonallsides,succumbsor, whatisthesame,makesconcessionstothetroublemakers,andthenationterrifyinglyplungesintoanarchy. IftheMexicannationhasanenemythatwatchesit,thisisthemomentthatitawaitedtoclinchitschainsandshackleit,perhapsforever, toitsbloodycart.Thepeople,plaguedandaggravatedbythegreatestof
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misfortunes,whichisanarchy,prefertobevictimsofonedespotand notofthousands;theyprefertofearonewhocanneverdothemasmuch harmasaswarmofdemagogueswhohumiliateanddestroythemina thousandways.Althoughoneexhortsthemthentotakeuparmsand repeltheinvader,theywillrespondindignantly:“Execrabletraitorsof thepatria,youhavereducedustotheunhappyextremeofseeingdespotismasarelieffromthehorribleillswithwhichyourambitionand immoralityhavecrushedandexhaustedus.Willweconsumethemiserablescrapsofourfortunethatyouhaveeradicated,andwillwespill thebloodthathasescapedyourcrueltytodefendyourpowerthatyou haveusedonlytosacrificeus?Whatbenefitcouldweexpectfromour efforts?Thatyousurelycontinueyourrevengesandpillages,andthat youwillindefinitelyprolongyourexterminatingrule!Butyouhavenot leftusaglimmerofhope,andyouhavecruellyextirpatedusandmade thepatriadisappear.Wenolongerhaveit!Andthisis,barbarians,allthe benefitweoweyou.Youaretranquil,andyourdecisionismade:youwill flytomeetthetyrantand,prostrateddespicably,youwillworshiphis footsteps;youwillbuywiththemostignominiousprostitutionasmile fromtheidol,and,infamousinformers,youwilltopoffallyourcrimes byslanderingyourbrotherstoingratiateyourselveswithyourmasters.” May the peoples of Anáhuac reflect on, confront, and apply these truths,maytheylookattentivelyattheterrifyingaspectthattheRepublicpresentsinallitsaffairs;confidencehasfled,andpeaceisabout tofleeacountrythatseeksitandrootsoutallofitssupports.Already Europe,whichhadadmiredus,announcesourdownfall;andthecomplexityandclashesofouraffairsandthescorninwhichthelawsareseen musthastenit.Ourindependenceisthreatened,ourlibertyabused,our propertybadlysecured,andwesleepinafatalconfidence!Butthereis stilltimetosavethepatriathatappealsforcefullytous.Letusnotfeign ignorancebecausetimeflies,andifwedonotmakethemostvehement effortsandallthesacrificesitdemandsofus,apiercingregretwilltormentusmuchmorethanthelossofthepreciousgoodsofwhichweare goingtobestripped.
lorenzo de zavala LorenzodeZavala(1788–1836),apoliticianandhistorian,was borninYucatán.HestudiedinthecityofMéridaattheseminaryofSanIldefonso.Hebecameactiveinrevolutionarypolitics,andin1814hewasimprisonedbytheSpanishauthorities. Oncereleased,ZavalareturnedtoYucatán,whereheediteda newspaper.HewaselecteddeputyforYucatántotheSpanish Cortes1in1820andtookhisseatin1821.However,hepromptly returnedtoMexico,wherethemilitaryleader(andlateremperor)AgustíndeIturbide(1783–1824)hadwonindependence forMexicoafterenteringMexicoCitywithhistroopsonSeptember27,1821. Zavalawasamemberofthefirstconstituentcongress,in1822, andwaselectedsenatorin1825.Hewasactiveinthefoundingof theLodgeofYorkinMexico.In1827ZavalawaselectedgovernorofthestateofMexico.Inthe1828electiontheyorkinocandidate,GeneralVicenteGuerrero(1782–1831),losttheelection. Nevertheless,ZavalaandothersmaneuveredtoseatGuerrero inthepresidentialchair,andsubsequentlyGuerreroappointed Zavalaasaministerinhiscabinet.Whenanopposingfaction deposedGuerreroin1830,ZavalawentintoexileintheUnited StatesandEurope.WhileinexilehewroteEnsayo histórico de las revoluciones de México, desde 1808 hasta 1830.AchangingpoliticalsituationallowedhimtoreturntoMexicoandreassumehis officeasgovernorin1833. ZavalaworkedwiththereformistadministrationofGómez Farías,andwhenthegovernmentwastoppledattheendof1833 wentagainintoexileinEurope.Later,hereturnedtoAmerica andwenttoTexas,wherehehadlandgrants.Therehesided with the colonists and supported Texas’s independence from 100
1.The“cortes”werethelegislaturesinSpain.
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Mexico.HesignedtheTexasdeclarationofindependenceand waselectedvicepresidentin1836. WepresenttheintroductionandconclusionofZavala’sEnsayo históricoaswellashisindividualvoteinCongressregarding theseparationofGuatemalafromMexico.
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Introduction to Historical Essay on the Mexican Revolutions from 1808 to 1830
InundertakingthepublicationofEnsayo histórico de la últimas revoluciones de México,Iintendtoelucidatethecharacter,customs,anddifferentsituationofthepeopleinvolvedratherthantocreate wearynarrativesinwhich,asMr.Sismondisayssowell,oneencounters onlyarepetitionofthesameactsofcruelty,evildeeds,andbaseness thatfatiguethespirit,causeboredominthereader,and,inacertain way,degradethemanwhospendsalargeamountoftimegoingoverthe horrorsandhavocofpartiesandfactions.“Thehistoryofpeoples,”says thissamewriter,“commencesonlywiththebeginningoflife,withthe spiritthatanimatesnations.”Asthetimepriortotheeventsof1808isa periodofsilence,sleepiness,andmonotony,withtheexceptionofsome glimmersthatappearfromtimetotimebreathingliberty,theinterestinghistoryofMexicotrulycommencesonlyinthatmemorableyear. Butitismoreadvisablethatreaders,inordertobeginreadingthisEnsayo históricowithunderstanding,beinstructedaboutthecustomsofthe inhabitantsandoftheirconditionbeforethereferencedepoch. The discovery of the Americas that Christopher Columbus made attheendofthefifteenthcenturyandtheconquestofthoseregions carried out a short time later are among those events that, to a large degree,havecontributedtochangingthepoliticalcourseofsocieties. Mygoalisnottospeakoftheinfluencetheseeventshaveexercisedon Europe,butratherofthecoursethatpoliticalmattersintheancientempireoftheAztecshavetaken,notinthetimeimmediatelysubsequent totheconquest,regardingwhichvariousSpanishandforeignscholars havealreadywritten.Intheirwritings,onecanencounterrepeatedfacts thatwillconfirmthosethatformthepictureIamgoingtopresenttomy readersandwhich,perhaps,willshedmorelightonimportantpolitical Originaltitle:“Introducción.”Source:LorenzodeZavala,Ensayo histórico de las revoluciones de México, desde 1808 hasta 1830,vol.1(Paris:P.DupontyJaguionie,1831). 102
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questionswhichwilldoubtlessrecursuccessivelyinthecourseofthe comingtimes.Isitnottruethattheheterogeneityoftheelementsthat havemadeupEuropeansocietiesindifferentepochshasenteredinto thecalculationsandmeasuresoftheirlegislatorsandleadersinorganizingtheirprogress?Thehistoryofthemiddleage,ofthisperiodof grandvicesandheroicvirtues,ofignorance,energy,anduniversalupheaval,teachingstatesmenwhatthebasicpartsthatmakeupthenations theygovernedhavebeen,showedthematthesametimethedifferent sourcesthatarethebasisoftherightsortheaspirationsofeachclass,of eachhierarchy,ofeachfamily.InSpanishAmerica,wheretherewereno otherforeigninvaders,northattumultuousinvasionofsemisavagenations,wemustassumethattheconquistadorlaiddownthelawwithout conditions,andpeaceablyusedtherightofforcewithnorestrictions exceptthosetowhichhewouldsubjecthimself. ThehistoriansoftheconquestofMexicohavegiventotheiraccounts anairofexaggerationthathasbeentheoriginofmanyridiculousfables andamusingromances.Themostjudiciouswritershavenotbeenable toprotectthemselvesfromgivingcredittosomeentirelyfalseandeven absurdfacts,whichhasledthemintoerrorsofgreatconsequence.We canaffirmthatnohistoryhasbeenmoreadornedwithillusions,hyperbole,romanticstories,andepisodesthanthatofthosefar-offlands,the distanceandisolationinwhichthepolicyoftheSpanishgovernment maintained them causing almost the same results as those the heroic timesproduced.Cortéshimself,inhisletterstoCarlosV,paintspicturessoflattering,sopoeticandextraordinaryofwhathehadseenand conqueredwithhisfearlesscompanions,thatitwasdifficultnottobelieveoneselftransportedtoanewworld,toalandsimilartoandeven superiortotheimaginaryAtlantis,ortothoselandsofgold,incense, andaromasofwhichEasternwritersspeak.Magnificentpalacescovered withgoldandsilver;kingsandemperorsricherthanthemostpowerful potentatesofEurope;templescomparabletothoseofancientGreece; riversthatcarriedgrainsofthemostpreciousmetalsandemeraldsand diamondsinsteadofstones;extraordinarybirds,monstrousquadrupeds; menofdifferentphysiognomyduetotheirfeatures,color,lackofbeard, andbristlyhair;climatesinwhichonebreathesafieryatmosphereor inwhichaperpetualspringrepresentstheclosestimageofparadise.A religionmadeupofthemostridiculousandhorribleceremonies;aworshipwhosedogmasareamonstrousmixofeverythingthathadbeenre-
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gardedasthemostbizarre.Allofthis,partlytrue,waxinginthepens ofwriters,cametoproduceindelibleimpressionsinEurope.But,how differentlywerethesesamethingsseeninthoselands! TheSpanishconquestinAmericareducedtheIndianstosuchastateof slaverythateachwhitemanconsideredhimselftohavetherighttobe servedbytheindigenous,withouttheindigenoushavingeithercouragetoobjectoreventhecapacitytoassertanyright.Thosewhoescaped theeffectsofthefirstslaughtersweredistributedamongtheconquistadors.Inthebeginning,therewereonlymastersandservants.Theauthoritiesdidnotgovernbylaws,ofwhichtherewerenone,butratherin thenameoftheking.Latertheyweregiventhoseordinancesthatthey calledtheLawsoftheIndies,whichhadastheirgoalmoderatingthe tyrannyofthedescendantsoftheconquistadorsandofthechieftains who left Spain to govern those lands. But inasmuch as the only ones whohadthoselawsorroyaldecreeswerethosewhoweretoexecute them,inrealitytheredidnotexistanythingbutthewillofthecaptains general,viceroys,orgovernors.Distributionsofterritorieswereinpart convertedintoencomiendas,whichhadasitsfinalresultthepaymentof anannualtributetotheholdersoftheencomiendas,whowereliketheborough mongersinEngland.Laterthekingsreducedtheseprivilegedones toreceivingfromtheroyaltreasurytheamountequaltotheannualyield ofthetributestheycollectedfromtheIndianswhoweretheirsharein theoriginaldistributions,eliminating,inthisway,muchilltreatment producedbythemethodofcollectingit,anabusethatlaterwasadopted bythesubdelegatesandchiefmagistrateschargedwithcollectinglevies fromtheIndians,whowereobligated todelivertheminkind,thatis tosay,inordinaryfabricsofcottonthattheirwomenworeorinother similarmanufacturedgoods. TheIndianshadtheirspeciallaws,theirjudges,theirattorneysand defensecounselsthatthegovernmentnamedforthembecause,legally, theywereconsideredminors.Thestateofbrutishnessinwhichitkept them made them, in effect, unfit to demand any kind of rights or to enterintoimportantcontracts,whichassumedtheneedforsomecomplexideas.ThosewhohavetriedtodefendthepolicyoftheSpanish governmentwithrespecttoitscolonieshavecitedtheexistenceofthis CodeoftheIndiesthatseemstohavebeenformedasabastionofprotectiononbehalfoftheIndians.Butthosewhoexaminethequestions
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fromaphilosophicalpointofviewhaveconsideredthisinstituteonlyas asystemofslaveryestablishedonseeminglyindestructiblebases,and fromwhoseeffectsthosegovernmentswillcontinuetosufferforsome centuries.Ineffect,thoselawsarenothingbutaprescribedmethodof dominationovertheIndians.Theytakeforgranted,inthemonarchs thatissuedthem,rightsoverthegoods and livesoftheconqueredones, and consequently any act that was not absolutely an oppression was deemedinthemafavor,abenefitfromthelegislator.Therewerelaws thatdeterminedtheweightwithwhichtheycouldbeburdened,thedistancestheycouldgo,whattheyhadtobepaid,etc.etc.Soastomaintainthissystematicorderofoppression,itwasnecessarythattheoppressedwereneverabletoenter,sotospeak,intotherational world,into themoralsphereinwhichothermenlive.Inthemajorityoftheprovinces,theydidnotknow,nordotheyyetknow,anylanguagebuttheir own,whichisgenerallydifferentfromtheothers.Thelanguage(withoutexceptingMexican,whichsomenovelistshavepompouslypraised) isimpoverishedandlackswordstoexpressabstractideas.Thespeeches historiansorpoetsimaginetohavecomefromthemouthsoftheJicotencales,Magiscatzines,andColocolosarenomoregenuinethanthose thatHomer,Virgil,andLivyattributetotheAgamemnons,Turnuses,or Scaevolas.ThoseIndianchiefswereas,orperhapsmorebarbarousthan theseGreekandRomanheroes,andtheirlanguagecouldnotlenditself tothebeautifuloratoriesthatalongsequenceofcenturiesofcivilization andregulargovernmentsassume. ItiscertainthatSpanishAmericabeforetheconquestwasmorepopulatedthantodayandthattheIndiansundertheirnationalgovernments begantodevelopsomeideas.Theyhadconfusednotionsregardingthe immortalityofthesoul,theyhadmadeasmallnumberofobservations, althoughhighlyimperfect,regardingthecourseofthestars,theywere notcompletelylackingintheartofworkingmetal.Butsuchknowledge remained in its cradle, and now it is known how many centuries are necessaryforpeoplestoattainthelevelofperfectionthatwouldallow themtodeservethetitleofcivilized.Theconquestdestroyedentirely thismovementthatbegantogiveflighttothespiritofinventionamong thoseindigenouspeoples.AnewworshipaswellasanunknowngovernmentsubstitutedthebloodysuperstitionsofHuitzilipoxtliandthe patriarchalregimesoftheGuatimocinesandMoctezumas.Theimages ofthesaintsandgodsoftheRomanCatholicswereputinplacesthat
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hadpreviouslybeenoccupiedbythehorribleidolsoftheAztecs;and thedefendersoftheconquistadorswillnotbeabletodeny,evenifit ispainfultoadmitit,thattheIndiansalsohadtheirmartyrs,sacrificed becauseofthereligiouszealoftheRomanpriests,becauseofthetenaciousadherenceofmanyofthemtotheirancientworship.Buteventuallyforceandterrortriumphedoverfanaticismforareligionthathad againstitthehorrificdogmaofdemandinghumanvictims.Ontheother hand, the Indians encountered much more perfect images than their monstrousidols,andthechangewasnotverydifficult,movingtoour saintstheceremoniesandtributesthattheymadetotheirgods.Theassistanceofmiraclescameabout,andamultitudeofcelestialapparitions cameinsupportofthenewworship,becauseofwhichtheastonished Indianscouldnotbutbelievethattheirgods,alongwiththeirmonarchs andrulers,hadbeendefeatedinajustwar. Missionariesdedicatedthemselvesand,withtheaidoftroops,made wondrousconversions.Thereligiousconstructedtheirconventsinhigh placeslikefortsandgavethosebuildingsallthesoliditynecessarytoresistincaseofattack.Veryrarearethetemplesandhousesoftheclergymenthatdonotsuggestthereasonsthatledthefounderstomakethem worksoffortification.Theyweretogetherinthemduringthenight,and bydaytheyoccupiedthemselveswithgatheringtheIndiansintosettlements.Itisclearthattheirsermonsandpreachingswerenotatfirstable tohaveanyeffect,becauseastheydidnothavethegiftoflanguages, itwasnoteasytomaketheirlistenersunderstanddogmas,mysteries, anddoctrinesthatassumemanypreliminarylessons.Catechismsand smallbooksofruleswerecreatedinthelanguagesoftheland,notso theIndianscouldreadthem,becausetheydidn’tknowhow,butrather torepeattheminthepulpitsandtomakethepeoplememorizethem. Thereisnotasingleversionofthesacredbooksinanylanguageofthe land; there is not a basic book that contains the fundamentals of the faith.ButhowcouldtheseworksexistfortheIndians,whentheirconquerorsthemselvescouldnotreadthem?WhatIwanttoshowbythisis thatthereligionwasnottaughttothosemen,nordidtheybecomeconvincedofitsdivineoriginthroughproofsorreasoning;theentirefoundationoftheirfaithwasthewordoftheirmissionaries,andthereasons fortheirbelief,thebayonetsoftheirconquerors.TheInquisitioncould notunderstandthemotivesoftheIndians.SuchwastheIndians’state ofdegradationandsostrongtheideathatwasheldregardingtheirinca-
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pacity,thatnevercouldtheybepersuadedthatanIndianwasabletobe thecreatorofsomeheresy,orevenbethestubbornsectarianofanydoctrinewhatsoever.Thisexceptioncametobeaprotection,asaconcession infavoroftheIndians,owingtothejudgmentthathadbeenformedof theirstupidity. BesidesthetributethattheIndianspaidtotheroyaltreasury,orto theirencomenderos,otherecclesiasticalcontributionswiththenameof obvencioneswerecreated.Theywereexemptedfromthetitheandthe parochial fees because their exploiters had carefully calculated that a manwhopossessesnothing,norhasmoreneedsthanthebasics,could paylittleofthetithe.Thecalculationwasverycorrect,becauseineffect theIndiansdidnothaveterritorialproperties,oranykindofindustry, generallyspeaking.Theylivedandliveinhutscoveredwiththatchor palmfronds,whosesizeisgenerallyfromfifteentosixteenfeetinlength, bytenortwelveinwidth,ovalinform.There,ofcourse,aregathered thechildren,thedomesticanimals,andanaltaronwhicharethesaints orhouseholdgods.Inthemiddleisafirethatservestoheatthewaterin whichcorniscooked,theirsolefood,withfewexceptions.Therearenot fiveamongahundredwhohavetwogarments,whicharelimitedtoone longshirtofordinaryclothandsomesandals;theirwomenordaughters, dressedwithequalsimplicityorpoverty,donotknowthatinclinationso naturaltotheirsexoflookinggoodinfrontofothers.Inthesameproportionreferredtopreviously,therearenotpropertyowners,andthey arecontentwithgatheringthirty-fiveorfortyfanegasofmaizeperyear, onwhichtheylivesatisfactorily.When,becauseofsomelabororday work,theyhaveearnedasmallamountofmoney,theygotomakesome feasttothesainttowhomtheyaredevoted,andtheyexpendtheirsmall personalmoneyonfireworks, masses,feasts,andintoxicatingdrinks. Therestoftheyeartheyspendinidleness,sleepingmanyhoursofthe dayinthewarmlands,oringamesoftheirlikinginthedelightfulclimatesofthecordilleras.Twoinahundredlearnedtoread;buttoday theirsituationhasbeengreatlyimprovedinthisregard.Inseveralprovinces,theclergymenhadsuchpowerandexercisedsuchauthorityover theIndiansthattheyorderedthemwhippedpubliclywhentheydidnot paytheobvencionesontimeorcommittedsomeactofdisobedience.I havefrequentlyseenmanymarriedIndiansandtheirwiveswhippedat thedoorsofthetemplesforhavingmissedmassonsomeSundayorfeast day,andthisscandalousactwascustomarilyauthorizedinmyprovince!
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Thosewhowerewhippedwereobligatedafterwardtokissthehandof thepersonwhowhippedthem. Inspeakingoftheecclesiasticalinfluenceinthelandandofthemoral situationofthisprivilegedclass,itisimpossiblenottocollidewithinterestssustainedbysuperstitionandcreatedbydespotism.Theprinciple ofnationalsovereignty,recognizedsubsequentlyinthoselands,might haveuprootedprejudicesdestructiveoflibertyandmadepresumptions toblindobediencedisappearifthedeclarationsofabstractdoctrines alone,eventhemostsolemn,weresufficient.Theforceofhabitscreated forthreecenturieswillstillremainanobstacle,sothatatmid-century, enlightenmentandphilosophyhavetotriumphoverthiscolossusaftera terribleandhardbattle.Inthoselands,thepersonsofthebishopswere, withouthyperbole,asreverencedasthepersonofthegreatLamaamong theTatars.Whenhewentoutintothestreet,theIndianskneltdownand bowedtheirheadstoreceivehisblessing.Thefriarsinthetownsand small villages distant from the capitals were the teachers of doctrine andthemastersofcommonlands,inthelargecities,directorsoftheconscienceoflandownersandwomen.TheconventsoftheDominicansand theCarmelitespossessedandpossessrichesofgreatimportanceinrural andurbanrealestate.TheconventsofthereligiousinMexico,especially theConception,theIncarnation,andSaintTheresa,possessinpropertyatleastthreequartersoftheindividualbuildingsofthecapital,and thesamehappensproportionallyintheotherprovinces.Soonecanbe assured without exaggeration that the wealth that the clergymen and religiousofbothsexespossessamountstotheannualproceedsofthree millioninincome.Putthisrevenueintheweightofthebalancewithrespecttotheirinfluence,andoneisabletocalculateapproximatelywhat itwillbeamongapoorpopulationwherepropertiesareverybadlydistributed. NowIenterintoanotherdelicatesubjectthatcanbeconsideredone oftheelementsofdiscordinthosecountriesandthatwilloffergreat obstacles to their legislators, depending on the degree to which they abandoninfantileandfrivolousquestionsandconcernthemselvesmore deeplywiththetrueinterestsoftheirpatria.Ispeakofthedistribution oflandsthattheSpaniardsmadeandthewaythoselandsaredivided today. TheSpanishgovernmenthadtomakeconcessionsoflandstothose personswhohadcontributedmosttotheconquestofthatrichandbeau-
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tifulterritory.Naturally,theconquerorsselectedthebestsituatedand mostfertileplotsoflandintheorderinwhicheachonewasbelieved tohavetherightordidhavetherighttoreceivethiskindofcompensation.TherichandconsiderablepossessionsoftheCountsdelValle,de Santiago,SanMigueldeAguayo,theMarshalldeCastilla,theDukeof Monteleone,andothersoccupyanimmenseandarableterritory.The otherruralfarmsthatsurroundthetownsandcities,whichbelongto theconventsandpiousestablishments,havetheirsourceinroyalconcessions,othersintestamentarybequests,giftsinter vivos,andsomefew comefromcontractsofpurchaseandsale.ThethirdclassoflargelandownersisthatoffamiliesdescendedfromrichSpaniardswhobought, indistanttimes,landsfromthegovernmentorfromIndianswhenthey hadanextremelylowprice,andtheyweresuccessivelyaugmenteduntil theyformedhaciendasthattodayareworthfromahalf-millionpesosto twomillion,likethoseoftheReglas,Vivancos,Vicarios,Marquessdel Jaral,Fagoagas,Alcaraces,andothers.Thefourthclassisthatofsmall landowners, who have rural farms whose value is not more than betweensixandfifteenthousandpesos,acquiredbypurchaseorinheritanceorothersimilartitle.Hereishowthegreaterpartofthelandsof theMexicanRepublicweredistributed,especiallythosethatsurround citiesorgreatpopulationcenters.Allthesepossessionsareinthehands of Spaniards or their descendants and are cultivated by Indians who serve as day workers. Of the seven million inhabitants that will now occupy that immense territory, at least four are Indians or people of color,amongwhomnine-tenthsarereducedtothestateIhavediscussed before.Consequently,theredoesnotexistinthatlandthatgradationof fortunesthatconstitutesacommonscaleofcomfortsinsociallife,principleandfoundationoftheexistenceofcivilizednations.Itisanimage offeudalEuropewithoutthespiritofindependenceandtheenergetic forceofthosetimes. Duringthethreehundredyearsofcolonialgovernment,theseclasses, reducedtosubsistingontheirdailylabor,hadnonotionswhatsoeverof abetterconditionoflife,oratleastdidnotevensuspecttheycouldbe calledtoenterintothepleasuresofanyotherkindofexistencethan the sad and mean one in which they remained. Their desires, on the otherhand,wereproportionate totheirideas,andthese,ashasbeen said,occupiedaspheresosmallthatonecouldsaywithaccuracythat theyknewonlythephysicalsideoflife.Thoseactivitiesthatputthem
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incontactwithwhitepeople,suchasattendanceatchurchandfew,very rare,gatheringsforsomepublicact,werepurelymechanical,anditwas aphenomenontohearareasonedstatementfromthemouthsofthose degradedbeings.Manytravelershavesaidthattheindigenouspeoples ofAmericaarereservedandsilent,mistakingwhatisonlytheeffectof theirignoranceforcontemplationornotcaringtospeak.Butifbysome unknowncapriceofnatureageniusstoodout,anotablecharacter,atthe momenthespoketohiscompanionswiththelanguageofdesperation and,exhortingthemtothrowofftheirenslavement,hewassacrificed bytheoppressors.Tupac-AmaroinPeruandQuisteilinYucatáncanbe cited,amongothers. “Theequalityorinequalityamongthedifferentordersofcitizensin anewandsemisavagenation,”saysafamouswriter,“dependsessentially onthedistributionofterritorialproperty;becauseanationthatisnot civilizeddoesnothavecommerce,oraccumulatedcapital,ormanufacturingandarts;itcannotthenpossessotherrichesthanthosetheearth produces.Theearthistheonlyonethatfeedsmeninalandwithout commerceandwithoutaccumulatedriches,andmenconsistentlyobey theonewhocan,athiswill,givethemortakefromthemthemeansof livingandenjoying.Anation,”continuesthesameauthor, sometimeswithoutrevolutionandwithoutconquest,acquiresan imperfectdegreeofcivilization,wherelandsarecultivatedbut commerceandtheartshavenotyetmadeanyprogressatall:thenit isprobablethatthelandsbelongingtothisnationwere,atitsbeginning,dividedamongthecitizensinmoreorlessequalportions,or atleastthatnoneofthemobtainedfromtheircompatriotspermissiontoappropriateanamountoflandextremelydisproportionateto theabilitiesofthefamilytocultivateit.Thehaciendascanbemore orlesslarge,butneverweretheylikeprovinces,andtheinequality thatexistedinthiscaseamongindividualswouldnotbesuchthatit mightplacesomenecessarilyindependenceonothers.Citizens,unequalonlyinenjoyments,wouldnotforgetthattheywereequalby origin,andallwerefree.SuchisthehistoryofancientGreeceand ancientItaly,andhereiswherethatideaoriginatesthat,fromthe mostdistanttimes,freegovernmentsareseenonlyintheseregions. Inourtimes,thedistributionoffortunesinthecoloniesofNorth Americaretainsomeanalogywiththeearlyestablishmentofagri-
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culturalnations.Thecolonistsgive,itistrue,agreaterexpanseto theirhaciendasthanwegiveinEurope,buttheyarealwaysproportionaltothecapacitiesoftheirfamilies.Consequently,thereexists amongthemakindofterritorial balance,asHarringtoncalleditin hiswork,Oceana,abalancethatcontributes to the preservationoflibertyintheUnitedStatesoftheNorth.Fortherest,evenwithout thisbalance,itmightbeabletohaveestablishedthatliberty;becausetheAmericanshaveaccumulatedcapital,havevastcommerce andarts,thepoorandtherichalikefindingintheircountryabundantmeanstosubsistwithindependence. Thesedoctrines,whoseaccuracyonecannotdispute,lendsubstance toveryprofoundreflections,giventhedataIhavenotedinanorderly mannerregardingthestateofterritorialrichesintheMexicanRepublic. What role will more than three million individuals, summoned suddenlytoenjoythebroadestrightsofcitizenshipfromthestateofthe mostignominiousenslavement,withnorealproperty,noknowledge ofanycraftoroffice,neithercommercenoranyindustry,cometoplay in this society in which, appearing suddenly, they can be considered theprogenyofDeucalionandPirra?Howarewetojudgethem,sodetachedfromthedesiretoimprovetheirfatethat,havingintheirhands theabilitytoexercisetheirpoliticalrightsintheassembliesandelective magistracies,theydonottakeadvantageoftheirposition?Moretothe point:Whatshouldtheconqueredfamiliesdo,overwhomilltreatment ofallkindshasbeenexercisedforthreecenturies,tobecomeincorporatedbytheconstitutionsofthecountryintothegreatnationalfamily? Howhavetheinexpertdirectorsofthosesocietiesbeenabletoforgetor closetheireyestowhathashappenedinallnations?Whichhavebeen theconstantmovementsoftheradicalsinEngland,theliberalsincontinentalEurope,andparticularlyinFrance,thatlaidthefoundationfor theirrevolutionof’89overthedistributionoffeudalproperties?Isit perchancebelievedthattheflighttakenrecentlybytheprojectofthebill of reforminEnglandisinordertohaveafewmoredeputiesorelectors? Everygovernmenthasitsprincipleofexistenceforwhich,onceunsettledordistorted,another,analogoustothechangesthathaveoccurred inthecountry,mustbesubstituted.Thecolonialsystemestablishedby theSpanishgovernmentwasfounded:(1)Ontheterrorproducedby immediatepunishmentofthesmallestactionsthatmightleadtodis-
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obedience;thatistosay,ontheblindestpassiveobedience,withoutpermittingtheexaminationofwhathasbeenorderednorbywhom.(2)On theignoranceinwhichonemustkeepthoseinhabitantswhocouldnot learnmorethanwhatthegovernmentwanted,andonlytothedegree agreeabletoit.(3)Onreligiouseducationand,mostofall,onthemost despicablesuperstition.(4)OnaJewishisolationfromallforeigners.(5) Onmonopolyincommerce,ofterritorialpropertiesandofpositions. (6)Onanumberoftroopsreadytocarryoutinamomenttheorders ofthemandarins,andwhoweremorelikegendarmesofthepolicethan soldiersofthearmy,todefendthecountry. AftertheMexicanshadsecuredtheirindependence, theterrorinspiredbytheSpanishauthorities,maintainedbycustompasseddown fromfatherstosons,disappeared,andthebroadestdeclarationsoflibertyandequalityhavebeensubstituted.Ignorance,withouthavingbeen abletodisappear,hasgivenplacetoapoliticalcharlatanismthattakes possessionofpublicdealingsandleadsthestatetochaosandconfusion. Popular superstition not ceasing, a large number of books have been introduced that corrupt the mores without enlightening the understanding.Thereisnownomonopolyofcommerce,positions,orterritorialproperties,andthisitemrequiresalongexplanation. Commercehasbeenopenedtoallforeigners,andspeculatorshave takenoutgreatprofits,aswastobeexpected.Articlesofmerchandise conveyed by second, third, and fourth hand, passing from northern EuropetomerchantsinCádiz,andfromthemtoVeracruzinMexico, hadnecessarilytoarrivemuchmoreexpensive,especiallywithnocompetitionamongthemarkets.Inthisareathefateofthecountryhasimprovedagreatdeal,andmanyfewerdestitutepeopleareseenthanin other times. But very few are the foreigners who, after having made greatearnings,remaininthecountryandjoinwithMexicanfamilies. Itappearsthattheyseethemselvesinthecountryasintents,readyto breakcampassoonastheyhaveconcludedtheirbusiness.Onthispoint, onecanexpectmuchimprovementwithtime.Asforthemonopolyof positions,itexistsonlyamongthefactionsthatfightamongthemselves toattainthem,butallareMexicans.Theterritorialpropertiesareamong thegreatobjectsthatwilloccupytheattentionofthosegovernments. Onthis,Ihavealreadysaidhowitisenoughtomakeknownthedifficultpositionofthedirectorsofthosetowns,andIhavenotintendedto makeatreatiseoninsurrections.Ireservegivinggreaterconsideration
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totheseideasin my memoirsthatshouldbepublishedwithinashorttime, andthatIhaveathand. Oneofthegreatestwoesthatwillafflictthosepeoplesforsometime isthatofthepermanenttroops,bothfortheuselessexpensetheycause andbecausetheyworkasorganizedmassesunderthedirectionofambitiousleaders,sothecivilgovernmentscannotofferresistancetothem andareconsequentlytheirinstrumentsortheirvictims.Tenortwelve colonelsofregimentalbodiesandfourorfivegenerals,formingaunited system,oppressthecountry,and,withoutalteringtherepublicanforms, everythingproceedsundertheirinspirations.Foreignbusinessmen,who canhavenootherintereststhantheirprofits,whichdependonthestate oftranquilityorslavery,favorthissystemtotheextenttheycanunite withSpaniardswhodesirethesame,anditisverycommontoseemany liberalsfromEuropeinMexicoenrolledintheranksoftheoppressors. Thisexplainsthemysteryofwhysomenewspapers,eventhoseofthe partyoflibertyinEurope,makeapologiesforthemilitarygovernments ofAmerica.Receivingcommunicationandnewsfromoverseasagents, andthoseagentsalwaysspeakinginthesenseoftheirprofitsandinterests,itisclearthatthemilitarypartymustbeconsideredmostusefulto theirspeculation. ButonemustnotlosesightoftheprinciplesIhavesetforthonthe well-knownfactstowhichIhavealsoreferred.Thegreatestandmost dangerouserrorsofthosewhodirectpublicaffairsisnottothinkabout thegenerationsthatwillbefollowing,norabouttheiradvancesandaspirations,andinnoplaceisthiserrorsusceptibleofeasierrealization thaninthenewstatesofAmerica.Fromtheyear1808until1830,that istosay,inthespaceofageneration,suchisthechangeofideas,opinions,factionsandintereststhathasoccurred,thatitisenoughtoturn arespectedandrecognizedformofgovernmentupsidedownandhave sevenmillioninhabitantspassfromdespotismandarbitrarinesstothe mostliberaltheories.Onlythecustomsandhabitsaretransmittedin allmovements;actionsandcontinuousexampleshavenotbeenableto change,becausehowcanabstractdoctrinesmakethecourseoflifesuddenlychange?Consequentlywehaveincontradictiontothetheoreticalsystemsofestablishedgovernmentsthosepowerfulagentsofhuman life,andthefoundersofrepublicanformswillnotbeabletodenythat theyhaveonlydressed,withtheclothingofdeclarationsofrightsand principles,theoldman,thesamebodyorconfluenceofprejudices,the
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mass organized and shaped by previous institutions. What have they doneto substitute usages andcustoms analogous totheneworderof things? Thereis,then,acontinualclashamongthedoctrinesthatareprofessed,theinstitutionsadopted,theprinciplesestablished;andamong theabusessanctified,thecustomsthatdominate,semifeudalrightsthat are respected; among the national sovereignty, equality of political rights,freedomofthepress,populargovernment,andinterventionof thearmedforce,lawsofprivilege,religiousintolerance,andlandowners ofimmenseterritories.Mighttheconservingprinciplesofanysocial orderwhatsoeveratleastbemadeharmonious?Ifa federal system,which iswhatseemstomemostsuitabletothosecountries,isadoptedbyconviction,byrationality,byajudgmentformedafterprofoundreflection, notforthatreasonshouldthesystemoftheneighborsoftheNorthbe copiedexactly,nor,muchless,literalarticlesfromtheSpanishConstitution.Theheightofabsurdityandtheabsenceofallgoodsenseisthe sanctionoflawsofprivilegeandprivilegesinapopulargovernment. Lettherebeestablishedanecclesiastical,military,andcivilaristocracy ifonewantsorbelievesitusefultothegoodofthecountry;lettherepublicsofGenoaorVenicebeimitatedifitispossible;thenmightthere belawsofprivilegeandprivilegedclasses;mighttherebelawsforeach hierarchyorforeachcorporationoreachpersonifitisjudgedsuitable. Butaconstitutionformedonthefoundationsofthebroadestliberty,on themodelofthatoftheNorthAmericans,conservingastatereligion withouttoleranceforanother;privilegedtroopsandmilitaryleadersin civilcommands;conventsofreligiousofbothsexesinstitutedinconformitywiththecanonsoftheRomanChurch;threemillioncitizenswith nopropertyatallnornoknownmeansofsubsistence;halfamillion withpoliticalrightstovoteinelectionswithoutknowinghowtoreador write;militarytribunalsjudgingcertainprivilegedcases;finally,allthe incentivesofanunlimitedlibertyandtheabsenceofallsocialguarantees,cannotfailtoproduceaperpetualwaramongsuchheterogeneous factionsandsuchopposinginterests.Makedisappearthatconfluenceof anomaliesthatmutuallycontradicteachother.Iwillconcludethisdiscoursepresentingtothereadersthestateofincome,expenses,andresourcesofNewSpain,omittingminutedetailsthatformtheobjectof mywork.
2
Conclusion to Historical Essay on the Revolutions of Mexico from 1808 to 1830
IhavecompletedtheperiodIdeterminedtoexaminein providingatheoreticalbasisforthislittlework.Thereaderwillnotice that,althoughIhavepassedrapidlyovertheevents,Ihavenotomitted anyofthecircumstancesthatcanpresentthemwithclarityandfrom thegenuinepointofview.Thepassionsatwork,stirringupfactionsand meninanewnationwhere,byforceofcontinuousshocks,thebonds ofsubordination,thegreaterpartofthehabitsoforder,andeven,toa certainpoint,thesocialagreementbywhichthenationismaintained havedisappearedtogetherwiththechainsthatwerecrushingit,cannot butofferforsometimethespectacleofachaosofsuccessiveepisodes oflibertyandslaveryandofpoliticalproblemsthatmakethewritersof Europe,whoproposetoresolveourgreatquestionsbyabstractideas andgeneralprincipleswithoutknowingourcustoms,prejudices,and circumstances,formabsurdtheories.Iamgoingtoventuresomereflectionsabouttheprincipalconsiderationsthatwillbearonthefateofour Americaformanyyearsinthenewrepublics,andwheretheintentions ofthosewhomight,ingoodfaith,trytocutofftheirdisagreementsatits rootthesourceshouldbedirected.Ofcourse,thefundamentalobjective ofmyobservationsistheMexicanRepublicthatIknow,towhichIowe theexistenceandfruitofallmywork. Whatdoesitmeanthatacountryinwhichthesunissobrilliantand warmthatfecundityspreads,theaspectofthemountainssovariedand pleasant;wherethefieldsareirrigatedbyabundantstreamsorbytorrentsthatfallfromthesky,andwherenatureoffers,initsgreaterpart,a soilcoveredbysumptuousvegetation;wheretheinhabitantsreceiveat birthalivelyandimmediateimagination,susceptibilitytoimpassioned Originaltitle:“Conclusión,”fromEnsayo histórico de las revoluciones de México, desde 1808 hasta 1830.Source:LorenzodeZavala,Ensayo histórico de las revoluciones de México, desde 1808 hasta 1830,vol.2(NewYork:ElliotandPalmer,1832). 115
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impressions,adispositionofthemindtocomprehendeasily,andakeen spirit, is populated for the most part with poor, ignorant people deprived of the social advantages and enjoyments that civilization provides?Whyisit,intheverymomentofenteringintothegreatfamily ofculturedpeoples,theypresentaspectacleofinterminablecivilwars, acts of cruelty, and bloody scenes, instead of entering peacefully the roadoflibertytheyhavebeguntotravelandtowhich,withsuchheroism,theyhavegivenabeginning?Noonecandoubtthattheprincipal causesofthissituationinvolvethecoursethissocietyfollowed,incompatible with the circumstances referred to and which for three hundredyearsblockedthebeginningsoflifeandactivity;hinderedsince the revolution of independence by a totally opposed policy that has calledallprogeny,sotospeak,torenouncetheiroldhabits,customs, andprejudicestoadoptothersanalogousinthenewsocialsystemthat thepolicywastryingtoprovide.Letuslookathowthispeoplewascreated,educated,anddisciplinedundercolonialdomination,andinthe examinationofthisquestionwewillseetheoriginoftheircalamities. Fouraretheinstitutionsthatmostessentiallyinfluencethefateof asocietyandthatalmostexclusivelydeterminethecharacteroftheinhabitantsofanation:religion,education,legislation,andtheideasof honorthatinspireit.Religionis,ofallthemoralforcestowhichmanis subject,theonethatcanproducethegreatestgoodorthegreatestevil. Allopinionsthatrefertointerestssuperiortothisworld;allbeliefsthat haveeternityasagoal;allsectsthatpreachareligion,exerciseaprodigiousinfluenceovermoralsentimentsandhumancharacter.None, nevertheless,penetratesmoredeeplyintotheheartofman,asawise writerverywellobserves,thantheCatholicreligion,becausenoneis morestronglyorganized;nonehassubordinatedmoralphilosophyso completely;nonehasenslavedconsciences;nonehasestablished,asit has,thetribunalofconfession,whichreducesallbelieverstothemost absolutedependenceontheirclergy;nonehas,asitdoes,priestsmore isolatedfromthespiritoffamilyormoreintimatelyunitedbyinterestandespritdecorps.Theunityofthefaith,whichcanonlybethe resultofthesubjectionofreasontobeliefandwhich,consequently,is notfoundinanyotherreligiontothehighdegreeasintheCatholic, tightlybindsallmembersofthisChurchtoacceptthesamedogmas, tosubmittothesamedecisions,andtobeformedonthesamemodel ofinstruction.Butitspowerfulinfluencehasbeenexercisedinvari-
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ousways,accordingtowhethertheinterestsofitsprimaryleadershave beenmoreinagreementwiththepeopleorwiththekings.Duringthe centuriesthatprecededthereignsofCarlosVandFelipeII,fromthe beginningsofthetenthcentury,theimmensemoralforceofpontifical power,then,wasusedtoelevatethepeopleandtoplaceideasofliberty andcivilizationinoppositiontoattemptsbytheemperorsofGermany andtheeffortsoftheGhibellineswho,undertheirprotection,beganto establishdespoticprincipalitiesinItaly.Untilthen,saysMr.Sismondi, thepopeshadcontractedatypeofalliancewiththepeopleagainstthe sovereigns;theyhadmadeconquestsonlyoverthekings.Theyowed theirelevationandallthemeansofresistancetothepowerofthespirit asopposedtobrutalforce;andforpolicy,evenmorethanforrecognition,theyhadbelievedthemselvesobligedtoexpandthispowerof thespirit.Theyhadmadearise,directed,andcalledtotheiraidpublic opinion;theyprotectedlettersandphilosophy,andtheyevenpermitted, withliberality,philosophersandpoetstodeviatesometimesfromthe narroworthodoxline.Finally,theyproclaimedthemselvesprotectorsof libertyandtheyprotectedtherepublics.ButassoonashalftheChurch, raisingthestandardofreform,shookofftheyoke;assoonasthatvery philosophicalenlightenmentithadprotectedwasturnedagainstRome, thatspiritoflibertyithadstimulated,thatpublicopinionthatescaped fromitandthatalreadyhadcometobeapowerinEurope,afeelingof profoundterrormadethepopesdeterminetochangetheirentirepolicy. Insteadofremainingattheheadoftheoppositionagainstthemonarchs, theyfelttheneedtomakecommoncausewiththeminordertocontainadversariesmuchmoreterriblethanwerethey.Theycontractedthe tightestallianceswiththetemporalprinces,especiallywithFelipeII, the most despotic among all of them, and they occupied themselves onlywithsubordinatingconsciencesandenslavingthehumanspirit.In effect,theyimposedayokeonit,andatnotimehaditenduredoneso terrible. ThiswastheepochofthediscoveryandconquestofAmericabythe Spaniards.Inestablishingtheirpoweranddominationamongus,they broughtwiththemthespiritofsuperstition,intolerance,andblindobediencethatDonFernandoandDoñaIsabelweretryingtoestablishon thePeninsula,preparingtheunfortunatedaysofCarlosIandhisdescendants.HernandoCortés,bravecaudillobutcruelandsuperstitious, impressed the conquered Indians so that they feared, honored, and
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obeyedhim,bylettinghimselfbewhippedbyapriestpubliclyinorder toinstillinthemindsofthosepeoplethefirstseedsofspiritualpower. OnthisbasetheSpaniardsraisedtheedificeofthenewsocietycreated inSpanishAmerica.Thepowerofarmsandpriestlyinfluencebound thegovernment,directedthemorality,thesentiments,thecharacterof thepeople.Therewasnothingoutsidethisnarrowcircle,andthesociety movedlikethisinsilencefromgenerationtogeneration,withoutany otherpeoplehearingeventhesoundofitsfootsteps.Butthisdegrading situationwasnecessarytoimprintadeepsealofhumilityandslaveryon alltheinhabitants.Thefewideasofallkindsthattheyhadwerelost;the coloniessawonlythroughtheeyesoftheirdirectors,andtheyunderstoodor,bettersaid,learnedonlywhattheytaughtthem.Thepriests tookcontrolofpublicinstruction;andmoralphilosophy,whichisthe patrimonymostinherenttohumanhappinessandwhichbelongstothe domainoftheconscience,passedentirelyintothehandsofreligion,as happenedinSpain.Theologytookcontrolofthisscience,whichteaches mentheirrightsandthereasonsinwhichtheyarebased,andthevital principlesofsocietywerepervertedbytheabusethatwasmadeofit. Idonotinanywayproposetodenythatthereisacloseconnection betweenreligionandmorality;andallgoodmenmustrecognizethat themostnoblehomagethemortalcanrendertohisCreatoristhatof raisinghimselftotheCreatorbyhisvirtues.Butmoralphilosophyis anentirelydistinctsciencefromtheology:ithasitsbasesinreasonand conscience;itcarrieswithitproofsthatproduceourconviction;and, afterhavingcutloosethespiritthroughinvestigationofitsprinciples,it satisfiestheheartbydiscoveringwhatistrulybeautiful,just,andfitting. Theclergytookcontrolofmoralityasascienceexclusivetoitsrule;it substitutedtheauthorityofdecreesofthecouncilsandtheFathersfor theenlightenmentofreasonandconscience,thestudyofthecasuists formoralphilosophy,andreplacedthemostnobleexerciseofthemind withaseriesofpreceptsthatreduceditsinstructiontoaservileroutine. Butmoralitywaspervertedinthiswayinthehandsofthecasuists;it becamelikeaforeignthingintheheartandunderstanding;viceswere nolongerjudgedbytheevilconsequencestheyproduce,bythesufferingstheycarrywiththem,bythedisregardinwhichtheyputvicious menintosociety,butratheruniquelyundertheprovinceofdivinelaws. The foundation that nature had provided and put in the heart of all mortalswasdestroyedinordertosubstituteanother,arbitraryandarti-
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ficial.Thedifferencebetweenvenialandmortalsinserasedthedifferencethatexistsprimordiallyintheconsciencebetweenthemostseriousoffensesandthemostpardonable;itappearedtoplaceinacertain order,mixedamongthecrimesthatcausethegreatesthorror,thefaults thatourweaknesscouldhardlyavoid.Thecasuistshelduptoexecrationamongthemostguiltymenofthefirstcategory, heretics, schismatics,andblasphemers.SeeherethebeginningofthehatredofSouth Americansforforeigners,hatredthatwill,forsometime,beanobstacle totheirprosperity.Butthishorrorthatwasinspiredagainstindustrious,charitable,andmoralmenwasthegreatestmisfortunethatcould havebefallennationalcustoms,asmuchbecause,seeinghereticspracticegooddeedstheybecameaccustomedtodoubtingtheexcellenceof virtue,asbecauseintheirjudgmentitwaslesscontagiousdealingwith thecriminalandviciousmenwhowereCatholics,heardmass,andrecitedtherosarythanwithpeoplewhohadrefinedcustomsandaconductbeyondreproachbutwerenotsubjecttothepope. Thedoctrineofpenancecausedanewsubversionofmorality,continues Mr. Sismondi, now confused with the arbitrary distinction amongsins.Thepardonofheavenandthereturntothepathofvirtue is,withoutdoubt,aconsolingdoctrine;andthisideaissoinaccordwith humanneedsandweaknessesthatithasbecomeanessentialpartofall religions.Butthecasuistshavedistortedthisdoctrine,imposingpreciseformulasforpenance,confession,andabsolution.Asingleactof faithandfervorwasregardedassufficienttoerasealonglistofcrimes. Insteadofholdingoutvirtuenowasaconstantandperpetualobligation,itwasnothingotherthanasettlementofaccountsatthelastmoment prior to death. There was no sinner so obstinate that he would nothavetheplanofdedicatingsomedaysbeforedyingtothecareof hissoul;butinthemeantime,hegavefreereintoallhispassions,and thosewhopreachedagainstthesedoctrineswereconsideredJansenists. Anotherofthecorruptingprinciplesofmoralitywereindulgencesand thescandaloustrafficinthem.ThekingsofSpainobtainedthebullsof dispensation,whichweresoldbyforcetoAmericans,whodidnotreceiveabsolutioniftheydidnotpurchasethatdocumentofinfamy,ignominy,andsuperstition.Thepowerattributedtocontrition,toreligious ceremonies,toindulgences,tothebullsallcametogethertoconvince peoplethateternalcondemnationorsalvationdependedontheabsolutionofthepriest,andthiswasperhapsthemostlamentableblowdealt
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morality.Chance,notvirtue,hadtodecidetheeternalfateofthesoul ofthedyingperson.Themostvirtuousman,whoselifemightalways havebeenpure,couldbeattackedunexpectedlybydeathinthemomentwhenpain,anger,surprisemighthavemadehimutteroneofthose profanewordsthathabithasmadesocommonandthat,accordingto thedecisionsofthecouncils,cannotbepronouncedwithoutincurring mortalsin.Thenhiseternalcondemnationwasinevitable,becausethere hadnotbeenpresentapriesttoreceivehispenanceandopenforhim thedoorsofheaven.Ontheotherhand,themostperverseman,loaded downwithcrimes,couldexperienceamomentofremorseandoftransitorydesiretomakehimselfvirtuous;withagoodconfessionandcommunion,thismanwasassuredofheaven.Thus,themoralitytaughtto thepeoplewasasourceofbaddoctrine,becausetheenlightenmentof reasonandtheconstantinspirationsoftheconscience,whichteachto distinguishalwaysthegoodfromthecorruptedman,werecontradicted bytheologicaldecisions,whichcondemnedthefirstandbeatifiedthe second,onlybecauseoftheunexpectedchanceofreceivingabsolution. Yetmore;inthecatechismsofreligiousinstruction,atthesideofthe greatindexofvirtuesandvices,whoseunderstandingisuniversaland naturaltoman,wasplacedanotherindexofthemandatesoftheChurch, unsupportedbyasanctionsoterribleasthemandatesofthedivinity; withoutmakingeternalsalvationdependontheirobservance,theycame tohavetheformalityandpowerthattheeternallawsofmoralitynever managedtohave.Themurderer,stillcoveredwiththebloodhehadjust spilt,didnoteatmeatonFridaynomatterhowmuchtherewasinthe world;theprostituteplacedtheimageofthevirginbyherbed,before whichsherecitedtherosary;thepriestwhogotupfromthegaming tableorwhocommittedcrimeswithoutscruplewouldnotdaredrink aglassofwaterbeforesayingmass.Itseemedthatthemoreregularity manputintoobservingthepreceptsoftheChurch,themorehebelievedhimselfdispensedfromobservingnaturallaw,towhichdepraved inclinationswouldhavetobesacrificed.Meanwhilemorality,properly speaking,neverstoppedbeingtheobjectoftheChurch’spreachings, butpriestlyinteresthascorruptedeverythingithastouchedinSpain anditscolonies.Mutualbenevolenceisthefoundationofsocialvirtues; thecasuist,reducingittoaprecept,hasdeclaredthatitisasintospeak badlyofone’sfellowbeing.Withthishehasimpededeveryonefrom expressingthejustjudgmentthatshoulddiscernvirtuefromviceand
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hasimposedsilenceonthelanguageoftruth.Butbecomingaccustomed inthiswaytothefactthatwordsdonotexpressthought,hehasdone nothing but increase the secret distrust of each man with respect to others.CharityisthemostexcellentvirtueintheGospel,butthecasuist hastaughttogivetothepoorforthegoodofthesoul,nottohelphis fellowcreature;hehasputintousealmswithoutdiscernment,which stimulatesviceandidleness;finally,hehastaughttoinvestinthemendicantmonkfundsthatshouldbedestinedforpubliccharity.Sobriety andmoderationaredomesticvirtuesthatmaintainthefacultiesofindividuals and ensure peace within families; the casuist has put in their placetheobservanceofFridays,fasts,discipline,thevowsofchastity, and virginity. Nevertheless, at the side of these virtues and monastic vows,intemperanceandlibertinismcouldbecomerootedintheheart. Modestyisoneofthemostagreeablequalitiesofthebetterman;itdoes notexcludeajustpridethatservesasanaidagainsthisownweaknesses andconsoleshiminadversity;thecasuisthassubstitutedhumility,which allieswiththemostinsultingcontemptforothers. Such has been the inexplicable confusion in which the Jesuits put moralitywithworksofcasuistry,withwhichtheyfloodedSpainand its colonies. They took exclusive control of the schools, which afterwardpassedtothehandsofthefriars.Itwasnotpermittedtodophilosophical research that established moral rules on foundations other thantheirs,norenterintodiscussionsregardingtheirfirstprinciples, norappealtohumanreason.Pascal,Malebranche,Lockehadspokenas Christianphilosophers,buttheirluminousdoctrinescouldnotpenetrateamongtheinhabitantsofMexico.Theentirestoreofideaswasin thehandsofconfessorsanddirectorsofconsciences;theconscientious Mexicanabdicatedthepowermostessentialtoman,thatis,tostudyand knowhisduties.Howmanytimesdidhefindhimselfburdenedwith difficultmattersoflife;whateverdoubtoccurredtohimincomplicated situations,heappealedtohisspiritualguide.Inthiswaythetestsofadversity,whicharethosethatelevateman,servedtomakehimmoresubject.Seeherethereasonwhy,aslongastheinterestsoftheclergywere inaccordwithdependence,peopledidnotdareraisetheirvoiceagainst establishedlawspreachedandconstantlyinculcatedasadogmaofblind obediencetothekingandRomanpontiff.Letusnowconsiderthekind ofeducationthatwasgiventoMexicans,andthereaderwilldeducethe consequencesofwhatcanbeexpectedinthefuture.
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InsomechaptersIhavespokeninpassingofthetypeofinstruction thatwasandstillisgiveninmanyacademiesoftheMexicanRepublic. ButinthischapterIamgoingtospeakofthetypeofgeneraleducationinordertoproceedthentothepublicestablishments.Educationis oneofthemostpowerfulresourcesforthegovernmentofpeople.But thosewhomabadeducationhasharmedcanbebroughtbacktothenoble sentimentsofvirtueandduty.Religionextendsitshealthyorunfortunateinfluenceovertheentirecourseoflife;itspowerrestsontheimaginationofyouth,ontheenthusiastictendernessoftheweakersex,onthe terrorsofoldage;itaccompaniesmaneventohismostsecretthoughts andispresentevenintheactshecanconcealfromeveryhumanpower. Nonetheless,thereciprocalinfluenceofeducationoverreligion,andof thelatterovertheformer,issogreatthatthesetwoefficientcausescan scarcelybeseparatedfromnationalcharacters. Mexicanshavereceivedthesamekindofphysical,moral,andreligiouseducationastheirSpanishconquerors.ButasIhaveobservedanothertime,three-fifthsofthepopulationwasentirelyabandonedtoa type of purely animal life. This numerous class of that great society, withoutneeds,withoutdesires,withoutambition,andwithoutpassions, wasnothingmorethanthepatrimonyofpriestsandmilitaryauthoritieswhoputintoactionthephysicalforcesofthosepeopletopullout advantages,withoutevenemployingintheircare,intheirinstruction, thecarefulsolicitudethattheownersofslavesdoincountrieswhere slaveryispermitted.TheeducationoftheIndianswasconsequentlynil, and there is very little one can say about a negative thing. The mentaldispositionsofthesepeoplehavenotevenbeguntodevelopsince thenewsocialamalgamationandtheirnominalincorporationintothe greatMexicanfamily.Theirstateofpoverty,theirdispersionintosmall populationcenters,thescantyincentivetheyhavefortheirchildrento acquirenotionsabouthopesinconceivabletothem,orknowtheirimportance,and(Imustsayitevenifitbeshamefulforus)thedereliction withwhichtheireducationhasbeenoverseenbythedirectorsofthe newrepublicsarethereasonswhysofewadvanceshavestillbeenobservedintheirsocialimprovement.Averygreataccusationitwillbefor Mexicans,thatofnotdedicatingspecialattentiontothemoraladvancementoftheIndians,whoseeducationistodayentrustedtotheirnew governments.InMexicothereisanacademynamedSanGregorio,assignedtoinstructacertainnumberofindigenouspeople,andinPuebla
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therewasanothersuch.Butthoseestablishmentsareusefulonlytotheir administratorsandtheirteachers.Ingeneral,nothingisinstructedor learnedundertheroutineofarectorwhoonlycaresaboutthemass,the rosary,andthelongvestmentsofhisschoolboys.Whatisnecessary,and IconsiderthefoundationofsocietyintheMexicanstates,isthatthe schoolsofprimaryinstructionbemultipliedandinthembeinvested allthefundsthatweresquanderedonotherthings.NowIwillmoveto makingsomereflectionsontheacademies. ThecontradictionintheUnitedStatesofMexicoisverygreatbetweenthemethodsofeducationadoptedinitsliteraryestablishments and the kind of instruction young people must acquire to begin to carryoutprofitablythenewpoststowhichtheywillbecalledunder the present form of government. The same constitutions, drawn up bythebishopsmorethantwocenturiesagoonroyalordersandcouncils,createdtoprovideclergymenwholearn in order to teach theelementsofblindobedience,renouncingalluseofreasonandsubmitting totheauthorityoftheHolyFathers,bulls,andcouncils,existtodayin theseminariesoftheRepublic.Studentsarepermittedonlytoacquire a certain kind of knowledge that teachers do not judge dangerous to thesubversionoftheirroutinistdoctrines.Allphilosophyissubordinatedtotheology,whichisthemostgeneralscience;andwithrespectto othersystems,nothingmoreislearnedthantheargumentswithwhich theologians have refuted them. All moral philosophy is submitted to thedecisionsofthecasuists,withoutitbeingpermittedtoseekinthe heartprinciplesotherthanthosetheauthorityofthecasuistshaspronounced.Politicalscience,whichwasnotknown,hasremainedsubordinatedtothosedecisionsthatdestroyallsentimentofindividualindependence,alsobecomingascienceofformulas.Inveryfewacademies ishistorytaught;butwhatsublimefeelingcanbearousedinthehearts ofyoung peoplewho receive onlydry narratives, without being able topenetratetheprofoundresourcesthatmovethepassionsandtheresearchintothegreatcausesthatproducedpastevents?Cantheyknow wellhistorytaughtincollectionsofformulas,oratmostthroughthe jumbledcompilationsofRollinorSegur,iftheycannotresearchinthe preciousoriginalsthatancientsleftus?InvestigateGreekorRomanhistory,saysMr.LaHarpe1toayoungmanwhoknowsnothingbutRollin
1.Jean-FrançoisdeLaHarpe(1739–1803),Frenchwriterandcritic.(Editor’snote.)
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andtoanothertowhomthedecadesofLivyandthemenofPlutarch havebeengiven,andyouwillseethedifferencebetweentheideasand understandingsofboth.Eloquence,whichinrepublicangovernments isthemostnecessarybranchofinstruction,isabandonedentirely,and veryfewaretheteacherswhocananalyzefortheirpupilstheorations ofCiceroorthebrilliantpagesofTacitus—whatimpressioncanpoetry makewhenthereligionoftheancientsisconstantlyrepresentedasa chaosofdarknessandwhenthesentimentsofanimpassionedheartare explainedbyamanwhohastakenavowofchastity?Whatinterestcan growfromthestudyofthelaws,ofthecustoms,oftheusesandhabitsof antiquitywhentheyarenotcomparedtotheabstractideasofatrulyfree legislation,ofapuremorality,andofhabitsthatarisefromtheperfectionofthesocialorder?Thusitisthatthestudyofantiquity,inthefew establishmentswhereitistaught,isnothingmorethanascienceoffacts andauthorities,wherereasonandsentimenthavenopartandwhereone seeksonlytomakeadisplayofmemory. Piousexercisesoccupyaconsiderablepartofastudent’shours.But theyarelimitedtowhattheymightdothroughthesoundoftheirvoice to make evident their presence in the chapel. The vast tautologies of dailyprayerscannotfixtheirattentiononwhatisbeingsaid.Thesame formula,repeatedonehundredtimes,saysnothingtotheirspiritorto theirheart;andwhileashortexerciseofdevotioncouldservetoawaken religious sentiments in their conscience, rosaries, which are repeated manytimes,accustomthemtoseparatecompletelytheirthoughtsfrom thewordstheypronounce.Thisisratheranexerciseinuselessdistractionor,whatisworse,anactofhypocrisy.Whatinstructionforyoung personsdestinedforthelegalprofessionandthenationalcourt! Fromtheheartoftheseacademies,nonetheless,menhavebeenseen emerging who, having been educated by themselves, elevated themselvesabovetheirfellowcitizensandhavecombatedtheirerrors,ridiculedtheirprejudices,and,confrontingallkindofdangers,taughttheir fellowcitizensthepathoftruth.Thissmallnumberofprivilegedbeings, sustainedbythestrengthoftheircharacterandstirredbyaninnerfeelingthattheyhaveagreatmissiontocarryout,workwithoutceaseto obtainthetriumphoflibertyandenlightenment.Theundertakingis arduous,theirtaskdifficultandfilledwithimpedimentsthat,ateach step,interest, egotism,andpoweroppose.Theyencounterayoutheducatedundertheolddiscipline,apeoplegenerallyinfectedbyhabitsof
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passiveobedience,ontheonehand,andbyincitementstosubversion, ontheother.Whatcanreplacetheprimaryeducation?Thosewhoare currently present on the scene, launched into the labors of an active life,cannotpossessthatmoralflexibilitynecessarytoreceivetheculture theydidnotacquireearlier,andthisispreciselywhenthereisadouble needtoeducatethem.Becausenotbeingabletokeeptheirdesiresinactive,ithappensthatwhentheydonotmovetowardthegood,thatis tosaytowardsocial progress,lefttothemselvestheywillinevitablybedirectedtowardevil,thatis,towardegoism. Ourgenerationhasbeentransportedinstantaneouslyintoakindof moralspheredistinctfromthatinwhichourfatherslived.Perhapshistorypresentsnoexampleofsucharapidchange,ifthoseinwhichthe conquistadorscompelledbyforceobediencetotheirruleandadoption oftheirinstitutionsareexcepted.Butwemustnotmakeamistake;the transformationisnotcomplete,andtherestillremainsmuchtodo.With alittlereflection,itwillbenoticedthatthechangethatoccurredisonly inthemostgeneralorderoffeelinGSandinterests,anditwillbeonly aftermuchtime,muchlabor,andsuccessivelythatchangeintheorder ofideas, acts,andthoughtwillbefulfilled.Thuswehaveseendepartthe generationsthathavebeenhelduptousassuddenlyconverted,withoutbeingableforverylongfullytorealizethestateofsocietythatthe principlestheyadoptedcreate.Therule of physical force,principle,reason,andaimofthecolonialadministrationwillstillbeforsometime whatdominates,althoughitwillbesuccessivelyacquiringmodifications more analogous to the progress of the moral education of the differentclassesintowhichtheinterestofthatdespoticgovernmentdivided society.Theeducation of thosenumerousclassesandtheircompleteamalgamationintothegeneralmassisthegreatworkthatwillsurelyleadto perfection,forwhichthetrueloversoflibertyyearn.Itistruethatone ofthetriumphsoftherevolutionhasbeentodestroythemostvisible classifications,and,gettingridoftheshacklestheyhadbefore,ithas proclaimedtherightsofequalitysothateachonecanoccupytheplace forwhichhebecomesworthy.Butwhathasbeendonetogivereality tothatright?Whathasbeendonethatisnotpurelynegative?Theobstacleshavebeenremoved,butthereremainmanytoconquer.Without doubtitisthus,andeducation,withoutwhosehelpthehappiestcircumstancesarealtogethersterile,isveryfarfrombeingaccessiblewithout distinctiontoeveryone.Educationisstillaprivilegethatdependsonthe
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fortuneofthefamilies;andfortuneisaprivilegethatisveryfarfrom being proportional to the merit of the persons who have it. There is more;forthesmallnumberofcitizenswhocanaspiretothebenefitsof education,nothinghasyetbeendonesothatitmightbedistributedby reasonoftheiraptitudesandtheirvocation.Insum,despitethepoliticaltriumphofphilosophicalideasamongMexicans,proclaimedpompouslyintheirconstitutionsandrepeatedeventoboredomintheirperiodicals,educationstillremainsinaccessibletothegreaternumber,andas forthescantminoritywhoreceiveit,unfortunatelyitisnotadjustedto theinstitutionsadopted;andonthecontrary,itputsupopenstruggle againstthemomentumgiventosocietybythesolemndeclarationsof liberty and equality.Iwillnottireofrepeatingit,theessentialobjectof educationmustbetoplacesentiments,calculations,transactionsofeachone inharmonywithsocialneeds. PopulareducationhasbeguntotakeanewdirectionintheMexican Republic. Liberty of the press, decisions by judges in matters of the press, the concurrence of discussions in the legislative chambers andassemblies,electoralcouncils,andotheractssimilarlyoriginating inchangesmadesinceindependencehavehadaconsiderableeffecton diminishing the old inclinations to bullfights, to processions, to fiestasthatwereinanothertimetheonlyspectaclespresentedtoinfancy, youth,andoldagetodistractthespiritoftheinhabitantsfromevery kindofseriousresponsibilities.Intheancientrepublics,eachcitizen, summonedtodiscussinthepublicplazatheinterestsofthecommunity andtotakepartintheenterprisesthattheseinterestsmadenecessary, foundhimselfcalledtoconceivetherelationshipbetweenhispersonal actionsandthegeneralinterest.Thissituationhaschanged;ourrepublicsarenotlikeAthens,Rome,Florence,andothers,limitedtothearea ofthecity,andthepeopletodaycouldnotbegatheredinapublicplaza wherecommoninterestscanbediscussedbyorinthepresenceofeveryone.Butelectoralcouncils,therepresentativeform,thepress,andpatrioticsocieties,ororderlymeetingsofcitizenstoexaminetheresolutions oftheirgovernmentsandexpresspeacefullytheiropinions,havemore thanadequatelyreplacedthoseinstitutions.InEnglandandtheUnited States,themeetingsorcouncilsofcitizensinpublichousesappointed forthesepurposesareordinarilytheorgansofpublicopinion,whoserepeatedexpressionscomefinallytotriumphovertheresistancethatthe interestoregoismofthosewhogovernsometimesputsup.
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Criminallegislationhasnotbeenreformedasshouldhavebeenexpected since the great changes occurred in the Mexican nation. The people,accustomedtoseeingintheirjudgesandcourtsinstrumentsof tyranny,foundtheresultsthatthesalutaryexamplesofjusticeshould produceonmoralityalmostextinguished.Theseriesofcruelactscommittedunderjudicialformssincethebeginningoftherevolutionhas producedaneffectentirelytheopposite.TheMexicancomingbefore anauthoritywhichwasnotresponsibleforitsactions,thatwasnotsubjecttoanylaw—anditwasnotraretofindsomewhodidnotevenknow honor—believedhimselfsurroundedatalltimesbyinformers,spies, oragentsprovocateurs.Notbeingabletofindasufficientguaranteein thetestimonyoftheirconsciences,theinhabitantsfeltobligatedtoacquirehabitsofcoveringup,adulation,andfawning.Thepunishment wasnolongerregardedasaconsequenceofthecrime;torturecameto beintheireyeslikeillnesses,acalamityinherentinnature,sothefear ofsufferingdidnotkeepthemfromacareerofcrime.Withoutburdeningmyselffurtherwiththeseabusesundertheruleofthefactions,nor withthoseatrociouslawsdestructiveofeverysocialguaranteeandof allmoralitywhichputinthehandsofthevictorsthejudgmentofthe vanquished,andlimitingmyselftotheproceduresinjudgmentsofcommoncrimes,penallegislationrequiresimmediateandeffectivereforms. Fromtheyear1826IpresentedintheSenateadraftofalawestablishing trialbyjurors,anditwasapproved;butithasmetresistanceputupby thoselawyerswhofindtheirelementsofexistence,theirreputation,and theirclienteleinthedefectsofthelaws. Criminaljurisprudenceisthepartoflegislationthatmostdirectly affectsthelibertyofthecitizen;itisalsothatwhichcanalterhischaracter.Incountrieswheretrialsarealwayspublic,everycriminaltrialis agreatschoolofmoralityforthoseattending.Themanofthepeople whomanytimeshasneedofprotectionagainsttheviolenttemptations thatsurroundhimandthatarousehimtocommitcrimeslearnsinthe debatesbeforejurorsandjudgesthatthecrimecommittedinthedarknessofnightfarfromanywitness,withtheprecautionsthatprudence cansuggest,comes,nonetheless,throughaseriesofunforeseencircumstancestobediscovered;thattheperturbedconscienceoftheguiltyone ishisfirstaccuser;andthatthesecrimeshaveprovidednoenjoyment thatseemedtofulfillthedesiresoftheirsadexecutors.Thepersonsin attendanceknowthattheauthoritywhowatchesovertheconservation
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ofthesocialorderisbenevolentandactive;thatitiseducated,thatit neverpunishesexceptafterhavingacknowledgedthecrime.Theyunite, theyjointogethersincerelyinthedecision;and,convincedinthisway ofthejusticeandintegrityofthejudges,theyabandonwithoutregret theguiltypersontotherigorofthelaws. But what happens among us, where that public openness is not known; where a judge of first instance shapes the process, examines thewitnesses;wherethereisnotthatoraldefenseinthefirsttrial;and whereeverythingisdoneinthesecrecyoftheoffice?Thepeoplebecomeaccustomedtoseeingincriminaljusticeonlyapersecutingand odiouspower;alljointogethertoremovetheguiltyfromtheactionof thelaws,andtheyhavesecretassociationswhosepurposeistoliberate,astheyexplain,thepoorfromtheclutches of justice.Arobberycommittedpubliclyandmurdercommittedinthepublicplazadonotgenerallyencounter,inthepeople,thatinstinctthatinfreecountriesleadsto seizingthedelinquent;andtherearemanyexamplesinwhichasylumis soughtforthem,otherthantheonechurchesoffer.Witnessesinterrogatedaboutacrimecommittedintheirpresencebelievetheyshould notmakethemisfortuneoftheaccusedworsebytellingthetruth;the compassionforhimissolively,thedistrustinthejusticeofthejudgeis souniversal,thatthecourtsmanytimesfearclashingwiththisgeneral feelingandfeardefying,sotospeak,publiccompassionwithasentence ofdeath.Thenameofjudgeisamongthoselabeledwithamarkofinfamy.Thisleagueagainstcriminaljusticeisformedinmanyplacesofthe Republic,andithasitsorigininpastinjustices,inthelackofclaritywith whichcriminalsandtheunfortunateoneswhohavebelongedtoavanquishedfactionhavebeenjudged,inthesecretmannerofshapingtrials, andinthescandalousdelayinsentencingthoseguiltyofthemostatrociouscrimes.Theexamplesareveryfrequentofhighwaymenandmurdererswho,heldforthreeorfouryearsinprisons,avoidwithflightthe delayedpunishmentthatwasreservedforthem,anditisnotraretosee reapprehendedonceortwicethesamecriminalswhohavecommitted newcrimessincetheirescape.Thegreatnumberofprisonersinthejails ofMexicoCity,whichfewtimesareunderathousand,isamelancholy proof,althoughobvious,ofthisassertion.Happily,manystatesofthe federationarenotinfectedwiththisepidemictothesamedegree;and insome,thepurityofcustoms,scarcecontactwiththevicesofthecapital,activityoftheircommercewithforeigners,andothercircumstances
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havepreservedthemfromthedefectsinherentincolonialeducationand theunfortunateinfluencesofitslaws.ThestatesofwhichIspeak,like Yucatán,Tamaulipas,Coahuila,Sonora,Sinaloa,andsomeothers,are inthehappyconditionofshapingtheircodesassoonastheirinhabitantsacquirethehabitsofmoralitythatthenewinstitutionswillbring. MexicoCity,whereallthejudicialchicaneryhasbeendisplayed;where thecomplexitiesofthecourtputupabarrierformanyyearsagainstthe simpleactionofthelaws;andwheregold,favor,intrigue,andpower wereemployedbyturnsoratthesametimetoobscurejusticeandraise theruleofforceovertheruinofthelaws;inMexico,Isay,salutaryreformswillcomeonlywithgreaterslownessandafterviolentclashesbetweenthenewgenerationandthepast,betweentheold manandthenew man. Themoralinfluenceofcivillegislationisnotaspowerfulasthecriminal,butitismoreuniversalandnoindividualcanavoidit.Thetotality of properties is distributed among citizens in accordance with civil laws.Thelawofthegeneralcongressin1823thatabolishedtheentailed states andthe laws of colonization that facilitated the distribution of landsareofgreatestutilityandinfluencefortheprogressiveadvance of national prosperity. But the shackles placed by subsequent provisionsforthepurposeofimpedingthesaleofrealestatetoforeigners willbethesourceofmanyissuesandaninexhaustiblefountainoflawsuitsiftheyarenotrepealed.CivillegislationintheMexicanRepublic findsitselftiedupinaninfinitenumberofcontradictoryconditions andwiththeinnumerablemultitudeoflaws,mandates,rules,decrees, royalordinances,royalorders,records,andotherrulesthatunderdifferenttitlesemanatedfromtheInstitutesofJustiniantothedocuments ofCarlosIV.Itissadthepicturethelitigantspresent,consumedinthe expensesofinterminable trials;passingmonthsandyearsinthesole exerciseofmovingtheircases;runningfromtheofficeofthelawyerto thatofthesolicitor,fromtheretothatofthejudge;and,moreover,debasinganddegradingthemselvesbydintofrepeatedactsofsubmission ononesideandcontemptontheother.Forthesereasonsthetotalityof rightsseemsunknownamongthecitizens;familiesinheritinterminable trialsfromgenerationtogeneration.Ihavecited,atthebeginningofthe firstvolume,onethathascontinuedmorethanonehundredyearssince itbegan.Themoretimerunsbetweenthebeginningofatrialandits resolution,evidencebecomesmoredifficulttoobtain,presumptionbe-
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comeslessperceptible,waversmore,andeachone,sustaininghisinterest,believeshimselflessexposedtothechargeofbadfaith.Ontheother hand,theprolongationoftrialsmultipliesthemwithenormousdamage tonationalunity.Inacitywheretentrialsbegineveryyear,iffiveend insixmonths,ashappensinGeneva,notmorethanfivearepending atatime.Iftheylasttenyears,asverycommonlyhappensinMexico, ahundredwillbepending.Atthesametime,iftheylastthirtyyears, therewillbethreehundred.Howmanyarethosethat,unfortunately, havethislongduration!Seeherethereasonwhyitissocommontosee almostallfamiliesencumberedbysomependinglawsuit,andwhyitis notnowconsideredastigmabeingoccupiedinlitigationandcontinuallyspeakingoflawsuits. OneofthegreatwoesthatbefellthenationbecausethenewlegislatorstooktheirlessonsintheschoolofSpanishreformerswasbeing persuadedthatthecongresseswerewhatthekingshadbeenunderabsolutegovernment.Theabstractprincipleofnationalsovereigntywasproclaimed;butinsteadofderivingthelegitimateconclusion,bywhichthe people, in delegating their powers to representatives gave only those facultiesthatwereabsolutelynecessarytoorganizethenewsocietyina mannerexpeditioustoitsneedsandrights,thelegislatorsappropriatedto themselvesthefullnessoftheselfsamesovereignty,andthecongresses wereconsideredarbitersofthefateoftheRepublic.Thisgreaterror originatedfromthefalseideathatthenationtransmittedallitsfacultiesandpowerstothecongressesandfromthehabitithadofobeying akingwhoruledunconditionally.Fromherehavesprungthoselawsof exception,annullingequalityamongallclassesofcitizens;thoseretroactivelaws,likethosewehaveseenregardingsalestoforeignersandthat oftheentailedestates,whoseeffectsweremadetogobacktwoyears. Fromthisoriginatesalsothatunfortunateeasewithwhichextraordinarypowersareconceded,especiallytothegovernorsofvariousstates bytheirlegislativeassemblies;thosedeclarationsoutside the lawthatdestroyintheirfoundationseveryguarantee;thosebanishmentsandanothermultitudeofarbitraryactsthatmustmaketheMexicanswaryof afuturefilledwithhopes,althoughsownwithdangers. Anotherequallyperniciouserrorhasemanatedfromthesamefalse principle. The general congress, which they rhetorically call sovereign congress,hasarrogatedtoitself,orIwillsaymoreexactlyhasusurped
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thefacultyofreforming,thelawsofthestatesandthatofinterfering intheorganizationoftheirlegislativeassemblies.Ithasbeenseenwith frequencythatoneormoredeputiesorsenatorswhowerenotfondof thememberswhomadeupthelegislatureofastate,madeamotionthat electionsbedeclarednull,inpartorintheirtotality,byvirtueofprotestsmadeintheelectoralcouncils;andbothchambershavebeenseen to issue decrees which, interrupting the constitutional course of the states,annultheelectionscompletelyorinpart.Whyhasthisbeentolerated?Becausetheassembliesofthestateshavebeenconsideredviceroysandthegeneralcongressthemonarch!—Alwaysthehabitsofthe colonialsystem! Mentionwouldnothavetobemadeofthepoint of honoramongthe greatmotivesofthesocialcompactinreferringtotheinfluencesthat haveaneffectintheMexicanRepublicifthishadnotbeenoneofthe greatSpanishprejudicesmostusedtothedetrimentofthelibertyand independenceofthepatria.Idonotspeakhereofthattypeofhonor Mr.Paleydefinesas“asystemmadeupofrulesbythepeopleofrank calculatedtofacilitatetheirsocialcommerce,andnotforanyotherpurpose.”IspeakofthathonorconvertedbytheSpanishgovernmentinto oneofthesupportsofitspowerandinstilledsostronglyinthehighest classesofsociety,especiallyamongthemilitary.Ispeakofitalsobecause,havingchangedgovernmentsinceindependence,theeducation ofMexicanpoliticiansmusttendtoconfuseitwithpublicopinionand substitutethisbasicfoundationofthedemocraticsystemforanisolated andabstractrulewhoseprinciplesareasvariableasundefined. Thetraditionallegislationofhonor,asitwasunderstoodforsome timeinEurope,haditsorigininchivalrictimes;itcametosubstitute thenoblesentimentsoflibertythatanimatedtheGreeksandRomans, whenthespiritofindividualindependencewasdisappearing,tomake wayforcourtlymanners,whichthemonarchs,especiallytheSpanish kings,knewtoputinitsplace.Theyconvertedthisprejudicetotheir benefit,whichreplacedthatinherentfondnessofmanfordefending hisrightsandtheothervirtuesthatelevatethesoulandleadittogreat actions.Butthelawofhonorreadilyallieditselfwiththecorruptionof mannersandcametobe,incertainrespects,thebasisformilitarydespotism.Nonetheless,asitprescribedcertainrulestotheprince,certainrespectsamongthesocialclasses,aprominentconsiderationforthe
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beautifulsex,andreciprocalpolitenessandcivility,itwasinacertain way,asMontesquieuobserves,abrakeonarbitrarypower.Butwhata weakbrake! InconqueredAmerica,militaryhonorandthatoftheotherclasses ofsocietybroughtwiththemveryfewofthebrilliantqualitiesoftheir nativepatria.Amongthefirstbecamedefendingtherightsofthekings ofSpain,andthegreatestgloryofanofficialwastosay:Theking,my master; I am servant of the king,whichwasequivalenttoacknowledging himself as the blind instrument of an unknown deity and the terror ofsociety,theexecutionerofhisfellowcitizens.Buttheseinfluences wereprofound;theywereinheritedandtheywere,moreover,sustained by religious doctrines. Point of honor in a military man was to sacrificehisfather,hisbrother,andfamilyifthegreaterserviceoftheking demandedit;pointofhonorwastoobeyblindlytheordersofthevice generalsoftheking,nomatterhowatrociousandcrueltheymightbe. “Yourhonorisjeopardized,”saidtheSpanishleaderstotheAmerican officials;“thegreaterservicetoHisMajestydemandsofyouthatwith fireandswordyousustainhisrights.ThehonoroftheMexicansmustbe immaculate.”Withtheseandotherphraseshemadeourvaliantmilitary menenthusiastictoexterminateanentiregeneration.Today,thename ofmilitary disciplineisusedwronglytocommitthesameactsofcruelty. Butthisisnottheoccasiontospeakofthissubject. Ihavefinishedthehistorythatcomprehendstheperiodfrom1810to 1830.IbelieveIhavedoneagreatservicefortheMexicans,presenting themwitheventsfromthepointofviewfromwhichtheymustbeseen. Noprinciplethatcancorrupttheircustoms;nodoctrinethatcancompromise their liberty; no maxim that excuses tyranny; no axiom that doesnothaveasitsaimtheadvantageofthemajority;nofactthatoffendsdecency;nothing,finally,hasoccupiedaplaceinthisworkagainst the purpose that I have constantly proposed, and it was that of promotingthegoodofMexicans,teachingthemtoknowthemselvesand thosewhohavedirectedtheiraffairs,tocomparethemamongthemselves,tofollowtheminalltheirstepsandjudgethem,notbyproclamationsofcircumstance,orbypompousoffers,orbyappearancesofvirtue giventheliebyfacts,orbyfalsemodesty,orbyastudiedpopularity,or byaprejudicialanddangerouscharlatanism,but rather by a series of positive acts of patriotism and of constant efforts for social improvement, enlightenment of the people, and propagation of enjoyment in the masses.Anything
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thatdoesnothavethesepointsasitsaimistodeceivethepeopleand wantthemtobecontentwithwords.Littlehasindependenceserved thegreatpartofthenation,becausethosewhosucceededincommands andpositionshavebelievedthatthiswasthegoodtowhichitaspired. Buttheywerewrong.Thepeoplewantpositive goodsandthenourishment of the spirit.Theirinstinctwillalwaysleadthemtotheattainmentof thisaim,anditwillbreaktheobstaclesthategoismandinterestputup againsttheirprogress.
3
Intervention Regarding the Independence of the Province of Guatemala
Mr. Zavala:Sir,thecommissiontodrawupthisjudgmenthasfounditselfinmajorconflictbecauseitdealtwithanewquestionofpubliclaw,becauseitsawthegentlemendeputiesofGuatemala divided, and because the resolution of this matter is of great importance.1Itwasnotaboutanationthatwasgoing,likeSpanishAmerica, tothrowofftheyokeforthefirsttimeafterthreehundredyearsofoppression;norwasitaboutAmericancoloniesestablishedbycommercial companies formed in different ways, which had carried on a terrible war.ItisaboutaprovinceorprovincesthatwerejoinedtoMexico,we donotknowwhetherbyforceofarmsemployedbyGeneralIturbideor voluntarily.WhenthisquestionwaspresentedlastyearinCongress,the majorityofthegentlemendeputiesexpressedadesirethattheprovinces ofGuatemalaestablishaseparategovernment,andmanyofthegentlemenwhoexpressedthisopinionnowhavechangedfromit,perhapsbecausethegovernmentchanged;butIdonotbelieveitishonorablefor Congresstochangeitsprinciples.Thecommission,Irepeat,hasfound itselfinthegreatestdifficultybecauseithadtodeliberateaboutamatterofsuchimportance.Iwillbeginbyreplyingtosomeobjectionsthat Originaltitle:“Sesióndeldía18deoctubrede1823.IntervencióndeZavalasobrela independenciadeGuatemala.”Source:Águila Mexicana,vol.2,nos.189and190,Monday, October20;andTuesday,October21,1823. 1.TheCapitaníadeGuatemala(thenencompassingthepresentrepublicsofHonduras,Nicaragua,ElSalvador,andCostaRica)declareditsindependencefromSpainon September15,1821,adaybeforeAgustíndeIturbideissuedthedeclarationofindependenceinMexico.InJanuary1822GuatemalavotedtobecomepartoftheMexicanempireofIturbide.However,whentheemperorwastoppled,in1823,Guatemalapeacefully decidedtoseparatefromMexicoandformafederalrepublicofitsown:theProvincias UnidasdeCentroAmérica.TheissueofseparationwasdebatedintheMexicanCongress,andZavala,asamemberofthecongressionalcommissionoverseeingthisissue, tookanactivepartinthatprocess.(Editor’snote) 134
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thegentlemanministerhasraised,andthenIwillpasstothegentlemen TeránandLópezPlata.Thefirstbaseswhathesaysonthefactthatthe commissionshouldnothavebegunjudgmentbecauseitcouldhaveleft thisquestionforthecomingCongress,thisonebeingjustabouttoclose its sessions. The second reason, which has seemed stronger, is that if CongressdeclaresthattheprovinceofGuatemalahasarighttoconstituteitselfintoafreeprovince,thegovernmentofMexicoforsakesthose individualswhohaveshownthemselvesdevotedtotheunion.Neither theonenortheotherseemstometohaveforce.Notthefirstbecause thisCongress,havingexpressedandevendeclaredthattheprovincesof Guatemalahadtherighttoconstitutethemselves,itwasnecessarythat, havingnamedacommissionforthisandpresenteditsjudgment,this matterisresolved;butifthereasonsyourhonorhasgivenregardingthe effectsonthegovernmentofMexicohavesomeforce,Spaincouldsay thesametoAmerica.Spainhadmanydevotedpeople,andevenhasthem still,andthatwasthepretexttheygavefornotabsolutelyabandoning America,becausetheysaid:Wehavetherealargenumberofpartisans thatthenewgovernmentwillpersecuteeverywhere.Vainsubterfuge againstthejusticeofourcause,butmuchlesswithrespecttoGuatemala becauseithasneverbelongedtotheMexicannation,andtherightthat MexicohasbelieveditselftohaveoverGuatemalahasbeencompletely ephemeralanddoubtful,asshownbytheconductofCongressandthe government,whichhavegivenordersappropriatefortheassemblyof theCongressofGuatemala;andthegovernmenthasorderedGeneral Filisolatowithdraw.So,then,whatdoesthecommissionhavetodo?It couldsimplysay:“Thedeputieswhoareherecanwithdraw.” ThuswehaveseenmonstrouslyintheheartofthissovereigncongressanindividualwhohasthetitleofagentanddeputyofGuatemala, somethingnotfoundinanyoftherepresentativebodies.Consequently, thecommissionhasbelieveditwastheonlyroadoffered.Neitherdid itsaythattheindependenceofGuatemalabedeclared;ithassaidonly thatthedeputiescouldwithdrawand,oncetheCongressofthatnation isconvened,itcoulddeclarewhetheritwastounitewithMexicoornot. ThequestionthatthepreviousgentlemanspeakerhasproposedwithrespecttothedifficultiesGuatemalahasinorganizingitsgovernmenthas noforce.Forallnewgovernmentsalwaysexperiencetheseupheavals andsufferthesedifficulties.Iftheseargumentswerevalid,Spainwould havejusticeinclaimingarighttointerveneinouraffairs,withtheex-
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cusethatwearenotsucceedinginconstitutingourselves.BuenosAires hashadtwelveyearstoconstituteitselfandhasnotmanagedtodoso. Why is this? Because revolution brings its difficulties. These are, sir, thereasonsthatthecommissionhashadinsayingthatthedeputiesof Guatemalacanwithdraw.IgoontorespondtoMr.LópezdelaPlata. HishonoraskswhatreasonthecommissionhadforincludingtheprovinceofNicaraguainthejudgmentithasoffered;Iwillsaytohishonor that the commission has included the province of Nicaragua because thereisnootherwayofdeterminingthewillofpeoplesexceptthrough theirrepresentatives.ThepeopleofNicaraguahavealreadyjoinedin theCongressofGuatemala,electorshavebeengathered,etc.,andthey havesenttheirdeputies.Well,sir,iftheCongressofMexicoitself,ifall areoftheviewthatthisCongressrepresentsthoseprovinces,howcan wehavenothingtodowiththatrepresentation?Thisisthereasonwhy wehaveincludedtheprovinceofNicaraguawhichhassentitsdeputies totheCongressofGuatemala.Now,hishonorhassaidthattheopinionofthedeputiesofhisprovinceintheCongressisdifferentfromthe majority.ButthenthesamecanhappeninMexicoandtherestofthe congresses.Whoknowswhatpublicopinionwouldbeinthiscase;but whatiscertainisthatthevotesofthemajoritymustalwaysbefollowed. Thecommissioncouldnotdolessthanworkforthesameprinciplesit hasexpounded,thesamethathaveledCongresssincelastyear.Iagree, sir, that in the heart of this sovereign congress they were crying out stronglyagainstthetroopsthatwereabouttoattackSanSalvador;well, sir,whydowenotrespecttherightsthatwererespectedthen?What rightwasthereinGuatemalabeforetoconstituteagovernmentandnot now?Ibelievethesame.Nowitseemstomethattheobjectionsofthe previousspeakersareproperlyanswered.
valentín góMez Farías Valentín Gómez Farías (1781–1858) was a liberal politician borninthecityofGuadalajara.HestudiedmedicineandbecameaprominentdoctorinthecityofAguascalientes,wherehe startedhispoliticalcareer.GómezFaríassupportedAgustínde IturbideafterindependenceandwaselecteddeputytotheFirst ConstituentCongressin1822.Hesoonbecamedisaffectedwith thegovernment,andaftertheregimefellsupportedtheconvocationtoelectanewconstituentcongressundernewrules. GómezFaríaswasareformistandafederalistwithradical ideasconcerningeducationandtheroleoftheCatholicChurch. Hewaselectedvicepresidentin1833,whenGeneralAntonio LópezdeSantaAnnawaselectedpresident.SantaAnnasoon requestedaleaveofabsencefromofficeandretiredtohishaciendainVeracruz,leavinghisvicepresidentasheadofthegovernment.GómezFaríaslaunchedseveralpoliticalreformsthat werefiercelyopposedbyhispoliticalfoes,suchasclosingthe church-rununiversity.Healsochallengedtheprivilegesofthe army.Laterthatyear,SantaAnna,attheinstigationofthose whoopposedGómezFarías’sliberalreforms,returnedtooffice andterminatedthebriefreformistexperiment.GómezFarías wasonceagainvicepresident,in1846,andwaselecteddeputy to the 1856–57 constituent congress, which drafted the 1857 Constitution. WepresentanindividualvoteofdeputyGómezFaríasregardingtheneedtosummonanewconstituentcongress.
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Individual Vote of Mr. Gómez Farías on the Issue of the Advisability of Convening a New Congress IndividualVoteofMr.GómezFarías, As an individual of the special committee appointed by the Sovereign Congress to examine the question of whether or not a new Congress should be convened. Sir: Theseconddayofthismonth,Mr.MuzquizandIpresentedtoYour Sovereignty1amotionreducedtotheseterms:Werequestthatanotice of convocation be created for the meeting of another Congress, this Congressnamedbeforedissolvingapermanentdeputation,which,in agreementwiththesupremeexecutivepower,wouldtemporarilydecide theurgentneedsofthestate. This motion, heard by Your Sovereignty and declared urgent, was orderedpassedtoacommitteeofwhichIhavethehonortobeamember.Inthefirstsessionwehad,fivedeputiesoftheseventhatmakeup theaforementionedcommitteewereoftheopinionthatthenoticeof convocationshouldbeprepared.Nevertheless,toproceedwithgreater successinsoseriousamatterandoneofsuchimportance,weagreedto summonthecommitteememberswhowereinthiscapitalandhadbeen convenedfrom[thecityof]Pueblabyawrittencommunicationdated lastMarch4,whichthegentlementhemarquisofVivanco,DonPedro CelestinoNegrete,andDonJoséAntoniodeEchávarridirectedtoall Originaltitle:“VotoparticulardelSeñorValentínGómezFarías,comoindividuode lacomisiónespecialnombradaporelsoberanoCongresoparaexaminarlacuestiónde sisedebeónoconvocarunnuevoCongreso,”April17,1823.Source:Mexico,Imprenta Nacional(enPalacio),1823. 1. Mexicans called their Congress “Sovereign Congress” as a consequence of the theoryoflegislativesupremacytheyadoptedfromtheFrenchandSpanishconstitutions.(Editor’snote) 138
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theprovincialdeputations.2Byvirtueofthissummons,thosedelegates fromsixprovincesgathered,andeveryoneunanimouslyrequested,in thenameofthoseprovinces,thatthenoticeofconvocationbecreated forthemeetingofanotherCongress;othershavesubsequentlysaidthe same.I,onhearingthattheprovincesmightwishthatanewCongress beconvened,hopedthatthecommitteewouldstandmorefirmlyinits opinion;ithasnothappenedthatway,andIattributethisfacttothe argumentsMr.TagleandMr.Bustamantesetoutafterwardinothersessionswehadonthesamematter.Thebrilliantlearningofthesegentlemenismuchsuperiortomine;Irespectit,butasIamnotconvincedof theirarguments,Iproceedtoexplainmyindividualopinion. Everyoneknows,sir,thatthenoticeofconvocationcreatedbythe provisionallygoverningjuntawasreceivedintheprovinceswithdispleasureandthatitwasgenerallyconsidered,moreover,absurd.Ineffect, itrestrictedliberty,offendedequality,and,consequently,wasunjust. Itrestrictedliberty,dividingthenationintoclassesandrequiringthe electorstogettheirrepresentativesfromeachoneofthem.3Itoffended equality,adjustingthenumberofdeputiesbythenumberofmunicipalities[partidos],outlandishthought,whichresultedintheprovinceofDurango,whichhas,accordingtothelastcensus,177,400inhabitants,being abletonametwenty-twodeputies,andQuerétaro,whichhasalmostthe samepopulation,beingabletochooseonlyone,monstrousinequality, whichgavethefirstanunjustpreponderanceoverthesecond,andwhich encumberedDurangowithanenormousburdenoftaxes. Norwasthistheonlyattackthatequality,soproclaimedamongfree andwell-governedpeoples,suffered.Thispoliticaldogmaalsowasdestroyedbygrantingavotetotowncouncilsbecause,byvirtueofthis concession,theparishesoftheheadmunicipalities,andthemostimportantmunicipalitiesoftheprovinces,hadasmanyelectorsastherewere membersoftheirmunicipalcouncils,andthesubordinateparishesand 2. The provincial deputations (diputaciones provinciales) were local, representative bodiescreatedbythe1812SpanishConstitution.(Editor’snote) 3.GómezFaríaswasreferringtotheconvocationofaconstituentcongressissued afterindependencebytheJuntaProvisionalGubernativa,presidedoverbyAgustínde Iturbidein1821.Representationbyclasseswasprovidedinthatconvocatoria.(Editor’s note)
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municipalitiesdidnothavemorethanone.Theunhappinessthatthe noticeofconvocationcausedforthetworeasonsindicatedwasgeneral, andithasbeenbelievedsincethenthatitwouldbethesourceofcomplaintsanddissensions. Withthenationalrepresentationestablishedonsuchunjustfoundations,itcouldnotunitetheopinionofthepeopleinitsfavor.Thepast government,whichknewthedefectsofthenoticeofconvocationand wasperhapstheirauthor,convertedthemintotroublefortheCongress, whosedestructionitmeditated.Causticwritingspromotedbythepast governmentmadetheprovinces’badframeofmindworse;discontent increasedeverywhere,andasthepeoplecametoknowofsomemisconductoftheirdeputies,lackofconfidencegrew.Opinionagainstthe Congressprepared,thetyrantdissolvedit.4Thisactwasgenerallyconsidereddespotic;nonetheless,thepeopledidnotthinkofsummoning theirdisbandedrepresentation.Theythoughtinsteadoftakingadvantageofthecircumstancestoimproveit.Soitcannotbecertainthatthey wereupsetbythisfact.Iamsorrytosayit,Iamamemberofthisaugust assembly,justlyinterestedinitshonor. Letuscastarapidglanceovertheeventsthathaveoccurredsincethat epoch.5OnthesecondofDecemberthecityofVeracruzgavethememorablecryofliberty,proclaimedtheRepublicandthereestablishmentof theCongress.Thebesiegingarmy,nolesszealousforgloryandforthe libertyofthepatria,decidedagainsttheoppressor,butintheactofits militaryuprising,nothingwassaidaboutthereinstatementoftheextinctCongress.Onthecontrary,theassemblingofanothernewonewas expresslyrequested.Itsarticlesareclear,conclusive,anddonotadmit interpretation. Veracruz itself supported this act, and, after Veracruz, alltheprovinces.Thenation,then,hasdecidedforanewCongress,or hasnotadoptedthePlanofCasaMata.Somesaythenationadopted thePlanofCasaMatainthesamewayasthePlanofIguala.6Thisisnot 4.EmperorIturbide.(Editor’snote) 5. In December 1822 General Antonio López de Santa Anna rebelled against the governmentofAgustíndeIturbideinthecityofVeracruz.GeneralEchávarri,charged bythegovernmentwithsuppressingtherebellion,placedthecityundersiegebutlater changedsides,joiningSantaAnna,andproclaimedthePlanofCasamataagainstIturbide’sempireonFebruary1,1823.(Editor’snote) 6.ThePlanofIguala,proclaimedinFebruary1822byIturbide,declaredtheinde-
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becauseitrequestedanoticeofconvocation,butratherbecauseitwas ameanstoliberateitselffromitsnewoppressor,focusingopinion.To thesegentlemen Iaskwhether theMexican nation, whichdesired to governitselfandmadeverycostlysacrificestoachieveitsemancipation, hasgivenpositiveevidenceafterthecryoflibertythatitwantsthesame Congress,asitexpressedatanothertimeinordertothrowtheSpanish yokefromitsneck.Almostalltheevidencedemonstratesthecontrary. Nonetheless,ifithasgiventhisevidence,letitbepresentedandthedisputecometoanend;butifthereisnotproof,thePlanofCasaMata,the restoftheacts,andotherofficialdocumentsareinforce,whosecontent issupportedbytheprintedpiecesthatarecirculatingandbythepublic voice.Inlightoftheseconsiderations,Idonotunderstandonwhatbasis onecanbeassuredthatthewillofthenationhasnotbeendeliveredin favorofthenoticeofconvocation. Thearmyisnotthenation,noraretheprovincialjuntas.Afaction ofaristocratshastakenpossessionofthetownsandwishestoconvince everyonethatitsvoiceisthegeneralone;soIhearsomeexplainit.Sir, thevoiceofthearmyiscertainlynotthatofthenation;butwillitbe possibletosaythatthevoiceoftheprovincialcapitals,thevoiceofthe municipalities,andthevoiceofthesubordinatetownsarenotthevoice of the nation? In all these places, the bodies uniformly repeated the voiceofthearmy,thosebodiesthatwereelectedpopularly,thatarethe depositoriesofpublicconfidence.Inallofthem,thepersonsofgreatestinfluenceandopinion,andapartoftherestofthepeopleopenly joineditsvotestotheirs,withouttheotherpartoftherestofthepeople givinganyevidenceofresistancetoitsadherence.Moreover,sir,ifthe rapiditywithwhichAmericaseparateditselffromthe[Iberian]Peninsulawasowedinparttothedesireeveryonehadtoemancipatethemselves,couldnotthemarvelousspeedanduniformitywithwhichthe actofCasaMatawasproclaimedbeattributedtothefactthatitsarticles conformedtothegeneralwill? Ifwhatwasexpoundedisnotsufficienttoknowtheexpressionof thepeople,tellmeinwhatwayshouldtheyhavebeenexplained,given theirsituation?Whatbettermeansthanthepress?Whatorgansmore pendenceofMexico.Thecountrywouldremainamonarchy,andthethronewasoffered toFerdinandVIIorsomeothermemberoftheroyalfamily.TheSpanishConstitution wouldremaininforceuntilanewonewasdrafted.(Editor’snote)
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approximatetothoseofarepresentativesystemthantowncouncilsand deputations?Notforthisreasonhavethelatteralreadybeenraisedup tothestatusofprovincialcongresses;theywilltakethisstepbecause, ifIamnotdeceived,theprogressoftheAmericasisinevitable.They, asMr.dePradtsays,willbeconstitutedintorepublicsbeforeaEurope divided into thrones. Just as the United States, that admirable model of government, that people who owe their prosperity and growth to their sublime institutions, has been a beacon for our brothers of the otherAmerica,itwillalsobesoforus.Invainwillforcesdevelopto holdthiseventbackforverylong.Fromconstitutionalmonarchytothe Americangovernmentthereisadistanceeasilytraversed.Whatabeautifulperspectiveisofferedtotheimaginationbyanimmenseterritory dividedbynatureitselfintolargeparts,eachonegovernedaccordingto itsinterestswithouttheothersfeelingoppressed,bymenwhoknowits needsandwhomerititsconfidence,retainingseparatelyitssovereignty, liberty,andindependence,andallpartsenteringintoafirmbondofreciprocalfriendshipfortheircommondefense,thesecurityoftheirliberty,andtheirmutualandgeneralhappiness.Inanallianceofthisnature societyisnotindanger,butratherthedeep-rootedhabitofdominating is!TheprovincialismofwhichoneaccusesQuerétaro,Guanajuato,San LuisPotosí,Zacatecas,Guadalajara,Valladolid,etc.,carefullyanalyzed, is,intheend,theveryjustdesiretoavoidsuchdomination.Sometimes someprovinceresentsthisaspiration.Maybethearistocraticfactionis inanotherpart. Consideringthequestioninanotherway,Iwillask,withCongress dissolvedandthenationtiedtothecartofabsolutepower,couldthe armyandthepeople,withoutseeingtheneedtoreestablishtheextinguishednationalrepresentation,createacourageousforcetobreakthe bondsofservitude,orcouldtheynot?Ifthefirst,whydoesonethink they are obligated to recognize the dissolved Congress, having proclaimedthePlanofCasaMata?Whywillthissovereignnationandmasterofitselfbeconsideredboundtoobeyabodythatitdesirestoreplace withanother?Ifthesecond,whatgreaterdespotismthansupposingthis samenation,facingthedifficultchoiceofsufferingtheyokeoftyranny or of delivering itself to leaders whom they fear, will not honorably dischargetheiraugustfunctions?IstherenohalfwayforMexicansbetweenbeingslavesforIturbideandrestoringtheirrepresentatives? Sir,politicalbodiesarelikephysicalbodies.Allofthemdie,notto
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come back to life, and just as physical bodies, once dissolved or disorganized,donotreturntolifeifnotbyamiracleofomnipotence,so politicalbodiesdonotrecovertheirpoliticalexistenceifnotthrough thepowerofpublicopinion.Doalldeputiesenjoythispublicopinion? Certainlynot;forthisreason,theprovincesrequestatleastexclusion7 orreform,ameasuresubjecttoveryseriousdifficulties,whichwould increasetheinequalityofrepresentationinthoseprovinceswheresome deputiesareexcluded,orwhereitcouldmakethoseprovincesproceed tonewelections,ahatefulmeasurethatwouldnotbesufficienttocalm thediscontentresultingfromtheenormousinequalityofrepresentationandthatwouldincreasediscontentinthesituationifallthepersons chargedwerenottobeexcluded;ameasure,finally,inwhichthejudgmentofCongresswouldbeconsideredinterestedorpartial.Thebest way,then,ofmakingthereformisthroughthenoticeofconvocation; thismeasureisthemostdiscreetanddecentthatcanbeadopted.Draw aveiloverthemisconductofsomemen;itisnotadvisabletodisturbthe purepleasurethattheenjoymentoflibertyproduceswiththeunpleasantmemoryofoffensesandevils.Thetriumphofreasonandenlightenmentshouldbemarkedwithliberalityofprinciplesandmoderationof actions. FrommotiveslikethoseIjustexplainedandforotherreasonsdeducedfromthefundamentalsofsociety,theprovisionaljuntaofMadrid refrainedfromreinstatingtheCortesof1814.WiththedecreebyFerdinandVIIissued,whichcalledfortherepresentativebodyofthenation togather,everyoneknowsthatthejuntaitselfproposedthefollowing doubt, to wit: Should the Cortes that were gathered in 1814 be summoned,orwillitbenecessarytogoontonewelections?Thejuntadecided for the latter, and its resolution was well received everywhere. I will relate the passage because it is very analogous to the matter in question. ThekingofSpaindissolvedtheCortesbeforetheyhadconcluded theirtermoflegislature;IturbidedestroyedtheMexicanCongressbeforeitcompleteditsduties.ThearmydemandedinthePeninsulathe constitutional regime; our troops here gave the cry that a congress shouldbebroughttogetherthatwouldconstitutethenation.There,a juntacreatedduringthelastdifficultiesofthedespotismproducedthe
7.Ofsomedeputies.(Editor’snote)
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noticeofconvocationbyorderoftheking;here,anotherjunta,summoned by the generals of the liberating army and composed of personsofmorepopularrepresentation,wasdestinedtothesamepurpose. Theformerdischargeditsduty;thelatterdidnot,becausetheveryone [Iturbide]whodissolvedtheCongressordereditreinstated.Thismeasurehinderedthatofthegenerals;butleavingasidethehistoryofthis event,Iwilltranscribetheargumentsofpubliclawonwhichthejunta ofMadriddeterminednottoreestablishtheCortesof1814. Allmen(saythemembersofthatjuntaintheirmanifesto)who havestudiedthefoundationsofsocietyknowthattherepresentativesystemisnothingotherthanawaytoconcentrate,inacertain numberofindividualselectedbytheentirepeople,therighttovote thelaws,whichundeniablyresidesineachcitizen,giventheimpossibilitythatallmembersofalargestatebepresentinoneplace tomakeuseofthatright;sotheancientrepublicsdidnotknow thissystem,becausethecitizens,whoresidedinasinglecity,could cometogetherandbepresentthemselvesattheassemblies.Ifthis werefeasibleinthemostperfectmechanismofmodernnations, inwhichtheparts,unitedwithcommonlawsandrights,forma largebodyequalandreciprocalineverything,itwoulddoubtlessbe theonethattheSpaniardshaveofassemblingonthepresentoccasion;butcarryingthisoutnotbeingpossible,anddelegatingtheir powerstotheirrepresentativesbeinginevitable,itisalsoevident thattheirwillmustbeconsultedandtheymustbeallowedtheexercise,whichnoonehasthepowerofrefusingthem,ofelectingpersonsworthyoftheirconfidence,whethertheybethosethesystem namedbefore,orwhetheritbeothersbecauseoftheirtalent,their virtues,ortheproofsthatinsixyearsoftestingtheyhavegivenof theirunswervingcharacterandtheiradherencetotheconstitutional system.Andwhen,ifnotnow,shouldtheSpanishpeoplemakeuse ofthispreciousright?Willwedeprivethemofexercisingitatthe momentinwhichthequestionsthatmostconcerntheirfuturehappinessaregoingtobeaired?Inthemomentinwhichtheirrepresentativeshavetocompletethepoliticalgenerationofthestate?In thismomentthatperhapstheywillnotseereturnagainforcenturies,inwhichtheeternalfoundationsoftheirgreatnessandtheir
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glorywillbelaiddown,inwhicharefixed,perhapsforever,thedestiniesofentiregenerations? ThusthoselearnedSpaniardsexplainedthattheynowhadaconstitutionandtheydemandednothingmorethanitsobservance.Andwe whoarelackingaconstitution,wewhofindourselvesinthesituationof adoptingtheformofgovernmentthatmostsuitsthenationinitsnew politicalaspect,willwenotbeabletoexplainourselvesinthesameway andwithgreaterreason?Letusbefair,sir,andbecausewearefreeof theobligationsunderwhichthePlanofIgualaandtheTreatyofCórdovaplacedus,8letusallowthenationtoexplainitswillopenly.Letus notignoreitsdesires;letuslistentoitsopinions.Theprovisionaljunta thatprecededuscertainlyhadnopowertoorderthedeputiestoconstitutethenationintoaconstitutionalmonarchy;nonethelessthepeoples, althoughinsultedbythislimitation,obeyeditandnamedasrepresentatives those whom they believed were capable of establishing with greatersuccesstheformofgovernmentthatwasprescribedtothem.If, asitshouldhavebeen,theconvocationnoticehadbeencomprehensive, doIreallybelievethatmanyelectionswouldhavedevolvedonother individuals?Wouldthepeople,fondofanotherformofgovernment, havechosenastheirdeputiesstaunchmonarchists?Consistentwiththe natureofthework,artificeissought.Letusallow,then,sir,thenation tomakeuseofarightthatcannotbedisputed,whichisthatoffreely electingitsrepresentatives.Thenewlyelecteddeputieswillbringother powersandinstructionsthatservethemasaguideintheveryserious mattersbeingpreparedfordeliberationandthatwecouldnotresolve withoutgreatlyriskinggoingagainstthewillofourconstituents. Itissaidthatthenatureofourmissiondemandsabsolutepowers;this assertionis,attheleast,verydoubtful.Allowmetoquoteliterallyon thispointthewell-knownMartinezMarina. Noonedoubts(saysthisauthor)thatitisanactualevil,although necessaryintherepresentativesystemandaverycostlysacrifice, 8.TheTreatiesofCórdova,signedbytheSpanishviceroy,JuandeO’Donojú,and AgustíndeIturbideonAugust24,1821,recognizedtheindependenceofMexico.(Editor’snote)
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thatthecitizensareobligatedtoentrusttheauthoritytovoteand enactrelativetotheirmostpreciousintereststoasmallnumberof individualsandbedeprivedofarightthatnatureitselfhasgranted toeachindividualinsociety.Asfaraspossible,bymeansofwise institutions,agoodconstitutionshouldpreventthosedifficulties, atleastthemostdangerousones:toreconcilethecontradictions fromwhichpoliticalphilosophyissown,andtoorganizethenationalrepresentationinsuchawaythatitdoesnotharmtheliberty ofcitizens,andnottodemandmoresacrificesofthemthanthose thattheessentialorderofsocietyandthesupremelawofthestate, whichispublicutility,prescribes. Thecitizens,then,obligatedforreasonsofcommonutilityto sacrificeapartoftheirlibertyandtheirrightsforthebenefitofthe state,mustfreelyelectrepresentativeswhocarrytheirvoiceinthe nationalCongress,committhemselvestothem,andconferonthem amplepowerstodeliberateintheCortesandtodecideinthem whatevertheyjudgesuitableforthegeneralgoodandparticularly thegoodoftheprovincestheyrepresent;Isayamplepowers,but notunlimited,absolute,andirrevocable.Todemandofpeoplethat theygrantlettersofproxywiththeseexorbitantcircumstancesand characteristicsistodeprivethemofliberty,itistodispossessthem ofanactofwhichtheyaretheabsoluteowners,itistoupsetthe essentialorderofthings.Whatuseisthepartofsovereigntythatis theirresponsibilityandtherighttoparticipateintheformationof thelawstothepeopleif,afterelectingdeputies,thereisnoother actforthemthanobeying?Isitbelievablethattheywouldconsent toextendingthepowersinsuchaway,iftheirwillwereexamined? Whowillbepersuadedthatcitizens,knowledgeableabouttheextentandworthoftheirrights,wouldconsentandwanttotransfer everyactirrevocablytoadeputyoragent,constitutehimownerand absolutearbiteroftheirfortuneandtheirfateandtheirmostpreciousinterests,anddeliverblindlytohiswillthedestiniesofthe manandthestate?Hasanyoneeverseenthatsomegreatproperty owner,businessman,ormerchanthasgrantedtohisagentsordeputiesabsoluteandirrevocablepowerstoexecuteintheirnamewhateverhemightwant,withoutaskingthemtoshareatleastthestate oftheirinterestsandthecourseofthebusinessandthattheycon-
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sultthemondoubts,ondifficultmatters,andmattersofgreatimportance? Iacknowledgethat,oncethecitizenscanelectdeputiestothe Cortestotheirsatisfactionandfreely,theelectionandappointmentdonewithappropriategoodjudgmentandprudence,itisjust andpropertotrustthemandrelyonthecredenceoftheirpatriotismandtalents.Nonetheless,thereisnodoubtthatitwouldbe veryriskyandhazardousandhighlydangerousforapeopletosurrenderwithoutanyreserveorprecautionatalltoaproxyordeputy, whatevermightbehisstandingandreputation,grantinghimabsoluteauthoritytodowhateverhemightlikeregardingmattersofthe greatestinterest,andobligatingthemselvesatthesametimetoobey blindlyandfulfillwithoutobjectionwhattheiragentmightexecute andorder.Apeoplethatappreciatesitslibertyanditsrightsmust makeuseofprudentmanagementingrantingpowers,especiallybecauseitjustfortunatelythrewofftheyokeofdespotism,toshowa certaincautionanddistrustandtakecertainmeasuressothatignoranceormalice,intrigueorthespiritoffactioncanneverdecidethe fateofmen. Thedeputiesfromtheprovincesauthorizedwithabsolute powers,assoonastheyaregatheredintheCortes,canworkand proceedwithtotalindependencefromthecitizens,establishlaws withouttheirconsentandapproval,anddecidewithsovereignauthoritytheinterestsofthecitizenandthestate.Andhowmany timeswillithappenthatthedeputies,abusingtheconfidenceof theirprincipals,willvoteagainsttheiropinionsandrights?And wouldthisnotbeamorehorrifyingdespotismthanthatofourold government?Iwillsaynothingoftheintriguesandnegotiationsof theinterestedandambitiousonestosurpriseandattracttheunwary totheiropinion.Nothingofthejustifiedfearthatpartiesboughtby powerfulagentsoftheexecutivepowermightdevelop.Nothingof thedanger,asfatalasinevitable,thatatotalvoteonmattersofthe greatestconsequencemightbelostbyasmallnumberofdeputies, eitherignorantoforunfaithfultotheirministry,orwonoverby thegovernment.Nothing,finally,oftheeasewithwhichthecontaminatedairoftheassemblycancorruptthevirtueofthedeputies ifsomepreventativeagainstthispestilenceisnotused.Willsociety
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notbeabletoapplyapromptremedyandtakeprecautionarymeasurestoavoidsomeillsthatnaturallyconflictwithnationalliberty andaimatthedestructionanddissolutionofthestate? Itisaverymuchrepeatedthoughtthatthedeputiesarerepresentativesofthewholenation,notproxiesoragentsofspecificprovinces.Is thisatruth?Inordertorespond,itseemstomethataconstitutednation must be distinguished from one that is not. A constituted nation has alreadyestablished,bymeansofitsdeputies,therulesofthesocialpact withwhichtheconstituentpartshavebeenbound,rulesthatinclude everyone equally and that are directed to their mutual and common happiness;inthisconstitutednation,thedeputiesrepresenteveryone andproportionatelyeachoneofthecontractingparties.Inthenonconstitutednationtheyrepresentonlytheprovincesthatsendthemand electedthemfromtheirmidst,oroutsideofitonconditionalwaysthat theybenativesorresidentsforsometimeintheprovincesotheyknow theirinterests,havegreaterfondnessforthem,and,consequently,defendthemandpromotethemwithgreaterefficacyandsuccess.Thisis thesituationinwhichwefindourselves;weareatabsolutelibertyto constituteourselvesbutwehavenotyetsettledthefoundationsofour union. Iwillfinish,sir,myopinion,sayingtoYourSovereigntythat,because thenoticeofconvocationwassofaulty,becausethenationhasalteredits politicalsituation,andbecausetheprovinceshavedeclaredthemselves infavorofanewCongress,withoutregrettinghavingsufferedprivations,sarcasms,andothermisfortunesforhavingdefendedlibertyand theimprescriptiblerightsofmen,letusresolveimmediatelytovacate theseatsofthissanctuaryofthelawsandreturntoourhousesandour fates,readyalwaystoservethepatriawhenitsummonsus.IfYourSovereigntyadoptsthismeasure,itwillgivegreaterproofofpersonaldisinterest,obedience,andrespectforthesovereignpeople;itwillsilence thecriticsandleavethediscontentedonesexpectant;onthecontrary, ifyouresolvetocontinue,theangerthathasbeenmanifestedwillincrease,andthatwarthatisfearedifyoudonotcontinuewillperhaps takeplaceifyoudonotdissolve.Sir,letusnotgiveoccasiontowhat someboldspiritsmightsay:that Congress is occupied in constituting us and should not do so; if it had limited itself to working on what was necessary, on what the order of society and its conservation require, while another congress
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comes together, which, with broader powers and instructions creates the great charter of our pact, then it would merit our gratitude, but stepping over those boundaries, as we see, this very Congress forces us to disobey it.Inthiscase, oursituationwouldbecomeworse,becausethesourcesofpublicwealth are obstructed, the course of affairs paralyzed, confidence is lacking, everythingislifeless,andthissadpicturethat,inmyopinion,cannotbe enlivenedwiththecontinuationofthisCongress,wouldturnoutmore gloomyifyoucontinueyoursessions.SoIfearit,andforthisveryreasonIinsistonthemotionthatMr.MuzquizandIpresenttoYourSovereignty. Mexico, April 17, 1823
lucas alaMán LucasAlamán(1792–1853),borninthestateofGuanajuato,was aleadingpoliticianandahistorianduringthefirsthalfofthe nineteenth century. His best-known work is his five-volume Historia de Méjico (1849–52), published towardtheendofhis life.Untilthe1840sAlamánsharedwithMoraandotherliberals many of their ideas. Alamán was a deputy to the Cádiz Cortesbeforeindependencein1821.Duringhislifeheserved threetimesasministerinthecabinet.Alamánwasministerof internal and external relations in the administration of GeneralAnastasioBustamante(1830–32).Duringhistenureinoffice heendeavoredtocheckthemilitaryrevoltsinthecountry.A militarycoupstagedbySantaAnnadeposedBustamante,however,andAlamánandothermembersofthegovernmentwere charged with various crimes by the new government. Falsely accusedofhiringthemurdererofformerindependencehero VicenteGuerrero,Alamánwentintohidingtoavoidarrest. While he remained underground he wrote a legal brief as his defense as well as an essay, a critical examination of the Bustamante administration, which we present here. In this textAlamándiscussestheinstitutionalflawsofthe1824charter. After the 1847 Mexican-American War of Independence Alamánbecamemorereactionary,andin1849hefoundedthe Conservativeparty.
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Impartial Examination of the Administration of General Vice President Don Anastasio Bustamante Ihavelittletorecommendmyopinionsbutlong observationandmuchimpartiality.Theycomefromone whohasbeennotoolofpower,noflattererofgreatness; andwhoinhislastactsdoesnotwishtobeliethetenorof hislife.Theycomefromonealmostthewholeofwhose publicexertionhasbeenastruggleforthelibertyofothers; fromoneinwhosebreastnoanger,durableorvehement, haseverbeenkindledbywhatheconsidersastyranny; theycomefromonewhodesireshonors,distinctions,and emolumentsbutlittle,andwhoexpectsthemnotatall;who hasnocontemptforfame,andnofearofobloquy;who shunscontention,thoughhewillhazardanopinion;from onewhowishestopreserveconsistency,butwhowould preserveconsistencybyvaryinghismeanstosecurethe unityofhisend,and,whentheequipoiseofthevesselin whichhesailsmaybeendangeredbyoverloadinguponone side,isdesirousofcarryingthesmallweightofhisreasons tothatwhichmaypreserveitsequipoise. —EdmundBurke,Reflections on the French Revolution
If,inallthings,pastexperienceisthesurestguidefor whatistocome,inpoliticalmattersitisalmosttheonlyrulethatcan beadoptedwithconfidence,becausethescienceofgovernment,being apracticalsciencebyitsnatureanddestinedforpracticalendsaccord Originaltitle:“ExamenimparcialdelaadministracióndeGeneralVicepresidenteD. AnastasioBustamante,conobservacionesgeneralessobreelestadopresentedelaRepública y consecuencias que éste debe producir.” Source: Lucas Alamán, Documentos diversos (inéditos y muy raros),vol.3,comp.RafaelAguayoSpencer(Mexico:Jus,1946), pp.235–75. 151
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ingtooneoftheprimaryexpertsinpubliclawinourera,1cannotbe learnedapriori,beingnotonlyasubjectthatrequiresexperience,but evenmoreexperiencethanapersoncanacquireintheentirecourseof hislife;forthis,theprofoundstudyofhistorywillalwaysbeindispensable,notonlyforthosewhotakeuponthemselvesthedifficultbusiness ofgoverningpeople,butforthepeoplethemselveswho,inthelessons historyteachesthem,learntorecognizewhatsuitsthemandwhatharms themandtojudgewithimpartialitythosewhohavedirectedthem.This studyisevenmorebeneficialwhenitdevolvesuponeventsclosesttous andthatinterestusmorefrombeingcloseby,whetherbecausetheyare aboutourowncountryandourdays,orbecausetheybelongtopeoples andnationsthathavegreatersimilaritytoourpresentcircumstances. Fromallthesepointsofview,animpartialexaminationofanadministrationthathasexistedintheRepublicfortwoandone-halfyearsmust seemveryimportant;anadministrationthatgavelusterandsplendorto thenation,renderingitesteemedandrespectedinforeigncountries; thataffirmedandincreaseditscreditinthosecountries;thatmended internalfinancesinawaythathadnotbeenseensinceindependence; thatdevelopedindustryandcreatedhopeforalastingprosperity,which nonethelessdisappearedwiththeveryadministrationthatproducedit, likethoseluminousmeteorsthatshineintheobscurityofnightfora fewmomentsandthenreturntothesamedarknessfromwhichthey emerged.Thisadministration,atrociouslycalumniedandcruellypersecutedbyitsadversaries,hasbeendefendedmanytimeswithangerand sometimeswithskillbyvariouswriters,butneverhasitbeenjudged withthecalmofreasonandtheimpartialseriousnessofjustice,consideringthetotalityofallitsoperationsandthebasicfoundationsof itsconduct.Neithercouldthisimpartialjudgmenttrulydevelopinthe midstofthefervorofthepassionsandthetumultuouscryofpersecution, nor for this reason have I previously undertaken the writing of thispaper,waitingtoenterintothisexaminationnotthatoftherevolutionary spirit, which unfortunately has put down such profound rootsamongus,mighthavebeencalmed,butratherthatitmighthave changedcourse,whichhappenswithsufficientfrequency,for,similar tothevapidrichofRome,who,asHoracedescribeswithsuchelegance
1.Burke.
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(diruit aedificat; repetit quod imper omisit),todaydestroystheedificethat itraisedupyesterdayandtomorrowpraisespubliclythesameindividual who,ashorttimebefore,wastheobjectofaterriblepersecution.Now thatitisalreadyclearthattheadministrationofGeneralBustamante hasbeenonlythepretextandnotthecauseoftherevolution,thatthe menwhopreparedithaveforthemostpartbeenforgotten,hisconduct canbejudgedwithneitherhatrednorlove,completelysettingasidehis peopleintheexaminationwearegoingtomakeofhispoliticaladministration,inordertokeepinviewonlyhisactionsandtodeterminefrom thesewhattheprincipleshavebeenthatdrovethem,towhatpointthese canbejustified,whattheconsequenceofthesuccess,oftheerror,ofthe circumstances,orofthecrimemightbe.2 Tojudgeimpartiallytheconductnotonlyofagovernmentbutalso ofanindividual,whetherhebeinthesphereofapubliccommitteeor inthemorelimitedsphereofaprivatepost,itisnecessarytofocuson theseessentialpoints:whatwasthenatureoftheassignmententrusted tohim,inwhatcircumstances,whatmeansweregivenhimtocarryit out,and,giventhese,towhatpointdidhelearntomakeuseofthemto fulfilltheobjectivesofhiscommittee.Withoutgivingitstrueweightto eachoneofthesepoints,anyjudgmentthatmightbeformedwouldbe precipitateorarbitrary,andthereforeIwillbeexcusedforenteringat somelengthintotheexaminationofeachofthem,combiningthemat timeswhentheircontactmightbesointimatethatitmightnotbepossibletodealwiththemseparatelywithoutconfusion. The Republic, after a series of almost uninterrupted disturbances since the year 1826, found itself weary of this continuous motion in whichthefactionshadkeptit:itsforceshadbeendrained,itstreasury wasnotonlyexhaustedbutalsooverloadedwithobligations,itsforeign creditdestroyed,andcommerceandindustryweakened,inevitableoutcomesasmuchfromtheseverydisturbancesasfromthelegislativemea 2.OnDecember4,1829,thereservearmyofthecityofJalapa,commandedbythe vice president, General Anastasio Bustamante, revolted against the government of VicenteGuerrero.Inalittlelessthanamonth,BustamanteoustedGuerreroandseized power.LucasAlamánwasthenappointedministerofinternalandexternalrelationsin thenewadministration.TheroleplayedbyAlamánwassocentralinthegovernment thatpeoplecametocallitthe“Alamánadministration.”(Editor’snote)
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suresthegeneralCongressfeltcompelledtodictatebecauseofthem.Of theoldpartiesthathaddividedtheRepublic,theonehadremainedentirelydisorganizedanddestroyedbytheeventsofTulancingo,3theother hadbeeninternallydividedontheoccasionoftheelectionofthepresident;onepartofit,unitedtotheremnantsofthecrushedparty,had formedanewpartythat,supportedbyaverypronouncedbutinactive generalopinionandbecauseoftheveryeffectivestrengthofthearmy, gatheredinJalapa,producedarevolutionthatwasgenerallydesired;the otherpartofthatsameparty,tarnishedbytheblemishofthetriumph thatitobtainedintheAcordada,4founditselfdetestedinpublicopinionandjudgmentbuthadinitssupporttheChamberofDeputies,composedlargelyofindividualsfromthatpartyandvariouscongressesof thestates.OthersofthesecongressesandtheSenatewereloyaltothe planpromulgatedinJalapaandveryquicklygeneralizedtotheentire Republic.Thegeneraldiscontenthadbeguntoshowitselfbeforethe proclamationofthisplan,and,seekingtheremedyforpublicwoesin anessentialchangeintheConstitution,someindividualsinJaliscohad proclaimedthecentralizedformofgovernment;inYucatánamoreimportantmovementhadtakenplacewiththesameobjective. SuchwasthestateofthingswhenGeneralBustamantetookthereins ofgovernmentinhishandsonJanuary1,1830;afewdayslaterhenamed hiscabinet,andtheappointmentsweregenerallywellreceived.Public confidencewasreestablishedalmostimmediatelyjustwiththereputationoftheindividualswhomadeupthenewadministration,andforthe nationanewepochofprosperityseemedtobeginfromthatmoment. AstherevolutionhadnotchangedtheConstitutionandestablished 3.The“oldparties”weretheScottish(consideredaristocratic)andtheYorkist(consideredmorepopular),bothwithoriginsintheMasoniclodges.OnJanuary6,1828,the leaderoftheScottishparty,GeneralNicolásBravo,whorebelledagainstthegovernmentofPresidentGuadalupeVictoria,wasdefeatedinthetownofTulancingobytroops loyaltothegovernmentcommandedbytheYorkistVicenteGuerrero.(Editor’snote) 4.TheScottishcandidate,ManuelGómezPedraza,wonthe1828presidentialelectionsanddefeatedtheYorkistcandidate,VicenteGuerrero,whosesupportersrefused toacknowledgetheresultsandrevoltedinseveralcities.InMexicoCityapro-Guerrero mobstormedtheAcordadaprison,acolonialbuilding.ThepopularriotsforcedGómez Pedrazatofleethecountry,andGuerrerobecamepresident.(Editor’snote)
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lawsinanyway,theobservanceofandcompliancewiththeoneandthe othershadtobetheobjectiveofthenewgovernment,andthemeans ithadtofulfilltheirdutiesweresolelythosethatthisConstitutionand theselawsincurrentforceprovided.Thedesireandmosturgentnecessityofthenationwasthepreservationofpeace,andanyfundamental innovationwhatsoevercouldproducenothingotherthannewandmore disastrousconvulsions;thereforeduty,suitability,andpublicopinion equallycompelledthegovernmenttosubmittoconservingandconsolidatingwhatexisted. Ifithasbeenpossibletostatebrieflywhattheobjectivewasofthe office entrusted to the new administration and to present at a glance what the state of the nation was in the epoch of its installation, it is notequallypossibletoexplainbrieflythemeansthatwereplacedinits handsforthis,becausethoseinvolveveryextensiveconsiderationson theexerciseofconstitutionalpowersandrequireamorespecificexaminationofthemoral,political,andphysicalstateinwhichtheRepublic founditselfthanwhatispresentedbythepicturethatIhaveonlyoutlinedwithafewlightstrokes.Ifthelengththatmightbenecessaryto givetotheseconsiderationsseemsexcessive,thinkingmencapableof understandingfullytheimportanceofthissubjectmatterwillreadily pardonwhatwillseemprolixtothelessreflectiveperson,andinorder nottodependsolelyonmyownopinion,Iwillbepermittedalsoto supportmyselfwiththeopinionofthemanwhohasbeenabletocomprehendbetterthetendencyandoutcomesofpoliticalmovementsin ourera.Thisman,EdmundBurke,inhisprofoundreflectionsonthe revolutioninFrance,hasannounced,withaspiritthatmightbecalled prophetic,theentireseriesofeventsthatwehaveseeninourcountry andinforeigncountries,and,ashisobservationsaresorelevanttoour circumstances,whatItakefromhisbrilliantpenwillenrichandsupport thispaper. Theentireforceofgovernment,allthemeansthatareinitshands toconservepublicorder,suppressandcontainunsettledandseditious persons,preventthemisappropriationofnationalwealth,and,inshort, carryoutthenecessaryfunctionsofanauthoritythatmustbeactive, vigilant,andforesightfularederivedfromthedivisionofpowersthat theConstitutionestablishedandfromthepowersthatinthisdivision aresettledontheexecutive.Themodelthatwasinmindforthewriting
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ofourfederalConstitutionwastheConstitutionoftheUnitedStates oftheNorth,butitisamistaketobelievethattheexecutiveofourRepublicisconstitutedinthesamewayasthatoftheUnitedStates,and anotherstillgreatermistaketothinkthatthatConstitution,evenwereit copiedexactly,wouldproducethesameresultsoperatingoverdissimilar elements. TheUnitedStatesoftheNorthwereindependentlyformedinthe beginningbecauseofthedifferentmigrationsofEnglishcolonistswho, fordifferentreasons—somepolitical,somereligious—felttheyhadto abandontheircountryandsettledonthecoastsofAmerica,givingto eachcolonyaparticularconstitution,modeledgenerallyontheprinciples adopted in England. These colonies not only did not mix and blend with thenatives of thecountry, but rather theyexpelled them fromtheir settlements tothepoint ofwiping them out.TheyalldependedontheEnglishgovernment,andtheauthorityconstitutedby itwasthebondthatunitedthemtoeachotherandtothemetropolis. Whenindependencecametobreakthisbond,allthelegislatorshadto dowassubstituteanationalunionforthiscommonbondofforeignrule, andthisiswhatwasdonewiththefederalConstitution.Thisdidnot alterinanywaytheparticularexistenceofthestates,itdidnotchange theirindividualconstitutions,andtheseconstitutionstowhichtheEnglishcolonistswerehabituatedfromtheirpatriawere,ratherthanwrittencodes,thehabitualcustoms,theordinarywayoflifeofallindividuals;andastheywerederivedfromthatofEngland,theyhadestablished ontheexperienceofEnglandthedivisionandbalanceofpowerswith neithershocknorcollisionamongthem.Independence,then,didnot changeanythinginthatRepublicexceptanonessentialproperty,butit leftexistingeverythingthatconstitutedtheessenceoftheoriginalconstitution.Fromthisitfollowsthat,sincetheeraofitsindependence, theUnitedStateshavemovedforwardeverydaywithoutimpediment onthepathoftheirprosperity.Theydidnothavemorethanonesingle difficultytoovercometoconstitutethemselvesasanation,andthisdifficultyisthemostminorforapeople,whichistoshakeofftheruleofa distantnation,nomatterhowpowerfulitmightbe. Our fate in this regard has been different: independence came by meansverydifferentfromthatoftheUnitedStates,andwhiletheUnited Stateswereconstitutedfromtheverymomenttheyfoundthemselves free,we,destroyingeverythingthatexistedbefore,foundourselvesin-
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dependentandinanarchy.Wecongratulatedourselvesfortheliberty wehadacquired,muchmorewhenthePlanofCasaMata5openedthe fieldfortheestablishmentofinstitutionsabsolutelydifferent,orrather entirelyoppositetoeverythingthatwasknownandhadexisteduntil then.Webegantocounttheepochoflibertyfromthatevent,butwe shouldnothavecongratulatedourselvesonit“until[wewere]informed howithadbeencombinedwithgovernment,withpublicforce,with thedisciplineandobedienceofarmies,withthecollectionofaneffectiveandwell-distributedrevenue,withmoralityandreligion,withthe solidityofproperty,withpeaceandorder,withcivilandsocialmanners. Allthese(intheirway)aregoodthings,too,andwithoutthemlibertyis notabenefitwhilstitlasts,andisnotlikelytocontinuelong.”6Allthese delicatebutnecessarycombinationshadtobetheobjectiveoftheConstitution,andtheresultswecontinuallyseeproveclearlythattheseimportantobjectiveshavenotbeenfulfilledwiththeConstitution. The model that was taken to constitute the nation, as I have said above,wastheUnitedStates,butonehardlyhadanyslightknowledge ofthismodel,andwhatonehadseenpracticedinsomewaywasthe SpanishConstitution,whichinitselfwasnothingotherthananimitationoftheConstituentAssemblyofFrance,andthislattertheresult ofallthemetaphysicalerrorsofthespeculativephilosophersofthelast century.Thusitisthat,withoutnoticingit,theentirespiritoftheSpanishConstitutionwastransmittedintoourfederalConstitution,which hadthestructureoftheConstitutionoftheUnitedStates,andthisinfluencewasyetmorecharacterizedintheconstitutionsofsomestates. TheconstitutionthattheConstituentAssemblygavetoFranceandthat theCortesofCádizservilelycopiednotonlydidnotproperlydistinguishthepowers,notonlydidnotestablishasuitablebalancebetween them,butratherweakenedtheexecutiveexcessively,transferredallauthority to the legislature, creating, in place of the absolute power of themonarch,apowerasabsoluteasthemonarchbutentirelyarbitrary, withoutanyofthebrakestocontainitthatcouldinsomewayrestrain 5.OnFebruary1,1823,SantaAnnaissuedthePlanofCasaMata,whichcalledforthe reinstatementoftheconstituentcongressdisbandedbyEmperorIturbide.Therebellion extendedthroughoutthecountryandwasthebeginningoftheendfortheshort-lived firstMexicanempire.(Editor’snote) 6.Burke.
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the arbitrariness of the monarchs. France and Spain, through similar constitutions,didnothingmorethanpassfromthetyrannyofonetothe infinitelymoreunbearabletyrannyofmany,andamonguswehaveseen thesameresults.TothisprincipleandnottoanyothermustbeattributedtheexcessesthatwehaverecentlyseeninZacatecas:aCongress thatdeclareswaronthegeneralgovernment,thatentersintorelations withthecongressesofotherstates,thatcondemnstoexileitsdeputies inthegeneralCongressbecausetheyhavenotsupportedtheseerrors, isaninstitutionmostoppositetotheideathatallthetheorieshaveus formofarepresentativebody,and,onthecontrary,aninstitutionmost similartothoseoligarchiccorporationswhich,intheItalianrepublics ofthesixteenthcentury,exercisedthemosthorribletyrannyalternately withthedespotswhofromtimetotimedismissedthemtoconcentrate authorityinthemselves.Thisimperfectdivisionofpowers,orrather this monstrous accumulation of power in bodies called legislative, is thatmuchmoreprejudicialwhenthesebodiesinsomestate,likethe alreadycitedZacatecas,arecomposedofonlyonechambermadeupof asmallnumberofindividualsanddonotevenhaveatimelimitationin theexerciseoftheiromnipotence,sotheirsessionslasttheentireyear. Thus,wehaveseentheZacatecanoligarchydominatedbytwoactiveintriguersfollowedblindlybyninesimplemenwho,withthesincerestintentionintheworld,haveletthosetwoevilspiritsprecipitatetheirstate intoallthemisfortunesofwarandstirupthosemisfortunesofanarchy intherestoftheRepublic. ThereisaveryseriouscircumstancethatincreasesevenmoredisproportionatelythepowerofthegeneralCongressand,initsproperproportion,thatpowerofthestatelegislatures,anditreducestheexecutive tothegreatestnullity,anditisthefollowingthatIseehasneverbeen givenproperattention.TheConstituentCongressbelievedithadfinisheditsworkwithdividingtheRepublicintostatesandestablishing twochambersandapresident,anditsaidpompouslyontakingitsleave: I have given you a Constitution;butitdidnotreflectthatthisConstitution ithadwritten,infusingtheformoftheUnitedStatesConstitutionwith thecompletespiritoftheConstitutionoftheCortesofCádiz,destroyingattheirrootseverythingthatexisted,didnothingmorethanput theformofgovernmentincontradictionwithallthesoundlegislation ofthenation,andbecausethissoundlegislationwascoherentwiththe nation’shabitsandcustoms,theapplicationofthatveryConstitution
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cametopresentgreatdifficulties.Theconstituentswithoutdoubtbelievedthisworkwouldbecarriedoutbytheirsuccessors,buttheydid notconsiderthatitwasabsolutelyimpossibleforanordinaryCongress, overloadedwiththedutiesthattheConstitutionimposesonit,todedicateitselftothegiantworkofrevisingalltheoldlegislationtoadaptit tothenewformthathadbeengiventothenation.Thusitisthatsucha workhasnotbeenundertaken,andafewotherisolatedmeasureshave donenothingmorethanmakethestateofthingsworse,andthenation remainswithalegislationtotallycontrarytoitsinstitutions,whichnot onlycausessupremedifficultyintheadministrationofjusticeandin publicfinance,butalsosubjugatestheexerciseofexecutivepowereven moretolegislativeauthority. IneffectthiscontradictionbetweenthelawsandtheConstitution encountered at every step in the political and judicial administration necessitatesfrequentconsultationstoCongress,evenregardingthose pointsthataccordingtotheConstitutionpertaintotheexecutive.Procrastinationinattendingtothesequestionsinfinitelydelaystendingto matters,and,attimes,resolutionssufferfromlegislativeomnipotence. Thus,forexample,inthenoisymatterofGeneralInclán,7asitwasvery clearthattherewasnoexistinglawforsuchacaseinasmuchasthelaw establishedbytheCortesofSpaincouldnotbeappliedamongus,Congress declared, at the very time it made a new law, that this law had alwaysbeeninforceandwasmadeacrimeofthegovernmentbecause, lackingpropheticspirit,theadministrationhadnotexecutedthelawbeforeitexisted. IntheConstitution,certainpowersandmanydutiesareinfactassignedtothegovernment,butthisdemarcationofobligationshasbeen made without calculating at all whether, in order to carry them out, thepowerswithwhichitwasvestedweresufficient,andthisisanother veryessentialpointofdifferencebetweentheorganizationofourexecutiveandthatoftheUnitedStates,inspiteoftheclaimthatourshas 7.GeneralIgnacioInclán,commanderoftheGuadalajaragarrison,abusedhispowers asmilitarycommanderandwasdismissedfromhiscommandbyBustamanteinDecember1831butwasnotprosecuted.Thegovernmentclaimedthattherewasnolawunder whichtochargeandconvictInclán.Hewasconsideredacentralistandaloyalsupporter oftheadministrationbytheYorkistopposition.Theoppositionaccusedthegovernment ofundulyprotectinghim.(Editor’snote)
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beenmodeledonthatone.Onepoweralone,withwhichthepresident of the United States of the North is vested and which the president oftheUnitedStatesofMexicolacks,issufficienttoconstituteanauthorityofsodifferentakindthatacomparisonofonewiththeotheris notpossible.ThepresidentoftheUnitedStatesoftheNorthcandismissbyhiswillalone,withoutcauseorevenhavingtostatethereason, allmilitary,political,andfinancialemployeesofthefederation,with thesoleexceptionofthejudges,withoutgrantingthemanypensionor retirement;andhecanusethispowerhoweverandwheneveritseems besttohim.Imagineforamomentanexecutivepowerarmedwiththis importantauthority.Whatwoulditsinfluencenotbe?Fromthemomentthisauthorityisconcededtoit,allemployeesdependexclusively onthepresident.Theybecomeasmanysupportsashecanhavetosustainhisauthority;butthisauthority,beingexercisedwiththediscretionwithwhichithasbeenusedintheUnitedStates—onlythepresent president,GeneralAndrewJackson,hasbeenaccusedofanyarbitrariness—isenoughtoavoidthedisloyaltyorextravaganceoftheemployee infinance,toimposerespectandfearinthemilitary,andtoinstillin everyoneasenseofregardtowardthatpersononwhosewilltheyabsolutelydepend;whileamongus,thepresidentwonderswhotheofficial oftheministryis,whoissellinggovernmentsecretstotheintriguers andrebelliouspersons.Heknowspositively,althoughwithoutproofs thatcanbepresentedjudicially,whotheemployeeofthecustomsoffice iswhoallowscontraband,withoutbeingabletodoanythingotherthan taketheridiculousanduselessmeasureofsuspendingthatemployeefor uptothreemonths,leavinghimwithhalfhissalary.Thusitisthatthe governmentcandonothingtocorrectthewoesitseesasself-evident and,insteadofbeinganobjectofregardandrespect,isnothingmore thananobjectofderisionandscorn,eventoitsmostimmediatesubordinates. If,then,thepresidentoftheUnitedStatesoftheNorthisconsideredvestedwiththispowerand,moreover,exercisinghisauthorityby virtueofaConstitutionincorporatingallthehabitsandcustomsofthe country,whichcouldbedescribedasinnateinthecountry,entirelyin accordwiththecivilandcriminallegislation,whichthereforepresents almostnoimpedimenttothefulfillmentoftheConstitution,onewill seehowdifferenthispowerisfromthatwithwhichthefirstmagistrate ofourRepublicisvested;buttherearestillotherdifferencesnolessim-
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portant.ThepresidentoftheUnitedStatesoftheNorthhasthepower tocommuteorpardoncompletelypenaltiesimposedbytribunalsexceptinthecaseofhightreasonagainstthenation.Howmuchconfusion,howmanydifficultieswouldbeavoidedamongusifourConstitutionhadgiventhispowertothepresident!And,infact,thereisnopart ofourpoliticalorganizationmoredefective.Theconstituentcongress, blindlyfollowingthetheoreticalprinciplesofthespeculativephilosophers,believedthatonlytheonewhomakesthelawcanreformit,even incaseswhenthelawcouldestablishthemannerofgrantingindividual pardons,andunderthisprincipleitreservedtoCongressthepowerto grantthiskindofpardon.Itdidnotkeepinmindthat,inthisway,those condemnedtodeathduringtherecesshadtosufferthispunishmentirremediablywhateverthemeritsthattheircasesmightshowtocommute thesentences,andthat,onthecontrary,noneofthosesentencedduringthesessions,nomatterhowatrocioustheircrimesmightbe,would havetosufferthepunishmentbecauseoftheexcessiveeasewithwhich thecollegialandunaccountablebodiesgrantthistypeofpardon;for although,throughalaw,therestrictionwassetbywhichonlytherequeststhatthegovernmentinformsandsupportscouldbetakeninto consideration,thislawhasbeeneludedcompletelybymeansofasubtle distinctionbasedintheunlimitedrightofinitiativeandtheomnipotenceofthelegislativebody.Theconsequenceshavebeenwhatmight havebeenexpectedandnolessunfortunateinwhatismoralthanin whatispolitical:thereisnotacriminalwhodoesnothopeforpardon uptotheverymomentofexecutionwhenhehasseenthatitisenough thattheporterintheChamberofDeputiescanscribbleamotionfor pardon,collectingsignaturesthat,forthisandotherthings,aregiven withblameworthyease;andsoiftheexecutiontakesplace,thecriminalwhosuffersithasnotbeensufficientlypreparedandpresentshimselfbeforetheTribunaloftheEternalJudgewherethingsdonotgoas lightlyasinourcongresses,notcarryinginhisheartthepenitencethat mustsavehim,butrather,perhaps,thedespairthatcauseshimtopresumethathehassufferedforlackofsufficientresources.Thisishowthe mostsolemnandfittingactfortheexerciseofnationalpowerhascome tobeakindoflegerdemain,andthelifeordeathofmendependson merechance.Onthegreatoccasionsinwhichareprieveorgeneralamnestycansaveanationfromthehorrorsofcivilwarwithanopportune andwell-arrangedstroke,theharminthiswayofproceedingiseven
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greater.Sometimesamemberofeitherchamber,ignorantofthestateof thingsorbecauseitsuitsthefactiontowhichhebelongs,inopportunely grantsageneralpardonandoccasionally,whenthegovernmentputsit forward,theCongressletspasstheopportunityofgrantingittoitsadvantagewithuselessorawkwarddiscussionsthatlessenthevalueofthe pardonwhenithasbeenagreedtoandthat,whenitisgranted,influence crimestomultiplywiththeprobabilityofobtainingthepardon. IftheConstitutionofourneighborsdifferssoessentiallyfromours inthetwogreatpowersitgrantstothegovernmenttosuspendpositionsandgrantpardons,itdiffersevenmoreinthemethodsitprovides forthesuccessofitsworkings.OurConstitutionleavesthegovernment entirelyisolated,withnoonetoadviseitsdecisionsorinformitonthe pointsoffactandlawintheseriouspiecesofbusinessthatmustapply toitfrequentlyforitsdecision.IntheUnitedStates,justasinEngland, thereisatypeofadviserwiththetitleofattorneysofthenationorofthe crown,withwhomministersdiscusstheirmeasures,andthesecanbe issuednotbasedontheroughreportoftheofficerofaboard,butrather basedontheconsideredopinionofalawyer,towhomtheoreticaland practicalknowledgemustleadcorrectly.Inthispart,theconstitution ofthesestatesmovedawayabsolutelyfromitstwomodels,thatofthe UnitedStatesoftheNorthandtheSpanish,andproduceditsowncreation,theCouncil of the government,andintruththisoriginalinvention doesnotdothegreatesthonortothecreativegeniusofitsauthors.This Counciliscomposedofone-halfoftheSenate;itexistsintheintervalbetweentheordinarysessionsand,byanerroneousinterpretation oftheConstitution,alsoceasesduringtheextraordinarysessions,and amongitsdutiesareadvisingthegovernmentinwhateverthegovernmentdiscusseswithit.ItwillbenoticedveryquicklythatthisCouncil isentirelyinadequatetofulfilltheobjectivesofaconsultativebody.The actofconsultingapersonorcorporationsupposesnecessarily,onthe partoftheonewhoconsults,confidenceintheknowledgeandsincerity oftheoneconsulted.Inordertohavethis,itisnecessarythattheone whoconsultshavehadatleastsomepartintheselectionoftheconsultant;thisishow,evenintheSpanishConstitution,whichistheonethat hassetforththegreatestrestrictionsontheselectionoftheconsultative bodyofgovernment,theCortespresentedonashortlisttheadvisersof thestate,butthekingcouldfreelyselectamongtheseshort-listedpersons. Here, the government finds itself in the situation of consulting
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personswhoareperfectstrangerstoit,whomanytimeswillbeindifferenttoitssuccesses,andwhenthemajorityofthatCouncilconsists ofindividualsfromwhatiscalledtheopposition,theirconsultantswill bepositivelyinterestedinruiningitwiththeircounsel,foramongus oppositionandseditionareentirelysynonymous.Must,then,thegovernmentseekcounselfromsomeonewhowilleithergiveadvicewithindifferenceormightgiveitwithmalice?Andthislastcaseissofarfrom beinghypotheticalthat,inasmuchasfollowingtheopinionoftheCouncildoesnotinanywayprecludetheresponsibilityoftheminister,the Council,governedbyself-interestinholdingthegovernmentaccountable,willnotlettheopportunitypasstolayatrap.But,supposingthat nothingofthishappensandthegovernmentcancountontheintegrity andlearningofitscounselors,willtheneedithasofitscounselorsbe limitedonlytosomemonthsoftheyearandnotcontinueinthetimein whichthemostimportantbusinessofthenationmustbedebatedinthe chambers?OnemustagreethatthispartoftheCouncilofthegovernmentanditsoperationinthemeetingofextraordinarysessionsiswhat wasleastthoughtoutintheConstitution. We maintain, then, through the examination and comparison we havemadeoftheexecutiveoftheUnitedStatesoftheNorthwithours intheConstitution,thatthelatterisinfinitelyweakerthantheformer initsvestedpowersand,moreover,isdeprivedofthatkindofcounsel thatamongourneighborscontributestothesuccessandprestigeoftheir operations,andso,accumulatingweaknessuponweakness,ourgovernmenthasalltheweaknessesinherentinthenatureofanelectivegovernmentandalltheweaknessesthatcomefromtherestrictionsandties withwhichthesomberanddistrustfullegislatorsofCádizboundand restrainedthephantomofthekingtheycreatedintheirConstitution.Is it,then,awonderthatagovernmentsoweaklyorganizedcannotfulfill theobjectiveofitscreation,suppressingthewicked,protectingthegood andpeaceful,ensuringorder,strengtheningmilitarydiscipline,andenablingthenationtoenjoythebenefitsofsociety,primordialobjective ofallhumaninstitutions?AndisitawonderthatthegovernmentofSr. Esteva8shouldhaveendeavoredtoplaceitselfattheheadofafactionto 8.Thegovernmentiscalled“thegovernmentofMr.Esteva”andnot“thegovernmentofGeneralVictoria”becauseitisknownhowsmallaroleVictoriaplayedinwhat wasdoneinhisnameandthateverythingwasthedoingofthatminister.
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be,inthisway,whatitcouldnotbebymeansofthelawsbecause,among us,thegovernmentcandonothingandthefactionscandoeverything? Isitawonderthattheministerofwar,GómezPedraza,shouldwantall theleadersofthearmytobeprovisionalandasifonassignment,sothey mightthusremainnecessarilydependentonthegovernment?9When thehandsofthegovernmentaresotiedthatitcannotmovetheminany direction,itshouldnotseemstrangethatitseekssomemeanstomake thesetiessomehowlooser. Thishabitualweaknessofthegovernment,althoughalwaysharmful totheinterestsofthenation,wouldbelesssoifitexistedonlyinordinaryandtranquiltimes,givingwayintimesofdangerandrevolution togreaterenergy.ThisiswhyinEngland,despitethefactthattheauthorityofthegovernmentisinalltimesgreaterthanamongus,asmuch becauseofitsformasforitspowers,itisstillnotjudgedsufficientin timesofpublicunrest,duringwhichthoselawsprotectiveofpersonal securityknownbythenameof“lawofhabeascorpus”aresuspended. ThisisalsowhyinmodernFrance,constitutedaccordingtoalltheenlightenmentofthecentury,ithasbeennecessaryveryquicklytohave recoursetoempoweringitsgovernmentwithadreadfulmilitarylaw, whichitputsintousewhenthefrequentunrestofitsnotverypeacefulsubjectsrequiresit.ButtheConstitutionnotonlydidnotforesee anythingofthis,butitalsowouldbeverydoubtfulor,bettersaid,very cleartoapersonofrigorousprinciplethat,inaccordwiththeConstitution,itmightnothavehadrecoursetotheexpedientofwhichithas madeusealreadyonmorethanoneoccasion,ofvestingthegovernment withextraordinarypowersinurgentcases.Thesepowers,becausethey carrythismarkofextraordinary,alreadyhavethestampofodiousness inadditiontotheimpedimentoftheuntimelinesswithwhichtheyare usuallygranted,inaccordwiththegeneralorderofourpoliticalupheavals, which is the following: any ambitious person whatsoever, as soonashecanbecometheleaderofsomefactionortakepossessionof some stronghold, raises the banner of rebellion under whatever pretext,butalwaysproclaimingsomethingverydifferentfromwhatconstitutesthetrueaimofhismovement;ofcourse,conferencesbetween thegovernmentanditsrebellioussubjectareenteredinto,andmean 9. Alamán is referring to cabinet politics during the administration of General GuadalupeVictoria(1824–28).(Editor’snote)
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while,moreprecioustimetoactislost;inthemeantime,therevolution grows,theforcesofthegovernmentweaken,inCongressvariouslaws ofcircumstancearediscussed,eachmoreinadequatethantheothers; and, finally, extraordinary powers are resorted to when the opportunityhaspassedforgrantingthemandwhentheyarealreadybecoming useless.If,onthecontrary,itwereestablishedbyageneralruleinthe Constitutionorbysubsequentlawswhatmustbedoneinthenotrare instancesofpublicdisturbances,thegovernmentcouldmakeuse,atthe appropriateoccasion,ofanamplitudeofpowersthatwouldcometobe ordinary, although applicable only in determinate times and circumstances,andrevolutionswouldceasetobesofrequentanddangerous, havingastronghand,readyandalwaysarmedwithapowersufficient tocurbthem.Becauseofthislargeandnotablevoidinourlegislation, eachrevolutionrequiresaseriesofpartialandineffectiveprovisions, andconspiringhascometobeatruejokeinasmuchasalltheadvantages andnoriskareonthesideofthosewhoconspire.Weseethemcalmly takingwalksandputtingalltheirplanstoworkinthemiddleofthe populationcenterswhere,althougheverybodyknowsthem,thehand oftheweakauthoritycannevergettothem. Inmoderninstitutions,ithasalmostalwayspassedfromoneextreme totheother:theabusesoftheabsolutepowermadepeoplebelievethat restrainingthepowersofthosewhountilthenhadbeendepositariesof thatpowerwasenoughtoensureliberty,buttheserestraintshavebeen carriedsofarthatallpowerhasbeenreducedtotheinabilitytodoany goodandmanytimestotheneedtodoevilbyindirectmeans,while, becauseofoneofthosecontradictionssofrequentintheadministrators ofsystems,atthesametimethataccumulationofpowerthatconstituted absolutisminthehandsofoneindividualwasdestroyed,thissameabsolutismwastransferredtothecollegialbodies,inwhichitsexercisecame tobemuchmoredangerous.Libertycame,then,tobelostbythesame roadbywhichittriedtobecomesecure,andwithithasalsobeenlost publicorder,securityofproperty,personalsecurity,andallthegoods thatsocietyshouldproduceandthathadbeenenjoyedintheoldorder ofthings. IntheUnitedStatesoftheNorth,thispoweroftheCongressisfar frombeingabsolute.Ithasnecessarylimitationsnotonlyinthetext oftheConstitution,whicharealwaysillusorywhenthesameonewho issubjecttothemhasthelibertyofinterpretingthem,butprincipally
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in the short duration of its sessions, there being not more than one singleinstancesincetheepochofindependenceinwhichextraordinary powershavebeengiventoit;inthegreaterpoweroftheexecutive;and, aboveall,intheorganizationandfunctionsoftheSupremeCourtof Justice.Themembersofthiscourt,unliketheonethathasbeenestablishedamongus,arenamedbythepresidentasareallotheremployees ofthefederation,andinallmattersofright,oneappealstothiscourtthe actsofthegeneralCongress,which,actingsimplyasaparty,appoints itslawyersandagentsand,inanopposingaction,isgoingtodefendits resolutionsagainstwhoeverhasfiledalawsuitagainstit;andinalmost allthecasesthathaveoccurreduntilnow,Congresshasbeenrebuffed. Amongusitwasbelievedbettertoleavetheselectionoftheindividualswhoshouldmakeupthissupremetribunaltothecongressesofthe states,beingbasedalsointheprinciplethat,becausethoseindividuals wouldhavetojudgetheministers,theseministersshouldnothaveany partintheirappointment.IntheUnitedStatesoftheNorth,theyhave believedthatthislastobjectionwasovercomemorethanenoughbythe removabilityofministers10andtheperpetuityofjudges,andtheydid notfearentrustingtomagistratesnamedbythepresidentthepowerof judgingthepresidenthimselfwho,inthatRepublic,ispersonallyresponsibleinmanymoremattersthaninours,althoughinordertomake effectivethatresponsibility, thecompleteunanimityoftheHouseof Representativesisneeded.Butitisnotonlyinmattersofresponsibility thattheSupremeCourtofJusticehastojudgethegovernment,butjust asoneappealstoitthedecisionsofCongressinmattersofright,the sameisdoneincasesinvolvingdecisionsoftheexecutive;andwiththis executivehavingtoactasaparty,thattribunalhashadfrequentoccasion toshowitsintegrity,pronouncingjudgmentontheveryonetowhom some of its members owe their appointment. In this way it has been confirmedbyexperiencethatthepartialityofjudgesinfavorofthegovernmentthatnamedthemwasnottobefeared,andthewisdomofthe appointmenthasbeenproven,justasappointmentshavealwaysfallen tothemenmostrespectablefortheirknowledgeandvirtues,andIfind thatmoreisalwaystobeexpectedfromthismethodofselectionthan fromtheoneadoptedamongus,accordingtowhichthecongressesof thestateshavetobeguidedbyrudimentaryknowledgegatheredabout
10.ByCongress.(Editor’snote)
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personswhomtheydonotknowandbyrecommendationssenttothem fromthecapital. How different must then be the power of a congress that in some matters,andunfortunatelyamongusandintheratherfrequenttimes ofdisturbances,hastosubmitmanyofitsactionstothejudgmentofan immovabletribunaland,forthisveryreason,onelesssensitivetothe shocksofthemoment!Ifthispracticeexistedamongus,wouldwehave seenthosedecreesofexpatriationofindividualsandfamilieswithout theirbeingheardorjudged,thosemeasuresofsequestration,thoseresolutionsofconfiscation,onemoreshamefulthantheother?Thelaw,as impartialtowardcorporations,whatevermightbetheirtitle,astoward individuals, would have sheltered those individuals from the fire of thepassionsofthecorporations,andanimpartialverdictwouldhave honoredtheMexicanmagistratesasithasmadethereputationsomany timesofthemagistratesoftheStates,ourneighbors.Ihavesaidifthis practiceexistedamongusbecause,insubstanceinthetextoftheConstitution,notonlyistherenothingthatconflictswithitbutratherquite abitthatsupportsit;butthisideathattheCongressissovereignandthat nothingbuttheweakobstacleoftheverylimitedvetoofthepresident canprovideresistancetotheirabsolutewills,wouldcauseanoutcryto risetothecloudsifajudicialbodytriedtoputshackles,althoughworkingverymuchinthesphereofitspowers,ontheirresolutionsofwhatevertype.Thenewsovereignshavetakenfromtheoldeventhehabitof adulation,andthusweseethattheyacceptwithoutembarrassment,and aregivenwithoutreserve,thetreatmentofsovereignty,whichbelongs tothemonlytothedegreethatitbelongstoanyotherconstitutedauthoritywhoexercisesbyvirtueoftheConstitutionapartofthenational sovereigntythatresidesonlyinthetotalbodyofthenationandwhose solesovereignacthasbeentoissueaConstitution.Becauseofthesesame bizarreandfawningideasofsovereignty,itwillnotbesurprisingthat theytaketheseobservationsbadly,althoughinthedepthsofhisheart, eachonefindsthemjustified,anditmightbeconsideredacrimetheway somepartsoftheConstitutionhavebeencritiqued,because,through anotherofthestrangecontradictionsofthehumanspirit,inthevery epochinwhichtheinfallibilityofthepopeismostridiculed,theprincipleoftheinfallibilityofcongresseshasbeenconsecrated,andwhen thegreatestscopeisgiventolibertyofthepress,permittingtheexercise ofapurulentcriticismoneverythingthatexistedandproducedthewis-
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domofthepastcenturies,anydoubtshownaboutwhatthelearningof ourcenturyhasproducedisleasttolerated.Inevitableresultofthepride ofself-lovethat,sustainedbyignoranceandpresumption,itcannotbear anycontradictionatallnorcriticism,nomatterhowrestraineditmight be,regardingwhatitbelievestobeamasterpieceofitsknowledgeand profoundunderstandings. Everythingthathasbeenexpresseduntilnowshowsnotonlywhat kindofauthoritywasplacedinthehandsofGeneralBustamanteand whatthemeanswerebywhichtheConstitutionequippedhimtoprovideforthehappinessofthepeople,butalsothatitisextensiveand equallyapplicabletothegovernmentsthatprecededitandtotheone thathasfollowedit.ForthisreasonIhaveexpandedsomewhatonthis matter,andIwillalsodosoinsomeoftheconsiderationsthatwillfollow,foritseemsimportanttomethatthosewhoreadthisunderstand fullythetruesituationoftheirgovernment,andthat,knowingthevery narrowlimitationofitspowersandthedependenceforallitsactions onthelegislativepower,theymightdemandlessofthosewhocando littleandbemoredisposedtolookwithcompassionthantoincriminatethosewho,vestedwithanauthorityalmostnull,findthemselves chargedwithanimmenseresponsibility.Moreover,thosewhoareinclinedtobelievethatachangeofsystemwouldbethegoodfortuneof theRepublic,understandingbythischangereplacingtheonethatpresentlyrules11forcentralgovernment,mightbecomeconvincedthatevil doesnotexactlyconsistinwhattheybelieveittoconsist,butratherin amuchmoreeffectiveandprofoundcause,whichworksasmuchinthe generalgovernmentasinthegovernmentsoftheindividualstates,and thataslongasonedoesnotattendtothiscause,anyotherchangewould beuseless.Thiscauseisnothingotherthantheimpotenceoftheexecutivetofulfilltheobligationsnecessaryforallgovernmentand,ifatsome timeMexicans,tiredofthemisfortunesofanarchywhichnecessarily increaseeveryday,mightthinkseriouslyofremedyingthem,thefirst steptheyshouldtakeistoinvigoratethegovernment,giveenergyand strengthwherenowthereisnothingbutlanguorandweakness,insum thattherebeagovernment,becausetheynowhavenothingmorethana shadoworillusoryappearanceofit. Inasmuchas,followingtheerrorcommittedbytheSpanishlegisla
11.Federalism.(Editor’snote)
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torswhocreatedtheConstitutionofCádiz,absolutepowerwastransferred from individuals to corporations, it seems that the most foresighted measures should have been taken so that the composition of thesecorporationswouldbesuchthattheywouldprovidethegreatest assurancesforsuccessandsothatthemethodofexercisingthisterrible powermightguardagainsttheabusethatcouldbemadeofit.Whena powerisveryextensive,thegoodorbadusemadeofitcandependonly onthepersonalqualitiesofthemeninwhomitisdeposited,for,especiallywhenthesemenaregatheredinanumerouscorporation,nothing onearthcancontaintheirmisconduct:“Besides,theyarelessunderresponsibilitytooneofthegreatestcontrollingpowersontheearth,the senseoffameandestimation.Theshareofinfamythatisliketofallto thelotofeachindividualinpublicactsissmallindeed,theoperation ofopinionbeinginthereverseratiotothenumberofthosewhoabuse power.Theirownapprobationoftheirownactshastothemtheappearanceofapublicjudgmentintheirfavor.Aperfectdemocracyis,therefore,themostshamelessthingintheworld.Asitisthemostshameless, italsothemostfearless.Nomanapprehendsinhispersonthathecan bemadesubjecttopunishment.Quidquid multis peccatur inultum est.12It isthereforeofinfiniteimportancethattheyshouldnotbesufferedto imaginethattheirwill,anymorethanthatofkingsisthestandardof rightandwrong.” Theonlypositivequalitythatcanexistinademocracyandthatcan mostensuretherestrainedexerciseofsuchagiganticpowerisproperty,yetcertainlynothingislessinaccordwithmoderntheories,for ifpoliticalsocietyisnothingmorethanaconventionalcompany,each individualmustrepresentinthisassociationwhateverthecapitalisthat hemighthavebroughtintoit.Againstthesoundnessofthisprincipleis frequentlyopposedtheclaimedignoranceofthepropertiedclass,which presentsthemasunsuitedtocarryoutachargethatalsorequireslearning,andwehaverecentlyseentheseargumentsexpressedinaverybittermannerinthetribunaloftheSenateinadiscussionoverjurors.But theseargumentsareveryfarfrombeingestablishedtothefullestextent thatonehaswantedthemtobegiven,and,intruth,ifwerelinquishfor onemomenttheintolerablepresumptionthathasuscontinuallycallingourselvesaverylearnednation,perhapsbecauseinoursayingit,
12.“Thesinofthousandsalwaysgoesunpunished,”Lucan,Civil War.
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therest,whoarefarfromgivingusthatpraise,mightbelieveitofus, andifweexaminewithimpartialitywhomakesupthesmallnumberof menwhopossessgeneralunderstandingsandtheevensmallernumber whohavedemonstratedthenecessaryaptitudeforbusiness,whetherin thecourt,whetherintheoffice,wewillseethatthepropertiedclassis notinferiortotherestbecause“letthoselargeproprietorsbewhatthey will—andtheyhavetheirchanceofbeingamongstthebest—theyare, attheveryworst,theballastinthevesselinthecommonwealth.”On thecontrary,ifwehaveseenmenofpropertydistinguishthemselvesby theirtalentsandaptitudeinthemanagementofbusinesses,wehave,unfortunately,seenbythehundredsthosewho,filledwithpretensionsof knowingandscorntowardthatclass,havecommittedthemosthorrendousblundersand,withthem,havesubmergedusinanabyssofmisfortunes.Iferrorsandignoranceweredefinitelythelotofthepropertied class,thelawthatregulatesrelationsbetweenmastersandservantsin thestateofTamaulipasandsomeotherlawsofthatstatewouldbesufficienttopersuadeonethatthatlegislatureismadeupofmillionaires, andthissamecouldbejustlythoughtofsomeotherlegislatureswhen whatinfacthappenedwasthateverythingthatsoundedlikeproperty waspersistentlyexcludedfromthem. Itshouldnotbeunderstoodbythisthatoneistryingheretoclosethe dooroflegislativebodiestoallwhoarenotpropertyowners.Nothing lessthanthat. Thereisnoqualificationforgovernmentbutvirtueandwisdom, actualorpresumptive.Wherevertheyareactuallyfound,theyhave, inwhateverstate,condition,profession,ortrade,thepassportof heaventohumanplaceandhonor.Woetothecountrywhichwould madlyandimpiouslyrejecttheserviceofthetalentsandvirtues, civil,military,orreligious,thataregiventograceandtoserveit, andwouldcondemntoobscurityeverythingformedtodiffuselusterandgloryaroundastate.Woetothatcountry,too,that,passing intotheoppositeextreme,considersaloweducation,ameancontractedviewofthings,asordid,mercenaryoccupationasapreferabletitletocommand. Nothingisadueandadequaterepresentationofastatethatdoes notrepresentitsabilityaswellasitsproperty.Butasabilityisavigorousandactiveprinciple,andaspropertyissluggish,inert,and
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timid,itnevercanbesafefromtheinvasionofabilityunlessitbe, outofallproportion,predominantintherepresentation.[Itmust berepresented,too,ingreatmassesofaccumulation,oritisnot rightlyprotected.]13Thecharacteristicessenceofproperty,formed outofthecombinedprinciplesofitsacquisitionandconservation, istobeunequal.Thegreatmasses,therefore,whichexciteenvyand temptrapacity,mustbeputoutofthepossibilityofdanger.Then theyformanaturalrampartthatnaturallyprotectsthelesserpropertiesinalltheirgradations.14 IhaveexpandedontheseprinciplesnotonlytodemonstratehowinsufficientarethescantrestrictionsthattheConstitutionestablishesfor thecompositionofourlegislativebodies,butalsotoshowtheneedto giveproperty,abovealllanded,whichisthemoststableandthemost closely related to the prosperity of the nation, a direct influence on legislation,whichhasnotseemedtomeasuperfluousconcernincircumstanceswhere,becauseofveryprejudicialconcerns,insomestates aboveall,awartothedeathhasbeendeclaredonproperty.Itwillbe saidperhaps,anditisanobjectionImustforesee,thatBurkewroteaccordingtotheprinciplesofamonarchyandthatthesecannotbeadaptabletoarepublic,buttheformoftheexecutiveisnothingmorethan anaccidentinaconstitution,andthebasesonwhichthestabilityofsocietyissupportedisthesameinallcountriesandinallsystems,foritis basedontheinclinations,emotions,andinterestsofmenthatarisefrom theirhearts,whicharenotmovedbysystemsofconventionestablished fortheirgovernment.Theseprinciplesarethoseofallcenturies,andin themalonecanbeestablishedthestability,peace,calm,order,andprosperityofpoliticalsocieties;butaswewillbeseeinginthecourseofthis paper,theseprinciplesarenotthebenefitstowhichtheinstigatorsof publicunrestaspire,butrathertotheprivationandlackofthemall. Theseprecautionsagainsttheabuseofapowerasextensiveastheone ourlegislativebodieshave,thatcancomeonlyfromtheindividualqualitiesoftheirmembers,theConstitutionhasclaimedtoestablishthrough 13.ThebracketedpassageisfoundinBurke’soriginaltextbutwasomittedbyAlamán. (Translators’note) 14.FromEdmundBurke’s“SpeechtotheElectorsofBristol,”November3,1774.We haveusedtheoriginalEnglishtextforthispassage.(Editor’snote)
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thedivisionofthegeneralCongressintotwochambers,butthisdivisioncanneverfulfillthisobjectiveaslongasthosetwochambersdiffer onlyinthemethodoftheirselectionandbysomeaccidentinthelength oftheirtermbutdonotrepresentessentiallydistinctinterestswhose combinationmustproducethegeneralutilityofthelaws.Thusitisthat twochamberscanatmostrepresentonlytwodifferentopinions,andas opinions,unlikethepositiveinterestsofsociety,theysoonmovetobecomepoliticalpartiesorfactionswithalltheirardorandacrimony,and fromthiswehaveseenourtwochambersalmostconstantlytransformed intotwoenemyfortressesoccupiedbyopposingbelligerentsandtaking shotsthatarethatmuchmoreconstantthemorethedependenceofthe twochambersoneachotherisnolongeressential,aswewillseefurther on.Bytheorderinwhichtheseideashavebeenexpounded,onewillbe abletoseeclearly,ofcourse,thesupremepreponderanceoflegislative powerovertheotherpowers,theconsequentincapacityorimpotence oftheexecutive,andtheinsufficiencyoftherestrictionsthattheConstitutionestablishesforthecompositionofthislegislativepoweritself, sothatinthefinaloutcomeeverythingdependsonthejudgmentofthe electorswhoconcurwiththeirvotesonitsmakeup,andonthewillof theindividualstowhomthiselectionfalls.Thisgivesgreatestimportancetothefunctionsoftheelectors,andthereforewemustlookattentivelyathowthesefunctionsarecarriedout. Nothing requires such generally broad learning and such a well- formedpublicspiritasexercisingtherightofelection,andthesetwo qualitiesshouldworkwiththatmuchmoreeffectivenessthefewerthe restrictionstheConstitutionsetsoutregardingthepersonstowhomthe electioncanfall.Itisnecessarythattheelectorbeinapositiontoformulateanexactideaofthepoliticalstateofhiscountryandthat,knowingtheopinions,integrity,andeducationoftheindividualorindividualstowhomheisgoingtogivehisvote,hewouldgivethefirstimpetus tothedecisionsofCongressthroughthemenforwhomheopensthe doorofthisSanctuaryoftheLaws.Fromthis,theinevitablepreventive measuresoriginatethatvariousnationshavesetoutlimitingtheright ofsuffragetopropertyholdersaccordingtothesumtheyverifyhaving paidinfullasdirecttaxes.Theseorotherrestrictionsneverseemtobe morenecessarythanwhen,passingfromonesysteminwhichthereis nottheleastidearegardingpopularelectionstoanotherinwhicheverythingdependsonthem,suchanimportantrightisgoingtobegiventoa
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peoplewhohavenotformedanyconceptwhatsoeverofthepurposeof elections,oftheirconsequences,oroftheveryimportanceofthatpower. Inthecivilordermorethaninthenatural,everythingisgraduated,becausethecivilorderisnothingotherthanthenaturalordermodifiedby movementsofyetslowereffectsuchasreligion,morality,andenlightenment.Neverdoweseenatureworkbysuddenmovements;theonly thingsinitthataremomentaryareearthquakesandstorms,andthose arenotmeansofcreationbutratherofdestruction.Toavoidthisproblemandcontinuetosavethemetaphysicalfictionofthegeneralwill,the artificehasbeenappealedtothatelectionsarenottobedirect,butinstead,throughdiversegraduationsandreelections,theappointmentof thedeputiescomestobetheworkoffewpersons;butasnoconditions havebeenestablishedregardingthesepersons,theproblemremainsat itsfeetandismademuchgreaterbytheintriguethatiseasilyexercised amongfewpersons,butthatperhapswouldnothavetheopportunity amongmanypersons.Thisrightofsuffrage,then,isexercisedinthe firstplacebyamassofpeoplewhogivetheirvotetocertainindividualswithoutknowingwhotheyarenorforwhatitdesignatesthemand, then,forotherindividualswhomanytimeshavenoknowledgeofthe persons whom they elect, toward whom all resources of intrigue are putintoplay,stimulatedbyinterestinthesalariesthatprovideaneasy andrelaxedwayoflivingformanywhodonothaveanyother.Solelyto thisprincipleoftheelectors’ignorance,whetheritbeofthepersonal characterandopinionsoftheelectedonesorwhetheritbeoftheimportanceofthefunctionstheyaregoingtoperform,canbeattributed thesingulardiscordthatisfoundinthebehaviorofdeputiesfromthe samestateappointedbythesameelectoralcouncil;oriftheelectors knowthepersonalcharacterandopinionsandareinformedaboutthe importanceofthefunctions,onewouldhavetosaytheyarebetraying theirconsciences,castingintotheheartofCongressalltheelementsof discordtomakeaplaythingofthecontraryopinionsoftheirdeputies andamusethemselveswiththedisputesoftheJansenistandtheJesuit, theexaltedphilosopherandthemanofjudgment,theimpiousoneand themoralandreligiousmantowhomtheyhaveindiscriminatelygivena vote.IfIwerepermittedtodesignatethepersonsbynameinthiswriting,withthelistsofdeputiesofsomestatesinhand,itwouldbevery easyformetoprovethetruthofwhathasbeensaidsofar.Whatopinion,then,shouldwehaveofelectorswhobehaveinthisway?Thekind-
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est,certainly,isthattheyfrequentlyappointwithoutknowingwhom, or,nothavinganyideaabouttheworkingsofaCongress,theydonot trytogive,astheyshould,thefirstimpetustoopinionthroughtheelections.Amongthepeople,itisnosurprisethattheydonotviewelections withcommitment,notknowingtheirimportance,andthusweseethe indifferencetheyhavetowardtakingpartinthem,thisbeingnotedmost obviouslyinallplaceswhere,insomeway,electionshavebeenregularizedinawaythatensuresindividualcastingofthevote,forwhenthis wasnotthecaseandaconsiderablenumberofvotesappeared,itwasnot becausetherereallywasthatnumberofvotes,butratherbecausethe factions,makingthecruelestmockeryofthissolemnact,hadthousands oflistspresentedforsomefewpersonsandhadmanyentireinfantry andcavalryregimentsvoteasabody. Choseninthisentirelycasualmanner,theworkingsofthecongresses finallydependsolelyonthedispositionoftheirmembersbecauseofthe breadthofpowertheConstitutiongivesthem.Eventhefetterthatthe divisionintotwochambersandthesanctionoftheexecutiveestablishes forthegeneralCongresscomestobeillusory,forashasbeensaidbefore,thisdependencyofthetwooneachotherandonthepresidentis notabsolute.Itissufficientthatinonechambertwo-thirdsoftheindividualsareunitedeveniftheyarenotintheother,becausethosetwo- thirdscanconstitutethelegislativebody,andifthepresident,because ofweaknessorsomeothermotive,joinswiththem,theyexercisethe mostdespoticpowerthathaseverbeenknownonearth.They,without theagreementoftheotherchamber,canmakeanythingtheywantpass aslaw.Ifthepresidentdoesnotaccedetotheirwills,theycandeprive him of the service of his ministers by an arbitrary declaration of responsibility;theycansubjectmembersoftheSupremeCourtofJustice andevenmembersoftheotherchambertothesameactionofresponsibility,and,insum,theycanshattersocietytoitsfoundations,withouttherebeingahumanpowerthatcanpreventit.If,tothisterrible powerthatthemajorityofonechambercanexercisewithoutanydependenceatallontheotherchamberoronthepresident,oneaddsthenot- insignificantpowerthateachchambercanexerciseindividuallywiththe nameofeconomicpowersandtowhichanunlimitedbreadthhasbeen givenwithoutanydependenceonanyone,therewillresultabody,inits totalityorinitsparts,vestedwithanauthoritysuchasthemostdespotic institutionshaveneverconstituted.If,moreover,therearetwo-thirdsin
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theotherchamberinaccordwiththoseinthefirst,theverypersonof thepresidentcanberemovedbyanarbitrarydeclarationofineptitude orofwhateverphysicalormoralimpediment.TheConstitutionseemed tohaverequiredtheconcurrenceofthreeelementsforthecreationof lawsandcreatedthesethreeelements,butimmediatelyitdestroyedits own work, reducing the practice of legislation to the cooperation of onlytwooftheseelements,andinordertogivegreaterrangetoarbitrariness,thesetwoelementscanconcurbychance,whetheritbethe presidentwithtwo-thirdsofonechamberaloneagainsttheotherchamber,orwhethertwo-thirdsofthetwochambersagainstthepresident, whoisinthiscasecompelledtoexecutewhatiscontrarytohisopinion orconscienceandtowhichhehasmadeformalopposition,negatinghis approval. IntheUnitedStatesoftheNorth,onedoesnotseethisverypowerful andindependentinfluenceofoneChamberovertheotherinanypossibleevent,andthiscircumstance,togetherwiththeotherdifferences wehavebeennotingbetweenthatConstitutionandours,issufficientto makethemsodifferent,theonefromtheother,thattheredoesnotremainintheirmostessentialpartsevenashadowofsimilarity.TheConstitutionoftheConstituentAssemblyofFrancewasthefirstthatestablishedtheindependenceofoperationsofthelegislativepowerfromthe vetooftheexecutive;thelegislatorsofCádizfollowedthismodelwith certainrestrictionsand,asimplemented,havingbeenthetacitbutvery effectivemodelofours,itreceivedevengreaterbreadth,establishing theindependencenotonlyofthelegislativepowerwithrespecttothe executive,butalsoofthetwobranchesofthelegislativefromeachother, withfewerrestrictionsthanthosethatintheircasetheSpanishconstitutorsmadenecessary.ThisishoweverythingtheConstitutionputsin placetosafeguardpersons,properties,andeverythingdeartomanand society,everythingthatconstitutestheharmonyandeventheexistence ofthissociety,candisappearatthevoiceofafactiousmajorityofone singlechamber,veryeasilyformedthroughanelectioninwhich,becauseitisalmostaccidental,thefactionshavesuchroom;thisishow thatcomplexityofinstitutionsintendedtoprotecttherightsofmanin societyfallsinamomentasaresultoftheabuseofthetheoriesthatcontributedtoformingtheinstitutions;andthisishow,fleeingfromdespotism,societywillfalldirectlyintoit.AsententiousverseofHorace mightliterallyberelevanttothiscase,althoughwithoutintendingto
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offendthelearningandpersonsoftheauthorsoftheConstitution,Dum vitant stulti vitia, in contraria currunt.Wishingfoolishlytoavoidoneextreme,onecomestofalldirectlyintotheoppositeone. Forthisreason,theadvantagethatthechamberinwhichalaw or decreeisinitiated(twothingsthatitseemsshouldbedifferentbutthatthe Constitutionhasnonethelessnotdistinguished)hasoverthereviewing chamberaswellasthefunctionattachedtotherightofinitiativethat bothchambershaveequallyandofwhichalltheirmembershaveunrestrictedbenefit,giveswaytocompetitionamongbothinwhichthat spiritofschoolboyprankisfullyexercisedthat,unfortunately,ispreservedamonguseveninthemostseriousfunctions.Thosewhocarry thebannerofthepartywhichdominatesinoneortheotherchamber arespyingononeanothertotakeadvantageofanopportunetime,a carelessness of the opposition, to launch a proposal which, adopted quicklybyasufficientmajority,couldputtheotherchamberinabind, forwhich,ifthereisnootherrecourse,itappealstothesamemiserable trickstopreventthemfromhavingaquorum,byseparatingonwhatever pretextsuchorsuchindividualfromthecommittee,byspeedingupor delayingdiscussiondependingonthehopesorfearsofthemomentand byitwintheselectionofpresidentatthetimeofrenewal,allthiscreatingaspiritofmiserableandbaseintrigueinheritedandlearnedfrom theCortesofCádizinMadrid,capableofdegradingIdonotsayanassemblyoflegislators,butratherasocialgatheringofvapiddandies.The augustactoflawmakingismanytimestheworkoftheseimproperdealings,andthemoreimportantandtranscendentthesubjectsofwhich theydeal,themoretheycustomarilyareso.Isitsurprising thatlaws createdinthiswayarewhatsomanytimeswehaveseentheyare? If the supreme importance of the functions of Congress and the breadth of its power require much circumspection in the use of this power, the multiplicity of those same functions demands hard work andcontinuousapplication.Withthecongressestransformedintoefficientelementsfromwhicheverythingarises,thusreversingthenature oflegislativebodies,whichisnotnorcanbeotherthanthenatureof conservativemassesandresistance,theentiretimeofordinarysessions, evenextendedforthethirtyworkingdaysthattheConstitutionpermits,canbarelysufficeforthedispatchofeventhoseextraordinaryand nonethelessveryfrequentmatterstowhich,aswehaveseen,whatisincompleteandcontradictoryintheConstitutiongiveswayeveryday,but
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evenforthedispatchofmattersthatconstitutetheperiodicandordinaryoperations.Itwasthennecessarythatthecommitteespersistently worktoinstructandpreparethepiecesofbusinessinsuchawaythat, directedperfectlybythecommittees,thediscussionmightbefacilitated andabbreviated;itwasnecessarythat,inthesessions,notamomentbe lostandthatthemembersofbothchambers,consideringtheirdutiesas sacred,carrythemoutwiththatrespectandattentionthatthefateofthe nationorthousandsofindividualswhodependontheirvotedeserve. Unfortunately,noneofthishappens.Thepiecesofbusinesspasstothe committees,wheretheyremainaneternity;thesecommitteeshavedifficultygettingtogether,everythingisseenquicklyinthemduringsome littletimethatisstolenfrompresenceatthesession,andverycommonly allowingonlyoneofthememberstoasserthisauthorityonthematter, andwiththeopinionrendered,therestswearin verba magistri,or,if someonedissentsfromtheopinion,hefrequentlycreatesthescandalof sayinghewasnotsummonedanddidnotagreewiththecommittee,this sometimesbeingoneofthemiserablesnaresemployedtodelayapiece ofbusinesswhichisbeingdealtwithinthatmomentandthatdoesnot suitthefactiontowhichtheprotesteragainstthecommitteebelongs.The sessionsneveropenatthehourthattheregulationsanticipate,butthis iscertainlyobservedpunctuallyforthehourofclosingthesession,thus defraudingthepublicofverymanyhoursofworkthatthesamepublicpaysforinexcess.Duringthesession,fewarethemenearnestabout fulfillingtheirdutywhoarepresentatthesessionwithreflectivemeditation,withthedesiretoinformthemselvesaboutmattersinorderto votecorrectly.Mostofthempasstheentiretimeofthedebateoutside, andthegreaternumberofmembersisalwaysfoundintherecreation hallsofbothchambers,andwhenthehourforvotingarrives,invainthe unfortunatepresidentringsthebellwiththegreatestviolencehecan;in vainheassignsoneafteranotheroftheportersandsecretariestogather somemembers;someanswerthattheyarebusy,asifatthathourthey shouldhaveanyotherbusinessthanbeingpresentatthesession,the othersarewaitingtofinishsmoking,andsome,morebold,respondthat theydonotwanttogoin;thosewhodogoinenteraskingthosewhoare withthemwhathasbeendiscussedorwhatisbeingvoted.Andwithout instructionandwithoutbackgroundandsometimeswithoutknowing whattheyarespeakingof,theytossoff,withoutremorseofconscience, ahastyvoteonwhichperhapsdependsthefateofhundredsoffamilies
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orveryseriousinterestsofthenation.Ifministers,outofzealtofulfillanobligationorfromsomeothermotive,getworkedupaboutsome matter,theyhavetoturnthemselvesintobrokersandgoaroundbeggingasapersonalfavorthatthecommitteegatherandthatittakeunder considerationthisorthataction;andif,onthecontrary,theywantto delaysomepieceofbusiness,andtheydonotknowhowtodisposeofit inanotherway,theydonothavetodoanythingbut,withwhateverof thefrequentmotivesorpretextsthatlendscomplicationtolegislation, senditforconsultation toCongress,secureinknowingthat,butfor somerareaccident,itisgoingtobeburiedeternallyinthecommittee towhichitispassed.Thisishowtheexpression“itisnecessarytoconsultCongress”hascometobe,ineveryoffice,theterrorofthepeople inthoseofficeswhohavematterspending;thisishowmattersofbusinesshavebeenaccumulatingmoreandmoreeverydaywithnohope whatsoeverofexpeditingthem.Inthiswaythemostseriousmattersare discussedandvoted,andthisishowthisimmensepowerthattheConstitutionhasentrustedtotheCongressisexercised,provingthatclassic verse,Nec color inperii, nec frons erat ulla Senatus.15 Donotsaythatthisisanexaggeratedharangueagainstthebodythat exercisesalmostabsolutepowerinthenation.Itwouldhavebeendesirablenottohavetoshowthesedefects,butthereisnotoneofthemany whohaveassembledinCongress,whetherasmembersofitorasspectators,whodoesnotknowthetruthofwhathasbeensaid,andmany membersofboth.
15.NeitherthedignityofthesupremecommandnorsomeappearanceofCongress wasseen.[ThisisAlamán’snote,andhistranslationintoSpanishoftheLatinphrase. Editor’snote.]
2
Liberty in the Liberal Republic 1845–1876
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PoleMic between El UnivErsal, El siglo XiX, and El Monitor rEpUblicano, 1848–1849 AfterthewarwiththeUnitedStates(1846–48)andthelossof morethanhalfofthecountry,Mexicansbecameincreasingly pessimisticregardingthefuture.Astheysearchedforthecauses oftheproblemsthathadplaguedtheirnationsinceindependence,someconservativesarguedthatliberalismandrepresentativegovernmentwereoutoftouchwiththerealitiesofthe people.Between1848and1849theconservativenewspaperEl Universalwrotestrongeditorialscriticizingsuchideasaspopularsovereignty,equalitybeforethelaw,individualrights,and modern natural right in general. The paper argued not just fortheestablishmentofmonarchicalruleinMexicobutalso against limited, modern constitutional government. The liberalsansweredtheseargumentsinarticlesintheirowndailies, El Monitor RepublicanoandEl Siglo XIX.Thepolemicragedin thepressformorethanayearandcompriseddozensofeditorialarticles. Wepresentasampleofthisexchange.El Universal(1848–55) wasestablishedin1848bytheCatalaneditorRafaeldeRafael yVilá.ItwastheprincipalconservativedailyoftheSantaAnna era(1853–55),representingthevaluesofaristocraticandcentralistfactions.Favoringtheimpositionofmonarchy,El UniversalsupportedtheSantaAnnaregimeandengagedinheated debateswithitscontemporaries,especiallyEl Siglo XIXandEl Monitor Republicano. El UniversalceasedpublicationinAugust 1855, when the conservative regime was defeated. First publishedonDecember22,1844,El Monitor Republicano(1846–95) wasfoundedanddirectedbyVicenteGarcíaTorresunderthe 181
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originaltitleEl Monitor Constitucional.Thenamewaschangedin 1846toalignthepapermorecloselywithrepublicanprinciples. Liberalinstance,El Monitorstrovetodefendthelawsrevoked byGeneralSantaAnnaandconservetheintegrityofthestateof theRepublic.El Siglo XIX(1841–96)wasfoundedonOctober8, 1841,byIgnacioCumplidoandoverseenbyMarianoOteroand Juan Bautista Morales. Although publication was suspended twice,thenewspapercontinueduntil1896.From1848to1856 itwasledbyFranciscoZarco.Duringthisperiodthepaperwas characterizedbyitsmoderateliberalism.Itwasalsooneofthe firstandprincipaloppositionnewspapersofitsera.
1
What Might Be the Causes of Our Ills, Part 1
El Siglo XIXentitleditsleadarticleofthetwenty-first ofthismonthinthisway[WhatMightBetheCausesofOurIlls],and wecongratulateourselvesthatperiodicals,eventhosethat,likeEl MonitorandEl Siglo,showthemselvesfiercedefendersofasystemnowinstinctivelycensuredbyourpeople,lowerthemselvestoseriousandimpartialanalysisofthecauseofourills,becausethedurationoftheseills canbedeterminedonlybythetimewedelayinunderstandingtheoriginandtruesourcethatproducesthem,if,asistobehoped,suchunderstandinginspiresinusallthesinceredesiretoremedytheills;because withourforcesunited,wewillremoveallobstacles,andthedifficulties thatvileinterestsanddespicablepassionsplaceinoppositionwillyield totheunitedforceofthetrueloversofourunfortunatepatria. Our colleagues fashion the first paragraphs of their editorial with comicsentences,ironicphrases,ambiguousexpressions,andfalseimputations about our writings, without reflecting that, even if we deservedallthat,itwasintheinterestoftheirhonortoconcealit,atleast whenitcametoattackingus,becauseotherwisetheysnatchfromtheir triumph,iftheyobtainit,theglorytheymighthaveacquired,andthey preparegreaterconfusionandshamefortheirdefeatifsomemischance ofthewarleadsthemtoit.The most beautiful ideas of human geniuscan gathernogloryfromreducing to dust the products of the creative intellect of writerswho,bycomparisonwiththem,are less significant than an atom. Encouraged,then,bytheveryhumblepositioninwhichouradversaries placeus,letuscontinuewithgreaterdelightoureffortstodefendthe doctrinesandprincipleswehaveexpressed;forwhentheenemywith whomonefightsispowerfulandstrong,ifintheendonesuccumbs, Originaltitle:“PolémicaentreEl Universal,El Siglo XIX,yEl Monitor Republicano, entre1848y1849:‘Cualsealacausadenuestrosmales’ ”[primerartículo].Source:El Universal,Mexico,January24,1849. 183
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itisnotasshamefulaswhenonefightswithgreaterorequalstrength. Therefore,inreturnforthisadvantageousposition,wegladlypassby whateverneitherconcernsnordirectlyaffectstheessenceandsubstance ofthequestion. ThegentlemenofEl SiglosaythatweofEl Universal,inquiringinto thecausesofourills,havebelievedwefoundthemintheadoptionof thesystemthatgovernsustoday.Thisistrue,andnowweaddthat,even ifwehadneithersaiditnorevenimaginedit,readingtheeditorialthat engagesourattentionnow,wewouldhavethoughtitimmediately,and wewouldsayitanddefenditwithalltheforceofwhichwearecapable. Forthatreason,weinsertnextthegreaterpartofthatwriting,forit seemstousthatallofourwritingstogetherdonotthrowhalfthelight onthequestionthatisshedbythateditorialalone,withoutitbeingnecessarytoaddmorethanafewsimpleandminorreflectionstoprovide anabsoluteandtotalconviction.Itsays: 1.WhenourpatriawasthecolonyandpropertyofSpain,theideas thatforalongtimeprevailedontheoldcontinentwerecompletely unknowninourcountry.Thoseideas,aboveallthoseoflibertyand independence,hadanepochofgeneralexcitement;alltheirrenown wasnecessarytoliberatetheworldfromthedominationofadaring conquerorwhomfortuneseemedtohavetakenunderitsspecialprotection.ThecryoflibertythatresoundedinallEuropehadechoes inourpatria;valiantmenrosetoliberateitfromSpanishdomination;attheendofelevenyearstheyweresuccessful,andsincethen thenationhasoccupiedaplaceamongindependentpeoples. Hereahistoricalerrorofourcolleaguesslippedout.Inthefirstplace, thecryofDolores1wasnotanechoofthecryoflibertythatresounded inallEurope;themotherpatriawasinvadedbytheforeigner,anditwas fearedthatthedominationmightbeextendedtothecolonies.Itwassaid then:Letthesovereignestablishhisthroneinthecolonies.2Thisishow 1.OnSeptember16,1810,thelocalpriestofthetownofDolores,MiguelHidalgo, calledonthepeopletorevoltagainstthecolonialauthoritiesinthenameofthedeposed Spanishking,FerdinandVII.(Editor’snote) 2.Itiscertainlylamentablehowignorantwe,themajorityofMexicans,stillareof theprincipalandmostimportanteventsofourownhistory.ThecryofDoloreswasnot
theCauSeSofourillS,part1 : 185
thepeoplewerearousedandthrownintorevolution;anditwouldnot begroundlesstobelieve,becauseofthetenaciousnessandinvincibleresistancethenationputupwhenthatpretextdisappeared,thatwithout thatpretext,thenationcouldnotpossiblyhavebeenmovedwithonly thegoalofindependenceandwithnootherprop.Contemporaryhistoryrevealstous,andoureyesseethat,ofthebravemenwhoroseup, onlynottheechooflibertyaswehavesaid,butmoreoveritwasenabledandspreadin ourcountrybecauseFerdinandVIIwasproclaimedinit,thefictionbeingcarriedto theextremethattheleaderofthatuprising,whenheenteredintoGuadalajara,drovein hiscaranunknownpersonwhowassaidtobeFerdinandhimself.Themanifestotothe EuropeansbythepersoncommissionedbythejuntaofZitácuaro,DonJoséMaríade Cos,deliveredintheRealdeSultepecMarch16,1812,saysinparagraph12:“Youhave hadthetemeritytoclaimthesupremepower,unjustlyandintheaugustnameofthe king,torulehaughtilyanddespoticallyoverafreepeoplewho do not recognize any sovereign but Ferdinand VII.” Articles1and4oftheplanthataccompaniedthisproclamationsaythefollowing: Art.1.ThattheEuropeansyieldthecommandandarmedforcetoanational andindependentcongressofSpain,representative of Ferdinand VII,whichaffirmshisrightsinthesedomains. Art.4.Thatwithindependencedeclaredandsanctioned,allpastgrievances andincidentsareforgotteneverywhere,takingthemostenergeticmeasures towardthisend;andalltheinhabitantsofthatsoil,creolesaswellasEuropeans, constitutewithoutdistinctionanationofAmericancitizens,vassals of Ferdinand VII,pledgedtopromotepublichappiness. Article2oftheplanofwarthataccompaniesthesameproclamationisasfollows: Art.2.Thebelligerentfactionsrecognize Ferdinand VII.TheAmericans havegivenobviousproofsofthis,swearingallegiancetohimandproclaiming himeverywhere,raisinghisportraitasastandard,invokinghisnameintheir patentsandjudgments,stampingitontheircoinsandcurrency.On this supposition was based everybody’s enthusiasm, and on this foundation the party of insurrection has always operated.(Cuadro históricoofDonCarlosMaríaBustamante,2nded. vol.1,pp.393ff.) Itcanbeseenbythosedocumentshowflippantlyouradversariesproceedtosetdown thefactsfromwhichtheirstrongestargumentscome.Toavoidthisandathousandother errorsofthattype,whichhavebroughtandarecausingwoesofthegreatestgravityand importance,wewouldlikeSr.Alamántohastenpublicationofhishistoryofthewarof independence,evenifthepreliminaryessaysthathehasofferedshouldbepostponed. Webelievethatbydoingthishewouldperformaserviceofthehighestimportanceto thenation,andthereforeweencouragehimtocarrythisout.(Originaleditors’note)
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onlysomedidittofreeourpatriafromSpanishdomination.Thefewof thoseverymenwhoremainspeakaboutthis,andtheyescapedthepersonalvigilanceofthosecalledpatriotswithmoredifficultythantheydid thepersecutionoftheviceregalgovernment.Attheendofelevenyears, independencewas,infact,achieved;butonemustnotforgetthatitwas achievedthankstoaplan,whoseprincipalbasiswasbringingtoAmerica FerdinandoranotheroftheindividualsfromtherulinghouseinSpain. 2.Weseenowwhatwastobeexpectedintheneworderofthings, giventhestateofpoliticaleducationamongthepeople.TheSpanishdomination,whichhadasitsobjectiveenrichingthepeninsula withtheproductsofoursoil,completelyneglectedtheeducation ofthepeople,bothmorallyandpolitically.Therewaslacking,then, intheimmensemajorityofthenation,publichabitsthatformed theircharacterandknowledgeofthesimplestsocialprinciples.BecauseMexicanswereaccustomedtoobeyingblindlytheordersof amysteriousandterriblepower,farfromanyparticipationingovernmentandpublicaffairs,habituatedtosufferingthehatredand scornoftheSpaniards,whoseideasofnobilityandsuperiorityhad hinderedthemoralfusionofthetworaces,itwastobeexpected thattheirfeelingsandideaswouldgoastray.Thedivisionbetween MexicansandSpaniardshadalsoexertedthesamekindofinfluenceamongtheformer;thatistosay,Mexicans,insteadofforming acompactandunifiedpeoplethroughthebondsoffeeling,habits, andinterests,formedonlyapeoplewhoseunitywasbasedexclusivelyonthepowertheyallobeyed.However,suchabondwasby itsnatureviolent,anditwastobeexpectedthatatthesametimeit failed,themanydissolvingelementsthathadgerminatedinsilence duringaperiodofseveralyearswouldhavetheireffect. Intheprecedingparagraph,historicalimpartialitywascertainlylackingwhereitisassertedthattheSpanishgovernmentneglectedmoral education;we are speaking of Catholic morality.Letusappealtothejudgmentofthosewho,witnessestotheusesandcustomsofthosetimes, mightevenbewitnessestoours. Itwastobeexpectedthat,atthesametimetheunitybasedexclusivelyontheunityofthepowerfailedinourpeople,themany
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dissolvingelementsthathadgerminatedinsilenceduringaperiod ofseveralyearswouldhavetheireffect. Gentlemeneditors,whatgreaterproofcanweadducetojustifythat thecauseofourillsisthefederalsystemthanthosewordsofyours?It was“tobeexpected,”yousaywithmuchdiscernmentandgoodsense, thattheunityofpowerfailing,theunityofourpeoplefails,becausethey havenootherbondsofunionthanthebondofobedience.Well,how doyouevenfightagainstsuchaconviction!Neitheryounoranyperson whomighthaveevenaslightnotionofsocialsciencehasdenied,nor willeverbeabletodeny,thenecessityofbondsthatlinkthepeoplesof anationtoeachothertobeabletoformatrulysovereignandindependentbodythatfiguresamongthenationsoftheglobe.Withoutformingsuchbodies,thesenationswouldnotdistinguishthemselvesfrom oneanother.Otherwise,itwouldbenecessarytoconcludethatallthe nationsspreadoverthevastsurfaceoftheeartharenothingmorethan asinglenation,groupsofmenscatteredhereandtherewithoutanyrelationships,withoutuniformity,unity,oragreement,thatistosay,withoutanybondsthattieandjointhemtoeachother;eithertheydonothingatallorallthenationsoftheglobeareonlyonenation. Butsuchargumentsoffendsimplecommonsense;andwithoutinsultingthelearningandknowledgeofouradversaries,itwouldnotbe becomingtopushtothelimitalltheconsequencesdeducedfromthem. The gentlemen editors of El Siglo know very well, or perhaps better thanwe,thattheentirescienceofawiselegislation,ofapatrioticand justgovernment,consistsinconserving,developing,andcreatingbyall possiblemeansthebonds,therelationshipsmostsuitableandbestfor bindingtheindividualswhoformfamiliestothefamilieswhomakeup thetownsandtothetownsthatconstitutenations.Takealookoverthe historyofallthecenturies,andyouwillseeconfirmedinallareasand inalltimesthattheriseanddeclineofempiresandrepublicsisproportionaltotheincreaseanddecreaseofsuchbonds.Thebarbarianscame downfromthenorthandtookoverthegreatandculturednationsof Europebecausetheycameunited;ahandfulofadventurersconquered thegreatestoftheempires,butitwasadividedempire;thebondsofthe Mexicans,brokenandshatteredbyfanaticism,tyranny,andbarbarity, presentedtotheSpaniards,insteadofanation,onlyalargecountryside, whichconfirmsthetruthofwhatwearesaying.TheAnglo-Saxonpha-
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lanxcametowriteitdowninthepagesofourownhistoryonlyafew daysago. Mexico, then, independent of Spain and independent in seven months(prematurely)becauseoftheirresistiblestrengththatthebonds establishedbythePlanofIgualaimpartedtoit;Mexico,wesay,thegreat workofitsemancipationcompleted,hadtoendeavorbeforeeverything else,inordertofigureamongtheindependentandsovereignnations, totightenthebondsamongitsmembersandfindouthowmuchthey mightbindthemtoformacompactandhomogeneouspeoplecapableof resistingthevicissitudestowhich,forthefirsttime,itselevatedposition exposedit. Wellthen,accordingtoouradversaries,theMexicanswereunited onlybyobediencebasedintheunityofthepower,andourcolleagues didnothesitatetostatethat,lackingsuchunity,“itwastobeexpected thatthemanydissolvingelementsthathadgerminatedinsilenceduring aperiodofseveralyearswouldhavetheireffect.” Andwillitbepossibletodoubt,willitbepossibletoattributeto any other cause but the representative and federal system we have adopted,alltheillsthatweighusdown?OnlyonebondtiedtheMexicanstogether,unityofpower;onesinglethingislackingintherepresentative,federalrepublicansystem,unityofpower.Whathadtohappen?Thatthenationwouldturnintoacountrywhoseinhabitantswere strangerstooneanotherbecausenoties,nobonds,linkthemtoeach othertoformacompactbody;thatasaconsequencetheywouldfall preytothefactions,playthingoftheparties,victimssacrificedtothe whim, the ignorance, the ambition of the presumptuous and wicked onesand,theunityofpowerunraveled,absolutelybroken,“thedissolvingelementsthathadgerminatedinsilence”developedcompletely;that oncethoseelementsthattheunityofpowerwouldhavesuffocatedin theirgermdeveloped,therewillhardlybeahumanpowerthatcansuppressthem;that,finally,oncethoseelementshaddeveloped,strongly andnoisilyclashingwitheachother,theabsolutedivisioninwhichwe findourselveswouldbeproduced.Thefederation,then,isnotonlythe causeofourills,butrathertheprecise,inevitable,andinexcusablecause ofallourmisfortunes,becauseitdestroyedbyitsverynaturetheone bondofunionthatlinkedMexicans,ifitiscertain,asEl Sigloassures, thatitwasfoundeduniquelyintheunityofpower.
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3.Independencecompleted,thenationwastold:“Youarefree,you canconstituteyourselvesinthewaythatmostpleasesyou;thelaws thatfromnowonwillgovernyouwillbesolelytheexpressionof thenationalwill.Fromtodayon,theodiousdistinctionswillcease betweennoblesandplebeians,betweenmastersandslaves;there willbeasinglelawtogoverntheactionsofall;thesamerightswill beprotectedbythatlaw;therewillbeasinglelegitimateandjust authoritytodecidedisputes,punishinfractions,anddefendcitizens intheexerciseoftheirrights.Andyou,allofyoubornonthissoil, youwillformasinglefamily,afamilyofbrotherswho,unitedby tightbonds,willlaborinunisononthegreatworkofpublichappiness,ofnationalhappiness.”Well,now,isthenation,theimmense majorityofcitizens,disposedtoappreciatethetruevalueofthis language?Surelynot.Onlyeducation,experience,andthepracticalunderstandingofeventsarecapableofvalorizingthoseprinciples,principlesthat,whentheyhavenotputdowndeeprootsin aninnermostconviction,serveonlytodazzletheimaginationand carryoffthespirit.Thisiswhythenation,removedfromtheorbit inwhichithadmovedforsolongandplacedonapathtotallyunknownbutglitteringandcaptivating,begantomoveuncertainly, developingalongitspaththemanyelementsofdissolutionaccumulatedoveralongtime. Thatistosay,theunityofpowerinwhichwasbasedtheonlybondof unionthatexistedamongMexicanswasbroken;butif,insteadofsaying tothenation:“Youarefree,youcanconstituteyourselfinthewaythat mostpleasesyou,”etc.,ithadbeensaid,“Youareindependent”;butthis event, however glorious, doesnotinstill theaptitude andknowledge necessarytoappreciatetherepublicanformproperly;“onlyeducation, experienceandthepracticalunderstandingofeventsarecapableofvalorizingthoseprinciples,principlesthat,whentheyhavenotputdown deeprootsinaninnermostconviction,serveonlytodazzletheimaginationandcarryoffthespirit”;youmustnot,then,goout“fromtheorbit inwhichforsolong”youhavemoved,norenter“onapathtotallyunknown,”nomatterhowglitteringandcaptivatingitmightbe,because youwillmoveuncertainly,and“themanyelementsofdissolutionaccumulatedoveralongtime”willdevelop.Ifthenationhadbeenspoken
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toofthisfate,wesay,“theMexicans,accustomedtoobeyingblindly theordersofthepower,”notbecause“mysteriousandterrible,”forthe physicalforceinwhichitwasbasedwasinitsgreaterpartthatofMexicans,butratherbecauseofthemoralforcethatgaveititsunity,they wouldhaveconservedthatsameobedience,strengthenedwiththelove ofindependence,acquiredinsevenmonths(prematurely)bytheunity producedbythebondsthatsoproperlyestablishedthememorablePlan ofIguala.Tothink,then,asthegentlemenofEl Siglothink,thatwhatevermighthavebeenthepoliticalsystemadoptedafterindependence wascompletedwouldhaveproducedthesameillsthatwearelamenting, is,itseemstous,thesameasthinkingthataninfant,whenitbeginsto walk,leftwithoutanysupportinitsfreedomofactionanddecisionon brokenandslipperyground,willsufferthesamefallsaswhensustained bythehandofitswetnurse.
2
What Might Be the Causes of Our Ills, Conclusion
4.BecauseMexicanswereaccustomedtonothaving anyinfluenceatallinpublicadministration—continuesEl Siglo— oncethedoorsofthemagistracy,theoffices,andthearmywere opentoallambitions,maniaforpublicofficespreaditsfatalinfluence,publicpostswerestormedbypersonsscarcelyworthyof them,officeswerefilledwithuselessandburdensomepeople,and inthearmypromotionsmultipliedastonishingly,untilthosepromotionscametothestateofsaddegradationinwhichwefindthem.
All of that better proves the inappropriateness of the federal representativesystemforMexicoandexplainsinamoresatisfactoryway theillsthatarelamentedeventoday.WhoopenedwidetoMexicans thedoorsofpublicadministration,themagistracy,theoffices,andthe army?Itwascertainlynotindependence,butratherthesystems;but amongsystems,noneopensthepathmoretopublicadministration,the magistracy,theoffices,andeventhearmythanthefederalrepresentative system,forthatcharacteristicispreciselythequalitythathasearnedit thepreferenceofliberals.Itmust,then,beforeseenthatthemaniafor publicofficewouldextenditsfatalinfluence,thatpublicpostswould bestormedbypersonsscarcelyworthyofthem,thatofficeswouldbe filledwithuselessandburdensomepeople,andthatinthearmypromotionswouldbemultipliedastonishingly.Allthatwasveryeasytoforesee,recognizingtheprincipleofpopularsovereignty,equalityofrights, removabilityofauthorities,absolutelibertyofthepress,thedivision ofpowers,ofelections,etc.,onwhichthesystemisbased,recognizing Originaltitle:“PolémicaentreEl Universal,El Siglo XIX,yEl Monitor Republicano, entre1848y1849:‘Cualsealacausadenuestrosmales’ ”[concluye].Source:El Universal, Mexico,January25,1849. 191
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atthesametimethelackofeducation,experience,andunifyingbonds fromwhichweMexicanssuffered. 5.Accustomedtoseeingpowerinthehandsofforeignauthoritiesandofconsideringthelawasanexpressionofthewillofadespoticandabsolutepower,theyacquiredthehabitofobeyingboth butwithapassiveobedience,childofterror.Whentheyweretold, then,thatinthefuturetheauthoritythathadtorulethedestinies ofthecountryshouldcomefromtheirownheartsandshouldgovernwithlawsthatthenationalwilldictated,theprestigethatterrorgavetotheauthoritieswaslacking,passiveobediencetothelaws waslacking,andmoralobediencebasedininnermostconvictiondid notandcouldnotreplaceit.Fromthishascome,then,thelittleregardformenwhohavesuccessivelygovernedus;fromthisalsothe discreditofthelaws,powerfulonlywiththeweak,impotentwith thestrong. Althoughwedonotunderstandhowthehabitofobediencecomes from“seeingpowerinthehandsofforeignauthoritiesandofconsideringthelawasanexpressionofthewillofadespoticandabsolutepower,” becausethisconsiderationandthatviewarebitingandviolentandconsequentlymakeitdifficultforthemtoproduceinmanthedocilityand indifferencethatthehabitofobeyingrequires,thegentlemenofEl Siglo tendertheirreasonsforbelievingitso,andthatpointdoesnotinterest usnow.Itisenoughforustoknowthattherewasahabit of obediencein Mexicansandthattheybrokethishabitthemomentitwassaidtothem “that in the future the authority that had to rule the destinies of the countryshouldcomefromtheir own heartsandshouldgovernwithlaws the national will dictated.”Andthisyousay,thisyouacknowledgesoexplicitly,expressly,andformally,yougentlemeneditorsofEl Siglo,you thesameoneswhosometimesmocked,othertimesbecameirritatedand evenbecameinfuriatedwithusbecausewehaveproclaimedandmaintainedthattheprinciplesofpopularsovereignty,equalityofrights,etc., areasabsurdastheyaredisastrous?Whatisit,then,thatwehavedone toyou,whatprofoundinsulthaveweinflictedonyousothatyoufight usevenagainstyourownconvictions?Well,putasideyourscowl,let thathandoffriendshipextend;letusarriveattheplacewhereitwas necessarytojointogether;looknowattheusefulnessofthediscussion
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whenoneletsoneselfguidereasonbythelightoftruthtoanexaminationofthefacts.El SigloandEl Universalnowhaveapointofcontact,a principlewillnowbethesamepointofdepartureforbothcombatants: “popularsovereigntyisadiSaStrouSmaxim.”Yes,indubitably,disastrousandathousandtimesdetestable,giventhatjusttheannouncement thattheauthoritythatinthefutureshouldrulethedestiniesofapeople, themostdocileandgentleofpeoples,justtheannouncement,wesay, thatthe authoritywouldproceedfromtheirownheartswasenoughto breakandrend,instantly,thehabit of obedienceithadacquiredsothat insubordinationmightoccupythatplace,sothatimpudence,rebellion, tumult,andrestlessnesswerefromthenonitsinsigniaandcharacter. Disastrousandathousandtimesdetestable,loadeddownwiththeexecrationandcursesofthousandsofvictimswhosebloodhasdyedour fields, turned our lakes red, stained our buildings, violated even our churches,atjusttheannouncementthatthelawsthenational willdictatedwouldgovern.Letouradversariesnowjudgeifwearegoingoff theroadwhenweaffirmthattheadoptionofthesystemthattodayrules thenationisthecauseofourills,giventhatthesoul,thefoundationof thatsystem,ispopular sovereignty. 6.ItwassaidtoMexicansthatallwereequal,thatascitizensallhad equaldutiesandidenticalrights;thedefendersofthenewideas raisedtheirvoicesagainststalestatutesgrantedtotheprivileged classes;theydidmore,theycarriedtheirboldnesseventoopenthe doorsofthemonasteriesofthereligiousandtriedtodestroythe monasticinstitutions.Whathasbeentheresult?Weallfeelit;societydividedintoenemyclasses,oneagainsttheothers;dismaldivision,whichhasbeenthesourceofsomanyillsinthecountry! AndwhotoldMexicansthat all were equal, that as citizens all had equal duties and identical rights?Wasitindependenceorthefederalsystem? Andif,ascannotbedenied,itwasthelatterandnottheformerthat madesuchunfortunateremarks,andif,asEl Siglo,unimpeachablewitness,maintainshere,theunfortunateconsequencestowhichEl Siglo referswithgreatexactitudecomefromthis,towhat,ifnotthefederation,mustthecausebeattributed?Butasinterestingasthatsonecessaryconclusionmightbeforouropinionsanddoctrines,itismorethan interesting,itwarmsourheart,becauseitrevealsthatthedesirabilityof
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thedogmaofequalityenjoysasmuchstandingintheconvictionsofthe gentlemeneditorsofEl Sigloasitdoesintheconvictionsoftheeditors ofEl Universal,andconsequently,whenreasonspeakstheyarenotso opposedastheyarewheninteresttakespossessionofideas. 7.Finally,soasnottoincreasethenumberofsuchobservationslike thosethatgobefore,seeingthestateofnotablebackwardnessin whichthenationfounditselfatthebeginningofitspoliticalexistence,onewantedtogiveitaviolentpush,onewantedtoplaceitat thelevelofthecivilizedEuropeannations;butournationwasnot readytorespondtothatmovement,andinattemptingtolaunch itselfalongthenewpath,anewelementofdissolutionwascreated. 8.Fromallthisweinferthatthemultitudeofillsthatthenationhas sufferedduringtwenty-eightyearsisaninevitableconsequenceof thestateinwhichitfounditselfonbeginningthenewmarchofits politicalexistence.Whenourpatriaabandonedthenameofcolony totakethatofindependentnation,itcouldnotchangehabitsand customsasithadchangeditsname;thegroundwasnotpreparedto receivethenewseedsthatwererequiredtomakeitbearfruit;they sprouted,perhaps,buttheunderbrushwithwhichtheymixedwhen theycameupquicklyweakenedthem. We fear that our subscribers might believe that the two previous paragraphsareunauthentic;forthatweaskthattheycomparethemwith theoriginalandbepersuadedthat,althoughthelanguageinwhichthey areconceivedisthesameasthatofEl Universal,itisnoneotherthanEl Siglothathaspronouncedthem. 9.Mightoneinferfromallthisthatindependencehasbeendetrimentaltous?Willwebeaccusedofhavingmadealamentablegift tothebravemenwhotoiledsohardtogiveuspatriaanddiedin honorofourliberty?No,certainly,innoway.Independencewas achievedandhadtobeachievedbecauseitwasinevitable,becauseit wasjust,becauseithadtobebeneficent. Mightoneinferfromallofthis—askourcolleagues—thatindependencehasbeendetrimentaltous?Toanswerthisquestion,wewillfirst transcribetheconclusionofthearticlethatconcernsus.
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Whatevermighthavebeen,saythosegentlementhen,thesystem thatthenationmighthaveadoptedforitsgovernment,theresults wouldhavebeenthesame,thesamedisorder,thesameconfusion, thesameupheavals;becausetheseillsarenottheparticularresult ofa certain system, but rather the inevitable consequenceoftheantecedentswehaverelated;andit is probablethatunderanothersystemthe damagesmight have been worse. Wellthen,undertheassumptionthatourpresentmisfortunesare “theinevitableconsequence”oftherelatedantecedents;undertheassumptionthatthesemisfortunesarethelightestthatwemightexperience,giventhatwithothersystemsit is probable that they would have been worse, under these assumptions, we repeat, assumptions that are not ours,butratherthoseofthegentlemenofEl Siglo,wedonothesitateto respondtotheirquestion—“Doesoneinferfromallthisthatindependencehasbeendetrimentaltous?”—statingopenlythat,yes,because theconclusionseemscorrecttous.Inourlanguagewecall“detrimental” whatisdamagingandcausesruinanddiscredit.Itisthusthatindependencehasdamagedus,hasruinedanddiscreditedus;soindependence hasbeendamagingtous.Thatwehavebeendamaged,ruined,anddiscreditedisapropositionthatdoesnotrequireproof,becauseweareall inagreementwithit;evenEl Siglonotesthefollowinginitsantepenultimateparagraph: Onewillaskus:“Inwhat,then,arethebenefitsresultingfrom thatindependence?Comparetheyear1810,whichexcitessuchsad memoriesinthemindsofliberals,withtheyear1849inwhichwe live,andtellusfranklyifsuchacomparisonisfavorabletotheera calledoneoflibertyandprogress...”Itiscertain,weacknowledge, wehavesaiditrepeatedly:fromindependenceuntiltoday,everythinghasbeenachainofillsthat,followingoneaftertheother withoutinterruption,haveexhausted,havebeatendowntheyouthfulvigoroftheRepublic. Now,thatindependenceisthereasonwehavebeendamaged,ruined, anddiscredited,El Sigloitselfproves,ifitiscertain,asitassuresus,that ourillshavebeentheinevitableconsequenceofourantecedentsandnot theparticularoutcomeof a certain system.Forifunderwhatever system
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wehadtohavebeendamaged,ruined,anddiscreditedafterindependence,“independencehasbeendamagingtousindubitably.”Ourweak mindsdonotfollow,then,whyindependence was soughtandwhyit had to be achieved;whatwasthenecessitythatcompelledustoworsenour condition;why was it just,andhowhad it to be beneficentiftherewasnot asystemintheworldthatcouldavoidourmiseries. Suchis,toourwayofthinking,theconsequencethatonededuces fromthepropositionsofEl Siglo,and,asshamefultoreasonasdenigratingtotheauthorsofindependence,theextremetowhichitdrags alongthecapriceofdenyingthatthefederationisthecauseofourills. Iftheblindpartisansofthatsystemconsideredhowmuchmoreislost inattributingtoindependenceratherthantotheirfavoritesystemthe misfortunesofthepatria,webelievetheywouldabandontheirtheme andwouldworkwithusinrestoringgoodprinciples,thuspreparingthe nationforfundamentalreforms,butpeacefulandgradualones,which mightrestoreitsyouthful vigor. Independence,saywhatyoumight,isagood,andapreciousgoodthat weknowhowtorespectinallitsworth;wearethereforeverysensitive tothefactthatfanaticismforacertainsystemofgovernmentblindsthe understandinginsuchawaythatitmakestheunderstandingseeinindependencetheoriginofallourmisfortunes.Whatwouldbecomeof thesystemitselfifsuchanopinionweregeneralized?Isitnotenough to have destroyed the unity ofpower inwhich obedience was based, thesolebondthatlinkedMexicans,butdowealsohavetodispelthe spiritofindependence,stirringupcommonprejudicesthatonlyacrass ignorancehasbeenabletointroduce,breakinginthiswaytheconnectionofunionthatmightprovidethatbond?ItwillnotbeEl Universal thatdoesthis!Itwillpaintthemisfortunesofthepatria,yes,butitwill neverlookfortheircauseinindependence,butratherinthebadchoice ofprinciples,inthedisastrousadoptionofthemeanstoenjoythetrue andpreciousgoodofourindependence.
3
What Might Be the Causes of Our Ills, Second Article
Regretful, like every good Mexican, for the series of calamitiesthathaveafflictedthecountrysincethetimeofourpolitical emancipation,wishingtoascertainthecausesthathaveprovokedthose ills,and,mostofall,anxioustodamupsomuchdisaster,attackingthe illnessatitssource,weproposed,inoureditorialofJanuary21,toascertainthecausesoftheillswehavesuffered,andtodothatwetried toanalyzethefactsanddelineatethestateinwhichthecountryfound itselfatthebeginningofitsnewcourseasanindependentnation.Our articlehassufferedtheseverecensureofourillustriousantagonists,the gentlemeneditorsofEl Universal.Thesegentlemenhavedoneusthe honorofbelievingourobservationsjustbuthavejudgedasspuriousour arguments;theyhaveagreedonthefactsbutnotontheconsequences wededucedfromthem.Wepursuethisquestionbecauseitseemstous ofvitalimportanceandbecausewearenotyetconvincedofthetruthof ouradversaries’opinions;andoneshouldnotunderstandbythisthatwe gainsaythepersuasive eloquencethatreignsintheirluminous writings;no, sir,wearenotyetconvinced,because...whatisonetodo?...Ourconcerns,theobligationstoourideas,andwhoknowshowmanyothermotiveshinderourdesiretogettothetruth,which,finallyandatlast,we willhavetoacknowledgewhenwecometounderstandthelamentable error writers on topics of public interest have madewith thestrange notionofbelievingandsayingthatcivilsocietieshavehadthesocialpact astheiroriginalfoundation.Butletusgettoourtopic. Wewillbeginbyfranklydemonstratingtoouradversariesthatwe refusetobelievetheyhavesopooranopinionofuswhentheyascribe touslamentableignoranceregardingtheprincipalandmostimportant Originaltitle:“PolémicaentreEl Universal,El Siglo XIX,yEl Monitor Republicano, entre1848y1849:‘Cualsealacausadenuestrosmales’ ”[segundoartículo].Source:El Universal,Mexico,February3,1849. 197
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factsofourownhistory.Wesaid,andwerepeattoday,thatthecryof libertythatresoundedthroughoutEuropehadechoesinourpatria;but wedonotsaywithassurance,nordowethinkofsayingwithassurance, thatthemassesthataroseatthevoiceoftheparishpriestofDolores were moved by that cry, which they neither heard nor could understand.Weknow,atleastaswellasourillustrious antagonists,thatnotthe nameofliberty,butothersverydifferent,amongthemthatoftheVirgin ofGuadalupe,weretheonesinvokedthememorablenightofSeptember15,1810.Weknowequallywellthatifthecaudillosofthatglorious revolution,indeclaringwarontheSpanishpower,hadthrownforththe namesoflibertyandindependence,theyprobablywouldhaveachieved nothing;thosewatchwordswouldhavediedwithoutfindingechoesin themultitudeforwhichtheyhadnosignificancewhatsoever.Weknow, lastly,thattherevolutionwascompletedthankstothePlanofIguala, oneofwhosebaseswasthetransfertoAmericaofFerdinandorother individuals of the reigning house; but we know also that the leaders oftherevolution,initsfirstandlastepoch,usedthewatchwordsthey invokedonlytomovethemultitude.Weknowaswellthatthemerit ofthefamousPlanofIguala,whoserealizationistheholygrailofour very esteemed compatriotsandcolleagues,thegentlemenofEl Universal, didnotconsistinitsintrinsicgoodness,butratherinhavingbeenthe mostconvenient,themostsuitabletothecircumstances,becauseonly by unifying the opposing interests that divided public opinion could onedirectthispublicopiniontoasingleend.Thistheauthorofthe above-mentionedplantried,andheattainedit,aswastobeexpected. Butitwillnotappearthatwehaveknownallthisafterthegentlemenof El Universalundertooktheenormoustaskofdiggingupthedocuments ofthehistoryofourcountrytothrowinourfacesthelamentableignoranceinwhichwefindourselveswithrespecttothemostimportant factsofhistory.Wewillexplain,then,inwhatsensewesaidthatthe cryoflibertythatresoundedthroughoutallEuropehadechoesinour patria. WhenthePeninsulastruggledwiththeFrenchtroopsthathadinvadedit,thewritings,proclamations,manifestos,etc.,multipliedthere, inwhichwereinvokedtheeternalprinciplesoflibertyandindependenceofnations.Aportionofthosewritingsfoundtheirwaytous,and someMexicanshad,bythismeans,thefirstnewsofthedoctrinesthat
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establishequality,sovereignty,andindependenceofpeoples.Thesewere thefirstgermsofthenewideas,andthismadesomeofourcompatriots thinkaboutjusticeandthepossibilitythatMexicohadtobecomean independentpeople,aprojectthatthepriestHidalgobeganinDolores andthatIturbidecompletedelevenyearsafterthatfirstevent.Forthis reason,then,wesaidthatthecryoflibertythroughoutallEuropehad hadechoesamongus.Butwefeelwehaveexpoundedexcessivelyonthis matterwhenthediscussioncallsustoamoreworthyandcomprehensive field. WestatedthattheMexicans,intheepochwhenindependencewas achieved,didnotformacompactpeopleunitedbybondsoffeeling, habits, and interests, but rather a people whose unity was exclusively basedonthatofthepowereverybodyobeyed;wesaidalsothatsucha bondwasbyitsnatureviolent,andthatonceitwaslacking,thedissolvingelementsthathadgerminatedoversomeyearshadtoproducetheir naturaloutcome.Gentlemeneditors,inordertosucceedinmakingyou understandus,wewillexplainourselvesbymeansofalittleexample. Letussupposeabadfatherofafamily,despoticandabsolutewithhis ownchildren,astheSpanishpowerwaswiththeunfortunatechildren ofthissoil.Letussuppose,then,thatsuchamandirectsthebusinessof hishouseandsometimesuseshischildrenaspassiveinstruments.Let ussupposefurthermorethatsuchaonehascompletelyneglectedthe educationofhisfamilytosuchanextentthatnofeeling,nointerest,no bondunitesitsmembers.Nonetheless,thebusinessofthehousegoes onwithregularity;everyoneobeystheleader,notbecausetheyareconvincedtheyhavetodoso,butbecauseattheslightestmistakethewhip fallsonthem,and,intimidatedandmadebrutish,theytrembleatthe sightoftheonetheyseeasaninsufferabletyrant. Well,whenthatmanismissing,whatwillhappentothesupposed family?Willthememberscontinueunited?Willtheylaboronintothe futureforthecommongood?Surelynot.Shouldwethencounselthe familythat,toavoidthenewillsthatirremissiblythreatenit,itsearch foranotherman,nolessdespoticandtyrannicalthanthefirst,sothat everythingcontinuesasbefore?Ordoweadviseitthatitmanageitself byitself,thatitnotbefrightenedbytheillsthatmightbefallit,thatit trytocreateandtightenbondsthatuniteitsdifferentmembers,thatit profitbytheexperience,thatinevitablyeventswillaffordit,andthatin
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thisway,despitethedifficultiesoverwhichitstumbledatfirst,itwill cometobeatsometimerichandhappy?Andso,howdoesthiscomparisonseemtoyou,gentlemenofEl Universal?Itisverypoor,very weak with respect to the picture the Mexican nation presents under Spanishdomination.Theunityofpowerthenationobeyedisnotthe unitythatissoughtandthatmustformthefoundationofanytypeof government.Thatobediencewasnotbasedonamoralconviction,but onterror;therewerenotcitizenswhoobeyed,butratherslavesmade brutishanddegradedwhosubmissivelyloweredtheirheadsonhearing pronouncedthenameoftheking.Whenitwassaid,then,totheMexicansthatthattyrannicalpowernolongerexisted,thattheywerefreeand brothers,thatNewSpainhaddisappearedtogivewaytothefreeand independentMexicannation,thedifficulties,thestumblings,thesetbackswereinevitable.Yettheseillshadtoproducethebeneficialeffect ofexperience.Thankstoit,thenationthatatfirsthadtoencounterdifficultiesofeverykindinitspath,hadtoemergewithtimefromthese difficulties,advancewithorderandregularity,andatsometimecome tobeasrich,aspowerful,andashappyasthemagnificentelementsthat natureputatitsdisposalpromised.Butinsteadofprofitingfromtheexperience,insteadofdevelopingthenaturalelements,itappearsthatwe pledgedourselvestofollowfatallythecourseofapathy,disorder,waste, demoralization,inshort,whatwehavefolloweduntilnow.Itappears wepledgedourselvestoextinguishcompletelyourpowerfulelements ofwealth.Forthisreason,theRepublicpresentseverywherethesadpictureofarichandfertilenaturestrugglingwithapoorandagedsociety becauseofdisorders. OurcolleaguesatEl Universalmakeachargeagainstusthatwemust notpassoverinsilence.Theysaythat,fanaticallypledgedtothedefense ofthefederalsystem,wehaveattributedthecauseofourillstotheindependenceofthenation,andtheycannotconceivehowwesaidlater withassurancethatthishadtobe,becauseitwasjust,becauseitwas necessary,becauseithadtobebeneficent.GentlemenofEl Universal, weknowhowtoappreciatetheindependenceoftheRepublicasmuch asormorethanyou.Wehavenotaccusedindependenceofhavingproducedourills.Wesaid,andwerepeatittoday,thatthestateinwhichthe nationfounditself,thankstothestupidpoliciesofthekingsofSpain, hadtoproducegreatupheavalsatthetimewhenthenation,abandoning the ancient yoke, would appear among free peoples. This change
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alonehadtoproducegreatupheavals,whatevermightbethesystemthe nationadopted.Forthatreason,wesaidithadindeedbeenaverygreat inanitytobelievethatthenationwouldbehappyjustbyadoptingthe federalsystem;itisnolessaninanitytoattributethecauseofourillsto theadoptionofthatsystem.
4
What Might Be the Causes of Our Ills, Third Article
Inoureditorialofthethird,werepliedtosomeofthe observations the gentlemen of El Universal made regarding the first articlewepublishedwiththetitleattheheadofthisone;todaywego onwithourtask,andwewillexplainourideasaboutthecausesthathave contributedsecondarilytothedevelopmentoftheillsMexicansociety hassufferedintheshortperiodithasexisted. WehavesaidthattheillstheRepublichassufferedareowedprincipallytothestateinwhichtheRepublicfounditselfuponachieving independence;thisgloriouschange,whichelevatedtheoldcolonyto thestatusofindependentandsovereignnation,wasnot,nonetheless, enoughtomakeithappy,althoughitmustbeconsideredthefirststep ithadtotakeonthepathtohappiness.ThegentlemenofEl Universal haveinsultedus,aninjusticewedonotaccept;norcanwepassoveritin silence,andforthisreasonwewillinsisttodayonourideas,reproducing withoutfearwhatwehavesaidothertimes.Theyhaveassertedthatwe accusedindependenceofhavingcausedallourills,andwiththismotive theydeclareemphaticallythatEl Universalwouldnotdosuchathing! You,gentlemeneditors,youwholongsomuchfortheyear1810,you whodefendsomuchthesystemoftheSpaniardswhentheyruledthese countries,youwhomockedtheliberty,sovereignty,andindependence ofthenation,yousaywithassurance,seeminglyfilledwithaprideful satisfaction,thatindependence“isapreciousgoodthatyouknowhow tovalueinallitsworth.”Wedonotknowhowtoreconcilesuchanexplicitacknowledgment withwhatyouassertinthesamearticle, correspondenttoJanuary25,whenrespondingtoourquestion,“mightit beinferred fromallthisthatindependence hasbeen harmful tous,” Originaltitle:“PolémicaentreEl Universal,El Siglo XIX,yEl Monitor Republicano, entre1848y1849:‘Cualsealacausadenuestrosmales’ ”[tercerartículo].Source:El Universal,Mexico,February7,1849. 202
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youdonothesitatetosayfrankly,yes.Thereitsaidindependencehad harmedus,hadruinedanddiscreditedus,andconsequentlyhasbeen detrimentaltous;andwe,gentlemeneditors,wehavenotassertedsuch things.Wesaidthattheupheavalsthecountryhassufferedwereaninevitable consequence not of independence, but rather of the state in whichthecountryfounditselfinachievingindependence,ofthedefective education the Spaniards provided to our fathers, of theignorance,ofthebrutalizationtowhichthemasseshadbeencondemned bytheviceregalpower;thosearethefactstowhichwealludewhenwe assertthattheillsthathaveoverwhelmedthecountrywereapowerful consequenceoftheaforementionedantecedents.Thus,then,independence,producingsuchanimportantchangeinoursituation,placingthe Republiconanewandlittle-knownpath,putusinadifficultposition fromwhichonlysomemenofnoblesentimentsanduncommonabilitiescouldhavesavedus.Unfortunately,suchmenwerelacking,anddifficulties,obstacles,andupheavalsmarkedthefirststepsoftheRepublic initshaltingadvance.Butthisdoesnotmeanthatourillsaretheinevitableconsequenceofindependence;ifitwereso,theywouldlastaslong asindependencedid;andreason,theexperienceofwhathashappened amongotherpeoplesoftheworld,thenaturalorderofthings,assureus thatmoreorlessquicklytheymustend,thatmoreorlessquicklythe Republichastooccupy,amongthefreeandhappypeopleoftheearth, theplacethatprovidencehasdesignatedforit.Theseriousnessofthis matter,theinjusticewithwhichthegentlemenofEl Universalhaveaccusedusofbeingenemiesofourindependence,havecompelledusto dealwithitinthisarticle,despitehavingexplainedourideasalreadyin thecorrespondentofthethirdofthismonth.Wewillcontinue,then, thetaskwebegan. Afterhavingachievedindependence,themenwhohadcontributed toittriedtofindrecompensefortheireffortsinthepublicpoststhenew order of things made accessible to all legitimate ambitions. Unfortunately,themenwerefew,veryfew,who,liketheliberatoroftheNorth Americanrepublic,werehappywithenjoyingthesweetnessofprivate life,themostbeautifulrecompenseforgoodactions,whichtheman whoistrulygreatandvirtuousfindsinthetestimonyofhisconscience. Very much to the contrary, our men wanted to appear on the public stage,andastherewasnocompetentjudgewhocoulddesignateforeach onetheplacehemeritedaccordingtohisshareholdings,theresultwas
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that,somanyprivateambitionsnotbeingsatisfiedeveniflegitimate, theydidnotforthatreasonceasebeingdetrimental,emulationwasconvertedintoenvy,and,oncethetorrentofprivatepassionsranwild,the publicgoodservedaspretextandpowerfulleverforsustainingmean interests. Thiswasthestartofthegeneraldemoralizationinwhichallclassesof societyfoundthemselvessubmerged.Ambitionshadnoend,thosewho hadambitionsthrewthemselvesintorevolutiontosatisfythem,andthe firsttriumphoftherevolutionariesexpandedthefieldofambition;and sincethenallthosewhohavewantedtoprosperatlittlecosthavehad todonomoreworkthanhoistarevolutionarystandard.Thissystem continuingfortwenty-eightyears,wehaveseenthecountryconstantly involvedininternalwars;changeshavefollowedoneanotherwithout interruption,barelyhavesomementakenpossessionofpublicposts, dispossessingfromthemthosewhooccupiedthem,whenothersinturn haveoustedandreplacedthem;theselatterhavecededtheirplaceto thosewhohavecomeafter,andinthisinterminablechainofchanges,in thiscontinualseriesofrevolutions,thecountryhasnotonlynotbeen abletoprosper,butithasnotevenbeenabletoremainstationary.In ourhistoryofdisordersthereisafactwemustnote,anditisthefollowing:generally,aminority,aninsignificantfaction,hasmanagedto takepossessionofthepublicposts,holdingthemagainsttheopinions ofthemajorityofthenation.Nonetheless,thereisnothingstrangein thisfact,andinordertorecognizeit,itisenoughtoanalyze,although superficially,thehistoryofourdisordersandconsidertheeffectsthat thesewouldinevitablyproduce. Inthatcontinual changeofpersons, ofprinciples, andofsystems, thenationhasnotseenanypositivegood;onthecontrary.Today,asa consequenceofachangeofsystem,greatgoodsarepromisedthenation,itcametoconceivebrillianthopesforimprovements,andtomorroweverythingcontinuesthesame:thesamesystem,thesameabuses, thesamewasteintheadministration,thesamelackofmoralityinthe functionaries.Forthisreason,alltheprinciples,allthesystems,have beenbroughtintodisrepute;forthisreasontheproclamationsofmany generals,themanifestosandprogramsofourgovernments,areconsidered ridiculous documents in which no one believes. This disrepute, which began through persons but then continued through principles andsystems,hascontaminated,intheend,thelawsthemselves,making
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themimpotentandridiculous.Andthisterribleillthatourlegislators havenotevenbeenabletoforeseehasdevelopedthemostcompletedemoralizationinallclassesofsociety,looseningthemostpowerfulsocial bonds.Theresulthasbeenthatthemajorityofthenation,whichhas seenitselfsacrificedathousandtimestotheinterestsoftheambitious ones,thathasseenmockedthemostagreeablehopes,themostbrilliant promises,haslostitsfaithinalltheconstitutions,hassufferedwithindifferenceallthechanges,andamiserableminority,takingadvantageof thatpoliticalindifference,hasplayedatitswhimwiththedestiniesof thecountry. Wecouldexpanduponthisparticular matteragreatdeal,butthe fatalresultsofourrevolutionsarecleartoeverybody.Forthatreason, onevoicealone,onesinglecry,istobeheardthroughouttheentireRepublic:everyoneclamorsforpeace;commercewantspeace;agriculture demandspeace,industryneedspeace,theentireRepublic,finally,calls forpeacetoensureitsexistence,topreventtheillswithwhichourpast disordersthreatenusstill.
Mariano otero Mariano Otero (1817–50), born in Guadalajara, Jalisco, was a lawyerandaliberalpolitician.Oterowaseditorofthenewspaper El Siglo XIX and a firm believer in liberal reform. He playedaprominentroleasaconstitutionmakerinthe1840s. The writings of Alexis de Tocqueville influenced Otero’s thinking regarding the role of the judiciary, federalism, and particularlyjudicialreview.OteroproposedinMexicoalegal recourse to protect individual rights against the state called juicio de amparo.Oterowasacutelyawareofsomeoftheinstitutionalflawsofthe1824federalConstitution.When,in1847,the liberalfactioninCongressconsideredrestoringtheConstitution,Otero,adeputy,wroteadissentingvoteinwhichheelaboratedonthereformsthatwerenecessarytoamendthatcharter. Otero’sindividualvotesoinfluencedthedeputiesinCongress thatwhenthe1824Constitutionwasfinallyrestored,an“actof reforms”(basicallyOtero’srecommendations)wasattachedto it.Heservedasministerofinternalandexternalrelationsunder PresidentHerrerain1848.Hisuntimelydeathfromcholeraat thirty-threeyearsofagepreventedhimfromparticipatingin the1856–57ConstituentCongress,whichdraftedthe1857liberalcharter.WepresentOtero’sindividualvotesubmittedto CongressonApril5,1847.
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Individual Vote in the Constituent Congress Sir: WhenIreceivedfromCongressthedifficultassignmentoftakingpart inshapingtheconstitutionproject,IdidnotthinkIwouldfindmyself inthepainfulsituationinwhichIam,required,unfortunatelyforme, toprovidemyindividualopinionindisagreementwiththeconsiderablemajorityofthecommission.Ihoped,onthecontrary,thatallofus, agreeingontheprinciplesregardingtheworkthathadbeenentrusted tous,wouldunderstandeachotherperfectlyand,afterdiscussingthe formanddetailsratherthanthecardinalpoints,wewouldbeableto presenttoCongressareportthat,correctedbyitswisdom,mightfulfill theprincipalobjectiveforwhichCongresswasconvened.Theconservationofthefederalsystem,theestablishmentoftheliberalandphilosophicalprinciplesthatbelongtoourcentury,andtherapidandsure developmentofdemocracyareandhavealwaysbeenunanimouslyacceptedinCongress.Becauseofthepressofcircumstances,thesadresults of our past discords, the various opinions, inevitable in matters equallyasdifficultastheyareimportant,theyhavenotmanagedtocome toanagreementonanydifferencesotherthantheonesrelativetothe bestmeansofmakingthoseprinciplestriumphandthosethatconsistin somequestionsofasecondaryandevenatransitorynature. My hopes, nonetheless, have not been realized: our division, for whichsomeincidentsbeyondthesubjectofmyreportwerethereason, becameinevitableandhasputmeinthedisadvantageouspositionofentrustingtomypowersalonethesupportofanopinionthatissensitive becauseofthematterwithwhichitdealsandmuchmoresobyreason ofthecircumstances. Butpreciselybecauseofthecircumstances,itisinmyjudgment,sir, Originaltitle:“Votoparticularpresentadoalcongresoconstituyenteenlasesiónde 5deabrilde1847.”Source:El Republicano,Mexico,nos.105and106,April15and16,1847. 207
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extremelyadvisablethatassoonaspossiblethepoliticalorganizationof thecountrybesettleddefinitivelybymeansofthefundamentalcode. Theadvisabilityofadoptingthecodeof1824withreformscannotbe disputed.Thepointsofimprovementthatthesecurityandprogressof ourinstitutionsdemandareclear;andtodecreethemthereare,inthe patriotismoftheCongressandinthetruestateofpublicaffairs,theelementsrequiredtofulfillourassignmenthonorably.Butwiththevery tightdeadlinethathasbeensetforus,anddistractedbyotherveryurgent assignments,IscarcelyhavetimetoindicatethereasonsonwhichIbase myopinion.Iamconsoledthatmydesire,morethanregisteringanindividualopinion,isexplainingmyconvictionswithoutanypresumption thattheywouldbeapproved. ThatthepresentstateoftheRepublicurgentlydemandsthedefinitive establishmentoftheconstitutionalorderisatruthoneseestobeself- evidentjustbycontemplatingthatverystate.AwarinwhichMexico strugglesfornothinglessthanitsexistence,halfitsterritoryoccupied byitsenemy,whichalreadyhassevenstatesinitspower,ourprimary maritimecityhavingjustyielded,andevenourcapitalitselfseriously threatened,nothingwouldbebetterthantheexistenceofsomepolitical organizationthat,avoidinginternaldifficulties,leavesforlaterthedebateoverfundamentalprinciples.Butthisorganizationdoesnotexist, andtocarrythatverywarthroughtoitsconclusionitisnecessaryas soonaspossibletoendthecomplicationsthatstandinitsway.Inwar, withevenmorereasonthaninpeace,apeoplecannotliveandresist exceptwhentheyhavetheuseofallelementsoftheirpower,andinasmuchastheirpoliticalorganizationistheonlyonethatunites,directs, andregulatesthem,itisnotpossibleforthepeopletosurviveiftheyare maintainedunderanentirelydefectiveorganization.Itisnotourfault, but rather a consequence of the past, that the complexity of circumstancesisasgreatasitis.Theweaknessofwhatexistsisobvious,and thereisnoreasontohopeotherwise. Nothingissolidandorganized.Everythingwehaveisfromyesterday:itwasthedifficultworkofamovementthat,asnationalasitmight havebeen,couldnotproducethesecuritythattimeandorderdo.The federalgovernmenthasjustorganizeditself,andalreadyitisstruggling withathousanddifficulties:withtheviolenceofeverytypeofreaction, thelackofmeanstocommand,theinexperienceofanalmostnewsystem, the spirit of foreboding so characteristic of these moments, the
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alarmofallthosewho,seeingtheirfatelinkedtotheinstitutions,do notknowwhethertheirinterestswillbesacrificedorrespected.The statestesttheirpowerwithlackofconfidence;thecenterseesthatitis notasrespectedasitshouldbe;andtherevolutionhasjusttakenpossessionofthemostbeautifulofallourhopes,theGuard,1whichina momentofdizzinesshasgivenanexamplethattheloversofinstitutions hopewillnotrepeatitselfagain.Inshort,wehavetodayapublicpower overwhelmedwiththedifficultiesofanecessarywarandwiththedifficultiesofanorganizationinwhicheverythingistransitory,inwhichno powerhasconsciousnessofitsstability,inwhicharenotedveryalarmingtendenciestowarddisunion,inwhichcertainconditionsoforderare lacking,andallthiswhenthecivilwarhasbeenafact,whenitstillis, perhaps,athreat. Inview,then,ofsodangerousasituation,Ihavebelievedthatevery transitory state, just because it is such, would not have the necessary forcetodominatethecircumstancesandthatthebestofallremedies wouldbetoresolvetheproblematonce,takedirectionofaffairswitha firmhand,adoptthereformsthatareclamoredfor,provideinstitutions withthepowertheyneed,andmakethenationenter,withouttheleast delay and with all haste, the tranquil path of a constitutional system, which,notthreatenedbychange,mightgiveallsocialinterestsorder, quiet,andsecurity. IamconfirmedinthisjudgmentthatmuchmorewhenIseethatthe revolutionofAugust2andpublicopinionhaveprecededusinindicatingthemostappropriatemeanstoattainthatend.Because,ineffect,it isnecessarytoconsiderthatthatmovementhasnotbeensosolemnly accepted,exceptbecauseiteffectedtwogreatgoods:itputanendtoan orderofthingsthatconspiredagainstrepublicanforms,anditreturned to Mexico the only institutions with which the Republic and liberty couldbearealityamongus.Thus,thereestablishmentofthefederation, decreedsimplyasaprovisionalorganizationandsubmittedtothedecisionofthisCongress,hasbeenconfirmedandexistsasaconsummated andunassailablefact.Theoldstatesofthefederationhaveagainexer 1.TheNationalGuard.OnFebruary27,1847,theNationalGuardrevoltedagainst thenationalgovernmentinMexicoCity.(Editor’snote) 2.InAugustthefederalistfactionmanagedtogainpower,restoredthefederation, andreenactedthe1824federalConstitution.(Editor’snote)
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cisedtheirsovereignty,haverecoveredthefullexerciseofthatright, accordingtotheexpressdeclarationofsomeandthewayofoperating ofallofthem,itbeingevidentthatnooneistryingtoopposethatfact andthatnothingtodaywouldbesouselessastosetouttodemonstrate theneedforandappropriatenessofthefederalsystem.Why,then,not end by recognizing that fact, sheltering the federal institutions from thedangersthatitsapparentstateofnearprovisionalitybringswithit? Themannerofdoingitseemstomeperfectlyindicatedbythepress, the legislatures, and the considerable number of gentlemen deputies whohaverequested“thereestablishmentoftheConstitutionof1824 withtheappropriatereforms.” Theonlyideafromthisproposalthatmightbeabletodivideus,the determinationtomakeanewfederalconstitutionoralterthatonesubstantially,isagratifyingbutlamentableidea,atemptationseductiveto self-love but whose dangers should dissuade us. Since 1835,3 with the Republicdominatedbytheforceofarevolution,thecrimewascommitted of destroying a constitution whose legitimacy has never been questionedandwhichhadtheimmeasurableadvantageofbeingthefirst and having lasted eleven years. How many who have wanted to constructanotheroneontheruinsofthatedificehavereceivedthesaddest disappointment?Thediscussionoffundamentallaws,mostproductive amidstdangers,hascometobeournormalstate.Allwhohadtheillusionofbelievingthattheyweregoingtosettlethequestionbymeansof theirrespectivesystemshaveseeninverylittletimetheirworksripped fromtheirfoundationsbythetorrentofrevolutions.Beforethis,and without considering that the Constitutional Congresses have been ceaselesslyoccupiedwithdiscussingreforms,fourconstituentassemblieshavebeengatheredinonlytwelveyearswithoutadvancingasingle stepdowntheroadofourreorganizationandplacingus,attheendof thistime,inthesamesituationwewerein1835,butwiththesadfruitsof thatdisorder,withtheterritorydismembered,civilwarconvertedinto ahabit,societybeingdissolvedbycorruption. Isthisnotavividandindeliblelessonontherespectwithwhichthe originalinstitutionsofapeopleshouldberegarded?Ifweyieldtoday tothetemptationofforminganewcodeinordertooffer,initsliterary 3.In1835theConstitutionof1824wasannulled;anewcentralistconstitutionknown astheSevenLawswasenactedin1836.(Editor’snote)
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andscientificpointofview,advantagesthatareveryobviousoverthe Constitutionof1824,whowouldassureusthatthiswork,childofour sadcircumstances,publishedinthemidstofcivildiscordsandexposed tothejudgmentofsomanyopinions,totheclashofsomanyinterests, couldriseabovethathabitofcontempt,ofinconstancyanddestruction thatrespectsnothing?Whathopecouldwehavethatitwouldnotpass intooblivionliketheearlierones,afterashortandtempestuousreign, duringwhichneitherwereitsprinciplespopularizednorthepractical advantagesofitsapplicationfelt?Thefirstconditionoflifeforfundamentallaws,aftertheirsuitability,isthepeople’sloveandveneration. ButthisconditiondoesnotcometothepeoplefromtheConstitution’sscientificandliteraryperfection,becausetherearefewjudgesof thatandthesearedividedonsocontroversialasubject,butratherfrom thememoriesthatarearoused,fromtheopinionsthataretransmitted aboutitfromfatherstosons.Inthisregard,durationisinitselfarecommendation;andthebestcodethatmightbedrawnupbyustodaycould notcompetewithrespecttothoseadvantageswiththecodeof1824,superiortoallinvenerationandlegitimacy.Intheepochofitsformation noonecontestedthepowersofdeputieselectedinthemidstofaprofoundpeace;allthestatesconcurredonthatsolemnpact,anditwasalso confirmedinthemidstoftheemotionsofapeoplewhohadjustwon their independence and whosurrendered their most happy future to dreams.Theentirenationacceptedthecodeof1824astherewardforits pastsacrifices,asthesymbolofitsfuturehopes,andretainedsuchalove foritthatdeceptionandoppressionwerenecessarytowrenchitfrom thenation’shands,andithasneverstoppedfightingforthatcode.On theotherhand,thememoryofthatConstitutionislinkedtotheestablishmentoftheRepublicandtherepresentativesystem,forwhichthat Constitutionbecamethesecurity;tolocalliberties,sobelovedbythe nation;toourrespectabilityabroad,whichremainedinviolableduring itsreign;totheonlytranquilandhappydayswehaveeverenjoyed.The mostcursoryexaminationofourpresentcircumstancesshouldconvince usthatweareveryfarfrombeingabletohavesuchfavorableomens;it shouldpersuadeusthatnothingtodaywillbeaspatrioticasorganizing thefundamentallawsoftheRepublicundertheprotectionofallthose positiveinfluences. Inordertounderstandthecompleteimportanceofthisobservation, itisnecessarytorememberthatpeoplesaregovernedbyhabitsandbe.
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liefs, by imagination and customs. From the point of view of a skillful plan and a brilliant exposition, the constitutions of revolutionary Francewillalwaysserveasadmirablemodels.Theretheprincipleswere expressedwithenergyandconcision,theideasdevelopedinalltheir details,themostprofoundandingeniousplansfollowedwithmastery; andnonetheless,oneafteranotherwaspassedwithouttakingholdof society,while,despiteitsunfavorableorigin,theConstitutionof1815 haslastedthirtyyearssimplybecauseitcametoberegardedasthecompromise between the old and new states, simply because it made the influencesofthepastservetherealizationofhopesforthefuture.The exampleofEnglandisstillmoreobvious.Thatnation,cradleofrepresentativeinstitutions,hasfortwocenturiesmaintaineditsConstitution disseminated among a multitude of laws, many of them obscure and badlywritten,and,nonetheless,suchistheloveofallEnglishcitizens fortheirinstitutionsthatreformsareinitiatedonlyaroundspecialitems thatrequireimprovementandthatifoneweretoannounceaprojectto reducethoseoriginalfoundationstoacodeasperfectasthatwisenation wouldsoeasilybeabletodo,allpartieswoulduniteagainsttheunhappy instigatoroftheperfection.TheConstitutionoftheUnitedStatesitself isveryfarfrombeingafinishedwork.Inlargepartithasarelationto thesocialcustomsofthatpeople,andpreciselybecauseitisinperfect harmonywiththem,ithaspresidedoverthemostadmirableadvance recordedinancientandmodernhistory.Fromthisitfollowsthatanintelligentlegislatorwillalwayspreferaconstitutioninwhichthepeople seetheirglory,theirnationality,andtheirlibertysymbolized,although itmightnotbeperfectcomparedwithanotherthatmightbebutlacks memoriesandinfluences. Finally,andtoexpresswithloyaltytotheCongressthemotivesthat havemademedecideinfavorofthecontinuationoftheConstitutionof 1824,IwillsaythatIconsidertheadvantageofitslegitimacyinvaluable, whichseemsoflittleimportancetosomeothers.EarlierIstatedthatthe resultofthedestructionofouroriginalpactwastoproclaimthatthesocietywasnotconstitutedandsotoabandonittotheturbulentstruggle ofallthosewhobelievedtheypossessedthesecretofsecuringitsstable organizationonvariousfoundations.Andtoendthislamentablemovement,whatmeanswouldbebetterthanreturningtothestartingpoint, recognizingthatthenationhasbeenandisconstituted,condemningthe resultsofacrimeinwhichwewouldappearequallycomplicitbyadopt-
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ingitsoutcomes,announcingsolemnlyonbehalfoftheUnionthatin MexicotherearenorightsotherthanthosecreatedbytheConstitution of1824,andrequiringofeverybodythefulfillingofcorrelativeobligations?Onlyinthatwaywillwebeabletosaythatwehavereturned respectabilitytothelaws,andthistypeofrenunciationoftheomnipotenceofconstituentpowerbeforethelegitimacyofouroriginalpact wouldbeanexampleasusefulfortheRepublicasitwouldbehonorable fortheCongress. Iinsist,then,ontheopinionIhavedeclaredothertimes,thatweourselvesmustlimitourpowersandourtaskonlytomaking,intheConstitutionof1824,thereformsthatitsownstabilityrequires,andthisfor reasonsthatareinthegraspofeveryoneandare,tomywayofthinking, incontestable. ThenecessityofreformingtheConstitutionof1824hasbeenasgenerallyrecognizedasitslegitimacyandappropriateness.Regardingit,all learnedmenoftheRepublichavebeeninagreement,andtheycorroboratedthestrengthofthebestargumentswiththeirresistibleevidence ofthefacts.Who,rememberingthatunderthatConstitutionourcivil discordsbeganandthatitwassoimpotentagainstthedisorderthat,insteadofsuppressingitandgoverningsociety,theConstitutionhadto yieldinthefaceofthedisorder,willbeabletodoubtthattheConstitutioncontainedwithinitselfthecausesofitsweaknessandtheelements ofdissolutionthatundermineditsexistence?Andifthisisso,then,as itisinfact,willitbeagoodforourcountrytoestablishthatConstitutionwithnomorestrengthorforcethanithadbefore,sothatitsname againbecomesonlyanillusion?Wouldnotreestablishingthefederal systemunderthesameconditionswithwhichexperiencehasdemonstrateditcannotexistdecreeitsruin,andpreciselytodaywhenmuch moreunfavorableconditionsexistthanthosethatwereenoughtodestroyit?NorcanthesituationoftheRepublicnowendureanylonger anuncertainandprovisionalstate.Theseriousnessofitsills,theforce withwhicheventsarerushingtowardus,demandpromptandeffective remedy;andbecausethisremedyconsistsinestablishingtheconstitutionalorder,nolessthanintheappropriatenessandsolidityofthewayit isresolved,itseemstotallybeyonddoubtthatitiscompletelynecessary toproceedimmediatelytothereforms. In days much less unfortunate, reforms were the constant desire ofthenation,expressedthroughallthelegitimatemeansofwhichit
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usuallymakesusetoenunciateitswill.Never,from1834untilnow,has therestorationofthefederalsystembeenproclaimedwithoutrequestingasanecessarycondition,inordertogivestabilitytothefederative principleandtobringitsconsequencesintoline,importantreformsin theoldConstitution.Noonehasadvocatedthatitshouldonceagain governinthecountryandremainintactcontrarytotheindicationsof experience. On this point, I understand for this very reason that the fullnessofourpowersworksinallitsforce.Thus,wantingnothingto dowithrefutinganopinionthatdoesnothavepartisans,Iamgoingto showCongresswhatmightbe,frommypointofview,theindispensableandmosturgentmodificationsoursituationrequiresandthebest meansoffacilitatingothernewmodificationsforlaterwhenwearrive atthatdegreeofperfectionthatpresentcircumstancesdonotpermitus toattempt,butwhoseattainmentwillalsobecreditedtousifweknow toprepareforit,startingnow,withtheforesight,prudence,andinsight thatmustdistinguishlegislatorsofnations.Fortherest,timedoesnot permitmetobeexcessive.Iproposepassingovereachpointwithonly simplesuggestions,andwhatIamgoingtosayabouttheproposedreformswillprovetheycannotbedeferred,neitherforanotherepochnor anotherCongress,nomatterwhatitsproximitymightbe. In1832itbegantobeobservedthatthefederalConstitutionhadto put the exercise of citizens’ rights in order, and I have believed that thismustbethefirstofthereforms,persuadedasIamthatitisonthis pointthattheprincipleoftheformofgovernmentsischaracterizedand guaranteed,dependingonhowthoserightsareextendedorlimited.For that,ithasbeensaidwithreasonthat“inthepopularstatesthelawsthat establishtherightofsuffragearefundamentalandasimportantasthose thatinmonarchiesestablishwhoisthemonarch”;4andtheConstitutionmustneverleavetosecondarylawsthepowertodestroythem.The methodcopiedfromtheinstitutionsofthenorth,andadoptedbyours of1824,ofleavingthatarrangementtoeachoneofthestatesseemstome dangerousandoflittleimport:dangerousbecauseinthiswayanobjectiveasessentialastheveryformofgovernmentisabandonedbythefederalpowertootheroutsidepowersandexposestheRepublictoavery terribleirregularity,fromwhichonlyitscustomshavebeenabletopreservetheAmericans;andoflittleimportbyreasonofwhich(andthis
4.[Montesquieu1748],Spirit of the Laws,book2,chapter2.
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istheprincipalone)thefederalsysteminitsfinalstateofperfection,as wewantedtoadoptit,isnotasitwasearlier—asimplesocietyofsocieties—butrather,throughthemostadmirablepoliticalmechanism,the citizensofastateformaperfectsocietyamongthemselvesforthematteroftheirinternaladministration,andunitedwiththoseoftheother statesthemselvesform,butwithouttheinterveningofitslocalpowers, anothernation,nolessperfect,whosegovernmentisgeneral;theresult ofwhichisthattheactionofthecitizenonthegovernmentandofthe governmentonthecitizenineverythingrelativetotheUnionisexerciseddirectlywithoutanyinterventionwhatsoeverfromtheauthority ofthestates.Thisprinciple,marvelousstepforwardofsocialscience,is observedincomparingthemechanismoftheAmericanConstitution withtheweakconfederationsofold,whichsuccumbedperhapsbecause ofthisdefect,andsurelydominatedthethoughtoftheauthorsofthat Constitutionwhentheypromulgateditinthenameofthepeopleof theUnitedStates.Wellthen,oncethistruthisestablishedandoncethe factdemonstratedthatthegovernmentoftheUnionis,fromacertain pointofview,atrulynationalgovernment,andonceitischaracterized throughitsformasapopularrepresentativerepublic,itisnecessaryto agreethattoit,andonlytoit,belongstheresponsibilityofpreserving thischaracterandregularizingitsownorganizationthroughthefundamentallaw. Oncetheruleonthispointisintroduced,Congresswillseethatit could not be more liberal. Granting the right of citizenship to every Mexicanwhohasreachedtheageoftwenty,whohasnotbeensentenced inalegalprocesstoanyshamefulpunishmentandhasanhonestmeans ofliving,thedemocraticprincipleisestablishedandguaranteedinall thestatesoftheUnioninthemostopenwaythatcouldbedesired.The ideaofrequiringacertainincomeasnecessarytoenjoytherightsofthe citizen,anidearecommendedbysomewritersofreputableliberalism andalsoadoptedinsomeofourconstitutionallaws,doesnotseemappropriatetome,becausenevercanareasonbegiventhatjustifiesone amountoveranother;andprincipallybecauseestimatingthatamount asaguaranteeofmoralityandindependenceinorderforittobejust,it wouldbenecessarytovaryitwithrespecttothediverseprofessionsand thedifferentlocalitiesoftheRepublic,whichwouldbesodifficultasto beimpossible.Apartfromthis,sothatthisrighthastheimportancedue it,andsothatitsexercisewouldbethefundamentalfoundationofpub-
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licorder,itisindispensablethatasecondarylawregulatetheprocedure bywhichitshouldbeguaranteed,exercised,andsuspended. Inmyjudgment,intheConstitution,oncethefoundationisestablished,onlytheprivilegesinherentinthatqualityremaintobedetermined; and Article 2 that I propose establishes that the right of citizenshipcarry withittheright tovoteinpopularelections, theright toexercisetherightofpetition,therighttogatherinordertodiscuss publicaffairs,andfinallytherightofbelongingtotheNationalGuard, allinaccordancewiththelaws.Nomentionhadbeenmadeinanyof ourearlierconstitutionsofthesethreelastprivileges,andnonetheless theyareofthegreatestimportance.Iftheentiretheoryofrepresentativedemocracywerereducedtosummoningthepeopleonedayinorder toelecttheirmandatariesandrelinquishtothemafterwardthedirectionoftheiraffairs,itwouldbecertain,assomewritersclaim,thatthe representativesystemhadnotbeenabletoreplacetheoldprocedures, whereasleavingtothepeopleconstantparticipationinanddirection ofpublicaffairsthroughpeacefuldiscussionsplacestherepresentatives under the influence of their own constituents, business affairs under thepowerofpublicopinion;andinthiswaythepeacefulandreasoned actionofthepeopleissubstituted,withathousandadvantages,forthe suddenrushofpassionsofthemultitude,deceivedintheforumbythe intriguesofambitionorthespellbindingeloquenceofpoliticalspeakers. Evenundermonarchicalgovernments,wherethedemocraticelementis subjecttoathousandhindrancesandsubordinatedtootheradverseauthorities,oneadmireshowthemajority,supportedbythosepowerful resources,comestotakedirectionofaffairsandadvanceseverydayin greatnessandpower.Thesemeansaretheessenceoftherepresentative system.TheNationalGuardisthemostsolidguaranteeofrepublics,and thisguaranteemustalsobesetdowninthefundamentalcode. Congress, called to establish these principles that by themselves aloneamounttoanenormousadvance,cannotdisregardthembecause thefirstattemptsarenaturallyweakandimperfect.Thisisthenatural progressofallhumanaffairs.Itmattersnotatallthattherightofpetitionisexercisedunderthedirectionofthepassionsofourepoch,that thefirstpopulargatheringsdonotofferalltheinterestoftheirgreat purpose,orthattheNationalGuard,stilllimitedtomuchlessthanit shouldbe,displayssomedefects.Inthewisecombinationofallthese peacefulmethodsofgovernmentthereisanexcellentintensityofad-
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vancement:thatoncepublicaffairsaretakenfromthefieldofriotsto deliverthemtodemocraticinstitutions,theseinstitutionswillcometo prevail, even more because it is true in our country they do not encounter those obstacles that have made violent upheavals and bloody revolutionsnecessaryinotherplaces.Todepictthedefectsoftheattemptinordertomaketheinstitutionhatefulisthesophismofthehiddenenemiesofliberty;buthistoryrejectsthissophism.“EventheRomanpeople,”saysaprofoundwriter,“thismodelofallfreepeople,was notcapableofgoverningitselfwhenitemergedfromtheoppressionof theTarquins.DegradedbytheslaveryandignominiouslaborstheTarquinshadimposed,thepeople,inthebeginning,werenomorethana stupidrabble,whichhadtobeflatteredandgovernedwiththegreatest wisdomsothat,accustomingthemselveslittlebylittletobreathingthe salubriousairofliberty,thesesoulsweakened,ormorecorrectlybrutalizedundertyranny,mightgraduallyacquirethatausterityofcustoms andthatnobleandindomitablepridethatmadeit,intheend,themost respectableofallpeoples.”5 Inmostoftheknownconstitutions,notonlyaretheprinciplesrelativetotheorganizationofpublicpowersfixed,butalsothefoundations of individual guarantees are established, probably because the social conditionofthemembersistheoriginalobjectiveoftheinstitutions andoneofthemostdistinctivecharacteristicsofthetruenatureofgovernments; and notwithstanding the fact that these guarantees, in the realityofthings,dependontheindividualmeasuresofthestates,our federalconstitutiondeclaredthatthenationwasobligatedtoprotect therightsofthecitizenbywiseandjustlaws;and,inimitationofthe codeoftheUnitedStates,invariousofitsarticlesarefoundtrulyphilosophicalprovisionsdirectedtothatveryend.Ihavenotyetfoundasolid argumentagainstthismeansofputtingtheguaranteesofmanunderthe protectionofthegeneralpower,andthosethatshouldhaveconvinced meintheirfavorarenotfew.Onthispoint,thelackofprecisioninconstitutionaldeclarationsdoesnotpresentanydisadvantage,becausethe principlesdictatedbyreasonarethesameinallcountriesandunderall climates.Butwithoutthem,howcouldthegeneralgovernmentprotect thoserightsorstrengthentherealityofdemocraticinstitutionsinallthe 5.J.J.Rousseau,inhisThe Government of Poland(Indianapolis:HackettPublishing Company,1985).
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states;howcoulditmakeeffectivetheprinciplesofliberty?Itis,onthe otherhand,incontestablethat,inthepresentstateofourcivilization, suchaninterestingarrangementcouldnotbelefttotheabsolutediscretionofthestates.Consequently,Iunderstandthatthepresentconstitution must establish individual guarantees, and on foundations so stablethatnomanwhoinhabitsanypartoftheterritoryoftheRepublic, withoutdistinctionbetweencitizensandforeigners,wouldhaveonthis pointanythingtoaskofthebestlawsoftheland. Swayedbythisthought,Iproposethattheconstitutionspecifythe individualrightsandensuretheirinviolability,leavingtoasubsequent law,butgeneralandofaloftycharacter,tospecifythemindetail.Becausethegentlemendeputieswillhavealreadyobservedinthismatter that,evenbeingreducedtofundamentalprinciples,itisnecessaryto givethemabreadthlittlesuitedtothelimitsandcharacter,sotospeak, essentialtotheconstitution;andifoneauthorityhadtoproclaimthe principleinitsvagueandabstractgenerality,andanotherauthorityhad tospecifythedetailsonwhichitsrealitydepends,theformerwillhave donenothing.Inordertorecognizeinthismattertheinadequacyof generalprinciples,itisenoughtochoosesomepoint,asifatrandom; forexample,security:allourconstitutionsestablishedacertainlength oftimebetweendetentionandformalimprisonment,anticipatingthat inthisperiodoftimethestatementoftheaccusedmightbetaken;and all,forgettingtheinstanceoftheapprehensionoftheconfirmedcriminalinasitedifferentfromthatofitsjudge,haveallowedanexceptionin whichtheinfractionofthelawbecomesinevitable.Thesamecanbeobservedwithrespecttoproperty:thebroadestdeclarationshavenotbeen sufficienttostopthesystemofforcedloansandtakingpossessionof beastsofburden,whicharenothingmorethancrimesagainstproperty. Amoreextensivelawthatsetsforththeprinciplesexactly,thatrecognizestheexceptionand,aboveall,establishesthemeansofmakingthem effective,istheonlywayitwillbeabletofulfillthisveryimportant need.Intheconstitution,Iproposethatonlythegeneralprinciplebe stated,thatitsinviolabilitybedeclared,andtheonlysituationinwhich theguaranteescanbesuspendedbesetforth,notalltheguarantees,but onlythoserespectivetothedetentionoftheaccusedandthesearching of homes. If, with more tranquil times coming, Congress could concernitselfwiththecreationofthatlaw,seeminglyaworkforitalone,it wouldraiseamonumentofveryagreeablerecognitiontoitsmemory.
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Passingfromthesematterstotheorganizationofthefederalpowers, primaryobjectoftheConstitution,thelegislativefunctionispresented ascarriedoutbyaCongresscomposedoftwochambers.Theone,popularandnumerous,representsthecitizenryandexpressesthedemocratic principleinallitsenergy.Theother,smallerandslower,hasaverydifficultdoublecharacter,becauseitrepresentsatthesametimethepoliticalbodiesconsideredequal,anditcomestofulfilltheurgentneedthat everysocialorganizationofabodyhas,storehouseofwisdomandsound judgmentthatmoderatestheimpetuousnessofunthinkingdemocracy and,intheincessantpersonnelchangeofpopularinstitutions,preserves thescienceofgovernment,thememoryoftraditions—thetreasure,so tospeak,ofanationalpolicy.Onthispoint,morethanonanyother,I feelthelackofthepossibilitytoworkoutmyideascalmlyandtoexpress thoroughlytoCongressthereasonsforthereformIamproposing. Withrespecttothepopularchamber,havingsetfirmlyasaprinciple thatitshouldrepresentindividuals,thereremainonlythreeobjectsof reform:itsnumber,theconditionsofeligibility,andtheformofelection. Regardingthefirst,theConstitutionof1824,settingthebaseofone deputyforeacheightythousandinhabitants,establishedalessnumerouspopularchamberthanwehavehad,andinthisitmustbereformed. Thechamberofdeputiesinthebestconstitutionalcountrieshasagrowing number ofindividuals, because only in this way does it manifest thedemocraticelement,unitegreatquantityoflearning,representall interests,allopinions,andisnotexposedtosomefewrisingtothetop and the will of this minority ruling it without difficulty. A chamber electedonthesamebaseonwhichourcurrentCongresshasbeen,even inacountrywherethegeneralbusinessmightnotbelessimportantfor eachindividual,wherethepublicfunctionsmightnotbeheldinlittle regard,couldscarcelybringtogetheronehundredrepresentatives,with theconsequencethatthelawmightcometohaveonlyfifty-onevotes amongthedemocraticrepresentation. Withregardtoconditionsofeligibility,myopinionisveryclear:I considerthemaverysadmeasureofgoodsense.Ibelievethattheparamountconditionistoobtaintheconfidenceofthepeopleandthat,in thismatter,therecannotbeguaranteesmoreimportantthantheorganization of the electorate. In effect, all the desired conditions of eligibilityshouldbesetdown;amatureage,arespectableprofession,a
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comfortableincome,residenceorbirthinaspecifiedplace.Bychance, will everyone who has these qualities be good as deputies? And will thepeoplehaveelectedthembecausetheyhavethem?No.Adistinguishedwriterinpubliclaw6observesthat“electionsfalltospecificpersonspreciselybecausetheyhavequalitiesthatarelackinginthegreater partofthosewhohavethelegalqualities”;andexperienceteachesus that,althoughthelawspeaksofage,income,andresidence,theelector looksfortheopinionhebelievespatriotic,theinterestheestimatesas national,andthecapabilitymostsuitableformakingthoseveryopinionsandthoseveryintereststriumph.Thelawdoesnotsurpasscustoms orhaveaneffectonfacts;inaword,itisuseless. Norcanitpreventpersonslittleworthyfromenteringintothesanctuaryofthelaws,becausetheabilitiesitrequireswillneverbemore thanprobable,andremotelyprobablewithrespecttocertainqualities; andwhenthemisguidedelectoralbodymakesabadchoice,allthose stipulationswillbepowerless,becausetherewillalwaysbeindividualswhomeettherequirementsthelawestablishesasameasurewithout havingthequalitiesitseeks;thismakesforabadchoice.Whodoesnot knowthatfrenzieddemagoguescanbefoundwithallthestrictestrequirementsofeligibility,justasmenoforderamongenthusiasticyouth withoutresources?InRomethetribunesofthepeoplewerepatricians, andintheConventionthehighestnobilityconcurredindestroyingthe monarchyandputtingthekingtodeath.Thereisstillmore:justasthere are,amongthosethelawadmits,somewhoarenotworthyofsuffrage, somearefoundamongtheexcludedoneswhoaremorethanworthyof it.TheresultisthatthesystemIopposeeitherkeepscapablemenfrom themattersofbusinessorcontravenesthelawapprovinginvalidelections.Ofthis,thegreaterpart,ifnotallourchambers,hasgivenanexample;andinEnglanditisknownthatPittandFoxenteredParliament onlybymeansofadeceitfulsuppositionthatmockedthelaw.Thebest is,then,thatweseparateourselvesfromtheroutineandrecognizethe truth.LaterIwilltalkaboutthearrangementoftheelectoralpower. MovingontodealwiththeorganizationoftheSenate,nomanmoderatelyeducatedinthesemattersisignorantofthefactthatthisisthe mostdifficultand,atthesametime,themostimportantpointofrepublicanconstitutions.“Eachdaywemustbemoreconvinced,”saysoneof
6.PinhetroFerreira,Curso de derecho público.
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themostillustriousthinkersofthecentury,“thattheancientpeoples understoodinfinitelybetterthanwelibertyandthenatureoffreegovernments...aboveall,theyentrustedthesacredcultofthepatria,the priesthoodofliberty,thespiritoflifeanddurability,theguardianship oftraditions,ofgloryandthefateofthenation,theconstantforesight ofthefuturetoasenateinwhichtheymakeanefforttoconcentrate everythingthatisgoodandgreatofthearistocracies,rejectingatthe sametimewhateverthereisinthemofthedefective.”7Villemain,8analyzingtheRomanConstitution,attributesallthegloryandlibertyof the first republic of ancient times to the organization of the Senate, which,gatheringtogetheralltheeminentmen,governed,throughcenturies,thepiecesofbusinesswiththegreatestwisdom.IntheUnited States,observestheauthorofDemocracy in America,that“Senategathers togetherthemostdistinguishedmen,ensuringthatallthewordsthatgo outofthatbodywoulddohonortothegreatestparliamentarydebates ofEurope.” Inourcountry,theneedforthiskindofbodyhasmadeitselffelt insuchawaythattheorganizationofthesenateispreciselywhereour constitutional efforts have been most varied, and where, whenever it hasbeenamatterofreforms,thegreaternumberofplanshasbeenpresented; the idea of summoning there the landowning class enjoying, finally,neitherasmallnorinsignificantfavor.Butisthisideareallyfair? Permitme,sir,tosayno,becauseweseekbyothermeasuresthatinstitutionweneedsourgently.Itseemstomethatinarepublic,therepresentationofcertainclassesthatdonothavepoliticalprivilegeslacks thefoundationwithwhichitexistsinotherinstitutionsandsacrifices alltheothereminentconditionsofwisdomandpatriotismrequiredin theconservativebodytooneconditiononly,acertainloveoforder.If therewerenolandowners,inacountrywherethepublicpathproduces misfortunesandsometimesmiseryratherthanprobity,iftheConstitutionsummonstotheSenatethemostcapableandmeritoriousmen, thesemenwillcontributetopublicorder,tothestabilityofthelaws, andtotherespectforthelegitimateinterestsofminorities,whichitis necessaryneithertoeliminatenordamage,butrathertomakeeffective thoseguaranteessoughtwiththesummoningofcertainclasses,inthe
7.SismondedeSismondi,Ensayo... 8.InhisdiscourseontheRepublicofCicero.
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senseofthegeneralgood;and,moreover,theywilluniteinthemselves ardentloveofthepatria,worshipofliberty,andthescienceofpublicaffairsthatthesimpleassetsoffortunedonotgiveandthatareabsolutely indispensibleinthatelevatedpost,leavingthispathofhonoropenalso tothepropertiedclass,andmorereadilythantoanyoftheotherclasses ifitcombinesthoseveryabilitieswithoutwhichitcanhavenorightto governitscountry. Tosupportthisopinion,sinceitisnotgiventometoexpoundto thechambersomeobservationsabouttheinfluencethattheorganizationofpropertyhasinthepoliticalorder,becausethiswouldtakeus tothemostabstractandbroadesttheoriesofsocialscience,letmebe permittedtoobservethatinthefirstandmostbrilliantofthemodern aristocracies,thatoftheEnglishConstitution,thisprerogativehasbeen possibleonlyinasmuchasthepublicpathhasbeentheprimarypreoccupationoftheBritishnobilitybecauseitconstantlyprovidedthemost eminentmenfortheadministration,forParliament,andfortheprofessionofarms,andbecause,likethepatricianrankofRome,ithasalways beeneagertobehonored,admittingintoitsbreastallgreatmenwho arosefromthepeople.Theideathatpropertyowners,simplyforbeing such,wouldbedevotedtotheadministrationofpublicaffairsseemsto meneitherjustnorappropriate.Theonlyaristocracyindemocraciesis thearistocracyofknowledge,ofvirtue,ofservice;andifthisisnotimprovisednorcanbefoundreadilyinanationthat,assailedbyrevolutions,hasseenimmoralitycorrupteverything,neitherareconstitutions worksofasinglegeneration;itisnecessarytocreate,fromthismoment, whatmustexistsomeday. Withoutceasingtoappreciatethedifficultythatthisreformpresents, Iunderstand,sir,thatpreservingtherepresentationoftheconfederated bodiesintheSenateasawhole,theproblemcanberesolvedbysimple methods,asareallthoseofthebetter-arrangedinstitutionsweknow. If the term of office of this chamber is longer than that of the other bodiesandtheotherauthoritiesofthestate,withthiswewillhaveensuredthatitsactionisthemostpermanentandregularized.If,besides participatinginthelegislativepower,itsfunctionscanbeextendedto otherequallyinterestingpurposes,ifitispermittedtobe,inpartor asawhole,aconsultativebodysothatitisalwaysavailabletothegreat affairsofinteriorandexteriorpolicy,itwillalsobecomethepowerof greatestinfluence.Ifitisreplacedpartially,alwaysleavingaconsider-
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ablemajority,itwillhavenodifficultyinpreservinganationalpolicy.If apriorpubliccareerisrequiredtobelongtoit,whichsupposesexpertiseinpublicaffairs,theSenatewillbemadeupofexperiencedmen, anditwillbeconsideredthehonorableendofacivilcareer.Finally,if, afterhavingmadeitinthatwaythemostimportant,themostinfluential,lasting,andrespectablebodyofthestate,forthesuccessoftheelectionithasrecoursetothatadmirablemeansthatdemocraticinstitutions includeandbothancientandmodernwritersonpublicmattersextol, andif,inafixedperiodineachstate,publicspiritismovedandproducesthedecisiveelectoralmomentfornootherreasonthantoselecta veryhighmagistrate,thenonlyadistinguishedreputationwillbeableto winthevotesofthemajorityofcitizens.Trusting,then,inthesemeans, Ihavethehopeofbelievingthat,withoutdenaturingdemocracy,with neitherhatefulexclusionsnorunmeritedprivileges,wewillhavesucceededwiththeprincipalpointofourpoliticalorganization. Consistentwiththeseideas,IproposethattheSenatebecomposed ofanumberthreetimesthenumberofstatesinthefederation,sothat, havingsixty-ninesenators,theymighthaveaquorumwiththirty-five, andresolutionsmighthaveatleasteighteenvotes;Iproposeaswellthat everytwoyearsathirdbereplaced;Irequestapriorpubliccareerasadvisable,aseasytobecertifiedwithoutdangeroffraud;andmeanwhile, so that the direct election of senators might enter into our constitutionalpracticesandbeperfectedbythem,Irecognizetheneedforeach oneofthestateselectingtwo,therebyguaranteeingthefederalprinciple,anotherthirdbeingnamedbytheauthoritiesmostappropriateto summoneminentmentothemanagementofpublicaffairs.Givingthe righttoputforwardthisthirdtotheexecutive,theSenateitself,and theChamberofDeputies,andtothislasttherightofselectingdefinitively,averysubstantialstepoccurs;becausethischamberisthepure expressionofdemocracyandofthefederation,ithasgreatguaranteesof success,andittakesfromtheSenatetheformidablerightofelectingits members,arightthat,forgettingthedoctrineofaprofoundwriteron publicaffairs,9wasconferredontheSenatebyoneofourconstitutions. So,inonlythreearticles,Iexpressedasmanyreformsasseemedtome appropriatefortheorganizationofthelegislativepower. In measures of the federal Constitution relative to the creation of
9.Montesquieu,inSpirit of the Laws,book2,chapter3.
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laws,muchattentioniscalledtowhatisneededforaresolutiontobecomelaw,thevoteoftwo-thirdsoftheinitiatingchambercombined withthevoteofalittlemorethanone-thirdofthereviewingchamber, because in this way the advisable equilibrium in both bodies is destroyed;andevenfurtherattentioniscalledtothefactthatinthis situation,theobjectionsofthegovernmentmightnotrequireagreater numberofvotestoreproducethisoutcome,ashappenswhenthemajorityofthetwochambershasapprovedit.Anexampleperfectlyclarifiesthecontradictioninthisinexplicabletheory:supposearesolution comesoutofCongresswithallthevotesofonechamberandamajority oftheother,ifthegovernmentmakesobjectionstoitandthesamevote isreproduced,itisnotyetlaw,becausethereisnottwo-thirdsofthe voteinbothchambers;andifthatsameresolutionhadhadfewervotes initsfavor,thatistosayfewerguarantees ofsuccess, ifitsapproval, insteadofunanimous,hadbeenbythosetwo-thirdsoftheinitiating chamber,andnotbythemajorityofthereviewingchamber,butrather onlybyalittlemorethanathird,then,despitetheobjectionsoftheexecutive,itwouldhavebecomelaw.10Toavoidthisunfortunatecircumstance,whichcanbeserious,onearticleofthereformssetsforththat theapprovalofthemajorityinbothchambersisnecessaryforalllaws. With respect to the executive, the reforms that seem necessary to mearefewbutveryobviousones.NowheredoestheConstitutionof 1824appearasdefectiveasinthepartthatestablishedthepostofvice presidentoftheRepublic.Ithasbeensaidmanytimesnow,andwithoutargument,thatplacingoveragainstthesuprememagistrateanother standingmagistrate,onewhohastherighttosucceedhiminwhatever situation,wasacreationonlyapeoplelikethoseoftheUnitedStates couldadopt,whererespectforthedecisionsofthelawistheprimary andstrongestofallcustoms,wheretheprogressofconstitutionalorder 10.Permitmeacalculationthatmakesthatcontradictionevenmorepalpable.Letus supposethattheSenateconsistsof30individualsandtheChamberofDeputiesof75:if aresolutioninitiatedintheChamberofDeputieshasinitsfavor,inthefirstandsecond discussion,thevoteof75deputiesand19senators,ittakesonlythevoteoftheexecutive foritnottobecomelaw;ifthesameresolution,initiatedintheChamberofSenators, hadinitsfavorthevoteof20andof26deputies,itwouldbelawdespitetheobjections oftheexecutive;inthefirstcase,thelawthatisnotpassedhas94votesinfavorand11 against;inthesecondcase,thelawthatispassedhad46votesinfavor,59against.
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duringmorethansixtyyearshasnotbeendisturbedbyasinglerevolution,butcompletelyinadequateforacountrywherepoliticalquestionshavealwaysbeendecidedbyrevolutionsandnotbythepeaceful methods of the representative system, in which possession of the supremecommandhasbeenthefirstmotiveofalldisputes,thereality ofallchanges.Andwhenoneobservesthattheelectoralmethodwas settledintheConstitutionof[1]824insuchawaythatthevoteswerenot castseparatelyforpresidentandvice,butratheritwasagreedtoconfer thislatterpostontheonewhohadfewervotes,declaringinthatway thatthevicepresidentoftheRepublicwouldbethevanquishedrivalof thepresident,onemustbeastonishedthatsuchanunfortunatecombinationwouldbeallowed.Thus,ithashadaneffectonnotafewofour dissensionsandcivilwarsandhasgeneralizedtheopinionthatthepost shouldbeeliminated.Ihavebeenofthebeliefthatthisreformwasone ofthemostnecessarybecauseitwasessentialtofreeourfirstandnext constitutionalperiodsfromthisdanger,leavingforlaterotherimprovementsthatIdonotconsidertobeabsolutelyindispensable.Ialsoadvise reforminthevitalareaofresponsibility. InthisareaIconsideressentialresolvingamultitudeofdifficultquestionsandsettlingthetruemoralcharacterofthechiefoftheexecutive power,declaringhiminviolableaslongasheactedthrougharesponsibleminister,whowouldberesponsibleforanyinfractionofthelaw, whetheritconsistofactsofcommissionormereomission.Withrespecttoprocedure,accordingtothefederalConstitution,eitherofthe chamberscouldheartheaccusationastwo-thirdsofthegrandjurywas necessarytodecideonbringingthelawsuit,thematterthenpassingto theSupremeCourtofJustice.Thissystemhasmaderesponsibilityillusory.TotheChamberofDeputies,becausemoreimpassionedinitslove fortheinstitutions,mustbelongthepronouncementofwhetherornot thereiscauseforbringingthecase,andforthisasimplemajorityshould suffice,becausetherespectowedtothelawsandtheinterestsofsociety, directlyaffectedinthecasesofresponsibilityofpublicfunctionaries, demandthatactsoromissionsofthesefunctionariesbeexaminedwheneveranydoubtmightberaisedwithrespecttotheinfraction;theyrequirethatalawsuitthenbeheard,andthisstepistheonlyresultofthat pronouncement.ItfallstotheSenate,whichwillcombinejusticewith theloveofinstitutions,togiveaverdictonthematter,becausepolitical crimes,bytheirverynature,mustbejudgeddifferentlyfromcommon
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crimes:inthem,theproceduresrequirelesswaitingandgreaterreputationsandscopeofactioninthejudges;innocenceisguaranteedbyrequiringthree-fifthsforcensure;anddeterminationofthepunishment islefttothejudicialpower,ortheentirelawsuitincommoncrimes.All thesereformsarecontainedinthreearticles.Imust,finally,warnthe chamberthat,inthismatter,Ihavedifferedfromsomeofmyfellow committeemembers,whowantedtoestablishanimpeachmentprocedure,notonlyforthecrimesdesignatedbythelaw,butalsoingeneralto removethepresidentandhisministersfromofficebecauseofineptitude orbadconductanddeclarethemunfitforotheremployment,basingmy opinionontwoarguments.Inthefirstplace,Idonotbelievethatone shouldtreatthosehighfunctionariesfromastateinferiortothatofthe leastman,violatingintheircasetheprincipleofnaturaljustice,accordingtowhichnoonecanbepunishedforadeedifthisdeedhasnotbeen definedpreciselybeforehandandprohibitedasacrime.Inthesecond place,itseemstomethatthatarbitrarypowerwouldbeatremendous weaponinthehandsofthefactions,onemorehindrancethatwillkeep honorablemenwithoutambitionfrompowerandwillbeaseedofincessantconvulsions.Inanationwheretherehavebeensomanycrimes andnopunishment,wecongratulateourselvesifwesucceedinensuring thatthosecrimesthathavebeenclearlydefineddonotgounpunished. ThereformsIproposeinthejudicialpowerwillbebetterexplained furtheron.FornowIwillonlysaysomethingabouttheelectoralsystem. Ihavealreadysaidthat,inmyjudgment,theelectoralsystemisthe foundationandguaranteeofeveryconstitution,andmostespeciallyof democraticconstitutions,whichmakeallthepowersofthestatederive fromelection,becausewhetherpublicfunctionariesaregoodorbad, whethertheyrepresenttheentirenationoronlyamoreorlessnumerous,vanquishing,andexclusivefactiondependsonelections.Butasthis finaloutcomedependsnotonlyonthegeneralstatementthatestablishes whohastherightofsuffrage,butalsoonallthemeasuresthatregulate the way suffrage is exercised, all the details are of interest, and from thisitfollowsthatinthismatter,asinthatofindividualguarantees,not everythingcanbereducedtofundamentalprinciples,solepropertyof theconstitution,andthatonlyanextensiveandwell-worked-outlaw canbringaboutthelonged-forreform. Unfortunately,inthismatter,ourconstitutionalrightisbeginningto weakenfromthemostlamentablebackwardness.Wehavebarelymade
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anyprogresswithrespecttotheflawedsystemadoptedbytheSpanishCortes,whichwastheonethroughwhichwecametounderstand therepresentativesystem;andIdaremaintainthat,totheextentwedo notcorrectthatpartofourConstitution,majorreformsregardingthe restwillbeuseless,becausetheindispensableconditionforrealizingall thosereformswillbelacking,electingthemostworthycitizenstocarry outpublicfunctions. Becauseofadefectinourlaws,theprimaryelections,whetherthey areastumultuousaswhenallthevotesareadmittedwithoutdemandinganypreviousrequirement,votesthat,toensurevictory,themultituderepeatsasmanytimesasitwants,orwhetheritbemoreregulated throughpreviousdistributionofballots,theyarealwaysverifiedwithoutcitizenscomingtogetherasabodyandwithonlyasimplemajority of votes. Passing these elections through two further levels, then, in whichanabsolutemajorityfortheformationoftheelectoralcollege andtheappointmentoftheelectorordeputyarenowrequired,wehave inthiswaymadeourelectionsindirectatthethirdlevel,withouttaking intoaccountmoralcausesthatcontributesopowerfullytoproducing verybadresults;andsubmittingthisproceduretoaverysimplecalculation,itcomesoutthatadeputycanrepresent,asavoteofthemajority, thevoteoftwooutofonehundredor,atmost,threevotesoutofthe samenumber,averyfavorableandextraordinarysupposition.11 11.Asdryasthiscalculationis,theimportanceofthismatterobligatesmetoexpress ithere,becausetheforceofitsdemonstrationseemsincontestabletome.Giventheprocedureoftheelections,anynumbercanbetakentoworkwith,12,001forexample;if, then,onlytherelativemajorityisneeded,supposingthattheprimaryelectionisdecided byathird,withoutcountingomittedvotesordispersedvotes,thatistosayby4,001,is nottocalculatetoolow,whichnumberrepresentstheprimaryelector;butasallofthem areneverunited,andthemajorityissufficient,anelectoratethatrepresents2,001citizenscanelectalso,bysimpleabsolutemajorityofthosepresent,asecondaryelectorwho doesnotrepresentmorethan1,001.Initsturn,andforthesamereasons,thesecondary electorate,withamajoritythatrepresentsonly501,canelectadeputywhorepresents 251citizensfromamong12,001,whichistheratioof2,998/12,001to100.Thesimplepossibilityofthiscaseissufficienttoimpugnanddiscardsuchanabsurdsystem.ButIdo notwanttogotoextremes,andsothatoneseeswhatsuchasystemofindirectelection atthreelevelsandabsolutemajorityisinitsbestcombinations,Iamgoingtosuppose averyfavorablecase,inwhichtheprimaryelectionwasdecidedbytwo-thirds,andin whichinalltheelectoralbodiesandalltheelectionstwo-thirdsofelectorsandvotes
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Sodreadfulistheprogressionofthecalculationinthisfatalsystem; somuchisthetruenationalwillledastrayandfalsifiedbythewillof factions and personal aspirations passing through each one of those levels.Herethenumericobservations,thetheoriesofwritersonpublic matters,andallexamples,includingtheexampleoftheverynationthat leftusthatsystem,concurinshowingusthatwemusttakeanotherroad, muchmoresowhenexperiencenowconvincesusthatthishasproduced theworstconsequencesinourcountry.Wehaveallseenelections,and wehaveallcontemplatedwithpainthat,ineachoneofthem,public spirithasappearedlessenergetic,thatsanctionsandincentiveshavenot broughttotheelectoralboothscitizenswhosefatewasatstakeinthem, andthuswhatoccursisverynatural.“Amongawell-runcity,”saysan eminentthinker,“eachonefliestotheassemblies;underabadgovernment,noonetakesasteptogotothem,becausenoonetakesaninterest inwhathappens,becauseeveryoneanticipatesthatthegeneralWillwill notprevail,anddomesticconcernsabsorbeverything.Goodlawsbring othersbetter;badlawsproduceothersworse.”12Amongustheimperfectionoftheelectoralsystemhasmadetherepresentativesystemillusory. Becauseofit,minoritieshavetakenthenameofmajorities,andbecause ofit,insteadofCongresseshavingrepresentedthenationwithallits opinionsandinterests,theyhavefrequentlyrepresentedonlyafraction, and,leavingtherestwithoutlegalactionandwithoutinfluence,they havehastenedthemintorevolution. Howevermuchitmightbewished,sir,thislastmisfortuneisofgrave importance.Theneedtosummonalltheintereststoberepresentedis todayatruthsouniversallyrecognizedthatonlythroughignoranceof thepresentstateofthescience[ofgovernment]canthehardandabsoluteruleofthemajoritywithoutthebalanceofminorityrepresentation be proclaimed. “We believe,” says Sismondi, “that the representative alwayscometogether.Thecalculationisthefollowing:of12,001citizens,8,001electthe primaryelector;two-thirdsoftheprimaryelectorsgathertogether,theelectoralcollege represents5,534citizens,andthesecondaryelector,whoobtainstwo-thirdsofthevotes, represents3,556citizens.Thenthelastcollege,composedoftwo-thirds,represents2,371 citizens,andifthedeputyelectedbyaseriesofsuchconsiderablemajoritiesobtainsthe votesoftwo-thirds,herepresentsonly1,581citizensoutof12,001,whichisaratioof 132,087/12,001to100. 12.[Jean-JacquesRousseau]Social Contract,book3,chapter15.
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systemisahappycreation,becauseitbringseminentmentothefore, givesthemopportunitiestowinand,aboveall,toearntheconfidence ofthepeople,anditleadsthemtothegoalofcontrollingtherudderof state.Andweunderstandthatitisaninstitutionstillhappierbecause itputssomeinterests,sentiments,andopinionsbeforeallothers,providingthemeansfordiscussingthoseopinionsandofrectifyingthose sentiments,ofbalancingthoseinterests,ofuniting,finally,theopinions,interests,andsentimentsofallcitizensinasinglecenterthatcan beconsideredtheintelligence,interests,andsentimentofthenation ...andwebelievethatskillfulmeasures,althoughdifficult,can,with theaidofrepresentativegovernment,protectalllocalities,allopinions, allclassesofcitizens,andallinterests.”Examining,inthedevelopment ofEuropeancivilization,theall-powerfulinfluenceoftheinstitutions andadmiringtheEnglishConstitution,Guizothassaid:“Onlyinthe exerciseofallrights,theexpressionofallopinions,thefreedevelopment of all forces and all interests is there permanence and life: the legalexistenceofalltheelementsandsystemsensuresthatnoelement dominatesexclusively,thatnosinglesystemarisestodestroytherest, thatfreeexaminationredoundstoeveryone’sbenefitandadvantage.” Simple,naturalreasontellsusthattherepresentativesystemisbetter themorecloselythebodyofrepresentativesresemblesthenationrepresented.Thetheoryoftherepresentationofminoritiesisnothingbut aconsequenceofuniversalsuffrage,becauseitmattersnotatallthatno oneisexcludedfromtherighttovoteifmanyremainwithoutrepresentation,whichistheobjectiveofthesuffrage. Congress will pardon me for placing emphasis on a point whose interest seems to me above all the others, and that to strengthen the forceofmysuggestionsIsoughtauthorities,neversonecessaryaswhen oneisintroducingsomethingnew.Asforthemeansofamelioratingthe flawsIhaveattacked,Iwouldsetoutwhatseemstomemostsuitable,if, onemergingfromtheadoptedsystem,weweretowritethenewsystem intotheConstitution,whichinmyopinionwouldbeverydangerous. Because,infact,whetherCongressadoptsthemeansagreedtoin[1]842 fortherepresentationofallinterests,orwhetheritmightprefersome othermethod,itisobviousthatwearegoingtoenterontotheroadof innovation,thattherewillbetrials,andthisisenoughformetoopine thatwenotaffirmthosemeansintheConstitutionbutratherthrougha law.BecauseIbelievefirmly,sir,andthiscanbeappliedtomanyother
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points,thattheConstitution,inorderthatitberespectableandlasting—thatistosay,sothatithaveasolidexistence—mustcontainvery fewprinciplesonly,allfundamental,andifpossible,nonedisputable. WiththeprinciplesafeguardedintheConstitutionthatelectionsmust necessarilybepopular,if,inseekingthebestamongthemeasuresthat thisfoundationspecifies,wecomeuponthislaw,whichwillbeamost preciousadoptionfortheRepublic,itwillcometobeasimmutableand respectedasthefundamentalcodeitselfbecauseofitspracticaleffectiveness.If,onthecontrary,successivechangesandimprovementsmust bemadeinit,thiswillnotopenanewthediscussionoftheConstitutionnorhastenitsdestruction.Forthesereasons,IproposetoCongress thatitleavetoalawtheregulationoftheelectoralsystemandthedesignationofthewayinwhich,onconstitutionalfoundations,electionsof president,senators,deputies,andministersoftheCourtofJusticemust becarriedout. Butasthislaw,thelawofguarantees,thelawofresponsibility,and therestofthelawsthatregulatetheactionofthesupremepowersshould notbeequal,butrathersuperiortoallothersecondarylaws,itisestablishedthattheyarecharacterizedanddistinguishedbythespecialterm “constitutional”andthattheynotbeamendedexceptwhenaperiodof sixmonthshaselapsedbetweenthepresentationofthereportthatproposesitanditsdiscussion.Thismeasurewillfreelawsofsuchinterest fromtheilleffectsofhasteandwillprovideCongresstheassistanceofa thoroughdiscussionthroughthepressandallorgansofthepublicwill. Wouldthatsimilarmeasurescouldbeadoptedforalllaws! HavingexplainedwhatseemstomeessentialtochangeintheConstitution,itseemsnecessarytobeconcernedwithanotherveryinteresting pointomittedintheConstitution,oratleasttreatedverysuperficially. Whataretherespectivelimitsofthegeneralpowerandthepowerofthe states?Andoncetheselimitsareknown,whatarethebestwaystotake precautionsagainstreciprocalinvasion,sothatneitherdoesthecentral powerattackthesovereigntyofthestatesnordothestatesdissolvethe Union,notunderstandingitspowersorusurpingthem?Noothermatter,sir,seemstometodaymoreurgentthanthisonebecausewehave theevilbeforeus,anditissoseriousanevilthatitthreatenstheinstitutionswithdeath.AtonetimewesawthegeneralCongressconverted intoarbiterofthefactionsofthestatestodecidethemostimportant questions oftheirinternal administration; andnow,withthefedera-
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tionscarcelyreestablished,weseealreadysymptomsofthedissolution becauseoftheoppositeextreme.Somelegislatureshavesuspendedthe lawsofthisCongress,anotherhasdeclaredexpresslythatinitsterritorynogenerallawwillbeobeyedthathasasitsobjectivealteringthe currentstateofcertaingoods;onestateannouncedthatitwasgoingto reassumethesovereigntyofwhichithadbeendivested;withthebest intentionsacoalitionisbeingformedthatwillestablishonefederation withinanother,andwehavejustbeeninformedofthelawbywhicha state,incertaincircumstances,wouldconferthepoweroftheentire Uniononthedeputiesofthatcoalition;andperhapsattemptsevenmore disorganized and criminal are being pondered. With such principles, federationisunattainable,itisabsurd,andforthatreasonthoseofus whohaveconstantlydefendedit,thoseofuswhoseeencodedinitthe hopesofourcountry,raiseourvoicestowarnofthedanger.And,in viewofthisdanger,willtherestillbeanyonewhomaintainsthatitis noturgenttoexpeditetheconstitution?Orthatwecanwaitforituntil theconclusionofawaraslongastheonewenowendure?Orratherthat wewillhavefinishedbypublishing,inisolationandwithoutreforms,a Constitutionthatdoesnotcontaininitanyremedyforthismisfortune, andthat,perhapsforthisreason,hasyetagainsuccumbed,yieldingto theforceofsomeincomparablylesspowerfulelements?No,thesefacts clearlydemonstratetheimperativenecessitythatwesettlethefateof ourcountry,decreethereforms,whatevermightbethedangers,solong asitisphysicallypossibleforustodoso. And this duty is that much more sacred the more obvious are the meanstofulfillit,becausetotellthetruth,theseunfortunate symptomsofdissolutionthatarealreadybeingobservedhavebeenableto appearonlybecausethetrueprinciplesthatshouldbegenerallyknown areforgotten.Article14ofthedraftofreform,establishingthemaxim thatthepowersoftheUnionareexceptionalpowersandlimitedonly tothepurposesexpresslydesignatedintheConstitution,givestothe sovereigntyofthestatesallthebreadthandsecuritythatmightbedesired.Butforthisveryreason,andbecauseofthefundamentaltheory Ialreadypointedoutinexpressingthereasonsbywhichitfelltothe generalpowertoestablishtherightsofthecitizen,itisalsonecessaryto declarethatnoneofthestateshaspoweroverthegoalsagreedtobyall thestatesoftheUnion,andthatnotbeinginthisregardmorethanparts ofaconstitutedwhole,membersofagreatRepublic,innoinstancecan
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theybythemselves,inexercisingtheirindividualsovereignty,makeany resolutionregardingthosegoalsnorprovidefortheirregulationexcept throughfederalpowers,nordemandmorethanthefulfillmentofthe exemptionstheConstitutiongrantsthem.Giventheseassertions,itremainsonlytoestablishthemeansofmakingthemeffective,andforthis itisnecessarytodistinguishtheabusesthatcanbecommittedaccording towhethertheyaffecttherightsofpersonsortheauthorityofpublic powers. Forthislastcontingency,itisindispensabletogivetheCongressof theUniontherighttodeclarenullthoselawsofthestatesthatamount toaviolationofthefederalpactorthatmightbecontrarytothegeneral laws,becauseotherwisethepowerofastatewouldbesuperiortothatof theUnion,andthepoweroftheUnionwouldbecomeameremockery. Buttoavoidmakingimprudentdeclarations,itisadvisablethatthese lawsbeinitiatedonlyintheSenate,whichrepresentsthefederativesysteminallitsstrengthandprovidesthegreatestguaranteesofcalmand circumspection;moreover,itisestablishedthatthemajorityofthelegislaturesofthestateshavetherightineverycasetodecidewhetherthe resolutionsofthegeneralCongressareorarenotunconstitutional.In thisway,eachstateindividuallyissubjecttotheUnion,andthetotality ofallwillbethesupremearbiterofourdifferencesandthetrueconservingpowerofinstitutions.Ifthereisyetanothermoreeffectivemeans ofstrengtheningthefederativeprinciple,ifanotherbetterguaranteeof thelibertiesoftheconfederatedbodiesisknown,Idonotproposeit becauseIdonotknowit. Theattacksmadebythepowersofthestatesandbythesamepowers ofthefederationonindividualshaveamongus,unfortunately,numerousmodels,soitmightnotbeurgentbeyondmeasuretoaccompanythe reestablishmentofthefederationwithaguaranteesufficienttoensure thatthoseattackswillnotberepeated.Thisguaranteecanbefoundonly inthejudicialpower,inherentprotectoroftherightsofindividualsand, forthisreason,theonlysuitableone.Eveninabsolutemonarchies,liberty,havingtakenrefugeintheprecinctsoftribunals,hasforcedjustice tofindthereasupportwhenpoliticalguaranteeshavebeenlacking.A profoundwriterhasobservedthatthebreadthandrespectabilityofthe judicialpowerwasthesurestsignofthelibertyofapeople,andforthis reasonIhavenotwaveredinproposingtoCongressthatitgreatlyelevatethejudicialpowerofthefederation,givingittherighttoprotectall
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theinhabitantsoftheRepublicintheenjoymentoftherightsthatthe Constitutionandconstitutionallawsassurethemagainstallincursions oftheexecutiveorthelegislative,whetherofthestatesoroftheUnion. InNorthAmericathissavingpoweroriginatedintheConstitutionand hasproducedthegreatestresults.TherethejudgehastosubjecthisverdictsabovealltotheConstitution;andfromthisresultsthatwhenhe findsitinconflictwithasecondarylaw,heappliestheformerandnot the latter, so, without making himself superior to the law or putting himselfinoppositiontothelegislativepowerordisparagingitsresolutions,ineachindividualcaseinwhichitwouldhavecausedharm,hedeclaresitnull.Suchaninstitutioniscompletelynecessaryamongus,and asitrequiresthatthefederaltribunalsbeorganizedinacorresponding way,theproposedreformsleavetotheconstitutionallawsthedeterminationofthispoint.Concerningit,finally,Iwillshowthat,alsoinmy judgment,itisnecessarytoextendabitmoretheactionofthefederal poweroftheUnion,veryimperfectlyorganizedinthefederalConstitution,and,aboveall,toraisethestatusandensuretheindependenceof atribunalcalledtorepresentinthepoliticalbodysoimportantaroleas thatofsupremejudicialpower. Withthesereformsproposed,itonlyremainsformenowtospeak totheCongressaboutonesinglereform,theonerelativetothemethod thatshouldbeadoptedtoprovideconstantimprovementoftheinstitutions.Onthispoint,noonedoubtsthattheeffectivenessofafundamental code essentially consists in its being the best possible for the circumstances in which it is issued and that it contain, furthermore, themostadequatemeansforadvancingthesocietyandtheconsequent perfectionofitsinstitutions.Thedifficultyoftheproblemconsistsin reconcilingtherespectowedtothoseinstitutionswiththepossibility oflegitimatelymakingthenecessarychangesthatexperienceindicates; and,becausethisalonemanagestodistinguishintheinstitutionsthe fundamentalfromthesecondary,Ithinkthateverygeneralruleisbad. Todeclare,astheBasesOrgánicas13did,thattheentireConstitutioncan bereformedatanytime,althoughthisisamatterwithoutdangerwhen speakingofaconstitutionassolidasEngland’s,amongusitwouldbeto proclaimthatthecountrymustremaineternallyunconstituted,thatthe changeofsociety’sprimaryprinciplesshouldbethesubjectofdiscus
13.Acentralistconstitutionenactedin1843.(Editor’snote)
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sionandtheconstantworkoftheMexicanpeople,andwiththissuppositionpeaceisimpossible.Ontheotherextreme,tosubjecttheleast importantandminutedetailtothesameimpedimentsasafundamental principleistohinderthereformeventotheextremeoffearingthatthe obstaclemightleadtodestruction.Guidedbytheseobservations,IdistinguishthreepartsoftheConstitution.Withrespecttotheprimordial principlesandthosepriortotheConstitution,liketheindependence ofthenation,itsformoffederal,popular,representative,republican government,andtheconsequentdivisionofpowers,principlesthatare identifiedwiththeveryexistenceofthenation,reformisnotappropriate,andtheymustbedeclaredpermanent.Forwhathastodowiththe limitsofthegeneralpowerandthesovereigntyofthestates,itisunquestionablethatsomemodificationscanbemade;butinthisevent,besides thevoteoftwo-thirdsofeachchamberortheconsecutiveratification ofareformbytwolegislatures,Irequiretheconsentofthemajorityof these legislatures for the purpose of giving all imaginable guarantees to local liberties. On all other points I permit reforms provided that two-thirdsofbothchambersorthesimplemajorityoftwoconsecutive Congresses consent, providing also to the constitutional reforms theguaranteeofcalmandreflectivemeditationestablishedbylawsof thatkind.ThislastmethodofreformwasthatestablishedbytheConstitutionof1824,anditspreservationseemstomethatmuchmoreappropriatethemoreweavoidinthiswayalldisputeoveritslegitimacy; becausefinally,ifthenationdoesnotwantthemordesiresothers,we alwaysleaveinthehandsofitsrepresentativesthesamepowertheyhad beforetoserveitswill.Thereisnoreasontomistrustthefuture.Those whomightcomeafteruswillnotgiveupgoodintentions,andunder auspiceslessdestructiveandwiththeelementswehavenowleftthem, theywillprogressagreatdealintheperfectionandconsolidationofour nobleinstitutions. Fornow,sir,Ihavecompletedmyarduoustask.WhatIexpressed, andevenmoretheplanwithwhichIconclude,willshowCongressthe wayinwhich,inmyjudgment,thegreatquestionthathasshakenour countryforthirteenyearsshouldberesolved.Quiteconvincedofthe difficulties of the undertaking, I am very far from having feelings of intoleranceorfanaticismformyideas,andIdeliverthemtothejudgment of the chamber with that much greater lack of confidence, the moretheconstraintsoftimehavecompelledmetopresentthemwith-
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outhavingreviewedthembeforehandandwithoutbeingabletocorrect themafterward;nonetheless,Congress,initswisdom,willexaminethe articlesmorethantheirfoundations,willconsidermyobservationsdespitethelackofmethodandstyle.IonlyrequestforthemanactofjusticeinthemomentinwhichIleavethemtothemonumentaljudgment ofthinkingmen,totheintenseandimpassionedopinionofthefactions. IfIdeceivemyselfinbelievingthatmyplanhasbeeneminentlydemocraticandfederal,thereisnodoubtthattheseideasaretheonesIhave alwaysmaintainedinthegoodaswellasinthebaddaysofthefederation.InthisCongressImyselfproposedthemtothecommitteewell beforetheterriblecircumstancesoflastmontharose.Theplanisnot myworkalone,althoughtodayImighthavenoothersupportthanmy isolatedsignatureandmyfeeblevoice.Iformeditduringveryextended discussionswithanotherofthegentlemenofthecommittee(Mr.Cardoso),whosevastknowledgeofthissubjectmatteriswellknown,and whotodaydiffersfromthisvoteonlywithrespecttothequestionofits timeliness,andMr.EspinosadelosMonteros,whoseverynameisauthority, discussed and corrected it. The work having been concluded abouttwomonthsago,IdonothingmorethanpresentittoCongress justasitwasconceivedearlier,sothatitmightbeseenthatinsomeway itcanbecalledaworkofcircumstance,andforthisreasonIevenleave forlaterthearticleregardingtheregulationoftheterritory. Above all, I say it would be disgraceful to compromise the sacred interestsofthepatria.Myintention,sir,isendingthecrisisinwhichwe findourselves.IdesirethatCongressbringthedifficultiesundercontrol andthat,puttingastoptothedisorder,itconstitutetheRepublic,determiningtheimprovementsthatitsinstitutionsmightrequire,andwhich are,tomywayofthinking,encompassedinthefewarticlestowhichI havereferred.Everythingwarnsusthatthisneedismoreurgenteach dayandthatneitherourinternalunrestnorourforeignwarcanjustify delay.Wecannotwaituntilcircumstancesimprove,becauseitisaquestionofCongressmakingthecircumstanceschangepromptly;norwould itbehonestandpatrioticthat,losinghopeinthefateofourcountry, weabandonittothestruggleofalltheelementsofanarchy,which,if theypresentandstrengthenthemselves,itisonlybecauseeverythingis provisionalandnothingstable,becausedoubtanduncertaintydrainthe strengthfromthepoweranditsrestorativehopesfromthefuture;and thiswewoulddoifwesetasideourworkuntilatimewhentheremight
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notbeanymoredifficulties.Thedifficultiesoftodayareatleastknown tous;whomightforeseethoseoftomorrow?Who,aboveall,doesnot tremblejustattheideaofexposingthefateofthecountryandtheinstitutionstothefickleanddrawn-outoutcomeofthewar?Ah,sir,perhapsnowtheonlydaysaredrawingtoacloseduringwhich,forsome time,wewillhavehadthepowertoconstituteourcountryandsavethe institutions.Letitbethus,thatpreferencebegiventowhateverbears onthewar,andthatCongresscontinueworkingonitwiththecourage, perseverance,andgoodfaiththathavesomuchhonoreditandthrough whichitwilldojusticebyus;butthatifthefulfillmentoftheprincipalobjectiveofourmissionisstillpossible,wenotabandonitfromthis momentonordelayitmore,becausethisisequivalenttorenouncing itandleavingourillswithoutremedy,withsomuchlessexcuse,given thatwedonotneedtoundertakeanewlabor,butratherthatdiscussing fifteenortwentyarticlesofreformwillsuffice.Letusrememberthat,in theopeningoftheCortesofCádiz,thenoiseofforeigncannonballswas mixedwiththepompoftheoathsthatsolemnizedthatact,andthatthat Congressinafewmonthsgavethemonarchyacompleteconstitution. Theconfidenceofthepeopleinthesolemndaysoftheirmiseryimposes onusthedutyofstrugglingwiththedifficultieseventothefurthestextreme.Withpleasure,Idispensewithshowingwhywehavesufficient libertyforourlabors;onthiseachconsultshisownconscience.Forme, Idonothavedifficultydealingwithallthequestions,andsoIwilldoit wheneverCongresswishestooccupyitselfwiththesematters. AndsotodayImustgiveCongressonlyanaccountofthelaborsI undertookbyitsorderandexplainmydissentingvoteonthepropositionsandinitiativesregardingwhichthedefinitivereestablishmentof theConstitutionof1824hasbeenrequested;Idoitsubmittingtoyour enlighteneddeliberationthefollowing:
plan inthenameofGod,Creatorandpreserverofsocieties,theExtraordinary Constituent Congress, considering: that the Mexican states,byaspontaneousactoftheirownandindividualsovereignty,and inordertoconsolidatetheirindependence,securetheirliberty,provide forthecommondefense,establishpeace,andseekthegood,confederatedthemselvesin1823andconstitutedafterwardin1824apoliticalsystemofunionfortheirgeneralgovernmentundertheformofpopular
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representativerepublicandonthepreexistingfoundationoftheirnaturalandreciprocalindependence;thatthatpactofalliance,sourceof thefirstConstitutionandonlylegitimatesourceofthesupremepower oftheRepublic,enduresinitsoriginalvigorandisandhadtobethe firstprincipleofeveryfundamentalinstitution;thatthatsameconstitutiveprincipleofthefederalUnion,ifasuperiorforcehasbeenableto opposeit,hasneitherbeenablenorisabletobealteredbyanewconstitution;andthatinordertoconsolidateitfurtherandmakeiteffective,thereformsthatexperiencehasdemonstratedtobenecessaryin theConstitutionof1824areurgent,hasdeClaredanddeCreedand, usingitscomprehensivepowers,deClareSanddeCreeS: 1.ThatthestatesthatmakeuptheMexicanUnionhaveregainedthe independenceandsovereigntythat,fortheirinternaladministration, arereservedintheConstitution. 2. That said states continue associated in accordance with the pact thatonceconstitutedthemodeofpoliticalexistenceofthepeopleofthe UnitedMexicanStates. 3.ThattheConstitutiveActandthefederalConstitution,sanctioned onJanuary31andOctober24of1824,formtheonlypoliticalConstitutionoftheRepublic. 4.Thatbesidesthosecodes,thefollowingmustbeobserved:
aCtofreform Art.1.EveryMexican,throughbirthorthroughnaturalization,whohas arrivedattheageoftwenty,whohasanhonestmeansofliving,andwho hasnotbeencondemnedinalegalactiontoashamefulpunishment,is acitizenoftheUnitedStatesofMexico. Art.2.Itistherightofcitizenstovoteinpopularelections,exercise therightofpetition,gathertodiscusspublicaffairs,andbelongtothe NationalGuard,allinaccordancewiththelaws. Art.3.Theexerciseoftherightsofacitizenissuspendedforbeing habituallyintoxicated,oragamblerbyprofession,oravagrant,because ofreligiousstatus,becauseofthestatusoflegalinterdiction,byvirtue oftrialonthosecrimesbywhichtheattributeofcitizenislost,andfor refusingtoservethepublicdutiesofpopularappointment.Bymeansof alawtheexerciseoftheserights,themannerofprovingpossessionof theattributeofacitizenandtheproceduressuitablefordeclaringitsloss orsuspensionwillberegulated.
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Art.4.ToensuretherightsofmanthattheConstitutionrecognizes, a law will set forth the guarantees of liberty, security, property, and equality, which all the inhabitants of the Republic enjoy, and it will establishthemeansofmakingthemeffective. Theseguaranteesareinviolable,andonlyinthecaseofaforeigninvasionoraninternalrebellionwillthelegislativepowerbeabletosuspendtheestablishedproceduresfortheapprehensionanddetentionof individualsandsearchingofhomes,andthisforaspecifiedtime. Anyassaultontheseguaranteesisanoccasionforliability,andneither exemptionnoramnestynoranyothermeasurewillbeabletofalltothe favoroftheguilty,evenshoulditemanatefromthelegislativepower, whichremovesitfromthetribunalsorpreventsthepunishmentfrom beingeffective. Art. 5. For every fifty thousand souls, or for a fraction that passes twenty-fivethousand,adeputywillbeelectedtothegeneralCongress. Todoso,heisrequiredonlytobetwenty-fiveyearsold,beinexercise oftherightsofthecitizen,andnotbeincludedatthetimeoftheelectionintheexceptionsofArticle23oftheConstitution. Art.6.Besidesthetwosenatorseachstateelects,anumberequalto thenumberofstateswillbechosenbynominationoftheChamberof Deputiesvotingbydeputations,oftheSenate,andoftheexecutive.The personswhogarnerthesethreevoteswillbeelected,andtheChamber ofDeputies,votingaspersons,willnamethosethatlackthethreefrom amongtheothercandidates. AthirdoftheSenatewillbereplacedeverytwoyears. Art.7.Tobeasenatoronemustbethirtyyearsold,havetheother characteristicsrequiredtobeadeputy,andinadditionmusthavebeen constitutionalpresidentorvicepresidentoftheRepublic,orformore than six months secretary of the department or governor of state, or memberofthechambers,ortwiceofalegislature,orformorethanfive yearsdiplomaticenvoy,orministeroftheSupremeCourtofJustice,or forsixyearsjudgeormagistrate. Art.8.ItbelongsexclusivelytotheChamberofDeputiestoestablish itselfasagrandjuryinordertodeclare,byasimplemajorityofvotes, whetherithasreasonornottoindictthehighfunctionariestowhom theConstitutionorthelawsgrantthisprivilege. Art.9.TheChamberofDeputies,havingdeclaredthatithasreason forbuildingthecase,ifthecrimeisgeneral,itwillmovetothedossierof
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theSupremeCourt;ifitisprosecutedde oficio,14theSenatewillbeestablishedasthejuryofverdictandwillbelimitedtodeclaringwhetherthe defendantisorisnotguilty.Forthisdeclarationthevoteofthree-fifths ofthecurrentmembersisneeded.Thisdeclarationmade,theSupreme Courtwilldeterminethepunishmentaccordingtowhatthelawadvises. Art. 10. For every law the approval of the majority of the current membersofbothchambersisneeded. Art.11.ThearticlesoftheConstitutionthatestablishedtheofficeof vicepresidentoftheRepublicarerepealed,andthetemporaryabsence ofthepresidentwillbecoveredinthewaytheConstitutionestablishes forthesituationinwhichbothfunctionariesareabsent. Art.12.Thepresidentisliableforthepubliccrimeshecommitsduringtheexerciseofhispositionandeventhosethatareprosecutedofits owninitiative(de oficio),excludedbytheConstitution,providedthat theactioninvolvedisnotauthorizedbythesignatureoftheresponsible minister. Ministers answer for all the infractions of the law they commit, whethertheyconsistofactsofcommissionorpureomission. Art.13.Theelectionsofdeputies,senators,presidentoftheRepublic, andministersoftheSupremeCourtofJusticewillberegulatedbylaws, adoptionofdirectelectionallowed,theonlyexceptionbeingthethird oftheSenatethatArticle6ofthisactestablishes.Thelawwillalsoestablishandorganizethecourtsoffirstandsecondinstance,whichmust hearmattersreservedtothejudicialpowerofthefederation. Art.14.AllpowersoftheUnionarederivedfromtheConstitution andarelimitedonlytotheexerciseofthefacultyexpresslydesignated intheConstitutionitself,withoutotherfacultiesunderstoodtobepermittedthroughabsenceofanexpressedrestriction. Art.15.Nostatehasrightsovertheaimssubordinatedtothepower oftheUnion,otherthanthoseexpresslysetforthintheConstitution,or anylegitimatewayoftakingcontrolofthemotherthanthewayestablishedbythegeneralpowersoftheConstitution.TheConstitutionalone recognizesaslegitimate,amongallorsomeofthestates,therelationship thattheirfederationconstitutedandcurrentlyconstitutes. Art.16.EverylawofthestatesthatattackstheConstitutionorthe 14.De oficioreferstocrimes,suchasmurder,thatareprosecutedbytheauthority evenwithoutaplaintiff.(Editor’snote)
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generallawswillbedeclarednullbytheCongress;butonlytheSenate willbeabletoinitiatethisdeclaration. Art.17.If,withinamonthofpublicationofalawofthegeneralCongress,itisprotestedasunconstitutionaleitherbythepresidentinagreementwithhisministryorbytendeputiesorsixsenatorsorthreelegislatures, the Supreme Court beforewhich the objection will bemade willsubmitthelawtotheexaminationofthelegislatures,which,within threemonthsandpreciselyonthesameday,willissuetheirvote. The declarations will be remitted to the Supreme Court, and this courtwillpublishtheresult,theresolutionbeingwhatthemajorityof thelegislaturessay. Art.18.Inthematterofthetwopreviousarticles,thegeneralCongressandthelegislatures,intheirturn,willdecidesolelywhetherthe lawwhoseinvaliditytheyarediscussingis or is not unconstitutional;and ineveryaffirmativedeclaration,thewordsoftheannulledlawandthe textoftheConstitutionorgenerallawtowhichitisopposedwillbeinserted. Art.19.IntheexerciseandpreservationoftherightsthatthisConstitutionandtheconstitutionallawsgrant,thetribunalsofthefederation willprotectanyinhabitantoftheRepublicagainsteveryattackbythe legislativeandexecutivepowers,whetherofthefederationorthestates, saidtribunalsbeinglimitedtogivingtheirprotectiontotheparticular casewithwhichtheprocessdeals,withoutmakinganygeneraldeclarationatallregardingthelawortheactthatmightmotivateit. Art.20.ThelawsofwhichArticles3,4,and13ofthisactspeak,that oflibertyofthepress,theorganiclawoftheNationalGuard,andallthe lawsthatregulatethegeneralmeasuresoftheConstitutionandofthis act,areconstitutionallawsandcannotbealteredorrepealedwithouta periodofsixmonthsinterveningbetweenthepresentationofthedecreeanditsdiscussion. Art.21.ThearticlesoftheConstitutioncanbereformedatanytime, providedthattwo-thirdsofbothchambersorthesimplemajorityof twodistinctandconsecutiveCongressesagreetoit.Thereformsthat limitinsomewaytheextensionofthepowersofthestatesneed,moreover,theapprovalofthemajorityofthelegislatures.Butinnocasecan therebealterationtotheprimordialprinciplesandthoseantecedentto theConstitution,whichestablishedtheindependenceofthenation,its formoffederal,popular,representative,republicangovernment,and
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thedivisionbothofthegeneralpowersandofthestates.Ineveryplan ofreformtheinterveningperiodestablishedinthepreviousarticlewill beobserved. Art.22.Withthisactofreformspublished,allpublicpowerswillbe regulatedbyit.Thegenerallegislativepowerwillcontinueentrustedin thecurrentCongressuntilthechambersmeet.Thestateswillcontinue observingtheirindividualconstitutionsand,accordingtothem,willreplacetheirpowerswithinthetimeperiodsandtermstheydesignate. Mexico,April5,1847.—M. Otero
ignacio raMírez IgnacioRamírez(1818–79),borninGuanajuato,wasawriter, poet,journalist,lawyer,andpolitician.AlongwithGuillermo Prieto,hefoundedthenewspaperDon Simplicioin1845.Ramírez’spennamewasElNigromante(thenecromancer).Earlyin hislifehewasimprisonedbecauseofhissatiricalwritings.A formidableorator,Ramírezwaselecteddeputytothe1856–57 ConstituentCongressandbecamepartoftheradicalwingof theliberalparty.Ramírezstruggledtoendtheprivilegedstatus of the Catholic Church and the army. He contributed to the draftingofthereformlaws,whichseparatedchurchandstate, forcedthechurchtosellitsproperty,secularizedpublicservices suchasmarriage,andestablishedthecivilregistry. Whentheconservativefactionwastemporarilydefeatedat the end of the Three Years’ War (1857–61), President Benito Juárez (1806–72) appointed Ramírez secretary of justice and public instruction. During his term Ramírez established the NationalLibraryandreorganizedprimaryeducation.Ramírez foughtagainsttheimperialarmiesinthestateofSinaloaduring theFrenchinterventionandwasexiledtotheUnitedStates.He returnedtoMexicobeforethefalloftheempireandwasimprisoned.AfterthefallofEmperorMaximilian,CongressappointedhimtotheSupremeCourt,andheservedalongtenure there. WepresenttwoofhiswritingsfromtheConstituentCongress period: the poem “The National Representation” (La representaciónnacional)(1845)andaspeechdeliveredtothe ConstituentCongressonJuly7,1856.Also,wepresentaletter toGuillermoPrieto(“Fidel”)writtenatthetimeoftheFrench intervention,between1863and1865.
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1
The National Representation
Representative,openyourbooks, Andsayifthepatriamercantilebe, Industrialoragricultural. —AgriculturalMexicois, Thematterdecidedalongtimeago; —Butwillurbandwellersbewise Whenacitysopopulousis, Iftheyplanttherooftopsandstreets Andcloseeveryoneoftheirports? Frienddeputydonotbelieveit, ForthegoodofthecountryIbegyou, Seekindustrywhereyouseehouses. —Deputy,doctorofTampicoamI. I’venotseentheport,butfromlettersI’veread FrommynieceIknowitisnotveryrich. Iftheporthadbeenclosed,foreignhordes, WhofromParisandEuropehavecomewithstuffedbags, Wouldnotmakeussoupandasuit, Andtheirboatswouldnotcarryourgold Noroureyesnorourfeetnorourteeth’forethewind. TheTampicoforumissilent,theirfault; Andnooneplantsoliveorwheat, Althoughthefertilegroundisatreasure. Noronthebeachisthereanymaizefield; Buthereisapartofamuleloadtheyleft, Andthereisabarrel,andluckilysomefish. Thetown,verypoor,scarcelyathirdwillbeours; Originaltitle:“Larepresentaciónnacional.”Source:Don Simplicio, periódico crítico, burlesco y filosófico,vol.1,no.1,p.6,1845. 243
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Myniececlosedhershop Andanewbusinesshas. Someonewhocustomsdutycanget Istheonlyonewithdailybreadguaranteed. Theforeigner,Irepeat,thereasonforsuchruinis. —AllthatnewsIhadyesterday FromBlas,yourmuleteer.AndIhaveknown FromthatverysameBlaswhatI’mtalkingabout. —What!Isarepresentativethussoinformed Aboutthecountrythatherepresents? —WhatmorecanIknow?—YourpardonIbeg. Exactaccountshouldyouhave Ofthefarmsandtheircrops, Ofthepeoplewhofeedthemselvesthere, Andinthesamewayyoushouldknow Somethingofworkshops,andevenforsure Whatthepoorsmallshopsdospend. Howmanyshipsthereareintheport,notonlyifshipstherebe. —Comeon,doyouwantthatadeputybe Anexpertinstatisticsofsorts? Yes,thatandinotherthings.—Ihavefadedaway Asajurist,butasstatisticianI’venot: Toknowalltowhatmortalisitgiven? Butthenifasophisticalorator Achallengetomefromtherostrumshouldgive, Thesyllogisticsystemtomemattersmore, Thebarandtheroyaldecrees, Thantheranches,theships,andtheshops Thatinmydistrictmightbe. Tocreatewiseandmarvelouslaws, Isitnotsufficientforme,andbyawidemargin,themaneuver, thatmightgetmetworeveredtassels? —Toformulatelawsplatonic,morethanenoughdoyouhave; Buttoformulatelawsthatproducegenuinewealth, Youmustlearnthemfrompeople,andnootherwork. —ResponsibilityforgenerallawslieswithCongress Andyourtheorywestudyinimmortalworks. InTocqueville,knowledgeeasyandcheapwecanfind,
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InMontesquieu,andinFerrier, Andfollowedbyeverypersonthesedays. —OfSolons,wethushaveabunch, Butthepeopleconsumptivebecome BecauseCongress’ssystemsophilosophicalis, Studyingpoliticsasifitwerephysics, Itlearnedwiththermometerspainted, Andmetaphysicswithoutseeinganyobjects. Whatcanspeechesassermonspreparedgenerate Intherostrum?Decreesnotbegotbutaborted. Amongthepeopletheydowell,it’strue, Totheextentthatthepeoplesovereignbecalled, Theyapplaudandasknotifthekingmightbefasting. HaughtyFraud,inasalon,risesupfromherknees Andwithpoeticstylemaintains Thatmanisimmortalandthatgoldisvain; Butdyingshefearsandgoldshehas, Andattheendofherdiscourse,with“Happytheymakeyou, Patria,yourmines,”comesDonMaimedMummytous, Whodaresnottospeak,eveninhisdefense, Ifhehasnotatext Toclosehismosttiresomesermon: InallthesessionsDonBothersome Justoneimpertinenceblasts, Inanendless,indigestiblesermon; Presidenttheymakehimtosilencehim, Apostheoccupieswithhisvoiceandhispen. Foolarrives,swears,aleaveofabsencerequests. HeallowsDoghisknowledgeconsumed Inalawthepresidentorders TouseMoctezuma’scostumeandname. DonSchemeringreatmiseryis, Fortomanagehiswealthheknewnot, Andthetreasuryhewantedinhisveryhands, DonGutthejustmeansrecommends Sotobothpartieshecanbelong Andascendwiththeonewhoascends. Inhisspeechesarealwaystwomeanings,
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Andhemakesofthejustmeansaball Toplaywithandpunishthelosers. Fool,inordertospeak,doesnotlogicexhaust. “ThesixthofDecemberitwas;tocastoffthegovernment Invainyouattempt,”hesaysandhevotes; Andalwaysonallfourshesaysthis, Withhishandsontherailing,hisfeetontheground, Whetherofcontractsonespeaksorbullsfromthepope. Stupidity,howmuchcantherebeinoneroom! Thepartiesaregrowingeachday; Butthepeopleloseonlyinwar. Thepartiesincrease,still Thestakehasitsfriends,despotism: Federationfordespotismheresyis. Andfreemasonrythejuriforthat. JoesawinParisconstitutionandkings, AndinMexicohemightwantthesame. AnotherwouldliketoreviveSpanishlaws, AndIindignantlyImamsdemand AswellasJanissariesandbeys. Whatisourliberty?Itispurelie. —Areyouseekingthecause?Themanpointedtoyou; Butasaslaveofthelawhelooksuponyou. —Asyringewithadifferentcylinderisthelaw Thatenslavesinsteadoftheman, Forme,theevilisbeingaslave. Istheresomerationalbeingwhodoesnotastound Seeinginrevolutionthecrowd Tochangeoftheirwoesonlythename? Thelightofthelawisnotalwayspure; Tosacrificehelotsaslambs, AlawgavetoEurotasthecustom. TotheRomans,culturedandstrict, Thelawofpropertypowerdidgive Tofeedbreedinggroundswiththeirserfs. Andthelawthecursedfireignited Thatfanaticismthreecenturiesmightnourish WithIberianandAmericanblood.
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Dowenotknowthebanishmentlaws Andmanyothersoftax? AboutcentralismtheSevenLaws1were. —Yourargumentsnothingbutsophismsare: Theplaceconstitutionswillgivetoreproach ateverystepIknowwell. Butlawplundersnotforthecarriage, Norhasamistressofitbeenseen, Norevenforthisdoesithaphazardlychoose. —Whatdoesitmatterifthelawhasnotlife? —Thebirthofknowledgeitis.—Iconfess Iwouldliketoseethemultitudeasonebroughttolife. Laughteriscausedbythesourceofacongress; Tonamewiseelectors,intelligence Ihave,butfordeputiesnot: Andtheelectors,theygivenoassurance Ofvotingforonlythoseunblemishedmen Whomightbetrusteesofmygood. —Theballotboxyouwanttomakeuseless Andtheregistrationlisttoo?—Atthehourdesignated Iruntovote,butonlyachair Forthecommissionistaken: Tenandtwelvestrikestheclock,andthreeonlyhavegathered, Andatfivetherewerefourandafter,nomore. Butthemembersofthejuntawe’vehad ArefeelingburdenedIwouldsuppose; Andmorethanonecannotreadorwrite. —Whetherawoman,aservant,aboy, Aballotboxmakesthemannoyed; Thecouncilshutsupuntildrunk. Andthenwhatenthusiasmreigns! Secondaryelectionsfollowthispath; TheirusefulnessIdonotfathom. —Ah!Sopigheadedarethey,thesecanbesoessential, Athousandintriguestheyavoid.ButIseebefore 1.Ramírezreferstothe1836centralistconstitutionknownastheSevenLaws.(Editor’snote)
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Intriguessecondary,andprimaryintriguesaswell. Ifthemassescouldelect,whichiswhatIdesire, Theelectionwouldmuchmorebepleasingtothem, Andsuccesstherewouldbe,Ifirmlybelieve. —Illusionsandsystems!Whatkindofman Triestoputsaddlesondonkeysinsteadofahorse? Themultitudedoesn’tknowwhoobeysit. GivebootstoanIndianandyoujustgivehimcorns, Asifthedoctorwouldpatientlyhear Fromhiswaterbearerverdictsjudicial. Ixtacalcowouldscarcelybeseen Withatheater,andgoodbyetoitsgardensthatfloat Itwouldsay,andtoitsrosesandcabbagestoo. Itwillbarteritsboatsforengravings. —Thatwouldbeasignitwasrich; Andthedoctor,learnedtrapshe’dnotfear; Forthoughneveraholyjudgewillbeseen, Butthejusticethatyounowdespise, Fromawaterbearermightnotcostsomuch. Themultitudeyoudeprecate Youflatteredsoasadeputytobe. —Foritsowngooditwasdeceived—itwasyouwhodidthedeceiving! YouarelikeJoe,whofromsoldiertogeneralwent, Butnotoncampaign; Findinghimselfmockedbyhisfriends, ForbeingfaithfultothestandardsofSpain. Itistrue,heresponded:butalsoIran, AgainsttheIberianIusedthistrick. Ifmorephilosophyyouhad AndyourGómezyouforgotandyourlaws Andyoudescendedonedaytotheearth, Youwillfindtenrichmenlikekings, Athousandleaguesundertheirrule, ButtenmagueyplantsathousandIndianshave. Withwhatright?Givenitbythetheft Oftheconquest.—Theconquestistheoriginalwayofsuchacquisition. Venioyoushouldread.
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—TheIndianpullspulqueandmaizefromthemud; Therichnotafootprinttheymakeonthesoil; Nothingdoestheformerenjoy,butthelattereverythingdoes. Toprotectagriculturewithjealousy Andtodelivertofourfeeblementheearth, IstowishthatSatantoheavenwouldcarryus. Thepoormanmakeswaronthethieves: Whatdothepoorhavetolose?ThemIprefer Toafarmerwhogoesandlockshimselfup Inthecity,andbecausehewasheir, Withoutevenknowinghisranchoritsplaceonthemap, Floodsofmoneyfromithepulls. Hiscloakhedoesn’tremoveinthestreets, Withoutriskingconfrontingallclasses: Withoutrisking,asuccessorgetswhat’snothis. —Withyourblasphemiesyounowpassfromhere, OhNigromanteofJacobinism! Propertyisoneofthefoundations. —Unfortunatelyitistrue;butlikewisetolive isanotherfoundationwithwhichthefirstIattack; Andthegovernmentdoesthesame. Fromusdoesitnotcollecttaxes?Doesitnotsnatchaway Tobaccofromalltheoldwomen?Doesitnotusenotespromissory Andfromusacigaretteineachtlaco2take? —Youonlythinkofmaterialgoods, AndtheCongressonlytogloryaspires. —Wellsuchcongresseslikechurchcouncilswouldbe. Toeveryjuntathatknowledgemightbreathe ThetumultuousjuntasofRomeIprefer, Andwithadornment,anditisnotalie. Onadustyplazathepeoplesoproud Deliberated,loudlyit’strue, Butamongaridvoicesthekernelitcame. Andalsotherethekingsitdethroned, Andtheirexistencetocombatdelivered;
2.AncientMexicancoin.(Editor’snote)
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Butrichplunderitdidenjoy. Nevertosciencewasitsacrificed Whichanationsparinglycreates, Norshowingaterribleomnipotence Diditremainsatisfiedbeatingadrum. The Necromancer
2
Speech to the Constituent Congress, July 7, 1856
Gentlemen: TheprojectofConstitution,submittedtotheenlightenmentofyoursovereigntytoday,revealsinitsauthorsanotinsignificantunderstandingofthepoliticalsystemsofourcentury,butatthe sametimeaninconceivableneglectofthepositiveneedsofourpatria. Inexperienced politician and unknown orator, I make such serious chargestothecommitteenotbecauseIfoolishlyclaimtoinstructit,but becauseIwishtohearitslucidresponses;perhapsinthemIwillfind that,becauseofmyconfusion,myreasoningsreducethemselvestosome solemnadmissionsofmyignorance. Thesocialpactthathasbeenproposedtousisbasedinafiction;here ishowitbegins:“InthenameofGod...therepresentativesofthedifferentstatesthatmakeuptheRepublicofMexico...fulfilltheirlofty charge...” Withthesewordsthecommitteeelevatesustothepriesthood;and, placingusinthesanctuary,whetherwesetforththerightsofthecitizen,whetherweorganizetheexerciseofpublicpowers,itobligesusto movefrominspirationtoinspirationuntilturninganorganiclawintoa genuinedogma.Itwouldbeverygratifyingformetoannounce,likea prophet,orratherplayingtheroleofaugur,thegoodnewstothepeoples whohaveentrustedtheirdestiniestousthatonthefourthofJulysome gentlemen of the committee discharged their duty with considerable skill;butinthecenturyofthedisillusionedones,ourhumblemissionis todiscoverthetruthandapplytoourillsthemostmundaneremedies.I knowwellwhatthereisofthefictitious,thesymbolic,andthepoeticin Original title: “Discurso ante el Congreso Constituyente del 7 de julio de 1856.” Source:FranciscoZarco,Historia del Congreso Extraordinario Constituyente (1856–1857), Estracto de todas sus sesiones y documentos parlamentarios de la época,vol.2(Mexico:ImprentadeIgnacioCumplido,1857). 251
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knownlegislation;someofthislegislationhaslackednothingtoremove itfromreality,noteventhemeter;butIjudgeitismoredangerousthan ridiculoustosupposeourselvesinterpretersoftheDivinityand,without amask,toparodyAcmapichtli,1Mohammed,Moses,andtheSibyls.The nameofGodhasproduceddivinerighteverywhere,andthehistoryof divinerightiswrittenbythehandoftheoppressorswiththesweatand bloodofthepeoples;andwe,whopresumeourselvesfreeandenlightened,arewenotstillstrugglingagainstdivineright?Dowenottremble likechildrenwhenitissaidtousthataphalanxofpettywomenwill assaultusindiscussingtoleranceofworship,allofthemarmedwith divineright?Ifarevolutioncastsusfromtherostrum,itwillbedivine rightthatdragsustotheprisons,toexile,andtothescaffolds.Leaningondivineright,manhasdividedtheheavenandtheearthandhas said—Iamabsoluteownerofthisland;andhehassaid—Ihaveastar, andifhehasnotmonopolizedthelightoftheupperspheres,itisbecausenospeculatorhasbeenabletosoartothestars.Divinerighthas inventedpublicpunishmentandtheexecutioner.Shieldinghimselfin divineright,manhasconsideredhisbrotheracommercialobjectand hassoldhim.Gentlemen,formypart,IdeclarethatIhavenotcometo thisspotpreparedbyrapturesorrevelations;theonlymissionIcarry out,notasamysticbutasaprofane,isinmycredential,youhaveseen it,ithasnotbeenwrittenlikethetablesofthelawonthecrestofSinai amidstlightningandthunder.Thetaskofcreatingaconstitutionisvery worthy,soIbeginitbydeceiving. Whydidthecommittee,fromthesublimeheightstowhichithas beenabletoraiseitself,notdirectaquickglancetowardourtroubled territory?Oneofitsmembershassaidthattheterritorialdivisionisnot apanacea;oh!certainly,inpolitics,inthesamewayasinmedicine,the cure-allhasnotbeendiscovered;butthatisnoreasonforthephysician nottobevainabouthisdiscoveries,asthepoliticianiswithhis:theinventorofvaccineandtheinventorofpenitentiarieshaveequalglory. Whatmisfortunescometous—ithasbeenasked—fromthefactthat populationsarestilldistributedinthewaythePlanofAyutla2found them?Ithasgoneasfarasdenyingtheneedforaneworganizationof 1.Apre-Hispanicdeity.(Editor’snote) 2. The Plan of Ayutla in 1854 called for the overthrow of the regime of General AntonioLópezdeSantaAnna.Therevoltwassuccessful.(Editor’snote)
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local public offices based on the demands of nature. The committee, finally,judgesthatthediscontentedpeoplesdonotknowtheirinterests,andthereasonitgivesisconvincingbecauseitdoesnotknowthem either. WhetherItakemenasmybasisorthelandstheyinhabit,withmy humbleintelligenceIcanseethatanewterritorialdivisionisapressingnecessity.Thephysicalelementsofoursoilaredistributedinsuch awaythattheybythemselvesbidthenationtodivideinlargesections withverymarkedcharacteristicfeatures.ThatYucatánPeninsula,connectedtothecontinentbyanarrowandunpopulatedstripofland,has the independence that the high mountains, the deserts, and the seas offer.FromtheIsthmusofTehuantepectothebordersofGuatemala, wehaveadivisiondrawnbynature.Fromthevicinityoftheisthmusto thefrontieroftheUnitedStates,threestrips,onetemperateandtwo hot,suggesttousthreedifferentseriesofterritorialcombinations.In thePacificOceanwehaveanotherpeninsula.OnthecoastsoftheGulf ofMexicoIcanseeavastlandirrigatedbyfast-flowingriversandextensivelakes;theabundanceofnavigablewatermovesclosertoandjumbles togetheritspopulations.Wherenatureformedasinglepeople,weform fractionsoffiveothers?BetweenTuxpanandTampicowecanimproviseabridgeofvapor;butifIamnotdeceived,wehavealreadygiven TuxpantoPueblainsteadofTlaxcala.Andthatislandlostinanoceanof savages,thatnorthernfrontier,doesitnotdemandfromusinthename ofhumanitytheunityofitsgovernment?WhypreserveinChihuahua andDurangopopulationsseparatedfromtheircapitalsbyadangerous desertandanimpassablemountainrange,andmorewhentheirseparationisagenuinetheftofSonoraandSinaloa?Andwhynotextendthe limitsofColima?AndwhyisthestateoftheVallesnotestablishedin theoldAnáhuac?ThestateofQuerétaroisreducedtoasinglepopulationcenterofthemanythataresownthroughoutthefertileBajío. Theterritorialdivisionappearsstillmoreinterestingconsideringit inrelationtotheinhabitantsoftheRepublic.Amongthemanyillusions withwhichwesustainourselves,oneofthem,nottheleastunfortunate,istheonethatoriginatesbysupposinginourpatriaahomogeneous population.Letusliftthatlightveilfromthemixedracethatspreads outeverywhere,andwewillfindahundrednationsthatinvainweattempttodaytoputtogetherintooneonly,becausethatundertakingis assigned to the constant and energetic labor of individuals and well-
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worked-outinstitutions.Manyofthosepeoplesstillpreservethetraditionsofadiverseoriginandofanindependentandgloriousnationality. TheTlaxcaltecanshowswithpridethefieldsthatthewallseparatinghimfromMexicooppressed.TheYucatecancanasktheOtomiif hisancestorsleftmonumentsasadmirableasthosepreservedinUxmal. Andnearus,gentlemen,thatsublimecathedralthatmakesusarrogant revealslessknowledgeandlesstalentthanthehumblestonepreserving thecalendaroftheAztecsthatseeksasupportinthecathedral.Those racesstillpreservetheirnationality,protectedbythedomestichearth andbythelanguage.Marriagesbetweenthemareveryrare,between themandthemixedracesoccurlessfrequentlyeveryday;themeansof facilitatingtheirbondswithforeignershasnotbeenfound.Intheend, lovepreservestheterritorialdivisionfrombeforetheconquest. Alsothediversityoflanguageswillmakeanyamalgamationfictitious andunrealizableforalongtime.TheAmericanlanguagesconsistofsignificantroots,notintheeyesofsciencebutratherincommonusage; theseroots,genuinepartsofthesentence,neverorrarelyarepresented aloneandwithaconsistentformasinthelanguagesoftheOldWorld; thusitisthattheAmerican,insteadofdetachedwords,hassentences. Fromthiscomesthenotablephenomenonthat,inconstructingaterm, thenewelementisputbypreferenceinthecenterthroughaproper interposition of organic bodies, while in the languages of the other hemisphere, the new element is placed by juxtaposition, a character peculiartoinorganiccombinations.Intheselanguages,wheretheleast memberofthewordpalpitateswithalifeofitsown,thelovingheart andtheardentimaginationcannotmanifestthemselvesexceptwiththe lively and seductive forms of poetry. But these treasures each nation enjoysasafamily,hiddenbyfear,decayedthroughignorance,thelast hieroglyphicsthatBishopZumárragacannotburnnortheswordofthe conquistadorsdestroy.3Enclosedinhishutandinhislanguage,theindigenouspersondoesnotcommunicatewiththeotherindigenoustribes orwiththemixedraceexceptthroughtheCastilianlanguage.Andin this,towhatarehisthoughtsreduced?Tothesterileformulasforthe thoughtofameanmercantileusageandtotheodiousexpressionsthat areexchangedbetweenthetycoonsandtheirservants.Doyouwantto 3.JuandeZumárraga(1468–1548)wasaSpanishbishopduringearlycolonialtimes. AsProtectoroftheIndiansheorderedpaganreligiousartifactsburned.(Editor’snote)
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formastableterritorialdivisionwiththeelementsthenationpossesses? Elevatetheindigenouspeopletothesphereofcitizen,givethemadirect interpositioninpublicaffairs,butbegindividingthembylanguages, otherwiseyoursovereigntywillonlydistributetwomillionfreemen andsixmillionslaves. IfwhatIhaveexpressedsaysnothingtothecommittee,atleastdirect yourgazeattheunrestinwhichtheRepublicfindsitself.Cuernavaca andMoreloswanttobelongtothestateofGuerrero,andagainsttheir wishestheinterestsofahundredfeudalproprietorsareprevailing.The ValleyofMexicohasbeenworkingtoorganizeitselfformanyyears.La Huastecahassufferedplunderingforhavingrequesteditslocalindependence.Tabascoisrequestingpossessionofitsterritory,presentinglegal titles.SinaloaclaimsTamazula.Andthefrontiercallsusweakinorder nottocallustraitors.Toallthesedemandsofthepeoplesweanswer:— now is not the time. It is not time yet!—The peoples will answer us tomorrow,ifwewantfinallytoaccommodatetheirdesiresinorderto containthehorrorsofanarchy. ThemostseriousofthechargesthatImaketothecommitteeishaving preservedtheservitudeofdayworkers.Thedayworkerisamanwho, byforceofpainfulandcontinuouslabor,pullsfromtheearth,nowthe wheatthatnourishes,nowthesilkandgoldthatadornthepeople;inhis creativehandtherudeinstrumentisconvertedintoamachine,andhe shapesstoneintomagnificentpalaces.Theprodigiousinventionsofindustryareowedtoasmallnumberoflearnedmenandtomillionsofday laborers.Wherevertheremightexistvalue,thereisfoundthesovereign effigyofwork. Wellthen,thedayworkerisaslave.Originallyhewasaslaveofthe man;hewasreducedtothisconditionbytherightofwar,terriblesanctionofdivineright.Asaslave,nothingbelongstohim,neitherhisfamily norhisexistence;andnourishmentisnotarightfortheman-machine, ratheranobligationtopreservehimselffortheserviceofowners.In differentepochsthelaboringman,emancipatinghimselffromthepersonswholivedofftheincomefromtheirinvestmentsorrealestate,continuedsubjecttotheserviceoftheearth;thefeudalismoftheMiddle Ages, of Russia, and of tropical lands are well known enough that it isnotnecessarytopainttheirhorrors.Thelaborersucceededalsoin breaking the chains that tied him to the land as a product of nature; andtodayhefindshimselfaslaveofcapital,which,requiringonlybrief
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hoursofhislife,speculatesevenwithhisverynourishment.Before,the serfwasthetreecultivatedinordertoproduceabundantfruits;today thelaboreristhesugarcanethatissqueezeddryandabandoned.Thus itisthatthegreat,thetrue,socialproblemistoemancipatedaylaborers fromcapitalists;theresolutionisverysimpleandcomesdowntoconvertingworkintocapital.Thisoperation,urgentlydemandedbyjustice, willassurethedaylaborernotonlythesalaryappropriateforhissubsistence,butarighttodividetheprofitsproportionallywitheverybusinessman.Theeconomicschooliscorrectinclaimingthatcapitalinhard cashmustproduceareturnlikecapitalinmercantileassetsandinreal estate.Theeconomistswillcompletetheirwork,movingforwardtothe aspirationsofsocialism,thedaytheyconcedetheunquestionablerights toanincomefromwork-capital. Learnedeconomistsofthecommittee,invainyouproclaimthesovereigntyofthepeoplesolongasyoudepriveeachdaylaborerallthe fruitofhiswork,youobligehimtouseuphiscapital,andinreturnyou putaridiculouscrownonhisbrow.Aslongasthelaborerconsumeshis fundsintheformofasalaryandyieldshisincomewithalltheprofitsof thebusinesstothecapitalistassociate,thesavingsbankisanillusion,the bankofthepeopleisametaphor,thedirectproducerofallthewealth willnotenjoyanymercantilecreditinthemarket,hewillnotbeable toexercisetherightsofcitizenship,hewillnotbeabletobecomeeducated,hewillnotbeabletoeducatehisfamily,hewillperishofmisery inhisoldageandinhisillnesses.Inthislackofsocialelementsyouwill findtherealsecretwhyyourmunicipalsystemisachimera. Ihavedispelledtheillusionstowhichthecommitteehasgivenitself over;noscrupleplaguesme.Iknowwellthat,despitedeceitandoppression,manynationshaveraisedtheirreputationtoaglitteringsphere;but todaythepeopledonotdesireeithertheglitteringthroneofNapoleon swimminginbloodortherichbooty,wonbypiratesandconservedby slaves,thattheUnitedStatesdivideseachyear.Theydonotwant,no,the splendoroftheirmasters,butratheramodestwell-beingspreadamong allindividuals.Theinstinctforpersonalconservationthatmovesthe lipsofthechildseekingnourishmentisthelastplunderwedeliverto death;hereisthebaseofthesocialedifice. TheMexicannationcannotbeorganizedwiththeelementsoftheold politicalscience,becausetheyaretheexpressionofslaveryandworries; itneedsaconstitutionthatorganizesprogressforit,thatputsorderin
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motion.TowhatisthisConstitutionreduced,whichestablishesorderin absoluteimmobility?Itisatombpreparedforalivingcorpse.Gentlemen,webringtomindwithenthusiasmaprivilegethatintroducesa breedofhorsesorcreatesadeadlyweapon;letuscreateaconstitution that is founded in the privilege of the needy, of the ignorant, of the weak,sothatinthiswaywecanimproveourraceandsothatpublic powerwillnotbeanythingotherthanorganizedbeneficence.
3
Letter to Fidel
Ures,March1865 DearFidel: DoyourememberthatinoneofmylastlettersIspoke toyouofawomanofsomeyears,butofmuchtalentandawell-preserved beauty?Well,sheknowsyouandhasinsistedonwritingtoyou;Iencloseherletter.Aseveryours.—TheNecromancer SeñorFidel:—YouweresogallanttomewhenIwasinMexico that,withoutfearofbotheringyou,Itakethelibertyofasking somenewsofyou,becauseyourfriend,theNecromancer,doesnot answermyquestionswithoutcaricaturingthepersonswhodeserve frommetheliveliestandmostaffectionatecompliments. IsMr.Xstillaspecialistinhistory?Doeshestillpreserve,among hisMexicanantiquities,theringofAcatempan? Whyhavesomerectorsandprofessorsaroundyoubecomesoenamoredwhentheyabandonedthestudiousyouth? FromMexicotoChihuahuayouhaveactedasaTyrtaeus;1doyou believethatthebraveoneswhoaccompanyyouwillbeenthusiastictothepointoffightingafterarrivingatthePasodelNorte,not havingdoneitbefore?2 Twoyearsago,withdeputiesandotherfunctionaries,youwere morethanathousand,youwhorepresentedthenation;nowthere Originaltitle:“CartaaFidel[GuillermoPrieto],marzode1865.”Source:El Semanario Ilustrado,vol.1,September25,1868,pp.341–42. 1.TyrtaeusofSpartawasapoetwhocomposedelegiestocourageouswarriors.(Editor’snote) 2.RamírezwasatthetimetravelingwiththeJuárezrepublicangovernmentinits marchtothenorth,withdrawingasimperialtroopsclosedonthem.(Editor’snote) 258
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arenoteventhirty,countingRomero,3whoishelpingoutsomuch intheUnitedStatessothatthestatesoftheSouthmightberuled bythoseoftheNorth;whatwouldbecomeofbothrepublicswithoutourdiplomacy?Doyoubelieve,mysweetfriend,thateightmillionMexicansarewellrepresentedinaforeignwarbythirtypersonswhoplay,makelove,andintriguewhentheyarenotrunning? ThesequestionswillsurpriseyouwhenyoudonotknowwhatI amgoingtoconfideinyou:HaveIbecomeanimperialist?Onlythe loveofmysexhascommittedmetothischange;youseehowIreason. ThegreatcapriceofMexicans,whichhasbeensuchamisfortune forthem,consistsoftheadoptionofthatsystemtheycallrepresentative.They,whomakeawartothedeathontheclergy,havedeliveredthemselvesbodyandsoultoatheocraticsystem!Donotlaugh orfeelscandalized.Whodoesthepoperepresent?God.Whodoes thelordbishoprepresent?Thepope.Whodothepriestsrepresent? Thelordbishop.Whodothesextonsrepresent?Thepriests.And thatwholehierarchicmachine,whodoesitrepresent?Godand theChristianpeople.Godisthelaw;thepeoplearethebeneficiaries.Butinreality,neitherdoesthepeoplegainanythingnorisGod obeyed.IfGodandthepeopleunderstoodeachotherdirectly,our affairswouldgobetter,andIwouldaskhimfortheeternalyouthof Chavitoandthoseeloquentwordswithwhichyoucharmedme. WhodoesDonBenitorepresent?(Isaythesameoftheother powerswhentherearesome.)Thestates.Whodothestatesrepresent?Theprefecturesandmunicipalities.Andthose?Theelectors.Andthatwholerepresentativeretinue?TheConstitutionand thesovereignpeople.Theresultisthatyouareorganizedlikethe Church;youhavedonenothingmorethanparodyit;andyoutreat thelawandthepeopleastheothersdoGodandtheChristians. Iwouldliketorepresentmyselfmyself,becauseindoingthatit interestsandamusesmesomuchmore,noonecanhumanlyrepresentme,notthepriest,notthedeputy,notmyownhusband. Bothsystemsofsocialorganizationcanexistonlyunderthissup 3.MatíasRomero,PresidentJuárez’sambassadortotheUnitedStatesatthetimeof theFrenchintervention.(Editor’snote)
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position:some individuals were born to represent and others to be represented.Butwhatdoesitmeantorepresent?Itistoplaytheroleof another;itistopretendtobeanotherperson;itistosubstitutethe maskfortheface.Andcanasystemthatisnecessarilybasedinthe liebesuccessful?BetweenaCongressandaCouncilthereisnodifference;iftheHolySpiritinwhicheverofthetwobodieswasnot soldtothepopeortoDonBenito,itwouldberelegatedtotheminorityandexcludedfromgreataffairs,andwouldbeprosecutedby thelawagainstconspiratorsandplagiarists.4 Idonotknowifyouhavecometoputthatfamousrepresentative systemintoeffect,butIbelieveitimpossibleinSonora,andnotbecauserepresentativesarelacking,butbecauseinnoconstitutionare thosewhorepresentthemajorityhererecognized.Tellme,mylife, inwhatlawhaveyouseenthefollowingproclamation?InSonora, Gándararepresentshisrelatives;Tánorihistribe;theChatoAlmada halfofAlamos;TomasitohalfofGuaymas;thecaciqueoftheYaqui theyaquis;andthegreaterpartoftheyoungwomentheirboyfriends.Suchisthesituationofourstate,despitethefactthatdivine andhumanlawssaysomethingelse. AndsinceIhavetouchedonapointthatinterestsme,Icando nolessthanshowyouthatperhapsIwouldtoleratesucharepresentativesystemifwomencouldfigureasrepresentatives.Whyexcludeus?Ithinkofitintermsoftheancientdrama,whenamong theGreeksandRomans,aslaterintheacademies,menplayedthe partsofwomen.Idonottolerateitnowthatbothsexesappearon thestage.AndsinceIcanplaywithapplausetheroleofElizabeth ofEnglandorCatherineofRussia,IdonotseewhyIcouldnotplay theMayosandtheÓpatas5inthattheateryoucallthetempleofthe laws.Temple!Nodoubttorememberitsmonkishorigin. Youknowmeverywell,Fidel;tellme,whatdoallofyoudothat isnotwithinmygrasp?Aboveall,theministerialmajority,what secretsdoesithavethatsometimeagoImightnothavediscovered? Doesithavesomeweaknesses?Ihavemine.Doesitchataboutall matters?YouseehowIchat.Andinmattersoffinance,theywill 4.Acontentiouscriminallawpassedearlierbytherepublicangovernment.(Editor’s note) 5.MayosandÓpataswereIndiantribesfromthestateofSonora.(Editor’snote)
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notleavethetaxpayersascontentasI.Theadoptionofmyidea wouldbringwithittheadvantagethatmanydeputieswouldaccustomthemselvestorepresentationbywomen,leavingthemfreefor carryingouttherestofthehouseholdmatters. TheseconvictionsthatIholdhavehelpedmecompareyoursystemwiththatofMaxmilian.TheAustrianalsorepresentsthenation,butinhisway;hesharespowerwithhiswife,andaslongas shelives,afavorablestarwillsheditslightonhim.Theladiesin waitingarethusasclosetopowerastheirhusbands. Nonetheless,fromtheNorthanarmwillreachouttosaveyou, inthesamewaysomeonepullsoutbythetailadogthathasfallen inthefountain,andreturnyoutothecapitaloftheRepublic.Then youwillreturn,addingtoyourlyrethestringofpurepatriotism. Poet,youcouldnotdoforthenationmorethansingthebattles andtheglory;andyouhavesung,makingeachversesparklebeforeenemyeyeslikeanavengingsword.Youarecalledtobethe firstofthepureones;yourinfluenceisguaranteed.ToitIappealso thatyoumightinitiateanddefendthewomen’scauseinthecoming councilofrepresentatives. Iwillgobacktobeingrepublicanandalwaysyours.—A Sonoran6 woman. ToFidel: Ihaveseentheletterthatourfriendwrotetoyou;wehavelost everything,forthewomenlavishtheirsarcasmonus.Letusnot loseheart;faithinrepresentativesystem;andIdonotknowforthe presentwhorepresentsuslegallyinChihuahua;butwouldyoubelievethatRosales,ofhisownaccord,hasproposedhimselftorepresentusonceagainonthefieldsofbattle?Ifhelivesandweonce againcometobedeputies,wewillgranthimapardon. Forthepresent,wehavelosttheportofGuaymas;soonIwill writeyouthedetails.Yourveryaffectionate—Necromancer.
6.FromthestateofSonora.(Editor’snote)
Francisco zarco Francisco Zarco (1829–69) was a liberal politician and writer borninthestateofDurango.Hewastheeditorinchiefofthe liberalnewspaperEl Siglo XIX.Zarcowasconsideredoneofthe mostimportantliberalwritersofhistime,writingonmanysubjects,notonlypolitics,andagitatingforreforminhisarticles. In1856hewaselecteddeputytotheConstituentCongress. AsadeputyZarconotonlyparticipatedintheparliamentary debatesbutalsowroteandpublishedchroniclesofitssessions fromwhichhecomposedahistoryofthe1856–57Constituent Congressthatwaspublishedin1857. AftertheenactmentoftheConstitution,PresidentIgnacio Comonfortwasswornintooffice,butheultimatelydecidednot toenforcethecharter.ThiscoupstartedtheThreeYears’War. ZarcoopposedtheComonfortgovernmentandwasimprisoned untilthevictoryoftheliberal faction in1861brought Juárez intopower.JuárezappointedZarcoasaministerinhiscabinet. DuringtheFrenchinterventionZarcowasexiledtotheUnited States. WepresentsixofZarco’sarticlespublishedinEl Siglo XIX between 1856 and 1867, the period in which the Constituent Congressmet.
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1
The Question of the Veto
Havingbeenthefirsttocallpublicattentiontotheneed forresolvingconclusivelythequestionoftheveto,whicharosewhen theMinistryofWarobjectedtothedecreeofCongressthatdeclared nullthearticlesofthelawofSantaAnnaregardingrewardsforservices lentinthewarwiththeUnitedStates,wehavelittlewantedtoprovoke aconflictbetweenthegovernmentandtheCongressortrytohumiliate oneofthetwopowers.Ourintentionhasbeenonlythataquestionof orderberesolved,thattheassemblypreserveintactitsprerogatives,and thatseriousdifficultiesbeavoidedthathereaftermightpresentthemselves. Wehavealwaysbeenconvincedthatpublicorderconsistsnotinone powerholdingtherestsubservient,butratherineachonebeinglimitedtoitsfunctionswithoutoversteppingthemorencroachingonthe functionsoftherest.Inthesamewayweopposeenlargingthepowersof theexecutiveandextendingthemeventohavingtheveto;wewouldbe opposedtotheconstituentbodyappropriatingtoitselflegislativepower thatthepeopledidnotgrantit. Therearenoothermeans,nomatterhowhardonelooksforthem, topreserveequilibriumamongthepowersandtomaintainpeace,than theassiduousandpreciseobservationofthelawtowhicheachauthority owesitsoriginandwhichatthesametimedesignatesitsfunctions.From themomentinwhichanauthorityaspirestoenlargeitspowers,itviolatesthelegaltitleofitsexistenceandtakesthefirststeptowardsubversionoftheveryprinciplesthatmightbeabletoserveitassupport. Wehavesaidathousandtimes,andwedonottireofrepeatingit, thatatthepresenttimethereisnocausefordisagreementbetweenthe governmentandthecongress,andthatthePlanofAyutla,insteadof desiringperpetualantagonismbetweenthetwopowers,wantedonthe
Originaltitle:“Lacuestióndelveto.”Source:El Siglo XIX,Mexico,June28,1856. 263
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contrarytoestablishbetweenthemthemostperfectharmony,sothatin thiswaythepromisesoftherevolutionmightbefulfilledandthehopes ofthepeoplerealized.Whateverthedifficulty,theslightestdisagreement paralyzes the forward movement of the administration, which mustbeactive,intelligent,andprogressive,andholdsbacktheworkof thecongress,whichmustbeaboutredress,justice,andmoralityinexercisingitspowerofoversight,andaboutliberty,reform,andcivilization indrawingupthefundamentalcode.Inperiodsoftransitionandrevolution,whichisessentiallywhatwearegoingthrough,towastetimeis togobackward,anditisanincontestabletruththatrevolutionsthatgo backwardaredistorted,denatured,andlost,andtheylosethepeople withthem. Thisconviction,whichisverydearandsinceretoourmind,iswhat makes us ardently desire the rapid and satisfactory settlement of all questionscreatedbylackofforesightorimprudence,andthatifitis necessary, even at the cost of mutual sacrifices, the liberal union be maintainedandtheaccordbetweenthegovernmentandCongress. Theconservativepress,whichwasdespicablyatthemercyoftheoppressorsofthecountryandwhichdoesnotunderstandthatthefriends ofagovernmentcanhavesufficientloyaltyandgoodfaithtotellitthe truth;theconservativepress,whichpersistedincallingusministerial andinattributingtoournewspaperasemiofficialcharacter,accusing usofdefendingagovernmentthatprofessesoursameprinciples,jumps with joy announcing that we have had differences with the ministry, thatwehavepassedtotheranksoftheopposition,thatouraimsare ignobleandself-interested,and,takingforgrantedthatweareattackingthecabinet,beginsitsdefense,forgettingthatwehavebeenamong those who have defended it with the greatest ardor from the unwarrantedaccusationsofthatreactionaryandinconsistentpress,whichdoes notevenhavethevirtueofgivingthenamesofitswriters,whoalways hidebehindadespicableprofessionalwhowillsignanything. Withrespecttothequestionoftheveto,theyhavesaidthatwewant theomnipotenceofCongress,thedictatorshipoftheassembly,acoup d’étatagainstthecabinet,thetutelageofthegovernmenttothecaprices oftheparliamentarymajority.Notatall.Whatwewantissimplythat nooneleavetheorbitofhispower;thatthePlanofAyutlabeobserved asthesolepoliticallawofthecountry;andthatthegovernmentandthe Congress,eachinitssphere,canfulfillthemissionappropriatetothem.
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IftheCongress,goingbeyonditspowers,producedcommonlaws,assumingpowersthatonlythepresidentoftheRepublichastoday,we wouldbethefirsttocondemnsuchanactofusurpation.Inthesame way,andwithoutgivingsuchaharshassessmentofthegovernment’s undertakings,itisourdutytoopposethem,becauseasrevolutionaryas isthepresentorderofthings,itisbasedingenuineandclearprinciples oflegality. Wewillnotpausetorefutetheexaggeratedlamentsoftheabsolutistpress,whichistalkingnonsensedreamingofacoupd’étatwithout understandingthatthecaudillowhotodayexercisesthesuprememagistracyofthenationisthesteadfastsupporteroftherepresentativesystem andthedemocraticcause. Invainthosewriterscalledhimbanditandpartisanoflarcenywhen inthefieldsofbattlehefaceddeathinordertoliberatetheirpatriafrom theconservativeyoke,invaintheywillseektoleadhimastraynowwith theirvainadulations;thesincerevoiceofthetruthinhisspirithastobe worthmore.Theyverymuchwantedtoflatterhimwhenheascendedto thepresidencysothathewouldnullifythereformsthattheadministrationofGeneralÁlvarezcompleted;theydidnotachieveanything,and Mr.Comonfortwassomewhatlaterthepowerandforceoftheliberal partyinsuppressingthereaction.Itisawastedeffortbythosewhowant toseparatehimfromtheConstituentCongressandremovehimfrom theliberalparty,whichhasfaithinhisoathsandwhichexpectsfrom hisadministrationsplendidandpositivepolitical,social,andeconomic reforms. Butintheliberalpressithasbeensaidvaguelyandwithoutadducingtheslightestargumentthatitisprudenttogranttothegovernment thepowerofraisingobjections,thattheexecutiveinothercountrieshas suchafunction,andthatourexecutivehashaditininstitutionaltimes. Thosewhoreflectinthiswayhaveverygoodintentions;butthegovernmentitself,throughthegentlemanministerofwar,hasdeclaredin theheartofCongressthatitdoesnotbelieveithastherighttoraiseobjectionstothedecreesoftheassembly,andwhenthishashappened,we haveonlytowarnsomeofourcolleaguesthatitisneitherprudentnor wisetobemoreroyalistthanthekingnormorepapistthanthepope. Butitwillbesaid,“Ifthegovernmentitselfdeclaresthatitdoesnot havepowerstoraiseobjections,whatneedisthereforCongresstodeliveranopiniononthesamematter?”Tothisweanswerthatalthough
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wehavethegreatestconfidenceinthedeclarationsoftheworthyministerofwarbecauseweknowhishonorablerecord,hissincerity,andhis politicalconsistencyonthisquestion,considerationsofpublicinterest mustbeworthmorethanpurelypersonalconsiderations,andasthereal andactualfactisthattheexecutivehasnotpublishedadecreeofCongress,itisindispensiblethatCongressbejealousofitsownprerogatives sothatthisdoesnotoccurinthefutureandsoastoovercomeeverydifficulty.Ifpublicquestionshadtobetreatedlikepurelyprivateones,the declarationofthegentlemanministerofwarwouldbemorethansufficientforcallingthismatterfinished,butwhenitisaboutprinciples, whenitisaboutensuringpublicorderandthepermanenceoflegality, thereisnoprecautionthatisexcessive,anditisnecessarytoarriveat definitiveresults. Indefenseoftheveto,untilnow,ithasbeencontendedonlythat othergovernmentshaveit,thatsomeconstitutionsgrantit.Butthisvery factprovesthattherearegreatdifferencesbetweenaconstitutionaland atransitoryorderinwhichtheconstituentpowerexists. Constitutions,moreorlessdemocratic,moreorlessbasedondistrust,canlimitthelegislativepower,canenlargetheexecutive,cangive tothislatterapartintheformationoflawsandevenauthorizehimto terminateassemblies,ashappensinsomemoderatemonarchies;they canalsogivehimthepowerofraisingobjectionstothelawsandestablishingcertainconditionssothattheproject,oncevoted,canbecome law despite the resistance of the executive, as happens in the United StatesandashappenedamonguswhentheCharterof1824wasinforce. Butalltheserulesarisefromthewrittenlaw,arisefromtheConstitution thatdemarcatesthefunctionsofallthepowers,andwearecertainthat therecannotbecitedasingleexampleofaconstituentassemblysubject totheabsoluteorsuspensiveveto. Itisasabsurdtoexpecttodaythatthegovernmenthavethisfunction as it would be to impose on it any of the shackles our constitutionalgovernmentshavehad,likenotbeingabletodecreetaxesandthe presidentnotbeingabletoputhimselfattheheadofthearmywithout priorauthorizationfromCongress.Whatwouldonerespondtothose whomaintainsuchexpectations?Simplythatthereisnoconstitutionin force,andthePlanofAyutla,whichistodaytheonlyruleofourpublic law,hasconferreddiscretionarypowersontheheadofstate.Well,we
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answerthesametothedefendersoftheveto;thereisnoconstitutionin force,andthePlanofAyutladoesnotputtheslightestrestrictiononthe resolutionsoftheassembly. Itisnecessarytoobservethatwherethevetoexists,itisbasedpreciselyonthefactthatthegovernmentistheexecutorofthelawand,for thatreason,canknowbetterthananyoneitsdifficulties,andinthefact thatthelegislativepowerresidesintherepresentativesofthepeople.In monarchiesthereisanotherreasonfortheexistenceoftheveto,anditis thatthelegislativepowerresidesatoneandthesametimeinthecrown andinthecortesandthatthesuspensionisthedirectmeansthethrone hastonullifylawsthatseemtoittobeinerror. Fromthisobservation,whichcanbeprovenbyexaminingalltheconstitutionsandstudyingtheircommentaries,itfollowsthatsuchrules arenotnorcanbeapplicabletoourpresentsituation,becauseherethe governmentisnotexecutorofthelaw,butratheratruelegislator,and Congressdoesnothavethelegislativepowerbutrathertheconstituent, whichitcannotdividewithanyotherpower,andtheoversightpower toexaminetheactsofthepastandpresentgovernment.Iftheveto,accordingtoitsdefenders,hasasitsobjectivetorestraintheinclination oftheassembliestooverstepandtoavoidthemisconductofthelegislativepower,thenaccordingtothistheory,whichisthatofthewritersof publiclawofalltheschools,whotodayinMexicoshouldbesubjectto theveto?ThegovernmentorCongress?Thesecondisnotthelegislative power.Indeed,thefirstis;thisoneistheonethatshouldhavesomelimitation.Andtherolesreversed,asitissaid,thePlanofAyutla,byestablishingtheoversight,establishedintruthatypeofvetofortheactsof theexecutive,absoluteveto,vetowithnomoreguidethanpublicadvisability,vetothatperhapsismoreconsistentwithdemocraticprinciples, giventhatitisnotthepowerthatisopposedtoparliamentarydecrees butratherthepeoplewhorejecttheimpoliticormistakenactsofthe government. Thepresentquestionisnotaquestionofparty;itisnotastruggle betweenthegovernmentandCongress;itisratheratheoreticalquestionthatmustbeexaminedwithcalmandcircumspection,according todemocraticprinciplesandaccordingtothelegalorderthat,however provisional,establishedthePlanofAyutla. Itisnotamatter,then,ofcrushingthedignityofthegovernment,but
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ratherofsettingproperlythefunctionsofthepowersthatexisttoday, with no other intention than to make possible the fulfillment of the principlesthatthedemocraticrevolutionproclaimed. Thedayaftertomorrowisthedaydesignatedforthediscussionof thismatterinCongress,andwehopeitagreesuponaresolutionasprudentasproper,assuitabletoitsdignityasconsistentwiththeprinciples ofdemocracy.
2
The Constitutional Order
We have already said the issuing of the fundamental codeisthestrongestblowthereactionarypartyhassufferedinitsdefeat,becauseitendsallpretextforcontinuingtopromotethecivilwar. If the reaction is the work of some political party, if this party has a program,ifthisprogramcanbeshownopenlytothenationinorderto seekconverts,suchapartyshouldgiveupitsweapons,shouldstopthe crimescommittedbythosewhoareactiveunderitsbanner,directitself toopinion,seeksupportintheelectoralcollege,and,onceinpower,if itisfavorabletothemajority,carryoutthereformsthatconstitutethe symbolofitsfaith.Forus,andwebelievefortheentireRepublic,what theconservativepartywantsanddoesnotwantisamystery.Wehave askeditmanytimesinvain.When,however,ithasbeentriumphant,it hasansweredwithfinesandthreats.Whenithasbeenvictorious,ithas alwaysbeenconspiratorial,andneithertheactsofitsstatesmen,northe expressionofitsperiodicals,noritsbannerofreligionandprivileges, noritsgovernmentofGeneralParedes,noritsfamousSevenLawsshed lightonitsprogramoritsinclinations. Talkingincessantlyofreligion,oforder,ofthefamily,andofproperty, it sometimes defends the principle of authority without saying fromwhereitshouldbederived;othertimesitseemstolongforSpanishdominationorsomethinglikeit;othertimesitdreamsoferecting athroneforaforeignprince;andothertimes,finally,itimploresthe protectorateofforeignpowers.Ifitsdoctrines,ifitsaspirations,leave itsprogramshroudedinmystery,thereisnonethelessreliableinformationforknowingitandforappraisingwhatitisworthasapartyofgovernmentandmorality.Thisaction,whichitcannotdeny,istherecent dictatorshipofSantaAnna,basedonperjury,treason,andperfidy,sup Originaltitle:“Elordenconstitucional.”Source:El Siglo XIX,Mexico,February14, 1857. 269
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portedbybrutalforce,sustainedbyatrocityandbarbarism,grandiose actioninwhichtheconservativepartytookpleasure,foritcouldthen calmlycarryoutallitsintentionsandmanagedtoestablishtheOrderof Guadalupeasaninstitutiononlyamidststreamsofblood,anditamused itselfbylegislatingincessantlyoverliveries,uniforms,andcourtceremonies. That unforgettable state of affairs, with its odor of sacristy, guardroom,andgamblingden,concealedinitscloaks,itsembroideries, anditsfiestasadenofmalefactors.Inthemiddleofitscarnivalpageantrytherewassomethingofcorruption,immorality,androttenness thatrecalledthedecadentepochofthelate[Roman]empire.Thatorder ofbusinesssensedthatitwastottering,andsoitthoughtoftheprotectorate,oritsoughtSwissarmies,andsoalsothepartyoftheauthority principle,thepartythatcallstothesilentpeople,thatparty,inorderto perpetuateitselfinpower,inordertoprolongtheharvesttimeofits notables,thatpartyhadnoshameinappealingtotheparodyofuniversalsuffragetosaythattheautocraticpowerofHisSereneHighness1was derivedfromthewillofthepeople. Iftherestorationofthatdictatorshipisthedesireofthereactionary party,itisrightinacceptingthelegalorderbecausethewilloftheMexicanpeoplecannevertolerateinfamy,insult,andservitude;butitisnow timethatitconsiderthatitwillnotachieveanythingwiththerebellion otherthanruininganduselesslymakingMexicanbloodrun. Thepartythatcreatedandsupportedthetyrannyoftwenty-seven months2cannotaccepttheconstitutionalorder,andthisdoesnotsurprise us because in this order it is not possible for speculators, bad priests,treasonoussoldiers,andriffrafftosucceedasanorganizedparty, obsceneassemblagethatgivesitselfthetitleofaristocracy. Butifthereisapartythatfromrespectforthetraditionsofthepast believesingoodfaiththatourpeopleisnotyetreadyforlibertyorfor thefreediscussionofitsaffairs,ifthereisapartythatwouldliketo strengthenthepower,restrictlocalliberties,andlimitcertainrights, thatpartywillenthusiasticallyaccepttheconstitutionalorder;itwill appealtolegalweapons,tothepress,toelections,tothefloortodefend anddisseminateitsideaswithopennessandloyalty. 1.Alteza serenísima(serenehighness)wasthetitleSantaAnnagavehimself.(Editor’s note) 2.SantaAnna’srule.(Editor’snote)
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Itisnecessarytoreiteratethatthenewconstitutiondoesnotexclude anyparty,anyopinion,anycreed,butratherthatitcallsallofthemto the legal sphere, without any condition other than submitting themselvestothewillofthemajority.Gettingtobethemajoritydepends onthemoralityandtheabilityofeachparty.Andthisconstitutionhas overtheearlieronesanadvantagethatmakesitacceptabletoallpolitical convictions.Itsauthorshavenotdeclaredthemselvesinfallible,theydo notpresenttheirworkasperfect,theydonotestablishastatusquothat onecanleaveonlythroughrebellion.Farfromthis,itopensthedoors toreformineverysense;thereisnotasingleconstitutionalarticlethat isnotsubjecttoofficialnotice3ifthenationalwillwishesitso.Andfor reform,theydonotestablishlongproceduresorgreatobstacles.Infew months,themostsubstantialinnovationcanbecarriedout.Giventhis ease, no partycan reject the constitutional order, but rathercan embraceitingoodfaithastheonlywaytoputitsprinciplesintopractice inalegalandpeacefulmannerwithouthavingtoresorttocivilwarand bloodshed. Those who do not accept the new constitution declare themselves outside the law, confess their impotence before public opinion, turn themselvesintoenemiesofpeace,andadmitthattheycanachievepower onlythroughupheavalsandrebellion,thatis,throughharassment,surprise,violence,andnotthroughthewilloftheirfellowcitizens. Whentheconstitutionexcludesnoone,whenitdeliverspowerto thepeoplesothepeoplegovernthemselves,thereisnopretextfornot acceptingthenewlegalorder.Initfitallprograms,alllegitimateaspirations,andinitispossiblethestruggleofallmenwho,partiallyyieldingtheirpoliticalprinciples,donotforgetthattheyarecompatriotsand brothers and that the vanquished today can be the victors tomorrow, withoutdefilingthemselveswithhatreds,atrocities,orpersecutions. Wedonotbelieveinthemergingofparties,nordowedesireit,becauseifitwerepossibleitwouldputahalttoallspiritofprogressand innovation.Thefundamentalchartercannotproducethenever-before- seenphenomenoninwhichallpartiesarefusedintoonlyone;butit certainlycangivetotheirdiscussions,totheirdifferencesandeventheir struggles,acharacteroftemperanceandmoderationthatcouldmaintain thepublicpeace,mightavoidcivilwar,andcouldreviveineveryonethe
3.Debatedandamended.(Editor’snote)
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feelingofnationality.Thisisasfarasitcango;tothinkofothermergers istopursueone-sidedagreements,accepthumiliatingconditions,and havefaithinthekissofJudas. The constitutional order is acceptable for all men who love their countryandwishtoseeitfreeofupheavals.Ourconvictionswouldbe lackingandwewouldbeinconsistentifwesaidthattheconstitutionis aperfectworkwhenmanyofitsmeasureshavebeenopenlyandvigorouslyattackedbyusinthepressandintherostrum.Wehavesaidthat thenewconstitutionisnotthesymboloftheprogressiveparty;webelievedthatthetimehadcometoputintopracticealltheprinciplesof democracywithalltheirconsequences.Wemademistakes;therewere stillcompromises,obstacles,delays,andhalfmeasures.Wemustbow respectfullybeforethemajority;weacceptthenewconstitutionasthe sourceoflegalityandasameansbywhichonedayprogressiveideas mighttriumph,becausethefuturebelongstothem. Weinsistontheideathatthenewfundamentalcharternotexclude anypoliticalfaith,andthisnobleconductoftheliberalpartyoffersa notable contrast with the one the conservatives always observe. The RevolutionofJalisco,4whichtheydistorted,proclaimedtheexistence ofthefederalsystemandthereformoftheCharterof1824bymeansofa congresselectedbythepeople.Theconservatives,holdersofthepower thankstothemostindecentintrigues,evadedallthepromisesandarrivedatthedictatorshipforlifeofSantaAnna,givingliberalsonlyjail cellsandexile.TherevolutionofAyutlapromisedademocraticconstitution,andthispromisehasbeenfaithfullykept,andthenewlegal orderdoesnotdependonpartydenominationsbutrathercallstoall Mexicans. Uptonow,noonehasattackedthenewconstitutiondirectly.When thedebatesinCongresshavehadthegreatestpublicity,thereareperiodicalsthatfeignnottoknowwhatitisaboutandawaitnewsasifthey hadtoconsiderevents inPeking orIspahan.Otherperiodicals askif thereislibertytoexpressopinionsfreelyaboutthenewfundamental code.Andthereisnolackofthosewhoinsistonexpressingtheopinionthattheconstitutionwillnotbepromulgated,andtheyadvisethatit
4.JoséMaríaBlancarterevoltedinGuadalajara,Jalisco,againstthegovernmentof MarianoAristainJuly1852.(Editor’snote)
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bepublishedonlyasacuriousdocumentsothattheapprovalitfindsin publicopinionandthereformsthatitneedscanbeunderstood. Thepressshouldtrulyactwithgreateropenness.Nooneinthecountrycanbeignorantofwhatthenewconstitutionis.Thelawdoesnot prohibititsfreeexaminationbythepress,andthewriterwhomakes evident the imperfections from which it suffers will do a service to thecountryandhasnothingtofear.Becausetheconstitutionhasbeen sworn by the president of the Republic, doubting whether it will be promulgatedistoinsultthismagistrate.Tothosewhoaregratifiedby stirringupthesedoubts,wecanassurethemthattheconstitutionhasalreadybeensanctionedbytheexecutiveandwillbepublishedverysoon. Asforreforms,thecountrycanmakethem,butinalegalmanner,andif publicopinionlongsforcertainmodifications,itcanachievethemimmediately,sendingtothefirstcongressandthelegislaturesofthestates menwhovotethosereforms. Fromnowon,thepresscanjudgeverywellwithamplefreedomthe newconstitution,which,despiteitsimperfections,isacceptedbythe countryastheendofthedictatorshipandofarbitrariness,astheendof thecivilwar,andasthefoundationofthelegalorder.
3
Elections
Beforelongthebattleamongthepartiesontheelectoral field for the selection of the constitutional powers must begin. With the representative system established and the decision regardingsovereigntydelegatedtothegeneralpowersandthestates,noother actionbuttheelectionsremainsforthepeopletoexercisetheirsovereigntyforthemselves.Forthisveryreasontheymustwatchtheelections withthegreatestinterest,understandingthatontheirvotesdependthe organizationofthegovernment,successinthepublicadministration, andthefateofthecountry.If,becauseofalamentableabandonment, themajorityofourfellowcitizenshadnotalmostalwaysregardedthe electionswithindifference,abandoningthemtoturbulentfactionsthat, asmastersoftheterrain,distortedthenationalwill,itisevidentthatthe countrywouldhavebeensavedmanyerrors,manymistakes,andmany crimes,thatitwouldhavelackedpretextformanyrebellions,andthat thegovernmentsderivingfromthepeoplewouldhavefoundsupport amongthesamepeople. Thisabandonment,thisindifferencethatwelament,arenotinexplicablephenomena.Inorderfortheelectiontobeofinterestandtoattractthecitizens,itisnecessarythatthecitizenfeels,perceives,thathis votehassomeinfluenceonthefateofthecountry,thathiswillcounts asmuchasthatofeachofhiscompatriots,andthatifthemajorityof themparticipate,themenwhodeservetheirconfidencecanbeelevated tohighoffices.Explainingourthinkingwithmoreprecision,wewillsay thattheindifferencewithwhichthepeopleregardelectoralactsresults fromhavingadoptedthesystemofindirectelection,oftheprogressive delegationofthesuffrage,whichcanneverproduceasanoutcomethe legitimateexpressionofpublicopinion. What faith, what interest, can the people have in naming electors 274
Originaltitle:“Elecciones.”Source:El Siglo XIX,Mexico,February15,1857.
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whohavetonameothernewelectors,whohavestilltogotoselecta newelectoralbody?Whatfaithcanthepeoplehaveinalltheseoperations,whoseoutcometheycannotevenpredictandthat,asexperience teaches,willbethemostunexpected,ifnotthemostcontrarytotheir desires?Toproclaimpopularsovereignty,torecognizethatallpower derivesfromthepeople,andtoappealtoindirectelection,whichdistorts,corrupts,anddenaturalizesthesuffrage,istofallintoamonstrous inconsistencythatimmediatelyproducestheevilofdistractingcitizens frompublicaffairs,puttingpublicaffairsatthemercyoftheaudacity andintrigueofsmallfactionsandimprudentcandidates. Wearesupportersofdirectanduniversalsuffragebecause,whenwe acceptaprinciple,weconformtoallitsconsequenceswithoutvacillationandtimidity;wecannotapprovetheindirectsystemthatthenew constitution establishes, nor much less the severe restriction that the circleofeligibleoneshasundergonethankstothetriumphofthemean spiritofprovincialismoverthedemocraticprincipleandoverthesentimentofnationalunityandthefraternityofallMexicans. Werecognizenonethelessthat,intheconstitution,astephasbeen takentowardprogress,reducingthestagesofindirectelection,andit seemstousthatthedivisionofthecountryintoelectoraldistrictswill maketheexpressionofthewillofthepeoplemoregenuineandwill keepawayofficialinfluencesandtheintriguesoffactions. Havingonesinglestageofelection,thenamingofhighfunctionariesmovesclosertothepeople,whocanbecomemoreinterestedinthe electoralstruggle. Ifthepeoplewishtoconservetheirliberty,iftheywishtomaintain order,iftheywishtohavemoralityandintelligenceinpublicposts,they musttakeanactivepartinelectionswithoutlettingthemselvesbeledby anyguideotherthantheirconscience. The electoral struggle is appropriate so that all parties that accept thelegalordercarefullymeasureandorganizetheirstrengths,which shouldconsistofthemoralinfluencetheyexerciseonpublicopinion. Wewouldlookwithpleasureatouradversariesbeingdisposedtoenter intotheelectoraldisputewithnoweaponsotherthantheirprogramand theirprinciplesandopenlyproclaimingtheircandidacies. Leaving elections to chance is one of the most unfortunate errors ofpeople.Tothinkonlyabouttheelectorsistobeleftinthemiddle oftheroad.Aboveall,opinionmustseekwhichcitizensareworthyof
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risingtolegislativeseats,thehighestmagistracies,andthepresidency oftheRepublic.Otherwise,onewouldseewhathasalreadyhappened, thatapartythatbelievesithaswontheprimaryelectionslosestheelectionsofthedeputies.Soasnottomoveblindly,atleastinwhatconcernsourpoliticalcommunion,webelievethatthelaborsonbehalfof theelectionsshouldhavethegreatestpublicity,thatbeforeonedecides forcertainmen,itisnecessarytotaketheirrecordsintoaccountandbe assuredoftheresolutenessoftheirconvictions.Andasthereisnoone whodoesnotfearsomeinconsistency,itseemstousindispensablethat theprogressivepartyshoulddemandofitscandidatesclearandexplicit programsinordertobeabletoreproachturncoatsfortheirdefections andtohaveapledgethatplacesthehonoroftheelectedonesunderan obligationnottoabandondemocraticprinciples. Withoutaprogramtherecannotbecandidaciesornominationswho inspireconfidence.Itwillbesaidthatwhatwewantclashesabitwith ourcustoms,thatherethereisafalsemodestythatdissuadesthecitizen fromacknowledgingthatheaspirestopublicposts.Weknowthisdifficulty,butwebelievethattheopen,public,sincereaspiration,thecompletecommitmentofthemanofhonortoaparty,isworthmuchmore thantheshamefulintrigueofonewhobegsforvotes,ofonewhogets thembywickedmeansand,inordertoobtainthem,lavishespromises withthemostconflictingmeanings. Themanwholongstoservehiscountrycannotbeashamedofacknowledging it; his aspiration is noble and patriotic, and eligibility is one of the rights of the citizen. The deserters, the ones that resist change,thetimid,thefickle,thosewhoalwayswanttoservecircumstances,arethosewhocanremainalooffromformulatingaprogram, fromenteringintoasolidcommitment.Itisthemajorityofthesemen whoalmostalwayshavebeenelevatedtoregionsofpower;wheneach administrationhastakenpowerthegreatestuncertaintyaboutitspolicy haspredominated,andafterwardthispolicyhasbeenuncertainandas changeableastheseasons.Fromthiscomesthatunfortunatesystemof governmentsconsecratedtothethanklesstaskofPenelope;fromthis comesthathabitofweavingandunweavingandofretracingstepsonthe pathofreformandprogress. The same when the legislative assemblies have appeared. The puff ofministerialfavor,thethreatofpresidentialire,andreasonsperhaps moredisgracefulhavebeensufficienttomakethemajoritytodaybe-
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cometheminoritytomorrow,and,withscandal,onehassometimesseen thattheprinciplesthatformthecreedofanentirepartycanscarcelybe sustainedbyafewindividuals,becausemenofthesamecommunion turntheirbacksonthoseprinciplesandcovertheirdesertionwiththe outwardshowofprudenceandgoodjudgment,pronouncing,“itisnot time,”theeternalrefrainthatisalwaysonthelipsofthetimidandinconsistent. Sothatthispoliticalimmoralitymightstop,sothattheremightbe menoffirmprinciples,itisnecessarythattherebethegreatestopenness inelectionsandthatthepeopledemandstrictprogramsfromthecandidates.Forthedeserters,fortheobstinateones,forthosewhoabandon theircauseinthesupremehourofmisfortune,thereisnotapunishmentinthewrittencodes;theyarenotsubjecttoreviewbeforeordinarycourts,butonthemmustfalltheverdictandanathemaofpublic opinion,whichwillbelimitedtoleavingthemintheobscurityofprivatelife,fromwhichtheyshouldneverhaveemerged. Asadexperiencedictatestousthesewordsthatwewishtheprogressivepartywouldaccept.Trustinginpasthistory,inprivatepromises,in declarationsthatseemedsincere,wehavemorethanonceloanedour supporttosomecandidacies,andwhentheyhavetriumphed,wehave almostalwaysreceivedsomebitterdisappointment,andwehavehadto condemnterribleattacksonourprinciplesbytheveryoneswhofeigned toprofessthem.Andastherewasnotasolemncommitmentbeforepublicopinion,wehavenotbeenabletothrowtheirdisgracefulinconsistenciesinthefacesofthosemen. Taughtbyexperiencetotakewarningfromthelessonsofthepast, wewillbemorecautiousinthefuture,andfromnowonwedeclare thatinthenextelections,nocandidatewillhaveoursupportsolongas hedoesnotformulateaprogramwherebyheentersintosolemncontractswiththeprogressiveparty.Otherwise,wewillalwaysproceedby chance,andintheelectoralcampaignwewillalwaysproceedinthedark andasthoughdeliveredtothewhimsofagameofchance. Weventuretoprovokeourcoreligionistsinthepresstoadoptthe samebehaviorweproposetofollow,becausewebelieveitsuitableto thepublicinterestinthecauseofdemocracy. Ifthereareothercandidaciesthatstandwithoutaprogram,wewill examinethemwiththegreatestimpartiality,turningoureyesalwaysto therecordsofthepubliclifeofallthecandidates.Andifwefindincon-
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sistenciesanddefections,wewillnotbesilentaboutthem,becausein electoraltimesitisappropriatethatthecountryknowitspublicmen. Wewillbe,then,moreseverewiththosewhocallthemselvesprogressivesthanwiththosewhopresentthemselvesasouradversaries,because intheselattertherewillbemoreopennessandfewervacillations. Soontherewillbeelectionsofdeputiestotheconstituentlegislatures ofthestates,bodiesthathavetocarryoutanarduousanddifficultmission,thatofworkingouttheinteriorruleofthelocalitiesinsuchaway thattheyenjoyalltheprivilegestheconstitutiongrantsthemwithout goingagainstthefoundationsofthefederalpactintheslightestway. FollowingthemaretheelectionsforthegeneralCongress,whichhas todeveloptheprinciplesoftheconstitution,drawinguptheorganic lawsthattheconstituentassemblycannotissue.Thoseelectedbythe peoplemustrepresent,inthefirstconstituentcongress,theopinionof thecountryregardingthenewconstitutionandthereformsitneeds, whichcanbeinitiatedimmediately.Thesearecircumstancesthatmake itindispensablethatmenwhosepoliticalideasarenotamysterytotheir fellowcitizenscometotheassembly. ThepeoplehavealsotoelectthesevenmagistratesoftheSupreme CourtandthepresidentoftheRepublic.Inconferringsuchloftypositions,itmustberememberedthatitisnotamatterofrewardingthem fortheirservices,butofseekingthebestandmostworthyservantsof thecountryfortheirpatriotism,fortheirmorality,andfortheirability. Wesincerelydesirethatthepeople,beingpersuadedthatthehappinessofthecountrydependsonthesuccessoftheelections,takethe appropriatepartinthemwithoutabandoningthemtotheintriguesofa fewcandidates. Thepressiswithinitsright,attemptingtoguideandenlightenthe publicspiritintheelectoralstruggle,andwebelievethattheprogressive press,fortheinterestofitsprinciplesandforthepublicgood,mustrefrainfrommakingspontaneousnominationsandfromsupportingcandidacieswhenitdoesnothaveevidenceofwhatthecauseofdemocracy hastoexpectfromeachcandidate,forwhichitisnecessarythatthecandidatehaveveryclearandverydefiniteprograms. Thatis,atleast,theconductweproposetofollow,advisedbythelessonsofasadexperience.
4
Progress and Innovation
TheEco Nacionalhaspublishedaleadarticlewiththis titletocompletetherefutationofourideasinoppositiontotheamalgamationofparties. Ourcolleagueagreesthatoursocietycannotremainstaticandrecognizesthattheneedformovement,thetendencytoperfectoneselfand toimproveconditions,isinherentinman,whomGodendowedwithall thepowersnecessarytoelevatehisdestiny.Itpleasesusbeyondmeasure tobeentirelyinagreementwiththeviewofourcolleague,andthatneed formovement,thatnecessitytoimproveconditions,beingobviousand insuperable,wethinkthatinordertodevelopit,tomakeitbeneficial, andnottomisdirectit,itisnecessarythatlaws,institutions,andgovernmentsdonotbecomeanobstacletotheprogressivemovementofsociety,andthatitisthusappropriatetoleavehumanactivityfree,totrust individualliberty,nottobealarmedbytherightofassociation,andto freeindustry,commerce,andagriculturefromallshacklestomakepossiblethematerialprogressofthepeople.Forthiswebelieveitappropriatethatthemostextensivelibertyforallopinionsshouldexistinthe legalorder,andwedonotjudgeitnecessarythatthepoliticalparties sacrificetheirprincipleswithbasecompromises. Materialprogresscannotbeconsideredtobeindependentofpolitical institutions. Liberty creates new needs, and liberty facilitates the meansofsatisfyingthem.Iftradeandexchangearenotsubjecttoabsurd restrictions,theneedfornewwaysofcommunicationwillbefelt,andif thespiritsofassociationandenterprisedonotencounterobstaclesbecauseofthedistrustofauthorityorbecauseofadministrativecentralization,openingpathwayswillbeeasier.Thesameanalogywehavejust indicatedcanalwaysbefoundbetweenmaterialprogressandpolitical Originaltitle:“Progresoeinnovación.”Source:El Siglo XIX,Mexico,February26, 1857. 279
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institutions.Fortheretobeprogress,itseemstousthatthebestsystemconsistsinwhattheeconomistshavecalledlaissez faire.Wedonot knowuptowhatpointtheEcowillsharetheseideas;butforusthereis nodoubtthattheexcessiveexpansionofauthority,itsdistrustfulvigilancefelteverywhere,therestrictivesystemwithitspassportsandprohibitionsandfiscalinvestigations,etc.,constitutethemostunfortunate hindrancetoallprogress.Wherenoonecanmovewithoutthepermissionoftheauthority,wherethespiritofenterpriseencountersbarriers ineverythingandforeverything,materialimprovementscometobe impossible,andinourcountryitiswellknownwhichpartyitisthat,in ordertomaintainitselfincontrol,hasresortedtothemostabsurdrestrictions. So,laissez faire.WeagreewiththeEcointhatthepeaceandstabilityof governmentsaretheprincipalelementsforachievingmaterialprogress. Thispeaceandthisstabilitywillbefoundinthelegalorderandinthe peacefulstruggleofparties,notintheirimpossiblemergers.Thesame canbesaidofintellectualprogressandofeverytypeofprogress,thatis tosay,theyareimpossiblewithoutthebroadest,themostcompleteliberty;andasforthedisseminationofpublicinstruction,itwillbeeasier withthefreedomofinstructionandwithadministrativedecentralization,forinthatwayinstructionwithoutcostwillbeprovidedfromthe municipalschooluptothegreatnationalestablishments. Ourcolleaguebelievesthatenlightenedmenareinagreementonthis point, without difference of opinions, and he reminds us that to the partyweconsidertheenemyofprogressisowedtherestorationofthe AcademiadeNoblesArtes,theinstitutionoftheCollegeofAgriculture,andthecreationoftheMinistryofEconomicDevelopment,and headdsthatthelawsthathavebeendecreedinmattersofinstruction bymenwhoarenotoftheprogressivepartydemonstratethattheyare notindifferenttopublicinstruction,althoughtheybelievethatitmust beregulatedinasuitablemanner. WerecognizethattherestorationoftheAcademia,thecreationof theSchoolofAgricultureandthatoftheMinistryofEconomicDevelopmentarefromthetimeoftheconservatives;butwecansaythatthe AcademiadeNoblesArteshasbeenprotectedbyallgovernments,that theSchoolofAgriculturehasreceivedveryimportantimprovements fromthepresentgovernment,thattheMinistryofEconomicDevelopmentwascreatedattherequestofmanymenoftheliberalparty,and
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thatitscreationwasopposedonlybythemostrecognizedorganofthe conservatives,bytheoldUniversal,whichfearedtheincreaseofcandidatesforstateministries. Inthelawsandrulesoftheconservatives,therewasagreatdealofrestrictivespiritandoftendenciesnottodisseminateinstruction.Theplan ofstudiesofLaresputshacklesoninstructionanddrovealargepartof theyouthawayfromliterarycareers.Althoughitiscertainthat,through theMinistryofEconomicDevelopment,somemeasuresweregenerally decreedinsupportofinstructioninthiscapitalalone,theEcocannot denythattotheconservativedominationofthetwenty-sevenmonths were owed: the abolition of the National College of San Gregorio, whichwasdevotedtotheeducationoftheindigenousraceandwhich wasreplacedwithahouseofJesuits,butwedonotknowwhetherithas renderedservicestopublicinstructionortothepoorclassesofsociety; theclosingoftheSchoolofMedicineofPuebla,whichcompelledmany studentstoabandontheircareer;theclosingoftheInstitutoLiterario ofToluca,whereyoungpeoplefromallthemunicipalitiesofthestateof Mexicowereinstructed;theclosingoftheLiceoandoftheInstitutode Guadalajara,whichwascarriedouteventhoughtheprofessorsoffered tocontinueservingwithoutpay;theclosingoftheInstitutodeCienciasofOaxaca,outofhatredforitsreformeranddirector,DonBenito Juárez;theclosingoftheInstitutodeZacatecas;theclosingofthecollegeofDurango.Thiswastheappropriatewayofregulatinginstruction thattheconservativeshad:eliminateit. Many of these establishments were converted to barracks, and the physicsandchemistrylaboratoriesweredestroyedbyanuncontrolled armyrabblethatrecalledthedayofthemosthorrifyingbarbarism. AndthelackoftrustwassuchthatwhentheliteraryacademyofSan JuandeLetráncametogethertopreparetheapotheosisofthedistinguishedRuizdeAlarcón,itcouldnotexaminepoeticcompositionsexceptinthepresenceofaguardsentbytheauthority. Theorganofthedominantpartymaintainedthenthatthepeople couldnotbegivenanyinstructionorcodeotherthanthecatechismof FatherRipalda. Ifthisiswhatsecondaryinstructionowedtoconservativedomination,wemustsaythat,undertheruleoftheliberals,alltheestablishmentsthatthedictatorshipclosedhavebeenrestored.Thecontrastdoes notneedcommentary.
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Primaryinstructiondidnotcomeoutanybetter.Withthemunicipal powerdestroyedandthepeople’sfundsinthepossessionofthemilitary commanders,thecouncilstotallyeliminatedinsomepartsandnamed bythegovernmentinthelargepopulationcenters,theycoulddonothing.Thegreatrageforregulatinginstructioninanappropriatemanner inspiredthatveryfamousdecreeonprimaryschoolsthat,amongother things, limited the materials of instruction in private establishments; fixed the invariable time limit of two and a half years to teach reading,writing,andthefourprimaryrulesofarithmetic;imposedfineson teacherswhotaughtanythingmore;andpreparedforthecatechismto berecitedonehourdailybythepupilswhiletheywereintheschool. Theconservativeslimitedandheldbackinstruction,magnifyingtherestrictionsandshowingthemselvestobeentirelyignorant. Apartfromthis,closingschoolswastheorderoftheday,andthose of Tabasco and the other states were closed because the government orderedthatallmunicipalfundsbeusedforthepassageoftroopsand forthetransferofreplacements,thelevyforciblypluckedfromindustry andagriculture. Morethanenoughreasonforus,then,inviewofthenotoriousfacts, toconsidertheconservativefactionastheenemyofintellectualprogress and to believe, based on experience, that such progress is impossible withlimitationsandrestrictions.Wesaidbeforethatthecollegesthe conservativesclosedhavebeenrestoredbytheprogressiveparty,andwe believethatthelibertyofinstructiontheconstitutionestablishesisthe bestwaytofacilitateintellectualprogress. Ourcolleagueisoccupiedcontinuouslywithmoralprogress,which hedescribesassuperiortoalltherest,andwhosesolesourcehefinds inthegospeldogma;heasksusifwhatwewantistodestroyreligious unity,toattackCatholicisminitsdogmas,inthepersonsofitsministers,intheregulationsandlawsofitschurch,andtointroducereligious anarchybyallowingallsects.Thequestionoffreedomofworshipinthe fundamentalcodeforgotten,thegentlemenofEcomustbeproudofthe triumphofintolerance.Nonetheless,wesaytothemthattheprogressivepartydoesnotwishtodestroyareligiousunitythatdoesnotexist whereaProtestant,foreignpopulationlives,andwhere,accordingto whatsomebishopssay,entiretownsofidolatorsexist;thattheprogressivepartydoesnotattackCatholicisminitsdogmas,orinitsministers, orintheregulationsandlawsofthechurch;andthatitonlywantsthose
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ministerstofulfilltheirdutyandnottoconfusedogmaswithmattersof simplediscipline.Theprogressivepartydoesnotbelievethatthesociety wheredifferentformsofworshipexistisdemoralized,anditbasesits beliefonthefactthattheRomanpontiff,thevisibleheadoftheChurch, mostinterestedasheisinmaintainingCatholicunity,doesnotfindit inappropriateastemporalsovereigntopermitinhisstatesthefreeexerciseofProtestantandJewishworship. Ourcolleaguetellsus,andinthishedoesverywell,whatservices themoralprogressofthecountryowestotheconservativeparty;our colleagueisveryenlightenedinpresentinghimselfassatisfiedwiththe recitationofthecatechismintheschoolsandbelievingthatthiscompensates for the excessive immorality of the government of twenty- sevenmonths.Neithermoralitynorreligionwasservedbythosewho degradedthepriest,convertingparishpriestsintopoliceagents;those whopassedjudgmentontheoneswhoatemeatduringholyweek;those whoinChiapasimposedfinesontheoneswhodidnothearmassordid notgotoconfession.Thispharisaicalspiritofpersecutionandespionage isnotthespiritofthesublimelawofChristianity;itwasthehypocriticalcloakwithwhichthemenofthereactionaryfactionwantedtocover theirwretchedness,theirperjuries,andtheiriniquities.Thosewhopersecutedtheinnocent,thosewhosoldmen,thosewhobreathedhatred andvengeance,thosewhoestablishedthecompulsorydenunciationasa pointofmoralprogress,carriedusbacktothetimesoftheInquisition. Moralprogress,likeallprogress,isderivedfromliberty,andtheauthoritywithitsrestrictivelawscaninvent,ifitwants,newcrimes;butit cannotchangetheindelibleideasofgoodandevilengravedinthehearts ofallmen. Ourcolleaguerantscontinuouslyagainstdemoralization,decadence, misery,theruinsoftheepoch;hemakesfunoftheword“philanthropy” andmissesthepast,decryingthefactthattheatersarebeingbuiltand railwaysdesignedandthedevelopmentofcommerce,industry,andthe artssecured;that,finally,whatisreferredtoasthematerialorderand theintellectualcultureisbeingurgedon,withoutanythingbeingdone inwhatthejeremiadofourcolleaguereferstoastrueinstruction.But ifreligiousinstructionisneglected,thechargeisnotagainsttheprogressiveparty,andtheEcomustdirectitwhereitbelongs,tothatfactionthatinvokestheaugustnameofreligiontostirupcivilwar,commitmurderslikethatofthepriestofTutoandrobberieslikethatof
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thetwohundredfortythousandpesosofSanLuisPotosí;tosomemisguidedpriests,wholeavethemodestparishpriesthoodinordertobecomeleadersoffactions;tothesincerepartoftheclergythatdoesnot roundlycondemntheseexcesses.Withsuchexamples,itisnotstrange that,amonganinnocentandsimplepeople,religiousandmoralinstructiongoesastray. TheEcodeclaresitselffinallyapartisanofprogress,butofaprogress organizedunderaprudentandwisedirectionandwithinthebounds thatorder,justice,andmoralitydemarcate.Webelievethattrueprogress isincompatiblewithdisorder,withinjusticeandimmorality,andweare persuadedthatitresultsfromthecombinationoforderwithliberty. Progressmustbetheworkofthepeople;itmustbetheworkofall thespirits,ofalltheintelligence,ofalltheaspirations;itmustsatisfy allneeds;itispossiblewithinthelegalorderwheninitoneencounters neithershacklesnorrestrictions.Andwedonotknowfromwhere,if notfromthepeoplethemselvesandtheforceofsocietyitself,mustcome thatprudentandwisedirectionthatorders,thatregulatesprogress. Alwaysenigmas,alwaysrules.Progressisinliberty;itisnecessarynot toopposeusefulinnovationswithbarriers,andtheappropriatesystem islaissez faire.
5
Laws and Customs thelawSandCuStomS:thefederation andfreedomofreliGion
Thelawsmustconformtocustoms,andnotcustoms to laws. Such is the maxim the gentlemen of the Eco Nacional have establishedinthemostabsolutetermsinordertosayafterwardthatin Mexicotheliberalpartywantssocialcustomstoconformtothelaws, fromwhichitcanonlyfollowthatthepoliticalandreligiousopinions ofthegreatmajorityofcitizensareopposedtoitswork,andthatconsequentlyitfindsinvincibleresistanceeverywhere. Ofcourse,forourcolleaguethenewconstitutionisinconflictwith thesocialcustomsoftheMexicanpeople,aboveallintwomainpoints, namely,thereestablishmentofthefederalsystemandtheincomplete resolutionofthequestionrelativetofreedomofworship. Withoutdenyingtheprincipleourcolleagueestablishes,thatthelaws mustconformtocustoms,butalsonotadmittingitinanabsolute,invariable,andgeneralway,wepermitourselvestoobservethat,forthe solutiontoquestionsofpoliticalscience,themostgiftedtalentshave notbeenable,norwillbeable,tofindmaximsthatinlegislationare equivalenttoalgebraicformulasthatserve,inallcountriesinallepochs, forthesameproblem.Thedaywhensuchformulasarefound,politics wouldbeconvertedintoasimplemechanicalart,ceasingtobeascienceofobservationandexperimentalsciencesusceptibletoimprovementandprogress.Iftheunknowneverywhereisthewell-beingand prosperityofsocieties,themeansoffacilitatingtheattainmentofthat aspirationtoperfectibility,aspirationinwhichourcolleaguesandwith themthegreatestphilosophersoftheworld,haverecognizedtobethe Originaltitle:“Lasleyesylascostumbres:Lafederaciónylalibertaddecultos.” Source:El Siglo XIX,Mexico,March30,1857. 285
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sealofdivinityinman;thedaywhen,toexplainthisunknown,oneencountersanx = a + borsomeotherformula,allsocialquestionswould ceasetobethat,andhumanitywouldhavearrivedattheheightofits perfection.Butshouldtherebeanyonewhobelievesinsuchanunrealizabledreamandacountrythatseeksitinpractice,themostprobable wouldbethereignofthestatusquoandthehindranceofallprogress. Peoplewouldsufferthetormentofthattyrantofwhomthepaganmyths speak,whocompelledmenofalltypestoaccommodatethemselvestoa bed[lecho]offixeddimensions. Therearenot,then,inouropinion,politicalmaximsinvariablyapplicabletoallcountriesandallages.Althoughthosemaximsseemto containgreattruthsand,astheysay,adagesofmenofstate,whenone probesthemdeeply—andfortheoriesthebestexaminationisthepractical—oneseesveryoftenthatitisnecessarytodepartfromthem. Thelawsmustconformtocustoms.Itwouldbewellandgoodifthis meantthatthelegislatormustnotclashopenlywiththecustomsofthe peopleortrytotransformthemasifbymagicorresortingtoviolence. Butnotforthisshouldthelegislatorrenounceallmajorinnovation,all progress,andmuchlesshaveaworshipblindtocustomsoryieldtothe mostabsurdfears. Thelessonofhistorysaysmoreaboutthisthanallarguments.There isnotalegislator,afounderofnations,oneofthosemenwhohaspersonifiedthevitalforcesofhumanity,whohasbeenheldbackbythe status quo.Iftheyhadbehavedinthatway,theywouldnotbetheglories ofhumanityandtheworldwouldstillbeimmersedinbarbarism.Moses makesofamobofPharaoh’sslavesastrongpeople,warlikeandfilled withfaithinGod,goingagainstthecustomsofcaptivityandidolatry. SolonimprintedhisspiritontherepublicofAthens,radicallymodifying the established customs that he found. Lycurgus, the Spartan, respects1thecustomsthatmakepeopleeffeminate.Ofalltheadvances, ofalltheinnovations,ofallthegreatrevolutionsofthehumanspirit, themostextraordinary,themostadmirablewithoutadoubtisChristianity.Wellthen,thelawoftheMessiah,thelawofgrace,istheonethat mostdepartsfromtherulethatlawsmustconformtocustoms,andso ithadtobe,becausetooverthrowpaganismandidolatrywithalltheir
1.Disrespects,mostlikely.(Editor’snote)
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errors,itwasnecessarytocombatthemattheirfoundations andnot cometotermswiththem. The idea of national unity supported much later in various Europeancountriescouldtriumphonlybyattackingthecustomsthatgave strengthtofeudalism. The French Revolution would not have had such influence on humanity if there had not been the tremendous struggle of progress andreformagainsttraditionandcustom. TheemancipationofalltheAmericasfoughtagainstthecustomof centuries. Itwillbesaidtous,perhaps,thatitisamatteroflawsandnotrevolutions.Weanswerthat,forus,therearenogreaterrevolutionsthanthose thatcomeaboutbyvirtueofthelaws. Itseemstobealawofhistorythatallprogressfindsexistenceinthe traditionsofthepast,inthatforceofinertiathatonewantstomakevenerablebycallingitcustom.Butitisalsoalawofhistorythatthenew triumphsovertheoldandthatcustomchanges,modifiesitself,andperfectsitselfinaprogressivesense,neverresistingthelawoftheconsummateaction. Theseareobservationsbasednotonlyinthehistoryofpolitics,of legislation,andofrevolutions,butalsointhehistoryofphilosophyand science.Whenthepaganworldheardforthefirsttimetalkoftheunity ofGod,thistruthupsetitsomuchinitsinstitutions,initsbeliefs,andin itsmannerofbeingthatitwantedtokillthenewidea,makingtheman whohadfavoreditfinishoffthehemlockatonedraught.Butideasdo notdie,andpolytheism,evenwiththeforceofcustom,hadtosuccumb totruth. WhenamanwhospeaksinthenameofGodconfoundsthedoctors ofthelaw,pullingthemaskfromtheirhypocrisy;callstothechildren, thus preferring candor and innocence to the splendors of the world; teachestheloveofallmen,theforgivenessofenemies,humility,charity, disdainforriches;whenheemancipatesthewoman,raisinghertothe statusofcompaniontoman;whenhethrowsthemerchantsfromthe temple;whenheteachestheseparationbetweenthemeaninterestsof theearthandthefuturedestiniesofheaven,allthoseideas,allthose lessonssupportedbyexample,clashinsuchawaywithtradition,with custom,thattheconservativespirit,thatspiritofimmutablelaws,that
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spiritthatwantstheperfectallianceoflawandcustomtoprotectthe past,sacrificestheinnovatorintorment—andthisinnovatorwasChrist! Theredemptionthatstruggledwithcustom,isthereanydoubtthatit wasthegreatrevolutioninmoralityandphilosophy? Centurieslater,traditionandcustomwantourplanettobethecenter oftheuniverseandcondemnascriminaltheonewhohasexploredthe mysteryofcreation;butthecryofGalileo,E pur si muove!,isthecryof humanityagainsterrorsofthepastandoppressionbycustom. Customalso,commandingwiththeapparatusoftheologyandflowingwiththeauthorityofSaintAugustine,deniesthecurvatureofthe earthanddeclaresColumbuscrazybecausehedivinestheexistenceof thiscontinent.ThediscoveryofAmericaisforcustom,fortradition,for thebeliefsofthepast,amortalblowthatshouldhavereducedthemto perpetualsilence. Andunderstandwell,thereisnophysical,moral,intellectual,political, economic, social progress that has not come about through open waragainstcustom.Theplow,sociallife,matrimony,freeinquiry,all thesciences,politicalfreedom,commerce,industry,steam,therailroad, thetelegraph,thepress,theabolitionofslavery,poorhouses,vaccination,thepenitentiary—inaword,everythinggreat,everythinguseful, everythingbeautiful—hasbeenthetriumphofprogressovercustom. AndithadtobesobecauseGod,inbestowingintelligenceandfreewill onman,wantedthatmanmighttraveltowardhisperfectionhimself. Towantcustomtobetheup-to-nowofthelawistowant,Ohholy God!thatthesunnotgivelightatthehourofdawnbecauseitmustrespectthecustomoftheshadowsofthenight. See,then,thatiflawsmustalwaysconformtocustoms,anyprogress, anyimprovement,wouldbeimpossible,andhumansocietieswouldbe failingtokeepthedivinelawofunceasinglyworkingfortheirperfection. ThegentlemenoftheEcowhowantthelawalwaysandforeverto adaptitselftocustombringuponthemselvesapalpablecontradiction, no matter who might be the author they use to support themselves, claimingthatifthepeopleareapatheticandweakofcharacter,theconstitutionmustcarrystampedandprintedasealoflifeandenergythat neutralizesthatcharacter,andthatifthepeoplearebellicoseandirascible,theconstitutionmustbreathecalmandgentleness.Ourcolleague, inwishingstimulantsforthelistlessandphlegmaticandsedativesfor
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thesanguine,moveshimselfawayfromhisownmaximandagreesthat, attimes,thelawscanfightalittle,notonlywiththecustomsbutwith thecharacterofthepeople. Assumingthatthenewconstitutionfightstoacertaindegreewith our customs, this would not be sufficient reason to describe as great nonsense the plan of the constituents, accusing them of having been ignorantofthedifferencesthatmattersofgovernment,race,traditions, customs,andevengeographicsituation andphysical configuration of countriesoccasion. Ourcolleaguedidnotexaminetheconstitutiondeeply,hedoesnot specifywhicharethemeasuresthatdonotconformtocustoms,andhe limitshimselfonlytofederationandthefreedomtoworship,feigning nottoknowaboutthebillofrightsthatisopposedtocertaincustoms everyonedescribesasabuses. Thefederationdoesnotfightwithcustomsbecause,ofalltheforms ofgovernment,itistheonethathasbeeninforceforthemosttimein thecountryandtheonethathasallowedittoenjoythegreatestprosperity,whichexplainswhy,asourcolleaguenotedanothertime,itmight haveleftwelcomememoriesinagreatnumberofMexicans. TheEcorepeatsthatappreciationofdifferencesbetweentheorigins ofMexicoandtheUnitedStates,appreciationansweredmanytimesin thisoldpolemic. ThefederationofMexicoisnotthebreakingupbutrather,onthe contrary,thebondofunitythatleavesappropriateadministrativefreedomtothelocalities.Thefederationisnecessarypreciselyifitattends tothegeographicsituationandtheconfigurationofthecountry,andit hastoitscreditthecontrastbetweenitandthecentralformofgovernment,thislatterbeingpowerlesswithrespecttothegoodofthepeople althoughalwaysoppressive. ThefederationhastheprestigeoftheCharterof1824,aprestigethat ourcolleaguehasrecognized,and,practicedinthecountryformany years,itcannotbesaidthatitisinconflictwithourcustoms;muchless inaccordwithourcustomsweretheattemptstocentralizeeverything, thecrazyeagernesstoimprovisearistocraticclassesandknightlyorders, andthesadinsistenceondividingMexicansintomoreorlessprivileged casteswhenhereequalityisthechildofcustomandtradition,andwhen thosewhoascolonistswereequalcannotstopbeingsowiththeformationofanindependentnation.
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Withrespecttolibertyofworship,comparisonbetweenMexicoand theUnitedStatesisunnecessary;everyattackonthenewconstitution isunnecessarybecauseitdoesnotestablishsuchliberty.Theexerciseof thislibertyguaranteedbypoliticalinstitutionswouldsurelybeaninnovationintheRepublic.ButonthispointtheEco Nacionalmust,atleast, recognizethatthelawconformedstrictlytocustomwithoutoffending itintheslightestway.Whentheassemblyandthegovernmentrecoilbeforethisinnovation,itistheheightofinjusticetoaccusethemofbeing innovators.Wedonotfind,then,theleastmotivethatjustifiesthefear thatthenewconstitutionisinconflictwiththecustomsoftheMexican people.Itdoes,indeed,authorizesomeinnovationsthattendtocorrect lamentableabusesandaffirmliberty. Theconstitutionisveryfarfrombeinganempiricalwork,foritaccommodatesitselftotheneedsofthepeople,andifperhapsitdoesnot satisfyallofthem,itleavesopenthedoortoreformwithoutcommittingthemostseriouserrorofsettingtraditionandcustomagainsttrue progress,thatistosay,thesatisfactionofsocialneeds.
6
Manifesto as Preamble to the Constitution of 1857
Mexico,February5,1857 Mexicans: TodaythegreatpromiseoftheregenerativeRevolution ofAyutlatoreturnthecountrytotheconstitutionalorderisfulfilled. Thisnobledemandofthepeople,soenergeticallyexpressedbythem whentheyroseuptobreaktheyokeofthemostmenacingdespotism, issatisfied.Amidstallthemisfortunesthattyrannymadethemsuffer, theyknewthatpeoplewholackinstitutionsthatarethelegitimateexpressionoftheirwill,theinvariableruleoftheirmandataries,areexposedtocontinualupheavalsandtheharshestservitude.Thewillofthe entirepeoplecriedoutforaconstitutionthatwouldensuretheguaranteesofman,therightsofthecitizen,theregularorderofsociety.To this sincere, innermost wish ofthebrave peoplewho, inbetterdays, wontheirindependence;tothisaspirationofpeoplewho,intheviolent shipwreck of their liberties, anxiously sought some plank that might savethemfromdeathandsomethingworse,infamy;tothiswill,tothis aspiration,theRevolutionofAyutlaoweditstriumph,andfromthisvictoryofthepeopleovertheiroppressors,ofrightoverbruteforce,was derivedthemeetingoftheCongresscalledtobringabouttheburning hopeoftheRepublic:apoliticalcodeadequatetoitsneedsandtothe rapidprogressthat,despiteitsmisfortunes,ithasmadeonthepathof civilization. Divineprovidence,blessingthenobleeffortsthathavebeenmadeon behalfofliberty,hasallowedCongresstoenditsworkandtodayoffer thecountrythepromisedConstitution,awaitedlikethegoodnewsto Original title: “Manifiesto formulado porFrancisco Zarco como preámbulo de la Constitución de 1857.” Source: Francisco Zarco, Historia del Congreso Extraordinario Constituyente (1856–1857).Estracto de todas sus sesiones y documentos parlamentarios de la época,vol.2(Mexico:ImprentadeIgnacioCumplido,1857). 291
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reassureagitatedsouls,calmtheuneasinessofspirits,healthewounds oftheRepublic,bethepeacemaker,thesymbolofreconciliationamong our brothers, and put an end to that painful uncertainty that always characterizesdifficultperiodsoftransition. TheCongressthatyoufreelychose,inconcludingthearduoustask youentrustedtoit,understandstheduty,feelsthenecessityofaddressingthewordtoyou,nottoextolthefruitofitsdeliberationsbuttoexhortyoutounion,toharmony,andsothatyouyourselvesmightbethe oneswhoperfectyourinstitutionswithoutabandoningthelegitimate pathwaysfromwhichtheRepublicshouldneverhavedeparted. Yourrepresentativeshavepassedthroughthemostcriticalanddifficultcircumstances,haveseentheagitationofsociety,haveheardthe deafeningnoiseoffratricidalwar,havecontemplatedlibertythreatened, andinsuchasituation,inordernottolosehopeinthefuture,theirfaith inGodhasinspiredthem,inGodwhoprotectsneitheriniquitynorinjustice,andnonethelesstheyhavehadtomakeasupremeefforttoobey humblythemandatesofthepeople,toresignthemselvestoeverytype ofsacrificeinordertopersevereintheworkofconstitutingthecountry. Theytookpublicopinionasguide,madegooduseofthebitterlessonsofexperiencetoavoidthestumblingblocksofthepast,andthe hope of improving the future of the country has smiled tenderly on them. Forthatreason,insteadofrestoringtheonlylegitimatecharterthat theUnitedStatesofMexicohadpreviouslyhad,insteadofrevivingthe institutionsof1824,venerableworkofourfathers,theyundertookthe formationofanewfundamentalcodethatwouldnothavetheunfortunateseedsthat,indaysofsadmemory,proscribedlibertyinourcountry,andthatwouldcorrespondtothevisibleprogressachievedthrough thespiritofthecenturysincethattime. Congressregardednationalunityasthefoundationofallprosperity, ofallenhancement,andthereforeithasendeavoredtomaketheinstitutionsserveasabondoffraternity,asuremeansofarrivingatstable harmonies,andhastriedtoremovewhatevermightproduceclashesand resistance,collisions,andconflicts. Congress,persuadedthatforsocietytobejust,withoutwhichitcould notbelasting,itmustrespecttherightsgrantedtomanbyhisCreator, andconvincedthatthemostbrilliantanddazzlingpoliticaltheoriesare clumsydelusions,bitterderision,whentheydonotensurethoserights,
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whencivillibertyisnotenjoyed,hasdefinedclearlyandpreciselyindividualguarantees,shelteringthemfromeveryarbitraryattack.Thebill ofrightsthatstandsattheheadoftheConstitutionisanhomagehonoring,inyourname,byyourlegislators,thoseimprescriptiblerightsof humanity.Youare,then,free;useallthepowersyouhavereceivedfrom theSupremeBeingforthedevelopmentofyourintelligence,forthe achievementofyourwell-being. Moreover,fromtoday,equalitywillbethegreatlawoftheRepublic: therewillbenogreatermeritthanthatofthevirtues;slavery,thedisgraceofhumanhistory,willnotdefilethenationalterritory;thehome willbesacred;propertyinviolable;workandindustryfree;theexpressionofthoughtwithnootherfettersthanrespectandmorality,publicpeaceandprivatelife;transit,movementwithoutdifficulties;commerce,agriculturewithoutobstacles;theaffairsofstateexaminedbyall citizens:therewillnotberetroactivelaws,ormonopolies,orarbitrary prisons,orspecialjudges,orconfiscationofwealth,oropprobriouspunishments;norwilljusticebepaidfor,norwillcorrespondencebeviolated;andinMexico,foritsglorybeforeGodandbeforetheworld,the inviolabilityofhumanlifewillbeapracticaltruthassoonasthepenitentiarysystemcanachievetherepentanceandrehabilitationoftheman whomcrimehasledastray. Suchare,fellowcitizens,theguaranteesthatCongressbelievedmust befixedfirmlyintheConstitutioninordertomakeequalityeffective, inorderthatnorightwillbeviolated,sothatinstitutionsreachdown bythemselvesandbeneficentlytothemostdestituteandunfortunate classestopullthemfromtheirdejection,tocarrythelightoftruthto them,toenliventhemwithknowledgeoftheirrights.Thuswilltheir spiritawake,whichservitudemadelethargic;thuswilltheiractivitybe stimulated,whichabjectionparalyzed;thuswilltheyenterintothesocialcommunity,and,ceasingtobemiserableserfs,redeemed,emancipated,theywillbringnewenergy,newstrengthtotheRepublic. NotforaninstantcouldCongresswaverwithrespecttotheform ofgovernmentthatthenationwasyearningtobegiven.Clearwerethe manifestationsoftheopinion,evidenttheneedsofthecountry,certainthetraditionsoflegitimacy,andeloquentlypersuasivethelessons ofexperience.Thecountrywantedthefederalsystem,becauseitisthe onlyonesuitabletoitspopulation,spreadoveravastterritory;italone isadequatetosomanydifferencesinproducts,climates,customs,needs;
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italonecanextendthelife,themovement,thewealth,theprosperityto alltheborders;anditistheonethat,distributingtheexerciseofsovereignty,isthemostsuitableformakingtheruleoflibertypermanentand forprovidingzealousdefendersforit. Thefederation,bannerofthosewhohavestruggledagainsttyranny, reminderofhappyeras,strengthoftheRepublictosustainitsindependence,symbolofdemocraticprinciples,istheonlyformofgovernment thatinMexicohastheloveofthepeople,theprestigeoflegitimacy,the respectoftherepublicantradition.Congress,then,hadtorecognizethe freeandsovereignstatesaspreexistent;itproclaimedtheirlocalliberties,and,concerningitselfwithitslimits,itmadenochangesotherthan thoseurgentlydemandedbypublicopinionorforpublicconvenience so as to improve the administration of the people. Desiring that in a democracytherenotbepeoplesubjectedtotutelage,itrecognizedthe legitimaterightofdifferentlocalitiestoenjoytheirownlifeasstatesof thefederation. Congressloudlyproclaimedthedoctrineofthesovereigntyofthe peopleandwantedtheentireconstitutionalsystemtobealogicalconsequence of this brilliant and incontrovertible truth. All powers are derivedfromthepeople.Thepeoplearegovernedbythepeople.The peoplelegislate.Itisuptothepeopletoreform,tochangetheirinstitutions.But,itbeingnecessary,giventheorganization,giventhesizeof modernsocieties,toresorttotherepresentativesystem,inMexicono onecouldexerciseauthorityexceptthroughthevote,thetrust,theexplicitconsentofthepeople. Thestates,enjoyingveryextensivelibertyintheirinternalruleand tightlyunitedbythefederalbond,thepowersthatmustrepresentthe federationbeforetheworldretainthecapabilitiesnecessarytosustain independence,totakecareofallgeneralnecessities;buttheywillnever beanalienentitythatconflictswiththestatesunless,onthecontrary, theywillbethecreatureofallthestates.Theelectoralfieldisopentoall aspirations,toallintelligences,toallparties;thesuffragehasnorestrictionsotherthanthosethatwerebelievedabsolutelynecessaryforthe genuineandtruerepresentationofalllocalitiesandtheindependence ofelectoralbodies.ButtheCongressoftheUnionwillbethecountry through its delegates; the Court of Justice, whose lofty functions are directed to maintaining harmony and preserving right, will be institutedbythepeople;andthepresidentoftheRepublicwillbetheone
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chosenbyMexicancitizens.Thereisnot,then,anypossibleantagonism betweenthecenterandthestates,andtheConstitutionestablishesthe peacefulandconciliatorymethodforresolvingdifficultiesthatmight ariseinpractice. One seeks harmony, agreement, fraternity, all means of reconcilinglibertywithorder,ahappycombinationfromwhichtrueprogress springs. Inthemidstoftheturbulence,hatreds,andresentmentsthathave imprintedsuchasadcharacteroncontemporaryevents,Congresscan boast of having elevated itself to the height ofits grand and sublime mission.Ithasnotpaidattentiontotheseorthosepoliticalepithets;it hasnotletitselfbepulledalongbytheimpetuouswhirlwindofthepassions;ithasnotseenonlyMexicans,brothers,inallthechildrenofthe Republic.IthasnotcreatedaConstitutionforaparty,butratheraConstitutionforanentirepeople.Ithasnottriedtopassjudgmentonbehalfofwhomeverisresponsiblefortheerrors,themistakesofthepast; ithastriedtoavoidrepeatingtheminthefuture;clearly,ithasopened thegatesoflegitimacyforallmenwhowishtoservethepatrialoyally. Noexclusivity,noproscriptions,nohatreds:peace,union,libertyfor everyone;thisisthespiritofthenewConstitution. Public discussion, the press, the rostrum, are for all opinions. The electoralfieldistheterrainonwhichthepartiesmuststruggle,andthus theConstitutionwillbethebanneroftheRepublicinwhosepreservationallcitizenstakeaninterest. ThegreatproofthatCongresshasnotnourishedresentments,that ithaswishedtobetheechoofmagnanimityofthepeopleofMexico, isthatithassanctionedtheabolitionofthepenaltyofdeathforpoliticalcrimes.Yourrepresentatives,whohavesufferedthepersecutionsof tyranny,havepronouncedthepardonoftheirenemies. TheworkoftheConstitutionmustnaturally,Congressknowsit,be weakenedbythehazardouscircumstancesinwhichithasbeencreated andcanalsocontainerrorsthatmighthaveescapedtheperceptiveness oftheassembly.Congressknowsverywellthatinthepresentcentury thereisnobarrierthatcankeepapeoplestatic,thatthecurrentofthe spiritdoesnotstagnate,thatimmutablelawsareaweakbarricadeagainst theprogressofsocieties,thatitisavainundertakingtowanttolegislate forfutureages,andthatthehumanspeciesadvancesdaybydaynecessitatingcontinualinnovationinitsmodeofpoliticalandsocialbeing.
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Forthisithaslefttheroadcleartoreformofthepoliticalcodewithout anyprecautionotherthanthecertaintythatthechangesbedemanded andacceptedbythepeople.Reformbeingsoeasytosatisfytheneedsof thecountry,whyresorttonewupheavals,whydevourourselvesincivil warifthelegalmeansneithercostbloodnordestroytheRepublic,nor dishonorit,norputitslibertiesandexistenceasasovereignnationin danger?Bepersuaded,Mexicans,thatpeaceisthefirstofallgoodsand thatyourlibertyandyourhappinessdependontherespect,onthelove, withwhichyoumaintainyourinstitutions. Ifyouwantlibertiesmoreextensivethanthosethefundamentalcode grantsyou,youcanobtainthembylegalandpeacefulmeans.Ifyoubelieve,ontheotherhand,thatthepoweroftheauthorityneedsgreater extensionandrobustness,youcanalsoarriveatthisoutcomepeacefully. The Mexican people who had heroic strength to overthrow Spanishdominationandjointhesovereignpowers;theMexicanpeoplewho havevanquishedalltyrannies,whoalwaysyearnforlibertyandconstitutionalorder,nowhaveacodethatisthefullrecognitionoftheirrights andthatdoesnotholdthemback,butratherencouragesthemonthe roadofprogressandreform,ofcivilizationandliberty. Onthepathofrevolutionstherearedeepanddarkprecipices,despotism,anarchy.Thepeoplewhoconstitutethemselvesonthefoundations oflibertyandjusticeriseabovethoseabysses.Theydonothavethem beforetheireyes,neitherinreformnorinprogress.Theyleavethembehind,theyleavetheminthepast. ItfallstotheMexicanpeopletomaintaintheirpreciousrightsand improvetheworkoftheconstituentassembly,whichreliesontheassistancethatwillbelentit,withoutdoubt,bythelegislaturesofthestates sothattheirparticularinstitutionsmightstrengthennationalunityand produce an admirable completeness of harmony, strength, fraternity amongallthepartsoftheRepublic. ThegreatpromiseofthePlanofAyutlaisfulfilled.TheUnitedStates of Mexico returns to constitutional life. Congress has sanctioned the mostdemocraticconstitutiontheRepublichashad,hasproclaimedthe rightsofman,hasworkedforliberty,hasbeenfaithfultothespiritof theepoch,totheinspirationsradiatingfromChristianity,tothepoliticalandsocialrevolutiontowhichitoweditsorigin;ithasbuiltonthe doctrineofthesovereigntyofthepeople,andnotsothattheywillbeexcitedbyit,butrathertoleavetothepeoplethefullexerciseoftheirsov-
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ereignty.MaytheSupremeRegulatorofsocietiesmakethenewConstitutionacceptabletotheMexicanpeopleand,accedingtothehumble prayersofthisassembly,putanendtothemisfortunesoftheRepublic anddispensetoitwithageneroushandthebenefitsofpeace,justice, andliberty! Thesearethewishesofyourrepresentativesastheyreturntoprivate lifetomixwiththeirfellowcitizens.Theyhopethattheirerrorswillbe forgottenandthatadaymightshinewhentheConstitutionof1857,as thebannerofliberty,mightdojusticetotheirpatrioticintentions.
ignacio Manuel altaMirano IgnacioManuelAltamirano(1834–93),aliberalpolitician,writer, lawyer,teacher,andnotedorator,wasborninthestateofGuerrero,ofhumbleorigins.AltamiranowasastudentofIgnacio RamírezattheInstitutoLiterariodeTolucaandtaughtatseveralschoolsandinstitutes.WithRamírezandGuillermoPrieto hestartedanewspaper,El Correo de México. Altamiranojoinedtheliberalfactionandfoughtagainstthe conservatives inthe Three Years’War, andafter thetriumph of the liberals was elected a deputy to Congress. During the FrenchinterventionAltamiranobecameacolonelintherepublicanarmythatfoughtagainsttheempire.Hismilitarycareer endedin1867,whentheRepublicwasrestored.Later,AltamiranowaselectedtoCongressonthreeoccasions.Healsoserved as attorney general, chief justice of the Supreme Court, and consul in the foreign service. Altamirano was a writer in the Romanticliterarystyleanddevotedmuchefforttohisliterary pursuits.Hewroteseveralnovels,includingEl Zarco,andessays onawidevarietyoftopics. We include two of his speeches on the civil war from the 1860sandanarticlepublishedin1880.
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1
Against Amnesty. Speech before the Second Constitutional Congress, July 10, 1861
Sir: Withthefullconscienceofapureman,withthefull heartofaliberal,withthejustenergyoftherepresentativeofanoutragednation,Ihereraisemyvoicetorequestthatthechamberreject thereportinwhichthedecreeofamnestyforthereactionarypartyis proposed.1 AndIrequestthisbecauseIjudgethatthisdecreewouldtodaybetoo untimelyandhighlyimpolitic. LetmebeginbysayingthatIverymuchrespectthevirtuesofthe gentlemendeputieswhohaveendorsedthereport,thatIrecognizein themexcellenthearts,filledwithsensitivityandmercy;butIbelieve thattheyhaveerredinbelievingthatthenationshouldpardonitsenemies with the same ease that these gentlemen, because of their magnanimousnature,pardontheirs.Thatistosay,theyhaveconfusedtheir individualselveswiththeentirenation,andinthatliestheerror,inmy opinion. Withthisdutyfulfilledthatmyopennessimposedonme,Iamnow goingtobroachthequestion. Ihavesaidthatthedecreewouldbeuntimelyandimpolitic.Hereare myreasons: Itwouldbeuntimelybecausemercy,likeallvirtues,hasitshour.Beyondthat,mercyhasnogoodoutcome,orspeakinginalltruth,itproducestheoppositeofwhatmightbedesired. Originaltitle:“Contralaamnistía”[intervenciónenlaCámaradeDiputadosdurante lasesióndel10dejuliode1861].Source:FelipeBuenrostro,Historia del Segundo Congreso Constitucional de la República Mexicana,que funcionó en los años de 1861, 62 y 63. Extracto de todas las sesiones y documentos relativos de la época,vol.1(Mexico:ImpresaPolíglota,1875). 1.TheThreeYears’Warbetweenliberalsandconservativeshadjustendedwiththe victoryoftheliberalfaction.(Editor’snote) 299
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Amnesty,sir,isthecompletionofvictory,butitmustfollowvictory immediately.Thehistoryofallnationstellsusthis,anditisinthenature oftheseverythings. A victor who has just defeated his enemies, who still holds in his handsthebloodyswordofbattle,whomonesupposesisstillenraged andthirstyforvengeance,andwhomoneseessuddenlyputasidethe terribleexpressiononhisface,throwawaythatthreateningsword,open hisarmstoembraceagainsthischesthishumiliatedenemies,trembling withfright,thisman,Isay,istobeadmiredandloved. Thegreatnessofsoulcaptivates,becausethehumanheartinstinctivelyadmireseverythingthatisgreatandsublime.GaiusCaesarwon more sympathy with his generosity in Rome than with his sword in Pharsalia,andtheRomans,intoxicatedwithenthusiasmandgratitude, dedicatedthetempleofclemencyinhishonor. HenryIV,theHuguenot,madehimselflovedbyhisoldenemieswith hisgeneral pardon. ButCaesarandHenryIVweretimely. Because in effect, sir, amnesty is forgetting the past completely, it isanabsolutepardon.Amnestymustbegrantedasagiftofmercy,asa concessionthatstrengthmakestoweakness;itisragethatabsolvesrepentance.Butwe,areweinthetimeforpardoning?Hereisthequestion.Anditcanitbeansweredwithequalprecision: “Nowisnotthetimeoritisstillnottime.” IfafterthetriumphofCalpulalpan thegovernmenthadcomeout withawordofamnesty,ifithadopeneditsarmstotheenemiesofpublicpeace,thiswouldhavebeenimmoral,butperhapsitwouldhavebeen successful,becauseIamsurethattworoadswereopenthentotheliberalgovernment,thatofabsolute,openamnesty,orterrorism,thatisto say,righteouspower. Thegovernmentdidnottakeeitherofthosepaths,butrather,wavering in its steps, uncertain in its decisions, adherent to routine in its methods,washalfmagnanimousandhalfsevere,withtheresultthatit madeeveryonediscontentanditcametobecensuredbyopposingfactions. NeverletitbesaidthatIslander:thenationknowsit;Mexicohas seen it. When plain and firm justice was expected, the government exiledbishopsinsteadofhangingthem,astheseapostlesofiniquitydeserved;itfiredsomeemployeesandothersno,ofthosewhohadserved
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thereaction;itpardonedDíaz,whoseskullshouldnowbewhiteonthe pillory;ithadTrejoshotbecause,althoughhewasguilty,hebelongedto therabble;anditpardonedthemurdererCasanovabecausehewasrespectableandhadsomeonewhointercededforhim;itabsolvedChacón; ittoleratedCaamaño;itwasMontaño’splaything;itwasgoingtoemployIsmaelPiña;andfinally,ithastheguiltthatmanyofthosebandits mighthavegonewithMárquez;2andithasshownsufficientlythatithas neitherthegiftofopportunitynorthemeritofjustice. Theresultyouarenowseeing,legislators;Iwillnotsayanythingto youaboutit.Wellthen,whatwasnotdoneafterCalpulalpanisnowimpossible. Thegovernmentwithitserrorscausedtherevolutionnottoenddefinitively at that time; it caused it to lose more in six months than it lostinthreeyears,becausetheconstitutionalvesselthathastraveledso serenelyinthetimeofstormsisclosetosinkingasitreachesport.Yes, sir,todayitliesheavyontheoptimists.Wefindourselvesinfullrevolution;wehavesufferedserioussetbacks;thereactionisimposing;itwill notwin,butitbattleswithaterribleferocity;thegreatvictoryisnot veryclose,thereactionarieswhoarenotinthefieldprovideeverykind ofresourcetothosewhoare;those unhappy ones who groan in hiding places, asSeñorMontessays,conspirefromthereinathousandways;thehopes ofthiscursedfactionarereborn;thebeviesofMárquezhavejustvisited thestreetsofthecapitaland...isnowwhenwearetoofferamnesty? Abeautifulopportunity,tobesure! Amnesty now would not be the word of pardon; it would not be thecaressofavictoriousforcetoconqueredweakness;itwouldbe... ashamefulcapitulation,aparachute,amiserablecowardice. No,thenationalrepresentationwillnotabandonitsdignityinthat way,itwillnotgoonitskneestoputitslawinthehandsofthebandits, itwillnotsurrenderthosepariahstotheMolochoftheclergy. Ifsuchshouldhappen,Iwouldcursethehourinwhichthepeople havenamedmetheirrepresentative. Thinkaboutit,legislators.Iftodaywedecreetheamnesty,thereactionarypartywouldsay,andwithreason:“Theyareafraidofusand theyflatterus.”“TheCongressfixesitsgazewithterroronthegloomy MountoftheCrossesandonthescaffoldofOcampo,anditfearsfor
2.LeonardoMárquez,conservativegeneral.(Editor’snote)
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itself.”Andno,byGod!theCongressdoesnotfear,becausetheCongressisthenation,andthenationthathasstruggledforsolongagainst greathostsoftheseoutlawswouldnotcomenowtotremblebeforejust one. Younowsee,then,thattheoccasionisnotright,andforthatreason thedecreewouldbeuntimely. Ihavesaidthatitwouldalsobeimpoliticbecauseeverythingthat doesnotleadtopublichappiness,everythingthatdoesnotextendtothe goodgovernmentofthepeople,isimpolitic. Untilnow,sir,ithasbeenbelievedinMexicothatpoliticsconsistsof shamefulcompromisewithallactsoftreason,withallcrimes;untilnow themottoofthegreaterpartofourgovernmentshasbeentoday for you, tomorrow for me.Wellthen,sir,thatisdisgusting,thatwillbeaformof politicsbutamisleadingandcontemptibleformofpolitics. Webelongtotheliberalparty,whichisthepartyofthenation,and wemustnothereimitatetheoldseagod,takingdifferentformsanddisguises;herewemusttakeourowncolorandfollowourownprogram honestly.EnoughofthesepoliticalProteusesinfluencingopinion. Eitherweareliberalsorweareliberticides;eitherwearelegislators orwearerebels;eitherjudgesordefensecounsel. Thenationhasnotsentustopreachunionwithcriminalsbuttopunishthem. Theoppositewouldbetopullitdownintoanabyssofafflictionsand horrors. PardoningtheconservativepartyinMexicohasneverproducedgood results;itwouldbeimpolitic,then,topardonitagain. Clemencyintheoryisverybeautiful,Iagree;butinpracticeithas alwaysbeenfatalforus.Itwillbeenoughforustocastaretrospective eyeonourlastyears.Iwillrelateindividualdeedstoyou,andIwillrelatethembecausepersonaldeedscharacterizethecollectiveindividual, becausetheyaretheresultoftheprogramofafaction. AftertheRevolutionofAyutla,thecelebratedgeneralAlvarezdecidedtopardonallthefollowersofSantaAnna,who,notbeingableto vanquishAlvarez,carriedconflagrationandmurdertothepoorpeoples oftheSouth.Neverhadclemencybeencarriedtosuchadegreeofselflessness.BeinginCuernavacahecalledDonSeverodelCastillo,and this gentleman of the Middle Ages, this model of military delicacy, respondedtothecallafterathousandrequestsandorders.GeneralAlva-
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rezremindedhimoftheinfamousdeedofhavingburnedhismodest countryfarm.Trembling,Castillobeggedpardon;thenthegeneralsaid tohimthatinreturnforthatactionheentrustedtohimthecommand ofhisoldbattalionofsappers.Castillo,movedorfeigningtobemoved bythisnobleaction,wenttoprostratehimselfatthefeetoftheoldcaudillowhenthislatterheldhimback,sayingtohimthattheseacts,which degradedmenanddebasedsoldiers,didnotpleasehim. Castillo, grateful, swore eternal faithfulness to the government of Ayutla,andwhathappened?Youalreadyknow.Inafewdays,withthe brigadethatComonforthadentrustedtohim,hepronouncedhimself againstthegovernment. AndOsollopardonedandshamefullyindulgedbyComonfort?And Miramónpardonedalso?AndGutiérrez,andalonglistofothers,what have they done? They believed clemency was weakness and bit the handthatwasextendedtothem.IhavereferredawhileagotoChacón, toCaamaño,toMontaño,andtootherswhoarewithMárquez,andI shouldstilladd,whatdidtheprisonersdowhomGonzálezOrtegasaved inSilao?DidheperhapsnotmeetthemagaininCalpulalpan?Sir,ingratitudecharacterizesthereactionaryparty,andtobegeneroustoingratesistosowonrocks,hereandamongallpeoples. IsaidthatCaesarandHenryIVhadbeentimely,anddespitethis,ingratitude,notloveoftheircountry,armedBrutusandCassiusagainst their benefactor, who had pardoned them and honored them with a praetorship;andfanaticismputadaggerinthehandsofRavaillac.Well then,herewemeetpreciselywithingratitudeandfanaticism. Anddowego,withoutevenchastising,tooffertheenemiesofthe nationtheopportunitytodoharmtous? Aboveall,sir,isitaboutpardoningtrivialpoliticaloffenses?No.Itis aboutpardoningacrime,thegreatestoneofall,hightreason. TheMexicanRepublichasbeenconstituted;ithaselecteditsgovernmentbypopularandvoluntaryvote,andithasbeengivenafundamentallaw.Wellthen,thesemenhaveattemptedacrimeagainstthat governmentandagainstthatlaw,andtheyhaveattemptedacrime,fillingtheentirenationwithsorrow,desolation,andblood.Thereisnot aplaceintheRepublicnotmarkedwiththesavagetraceofthatrebelliousfaction.Thereisnotacrimeithasnotcommitted.WillitbenecessarytobringtomindthemurderersofTacubaya,ofCocula,andofthe Esperanza?WillitbenecessarytoinvokethebloodyimagesofLarios,
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ofOcampo,ofDegollado,andofValle?Willitbenecessaryforyouto seethedestroyedproperties,thedevastatedfields,thepeopledyingof misery,bankruptcyinthetreasury,andourentiresoilstainedwiththe bloodofourbrothers?Andobservethat,inallthis,notonlytheleader whocommandshastheblame,butalsothesubordinatewhoobeys,becauseallarewheelsandpartsofthathorriblemachineofdestruction. Andarewegoingtopardonthosemen?Arewenotgoingtonotice thenationalindignation? Isitthatwedonotknowwhatjusticeis? No,letusforoncebehonorable;letusforoncebejust.Enoughnow ofcompromisesandofsterilegenerosity.Justiceandnotclemency! Itisshameful,sir.Manycriminalsarebeingacquittedinourpresence,andwearenotraisingourvoice.IsidroDíaz,Casanova,andmany ofthoseaccusedarestillalive.Theircauseseemstohavenoend.National justice cries out for their punishment. The executioner should havefinishedthemoffsometimeago,andonemightbelievethat,far fromsufferingthedeservedpunishment,withinashorttimetheymight gostrollingthroughParisifyouwillnotencounterthemonedayin thosestreets. Thisisdisgusting.Finally,doesthenationalmajestyhavetocontinue beingthekingofmockeryofallrogues?Istherenorespectherefor virtueandhatredofcrime?Isthemurdererofaman,ahorsethief,punished,butnotapunishmentfortheonewhosetsfiretoentirevillages, foronewhorobsthepubliccoffers,foronewhospillstorrentsofMexicanblood? Insteadoforganiclaws,insteadofpromptpunishments,insteadof raisingtheguillotineforthetraitors,atimidlawofamnestyispresented tous. Andthisinmomentsofseeingthebodiesofourdistinguishedmen withtheirskullscuttopieces,withthehorribleecchymosesthatthe cordwithwhichtheywerehangedproduced? Ohmanes3ofoursacrificedfriends...askvengeanceofGod...!We thinkofpardoningyourexecutionersandthefriendsofyourexecutioners! Iknowwellthatexpressingmyselfthuswiththisfrankandfervent energydispleasescertainpeople.Iknowthatthesearenotthefeelings
3.Mythologicalspiritsofdeath.(Editor’snote)
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of those armchair politicians who stood there indifferent during the struggle,takingnopityontheanguishofthepatriabuttakingpleasure inthehorrorsoccurringoutsidethecapital. ButIdonotlikecompromises;Iamachildofthemountainsofthe Southanddescendfromthosemenofironwhohavealwayspreferred eatingrootsandlivingamongwildbeaststobowingtheirheadsbefore tyrantsandembracingtraitors. Yes,Ibelongtothatphalanxofpartisanswhocanbecalled,without fearandwithoutblemish,“theBayardsofliberalism.”4 SinceIleftthecoaststocometothispostIhavebeenstoicallyresignedtonotknowinghowtoact,andwhileImaynothavemyhead verysecurelyonmyshoulders,Idonothavetograntasinglepardonto theexecutionersofmybrothers.Ihavenotcometocompromisewith anyreactionaryortoweakenmyselfwiththesoftnessofthecapital,and Iunderstandthatifallthedeputiesseatedonthesebenchesdonotdecidetorisktheirlivesindefenseofthenationalmajesty,wehavenothinggoodtodo. ButIbelievetheCongresswillknowhowtoshowthenationthatit isatthehighlevelofitsdesiresandthatitunderstandsitsholymission. Ibelievethatthelegislativewillsayfrequentlytotheexecutive,inthe presenceofeachevildoer,whatMariussaidtoCinnainthepresenceof eachenemy:“Hemustdie.” Wemusthaveaprincipleinplaceofaheart.Ihavemanyreactionaryacquaintances;withsomeIcultivatedfriendlyrelationsinanother time,butIdeclarethatthedaytheyfallintomyhands,Iwouldhave theirheadscutoff,becausebeforefriendshipcomesthepatria;before feelingcomestheidea;beforecompassioncomesjustice. Andwhat!...SeñorOcampo,onemanalone,wouldhavethegreatnessofsoultosay,“IbreakbutIdonotbend.”AndtheCongress,that istosaytheentirenation,wouldnowsay:“Idoindeedbreak,andIdo bendandIdolowermyself ”? Itisaninsulttothenationalrepresentationtosupposeso. Ibegyoulegislatorstoputyourhandonyourheartandtellme:Can therebeanyfriendshipbetweentheliberalpartyandthereactionary 4.PierreTerrail,seigneurdeBayard,wasaFrenchmilitaryheroknownforhisfearlessnessandchivalryintheItaliancampaignsofCharlesVII,LouisXII,andFrancisI. Acavalier“withoutfearandwithoutblemish.”(Editor’snote)
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party?Willthemenofthefifteenthcenturybejoinedwiththemenof thenineteenthcentury?Menandwildbeasts? No.Weorthey;thereisnomiddleground. Ifyouthinkthatpartyisweak,youarewrong;certainlyitlacksmoral force, but it has physical force. They have taken the wealth from the clergybuttheycannottakefromthemtheirhopes;and,aboveall,those banditsthatMárquezleads,havingjustchewedonthelastbreadofthe clergy,hurlthemselvesnowoverthepropertyofthecitizens,andyou seewhatfutureawaitsMexicoforsomeyearstocomeiftheterrible handofanenergeticandpowerfulgovernmentdoesnotcometosave thesituation. No,censurethatopinion;topardonwouldbetomakeoneselfanaccomplice.JesusChristpardonedhisexecutionersonhisscaffold,buthe wasdealingwithpersonaloffensesandnotthoseofanunhappynation ...Donotimitatethatnoblemartyr,becauseyouarenotinhissituation, andwithyourexaggeratedevangelismyouwouldlosetheRepublic.Rise upjust,severe,terrible,andsaytotherebelswhatGodsaidthroughthe mouthoftheprophet:youusedthesword...andtheswordwillfallon you!
2
Martyrs of Tacubaya
Today,April11,1880,makestwenty-oneyearssincethe clericalpartycommittedagreatcrimethathorrifiedtheRepublicand drewdownonitselfthecondemnationofthepeopleandtheanathema ofhistory. Thesavageandinfamousmurdercommittedonthepersonsofyoung physiciansandprisonersattheverygatesofMexicoCity,farfrominstillingterror,madetheliberals,workedupbyindignation,acquirenew spirit,andalienatedfromthemurderersthesympathiesofallpeople whovaluehonorandgenerosityinanything. SincetheeleventhofApril1859,theclericalreactionarieshaveonly traveledaroadofhatredandcurses.Invaintheyappealedtoextreme means;invaintheyarmedphalanxafterphalanx,compellingbyforce theunfortunateonestheysnatchedfromtheworkshopsandfieldsto trainthemtofightagainstthesoldiersofLiberty;invainthebishops andfriarsexhaustedtheresourcesoftheirchurchestopaythehighwaymenoffanaticism;invaintheystirredupthefrenzyfromthepulpit, preaching a ferocious crusade against theConstitution of ’57 and the menwhosupportedit;invainthefactions,whichcalledthemselvesgovernmenthere,compromisedthenationalhonor,throwingthemselves onthemoneyoftheEnglishLegationtoequipnewexpeditions;invain, finally,theyinfuriatedsocietywiththeirleviesandtheiroutrages,and theycarriedeverywherethestandardoftheCrossstainedwithblood andpresidingoverkillingandextermination. They were condemned to fall vanquished, and eight months later werethrownoutinCalpulalpanbytheblastoftheavengingpeopleand disappearedfromthiscity,whichtheyhadinfestedwiththeirpresence forthreeyears. Originaltitle:“LosmártiresdeTacubaya.”Source:La República,Mexico,April11, 1880. 307
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Sincethattimealso,thetormentofTacubayahasbeenhelduptothe eyesofthenationasaconstantreproach,asastainofeternalignominy fortheenemiesofpublicliberties,asaprotestofanoutragedhumanity againstthosewhodidnotlearntorespectscience,philanthropy,and youth. The picture of that abominable killing still presents itself to our memorywithallitsfrighteningreality. ItwasthetenthofApril1859.ThefamouscaudilloDonSantosDegollado,soconstantinthestrugglefortheReformbutsounfortunate init,hadbroughtanewarmy,reorganizedaftertendefeats,tothreaten Mexico,whichhadalimitedgarrisonatthattimebecauseMiramón1had marchedtoVeracruzwiththecreamofthereactionaryarmytobesiege thatstrongholdwheretheconstitutionalgovernmentwas. SeñorDegollado,alwaysunluckyinhismeasuresandhisplans,had remainedinactiveinTacubaya,lettingthetroopsofCallejoandMejía, which had come to reinforce the garrison, enter freely into Mexico. Moreover,hedidnotintendanythingseriousagainstthestronghold,be itbecausethenumberofhisforceswasinsufficient,beitfortheirlack ofdiscipline,orbeit,finally,becausehissolemissionwasreducedto distractingtheattentionoftheenemy,attractingthearmyofMiramón tothecenterofitsmilitaryaction,whichwasMexico. This last was accomplished fully. Miramón besieged in vain the stronghold of Veracruz, aided by a squadron under the command of Marín,whotriedtoblocktheportanddepriveitoftheresourcesit couldreceivebysea.Withthissquadrondestroyedandseizedinaheroic combatinwhichthevaliantgeneralsLaLlaveandJuanJosédelaGarza commanded the boarding, Miramón, despite his persevering efforts byland,hadnorecoursebuttoretreatconfusedandmakehiswayto Mexicoinhaste,threatenedasthisstrongholdwasbytheliberaltroops underthecommandofDegollado. Assoonashearrived,thebestforcesofthegarrison,undertheorders ofMárquezandMejía,seeingtheinactionoftheliberals,resolvedto attackthemontheirfieldofTacubayaitself. The rest is well known. The reactionary columns, ready to march from the night of the tenth, began the attack on the morning of the 1.MiguelMiramón,conservativegeneralwhofoughtforMaximilianandwasshotin June1867afterthedefeatoftheimperialtroopsinQuerétaro.(Editor’snote)
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eleventh, and although they encountered a stubborn resistance, they werevictoriousandenteredTacubayaalittleafternoon.Thetroopsof SeñorDegolladoretreatedindisorderfollowingarout,leavingtheir artillery,theirbaggage,theirwounded,andagreatnumberofprisoners inthehandsoftheenemy. Thatwasthemomentofcarnageandblindferocity.Thereactionaryleadersexemplifiedcrueltyandlackofrestraint.Itseemedasifthe hatredoftheclericalfactionhadletlooseoverTacubayaallitsMaenads, freneticandeagertokill. AmongtheprisonershadfallenGeneralLazcano,whobelongedtothe oldarmy,andsomeotherofficersandleaderssuchasDionisioBello,and ayounglawyerwhohadthepositionofmilitaryadviser,ManuelMateos. Manuel Mateos was an arrogant young man of twenty-seven and theincarnationofliberalyouthofthatera.Giftedwithagreattalent,a poeticandenthusiasticimagination,andanexaltedliberalfaith,hehad takenpartasawriterandasasoldierinallthefightsthathadopened thegreatdramaoftheReformsincethetimeofComonfort.Profound andelegantwriter,evenbeforefinishinghiscareeraslawyer,hehad alreadybeennotedinthejournalisticpressforhisimpassionedwritings,inwhichthefireofayoungandardentheartwasfelt.Poet,he hadplayedhislyrenotsomuchtosingaboutlove,thenoblepassion ofhisage,butrathertoextolthegloriesofthepatriaandtoarousethe peopletothefightforLiberty.Gifted,moreover,withamajesticstature,aDantonianface,andarobustandsonorousvoice,hehadappeared manytimesinthepopulartribunalasaconventionalorator,thundering againsttyrannyandpreachingtherightsofman.Finally,understanding thatinatimeofReformthewriter,thepoet,thetribunemustbecome thearmedchampion,MateoshadworntheswordwhenheleftMexico in1857withJuárez,Ocampo,Prieto,Guzmán,andRuiz,andhadformed withLeandroValleandotherspiritedyoungmenthefirstguardofthat government,whichwascalledtomaketheDecalogueoftheConstitutionandtheReformtriumphamidstthetempestsofwar. ButManuelMateos,althoughanardentpartisanofthesegreatideas andofthelaw,hadneverstainedhishandswithblood.Hehadnotmade himselfresponsibleforthoseactsthatcarryreprisalasaconsequence.In sum,hewasabraveandnoblepartisan. Aftertheseshackles,otherswereordered.Onsoldiers?No,ondoctors. Some young men accompanied the liberal army as doctors, and as
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suchtheyweretendingtothewounded;theydidnotthinkaboutrunningwhentheylearnedoftherout.Theyunderstoodthattheirdutywas besidethebedsofthewounded.Theyknewmoreoverthattheirprofessionwasapriesthood,thatitwasrespectedintheentirecivilizedworld asaholything,andthatforthisveryreasontheycouldnotevenanticipateacrimeagainstthem.Duval,Portugal,andSánchezwerethose threefriendsofHumanity.TothemwasaddedJuanDíazCovarrubias, ayoungstudentofmedicine,whohadalsocomefromMexicowiththe objectiveoflendinghishumanitarianservicestotheliberalarmy,believingthatthenumberofmenofhisprofessionwouldbescarce. JuanDíazwasagentleandmelancholypoetwhoseverseshadshown simultaneously,fromveryearlyon,anardentandsadinspiration,anexcellentorganization,andaspiritenamoredoftheideal.Ay!Whowould havesaidafewdaysbefore,onseeingthatyoungstudentpassthrough thestreets,dreamingandgentle,inoffensiveandagreeable,thathewas goingtobesacrificedlikeaterribleevildoerbyastupidarmyrabblepreciselybecause,movedbyhisfinesentiments,hehadgonetohelpsufferinghumanity! Theyoungphysicianstendedthewoundedandoccupiedthemselves withthephilanthropicchoresofmilitarysurgerybesidethebedsofthe dying. FromtherethebrutalclawoftheexecutionersofMárquezseizedhim toenclosehiminbarracks,incommunicadowiththeotherprisonersof war,inthesamewaythelicenciadoJuáregiwasseizedfromthedomestichearth. MiramónhadjustarrivedinMexico,and,stillcoveredwiththedust oftheroadfromVeracruz,presentedhimselfonthefieldofthebloody victory. Hewas furious withindignation, andto him thetriumph of TacubayaseemedbarelyaweakcompensationfortheroutofVeracruz. Márquezgavehimanaccountofthebattleandrequestedordersfrom himregardingthefateoftheprisoners.Miramónconferredamoment with Mejía and then gave the order to execute them all by shooting. Miramón was brave but hewas never magnanimous, and hewas still drivenbyanimplacablehatredoftheliberalparty,withoutunderstandingwell,becausehewasofverymiddlingintelligence,theideastheliberalsdefendedandheopposed. Theorderwascarriedout,thenightalreadygloomy.Therabbleof murdererspulledtheprisonersfromtheirprisonandledtheminsingle
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filetotheoutskirtsofTacubaya.Theprisonersbelieved,atfirst,that theywereleadingthemtoMexico;butwhentheysawthattheywere takingthembyout-of-the-waypathsinthecountrysidebetweenthe ravinesthatwoundthroughthehillswhereTacubayaissituated,they nolongerdoubtedtheirfate.Theyweregoingtobekilled!Thenthey askedtowrite,togiveafinalgoodbyetotheirfamilies,tospeaktosome friend.Everythingwasdeniedtothem.Itwasnecessarythatmystery andshadowcompletelycoverthecrime;itwasnecessarythattheclamp ofsilenceclosethemouthsofthosemartyrs;itwasindispensablethat ithavetheappearanceofanambushandnotthegloryofthepolitical gallows.Bequietanddie!Thatwasthefateoftheenemiesofclerical tyranny.Theinquisitionstillhadtheshowoftheauto-da-fé;thegallows oftheviceroyaltystillhadthetestimonyofthenotaryandofthemob. Thecrueltyoftheclericalpartywentmuchfurther;itbit,likerabid dogs,insilence.Itisnotknownexactlywhathappenedatthatfrightfulscene.Itisknownonlythatthesquadformeditselfaroundthevictims.DionisioBellohasrecountedthatheescaped,slippingawayinto thedepthofaravine,andthathewasnotseenthankstothedarknessof thenightthatthetorchesscarcelyrent.ItisknownalsothatO’Horan andDazaArgüellesorderedtheexecution,thatÁngelBuenabadcreated thelistofthosetobeshot,thatManuelMateosgavethewordtothesoldiersinaclearvoice,thatDíazCovarrubiasembracedSánchezandthat hewantedtodielikethat,andthen...thatwereheardvariouscontinuousexplosionsandthatthehiredkillersreturnedtoTacubaya,nowin theearlymorninghours,bringingtheshatteredbodiesofthevictims, andthattheythrewtheminthegreathallDe profundisoftheSanDiego convent.Somewerethrowncompletelynudeontothepatio. Therewesawthemondaytwelvewhen,mixedinwiththecrowd, wecouldlookforourfriendswhocouldscarcelyberecognized,tornto piecesastheywerebythebullets.Mateoshadhisskullcuttopiecesand therighteyebulgingout;DíazCovarrubiasalsowithhisskullandeye andpartofacheekmangled,andahandinshreds.Theheadsoftherest wereashapelesscombinationofdustandblood. Nexttothosebodies,thesoldiersdrankandsmokedindifferently, and the disgusting camp followers, accustomed to those spectacles, laughedandfrolickedlikeabandofharpies. Atnoon,somesoldiers,assistedbyvariousdisguisedstudents,took thebodiesonstretcherstothesmallandhumblechurchofSanPedro
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inthesouthofTacubaya,almostinthecountryside.There,alongand shallowditchwasduginwhichthebodieswereplaced,onenexttothe other,coveringthemwithalightlayerofearth.Areactionaryleaderin awhitejacketwatchedthelaborswithrepugnanceandsurliness. Later, the army of Márquez prepared to make its triumphal entry intoMexico,paradingby,infact,inafewminutesandenteringintothe greatcityatfourintheafternoon. Andthenbegantheclericalorgy,thesaturnaliaofblood,thedanceof thescalps,freneticallydancedinduetbytheuniformsandthecassocks. TheCatholicchurches,beginningwiththeholycathedral,werebedeckedforafiesta;enormousreddraperieshungfromthetowersand belfries;thebellsdazedthecitywithathundering,senselessringing; thearistocraticfamiliesthrewflowersandgarlandsfromthebalconies toMárquezandhiscompanions,whopassedbyself-satisfiedontheir battlesteeds,andtothetroopsthathadvanquishedtheheretics. Theescapedprisoners,amongwhomcameourfriend,todayGeneralChavarría,woundedbutsavedbyafriendlyintervention,marched amongtherankswiththesadbutnotbeatendownaspectoftheliberal soldiers.Thecrowdsilentlywatchedpassbythisarmyofbloodthirsty soldiers,forwhomtherewasnosympathywhatsoeverinthetown. Thusendedthisunfortunateday. ............... Theeyeofthehistoriancouldnotabsorbthedetailsofthetremendouscrime,buttheeyeofthepeoplewhosympathizedwiththevictims tooknoteofthenamesoftheexecutionersand,implacableasFate,have nowpunishedthemonebyone. Popularjusticeisslowattimes,butitiscertainandterrible. Afewmonthsfromthatday,DazaArgüellesfellintothehandsof Carbajal’s soldiers in Tulancingo, and his body was dragged over the stonesofthestreetsandtrampledbymaddenedhorses.Thatwasone! Later,in1867,Buenabadwasrunthroughbyrepublicanbulletswhile goingovertheMountoftheCrosseswiththetroopsofthetraitorTavera, beaten by the soldiers of Riva Palacio. And Buenabad died devouredbywormsandregretsafewdayslater.Andthatwastwo! InJuneofthesameyear,Miramón,theonewhoorderedthekillings, wasexecutedontheHilloftheBellsandatonedforthelongseriesofhis crimesinthatplaceinwhichnationaljusticegleamedwithallitsaugust majesty.Andthatwasthree!
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AndMejía,theonewhohadhelpedwiththedecisionmadeinTacubaya,fellalsointhesameplace.Andthatwasfour! O’Horan,theexecutor,fellafewdayslaterinMexicoatthehandsof GeneralDíaz,andthesmallplazaofMixcalcosawtheexpiationofthe crimeofTacubaya.Andthatwasfive! Oneremains,hewhohasbornetheentireburdenofthehatredproducedbytheatrociousevent.ThetruthisthatMárquezonlyobeyed Miramón’s order. Nonetheless, the entire nation has given him the dreadfulnameHyenaofTacubaya,anamethatfollowshimeverywhere likeacurse. Hehasescapedpunishment,buthehasnotescapedfromthehatred, fromthedishonor;fromthehatredevenofhisparty,whichcallshim traitorbecauseheabandonedMaximilianinQuerétaro;fromthedishonor,becauseheisapariahcondemnedtodragout,inaforeignland, alifeofnostalgia,tedium,andself-contempt,condemnedtothepunishmentofTantalusofsecond-guessing,offeelingthebeachesofthepatria veryclosewithouteverbeingabletotouchthem,andofseeinginevery wavethatarrives,impelledbythecurrentfromourcoasts,anunending curse. Theexecrableoldmanhasthusarrivedataseptuagenarianage,devouringthebitterbreadoftheusurytowhichhehashadtoappealsoas nottodieofhunger,andheslithersalonglikeanoldreptileamidstthe miretodiedevouredbytheantsofhumiliationandofmisery.What worsepunishment? SuchisthejusticeofthePeople!Anotherwouldsay,“SuchisthejusticeofGod!” Forus,theeleventhofApril1859isthegreatreasonforbeingimplacablewiththeclericalfactionandforhavinggivenjustificationtothe tremendouspunishmentsimposedontheircaudillos,whowereexecutionersandenemiesofhumanity. Later,wehavepardoneditenmasse,evendespitethetreasontothe patria.Buttopardonisnotthesameastoforget. The great liberal party must understand it always. Between pardoningandforgettingexistsanabyss.Pardoningputstheswordinthe sheath,butrememberingmustkeeptheswordreadytopulloutonthe leastoccasion.
3
Speech by Citizen Manuel Ignacio Altamirano on the Occasion of the Anniversary of Independence, September 15, 1861
Citizens: Youhavecalledmetotherostrumonthissolemnnight, andIthankyouforit.Youhaveesteemedmypoortalenttookindly;but youhavedonejusticetomypatriotism,andIwillneverforgetsodistinguishedanhonor. Wehave,then,gatheredheretocelebrateourgreatfamilyholiday.It isherethatthedivinestarof1810reappearsinourheavens,todaydark andcloudcovered.Butitslightdissipatestheshadowsandmakesthe spaceshine;butitsappearancecounselsusinoursorrows,ifonlyfora moment,andeventhethousandhecatombsinwhichthebloodofour patriciansstillsmoldersseemtoustodaysomanyotheraltarsofferedto theGodoffreepeoples. Yes,thismemoryofouroldgloriesissweet,whetheritbethatitsurprisesusonthefieldsofbattleoronforeignbeaches,whetheritbethat theshacklesofourtyrantsoppressusortheerrorsofourfriendssadden us,orwhetheritbethattheweightofoursetbacksafflictsusorthesterilityofourvictoriesdisillusionsus. Yes,inwhateversituationfateplacesus,allofusturnoureyestoour gloriousyear’10toreviveourpoliticalfaith,justasthePersiansturned theirstotheeasttorevivetheirreligiousfaith. Andwhodoesnotforgetinthismomenthismiseryandanimosities togiveoneanotherabrotherlyembrace?Whodoesnotacknowledge hissmallnessbeforethemajestyofourfathers?Whodoesnotglorify thosewhogaveuspatriaatthecostoftheirlives? Onlytheclergyanditspartydonotshareourhappiness,andthey have reason. They are the last expression of Spanish tyranny in our Originaltitle:“DiscursopronunciadoenelTeatroNacionaldeMéxicolanochedel 15deseptiembrede1861porelciudadanoIgnacioM.Altamirano.”Source:El Monitor Republicano,Mexico,September20,1861. 314
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country.ThankstoGodthattheywithdrawfromournationalholidays, somewithsomberfaces,othersbrandishingthefratricidaldagger.Their spiteandtheirrageareforusnewreasonsforelation,andonedaywe willmakethemcryinvain,fromforeignsoil,forthispatriathatthey wantedtoseeenslavedandthattodaytheyviewwithsomuchrancor becauseitisfree. Asforus,liberals,todaywegiveeachotheracordialhandshake,today we present ourselves closely united, today we forget our disappointmentsinordertomakeroomonlyforhopes;todayweshouldgather togetherfilledwithvenerationaroundthegloriousstandardofDolores; itdoesnotmatterwhichhandgraspsitsolongasitbethehandofa democrat,becauseonlythehandofademocratisworthyofhoistingit. Yes,Mexicans,todayitisnotamatterofpraisingthisorthatpoliticalmethod,thisorthatsmallpersonality;herethegreatprincipleof nationalsovereigntyistobeextolled,and“asdiverseasmightbeour opinionsinpolitics,theloveofthepatria,ofnationalhonor,ofindependence,andofthefreedomofthecountry,isageneralsentimentfor whicheveryoneisreadytosacrificeuptothelastdropofblood,”assaid Kossuth,thegreatHungarianpatriot,onJuly11,1848,intheAssembly ofPest. Thisisasacrednight,fellowcitizens,asacrednightbecauseinit,the tribunesofthepeoplenotonlyhavethemissionofrecountingthegloriousepicofourinsurrection,liketheancientrhapsodistsandthetroubadoursoftheMiddleAges,butratherprincipallythemissionofspeaking inthenameofthatverypeople,ofsettingforththeirsorrows,ofgiving anaccountoftheirsacrifices,andofbeingplacedatthesummitoftheir desires. Thus,theoratorswhotheGreekpeoplenamedtoofferthepanegyric oftheirheroeswouldunderstandthispriesthood. ThuswillIalsospeaktoyou;Iwillmakemyselfherethefaithfulinterpreterofthatpoorpeoplewhoseaffectionisboughtwithpromises andwhosebloodisrepaidwithexcuses. I can speak in their name because I identify with them, because I carryinmyheartalltheirpains,alltheirdisillusions,alltheirindignation,allthefeelingoftheirpower.BecauseIamatruemanofthe people,descendingfromtwentyunfortunateracesthathavebequeathed me,togetherwiththeirloveofliberty,allthesorrowsoftheirancient humiliation.
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What the people have suffered! You know it. The martyrology of Mexicandemocracyisverylong.BeforetheSpanishadventurersbrought ustheirfriarsandtheirexecutioners,theMexicanpeoplehadalready sufferedtheoppressionoftheirautocratickingsandtheirbloodthirsty teopixquis.Theconquest,makingcolonistsoftheMexicans,madetheir slaverymorebitter;butMoctezumahadbeentheworthypredecessorof CharlesV. Thepoorpeoplechangedmasters.Theencomenderoswerethesuccessorstothecaciques,thefriarstotheIndianpontiffs,thebonfireofthe Inquisitionreplacedthestoneofsacrifices,thebloodycrossthatFather Olmedoplantedatopapileofcadaversandasheswasthesuccessorto thebloodyHuitzilopoxtli. Whatcivilizationdidtheyhavetobring,thosewhohadinSpaina JiménezdeCisneros,1whohadthescientificrichesoftheArabsburned, thosewhohadinMexicoaZumárragawhohadthescientificrichesof theAztecsburned! Whathumanitarianideadidtheyhavetomakegerminate,thosewho raisedascaffoldinSpainforthecourageousPadilla,thosewhoburned apyreinMexicofortheheroicCualpopoca! Butitwillbesaidtome:andliberty?anddemocracy?Fromwhere didtheycome?Bychance,didthoseideasnotarriveincubatedinthe religiousideasofourconquistadores? Oh,liberty!...ButlibertyispriortoChristianity,becauseliberty wasbornwithman,becausetheloveoflibertylivesintheheartofthe humanspecies,andthereitstirs,continuallyboiling,likethefireatthe centeroftheearth. Thisishowlibertyhasexplodedamongourpeople,thisishowwe oweourlibertyonlytoGod,whoignitedinthehumansoulthatflash ofhisinfiniteBeing. Wewerefreefinally,butnowyousee,beforebeingsoothermartyrs werestillneeded,becausethatisthefatalismthataccompaniesthedefendersofliberty,likeallinitiatorsofamagnificentidea:martyrdom! Asfordemocracy,ithasdonenothingmorethantransmigrate.ExhaustedinGreece,prostitutedinRome,suffocatedintheItalianrepublicsoftheMiddleAges,itseemedtohavebeenextinguishedforever 1.FranciscoJiménezdeCisneros(1436–1517)wasaSpanishcardinalandinquisitor. (Editor’snote)
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becausetheageofkingscametotakepossessionoftheworldwhenit appearedsuddenlyandshamefacedinHollandandSwitzerland,terrible althoughfleetinginEngland,tempestuousandomnipotentinFrance, andyoung,vigorous,andrestlessintheNewWorld. And that is the destiny, that the tendency of civilization, that the futureofhumanity:Democracy! Butwishingtobedemocratic,Irepeat,howmuchhavetheMexican peoplesuffered! Whatsacrificesyours! The people have sacrificed their sovereign dignity for many centuries,theburningtearsoftheirshame,andthentheirmostprecious interestsandtheirmostheroicsons. Fromthegreatmenofindependencewhoalmostallascendedtothe gallowsorfelldeadonthefieldsofbattletotheobscuremartyrsofSan MartinwhomthemurdererGutierrezhangednotmanydaysago. Thepeoplehavenowpassedhalfacenturyamidststreamsofblood, amidstconflagrationandmisery;isthisnotsacrificeenough? Andwhysolongastruggle?Becauseinallthecountriesoftheworld, andalsoinours,thetyrannicalandtheocraticelementshavebeenin conflictwiththeliberalelement,withasmuchstubbornnessandpersistenceasthegodsofgoodandthegodsofeviloftheancientManicheans. Politicaltyrannyandreligiousfanaticisminmonstrousalliancehave wieldedagainstthepeoplethedoubleweaponsofironandanathema insuchawaythattheyattackedmaninhisheartandinhisconscience. Neverwasanywarsocruelorsocostly. Andwehavetheproofinourancienthistoryandinourcontemporaryhistory.Theviceroysalliedthemselveswiththebishopstocombat theinsurgents. Independencewaswon,theSpaniardswerecastfromoursoil;buton leavingourshorestheydirectedatusagazeofangrysatisfaction,alook thatsaid,“Wearegoing,butyouareleftwiththeclergy.” And they were right. The clergy has avenged them of their defeat from1821untilnow. Theclergymadeadespotofahero;iterectedanimperialthroneto convertitintoascaffold;theclergyslippedinatraitoroushandinorder towriteintheconstitutionof’24;theclergythroughAlamán,thecowardlymurdererwhomtheconservativepartysomuchglorifies,erected anotherscaffoldforthegreatinsurgentoftheSouthandtreacherously
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ledhimtoit;theclergydeifiedSantaAnnaandcorruptedthemiserable Comonfort;theclergy,finally,supplyingarmsandmoneytotheyoung rogueswhowereputinhighpositionsinMexicoin1858,hasmadethe soilofthepatriaoverflowwithblood. Theclergy,accumulatingricheswiththeinsatiablevoraciousnessof theshe-wolfthatDanteencounteredinhisinferno,hasbeenabletobe apoliticalforce...until,exasperated,thepeople,takingthebandage fromtheireyes,havefoughtwithfiercenessandresolutionagainsttheir oppressorsandhaveattainedvictory. The clergy! The conservative party! Watch those miserable titans wantingtoascendtotheheavenofliberty! Andtheyarestillmoving,andtheystillfight;butthepeoplehavenot yetthrowntheirlastthunderbolts...Beware!Notalltimeshavetobe likethese;thechaliceofpopularpatienceoverflowsand...Thepeople, irate,willbeablesomedaytogototheoldcathedralstotrampleontheir paganidolsandtostabtheirtraitorouspontiffs. Thenineteenthcenturyisnotthefifteenthcentury.Franceshowed us the way in [17]93, and its example is still affecting the world. The peoplemakethepopeintheVaticantremble;theoldCatholicismofthe friarsisinthethroesofdeath. Soonevangelicaldemocracywillprevailinallitsfullness...Yes,we willrealizethepure,theholy,thedivinereligiousliberalism,suchasthe virtuousSonoftheCarpenterofNazarethconceivedit. But...Ifailtospeaktoyouofwhatthepeopledesire. Thepeopledesirethatthepromisesoftheirleadersnotbelikethe miragesoftheAfricandeserts,alwayspromisingbutalwaysdeceiving. Thepeoplesuffer,thepeoplefight,thepeopletriumph,andthen?... Then,aftertheirvictories,theyhavetogo,likeBelisarius,2saying,“Give measmallcontribution,becauseafterhavingagedinthewar,Idonot seeandIamdyingofhunger.” What does the reform, until now placed in a plan, mean for the people?Thehumiliationoftheclergy,itistrue;buttheclergycould 2.FlaviusBelisariuswasoneofthegreatestgeneralsoftheByzantineEmpire.JustinianissaidtohaveorderedBelisarius’seyestobeputoutandtohavemadehimabeggarnearagateofRome,condemninghimtoaskpassersbytogivehimanobolus.(Editor’snote)
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havebeendestroyedandpauperismalleviated,thatulcerthateatsaway atusandannihilatesus. The great Lerdo died when his thought had been half-developed. Whatashame!Andwhowillcompletethegreatendthatwasproposed? Probablynoone.Wehavemanyownersofbooksbutfeweconomists. Inthisway,whatisbeingcalledreformisnothingbutpuredestruction.Destructionofmonasticbuildings,destructionoftheestatesofthe clergy.Nonetheless,whenIconsiderthatthisdestructiontakesawaya weaponfromtheenemiesofhumanity,whenIconsiderthatthisdestructionwasafewyearsagoautopiathatwasanathematized,Iadmire thosedemolishers,Icanonizethosewhohaveseizedthewealthofthe clergy,becauseatleasttheyaregamblingtheirheadsforliberty. Icontinue.Thepeopledesirethattheirangernolongerbeplayed with,asuntilnow.Tremblethatuponawakening,theywillsaysomeday whatthepopulaceofAristophanessaid,“What?...theytreatmethus andIhadnotnoticedit!” Franklin played with lightning, but he dressed in silk. Those who playwiththeangerofthepeople,whatdoyoudressintodaresomuch? ConsiderthatitisdangeroustoabusetheweaponsofGod. Butmeanwhile,onthissublimenight,anniversaryofthatnightin whichouremancipationwasbegun,theMexicanpeoplemakefervent vowsforthelibertyofallpeoples. Yes,todaywethesonsofMexicopraytoGodthathepermityouto befree...oh!you,unfortunateMagyarsonwhomisavengedtheglory ofAttila,youwhostilltremblewiththeholywordsofKossuthandwith thesublimepoemsofPetofi! Ohyou,poorsonsofKoskiusco,whocrywhencomparingthefeats ofSobieskiwiththe“Finis Poloniae”thatyourtyrantsdecreed,whotoday theRussiandespotismprohibitsfromeventhedrinkofyourpatria! Ohyou,valiantCubans,who,withouttremblingatthedisasterof López,aresoontoexplodeagainstyourSpanishexecutioners! OhFrenchRepublicans,youwhohaveseenwithsadnessyourdreams of’48eclipsedbytheimperialshadowofasoldieroffortune! OhsonsofCatoandSpartacus,whomthetyrannyofacrownedhermitstilloppresses! Alsoyou,magnanimousSpaniards,whomthefirstsmileofliberty hasnowtouchedlightlyinthegallowsofLoja.
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Allyouontheearthwhosufferfromdespotsandawaittheblessed hourinwhich,facetoface,youcanpulltheswordoffreemenfromthe monarchsandsaytoit,liketheAlmovogares,“Iron, wake up!” Oh!donotdespair;havefaiththatthesweet,thebeautiful,theholy libertywillcome! Andasforyou,Mexicans,IwillrepeattoyouthewordsthatPericlesaddressedtotheAthenians:“Andyoualso,followinthefootsteps ofyourancestors,convincedhappinessisinliberty,libertyinvalor,and donotbeafraidtoconfrontthedangersofwar.”—ihaveSpoken.
guillerMo Prieto GuillermoPrieto(1818–97)wasborninMexicoCity.Hewas a liberal politician and a poet, and he worked with Valentín GómezFaríasandAnastasioBustamanteinthe1830s.In1838 PrietoenlistedintheNationalGuard.Hewroteliterarycriticism for El Siglo XIX and served as secretary of the treasury andintheadministrationofPresidentBenitoJuárezduringthe ThreeYears’War.Inthelattercapacityhehelpedtodraftthe reformlaws. AttheendofthecivilwarPrietowaselectedtoCongress fortheperiod1861–63.AtthetimeoftheFrenchintervention (1863), French and imperial troops held most of the country andforcedtherepublicangovernment,includingPrieto,toflee tothenorth.When his termaspresident expired in1866, in themidstofthewar,Juárezdecidedtostayinofficebecauseof theextraordinarycircumstances.Prieto,however,thoughtthat Juárezshouldstepdownandletthechiefjusticebecomepresident.AsaresultofthisdisagreementwithJuárez,Prietowent intoexileintheUnitedStates. WhentheRepublicwasrestoredin1867,Prietoreturnedto MexicoandservedfortenyearsinCongress.Later,duringthe eraofPorfirioDíaz,hewasagainelectedtoCongressforsixteenyears(1880–96).Hecontinuedpublishingarticlesinthe dailypressatthesametime. We present some of his parliamentary speeches and one articlefromtheperiod1857–74.
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1
In Favor of the Abolition of Internal Duties and Customs. Report on the Speech before Congress on January 28–31, 1857 (excerpt)
Mr.Prietosaysthat,althoughthecommitteedoesnot respondtothosewhoopposeit,hehasthedutyofsustaininganappeal, becausehehasbeenworkingtirelesslyformanyyearsandhewillstrive tohaveitwrittendownintheConstitution. Theabolitionoftheinternalcustoms[alcabalas]1willbeanimprovement,itwillbeavictoryforliberty,itwillalsobethefulfillmentofone of the promises of the Revolution of Ayutla. Agriculture, commerce, andindustrybelievedinthatgratifyingpromise.TheRevolutionwas economic,asitwassocial,asitwaspolitical,andtheprincipleoffreedomofcommercecannotbeapointneglectedinaConstitutionthatis derivedfromthePlanofAyutlaandthatisthetestamenttodemocracy, theproclamationofallitsprinciples. Thefederationwillbeimpossibleifstate-to-staterivalriesmustexist andifallofthemmustwagethewaroftaxesthatreducesthemtomisery inatonementfortheirerrors.IfthesaltsofSanLuismustfindthemarketsofZacatecasclosed,ifthepigsofMoreliacannotenterToluca,ifthe strugglebetweentheprohibitivesystemandthatofthefree-tradermustbe perpetuatedbetweenPueblaandVeracruz,unfortunategermsofdiscord willremain,finally,whichwillsoonerorlaterputanendtoinstitutions. Thecommitteeresolvesnothing.Itlimitsitselftosayingthatbefore destroyingonemustbuild,anditdoesnotseethatitiseasytoreplace thedutywiththedirecttax. Ataxisuntenablethatweighsheavilyonthenecessitiesofthepoor, that falls on consumption, that introduces inequality into commerce Originaltitle:“Enfavordelaabolicióndelasalcabalasyaduanasinteriores”[extracto;pronunciadoduranteelCongresoExtraordinarioConstituyenteenlasesiónpermanentedel28al31deenero1857].Source:El Siglo XIX,Mexico,February3,1857. 1.Alcabalaswereinternaldutiesmerchantspaidfortransportingtheirmerchandise fromonepartofthecountrytoanother.(Editor’snote) 322
infavoroftheabolitionofinternaldutieSandCuStomS : 323
andisaccompaniedbydenunciation,espionage,andthemostodious andabsurdobstacles. Itisnecessarytounderstandthatrevolutionsaretheexpressionofthe aspirationsofthepeople,andthat,iftheirhopesarethwarted,itthrows themintoincessantupheavals. Thedangerinwhichnationalunityremains,theprinciplesoftrue liberty,theirrelevanceoffeudalinstitutionsinademocracy,theinjustice,thewickednessofthetax,allleadtotheideathattheprinciplemust remainwrittendownintheConstitution.Theabolitionofinternalcustomsisworthmorethanotherprinciplestowhichgreatimportancehas beengiven.Itisworthmoretogivebreadandclothestothepeoplethan toofferthemdazzlingtheories.[...] Mr.Prietosaysitisnotcertainthattheinternalcustomsisestablished everywhereandthatthisunevennessgivesamoreodiouscharacterto andmakesmoreserioustheinequalityofratesofexchangeandmunicipalexciseduties. AsMr.Gamboahassaidthatthedecreeissuedbythespeakerwhen hewasministeroffinancedidnothavethedesiredeffect,torespondto thisinaccuracyitissufficienttorefertowhathappenedinthestatesof México,Jalisco,andsomeothers.Ifonehadpersistedinthemeasure, thegoodwouldhavebeenachievedwithoutharmingthetreasury. Internalcustoms,bytheirverynature,offermoredifficultiesofcollectionandrequirethegreatestnumberofemployees.Fromthiscomes thefactthatthegreaterpartoftheirprofitisputintoadministrativeexpenses,andthisfactshouldbekeptinmindbythegentlemendeputies. Ithasbeensaidthatthisisamatteroffulfillingasolemnpromiseof theRevolutionandtrulythattherealizationofthePlanofAyutlaconcernsthehonorandmoralityoftheliberalparty.Toawaitthegathering ofdataandinformationistodelaythereformbymorethanforty[sic], asthosewhoknowthedifficultyofcreatingfiscalstatisticsunderstand, andasthefactthatthefiscalstatisticsofFrancearestillimperfectdespitethemostperseveringandenlightenedeffortsofitseconomistsand statesmenconfirms. Ifthecommitteefindsreasonsfordoingso,itshouldextendthetime limit,butundernocircumstancesshoulditavoidthequestion. Heconcludesbyrequestingthat,insoseriousamatter,thedebatebe extendedsothatreasonsthatmightleadtoacorrectresolutionmightbe heard.
2
Freedom of Commerce. Report on the Speech before Congress on January 6, 1869 (excerpt)
CitizenPrieto,inapassionatespeech,lamentedwith painthattheeducatedyouth,ofwhomthecitizenmayorisone,supportsrestrictiveviewsonfreedomoftradeandindustry,viewsthatnot evenDonLucasAlamánhimself,someofwhoseparagraphsheread, waseverthechampion. Tothedefinitionofthevalueofarticlesofmerchandisethatthecitizenmayorgave,Mr.Prietoansweredthattheaskingprice,theoffer,and theirmarketcirculationconstitutedthevalueofthings. Withrespecttowealth,hesaidthatitsvalueisrelative. Sonoraisfilledwithrichveinsofgoldthatareworthnothingbecause thatwealthisabandonedanddoesnotcirculate.Thatglassofwaterthat costsnothinginthecitywillbeworthagreatdealinthedesert.Asavageexchangessumsofgoldforalittlebitofpowder. Thisdemonstratesthatthevalueofthingsdependsonmanycircumstances. Thatmetalsgooutandreturnonlyincashisnotaloss;itisanexchange,becausemoneyisanarticleofmerchandiselikeanyother. Thecommissionisaccusedofwantingtoprotectindividualinterests. Whatthecommissionwantsistoputintopracticetrulyprogressiveeconomicprinciplesand,indoingso,givelifetoanindustrythatistoday dead.Amineworked,whoseproductsenterintovastcirculation,will makeagricultureandotherbranchesofhumanindustryprogress,and thebenefitsareforallthepeople;whileifitsproductsare,asnow,unprofitable,paralysisdominatesalltherest.
Originaltitle:“Durantelaconsideracióndelasmedidasrestrictivasalalibertadde comercio”[pronunciadoenelCuartoCongresoConstitucional,durantelasesióndel 6deenerode1869].Source:PantaleónTovar,Historia parlamentaria del Cuarto Congreso Constitucional,vol.3(Mexico:ImprentadeIgnacioCumplido,1874). 324
freedomofCommerCe : 325
Wearenotamanufacturingoragriculturalcountry;weareamining country,andwemustgiveexpansionandflighttothewealthofoursoil. It is said that the benefit will be for foreigners. When one speaks ofpoliticaleconomy,therearenotMexicans,therearenotforeigners, therearenumbers;itamountstothesamehereasinFranceandEngland. Moreover,ifthebenefitisforforeigners,thetruthisthattheyarethe oneswhohavespentimmensesumstoworkourminesandthatmany havebeenruinedinthatspeculation. The speaker concluded by showing that export of precious stones isnotprofitableandbyrequestingthatCongressapprovetheproject underdiscussion.
3
On the Laws of Reform. Report on the Speech before Congress on April 28, 1873 debatinGthereporttoelevatethe lawSofreformtotheStatuSof ConStitutionalpreCeptS
CitizenPrieto:Sir,Iamcertainlysurprisedtoseethat thediscussionhasgoneawryandthatitisdesiredtodetermine,with respecttothisarticleandthecommittee’saddition,whetherthismatter isspecialorifitisaregulatorylaw.Assomereferencestohistoryare madeandothercircumstancesbroughtforwardthatdemonstratethe zealofsomerepresentativesinfavoroftheinterestsofthestates,allthis makesmecalltheattentionofthechambertothefactthatthisisnotone ofthoseordinarypiecesofbusiness;thisisnotapieceofbusinesswith whichonecandealbymeansofspecialcircumstancesandinaccordance withconstitutionallaws,butratherbymeansofhowitcameabouthistoricallyandsothatCongressunderstandswhatthenationdesires.The historicalconditionsareasfollows:WiththeConstitutionproclaimed intheyear1857,includingwithinitthedeclarationofthepoliticalrights ofthenation,aproblemofthehighestimportancelurkedintheshadows;theissuesdenominatedReformremained,asthoughasleepunder theburdenoftheadministrationthatfounditselfthenfacingthedestiniesofthecountry,goingdownaroadoftransitions.Theleaderofthe powerhimself,intimidatedbeforethegreatworkthatpresenteditself tohim,wentalongapathofdifficultiesanddangerswhoseonlyresults werehalf-concessions,wordsofdoublemeaning,socialerrorsthatsince thenhadtobeaccountedfortothenationafterhavingcosttorrentsof blood.TheConstitutionof1857hasveryseriousflawsbecauseitwas Originaltitle:“AldebatirseeldictamenparaelevaralrasgodepreceptosconstitucionaleslasLeyesdeReforma”[pronunciadoenelSextoCongresoConstitucional,durante lasesióndel28deabrilde1873].Source:Diario de los debates. Sexto Congreso Constitucional,vol.2(Mexico:ImprentaF.DíazdeLeónySantiagoWhite,1872). 326
onthelawSofreform : 327
simultaneouslyanexhortationoftherule,thedoctrine,andtheaxiom; itwastheconsecrationofthehistoricalantecedent;itwastheconsecrationoftheinnermostconvictionoftherepresentativesofthepeople. Forthatreasonthereismuchill-defined,muchgeneralizationinthe waytheconstitutionalarticlesweredrawnup,veryfewpreceptsthat havethecharacterofabsoluteimperativeasacodeshouldcontain.The countryprogressingthus,muchhadbeenwon,butthepoliticalrevolutionwasscarcelycompleted.Thenationalpartyhadasymbol;there wasnotyetroomforthesadlamentthattheliberalpartyhadnosymbol and that we were progressing without a compass amidst shadows andfanaticism,northatwefoundourselveswithoutdirectioninthe difficultconsiderationofthefateofthecountryinrelationtoitsfuture fortunes.Thissymbolicprogramhadbeenachieved.IntheConstitutionof1857thepoliticalmatterwastoalargedegreedealtwith,but asfortheclericalmatter,attentionwasrivetedonthismistake,onthis unfortunatemistakeofimmenseimportance.Thewealthofthenation wasthepropertyofcertainindividuals,butonlythoseindividualscould enjoytheirownproperty.Theseconcessionstoindividuals,inmoments whenthefamousgentlemanDonMiguelLerdowasattheheadofthe ministry,madetheReformdie,sotospeak.Theymadeitstumble,it remainedinimpossiblecontradictionandproducedalltheirregularities that some call the inconsistencies of the Revolution of 1857. The socialneedswereothers.Thesocialneedsrequiredtheproclamation ofagospelforhumanityinwhichcivilmarriagemightbeinstituted,in whichtheecclesiasticalbodieshadnowealth,inaword,theheighteningofcivilpower,theelevationofhumandignity,sothattheimmense horizonofprogressmightopenbeforetheeyesofthepatria.Thiswas theReform,andthisReform,bythenatureofthings,wasproclaimed onthefieldsofbattleatthesoundofanarsenal,aguncarriageserving manytimesasarostrum.Anditwasinfactproclaimedbythewillof thenation;itwasalawasgreatastheConstitution,asveneratedasit,as dogmaticasit,andasmuchconsideredthewillofthenationasit. Establishingaparallelbetweenthetwo,soastodeterminetowhich ofthetwopreferenceistobegiven,wouldbetoworkinaninconsistent way.TheConstitutionof1857hastherevolutionarytraditionandthe willofthepeople.TheLawsofReformhavetherevolutionarytradition andthewilloftheentirenation.Theonehasthelaurelcrownoftheparliamentarytriumphs,andtheotherhasthepalmcrownofthemartyrsof
328 : Guillermoprieto
ourindependence.Allthesecontradictions,alltheseparticularities,and thesethousandtriflesthatareweighingusdownhavethegrandeurof thewillofthenation,andonthispointofdepartureweshouldstand.To settheConstitutionagainsttheLawsofReform,toseekthiscontrapositioninthischildishgameofthegoverningarticlesofsecondarylaws,is towantwhatisalreadydonetobedone.Anditwasdonebyasupreme authoritythatwerepresentandtowhichwecannotbeopposed;thisis asiftowishthatwemighthavethelogicoftheschoolbutnotthelogic ofstatesmen.TheLawsofReformhavealoftinessasgreatastheConstitution;theLawsofReform,bytheverynatureofthings,havebeen embeddedintheConstitution,havebeenmadeapermanentpartofit. Theyhavebecomeinviolableandgreatinsuchawaythatwecannot makechangesinthemunlessitiswiththedangerofresurrectingthe civilwar. Forthesereasons,whenMr.LemushasaskedthattheLawsofReformformpartofthefundamentalcode,hehasnotnecessarilywanted themtofigureintoallandeachoneofthegoverningarticlesofthese LawsofReform.Hehasnotwanteditbecause,inscholasticterms,it wouldproduceadeformity,becauseoneisthepoliticalcodeandthe othersarethesecondaryprovisions.Thelegaldispositionprovidesthe rule,andthesecondaryprovisiondevelopstheidea.Theconstitutional dispositionmustbethepoliticalaxiom,andallthedetailsthedevelopmentoftheseoriginalideas.Itisfromthisthat,bythenatureofthings, Mr.Lemuswantedinthissixthsection[ofaconstitutionalarticle]that thegoverninglawsandthecomplementaryprovisionsoftheconstitutionalarticlesformpartoftheConstitutionasorganiclaws.Thiswas consistent with history, this was consistent with political principles, thiswastherigorouslogicaldeductionfromthoseantecedents;itwasto standinthetruepath,havingnothingtodowiththegoverningparticularitiesandthescholasticdiscussionsthathavesincearisen. WhatwasthepoliticalrationaleMr.Lemushadinmindtosupport theseprovisionsandtoregardthemasanarticleofourcode?Having saidthis,bydrawingthiscomparison,Iintendtobringtothechamber thetrueassessment,thecomparison,sothatitmightseewhatthelikenesswas,whattheresemblancewas,whatthesymmetryofsoundness, andwhatthereasonwas.Thereasoncannotbefoundinanywayinthe artificesofthesubterfugesofthelaws.Thereasonmustbesoughtin agreatpoliticalquestionthathastheauthorityofhistory,thehistoric
onthelawSofreform : 329
consecrationitmightcontain.Whatwasthereason?Theargumentis veryobvious.Thesedeclarations[theLawsofReform]havebeenmade onthefieldofbattleandbythemenwhoattainedthepalmofmartyrdominthestruggleofthe[warof]Reform.Theyhadcometocreate lawsthatwerenolongerdiscussedordisputedandthatthewillofthe entirenationhadalreadysetdown.Theselawscouldbedefectivein their details, some others in their form; but they were embedded in thesentimentofthepeopleinsuchaway,theylivedwiththeaffection andtendernessoftheentirenationinsuchaway,thatthewillofthe nationandnotoursiswhatmakesthemprevail.Toitsloftinessandits sublimity,andinnowaytoouraspirationsandtoourwishes,didthey oweitthiskindoffanaticism,thiskindofmonumentalexistencethat determinedhistoricfactsmusthaveandthatisconsidered,sotospeak, thegenealogyofthegloriesofanation.Thus,bytheconsentoftheentirenationtheLawsofReformhaveremainedundamaged.Theselaws, withouttramplingonanyright,withoutviolatinganyguarantee,with theconsentofthemenwhosealedtheReformwiththeirblood,are nowsetdownunharmedinthefundamentalcode.Theselaws,sir,are thehistoryofthesentimentsofallnations;thisisthehistoryofthemost profoundsacrifices;thisisthegenerationofideasthataroseinamysteriousandundefinedmannerintheheartofmanthatendupasthegoal towhichalltheiraspirationsaredirected;thisconstitutes,ifonewill, themysterious,indefinablereservoirthatiscreatingthegreatfountain ofthenationalityofapeoplethatrespectsitself,thatgrows,andthat strivesforitsfuture. What would we saytomorrow ifwe were to say to the Spaniards, breakupyourtreeofGuernica,destroythatrottenanddrytrunk,that rigidcadaverofthedesert,asCalderonsays.Theywilltellusno,becausehereisourglory,ourliberty.Whatwouldwesayifweweretold thatoneofourtownsismorebeautifulthananother:Tacubayahasmore fertility,forexample,hasmoreparks,moremansionsthanthehumble townofDoloreswherewecelebrateourindependence;soblotoutthe nameofDolores.No,sir,no,becausethereliesthecradleofourindependence,andwithitscrookedstreets,withitsshapelessnature,with allthisitconstitutesagreatness,aglory,apoetry,itisthepoetryofthe nation,andhowevermuchmightbesaidinitsgreatergood,itisthe beaconthatilluminatesthenation’sfuture.IndealingwiththeLaws of Reform we can no longer change anything because it is no longer
330 : Guillermoprieto
debatable,becausetheyweresealedwiththebloodofourmartyrs,becausewhenonedealswiththemthereappearsthebraveryofLeón,the heartofOcampo,thebrilliantoratoryofArriaga,theinvinciblespirit ofDegollado,theirreproachableprobityofZamora,becausewehave intheLawsofReformthegenealogyofthegreatesteventsofourhistory,becausewefeelourselvesbeingstirredbythegloryofthemenof 1857.(Applause)Totakethisaway,destroyit,breakit,humiliateit,are mattersofchicanery.(Applause)No,byGod,letusnottouchthesacrosanctLawsofReform,whicharethegloryofourpatria.(Frenetic applause)[...]. Sir,IwillbebriefinwhatIamgoingtoexplaintoCongress,andI cannothaveabetterintroduction,becausethechamberisverytired. ThegentlemanwhowasthepreviousspeakerhassaidthattheLawsof Reformcannotbeconsideredconstitutionalandcannotbeincludedin theConstitution.NeitherthecommitteenorthoseofuswhohavedefendeditsreportwantthemtobeincludedintheConstitution.Wedo notwanttoaddthemtotheConstitution,nordowewanttocreatea codeofathousandandsomearticles;wewantonlythattheyappearin theConstitutionasconstitutionallaws.Noconstitutionallawformspart oftheConstitution.TheConstitutioncontainsthepoliticalprinciples necessaryforthepublicpowerstofunction,markingtheirorbitsand keepingthemfromclashingwitheachother.Theothersarethesecondarylaws,theunfoldingofthepreceptstheConstitutioncontains,and theydonotformpartofit,theyarenotindivisible.SoIdonotbelieve thatthelearnedMr.GarcíadelaCadenainpresentingthisdistortion hasjudged,inaconsistentway,eitherthesentimentsofthecommittee orthedefensethatthoseofuswhoareinagreementwithitsideashave made. Mr.GarcíadelaCadenahassaid:“Iftheselawsaresetdownbythe people,whyshouldwemakeaninnovationthatcouldbecomedangerous?”Thisinnovationismade,sir,becauseoncetheLawsofReformare declaredconstitutional,becauseoncewrittendowninthecode,itisan inevitableconsequencethattheseLawsofReformwillhavetorunthe samefateastheConstitution.Beingsuperimposedonit,beingmade morepowerfulthantheConstitutionitself,theywillhavebeenconstitutednotinanuncertainsituation,butasasocialcomplementtothe politicalcode. ForthisreasontheLawsofReformmustrunthesamecourse.This
onthelawSofreform : 331
isthepowerfulreasonwhytheindividualswhohavesoughttheconsecrationoftheprinciples ofreformhavewantedthatthegoverning partofthesearticlesnotbesubjecttovicissitudes,leavingtheminthe categoryofsecondarylaws.Whathashappened,sir,infact?Thatindefendingtheprerogativesofthestates,theLawsofReformhavebeen thwarted.Whathashappenedtothealienationofthelandsthatwere for the Indians? What would happen to public worship entrusted to specifiedauthorities?Believingitwouldbeamatteroftheirjurisdiction,theywoulddestroythesecurityoftheprinciplesofreform.These principlescouldbeterminatedorcompletelyrejected,andwehaveto bemostcautiousonthispoint,becauseitisamatterthat,havingproclaimedtolerance,wemustrespectthemanifestationofthistolerance, butwemusttakecarealwaysthattheydonotfightagainstusandtake our sword by the fist to wound the heart of the institutions we have wishedtosave.Why,sir?Becauseitisnotpossiblethat,onceaspecific libertyisproclaimed,weseekthethousandwaysthatthebeliefshave to work with specific political aspirations; it is not possible for us to establishapolicyoftheconfessional;itisnotpossiblethatwecarryour gazetotheinteriorofconsciences;itisnotpossiblethatweputspecific preachingsthatareinconformitywiththeinterestsoftheclergyinharmonywiththeprinciplesofReformthatproclaimtheguaranteesofall opinion. Todetachtheconstitutionalprinciplesalreadyacceptedbythecommitteefromthelawsthatestablishregulationsforthemwastorepudiate thesuccessoftheReformwiththepretextofthestates,regainingthe libertytheConstitutiongivesthem.ThestateswouldmakeoftheConstitutionaninstrumenttodestroytheReform.Hereiswhy,sir,those whohavedefendedthereportandthegentlemenofthecommitteehave wantedtomakeindivisibletheconstitutionalprinciplesandtheregulatorymatter,markinginaperfectwaywhatwasconstitutionalprecept andwhatwasgoverningmatter. Tomakesynonymsoftheword“Constitution”andtheword“regulating”seemstometoseekdeliberatelyareasontodistortthematter. Thesereasonsseemtomesoconclusivethattheywillremoveevery oneofMr.GarcíadelaCadena’sscruples.Mr.GarcíadelaCadenahas saidthatwearegoingtoputintothefundamentalcodeathousandand somearticlesthattheLawsofReformcontain.Thisisnottrue;whatwe havewantedisthattheybeofficiallyrecordedasgoverningarticlesof
332 : Guillermoprieto
theconstitutionallaw.Wehavenotwantedeventheexplanatoryparts thattheLawsofReformcontaintobedeclaredconstitutionalarticles. NeitherhavewewantedcompletelawstocometoformpartoftheConstitution,becausethiswasdivergentfromtheConstitution;itwasto passovertheConstitutionwithouttakingitintoaccountonasubject approvedanddeliberatedbytherevolutionarymatter.Thiswaswhat Mr.GarcíadelaCadenashouldhavekeptinmind. Whetherthereweremanyorfewarticles,wehavetopassbythem becauseitwouldbeasubterfugeofbadlawtodiscussthemnow.ToapproachthematteroftheLawsofReform,itisnecessarytothinkabout howdelicatethissubjectis,becauseinthismatterofrightsandliberties,weareconstantlyconspiringagainsttheseveryliberties.Weinthe powersofthestatesseeaconspiracyagainsttheLawsofReform;under thepretextofspecificrightsforspecificclassesweareacceptingapermanentconspiracyinourownbosomagainstthedeclarationstheliberalpartyhasmade.WeareplacingtheflagofReformincontraposition totheprinciplesofliberty,andwehaveabsolutelynomeanstodefend ourselves,andwearesucklingthatterriblesocialhydra,thatterrible hydrathattomorrowwewouldhavetodrownoncemoreinblood,and thisagainstallthesetriflesthatarebeingplacedonus.Weareseeingthe resurrection of fanaticism, of backward movement and evils without number,stillshelteredbythealtarandclericalprerogatives.Weareseeingtheattemptoftheterriblereaction,thereactionthatstrivestoward infamyasafinaloutcome.Theclericalpartybelievesthatitstilllives, theclericalpartybelievesthatitstillcandominatetheliberalparty,the clericalpartywantsustobowbeforethecrisistoseeiftheycouldsacrificeus.Oneisthepoliticalissueofthecountryandtheotheristheclear andfinalissue;oneisthepharisaicalandformulaicissue,andtheother isthephilosophicalissue;oneisthedishonestandridiculousissue,and theotheristheissueofthefutureofthepatria.Thosewhowantthis future,thosewhoseekitswell-being,shouldvoteforthearticleunder discussion.
4
On Reforms to the Law of Public Instruction. Report on the Speech before Congress on January 2, 1874
Citizen Prieto: In such moments of necessity as the present,adiscussionisbegunthatpositivelyconcernsthefutureofthe Republicandthatinallcountriesoftheworldhasbeentheobjectof attentionofparliamentsinordertoachievethefutureprosperityofthe nation.Thepresentmatterisofthehighestimportance,andIcouldnot havebeenmoresurprisedtoheartheargumentthatoneoftheprevious speakershasgiven,declaringthatthecommitteehadnoreasonwhatsoeverforhavingsubmitteditsnewreportoncecertainfoundationswere inagreementwiththeopinionoftheexecutive. This is not true. In sections VI and VII of Article 70 of the Constitution,itsaysthatifaprojectiscontestedcompletelyorinpart,a newreportsubjecttodiscussionmightbedraftedwiththeobjectiveof seekingallthewisdom,allthestudy,thatisindispensablewhenhewho hasknowledgeofthefacts,hewhohasadefiniteawarenessofhowthe lawwasbroughtabout,mustbebroughtintoagreementsothatthelaw mighthaveeveryprobabilityofsuccess.Soitwillnotbestrangethatthe committeeentersintothediscussionofarticlesthathavenotbeenimpugnedbytheexecutiveandofsomeotherarticlesthat,withouthaving beenchallengedbytheexecutive,comeupinthereport.Asadandpainfulexperiencehasopenedoureyestothedirectionthelawofpublicinstructionmightfollowregardingtheplanswehaveproposedindirectingthefateoftheyouth. Itseemstomethatthefirstfoundationaffirmsthevictorythatthe Constitutionwantedtomake,thatofinstructionbeingfree. Everyonehastheabilitytoteach,everyonethatoflearning,sothe Originaltitle:“SobrereformasalaLeydeInstrucciónPública”[pronunciadoenel SéptimoCongresoConstitucional,durantelasesióndel2deenerode1874].Source: Diario de los debates, Séptimo Congreso Constitucional,vol.1(Mexico:ImprentaF.Díazde LeónySantiagoWhite,1874). 333
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businessofpublicinstructionshouldnotbeabusinessofdeterminate persons.Publicinstructionisareligionofconscience,thisistheunanimousviewinallnations,itdoesnotbelongtoanyperson,itdoesnot belongtodeterminateindividuals,itisstrictlyamatterofhumanityin whichthefateofthepatriatakesinterest. Itistherightofthechild,whichwehavethedutytodemandatthis rostrum;itisthehighest,themostsublimeofthesocialmattersthatcan bepresentedforourscrutiny. Iwouldliketobringtomyconscienceallthelaws,purifymylipsas didtheprophets,andtouchtheheartsofthecitizendeputies,because thisisthegreatestmatterthatcanbepresented. Toguaranteefreedomofinstruction,toconvertthepromiseofthe Constitutionintotruth,isatriumphforhumanreason,itisaneternal breakwithbackwardmovement. Unfortunately,sir,proceedingaswearedoingisnotthemostproper way.Wearenotincompleteagreementwiththepointofviewofthe executive,sotheadditionofanarticleinwhichitisstatedthatthelaw returns to our scrutiny with the goal that ourconscience be tranquil seemsverygoodtome.Why?BecausealthoughtheConstitutionproclaimslibertyofinstruction,thislibertyisthwartedbysadexperience. Onesayslibertyofinstruction.Thatistosaythateveryone,whereverandhoweverandinthetimethatdoingsomightbepossible,inthe manneritisconvenient,canpickupinstruction,andthatthestatehas thedutytorespectknowledgethathasbeenobtainedinthemidstof theoccupationsofthecountryside,inthemidstoftheroadways,inthe midstofthedeepestmisery,orinthemidstofthemostmajesticmansions. The hour, the plan, the regulation, this last is a passport so that knowledgemightbereapedbyanymanwhohasthenecessarycomprehensions,inaword:beheastrangertolearning,bethereobstacles,be itthattheknowledgeisnotforeveryone.Thusitisthatinthisfirstpart, itappearsthattheintentistodestroyallthoseobstaclestheregulation poses. Thereisanindividualwhohasnotwishedtobetestedinanything whatsoever,andwhoonedaywantstoacquirethetitleoflawyer,taking thefourorfiveexams.Hemustbeadmittedtoexaminationwithout anyonehavingtoknowwherehehasacquiredtheknowledge,whethera villageschoolteacherhastaughthim,whetheranoldwomanwhomight
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havesomeknowledge.Whatfallstousistoappraisethisknowledge,respectitasitis,andacceptallthosewhomightbeworthyofthescientific fellowship. Sothisentirefirstpartofthereport,asweunderstandit,doesnot havethenecessaryfeaturessolongasithasnotseepedintotheheartsof allinhabitantstobearfruit.Solongasthisisnotso,freeinstructionis anillusionandalie,andwecannotproceedinagreement,understandinginstructionasthelight,astheairthatthelungsofhumanitybreathe, andtheMinistryofJusticespeakingtoundermineit,puttingobstacles beforethosewhodonothavetherequirementsandknowledgedrawn upaccordingtothelaw. Thusitisthatinthisfirstpartthereisnogreaterobjectiontomake thantorecallthelastsuggestionthatCitizenPachecohasmade.Asfor thesecondsection[oftheproposedlaw],Ihavesaidthatasadexperiencehasmadeusdistrustfulaboutwhatwouldbetheresultofthissecondfoundation,whichsaysthis:“Dividestudiesintogeneralsecondary schoolsandspecialsecondaryschools.” Whenthediscussionbetweenusbegan,anattemptwasmadetocreateanantagonismbetweenthoseofuswhowantedanendtospecific hindrancesandthosewhodemandedacertaintypeofknowledge.As Congresswillremember,thereweresomemomentsinthediscussion when, as though in the midst of a storm, things moved uncertainly, bringingonealmosttodoubtwhethertheplanwasunderdiscussion. Wehavewantedoneoftwosystemsbefollowed:eitheracquirespecific knowledge to pursue professional studies, or the other system, whichconsistsofformingadepositoryofallpossiblehumanknowledgesothateveryonemighthaveaccesstoitanditbewithinthereach ofalllevelsofintelligence. Toproceedinthisway,wehadtokeepinmindthat,howevermuch inGermanyandinEnglandasystemofinstructionisfollowedinwhich specialknowledgeflowsfromthefirstbasicprinciples,howevermuch in Germany there might be another system of instruction leading to thecompletionofspecialschools,howevermuchintheUnitedStates thesuccessofasystemofinstructionwithpoliticalknowledgehasbeen achieved,weseeknotasystembutaroute,asuredirection,withthegoal ofnotgoingastraywitheithertheprinciplesofencyclopedismorthe oldexclusivity.Thematteroftheoldexclusivityhasbeendebatedsince theendoftheeighteenthcentury.Itwillberememberedthat,because
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oftheexigenciesofthestudies,theadvantagesofknowledgeinmenbecameclear;intelligencetograspallknowledge,tograspallthesuccesses, inordertodiscoverallthehorizons,inordertoletthesoulsoarinto theinfiniteofitsbeingwasmadeknown.Butthen,aftermanydebates, thesetwoschoolshaveappeared:onethatmakesthestudyofmathematicsandpracticalknowledgenecessary,andtheotherthatseekshuman knowledgeinmoralscienceandmetaphysics. Wellthen,sir,wemoveawayfromthesetwosystems.Withouttaking partourselvesinsuchaheateddiscussionabouttheknowledgethatcan becalledpurelyscholastic,Iwouldhavedesired,followingtheUnited Statesforexample,thatchildrenhavetheaptitudeforbeinggoodcitizens, that democracy be converted into a reality, that men by means oftheirwisdomcometofulfillthosefunctionsonwhichthefutureof nationsdepends.Thechildforminghisinterestsintheschool,thechild acquiringspecificpracticalknowledge,thechildacquiringthequalityof beingandhisindividualdignitywastherepublicanwholaterruledthe fateofhispatria;hewasthemanwhothrewawaythetailor’sshearsto graspthereinsofgovernment;hewasthemanwholeftthefieldofthe farmtobecalledGrand,theredeemerofhumanity. Thus we understand the school, and thus we seek specific knowledgeinwhatiscalledpoliticalinstructionandinwhatthebeneficent influenceofdemocracyprovides.Butthewayinwhichthearticlehas been written means this: it means moving backward from what has beencalledthepreparatoryschool;itmeansthisconfusion,thiscorrupt whirlpoolofknowledge. Wedonotwant,likethefatherofthefamily,tohaveaboywhonarratesafablebymemory;nordowewantdilettantes.Whatwewantis thateveryonehavethehumanknowledgethatistaught,somelanguages, thatallknowledge,allthewealthofhumanknowledge,beaninexhaustibletorrentofenlightenment,and,fromthiswhole,theknowledgeindispensableforallcareersbeextracted.Thisiswhathasbeendesired. Wewant,forexample,whatisdoneinapharmacy,whereeverytypeof medicineismade,andtheseareappliedtodifferentillnessesaccording towhatthemakersadvise.Ifthereispainintheside,amedicineisapplied,andifthereisanothertypeofpain,anothertypeofmedicineis applied. Thesamehappensinaprinter’sshop;thereareperiods,commas,and
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lettersdistributedamongallthecases,andwhentheyareneeded,the appropriatetypesaretakenbutnotall. Ifthearticleisnotrewrittenandspecifiedinacertainway,aneducationalinstitutionwillbeestablishedwhereallhumanknowledgeiscultivatedandwherespecificknowledgeisstipulatedforcertaincareers; aslongasthearticleisnotwritteninthisway,wewillreturntoourold disputes,wewillreturntohearingaclamoragainstthereactionariesand overwhetherknowledgeisuseful. Noonecandoubtthis;norcananyonedisputeprogressorknowledge.Wearesufficientlyexperiencedtoseekthetruth;thisisthework ofaCongress.Soitseemstomethatthesecondofthefoundations,if itdoesnothaveanapplication,isindangeroffallingagainintotheunhappinessthatthechamberhaswishedtoeliminateforthegoodofthe youth. Anotherofthemattersthathasbeenputintothepresentreportis thefollowing:secondaryeducationwillbefree,uniform,andobligatory.Uniformityreferstoestablishingoneormorenormalschoolsfor teachers.Herethematterofprimaryinstructionandthematterofsecondaryinstructionareconfused,tomywayofseeing.Primaryinstructionisindispensableforthehappinessofthepeople,fordemocracy,and fortherealizationoftheirideasofliberty.Referencetothisprimary instructionismadeasifbychance,andformeitisofsuchimportance andofsuchhighconsequencethatthesacrificeofsecondaryinstruction candefinitelybemadeprovidedprimaryinstructionisspreadeverywhere.Thisissotruethat,whenthissubjecthasbeendiscussed,what hasbeendesiredisthatinstructionbespreadeverywhere,thatnomeans beomitted,thatbymeansofitinerantteachers,bymeansoforalclasses, inwhateverway,instructionbespread. WhentheEmperorIturbideenteredtriumphant,heunderstoodthe importanceofinstruction,andhedesignatedDr.Moraforthiswork, andhesaid:Doctor,wearegoingtocreateinstructionbecauseitisnecessary.Thiswassaidintheyear1824;afterward,whenintheyear1853, point of departure for the Reform in the time of Farías and Atilano Sánchezandvariousotherswhoheadedpublicinstruction,thesefathers ofinstructionsaid:Primers,notguns,iswhatwehavetosendtothe people. SoourCongressbeingsodiligent,ourgovernmentbeingsoperse-
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vering,weweretakingthefirststepswithrespecttoprimaryinstruction.Iwouldwishthattheconditionsforprimaryinstructionmightbe basedonthisfoundation. Thematterofprimaryinstructionhasbeenraised,thematterthat eventodayhasbeentheobjectofveryspecialstudyespeciallyinFrance when,afterthedisastersFrancehassuffered,inthemidstofthedebris oftheCommune,cryingoverruinedbuildings,inthemidstofthesecircumstances,eyeshavebeenturnedinaverypreferentialwaytopublic instruction.Therehasbeenamanwhohasdedicatedhimselftopublic instruction,whohascreatedasortofCongress,wherethenoteworthy personagesoftheacademiesofsciencemeet,andinthisassemblyone dealswiththematterofwhetherthefathersofthefamilyhavethespecificobligationtoprovideeducationtotheirchildreninacertainway, providingthemwithinstructionasifitwerecorporalbread. Butatwhatpointcanthegovernmententerintothedomestichome? Canitsearchliketheonewhoremediesanevil,liketheonewhoenters toremovearottingbody,becausethatishowthemanwhodepriveshis childrenofallsocialgoodsmustbeconsidered,puttingobstaclesinthe wayofthedevelopmentoftheirintelligence,likethatweightthatitis saidtheAbbotFariahadononeofhisfeet,whichtrappedhiminthe depthsoftheseanomatterhowmuchofanefforthemadetorise? This is the ignorance of five million men who turn liberty and progressintofutility. Howdoweconceiveofuniformityofinstruction?TousitisnotimportantthatsomelearnlogicthroughBalmesandothersthroughMill. Whatisimportanttousisthat,insayingthatoneknowslogic,itbe true.Thisisanotherofthedifficulties,andtheprincipaldifficultywith orallessonsisthespeaking,thepreachingofknowledge;orallessonsare principlesthrowntoallthewinds.Thosewhoaregreatlyenamoredof thebrillianceoftheeloquenceofanorator,howisapersongoingtobe examinedonorallessons? Nothinghasbeentoucheduponmorethoroughlythantariffs;everyonehasputhisfivesensesintothismatter,yetitisnotpossiblethat thereareeventhreedeputieswhocantakeanexaminationonit. Orallessonsarepublicityforknowledge,creatingarevolutionregardinghistory.OrallessonsareGuillaumengivinghisdoctrines;oral lessonsarethewisemenseducingwiththeirwords,attractingthemulti-
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tudewiththeireloquencetotheterrainofknowledge.Thenonewhois movedgoestoseekknowledge. Itcannotbedonethiswaywithorallessons.Howdoesonetakeanexaminationonorallessons?Intheorallessontheprofessorstrutsabout, praiseshimselfforthetriumphsheobtainswithhisword. Thusitisthatorallessonsaregiventotheentiresecularandsacred worldsothatthelightofknowledgemightenlighteneveryone,dispellingtheshadowsofignorance,thateveryonemightenjoyitsbeneficent influence,thateveryonemightfeelinhisbrainthefreshauraofknowledge,thathemightsenseinhisintellectthematernalkissofscientific education. Verygood,sir,perfectly,butwithinacollegewheredegreesaregoing tobeissued,whereresponsibilitiesaregoingtobeenteredinto,this cannotbe.Ibegthecommitteethatitamenditsreportinthesensewe havediscussed,andif,byanychance—whichIdonotexpectbecause thepersonswhomakeupthecommitteeareveryintelligent—ifbyany chance,Irepeat,itdoesnotacceptoursuggestions,thenwewillnotfollowthecommitteeonthepathithastaken. Afinalpointremainswhich,becauseitistroublesome,Ihaveleft untillast.Itisaboutthematterofthegoverningboard.Iwillnotmake allusiontoanyofthepersonswhomakeupthegoverningboard.They areformeveryrespectable,verybelovedpersons,soIwillnotspeak aboutpersons.Thegoverningboardshouldbeabolishedbecauseitis useless,becauseitisahindrance,andbecause,iftomorrowtherewere not a staff member like the current one, it would be infinitely more harmfulfortheyouth.Isay,sir,thatitisuselessbecausethisboarddoes notdeliberateforitself,becausethisboardhastolimititsregulations, becausethisboarddoesnotexerciseitspowers.Itisaboardthathasall theconditionsforbadandnoneforgood.Itisaboardthatcanregulate; itisaboardthatcancreateallkindsofhindrances.Ofalltheuseless bodies,itisaboardthatdoeseverythingsuchbodiesdo.Thesebodies have one standing order to enter the house, another to carry a dress sword,anothertotakethefork,anothertowhisper,inshort,abodyof regulationsthathasnoimportancewhatsoeverbecauseofthenatureof thematters,themoresotothedegreethatitisnotmadeupoflegalexpertslikeJustinian,ofdoctorslikeHippocrates,becausealltheirlabors arereducedtodirectingcopiedcommunicationstoyoufortheconse-
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quentends,andthesessionsoftheboardareuseless.Sowehaveten callusesonthehandandtheyplaceonusonlyfive,buttheyaredouble insizeoftheothers.Inasmuchasthereportthecommitteepresentsus isnotacceptable,IrequesttheChambertodeclareitwithoutreasonto vote.[...] Citizen Prieto:Iwouldhavenoobjectionatalltoputupagainstthe briefwordsofthepreviouscitizenspeakerifhehadnotexpresseda doubtthatabsolutelymakesitimpossibleforustogivehimthisvoteof confidencetoacertainextentverynecessaryforthecommittee. Iftheideaisdiscardedthatthereportreturnforthereviewofthe chamber;ifwe,afterrelinquishingourpowers,donothaveanyopportunitytoseewhetherweareinagreementwiththeexecutiveornot,for thisthepreviouscitizenspeakerwillseethatitisimperativetoinsist thatthelawcomebackforthereviewofCongress. On the other hand, although my observations have been directed especiallyatspecificarticleswiththeobjectiveoffosteringamplificationsormodificationstothesesamearticles,nonetheless,regardingthis it seemed to me more agreeable to make all the observations so that whatevercorrectionsmightbenecessarybemade,ortomakesevenor eightadditionsafterthelawisdeclaredwithtimetovote.Forthisreason,itisnotpossibleformetoacceptthesuggestionthatismadetome, notwithstandinghispromisesthatformecarrymuchweight,andperhapstheywillconvincemetovoteinfavorofthereportifIhavethe guaranteethatoneofthemembersofthecommitteehasgivenme. Withmuchemotion,withgenuinesorrow,Iamgoingtomakesome observationstoCitizenFríasySoto,moreasatestimonytorespectfor hisopinionsthanbecauseIbelieveminehavemorestrengththanhis,he beingapersonofsuchtalent,andifIinsistontheobservationsIhave madepreviously,itisbecauseinmyhumbleopinionhehasdistorted whatIhavesaidintheheatofhisextemporization. Noonespokehereaboutthefirstarticle,absolutelynoone,soitisto havesuchastrongchampioninacausethathasabsolutelynoreasonfor existing.Noonemadeobjectionstothefirstarticleandconsequentlyto theconstitutionalarticle,andifnoobjectionsweremadewithrespect tothelibertyofprofessions,itisbecausethereisveryadvancedworkon thissubject. IamsorrytoremindCitizenFríasySotothatthegentlemenDublán, Saborío,andIaretheauthorsofthisplanwiththegoalofseekingthe
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advancementofyouth,thatwehadasafoundationwhattheprevious citizenspeakerjustasserted,thatitisnotpossibleforhumanintelligencetoencompassallbranchesofhumanknowledgeintheirentirety. A short time ago, absolutely nothing was known about the life of insects; today, with the discovery of the microscope, this matter has changedcompletely.Afewyearsagothetwitchingofafrogonarailing arousedGalvani’sfirstawarenessofgalvanism,andwiththisthehosanna totheLordoftheHeavenscanbesunginthedepthsofthewaves. Wehavenotwantedtoputalimitonthesciences,wehavewanted, intreatingofinstruction,torespectallhumanknowledge,andmight CitizenFríasySotoallowustocometoanagreementsothatInotbean adversaryofapersonIesteem. WhenIhavespokenofprimaryinstructioninMexico,Ihavenot spoken of examinations but rather of other things, because notwithstandingthekeendesireofthemunicipality,notwithstandingthededicationofthegovernment,notwithstandingthatwecansaywithpride thatwespendmorethanthreemillionpesos,asintheepochofsome administrations,notwithstandingthis,thereareverygreatvoids,voids thatCitizenFríasySotoknowsbetterthanIbecausemybaptismalfaith hasamuchearlierdate,tomymisfortune.SoitisthatCitizenFríasy Soto,whilehemighttellmethatthechildrenareeducatedwellandin greatnumbers,Iwillsaytohimthatthereareschoolswherethereseems tobesufficientroomforallthepupils,asinBitternessStreet,1where thereseemstoberoomformorethantwohundredchildren,whoare notbeingeducatedbutareonlybecomingillinthisovenofhumanflesh thatiscalledschool. There are a multitude of schools like the one I have mentioned, which,becauseofthelatesteffortsofCitizenFríasySoto,haveanendowmentoftwenty-fivetothirtypesos. CitizenFríasySotoknowsthatthereareschoolswherethechildren havetorelievethemselvesattheentrancetotheclassrooms,anditseems tomethatitisnotoneofthebestexamplesofmoralitytoofferthose 1.InSpanish,calle de la amargura[“traerporlacalledelaamargura”],accordingto Christiantradition“BitternessStreet,”wasthepathJesuswalkedwiththecrossduring oneofthecruelestmomentsofhispassion.SincetheMiddleAgesithasbeencommon tousetheexpressiontodepictfigurativelyapainfulanddesperatesituationcreatedby theactionsofothers.(Editor’snote)
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pictures(laughter)totheviewofpassersby,withadifferentsystemof teachingthatmakesimpossiblethatpublicinstructionhaveitsproper development.Andinthis,CitizenFríasySotomustrememberthatthe word “centralization” in dealing with public instruction is a genuine blasphemy,becauseinstructionmustbeforeveryone,andthisisatrue democracy.Thisisperfectlyunderlinedbytheprinciplethatsaysthe governmenthasnomoreobligationthantosettheconditionsforthe developmentofthenaturalelementsofthepeople. Thisiswhattheyhavetodo.Governmentsdonoteducate,neither dogovernmentshaveheart,noraregovernmentsanythingbuttheconserversofsociety,whichhavetoprovideconditionsoflifeforthedevelopmentoftheelementsofsociety;theymustprovidepeace,justice, order, and liberty, and these are the conditions that the government musthave. Inthemomentwhenitisdesiredthatagovernmentsupport,thata governmentintrudeineverything,libertyisdead,individualinitiative islost,menareminors,theyhavethelibertyoftyrannybecausetheydo notknowliberty.Thisisadministrativecentralization;itisnotliberty asdemocraticpeopleshaveunderstoodit. IntheUnitedStatesthechildisplacedinconditionssuitableforbecomingacitizen.Thischildhashisflagtoattendfestivities.Theday whenagreatoratorspeaks,thechildrengotothechambertolistento him.Theygivethehistoryoftheircountryinfrontofthemonuments ofWashington. Thisisthepeople,thisisliberty,thisisdemocracy;andthisliberty, freeasthewind,asthought,asGod,isnotthetext;theyarenottheauthors.Fromthemomentthereisatext,fromthemomentarestrictionis placed,fromthismomentthesafeguardoflibertyofinstructionisbroken;fromthisverymomenttheseedsofthelifeofmanareblunted. Howdoesintelligenceproceed?Itproceedseitherbyhypothesisor byexperience.Whatisthehistoryofhumandiscoveries?Didindustry perhaps flourish when men were dominated and reduced to slavery? Thesamecanbeaskedaboutcommerceandagriculture;advancements donotdatefromtheepochofoppression. Thisistheemancipationofthegovernment.Thegovernmentguides, develops, protects, butthegovernment doesnotoppose, because the contrarypositionisthebackwardnessofthepeople,sothatwhatCiti-
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zenFríasySotohassaidaboutthissubjectoftheadministrativecentralizationaccordswithmyideas. CitizenFríasySotosaidthatIhavetriedtosatisfywhatinthematter ofprimaryinstructioninMexicoareprecariousconditionsbecausethey donothavetheirproperfulfillment.Whenonewantstomakeobligatoryeducationinsometownsthatdonothavealltheelements,oneis followingamisconception.InGermanyeducationisobligatoryinsome principalitiesandinothersisnot.
5
On Freedom to Work. Report on the Speech before Congress on November 5, 1874
Citizen Prieto:Gentlemen,Iamgoingtofollow,with thethoroughnessthatispossibleforme,theyoungoratorwhohasjust spoken,makinguseofhisexcellentmethodandwiththeconfidence thatisinspiredbysuchagentlemanlyandloyaladversaryashetowhom ithasfallentometooppose. Letusreadtheconstitutionalarticle.Itstates: Everymanisfreetotakeontheindustryorlaborthatsuitshim, beingusefulandhonest,andinordertoavailhimselfitsprofits. Neithertheonenortheothercanbeprevented,exceptbyjudicialrulingwhenheattackstherightsofathird,orbygovernmental resolutionpronouncedinthetermsthatthislawdesignateswhenhe offendsmembersofsociety. Toexplainthisarticle,theregulationwedebatesays:“Thefactofnot workingisnotacrime,”andthepresentquestionislimitedtothis;that is,todiscoverwhetherornotvagrancyisacrime. Acrimeisthebreakingofthelaw,andthisprincipleissoabsolute thatthereisnocrimewhatsoeverpriortothedesignationofthelaw;the crimearisesfromthelaw,thelawcreatesit,sothat,tobeginbyjudging vagrancyasifitweremadebydeclarationofthelawisaflawinlogicthat pervertsthematter. Wearenowaregoingtomakelawindependentlyofalltraditionand alllegislation;nothingofthatexistsforus.Preliminarytothatlawisthis question:Shouldweconsidervagrancyacrime?
Originaltitle:“Sobreelproyectodelibertaddetrabajo”[pronunciadoenelSéptimo CongresoConstitucional,durantelasesióndel5denoviembrede1874].Source:Diario de los debates, Séptimo Congreso Constitucional,vol.3(Mexico:ImprentaF.DíazdeLeóny SantiagoWhite,1874). 344
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WhicharticleoftheConstitutionimposestheobligationordutyto work?Which?None. So,notworking,thesimplefactofnotworking,isnotacrime. Thearticle,inthelastanalysis,respectstherightofchoiceofwork. Itrespectsthefreewillofman,withoutwhichalllibertyischimerical andconsciencebecomesinconceivable.Butthearticlesupposesthewill towork;ifhedoesnothavethatwill,hisrightisrespectedalso,because withoutthosetwophasesofthewill,theexistenceoflibertyisnotpossible.Why,then,theanathemasfortheexerciseofaperfectright?Can itnotbeseenthattheideasoffreechoiceandobligatory workareincompatible? Therightinthiscaseistheconsecrationoffull,absoluteliberty,as mustbeinorderthatitexistcomplete,withoutconditions;andthatlibertydisappearstheinstantworkisimposedbyforce. Whatwouldwesayifwehadthelibertytospeakbutnottokeep quiet,tomoveanarmbutnottoholditinrepose,toopentheeyesbut nottoclosethem?Libertyisthesuppressionofallbondsthatarenot thosethatguaranteethelibertyofothers.Obligationisalinkthattightens.Toconfusetheonewiththeotheristorushheadlongintoabsurdity. Withthelibertyofmanconsecrated,withmanfreetochoosetowork ornot,ifhedoesnotoptforthefirstofthese,whyconsiderhimcriminal?Howtotellhim,first,youarefreetochoosetheroadyoulike,but ifyoudonotchoosesomeroadIwillpunishyou?Whowouldbesatisfiedwhentheysaytohim,youcandowhatyouthink,andthenawaken himwithblows,becausesub pectoretheonewhomadetheproposalkept secrettheintentionofnotlettinghimsleep? To enlarge on these ideas as the regulation does is not to confuse themorpervertthemorcorruptthem;itistoperfectthem.Inthecriticalsense,intheliterary,theexplanationwillberedundantbutnotincongruous.Beingexplained,thearticleisstrengthened,itismademore practical.Atthesametimeasitbreakswithtradition,itrecognizesliberty,givingtoeachpersonresponsibilityforhisactions. Nottoexplainitistoleaveitsdevelopmentexposedtothecontingenciesoftradition;itwouldinevitablycomethroughpersecutionof leisuretoobligatorywork,totheorganizationoflabor,totherightto work,tothenationalworkshop,tosocialism;thatistosay,toareactionaryrevolution,highlydisastrousandunconstitutional,tothesubstitutionofforceforliberty,ofparamountorderforindividualeffort,tothe
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gendarmeasanactiveexpedientofsocialprogressinsteadofnatureand theinterestinpreservation. Lookingoverhistory,althoughverysuperficially,wefindleisuredemandedasarightoftheprivilegedcastesofnobles,priests,andwarriors; work offended, anathematized, considered degrading and relegatedtotheplebeianandtheslave. ThusGreekwritersofloftiestrenownheapedrealcursesonmanual labor:PlatoandXenophoninGreeceaswellasCiceroinRome.Even tradeenteredintothatexcommunication,andonlyCarthageseemsto defytheuniversalprejudices. Greco-Romancivilizationissaturatedwiththatspirit,andtheslave revoltsandmassdesertionoftheeternalcitybytheplebeiansinorder tosituatethemselvesontheSacredHillarenothingmorethanattempts atemancipation,effortstodivorceworkfromabjectslavery. InthewarlikeMiddleAges,theslavewaslittlemorethanabeast.The feudallordeitherlivedfromthebootyoftheenemyorfromthework ofhisslaveorbybeggingforhissubsistencewithaswordinhishand. Inthoseconqueststhemanwhoworkedforhimselfwas,fortheconquistador,likeacompleteoaf,vaco vacante,andthiswascalledvagrant orvagrancyafterward. Theemancipationoftheslaves,theaffluenceofthenewcomerswho inundated Europe after the Crusades, the woes that these swarms of adventurersproducedmadetheideaofvagrancyadhereindivisiblyto bothersomebeggingandharmful,badamusement;andsotheideashave sincebeenconfoundedinhistory,inthelaws,andevenincommonlanguage.Vagrancywasinfactmadeblameworthy;itwasassumedalways tohaveoffendedathirdperson;itincludedthevagrant,thebeggar,and theevildoerinananathema. TheEnglishdemandthestock,orpost,onwhichthevagrantorbeggaristiedtoexposehimtopublicshame.Othertimesitpasseshimfrom parishtoparish.EdwardVIcondemnsthemtowhippingsanddeath. IntheSpanishtowncouncils,thecorrectivesagainstvagrancyand falsemendacitywerecentuplicated. TheOrdinanceof1745attacksvagrantsastruecriminals;andonly in1775,inthewiseOrdinanceofCharlesIII,theorderindicatesphilosophicalprinciplesofmoderncivilization;education,mores,andliberty appear,openingtheirbroadhorizonstohumanactivityandmakingman
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masterofthem,endeavoringthathemightunfold,dignified,thewings ofhisfreewill. Drinkingfromthesefountains,thelawintheoldtimesalwayscharacterizes the person who does not work as badly occupied; it always matchestheideaofvagrancy,ofinaction,withtheideaofaviceora crime. Morephilosophical,theadministrativelawinSpainitselfisinthe handsofColmeiro,theGayóns,DíazCerna,andothers.Theytriedto classifywillfulidlenessandforcedidleness,temporaryidlenessandhabitualidleness,simpleidlenessordesignatedidleness,anddoingsocalls, insupportofthelaw,questionsoflegalcharityasanappealtotheconscienceactuallycloudedbyconfusednotionsaboutidleness. Glancing through the Diccionario de la lengua española, one reads: “Vagar. Wander through various places without specifying place or locationorwithoutaspecialstopanywhere.Towanderaimlessly,with neitheroccupationnorbenefice.” Whatkindofcrimeisthat?Whatrightsareviolatedinthatmeaning oftheword?Whatthirdpersoncomesoutharmedbyamanwandering fromonepointtoanotherwithoutoffendinganyone? The dictionary says, “One who wanders from one part to another withoutstoppinginanyplace.Themanwithoutatradeandbadly occupied.” Weseeinthissenseofthewordtherelapseintoinjurioushistorical interpretation;thatistosay,aqualifyingevilthathascorruptedlegislationisresurrected,authorizingarbitrariness;butevenso,themanwithoutatradeandoccupiedbadlyisnownotonlytheidlemanbut,moreover,hewhoemploysoroccupieshimselfdoingsomethingbad. Ifonecoulduseawordtomean“withouttrade”or“badlyoccupied,” theonewouldbepunishable,theothernot,buttodrawtheinference thata“vagrant”hastobe“occupiedbadly”isoutrageous.Itistodeduce that hewhopasses bythe mansion conspires orthat apharmacist by virtueofthatfactisapoisoner.Thatisanabsurdity. Fromwhathasbeenexplaineditfollowsthat,ifthearticlestatedthe factthatnotworkingisnotacrime,itwouldcauselessrepugnancethan withtheintroductionoftheword“vagrancy,”areasonforalarm. In fact, a friend and not a friend says something different from a friendandanenemy.Toknowandnottoknowisnotthesameasto
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knowandtobeignorantof.Abelieverandnotabelieverisnotthesame asabelieverandanimpiousone.Workandnotworkisnotthesameas workandvagrancy,becauseatwistedmeaningisgiventothislastword thatpervertsit. Why,then,isthewordpreserved?Itispreservedpreciselytokillthe tradition, because that tradition istheroot deeply embedded inmillionsofabusesthatstillhoundus,thatcorruptus,andthatinexorably eatawayatliberty. Thewordispreservedbecauseitcontainsthepracticalpartofthe questionthateverywhere,inthe[Federal]Districtmostespecially,has thegreatestimportance. Herethevagrant,capriciouslyclassifiedassuchbecausethearticleof thecodelendsitselftoit,isplacedoutsidethelawthroughcorrective punishment.Fromthevagrantcanbemadeajustificationofthelevy,of exile,ofrevenge. Invariousparts,vagrancyisthegreatcauseofelectoralprostitution. Wehaveseenthatlaw,asapartyweaponinsomestate,dissolveelectoralcolleges,destroytowncouncils,andconvertthepresumedrightof persecutingvagrancyintoapartyweapon. Whoissoshortsighted,whosoapatheticaboutthemostsacredrights ofthepeople,thatheissatisfiedwithseeinginthisanacademicdiscussionandnotthemostimportantofallmatters,becausenothingismore importantthanliberty? Halfwayisnotpossible.Thedeclarationofobligatoryworkimposes onthestatetheinevitableobligationofproducingworkfortheonewho doesnothaveit,andthereyouhavethestateconvertedintoacolossal managerofallbranchesofhumanactivity,andthetailorwithoutcustomers,thelawyerwithoutclients,thedoctorwithoutillpeople,requestingfromthegovernment,theirprotectorandagent,anhonestway ofliving.Thatisabsurdity,thatissocialisminitsmostabsurdandmost harmfulphase.Andsuchideasinfestandcontaminatethepeoplewho aresaidtobemoreenlightened,whogenerallysay,“Thegovernmentis notprotecting,thegovernmentdoesnotprovidework.”Whatideasdo suchignorantpeoplehaveofwhatgovernmentis? Returningtomattersofusefulnessandhonesty,letusexaminethis matterunderanotherlight. Utilityiseverythingthatservestomeetourneeds.Itisanideatightly
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connectedtothoseneeds,soforabeingwithfewornoneeds,thereare fewusefulthings. Well now, the Stoics, for example, living on abstractions, feeding themselvesveryhumbly,disdainingthegoodsoftheearth,neededlittle tomeettheirphysicalneedsandwouldhavewarrantedpersecutionfor vagrancy.Christianitydisdainswhatisofthisworld,paintsthepresent life as transitory, its goal is eternal life; for this, manual work is not needed, poverty is virtue, inactivity leads to ecstasy, prayer is almost meetingwithGod.DantecalledSaintFrancissecondspouseofpoverty. AravenfeedsthehermitSaintOnofre.TheangelsyokedoxentoSaint Sebastian.ThenudityofSaintJeromeispraised...Inaword,itisconfirmedineverythingthatworkisthecurseoftheLord...and,nonetheless,abstentionfromworkisconsideredsousefulthatitisforthem nothinglessthantheagentofthesublimeperfectionofman. Workisanideaindivisiblefromtheideaofproperty,andhowisthis toexistwheretherenunciationofallterrestrialgoodisthegoalofthe beautifulideal?...Thesearethepointsofcontactofasceticism,communism,andsocialism. Even the physiocrats, precursors of Smith, lost their way because theydidnotknowhowtodeterminetheextentofutilityandtheylimitedthesphereofwork.Smithhimselfcutshorthisdoctrinewiththe exclusionofintellectualwork. Yes,sirs,becauselikework,itisassistancefortheproductionofintelligenceandstrength.Thisfirstpart(theintelligence)canescapeand, infact,doesescapetheinquiry,notonlyoftheauthoritybutalsoof theentireworld.ForthatreasonIhavesaidthat,forthepolice,Homer wouldhavebeenavagrant,thesameasColumbus,althoughthestanzas oftheonerunthroughthecenturieshonoringhumanity,andtheother sublimevagranthadbroughttotheeyesofscienceandhumanity,with hissurprisingdiscovery,theworldwherewelive... Hereisstupidpreoccupationwithregulationsinthefaceofvictorioustruth. Wereonetobegintheassessmentof“honest,”onewouldarriveatthe ridiculous. Letustryitout.Thedictionarysays:“Honest.Decent,decorous.Pure, demure.” Intheselastmeaningstheuniversalintelligencehasbeenestablished.
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Armedwiththesemeanings,thepolicecancondemnasnothonest workthatofthepainterandsculptorwhocopyfromthenatural,the teacherofswimmingwhodoesnotrequirehisstudentstoswimclothed, surgeons,teachersofobstetrics...folkhealersofhospitals...Gentlemen,thatistheheightoftheridiculous,andnonetheless,thatistheconstantpathofregulationism. Beingamatterofgoodfaith,thematterofhonestycanonlybegiven themeaningofthelegitimate,oftheauthorized...Wellthen,letussee inthisterraintheabsurditiesofregulationism. Prostitutionofthewomanisregulated;itisalicitindustry.Thepimps ofthatmerchandisecannotbeunknowntotheauthoritythatcreated theindustry. Theshysterisdeclaredvagrant.Thefolkhealerthesame.Asamong thepimpofloveaffairs,theexecutioner(creationofthelaw),theshyster,andthefolkhealer,willitbepunishmentandexcommunicationfor thelastones? Thus,bydrivingoutthedronesoflazinessfromthebeehiveofwork, thismatterhasbeenturnedintoamoralmatter,andthatisanotherabsurdity.Thearticledoesnotsaythatvagrancyisgood;thearticlesays thatitisnotacrime,whichisverydifferent.Itwillbeasin,butweare notheretosanctionFatherRipalda. Thatdisorderofideas,thatmeddlingoflegislatorinthedomainof morality,hasbroughthiminalltimestotyrannyandtheinquisition. Atonetimehehurledhislightningraysagainsttheinnocentchild, punishingitasabastardorsacrilege;helookedintotheconjugalmysteriesinthesacredhome,makingatrociousrevelations;he,inthatmeddlingofthetemporalpowerwiththeconscience,ignitedthebonfires oftheholyoffice,anditwas,forcenturies,theignominyandblemishof humanity. Intheeconomicterrain,inthesocial,thematterofsalarycannotbe considered,forexample,unlessastheresultofacontract,ofI give to you because you give to meorI do to you because you do to me;itistheresultof anexchangeoftwocommodities,workformoneyormoneyforwork. Whatwillcomeofthisexchangeifthemostcompletelibertydoes notpresideoverit?Inthematterofthestrike,whenitisnotdisorderly, whenitisreducedsimplytotheworkerrejectingtherateforhiswork, whyshouldtheauthorityintervene?Whatwouldwesayifthoseworkers
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whousedtheirrighttowithdrawfromthetyrannyoftheoverseerwere declaredvagrant? Amongourpeopleofthecountry,theworkteamsare,withoutdoubt, the most free. Various workers gather together and go where it suits theminsearchofwork;whathappenswhentheydonotfinditorwhen theopenmarketisnotsuitablefortheirabilities?Dowedeclarethem vagrants? OnebadcalculationaloneintheexportdutiesoftheMexicanrailway hasbroughtabouttheruinofmanypropertyowners,thevagrancyofa multitudeofworkingmen,andwehavenootherremedytoamendthe evilproducedbyusthanprisonandpersecutionbythepolice? AmongfreepeopleasintheUnitedStates,vagrancyispursuedtenaciouslyandeffectivelywitheducation,withcustoms,withtheennoblementofwork,withtheeasewithwhichmanexerciseshisliberty,above all, by making him from childhood responsible for his own actions. Withoutresponsibilitymanisanautomaton,manisachesspiecethat existsinthesquareinwhichthehandoftheplayerplaceshim.Howcan itbebelievedthatthereislibertywhensuchabsurditiesareagreedto? Tutelage,eternaltutelage,theinsistenceonmakingourselveshappy evenwhenitbeagainstourwill.Thisisthecertaintyoftyrannicalgovernments,andforthatIcalltherestrictionthatmyadversariesdefend highlyreactionary. CitizenObregónGonzález,afterexhaustinghisammunitioncombatingthearticle,andasifhemightsurprisevagrancyinflagrantedelicto, citesArticle34oftheConstitution,sayingthatinordertobeacitizen onemusthaveanhonestmeansofmakingaliving,and,callingthedeprivationofcitizenshippunishmentforidleness,findsthearticlecited ofourpactcontradictorytothearticlewearediscussing. Asforthematterintheabstract,whatthequotebythepreviouscitizenspeakerwouldproveuniquelyisthathedidnotreflectcarefullyon thelimitationofthearticle,butnoincompatibilityexistsintheexistenceoftheconstitutionalarticlesoncethefourthandthefifthwere developed,asthecommitteehasdone. Why?Becauseinthefirstcase,therightsofmanareproclaimed;they touchonhisbeingasbelongingtothehumanlineage.Bettersaid,they recognizepreexistingrightsineverymanoutsideofanypact.Thesecondpointtreatsofthecontract,ofconditionsthat,becauseofthenature
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ofthings,arechangeable.Thus,forexample,astatecouldorderthat,to beacitizenofthestate,onewouldhavetoknowhowtoreadandwrite, butitwouldnotbeabletocompelsuchamantofollowaspecificreligion.Workisamatterofnaturallaw.Thelawsofcitizenshipareinthe classofpositivelaws;theyarenotcreatedbyGod,becauseweinvolve ourselvesinthechaos. Andwhyistheconstitutionalprecautionarymeasurecalledpunishmentandnotseenasstimulustoworkitself? CitizenObregónGonzález,givingproofofthegoodfaithwithwhich hedealswiththisandallmattersthatmerittheattentionofhisjudgment,explainsthathebelievessimplevagrancyisnotacrimebutshould fallundertheruleoftheauthorityassmokingintheatersisprohibited, notwithstandingthatitisnotacrimetosmoke. Myyoungadversarymightrememberthatthestrengthofourdefenseisbasedonthefactthatlazinessorvagrancyneitherharmsnor bothersanyone,becauseinthatcasetheinstigatorofthetroubleordamagewoulddeserveadmonition.Andthisisexactlywhathappenswith theonewhosmokesinatheater;heisnotprohibitedfrommakinguse ofhislibertyexceptwhenheassaultsthelibertyofothers,whenheinfeststheairthatothersbreathe. Inthisdiscussion,whatunderminesthetruesenseofthearticleisthe preoccupationwithwhichthewordisconsidered.Fromthiscomesthe accusationthatwewantimpunityforlaziness,itsreward,itsapotheosis, andthearticlesaysnothingaboutthat.Itsimplydeclaresthattheman whodoesnotwanttobeoccupiedinanything,forthatfactaloneisnot guilty. Iamcertainthatthearticlewouldhaveapprovalintheseorsimilar terms:“Man,freetoworkornotwork,isfreealso,inconformitywith Article4oftheConstitution,tochoosetheworkthatsuitshim.” Butbeadvisedthatthatcompromisewithretrogressionistocompromisewiththeentiresystemofbackwardnessandshamethatthecolonial systembequeathedus. Inthename,then,ofhumandignity,highlycompromisedinthisdiscussion,inthenameofthepositiveprogressofourpeople,aboveallin theholynameofliberty,Irequestthischambertohonorwithitsvote ofapprovalthearticlethatisbeingdiscussed.
constitutional governMent oF Mexico, 1857–1861 (benito juárez, Melchor ocaMPo, Manuel ruiz, Miguel lerdo de tejada) Anewconstitutionwasenactedin1857,butboththeCatholic Churchandtheconservativefactionopposedit.Civilwarwas imminent.Attheendofthatyear(inspiteofthefactthathe hadsworntoupholdthecharter),PresidentIgnacioComonfortdecidednottoenforcetheconstitutionandinsteadcalled onallfactionstodiscussanewfundamentallawthatwouldbe acceptabletoallparties. Conservatives were not satisfied with Comonfort’s actions anddeposed him, and in1858 conservative general Félix Zuloagabecamepresident.TheseeventsstartedtheThreeYears’ War. Benito Juárez, who at the time of Comonfort’s coup againstthenewconstitutionwaschiefjustice,becamepresident intheabsenceoftheexecutiveaccordingtoconstitutionalprovisions.Juárezmanagedtoescapefromtheconservatives,who heldMexicoCity,andsetuphisgovernmentintheporttown ofVeracruz.Fromthereheconductedthewareffort. Thestrugglebetweenliberalsandconservativeswasbloody andferocious.Nosideseemedtohaveacriticaladvantageover theother.Inmid-1859theJuárezgovernmentissuedasetofdecreesknownastheLawsofReformthatseparatedchurchand state.ThepropertyoftheCatholicChurchwastobeconfiscated andsold;thecivilregistrywasestablished,andfreedomofworshipwassecured.In1860themilitarystandoffwasfinallybrokenandtheliberalarmiesdefeatedtheconservatives. Wepresentaproclamationfromtheconstitutionalgovern353
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mentsignedbyBenitoJuárez,MelchorOcampo,ManuelRuiz, andMiguelLerdodeTejada,inwhichtheymakethecasefor theLawsofReform.ThistextwaswritteninJuly1859,amonth aftertheselawswereissued.Likewise,wepresentthe1860decreeonfreedomofworship.
1
The Constitutional Government to the Nation (on the Laws of Reform). Proclamation, Veracruz, July 7, 1859
Inthedifficultandcompromisedsituationinwhichthe Republichasfounditselfforthelasteighteenmonthsasaconsequence ofthescandalousinsurrectionthatexplodedinTacubayaattheendof 1857,andinthemidstoftheconfusionanddisorderintroducedbythat outrage,asunjustifiableinitsendsasinitsmeans,thepublicpower, whichbyvirtueofthepoliticalcodeofthesameyearhastheimperative dutyofpreservinglegalorderincaseslikethepresent,hadjudgeditappropriatetokeepsilentabouttheintentionsitharborstotreatradically theillsthatafflictsociety.Becauseoncethearmedstrugglebetweenan immensemajorityofthenationandthosewhoseektooppressitwas begun,thepublicpowerbelieved,itfulfilleditsmissionbysupporting therightsofthepeoplebythemeansthatwereinitsscope,securein thattheverygoodnessofacausethathasreasonandjusticeinitsfavor andthattherepeateddisillusions,becauseoftheirpowerlessnesstotriumphoverthatcause,theiradversarieshadtoacceptateverystepwould makethemdesistfromtheircriminalintentorsuccumbquicklyinsuch astruggle. Butwhen,unfortunately,ithasnotbeenthus;when,despitetheprolongedresistancesocietyisputtingupagainstthetriumphofthatinsurrectiontheauthorsofthisinsurrectioncontinue,determinedtosustain it,supportedsolelybytheresoluteprotectionofthehighclergyand thestrengthofthebayonetstheyhaveattheirservice;when,asaresultofthatdisgracefulandcriminalstubbornnesstheRepublicseems condemnedtocontinuesuffering,evenforsometime,thedisastersand calamitiesthatformthehorriblehistoryofsuchascandalousrebellion, Originaltitle:“Elgobiernoconstitucionalalanación[sobreelsentidodelasleyes deReforma]”(7dejuliode1859).Source:BenitoJuárez,El Gobierno Constitucional, á la Nación(Veracruz:s.p.i.[unknowneditor],1859). 355
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thegovernmentwouldbelieveitselffailinginoneoftheprimaryduties thattheverysituationimposesonitifitwithheldanylongerthepublic declarationofitsideas,notonlyjustabouttheseriousquestionsbeing airedtodayinthesphereofarmedevents,butalsooverthecourseit proposestofollowinthevariousbranchesofpublicadministration. Thenationfindsitselftodayinasolemnmoment,becauseitsentire futuredependsontheoutcomesofthefiercestrugglethatthepartisansofobscurantismandabuseshavestirredupthistimeagainstthe clearestprinciplesoflibertyandsocialprogress.Insuchasuprememoment,thegovernmenthasthesacreddutytoaddressitselftothenation andtomakeheardinittheexpressionofitsmostbelovedrightsand interests,notonlybecausepublicopinionintheappropriatesensewill therebybecomemoreandmoreuniform,butalsobecausethepeople willtherebyvaluemorethecauseofthegreatsacrificestheyaremaking infightingwiththeiroppressors,andbecause,inshort,allthecivilized nationsoftheworldwilltherebyseeclearlywhatthetrueobjectiveof thisstruggleisthattouchestheRepublicsodeeply. Tofulfillthisdutytoday,thegovernmentneedstosaynothingwith respecttoitsintentionsaboutthepoliticalorganizationofthecountry, because,beinganemanationoftheConstitutionof1857andbeingconsidered,moreover,thelegitimaterepresentativeoftheliberalprinciples setdowninit,itmustnaturallybeunderstoodthatitsaspirationswould bedirectedtoensurethatallcitizens,withoutdistinctionofclassesor considerations,enjoyasmanyrightsandguaranteesasmightbecompatiblewiththegoodorderofsociety;thatrightsandguaranteesalways bemadeeffectivethroughthegoodadministrationofjustice;thatthe authoritiesallfaithfullyfulfilltheirdutiesandobligationswithoutever extendingbeyondthecircledelimitedbythelaws;and,finally,thatthe statesofthefederationmakeuseofthepowersthatfalltothemtoadministertheirinterestsfreelyinsuchawayastopromoteeverything leadingtotheirprosperitytotheextentthatitdoesnotopposethegeneralrightsandinterestsoftheRepublic. Butinasmuchasthoseprinciples,despitehavingalreadybeenwritten downatgreaterorlesserlengthinthevariouspoliticalcodesthecountryhashadsinceitsindependenceandultimatelyintheConstitution of1857,havenotbeenablenorwillbeabletotakerootinthenationas longas,intheirsocialandadministrativecharacter,thediverseelements ofdespotism,hypocrisy,immorality,anddisorderthatopposethemare
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preserved,thegovernmentbelievesthat,withoutmovingawayessentiallyfromtheconstitutiveprinciples,itisobligatedtobeengagedvery seriouslyinmakingthoseelementsdisappear,fullyconvincednowby theextensiveexperienceofeverythingthathasoccurreduntilnow,that aslongasthoseelementscontinuetoexist,orderandlibertyarenotpossible. Tomakeorderandlibertyactual,then,givingunitytotheintention ofthesocialreformbymeansofthemeasuresthatproducethesolidand completetriumphofthegoodprinciples,herearethemeasuresthegovernmentintendstocarryout. Inthefirstplace,toputadefinitiveendtothatbloodyandfratricidal warthatapartoftheclergyhasbeenfomentinginthenationforsome timeforthesolereasonofpreservingtheinterestsandprerogativesit inheritedfromthecolonialsystem,scandalouslyabusingtheinfluence thattherichesithadinitshandsgaveitandtheexerciseofitssacred ministry,andtodisarmforoncethisclassofelementsthatserveassupportforitsdisastrousrule,thegovernmentbelievesitindispensableto: 1.Adoptasageneral,invariablerule,themostcompleteseparationof theaffairsofstatefromthosethatarepurelyecclesiastical. 2.Suppressallthebodiesofregularclergyofthemasculinesex,withoutanyexceptionwhatsoever,secularizingthepriestswhoarecurrently inthem. 3.Destroyuniformlytheconfraternities,archconfraternities,brotherhoods,and,ingeneral,allthebodiesorcongregationsofthiskindthat exist. 4.Closethenovitiatesintheconventsofnuns,keepingthosewhoat presentliveinthemwiththewealthordowrythateachonemighthave broughtinandwiththeallowanceofwhatisnecessaryfortheservice ofworshipintheirrespectivechurches. 5.Declarethatallthepropertythesecularandregularclergyadministertodaywithvarioustitleshasbelongedanddoesbelongtothenation, aswellastheexcessthattheconventsofnunsmighthave,deducting theamountoftheirdowries,andsellingthatproperty,acceptingaspayment,forapartofitsvalue,bondsofthepublicdebtandofthecapitalizationofinvestments. 6. Declare, finally, that the remuneration the faithful give to the priestsbothfortheadministrationoftheSacramentsandforalltherest oftheecclesiasticalservices,andwhoseannualyield,welldistributed,is
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enoughtocoveramplythemaintenanceofworshipanditsministers,is theobjectoffreeagreementsbetweenboth,withoutthecivilauthority interferingwiththematall. Besidesthesemeasures,which,inthejudgmentofthegovernmentare theonlyonesthatcanresultinthesubmissionoftheclergytothecivil powerinitstemporalaffairs,leavingit,nonetheless,withallthemeans necessarysothatitmightconsecrateitselfexclusively,asitshould,tothe exerciseofitssacredministry,itbelievesalsoindispensabletheprotectionofreligiouslibertyintheRepublic,withallitsauthority,thisbeing necessaryforitsprosperityandexpansion,aswellasanecessityofcurrentcivilization. In thejustice branch, the government understands that one of the mosturgentneedsoftheRepublicistheformationofclearandsimple codesconcerningcivilandcriminalaffairsandconcerningprocedures, becauseonlyinthiswaywillwebeabletoremoveourlegislationfrom theconfusedlabyrinthinwhichitnowfindsitself,standardizingitin theentirenation,facilitatingtheactionofthecourtsandplacingknowledgeofthelawswithinreachofeveryone;andinasmuchas,forcarryingoutthisimportantworkitwillbesufficientthatthelegalexpertsto whomithasbeenentrusteddedicatethemselvestoitwithdetermination,thegovernmentproposestomakeaneffortthatthisimprovement notbepostponedanylonger,sothatsocietymightbegintoenjoythe numerousbenefitsitwillsurelyproduce. Theestablishmentofdefactojurorsforallcommoncrimesisalso oneoftheneedsofthenation,andthegovernmentwilldowhatever mightbeitsparttoestablishsuchaninterestingreform. Untilthisinnovationisrealizedandthecodespromulgated,thegovernmentproposestofacilitatewithoutdelaythosemeansitjudgespressingtomakeactualtheprimaryguaranteesofthecitizensanddestroythe errorsorabusesthatareopposedtothefreecirculationofpublicwealth. Withrespecttojusticebeingadministeredfreeofcost,theConstitutionof1857hasnowestablishedthisprincipleasafundamentalprecept; butbecauseitisessentialthatpaymentofthesalariesofthemagistrates, judges,andemployeesofthejudicialbranchbegivenverypunctually forsuchaprecepttoproducethegoodeffectsthatthelegislatorproposed,thegovernmentproposestoattendtothismatterwiththepriorityitmerits,becauseitisconvincedthat,lackingthiscircumstance, thatprecept,insteadofgood,wouldcausesocietygreatmisfortune.On
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thispointthegovernmentalsoproposestopronouncetherulingitbelieves mostsuitable forpreventing themultiplication ofpleadings to whichthisimportantreformcangiverise. Ontheabolitionofclassprivilegesregardingcommoncrimes,the government has nothing to say because this is already expressly preventedintheConstitution,anditwillcertainlynotbethepresentadministration that might ever think of reestablishing such unjust and odiousdistinctions. Onthesubjectofpublicinstruction,thegovernmentwillendeavor, withthegreatestdetermination,tohavethenumberofestablishments offreeprimarypublicinstructionincreased,andtohaveallofthembe directedbypersonswhocombineinstructionandmorality,whichare requiredinordertocarryoutwithsuccesstheresponsibilityofteachers oftheyoung,becauseithastheconvictionthatinstructionisthefirst foundationoftheprosperityofapeople,atthesametimethesurest meansofmakingimpossibletheabusesofpower. Withthatsameobjective,thegeneralgovernment,onitsownand stimulatingtheindividualsofthestates,willsponsoranddevelopthe publicationandcirculationofsimpleandclearmanualsconcerningthe rightsandobligationsofmaninsocietyaswellasthosesciencesthat mightmostdirectlycontributetotheirwell-beingandenlightentheir understanding,arrangingforthosemanualstobestudiedevenbythe childrenwhoattendtheestablishmentsofprimaryeducation,sothat fromtheirmosttenderagetheywillbeacquiringusefulbasicsandformingtheirideasinthewaythatisappropriatetothegeneralgoodofsociety.Withrespecttosecondaryandhighereducation,thegovernment proposescreatinganewplanofstudies,improvingthefinancialposition oftheteacherswhoareemployedinthisareaofpublicinstructionas wellasthesystemforpublicinstructioncurrentlyfollowedinthecolleges;and,adaptingtotheprincipletheConstitutioncontainsregardingthis,thesystemofthebroadestlibertywithrespecttoeverykind ofstudiesaswellastotheexerciseofcareersorprofessionsthatwillbe createdwiththemwillbeintroduced,sothateveryindividual,national orforeign,oncehedemonstratestheabilityandnecessaryknowledgein therespectiveexamination,withoutinquiryintothetimeandplacehe mighthaveacquiredthatknowledge,candedicatehimselftothescientificorliteraryprofessionforwhichheiscompetent. Withrespecttorelationsofthegeneralgovernmentwiththeindi-
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vidualsofthestates,thecurrentadministration,farfromopposingtheir interestsandjustneeds,isonthecontraryresolvedtosupportthemas muchasisinitspower,aidingthem,moreover,inanythingthatinany waymightleadtoimprovingtheirsituation,inorderthustotightenthe tiesofunionthatshouldexistbetweenthelocalitiesandthecenterof theRepublic. OneofthefirstneedsoftheRepublictodayistoattendtothesecurityoftheroadsandpopulationcenters,togetridoftheevildoerswho areencounteredinboth,notonlyfortheimmensewoesthattheexistence of that scourge causes internally in the nation, paralyzing the movementofitspopulationandwealthandkeepinginconstantalarm anddangerthelifeandinterestsofitsinhabitants,butalsobecauseit discreditsthecountrymoreandmoreeverydayabroad,anditprevents fromcomingtosettleinitthemultitudeofwealthyandhardworking personswho,forthatreason,aregoingtoestablishthemselvesinother places.Forsuchreasonsthegovernmentisfirmlyresolvedtoworktirelesslytoremedythisseriouswoewithallthemeansthatareinitsreach. Asfortheodioussystemofdemandingpassportsoftravelersorwayfarers, it is useless to say it will be abolished when the Constitution hasalreadydoneso,andthepresentgovernmentcouldscarcelythink aboutreestablishingitwhenitsideassetoutspecificallytodestroyall theobstaclesthatopposethefreetransitofpersonsandinterestsinthe nationalterritory. Spreadingideasthroughthepressmustbeasfreeastheabilityto thinkisfreeinman,andthegovernmentdoesnotbelieveitshouldimposefettersonitotherthanthosethattendsolelytopreventthepublicationofimmoral,seditious,orsubversivewritings,andthosethatcontaincalumniesorattacksonprivatelife. Thecivilregisteris,withoutadoubt,oneofthemeasuresoursociety urgentlydemandsinordertoremovefromtheclergythatcompulsory andexclusiveinterferencethatithasexerciseduntilnowintheprincipalactsofthelivesofcitizens,andforthisreasonthegovernmentresolvesthatthatreformbeadopted,thegreatprinciplethatsuchameasuremusthaveasitsobjectivefinallytriumphing,thatis,establishing thatoncetheseactsareenteredintobeforethecivilauthority,alllegal consequencesalreadyapply. WithrespecttorelationsoftheRepublicwithfriendlynations,the
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government proposes to cultivate them always with the same painstakingcare,avoidingonitspartanyreasonfordisagreement.Forthisit believessufficientobservingfaithfullythetreatiesconcludedwiththem andthegeneralprinciplesofthelawofnationsandinternationalright andtoabandon,aboveall,forever,asithasuntilnow,thatsystemof loopholesandmoratoriumsthat,withseriousharmtothenation,has beenfollowedfrequentlyintheofficialdispatchoftheaffairsofthis branch;onthecontrarypayingattentiontoeveryclaimintheactionthat ariseswiththegreatestdeterminationandresolvingitwithoutdelay, inviewofthecircumstancesofthecase,accordingtotheprinciplesof fairjusticeandmutualconveniencethatformthesolidfoundationof friendlyrelationsbetweencivilizedpeoplesoftheworld. Alsothegovernmentbelievesitwillbeveryappropriatetoestablish clearly,byageneralprovisionandinagreementwiththerulesandpracticesestablishedinothercountries,theinterventionthatforeignconsuls andviceconsulsinthecountrymighttake,asmuchintheaffairsoftheir respectivenationalsasintheirrelationswiththeauthorities,inorderto avoidinthiswaytherepetitionofproblemsthathavearisenmorethan onceoverthispoint. As for the appointment of legations in the foreign countries with whichrelationsoffriendshiplinkus,thegovernmentbelievesthatthe currentstateoftheserelationswiththosecountriesisveryfarfromrequiringaministerresidentineachofthem,anditsopinionisthat,for now,theyshouldbelimitedtotwo:oneintheUnitedStatesofAmerica andanotherinEurope,thislastestablishinghisresidenceinParisor London,fromwherehecanbemoved,incaseofnecessity,tothepoint assigned him. In the remaining capitals of Europe and America, becausenobusinesstakesplacewhich,byitsveryseriousness,demands thepresenceofaministerplenipotentiary,itwillbeenoughthatthere beconsulsgeneralwiththestandingofchargéd’affaires.Theseagents, accordingtothenewlawthatforthepurposemustbeexpedited,will necessarilybebornintheRepublic. Asforthenationaltreasury,theopinionofthegovernmentisthat veryradicalreformsmustbemade,notonlyinordertoestablishasystemoftaxesthatdoesnotimpedethedevelopmentofwealthandthat destroystheseriouserrorsthecolonialregimeleftus,butalsotoputa definiteendtothebankruptcythatthemistakescommittedlaterinall
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branchesofpublicadministrationhaveintroducedintoit,andaboveall tocreategreatintereststhatidentifythemselveswithsocialreform,contributingeffectivelytotheliberalandprogressiveadvanceofthenation. Inthefirstplace,internaldutiesandcustoms[alcabalas],tolls,andin generalalltaxescollectedintheinterioroftheRepubliconthemovementofwealth,persons,andthemeansoftransportthatcarryboth, mustbeabolishedforever,becausesuchtaxesare,fromanypointof view,contrarytotheprosperityoftheRepublic. Inasimilarcircumstance,althoughwithoutalltheunfortunateconsequences,thefeesfortransferofpossessionofruralandurbanpropertiesareencountered,andforthatreasontheymustalsobeabolished completely. Thefeesofthreepercentongoldandsilverextractedfromminesand thefeesofonerealperhalfpound,calledde minería,areattheirbase trulyunjustandodioustaxes,becausetheydonotfallontheearnings oftheminer,butratheronthegrossproductofthemines,whichmost timesrepresentsonlyasmallpartofwhathasgoneintothesebusinesses beforearrivingatthesought-afterwealth.Forthisreason,andbecause thosetaxesaregenuinelyinopencontradictiontotheprotectionthat, inthepresentstateoftheRepublic,thegovernmentmustgivetothat typeofindustry,thepresentadministrationbelievesitappropriateto reformtheminsuchawaythatspeculatorsinriskyminingbusinesses donotsufferanyencumbrancesuntiltheybegintoreceiveprofits,and withsuchanobjectiveitcanbeadoptedasestablishedandinvariable, thefoundationthatonthedividendsorportionoftheprofitsmadein eachminingtransaction,thegovernmentreceivewhatcorrespondsto twoingotsofthetwenty-fourintowhichtheyaredivided,conformingtotheordinance,allotherencumbrancesthatweighonthembeing abolished. Withrespecttoforeigntrade,thegovernmentisresolvedtodoits parttofacilitatethedevelopmentofthiselementofwealthandcivilizationintheRepublic,whethersimplifyingtherequirementsexactedfor itbythelawsinforce,orwhetherregulatingitscurrentencumbrances. OneofthemeasuresitproposestoissuewiththisveryobjectiveisestablishingsomeportsofdepositonthecoastsoftheGulfandthePacific withtheauthoritytoreexportmerchandisewhenitisadvantageousto theinterestedparties,asispracticedinallthecountrieswherethereare portsofthiskind.
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Thedifferentlawsthatuntilnowhavebeenissuedovertheclassificationofincome,todesignatewhichbelongstothestatesandwhichto thegeneralgovernment,sufferfromthedefectofnotrestingonasecure foundationthatclearlymarkstheseparationoftheonefromtheother, becausemoreattention hasbeenpaidtoproceeds thantothenature ofthetaxes,whichhasgivenrise,moreover,toquestionsandquarrels that should be avoided between the authorities ofthe center and the states.Forthesereasons,andtoestablishthecompleteseparationofthe incomeofthestatesandthecenteronawell-knownprincipleofjusticeandagreement,thegovernmentbelievesthattheconceptmustbe adoptedasafixedbasethatalldirecttaxesonpersons,properties,establishmentsofbusinessandindustry,professions,andtherestofthetaxableitemsbelongtothestates,andtheindirecttothecenter.Thefundamentalreasonforthisseparationcannotbeclearerormoreperceptible, becauseitissupportedbytheobviousprinciplethatonlythesupreme government,whichistheonethatfocusesontheexpensesandobligationsofthenation,isalsotheonethathastherighttocollecttaxesthat encumberallitsinhabitantsingeneral,whilethegovernmentsofthe stateshaveonlytherighttoencumberthosewhoareintheirrespective territories,giventhatthosegovernmentsfocusonlyontheexpensesof thoseinhabitants.Besidesthatreason,therearemanyothersofgeneral agreementthatwithoutdoubt,allwhoexaminethematterthoroughly willunderstand;anditisalsoeasytounderstandthatonlybyadopting thisideawillthestatesseethemselvestrulyfreefromthepowerofthe centerinthematterofresources,whichisthefoundationoflibertyin allotherbranchesofinternaladministration.Byadoptingthissystem, therewillnolongerbeanyobligationonthepartofthestatestocontributeaquotaoftheirincometowardtheexpensesofthegeneralgovernment. Oneofthemostseriousillsthetreasuryofthenationsufferstoday as a consequence of the measures of the Spanish government during thecolonialregimeandoftheconfusionwithwhichsubsequentlyadvantagehasbeentakenofthem,isthatmultitudeofpensionersfrom thecivilandmilitarybrancheswhoseektoliveonthepublictreasury withthetitlesofretiredpersons,joblessemployees,old-agepensioners, widows,andotherdenominations.Thesizetowhichthisillhasprogressivelygrownandtheperniciousconsequencesitisproducingatevery stepdemandapromptremedy,andthiscanbenothingotherthanim-
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mediatelycapitalizingthoserights,which,acquiredproperlyorimproperly,cannotbedisavowedaslongastheyhavebeengrantedaccording tothelawsandbyqualifiedauthorities.Thegovernment,then,proposes toproceedwithoutdelaytothecapitalization,notonlyoftherightsof whateverpensionersthereareinthecivilandmilitarybranches,butalso oftherightsoftheemployeeswhoareredundantbyvirtueofthenew lawmadeintheofficesofanybranch,andeveninthosebranchesthat, conformingtothelawsineffectbeforethelawofMay1852,mighthave individualswhoremainemployedintheseoffices,inordertostopthe illinthiswaysothatitcanneveragainreappear.Thiscapitalizationwill berepresentedbygovernmentbondsthatwillbecalled“bondsofcapitalization,”andtheywillbeissuedonthebasesofandwiththecircumstancesandrequirementsthatalawwillestablish. Withthatmeasurehavingsuppressedthesystemofreductionsthat employeesandsoldiersboreintheirrespectivesalarieswiththeobjectiveofguaranteeingapension,almostalwaysillusory,fortheiroldage, orassistancefortheirfamilyincaseofdeath,allofthemwillbeablein thefuturetoattainthatoutcomewithgreaterassurance,depositingtheir savingsinsavingsbanksandmutualaidsthat,withoutdoubt,willbe establishedthroughouttheRepublic,thegovernmentmaking,asithas ineffect,theresolutiontosupportthoseestablishmentsandthefunds gatheredinthemwithallthetaxexemptionswithinitscapacity.Those establishments,besidesbeingaveryeffectivemeansofensuringtheinheritanceofthefamiliesoftheemployees,liketheinheritanceofall typesofscarceresources,willproduceforsocietyimmenseadvantages inotherways,becausethecapitalaccumulatedsuccessivelyinthemwill servetocarryoutamultitudeofusefulenterprisesadvantageousforthe entirenation. Thedisposaloftheclergy’sfarmsandcapital,which,ashasalready beensaidinanotherplace,shouldbedeclaredpropertyofthenation, willbebyallowingthepaymentofthree-fifthspartsincertificatesof capitalizationorofinternalorforeignpublicdebtwithoutanydistinction,andtheremainingtwo-fifthspartsincash,payableinmonthlyinstallmentsoverfortymonths,withtheaimthattheacquisitionofthose assetscanbemadeevenbythosepersonsleastwelloff,thepurchasers orredeemersgiving,forthecashpart,promissory notestotheorderof thebearerwithamortgageonthesoldfarm,oronthatfarmthatthe
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redeemedcapitalidentified,anddeliveringtheshareofcertificatesor bondsintheactofformalizingthecontractofsaleorredemption. ThevacantornationallandsthatcurrentlyexistintheRepublicwill alsobeappliedtotheamortizationoftheinteriororforeigndebt,linkingtheseoperationswithprojectsofcolonization. Thegovernmentbelievesthat,withthesetwogreatmeansofamortizationforallpendingobligationsofthetreasuryappliedpractically,a largepartofthecertificatesofcapitalizationwilldisappear,aswillthe publicdebtingeneral.Withrespecttoforeigndebtanddebtthathas beenarrangedbydiplomaticconventions,thegovernmentwillpersistentlyseektheirextinction,whetherwithtransferofnationalassetsor transferofvacantlands;butifthisisnotachieved,itwillcontinuerespecting,asitdoestoday,whathasbeenagreedwiththecreditors,deliveringpunctuallytheassignedparttothepaymentofinterestandamortizationofcapital,becauseithastheconvictionthatonlyinthiswaywill thenationbeabletorecoverthecreditandgoodnameithaslostbynot faithfullyobservingthatconduct. To complete the most urgent reforms with respect to national finance,andbywhatevermeansitwillcarryoutthedesiredarrangementofthisimportantbranchofpublicadministrationfortherealizationofintentionsalreadyindicated,itisindispensablethatitalsoproceed,atthesametime,tothearrangementofitsofficesandemployees; andthisoperation,sofullofstumblingblocksinotherepochs,willnow befacilitatedbythecapitalizationofallredundantemployees,whose rightsandaspirationscreatedthosedifficulties.Onthispointthegovernmenthastheintentionofreducingthenumberofofficesandemployeestothepurelynecessary,neithermorenorless,simplifyingas much asmight bepossible thecurrent system ofbookkeeping.With respecttopersonnel,adoptingthesystemofacertainpercentageinall thetax-gatheringofficesisproposed,andinthoseofficesofbookkeepingonly,thesystemofprovidingemployeeswithsalariesinproportion tothegeneralneedsoflifeamongourpopulations,becauseonlyinthis waywilltheseofficesbeabletohavefewandgoodemployees.Forthe provisionofemployees,thegovernmentwillpayattentionto,aboveall, aptitudeandhonesty,andnottofavorortheblindspiritofpartisanship, whichsounfortunatelyhavebeenandwillalwaysbeintheadministrationofpublicincome.
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Inthebranchofwar,thegovernmentproposestoregulatethearmy insuchawaythat,improvedinitspersonnelandtheflawsremovedthat arenotedinitscurrentorganization,itcanworthilycarryoutitsmission. Thenationalguardisoneoftheinstitutionsforwhichthegovernmentwillcare,becauseitunderstandsthatthenationalguardisalsothe supportofpublicliberties,andforthisreasonitwilltrywithpersistencetoorganizeitinthewaymostappropriateforcorrespondingcompletelywithitsobjective. Asforthenavy,Mexico,lackingalltheelementsneededtocreate itanditalreadybeingwelldemonstratedbyexperiencethatexpendituresmadeinthisbranchconstituteagenuineextravagance,thegovernmentbelievesthatallournavalforcesonbothcoastsshouldbereduced fornowtosomesmallarmedboats,whoseprimaryobjectivewouldbe servingasprotectionandmaritimepostalservice. WithrespecttothevariousbranchesofwhichtheMinistryofDevelopmentischarged,inasmuchastheyallinvolvethematerialprogressof society,thecurrentgovernmentproposesusingallthemeansithasin itscapacitytoattendtothispartofpublicadministrationasitdeserves. Themainroadsthatdependdirectlyonthegovernmentrequirenot onlythatsomeimportantworksbeundertakenrightawaytoputthem ingoodcondition,butalsoconstantcaretopreservethemwellinthe future.Toattainthefirstoftheseobjectives,thegovernmentbelieves thatthesystemofcarryingoutthoseworksbyagentsofthegovernment itselfshouldbeabandoned,andthatofcontractingwithspecificenterprises be adopted, the government being limited to looking after its punctualfulfillmentbytheengineerswhoparticipateintheworksand watchovertheirexecution.Asforlocalroads,althoughtheyareunder theimmediatedirectionofthegovernmentsofthestates,thegeneral governmentwillmakethecommitmentthatthosethatcurrentlyexist willbeimprovedandthatothernewoneswillbeconstructed,helping themonitspart,asmuchasitcan,tofacilitateinthiswaytheincrease innewwaysofcommunicationthat,likearteriesinthehumanbody,are whatmustgivelifeandmovementtoouruninhabitedcountry. Asforrailroads,itmustbeattemptedatallcoststhat,asquicklyas possible, the one now projected from Veracruz to one of the Pacific Oceanports,passingthroughMexico,beconstructed;andasthisisa
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workofincalculableimportanceforthefutureoftheRepublic,there is no effort the government is not disposed to make to accelerate its completionandovercomethedifficultiesputupagainstit.Moreover, inordertopromoteeffectivelytheconstructionofotherrailroadsin variousplacesandtoremovetheseenterprisesfromthehandsofthe schemerswhohavebeenspeculatingwiththetitlesorpartialconcessionsmadebythegovernmentforspecificlines,thatsystemofspecial decreesonthissubjectwillbeabandoned,andalawwillbeissuedthat servesasageneralregulationforallroadsofthistypethatcanbeconstructed in the country, more ample and generous concessions being madeinthelawinorderthustostimulatenationalandforeigncapitaliststoenterintothoseusefulspeculations. Regarding public works of utility and embellishment, the governmentwillendeavortohastentheconclusionofallthosewhicharealreadybegunandthecarryingoutofothers,becauseitisconvincedthat inthiswayitwillfulfilloneofthedutieseverygovernmentofacivilizedpeoplehastoday.Amongtheworksreadyforcompletion,itwill paypreferentialattentiontothepenitentiariesofGuadalajara,Puebla, andMorelia,abandonedforsometimebecauseofpoliticalupheavals, andwhosecompletionwillinfluencesoeffectivelytheimprovementof ourpenalandprisonsystem,whichisoneofthegreatneedsoftheRepublic.Inordertopaycloseattentiontotheworksontheroadsandthe carryingoutofallotherpublicworks,abodyofcivilengineerswillbe organizedintheMinistryofDevelopmentwhowillalsoserveforallthe taskswithwhichthegovernmentchargesit. Theimmigrationofactiveandindustriousmenfromothercountries iswithoutdoubtoneoftheprimaryneedsoftheRepublic,becauseon theincreaseofitspopulationdependsnotonlytheprogressivedevelopmentofitswealthandtheconsequentinternalwell-being,butalso thepreservationofitsnationality.Forthesereasons,thegovernment proposesworkingverytenaciouslyonmakingiteffective;andsothat itbecarriedoutinanadvantageousway,morethancreatingorwritingspeciallawsofcolonizationwithsterileofferingsoflandsandmore orlessbroadexceptionsforthecolonists,itwilltakecaretoovercome thepracticaldifficultiesthatstandinthewayoftheirentryandstayin thecountry.Thesedifficultiesconsistprincipallyinthelackofimmediate,lucrativeoccupationforthenewcolonistsandinthescantsecurity
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thatexistsamongourownpopulations.Tomakethislastobstacledisappear,Ihavealreadyindicatedinanotherplacetheresolutiontoorganizeagoodpreventivepoliceforceandsecurity;andinordertoremove thefirstobstacle,thegovernmentbyitself,andstimulatingwealthyand speculativemen,willcausepublicandprivateworkstobeundertaken ofthetypethat,likeroads,canals,andothersofvariousnature,require manylaborers,inorderthatamultitudeofimmigrantpersonscome tobeemployedinthemwho,onceestablishedforacertaintimeinthe Republic,willsettledowninittodedicatethemselvestosometypeof occupationorindustry;andtheywillinturnattract,withtheirexample and with their invitations, many other individuals and families from theirrespectivecountries.Moreover,arrangementswillbemaderight awaywithsomepropertyownersofvastterrainsinthecentralandmost populatedpartoftheRepublicbywhich,fortheirowninterestsand forthegeneralgoodofthenation,theywillcedesomelandstotheimmigrantswhocometoestablishthemselvesonthem,enteringineffect intomutuallyadvantageouscontractsofsaleorlease.Onlywiththese and other measures of a similar nature alone, with the consolidation ofpublicpeace,withthearrangementoftheadministrationofjustice, with liberty of worship, and with the facilities that at the same time thegovernmentmustprovideformovingimmigrantstoourports,will ourpopulationbeaugmentedandimprovedquickly;becauseifitisnot doneinthisway,thebusinessofcolonizationwillcontinuebeing,asit hasbeenforthirty-eightyears,acauseofemptyoratoryforallthepoliticaltraffickerswhospringupfromourrevolutionsandwho,withthe soleobjectiveofdeceivingthenation,speakalwaysofitsveryserious woeswithouthavingtheintelligenceorwillrequiredtoremedythem. AnotherofthegreatneedsoftheRepublicisthesubdivisionofthe territorialproperty,andalthoughthisoperationcannotbemadetothe extentdesiredexceptthroughthenaturalstimulusthattheprogressive improvementoursocietywillcontinueexperiencingmightproduceas aconsequenceofthereformsthatmustbecarriedoutinitaswellas improvementsintheactualmeansofcommunicationandtheincrease inpopulationandconsumption,thegovernmentwillattempttoovercomequicklythegreatobstaclethatthelawsthatgovernmortgageson ruralfarmspresentforsuchsubdivision,issuinganewlawbywhichthe landownersoftheseruralfarmsareempoweredtosubdividetheminto thefractionsthatsuitthemforthepurposeoffacilitatingtheirsale,the
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valueofthemortgagethateachfarmhasbeingdistributedproportionallyintheseinstancesamongthepartsintowhichitissubdivided.Besidesthismeasure,whichwillsurelycontributeeffectivelytodividing uptheterritorialpropertywithadvantagefortheentirenation,thegovernmentwillalsoencouragewiththecurrentownersoflargeholdings what,bymeansofmutuallyadvantageoussalesorleases,willimprove thesituationoffarmingpeoples. Withrespecttothebusinesseswithwhichthegeneralgovernment mustdealinagriculture,manufacturing,thearts,commerce,meansof transport,and,ingeneral,everytypeofworkoroccupationusefulto society,thecurrentadministrationwillgivetothesematterswhatever protectionisinitsreach,workingalwayswiththeaimofsupporting theirgrowthandprogressivedevelopment,fullyconvincedthatprotectingthosebranchesistoworkfortheprosperityofthenation,supportingandincreasingbythatmeansthenumberoflegitimateintereststhat areidentifiedwiththepreservationofpublicorder. Inthedevelopmentofstatistics,thegeneralgovernment,workingin accordwiththoseofthestates,willconstantlygatherwhateverinformationispossibleinordertoknowfullythetruestateofthenationinall itsbranches;anditdoesnotseemnecessarytosuggesttheimportance ofthiswork,becausenooneisunawarethat,withoutsuchknowledge, itisimpossibleforagovernmenttoproceedwithcertaintyinitsdeterminations.Thesedatawillbepublishedperiodicallythroughthepress, becauseknowledgeofthemisnotonlyimportanttothegovernment, butalsotoallandeachoftheindividualsinthesociety. Such are, in sum, the ideas of the current administration on the coursethatitisappropriatetofollowinordertoaffirmorderandpeace intheRepublic,guidingit,bythesecurepathoflibertyandprogress, toitsenhancementandprosperity;andtoformulateallitsintentionsin thewayitpresentsthemhere,itdoesnotbelieveitdoesanythingmore thaninterpretfaithfullythefeelings,desires,andneedsofthenation. Inanothertime,theopennesswithwhichthecurrentgovernment declares itsideasforresolving someoftheserious questions thatfor suchalongtimehavedisturbedourunfortunatesocietycouldperhaps havebeenconsideredimprudent;buttoday,whentherebelfactionhas brazenlydefiedthenation,denyingthegovernmenteventherightto improve its situation; today, when that very faction, letting itself be guidedsolelybyitssavageinstinctsinordertopreservetheerrorsand
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abusesinwhichithasplaceditsheritage,hastrampledthemostsacred rightsofthecitizens,stifledalldiscussionofpublicinterests,anddespicablymisrepresentedtheintentionsofallmenwhodonotofferto respect its brutal domination; today, when thatfatal faction has now carrieditsexcessestoanextremeofwhichnoexampleisfoundinthe annalsofthemostunrestraineddespotism,andwhich,withaninsolent disdainfortheseriouswoesitsobstinacyiscausingsociety,itsseemsresolvedtocontinueitscourseofcrimesandevildeeds,thelegalgovernmentoftheRepublic,likethenumerousmajorityofthecitizens,whose ideasitrepresents,canwinonlybyshowingclearly,tothefaceofthe entireworld,whatitsintentionsandtendenciesare. Thuswillitmanagetomakedisappearvictoriouslytheclumsyimputationswithwhich,ateachstep,itsopponentstriedtodiscreditit, attributingtoitideasdisruptiveofallsocialorder.Thuswillitletthe entire world see that its intentions regarding all business relating to politicsandthepublicadministrationsetoutonlytodestroytheerrors andabusesopposedtothewell-beingofthenation.Andthusitwillbe demonstrated,finally,thattheprogramofwhatisentitledtheliberal partyoftheRepublic,whoseideastodaythegovernmenthasthehonor ofrepresenting,isnotthestandardofoneofthosesplintergroupsthat, inthemidstofinternalupheavals,appearinthepoliticalarenatowork exclusivelyfortheadvantageoftheindividualswhocreateit,butrather thesymbolofreason,order,justice,andcivilization,andatthesame timeistheopenandgenuineexpressionoftheneedsofsociety. Withtheawarenessthatitproceedsdownagoodroad,thecurrent government proposes issuing, in the sense that it demonstrates now, allthosemeasuresthatmightbemostopportuneforterminatingthe bloodystrugglethatafflictstheRepublictoday,andtoguaranteeimmediatelythesolidtriumphofgoodprinciples.Toproceedinthisway, itwilldosowiththeblindconfidenceinspiredbyacauseasholyasthat itischargedwithsustaining,andif,tothemisfortuneofthemenwho todayhavethehonorofpersonifyingasthegovernmenttheintention ofthatverycause,theyarenotsuccessfulinhavingtheireffortsresultin thetriumphthatonedaymustunfailinglysucceed,theywillbeableto consolethemselvesalwayswiththeconvictionofhavingdonetheirpart inachievingit;andwhatevermightbethesuccessoftheirzeal,whatever mightbethevicissitudesthatmustbesufferedinthepursuitoftheir patrioticandhumanitariancommitment,theybelieveatleastthatthey
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havetherighttohavetheirgoodintentionsvaluedinsomeway,andthat allhonestandsinceremenwho,fortunately,stillaboundinourunfortunatesociety,mightevensay,inrememberingthem:Those men desired the good of their country, and they did whatever it was possible for them to do to obtain it. HeroicVeracruz,July7,1859.—Benito Juárez.—Melchor Ocampo. —Manuel Ruiz.—Miguel Lerdo de Tejada.
2
Declaration to the Inhabitants of the United States of Mexico on Freedom of Worship, December 4, 1860 Citizenbenitojuárez,interim ConStitutionalpreSidentofthe mexiCanunitedStateS,toallthe inhabitantSideClare:
Exercising the comprehensive powers with which I havebeeninvested,Ihaveseenfittodecreethefollowing: Art.1.ThelawsprotecttheexerciseofCatholicworshipandofthe othersestablishedinthecountryastheexpressionandresultofreligious liberty,which,asanaturalrightofman,hasnotandcannothavelimitationsotherthantherightofanotherandtherequirementsofpublic order.Ineverythingelse,theseparationbetweenthestate,ontheone hand, and religious beliefs and practices, on the other, is and will be completeandinviolable.Fortheimplementationoftheseprinciplesit willbeobservedwhatthelawsoftheReformandthisdocumenthave declaredanddetermined. Art.2.Achurchorreligioussocietyisformedofthemenwhohave voluntarilydesiredtobemembersofit,declaringthisdecisionbythemselvesorthroughtheirparentsorguardianswhosedependentstheyare. Art.3.Eachoneofthesesocietieshasthelibertytoregulate,byitself orbymeansofitspriests,thebeliefsandpracticesofthereligionthat itprofessesandtospecifytheconditionswithwhichitadmitsmento itsassociationorremovesthemfromit,providedthatneitherbythese measuresnorbytheirapplicationtoindividualcasesthatmightoccuris itinfluencedbyanymisdeedortransgressionprohibitedbythelaws,in Originaltitle:“Bandoporelquesedecretalalibertaddecultos,4dediciembrede 1860.”Source:BenitoJuárez,Presidente interino constitucional de los Estados-Unidos mexicanos, á todos sus habitantes, hago saber, que, con acuerdo unánime del consejo de ministros . . . (Veracruz:s.p.i.,1860). 372
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whichcasetheprocedureandverdictthatthoselawsprescribewilltake precedenceandthegeneralintentbecarriedout. Art.4.Theauthorityofthesereligioussocietiesandtheirpriestswill bepurelyandabsolutelyspiritualwithoutanycoercionofanotherkind, whether it be exercised over men faithful to the doctrines, counsels, andrulesofareligion,whetheroverthosewho,havingacceptedthese things,mightlaterhaveachangeofmind.Popularactionisgrantedto accuseanddenounceviolatorsofthisarticle. Art.5.Inthecivilorderthereisnoobligation,punishment,orcoercionofanytypewithrespecttopurelyreligiousmatters,misdeeds, andoffenses.Asaconsequence,nojudicialoradministrativeprocedure becauseofapostasy,schism,heresy,simony,oranyotherecclesiastical offenseswilltakeplace,evenifsomechurchoritsdirectorsdemandit. Butifsomemisdeedoroffensecontainedinthelawsnowinforceis attachedtothemandnotrepealedforthisreason,theappropriatepublicauthoritywillknowofthecaseandwillresolveitwithouttaking intoconsiderationitsstatusandqualityinthereligiousorder.Thissame principle will be observed when the indicated misdeeds or offenses might come about from an act judged proper and authorized by any religionwhatsoever.Asaconsequence,thedeclarationofideasonreligiouspointsandthepublicationofpapalbulls,briefs,rescripts,pastoral letters,commands,andanywritingswhatsoeverthatalsotreatofthose mattersarethingstobeenjoyedincompletelibertyunlessorder,peace, orpublicmoralityisattackedbythem,orprivatelife,orinwhatever otherwaytherightsofathirdpersonorwhensomecrimeoroffenseis provoked;forinallthesecases,leavingasidethereligiouselement,the lawsthatprohibitsuchabuseswillbeappliedirremissibly,keepingin mindwhatislaidoutinArticle23. Art.6.Intheinternaleconomyofthechurchesandtheadministrationofthewealthwhoseacquisitionthelawspermittoreligioussocieties,thesesocietieswillhave,inwhatcorrespondstothecivilorder,all thepowers,rights,andobligationsofanylegitimatelyestablishedassociation. Art.7.Anyrecoursetoforceisabolished.Ifsomechurchoritsdirectorscarriesoutanindividualactreservedtopublicauthority,theauthor orauthorsofthisillegalitywillsufferrespectivelythepunishmentsthat thelawsimposeonthosewhoseparatelyorasabodycommitit.
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Art.8.Therightofasyluminchurchesends,andforcecanandshould beusedthatisjudgednecessarytoseizeandremovefromthechurches those persons declared or presumed culprits in accordance with the laws,withouttheecclesiasticalauthoritybeingabletointerveneinthis judgment. Art.9.Oathsandtheirretractionsarenottheconcernofthelaws. All rights, obligations, and legal punishments are declared valid and consequentwithouttheneedtoconsidertheoathsometimesrelatedto actsofthecivilorder.Consequently,theinheritedobligationceasesof swearingobservanceoftheConstitution,thefaithfuldischargeofpublicandvariousprofessionalduties,beforeenteringintotheirexercise. Inthesameway,thelegalobligationceasesofswearingcertainanddeterminatestatementsbeforeagentsofthepublictreasuryandthepleas, testimonies,opinionsofexperts,andwhateverotherdeclarationsand assertionsmadewithinoroutsidethecourts.Inallthesecasesandin whateverothersinwhichthelawsmandatetakinganoath,thiswillbe replacedfromnowonbytheexplicitpromisetotellthetruthinwhatis witnessed,tofulfillwellandloyallytheobligationscontracted;andthe omission,negation,andviolationofthispromisewillcauseinthelegal orderthesameresultsasifitwereaquestionconsistentwiththepreexistinglawsofanoathomitted,negated,orviolated. Inthefuture,theswearingofanoathwillhavenolegaleffectoncontractsconcluded;andnever,byvirtueoftheoathorthepromisethatreplacesit,willanobligationbeconfirmedofthosethatpreviouslynecessitatedswearingofanoathtosecureforceandconsistency. Art.10.Hewho,inachurch,insultsorridiculesbyspeechorinanotherwayexpressedbyexternalactsthebeliefs,practices,orotherobjects of the religion to which that building was intended, will suffer, accordingtothesituation,thepunishmentofimprisonmentorexile, whosemaximumwillbethreemonths.When,inachurch,aninjuryis inflictedorsomeothercrimeiscommittedinwhichviolenceordishonestyoccurs,thepunishmentoftheculpritswillbeone-halfgreaterthan thatimposedbythelawsonthecrimeofwhichittreats,considering thatitiscommittedinapublicandfrequentedplace.Butthisaugmentationinpunishmentwillbeappliedinsuchawaythat,inthesecular prison,deportationorforcedlaborwillnotbegeneratedformorethan tenyears. Inthesearrangementstheoldlawregardingsacrilegeisrevised,and
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therestoftheoffensestowhichthisnameisgivenwillbesubjectto whatthelawsprescribeforidenticalcaseswithoutthepurelyreligious circumstance. Art.11.Nosolemnreligiousactwilltakeplaceoutsidethechurches withoutwrittenpermissiongrantedineachcasebythelocalpolitical authorityaccordingtotheregulationsandordersthatthegovernorsof the[Federal]Districtandstatesmightenact,inagreementwiththefollowingrequirements: 1a.Thepreservationofpublicorder,aboveall,mustbesecured. 2a.Thesepermissionsneednotbegrantedifitisfearedtheymight produce or give occasion to some disorder, either from disrespect forthepracticesandsacredobjectsofthereligionorforreasonsof anothernature. 3a.If,becauseofnotharboringfearsinthissense,saidauthority grantsapermissionofthiskindandsomedisorderontheoccasionof apermittedreligiousactshouldoccur,thiswillbeorderedstopped, andauthorizingitinthefutureoutsidethechurcheswillnotbepossible.Failuretoobeyinthesecaseswillnotbepunishableexceptifit degeneratesintoforceorviolence. Art.12.Itisprohibitedtoestablishthespiritualdirectorofthetestatorasheirorlegatee,whatevermightbethereligiouscommunionto whichhebelongs. Art.13.Itissimilarlyprohibitedtonamemendicantstobegforand collectalmsintendedforreligiousobjectiveswithouttheexpressapprovaloftherespectivegovernor,whowillgrantordenyitinwritingas hedeemsappropriate;andthepersonswhopracticethoseactswithout presentingacertificationofapprovalwillbeheldasvagrantsandwill answerforthefraudstheyhavecommitted. Art.14.Theprivilegecalledobligation[competencia]ends,byvirtueof whichCatholicclericscanholdbackwithdetrimenttotheircreditors apartoftheirwealth.Butif,whensequestrationfordebtofthepriests ofwhateverreligiontakesplace,thereisnootherwealthonwhichdistraintshouldfallinaccordwiththelawexceptsomefixedsalary,onlya thirdpartoftheirperiodicincomecanbeseized.Thebooksoftheinterestedpartywillnotbeconsideredsubjecttoseizure,northingshepossessesthatareconsideredasbelongingtohisministry,norothergoods thatasarulethelawsexceptfromsequestration. Art.15.Thetestamentaryclausesthatstipulatethepayingoftithes,
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perquisites, or pious bequests of whatever type and denomination willbeexecutedsolelyinsofarastheydonotgoagainsttheobligatory hereditaryfeeaccordingtothelaws,andinnocasewillthepaymentbe madewithproperty. Art.16.Theactionofthelawswillnotbeexercisedovergrantsofthe faithfulformaintenanceofareligionanditspriestsunlessthoseconsist ofrealestate,orunlessforceordeceitintervenestodemandoraccept them. Art.17.Theofficialtitleusuallygiventovariousecclesiasticalpersons andcorporationsends. Art.18.Theuseofbellswillcontinuesubjecttopolicyregulations. Art.19.Thepriestsofallreligionswillbeexemptfromthemilitary andfromallrestrictivepersonalservice,butnotfromtaxesorremunerationsthatthelawsimposefortheseexemptions. Art.20.Thepublicauthoritywillnotinterveneinthereligiousrites andpracticesconcerningmatrimony.Butthecontractfromwhichthis union arises remains exclusively subject to the laws. Whatever other matrimonymightbecontractedinthenationalterritorywithoutobservingtheformalitiesthatthelawsthemselvesprescribeisnulland, consequently,incapableofbringingaboutanyofthoseciviloutcomes thelawconfersonlyonlegitimatemarriage.Outsideofthispunishment, no other will be placed on unions disapproved by this article unless force,adultery,incest,ordeceitisinvolvedinthem,forinthosecases, whatthelawsmandaterelativetothesetransgressionswillbeobserved. Art.21.Thegovernorsofthestates,district,orterritorieswilltake care,inaccordwiththeirstrictestresponsibility,toputintopracticethe lawsissuedwithrespecttocemeteriesandmausoleums,andinnocircumstanceisthedignifiedintermentofbodiesforfeit,whatevermight bethedecisionofthepriestsortheirrespectivechurches. Art.22.Thelawsthatpunishoutragesmadeonbodiesandtheirgraves remaininfullforce. Art.23.Theministerofareligionwho,intheexerciseofhisfunctions,ordersthecarryingoutofacrimeorexhortssomeonetocommit itwillsufferthepunishmentofthiscomplicityiftheabove-mentioned crimeiscarriedout.Intheoppositecase,thejudgeswilltakeintoaccountthecircumstancesinimposinguptohalforlessofsaidpunishmentwheneverthelawsdonotdesignateagreaterpunishment. Art.24.Althoughallpublicfunctionariesintheirstatusasmenwill
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enjoyareligiouslibertyasbroadasalltheinhabitantsofthecountry, theywillnotbeable,inanofficialcapacity,totakepartintheactsofa religionorofdeferencetotheirpriests,whatevermightbetheirplace inthehierarchy.Thestandingarmyisincludedintheforegoingprohibition. Therefore, I order it printed, published, circulated, and given the properfulfillment. IssuedinthepalaceofthenationalgovernmentinVeracruz,December4,1860.—Benito Juárez—toC.JuanAntoniodelaFuente,Minister ofJusticeandPublicInstruction.
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3
Liberty and Order 1876–1912
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justo sierra JustoSierra(1848–1912),borninCampeche,wasawriter,lawyer,politician,andhistorian.Sierrawasoneofthe“new”liberalsinfluencedbypositivisminthesecondhalfofthenineteenth century. He started his literary career at a very young age,publishingessaysandreviewsinnewspapers,andeventuallybecamethechiefeditoroftheinfluentialdailyLa Libertad. Some of the key proposals of the new liberals regarding institutionalreformwerepublishedinthisnewspaper.Hewas electedtoCongressonseveraloccasions.Asarepresentative, Sierraworkedtoimprovepubliceducationinthecountry.He alsowroteimportantbooksonpoliticalandsocialhistory,such asLa evolución política del pueblo mexicano. Sierrawasabelieverinthepowerofscienceandinefficient publicadministration.Hewasacriticof“metaphysical”liberalism,aformofliberalismthatenshrinednaturalrights.Aswe shallsee,hedebatedwith“doctrinaire,”olderliberalssuchas JoséMaríaVigilonthetruenatureofliberalism.Hebelievedin strongbutnotunlimitedgovernment.WhileSierrasupported PorfirioDíaz(heheldhighpositionsinhisadministration),his supportwasnotunconditional.Hestroveforimportantinstitutionalreformsthatwouldlimitthepowerofthepresident,such asthepermanenttenureofthejusticesoftheSupremeCourt. Wepresentsomeofhisnewspaperessaysandthepolemic withVigilfromtheyears1878–79.
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1
Emilio Castelar and the Program of La Libertad
La Libertad,inhonoringitscolumnswiththeprogram ofEl GloboofMadrid,hasasitsprincipalaimnotonlytodemonstrate itscompleteadherencetotheprincipalideasexpressedbyMr.Castelar,1 butalsotoshowthecloseharmonywithwhichthatprogramandthe thinkingthatgovernedthecreationofourdailynewspaperareunited. La Libertadpridesitselfinhavingfoundsuchabrilliantexpressionofits principles,andintheshelterofthemosteloquentvoiceofthemodern rostrumitdarestoreproducethemincategoricalformulas. Wedonothaveapersonasourstandardbutratheranidea:torally allthosewhothinkthattheepochofwantingtorealizetheiraspirations throughrevolutionaryviolencehasnowpassedforourcountry,allthose whobelievethatthedefinitivemomenthasnowarrivedfororganizing apartyfriendliertolibertypracticedthanlibertydeclaimed,andprofoundlyconvincedthatpositiveprogressdependsonthenormaldevelopmentofasociety,thatistosay,onorder. Attheendofahalfcenturyofpainfulexperiences,itseemstousthat thepresenthourwillnotrepeatitselfagaininourhistory.Wesense that,ifthestrengthsofmenofpeaceandworkarenotsufficientina briefperiodtomakethewillofthecountrytriumphovertheappetite foranarchy—todeflect,inaword,thedirectionofourpoliticallifeand makeittakethecoursenotonlyofright,whichendsbybeingconverted Originaltitle:“EmilioCastelaryelprogramadeLa Libertad.”Source:La Libertad, Mexico,February14,1878. 1.EmilioCastelar(1832–99)wasaSpanishrepublicanandthefirstpresidentofthe SpanishRepublic(1873–74).Headvocatedestablishingafederalrepublicandabhorred bloodshedandmobrule.Hedisapprovedofmilitaryrevolts,orpronunciamientos.While advocatingfreepopularelectionsandparliamentarygovernmenthealsogavedueconsiderationtoreligioustraditionsandnationalunity.Thisconservativestraindidnotendearhimtothemoreradicalliberals.(Editor’snote) 382
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intodisturbingprotests,butalsoofduty,whosemoreelevatedpoliticalformulaistheinviolabilityofthelaw—wewillcastourselvesdown aslopeonwhich,justaswehaverelinquishedthenationalwealth,we willrelinquish,tornasunderanddying,thenationalityitself. MorefortunatethantheSpanishrepublicansinarrivingatourobjective,wedonothavetochangeourinstitutions,butratherseekthem inthesenseoftheirpracticalrealization.Forthatitisnecessaryforus tomakethefoundationsofpublicinstructionmorerationalandextensiveeveryday;toapproachsteadfastlythetruthofthesuffrage,seeking theconditionsunderwhichitcanbecomerootedinourcustoms,and acceptingtheseconditionswithouthesitationeveniftheymightdisagreewithouridealconceptionofdemocracy;demandingofourmoral awareness,asfreemen,thecivicconsciencesufficienttomaketheresponsibilityofeveryofficialandthepunishmentofeverycriminalnota legaltruthbutrathertheactualfoundationofourpoliticalmechanism. Weareindividualistsinthesensethatweputhumanrightaboveall actionofthestate,butnotbecausewebelievethateverythingcalled individualrightisabsolute;onthecontrary,ouropinionisthat,associetyisnotafictionbutratheragenuineorganismsubjecttolawsmore complexthanthoseofindividuals,itsactioncaninspecificcasesserve asthelimittosomehumanrights,likethatofproperty;andwebelieve that,startingfromthisfoundation,apartofthesolutiontothesocial problemcan,inconditionsofthehighestjustice,berequestedofalegislationthatwouldextendinaprudentandfirmmannerthedisentailmentofterritorialproperty.Webelievethisisthemeansofpullingthe mostnumerousofourclassesfromthesituationinwhichitfindsitself andofdeveloping,rapidly,thegreatimprovementsfromwhichagriculture,industry,andcommerceexpectanewlife. Mr. Castelar has condensed into a few words the new face of the democraticevolution.Weareentering,hesays,thescientificandexperimentalperiod;theepochofspringlikedreamshaspassed.Hereis whatwestrivealwaystokeepinmind;thesearethewordsthatwetry constantlytomakethequarrellingfactionshear.Willtheyhearus?Will weourselvesalwaysknowhowtofulfillourintentionwithacalmspirit withoutallowingourselvestobedraggedalongbythepassionsofthe moment,themoreardentasthemorefleeting? Thefuturewillsay.Inthemeantime,itisclearthat,indemonstratingourcompleteconsenttotheprogramoftheSpanishdemocrat,we
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havenothaddifficultyindeclaringthatwedesirethecreationofagreat conservativeparty,composedofallthoseelementsoforderthatinour country have sufficient ability to emerge into political life. And this abilityismeasuredbytheopenandcompleteacceptanceofthefoundationsofmodernsociety. Ourreaderswillnotinsultusbysupposingthatwehavereproduced the words of the great political speaker for the foolish arrogance of showingthathispoliticalthoughtcoincideswithours,butratherbecausewewouldliketoempowerourmodestideaswiththoseofEmilio Castelar,whohas,withoutdoubt,anirreproachableconscienceandan incomparabletalent.
2
Reservations
WhenwespeakoftheConstitution,whenwedemand respectandhonorforit,whenweassignthisasthefirstofourpolitical duties,wedonotclaimthatconstitutionalprinciplesshouldbeaccepted asarticlesoffaith;nordowebelievetheyareaperfectwork,no.Inour judgment,theConstitutionof’57isafineliberalutopiabutdestined, bytheprodigiousamountofpoliticallyricismitcontains,toberealized onlyslowlyandpainfully.Thesamethinghappenswithitthathashappenedwithalllawsmadetotransformcustomsthatpermeatethesocial masses,provokingconflictsandincessantstruggles,andsometimessocietysuffers,othertimesthelawisdiscrediteduntil,whenthedefinitiveworkofamalgamationhasoccurred,societyandtheConstitution aretransformed. Theprinciplesofpoliticalemancipation,thebrightprospectsforlibertyandregeneration,andmorethanallthat,thedestructionofclerical rule,fireduptheenthusiasmofourfathersforthatcodepromulgated asanewDecalogueinthenameofGod.Thatwasyesterday;today,principles,dreams,andtheoriesarecomingtothediscussionanew.Allthe preceptsofthefundamentallawaredestined,becauseofthefataldemandsofhistory,tosuffersevererevisionbeforethetribunalofnew ideas.Thiscouldnotbedoneinamomentofstormandstruggle,soit wasnecessarytoaffirm,fromthestormysummitsoftheliberalparty, ourreligiousdogma(constitutionaldogmasarenothingotherthanthat) andpointoutfromtheseatsoftheConstituent[Congress],intheloftiestandpurestregionoftheheavens,ouridealofcitizensandmen. Ourfathersbelievedtheyhadmadeaworkprofoundlypracticalbecausetheytookourinstitutionsfromapracticalpeople,andthisidea was radically erroneous. What the practical consists of in American peopleisnothavingconsignedinthefederalcodesuchandsuchprin
Originaltitle:“Reservas.”Source:La Libertad,Mexico,February23,1878. 385
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ciples,butratherthatthoseprinciplesareperfectlyappropriatetothe socialmediuminwhichtheyhadtounfold. Webelievedthat,incopyingtheprinciples,wewereimitatingtheir practicalsense,andthiswasnottrue;whatweshouldhavedone,what wouldhavebeentrueimitation,wastogiveourselvesinstitutionsthat couldunfoldnotintheheartofourcorruptedhabits,butofthosehabits thatourhistory,ourmaterialnecessities,ourclimate,andevenourgeographicalconformationimposedonus.Thisexaminationwasimpossible,werecognize,intheepochofpassionandcombatthatwaspresent attheadventoftheConstitution. Wedonotreasonwithoutproof.Aninductionbasedonthecruelest experimentscantakeusgraduallytotheseconclusions,andweclaimed thoseexperimentsinthesaddesthoursofourhistory,from’57until now.Ourfundamentallaw,createdbymenoftheLatinracewhobelievethatsomethingiscertainandrealizabletothedegreeitislogical, whotendtohumanizebrusquelyandthroughviolenceanyideal,who passinonedayfromtheruleoftheabsolutetothatoftherelativewithouttransition,withoutnuances,andwishingtoobligatethepeopleto practicewhatistrueintheregionofpurereason;thesemen,weare amongthem,perhaps,whoconfusetheheavenswiththeearth,madeus aloftyandnoblecodeofunion,butoneinwhicheverythingtendsto differentiation,toindividualautonomycarriedtoitsmaximum;thatisto say,tothelevelatwhichtheactionofsocialdutiesstopsandeverything isconvertedintoindividualrights. Thuseachoneofthepoliticalpowerstendstoincludethesphereof actionoftheothers,basingitselfontheConstitution;eachstatetends toweaken,tonullify,thefederalbond,basedalsoontheConstitution; ittendstodeclareitsabsoluteindependencefromthesocialgroupin whichitlives.Butas,inordertocarryouteachoneofthoseideas,we find ourselves with a nation at two or three centuries’ distance from theconstitutionalideal,everythingmiscarriesintopoliticalconvulsions, intomuffledtremblingsoftheunsettledsociety,andintothatunconquerableapprehensionthatputsinthedepthsofallourconsciousnesses Idonotknowwhatvagueandtenaciousskepticismwithrespecttothe nextday. But why, then, do wedemand respect for theConstitution? If we donotbelieveittobegood,whyhavewemadeitourstandard?Why yesterdayinitsnamehavewebattledagovernmentthathadbegunby
reServationS : 387
calling usitsfriends andtoday weembrace another government that beganbytreatingusasenemies?Hereisthereason:theConstitutionisa rule,itisalaw,itistheimpersonalauthorityofaprecept,supremeguaranteeofhumanliberty;beyondit,thereisnothingbutarbitrariness, personaldespotism,and,inaword,theruleofonemanovertheothers. Andaswebelievethat,givenourpresentmodeofbeing,thereisnothingworsethantheabsenceofruleandlimits;aswebelievethatwhatis establishedinthisway,althoughitmightbeamarvel,willremainestablishedonacrumblybaseofsandandwillbedestroyed,notonlyforour loveofliberty—whichis,inthelastanalysis,humandignity—butalso forourloveoforder,aprincipalfactorofprogress,wehavetomaintain thatitisnecessarytoplacetheConstitutionaboveeverythingelse.It willbeabadlaw,butitisalaw;letusreformittomorrow;letusobeyit always.
3
Liberals and Conservatives
Inourcountrytherehavebeenneitherliberalsnorconservatives,butratheronlyrevolutionariesandreactionaries.Thisrefers tothefactions,notthemen.Therevolutionaryfaction,tobeliberal, haslackedtheknowledgethatlibertyconsideredasarightcannotbe realizedoutsideofthemoraldevelopmentofapeople,whichisorder; andthereactionaries,tobeconservatives,lackedeventheinstinctfor progresscharacteristicofourepoch,outsideofwhichorderisonlyimmobilityanddeath.Inlargepartthishasnotbeentheirfault,anditis absurdtodemandofacountrybornandraisedinconditionssounsuitableforsociallifewhatpeoplebetterendowedwithlongexperience andthedisseminationofscientificinstructiondemandtoday,notalways withgoodsuccess. Ourexistencehasgravitatedtowardtwoextremes.Thecolonialsystembasedonisolationisoneextreme;theotheristheconstitutional regimebasedonthisdogma:theindividualisanabsolutesovereign.The firstgaveusarealitywithoutanideal;thesecondoffersusanidealwithoutreality;andthisisanerror,becauseitisnecessarytobeconcerned simultaneouslywiththepowerofattractionthatanideaexercisesona peopleandwiththeconditionsinwhichthatpeopleliveanduptowhat pointthoseconditionspermitthepeopletoapproachthatideal. When our fathers promulgated the Charter of 1857, they believed themselves called to exercise a function more priestly than political; thattimehaspassed.Newideasgaingroundeverydayovertheoldverbalprinciplesofliberty,andtheseideasareinflexiblebecausetheyare scientific laws. They teach us that the individual and society are two largeorganicrealitiesthatcannotbeseparatedwithoutdestroyingthem. These laws teach us that nothing is definitively improved by revolu Original title: “Liberales-Conservadores.” Source: La Libertad, Mexico, May 10, 1878. 388
liberalSandConServativeS : 389
tionsbecauseinevitable reactionsfollowthem,andthattheresultof thisoscillationispreciselytoattainaprogressequaltotheprogressthat wouldhavebeenobtainedbytheregularactivityofpeacefulmeans.So itisthatthereisalwaystoomuchbloodshedandvitalitywasted. Whatisit,then,thatwewant?Toalienateforeverfromthemindof ourcountrytheideathatitcanberegeneratedbyviolence;tostudythe conditionsinwhichwelive,theobstaclesplacedinouradvance,with suchadesiretoarriveatthetruth,withsuchaprofounddetermination tospeakit,thatwemightmanage,evenattheriskofbeingvictimsofthe rhetoricoffools,tofindwhatourtrueneedsmightbeandtrytoresolve them;thusitmightbenecessarytopassoveraprincipleinourpathor eraseanidealfromourheavens. Liberty! And where is the social force that secures us sufficiently againsttheviolenceofothers?Democracy!Andwherearethepeople whogovern,whereistheenlightenmentthatdirectstheirvote?Where is the faithful mandatary who collects it? Is our democracy perhaps somethingotherthanashatteredballotboxintowhichonlyfraudputs itshand?Whowouldbeabletopreventit?Thesovereign.Wedonot knowit.Thissovereignisaword.Itisnotaman.Andhowwillitcome tobe?Withwork,withpeace,withinstruction. Canthisbealivingfact,herewhereindividualinitiativeisnullexceptfortheefficientactionofthepublicauthorityofthestate?Canthis actionbeexercisedwithoutsubjectingthestrengthofthestate’smomentumtorules,withoutgivingittherighttodogoodwheretodayit doesevil,becauseitdoesitarbitrarily?Tothisstudyweconsecrateourselves. Weareyoungandwearrivedatpubliclifeyesterday,stillfilledwith dreams.Wehavebeenreturnedtorealitybythespectacleofourdisgracedcountry,which,howevermuchithasinscribedbeautifulideas initslaws,continuesalongasdisgracedasalways;thespectacleofthe otherpeoplewho,notwishingtolosetheirprosperity,withdrawinto themselvesandcreatewhatsuitsthem,whatisusefultothem,without worryingaboutpoliticaldogmas;thevoiceofsciencethattellsusthat nothingabsoluteisgiventomantorealize,manbeingsubjectirremissiblytotheinflexiblelawsofnature;andthevoiceofourconsciencethat compelsustosacrificeaworldofillusionsinordertoobtainanatomof well-beingforourcountry. Wedeclare,consequently,nottounderstandlibertyifitisnotreal-
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izedwithinorder,andforthatweareconservatives;nororderifitisnot thenormalimpulsetowardprogress,andweare,therefore,liberals. Immenseistheseriousnessofoursocialandpoliticalproblems.We donotpresumetopresentasolution;certainly,wehavetheassuranceof advancingalongtheonlyroadbywhichitcanbefound.
4
Polemic with José María Vigil mr.viGilandartiCle5 oftheConStitution
ThebulletinEl Monitor Republicano1ofThursdayisdedicatedtoacriticalexaminationoftherecentinterpretationsofArticle5 of the Federal Constitution2 made by the Supreme Court. Its author, Mr.Vigil,takesadvantageoftheopportunitytoaddsomedarkandvigorousbrushstrokestothepicture,somanytimesrepeated,oftheprofound lackofrespectforindividualrights,thechronicillnessofourcountry. Asaresultoftheseeloquentideas,thejournalistrefutestheCourt’s interpretationbyvirtueofwhichlegallyrequiredpublicservicesarenot understoodinthewords“personallabors,”ofwhichArticle5ofthefundamentallawmakesuse. NoonerespectsMr.Vigilmorethanwedo,andweregretbeingin disagreementwithhim.TheeminentjournalistofEl Monitor,weare sorrytoassert,belongstotheoldliberalschoolthat,astheFrenchsay, a fait son temps.3Itiswhatwewouldcallliteraryliteralism,whichismore pleasedwithasonoroussentenceandawell-turnedphrasethanwith oneofthosestraightforwardandpositivetruthsthatwearecondemned Originaltitle:“Polémica condonJoséMaríaVigil.” Source:La Libertad, Mexico, August23,1878;August30,1878;September6,1878;October23,1878;andOctober30, 1878. 1.In1878theeditorinchiefofEl Monitor RepublicanowasVicenteGarcíaTorres,and JoséMaríaVigil,anoldliberal,wasacontributingeditor.(Editor’snote) 2.Article5ofthe1857Constitutionstates:“Noonecanbecompelledtorenderpersonalservices[trabajos]withoutduecompensationandwithouthisfullconsent.Law cannotauthorizeacontractthataimsatthelossorirrevocablesacrificeofaman’sliberty,beitforwork,education,orreligiousvows.Neithercanitauthorizecompactsin whichamanacceptshisbanishmentorexile.”(Editor’snote) 3.“Hashaditsday.”(Editor’snote) 391
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toencounterinthestreetatanytime,andthatwetripover,attherisk ofinjuringourselves,becausewearelookingattheskywhilewalking. Allourauthoritieshavetyrannicalinstincts,saysMr.Vigil.Weask him,dotheseauthoritiesfalltousfromtheclouds?No.Theyriseup fromsocietyandaregenuineproductsofourdefectiveConstitution; theyarethescrofulathatrevealsthedestructivepovertyofourtemperament. Andhowtocorrecttheillness?BymeansofArticle5interpreted atthegallopoftheimagination?Respectforindividualrights!Butin whattreeofourfieldsdoesthatfruitgrow?DoesMr.Vigilnotobserve thehatredforthedifferentlifeandthedisdainforlibertythatevery Mexicanlefttohisinstinctshas?Whatdoesitcometo,then,totake upthesonoroushornoftherevolutionarydeclamationsoastocryout: Article5mustbeanabsolutearticlebecausethedemocraticrevolution haswonthatgreatprinciplebyvirtueofwhichneitherthearmynorthe municipalitynorthepenitentiaryregimeispossible? No,thisisnottrue;itisnottopenetrateintothefactsandtakenotice ofthemsimplyandfrankly;itisnottoputtheprobeinthewound,but rathertocoveritwithaveilthathideswiththegoldenwarpingchain oftheacademictermtheinnermostanddisgustingevilthatiskilling us.Theviolationofguarantees,theinsulttoright,comesbecause,when thelegalpreceptdoesnotaccordwiththeneedsoflife,arbitrariness anddespotismaretheonlypossibleregimeinsocietieslikeoursthatare barelyembryonic. And then does Mr. Vigil believe that, because he has said that the interpretationoftheCourtisdangerous,ithasalreadybeenrefuted? Frankly,wehavenotfoundanystrengthinthejournalist’sreasoning. Wewouldliketoseehimdescendfromgeneralitiesandapproachthe fundamentalsoftheinterpretationmentionedunderitstripleaspect: historical,constitutional,andphilosophical.Mr.Vigilbelievesthatthe applicationofArticle16isuselessbecauseslaveryhasbeenabolished.4 Well,itisthecoercionoftheIndianconstable,itistheservitudeofthe 4.“Nobodycanbedisturbedinhisperson,family,placeofabode,papers,andpossessions without a written warrant issued by a competent authority based on legal grounds.Whenanoffenseiscommittedinflagrantedelicto,anypersoncanarrestthe criminalandhisaccomplicesbyplacingthemwithoutdelayinthecustodyofthenearestauthority.”(Editor’snote)
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peon, it is that slave of a piece of ground, the serf of the glebe, as it wascalledintheMiddleAges,that,likeaninstrumentofredemption, Article4intendstorectify. Aswasnatural,Mr.VigilrecommendstoustheexampleoftheUnited Statesinorganizingitsarmyintherecentcivilwar.AnAmericanwould laughtohimselfatthischarmingidea.Preciselybyviolence,breaking thecontractsofthevolunteersandcompellingthemtoremaininthe encampment,wasShermanabletoorganizetheArmyofthePotomac and thus save the cause ofthe North. And this isbecause the Saxon, whosomuchrespectsindividualright,whenthehourofsocialdanger sounds,makestherightoftheindividualyieldtoeverythingnecessary tocounteractthedanger. Mr.Vigiliscorrecttocondemnthathorribleabductionofthelevy thathasdrawntheyoungbloodfromtheveinsofourcountry,andthat isoneofthecausesofourincurableanemia;butlethisanathemanot movefromthereifhewantshisarrowstogotothetargetandnofurther.
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ThejournalistofEl Monitordoesusthehonorofansweringsomeofthe observationswedirectedtohiscriticismofarulinginwhichtheCourt ofJusticeexpressesanewinterpretationofArticle5ofthefundamentallaw.Itwasourobjectivetostimulatedebateoverthebasicsofthis interpretation,whichMr.Vigil’sbulletinleftuntouched.Wehavenot succeeded,andwearegoingtoreplyforthepurposeofmakingasecond attemptonthesamepoint,rescuing,inanycase,ourrespectandsympathyforawriterbeforewhoseintellectualandmoralworthwehavelong beenaccustomedtobow. WesensethatMr.Vigilmight havetakenpoorlytheclassification thatwemakeoftheschoolinwhichthecharacterofhiswritingsplaces him.Intruth,ourintentioncouldbeonlytoexpressafact:Wecallthat schoololdbecauseinMexicoittendstobereplacedbyanothersodifferentthat,althoughitmightwellbeconsideredahistoricalconsequence oftherevolutionaryschool,itisnot,norisitbyfaritsscientificconsequence.Letusexplain. Theold liberal school that has passed its time,asMr.Vigilsays,orhasaccomplisheditsmission,aswesaid,availingourselvesofaFrenchlocution,istheschoolthatbelievesthatasocietyregeneratesitselfthanksto politicaldogmaslinkedwithmetaphysicaldogmas;thatwithouttaking
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intoaccountthetruthofthefacts,ortheexperience,ortheconditions inwhichapeoplelives,itmakesfactitiouslawsthatarenottheproduct ofsocialneeds,butratherthattendbymeansoffalsepropositionsto reducesocietiestoaspecificwayofbeing,whichisascientificerror;it istheschoolthatbelievesthatthewaytomoldthepeopletothosedogmasisviolence,thatistosay,revolution,whichisamoralerror;itisthe schoolthatbelieves,withMr.Vigil,thatthemenof[17]93established forgottenorunknownrightsoneternalfoundations,whichisahistoricalerror. Thatschool,bornindisturbanceandfordisturbance,neededeloquenceandrhetorictostirupthepassionsofapartofsocietyandhurl itlikeaformidablebatteringramontheotherpart;fromherecomeits methods,essentiallyliteraryandsentimental,whichconsistinreplacing whatshouldbearigorousscientificproofwithapoeticturnofphrase. Forexample,animpartialmanobservesthatwhenallsensibleMexicansacknowledgethat“onlywithdifficultycantherebeapeoplethat livesinmoreanarchicconditions,inwhichtheauthorityhaslostmore of its prestige, in which political passions ferment more actively (?), and that it is necessary to recognize with sadness that our country is verybackward”(Mr.Vigil’stext),andthatobservationisfollowedby thisother:GiventhatMexicofindsitselfinthatstate,howisitthatit hasaConstitutioninwhichthereareonehundredtimesfewerconservativeelements,elementsofstabilityandorder,thaninthemostliberalofthecountriesthatmarchattheforefrontofcivilization?Howis itthatinFrance,wherethemenof’93madethemarvelsthatMr.Vigil attributestothem,ithasbeenrecognizedthatonlyanultraconservativerepublicispossible?HowisitthatEngland,theclassicalcountry ofself-government,hasanaristocraticconstitution?HowitisthatGermanymaintainssemifeudalinstitutions?WhyintheUnitedStatesdoes individualrightyieldeveryday,everyminute,beforesociety,whether thegovernmentrepresentssocietyconfiscatingthegoodsoftheConfederate,whethertheinhabitantsofatownwholynchthecriminal,settingasidethejudgeandtheConstitution?Andhere,inabackwardand essentiallyanarchiccountry,wehaveafundamentallawthatassumesa stateofprogresstentimessuperiortothatofthosepeoples? Andthisisnottalkingforthesakeoftalking.Mr.Vigil,forexample, maintainsthatthearticleintheConstitutionthatsays,“Noonecanbe
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compelledtogivepersonallabor,”mustbeunderstoodinanabsolute way,thesameforprivatelaborasforpublicservice.Mr.Vigildoesnot lingeroverthisdistinction; letusmoveon.Logicmakesterrible demands;whathumanactiondoesnotinvolvetheideaofeffort,andwhat effortisnotlabor?Thenwhohastherighttocompelnothingornobodyinthisblessedcountry?AndwhatConstitution,evenbeitthatof ’93,hasproclaimedsuchanenchantingandpracticallibertyaboveall? Thisistheabsurdity,Mr.Vigilwillsay.Well,beforethisabsurditythe majorityoftheCourthasbackeddownandhassoughtaninterpretation thatnotonlyreasonauthorized,butalsothatthehistoricalsourcesof theConstitutiondemanded,thevoiceofthePoncianoArriagas,ofthe LéonGuzmáns,oftheIgnacioRamírezes,whoexpressedthespiritof theconstituent. Thisis,amongothers,thehistoricalpointofviewfromwhichwe invitedtheillustriousjournalisttostudythequestion.Forthisstudy, itwassufficienttoappealtothetextsandtoreasonwithineveryone’s graspwithoutsoaringtoabstractionswhich,beingabstractions,hadto beunintelligibleasMr.Vigilseemstobelieve,fallingintoabanalityunworthyofhistalent. Well then, to all those observations, what does literary liberalism answer?PurelyandsimplythattheConstitutionisholy,thatthepeople have spilled their blood for it, that to destroy the woes that trouble usitisnecessarytoobservetheConstitutionfaithfully.TheRepublic hasseenpassthroughpowerthewholeliberalpartyinallitsfacesand nuances;ithasseenpasswiththeirpartisansbranchedoutthroughout thecountrytheJuaristaparty,guidedbyaneminentlypracticalcitizen; theLerdistaparty,presidedoverbyoneofthemostintelligentmenwe haveknown;thePorfiristaparty,ledbyacaudilloofincorruptibleprobity;andwhen,inwhatday,inwhatmoment,hastheConstitutionbeen observed? Willthisnotmeanthatthereareimpracticalthingsinourpolitical codebecauseitisnotinharmonywithoursocialconditions?Between therigorouslyinductiveargumentthatcanbesupportedwithaninfinite seriesoffactsandthedeductionofMr.Vigil,imperfect,withoutproven foundation,basedinsimpleaprioritruths,thatis,indogmas,whichis ittobe?Whatisitthatreasondemands? Twobriefcaveatsfithere.WhenwesaidthatourConstitutionwas
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flawed,aprintingerrorthatconsistedofchangingalowercasecforan uppercase,Mr.VigilsuggestedthatwewerereferringtotheConstitutionof’57.No,wewerespeaking,astheothersentenceindicated,of thegeneralstateofourparticularorganization,ofouraptitudeforlife. Whattheesteemedwriterhassaidregardingthematterhastherefore beeninvain.ThesecondcaveatisdirectedtoawillfulerrorofMr.Vigil. Wehavenotsaidinabsolutetermsthatarbitrarinessanddespotismare theonlyregimespossibleinthisembryonicsociety;thewriterhimself transcribesthepropositionthatprecededthisone:Whenthelegalpreceptisnotinaccordwiththeneedsofsociallife,thenarbitrarinessisthe onlypossibleregime.Andthisisatruthofsuchanaturethatitisenough tocastaglancearoundustobeoverwhelmedwithitsproof. Farfromdesiringarbitrariness,weareitsmostconvincedenemies; forthatreasonwewantpracticallegalrules,sothatnotonesinglereasonfordespotismremainsalive. ButnotforthisreasonisourdisagreementwithMr.Vigillessradical. Hebelievesthatwhenalawlikethree[buryingone’sheadinthesand] cannotbecarriedout,itisnecessary,tocorrecttheill,tochangethe threeintoten,butthisisadream,itisaninfantileillusion;thisisnot done,norhasiteverbeendone.Historyhasneverseensuchanundertakingrealized. Ay!Weareculpritsinthatoffense.Sowehavespokeninproseand verseuntilthedaywhenatlastweweremen,andwhenthefundamentalimportanceofidentifyinganidealwithbitterrealitywasrevealed tousinhoursofsupremeanguishandwetookofftheoldvestments. Weunderstoodthenthatinacountry,nomatterhowstrongandgreat itmightbe,civildivisionscannotbeprolongedindefinitely,andthat either the energy of good men imposes silence on the others or foreigndominationimposessilenceoneverybody.Inthespiritofhelping thegoodmen,werememberthosewordsofaGreekhistorianfromthe timesinwhichthecivilwars,ignitedinthenameoflibertyanddemocracy,hadputanendtoGreece: “SomewillwonderthatIspeakwiththisbitternesswhenitwasincumbentonme,morethanonanyother,topalliatethefailingsofthe Greeks.ButIamoftheopinionthat,intheeyesofsensiblepersons,the sincerefriendisnottheonewhofearsbeingfrank,noristhegoodcitizentheonewhoisunfaithfultothetruthsoasnottohurtsomeofhis
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contemporaries:hewritesnottopraisethehatedonesbutrathertocorrectevilwaysandpreventrepetitionofthesamefaults”(Polybius).
ourprinCipleS Wesaidthattheoldliberalschoolbaseditsprinciplesonmetaphysicaldogmas,andEl Monitor,initsTuesdaybulletin,takesituponitself togiveusthereasoninthemostexplicitterms.Thecolumnistandcolleaguedeclaresthathebelongstotheradicaldemocraticschool,“thathe startsfromtheabsoluteandreturnstoit;thatherestsontheaprioriof certainideasthatdonotcomefromexperience;thattheradicaldemocratic school is the child of Rousseau; that it originates from the Social Contract,etc.”El Monitoris,then,classified,and,weconfess,the categoryofliberalisminwhichitplacesitselfsurprisedusnotalittle. Wedidnotexpectthatthedefenderofabsoluteindividualrightwould fixonthesectofRousseau,whosefundamentalprinciplesaretheexistenceofahappyprimitivestatefromwhichthecurrentstateisadegeneration,ofa“contract”thatisthefoundationofsocialrelations,which meansthatsocietyissomethingpurelycontractual,and,aboveall,of thefamousdogmaoftheabsolutepowerofthepeopletowhoseright aresubordinatedthoseoftheindividual.Thisschool,whichistheone thatMadameStaëlcondemnsintheeloquentphrasescitedbythejournalist,isinpooragreement,truthfully,withthetheoriesofindividual supremacyadoptedbyourcolleague. ButMr.Vigilgoesfurther.Imitatingatalented“rhetorician,”whois certainlynotaradicaldemocrat,hetakesonthemissionofremaking manimmediatelyonthestandardofthesethreeabsolutes:theabsolute ofright,theabsoluteofequality,andtheabsoluteofliberty. There the confusion of doctrines; here the war of words and absurdity.Whatdoesthisthingaboutthethreeabsolutesmean?Theabsoluteeitherisoneorisnotone.Tosaythreeabsolutesislikesayingthree infinities,whichisapieceofnonsense,giventhattheideaofplurality andthatoflimitationarecoincident.Absoluteright,whicharisesonly fromtherelationshipofindividualtoindividualandwhichislimited bytherightofanother;absoluteequality(adeliriumprovenfalseby everything thatcanandmightexist) whenthisabsolutewouldbein contradictionwiththepreviousone,giventhat,inthiscase,everyone wouldhaverightovereverything,whichisthesamethingasdenying
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right;absolutelibertywhen,justaswithsociety,theindividualandin theindividualwhatiscalledspiritualandwhatiscalledmaterialaresubjecttoinvariablelawsthatgoverntheuniverseinwhichtheyareatoms, man,andsociety! Thejournalistseesthattoshapetheeminentlypositivestructureof socialrelationsonametaphysicalfoundationislikeusingtheseaasa foundationforapyramid.Thesedogmas,towhichonedoesnotcomeby experience,arenot,cannotbetheobjectofhumanscience;theyarethe objectoffaith,whichisthemostpersonalthatexistsbeneaththesun, andconsequentlythemostarbitrary,themostvariable,themostirreduciblethereis.Howtoextractfromthisimmensevoidthecomplicated mechanismofapoliticalconstitution? ContinuinginpursuitofMr.Caroandmakinguseofhisanalysis,intentionallyincomplete,thejournalisthasthekindnesstotelluswhatit iswewantandwherewearegoing.“Wearearistocratsandwearegoing tothedictatorshiptodeliversocietytothearbitrarywillofasupreme ruler.”Weappealtotheuprightnessofthejournalisttoshowuswhether hebelievesinallconsciencetohavefoundinourassertionsanythat mightauthorizehimtoinfersuchanextraordinaryconclusion,orifit isonlyintheinterestofwinningthatheisledtosetusupbysoabsurd aremarkwiththegoalofprovidinghimselfwithaneasyvictory. If,insteadoflettinghimselfbetransportedbytheinterestedandartificialcriticismoftheFrenchprofessor,thejournalisthadgonetothe sources,hewouldnotattributetous,neithertothemastersnortous thedisciples,thosebizarreandbrutalideas.Thenewschool,theschool ofthefuture,asMr.Caroironicallycallsit,theexperimentalEnglish school,whichcannotbeconfusedwiththatofAugusteComte,proceeds inamoreseriouswayandwithmoreforcefulmethodsthantheschool withwhichEl Monitordeals.Anexamplesuffices:theradicaldemocratic schooldeclaresitselfchildoftheSocial Contract.Weask,isthereany bookinwhichindividualrightismoresystematicallydisavowedthan inthisone?Thepositiveschoolcounts,amongthebestofitsproductions,thebookby[John]StuartMill,On Liberty.Haveindividualism andpositivelibertybeendefendedanywheremoreadmirablythanin thatwork?Wellthen,tocomparethosetwobooksisalmostlikecomparingthetwoschools. Butletusproceedtosomethingmoreconcrete.Whichare,intheir generalfeatures,theideasofthatschoolwebelievecalledtoreplacethe
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oldliberalisminMexico?Itisnecessarytospellthemoutsothatsomeoneelse’sliabilitiesdonotcontinuebeingattributedtous. 1.Society,likeallconcreteexistence,istheproductofadevelopmentsubjecttofixedlaws.Guidinginvestigations,inthesense ofknowingtheselawsandconformingthepositivelawstothem, mustbetheworkofthestatesman,thelegislator,thepublicwriter. Everythingthatmightbecontrarytotheselawsisartificial,canbe maintainedonlybyphysicalormoralviolence,andiscondemnedto perishirremissibly.Thisviolenceis,asageneralrule,whatreceives thenameofrevolutionorreaction.Wecalltheorganicdevelopmentofhumangroups“thesocialevolution.” 2.Right,notbeingabletohave,outsideofmetaphysicalarbitrariness,afoundationotherthantheprincipleofutilitywithrespectto theprogressiveinterestsofthehumanspecies,andprogressbeing theresultofthegrowingactivityofeachindividual,itisthedutyof everyone,expressedinthelaw,tofacilitatethedevelopmentofthis activity.Thisiswhatweunderstandby“individualright.” 3.Thefunctionofthestateconsistsinprotectingthoserights;that iswhatwecallsocialjustice.Butasthestateis,whatevermightbe itsformorlegalappearance,aproductofthesentimentsthatprevailinasociety,tothedegreetowhichthesesentimentsaremore antisocial,letussay,thestatehastobemoreconservative,theauthoritymorevigorous,topreventthedissolutionofthenational group;inwhichcaseindividualrightmustyieldandhasyieldedand willalwaysyieldinordernottoperish. Thisistheirrefutabletruthsanctionedbyallconstitutions.Forabsoluteindividualists,likethewriterwearecombating,theconstitutional powertosuspendguaranteesisacontradiction.Comenow,theright basedinthethreeabsolutescanceasetobe,eveniftemporarily?But, wewillrepeatitahundredtimes,logicmakesterribledemands,and social needs ruin the most sacred dogmas of radical democracy. This isthereality;allofusareawareofit,exceptthatsomeofusdeclareit andotherskeepquietaboutitinordertoflatterwedonotknowwhat ephemeralidolofliesanddementia. Socertainisthisthatthearticlewriter,inhisdefenseoftheConstitution, such as it is, and in his ill will toward the system of friars,
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has thrown out individual right. Why can the friars not consociate? Whereare,gentlemenknightsoftheidealandofeternalandindescribableright,whereareyourresonantprincipleshere?Themostlayofthe secularizedlaypeoplecouldexclaim,“Howdoyouremakemanonthe standardofabsoluteliberty,ofabsoluteequality,andpreventusfrom joiningtogether?Well,perchancearewefriarsnotmen?Whydoyou notpermitustogatherevenaleftoverscrapfromthatfeastofabsolutes which your political metaphysics gives us as a gift?” Well then, if El Monitorisfaithfultoitschurch,neithernownoreverwillitgivetothis reproachananswerworththetrouble. Wehavetoolongcontinuedthesenotes,but,ontheotherhand,we havesetdownsomeofthecardinalfundamentalsofourprogram,providingourobjectorsamoreextensiveandfirmergroundfortheirattacks.Whatconsequencesdoweextractfromthesepremises?Howdo wetrytoreducethemtopracticeandformulatethemintolaw?Itisa question regarding which we will not lack an opportunity to discuss later;probablytheillustriousjournalistofEl Monitorwillprovideusthe occasiontodoso. Oneobservationandwewillconclude. Notbecauseweareguidedbythefacts,notbecausewedenythat therearedemonstrabletruthsotherthanthosethatinternalorexternal experienceteachesus,dowelackanideal.Weprideourselvesonplacing theidealhigherthantherevolutionaryschool.Enoughtosaythat,for us,progressisanecessity,itisanimmutablelaw;thattheknowledgeof thislawpermitsustoassurethatadaywillcomewhentheconstraintof themorallawinthehumanspiritwillreplaceallpositivelawsandthe statewillbereducedtoitsfunctionsofprotection,thatistosay,toadministerjustice.Democracyisalsoanidealforus,notbecauseweseein thegovernmentofthegreaternumberanythingrationalorgoodinand ofitself,butratherbecauseitiswhatprovidesgreaterexpansetoindividualdevelopment. No,wearenottheoneswhodenythemarvelouspoweroftheidea;it isaprincipalfactorintheimprovementofsocieties.Ifourworthycolleaguehadcontentedhimselfwithshowingustheideal,ourdisagreementwouldhavebeenless,perhaps.Butfaithfulinthistothemethods oftherevolutionaryparty,hewantsthatthatideal,thatthoseprinciples, beforciblyreducedtopositivelaws,andthishappenedintheConstitution,andtothisweowethefactthattheConstitutionisnotpracticed
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andthatthereisinrealityanotherconstitutioninforce,theonlyone thatapeopleintheconditionsofourscanhave,butthat,becausein contradictionwiththewrittenlaw,leavesawidespaceforarbitrariness anddespotism. Whenmenhavewantedtoconvertanidealintorealityandimposeit bycompulsionoflaw,itopenstonationstheeraofbonfiresoftheInquisitiontorealizeareligiousideal;thatoftheguillotinetorealizeapoliticalideal;thatoftarringtorealizeasocialideal.5Itwasfiftyyearsago thattheradicaldemocraticschoolandthereactionaryschool,inorder torealizetheirideals,openedwidethegatesofMexicotocivilbattles. Dowedeservetheterribleanathemas,thoseofuswhobelievethetime toclosethosegateshasarrived?
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Inhisbulletinofyesterday,Mr.Vigildealswithrefutingtheideasof La Libertadwiththesameargumentsofwhichhehasconstantlymade use.NordidMr.Vigileventhinkaboutenteringintotheeditingroom oftheworthycolleagueofthestreetofLetrán,6whenLa Libertadhad already explained at length what it understood by the word “conservative,”basingitsprincipalattributeonoppositiontorevolutionand its absolute opposition to the word “reactionary.” Then we said that, inMexico,therehadnotproperlybeeneitherliberals,becauseinthe handsoftheselibertyhadbeenamyth,orconservatives,becausethose whoarecalledthuswereradicallyincapableofshoringuporder.There hasnotbeen,then,inourcountry,anythingbutrevolutionariesandreactionaries.Itwouldsufficeforustoshowthis,withregardtotheliberals,simplybypointingout,amongtheopinionsofthemostsensible andmoderateofthem,politicalcreedslikethatoftheradicaldemocracy adoptedbyMr.Vigil. Revolutionarieswishtomakeprogressbyaxblows,imposingitby violence,notunderstandingthatprogressisnotatthemercyofdreamers or made by means of political codes, but rather is brought about 5.Tarringwasaformofcorporalpunishmentthatentailedsmearingaperson’sbody withtar.Itwassometimesinflictedbyamobonanunpopularorscandalouscharacter. (Editor’snote) 6.TheofficesofEl Monitor RepublicanowereinthestreetofSanJuandeLetránin MexicoCity.(Editor’snote)
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slowlyandlaboriously.Theresultisthatwhen,byvirtueofarevolutionconstitutionsaredrawnup,thesefloatonthesurfaceofthesocietieslikeaquaticpalmsonthecurrents,withouttouchingbottomwith theirroots.Ithappensthenthatbetweenthewritteninstitutionsandthe naturalinstitutionsthereisnoconnectionwhatsoever;andastheyinjureandhurteachothermutually,therealityis,asaconsequence,that apeopleliveswithoutinstitutionsandistheplaythingofpoliticaland socialventures.ThisiswhathappenswiththeMexicanRepublic,aswe willnottireofrepeating,aswewillshowonlytoowell. Mr.Vigilseesthathedoesnothavetoappealto“distinctions”with ourepithetofconservatives:theliteralsignificanceandthepoliticalsignificance are blended for us; for him, “conservative” means conserve theConstitution;forus,itmeanstoconservethesocialorder,theonly meansofacclimatizingliberty,exoticplantinourhistory.AndthewonderthatthiscausesMr.Vigilsurprisesus;hedoesnotlivesodistant fromthepoliticalmovementinthemodernworldtobeunawarethat thewordhasbeentransformedand,withoutlosingitsoriginalmeaning, hasbeenenrichedwithfirst-ratescientificelements.WhenAmerican conservativesdominatedefinitivelyintheUnitedStates,andinEngland theconservativepartyalsodominates;whentheyoungrepublicangenerationinFrance,thankstopoliticalabilityacquiredinhoursofterrible dangers,callsitselfconservativeandsupportsanultraconservativeconstitution;whenEmilioCastelarproclaims,astheonlypossibleonein Spain,aconservativerepublicanconstitutionalso,whyishereproachingusforcallingourselvesthesameandrequesting,notinthenameof thedivinityinyearspast,butratherinthenameofscienceandtruth, orderinadisorderedcountry? AnothermistakeMr.Vigilmakesinattemptingtoshowourlackof scientificmethodisthatofsayingthatoursolutiontothesocialproblemisprovisioningastronggovernment,thatistosay,onecapableof preservingorder.Notaletter,notatildeofLa Libertadauthorizessuch anassertion.Theauthorsofsocialpanaceasdisgustus,andneverhave those who speak of the prosperity of a people by virtue of infallible means,keptinenchantedbottles,seemedtousanythingbutcharlatans. TheproblemofthehappinessofMexicoiscomplexintheextreme;we needmanythingsandmuchtimetoresolveit.WebegMr.Vigiltolend ustwominutesmoreofattention. Inrealitywehaveneitherinstitutionsnorrightsnorguarantees;all
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thisisatthemercyoftherevolutionaryman.Whatisthepracticalway tomakethisconditiondisappear?Adaptindividualrighttotheconditionsofourexistence,invigoratetheprincipleofauthority,giveusa stronggovernment. Whatwewant,then,withastronggovernment,aroundwhichthe conservativeelementsofsocietycanassemble,istocombatrevolutions, istomakethemgraduallyimpossible.Fromthis,peacewouldcome,and thatcertainlyisaconditiontorealizematerialimprovements,theonly paththatguidesustothesolutiontotheproblem. Dowehaveheresomesinagainstthescientificmethod,thatistosay, againstexperienceandreason?Isthereajustreasonforsomuchscandalinouraffirmationthatconstitutionsthathaveastheirobjective,like ours,todothegoodofhumanityandthatbeginonlybyadmittingthe constitutionsthataregoodfortheItalians,fortheFrench,fortheChileans,etc.,haveendedinallcivilizedcountries?Ifeverycountryencountersitselfinitselfandstudiesitsneedsandtriestosatisfythem,without settingitselftoascertainwhicharetherightsofmanandwhicharenot, bywhatstrangemisfortunehasMexicobeeneternallyunabletodothe same?Whyarethedoorsclosedtothishealthyandcomfortingegoism? DoesitnotseemtoEl Monitorthatitisnowtimethatthewisdomtooth mightcomethrough?
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ThejournalistofEl Monitorhasspokenhislastwordinthepolemicthat hebeganwithLa Libertad.Thislastwordisexactlylikethefirst.Wewill overlookeverythingMr.Vigilinsistedonattributingtous,probablyapplyingtheartofdiscussingthescientificmethodofwhichhehasanidea; thusitisthatthejournalistinsiststhatouridealinthematterofnational prosperityisastronggovernmentdespitethefactthathisownreference contradictsit.Wehaveexplainedthatwedonotclaimtohavediscovered apanaceaorsystemtocurealltheillsofthecountry,butrathersimply thatoneofourmosturgentneedsisestablishingarobustgovernment, notbecauseinsatisfyingitourillswillbecuredasifbyenchantment, butratherbecauseinthemidstofasocietythateverydaylosesanelementofunion,thatlivesasifforashorttime,that“isgoingout,”asan ancientsaid,speakingoftheanarchyinacountryoftheOrient,itisnecessary,itisindispensable,itisofaninexpressibleimportancetoform astrongnucleuscapableofattractingsomepowerfulinterestsintheir
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turnandtryingtosave,inthatway,whattheconstituentsconsideredthe supremeobjectiveoftheirlabors:theunityofthepatria. Despitethefactthatwehavebeenclearandconclusiveasmuchasis possibleinthematter,Mr.Vigilrespondedthatweweremaintaining vaguenesses.Thisisapolemicalretort,itisnotasinceretruth.Wedo notknowwhatisvagueaboutrequestingtheestablishmentofaconservative government.—That is dictatorship, they have said to us.— Calumny,wehaveresponded;dictatorshipisarbitrarinessandwewant order,andasaconditionforgettingthere,thereformoftheConstitution,wideningthesphereoftheauthorityandarmingit,notwiththe prohibitedarmsofdespotism,ofintrigue,andofchicanery,childofan impracticableconstitution,butratherwiththosethatputintheirhands alawreconciledwithourtrueneedsandthatwouldbesufficienttopromotetheprogressofallandlookaftertherightofeachone,todayatthe mercyofforceandcorruption. Isthisclear?Isthisvague? Ah,no;butMr.Vigilcertainlyisastaunchenemyofvagueness;he certainlysupportsaveryclear,veryfecund,verypreciseprogram,agreat practicalprogram.Whatistheremedyforourills?Complywiththe Constitution.Hasnothingclearerbeenseen?Yes,thisisthesun.How couldIbecured,Doctor?Bycuringyourself.ComplywiththeConstitution!Andwhatdoesonedotocomplywithit?Enoughofwantingit, Mr.Vigilwilltellus;itispurelyamatterofgoodwill.Certainly,menof goodwillwouldsaveus;butastherearenonehere,tojudgebythehistoryoftheConstitution,itwillbenecessarytohavethemmadesomewhereelse. ButwehaveaclassicexampleofthewayinwhichthejournalistunderstandsthattheConstitutionmustbefulfilled.Tobringittomindisto bringtomindalsothefirstwordofthispolemic.ItdealtwithArticle5 oftheConstitution,which,accordingtoEl Monitor,mustbeunderstood thus:noinhabitantoftheRepublicisobligedtolendhispersonallabor tosocietywithouthisfullconsent.Thearticledoesnotsaythat,accordingtotheinterpretationofthehighestcourtofthecountry;butthatis whatMr.Vigilwantsitsosay,forgettingthattheLetterkills.7 7.“TheLetterkillsbutthespiritgiveslife”(2Cor.3:6).Inthiscontextthephrase referstothefactthatundertheOldCovenant,theLaw/LettergiveninSinaibrought condemnationanddebtasnoonecouldobeyitperfectlyandbesaved.(Editor’snote)
polemiCwithjoSémaríaviGil : 405
Thejournalistwants,aswedo,thatauthorityberespected;butwhen itcomestothearmy,wellthatisanothermatter,becausefromthemomentthecitizendoesnotconsenttoserve,noonecancompelhim;he wantsthedemocraticinstitutionstobeafact,butitisnecessarytopay thegentlemencouncilmen,averyeasythingintheRepublic,because thedaytheirfullconsent is lacking, whocancompel themtoserve? Andtheworkinthepenitentiaries,howwillitbedemanded?Andthe tax,howwillitbecollected?Isnotmoneyarepresentativevalueofpersonallabor?Doesn’tthetaxpayergiveaformofpersonallabortothe stateintheformofmoney?Andifhedoesnotwishtogiveit?Article5 willprotecthim. Asonesees,nothingismorepositiveandnothingcanbringthecountrymorebenefitsthanthisprecept!WillMr.Vigilnotwanttoreform itinthesenseof“increasingliberties”?Becauseaccordingtohistheory, themorealibertyisstretched,themorepracticalitis.Intruth,inFrance andinEnglandsuchlibertydoesnotexist;butwhybeconcernedwith EnglandandFrance?LetusbeconcernedwithMexico;hereiswhere thatlibertyhasbeenstrengthened;hereiswhereitisadmirablyadequateforwhatweneed.Wealreadyhavetoomuchorder,wehavedone toomuchtopreserveourselves.Liberty,lotsofliberty.Evohe!8 Butletusdescendtheresoundingstepsofenthusiasm,andletusconcludewiththishumbleandpedestrianobservation.TheConstitution hasexistedfortwentyyearsandnoonehasputitintopractice.Doesour worthyopponentbelievethat,onlybecausehesaysnoonehaswanted toputtheConstitutionintopractice,itissuddenlygoingtobeputinto practice?Iftheillnessisinmen,doesitnotseemtohimthattheillnessmightspread?DoesnotMr.Vigilhaveinreservesomeremedyfor thisepidemic?Anditcanhappen,notthatherecoversvirginityforthe Constitution,asinMariónDelorme,VictorHugo,butthathefertilizes itandgivesus,finally,thedesiredchild,theMessiahofthesocialregenerationofMexico.
8.Interjection.ThecryoftheBacchae(inGreekmythology,thepriestessesofBacchus)inhonorofDionysius.(Editor’snote)
5
Our Battle Plan
Nooneisinabettersituationthanwetochoosepositionsinthefaceoffutureevents.Wehavemaintained,supportedby thegoodsenseofthecountry(ofthiswehavemoreconclusiveproofs everyday),thatitwasnecessarytoreformtheConstitutioninthesense ofcreatingelementsofgovernmentalenergyinordertopreservesocial interests.Politicaleventssubsequenttoourfirstaffirmationshavedemonstrated that we were right when, in a society that is unsettled, we maintainedthatitwasnecessarytostrengthenthecenterofcohesion. A legitimate consequence of the principles in which we have believed,thateveryeffectiveattemptatpoliticalreconstructionmustbe supported,hasbeenthis,whichweholdasanincontrovertibletruth: there is nothing to hope from revolutions now; every revolution is essentiallyantipatrioticandcriminal. Twolawsderivefromthisforus:tosupportatallcoststhepresent administrationagainstrevolutionaryattacks;tocombatthoseattacksin whateverformtheypresentthemselves.Forthatreason,wefightatall costsagainstthecandidacyofMr.Benítez.1Hewasamanwhohadthe unanimousabhorrenceofthecountry;everythingthatmightbedonein hisfavorhadtobeartificial;toputofficialresourcesathisdisposalwas tosolicitboldlyanuncontainablerevolution,becauseitgavehim,more thanapretext,areasonforbeing. ThankstothegoodsenseshownthistimebythepresidentoftheRepublic,Mr.Benítezhasgivenuphiscandidacy,andthisrelinquishment, eventhoughitmightnotbesincere,thecircumstanceswillmakeirremediable.Thenewtendenciesthatstart,ifnotfromthecenter,certainly fromthecirclethatimmediatelysurroundsit,seemtoustoshowthat Originaltitle:“Nuestroprogramadecombate.”Source:La Libertad,Mexico,May16, 1879. 1.JustoBenítezwantedtobeacandidateforthepresidencyin1880.(Editor’snote) 406
ourbattleplan : 407
theideaofcreatingacandidacywithofficialmeans,withoutthesupport of opinion, has not been abandoned. We must oppose that tendency withallourstrength. Wedonotdeludeourselves.Weknowperfectlythatthecountrywill nottakepartintheelection;thatourpartiesarenotpoliticalgroups butratherpersonalfactions;thatourcountryneedsthemtowaitonits table;whatisnecessary,andinthistheeternalerrorofMexicangovernmentshasconsisted,istoservethecountryamealitlikes.Thisisthe secret:aquestionofcuisine,likethemajorityofpoliticalquestions.For thatwehaverequestedinalltheannotationsoftheregistryofsupplications[registro deprecatorio]tothegentlemanpresident,thathesettleon onecitizenthatthecountryaccepts,andhewillseehow,withoutappealstoforce,theelection,orwhatiscalledsuch,deservestheapplause ofallhonorablecitizens. Itisnothiddenfromusthattheprofoundworkofdecomposition that undermines and wears down this society, not now muffled but rathervisibly,necessitatesinthecrisesinwhichthelatentanarchywill risefromthemuckheaptothestreet,menofextremeenergy,incapable oftyrannizingbuttrainedtorepress.Soasmuchforthecountryasfor thefuturepresident,theeffectivecollaborationofGeneralDíazwould beveryfortunate,andallthesecircumstancesincreasegreatlytheresponsibilityofthecurrentleaderoftheexecutive.Menhavelittleinfluenceonthecurrentofhumanevents,ruledbyinevitablelaws;butaman canholdbackorhastentheadvanceofthiscurrent,andGeneralDíazis inthatsituation. Ourroleinthefutureis,then,verysimple.Tosupporttheadministration;tocombattheofficialeffortsonbehalfofcandidatesnotacceptedbyopinion.Iftheseeffortscontinue,wewillcontributewithall ourstrengthtotheconsolidationofagroupofunofficialpartiesthat mightbringtotheelectoralfieldthepossiblestruggleagainsttheforces ofthegovernment. Nonetheless,andevenifthisisequivalenttothemostseriousofadmissions,subjecttomakingitmoreexplicitinasubsequentarticle,we declarethat,inanycase,wewillfightagainsttherevolutionandwewill bowbeforetheresolutionsofCongress,betheyinagreementwithour aspirationsornot,becauseoutsideofthiswedonotseesalvation.
josé María vigil JoséMaríaVigil(1829–1909),borninJalisco,wasaprofessor, writer, and journalist. He belonged to the older generation ofliberalswhoheldthe1857Constitutioninhighregard.He wrotearticlesforseveralnewspapers,amongthemEl Siglo XIX andEl Monitor Republicano.VigilservedtwotermsinCongress aftertheRepublicwasrestoredin1867andlaterbecameajusticeontheSupremeCourt.VigiltaughtattheEscuelaNacional PreparatoriaandwasthedirectoroftheNationalLibrary.He wasacriticofpositivism,believingthatitcorruptedthenature ofliberalism.In1878,inthedailyEl Monitor Republicano,Vigil counteredSierra’sargumentspublishedinLa Libertadbycriticizingthepracticeoflimitingconstitutionalrightsinorderto makethegovernmentstronger. WepresentsomeofVigil’sessaysaswellashiscontributions tothatpolemic.
408
1
Bulletin of El Monitor, August 22, 1878
Thegreatobjectiveofthedemocraticrevolution,for whichtheMexicannationhassufferedlongyearsofbloodystruggles, istherightstheConstitutionof’57setdowninsection1oftitle1and those designated generally by the name of constitutional guarantees. Alltherest—thepoliticalsystemthatgovernsus,theformadoptedof federativerepublic—donotintendanyendotherthanthestrengtheningofthoseguarantees,theinviolabilityofthoserights,withoutwhich notasinglestepwouldhavebeentakenontheroadofprogressandtrue libertyforthepeople. Our society, like French society before the famous revolution of ’80,found itself deprived ofthegreater part ofthose precious rights setdowninourConstitution.Theabsoluteregimethatruledthroughouttheentirecolonialepochprofesseddoctrinesradicallyopposedto thosethatdominatetoday;anditisworthnotingthat,amongthefirst methodsadoptedbytherevolutionofindependence,onefindstheconsecrationofcertainguaranteesthat,onceMexicowonitsnationalsovereignty,cametobeexpandedprogressivelyuntiltheyear’57,whenthe nationsawthosesavingprinciplesoflifeandlibertyincludedinitsfundamentallaw. It is sad, nonetheless, to acknowledge that, among the reforms of whichtheRepublicissoproud,thefullandabsoluterespectforindividualguaranteescannotbecounted.Thetheoriesareproclaimed,the principleshavebeenelevatedtothecategoryofconstitutionalprescriptions,itbeingdeclaredsolemnlyinArticle1ofthefundamentallaw that“therightsofmanarethefoundationandtheobjectiveofsocial institutions.”Butdespitethat,thehabitsoftyrannyourancestorsbequeathedusareperpetuatedamongusinthespecteroftheignoranceof Originaltitle:“BoletíndelMonitor,”22deagostode1878.Source:El Monitor Republicano,August22,1878. 409
410 : joSémaríaviGil
themasseswithregardtomakingtheirrightsrespectedandofthearbitrarinessofmandarins,who,puttingonairsasliberals,arenothingmore thanodiouspettydictatorsdisposedtoabuse,everywheretheycan,the poorandthehelpless. The guarantee most frequently violated is the one contained in Article5oftheConstitution;ontheotherhand,thatguaranteeis,perhaps,themostprecious,becauseithasasitsobjectivethepersonhimself,histime,hiswork,hiswill,andevenhislife;thatistosay,itisabout manintheentirebreadthoftheword,physicallyandmorallyspeaking. Thenumberofamparos1filedforviolationofArticle5isincomparably higherthanthoselodgedforotherabuses,withouthavingdiminished evenuptothistime,aswouldbedesiredbyallofuswhoareinterested inhavingtheobservanceoftheConstitutioncometobeagenuinepractice. Thereasonforsuchadifferenceisexplainedbykeepinginmindthe innumerablequantityofvictimsthatthebarbaroussystemofthelevy sacrifices;fortheeffortofmaintainingagrowingarmythatabsorbsthe greaterpartofthebudget,theillwillthatourrepublicangovernments professforthenationalguard,andthattypeofsystematicforgetfulness toconcernitselfwiththecreationofalawofrecruitmentmakeitresorttothesavagemethodofuprootingthemosthelplessclassfromtheir homessotheymightwieldarmswiththemostenormousdetrimentto theirfamiliesandinterests. ItisrighttoaddthattheSupremeCourthasprotected,inthemajorityofcases,thoseunfortunatepeoplewhoappealtoitrequestingthe libertyofwhichtheyhavebeendeprived,withoutourrecallingthatnot oncehasitpermittedcondemnationofthelevy’sodiousabusesinthe mostexplicitway.Nonetheless,intheselastdays,ithasintroducedin theexplanatorypartofsomesentencescertaindoctrinesthatcometobe aninnovation,inwhichwewouldfindnothingunusualif,atthesame time,wedidnotseethatadooropensslightly,throughwhichabuseand arbitrarinesscanreadilybeintroduced. Certainly,thelevycontinuestobecondemned,butnotyetforviolationofArticle5,becausetheguaranteeofnotgivingpersonallabor 1.Thewritofamparoisfiledbypersonswhoclaimthattheirindividualrightshave beenviolatedbyanauthority.(Editor’snote)
bulletinofEl Monitor,auGuSt22,1878 : 411
without just compensation and without full consent refers only to person-to-personactivitiesanddoesnotspeakofdutiestothepatria, but rather because such a system violates the constitutional requirementthatdemandsproportionalityandequityingivingpublicservice to which Article 312 subjects Mexicans. Thus it is that from the obligation that Article 31 imposes on every Mexican to defend the independence,territory,honor,etc.,ofthepatriaandtocontributetothe publicexpensesofthefederation,thestate,andthemunicipality,one deducesthat,inaquestionofpublicserviceandtaxes,theMexicancan beobligedtogivepersonallaborevenwithouttherebeingjustcompensationandfullconsent,“providedonlythattheseservicesaredemanded ofhimintheproportionalandequitablemannerthatthelawssetout.” Itoccurstous,ofcourse,thatthenewinterpretationtheSupreme Court has thought it wise to give Article 5 is somewhat useless and ridiculous;giventhatArticle2abolishedslavery,noinhabitantofthe Republichasruntheriskthathisneighbormightcompelhimtogive himsomeserviceagainsthiswillandwithoutfaircompensation.Ifevery manwhostepsonourterritoryisfree,ifnoindividualhasthepowerto demandforcedservicefromanyone,thenArticle5istotallysuperfluous intheConstitution,sinceitwasintendedtoguaranteerightsthatnoone thinksofattackingbecausethehorribleinstitutionofslaverywasabolished. Itissaidinsupportthatsuchwasthemindoftheconstituentsinapprovingthearticlecited.Thatmaybeso,butthatdoesnoteliminatethe factthattheinterpretationtheSupremeCourthadpreviouslyadopted ismorenatural, moreinconformity with thewritten text, andmore inthespiritofourinstitutions.Ineffect,andhereiswhereweseethe danger,itisnecessarytokeepverymuchinmindthattheprimaryenemies the Mexican people have with respect to their liberty are, with rareandhonorableexceptions,theauthorities.Fromthehighestofficials tothelowestpolicemen,fromtheillustriousyoungmenwhocommand 2.Article31ofthe1857Constitutionstates:“TheobligationsofMexicansare(1)to defendtheindependence,theterritory,thehonor,therights,andinterestsofthehomeland;(2)tocontributetothepublicexpendituresofthefederation,andthestateand municipalityinwhichtheyreside,intheproportionalandequitablemannerprovided bylaw.”(Editor’snote)
412 : joSémaríaviGil
theshipofstatetotheobscuremayorofavillage,allseeminspiredby thesamedespoticsentimentforabusingpower,oppressingtheweak, harassingthehelpless,sometimesbytheshamelessuseofbruteforce, othertimesbymeansofchicaneriesandsubtleties,veryingenious,if you will, but that reveal the complete lack of respect that those who shouldbefaithfulguardiansofitsrightsprofesstosociety. Iftheabuseceasestobesuchsimplybycomingtobeencompassed bycertainlegalformulas;ifmancanbedeprivedofhisindividualliberty, “even without there being fair compensation and full consent,” bymeansofgeneralmeasures,itcanthenbesaidthattheguarantees grantedbytheConstitution,wheretheyresidemostlyassimpletheories,havereceivedadeathblow,thesimplestwayhavingbeendiscoveredtoperpetuateabusesandtyranny,ofwhichthepeoplehavebeen victimsdespitetheprinciplesattained. Butitissaidthatthoseinvoluntaryservicescannotbedemandedexceptinaproportionalandequitableway;welikethewords,exceptthat theyhavesuchelasticitythattheyfitwithinconceptsdiametricallyopposedtothosetheyexpress.Ifthoseamonguswhomanagetoexercise power,almostalwaysbyevilmeans,wouldbeinspiredbythedesireto actwell;ifsocietyfeelsitselfcompletelysurethatitswillwouldalways berespectedanditsopiniondutifullypaidattentionto,someappearance of reason would be conferred on the theory we are combating; butwhenthecompleteoppositehappens,whenweliveinthemidstof abuseandcorruption,toproclaimsuchaprinciple,falseaccordingto theliberalpointofviewandofsuchinjuriousconsequences,seemsto ussoabsurdanddangerousthatweharborthehopethattheSupreme Courtwillretraceitsstepsanddispensewithproclaimingitinsimilar casesthatcomebeforeit. TodeducethenewinterpretationofthedutiesimposedbyArticle31 seemstousanot-very-cleversophism.FromthefactthattheMexican citizenhastheobligationto“defendtheindependence,territory,honor, rights,andinterestsofhispatria,”onedoesnotlogicallydeducethat someonecanbeobligedtogivepersonallaborwithoutfaircompensationandwithouthisfullconsent. Letussupposeanextreme,exceptionalcase;letussupposethecaseof aforeignwar.Well,notevensowoulditbejust,rational,orappropriate toappealtothosemethodsofviolenceandtyranny.Andthisisnotan opinionexclusivelyours;itisthefeelingofwell-knownexpertsinpub-
bulletinofEl Monitor,auGuSt22,1878 : 413
liclaw,asitwillbeeasyforustodemonstratedespitethelittlefondness wehaveforcitingauthorities. “Assoonaswaristhreatened,”saysFilangieri, oneturnstoviolence.Whatasadspectacle!Whatanunfortunateomen!Thosecitizenswhohavenotbeenabletohide,who havenotbeenabletofleeorwithdrawthemselveswiththehelpof someprivilegeorwithmoneytodespoticrecruiters,areboundand draggedbeforeasubdelegatewhosefunctionsarealwaysodiousand whosesenseofprobityisalwayssuspectbythepublic.Theparents ofthoseunfortunateonesaccompanythem;theydeliver,trembling, thenamesoftheirsonstothesubdelegateandawaittheirfate. Thenablackballshootsfromthefatefulurnandmarksthevictims whomtheprincesacrificestowar.Thisceremony,accompaniedby thetearsofthefathers,thedesperationofthemothers,thesobsof thewives,whatvaluecaninspirethosenewcombatantsforwhom everythingforetellsacertaindeath? No,thatisnotthepricewithwhichtruesoldiersareobtained;it isnotthusthatthepeoplesoftheNortharecalledtogotowar.... Suchasadanddismalapparatusdidnotprecedethenthehorrorsof combat,andwithoutdoubt,warwouldnotbegintodayundersuch terribleauspicesifsoldierspledgedvoluntarilytodefendthepatria, ifnoviolenceatallwereusedagainstthem,andifitwerenotfate thatdeterminedtheirdestiny. “Itisimportant,”saysFritot, thataforcedrecruitment,thatanodiouslawofconscriptionnot violentlyuproot,fromtheirlaborsandtheirfamilies,menwhose naturalinclinationdistancesthemfromthenoblecareerofbearing arms,andthattheynotdragtheminchainslikecriminalsorslaves beneaththestandardsofthepatriaandliberty.... Insociety,thosewhoarenotcalledbyanaturalvocationtoembracethecareerofbearingarmscanbehonorableandusefulcitizens,industriousartisans,hardworkingproprietors,buttheywill almostalwaysbe,inmorethanoneway,badsoldiers. Mencompelledbyviolencetotakeonthejobofbearingarms, enlistedandledunderthestandardsagainsttheirwill,areeasily
414 : joSémaríaviGil
persuadedthatinjusticeandforcearetheonlyregulatorsofthe world,andtheythemselvesveryquicklyhavenootherruleofconductorruleoflaw;verysoontheybreathenothingmorethandisorders,wars,conquestsandpillages. Onesees,then,howfarfrombeingacceptableingoodphilosophy isthatviolencetheSupremeCourttodayseemstowanttoconvertinto adutyofMexicancitizens.Ifonewishestoknowwhatacivilizedand democraticgovernmentdoesinsuchemergencies,oneshouldlookat thewaytheUnitedStatesoftheNorthorganizeditsarmies,bothinthe warofindependenceandinthatofsecession.Butnothingofthebrutal violencethatattacksthemostsacredpersonalrights;nothingofthose savagepracticesthattendtoenslavefreemenbynatureandbylaw,becausethatwouldbeasmuchastoregresstothedarkestepochsofabsolutism, eradicating with the stroke of a pen the most precious victoriesofademocraticrevolution.Forallthesereasons,wehopethatthe SupremeCourtrelegatestooblivionthestrangetheoryithasrecently proclaimed and continues on this point the practice it had adopted, whichisthemostfair,mostliberal,andmostappropriateineveryway.
2
Bulletin of El Monitor, August 27, 1878
Wehavereceivedthefollowingletterthatwearepublishing,accedingtothewishesofitsillustriousauthor. Mexico,August22,1878.—Mr.JoséMaríaVigil,editoroftheEl Monitor Republicano.—Myverydearsir:WhereasforsometimeI havehadthepainofmaintaininginthepresstheoppositeofwhat youdefend,thegreatsatisfactionfallstometodayofcongratulatingyouforyourbrilliantarticleoftoday,withwhichIagreecompletelybecauseitcontainstheideasIhaveprofessedsinceIhave beenabletoconcernmyselfwithpolitics,whichIhavemaintained andpracticedtotheextentithasbeenpossibleformeandwhich youexplainwitheveryelegance,witheverylucidityandalovely stylethatcorrespondstoyourwell-establishedliteraryreputation. Ibelievethatyouwillnotscorn,becausetheyemanatefromme, theseexpressionsofapplauseandinterest,andthatyouwillbekind enoughtopublishthem,becausealthoughthevoiceofapprovalis humble,itisverymuchmeritoriousandverysincere.—Eduardo F. Arteaga.
Theprecedingletterhasgivenusgenuinesatisfaction,forifoncewe havedisagreedwiththeopinionsofMr.LicenciadodeArteaga,wehave alwaysrecognizedinourworthyadversarythecapablejuristandsincererepublicanwhoseeksinobservanceoftheConstitutionthenaturalmeansforstrengtheningthepeaceandlibertyofthecitizens.Accept then,Mr.deArteaga,inthepresentlines,thefrankexpressionofour gratitudeforsuchaspontaneousdemonstrationthatlendsvaluablesup-
Originaltitle:“BoletíndelMonitor,”27deagostode1878.Source:El Monitor Republicano,August27,1878. 415
416 : joSémaríaviGil
porttotheopinionsexpressedbyusinourBulletinofThursday,the twenty-secondofthismonth. Wearenowgoingtotakeontheobservationsthatourworthycolleague,La Libertad,hasdirectedtouswithrespecttothesameBulletin. Ofcourse,wemustconfessthatwedonotknowwhatthatoldliberal schoolisthathaspasseditstime,andtowhichourcolleaguesaid,witha certaintoneofsorrow,thatwebelong.Ifseekingsociallibertyinsecuringindividualrights,ifstrivingforthoserightstobeprotectedfromthe attacksoftheauthoritybymeansofrespectforthefundamentallaw oftheRepublic,isanoldliberalschool,wedeclarethatwebelongtoit bodyandsoul,andthatfarfrombeingashamed,wehaveprideinprofessingitsprinciplesanddedicatingourweakintelligencetorootingit inthecountrywithfaiththatitmightinspireanirrevocableconviction. Itmattersverylittletouswhetherthesedoctrinesareoldornew; what is relevant to our intention is that they be genuine and beneficial,andas,untilnow,wehavehadnoreasontobelievethecontrary,it followsnaturallythatwearenotgreatlyconcernedwithcountingthe years.Thelabelofnewdevelopmentisnotsufficientinoureyestolend prestigetoaschoolandtopersuadeusofitsintrinsicexcellence,and webelieve,onthecontrary,thattherearemanynewthingseminently bizarreandridiculous. Wehavesaid,anditistrue,thatallourauthorities,withrareexceptions,havetyrannicalinstincts;andourcolleagueasksus,“Dotheseauthoritiesfalltousfromtheclouds?”answeringimmediately,“No;they riseupfromsocietyandaregenuine products of our defective Constitution; theyarethescrofulathatrevealsthedestructivepovertyofourtemperament.” As to whether these authorities are genuine products of our defective Constitution, we deny it categorically, because ifsuch a thing were to happentheywouldnotbetyrannical,becausetheywouldproceedfrom thelawandadjusttheirbehaviortoit.Withrespecttotheepithetdefectiveappliedtoourfundamentallaw,wewillobserveinpassingthat, withoutbelievingthatitisaperfectworkineveryway,itseemstous thatitissufficienttobringabouttheprosperityoftheMexicanpeople ifitisobservedfaithfully,subjecttocorrecting,bythemeansititself indicates,thedefectstowhichexperienceispointing. Butitisnotobserved!AndfromthisLa Libertadseemstodeduce that,farfromopinionbendinginthesenseofkeepingthelaw,farfrom
bulletinofEl Monitor,auGuSt27,1878 : 417
inculcatingthatsavingprincipleofacivilizedsociety,itmust,onthe contrary,puttoonesidethelegalpreceptbecause“itdoesnotaccord withtheneedsoflife,”andinsuchacase,“arbitrarinessanddespotism aretheonlypossibleregimeinsocietieslikeoursthatarebarelyembryonic.” Decidedly,ourdisagreementwithLa Libertadcannotbemoreradical ormoreprofound.Ourcolleagueestablishesthecoldbarefact,somewhatexaggeratedaswewillseelater,and,payingattentionexclusively toit,considersthedemandthatthelawbecarriedoutasarevolutionary declamation.We,reflectinginadifferentway,recognizethesadtruthof theappallinglegacythatourancestorscreatedforus;butinsteadofconformingourselvestoit,wetrytohastenthedaytheregenerationwillbe completed.Wecontinuestrugglingwithoutstoppingforamomentto destroythemonstroussystemofsubjectionandservility,andwedonot hesitatetotakethatsonorous hornofthedemocraticrevolutioninorder tocryoutinallkeysthattheauthoritiesthatinfringeonindividualguaranteesaretyrannical,thatthedoctrinethattendstojustifytheviolation ofthelawthathasconsecratedtherightsofmanasfoundationofour institutionsistyrannicalandantiliberal. Ourcolleague,withoutwantingto,perhaps,isgoingtoplacehimself intheterrainofthereactionaryparty,becauseacceptinghistheory,itis ablundertoconcedesuperiorrightstothegeneralneedsofthepeople, andas,inasocietybarely embryonicasours,theonlypossibleregimeis arbitrarinessanddespotism,itcomesaboutthat“theviolationofthe guarantees,theinsulttorightcomesbecause,whenthelegalprecept doesnotaccordwiththeneedsoflife,”itfollowsthatthebestmeansof avoidingtheviolationofguaranteesandoutragetothelawistosuppress thelawandtheguarantees,becauseineffect,noonecanviolateoroutragewhatdoesnotexist.Thisisnomore,nolessthereactionarydogma. Butthatdoctrinethattendstoconfinethepeopletoanindefinitestatus quo, that implicates the democratic revolution in a general anathema, cannotbeacceptedbytheliberalparty,andwenowunderstandthedisdainwithwhichourcolleaguetreatsitincallingitold,although,accordingtoallappearances,theideasheispraisingarenolessold. AthousandtimestheMexicanliberalpartyhasbeentreatedasvisionary,utopian,theoretical,etc.,etc.Buttheseunjustchargesthattheconservativeshavemadeatalltimesregardingthepartiesthatrepresenta progressive principle are clichés contradicted by thenature ofthings
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themselvesandbythegeneraladvanceofhumansocieties.TheChristianswhoroseupagainstthecorruptionofancientRomewerevisionaries;visionariesthereformersofthesixteenthcenturywholaidthe foundationsformodernliberty;visionariesthemenof’93whoestablished,oneternalfoundations,forgottenorunknownrights;visionaries theMexicanswhoproclaimedtheindependenceofthepatria;visionariestheliberalswhofoundedtheRepublic;andvisionariesthereformerswhoendedthepreponderanceoftheprivilegedclasses. And what! From what, in a society dominated by certain interests andcertaincorruptionscontrarytoreasonandjustice,canbededuced something against the doctrines of the militant parties that are proclaimingpreciselythedestructionofthoseinterestsandthosecorruptions?TheMexicanliberalsdistinguishthemselvesinnowayfromthe liberalsoftherestofthepartiesoftheworld.Partyofstruggle,party ofpromise,itcannotconformtopalliativesthatperpetuatetheillsitis tryingtoeradicateorwaitpatientlyfortyrantstoyieldgood-naturedly thepositiontheyusurpandthepeopletobeenjoyingrightsperfectly understood,bothbyreasonofaslowandimpossibleevolution.Allthat willbeverybeautifulintheorybutradicallyimpractical. Our colleague insults the Mexican people when he notes, “Every Mexican, left to his instincts, has hatred for the different life and disdain for liberty.” No, that is not true; it is an unsustainable paradox from any pointofviewtoclaimthateveryMexicanmightbebyinstinctmurderer andslave,theliteraltranslationofthewordswehavetranscribed. Thatdemagogicspiritthatflattersthepeople,hidingfromitthetruth andcanonizingitsdefects,isfarfromourpurpose.Werecognizewith sadnessthatourcountryisverybackward,thatitisstillveryfarfrom havingeliminatedtheflawedhabitsitinheritedfromthelongregime ofdespotismunderwhichitdeveloped;buttosupposefromthisthat Mexicoisacountryinfullbarbarity,inwhichonlyfeelingsofdestruction and servility rule, there is an immense distance. If we examine thetruthcoldly,ifweexaminetheMexicanpeoplewithoutanyprejudice—theirnature,theirtendencies,thecircumstancesinwhichthey aregathered,theconditionsofthecountrytheyinhabit,etc.—itwill benecessarytoacknowledge,againstwhatLa Libertadclaims,thatin Mexicoacertainsweetnessofcharacter,acertainprideandindependencedominate,whichareveryfarfromtheferocityandservilitygratuitouslysupposedofthem.
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Thenarrowlimitstowhichwehavetoconfineourselvesdonotpermitustoenterintodetailsaswewouldlike,butwewillmakejustone generalobservation.Onlywithdifficultycanapeoplepresentitselfthat liveinmoreanarchicconditions,inwhichtheauthorityhaslostmore ofitsprestige,inwhichpoliticalpassionsfermentmoreactively;and nonethelessonlywithdifficultyalsocanapeoplebeseeninwhomrevolutionsofferfewerrepugnantandbloodyepisodes,verycommon,unfortunately,innationsthatboastofbeingmorecivilized.Thissimple observationprovessufficientlythattheMexicanpeoplearenotatalllike thefigureourcolleaguesketchesofthemandthattheyareworthyfor thisreasonofsomethingmorethanarbitrarinessanddespotism. Insum,webelievethedemocraticpartymustnotlosesightofthe idealthatformsitsstandardandmustworkconstantlysothatitmaintainsunharmedtherightstheConstitutionconsecrates,forthatwillbe theonlywaythenationwillregenerateitself;thatistosay,thatitwill emerge from that abyss of traditional servility that fortunately is not nowsoprofound,thankstotheconstantpublicityofthevisionaries,as ourcolleagueimagines. La LibertadwantsustorefutetheinterpretationtheSupremeCourt hasgiventoArticle5oftheConstitutionunderthetriplehistorical,constitutional,andphilosophicalpointsofview.Itseemstousthat,withouttheneedtorisetotheregionofunintelligibleabstraction,whatwe havesaidbeforeandwhatweaddnowclarifyourthought,whichislimitedtotheideathattheinterpretationcitedopensthedoortotheabuse ofauthorityandthatitnullifies,forthatreason,apreciousguarantee, withoutwhichwecansaythattheconquestsofthereformistrevolution are worth nothing. Our colleague seems to indicate that the absolute observanceofsaidarticlemakesimpossiblethearmy,themunicipality, andthepenitentiaryregime;thislastwedonotunderstand,butasfor thefirst,wewillsaysimplythat,farfromsharingintheopinionstated, wehavetheoppositeopinion,forweharbortheinnermostconviction thatthedayinwhichArticle5mightbeapracticedtruth,wewillhave agenuinearmyandagenuinemunicipality.Ourcolleaguewillthensee ifwewillsustaintheobservancefaithfully. Wehastentoconclude,becausewehaveexpoundedatgreaterlength thanwehadintended.Ithasseemedtous,nonetheless,thatwehadto offerthefundamentalsofouropinion,makingknownatthesametime thosepointsonwhichwedifferfromthecolleaguewhoimpugnsus.We
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donotknowifwewillhavemadeabadinterpretationoftheideasof La Libertad,buttothedegreewebelieveourselvestohaveunderstood them,itseemstousthatwedepartfromverydifferentpointsandthat itisdifficult,forthatreason,forustounderstandeachother.Ourprogramisclear,simple,wellspecified:toreducetopracticethepreceptsof theConstitution,torespectwithoutrestrictionsofanytypetherights it consecrates, attacking without respite all tyranny, whether it takes thehistoricalcharacterorwhetherthescientific.Civilizedpeopleshave securedthelibertiestheyenjoyintheshelterofthoseprinciples;thisis whatwedesireforourpatria. J.M.Vigil
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Bulletin of El Monitor, September 3, 1878
OuresteemedcolleagueatLa Libertadhasrepliedtothe responsewemadetohim,sayingthathehadashisobjectivetostimulate thisdebateoverthebasicsofthenewinterpretationthattheSupreme CourtofJusticehasgiventoArticle5,basicswehaveleftintact.Wewill, ofcourse,giveanexplication:Ifitisamatterofdiscussingthereasons theSupremeCourtmighthavehadforitsnewinterpretation,whichare foundintheexplanatorypartoftherulingwithwhichweconcerned ourselvesinourBulletinofthetwenty-secondoflastmonth,webelievewehavesaidenoughtosupportourdisagreementwithout,until now,havingbeenattackeddirectlybyLa Libertadorbyanyotherperiodicalweknow.Consequently,wedidnotbelievenordowebelieveit opportunetolingeroverwhatwehavesincethenexpressed;however, weneededtofollowourcolleagueonthegroundhehimselfhadchosen, which,strictlyspeaking,producesthesameresult. ThequestionLa Libertadhasraisedismuchmoreimportantthan theonethatmighthavebeenmaintainedinthestrictlyconstitutionalistsphere.ThediscussionofArticle5comestobeasecondarymatterin thefaceofthecriticalmeaningourcolleaguedevelopsandthathasasits objectivetheConstitutionof’57itselfandeventheinstitutionsthatgovernus.Itwouldbeuseless,forthatreason,tolingeroversimpledetails whenthedebatemustrisetoahighersphereintowhichwewillgowith enthusiasm,althoughalwayshavingtocollidewiththenarrowlimitsto whichourpenisconstrainedtoconfineitself. La Libertadbeginsbygivingusadescriptionofthatoldliberalschool, whosemission,itdeclares,iswornout;thatschoolistheonethatbelieves...butourcolleagueshouldexcuseusforquotingthefollowing passagefromanexcellentarticlebyM.E.Caro,insertedintheRevue de Originaltitle:“BoletíndelMonitor,”3deseptiembrede1878.Source:El Monitor Republicano,September3,1878. 421
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deux MondesofNovember1,1875,1inwhich,betweenparentheses,La Libertadcanfindaprofoundexaminationofthescientifictheoriesof thatnewschoolcalledtoreplace,asitisclaimed,theoldliberalism,and ofwhichitappearstohaveconstituteditselfchampion.Well,then: “Radicaldemocracy,”saysMr.Caro, isessentiallyrationalist;itisthatinitsorigin,initshistory,inits principles;itisanapplicationofpurereason;itgoesoutfromthe absoluteandreturnstoit;itrestsontheaprioriofcertainideasthat donotcomefromexperience,ofcertainaxiomswhosecharacter andoriginitwoulddenyinvain.ItistrulythechildofRousseau;it wasbornwiththeSocial Contract.Stilltodayweseeitaccept,withoutdiscussion,thetermsinwhichJean-Jacqueshassetforththe problem:“Findatypeofassociationthatdependsonandprotects withallgeneralstrengththepersonandwealthofeverymember, andforwhicheachone,joiningtogether,doesnotobey,nonetheless,anythingbuthimselfandremainsasfreeasbefore.”Ifthereisa problemofsocialgeometry,thisiscertainlyit.WithRousseau,this schoolestablishesthatsovereigntyresidesinthegeneralwilland lawsarenothingbuttheauthenticactsofthiswill.Withitisestablishedinprinciplethatthewillofallpeopleisinfallible,thatno portionofitcanbedelegatedoralienatedorsubjectedtoanother sovereign.Withhim,itbelievesintheequivalencyofallthemembersofthecity,oftheirequalrighttoparticipateintheexpressionofthegeneralwill.Itbelieves,finally,likehim,intheoriginal goodnessofman,whichcannotdesiremorethanthegeneralgood, exceptinsituationsinwhichitsreasongoesastrayfromlackof knowledgeorprejudices,whichitisnecessarytocombatatallcosts anduprootatwhateverpricefromtheRepublic. Withthefundamentalprinciplesknownonwhichreststheoldliberalism,declaredquitedeadandburiedbyLa Libertad,letusseewhat 1.Elme-MarieCaro(1826–87),apopularandfashionablephilosophyprofessor,and later a member of the French Academy, was concerned with defending Christianity againstmodernpositivism.CarosawtherageanddespairinwhichtheFrenchCommuneendedasthelogicalresultofthemoraldissolutionandindisciplinethatprevailed inFrenchintellectuallifeduringthenineteenthcentury.(Editor’snote)
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thisotherscientificschoolisthatiscalledtoreplaceitandthatrejects withhorrorthemetaphysicaldogmas,thelaws,artificial,payingattentiononlytothefacts,toexperience,etc. “Thesocialclasses,”wecontinuetranslatingMr.Caro, havebeenformedineachsocietyinthesamewayandbyactionof thesamelawastheracesintheheartofthespecies.Whowould darerationallycomplainaboutit?...Byaseriesofstronglylinked deductions,onemanagestoestablishthesetwofundamentalpropositions:(1)Thereisnoinequalityofrightthatcannotfinditsreason inaninequalityinfact;thereisnosocialinequalitythatshouldnot haveanddoesnotoriginallyhaveinitspointofdepartureanaturalinequality.(2)Correlatively,allnaturalinequalityproducedin anindividual,establishedandperpetuatedinarace,musthaveasa consequenceasocialinequality,aboveallwhentheappearanceand establishmentofthatinequalityintheracecorrespondtoasocial need,toanethnic usefulnessmoreorlessenduring. Thisisenoughtoseethattherecanbenopointofcontactbetween thetwoschools,anditpleasesusthatourcolleagueacknowledgesand recognizesitassuch.Ineffect,whatcanatheorythatdenieseverything the democratic school affirms, “the absolute of right, the absolute of equality,theabsoluteofliberty,andtheneedtoremakemanimmediatelyonthestandardofthesethreeabsolutes,”haveincommonwith thedemocraticschool?Forwherecanadoctrinethatproclaimsliberty, equality,andrightforeveryonecomeintocontactwithanotherentirely aristocraticdoctrine“thatentrustseverything,theintegrityofrights, thedirection,theinitiative,andthehighestofallthefunctions,thatof progress,totheprivilegedclasses”? Weunderstandnowthegreatdisdainwithwhichourcolleague,from hisscientificpointofview,regardstheConstitutionof’57andtheguaranteesitsetsout.Ifourpeoplearebackward,iftheyareincapableof practicingthelibertiesthefundamentallawgrantsthem,theremedyis veryeasy:takethoselibertiesawayfromthem,givethemalegislation appropriatetotheneedsoftheirbackwardness,sacrificetheindividual tosociety,andlynchthecriminal,“settingasidethejudgeandtheConstitution.” Butwhyarewewastingtimeonsolittle?“Logichasterriblerequire-
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ments”;letuscondemnonceandforallwhatthoseoldliberalscallvictoriesoftherevolution,thosetowhomthegreatmisfortunesweare sufferingmustbeattributed,letusreturntotheprivilegedclassesor, ifonewouldprefer,tothecolonialepoch.Butforabackward,ignorantpeoplelikeours,whodonotunderstandlibertynorarecapable ofpracticingit,themostsuitableregimeisthepaternalgovernmentof thefriars,thehumanitarianLawsoftheIndies.Areprivilegedclasses desired?Thereistheclergythatatleasthadanidealtooffertothedisinheritedclassesandinspiresinus,forthatreason,lessantipathythan thelearnedmenwhoaspiretoconstitutethearistocracyofthefuture republic.Itisnecessarynottolingerontheroad,norispoliticsreduced tothearidgroundofcriticismacceptable. Noonemorethanusrecognizesthedeplorablestateofoursociety; but what is the remedy? Take a step backward under the pretext of puttingthelawintoharmonywithourpracticalneeds?Andonwhat foundationswouldsuchareactionbebroughtabout?Willwesuppress thepopularsuffrage,whichisnothingmorethanafarce?Andthenwho wouldgovernandwithwhatqualifications?Willweestablishamilitary dictatorshiplikethatofSantaAnnainhislastepoch?Willwesuppress alltheartificialrightssetoutinthatConstitutionthat“hasneverbeen observed,”andwillwedeliversocietytothearbitrarywillofasupreme ruler?Itseemstousthataschoolthatproceedsscientificallymusthave specificandcategoricalsolutionsforallthoseproblems,andwedesire withlongingtoknowthem,notsomuchtosatisfyourcuriosityasbecausethenationwillbeshownthecorrectroadthatwillleadittoits well-beingandonwhichtheverycontentedpeoplewillcontinuebecausetheywillfindthemeanstosatisfytheirpracticalneeds. Whilethathappens,wewillcontinueusingourrhetoricsothatthat Constitutionthatisnotobservedispracticed;sothatthedefectsobservedinitcanbereformed,alwaysintheliberalsense;andaboveall, sothattherightssetdowninitmightbeprofoundlyrespectedbythe pettysultanswhoexerciseauthorityinthenameofthepeople. Ourcolleagueconsidersthisanunrealizabledream.Wethinkitis theresultwemustachieveonpainofdeath;itisaquestionofvalues thattimewillbechargedwithconfirming.Ourcolleaguegivesprimary importancetothefacts;wesubordinatethemtotheideal,whichisthe truereality.Ourcolleaguehasunderstood“thatinacountry,nomatter howstrongandgreatitmightbe,civildivisionscannotbeprolongedin-
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definitelyandthateithertheenergyofgoodmenimposessilenceonthe othersorforeigndominationimposessilenceoneverybody”;wethink thesame,withtheexceptionthat,inorderforthatenergytobeeffective,itmustbeexercisedwithinthelimitsofthelawandjustice,because inthecontrarycase,insteadofputtinganendtointernaldiscords,itwill onlyprolongthemindefinitely,becauseinthefinalanalysis,everyrevolutionexpressesunknownrightsthattrytorealizethemselvesinfacts. Insum,webelievethatastatenotbasedinjustice,andjusticeforall,is abuildingthatrestsonfalsefoundationsthatmustcollapseunfailingly; andthattosacrificeindividualrighttothecommongood,accordingto thetheoryrecommendedtous,isthesuremeansofopeningthedoor totyranny,forasMadameStaëlverycorrectlystated,whenonceithas beensaidthatitisnecessarytosacrificerighttonationalinterest,itis veryclosetonarrowingfromdaytodaythemeaningoftheword“nation”andtomakeofitfirstitspartisans,thenitsfriends,thenitsfamily, whichisnothingotherthananhonesttermfordesignatingoneself.
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Bulletin of El Monitor, September 6, 1878
Readinganarticlewiththetitle“Truths,”publishedby ourcolleagueLa Libertadinitsissuethedaybeforeyesterdaybecauseof thedefensewehavemadeofthedemocraticpartyandtheconstitutional order,hascausedusprofoundpain.Wesaythatthatarticlehascausedus profoundpainnotsomuchbecauseofthequestionitself,butbecause weseeinitarevelatorysymptomofthedevastationthat,inthespirit ofthegreaterpartofourstudiousyouth,certaindoctrineshavecaused, which,withscientificostentationofverydebatablevalue,tendstoextinguisheverythingthereisofgreatnessandimportanceinthehuman soul,reducingustoabrutalmaterialism,which,toberealizable,would bringusdirectlytotyrannyandbarbarism. Itissadthatpersonsofintelligenceandcourageliketheyoungauthor of the cited article, in whom the call of faith and enthusiasm should blazetosignaltosocietyinitsdaysofconflictthedawningofhappier days,letthemselvesbecrushedundertheweightofafictitiousrealism, andinsteadofmaintainingthesacredfiretransmittedbythemartyrsof democracyandjustice,concludebyopeningtheirbreaststotheicyinspirationsofapessimisticphilosophy,scoffingattheideaofright,treatingasdreamersitsaltruisticchampions,andpronouncingthesehorrible wordsthatsurroundanimpiousparadox:“Nowwearegoingtotrya littletyranny,butan honorable tyranny,toseewhatresultsitproduces.” Wearenotsurprised,moreover,bythistypeofmoralcontagionthat makesthebestmindsillanddebilitatesanddegradesthenoblestcharacters.Thisisacommonphenomenonofthegreatsocialcrisesthatnationssufferintheirdaysoftrial.Inepochsofdisorder,ofanarchy,of derangement,inwhichallideasareconfused,allrightsshipwrecked,in whichinjusticeandforcetakepossessionasabsoluteownersofhuman Originaltitle:“BoletíndelMonitor,”6deseptiembrede1878.Source:El Monitor Republicano,September6,1878. 426
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destinies,menlikeMachiavelliandHobbesspringup,whoproclaimthe philosophyofevil,whoconvertpessimismintoasystem,andwhoput attheserviceoftheirfalseanddestructivetheoriesalltheresourcesand allthesubtletiesoftheirdialectic.Itisnotsurprising,then,werepeat, thatwhenwegothroughaperiodofsocialanxietyandpoliticaldissolutions,whenweseeineptitudeexalted,cynicismdeified,corruptionand immoralitytriumphant,somberdoctrineslikethoseofSchopenhauer andHartmannfindanechoingeneroussouls,which,deeplyaffectedby thepresentills,seeasoftheessencewhatisonlyapassingaccident,and judgeasthedefinitivefateofthepeoplewhatisnothingmorethanan episodeinitslonghistoricalperegrination. Letustry,nonetheless,bymeansofoursmallstrengths,tofacethat newenemythatpresentsitselfandthathas,ofcourse,theadvantageof beingsupportedbyarealitywhoseuglynakednesswedonotclaimto conceal.Thematterisworthyofbeingdiscussed,andwewillneedtogo intodetailsevenattheriskofgoingonlongerthanwewanted. Ourcolleaguebeginsbystatingthismaximwhichweacceptinall itsbreadth:“Thereisnogreaterteacherfornationsthanexperience,” andthenaddsbywayofcommentary,“whereasnomatterhowgoodthe teachermightbe,hisinstructionproducesnofruitifthestudentdoes notwishtolearn;thus,experience,ashardasitmightbe,servesfor nothingcertainpeoplewhopaynoattentiontotheterriblelessonsthey havereceived.”Thisobservation,trueingeneral,deserves,nonetheless, asmallcorrective. Itisnotaccuratethatsomepeoplestoppayingattentiontothelessons ofexperience;forthatitwouldbenecessarythattheyfindthemselves onarunglowerthanthebeasts.Betweentheillthatexperiencemakes evidentandthewilltoremedyitareofteninterspersedcausesthatwill inevitablydevelop,nomatterwhattheeffort;butfromthisitcannotbe deducedthatthepeoplescornthelessonsofexperience,normuchless thattheyfollowlovinglytheillthatexperiencehasexposed. Our colleague is surprised at first to see that “after half a century ofconstantlybattlingforanidealthatonce realizedhasproducedonly unfortunateconsequencesforthecountry,ournotablemenstillinsist onputtingitintopractice...”WillourcolleagueLa Libertadhavethe kindnesstotelluswhenandhowthatbeautifulidealhasbeenrealized andhow,fromitsrealizationalone,thecountryhasharvestedunfortunateconsequences?Onlyafewdaysagothesameperiodicaltoldusthat
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theConstitutionhasneverbeenobserved;andifthisisso,whatisthat beautifulidealthat,tothecountry’smisfortune,hasbeenrealized?Let uslistenalittleandperhapswewilllearnit. Thesurpriseofourcolleagueischangedintoprofoundsadnessin seeingthat,“withtheatrociouswoundsthattherevolutionsandcivil warhaveinflictedontheMexicanRepublicstillbleeding,therevolutionary idealstillfindsthosewhodefenditamongus,andthatwriters ofworthwho,inthecourseofitsexistencehavewitnessedtheconstant ruintowardwhichthepatria,victimofthoserevolutions,travels,speak asoneofthosedidyesterdayinEl Monitor,oftherights of the revolution, unknownrightsthatattempttoberealizedinfacts.”Herewehaveto makevariousexplanationsandcorrections,forourcolleagueseemsnot tohaveunderstoodourthoughtsufficiently,aresult,perhaps,ofournot havingexpressedourselveswithsufficientclarity. Of course we make a profound differentiation between the great democraticrevolutionandtheinsurrectionsandshamefuldisturbances that,althoughtheyhavetakenthenameofrevolution,haveservedonly todishonorit.Wemustdistinguish,moreover,betweenthedemocratic idealandrevolutionusedasaninstrumenttodestroytheobstaclesopposedtothetriumphofthatideal.Thusitisthat,speakingwithprecision,thereisnorevolutionaryideal,becauserevolutionisameans, notanend;norcouldwedefendthedisturbanceswhen,withobstacles overcomeanddemocraticprinciplesachieved,onlyitstakingrootand developmenthavebeenlacking,thingsthatcannotbeattainedexcept bymeansofpeaceandrespectforlaw. Wehavesaidthateveryrevolution,andwerequestofourcolleague thathewatchcarefullythemeaningwehavegiven,indicatesunknown rightsthataretryingtorealizethemselvesinfacts,andwebelievewe have stated a truth; but that is an idea entirely different from those claimed rights of the revolution whose defense is attributed to us, for neitherdoestherevolutionhaverights,becauseitisonethingtomean andanothertohave,norcouldwedefendsuchrights,whichinthesense thatourcolleaguegivesthemareforusgenuinecrimes. After having brought upon itself such unfortunate confusions, La Libertad gives free rein to its eloquence, making a caricature of the rightsthatthedemocraticschoolproclaimsanddefends,givingitselfa bitofpermissiontoidentifythemwiththeabusesandcrimesthatviolatethem.Itspeakstousofthewidowwhosespousediedonthefieldsof
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battleindefenseofanidealhecouldneverunderstand,ofthehacienda ownerwhosawthepropertythatgavebreadtohischildrensetonfire, etc.,argumentsthat,referringtothegenuinerevolution,havethesame valueasthereproachesreactionarieshavemadetoinsurgentsbecause theydidnotwinindependencewithoutsheddingblood. Butthenisaddedasanapothegm:“Aftersixtyyearsofmakingrevolutions,thepoliticalandsocialconditionoftheMexicanisthesame, withslightdifference,asitwasinthebeginning.”Yes,ineffect,itisthe same,withtheslightdifferenceofbeingverydistinct.Doesourcolleaguenowseehowbadweare?Wellthen,neitherhenorwewishtobe as in the beginning,andthereasonforthatanyonewhotakesthetrouble ofleafingthroughalittleofourhistorycanknow. “Noneofthoserights,”continuesourworthyadversary,“hasbeen realizedinfacts”;thentheillswesuffercannotcomefromthoserights, andthisluxuryofdeclaimingagainstathingthatisyettoberealizedis useless.“Thefactsarethereinplainsight,”continuesLa Libertad,“the completeruinofthecountry,theparalysisofallsourcesofwealth,arbitrarinessrulingimperiouslyunderthemaskoflibertyandright.”Magnificent!Ourcolleaguesshouldexclaim,giventhatwhatrulesistyranny, whichhasallitspreferencesagainstthatcursedrightthatcausesitsuch abadoutcome. “Iwouldliketoask,”saysourattacker,“thosetirelessdefendersof therightoftherevolutions”(thisisnotdirectedtous,becausewehave neverdefendedsucharight,nonethelesswewillattempttoanswer), “if,giventhatallmen,individually,havetherighttosacrificethepatria astheyplease”(weareunawarewhohasgrantedtoall,individually,that barbarousright),“thepatriawouldnothaveinitsturntherighttodefenditselfasbestitcouldagainstitsenemies”(undoubtedlyyes,even againsttyrants,who,accordingtothesenseofLa Libertad,seemtobe thebestfriendsofthepatria),“ifthegoodofthemajorityisnotmore worthyofbeingpaidattentiontothanthewhimandcapriceofafew” (herewemustdifferfromourcolleague:providedthatthosefewdonot belongtotheprivilegedclasses),“andifthemostbrilliantidealodged intheheadofadreamerisworthmorethananhourofwell-beingof anentirepeople”(letitbeunderstoodthathereoneisnotspeakingof pessimisticdreamersbutratherofoldliberals).“Rights!Societyrejects themstill;whatitwantsisbread.”Societyisquiterightsinceithasbeen persuadedthatbreadandrightsareincompatibleand,asinordertoeat
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breaditisnecessarynottohaverights,itfollowslogically,accordingto ourcolleague,torejectthesecondinordertoobtainthefirst... “Thissingularclaimofourdreamers,whowantthepeopletosuffer, resignedandevencontent,alltheillsthatbefallthem,inordertohave thesweetcompensationofbeinggovernedbyaConstitutionthatisincapableofsatisfyinganyoftheirdesires...”Andwhoarethosestupid orevildreamerswho,convincedthattheConstitutionisthesowerofall theillsthatbefallthepeople,wantthepeopletosufferresigned?Our colleaguehastoprovetwothings:thattheConstitutionisincompatible withthehappinessofthepeople,andthatweliberalswantthepeople tosupportitdespitethatfact.Bothseemdifficulttousbut,intheend, wewillsee. La Libertadconcludesitsarticlewiththesewordswhich,frankly,we cannottakeseriously:“Wehavenowrealizedaninfinityofrights”(keep inmindthatearlierithasbeensaidtousthatnone of those rights have been realized)“thatproducenothingmorethanmiseryanddiscontentin thesociety.Let us now try a bit of tyranny, buthonorabletyranny” (thisissomethinglikeoursaying,“honestcriminal”or“civilizedbarbarism”).“Itwillproduceevils”(isitpossible?anattemptin anima vile canbeusedbyscience)“nogreaterthanthoseourconstitutionsandour rightshavecausedthecountry.”(Noticethatitspeaksoftheconstitutionsthathavenotbeenobservedandoftherightsthathavenotbeen realizedinfacts,althoughlateritsaysotherwise.) Decidedly,eitherourcolleaguehastriedtojokeortheblackestmisanthropehasconfuseditsclearintelligence.Apartfromthis,webelieve that,fromtheanalysiswehavemade,itwillbeseenthatourcolleague hasconfusedalltheideas,hasfallenintothestrangestcontradictions, and has attributed to us the most singular propositions.We suppose, nonetheless,thatthistimewewillhavebeenmoreexplicitandthat,in thefuture,ifthedebatecontinues,itwillbeonmoreestablishedfoundationsandonclearerandmoredefiniteideas.Bethatasitmay,wecan sayfornowthatwhatLa Libertadsopompouslycalledtruthscannotbe morethangratuitousaffirmations,riskydeductions,unsustainableparadoxes,anddeplorableforgetfulnessofourhistoryandofthelegitimate aspirationsofMexicansociety.
5
Bulletin of El Monitor, September 10, 1878
TwooftheworthyeditorsofLa Libertadhavetakenas theirtaskopposingus,orbettersaid,refutingtheprinciplesofaschool belovedbyus,thislastconsiderationbeingtheonethatmakesuscontinuethepolemicbegun;forwereitonlyaboutourperson,wewould cedethegroundwithpleasuretosuchworthywriters,butbecausethis matterdealswithaninterestofthegreatestimportancetothecountry, weconsideritadutyonourparttocontinuealongtheroadouradversariesthemselveshavesetout. Wewillhavetonote,ofcourse,thatbetweenthetwoeditorsofLa Libertadtowhomwereferred,deepcontradictionsexistthatwewill notattempttoexplain,muchlessreconcile;butitisindeednecessaryto bearinmindinourrespectiveresponsesbecause,itbeingimpossible toreducethemtoonesinglepointofview,itisinevitableforustoappealtodifferentcategoriesofreasoning.This,sofarasitcanbeunderstood,alwaysproducesitsdifficultiesandobstacles,butfinallywewill endeavor,asbestwecan,toplaythedoublerolethathasbeenimposed onus. Ineffect,whileontheonesidetyrannyispraisedastheloveliestform of government (!)towhich wemight beable to aspire; on the other ittellsusthatdemocracy“istheonlypossiblegovernment,becauseit is what provides greater expanse to individual development.” While, ontheonehand,everyidealiscondemned,thosewhoharboritbeing treatedasdreamers;ontheother,havingahigheridealthantherevolutionaryschoolisaffirmed,whichwouldsignifybeingmoreofadreamer inthelanguageoftheformer.Finally,ononeside,eventheword“right” iscondemnedasasortofsatanicinventionthathasservedonlytocultivatethemisfortunesofthecountry;ontheother,itisprophesiedthat“a Originaltitle:“BoletíndelMonitor,”10deseptiembrede1878.Source:El Monitor Republicano,September10,1878. 431
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daywillcomewhentheconstraintofthemorallawinthehumanspirit willreplaceallpositivelawsandthestatewillbereducedtoitsfunctionsofprotection,thatistosay,toadministerjustice,”somethingthat, frankly,seemstoustocrosstheboundariesofthemostfantasticdreams. Butintheend,bethisasitmay,aswesaidbefore,oncewerespondto thetruthsofLa Libertad,wearenowgoingtosaysomewordsaboutthe articlethattheperiodicalitselfaddressedtousonThursdaythesixthof thismonth. Whenwe,inanswering,madeuseofMr.Caro’smagnificentarticle inordertomakemanifesttheprofounddisagreementwithintheliberalschool,calledrevolutionarybyourcolleague,andthenewpositivist doctrines,itwasveryfarfromourintentiontoturnourselvesintodefendersofallandeveryoneofthewordsofthefamousFrenchwriter. Wewantedtopointouttheantagonismthatexistsamongtheideasboth schoolsprofess,antagonismourcolleaguehasacknowledged,apartfrom thisanddisagreeingwithitsEuropeancoreligionist,thatinaccepting thenewcreed,theyhavenotrenouncedtheolddemocraticdenomination.Wewillnotlinger,then,on“thethreeabsolutes,”aphrasewhich, incidentally, although our colleague may strictly be philosophically right,ourcolleagueismistaken,nonetheless,inthesenseMr.Caroused it,sothatitisneitherawarofwordsnorabsurdtospeakofthreetruths withreferencetothreeideasevenwhenweknowverywellthat,metaphysicallyspeaking,thereisnomorethanonetruth. Wecansaythesamethingofthesurpriseheshows,imaginingthat wehaveenrolledinthesectofRousseau.Toestablishthatthedemocraticschoolisessentiallyrationalist,thatitisthechildofthephilosopherofGeneva,fromwhomithasretainedmanyprinciples,andthatit hasarisenwiththeSocial Contract,issimplytoassertahistoricaltruth, withoutthatfactsignifyingthattheschoolreferredtoacceptsinevery waythetheoriesandapplicationsofRousseau.Itwouldbetogotoofar, andasubjectbetterofabookthanaperiodicalarticle,toexaminethe relationshipofthepoliticalideasthatformthecreedofmodernliberalism.Itisenoughforourpurposestonotethateventhoughweare admirersoftheFrenchRevolution,andrecognizingtheimmenseservicesthatitlenttothelibertyofpeoples,weareveryfarfromsharing theideasregardingthestatethatweredominantatthattime.Aclassical conceptionderivedfromthedoctrinescontainedintheSocial Contract,
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inwhich,ontheotherhand,individualrightwasnotsacrificedsocompletely,asisseeninthesewords:“theestablishmentoflibertywould be bought too expensively if it cost the life of one single man.” Our colleague,inhishatredformetaphysicalprinciples,whichwealready knowofhim,manageseventomakeasadcommentaryonthewordsof Caro,assumingthatthetendencytoremakemanon the typeofright,of equality,andofabsolutelibertyistowishtoestablishabsoluteliberty, equality,andright;fashioningonthismistakeaseriesoffantasticrationalizations,hetellsusthat“thesedogmas[hecallsthustheprinciples establishedapriori]towhichonedoesnotcomebyexperiencearenot, cannotbe,theobjectofhuman science; they are the object of faith,[?]which isthemostpersonalthatexistsbeneaththesun,andconsequentlythe mostvariable,themostirreduciblethatthereis.”Thatmustbeavery wisephilosophythatnonethelessdoesnotrecognizeoneoftheimmanenttendenciesofthehumanspirit,thetranscendental,whichitobeys despiteitself,makinganobviouscontradiction,aswehaveseenbefore, andexpandinginathoughtlesswaythedomainsofthatfaith,withits personal,variable,andirreduciblecharacter. Coming to something more concrete, La Libertad formulates in threeparagraphsthefoundationsoftheschoolwhich,initsjudgment, iscalledtoreplacetheoldliberalisminMexico.Ifwearenotmistaken, suchfoundationsarejustsomanyotherdogmasoffaith,followingthe languageofourcolleague,becausethoseestablishedlawsthatlaydown rulesforthedevelopmentofsocietyareapurelysubjectiveconceptlike socialevolution,invokedasitseemstosuppressallmovementofrevolutionorreaction;andasonedoesnotcometothosedogmasthrough experience,inasmuchasexperiencedemonstratesthecompleteopposite,itfollowsthatourcolleaguehasgiven“theseaasafoundationfora pyramid.” Accordingtothatdoctrine,righthasnootherfoundation“thanthe principleofutilitywithrespecttotheprogressiveinterestsofthehuman species,andprogressbeingtheresultofthegrowingactivityofeach individual,itisthedutyofeveryone,expressedinthelaw,tofacilitate thedevelopmentofthisactivity.”Thisiswhatiscalledindividual right. NoticethatheretheutilitarianprincipleofBenthamseemstobeestablishedasthefoundationofright;thatis,itbringsustothefullmorality ofinterest.Thismeansthat,fleeingfrommetaphysicalprinciples,weare
434 : joSémaríaviGil
goingtoendinegoism,which,makinguseofthephrasingofouradversary:“isthemostpersonalthatexistsbeneaththesun,andconsequently themostarbitrary,themostvariable,themostirreduciblethereis.” “Thefunctionofthestate,”itcontinues,“consistsinprotectingthose rights,thisiswhatwecallsocialjustice.Butasthestateis,whatevermight beitsformorlegalappearance,a productofthesentimentsthatprevail inasociety,tothedegreetowhichthesesentimentsaremoreantisocial, letussay,thestatehastobemore conservative,theauthoritymorevigorous,topreventthedissolutionofthenationalgroup,inwhichcaseindividual right must yield,andhasyieldedandwillalwaysyieldinordernot toperish.” Ifwearenotmistaken,hereitisclaimedthat,wheninasocietyantisocialsentimentsdominate—thatistosay,sentimentsthatdonotfacilitatethedevelopmentofindividualactivity—thestate,whichisnothing morethantheproductofthosesentimentsthatthusattacktherightof theindividual,mustbemorevigorousinordertorepresstheverysentimentsofwhichitistheproduct,inwhichcaseitmustyieldindividual right,which,asitappears,itwastryingtoprotect.Thatdoctrine,thus understood,seemstousillogical,andwehope,inordertoformulateour judgment,itmightbeexplainedtousabitmore. As we distinguish between the absolute type and its relative realization,wedonotunderstandthecontradictiononeclaimsthereisin theconstitutionalpowerofsuspendingguarantees.Wesaidmuchthe samewithrespecttothebaselessaffirmationbywhichwedefendedthe Constitutionsuch as it is.No,colleague,weacknowledge,andhaveacknowledged, that our fundamental law has defects, and we maintain forthatreasonthenecessitythatitshouldbereformed,butthatthisbe bythemeansthatititselfindicatesandaccordingtotheneedsexperiencedesignates.Thiswillexplaintoourworthyantagonistthatwehave notthrownoutindividualrightfromillwilltowardthesystemofthe friars.Theprovisiontowhichthecolleaguerefersisofapurelytransitorycharacter,whichwilldisappearsoonerorlaterwhentheinstitutionsnolongerhaveanythingtofearfromthecommunitiessuppressed bytheLawsofReform. La Libertadassumesthatthedemocraticparty,towhichitattributes apermanentrevolutionarytendency,haswantedtoreduceitsprinciples topositivelawsbymeansofviolence;thatthishappenedwiththeConstitution, to which we owe the fact that it is not practiced; “and that
bulletinofEl Monitor,September10,1878 : 435
thereisinrealityanotherConstitutioninforce,the only one that a people in the condition of ours can have,butthat,becauseincontradictionwith thewrittenlaw,itleavesawidespaceforarbitrarinessanddespotism.” Inthisourcolleagueproceedsinaccordancewiththefalseideathat hasbeencreatedofthedemocraticparty,amatteroverwhichwewill not linger because we have already started to treat it separately. We wouldcertainlyliketobetoldwhichmightbethatotherconstitutionin forcethatconflictswiththewrittenlaw,andinasmuchasourcolleague possessesthesecretofthelawsthatlaydowntherulesforthedevelopmentofsocialgroups,wewouldalsolikeourcolleaguetoexplaintous whatitisthatmakesanidea,politicalorsocial,abletoconquertheobstaclesinoppositiontoit,andwhichmightbethepeoplehappyenough that,withoutneedofjoltsorrevolutions,haveeffectedgreatreformsby respondingonlytosocialevolution. Very far are we from defending the horrors of the guillotine and tarring; but we can certainly say that pausing to lament the disasters towhichhumanityissubjectwithouttakingintoaccountthewealth produced from these disasters is to be ignorant of the condition of humanity. It is always curious to see the partisans enragés1 of the experience,theuntiringdetractorsofthemetaphysicalprinciplesputting themselvesinoppositiontotheexperienceofallthecenturiesandreformingtheworldfromthedepthsoftheirofficebyreasonoflawsand formulasdiscoveredthroughasinglerationality,givinginthisway“the seaasafoundationforapyramid.” Finally, we anxiously await the consequences extracted from the premisesthathavebeenmadeknowntous,andhowitissoughttoreducethemtopracticeandformulatethemintolaw.Noonemorethan wedeploresthestateinwhichwefindourselves,andifourcolleaguehas foundthewaytoappeaseallambitions,toguaranteeallrights,andthis withneithershocksnorunrestnorbloodshed,wewillbethefirsttoput ourselvesatitsside,joiningourpooreffortstothatgreatworkofclosing foreverthegatesofourcountrytocivilstruggles.Butnotyranny,no dictatorship,nolynching,isthatnotso?
1.Fanatics.(Editor’snote)
6
Bulletin of El Monitor, September 18, 1878
Intheverymomentwearewritingtheselines,cannon shots,music,andrapidlypealingbellsannouncethecelebrationofthe sixty-eighth anniversary of Mexican independence, an unforgettable dateintheannalsoflibertybecauseitcommemoratesthefirstefforts ofapeoplewho,fromthedepthsofthemostprofoundabjection,when everythingconspiringtoriseupagainsttheestablishedpowershouldbe describedasfoolish,didnotweighthemagnitudeofthetasktheywere undertaking,butrather,obeyingthevoiceoftheirconscience,threw themselvesintoanunequalstrugglewhoseoutcomewas,nonetheless, thetriumphofthepatrioticideaproclaimedinthetownofDoloresthe nightofSeptember15,1810. Weknowwelleverythingthathasbeensaidandthatcontinuestobe saidagainstthatfamousmovementanditsoldleader.Unfortunatelyfor Mexico,sincethefirstattemptatitsemancipation,thehydraofdiscord reareditsterriblehead;thespiritsofthesonsofthissoilweredeeply divided,andfromthatinstantitwaseasytoforeseethatthestrugglethat wasbegunwouldthentakeonacivilcharacter;thatistosay,thatinterestsrootedinthenewideaswouldbegintoclash,amongwhichemancipationfromtheSpanishmetropoliswasnomorethanadetail,even thoughessentialandofthehighestimportance. TheflaghoistedbythepowerfularmofHidalgohidamongitsfolds anentireworldofpleasingpromises,anentirefuturefilledwiththe most agreeable hopes. The people, and we construe this word in the sense of the disinherited classes, glimpsed, without understanding exactlywhatitmeant,theprospectofawayofbeingunknownbythem untilthen,inwhichtheywouldenjoylibertiesandrightswhosepossessionhadbeenkeptconstantlyremotefromthem. Originaltitle:“BoletíndelMonitor,”18deseptiembrede1878.”Source:El Monitor Republicano,September18,1878. 436
bulletinofEl Monitor,September18,1878 : 437
This explains that murky and disorderly impulse that cast numerousandamorphousmassesintothevicissitudesofagiganticbattle;at thesametimeitexplainsthepanicwithwhichthetrulyconservative interests,groundedintheprivilegedclasses,contemplatedsuchastorm. Thosewhoconsideredthatoutburstanimprudentandprematureattempt at emancipation, and even more, those who allege for it truly meanreasons,aredeplorablymistakenaboutthesignificanceofthose greatjoltsthatarousesocietiesinsolemnepochsliketheomensofprofoundtransformationsagainstwhichnohumanforcecanprevail. TheunityofthoughtthatinvigoratedtheMexicanRevolutionbegun bythevenerableparishpriestofDoloresappearsthroughouttheyears intheentireperiodthatincludesourcontemporaryhistory.Independence,theRepublic,theReformhavebeennothingmorethansomany other steps on the same ladder, stopping points on a single road the Mexicanpeoplehavetraversedinastraightlinetoarriveatsecuring thosethreegreatideassynthesizedintheideaoftheirregeneration. Forthisreason,theliberalpartyseesintheinsurgentsof1810their naturaldirectancestors,giventhattheyandtheconstituentsof’24and thereformersof’57andthedefendersofindependencein’62constitute nothingmorethanasinglepoliticalentitythat,underdifferentnames, hasbeenguidedbythesameideaandinspiredthesamegoals.Forthe oppositereason,thecurrentenemiesoftheinstitutionsdonotconceal theirsympathiesforthosewho,inthefirstdecadeofthecentury,supportedthecolonialregimewithalltheirstrength;wholateraccepted independenceontheconditionofperpetuatingthepredominanceof theprivilegedclasses;who,whentheycouldnotsuppresstherepublican movement,contentedthemselveswithcentralismandmilitarydictatorship;who,nourishingtheillusionofestablishingamonarchy,didnot waverfromprovokingthemostevilofforeigninterventions;andwho today,reducedtoabsoluteimpotence,contentthemselveswithcaricaturingtheanarchyintowhichtheliberalpartyhasfallenasaconsequenceofthesordidambitionofsomefalsedemocrats,andputthemselves under the protection of some candidate of bad character who cherishes the crazy idea of creating a personal party that might raise himtothehighestmagistracyinacountryfedupwithsufferingtheresultsofineptitudeandimmorality. Invainoneseekstomakesomebreakintheparallelcoursefollowed by the two ideas whose clashes and simultaneous development shape
438 : joSémaríaviGil
ourentirecontemporaryhistory.Hewhotodaycondemnsthedemocraticrevolution,pointingtoitastheefficientcauseofallourmisfortunes,hewhodreamsofamodificationintheconservativesenseforour institutions,mustreturnto1810tocondemnascriminalstupiditythe undertakingofHidalgo,Allende,andAbasolo,continuedbyMorelos andBravo,byGuerreroandIturbide,byPedrazaandGómezFarías,and completedinourdaysbyJuárez,Ocampo,Degollado,Zaragoza,andall theotherleadersoftheReform,ultimateconsequenceoftheideaproclaimedatDolores. ButthatanathemanecessarilycarrieswithitthecompleteandunconditionalacceptanceofthesystemthatCalleja1andthehighdignitaries oftheChurchsupportedandthat,preservingdeepdownthesametendencies,was,withthepassageoftime,takingonthedifferentshades ofcentralist,Cuernavaquist,2reactionary,interventionist,allnamesthat areunderstoodinthemostgeneralepithetofconservativeandthat,by theirhistoricalantecedentsandtheirnever-denieddoctrines,willnever beabletojointogetherandbemistakenforthepartythathaskeptthe bannerofHidalgoelevatedonhigh,bannerthathasalwayssignifiedall libertiesandallrights. Onesees,bywhatwehavejustsaid,thattherevolutionwhoseanniversarytheRepubliccelebratesonSeptember16hasbeenaworkoftrue socialandpoliticalregeneration,thatineachoneofitsadvances,ifit hassownthesoilwiththedebrisofsomevexatiousfear,ithasalsolefta greatconqueststanding,thatinitsvitalityandrobustnesshasbeenable toresistthecombinedforcesofitsenemies,whiletheseenemieshave beenabandoninglittlebylittletheterrainofwhichtheywerepreviouslytheabsolutepossessors. Apartfromthis,theliberalpartyfindsitselfsocloselyidentifiedwith theexistenceandfutureoftheMexicanpeoplethatitserrors,itsdivisions,anditsanarchyarewhathavebroughtaboutthedeplorablesituationtheRepublicisintoday;thathavinglostitscompassinthemidstof thechaoswherethemeanaspirationsofsomefalsedemocratshavecast it,itseesindependencethreatened,thesocialedificedeeplyshaken,un 1.FélixMaríaCallejawasaviceroyofNewSpainwhofoughttheinsurgents.(Editor’snote) 2.In1834arevoltwaslaunchedinCuernavacathatendedtheruleoftheliberalvice president,ValentínGómezFarías.(Editor’snote)
bulletinofEl Monitor,September18,1878 : 439
abletoperceiveinthefutureanythingotherthantheunleashingofall theevilsthataccompanygreatcatastrophes. Butifthisisatruth,aspainfulasitmightbetoacknowledgeit,it isnotlesssothatthesalvationofthepatriaisbasedexclusivelyonthe reconstructionofthatpartyonitslegitimatefoundations,eliminating everyspuriouselement,flingingfromitsbreastthosebanefulpersonalitiesthatstriveonlyfortheirindividualaggrandizement,evenwhento dosomightmakeitnecessarytosacrificeallprinciplesandcompromise theveryexistenceoftheMexicanpeople. Onthissolemnday,whentherejoicingpatriarecallswithprideand gratitudethememoryofitsliberatorsanditsmartyrs,wemakeaformal appealtoliberalsofgoodfaith,toMexicansinwhosesoulispreserved intacttheloveofthepeopletowhichtheybelong,that,whatevermight havebeentheaccidentaldenominationsthathavedividedtheminthe lastyears,theyuniteinasingleintention,thatofsavingthecountry,that ofmaintainingnationalindependence,averyholycauseidentifiedwith theinstitutionsthatgovernus,withthelibertytheyproclaim,withthe rightstheyguarantee.Hereistheonlysavingplankinthemidstofthe shipwreckthatthreatensus.Onlyforceofwill,energeticandunshakable,tocommititselftothatintentionofgreatestsocialandpolitical interestwillbeenoughtoquellallthosecriminalandridiculousambitionsthatstopatnothinginordertobesatisfied,evenatthecostof theruinoftheRepublicandthedestructionofourrace.Thateffort, werepeat,willmaketheconfidencelosttodayriseagain,andtheentire countrywillwillinglyacceptallthesacrificesthecircumstancesrequire ofit,becauseitwillknowthatthoseeffortswillnotbemadeunfruitfulbyimpurehandsandbasepassions.Unificationaroundthissaving intentiononthepartofhonorableandsincereliberalsistheonlyway toprovideafavorableoutcometothehorriblecrisisthatwearegoing throughandthat,intheseriousstatetowhichithascome,nolonger permitseithergoingbackordelaying.TheworkofHidalgowillthus remainworthilycrowned,andonfutureanniversariesofindependence theliberalpartywillbejustlyabletoprideitselfonhavingsaved,with itsselflessness,thecauseofthepatriaandofliberty.
7
Bulletin of El Monitor, September 27, 1878
Oneofthefactsthathascharacterizedthecurrentadministrationhasbeenamarkedtendencytofavortheoldreactionary party,summoningmanyofitsmen,towhomithasentrustedpositions ofgreaterorlesserrank,andevenplacingtheminthelegislativebodies andinthetribunalsandcourtsofjustice.Whatisthethinkingthathas determinedthatpolicy?Whatistheobjectivethegovernmenthasput forwardinsettingoutthatplanofmanagement?Whatistheintention oftheindividualswhoenterintotheserviceofanadministrationthat, although innameonly, declares ideasdiametricallyopposed tothose thatformitspolitico-religiouscreed?Thequestionisseriousandworth thetroubleofbeingexamined,althoughitmightbeinthebriefestpossibleway. Wemust,ofcourse,showthatwearenotamongthosewhobelieve that,inordertobeliberal,anecessaryconditionisnottohavereligious ideas,andwearesofarfromthinkingthattrueChristianityisopposed todemocraticopinionsthat,onthecontrary,wefindinthefirstthefundamentalfoundationsofthesecond.Inthissensewerecallthatwhenit wasamatterofconstitutionalaffirmation,wemaintainedthatitdidnot conflictwiththereligiousbeliefsofanyperson,andweconsideredasa partisanweaponthegreathullabaloothatwasraisedthenbyconservativeperiodicals.Timehasproveduscompletelyright,giventhattoday theecclesiasticalauthorityhaspermittedtheaffirmationtotheConstitutionandLawsofReformtobeaccepted,dispellinginthiswaythe scruplesthatsodistressedthetimidsouls. Wemustalsoshowthat,consideringtheconservativegroupsimply asapoliticalpartyinasmuchasbetweenitandtheliberalpartywefind onlydisagreementsofthisnatureandnotthatconflictofreligiousideas Originaltitle:“BoletíndelMonitor,”27deseptiembrede1878.Source:El Monitor Republicano,September27,1878. 440
bulletinofEl Monitor,September27,1878 : 441
thatsomeattempttosetout,wehavenotconsidereditimpossiblethat the conservative group, yielding to the demands of the times, might modifyitsexaggeratedtendenciesandaccepttheconstitutionalorder sanctioningtheReform,theconservativegroupmightrenouncetheabstentiontowhichithasconfineditselfsincethedownfalloftheempire andmightbegintofightopenlyonlegalground.Althoughthishasnot been completely realized, it does not appear to us that the day is far offwhenwemightseeit,giventhatnowaconsiderablenumberofold conservativesappearinpoliticalpostsofgreaterorlesserimportance, whichequatestoacceptinganorderbased,asitissaid,intheConstitution. Wemustshow,finally,thattheliberalpartydoesnotbelongtothe number of those intolerant exclusivists who systematically keep men whoprofesscertainpoliticalorreligiousideasoutofallparticipation inpublicmatters.Here,nonetheless,wehavetomakeanecessarydistinction.Inthematterofposts,wefindagreatdifferencebetweenthose thataretieddirectlytothedevelopmentofpoliticalideasthatformthe programofthegovernmentandthosethatarepurelyadministrative.It isclearthatwe,professingtheprinciplesoftheliberalparty,willnot supportfortheformerpostsanybutmenwhohaveaperfectlyclearand defineddemocraticcharacter,andwewillneverconcedeourtrusttoan enemyoftheinstitutions,evenifheisflexibleenoughtoconsenttoplay theroleofliberal. Weconsiderthispointsosensitivethat,evendealingwiththediverse factionsoftherepublicanparty,wefinditneitherstrangenorreprehensiblethatgovernmentssurroundthemselvesonthefirstlinewithmenof theircirclewhoinspireinthemmoreconfidencebecauseoftheirintelligence,theirhonor,andtheirpersonalloyalty.Toattackagovernment asexclusivistbecausetheministries,forexample,includeindividuals identifiedwiththeleaderoftheexecutivebranchinpoliticalprinciples andonthecourseheproposestocarryoutistheworstkindofweapon, whichsimplecommonsensecondemns. Thesamedoesnothappenwithrespecttootherbranchesoftheadministrationwherethepoliticalideasofthepersonshavenoinfluence. Individualopinions,partycommitments,shouldnotinanycasebepreferredtohonesty,ability,industriousness,andeducation.Goodpublic service,thedemandsoforderandmorality,imposeongovernmentsthe dutyofseekingthemostsuitablepersonstooccupythepostswithout
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makingmeritconsistofideas,oftenpurelytheoretical,thatthosewho seektoingratiatethemselvesprofess.Wewillnotsayanythingabout thosewhosenamingispopularinorigin,becauseassumingthatthey shouldbeperfectlyfree,thattheauthoritiesmustnotcontrolthemin anyway,itisunderstoodthatboththeliberalandtheconservativefind thewaycleartoattainthembymeansoftheformalitiesestablishedby law,andtheycannotbetheobjectofcensurebyanadministrationthat knowshowtofulfillitsobligations. These general ideas, which in our judgment are the most acceptableinthematterwithwhichwearedealing,areveryfarfromhaving beenpracticedbythecurrentadministration.Oneofitsfirstacts,on thetriumphoftherevolution,1wastodismissenmassealltheoldemployees,proceedingimmediatelytofillthevacantpostswithindividualswhoearneditsspecialconsideration.Theletterofconvocationthat wasimmediatelyissuedfortheelectionofauthorities,bothinthefederationandinthestates,wassofullofrestrictionsthatitcouldhave beensummedupinthisarticlealone:“OnlyPorfirianrevolutionaries can elect or be elected.” The scandalous pressure that since then has been exercised on the popular vote has ended by demonstrating that themostintolerableexclusivismisthemostpronouncedfeaturethat, amongothers,distinguishesthecurrentadministration. Onecannotfindinaprincipleofloftypolicy,inanobleinspiration ofimpartialityandresolveforgoodpublicservice,whatithasdonein recruitingfromtheranksoftheoldreactionarypartythemanyservants whofigureintheTuxtapecanogovernment.Whatcanbe,then,thatpredilectionforthetraditionalenemiesofdemocraticdoctrines?Whythat unjustpreferencewithdiscreditandoffensetohonorableliberalswho have consecrated their entire lives to the defense of the institutions? This,toourwayofthinking,hasonlyoneexplanation,anditisthefollowing: Theenthronementofthecirclethatdominatestodayneversignified thetriumphofanyideaorpoliticalprinciple.Thepartisansthemselves ofthePlanofTuxtepechavedescribeditintheendasanunrealizable absurdity,sonoonenowtakesseriouslythepromisescontainedinit. Personalinterests,poorlyveiledwithadisguiseofliberalism,arethe 1.The1876RevolutionofTuxtepecplacedGeneralPorfirioDíazinpower.(Editor’s note)
bulletinofEl Monitor,September27,1878 : 443
onlymotivethatcanbepointedoutclearlyandresolutelyinthemidst oftheanarchythatenvelopesthecurrentadministration. Insuchcircumstances,itisnaturalthatoneseeks,notmenofstrict principleswhodonotacceptviolatingthemeasily,butratherthosewho, enemiesofsuchprinciples,regardwithpleasuretheirvilificationand disparagementandhappilycooperateintheruinoftheinstitutions,becausetheycouldnotprevailagainstthemfightingthemfacetofaceon thefieldofbattleorintheterrainofpolitics. Nooneismorefittingtohelpinthisliberticidalundertakingthanthe factiontraditionallyopposedtodemocracyandtheReform.Therethe littleCaesarscanfindalltheelementsnecessarytorealizetheirworkof regeneration;therethemenarewho,becauseofanepiscopalpermission, have no obstacle to accepting that tremendous affirmation that, notverymanyyearsago,constitutedoneofthemostseriousandterriblemortalsins.Toproducechaos,systematicallyunderminetheinstitutions,trytointroduceintosocietythefeelingthattheConstitutionis impractical,thatthispeopleisnotmadeforliberty,thatdemocracyis anodiousfarce,preparinginthiswaytheroadtoadictatorship,here istheonlyideareleasedinthemidstofthisconfusionandthisgeneral unhingingthatseemsproduceddeliberatelybymenwhoshouldmarch withafirmstepalongthepathofthelaw,securingthegloriousconquestsoftheMexicanRevolution.Thecongenialitybetweenthecurrentadministrationandtheconservativegroupdoesnotadmitanother explanation,giventhatneithertheintolerantexclusivismofthefirstnor thetenaciousintransigenceofthesecondwouldhavepermittedthemto drawneartooneanotherwereitnotthatapointofcontactexistedthat mightlinktheircontactandunitetheirefforts.
8
Bulletin of El Monitor, October 22, 1878
OuresteemedcolleagueLa Libertad,takingpersonally aparagraphofourbulletinofthesixteenth,pausestoexplainitsopinionsinthearticleentitled“Idealism,”aboutwhichwewillinturnsay somewords,havingfirsttoofferalittleclarification. La Libertadfindsitstrangethatwehaveabandonedthefieldofdiscussionthatwemaintainednotverylongago;inthisthereissomeinaccuracy.Aswillberemembered,thepolemicwasinitiatedbyourcolleaguebecauseofoneofourbulletins;weresponded,itrepliedtous,we respondedagain,andthenitrepliedtousasecondtimeintwoarticles bytwodifferenteditorsofsaiddaily,takingthequestionintwoentirelydifferentsenses;forourpart,weansweredthetwoopposingrepliesseparately,andourdoubleanswerreceivedonlyasingleresponse. Webelieveditthenappropriatetoremainsilent,bothtoawaittheother answer,whichhasnotcome,andbecauseintheresponseithadgiven usweseemedtonoticeacertainhumorousstylethatmadethepolemic trulydegenerate,foralthoughthespiritofourrivalpleasesusgreatly, wefinditoutofplaceinaquestionasseriousastheoneuponwhichwe havetouched. Oneseesbythisthatitwasnotexactlywewhoabandonedthefield ofdiscussion,becauseifwedidnotagainaddressLa Libertad,itwas becauseoftheattitudeassumedbyourattackers.Apartfromthis,no polemic must cross certain bounds because it would run the risk of becominginterminable;withrationalesexpressedfrombothsides,in whicheachsupportsitsrespectiveopinion,itisappropriatetoendthe debate,lettingthepublicpassjudgment,forotherwiseitwillonlycontinuetoincurinnumerablerepetitions,makingthediscussiontakeon thecharacterofanangryaltercation. Originaltitle:“BoletíndelMonitor,”22deoctubrede1878.Source:El Monitor Republicano,October22,1878. 444
bulletinofEl Monitor,oCtober22,1878 : 445
Ourcolleaguelamentsthatwehavenotunderstooditspoliticalideas, confusing“theaspirationtoestablishastronggovernmentwithconspiracyagainstpublicliberties.”ButwhatisitthatLa Libertadunderstandsby“stronggovernment”?WhatsortofpoliticalformdoesitexpectwhenitmakestheConstitution,withtherightsandguaranteesit grants,theconstantobjectofacerbiccriticism?Evennowitsaysthat “theconsciousnessofthedutiesandrightsofmanandcitizendoesnot existinthegreatmajorityofthepeople,”andfurtheronitaddsthata reformoftheConstitutionintheconservativesenseisnecessary. FromthisonededucesthatwhatLa Libertadwantsisforthegovernmenttobestrengthenedattheexpenseofthelibertiesandrightsofman andcitizenor,whatisthesame,thatthoserightsandthoselibertiesbe reducedtothebenefitofthegovernmentalauthority,andthisiswhat itcallsreformsintheconservativesense.Itisclaimednonethelessthat inoperatinginthatway,itisbecauseitisdesired“thatthecountryacquirethepracticaluseofpublicliberties,”believingthattheopposing theories,thatistosaythetheoriesofthoseofuswhosupportmaintainingtheConstitution,willnecessarilyleadthecountry“toanabyss fromwhichitwillsurelynotemergeexcepttofallintoanotherthatis deeper.” Ourcolleaguethrowsinourfaceforthehundredthtimeourempiricism,ourabsolutelackofpracticalspiritandscientificmethod,insum, ouridealism,metaphysical,asithasdoneincallingtheopinionsconstitutionalist.MightLa Libertadpermitustosaytoitthat,becauseofa rarecontradiction,itisfallingintotheveryfaultsthatitattributestoits opponents,asitiseasyforustoproveinafewwords. TosupposepossiblethereformoftheConstitutionintheconservative sensesothatthecountrymightacquirethepractical useofpubliclibertiesisaparadoxthatgoodsenserejectsandthatdemonstratesthemost completelackofpracticalspiritandscientificmethod.Theword“conservative”hasadoublemeaning,theliteralandthepolitical;whichof themdoesourcolleaguetakeittobe?Inthefirst,wetheconstitutionalistsarethetrueconservativesbecausewetrytopreservethefundamentallaw,thepoliticalinstitutionsthatgovernus,andwhateverinnovation ismadetoaltertheseinstitutionsattheirfoundationcannotproperly becalledconservativebecausetheideasofpreservinganddestroying mutuallyexcludeeachother.Inthesecondsense,wehavenoneedtosay aword;everyoneknowswhat,amongus,thepartycalledconservative
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wantsandclaimssothatitmightbeabletoreconcileitstheorieswith thepracticeofpublicliberties. Ontheother hand, tosuppress constitutional liberties inorder to broadenthesphereofastronggovernment,andthiswiththepurposeof “thecountryacquiringthepracticaluseofpublicliberties,”issocontradictoryandabsurdatheorythattheflightoftheloftiestmetaphysics cannotreachit.Tosuppresslibertyinordertoacquirethepracticaluse oflibertyistocondemntheindividualformanyyearstothemostcompleteinactionsohislimbsmightbedevelopedandstrengthened;itis toenclosehiminprofounddarknesssohemightacquireperspicacious sight;itistodeprivehimofallinstructionsohemightbecomealearned manofthefirstorder.Nowwearenotsurprisedbythestoryofthestudentwho,asCalderóndelaBarcatellsit,notknowinghowtoswim threwhimselfintoapondand,havingbeenonthevergeofdrowning emergedfromthereprotestingthathewouldnotagaingointothewater untilheknewhowtoswim. Inthecourseofsuchcontradictions,whichrevealneitheraverypracticalspiritnoraveryscientificorlogicalmethod,theideaconstantly arisesthatthatpitilessmutilationofuselesslibertiesbecausethepeople donotknowhowtomakeuseofthem,andthatcreationofastronggovernmentasiftheilkwereunknowntous,haveastheirobjectivesaving society,puttingabrakeonanarchy,protectingalllegitimateinterests profoundlythreatenedbydisorderandimmorality.Hereindeedappears empiricisminitsfulldevelopment,thecompleteabsenceofallpractical spirit,ofallscientificmethod,etc. ToentrustthesolutiontothegreatproblemtroublingMexicansocietytopurelypoliticalinnovationsisabsolutelynottoseewhatisin frontofoureyes,itisnottoliveinthisworld,itistogooffone’srocker. Let us suppose that the conservative theories of La Libertad have beenrealized;thatwenowdonothavethatjumbleofuselessrightsand guarantees;thatinplaceofthatshallowprattleoftheperiodicals,fruit oftheuselesslibertyofthepress,wehaveagazetteofahalfsheeteach month,asinthetimeoftheviceroys;thattheauthoritycanmakeuseat itswillofthelivesofMexicans;thatallthoseidleformalitieshavebeen setasidethatserveonlytoencouragecriminals,andoneimprisonsand shootswithoutceremony;finally,thatwehaveapoliticalregimeadequatetotheneedsofourpeopleastheyaredepicted.Doesourcolleague
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believethatithasnowobtainedthesupremegoodofpeaceandhappinessofthenation?Doesitbelievewehaveenteredintothatidealeraof concordandtranquility,leavingeveryonecontentinhisplace,theentire societygatheredaroundthatstronggovernment,venerablemodelofthe familiarfatherofthepeoples,whodistributesrewardsandpunishments tohisobedientsubjectsinaccordwithhisgood will?Ifitbelievesallthat, itsidealismisincurableandweneedtopresenttoittherealityofwhat wouldbe. Thatretrogradeevolution,becauseitcannothaveanothersense,that La Libertad seekswouldbethebeginning ofaperiodofhorrendous calamitiesforthecountry,becausewewouldseebeginagain,ingreat proportions,thefratricidalstrugglesthathavebloodiedoursoil,andthe onlyresulttheywouldproducewouldbetoprecipitatethefinaldissolutionofourunfortunatesociety.Butletusgrantforamomentthatthe neworderofthingssucceeds;whatwouldhappen?Wewouldseeignoranceandbrutalforcetakepossessionofthesituation,themostopprobrioustyrannywouldtouchthefurthestextremes,andwewouldwatch oneofthoserepugnantandridiculousspectacles,becauseitisbeyond doubtthatthemenwhowillplaytheleadroleinthetragicomedywould nothavethestatureofaCaesaroraCromwell.IsthiswhatLa Libertad wants? Letusacknowledgethetruth:theevilswesufferandthestillmore seriousonesthatthreatenusneithercomefrompoliticalquestions,nor canaradicalremedybesoughtinthem.Letusexploitoursourcesof wealth,letusstimulatework,letusofferawidefieldtoactivity,tohonestyandintelligenceofalltheinhabitantsofthecountry,andwewill seechange,asifbymagic,thescenethatsurroundsus.Thenpoliticswill ceasebeinganofficethateveryonewantstoexploit,becauseitwillcease being synonymous with the mania for public employment. Then the authoritieswillfulfilltheirduties,becausetheywillnotseethemselves underconstantpressurefromthosewhowanttotoppletheminorderto availthemselvesofthepostintowhichtheyenterexclusivelyandwith rareexceptionstomakemoney,becausetheyknowthatsoonerorlater theywillbeputtoonesidesothatothersmightcometodothesame. Thentheelectionswillbefree,theselectionfallingtothemostworthy becausepopularrepresentationwillceasebeingasinecureforwhose fulfillmentneithersciencenorconscienceisrequired.Then,finally,the
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completeoppositeofwhathappensnowwillhappen,becausethesocial circumstanceswillhavechanged,andmen,itisnecessarynottoforget, workaccordingtothecircumstancesinwhichtheyfindthemselves. Thisiswhatmustbedone.Towardthisend,effortmustbedirected withoutprovokingconflicts,withoutoccasioningnewcomplications, aswouldhappenirremissiblyifinsomeempiricalwayoneattemptsto modifytheinstitutionsforthereductionoflibertiesthatareinnoway responsibleforwhatishappening.Todootherwiseistoyieldtotheimpulsesofanuglyandcontradictoryidealism,becausetherearealsougly idealisms;itistobemadeaninstrumentofpreconceivedjudgments, seeingevilwhereitisnot,basingthesolutionwhereitdoesnotexist. Toconclude,wewillsaytoouresteemedcolleaguethatifitwishesto continuethisdiscussion,webegittoexplaintousthescientificmethod ithasfollowedtodeducescientificallytheconclusionthattheillsthat oppressMexicansocietycomefromtheinstitutionsthatnowgovern, andthatthewaytoendthoseillsistodestroysaidinstitutions,or,what isthesame,toreformthemintheconservativesense.Forourpartwe commitourselvestodemonstratethatitisnotinthepoliticalorderthat theradicalcureofoursufferingshouldbesought,andthat,onthecontrary,itistomakethesesufferingsdeeperandmoreinjurious,detractinginthiswayfromthequestions.Webelievethat,withthepointof thedebatereducedinthisway,wewillbeablenowtounderstandeach otherandwillbeabletoproceedinfullknowledgeoftheissue.
9
Bulletin of El Monitor, October 26, 1878
ThearticleinwhichLa Libertadrespondedtoourbulletinofthetwenty-secondhascausedustruedisappointmentbecause, whilewewerehopingourcolleaguewouldexplaintousthescientific methodithasfollowedtodeducescientificallythattheillsoverwhelming Mexican society stem from the institutions that now govern and thatthewaytoputanendtothoseillsistodestroysaidinstitutions,all weencounteristherepetitionofwordsandvagueconceptsthathave beenexpressedtoussincethebeginningwithoutourmovingforwarda singlestepinthedebate.Wehavereasontobelievethatthediscussions shouldnotgobeyondcertainlimits. Thequalificationweplacedontheword“conservative”wasnotascholasticpedantry,asLa Libertadseemstoindicate,becauseineverydebate it is highly necessary to establish the significance of words; and somuchhasthatqualificationnotbeenuseless,thatwealreadyknow ourcolleaguedoesnotbelongtoanyofthepoliticalentitiesthathave existedandexistinthecountry,foritisnotliberal,becauseinthehands ofthispartylibertyhasbeenamyth,norconservativeeither,because thosewhoarecalledsuchareincapableofstrengtheningorder;rather itconstitutesathirdtypethatgoesneitherbackwardnorforward,that likesneitherrevolutionsnorreactions,butrather“toconservethesocial order,theonlymeansofacclimatizingliberty.” Ourcolleagueprobablybelievesafterthisthatithassaidsomething; tousitappearsthatithassaidnothing,forthevaguenessofitsideas amountstothis.“Toconservethesocialorder,theonlymeansofacclimatizingliberty”isatruismofPerogrullo1thatnobodydeniesorplaces in doubt. For what! Is there some party that has tried to destroy the Originaltitle:“BoletíndelMonitor,”26deoctubrede1878.Source:El Monitor Republicano,October26,1878. 1.“Verdad de Perogrullo”:tobepatentlyobvious.(Editor’snote) 449
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socialorder?Wedonotknowofit,atanyrate;andfromthemostrecalcitrantconservativetothemostexaltedliberal,noonewillhesitateto acceptourcolleague’sopinion.Onesees,then,thatonthispointnothing newissaidtous,norhaveweadvancedasinglestep. Butthisisnottheissue.“Toconservethesocialorder”isatruthbeyonddiscussion.Whatweneedistobetoldthemeansofconserving thatorder.Hereisthedifficulty,andthisiswhatwehavewantedour colleaguetospecifyforus,forthemethodofouresteemedcontradictor isonaparwiththatofthephysicianwho,calledtocureasickperson, declaredhimselfcompletelysatisfiedwithpronouncingtohimthegreat principlethatwhatheneededwasgoodhealth. Letussee,nonetheless,ifsomeeffectiveprescriptionisfurnishedto usto“conservethesocialorder.”Before,weweretoldthatthemeansof attainingthatattractiveoutcomewasthecreationofastronggovernment;nowsuchathingisdenied,anditisaffirmedthat“neitheraletter norasyllableofLa Libertadauthorizessuchanassertion.”Wehaveread, nonetheless,intheissueoftheseventeenthofthismonth,“theideaof astrong governmentendowedwithabundantmeansofaction,placedby thelawitselfinawidesphereofpower,doesnotnecessarilypresuppose tyranny....There,wheregreaterlibertyexists,thatforceofpublicpower becomesevenmorenecessary....Theideaofastronggovernmentnot onlydoesnotimplyareactionaryspirit,butrather,onthecontrary,it canbesustainedwithsuccessbythesincerestdefendersofpublicliberties....There,wheretheindividualcanenjoyagreatamountofliberty, isexactlywherethepublicpowermusthavegreatervigor....MostparticularlythiscanbesaidofMexico.” Oneseesbythisthatsometittlesandbitsexistthatgivelicensetothe assertionthatourcolleaguebasesthesolutionoftheproblemonthe creationofastronggovernment.Nowtheoppositeissaidtous,and thefollowingshot,withwhichweareintotalagreement,islaunchedat thatkindofgovernment:“Theauthorsofsocialpanaceasdisgustus,and neverhavethosewhospeakoftheprosperityofapeoplebyvirtueof infalliblemeans,keptinenchantedbottles,seemedtousanythingbut charlatans.” Very good, perfectly good. But then, “what is the practical way to makethisconditiondisappear?”Letuslistentothecolleaguewhohas beenchargedwithaskingandrespondingitself,“Adaptindividualright to the conditions of our existence, invigorate the principle of authority,
bulletinofEl Monitor,oCtober26,1878 : 451
GiveuSaStronGGovernment.Whatwewant,then,withastrong government,aroundwhichtheconservativeelementsofsocietycanassemble,istocombatrevolutions,tomakethemgraduallyimpossible. Fromthis,peacewouldcome,andthatcertainlyisaconditiontorealizematerialimprovements,theonlypaththatguidesustothesolution totheproblem.”Wehave,then,thesolutionalready,althoughitmust beunderstoodthatitdoesnotbelongtosocialpanaceasortoinfallible meanskeptinenchantedbottles,anddespitethefactthat,somelines above,ithasbeensaidtousthatneitherawordnoratildeofLa Libertadauthorizedtheassertionthatitmighthaveentrustedthesolutionof thesocialproblemtothecreationofastronggovernment. Next,thisextraordinaryquestionisputtous:“Dowehaveheresome sinagainstthescientificmethod,thatistosay,againstexperienceand reason?”Yes,wesay,thereisasin,andaverygreatone,anditconsists inthatthatsolutionresolvesnothing,becausetoavagueness,“toconserve the social order,” are presented three other vaguenesses: “adapt individualrighttotheconditionsofourexistence,invigoratetheprincipleofauthority,giveusastronggovernment.”Allofthatwillbevery good;butwedonotfinditveryscientifictoestablishcommonplaces whosediscussionwouldbeentirelyuseless,makingapointthatneglects theonlyonethatshouldbetheobjectofdebate:themeansbywhichto realizethegreatoutcomesthatarepreached. LetLa Libertadbeawareofthetruth:thegroundonwhichithas placeditselfisunsustainable.Gratuitousaffirmations,generalprinciples, abstractmaxims—thisisallwehaveencounteredupuntilnowinwhat can be called its political program.—Constitutions should be appropriatetotheneedsofthepeoples;—noonedeniessuchatruth.—Our ConstitutionisnotmadeforthepeopleofMexico;—andfromwhatis suchanaffirmationdeduced?Wherearethescientificdataonwhichit rests? Letussuppose,nonetheless,thatthatweretrue;whatisofferedto usinitsplace?WhereistheConstitutionorthescientificregimethat presentsitselftoresolveallproblems,tocalmallambitions,todissipate all errors that have complicated the situation to an unbelievable extreme? Astrong government! And what does a strong government mean?Agovernmentthatdoeswhatitfeelslikedoing,thathasnolaw towhichtosubjectitself,thatappliesitswillarbitrarilyinthesensethat seemsbesttoit?Invigoratetheprincipleofauthority!Andhowtoreal-
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izethatphenomenonwhentheauthorityisthefirsttobringaboutits owndiscreditwithitsineptitude,itslackofrespectforsociety,itslittle tricks,anditsmeanintriguesinwhichnothinggrandorelevatedappears. Thatkindofcompromise,whichLa Libertaddreamsofrealizing,is atrueparadox:betweentheconservativereaction,withallitsoldattributesandtraditionalhabits,andconstitutionalistliberalism,withits aspirationsforprogress,thereisnomiddleground.Thefirst,theconservativereaction,isnotnowpossible;thegreatinterestsitdefendedhave been destroyed, the ideas it represented have lost all their influence. Thereremains,then,onlytheliberalparty,which,ifitwantstosavethe situationandreturntoitspoliticalmission,hastobecomeattachedto theConstitution,advancewithit,beinspiredbyitsspirit,reformitif desired,butbymeansthatititselfindicates. Wealsowishtoconservethesocialorder;wewishtoextirpateforevertherevolutionaryfeverthatdevoursusandthatnolongerhasany reasonforbeing.Butthoseexactlyaretheverypowerfulmotivesthat makeussustainatallcostssupportofthefundamentallaw,becausewe havetheinnermostandprofoundconvictionthatthefirstinjudicious steptakenagainstitwillbethesignalforanewcivilwarthatwillend byannihilatingthefewelementsthatremaintous,bycastingshameand infamyonthenameMexican,seriouslycompromisingnationalindependence. Thisiswhatmakesusinsisttirelesslyonsustainingtheconstitutionalistidea.If,unfortunately,thecurrentgovernmentpaysattentionto thedoctrinesofLa Libertadandotherperiodicalsthatproduceantiliberalpropagandaandtriestomakeascientificattempttostrengthen itself,attemptingtoadapttherightsoftheMexicanpeopletotheneeds oftheirexistencecalculatedbyitscriteria,wewouldseethedramain which President Comonfort was the lead actor played out in greater scope, with the difference that the conservatives of today could not offer,totheonewhowilltrytofollowinthatperson’sfootsteps,either thepecuniaryelementsorthesocialandpoliticalinfluencetheconservativesofthatepochhad.La Libertadshouldstudyalittleourhistory andoursituationratherthanbeingpreoccupiedwithwhatisbeingdone inFranceandSpain,foritcanverywellhappenthatwhatmightbeconservativetherewouldbeturnedintorevolutionaryhere,andwearesure thatitwillcometoconcedescientificallytoourside,forasisverywell
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said,itisnowtimethatwearriveattheageofreason,andweshouldnot goamusingourselveswithdangerousgames,becauseitisnolessamatterthanthepublicpeaceandtheexistenceofthenation. Otherwise,convincedoftheuselessnessofprolonginganylongerthe presentdiscussion,whichonlyledustocountlessrepetitionsandrectifications,letuscallanendtoit,hopingthatourcolleaguewillbecome convincedbytheexperiencethattheroadithastakenisnottheonethat canleadtothefulfillmentofitsdesires.
10
Bulletin of El Monitor, October 30, 1878
We have noted that a certain antagonism frequently establishesitselfbetweentheguaranteestheConstitutiongrantstoall inhabitantsoftheRepublicandtheneedsofsocietytoensurecitizens the enjoyment of their life and their interests, even managing to attributetothefirstsomeprotectionofevildoers,inseekingtofindthe sourceoftheexceptionalgrowthcriminalityhascometoacquireamong us.Nothingcanbemorefalseormoredangerousthanthatrationale,as itiseasytobecomeconvincedbyexaminingthequestionalittle. The force of theargument consists in saying that the law protects wickedpersonsbecauseoncetheauthorityhasapprehendedthem,the formulas of a protracted legal action are followed, while the man of goodwill,whohasbeenthevictimofthecriminal,hasnothingtodefendhimagainsttheblowsofthecriminal,whoproceedsceremoniously tocommithismisdeeds.Itseems,accordingtothis,thattheidealofjusticewouldbeforsocietytoadoptwithevildoerstheveryconductthey observe,applyingpunishmentwithrapidityandunusuallackofforethought. Nonetheless, if one pauses to think that the guarantees have been establishedpreciselytoprotectthemanofgoodwill,onewillreadilysee thattheargumentcollapsesofitsownweight,andthat,farfromseeking,inthesuppressionoftheprotectiveformulasthatshouldsurround allcriminaljustice,themeansofattackingdisorderandimmoralityatits root,itwillsucceedonlyincreatingagreatnumberofinnocentvictims, onwhomtheconsequencesofunjustproceedingswouldoftenweigh heavily. Itisunquestionablethatsocietyishighlyinterestedinthesuppression of criminal offenses, in their punishment, in their eradication; Originaltitle:“BoletíndelMonitor,”30deoctubrede1878.Source:El Monitor Republicano,October30,1878. 454
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butinasmuchasthislatterisnotpossible,alltheirforcesshouldbedirectedtoseeingthatthepunishmentbeingadministeredcarries,asfar ashumanweaknesspermitsit,thecharacteristicsofstrictjustice,sothat theguiltyonemightsufferappropriatepunishmentforthecrimehehas committed,becauseeverythingthatmightdepartfromthisprincipleis tocommitatrueiniquity,whichmustbeavoidedinanycountrythat boastsofbeingcivilized. Butinordertoattainthatobjective,twothingsareabsolutelyindispensable:theidentificationofthepersonoftheoffenderandthesubstantiationofthedeedimputedtohim,withallthosecircumstancesthat canincreaseordiminishhisguilt.Wellthen,thiswillneverbeobtained ifitisnotbymeansofaseriesofprocedures,moreorlessdrawnout, thatourlaws,inspiredbyaloftyphilosophicalspirit,haveestablished. Theinvestigationofacriminaldeedalwayspresentsextraordinary difficultiesthatcannotbeovercomewiththespeedthatwouldbedesired.Theindividualonwhomanaccusationofthattypeweighstries,as isnatural,todefendhimselfasfarashisstrengthsallow,confusingthe inquiriesofthejudge,mockinghiswisdom,tryingtoeraseorcorrupt alltracesofhiscrime,withthegoalofhinderingasmuchaspossible theimpositionofthepunishmenthedeserves.Insuchacase,asingular struggleisenteredintobetweentheaccused,whoappealstoasmany meansashisintelligencesuggeststohim,deeplyspurredonbyaninterestsoimportanttohim,andtheunyieldingcourseofthejudge,who followsthetrailofthecrime,takingadvantageoftheslightestevidence toestablishwithprecisionthedeedheisinvestigatingandbringtofull lighttheinnocenceorguiltoftheaccused. Isthereinthissomethingtoreprove,somethingtocensure,aslong asthefunctionarychargedwiththeloftymissionofadministeringjusticefulfillstheveryimportantchargeentrustedtohim?Definitelynot; butwillitnotbetoofferprotectiontocriminals,givingthemoccasion toavoidthepunishmentor,atleast,notreceivetheidealpunishment theydeservewiththetimelinessthatthevictimsandsocietyingeneral arerighttodemand?Innoway;becauseaswehavesaidbefore,theobjectiveoftheguaranteesistoprotectthehonorablecitizen,whocan becomeimplicatedinfalseaccusationsorbethevictimoflamentable errorsthatwouldhavesubjectedhimtoaniniquitousjudgmentifhedid nothaveallthemeansnecessarytoprovehisinnocence. Itwillbesaid,nonetheless,thatthecriminalcansometimesgoun-
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punished,that,takingadvantageofalltheresourcesthelawsgranthim andbyforceofcunning,willpossiblyfreehimselffrompunishmentor, atleast,thatthispunishmentmightbemuchlessthanwhathejustlydeserves.Itistrue,butfromthiscannotbeinferredinanywaytheneed tosuppresstheprotectiveformulasthataccompanyjusticebecauseofa preoccupationsolelywiththeideaofharmingthedelinquent,evenif bydoingthisitwouldbenecessarytosacrificetheinnocent,forinthat alternative, philosophers and experts in public law have not wavered inestablishingtheprinciplethatitispreferablethataguiltypersonbe savedthanthataninnocentpersonperish. Whenonepausestothink,ontheotherhand,aboutthefallibilityof humandecisions,whenonebringstomindsomememorabledecisions when,becauseofaconjunctionoffatalcircumstancesanddespiteall thescrupulousnessthatcanbeappliedintheinvestigationofacrime, innocentpersonshavebeencondemnedtodeath,personswhoseinnocencehascometobeprovenwhenitisnolongerpossibletoundothe evilcaused,agenuineanguishtakesholdofthehearttocontemplate thefatethatwouldbefalltheinhabitantsofaratherunfortunatecountrybecause,init,earswillbeclosedtothewiseprinciplesofarational legislation,makingprevail,inthespheresinwhichonlysereneandimpartialjusticeshouldpredominate,thesavageharshnesssuitableonlyto barbarousepochs. Iftothisisaddedthespecialsituationourcountryhas,inwhichpoliticalpassionspoisoneverything,availingthemselvesoftheflimsiest pretextsforcarryingoutterriblerevenges,andwhenweseethedisdain with which some authorities regard human life, leaving unpunished thecrimestheycommitagainsttheirpoliticalenemies,thenonesenses withabsolutecertaintyhowverycruel,howverydangerousitwould betosuppressorevendiminishtheguaranteesthatprotecttheaccused andthatareviolatedwithsuchfrequencybytheveryfunctionarieswho shouldbethefirsttorespectthem. Wearefarfromdenyingthescandalousincreasethatcriminalityhas acquiredinourcountryandthewidelyknownurgency foradopting effectivemeanstoplaceastrongrestraintonit,reestablishingtheconfidencewithwhich,ineverycivilizedcountry,peacefulcitizenslivein theprotectiveshadowofaforesightfulandintelligentgovernment;but theseevilswealldeplorewillnotdisappearinthewaytheenemiesof constitutionalguaranteesindicate,butrather,onthecontrary,theywill
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assumegreaterproportionsthedayoneappealstothoseabsurdandextrememeans,leavingsocietyinworseconditionthanitisnow.Expediteattherighttimetheactionofjusticebymeansofspeedierprocedures, but do not forget the social objective of punishment or the naturalmeansofdefensethelawsgrant. Everyone knows the causes that have produced the increase in crimes—crimesthatdeservedlyhavescandalizedandstruckfearinto theentireRepublic,andtheonlyeffectivemeansthatcanbesuccessfullyemployedtoimprovethesituationarealsoknown;butonewill objectthatthosemethodsareslow,andtocuretheevilthatexistsrequirespromptandactiveremedies.Thefirstistheworkoftimeandreflection,whilethesecondistheurgentneedtopreventpresentdangers, torootoutacuteillsthatseriouslythreatenthemostrespectableand sacredsocialinterests.Werepeat,forourpart,thatwedonotexcusethe magnitudeoftheevil,butwedenyandwillalwaysdenythatviolence canbeadvantageouslysubstitutedforreasonandlawandthatitwould bewisetofleefromahiddendangerinordertothrowoneselfintoan abyss,aswouldcertainlyhappenifwemanagedtosuppresscompletely thebeneficialfetterslegislationhasestablishedsothatthepunishment ofevildoersmightprovideallitsmoraleffects. If one examines a little the elements that come together to create thecurrentstateofaffairs;thesadconditionstowhichourpeoplefind themselvesreduced;themultitudeofdeleteriousgermsdisseminatedin oursocialatmosphere;theignorance;theabandon;and,aboveall,the miseryinwhichthedestituteclassesfindthemselves,afeelingofsadnessandbitternesswillreplacetheindignationcausedbythefrequency ofcrimesthattodayhavealarmedsociety,andwillmakegazesfocusa littlehigherinsteadofwantingtoimposewithoutmercytheironand thefireonthecancerthatisdevouringus.“Hewhocommitsacrimeto increasehisriches,”saysMr.Pastore,“andhewho,unfortunately,lackingbreadforhimself,forhiswifeandhischildren,determinesafter longstrugglestodemandthenourishmentwithoutwhichallwilldie, havenotcommittedanequallyguiltydeed....Thecrimesthatarise fromcorruptionarethemostvile;thosethatthepassionsproduceare themostdangerous;thosethatarisefrommiserythemostexcusable.”
11
Bulletin of El Monitor, December 17, 1878
Knowingafewofthemostimportantfactsaboutour history,theirintimaterelationshipandtheirsocialandpoliticalsignificance,onemustacknowledgetheinevitablenecessityfortheReform, aswellasthefactthattheReformcouldnothaveoccurredexceptina revolutionarymanner. Thattheclergyhadbeentheprincipalobstacletothenationbeing constitutedintheformofgovernmentmostappropriatetoitscircumstancesisafactnoonecandenywithoutcontradictingtheevidence.The conservativeparty,politicalincarnationoftheclericalidea,wastheone thatinspiredinGeneralSantaAnnathecoupd’étatof1834,firstoffense againstthelegitimatelyconstitutedauthorities,thatopenedthedoorto thecivilwar,initiatingthemostturbulentperiodofourhistory. InreestablishingtheConstitutionof1824in1846,itwasfoundthat thatlawcouldnolongersatisfythedemandsofthesituation,foritwas understoodthatitwasnecessarytomoveforward,toovercomeresolutely the difficulties that prevented consolidation of peace, to enter fullyontheroadofaradicalreformthatwouldnullifyforevertheelementsofthepartythathadopenlydeclareditselftheenemyofthenation’speaceandliberty. Fromthiscomesthedivisionintheheartoftheliberalpartyinto puristsandmoderates,forwhilethefirst,knowingcompletelythesituationanditsdemands,wantedtoproceedimmediatelytosetaboutthe greatworkofregeneration,thesecond,moretimid,postponedresolutionoftheproblem,believingthatanevolutioncouldbeslowlyeffected,thatavoidingdisastrousjoltswouldresultintheconsolidation ofdemocraticinstitutions. Originaltitle:“BoletíndelMonitor,”17dediciembrede1878.Source:El Monitor Republicano,December17,1878. 458
bulletinofEl Monitor,deCember17,1878 : 459
Theclergyitselfundertooktomakeevidentthechimericalqualityof thisidealthatleftnothingtodesireinthefieldofphilosophybutwas entirelyimpracticalontheterrainoffacts.Theaudacityoftheclerical partyinoverthrowingtheadministrationofGeneralAristaandcreating thedespoticdictatorshipofSantaAnnapersuadedthosewhoweremost deludedthatconciliationwasnotinanywaypossiblewithafactionthat stoppedatnomeanstorealizeitsgoals,andfromthatmomentitwas necessarytobeginastrugglewithoutquarter,leavingclearlyestablished thealternativebetweenreactionandreform,betweentheclericaland theprogressiveidea,withoutmiddlegroundandwithoutanymeansof negotiation. SuchwasthecharacterthestruggleassumeduntiltherevolutioninitiatedinAyutlainthefirstmonthsof1854.TheprovisionaladministrationofGeneralComonfort,despitethemoderatecharacterofthat leader,marksaperiodoftransition,veryworthyofstudy,towardthe new era that would end with the Reform. Each one of the measures takeninthattemporaryperiodshowsthegeneraltendenciestotheconclusivesolutionthatwasintheconscienceofallliberals. TheConstituentCongress,meetingin1856,encouragedveryenlighteneddiscussionsthattouchedtheentirenation;nonetheless,despitethe veryadvancedprinciplessetdownintheConstitutionof1857,thelast wordhasnotbeenspoken,forgreateventsareneverbroughttocompletionexceptthroughmoreorlessslowpreparationsthatmaketheopportunemomentfinallyarrive. Itwastheclergyitselfthattookchargeofhasteningthatmoment. Trustinginitsmoralpowerandwealth,itbelieveditwouldbeeasyforit todestroyitsantagonist,andinsteadofacceptingagreementsthatmight havedelayeditsfall,itrejectedwiththegreatestinsolenceallthosemeasuresthattendedtodiminishitsinfluence,andwhileinthepressandin thepulpitthemostinflammatoryprotestsandthemostviolentpolemics persisted,inPuebla,inSanLuisPotosí,andinotherpartsofthecountry,threateninginsurrectionsbrokeoutagainstliberalinstitutionsin whichtorrentsofMexicanbloodran. Inthemidstofthatimmensedisturbance,discussionandapprovalof theConstitutionwerecompleted,itbeingimmediatelysolemnlysanctioned;buttheclericallaborcontinuedmoreactivelythanever,managingintheendtoensnareinitsnetsthechiefofthenationhimself,
460 : joSémaríaviGil
who,forgettingtheseriousobligationshehadcontracted,executeda coupd’étatanddeliveredtotheclericalreactionariestheconsiderable resourcesthegovernmenthadatitsdisposal. Buttheworkofthedemocraticrevolutionwasalreadytoofaradvancedforretreattobepossible.ThestatesfacedthereactioninpossessionofthecapitaloftheRepublic.Thenationalgovernmenttookrefuge inVeracruzandenteredintothestruggleofthreeyears,duringwhich theclergyexhausteditsresources,notsparinganymeanstodestroyits antagonistandsubduethenation. Then,inthemidstoftheheatofcombat,theReformpronounced itsfinalword,proclaimingthegreatprinciplesthatwouldnowmake possibletheexistenceofagovernmentinMexico,destroyingforever thedisorganizingelementthathadbroughtsomanydaysofsorrowto thepatria.Thenationalizationofecclesiasticalwealth,theseparationof churchandstate,withallitsconsequences,weretheresultofthattremendousstrugglethat,duringthreeyears,stainedtheterritoryofthe Republicwithblood. Canitbesaid,afterthis,thattheworkoftheReformwaspremature andviolent,thatitwasoneofthoseinopportuneconvulsionsthatcould occasion ills without number, not bringing in exchange any positive benefitatallforsociety?Thosewhosaysoareeitherunawareofthe historyofthecountryortrytoleadopinionastray,drivenbybaseinterests. Tocriticize,ontheotherhand,thatveryimportanteventbecause it did not provide a use for the ecclesiastical wealth that could have broughtthenationoneoranotheradvantageinadeterminatedirection, isnottounderstandthenatureoftherevolutioninwhichonesought, aboveall,todestroytheweaponsofapowerfulenemy,creatingdeep intereststhatcanopposeit,andmakingitimpossibleforthewealthto berecovered,aswouldhavehappenedhadonekeptitentirely. Nationalization had two objectives, one political and the other economic,andbothwereattainedcompletely,foratthesametimeit strippedtheclergyofitsmostpowerfulweapon,whichithademployed soharmfullyagainstthecountry,nationalizationwassuccessfulinreleasingthatimmensewealth,puttingitunderthecontrolofindividuals, andconsequentlymakingitmoreproductiveforthegeneralbenefitof thenation. Apartfromthis,theReformsosatisfiedthemostimperativeneeds
bulletinofEl Monitor,deCember17,1878 : 461
ofsocietythat,whentheforeigninterventiontookplaceandtheempirewasborninitsshadow,bothdevisedbytheclergytorecoverits wealthorinfluence,theclergyhadthemostbitterdisappointment,for theneworderofthings,establishedundersuchunfavorableauspices, lettheReformremain,protectingitwellfromcomingintocontactwith thepowerfulinterestsithadcreated. Andthiswasinthenatureofthings;theinterventionandtheempire understoodatfirstsighttheessenceofthematter,andtheycouldnot, iftheyaspiredtocreatesomethinglasting,reestablishtheobstaclesthat hadbeendestroyedatsuchcostandagainstwhichtheywouldhavehad tocollideiftheyhadmanagedtoestablishanadministrationthatwould functionwithcompleteorder.Because,werepeat,theReformwasnota matterofpoliticalformat,butratheroneofthosefundamentalmatters thataffectedtheveryexistenceofsociety,thataboveallneedednotto liveonborrowedtime,nottoremainsubordinatetohostilepowersthat changeditcompletelyatthehouritsuitedtheirintereststodoso,not topermit,insum,thatitremainastatewithinthestate,anindependent and disorderly sovereigntywithinthegreatnationalsovereignty. Whathasbeensaidissufficientsothat,historicallyandpolitically speaking,thecauseoftheReformremainsjustified,theReformagainst whichformidabletempestshavebeenraisedinvain,nothavingbeen able even to touch the very firm base on which it definitively rested fromthemomentofitsappearance.TheReformwasnotoneofthose unconsideredandprematurestepsthatcompromisethepeaceofnations for the simple desire of trying absurd theories, but rather the saving measureoftheRepublicthatcutoutthecancerthatwasdestroyingit andputthe“thisfarandnofarther”ontheunfortunatepowerthathad erecteddisobedienceandrebellionasasacreddoctrineandthat,with itswordsanditsactions,hadshownitselftobeincompatiblewiththe peace,order,andprogressoftheMexicannation.
12
Bulletin of El Monitor, December 27, 1878
Wehaveseenthattheprincipalauthorofourpublic misfortunes,theonethatkeptthecountrysubmergedincivilwarand anarchyformanyyears,theonethatslackenedeveryprincipalofauthority,providingtheexampleofcontemptforthelawsandthefunctionarieschargedwithexecutingthem,wastheclergy,whoseantipatriotic conduct will present it before the tribunal of history as the one greatlyresponsibleforthewoesthatweighheavilyonMexico.Wehave seen also how its unwise conduct precipitated events, ensuring that itspowerwouldcollapseinthemidstofitsterrifyingcataclysm.Now isthetimetoexaminetheeffectsthatsucheventsproducedonpublicmorality,sothatthiswillhelpexplaintousthesituationinwhich thecountryremainsandthegreatamountofworkithasstilltodoin ordertogetthroughitsdifficultyiftheinstinctsforitsownpreservationriseabove,asweexpect,thedissolvingelementsthatendlesslyfight againstit. Toputthismatterinitstrueperspective,itseemstousopportuneto remembertheastuteandwiseobservationsthataMexicanofgreattalentmadein1836,whentheclericalpartyhadjustdestroyedtheinstitutions,regardingthestateofpublicmoralityinourcountryduringthose times.Thoseobservationsconstituteapreciousrevelationthatgivesus thekeytothefundamentalproblemwhosesolutionwemuststriveto findatallcosts.HereishowDr.Moraexpressedhimselfonthisimportanttopic: Amongeverypeopleinwhichsocialdutiesareconfusedwithreligiousdutiesitisalmostimpossibletoestablishfoundationsfor Originaltitle:“BoletíndelMonitor,”27dediciembrede1878.Source:El Monitor Republicano,December27,1878. 462
bulletinofEl Monitor,deCember27,1878 : 463
publicmorality.Sinsandcrimesarebytheirverynaturethingsof differentorders,althoughmanyormostofman’sactionshavethis doublecharacteratthesametime.Societymustrecognizeascrimes onlyactionsthat,properlyso-called,areinfractionsoflawsthatdisturbthesocialorderbegunandestablishedbythem.Religionconsiders,andmustconsiderassinsnotonlyactions,buteventhemost hiddenmovementsofthesoulopposedtodivineprecepts.Society mustbe,asageneralrule,inflexibleinthepunishmentofcrimes, evenwhentherepentanceofthecriminalandhisresolvetomend hiswaysareclear.Inreligion,ontheotherhand,fromthemomentthesinnersincerelyrepents,heispardoned,whatevermight betheevilsthathaveresultedfromhissins,whichmanytimeswill notbeinhisownpowertorepair.Theresultofthesedifferentaspectsunderwhichreligionandsocietyconsidermanandhisactions isthatthespeedandmeansbywhichthesepowerfulagentshave aneffectonhimmustbeentirelydifferent,andwhentheyareconfused,theremustnecessarilybeinone,intheother,orinboth,a disorderverydetrimentaltothereligiousandpoliticalmoralorder. At oncethe author makes clear that theconfusion thathad disappearedcompletelyinEuropestillexistedinMexicoandthatthemasses wereconvincedthatpoliticalandcivildutiesreceivedtheironlyforce fromreligioussanction. Thenheadds: As,ontheotherhand,thesesamemassesdonothaveafundamentalknowledgeofthereligiontheyprofessnorarecapableofdistinguishingtheopinionsoftheclergyfromreligiousduties,they confusetheoneswiththeothers,theybelievethemselvesobligedto doblindlywhateverthepriestsorconfessorsorderthem,andthey believethemselvesdispensedfromsocialdutieswhenaministerof worshipinthepublicexerciseofpreachingorintheconfessional gives an opiniononit.Fromthisstateofthings,itresultsthatthe forceofthelawsdependsontheopiniontheclergyformsofthem, andasthiscanbemistakensometimesandothertimesiscontrary towhatsaidlawsprescribe,itisclearthat,ontheonehand,athousandperniciouserrorswillbeincurredregardingsocialduties,and,
464 : joSémaríaviGil
ontheother,societywillhavetoreceiveitsstrengthsfromanalien powerthat,sometimeswithreasonandothertimeswithoutreason, willnotbedisposedtolenditanditwillbenegated. Whenthishappens,menwho,intheinfractionofcivillaws,see onlyanoffense against Godbecausetheclergymentellthemtheyare not,inconscience,obligatedtocarryoutthecivillaws,noraresuch offensesagainstGodintheinfractionofcivillaws,theybecome angryatthecivillawsandatthelegislatorwhohasimposedunjust obligationsonthem,andthentheyriseupiftheycan,andifnot theyeludecivillawsbysubterfugesthatthosewhoproceedthusin badfaithareaccustomedtomaking.Theclergy,itistrue,doesnot establishasamaximorgeneralprinciplethatitislawfultodisobey theauthorityoritslaws,butinfactitreservesandexercisesthe powerinindividualcasesofgiving its opinion,intheclassroomand theconfessional,onthevalidityornullityofsuchandsuchalawor ontheinterpretationofitsmeaning,andassuch,anopinionisatrue ruleofconductfortheonewhorequestsitorreceivesit;whenitis notinconformancewiththelawortheauthority,thelawisunderminedinitsprimaryprinciplesandauthorityinitsfundamental foundations. Astheclergyisacorporationmadeupofmen,asthesemenlive insociety,andasconsideredindividuallyorasacivilcorporation theycandemandareformalsocivil,becausetheforceofthelaws dependsonthem,itisclearthat,evenwhenthereformisassumed necessary,asitwillbeandhasbeenmanytimesbytheacknowledgmentofthementhemselves,thegovernmentwillnothavethe meanstocarryoutthereform,becausethelawsthatstipulateitwill beconsideredunjustandtheirexecutionanactoftyranny. Theclergy,then,willalwaysweakentheactionofthegovernmentinallitsjudgments,whethertheyareadverseorwhetherindifferenttotheirinterests,justforthefactofbeingtheonlycreatorandregulatorofsocialduties,andbecausethereisnopolitical consciencethat,likethereligious,establishestheneedtocarryout thosesocialduties.Butnotonlythegovernment,theindividuals willalsohavetosuffer,andagreatdeal,fromthislackofpoliticalconscience.Whyisthisso?Becausetheclergywillconvertinto socialdutiesnotonlypurelyreligiouspreceptsbutalsopracticesthat cannotbeconsideredobligatoryeveninthereligiousorder.
bulletinofEl Monitor,deCember27,1878 : 465
Theauthorthensetsoutsomeconsequencesdeducedfromsuchperniciousantecedents,likehatredfordissentersinthematterofreligion, thedoubleintrigueoftheclergyteachingonethingintheclassrooms anduniversitiesandinculcatinginthemassespracticalerrorsthathave madethemconfusereligionitselfwithvainandsuperstitiousbeliefs. “Withthisdoubleintrigue,”headds,“theravingsofthemultitudeare sustainedasreligiousprinciplesandthediscreditthatcouldresulttothe bodyfromconveyingasreligiousprinciplesthosethatareonlypopular errorsisavoided.Insum,oneisthereligiontaughtintheschoolsbythe books,andtheothertheoneinsinuatedinpracticeinthechurches.” Directly, we find this observation of profound and incontestable accuracy: Theprinciplesofmoralityarealwaysoverstated,andthrough theoryorpracticetheyaremadetoconsistofobligationsthattranscendthecommonforcesofnature;thepeoplebecomeimmoral because,breakingtheoverstatedprinciples,theydispenseaseasily withthosethatarenotoverstated,andthesocietythateasilyfunctionswithouttheoverstatedprinciplescannotexistwithoutthose principlesthatarenotoverstated.Forthatreasonthereareno peoplelesslawabidingthanthosethatestablishmoreaustereprinciplesasaruleofconduct,becausethenumberofviolatorsincreasesinthesameproportionasdifficultiespresentedbytheir observationarise.Wellthen,thishappensandmusthappentoall peoplesamongwhomtheclergyistheexclusiveteacherofmorality. Theprecedingquoteshaveseemedimportanttousforvariousreasons:becausetheyportraywithadmirableaccuracythestatethatpublicmoralityhadsomeyearsafterindependence;becausetheyshowthe pernicious influence exercised on the Mexican people by the clergy; and,finally,becauseitisnecessarytoknowthoseantecedentsinorder toformacompletejudgmentofthecurrentsituation.Thisknowledge providestheexplanationforourrevolutionsandoftheirinevitableconsequences,anditwilltemperalittletheindignationthatseethesinsome breastsbeforethespectacleofourwoesandthatoverflowsininvectives againsttheMexicanpeople. Ineffect,whenapeoplelikeourshasbeensystematicallyledastray bythosewhohavethemissiontoguideandmoralizeit,itisnecessary,to
466 : joSémaríaviGil
bejust,todirectthecensurewithallitsbitternessnotonthepeoplewho hasbeenthevictim,butratherontheteachersofperdition,onthefalse apostleswho,inspiredbythespiritofsordidambitions,didnothesitate tocorruptthereligiousprinciple,topoisonthefountainsofprivateand publicmorality.Whenthisisknownandseen,feelingsofaverydifferentnaturehavetocleartheway,andifthereisaplaceforadmiration,it willnotbeforthemanywoesthatexistamongourpeople,butrather forthefewgoodsthathavebeenabletosurvivethatviolentshipwreck ofallthewiseprinciplesoforderandmoralitythatpreserveandprotect humansocieties.
eMilio rabasa EmilioRabasa(1856–1930),borninChiapas,wasajurist,novelist,diplomat,journalist,andhistorianwhoopposedtheMexican Revolution.DuringthePorfirioDíazeraRabasawasgovernor ofChiapas.AfterDíazfellhesupportedthecoupofVictoriano Huerta (1913) and agreed to enter the diplomatic service. He spenttheyears1914–20inexilebutlaterreturnedtoMexico.A “new”liberal,Rabasabelievedinaliberalismbasedonscientific politicsdrawnfrompositivismandrejectedtheabstractdoctrinesofnaturalrights.Hisemphasiswasonastrong,centralized,yetconstitutionallylimitedauthority.Rabasa’smainwork isLa Constitución y la dictadura,atheoreticalandhistoricalindictmentofthe1857Constitution.Hearguedthatbymaking governance impossible, the Constitution had condemned the countrytodefactodictatorship.Whiletheamountofpower concentratedinJuárez’shandshadbeenunsurpassed,Rabasa claimedthatheusedsuchpowervigorouslyandsuccessfullyto fulfillhishighpurposes. WepresenttwochaptersfromLa Constitución y la dictadura.
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1
The Election (excerpt) i
When an adolescent first becomes aware of what a popularelectionisandthegoalithas,theideapresentsitselftohisspirit initssimplestform;itislikearevelationofjusticethatseduceshim andwinsoverhiswill.Theideaisannoyingmainlybecauseofitssimplicity,thesimplicityoftheimmaculatetheory.Ontheeveoftheelection,eachcitizenreflectsontheindividualmostsuitablefortheposition withwhichtheelectionisconcerned,rejectssome,putsothersaside, chooses,andclassifiesuntilfixinghispreferenceonthatonewhocombinesthegreatesttalentsandoffersthemostbecauseofhiscivicandprivatevirtues.Howcouldonenotdoitinthisway,whengoodjudgment affectshisowninterestanderrorhisownliability?Whenthehourof actionarrives,thecitizensfileinbeforetheballotbox,depositingtheir ballots;theinspectorsreadandcount;thepresidentmakesthenumbers knownandproclaimstheoneelectedbythepeople.Nothingmorejust, nothingmorenatural,nothingmoresimple. Although this idea assumes a great number of virtues in practice, muchgreaterstillisthenumberitsconsequencesassume.Theinnocence oftheadolescent,developingthetheoryofgovernmentemanatingfrom thepeoplefromthetheoryofelection,believesthateachelectedperson,alreadyvirtuousinhimself,feelstheforceofpublicopinion,simultaneouslyhisstrengthandhismenace,andhewillbeunabletobeless thanazealousguardianofgeneralinterestsandanactivepromoterofthe commongood.Themaninvestedwiththedignitythatelectionconfers onhimandelevatedbythedelegationofpopularpower,whichisthe onlylegitimatepower,divestshimselfofcommonpassions,getsinspi Originaltitle:“Laelección.”Source:EmilioRabasa,La Constitución y la dictadura, chapter10,inEstudio sobre la organización política de México(Mexico:Tipografíade“RevistadeRevistas,”1912). 468
theeleCtion : 469
rationfromjustice,forgetsordoesnotknowfromthebeginningwho gavehimtheirvote,whorejectedhim,and,withonlythefulfillmentof dutyandthesubordinationofhisactstothelaws,hesatisfiesthebroadestprogramofgoodinthegovernmentandequityintheadministration. Thusithastobe;butifitwerenotthus,if,throughanerrorveryremote fromtheelectors,theonedesignatedbythemajorityshoulddisappoint publicconfidence,theforceofopinionortheactionofthelawputinto practice will dismiss him from the post to replace him with another moreworthy. Itisnotaninnovationthathasneedofproofthat,asthepeoplesare lesscultured,theyresemblechildrenmoreintheirwayofthinking.Betweenthemtheyhaveincommonasimplespiritwithoutmalicethat,in goodfaith,fallsintoerrorandinnocentlyproducesfailureintheindividualandcatastrophesinthepeoples.Uniformity,forwhichanembryoniclogicissufficient,seemstypicalofthestateofnature;children conjugatealltheverbsasregular,andinnewpeoples,allpoliticalideas areturnedintosyllogisms.Theformerwouldtakeus,ifwewouldpermitit,tothemostsolidEsperanto,asthelatterhavegone,wheneverthey havebeenabletodominate,tothemostdisastrousJacobinism. Thewayofconceivingofanelectionandcalculatingitsconsequences thatwehaveshownintheadolescentisalsothewayofourpeople,the wayofthelimitedpartofthenationcapableofperceivingitselectoral right,ifwedeductfromittheveryscantnumberofcitizenswithspecificeducationwhoreflectontheproblemsofourpoliticalexistence. Thesummaryofthisideaiscontainedintwoentirelyfalsesuppositions: thefirst,thatpopularelectioniseasilyrealizable;thesecond,thatthe actualelectionwillinstillorderinthewholepoliticalorganism.Andif thenumberofthosewho,becauseexceptional,donotacceptthefirstis verysmalltobeginwith,therearestillamongthemmanywhobelieve intheextraordinaryvirtueoftheactualelection. The common conception to which we first alluded produces, as a greaterror,seriousconsequences.Ifthereistheconvictionthatcitizens willcarryouttheelectionwithorder,withdisinterest,andevenwith wisdomifonlythelibertyofsuffrageisnotobstructed,andthatsuchan electioncertainlyproducesthepublicgood,everyinterventionthatobstructsthatlibertymustcorrectlybeconsideredacriminaloffensethat hasneitherextenuationsnorotherexplanationthanthedespoticegoism ofwhoeverhastheelementsofforceathisdisposal.When,fromafalse
470 : emiliorabaSa
premise,alogicalinferenceismade,thelegitimacyoftheconsequence givestothisconsequenceglintsoftruthsufficienttodazzlethecommonpeople,andthecommonpeoplearethegreatmajority.Anybadly thoughtoutandpoorlywrittennewspaper,generallyaworkofnoxious tendencies,makesuseofthelogicoftheconsequencesappliedtoprinciplesinvokedfromthefundamentallawinordertoacquire,through thevoiceofanonymouswritersonpublicaffairs,becauselittleknown, greaterprestigeamongthemassesthanthemostsensiblegovernment withthegreaterprovenpatriotism.Butasthefalsepremiseisnothing lessthanaconstitutionalpreceptthatbasesarightinthedemocratic systemestablishedbytheConstitution,theaccusationsappearlegally reasonable,howevermuchsatisfyingthemmightbringthecountryto greaterdanger. This situation causes the perpetual conflict between popular aspirationandtheactionofgovernments,whichmustbeguidedbyneeds ratherthanprinciples,becauseprinciplesdonotobeyneeds,norwere theyinspiredbytherealitiesthatintheenddominateinspiteofallthe chimeras.Allrevoltshaveinvokedelectoralright,seekingtobasetheir actioninthepropensitiesofthemassesandtocausethemeninpowerto loseprestige;butallrevolts,inbecominggovernment,haveresponded tothesupremeneedforstabilityandhavehadtothwarttheaspiration ofthepeople,which,realized,wouldmakenationallifeimpossible.As longasthepeoplehavetherighttodowhatthegovernmenthastheneed toresist,thecountrywillremaininastateoflatentrevolution,capable ofshowingitselfinanymomentofweaknessintheorganism. It is useless to attempt the reconciliation of two contradictory extremes.Forthisreasonalleffortdedicatedtocalmingthepublicconscienceiswasted,thatistosay,allefforttomaketheonlytruepeace neitherbyelectionnorbyrepression.If,inMexico,shouldtherebean electionrealizedbyuniversalsuffrage,thefirstconcernofthegovernmentemanatingfromit(ifitcanendure)wouldbetopreventsucha phenomenonfromrepeatingitself,foruniversalsuffrageisnecessarily the enemy of all established government, the disorganizer of every orderedmechanism,becauseofaneedthatspringsfromthearticlesof ourConstitutionthatcreatedtheincompatibility.Asforrepression,it canmakepeacebutnotconstituteit,becausesomethingcanbeconstitutedevenonamovablesedimentprovideditispermanent,andrepres-
theeleCtion : 471
sionisaconditionbutnotasubstance,andthisconditionis,ifonepermitstheimage,thetroubledresultoftwovariableforces. Alltheconservativeelementsofasocietyareonthesideofthegovernmentthatensuresorderbecausetheylivefromorder;theyprefer authoritytotheexerciseofrightsthat,atmost,wouldleadthemtothe tranquilitytheynowenjoywithouttheneedofsecuringitorputting itindanger.Buttheconservativeelements,whicharealwaysfoundin thehigheststrataofthepeople,iftheyareexcellentwithrespecttopassivityandresistance,theyarelessthanuselessintheactivityofpolitical struggles,inwhichtheyhavemuchtoloseandlittleornothingtogain. Sogeneralisthistruththat,amongpeopleasintenselydemocraticand asbroadlyinstitutionalastheNorthAmerican,theelectoralcorruption thatpervertstheparliamentanddecaysthetribunalsisowedprincipally totheabstentionofthehigherclasseswhofeigndisdaintohidetheir egoism. Ontheotherhand,theappealtorightandtoabsolutetruths,which areheldoutasidealstoarousethepeople,moveandexalttheconscientious majority, which lives on aspirations because the realities of existencemaketheimpatientonesinclinetowardanewconditionthat alwaysassumesbetter. Hereonediscoversanewunhappiness:thesocialfieldisdividedinto twopartsthatshouldhavethesameinterestsandthatdonotcollidein well-constituted countries, at least regarding the general idea of suffrageasafoundationforthestabilityofthenation.Theremedyconsistsofmakingoftheelectionnotathreattotheorder,butratherthe foundationofsecurity.Inthiswaytheconservativeelementsandthose whoproclaimtherightwillhaveacommoninterestinguaranteeingthe suffrage.Andasforthegovernments,theywillhaverelieffromduties when, proceeding from the election, they know that, in the popular suffrage, they find the release from many responsibilities and, in the strengthoftheparties,asolidfoundationofsupport.
ii Farfrombeingeasyandsimple,theelectoralactisthemostdifficultstep forpeoplesruledbyasystemmoreorlessdemocratic,orthataspires tothatgovernment.Thehonestandsimpleelectionwehaveassumed in the preceding section is impossible in any society, because in any
472 : emiliorabaSa
humansocialunit,greatorsmall,therearedistinctintereststhatsoon becomeantagonistic,fighttoprevail,andcomeinevitablytodisputeand struggle.Whentherearenoopposingideasofgovernment,theinterests thatactare,atleast,tendenciestoputauthorityinfavorablehands,and, lackingpartiesofprograms,onearrivesatpartiesofpersons,whichare fruitlessforthegood.Thestruggleofopposinginterestsdoesnotoccur withoutwinningoverpartisans,convincing,seducing,imposing,and bribing,thatistosay,denyingtoasmanyasitcantheabsoluteandparadisiacallibertypuretheorygivesthem.Amongthesoughtafter,some resistbecausetheyhavepersonalideas,whichareblankballotsinthe dispute;othersyield;thetimidhide;thearrogantabstain;andthefew whoinitiatedortooktheactiveandeffectivepartofthemovementhave thus designed the political parties, although only in a temporary and transitoryway.Whentherepetitionofsuccessiveelectoraleventsand the results ofthe government theyestablish characterize the ideas of bothsidesanddefinethelimitsoftheirpropensities;when,inaddition, thedirectinggroupsclassifythemselvesandacquireagenuineindividuality,eachfactionisasystemandeachsystemanorganizedparty.Having arrivedatthispoint,theideallibertyofthecitizenintheelectionisreducedpracticallytothelibertyofchoosingthepartyinwhichhewould liketoregisterandtowhomhehastosubmithimself.Hepreservesthe righttovote,buthehaslosttherighttochoose. Thecreationofpartiesisanecessitythatarisesfromthenatureof things;itisnotaninventionofingenuity,butratheranaturalandinevitableproductofelectoralliberty.Forthisreason,toinventpolitical partiesthataresimplyelectoral,toarrivethroughthematthelibertyof elections,istoclaimthatnatureinvertsitsprocesses,andnaturedoes notlenditselftosuchinversions.Ifthegeneralprinciplethatnecessity createstheorgancanstillbedoubtful,itisnotdoubtfulthatthereisabsurdityincreatingtheorgantoproducethenecessityforthefunction. Theinventionoftherailroadwouldbeimpossibleifcommercehadnot existedbefore;andinthesocialorder,itisuselesstocreatetheCentralAmericanunion,which,nonetheless,wouldbeconstitutedspontaneouslyifColombiaorMexicotriedtoabsorbthefivelittlerepublics byviolence. The works realized as a result of natural forces are impossible for humaneffort;theinterventionofmanisuseful,insuchcases,onlyto putnaturalforcesinworkingcondition.Thus,forexample,ifanele-
theeleCtion : 473
vatedtemperatureisrequiredfortwobodiestocombinechemically,itis uselesstoforcethephenomenon,butthisphenomenonwillberealized inevitablyifthechemistintervenes,heatingtheflasktomakepossible theactionofthemysteriousforcesoftheatom. TocreateapartyforelectoralpurposesinMexicoispurepoliticaldilettantism.Whatisimportantismakingtheelectionpossible,suppressing disruptivecausesthatmakeimpossiblethespontaneousactionofsocial forces.Thesesocialforcesareresponsibleforproducingtheparties,creatingtheirmechanismforthem,givingthemmovement,andarming themfortheefficacyoftheirfunctions.Thedisruptivecausesareinthe veryConstitutionthatoneistryingtocarryoutandnotinthegovernmentsthathavealwaysbeenblamed. Theorganizationofpoliticalpartiesindemocraticcountriesisvery complicated,eveninthosecountrieswhereitseemssimpler,onlybecausetheweftofthethreadisnotimmediatelyapparentatamereglance duringtheelection;anditcannotbeotherwise,giventhatalluniform actionofmultipleandcomplexelementssupposesubordinationsand disciplinesthatarenotacquiredexceptbyprocesses,establishedrules, recognizedsanctions,andtheyrequireunitythatnecessitatesdirectors andevenalmostrenouncingpersonalideas. Noorganizationhasbeencreatedwithoutanevolutionaryprocess andwithoutitbeingurgentfortheoperationalneedoftheparties.Let ustakethemostcharacteristic,theonewe,forpowerfulreasons,incline toimitate—thatoftheNorthAmericanparties. It is known that, when Washington retired from public life, the greatlinesofthetwonationalpartiesweremarkedout:theFederalist(todayRepublican)andtheRepublican(todayDemocrat);thefirst, withHamilton,aspiringtofederalunitytogivestrengthtothenation; thesecond,withJefferson,defendinglocalindependenceagainstanabsorptiondangeroustothestatesandtotheloftyrightoftheindividual. Itisalsoknownthatthesetwoelements,representingthecentripetal andcentrifugalforcesthatcreatebalanceinthesystemandthatsomarvelouslyservedtoconstitutethenationonitsconstitutionalprinciples, havemanagedtoblurtheirdifferenceswhenthefederalequilibrium, definitivelyestablished,madethemdisappearasifbyautomaticaction; butthelifeofthetwopartiesremainedasanintegralpartoftheinstitutions,and[theparties]aremaintained,despitetheevolutionthathas cometoblendtheirdogmas,becauseofthesimpleneedtorenewthe
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power,withtheprimarilypersonalaimsoftheirfollowers,butinthe end,andaboveall,asindispensablewheelsofthepoliticalmachinery. Sonecessarythusistheestablishmentofpartiesforconstitutionallife! In 1796 Adams and Jefferson were candidates of both parties by a spontaneoussentimentthatdidnotrequireexpressdeclarations.Four yearslater,thethenRepublicans,unanimousinthecandidacyofJefferson,werenotunanimouswithrespecttothedesignationofvicepresident,andtoagreeuponit,thedeputiesandsenatorsofthepartymet inthefirstnominatingcaucus.Thissystemcontinuedwithoutanygreat obstacleuntil1816.In1820thenominatingcaucusofdeputiesandsenators,whichcameunderattackasusurpersoftherightofthepeople, althoughitmet,didnotdarenominateacandidate;andin1824theone nominatedcameinthirdinthepolls,whichendedupdiscreditingthe system.Thesystemhadtochange,andsoin1828thecandidacyofJackson was recommended by the Tennessee legislature and by meetings ofthepeople,givingrisetothepracticethat,oneyearbeforethenext election,conventionswouldmeet,composed,forbothparties,ofdelegationsfromthestates;andforthesameelection,aconventionofyoung people, accepting the nomination of the new national Republicans, adoptedtenresolutionsthatconstitutedthefirstpartyplatform.In1836 onlytheDemocraticpartyhadaconvention,butin1840therewasaconventionofbothpartiesandtheprocesswasregularized.Bryce,whom wefollowinthisaccount,adds:“Thisprecedenthasbeenfollowedin allsubsequentcontests,sothenationalnominatingconventionsofthe majorpartiesaretodayasmuchapartoftheregularpoliticalmachinery astherulestheConstitutionprescribesfortheelection.Theestablishmentofthesystemcoincideswith(andrepresents)thecompletesocial democratizationofpoliticsinthetimeofJackson.” Forty-fouryearswereconsumedandtwelveelectoralexercisesspent toarriveattheorganizationofthesystemthatprepareseachpartyand bringsitintoagreementforthecampaign;thisforaSaxonpeoplewho were preparing themselves for democratic life since before thinking abouttheirindependence.Onesees,then,inwhatwasjustexpounded, thecomplexityofthemechanism,andwehaveconfinedourselvesonly tothepresidentialelection,assumingthenominatingconventioncreated; but for the convention to meet, a mechanism prepared in each partyisneeded,andas,besidesthedeputies,theofficialsofthestate, thoseofthedistrict,thoseofthecounty,andthoseofthecitymustbe
theeleCtion : 475
elected,allofwhichputthemechanismintoactionveryfrequently,this requireshavingapermanentcommitteeineverylocalityandaperfectly definedprocess,commonlypracticed,betterknowneventhantheelectorallawsofpublicorder,sothatthefoundationofeveryelectionand, consequently,ofeverynominationofcandidatesmightbethewillof theprimaryelectors. Thepermanentcommitteeconvokesineachcasetheprimarycaucus, whichintheoryiscomposedofallcitizensqualifiedtovoteinthesmallestelectoraldistrict.Theprimarycaucusselectsthecandidatesofthe partyasofficialsoftheirownlocalityandnamesdelegatestogatherin theirdelegationatlargerelectoraldistrictconventionsthatincludedelegatesofvariousprimaries;thisconventionofsecondaryelectorsmust designatecandidatesforhigherpostsofthestate.Butthereisstillmore; thesecondaryconventionhas,attimes,thetaskofnamingnewdelegates toathirdandhigherconvention,thenationalconvention,whichnominatescandidatesforthepresidencyandvicepresidencyoftheRepublic.Considerthecomplexityofthismechanismwithallthedetailseach stagerequires,andbearinmindthattheworkbeginsinthemeetingof theprimaryassembly,inwhichisdiscussedtherightofeachpersonin attendancetovote,hisstatusaspartymember,hisconducttowardthe partyinprecedingelections,laborsthatprovideoccasionforthedanger offraud,bribery,theinfluenceoftheprofessionalstocommencefrom thebeginning,andthealienationofmenofgoodfaithwhodonotwish toexposetheirelectoraldistricttosuchagame. Thissystemisnotrigorouslyuniformintheentirecountry,butthe localmodificationsdonotalteritsessence.Itwasnotcreated,butrather wasformedoverahalfcenturybyexperiencesandeffortsataccommodation.Itisnotanemanationofrace,forallthattheconditionsofrace helpeditsdevelopment,butratheraderivationofthevitalityofparties. Butthepartieswerestartedandstrengthenedbecausetherewas,from thebeginning,respectforelectoralrightandafieldoffreeaction. Thisiswhereweneedtostart.Whenthereisconfidenceinelectoral liberty,onewillthinkaboutgoingtothepolls;onewillgotothem.It willbenecessarytoreportthemisfortunesofthefirstattempts,which wouldnotbetrivial.ThepartieswillbeestablishedintheAmericanway becausetherewillbenoother,givenourformofgovernment,andthe partieswillrestonamechanismascomplex,difficult,andexposedto fraudandcorruptionasthatoftheUnitedStates.Democracyandfed-
476 : emiliorabaSa
eralgovernmentareverydifficult.Theirfundamentalfoundation,popularelection,isveryfarfromrespondingtothedreamofpurityofthe adolescentandthechildlikepeople.
iii When liberty in the election is ensured, in the sense that the public powerdoesnotrestrictitwithpersecutionsorobstructitwithcritical influences, citizens go spontaneously to the polls, and soon with growinginterest,butwiththehelpoftwoconditions:thattheyhave anawarenessofthepurposeoftheevent,andthattheysurmiseareal valueintheirvotetotheresultsoftheelection.Againstbothconditions,theConstitutionestablished,indeferencetoFrenchhandbooks ofdemocracy,universalsuffrageandtheindirectvote,thefirstbecause allthesonsofthecountryhavearighttotakepartinnamingtheirmandataries,giventhatallareequal,andthesecondbecauseMexicancitizens,withthatuniversality,areincapableofelectingwell,andevenof electingpoorly. The Drafting Committee of ’57 had not committed such an error; withthegoodsensethatalwaysplaceditsomuchaboveCongressas awhole,itendedthearticlethatexpressedtheconditionsofcitizenshipwiththissentence:“Fromtheyear1860forward,besidestheconditionsexpressed,knowinghowtoreadandwritewillberequired.”But thedeputyPeñayRamírez“declareshimselfagainsttherequirement ofknowinghowtoreadandwrite,becauseitdoesnotseemtohimto conform very well with democratic principles, and because the indigent and needy classesarenottoblame,butratherthegovernmentsthathave overseenpublicinstructionwithsuchcarelessness”[Ponciano].Arriaga, towhomitseemsthatthecontinuousattacksofhisowncoreligionists sincethemeetingsofthecommissionhavecastdoubtonhisowncriteria,responded“thathedidnotagreetoanswertheobjectionsofthe previous speaker,” met with his fellow committee members, and this committeewithdrewthefinalsentenceofthearticle.1Thus,sosimply andbriefly,withoutawarenessoftheseriousnessoftheresolutionand byaunanimousvote,Congressclosedthedoorsonpossibledemocracy inthenameoftheoreticaldemocracy.Thegovernmentwasguiltyofthe factthatindigentsdidnotknowhowtoreadorwrite—thatgovern
1.Zarco,Historia del congreso constituyente 7,SessionofSeptember1.
theeleCtion : 477
ment,whichinthirty-fiveyearsofindependence,revolts,andpenury, hadnotdisseminatedinstructiontoallparts—andtheexclusionofthe illiteratewasunanimouslyseenbythedeputiesnotasameasureofpoliticalorderbutratherasanarticleofpenalcodethatpunishedignoranceunjustly. Suffrageisnotsimplyaright;itisafunction,anditrequires,assuch, conditionsofaptitudethatsocietyhastherighttodemand,becausethe functionisnothinglessthantheprimordialfunctionfortheorderedlife oftheRepublic.Itisasmuchafunctionasthatoftheinhabitantwho servesasajuror,andwho,withinfreeinstitutions,hastherighttobe registeredonthelistsofjudgesofthepeople;butforthetasktobegiven tohim,hemustmeetcertainconditionsthatensurehissuitability.The voteisnotexercisedtothedetrimentofthecitizen,butratherattheexpenseofthedestinyofthesocialbody,andonlyanincomprehensible aberrationofcriteriaandcommonsensecanhaveplacedtherightof eachmanabovetheinterestsofthenationtooppressit,tostifleit,and tooverwhelmit. Universalsuffrageproducesinallcountriestheappearanceofdisruptive elements,thatistosay,elementsthatobstructthegenuineexpression of the conscious will in popular election. But in advanced countries, althoughsuchelementsareharmful,theyaredominatedbytheactively freepopulation,whichisthemajority,ortheycause,intheend,atolerablemisfortune.IntheUnitedStatestheblackpeopleandthenew andpoorimmigrantsareelectorsthatarewonbythebribesofpoliticalprofessionalsorbythetrickeryofthejongleursatthepolls;theyare aminority,butallAmericantreatisewritersstillregardthemasvery dangerous.InEnglandtheinfluenceofthegreatlandownerscreatesa disruptiveelementinthetenantsandfarmers.InFrancethedisruptive elementistheworkersinthegreatfactories,throughtheinterventionof thewell-likedemployers.Butthesesubordinategroupsdonotgenerally managetoprevailintheelection,andthereforetheyaresimplydisruptors.Forus,seventypercentofilliteratesisnotadisruptiveelementin theexpressionofthewillofthepeople,butratherdestroyeroftheelectionitself.Ifthecitiesofimportanceareexcepted,whichareveryfew, therestofthecountryhaselectoraldistrictsinwhichthegreatmajority isunlettered,completelyignorantofthesystemofgovernment;andit isnotventuresometomaintainthat,inafifthofthetotalelectoraldistrictsthegreaternumberoftheso-calledcitizensbelongtotheindige-
478 : emiliorabaSa
nousraceanddonothavetheslightestnotionsofthelaw,nation,president,Congress,orstate.Thattherebethewillofthepeople,whichisthe obligatoryphraseofallknowntheorizers,eachcitizenmusthavewill, andwillisimpossiblewithoutknowledgeofthematterthatmustactivateit. Intheseconditions,seventypercentoftheelectorsarenothingbut materialonhandfortheviolationofthewillofthecitizenswhodoactuallyhaveawill;andasthosecitizensare,becauseofanage-oldflaw,submissiveandobedienttoanauthoritythatcommandsthemfromcloseby, theyhavebeen,withoutexceptionofplaceortime,theforcewithwhich governmentshaveservedthemselvesinordertoavoidfreeelectionsand maketheelectionbenefittheirpurposes.Theweaponisadouble-edged sword:whenthecentralpoweremploysit,itsubduesthestates;when thelocalgovernmentusesit,thefederalgovernmentdoesnothavethe opinionofitspartisansinthestatetobalanceorbringdowntheaggressiveforceoftherebelliouslocalpower.Theelectionhasalwaysbeen (withveryrareexceptionsthatoccuronlyinrevolutionaryperiods)in thehandsofthegeneralgovernmentorthoseofthegovernor;butstill todaytheoriesofdemocracyareinvokedtosustainthisshamefuland lamentablecondition;andoneblamesthepowerforusingsuchaprocess,withoutconsideringthatitistheleastunfortunateprocessthatcan resultfromtheabsurdinstitution,giventhatitwouldbemuchworsefor thecountryifgreedyagitators,alwaysofameandisposition,replaced thepowerintheprivilegeofmakingandunmakinggovernments,congresses,andtribunals. Thetrulydemocraticprincipleofuniversalsuffrageconsistsofextendingtherighttovotetothegreatestnumberofmembersofthesocialbodyqualifiedbytheirfitness,andwithoutmakingexclusionsby reasonsofbirth,socialorpecuniarycondition,oranyotherthatconstitutesprivilege.Astherearenoexternalsignsthatrevealelectoralsuitability,andlawsmustprovidegeneralrules,qualitieshavebeensought thatpresumetheprobabilityoffitness,withnotonlyknowledgeofthe actanditsobjectivebeingconsideredwithintheconditionofsuitability, butalsointerestincarryingitoutwell.InFrancethegeneralcultureand thedemocraticspirithaveextendedthelawuptothesuffrageofalladult men;thelimitednumberofilliteratepeoplecannotappreciablyinfluencetheelection.InEngland,whichhadelectionsduringfivecenturies
theeleCtion : 479
beforearrivingatthenineteenthcenturyinitspresentdemocraticstate, social status based on income is required; but this is so low that the UnitedKingdomhasaroundsevenmillionelectors.IntheUnitedStates theconstitutionalamendmentthatgavethevotetoblackpeopleisstill consideredbynativeandforeigntreatisewritersasagraveerrorthat willthreatenthegreatnationwithveryseriousdangers,andhascertainlyimposedonsouthernpoliticianstheneedtoresorttogamesofintrigueinordertodeceivepeopleofcolorandmakeajokeoftheirright toelect. Therequirementofknowinghowtoreadandwritedoesnotguaranteeknowledgeoftheelectoralact,butitgivesprobabilitiesofitand abilitiesforacquiringit;andatanyratetheelectorsareencouragedand thepoliticiansanimatedbytheassurancethatthefighttoexcludethe ignorantmasses,inwhomonlytheactionofforcecanworkforcarryingouttheirmechanicalfunction,ispossible.Whenfreeandpossible electionsgivebirthtoparties,eveniftheymightbeatheartpartiesof personality,theywillbechargedwithinstructingtheelectorbymeans ofpublicationsthatnotonlybringtheelectoruptodateonthefunction anditsobjective,butalsobringtohimthroughtheirdiscussions,evenif exaggeratedandintense,informationabouttheirpurposes,knowledge oftheirmethods,andfeaturesoftheirmen. Norestrictivequalitymoreliberalthanthistowhichwerefer,given thatitcanbeacquiredwitheaseandinsomemonths;andifweshould notexpect,inapeopleapatheticabouttheexistenceofpoliticalright, thateachmanwouldintendtolearntoreadandwriteoutofeagerness tobeanelector,itisnotanillusiontosupposethatinterestinincreasing thenumberofvotesmightinducethepartiestoincreasethenumberof schoolsforadultsintheregionswheretheyhavefollowers.Theprogress ofinstruction,whichinthelasttwentyyearshasbeennotable,willincreasetheelectorbodyfromdaytodayandwillexpandthedemocratic systemnaturallyandspontaneously.ThusithappenedinEnglandwith theincomerequirement,muchlessdependentonthewilloftheindividual:inthefifteenthcentury,theamountofrequiredannualincome wastwentyshillings;buttheincreaseofwealthincurrencyandthedevelopment of agriculture and industries lowered the value of money graduallyandconstantly,andtheincomeoftwentyshillingswasbecominglesssignificantandendedbybeinglaughable,makingthenum-
480 : emiliorabaSa
berofelectorswhowerepersonsofindependentmeansgrownotably. Englishwritersmaintainthattwentyshillingsinthefifteenthcentury meantatthattimeasmuchaseightypoundsnow. Theexpression“universalsuffrage”isoneofthemanyhyperboles thatpoliticallanguagehasinvented,tothedetrimentofthehealthof democracies;theword“universal”waschosenbecauseanotherofgreater breadthwaslacking,and,nonetheless,inallcountries,requirementsfor theelectorareestablishedthatdonotpermit,forthesuffrage,theless promisingadjectiveof“general.”Wordslikethat,like“sovereignty”of thestate-divisionswithinthefederalstate,makepeopleillwithhallucination,bringthemtothedisorderlytremblingofdelirium,anddamagethediscernmentevenofthegoodpartofthedirectingclassofthe country.Thesuffragethatdemocraticprinciplesimplyisnotright-ofmansuffrage,attributedtoalltheinhabitants,nortoallthenatives,or eventoallthemen,or,finally,toalltheadultmen;butratherpoliticalright-and-functionsuffrage,guaranteeofthecommunity,whichmustbe extendedtoallthose,andonlythose,whohavesufficientknowledgeof thefunctiontoperceivetheresponsibilityofexercisingit.Tothiscondition,therestrictionofknowinghowtoreadandwrite,whichhasthe advantageofopeningthedoorsofcurrentcitizenshiptoallwhowould liketopassthroughthem,approachesthepossible;thisisnottoexclude anyone or to establish a suffrage less universal than that of the most democraticpeoples. Theprecedingargumentswillseempointless,iftheyarenotseen as foolish, to anyone who might be a stranger to the way our politicalideasdevelop.Itwillseemunbelievablethatitisnecessarytodiscussexclusionfromthepollsofmenwhoare,becauseoftheirignorance,asincapableofvotingascrazypeopleandidiots;ofmenwhohave notenteredintothecommunityofconsciouslife;forwhomthereisno epoch;whohavenosenseofevolutionatall,whetherornotthegovernmentisatfault;thatthereare,amongthose,entirepeopleswho,not knowingthenationallanguage,havenotyetevenbeenputincontact withthecivilizedworld,andtheyhavetodaythesamenotionofanationalgovernmentastheyhadinthesixteenthcenturyoftheprivileges ofthecrown.Andnothing,nonetheless,moreurgentthantheneedfor thisdiscussion,becausemenofgovernment,personscalledtoexercise influenceintheorderofpoliticalideas,stilldeclarethemselves,either becauseofJacobinvicesorbecauseofconventionaldemocratismorbe-
theeleCtion : 481
causeofmalevolentmumbo-jumbo,maintainersofgoodfaithofuniversalsuffrage,whosemodificationtheyseeasanoutrageontherights ofthepeople. Democracyhasnoworseenemiesthanmenoftheupperclasseswho, courtiersoftheerrorsofthepeople,courtcommonfearsthatarethe meansoftradinginapplauseandobedience.Thus,religiousfaithhasno moreharmfulenemythanthepriestwithoutaconscience,who,toensurethefaithofthehumblestfollowers,nourishes,insteadoffighting, themostmiserableworriesandpreacheswordshedoesnotbelievebut thatcontributetoensuringhimthedullsubmissionhecultivates. Thetruecitizenshouldmistrustanypublicmanwhofightsagainst, andanygovernmentthatobjectstorestrictionof,thesuffrage.Defense ofuniversalityofthevoterevealstheunderhandedpurposeofexcluding allpeoplefromthepublicinterests.
iv Successioninthehighestpowerhasbeentheprimaryprobleminconstitutingpeoples,includingprimitivepeoples.Wanderingtribes,nomadic peoples,recognizeasleadertheonewholeadstheminwaranddevotes himselftovictory;conquered,theysubmittotheruleoftheconqueringleader.Successionisdeterminedbythemurderofthecaudilloorby hisdefeatinthedaringrebellion ofaconspiratorial group,andthen thepeoplehaveasgeneralandkingthemurdererorrebelwhoimposes himselfandwhoisacclaimedbecauseofadmirationandfear,andbecausehisveryactionshowsthathemeetstheconditionsofvalorand fiercenessthataretheonesthehordeneedsinitscaptain.Whenthe leaderarrivesatthelevelofprestigesufficienttoelevatehimselfover histribesuntilcomingtobeseenasofsuperiorlineage,heestablishes hereditarysuccession,whichisthefirstformofpeacefultransmission ofpower;therebel,tosupplanthim,killshimandalsoputsanendto hissons,butbydoingsoheconfirmstherightofsuccessioninpopular sentiment,becausehemakestheheirsdisappearinordertoestablishhis right,nowsecondarytoferociousnessandstrength. Later nationalities are begun, and the conquering and prestigious leaders link their authority and their right to rule with the religious principle,whichgivesitanewprestigeandasacredorigin.Thesuccessiontakesplaceinthelawsofthepeople,andrulingfamiliesbegin.Rebellionsarenotnowmadeagainstaman,norisdisappearanceofthedi-
482 : emiliorabaSa
rectdescendantssufficient;itisnecessarytooverthrowthedynasty.At anyrate,theestablishmentofpoliticalsocietieshasenteredanewstage thatmeansanimportantadvance.Thesuccessionislegal;theusurper makesuseofthelaw,availshimselfofthereligiousprinciple,andbases hisowndynastyonboth.Theevolutionthatoperatessincewithrespect totheroyalpower,untilarrivingatthelimitationsofmodernmonarchies,givesnoimportanceforpurposesofsuccessiontothesupreme leader,whocontinuestobemerelyandpurelylegal,giventhatheonly obeyspreestablishedrulestofindtitletothecrown. Inthethirdandfinalstage,thesupremepowerisconferredbypopularelectionandforadeterminateperiod;thelawdoesnotproviderules todefineonwhomthesuccessionofthepowerfalls,butrathertoestablishbywhomandinwhatformthesuccessorshouldbedesignated.The successionentersintoanewperiodthattheconstitutionalsystemperfects,leadingittosecuretheadvantagesofrenewalandthestabilitythat publicopinion,whichhasauthorizedandmustsustainhim,shouldgive totheleaderofthegovernment. Such has been, in the general movement of the world, the successionalevolutionofthepower,andalthoughhumanhistoryhasmany centuriesnow,theformsofsuccessionarereducedessentiallytothose thatcharacterizethethreegreatstages:usurpationbyforce,designation bylaw,electionbythepeople. Ashappenswithallgeneralclassificationsthatarisefromtheanalyticalobservationofhistory,whathasbeenexpoundedisnotuniformin allepochsoramongallthepeoplesoftheworldif,inattemptingtofind thepuretypeofeachstage,itissoughtinparticularcases.Therearein antiquitypeoplesofelectiverule,butincompleteandaboveallfleeting, andwhichislostlater,asifinorderfortheexceptionalpeopletoobey theinevitablelawofprogressiveevolution. Inmoderntimeswhathappenswithallthegreatclassificationshappensalsowiththelawofprogressiveevolution:thereishybridization, like that of languages on the borders of peoples who speak different ones;thereareshades,likethoseofthecolorsincontactwithoneanother;finally,thereareconfusionsbetweenthelawsandthepractices, betweenthesupposedandtherealized,andbetweenthetemporaryand permanentthatmisleadthecriteriaofanalysis.Carefulandcalmobservationalwaysdiscoverstheessentialcharacterofthestage. AmongtheLatinpeoplesofAmerica,whodidnotdevelopsponta-
theeleCtion : 483
neously,butratherwereinfluencedbyothersmoreadvancedinhistory andsawthemselvessubjecttoananomalousformofgovernmentnot producedbytheirownevolution,forwardmovementsuffereddisruptionsthatstillpersistafterhavingthembreaktheorderlyadvanceofthe modelpeoplesofEurope.Duringthecenturiesoftheviceroyalty,they didnotpasstothesecondstage,butrather,theirgrowthforcenullified, theyremainedwithoutevolutionaryaction,and,upongainingtheirindependence,foundthemselvesfilledwiththemostadvancedideasof thetransformedpeoples,butlackingtheharmoniousdevelopmentthat givesstrengthandequilibriumtowhomeverhasexercised,inthenormalstrugglesofnature,allthemusclesofthebodyandallthepsychic faculties.FromthisarisesthefactthattheLatinnationsofthecontinent havelawsfromthelaststageandhavenotyetemerged,fortherealizationofthesuccessionofthegovernment,fromtheperiodofprimitive peoples. Argentina,Brazil,andChilearebarelymanagingtoprovide,totheir transmissionofpower,acharacterlesssimilartothefirststage,because thechangesowingtoviolencearelessfrequentinthethreenations.An abruptmodification,andforthatreasonlittledeservingofconfidence, hasshowninPeruthelegitimatesuccessionofrecentpresidents,not withoutattemptsatrevoltthatthreatentheconstitutionalorder.Only thelittlerepublicofCostaRica,forreasonsthatforusdonothavesufficientexplanation,presentsanexceptionthatcouldnotbetakeninto accountwithoutstudyingindepthitshistoryandtheinternalprocess ofitspoliticalpracticesandcustoms. AsforMexico,itisclearlyandfullyinthefirststage.Inordernot togototheconfusionoftheepochofdailyrevolutions,letustakethe seriesofgovernmentsfrom[18]55tonow:SantaAnnawasthrownout bytheRevolutionofAyutla;ComonfortwasdefeatedbytheRevolutionofTacubaya;JuárezattackedbytheRevolutionoftheNoria,which failed;LerdodeTejadadeposedbytheRevolutionofTuxtepec;GeneralDíazdeposedbytheRevolutionoftheNorth.Aftereachtriumphantrevolution,theleaderoftherebellionbecomesthepresidentof theRepublic.Althoughtheprocesseshavechangedduringthetimethat haselapsedsincetheChristianera,thefactis,atheart,thesamethat occurredmorethantwentycenturiesagointheforestsofthenorthof Europe.Inthesuccessionofpower,thepeopledoesnotexpressitswill toelectanewpresident,butrathertodeposetheonewhogoverns,and
484 : emiliorabaSa
expressesitbytakinguparmsandfighting.Oncethevictoryisobtained, theelectionisunnecessarybecausethereisnocandidateotherthanthe leaderofthesubversivemovement.Inthesecasestheelectionisfreeof physicalcoercionpreciselybecausenoonehasmoralliberty. Themanwhoassumespowerinthosecases,notbecausetheygive ittohimbutratherbecausehetakesit,doesnotcometohisrulewith strongideasofdemocracy,norlessdoeshethinkofthemasrulesofgovernment.Thedefectsoforigincontinuallyextendtomentalityandconduct,becauseofthenecessitythatitappearlogicalandthatonlyaspirit morethansuperior,exceptional,capableofinfringinglawsofhuman naturecanbreak. Hewhooverthrowsapresidentandimposeshimselfinhisplacedoes notfeelhimselftobemandataryorleaderofthegovernment;hefeels himselfmasterofthelawsandleaderofthenation,becauseitisnot naturalthathewouldsuperimposejuridicaltheoriesonthedeepimpressionleftbytheeventsfromwhichhisauthorityisderived.Theimpositionhavingsprungspontaneouslyfromhim,hedoesnottolerate obstacles;limitationsirritatehim,and,asaconsequence,hesubordinatestohiswillallelementsthatmustinterveneinmanagingpublicaffairs,andbeforelonghearrives,ifitdidnotbeginwithadictatorship, atadictatorshipsomuchlessbenevolentthemoreresistanceisopposed toit.Perpetuitycomesrightaway,whichisthehighestconditionofdictatorialforceand,consequently,itsnecessarycompany,andwithperpetuityestablishedwithoutlaw,thesuccessionofpowercanbeoperated onlythroughviolence.Hereweare,then,inthefirststageofsuccessionaltheory,condemnedtohavedictatorshipasaformofgovernment, andasanendforeachdictatorshiparevolution. Wearenottryingtodenyinanabsolutemannerthechargesmade againstourraceandoureducationasbeingthecauseofourdeplorable andbackwardpoliticalcondition.Perhapsitmightbetruethatweput “intheconquestofpowerthesameardorfreeofscruplesthatthecompanionsofPizarroputintotheconquestofgold,”2obeyinghereditary impulses,butthereislessobservationandclemencyincondemningus withoutextenuationwhenwearewithinthehistoricallawswhichthe oldpeoplesofEuropehaveobeyedoverlongcenturies. Wearegoingtoarriveatthethirdstageofthesuccessionalevolution
2.Barthélemy,Le Rôle du Pouvoir Exécutif dans les républiques moderns,p.204.
theeleCtion : 485
withouthavingpreparedourselvesinthesecond;itobligesustoforce thelawofgradualdevelopment,andtheviolationofnaturallawshas inevitableandharshsanctions.Everyeffortofpublicmenofpatriotic consciencemustbeconsecratedwithloyaltyanddisinteresttohelping theevolutionarymovementsothatitmightberealizedinpractice,since itisoperatingintheoriesandinpublicsentiment.Theperspectiveof theRepublicpresentsitselfinthissimpleandharddilemma:Either election or revolution. [...]
2
Supremacy of Legislative Power i
The actual election establishes the government but doesnotregulateit,andpreciselyintheharmoniousoperationofthe branchescreatedbytheConstitutionliesthesecretofthestabilityofthe government,theguaranteeofliberties,andthefoundationofthetranquilityandsuccessofthenation.Thepeopleswhohavealreadypassed theirpoliticalinfancyandhaveliberatedthemselvesfromfearofusurpations,becausetheyhavethedispositionsufficientlysuperiornotto tolerate them, take up the real problem of government organization, which consists of the balance among the powers that constitute it in orderthatthesuperiorityofonenotcometodestroytheothers,degeneratingintoanoppressivepower.Eachofthosepeopleshasgiven,tothe complexproblemsofpoliticalorganization,thesolutiontowhichtheir history,theiridiosyncracy,andtheirneedshaveledthem,insuchaway that,ifwellwithinthegeneralcommonprinciplesfoundedinhuman natureandanalyzedbyreason,eachhasfoundthespecialsolutionithas consecratedinitslawsandembodiedinitscustoms.Forthisreason,no twonationshaveequalinstitutionsinpractice,despitethefactthat,besidesgeneralcommonprinciples,someamongthemcertainlyhavesimilarhistoriesandorigins,anddespitethefactthatcommerceinideasand studyofforeignexperiencehavealsocausedreciprocalimitation. The old classification of systems, which could have had scientific meritonehundredyearsago,revealstodayonlytheexternalappearance of the governments, but it misleads with respect to the intrinsicreality.Thereisgreatersimilaritybetweenthegovernmentsofthe North American republic and the German empire than between the Originaltitle:“Supremacíadelpoderlegislativo.”Source:EmilioRabasa,La Constitución y la dictadura, chapter 11, in Estudio sobre la organización política de México (Mexico:Tipografíade“RevistadeRevistas,”1912). 486
SupremaCyofleGiSlativepower : 487
republicsoftheUnitedStatesandSwitzerlandorbetweentheempires ofGermanyandRussia.Theessenceoftheclassificationtakesrootin thestrengthandconstitutionoftheexecutivepower,whichdirectsand regulatesthecommunity’sinteriorandexteriorlife,andwhichvaries fromabsoluteruleinRussiatothebalanceofpowersinNorthAmerica andthealmostcompleteabrogationofpowersinSwitzerland. Butinordertospeakonlyaboutthetypeofgovernmentinwhichthe popularelementparticipatesbymeansofthesuffrage,atypetowhichall peoplesoftheworldaretendingtoaccommodatethemselves,wefocus onthegreatdivisionbetweenparliamentarygovernments(theEnglish model)andthebalanceofpowers(NorthAmericanmodel).Thefirst isbasedinthetheorythatnationalsovereigntyresidesintheassembly electedbythepeople,whosewillitrepresentsexclusively;thesecond restsontheprincipleofapluralityofpowers,towhichthepeopledelegatesitssovereignty(executiveandlegislative),givingthemjurisdictionsthatshouldkeeptheiractivitiesseparateandinabalancethatguaranteesagainstomnipotencethatnoteventhepeoplethemselvesshould have.Europeanexpertsinpubliclawattributegreatsuperioritytothe parliamentarysystem,whichpredominatesontheOldContinent,but thegrandmodeloftheAmericantypedoesnotpermitthemtocondemn,orevendeclarethesystemoftheNewContinentdefinitivelyinferior. Withtheintentofspeakingaboutparliamentarianismlater,weconfineourselves,inordertolimitoursubjectmatter,tothesystemthat, withreferencetorepublics,isnowcalled“presidential.”1 Thepresidentialsystemestablishespowerandnationalsovereigntyin itsthreedepartments:legislative,executive,andjudicial,withjurisdictionsandlimitationsthatensuretheirindependent,balanced,andharmoniousaction.Thefirsttworepresentthewillofthepeopleandhave authoritytointerpretitinorderto“require”inthenameoftheconstituentanddetermineaccordingtosuggestionsofthenationoraccord 1.Thesystemsshouldbecalled:Europeantheone,whicharoseinEuropeandhas spreadthroughouttheentirecontinent,andAmericantheother,whichhaditsoriginin theUnitedStatesandisthefoundationofalltheconstitutionsofthishemisphere.Such designationswouldhavetheadvantageofavoidingthewordsofspecificconnotation thatareusedtodayandthatareallinappropriatebecauseofthisveryconnotationthey havefrombeforehand.
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ingtotheirownideasthattheyhavebecauseofideasfromthenation; asaconsequence,theofficialswhorepresentthoseagenciesmustnecessarilyoriginatefrompopularelection.Thejudicialisanorganofthe nationthatentersintocertainelevatedfunctionsasagreatequalizerof elements,but,limitedtoapplyingthelaw(declarationalreadymadeby thewillofthepeople),itcannot“require”inthenameofthepeoplebecause,intheadministrationofjustice,thepeopleitselfisinferiortothe lawandmustsubjectitselftoit;consequently,toappointtheholdersof thisfunction,publicelectionisnotonlynotnecessary,itisnotlogical. Ineveryconstitutionofthissystem,whatisessentialanddelicatelies inthebalanceofthetwopowersthatrepresentthewillofthepeople; the theory of parliamentarianism rejects precisely that double representationofasingleandindivisiblewill.But,leavingtotheoreticalconceptionsthelimitedvaluethatfallstotheminthepracticalsciences,it isnecessarytorecognizethatthefactoftwodistinctagenciessharing therepresentationofthewillofthepeoplecreatesbetweentheman inevitableantagonismandcausesthemajordifficultyofkeepingthem constantly within established limits. Each one fighting to expand its activityattheexpenseoftheother,thelegislativetendstowardconvertingthegovernmentintocongressionalanarchy,andtheexecutive towardtakingittodictatorship;andifneitherofthetwoextremesis reached,attheveryleasttheexpansionofoneofthetwopowersdeformstheconstitutionthatthecountryhasdesired,andalwayswiththe dangerofgoingfurther.ThepresidentoftheFrenchSenatereproached amemberofthechamber,interruptinghimwithapplausefromhiscolleagues,becausethememberalludedtotheconstitutionalpowerofthe executive to have reconsidered a project voted by the chambers. The allusionseemedtodishonorthesovereigntyoftheassembly,whenin realityitwastheSenatethatdisrespectedtheconstitution.InFrance thelegislativehasgainedsuchgroundontheexecutivethat,inofficial acts,thelegitimatepowersoftheexecutivearenotrecognized.2Inthe UnitedStatesthesuccessionofpresidentswithoutgreatcharactermade theconstitutionalbalancevacillateinfavorofCongress,intheopinion ofWilson,tothepointthatthedistinguishedwriterconsideredthatthe nationwasthreatenedbyparliamentarianism;3 andlater,Barthélemy,
2.Barthélemy,Le Rôle du pouvoir exécutif dans les républiques modernes,p.678. 3.Wilson,Congressional Government.
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writing in 1906 after the administration of MacKinley [sic] and duringthatofRoosevelt,saw,onthecontrary,thealreadyinsuperabletendencyoftheAmericangovernmenttowardthepersonalinfluenceofthe holderoftheexecutive.Itiscertainthat,intheeventsof1906untilnow, neithertheAmericanpeoplenorPresidentTafthaspermittedtheconfirmationofthistendency,whichseemsnottohaveshownitselfexcept inspecificcircumstances. Outsidethelegalorder,thepresidentpossesseselementsofstrength thatgivehimsuperiorityinthestrugglewithCongress.Hehasthepublicforcemateriallyathisdisposal,hasthearmyofemployeeswhodependonhim,hasonhissidetheinterestofthosewhohopeforhisfavors,andgenerallyattractspopularsympathies,which,onlyinmoments ofintenseunrest,thecollectiveandalmostanonymouspersonalityofa legislativeassemblygains.But,withintheconstitutionalorder,whichis whatwemusttakeintoaccountinexaminingthemakeupofthegovernment,thesuperiorityoftheCongressisunquestionablebecauseofits solepowertoprescribethelawstowhichtheentirenationandeventhe executivepowermustsubmit.Thedanger,then,ofencroachmentthat altersthestabilityoftheinstitutionsisprincipallyintheabuseCongress canmakeofitslegitimatepowers,forallthatthisseemsparadoxicalin ourcountrybecausewehaveneverlivedundertheconstitutionalsystem,and,consequently,thepreponderancehasbeenonthesideofthe executive. Thecompleteseparationofthetwopowerswouldnotensuretheir balance.Itwouldgivethemanantagonisticindependenceinwhicheach wouldexertitselftoreachthemaximumexpanse,andbothwouldbecomeunbearableforthegoverned.Itisrequired,onthecontrary,that oneserveasalimitationtotheotherbymeansofspecificintervention intheiractivities;and,asthelegislativealreadyhasasitsspecificfunctionthegreatmeansofprescribinglawsinordertoregulatethecourse ofpublicaffairs,theattentionofthefundamentallawdirectsitselfprimarilytoarmingtheexecutiveagainsttheencroachmentsandexcesses ofthelegislativepower,strongbecauseofitsfaculties,immunebecause ofitsabsolutelackofresponsibility,boldbecauseofitsnatureasrepresentativeofthepeoplethatitwantsexclusivelytoclaimforitself,and impassionedbecauseofitscrowdlikenature,whichsubjectsitmoreto oratoricaleffortsthantothevalueofreasoning. IntheformofgovernmenttheMexicanConstitutionadopted,there
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isanotherelementofcomplicationandanotherforcetotakeintoaccountforthebalanceofthewhole:thelegalstatusoftheindependent states,whichconfersonthemafreedomofinternalactivitytowhich hasbeengiventheimpropernameofsovereignty,whichweuseinthis specificsenseforthesakeofbrevity.Thefederalpowersarelimited,by localindependence,toeverythingthat,andtoonlywhatconcernsthe interestofthenation,leavingtothegovernmentsofthefederaldivisionsthecareandmanagementoftheinterestsofeach,whichassumes forthemthecharacteristicsofanautonomouspeople.Anewdistributionofjurisdictionsisaddedtowhatthedivisionofpowersentailsand demands,andinthisdistribution,thefundamentallawagainseeksthe counterweightsthatmightguarantee,ofcourse,thelibertyofthefederalentities,butintheend,andmostimportant,allthelibertiesofthe peopleagainstthetyrannicalpowerandthenever-endingtendencyto absolutism;becausethefederalsystem,ifitwascreatedwiththegoalof preservingtheirrightsfortheEnglishcoloniesthatformedtheNorth American Republic, proves to be in every instance excellent for reducingthepowerofthegovernment,withadvantagesforthesecurity ofpublicliberties,alwaysindangerbeforeaformidablepower. Thelegal statusofthestates is manifest intwoforms tolimit the omnipotenceofthenationalgovernment.Thefirstistheirinternalindependence,whichputslocalinterestsbeyondtheauthorityofthenationalgovernment;thesecondistheirstatusaspoliticalentities,which, ontheonehand,givesthemtherighttoconstituteachamberofCongress,withanequalnumberofrepresentativesforall,and,ontheother, givesthemtherightofvotingasunitsforthehighestlaws,thosethat modifythefundamentalpactofthenation. Thelibertyofactionofthestates,aselectorsofthefederalchamberandaslegislativeagencyinconstitutionalmatters,dependsontheir strengthandtheirindependence,anditcannotgivecauseforlegalconflicts;notsotheirlibertyofinternalrule,whichcanbeviolatedbylaws oractsthatencroachuponorrestrictit.Theagencyofequilibriumis, forthosesituations,thejudicialdepartmentofthenation,which,withoutabandoningtheformsofprocedureappropriatetotheadministrationofjustice,withoutgeneraldeclarationsthatwouldconvertitinto the omnipotent power it is trying to combat, prevents the execution ofeveryactofviolationanddefendstheindependenceofthestateor divisionfromeverythreat.Ifthebalanceisbrokenbythestatetothe
SupremaCyofleGiSlativepower : 491
detrimentofthefederaljurisdiction,thejudicialagencyofthenation reestablishesitbythesameprocedure,limitedtopreventingthesimple executionofisolatedacts. Suchisthecoordinationofpowersandthemechanismofbalances onwhichtheAmericansystemofgovernmentisbased,establishedwith simplicityandmasteryintheConstitutionofPhiladelphia,“themost admirablework,”accordingtoGladstone,“thathumanunderstanding hasproduced.” Fromit,our[Constitution] took anorganization that ourconstituentsmanagedtoimproveoncertainpoints,butthatproved tobeprofoundlymodifiedbytheverydifferentcriteriaitusedforthe workofadaptation. Didthemodificationsmadeinthatworkleavethebalancethatisthe goalofthepresidentialsystemensuredinourpoliticalorganization? Certainlynot.TheeliminationoftheSenatebrokeit,asmuchbyincreasingthepoweroftheunitarychamberasbydeprivingthestatesof theirequalrepresentationinanassemblyofthelegislativepower.4With theSenateestablishedinasubsequentepoch,someerrorsremaininthe supremelawthat,inthefreepracticeofitsprecepts,willcauseserious conflictsamongthepowers;thepreponderanceofthelegislativeover theexecutiveremains,whichwillresultinanyoftheextremestowhich the omnipotence of Congress leads: the submission of the executive, which establishes the dictatorship of an assembly, or the coup d’état, whichenthronesthedictatorshipofthepresident.Andafteranyofthese dictatorships,revolutionagain.Wedonotyetknowwhattheoutcome ofourConstitutionwillbeinfullpracticebecausewehaveneverrealizedit,andforesightisinsufficientforcalculatingitinthecomplexity ofelementsthatentersintothephysiologyofapeoplethatlivesbyits agencies.Themachineryconstructedtomakeanewproductisnotfree fromthedangerofmalfunctioningatthemomentofconnectingitto themotorthatmustsetallitspartsinmotion,andonlytheflyingasunderofapartwillrevealtheerrorofcalculationthatmustbecorrected sothattheentiremechanismmeetsitsobjective.Ourpoliticalorganization,writtenintheCharterof’57,needstobeconnectedtotheactual suffrage,whichistheforcethatmustsetitinmotion.Onlythenwillwe knowwhichistheworkthatproducesandtheeffortthatprovides,but 4.The1857ConstitutionsuppressedtheSenate,butaconstitutionalamendmentrestoreditin1874.(Editor’snote)
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throughtheexperienceofothersimilarmechanismswealreadyknow whatpartsaregoingtoflyasunderiftheyarenotadjustedbeforehand. ThereisalsoanotherreasonwhytheConstitutionmight,forthemost part,beanenigmaaslongasitisnotputintofreepractice,towhichit arrivesonlythroughthegenuinelypopularoriginofthetwopowers, whicharenotpossible,neithertheinterpretationnortheadaptation. Theinterpretation,whichdeterminesthescopethatmustbegranted toeachprecept,isnotpossibleaslongastheconstitutionalagenciesare notfreetousetheirjudgment,todiscusswiththeotherstheirlimitsof activity,andtoestablishtheirsovereigntyasaninsurmountablebarrier todisruptiveencroachment. Fortheinterpretation,theadaptationismadefirst;buttheadaptation isessentiallyevolutionaryand,inourjudgment,asinevitableasuseful. Iftwopeoplesofanalogousoriginsandsituationsweretoadoptidenticalwrittenconstitutions,tenyearsafterputtingthemintopracticewith equalliberty,theywouldhavedifferentactualconstitutions,andfifty yearslater,itisprobabletheywouldhavetotallydistinctones.Notonly hastheEnglishcommon-lawconstitutionmadetheadmirableevolution fromrulingaristocracytobroaddemocracyinacenturywithoutalteringthevisibleorganizationofitsgovernment,butalsotheinflexible (written) constitutions, have, without modifying their texts, changed theirprincipalideasthroughslowtransformation.TheAmericanConstitutionwasestablishedonthegreatestrespectforindependenceand forthealmostrealsovereigntyofthestates,whichthestatesrequiredto acceptit.Jefferson,thezealoussustainerofsuchaprinciple,dedicated eightyearsofgovernmenttoitsdevelopment,andnonetheless,atthe endoftheseparatistwar,theabsoluteandsolesovereigntyofthenationremainedtheunquestionablefoundationofthefederalunion,and thisnewprinciplehasproducedtheeffectofgivingthecentralgovernmentapreponderancethatisneitherwritteninthelawnorwouldhave beenacceptedbythefreecolonies.TheFrenchConstitutionof1875was votedbyaCongresswithmonarchicaltendenciesandwiththeviewtoa restoration,andittriedtopreserveinthepresidentoftheRepublicthe prerogativesthatshouldnotbedeniedamonarch.Itwasbasedonthe divisionofpowersandonthelimitationsofbalance,andnonetheless, keepingtoitstexts,ithaspermittedthetransitiontothemostcomplete parliamentary government, with a near nullification of the executive undertheunlimitedsovereigntyofthepopularassembly.
SupremaCyofleGiSlativepower : 493
Thepersistentactionofthesocialconstitutionimposeslittlebylittle anddaybydayitscharacteristicformsandmakesthepoliticalconstitution,whichalwayshasmuchoftheartificialandmathematical,yield. Themodificationsthat,ingeneralideas,producethechangingneedsof life,theprogressofideas,andalltheforcesofnationalgrowthdonot adjustthemselvesconvenientlytotheunchangingmoldthatapastgenerationforged,anditispreferablethatthemoldyieldslowlyandpermitlessrectilinearformsthanthatthemoldshatterinpiecesunderthe strengthofirresistibleforces.
ii ToCongresscanbeapplied,intheabstract,theexpressionsofWilson, “Congressistheaggressivespirit,”andofBagehot:“Congressisadespot thathasunlimitedtime,thathasunlimitedvanity,thathasorbelieves ithasanunlimitedability,whosepleasureisinactionandwhoselifeis work.”5Sothat,havingfacultiessuperiortothoseoftheotherbranches ofthepower,aninstinctforattack,andnotonlycapacitybutorganic needtowork,itbringstogetherthemostcompleteconditionsfordisturbingtheharmonyofthegovernmentandfrustratingthebestcalculatedprecautionarymeasuresofthefundamentallaw.Butthereismore thatBagehotinhisphrases,citedandwrittenforcomparisonwiththe limitations that fatigue, pleasures, sociability, and his individual psychologyimposeonthepresident,shouldnottakeintoaccount:thelack ofresponsibilityoftheCongress(especiallythemostnumerouschamber)makesitboldandcareless;itsmethodofelection,inwhichdemagogicelementsplaymorethananyother,giveit,generally,amajority inferiortothetask;individually,itsmembersdonothaveanopinionon thematterssubmittedtotheirvote;together,itletsitselfbecarriedoff bythecoarseeloquencethatfascinatesitwithgreaterdocilitythanby theseriousreasoningsuitableforpersuadingit. IntheHouseofRepresentativesofWashington,therepresentatives frequentlyrequestthat,atthemomentofthevote,thesessionbesuspended,becausetheydonotknowwhattodoandtheyneedtogoto thepeoplebestinformedaboutthemattertoorientthemselves.Their personalopinionisnull,theworkabundantandrapid,andthusmade impossibleforthedeliberationofabodywhosevaluedependsprecisely
5.W.Wilson,Congressional Government;Bagehot,Principles of Constitutional Law.
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onthefactthatitisconstitutedtodeliberate.Thediscussion,andeven thevoteofthechamber,hasbeenreplacedbythediscussionandvote ofthepermanentcommittees,aboutwhichitshouldnotbesaidthat theygiveanopinion,butratherthattheythemselvesaloneresolvethe affairsofstate.Ineachcommitteethe“chairman”whopresidesoverit prevails,andnotwithstandingthetranscendentalimportanceofhisexceptionalfunctions,the“chairmen”arenameddirectlyandexclusively bytheSpeakeroftheHouse,whothusassumesanenormouspowerin thefunctionsofthestate.Ifwehavetospeakofbeingguidedbygeneralcases,wemustsaythatthesoleseriousandreliablefunctionofthe HouseisexercisedintheelectionoftheSpeaker,whichisdonethrough themajorityofvotes...ofthepartythatdominatesintheassembly. Thus we refer to the most learned democracy of those that have adoptedthepresidentialsystemofgovernment. Amongthosesubjecttotheparliamentarysystem,themostnumerouschamberisofamuchhigherintellectualitybecausetheprominent participationthatittakesinthegovernmentofthenationmakesofthe electionofthedeputiestheactofgreatestimportanceforthecountry, andthesubjectmatteroftheparticipationattractspersonsfromtheseriouselementsofsocietyandespeciallyofthepoliticalworld.InthechambersofrepresentativesofEnglandandFranceareseatedmanymenof thefirstorder,deepthinkinginpoliticalscience,mastersofdiplomacy, consummatejurists,famoussoldiersandsailors,eloquentorators.Personalopinioncanbe,ifnotentirelygeneral,inthegreatmajority,but subjecttotheneedsofthepartyand,withintheparty,tothegroup,to thefactions,whichinFrance,aboveall,givetothedeliberationsofthe assemblyitsparticularappearanceandtothevotestheirdefinitedirection.Theimportanceofthevotethatinonedaychangesthegovernment anddeterminesalltheactsoftheexecutive—thatistosay,allthedaily lifeofthenation—makesthediscussionimpassioned,intense,moreofa disputethanadeliberation,andarrivesatthemomentofdecidingwith the“yes”orthe“no”ofthesovereigntyofthepeopleinanatmosphere chargedwithillwillandthreats,thatstillvibrateswiththerudewords oftheinterruptersandthestrikesofthepresident’sgavel,andmaybea raisedfistagitatedinordertoslapafaceorsomeinkwellshurledsome distanceinordertowound. ThereisnowaytochoosebetweenanassemblyliketheAmerican, which is more or less satisfied by mediocrities and incompetents, in
SupremaCyofleGiSlativepower : 495
whichthecustomofspeakingisdeterioratingmoreandmore,which, subjecttothecommittees,isatthepointofcompletelyabdicatingits functionsasadeliberatingbody,andanotherassemblyliketheFrench, inwhichtherearerepresentativesofgreatqualitybytalentandknowledge,butwhoareceaselesslystirredupinthestruggleagainstthegovernmentandmakeofitthepreferred,almostonly,occupation,turning discussionintoacombatofeloquence,attimesdrownedoutbyclamors,insults,andaffronts.TheAmericannationtoleratesandrewardsthe unhappinesswiththestrengththatittakesfromitsincomparableand healthyyouth,asawell-nourishedandvigorousbodysupportsandrestoresthelocalillnessofamember.TheFrenchsuperimposesitswell- beingofaccumulatedwealth,itssuperiorculture,andthepatriotism that constitutes its saving virtue upon constant threats from reaction andfrominternationalcomplexities.Butneithertheonenortheother nationhastheassemblyconceivedbytheconstituentlegislatorsforthe loftiestfunctionsthatpopularsovereigntyconfers,andeachoneonits pathfollowsacoursethatdoesnotyetgivesignsofstoppingordeviatingandthatcanleadthecountrytoprofoundalterationsinthesystem ofgovernment. WhatwillbethetendencyinMexicoofaCongressfreedfromcontrolsbytheactualelectionfromtheelectoraldistricts?Whatitsinfluenceinthespecificsystemofgovernmentthatwillhavetoarisefrom theletteroftheConstitutioncombinedwithourcharacter,oureducation,andouridiosyncrasy?Itisnotpossibletoconjecturecorrectlyin theresponses,ifwhatisdesiredistodeterminedetailswithprecisionor nuanceswithsubtlety,butthemostseriousdangerscanindeedbedeterminedwiththecertaintyofnoterringgreatlyonthesideofforeboding, andconsequentlysuggestingthemeansofpreventingthegreatestand mostcertainillssoastominimizetheinfluenceofpossiblesurprises fromexperience. The natural reaction the unfortunate effects of a current situation causeinthepublicspiritmakeitseepoorlythegoodeffectsthatitalso carrieswithitandinclineitcompletelyinfavorofasituationdiametricallycontrary,whoseunsuitableaspectsitrefrainsfromperceiving.The absolutepreponderanceoftheexecutiveinourpoliticalsystemraises hopeinthelegislativeandfillsitwiththeprejudiceofallsaviorsinwaiting.ThenationaspirestoasysteminwhichCongresspredominates,and byshakingtheomnipotencefromthepresidentoftheRepublic,itdoes
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notfearhisnullification,becauseitdoesnotseeitasanevil,nordoes itassumetheomnipotenceofthechambers,ofwhichithasnoexperiencewhatsoever.Thissupportofpublicopinion,whichafreeCongress wouldsuddenlyhave,iswhatmakesitmostdangerousforthebalance ofnationalpowersandthestabilityofinstitutions. Ifthecountryislackingelectoralagencies,whichonlytheexercise ofthesuffragecreatesandperfects,onecannotexpectinthefirstelectionsthattheconservativeelements,whicharethemastersofwealth, culture,andthegoodjudgmentthereisintheentirenation,wouldvigorouslytakepart;butitisevendifficultforsuchagentstobeveryuseful forthegooddesignationofrepresentatives,becauseincountriesofthe presidentialsysteminterestisintheelectionofthepresident,and,asin theUnitedStates,theelectionofdeputiesisleftofficiallytothepoliticians,whoaregenerallymenofsecondorderifoneclassifiesbylearningandpatriotism.OurCongresses(thefirstoneswithoutanydoubt) willbemadeup,intheirmajority,ofmengatheredthroughthespellof smalllocalitiesorbycleverintriguesinwhichalocalcompetencetriumphs;ofpoliticiansfromthestateswhousuallybecomeconfidentand seizegreatopportunitiesinthebroadandfavorablemediumofthecapital;ofsomeexperiencedinlegislativetasksbysomepreviousservice, readytousealibertytheydidnothavebefore,andwhoitisprobable owetheircredentialstotheinfluence,thatwillnotcometobenull,of thegovernors.ACongresscomposedofsuchpersonalitieswillprobably havequalitiesofgoodfaith,ofinterestinthestates,andofpreferential dedication to their tasks, and it will provide moreover the advantage ofbringingtolightmenwhorenewtheranksofpolitics,owingtothe spontaneityofthemedium,whichisthegreatrevealerofcharactersand talents.Ontheotherhand,evenwhenithasmenofnote,thecommon intellectualstandardinsuchassemblieswillbeverynarrow,andtheinstructioninpoliticalscienceandinthevarioustypesofknowledgethat enrichandsupportit,veryscarce. SkepticswillsaythatthisCongresswillsubjectitselftotheexecutive, likethepreviousones,throughpromisesorhabit;wewillnotassertthe contrary,butinsuchacase,theassumptionofindependentchambers wouldnothold,andwewillnothaveadvancedatallinthedevelopment oftheinstitutions.Nodanger,butnoprogress! ThefreeCongressisonethattakesnoteofitsimportantrole,that studiesitsfaculties,thatsensesitselfthefirstofthepowersandimmedi-
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atelymakesitselfinvader,provoker,andaggressor.Ifitsgeneralculture islow,asinwhatwehaveforeseen,hostilityisimpulsivebecauseitproceedsfromerroneousideasthatgiveit,asitsfirstandevenasitsonly conviction,thatofitsownomnipotenceandthefeelingofitslackofresponsibility.Theresistanceoftheexecutivetotheinvasionofitsjurisdictionalgroundseemstoitrebelliousness,andtheeloquenceofthe oratorsoverflows,alwaysconvincingforthemutebenches.Andafter sometimeofburdeningitselfwithexcitementsofpride,stimulantsof greed,itendsupbybeingpersuadedthatitmustunconditionallysubjugatetheleaderoftheexecutivepowerorcompelhimtoresign. InSeptember1861theCongressthatbeganmeetinginMay,which harboredagreatnumberofdistinguishedmen,founditverynatural, almostliketheexerciseofoneofitssimplerlegitimatefaculties,torequestPresidentJuáreztoresignfromthegovernmentinordertodeliver thepowertoGeneralGonzálezOrtega.Theformemployedhadnothing incommonwithparliamentaryprocesses,foritwasdonebyapetition thatfifty-onedeputiesendorsed.Toitwasopposedanother,signedby fifty-fourrepresentatives,whichsupportedthepresident.Soif,ofthe total,thehostileoneshadattainedthreemoreadherents,theposition ofJuárezwouldhavebeensoweakthatthepresidentwouldhavehadto resignorattemptacoupd’état.AndifoneconsidersthatJuárezhadjust accomplishedthetriumphoftheConstitutionandtheReform,worthy ofthelaurelsthenationhasnotscrimpedongivinghim,thathisrecent electionwasavoteofconfidenceoftheRepublic,whichshouldnotbe provenfalsebytherepresentativesofthepeople,andthat,ontheother hand,thecountrycontinuedtobeindisarrayandwasstillthreatened byenemiesoftheliberalparty,itwillbeseeninthislamentablefact, ofwhaterrorsofjudgmentandlackofloyaltyandevenpatriotismthe collectivityofmenofgoodandpatrioticjudgmentarecapablewhenthe omnipotenceoftheirlegislativefacultiesdazzlesthem. If it does not arrive at such extremes, the Congress will not stop claimingthesupremacythatitssovereignauthoritytomakethelaws fromwhichthenationlivesanditsinfluencethatthethreatofparalyzingthegovernmentoriginatesandsustainsoffersitatsuchlittlecost. Itwillsurreptitiouslyintroduceakindofforcedparliamentarianism, madeattheexpenseofthelibertyoftheexecutiveandthankstothe timidcomplacenciesoftheexecutiveortoconcessionsthatthefearof violentclashesbetweenthetwopowersextractsfromhim.Thisdegen-
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erationoftheestablishedconstitutionalsystemhascometobeintroducedevenintheAmericangovernment,betterpreparedthanoursbecauseofitssupremelawandsoopenlysustainedbythepeople.With whateasewoulditnotprevailintheweakorganismofours,andhow muchwoulditnotadvanceinitsefforttodominatetheexecutive,even makingofitasimpleinstrument! EarlierwespokeofthelegislativepoweroftheCongress,because thetwoassembliesthatformittakepartintheenactmentofthelaws inexercising almostallthefaculties inthescopeoftheirpowers.At timestheSenatewillalsobeabletobe,initsspecificfaculties,invader andoppressoroftheexecutive,butitisanunalterablefactthatthepredominanceoftheCongressissummedupinthespecificsupremacyof theChamberofDeputies.Inparliamentarygovernmentsitisthepopularchamberthatmakesandunmakesgovernments;theSenate,reduced tothemerestatusofreviewer,rarelydarestoreshapeaprojecttheother chambersentit,andlittlebylittlecedesitsmostimportantprerogatives. InFrancetheSenatehasafirst-linerole;inEnglandtheHouseofLords hasbeencedingtheterraintothedemocraticadvancesoftheCommons foracentury,andrecentlyitsurrenderedtoit,subjectedbyforce,the rightofvetointhebudgetsvotedbythelowerchamber. ThedangerofthesinglechamberisthusimplicatedinthepredominanceoftheCongress,threateningbyalltheevilsinherentinitand withtheviolationoftheconstitutionalsystem.PerhapsthesubordinationoftheSenate,intheEuropeancountriesruledbycabinetgovernments,dependsgreatlyonthehereditaryorlesspopularoriginoftheir members,butthatisnottheonlynorprobablythemainreason.The primarycauseisthatthemorenumerousabody,themoreimprudent, bold,andirresponsibleitbecomes;theSenatemusttakerefugeinprudencetoavoidclashesofseriousconsequences,andprudenceisalways onthefrontiersofweakness.
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Against the Current 1930–1989
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jorge cuesta JorgeCuesta(1903–42),borninVeracruz,wasachemist,poet, andwriter.HewasafriendandcollaboratorofAldousHuxley. AlthoughCuestawasascientistbytraining,hewasanartistat heartandjoinedagroupofwritersinthefirsthalfofthetwentiethcentury.Themembersofthisgroup,amongthemXavier Villaurrutia, José Gorostiza, and Gilberto Owen, published a magazinecalledContemporáneosandcametobeknownbythis name. Inthe1930sawaveofnationalismsweptMexicothathadasignificantimpactontheartisticandculturalcurrentsofthecountry.Art,itwasbelieved,shouldreflectnationaltraits.However, ascosmopolitans,theContemporáneosdefiedtherulingconsensusregardingartandsoughttoconnectwithartisticcurrents outsideMexico.TheypublishedandwroteonFrenchpoetsata timewhentherewasavogueforallthingsMexican.Cuestawas alsoanessaywriterwhopublishedarticlesonvarioussubjects inthedailypress.Hispiecesonpoliticsareremarkablebecause hechallengedprevailingideasinideologicalmattersjustashe didinart.Inthe1930scollectivismwasatitshighestpointin Mexicoandtheworld.Liberalismseemedoutdatedanddying. AgainstthismoodCuestadefendedandextolledtheliberaltraditionandcriticizedilliberalpoliciesandideas. Wepresentthreenewspaperarticlespublishedbetween1933 and1934.
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Politics in the University
Afewmonthsago,intwoarticlespublishedinEl Universal,ItookthelibertyofcriticizingsomeideasthatLic.DonVicente LombardoToledanohasabouttheuniversity,becausetheyarenotvery academicinthat,underthepretextofservingtheuniversity,inreality theywishitsruin.Thoseideashavehadgoodluck;nownotonlyare theyuniquelytheideasofLic.LombardoToledano,theyare,inaddition,heldbyotherimportantpersons,theofficialdogmaoftheuniversity,and,ifweconsidertherecentCongressofUniversityStudents,a nearphilosophy,atleastofthesectorofuniversityactivityofthenation representedthere.Itseems,then,thatmycriticismnowturnsouttobe unfounded,giventhattheuniversityfindsitslawanditsprosperityin theideasthat,accordingtothatcriticism,leaditonlytoitscorruption andruin.Iwouldbedisposedtorecognizeitassuchandbegthepardon ofLic.LombardoToledanoandtheauthoritieswhoaretheechoorthe verysubstanceofhisvoiceifthefirstevidencethattodayspringstothe eyeswerenotevidenceoftheuniversity’scorruptionandruin. Tojudgebythedevelopmentoftheabove-mentionedcongress,its objectivewasnoneotherthanthepoliticaloneofhavingitpronounce thatprofessionoffaith,thankstowhich,bymeansofamaneuverthat representeditsgoalsasstrictlyacademic,acommitmenttothepolitical orderiscreatedfortheuniversity.Thatprofessionoffaith,accordingto thewayitreads,isasocialistprofessionoffaith.Itsmissionisnonethelessexclusivelypolitical,butthisdoesnotpreventthemostseriousconsequencesfortheuniversitybeingexpectedfromit.Withoutignoring politics,itisuniversitypoliticsweareinterestedinbemoaning. Fromthepointofviewofsocialism,nothingworsecanhappentoit foritsrevolutionaryendsthantobeturnedintotheofficialdoctrineof Originaltitle:“Lapolíticaenlauniversidad.”Source:El Universal,September21, 1933. 502
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anacademy;there,simply,itsrevolutionends.Nonetheless,ifthishappens,anditisnotpossibletoknowwhichofthetwoisshowingitself inreality—acorruptionofsocialismoracorruptionoftheacademy—it wouldhaveasitsonlyoutcomethatof,puttingasideitsrevolutionary sense,killingsocialismintheacademybystarvation;itwouldnotbeso serious,then,ifsocialismiseffectivelyavitalandrevolutionaryactof thought,thatbygoingtoseekitsnourishmentsomewhereelse,itcan saveitselffromthedeaththeuniversityispreparingforit.Butifthe universityremainswithinitselfwithoutnourishment,Idonotbelieve itwillfindoutsideanyotheropportunityforliving.Now,certainly,it couldperhapsstillhavetheopportunityinsomeindependentschools, butitisabsolutelycertainthatwithinafewmomentsthesecretaryof educationwillalreadyhavegottenridofthem. That“theideologyoftheuniversity”manifestsitselfatthemoment ofbirthasapoliticalideologyandnotasauniversityideologyisafact thatmanifeststhetotallackofconsciousnessthattheuniversityhasregardingitsownexistence.Itsinternalsymptomsofcorruptionarealready well known, having been made public by the university itself: lackofscholarlydiscipline,lackofseriousnessofstudies,ineffectivenessofexams,and,finally,the“lackofauniversityphilosophy.”Whoeverfrequentlyspendstimewithuniversityprofessors,withthosewho stillhaveapersonalconsciousnessofuniversityresponsibility,alsofinds outaboutthelamentablefatethatthisrareresponsibilityhas,preserved bythoseprofessorshavingtodividenotonlythepracticebuteventhe preparationofscholarlyprogramswithanumberthreetimesgreater thantheirsofprofessorswhoareabsolutelyunthinkingandirresponsible.Asaconsequence,eachfieldofstudydragsalongamiserableuniversitylife,whichalreadyhasnootherobjectivethandividingupthe budgetoftheuniversityamonganyonewhowithoutmeritsquabbles overit,norotherjustificationthanauthorizingthestudenttodispute otherbudgetsthatflourishintheeconomicworld,whereinthespiritualsensetheuniversitylanguishes,andeventhespiritoftheuniversity itself.Anditcannotjustifymorenorcanitgivetothisfieldofstudya reasontoperfectitself,astheuniversityitselfperceivesitwithanadmirablebutwastedplayfulness,whichthisfieldofstudymightwork toservethestudentinhisprofessionallifesohemightearnalivingin aneconomicsystemlikethatoftheuniversity;thisistosaythatitdoes notevenmanagetoseemphilosophicaltothosebenefited,andlessto
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theuniversity,whichalwayshasthereasonableimpressionthatitdoes notbenefittheuniversityenough.Withoutaphilosophy,ineffect,each oneoftheuniversityfieldsofstudybecomescorrupt,andstudentsand professorsdesertanddefraudit.Itisonlyreasonablethattheuniversity seekandadoptaphilosophy. Butiftheirmeaningandvaluecometothesciencesandtheartsfrom thephilosophy,nopoliticalmaneuverwillprovidethemwiththisphilosophy,butratheritsstudy.Philosophymeansnothingbutseriousness. Tomakephilosophicalthestudyofascienceandtheteachingofanart meansonlytostudyandteachitwithseriousness.Thephilosophycannot beknown,thatistosaythenatureandperfectionofafieldofstudy,as longasitisnotpracticed;ofaninstruction,aslongasitisnotperformed. Universityinstruction,astheuniversitydemandsit,lacksaphilosophy; butifphilosophyofinstructionmeansknowledgeofitsnatureandperfection,whatislackinginuniversityinstructiontobephilosophicalis, exclusively,havinganatureandperfectionofinstruction;itis,solely,to instruct.Toseekthephilosophyofgrammarinapoliticalpracticeisto endupcorruptingthepracticeofteachinggrammar.Toseekinapolitical position,whateveritmightbe,thesenseofthephilosophicalfunctions oftheuniversityistocompletethecorruptionoftheuniversity. Ineffect,thesocialistthesisoftheuniversitycannotbemoreabsurd ormoredepraved,fortoattributetheuniversity’sfailureandthelack of philosophy to the existence of a not-very-philosophical economic system,fromwhichtheuniversitythinksitsnormsanditsphilosophy shouldcome,sothatasaconsequencetheuniversitycouldbenefitfrom it,istobeunawareofthenatureofeconomiclife,thenatureoftheuniversity,andthenatureofphilosophy.Theuniversityisnotunawarethat economic life is not the product of a philosophy, of a reflection, but ratherofanincalculablediversityofpassionateacts;anditcannotbe acceptedthatiftheuniversityseesitselfincapableofgivingphilosophicalmeaningtothereflectiveactsofitsownspirit,itsincerelybelievesit willbeabletogivephilosophicalsensetotheunreflectivepassionsthat economiclifeproducesandthatarebeyonditsmaterialreach.Thisuniversitythinkingisalreadylittlephilosophical,isalreadynottheproduct ofareflection,and,ifitisapassionasunreflectiveasanyotherofthe passionsofeconomiclife,letuswonderhowtheuniversitywillhave obtaineditsobjectiveofmakingthatlifephilosophicalwhenthisvery objectivebeginsbylackingphilosophyandmoralconscience.
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Nonetheless,itisnotsoabsurd,althoughfromanotherpointofview, thattheuniversitymightwantitsphilosophytobethatoftheeconomic system;foritescapesnobodythatwhattheuniversitymeansby“economicsystem”isnothingotherthan“politicalsystem.”Theuniversity knows,becauseeconomicscienceknows,thatthelaws—thatistosay, thatproperlyeconomicsystems—arethesameinacapitalistsystemas inthepurercommunistsystem,andthatiftheywerenotthesame,economicsciencewouldhavenomeaning,norwouldsocialistdoctrines thatderivetheirdeductionsoftheeconomyfromeconomicnaturehave meaning.Fromonesystemtoanother,thenatureofthesystemdoes notchange,butratherthepolitics.Itisabsolutelycertainthatwhatthe universitymeansisthatitisnotinagreementwiththecurrentpolitical regime,perhapsbecauseoneofitsvirtues,whichisalastinggloryofLic. DonEmilioPortesGil,1hasbeentodelivertheuniversitytotheregime ofitsownnature,ofitsownphilosophy,declaringitautonomous.Itis altogetherexplicablethattheactofthegovernmentthatgivesitliberty tohaveaphilosophyandpersonalresponsibilitynowseemstotheuniversitylittlephilosophical,whenitmustadmititsinabilitytoachieveit. Whentheuniversitywasrunbythestate,itcouldbeexplainedthat theuniversitydidnotresignitselftosufferingoveritsphilosophy,the ruleofpolitics,theruleofthestate;itwasexplainedthat,inthefaceof thepoliticaldemandofdirectingtheuniversitywithaphilosophynot itsown,theuniversitycouldbeabandonedandcorrupted,holdingonly thestateresponsiblefortheconsequencesofactsthatwereofthestate andnotoftheuniversity.Butwiththeuniversitynowautonomous,ifit itselfcreatesanotherpoliticalslaveryandabandonsthephilosophy,the naturebelongingtoit,itisbecausetheuniversityitselfwantstobefalsifiedandcorrupted.Nowthestatehasnoblameatall,evenifitiscalled “economicsystem”inordertoburdenitwiththeblame;nowallthe blameistheuniversity’s.Andiftheuniversityisnowgoingtocontinue subjectingitselftoapoliticaldemandofthestate,withtheaggravating circumstancethatthewillthatnowdesiresitmeritsthenameoftraitor tothestateandtheuniversity,itfollowsthattheblameistheuniversity’s. Asocialistdoctrine,whatevermightbeitsoriginorsource,isapoliticaldoctrine.Itsideasareappropriateforanyonewhoaspirestogovern
1.EmilioPortesGil(1890–1978)waspresidentofMexicoin1928–30.(Editor’snote)
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andnottoinstructortolearn.Thesphereinwhichsuchpersonshavea concreteactionisthesphereofgovernment,whiletheyareincapableof havinganynaturalinfluenceinthestrictlyuniversitysphere.Thephysicalsciencesareabsolutelyimmunetosocialistdoctrines.Eveninthe mindofasocialistphysicist,thephysicallawsdonotchangetheirnature iftheminddoesnotchangeits.Languageandliterature,liketheother belleslettres,preciselybecausetheycanservetoexpressevensocialist doctrines,maintainintacttheircapacityforexpressionevenbeitfor opposinganddifferentdoctrines,becausethenatureoftheirlanguage doesnotchange.Butpolitics,onthecontrary,isnotthesameafteritbecomessocialistasitwasbeforebecomingit;init,socialismcertainlyhas naturalconsequencesthatcanbefelt. Wellthen,theuniversitycannot,inaccordancewithanylogicwhatsoever,aspiretohavingpoliticsemanatenaturallyfromtheuniversity, thatistosay,tobeanagencyofgovernment,besideswhichnojuridicallawauthorizesit,verywiselyandphilosophically.Andalthoughitis legitimatethattheofficialsoftheuniversityaspiretothatothermore enviable function of governing, it is immoral that they try to govern from their chair, preserving their role as citizens and compromising, inapoliticalstrugglethatbringsthemnothing,theiruniversityfunctionsthat,indesignatingapoliticalobjective,alwaysbetrayandcorrupt. Thisimmoralityisalreadyconfirmedinthemaneuverwementioned, thatbeingfeigninganacademiccongresstocompromisetheuniversity inapoliticalaffirmation.Andthedignifiedresignationstocongressby Lic.DonAntonioCasoandLic.RodolfoBrito,thislatterdirectorof theFacultyofJurisprudence,effectivelymadethatimmoralityevident, somethingthathonorsthemgreatlyandthattheuniversitywillnotbe abletothanksufficiently,northestatetovalueastheiractiondeserves. For,ontheotherhand,universityautonomyisalsoaninterestofthe state.Fortheintegrityofthislatter’sauthority,andnotonlybecauseit benefitstheuniversity,itsuitsthestatethattheuniversitynotabandon itslearnedfunctionstoengageinignorantpolitics.Itsuitsitasmuch, andforthesamereason,thatthechurchnotengageinpolitics.Andthe statehasasmuchrighttodemandfromthetwo,theuniversityandthe church,thattheynotcommitsuchanoutrageagainstthestateasthat; because the nation pays them, functions useful to the nation are expectedofthem,notcriminalactsagainstitssovereignty.Andtowhat pointisthepoliticalpartyoftheuniversitytreasonforthestate,what-
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ever party it may adopt, when the state pays to maintain the universitywithinthesphereofitsusefulnessandautonomy;itisconceived inconsideringtheimportanceofthepoliticalmaneuver,bymeansof which,notonlyistheruinoftheuniversitycompleted,butthatruinis alsoblamedonthestate,withtheresultofdiscreditingitandfavoring achangeofpoliticalregime. Soseriousisthispoliticalaspectofthequestionthatonedoesnot knowhowtoclearuptheconfusionthatresultsfromthestateor,more appropriately,thesecretaryofeducation,whoisseemingtopatronize andprotecttheactthatismakingclearitspurposeinobtaining,along withthatoftheuniversity,theruinanddiscreditingofthestate.Evenif thisactattemptsonlytocommitanoutrageagainstuniversityautonomy, withoutimmediatepoliticalends,thestateendsup,aswealreadysaw, seriouslyhurtbyit.Butperhapsthatpoliticalconfusionthatisproduced nowisnotdifferentfromtheconfusiononeseesinsomepartofthe Annual Report of the Secretary of Educationof1932,inthecurrentprogramsoftheDepartmentofFineArtsofthesamesecretaryandinsome speechesofhiscurrentcitizensecretary,inwhichgenerallyoccursan idealiketheideaoftheuniversity,towit:thatthefailureofeducationis owedtotherulingpoliticalregimeandnottothesecretaryofeducation. Atanyrate,itisnotexplainablethat,althoughtheveryideasofthesecretaryareusedforsuchathing,thesecretaryhasnotnoticed,giventhat itseemstoprotectandpatronizetheuniversity,thediscreditthatthe criticismtheuniversitymakesofthepoliticalregime,fromwhichthe secretaryofeducationshouldnotfeelhimselfseparate,ishurledatit. Letusnotbeconcernedfornowwithclearingupthispoliticalconfusion.Whatcanalwaysbelamented,asmuchfromthepointofviewof thestateasfromthepointofviewoftheuniversity,isthattheautonomy oftheuniversityisbeinglost.Itdoesnotmatteronwhosepart,whether thestateorsomepoliticalparty,that,asaconsequenceofthepolitical determinationoftheuniversity,thestatemight,foritspart,suspend itsautonomy;itisnotimprobablethatitoccur.Oncethecurrentcitizen secretary of education, Lic. Bassols,2 informed me personally his ideasregardinguniversityautonomy,whicharenoneotherthanthose thatpermittedMussolinitosilencetheItalianpress,towit:thattheautonomyoftheuniversityrepresentsaseriousdangerfortheuniversity
2.NarcisoBassolswassecretaryofeducationin1931–34.(Editor’snote)
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andforthestate,becauseitgivestheopportunityfortheenemiesofthe citizensecretaryofeducationtoconvertthatinstitutionintotheirpoliticalrostrum.Andasthingsarepresented,itisonlyveryprobablethat thecitizensecretary—whoispartofthegovernment,despitehisfear andhispoliticalandpublicdemonstrationstothecontrary—mightsee himselfcompelledtoconsenttothesuspensionofuniversityautonomy asataskofthegovernment,althoughnownottakingintoaccounthis personalideas,butratherbecauseofpoliticalforceofcircumstance,inasmuchas,onthisoccasion,theenemiesoftheuniversityandthegovernmentarethefriendsofthecitizensecretaryandexpressnothingbut hissameideas.
2
A New Clerical Politics
IntwopreviousarticlesIhavepointedoutthepolitical depththatexistsintheofficialtendencytoimposeacommunistdogma ontheschool,atendencythat,althoughoriginatingintheheartofthe stateitselfinasmuchasitissystematicallysupportedbythesecretaryof education,whofindsinitthesuperiorstandardofhisacts,represents alsoanoppositiontothestate.Inthispoliticalcontradiction,whichpits thestateagainstthestate,therivalryoftwopoliticsthatvieforthegovernmentismanifestedonlysuperficially,arivalryinwhichthecommunistallegesagreaterrighttopossessitcompletelygiventhat,ifitisthe onewithamostcertainrevolutionarysense,thedirectionofastatethat isorclaimstoberevolutionarybelongstoit.Withthequestionpresentedinthisway,itislogicalthatadoubtisproducedwithinthestate, ofwhichcommunistdoctrinestakeadvantageinordertomakethemselvesfelt,atleastineducationalpolicy,andthatseemstoenjoyanofficialfavor,which,nonetheless,isveryfarfromrepresentingadefinitive inclinationtoconvertthosedoctrinesintothestandardforallnational politics.Thestatehasarevolutionaryoriginandwishestoberevolutionary.Itisnaturalthat,inthefaceofthepoliticaltrendthatclaimstogovernitandthatpresentsitselfwiththeprestigeofthemostrevolutionary trend,thestatemighthavenumerousreasonsforhesitatingandfornot immediatelyrejectingit;inasmuchasconsideringitselfaphilosophical doctrineclosertothefieldofeducationthanitsownfieldofpolitics,it leavesinliberty,forthemoment,thoseotherobjectivesofpolitics,dissemblingandsofteninginthiswayitsdissentingandprofoundlyoppositionalcharacter. But at heart, the sense of that opposition is very different from a strugglebetweentherevolutionaryleftandright;itstruenaturecorrespondstothenaturaloppositionbetweenaromanticoutlookandareal
Originaltitle:“Unanuevapolíticaclerical.”Source:El Universal,October9,1933. 509
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isticoutlook.Thecommunisttrendintheschool,preciselybecauseitis presentedintheschool,lackspositivepoliticalsignificance,lackstrue politicalroots;sotospeak,itdoesnotrepresent,forthepoliticallifeof thecountry,an“Iwanttobe,”butratherbarelythe“Iwouldliketobe” characteristicofvaguemindsdetachedfromreality,whichareanatural productofstudentlife.Butifthepositiveaspectofthisoutlooklacks realitybecauseofitsownnature,thesamecannotbesaidofitsnegative aspect,forthefactthatthisoutlookisdetachedfromrealityisarealfact thathascalamitousrealconsequences.The“Iwouldliketobe”ofour studentspiritsdoesnothaveapositivereality,butitslackofrealityis,in turn,aperfectlytangibleanddangerousrealitybecauseitdoesnotrepresentanythingotherthangroundlessnonconformity,whichdoesnot consistinpreferringanythingdifferentfromwhathasbeenrejected, butratherinapurerejection,inapurenonconformismandapureaimlessopposition. Thisistheaspectofthequestionthatcannotbedisavowed,because itiswhatrevealsitstruesignificancetothecommunistdoctrineswith whichthisdeals.Communismdoesnothaveanyimportanceatallhere; itisonlythepretextorvesseloftheromanticnonconformityofour studentspirits.Whathasrealimportance,toexplainit,isthestudent natureofthisoppositionalromanticism.Itmakesclearthatthecitizen secretaryofeducationisnotdissatisfiedwiththerulingpoliticalregime, andforthatreasonwithhisownperson,becauseheiscommunist;but rather,onthecontrary,heisacommunistbecauseheisdissatisfiedwith hisownpersonandwiththerestofthenationalpolitics.Thestudent natureofoppositionalromanticismexplains,inthesameway,thepassionatelyblindcommunismofLic.VicenteLombardoToledano.1Forif thecontraryhappened,thenaturalthingwouldbethatthetwowould not take their oppositionism to the school but rather to politics, and neitherthesecretaryofeducationnorLic.LombardoToledanowould accept—thefirsttobeministeroftheregimethatdoesnotpleasehim; thesecondseemstowanttobeaminister. Isaythatthisoppositionistoutlookhasbeenpreferredbythestu 1.VicenteLombardoToledano(1894–1968)wasaleftistpoliticianandintellectual whobelongedtotherevolutionaryleadershipthatruledMexicoaftertherevolution.He wasthefounder,in1948,oftheMexicansocialistparty,orPartidoPopularSocialista. (Editor’snote)
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dentspiritofMexicoformanyyearsnow,andthatthecommunismin itdoesnothaveanessentialsignificance.Ineffect,everythinghereis innonconformitywith“theMexicanreality,”whosebaseisabsolutely religious,asisthebaseofallnonconformitywithreality;itsobjective isonlytobenonconformist,withthegoalofmakingfeltthesuperiorityofthestateofthingsthatdoesnotexistovertheexistingstateof things,objectivethatisthefoundationofallclericalpolitics.Itiseasy toseethatnotjustnowwithcommunism,butratherformanyyears,a romantictendencypresentsitselfinthehistoryofMexicotoerectthe schoolinthechurchofthestate,inthechurchofpolitics,withthegoal ofsubordinatingeverykindofauthoritytotheauthorityofitsdogma, withthegoalofsubordinatingpoliticianstothepriests,orholdersofthe officialdoctrine.ThebaseofthisdoctrinehasitssupportinPlato,governmentbythephilosophers,anditstraditionintheentirehistoryof theCatholicChurch.Initsnewformitcouldbecalled,ifitwerenota contradiction,scientificclericalism.PerhapsitsMexicanrootsshouldbe soughtinIgnacioRamírez,whocouldnotdistinguishbetweenaclear criticalspiritandaconfusedromanticsoul.Perhapsitsfirstecclesiastical experiencepresentsitselfwithGabinoBarredaandhispositivistreligion.ButuntilJoséVasconcelos,2thisnewclericalismdidnothavethe threateningproportionsithashadsince. Someday we will analyze more thoroughly the responsibility that fallstoJoséVasconcelos,whichissogreatthatitmeritsaspecialchapter; letitbesufficientforusnowtoobserve,inordertohaveanapproximate ideaofit,thathiscroniesintheclericalizationofrevolutionarypolitics arenothingbuthisservileimitatorswithouttheleastpersonality.The useofMarxandthecommunistdoctrines,inthisrespect,iscertainly subsequenttoVasconcelosandforeigntohim,butwenowseethatin thisclericalmovementwhathasleastimportanceistheinternalfoundationofthedoctrine;theonlythingthathasarealimportanceisthewill thattheschoolhaveanecclesiasticalfunctionwithrespecttopolitics, orthatitbethesource,asoneisaccustomedtosay,of“therevolution 2.JoséVasconcelos(1882–1959)wasaphilosopher,teacher,andpoliticianwhoserved asministerofeducationintheearlyrevolutionarygovernments.Hesoughttoenlighten MexicansocietybyreprintingthebasicworksofWesterncivilizationanddistributing themintheremotestpartsofthecountry.Hewastheauthorofaveryinfluentialbook, La raza cósmica(The Cosmic Race)(1925).(Editor’snote)
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aryideology,”withnootherobjectivethanmakingtherevolutionaries theunreflectiveblindandobedientarmsofaholyfather,whoseidentityisnotyetknown:thesecretaryofeducation,therectoroftheuniversity,orthedirectorofthepreparatoryschool.Withoutadoubtthat wouldhavebeenVasconcelosifhehadnotpreferredtopursueapersonaladventure,3asgenerallyhappenswithallmysticaltemperaments toagreatdegree,andconstituting,withrespecttothechurchfounded onhiswordandonhisexample,aprenatalandadmirableheresy. ButwhatevermightbethefascinatingpersonaldestinyofVasconcelos,hisinfluenceinMexicanpoliticsandprimarilyinthepoliticsof educationhasnotceasedtobeeverdeeperandevermorenefarious.It doesnotmatterthathecondemnsitandthathedoesnotrecognizehimselfreflected,asnownoonecouldrecognizehim,inthemiserablestudentproductsofhistrulydemonicthought.Itisduringthepassageof VasconcelosthroughtheSecretariatofPublicEducationwhenthisnew clericalpoliticsreachesfullawarenessofitself.Sincethentheschool assumesthePlatonicfunctionofgivingbirthtoaperfectstatebased inwisdomandvirtue,nourishedbyscienceandphilosophy,butwith nootherobjectivethanbeingthemotiveforshowingitselfinnonconformitywiththeimperfectstateswecontemplate,andwhoseidealalso hastheundeniableadvantage,forthesecretariesofeducationwhoworshipit,ofmakingtheschoolandthesecretariesofeducationforgetthe mosttangibleandimmediatecommitmenttoconvertitintoabetter school,becauseitseemsthatthisbetterworldadmitsofbeingit,even iftheschoolshavebecomeworsebythen.Ruralschools,culturalmissions,theuniversityforthepeople,theuniversityideologyoftheRevolution,thepropagandaart,thecivilizingfunctionofart,theredemption oftheIndians,“ForMyRacetheSpiritWillSpeak,”4etc.,alltheseVasconcelistnotionscontainnothingbutreligiousaspirations,which,ifin Vasconcelostheycouldrespondtoamysticalsentiment,inhiscronies arenothingbutawilltotakeoverpoliticalconsciousnessbymeansof theschool.OnthebaseofstudentthinkingfollowingVasconceloslies 3.Asapresidentialcandidate,VasconcelosopposedPascualOrtízRubio,theofficial candidateofthepresident,PlutarcoElíasCalles,in1929.Helostbutlaterclaimedthat theelectionwasrigged.(Editor’snote) 4.Thisisthemotto,givenbyVasconcelos,oftheNationalUniversityofMexico. (Editor’snote)
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nothingbutthisecclesiasticalambition,whichisthesamethattoday, throughLic.NarcisoBassols,currentsecretaryofeducation,compromisestheschoolintheofficialadoptionofapolitical-religiousfaith— thecommunist—whosenaturesinceitsoriginhasbeentojoinwitha falsephilosophicalprestige.
3
Crisis of the Revolution
AnotablechangehastakenplaceinMexicanpolitical thinkingwithrespecttotheepochimmediatelyfollowingpacification oftheRepublic.Then,thepoliticalhorizonwasmuchmoreexpansive thannow;thefuturewasrichinprospects,andtheactivitythatflourishedinpoliticswasthatoftheimagination.Todayexactlytheopposite happens;thepoliticalhorizonisnarrowandshallow;thefutureisfashionedafterasimpleoutlineofanunchangingprospect,andthemost prizedactionisthefaithfulobservationofthefacts.Thepriorepoch gravitatedtowardthefutureandwasfreer;thepresentepochbegins togravitatetowardthepast,linkedtogether.Thereignoffactshassucceededthereignofacts.Tobesuccessfultodayinpubliclife,agood memoryandnoimaginationarenecessary.Thatistosay,theyounghave fewopportunities,foryouthhasalmostnothingtoremember. This disheartening phenomenon is not exclusively Mexican; the worldhasageduniformly;everywhereoneperceivesanequalfearof eventsandthedesiretodeterminethembeforehand.Fatherstakecharge ofthefutureoftheirsonsandrobthemoftherighttocreateandgovern theirowndestiny.Politicalprogramsanddoctrineshavethetoneand gravityofwills.Everythingisanabsoluteandzealousdeterminationof tomorrowsoastoprohibititfrombeinginanywaydifferentfromthe wayitisthoughtitshouldbefromnowon.Theideaofchangingideasis detested;onehashorrorofimagination,andthereissomethinglikethe proposaltosuspendtheadvanceofthought,whichisunpredictableand fullofsurprises.Thewordsthatenjoythefavoroftheworldare“dictatorship,”“control,”and“plan,”thethreesignifyingtestamentorlast will.Ontheotherside,liberalideasnolongerknowwheretohidethe embarrassmentoftheirlossofprestige. Itwouldbeinterestingtodeterminethecausesofthisphenomenon, 514
Originaltitle:“Crisisdelarevolución.”Source:El Universal,June25,1934.
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which,fortunately,isexclusivetopoliticsandhasnoparallelinother aspectsofsocialactivity.Forexample,insciencetheoppositehappens. Anevengreaterliberalismhassucceededthescientificdogmatismof thepastcentury,sothatitcanbesaidthat,inactuality,theobjectiveof scientificthoughtisnottoestablishitsconclusionsinadefinitewayin ordertodeterminebythemfuturethought,butrathertogranttothis thoughtthegreatestlibertypossible,allowingittobeestablishedon itsownexperimentalproofsandtogetridofhistoricalchains.Incontemporaryart,aslongasitisnotmixedwithpolitics,asimilarliberty isobserved.Inphilosophyalso,aslongaspoliticsdoesnotconfuseit, aradicalismisobservedthathasnothaditsequalinthehistoryofthe world.Thus,then,politicaldogmatismispresentedasanisolatedproduct,althoughthemostvoluminousinmodernculture.Inotherwords, politicsseemstohavebeendetachedfromtheprogressoftheculture and,formanyyears,tohavelaggedbehind.Manysocialandpsychologicalreasonsinfluencethisuniversaldepravityofpolitics,butsurelyall canbeexpressedasadeficiencyofselection.Art,science,andphilosophyaretheproductsofselectminorities,laboriouslycultivated.Politics, onthecontrary,istheproductofimprovisation,ofvanity,1andofviolence,andfromthiscomesitsintellectualinferiority;fromthiscomes itsdogmaticandarrogantcharacter;fromthiscomesitsrepugnancefor liberty;fromthisitsfearthatthefuturemightrevealitsinabilityand destroyitsfeeblestructures;fromherethefeverfor“controlling,”for “planning,”for“rationalizing,”forstrengthening,finally,fromnowon, theedificesthatitraisesandthat,abandonedtothemselves,wouldinevitablycollapse,owingtotheirlackofrootsintheconsciousnessof society. Returning to Mexico, it is interesting to note that the change has takenplaceinafewyears,givingitthestrangespectaclethatthegenerationthatwasliberalin1917appearstodaytobeconvertedintoadogmaticone,sothatin1934itseemstobegintoobtainaspoliticalfruit preciselyeverythingcontrarytowhatitwasproposingin1917.Butthe heartofthephenomenonisevenmoresurprisinginthatitconsistsof the gradual penetration the lamentable products of depraved universalpoliticshavemadeinMexicanpolitics,apenetrationthathastaken 1.TheMexicanrevolutionariesconvenedaconstituentcongressin1916,andanew constitutionwasenactedin1917.(Editor’snote)
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placeacrossthesucceedinggenerations,corruptedbytheeasetheyhave found,thankstothepoliticaldoctrinesinfashion,ineludingtheresponsibilityofconstructingtheauthenticnationaldestinytowhichthe Revolutionaspired. The political thinking of 1917 knew what it wanted; it had a profoundawarenessofitsresponsibility;ithadbeenmaturedoveralong andpainfulreflectioninthemidstofanintensestrugglethatcompelled iteachdaytojustifyandstrengthenitself;itwasathoughtpreparedto confront the most dangerous andunexpected experiences and to becomeenrichedbythem.Fromhereitcomesthat,withthepacification ofthecountry,thepoliticalhorizonwasbroadandfullofincitements. Youthneverhadamoreadmirableopportunity.Theycountedonit.The creationandenhancementoftheirfuturewasplacedintheirhands. Butinvaintheyoungpeoplehadunlimitedaccesstopower.Youth didnotfind,inthatmarvelouslibertytheRevolutionhadsopainfully wonforit,anythingbutanauthorizationtoimproviseandsatisfyits vanityeasily.Totheprofoundandsincererevolutionaryintuitionafalse, vain,andfatuousactionwasreturned,morepreparedtobenefitfrom thetriumphoftheRevolutionthantomakeitselfworthyofit.Butthe mostdisastrousconsequenceisthat,inordertohideitsinabilityand itsfailure,thisactionhasblamedthelibertyitselfthatitdidnotknow howtouse,butrathertocorruptit,claimingimmediatelythat,because libertyiscorrupted,theinabilityandfailurehavebeenfromtheRevolutionbecauseitbecameattachedtoaliberalConstitution. Itisnotnecessarytoseekanotherpurposeintheantiliberalismthat currentlyflourishesinMexicothanthatofexcusingapoliticalaction thathasnotbeenabletorisetotheheightofitsresponsibility.Ifinthe contemporaryprosperityoftheantiliberalpoliticaldoctrinesitseems tofindajustificationandevenanopportunitytoennobleitself,presenting itself as the most advanced tendency like thedoctrine ofthe “presentmoment,”itisnotimpossibletoperceivethattheantiliberalismofothernationsissatisfyingthesameendofhidingandjustifyinga similarmoralincapacity.For,theabsolutelycontrarydirectioncontemporarythoughtinscience,art,andphilosophyfollowsisshowingwhat is,whennotsubjecttoviolencethatdisfiguresit,thetruesentimentof advancedideas.Andinanyplacewherepoliticalantiliberalismpreponderates, the intellectual divorce is observed between politics and the
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superiorculturethathastakenholdinMexico,withthethoughtofuniversityinstructiongettingoutoftouchcriticallywithpolitics. ThecurrentsituationofMexicanpoliticalthoughtisclear;constitutionalliberalismisdangerouslythreatenedbythispassionatedogmatic attitudeofrecentorigin.Thissituationhasbeencreatedandismaintainedintheshadowofanintellectualconfusionthatallowsanynew liberaltrendandtheconstitutionof’17tobeconsideredreactionary, andtheactsthatreflectindiscriminatelythepriesthoodofStalin,the priesthoodofHitler,orthepriesthoodofMussoliniasrevolutionary andadvanced.Nonetheless,itisnotdaringtodeclarethatMexicanliberalismwillhavetosurvivetheconfusionthatendangerstheauthentic radicalaspirationsofthenation,whichhavemadeimperativethatthe RevolutionbeconsideredthelegitimatecontinuationoftheReformand thatitnotbeconfusedwiththebackwardmotionofpoliticstowardunreflecting,sentimental,andprimaryforms.
antonio caso Antonio Caso (1883–1946), born in Mexico City, was a philosopheranduniversityprofessor.Asayoungmanhebecame dissatisfiedwiththeprevailingphilosophicalideasofhistime. Indeed,duringthefirstdecadeofthetwentiethcenturypositivismwastheofficialdoctrinesupportedbytheministerofeducation,JustoSierra. Caso joined like-minded luminaries such as José Vasconcelos,AlfonsoReyes,andPedroHenríquezUreñaandin1909 founded a literary club called El Ateneo de la Juventud. The groupcriticizedpositivismanddevelopedaphilosophybased onintuitionandemotionthatwasinfluencedbythethinking ofHenriBergson. Caso was president of the National University between 1920and1923.Inthe1930shevigorouslyopposedtheproject ofadoptingsocialismastheofficialdoctrineoftheuniversity anddebatedthekeyproponentofthisidea,VicenteLombardo Toledano.Casodefendedtheroleoftheuniversityasaninstitutiondevotedtothepursuitoftruthandknowledgethrough researchandteaching.Hearguedthatteachersshouldbefreeto teachwhattheyconsideredtobetrueandrelevant.Libertywas requiredtosustainthequestfortruthandknowledge.Around thattimeCasoalsowroteonsocialismandfascismandonthe challengesthesedoctrinesposedtothe“humanperson.” WepresentaselectionfromhisessayLa persona humana y el estado totalitario,fromthe1940s.
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Consciousness of Liberty 1.theattributeSoftheCentury Ourepoch,whichbeginswiththewarofthenations, possesses attributes that differentiate and characterize it. The great industrialdevelopment,likethescientificunfolding,doesnotconstitute, certainly, an exclusive attribute of the period of human history towhichwerefer,becauseduringtheentirenineteenthcentury,the apogeeofscienceandindustry—itsimmediatecorollary—wasalready broughtaboutasacharacteristicelementofthisotherperiodofhistory. Nevertheless,thedevelopmentofthephysicalscienceshascontinued inourtime,manifestingitselfintheelaborationoftheelectrictheoryof matter.Thegreathypothesesofphysicshaveexpandedthecomplexity ofscientificknowledgeinsuchawaythatitisaproblemtodayforthe middlelevelofinstruction,thepedagogyofmodernphysics.Howto makeyoungminds,necessarilylackinginhighermathematicalculture, understandthehypothesisofphysicistsabouttheconstitutionofmatter?...Thediscoveryofradiumbegantheforwardmovementofthe developmentofcontemporarythinkingwithrespecttothestructureof theatom.Inreality,justasthecellchangesintoaverycomplexorganism forthosewhostudybiology,theatomisconvertedintoasolarsystem forthosewhoinvestigatethestructureoftheuniverse. The great names of Einstein and Planck dominate the theories of modernphysics,andonecomestothinkaboutacertainindeterminacy thatrestsatthebaseofreality,sothatscientificlawswouldmeanonly“a limitationofpossibilities”accordingtotheperfectexpressionofMach inhisbookonscientificknowledge.1 Originaltitle:“Concienciadelalibertad.”Source:AntonioCaso,La persona humana y el estado totalitario(Mexico:unam,1941). 1.ErnstMach(1838–1916)wasanAustrianphysicistandaphilosopherofscience. (Editor’snote) 519
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Dr.Carrelmakesnote,inagreementwiththeopinionofmanyother scientists,ofthelackofproportionthatoccursbetweentheprogress ofthephysicalsciencesandthatofthebiologicalandmoralsciences. Tolstoyalreadydeclaredthat“modernmanresemblesachildwhoplays with dangerous toys of nitroglycerin.” Inpast epochs, man made use onlyofanimalenergyandsomeofthephysicalforcestoputmachines intomotion.Todayhehasmanagedtomakeusenotonlyofheatand electricity, but also, breaking down matter into its atomic elements, makesuseoffabulousenergiesthathewillbeabletousesomeday,withoutdoubt,toeconomizeonhiseffort,achievingfantasticresults.Therefore,oneofthedifferentiatingattributesofourcenturyistheincomparabledevelopmentofthephysicalsciences. Whatcansuchanextraordinaryapogeeofsciencesignifyintheadvanceoftheculture?...Scienceisthefinalfruitinthedevelopment cycleofcultures.ScientificknowledgeprosperedinGreece,notinthe classicalepoch,butratherinthedaysofHellenismandAlexandrianism. FromtheMuseumofAlexandriasprangthescientificmovementofantiquity.Whenforcenturieslettersandhistoryhadalreadyflourished, scienceinaugurateditssplendor.Thisindicatesthatthegreatepochsof scientificdevelopmentdonotcorrespondtothecreativemomentsof humanity,butrathertothetwilightinstantsofdecline.Alexandriawas themagnificenteveningtwilightofGreekculture. Philosophyalsoachievesinourtimeanadmirabledevelopment,and thisonlyconfirmsthethesisofdecline.Becausetophilosophizeisatype ofreflectionatthesecondlevel,areflectiononreflections,auniversal meditationontheworldandtheIalreadyexploredinotherbranchesof theculture.Thephilosopherisalsoalatefruit.Thevalueshecreatescan produceonlyafterhumanmeditationhasbeenexerciseddirectlyonlife andhistory.Socrates,Plato,andAristotleareforNietzschesymptomsof decadence.AfterthegreatGreekcenturyofdramaandpolitics,thegreat Aristoteliansynthesisappears,coincidingwiththelifeofAlexander. Great philosophers, comparable to the most distinguished names ofhumanthought,areBergson,Husserl,andScheler.Bergsonianism andphenomenologycoincidewithEinsteinandthetheoryofrelativity. Therefore, at the apogee of philosophical development can be seen, sometimes, another symptom of the great twilight of the European culture.Thereareneithergreatlyricnordramaticpoets,norbrilliant
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artistslikethosethatothercenturiesbegat.Whatcertainlyexistsand honorsourcenturyisthephilosophicalandscientificmeditation,undeniabledifferentiatingattributeofourage. Finally,politics,unquestionablyrenewed,brandscontemporarylife withitscreation.Twogreatstrugglesarebegunbetweendemocracyand thetotalitarianstate,justasbetweenthetwotypesoftotalitarianstates. The state, the privileged community par excellence, tends to include sociallifeinitsfullness.Theoldliberalindividualismismovingaway fromtheEuropeanpoliticalconstitutions;therightsofman,whichthe FrenchRevolutionconsecrated,aredisrespectedtodaybymanytheories oflawandofthestate.Ithascometobedeclaredthattheworldinitiates initsadvancetheepisodesof“anewMiddleAge.”Andtheconflictis notonlybetweendemocracyandthetotalitarianstate,butalsothediscussionbetweentheRussianandGermanregimes,betweenracismand classism. Astudentofpoliticalscienceorofconstitutionallawofthepastcenturywhoattendedseminarsoncontemporarypoliticswouldseedenied allthefundamentalsofthesciencehelearned.Theindividualwasconceivedthenasthefinalendofcivilorganization.Itwassaid:thestate existsfortheindividual,tosanctiontherightsofman.Todayitissaid: theindividualisonlyanelementinthehandsofthestate.The“transmutationofvalues”tendstobecompleted. Hownottoseeinthecontemporarypoliticalvicissitudesoneofthe distinctive attributes of our time? . . . Science and industry—its immediatecorollary—againorganizepeopleinlargegroupsaroundthe machines.Architecture,whichmakesuseofnewindustrialresources,is, perhaps,amongtheliberalarts,theonlyonethatstandsout,beingable toexerciseitsaestheticcreationinmagnificentconstructionsthatbring tomindthedaysofBabylonorMemphis.Greatmasseswovenofiron thatclimbtothesky,formidablestructureswhosevertebraemachines forge,theincomparablymorepowerfulCyclopsofourindustrialand scientificmythology! Theworldistransformedintoanacceleratedpoliticalandeconomic rhythmwhosemovementmarksthehourwearrived,inthehasteofour life,constantlyagitatedandcomplex,andtheanguishofourheart,sufferingwiththeperpetualoutbreakofwarandtheurgent,formidable socialrevolution.
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2.kant Asingularrhythm guides theforward movement ofphilosophy, that is to say, of independent thought. The great critical thinker appears first,whoprovedtobetheteacherandfounderofalargeandillustrious philosophicaltradition;afterwardthebrilliantmetaphysicianwhoorganizesintoavastsynthesisthemetaphysicalidea;and,finally,thegreat encyclopedist,who,inharvestingthefruitsofhisprecursors,organizes knowledgeandeffectsinhisworkauniversaldefinitionofthetypeof aculture. GreekphilosophybeforeSocrateswas,perhaps,thepreferredperiod of speculative creation. Parmenides, Heraclitus, Pythagoras, Democritus, Empedocles, and Anaxagoras created the cosmological ideas of thinkinghumanity.Itseemsthatinthoseremotedays,theGreekgenius contributedtothecomingcenturiesalltheideasthatafterwardwere discussedandappreciatedwiththeeffortofthegenerations. Socratesrefinedthecriticalspiritofhisrace;heorderedthesystematicdialecticandcreatedethicsasadisciplineindependentofreligion. Hisfineandclassicalirony,hissupremeartof“midwifeofsouls,”taught thefundamentalsofmoralityindependentofthewillofthegods.For thisreason,withouthyperbole,Aristotlecouldcallhim“thefounderof moralscience,”distinguishedtitleamongallphilosophicaltitles! Platoisthephilosopheroftheideationalact,thebrilliantmetaphysicianoftheSocraticcycle:“Whatisinherentinmanistounderstandthe general,thatistosay,therationalunityinthescatteredmultiplicityofthe sensible.”Butthisisthememoryofwhatoursoulbeheldinitsjourney inpursuitofGod,when,treatingdisdainfullywhatisimproperlycalled reality,itelevatesitsawarenesstowhatinitselfistrue.“Whenmansees beautyontheearth(saysthephilosopherinPhaedrus)herememberstrue beauty,takeswing,andburnswiththedesiretoflytowardit.” Perhapsthetitleofthemostprofoundintelligenceoftheevolutionof thoughtshouldbereservedforPlato.Hisworkisoneofthekeystones ofWesterncivilization.ChampionofphilosophicalpaganismandprecursorofChristianity,“FatheroftheFathersoftheChurch.”Afterthe greatcritic(Socrates),thegreatmetaphysicalcreator(Plato),arisesthe encyclopedistAristotle.HegroundsthePlatonicideasinlifeandexperience. The world of Plato was divine. The Stagirite conserved for himhisaugustdivinitybutbroughthimnearertoearth.Theideabecameform,andonlythroughabstractioncoulditbeseparatedfrommat-
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ter.TheAristotelianencyclopediasummeduptheteachingofGreece. Hereafter,stoics,epicureans,andskepticswilldistributetheimmortal inheritance,asthelieutenantsofAlexanderhisephemeralempire. Inmoderntimestherhythmofancientphilosophyisrepeated.Descartesisthefirstmodernphilosopher.Heinvertedtheendsofhuman certitude.HemadeoftheItheoriginofphilosophy:I doubt, therefore I think, therefore I am.France—saidHegeltoCousin—didenoughfor philosophy in giving it Descartes. Never before had skepticism been vanquished.Greekthoughtintheendasserteditstopics.Accordingto Descartes, doubt affirms something over all dubitability. Even today, thebeginningpointofphenomenologyistheCartesianego cogitans,and Husserlcallshisownsystemneo-Cartesianism. After the great critical thinker, the great independent metaphysicians,SpinozaandMalebranche.TheyarethePlatonicphilosophersof theCartesiancycle.ThesaintlyBenedictSpinoza,intellectualloverof God,istheprideofthemodernworld.Thesystematicpantheismofthe Ethicsisstill,today,oneofthelimitingpointsofspeculation.ParmenidesrevivedintheseventeenthcenturyoftheChristianera!... Leibnizrepresentstherecoveryofspiritualindividualitybeforethe vastsynthesisofpantheisticandCartesianrationalism.Hisworkinitiatesallthecontemporarypsychologicalandmetaphysicalideas:evolution,thesubconscious,theidealityoftimeandspace...HeistheAristotle,theencyclopedist,oftheCartesiancycle. And when another great rectifier of intelligence appeared in the eighteenthcentury,hisCritique of Pure Reasoncamebacktorepeatthe Cartesianposition,makingitmoreprofound,modifyingit,strengtheningit.Intheevolutionofideasexist,inouropinion,threecalmand self-sacrificingfounders:Socrates,Descartes,andKant.Theyrepresent thethreemomentsofdevelopmentofanimmortalidea—towit,that thegenuinecertitude,thepositiveseatofthehumansciences,cannot comefromoutsideconsciousness,butrathermustbeextractedfromthe depthsofourmoralbeing.TheoracleatDelphisaiditalready,“Know thyself.”ThewordsoftheoracleofApolloproducedinthecourseofthe centuriesthreefixedstarsofthemind:theGreek,thatistosay,Socrates;theFrench,thatistosay,Descartes;andtheGerman,underwhose immediatelightwelive,Kant. WhyisKantgreat?...Because,tothethreegreatfundamentalquestionsthatintelligenceposedandthatconstitutephilosophy,hegavean
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originalresponse.Whatisknowledge?—humancuriosityinquired— andKantanswered:“Asyntheticapriorijudgment.”Toknowistosynthesizetheformsofreasonwiththematterthatexperienceprovides. Thejudgmentsthatextendandperfectknowledgearethoseinwhich the predicate is not yet implicit in thesubject. Nonetheless, theyare formulatedforwhathasstillnotoccurred,withasmuchcertitudeas ifitwerebeforethefactsthatweretocome.Allscienceisasynthesis ofknowledge,ofsyntheticapriorijudgments.Philosophyalsoasked, Whatisbeauty?AndKant,founderofaesthetics,answered:A“finality withoutanend,”anecessaryanduniversaldisinterestedness.Thedifferencethatexistsamongtheuseful,thegood,andthebeautifulrestson thefactthattheusefulandthegoodaredesiredforthegoodtheycause, whilethebeautifulissoughtforitself.Thebeautifulisdisinterested;it signifiesareposeamidsttheeagernessofdesire.Thissubtlecloudscape thatwecouldnotreachisasbeautifulastheslightwavethatrisestokiss thebeachanddiesatourfeet!Thesoulstopswantinganddesiringwhen theeyeortheearseestocontemplateorlistenstohear. Philosophyproposesanotherinquiryaswell,themostdifficultand frighteningofall:Whatisduty?AndKantteaches:acategoricalimperative,thatistosay,anunconditionalbutabsolutecommand,theonly absolutecommand.Itisthereforetheonlycategoricalimperative.But duty postulates liberty. Only for free beings does it have meaning. The will is autonomous in doing good, heteronymous in doing evil. As we have to be good, we are free. God is the kingdom of the moral ends that duty imposes. InhisCritique of JudgmentKantsaysthatthreeattributesdistinguish thephilosopher:“tothinkforhimself,findingoutwhatothersthink, without incurring contradiction.” The first is characteristic for originalandfreespirits.Kantwasafreeandoriginalspirit.Thesecondcorresponds to the far-reaching spirits. Kant was a distinguished spirit ofbreadth.Thethirdistheworkofcongruentspirits.Fewmenhave thoughtwithgreatercongruencethantheauthoroftheCritique of Pure Reason!Moreover, thecosmogonic hypothesis thatLaplaceconceived mathematicallytodaycarriesadoublygloriousname:Kant-Laplace.Is itpossibletogivegreaterpraisetoaphilosopher?...
3.GermanidealiSm Again,therhythmofindependentphilosophicalthoughtisrepeatedin thedevelopmentoftheKantiancycle.Toseek,likeSocrates,likeDes-
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cartes,likeKant,intheknowledgeofoneselftheunquestionablefoundationofafirsttruthleadsnecessarilytospiritualismoridealism.Socrates,Descartes,andHusserlarespiritualists.Kantarrives,resolutely,at anidealistposition.Socratesdidnotbelieveonecouldhavefirmknowledgeofsomethingintheworld.Hehad,ontheotherhand,fullfaith intheknowledgeofthespirit.Descartesleavesthesolipsismthatcogito ergo sumimposes,thankstotheontologicalargument:existenceisanecessaryattributeoftheperfectbeing.Kant,whorejectstheontological proof,reducestothe“thinginitself ”thatwhichisheterogeneoustothe spirit;butheinsinuatesthatthisX,thisunknown,couldverywellbe foundinone’sownunexploredconsciousness. Hissuccessors,thegreatidealistmetaphysicians.FichteandSchelling, moreintrepideventhanthegreatcriticofKönigsberg(orlesscircumspect),addressthe“thinginitself,”theimpenetrableunknown,byreducing it to the position that defines idealism. Hegel, the encyclopedist,theAristotleoftheidealistdirectioninauguratedbyKant,sustains absolute idealism,theimmanence oftheuniverse intheidea“everythingrealisrational.” Kanthaddeclaredthat“themysteriousunknownthathidesbehind thesensiblephenomenacouldverywellbeone’sownunknownthatresidesinourselves.”Accordingtothegreatphilosopher,purereasoncreatesspaceandtime,andinapplyingtothephenomenathecategoriesof therelationship,itunitesthemwiththenexusofcausation.Reasonis thelegislatorofnature.Andfromreasonarisetheideasofcosmosand God. Ifthe“thinginitself,”iftheunknown,isnotareality,ifitcannotbe conceived,itisnothing,orproperlyis,likespace,time,thecategories, andGoditself,somethingidentifiedwiththesubjectofknowledge. From this arises the philosophy of identity; first Fichte and then Schelling.ThesupremeprincipleofFichteistheI.Tophilosophizeis tobeconvincedthatpurebeingisnothing.Theought-to-beiseverything.Knowledge is the creation of the I.TheIproducesor“creates”the truth.“Theoreticalreason,”—saysWeber,commentingonFichte,—“is themeansortheagentfromwhichpracticalreasonisservedinorder torealizetheideal.”Theapotheosisofmorality,oftheought-to-be,of thewilltogood,makestheidealismofFichteoneofthemostoriginal andnoblephilosophicalideasofalltime.Kanthimselfhadalreadyinsinuatedthesuperiordignityoftheought-to-beoverbeing,inharmony
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withthemoralconsciousnessofthehumangenus.Themoralidealismof Fichteburstforthasadirectconsequenceofbothcritiquesofpure reason andofpractical reason. Schellingreachestheapexofthesystemofidentityinhistranscendental idealism.Thelifeoftheculturecontainsthreesuprememoments. Throughscienceweintuittheabsolute;throughartweseetheabsolute manifestinindividuality;inreligionthespiritistransformedintoabsolutereality.Natureandculture:“Everythingisoneandthesame.”HistoryisanepicpoeminaccordancewiththespiritofGod.Itofferstwo principalparts:onerepresentsthedistancingfromhumanity,fromits centeruntiltouchingtheextremelimit;theotherrepresentsthereturn totheprimordialcenter.OneisatypeofIliad,theothertheOdyssey.In thefirst,thedirectioniscentrifugal;inthesecond,centripetal.Theuniversalpointofviewisexpressedinhistory.Natureshowsthespiritin thelaw:“Everythingisoneandthesame.” After the great Platonic philosophers of German Idealism comes Hegel,thatistosay,theAristotleoftheKantiancycle.Accordingto thephilosopher,everythingisimmanentintheidea.“Everythingreal isrational,everythingrationalisreal.”Nothingisextrinsictotheidea. Logic,scienceoftheidea,ismetaphysics.Theworldisauniversaldialecticalprocess.Hegelianismismethodanddoctrine,dialecticandsystem.Eachoneofthethingsislinked,necessarily,tootherthingsthat precedeandfollowit.Eachoneofourthoughtsleadstootherthoughts andisthefruitofthoughtsthatledtoit.Thoughtsoriginateasthings followoneanother.Thisisnotasimplecoincidence.Therealandnaturalordersarenotdistinctorders.Theorderisunique,realityisunique. Existenceandtruthareidentical.Thementalprocessistherealprocess. Thelogicalunfoldingoftheideaisthecosmicprocess. Eachisolatedconceptisfalse;itrepresentsonlyamoreorlessconsiderableandimperfectpartofthetruth;itdemandsitscomplement;it convertsitselfintoitsnegation.Nowthen,fortwonegationstoexistis impossible.Everyideatendstofind,initssuperioridea,theaffirmation ofwhatitcontainsofgenuineandthenegationofwhatithasoffalse. The synthesis is, simultaneously, affirmation and negation of the thesis and of the antithesis. But in its turn, the synthesis—which is anidealiketheveryonesitresolved—hasitsopposite,itsantithesis, which,togetherwithitisresolvedintoasuperiorsynthesis,andthus, successively,fromthepurebeingorabstractideatotheabsoluteidea
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thatencompasseseverything.“Becoming”isdevelopedbytriads,and, supportedbythedialecticmethod,Hegelcandaretoconstructtheuniverse,becausethe“thoughtofexistence”is,accordingtothesublime phraseofthephilosopher,“existenceitselfthatthinkswithinus.” Withreason,OrtegayGassethaswritten: TheblockofGermanIdealismisoneofthegreatestedificesthathas beenconstructedontheplanet.Foritalone,itwouldbeenoughto justifyandconsecratebeforetheuniversetheexistenceoftheEuropeancontinent.Inthatexemplaryconstruction,modernthought reachesitsgreatestheight.Because,intruth,allmodernphilosophy isidealism.Thereareonlytwonotableexceptions:Spinoza,who wasnotEuropean,andmaterialism,whichisnotphilosophy.
4.viCiSSitudeSofheGelianiSm ThesystemofHegeloriginatedinitselfa“center”centraltotheteachingofthemaster,a“right”inclinedtowardmisoneism,andarevolutionary“left.”ThethreeHegelianpositionshaveinfluenced,andcontinue influencing,thepolitical-socialvicissitudesoftheworld.Hereishow: Hegelhimselfwasthephilosopherofmonarchy.Inhisopinion,the stateistheorganismofmorality.Throughitthesubstanceoftheethicalismade,ingeneral,theethicalsubstanceitself,consciousofitself, becausethestatecreatestheorganizationofthenationalwill.Thestate isnotsomethingartificial,butratherthe politically organized person of the nationinagivencountry.Thepoliticalconstitutionisanorganicproduct ofthespiritofthenationandofitsindividualhistory. ThisHegelianphilosophywasmade(saysSauerinhisJuridical and Social Philosophy,page49oftheSpanishedition)tobeconverted into“Prussianphilosophyofstate,”justified“thereasonofstate,” thenpracticedasanationalresourcethatgaveafundamentallogic tothepatrioticrebirthofthisstate,deterioratedandagainrestored, andattributedtothestateitselfabroadculturalmission,inoppositiontoKant,whoonlysawinitajuridicalorganizationfortheprotectionofindividuals. Thestatesignifiesthedominionoftheidea,ofwhatis,intruth,universaloftheobjective spirit.Therepublicdoesnotconstitutethemostper-
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fectformofgovernment.Itrestsontheconfusionofcivilsocietyand thestate,itmaximizestheimportanceandsignificanceoftheindividual. PreciselyforhavingsacrificedtheIdeatotheindividual,thefamily,and the lineage, the republics of antiquity ended in dictatorships. Greek tyrannyandRomancaesarismaretheresultoftheinherentdefectsin the republican form (democratic or aristocratic). On the other hand, monarchyisthepoliticalregimeinwhichthenationalideadetermines itsadequateexpression.Theprince,accordingtoHegel,isthe state made man,thegeneralwillconvertedtoindividualwill.Thusthemaximof absoluteroyaltyacquiresmeaning:“Iamthestate.” Against this Prussian state erected in the European state par excellence,thehistoricmaterialism—Hegelianismofthe“left”—evokesanother,differentpoliticalsocialidea.Thus,asthetheoryoftheteacher informedthethoughtofthePrussianmonarchy,thedisciplesfomented withtheirsocialtheoriesthecontemporaryorganizationofBolshevik Russia.Thestate—accordingtoMarx—isonlythe ideological superstructureofthosewhocommandorruleinthebourgeoissociety.Thebasisof all“ideology”iseconomic,andall“ideology”denies,nevertheless,that itsascendancymightbeeconomic.Itisevident,nonetheless,thatculture(politics,law,religion,art,science,etc.)isbasedontheeconomic, accordingtotheMarxistthesis.ItisnotthatMarxdeniescultureitself (thiswouldbeimpossibleandabsurd);whathedeniesisthatthefundamental structure of social life might be of a cultural kind and not economic.Asworkersenjoyonlystrictremunerationtolivefromtheir labor,wealthisaccumulatedinthehandsofthecapitalist.Byvirtueof this,thestatemustbeconvertedinto“theproletarianstate”;orbe“the systematicexpropriationofthosewhohaveinveteratelybeenexpropriators.”Marxbelievesthatthe“administration”willreplacethe“bourgeoisstate.”Thetriumphanteconomywillendupbeingtheapotheosis ofthematerial,asthestateofHegelsignaled“theadvanceofthe idea,that istosay,God,inhistory”... But in the course of its development, Hegelian philosophy is not summeduponlyinpureMarxism,butratheritformsthebaseofanothernew,differentsocialphilosophy:anarchism.MaxStirner,author ofthefamousbookThe Individual and His Property,isthetheoreticianof “anarchism”asMarxisof“collectivism”andHegelof“monarchism.” ThedivinecontemplatesGod;thehuman,man;I—saysStirner—am neitherdivinenorhuman;Iammyself:theuniqueone;andtheworld
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is“myproperty.”Thisistheabsolutethesisofanarchistindividualism, withitscorrespondingsocialformula,“freeassociationofegoists...” Incomparisonwiththesocialistandcollectivist“ideologies”Stirner outlines,eloquently,hispoliticalsystem.ThedivinecontemplatesGod (StirnerisnotGod).Thehumanrelatestoman(Stirnerisnotman). Godandman,inhisjudgment,areabstractions.Stirneristheunique one:“derEinzige.”Humanityhasbeentheplaything ofabstractions, whichHegelblendsintoaconstantdialecticalrhythm.Thesocialrelates tosociety,thecollectivetothecommunity.Stirnerisneither“community”nor“society.”Heishimself;neitherdivinenorhumannorsocial norcommunal.Hedeniesallthese“ideologies”!Therecanbenothing overthe“individualandhisproperty.”TheIisabsolute.Apotheosis! ForHegel,theabsoluteis“thestate,”whichindicatesthecourseof Godinhistory;forMarx,theeconomyisthefoundationofthecultural “superstructures”;forStirner,theIistheabsolute.Herearethedistinct Hegeliansymbolsofrightandleft!... Oureagercuriositynowasks:howcouldan“officialphilosophy”be acknowledgedif,withinagivenphilosophy(theHegelianschoolitself ), social and political thought shows itself so fertile in opposing positions?...
5.liberty,authority,andlaw Whatwearegoingtosaydoesnotconstituteapoliticaltheory,much lessametaphysicalormoralhypothesisthatcontainstheproclamation ofaphilosophicalsystem.Itisonlyamatterofaffirmingtruthsthatthe conscienceofthehonestmanacceptsinitsfullnesstothedegreethey areformulatedforhimwithclarity.Wecouldsay,repeatingthefamous expressionofNewton,“Imakenohypotheses.”Wealsodonotmake thembecausethesynthesisofthethoughtsposedherehavebeenexpressedbyKantinhismoralphilosophyindependentlyofanyreference toametaphysicalprinciplesuigeneris. Twoelementsconstitutetheendsbetweenwhichallcivillifeturns: liberty and laws. Civil life without liberty is not conceivable, from the moral point of view.Noriscivillifeconceivablewithoutlaw.Therefore,all civil life implies the necessary combination of liberty and law.Theyareboth(law andliberty)indispensablecomponentsoftheaxisaroundwhichhuman solidarityturns. Asocietyinwhichlawdisappearsisdisturbedinitsfoundations.To
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disrespectthelawistodestroythebasesofthesocialorder;buttodisrespectlibertyorexaggerateitsradiusofaction,evenprovokinglibertinism,isalsotodenythesocialorderinoneofitsindeclinablefoundations. Thereisneed,therefore,forsomethingthatmediatesbetweenlibertyandlaw,whichontheonesidelookstowardtheenormousideal ofliberty,andontheotherreferstotheessentialformofthelaw.This thirdelementmustrealizetheplasticityofthesocialorder,adapting itselftotheaspirationsofautonomybutbeingshapedwithintheform oflaw.Being a little liberty and a little law.Thisthirdelement,whichlooks towardlibertyandtowardlawwithequanimityandelegance,ispower, theauthority. Oneseesclearly,fromtheforegoing,thattheauthorityoccupiesa middle condition; it signifies an intermediate position, it is true, but essential, between liberty and the formula of the law. Authority by itselfmakesnosense.Themeaningthatitcanhavearisesfromitspurpose.Powerinitselflacksmeaning.Thepowerfulones,fromthesocial- politicalpointofview,arethemeansandnottheend;the purpose is liberty within law.Theauthorityoftheonewhohaspowerisjustifiedbythe ultimateendIhavejustexpressed.Ifthepowerisnotanendinitself, itis,nonetheless,asessential,whenitisorderedbymoralreason,asthe ultimateendoflibertyobtainedwithinthelaw.Inthiswayareunified inonepublicintention,whichallhumanunitsapproveandenhance,the authority(fullofgreatnessanddistinctionifitisadaptedtoitsintrinsic purpose,reprehensibleasanabominationifitoverstepsitslimitsconsecratedbyitsownpurpose),liberty,andlaw. Everytransgression,everydisturbanceoftheorderIhavejustdescribed,everyinharmonioussurmountingofoneoftheelementsover theothers,hasbeendefinedinpejorativetermsbythemoralconscience of humanity. These three terms: barbarism, anarchy, and despotism, implyanegativeestimationofthemoralconscience,animplicitcondemnation.Anarchy,likedespotismandbarbarism,isopposedtothe republic,toculture. Itiseasytobecomefullyawarethatanarchy,asmuchasdespotism andbarbarism,resultsfromcombining,inadefectiveway,power,liberty, and law. Only harmony, social eurythmy of these elements, engenderstheculturedrepublic.Letusproposethedefinitionofanarchy.
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Anarchy is nothing other than the apotheosis of chaotic liberty, which denies all power and loathes the law. The anarchic state exaggerates without proportion one of the indeclinable elements of collective life: liberty;andbythisexaggerationitengenderschaos.Theaxisofthelawisbrokenandauthority iscrushed:thisisanarchy. Despotismconstitutestheapotheosisofthepowerandlaw,butwithoutliberty.Despotsabhorliberty,astheanarchistspower;therefore, theyconstituteanotherchaoticstate,becausethelawwithoutliberty onlyengendersapowerwithoutauthority,withoutmoralsense,without socialeurythmy.Itisseenclearlyhowanarchismanddespotismareexplainedbythesamereasoningbecausetheysuppressanelementoftheir beingindispensableforcivillife.The loathing of the power is anarchy; the loathing of liberty, despotism. Barbarismsuppresseslibertyandlaw;thatistosay,iteliminatesculture.Itisamatteronlyofblindforcesthatplaywithinthenaturalorder, realizing the thinking of Spinoza on natural law. “In the state of nature,”saidthephilosopher,“therightofeachpersonisextendeduntilit reachesitspower.”Theeliminationofcultureisthesuppressionofwhat manhasaddedtonature,theeliminationofthehuman,whichputsusin thepresenceofthepurenaturallawsthatgovernlifeandmatter.Manis then,asHobbesexpressed,“awolftoman.” DonFranciscodeQuevedo,profoundCastilianwriterwholivedin timesofpubliccorruption,lefthisjudgmentonlibertyandmoralcultureformulatedinthislovelyfragmentthatweciteinitsentiretysothat itservesussimultaneouslyasepigraphandepilogue:“The aspiration we all have is the liberty of all, endeavoring that our subjection be just and not violent; that reason governs us, not caprice; that we are of the one who bequeaths us, not of the one who seizes us; that we are in the care of princes not merchandise; and in the republics, companions and not slaves, members and not things, bodies and not shadow.”Therefore,hereisthenobledefinitionoftheculturedrepublic,accordingtothenoblegeniusofKant:“power with liberty and law.”Allthis,wereiterateinconcluding,doesnotconstituteametaphysicalhypothesisoranewlyarrivedtheorythatcandisappearandbe annihilatedbytimeinitsindefinitedevelopment.Wearenotmakinga hypothesis,wearesimplydeclaringwhattheexperienceofthehuman specieshasbeenabletoformulateoftrueandeternalinthesadbutprofoundinstructionofhistory!
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6.demoCraCyaSmeanSandend Man is the indirect being, and the more so, the more cultivated he is. — Simmel
If,insteadofputtinghimselfintheserviceofthespirit,thedemagogue triestodominateit,withhisverystanceheisobliteratedbeforereason, andhedishonors,corruptingit,theveryprincipleofliberty.Thisisthe greatfallacyofalldemocracies,thattheirendeavorsonbehalfofthe libertyofthepeopletransgresstheirownandessentiallimits:the confusion of the means with the end.Onoccasionsthemeansforattainmentof humanendsaresoadmirablethatthesemeansaremadeintoends,and theyarethendevoidofallpossiblesense. Incorroborationoftheforegoing,weproposethestudyofthebehavior towhichmanrespondsinaccordwiththeessentialdevelopmentofculture.Thereexistsaradicaldifferencebetweenthewayananimalactsand theconductofahumanbeing.Theanimalrespondstoinstinct.Itisan activebeingthatcannotimaginedistinctlytheendsofitsaction.Manhas aconduct,thatistosay,aseriesofcoherentactionsthatrespondstoends. Conductisanordersuigeneristhatisexplained,likeallorder,bytheend thatgovernsit.Ithappensthat,ascivilizationdevelops,theendsofhuman activitydiversifyinamarvelousway.Averyclearmirrorofthisdisconcertingdiversity,oftheintermediateendsthatculturaldevelopmentinvolves,isthemachine.Everymachineisatool,butnoteverytoolisamachine.Totheextentthattechnologydevelops,thetoolsthatdirectlyserve toachievetheendoftherelativeactionarereplacedbymachines,which only indirectly actualize the ultimate end for what was intended. And modernfactoriesinthegreatindustrialcentersoftheworldarecomplex andveryvariedorganizationsofexquisitemachinerythat,mosttimes,engender,only,anelementfortheproductionofsocialwealth. Whathappenswiththecomplexityofindustrialtechnologyhappens alsoinallordersofsocialactivity.Politicalandjuridicalinstitutions, likethemachineryofourindustries,donotimmediatelyactualizethe end for which they were conceived, the ultimate end,whichcanbenothing differentfromachievingthehappinessofthepeoplewiththeattainmentofthehighestvaluesoftheculture:truth,beauty,justice,goodness,holiness.Betweenthefinalendandtheprinciplesofhumanaction, aseriesofsubordinateendsisestablished,loftyinthemselves,nobleby theiressence,butthatcannotbeconvertedintotheultimateendsofthe
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action,andthatthereforeinduceerrormanytimesifsomepoliticalor socialtheoryconvertsthemintotheultimatenormsoftheactivity. Forprimitiveman,saysSimmel,thewillachieveswhatisintended, takingpossessionofitinadirectwayorusingonlyascarcenumber ofsimplemeans.Thegrowingmultiplicityandcomplexitytheelevationoflifebringswithitdonotpermitthistrinityoftheseries: desire, means, end;butrathertheytransformtheintermediatememberintoplurality,inwhichthepreciselyeffectivemeansturnout toberesultsproducedbyothermeans,andthisbyanotherinturn, untilthatincalculablecomplexityappears,thatchainofpracticalactivityinwhichthemanofmaturecultureslives. Thatstepwiseincreaseofintermediateendsbetweenthedesireandthe ultimate end to achieve leads to democracy, which is only a political meansforguaranteeingliberty,beingconvertedbysometheoriesinto theultimateendthatmustsupplantthehighestvaluesofhumanculture.Thenthedemocraticsophismappearsinallitssplendor!Liberty anditscorrespondingpoliticalform(thisisthedemocraticform)are meansandnotultimateends.Anyonewhoconvertselementsintohighestfinalitiesofhumanactionisvictimofanillusion! Culturewithoutlibertyisinconceivable.Onlyinanenvironmentof libertycantheworkofacivilizationmature.Ifthespontaneityofthe spiritualcenterofmanissuppressed,hisculturalrelationshipsconcomitantlydryup,thelushnessofcreativeinventionshrivels,theverynature oftheproducingspiritiscrippled.Butif,becauselibertyisaprecious gift,aninescapableconditionofhumanperfection,onetriestoputthe meansabovetheend,subordinatingculturetodemocracyandliberty, onegeneratesthemonstrouseffectofmakingSimmel’strinity,desire, means, and end,meaningless.Whatisdesiredislibertyanddemocracy forgoodandfortruth,forjustice,beauty,andholiness;buttheconstrictionofthehighestvalueswithinademocracyconvertedintoanultimate endhasnomeaning(becauseitisnotwhatisdesired).Democracyfor democracylacksmeaning.Libertyforlibertyalsolacksmeaning.Onthe otherhand,thedesireandthemeansharmonizeinthefinalend:culture integratedwiththesplendorofthesupremevalues. Howtoexplaintheerrorofthesophismofdemocracybyitselfand foritself,oflibertybyitselfandforitself?Howtounderstandthefor-
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mulasoftraditionalliberalismthatcreatedtheapotheosisofthehighly celebratedapothegm:“Liberty,Equality,Fraternity,indivisibilityofthe Republic,ordeath”?Afterwhatwassaidbefore,theelucidationofthe casebecomesobvious.Itisthatameans,goingagainstthedesirethat adoptedit,hasbeenconvertedintoafinalend.Itisthat,libertyturningouttobesonoble,sonoblelikewisedemocracy,ourelders,fascinatedwiththeirnobility,placedthemeanstheyjudgedsuitableforthe realizationoftheirdestiniesabovethegenuinefinalends.ButthisimpliesatransgressionofSimmel’strinity.The means, unfaithful to the desire, has negated the end.Thesolutiontotheproblemappears.Thehandhas touchedtheheartoftheerror. The contemporary world lacks some ultimate end that organizes all the complex and diverse secondary ends into a luminous sheaf of supremetruthsthatputsforwardbeautyandgoodnessandholiness!It isthatcontemporaryhumanitylacksareligionthatmightsaveit,abeliefthatmightnourishit,afaiththatmightredeemit,ahope,finally, thatmightsubordinateallscatteredendsintoafundamentalaffirmation. Forthisreasonourepochhasbeencomparedwiththedistantdaysof Romandecadence.Then also there was no universal ideal; like now, no one understood the supreme finality of the common effort. Paganismnolonger movedpeople.Theprideofthestoic,theindifferenceoftheskeptic,and the“pleasureinrepose”oftheepicureansuitedsomesectorsofRoman opinion,buttheydidnotmanagetoformtheluminoussheafoftruths thatwouldgivemeaningtodesiresandmeanstoaction! TheteachingofSaintPaul,apostleoftheGentiles,appeared:“Sothat ifsomeoneisinChrist,heisanewcreation;theoldthingspass,andhere everythingismadeanew.” Might not the remedy for our imperfect democracies depend on theirintimateunionwithChristiantruth?Perhaps, within Christianity, the means, faithful to the desire, will affirm the end.
7.thewordofadmonition The history of humanity is progress in consciousness of liberty. — Hegel
Inourtime,variouspoliticalsystemshavearisenoveragainstdemocracythatwouldbecalledtheclearnegationoftheessentialpostulates ofeverydemocracy.Considerthattheaffirmationofpoliticalliberty,
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withinagivendemocraticregime,constitutesthereiterationofsocial theoriesalreadydeclininginthedevelopmentofhumanhistory.Nonetheless,Hegelconceivedthedevelopmentofcivilization asifitwere theveryapotheosisofliberty.Forthisheformulated,inhisfamouslecturesonthePhilosophy of Universal History:“Thehistoryofhumanityis progressintheconsciousnessofliberty.”Thatistosay,theessenceof humandevelopment,ofhumanityinman,isconstitutedbytheconsciousnessofliberty. Today,anothergreatphilosopher,ofwhomOrtegayGassethassaid thathiswealthofideasisoverwhelmedinthesplendorofmultipleand variedsmalljewelsthatspringfromhismind,realizingthebrevityof hisexistence,haswritten:“Liberty,activeandpersonalspontaneityof thespiritualcenterofman(ofmaninman),isthefirstandfundamental condition that makes culture possible.” Because Scheler conceives cultureasanontologicalrelationship.Toknowistobecultured.The culturedmanparticipatesinthebeingofthethingsheknowsorunderstands.Intherelationshipoftheunderstanding,theobjectdetermines theattitudeofthesubject.Toknowistoobservewhatisinvestigated withalltheresourcesofthemind,butwithoutdeformingitwithprejudgments.Andhowwouldthisendeavorofunderstandingbeableto actualizethisontologicalrelationshipwiththeobjectifitdidnotenjoy libertyintheinvestigation?Howtounderstand,toknowsomethingscientifically,culturally,if,apriori,theguidelinesaresetoutsoforknowingtheknown?Inwhatform,outsideanenvironmentofliberty,could criticism,whichconstitutestheveryrhythmofscience,beexercised?... Therefore,Schelerisrightwhenhedemandsspontaneityofthespiritualcenterofmanasaconditionforthepossibilityofculture.Weare notsupportersofjustanyonewhocallshimself“freethinker”;butwe certainlybelieveineverytrulyfreethinker. Well then, culture is the sublime reason for man. Culture is holiness,goodness,beauty,justice,truth.Allthevaluesareintegratedinto thenotionofculture.Humansocietiesarelaboratoriesoftheideal— outstandinglaboratories,inwhichthetruthisrevealed,inwhichbeauty showsitself,inwhichjusticeisrealizedandattainableholinessworksin eachhistoricmoment,inhumanindividuals! Onlybyoneroad—assertsMaxScheler—candemocracytodaysave itselffromdictatorshipand,atthesametime,savethegoodsofcul-
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tureandscience:bylimitingitself,puttingitselfattheserviceof cultureandthespiritinsteadoftryingtodominatethem.Otherwise,onlyonesolutionremains:anenlighteneddespoticdictatorshipthat,withouttakingintoaccountthefeelingofthemasseshostiletothecultureandoftheirstatusasadults,dominatesthemwith thewhip,thesaber,andthelumpofsugar. Thecitedtextimpliesvariousdistinctpropositionsinadvance.The firstteachestheonlyroadtosalvationofdemocracy,orbetter,salvation ofliberty:limitationofdemocracyitself,puttingitselfattheserviceof cultureandthespirit. Becausewhenitisamatteroflibertyanddemocracy,itisthought, generally, that both constitute an end in themselves by themselves. Thisspecifiestheverygraveerrorofacceptingthattheultimateendof manandhiscivilizationislibertyanditscorrespondingpoliticalform, democracy.No;libertyisameansandnotanend;itcanbejustifiedonly byputtingitselfattheserviceofthegoodsofcultureandscience.Libertyforeveryone,libertyforall;butprovidedthatitbethemeansof acquiringthetruth,ofrealizingthegoodandjustice;becausewearenot borntobefree,butrathertobegood.Libertyforevil,libertyforerror, democracyforcrime,totallylacksense;itdenies,asSchelerwouldsay, “the active and personal spontaneity of the spiritual center of man.” Denythemanintheman!...Libertyanddemocracyasconditionsof culturearenotonlyirreproachable,butrather,aswehaveprovedbefore,onlythroughthemcanthehighestvaluesofexistenceberealized. Butif—aswehavesaidbefore—“insteadofputtinghimselfinthe serviceofthespirit,thedemagoguetriestodominateit,withhisvery stance he is obliterated in the face of reason, and he dishonors, corruptingit,theveryprincipleofliberty.”Thisisthegreatfallacyofall democracies,thattheirendeavorsonbehalfofthelibertyofthepeople transgresstheirownandessentiallimits:the confusion of the means with the end.Onoccasion,themeansforattainmentofhumanendsaresoadmirablethatthesemeansaremadeintoends,andtheyarethendevoid ofallpossiblesense. Thesamethingthathappenswithlibertyhappenswithwealth.What happenswithdemocracyhappenswithgold.Libertyisgood,itisessential, as gold is good for life; but the rich person must serve with his wealth,thesameasthefreemanwithhisliberty,thesuperiorendsof
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existence.Overlibertyandwealtharetruthandthegood.Nooneisfree tobeevil!Nooneisrichtobeunhappy!Wealthandlibertyhavetheir fullmeaningiftheyareputintheserviceofcultureandthespirit,if theyarejudgedmeansandnotends,iftheyacknowledgethattheultimateendofmanmustconsistonlyoftheharmonioussynthesisofeternaltruevalues. Theunavoidableconsequenceoflackofknowledgeoftheendsof libertyanddemocracyleadsdirectlytodespotism.Thisiswhatthefinal proposition of Max Scheler’s thinking formulates: “Otherwise, only onesolutionremains:anenlighteneddespoticdictatorshipthat,withouttakingintoaccountthefeelingofthemasseshostiletotheculture andoftheirstatusasadults,dominatesthemwiththewhip,thesaber, andthelumpofsugar.” Dictatorships, then, are not absolute goods; they are relative evils. Whendemocraciesgotoofarintheorganicexerciseofliberties,they appearasdefenseofanunfitculture,ofridiculedtruth;buttheycannot haveanotherdistinctmeaningoranotherjustification,becausetyranny goesagainsttheessenceofculture,becauselibertyisthefirstandfundamentalconditionthatmakesitpossible.Inthisway,thediverseideas towhichwehavealludedjointogetherinthehistoryofpeoples;liberty, democracy,dictatorship,civilization.Whenthedemocraticthesisoverstepsitsessentiallimits,theantithesisofthedictatorshipisproduced; butthetruesynthesisisaffirmationandnegationofbothinadequate,incompletethoughts;becausedictatorshipsstiflecultureinthesameway demagogicmovementsdo;andaboveall,themeansfigureunfailingly theends,theindeclinablevalues:truth,justice,beauty,goodness,holiness!...Forthisreasonwecanrepeat,inclosing,thethoughtofHegel thatservesusasepigraph:“Thehistoryofhumanityisprogressinthe consciousnessofliberty.” Itischaracteristicofthegreatspiritstomoveforwardinlife,foreseeingthefutureactionthatintheirmindsisrevealedbeforesolidifying, objectively,intangiblehistoricmovements.Scienceisforesight;thatis tosay,anticipatedvisionthatinfersthenearordistantfuturefromthe present.Topre-seesignifiesseeingbeforehavingseen.Becauseintelligenceviewstheobjectthatwillbeformed,understandingthroughanticipation,readingwiththeeyesofthespiritbeforethoseofthebody, actualizetheiropticalfunction.Butintelligencedoesnotrealizeitsmost admirableworkthroughthespiritofprophecy,orbyinexistentmagi-
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calintuitions;butratheritiselevatedtotheuniversal,totheeternal and incorruptible essence, and it knows, then, a priori (thanks to its own ideational act), that the future will realize the essential, already perceivedfromthepresent.Thisisnotprophecy,certainly,orillusion, ortheworkingofmiracles.Itistheordinaryactofthepowerfulintelligence,which,inseeingtheuniversalandconcreteessence,knowsitwill berealizedtodayandalways,hereandeverywhere. InthiswaythebrilliantthoughtofMaxSchelercontinuedinconfirmingthatthesymptomsofatroubledepochofcoercionandslavery for the human spirit were already vigorously begun. Situated on the thresholdofourage,beforedeathputanend,certainlypremature,to hisindependentspeculation,thephilosopherconfirmed,inthemidstof hisdistressedperplexity,thetyrannyofacenturythatpreparesitselfon theruinsofthedecadentindividualismofthenineteenthcentury. Anditisthatthecontrastsofthediversepolitical-socialdogmasare onlythatwithrespecttotheirsubjectmatter,buttheformisidenticalfortheopposingfactions.Thisuniversalform,thisessence,iswhat Schelersaw,inhisideationalact,relativetothecharacteristicsofour age.Thefigureandthecounterfigure,thepositiveandthenegative,varied incontent,buttheessenceisuniversalandunique.It is a matter of both opposing factions denying liberty, but without liberty there cannot be thought,science,orculture.Becauselibertyandthoughtareunifiedin thehumancomposite,inthehumanbeing.What are the two most noble faculties of the human psyche? How is personality integrated? With which elements is it organized as a true personality? . . . Only by virtue of the narrow relationship that intervenes between the will and the thought, between liberty and the idea. Man thinks freely. This is his total personality, his free thought. Liberty without thought is not conceivable. Nor thought without liberty. Animalshaveneitherlibertynorthought.Manhasthoughtandliberty;buthedoesnothavethemasdifferentiatedanddistantelements, butratherformingasynthetic,indestructibleunity.Forthisreason,all aggressionagainstlibertythreatensthought,andallaggressionagainst thought is also that against liberty. Only true thought, which is free thought,cangiveofitselftruethoughts,thatistosay,culturalrealizationsinwhichthesupremevaluesofcultureareintegrated. Letusconsiderthefigureandthecounterfigureofdiversecontent,but which,together,realizetheformalessenceoftyranny:
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Letuscastaglance—saysMaxScheler—onthecurrentworld.Russia:anindex liborum prohibitorum,2imitationofthatofthemedievalRomanChurch,inwhichareincludedthetwoTestaments,the Koran,theTalmud,andallthephilosophersfromThalestoFichte. Nobookinwhichtheword“God”figurescanpasstheborder.Only immediatelyusablesciences,technical,hygienic,andeconomic,are admittedinaccordancewiththediscreditedMarxistandpragmatic theoryoftherelationshipbetweenscienceandeconomics.Marxism, crushed today more than ever by criticism, is ceremoniously exalted to the level of dogma of a great empire. Insum,theformistyranny,theessenceisexclusionofthelibertyof thought.Thesubjectmatterconstitutestheapotheosisofonedoctrine amongmany,selectedtobeconverted,asthephilosophersays,intoan intangibledogmaofconsciousness. Letuslooknowatthecounterfigure.InNorthAmerica, amovementthatiscalledfundamentalismbecauseitclaimstoelevate theBible,inthesenseofliteralinspiration,toabsolutefoundation ofknowledgeandlife.Basedinthisidea,apowerfulpopularmovementthatdemandsnothinglessthanalegalvetooftheteachingof thetheoryoforiginsinanyofitsforms(Lamarkism,Darwinism, vitalism),andallresearchonit,withinestablishmentssustainedby thestate. In some countries, like Mexico, the opposite is sought, even now; throwouteverybiologicaltheorythatmightbeexpressedagainsttransformist scientific theories. But natural science cannot be contained withinthelimitsofanydogmaticaffirmation!Itisaswrongtoexclude withoutappealastoconcedewithoutdisagreement.Itisasunfortunate todenywithoutcriticalspiritastoaffirmwithoutthevitalityofliberty ofthought.TheadvanceofsciencepassesoverMarxism,Lamarkism, andDarwinismbecauseitseternalformcannotbeconstrainedinwhat agivenepoch,astageofknowledgeandculture,graspsastruth.Toprohibitorexaltisnotcharacteristicofresearchersoroflearnedpeople.
2.Anindexofforbiddenbooks.(Editor’snote)
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Thelearnedpersondoesnotknowwhat,finally,theresultsofhisresearchwillbe;andheisalwaysdisposedtosacrificealltheideasinfavor ofasoleobservation,ofasoleexperimentthatnegatesthem. Beforetheperspectiveofessentiallycommonnegationarisestheperplexityofthephilosopher.Whywilltherebeacenturylikeours,enemy oflibertyofconscience?Isitthat,intruth,cultureisdeclining?Why dowedeclareourselvesenemiesofwhatconstitutesafundamentalpart ofhumanmoralbeing?Whatmalevolentspiritinspirescontemporary humanitytomakeitdisownfreewill,supremedivinegift?Howisit thatinaffirmingerroronewishestorealizethegood?Isitnotapregnantparadoxofunforeseendramaticconsequencesto be bent on destroying what is most lofty in the human personality?Dothenationsnotseemto bedistancingthemselves,eachtimemore,fromthegoodsderivedfrom respectinglibertyandthoughtintheiressence?... Forthisreason,thenoblespiritofMaxSchelerdeclaresitsanguish withthesemovingwords,whichcouldbecalledthe admonition of the man of geniustothepeopleofhiscentury: A genuine terror takes possession of me in the face of the growing abandonment of liberties and the loss of sensibility, gray and shapeless twilight in which, not only this or that country, but almost the entire civilized world finds itself in serious danger of collapsing, of being slowly drowned, almost without noticing.And,nonetheless,liberty,activeandpersonalspontaneityofthespiritualcenterofman—ofManwithinman—isthe firstandfundamentalconditionthatmakesculturepossible,theenlightenmentofhumanity! The great admonisher has died; but his word of life and truth resoundsoverallthesophismsconvertedintoinviolablecanonsofhuman thought,becausethetruthisanothereternalessencethatnorevolution canstopordestroywithitsattacks!
octavio Paz Octavio Paz (1914–98) was born in Mexico City. A poet and essayist,Pazisprobablythetwentiethcentury’smostfamous anduniversallyknownintellectualfromtheSpanish-speaking world. He received numerous awards, including the Nobel PrizeforLiteraturein1990,primarilyforhispoetrybutalso forhismanyessaysoncultureandpolitics.Hefoundedimportantliterarymagazines,suchasVuelta. In his writings Paz reflected on liberty, modernity, history, art, liberalism, revolution, democracy, and the identity ofMexicoandLatinAmerica.Manyofhistextsdwellonthe relationbetweenpoliticsandart.Earlyonhebecamedisillusionedwithcommunismandthusbecameacriticofcommunist regimes. WepresentthreetextsbyPazthatexaminelibertyandliberalism:aspeechgivenontheoccasionofreceivingtheCervantes Prize(1981),aspeechpronouncedontheoccasionofreceiving theAlfonsoReyesPrize(1985),andaspeechgivenontheoccasionofreceivingtheAlexisdeTocquevillePrize(1989).
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The Liberal Tradition
IfIletonlymyfeelingsspeak,thesewordswouldbea long,interminableexpressionofgratitude.Butmyemotionisnotblind. Iknowwellthatthesymbolicrealityofthisactismorerealthanthe fleetingrealityofmyperson.Iambarelyanepisodeinthehistoryof our literature, the transitory and accidental incarnation of a moment intheSpanishlanguage.TheCervantesPrize,inselectingthisorthat writerofourtonguewithoutconsiderationofnationality,affirmseach yeartherealityofourliterature.Andwhatisaliterature?Itisnota collectionofauthorsandbooksbutratherasocietyofworks.Novels, poems,narratives,comedies,andessaysbecomeworksthroughthecreativecomplicityofthereaders.Theworkisaworkthankstothereader. Instantaneousmonument,perpetuallyerectedandperpetuallydemolished,foritissubjecttothecritiqueoftime:thesuccessivegenerations ofreaders.Theworkspringsfromtheassociationofauthorandreader; for this reason literature is a society within society: a community of worksthatsimultaneouslycreateapublicofreadersandarere-created throughthosereaders. Itissaidthatideologies,classes,economicstructures,technologies, andthesciences,internationalbynature,arethebasicanddeterminant realitiesofhistory.Thesubjectisasoldashistoricalreflectionitself,and Icannotlingeroverit;Iobserve,nonetheless,thatequallydeterminant, ifnotmoreso,arethelanguages,thebeliefs,themyths,andthecustoms andtraditionsofeachsocialgroup.TheCervantesPrize,justly,reminds usthatthelanguagewespeakisarealitynolessdecisivethantheideas weprofessorthecraftwepractice.Tosaylanguageistosaycivilization: communityofvalues,symbols,habits,beliefs,visions,questionsregardingthepast,thepresent,thefuture.Inspeaking,wedonotspeakonly Originaltitle:“Latradiciónliberal.”Source:OctavioPaz,Obras completas,vol.3,Fundación y disidencia(Mexico:fCe/CírculodeLectores,1994),pp.303–7. 542
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withthosewhoarecloseby:wespeakalsowiththedeadandwiththose notyetborn,withthetreesandthecities,theriversandtheruins,the animalsandtheobjects.Wespeakwiththeanimateworldandwiththe inanimate,withthevisibleandwiththeinvisible.Wespeakwithourselves.Tospeakistolivetogether,toliveinaworldthatisthisworldand itsotherworlds,thistimeandtheothers:acivilization. SinceIwasveryyoung,thefeelingofbelongingtoacivilizationwas verymuchaliveinme.Ioweittomygrandfather,IreneoPaz,loverof books,whomanagedtoassembleasmalllibraryinwhichaboundedthe greatwritersofourlanguage.IwaseighteenyearsoldwhenIreadthetwo firstseriesoftheNational Episodes,inwhich,perhaps,someofthebest pagesofPérezGaldósarefound.Itwasaneditioninoctavo,withgolden covers,illustratedbyvariousartistsofthetime;thetenvolumeshadbeen printedbetween1881and1885inMadridbyLaGuirnalda.Thisnovel- likeandnovelistichistoryofmodernSpainseemedtomealsomineand mycountry’s.WhenIcametothesecondseries,thefigureofSalvador Monsaludcaptivatedmeimmediately.Hewasmyhero,myarchetype. Myidentificationwiththeyoungliberalledmetocomefacetofacewith hishalf-brotherandadversary,theterribleCarlosGarrote,Carlistpartisan.Dualismatthesametimerealandsymbolic:thelegitimatesonand thebastard,theguarddogoforderandthevagabond,themanofthe landandthecosmopolite,theconservativeandtherevolutionary.But CarlosGarrote,asthereaderrealizeslittlebylittle,isnotonlytheadversarywhoembodiestheotherSpain,thatofreligion and privileges!1but heisalsothedoubleofSalvadorMonsalud.Inthefinalepisode—One Rebel More and Several Friars Less,gloomyportrayalofthetwoSpains andtheiropposingandsymmetricalfanaticisms—wearepresentatthe deathofCarlosGarroteandhistransformation.Hebeganastheenemy andpersecutorofSalvadorMonsaludandendsashisbrotherandprotector:theyarecondemnedtolivetogether.Eachoneistheotherandhimself.Thatstruggle,nolongerprivatebutsocial,hasbeenthesubstanceof thehistoryofourpeoplesduringthelasttwocenturies.ThusIlearned thatacivilizationisnotafixedessence,alwaysidenticalwithitself:itisa societyinhabitedbydiscordandpossessedbythedesiretorestoreunity, amirrorinwhich,incontemplatingourselvesweloseourselves,andin losingourselveswerecoverourselves.
1.“Religión y privilegios!”wasthemottooftheSpanishmonarchists.(Editor’snote)
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Many times I have thought about the Hispano-American parallels ofSalvadorMonsalud.Althoughsomebelongtohistoryandothersto thenovel,allofthem,realorimagined,foughtandstillfightagainst obstaclesthattheheroofGaldósneverdreamed.Forexample,besides meetingfacetofacewithCarlosGarrote,intractableanduntamedpartisan,embodimentofasometimesobtuseandsometimessublimepast, theMexicanSalvadorMonsaludshavehadtocombatotherrealitiesand exorciseotherghosts:SpainandMexicohavedifferentpasts.InourhistoryappearsanelementunknowninSpain’s:theworldoftheIndian.It isthedimensionatthesametimeintimateandunfathomable,innermost andunknown,ofmycountry.Withoutthisdimensionwewouldnot bewhatweare.ThepresenceofIslamandJudaisminmedievalSpain couldgivesomeideaofwhattheIndianinterlocutorsignifiesintheconsciousnessofMexicans.Aninterlocutorwhoisnotinfrontofusbut ratherwithin.Butthereisamajordifference:IslamandJudaismare, likeChristianity,variantsofmonotheism;bycontrast,Mesoamerican civilizationwasbornandgrewisolated,withnoconnectiontotheOld World.ThesamecanbesaidofIncanPeru.TheworldoftheIndianwas, fromthebeginning,theotherworld,inthestrongestsenseoftheterm. Othernessthat,forusMexicans,becomesidentity,distancethatiscloseness. TheappearanceofAmericawithitsgreataliencivilizationsmodifiedradicallythedialogueofHispaniccivilizationwithitsownself.It introducedanelementofuncertainty,sotospeak,thatsincethenhas challenged our imagination and questioned our identity. The Indian interlocutortellsusthatmanisanunpredictablecreatureandthathe isadoublebeing.InotherHispano-Americannationstheagentsofthe dislocation and transformation of the dialogue were the nomads, the blacks,thegeography.Insteadofotherhistory,asinPeruandMexico, theabsenceofhistory.Sinceitsorigin,Spainwasalandofshiftingfrontiers,anditslastgreatfrontierhasbeenAmerica:throughitandinit Spainhasaborderwiththeunknown.Americaortheimmensity:the landswithoutpeople,thedistanceswithoutname,thecoaststhatgaze towardAsiaandOceania,civilizationsthatdidnotknowChristianity butthathaddiscoveredthezero.Diverseformsofthelimitless. Thedissimilarityofpastsandinterlocutorsalwaysinducestwoopposingtemptations:dispersionandcentralization.Ourpeopleshavesuffered,ononeextreme,atomizationlikethatofCentralAmericaandthe
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Antilles;ontheother,rigidcentralismlikethoseofCastileandMexico. Dispersion culminates in dissipation; centralization, in petrification. Doublethreat:weturnintoairorweturnintostones.Fortwocenturieswehavesoughtthedifficultequilibriumbetweenlibertyandauthority,centralizationanddisintegration.Thenatureofourtradition hasnotbeenveryfavorabletotheseeffortsatreform.Theeighteenth century,thecenturyofcriticismandthefirstwhich,sincepaganantiquity,againextolledtheintellectualvirtuesoftolerance,didnothave intheHispanicworldthebrilliancethatthesixteenthandseventeenth had.Anexampleofthepersistenceofauthoritarianattitudesandtendencies,overlaidbyliberalopinions,isfoundpreciselyinthefinalpages ofGaldós’snovel,whichIhavementionedbefore.Animportantperson knownforthefervorofhisliberalsentimentsmaintains,withoutblinking,that“allSpaniardsmustembracethestandardoflibertyandaccept theprogressofthecentury...andifnoteveryonewishestogoinby thisroad,therebelsmustbeconvincedwithblows,forwhichitwould beadvisablethatfreemenbearmed,formingamilitia.”Thiscurious liberalwasadevoteeofRousseau,heoftheomnipotenceofthe“generalwill,”ademocraticmaskofJacobintyranny.Armedwithageneral theoryofliberty,CarlosGarroteentersthetwentiethcentury.Hehas changedattire,notsoul:nolongerdoesheintimidatetheadversarywith therustysyllogismsofthescholastic,butratherwiththeundulations ofthedialectic.Newchimerasswallowhisintelligence,buttheodorof bloodcontinuesbewitchinghim.HeleaptfromtheInquisitiontothe CommitteeofPublicSafetywithoutchanginglocation. As soon as liberty becomes an absolute, it ceases to be liberty: its truenameisdespotism.Libertyisnotasystemofgeneralexplanation oftheuniverseandofman.Neitherisitaphilosophy:itisanact,at thesametimeirrevocableandinstantaneous,whichconsistsinselectingonepossibilityfromamongothers.Thereisnot,norcantherebe, ageneraltheoryoflibertybecauseitistheaffirmationofthatwhich, ineachoneofus,issingularandparticular,irreducibletoanygeneralization.Bettersaid:eachoneofusisasingularandparticularcreature. Libertybecomestyrannyassoonaswetrytoimposeitonothers.When theBolsheviksdissolvedtheRussianConstituentAssemblyinthename ofliberty,RosaLuxemburgsaidtothem:“Libertyofopinionisalways thelibertyofthatonewhodoesnotthinklikeus.”Liberty,whichbeginsastheaffirmationofmysingularity,turnsintotheknowledgeofthe
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otherandtheothers:theirlibertyistheconditionofmine.Onhisisland Robinsonisnotreallyfree;althoughhedoesnotexperiencethewillof another,andnooneconstrainshim,hislibertyunfoldsinthevoid.The libertyofthesolitaryoneislikethesolitudeofthedespot,populated with specters. To be realized, liberty must embody and come face to facewithanotherconsciousnessandanotherwill:theotheris,simultaneously,thelimitandsourceofmyliberty.Inoneofitsextremes,libertyissingularityandexception;intheother,itispluralityandliving together.Forallofthis,althoughlibertyanddemocracyarenotequivalentends,theyarecomplementary:withoutliberty,democracyisdespotism;withoutdemocracy,libertyisachimera. Theunionoflibertyanddemocracyhasbeenthegreatachievement ofmodernsocieties.Precariousachievement,fragileanddisfiguredby manyinjusticesandhorrors;alsoanextraordinaryachievementandone thathassomethingoftheaccidentalormiraculous:othercivilizations didnotknowdemocracy,andinoursonlysomepeoples,andduring limitedperiods,haveenjoyedfreeinstitutions.Evennow,inthevast spacesoftheAmericancontinent,manynationsofourlanguagesuffer underiniquitouspowers.Libertyisaspreciousaswaterand,likeit,if wedonotprotectit,itspills,escapesus,anddisappears.Ihavealluded totherelativepovertyofoureighteenthcentury,originofthepolitical philosophyofthemodernage.Nonetheless,inourpast—theSpanish andtheHispano-American—existhabits,customs,andinstitutionsthat arespringsofliberty,sometimesburiedbutstillliving.Inorderforlibertytrulytotakerootinourlands,wewouldhavetoreconciletheseold traditionswithmodernpoliticalthought.Exceptforsometimidand isolatedattempts,wehavedonenothing.Ilamentit:itisnotataskof historicalpiety,butratherofpoliticalimagination. Theword“liberal”appearsearlyinourliterature.Notasanideaora philosophy,butratherasamoodanddispositionofmind;morethanan ideology,itwasavirtue.Insayingthis,IturnmyeyestowardCervantes, ourwriterwhoembodiesmostcompletelythedifferentmeaningsofthe word“liberal.”Withhimthemodernnovelisborn,theliterarygenre ofasocietythat,sinceitsbirth,hasidentifieditselfanditshistorywith criticism. The Comedy of Dante is the reflection of a world ruled by analogy,thatistosay,bythecorrespondencebetweenthisworldandthe otherworld;theQuixoteisaworkanimatedbytheoppositeprinciple, irony, which is the rupture of the correspondence and which under-
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scoreswithasmilethecrevicebetweentherealandtheideal.WithCervantesbeginsthecriticismoftheabsolutes:libertybegins.Anditbegins withasmile,notofpleasurebutratherofwisdom.Manisaprecarious being, complex, double or triple, inhabited by ghosts, spurred on by instincts,eatenawaybydesire:awondrousandlamentablesight.Each manisasingularbeingandeachmanislikealltheothers.Eachmanis uniqueandeachmanismanymenhedoesnotknow:theIisplural.Cervantesissmiling:tolearntobefreeistolearntosmile.
2
Literature and the State (excerpt)
[...] TheRepublicofLettersisanationwithanill-defined territoryandshiftingfrontiers.Aconstitutionrulesitwhoselaws,fancifulandcontradictory,arerevokeddailyinordertoproclaimotherseven morechimerical.Aninvisibleking,withoutfaceandwithoutname,governsit;bettersaid,itisakingwhocontinuallychangeshisfaceandhis name:theycallhim“taste”buthealsohasothernames,almostallugly andterminatingin“ism.”ThecitizensoftheRepublicofLettersbelong toallthesexes,thoserecognizedandthosenotrecognized;thecolorsof theirskin,oftheirideas,andoftheirphilosophiesarethoseofthechromaticscale;eachoneofthemclaimstospeakinalanguageofhiscreation,which,nonetheless,heinsistsonproclaiminguniversalandcomprehensibletoeveryone.Inthatcountrytherearemanyhermits,many magicians,andnotafewecstatics.InthelastyearstheRepublichasbeen devastatedbytwoepidemics:thefreneticepidemicofdoctrinairesand thelethalepidemicofscholastics;againstboththereisonlyoneknown remedy:thesmile.Theselearnedonesareimaginativeandcontemplative;also,throughastralmisfortune,quarrelsomeandnitpicky.When theyarenotoccupiedwithsomeoftheirinterminablecivilwars,they haveapassionformoresubtlephenomenaandforscarcelyperceptible realities:theweightofaparticleoflightonthewingofabutterfly,the coloroftheshadeoftheringsoftheirplanet,Saturn.Anextraordinary propertyofthenativesofthisnation:theirillustriousdeadconverseand livesidebysidewiththeliving. TheRepublicofLettersdwellsintheterritoryoftheRepublicof Mexico. At times it is larger than the country that contains it, other timesitisreducedtothepointofbeingturnedintoasmall,urbanant Originaltitle:“Laliteraturayelestado.”Source:OctavioPaz,Obras completas,vol.8, El peregrino en su patria(Mexico:fCe/CírculodeLectores,1994),pp.553–58. 548
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hill.TherelationsbetweentheRepublicofMexicoandtheRepublicof Lettersarestrained.Attimesscantcordialityturnsintoopenhostility. Itisnatural,forMexicanliteratureisboundedontheeastbyindifference,onthewestbyignorance,onthenorthbyanotherdialect,andon thesouthbyanabyss.Variousstratagemshavebeendevisedtobreakthe circle.Oneofthemiscalledliteraryprizes.Likeeverythingthatexists inthatfancifulRepublic,literaryprizeshaveprovokedgreatandfierce disputes.Iwilltrytohandlethissubjectwithsomeimpartiality. Opinionsonliteraryprizesareopposed.Someconsiderthemuseful andbeneficial.Theyarethejustrecognitionofmeritsthatarenotonly artisticbutalsomoral;towriteisataskthatdemandssomethingmore thandedicationandperseverance:theentirelifeofthewriter.Moreover, prizeseducatethepeople;sotheyarethusatthesametimepedagogical enterprisesandactsofjustice.Othersseetheprizesascompetitionsbetweenpeacocks,sordidfightsforfameandmaterialgain,irrefutableand repeatedproofsoftheinjustice,thestupidity,ortheincompetenceof theacademiesandliteraryguilds.Whatisworse:theprizesdomesticate theindependentwriter,cutthewingsoftheinspired,castratetherebel. Whoisright?Allofthemandnoneofthem.Theprizesaregoodand theyarebad:itdependsonwhoawardsthem,whoreceivesthem,and howtheyarebestowed.Inanidealsocietytherewouldnotbeprizes, buttherewouldalsonotbepunishments:bothwouldbeunnecessary. Wisdom,goodness,andartisticgeniuswouldnotbeisolatedvirtuesbut rather widespread and natural. Each one of us would be an incarnationofrectitude,poetry,andscience;everylivingcreaturewouldbea masterwork.Butinthatsocietyofperfectmenandwomen,constitutionsandinstitutions,governmentsandcourts,theartsandevenliteraturewouldbesuperfluous.Wewritebecausewelacksomethingorwe havetoomuchofsomething,becauseofdeficiencyorbecauseofexcess; thatistosay,becauseofanimbalance.Wereadforthesamereason. Whatwecallcivilizationistheexpressionofthecongenitalimbalance amongmen.Iaddthatthisimbalanceiscreative.Therefore,aslongas therearemenandsocietiestherewillbeauthors,readers,critics,and crownsoflaurelorthorns.Prizesareneithergoodnorbad:theyarenecessary. Someprizes(forexample,theAlfonsoReyesPrize)exemplifythe relationsbetweenthestateandliterature.Inthelonghistoryofthese relationsappear,fromthedawnofhumansociety,twoextremesitua-
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tions,towhichalsocorrespondtwoopposingsites:thecelloftheprisonerandtheantechamberoftheprince,theislandoftheexiledandthe drawingroomofthecourtier.Twotypes:therebelandtheprotégé.The prizeintroducesathirdterm,foritisrealizedinaplaceofencounter inwhich,althoughfleetingly,thegovernmentandthewriterintersect. Theprizeisconducivetoconversation,Imean,tothedialoguebetween power and literature. This dialogue can deal with different subjects, manycontradictory,butitrestsonanimplicitagreement:coexistence.1 Itisarelativelynewterminourvocabulary(itdoesnotappear,forexample,intheDiccionario de Autoridades,1726–39),whichpresupposes, indirectly,amorecivilizedideaofhumanrelations.Ineffect,tocoexist isforeveryonetolivewithoneanother,anditdemands,simultaneously, independenceandsolidarity.Coexistencecompelsustoreflectonthe limitsofourlibertyandtheextentofourrightsandobligations.Those limitshavemanynames,butthereisonethatembracesall:theother,the others.Inamomentofthatdialoguebetweentheoneandtheother,certainquestionsarise:whatcanthestatedointhepresenceofliterature, andwhatcanliteraturedointhepresenceofthestate? Thesequestionshavehadmanyandverydifferentresponses.Itwould bepresumptuoustotrytosetthemout,oreventosummarizethem.It isnotpresumptuoustosetout,marginally,afewbriefreflections.The powersofthestateoverliteratureareimmensebutnotunlimited.Iwill mentionsomepossibleandimpossible:thestatecannotcreatealiterature,butitcertainlycansuppressit;thestatecannotbealiterarycritic, butcertainlycensorandinquisitor;thestatecanandshouldestablish collegeswheregrammarandtheartofreadingandwritingaretaught, but itcannot legislate matters of grammarordictate laws of aesthetics;thestatecansupportwriters,butnottoomuchandwithoutasking anythinginreturnfromthem;thestatecanandmustteachMexicans toread,butitmustnotcompelthemtoreadornotreadtheseorthose books...Thelistcangoon:itwouldberedundant.Itisenoughtorepeatthatthestatecanneithercreatenorinventaliterature,butitcan certainlydenaturalizeitand,ashasoccurredinothercountriesandin 1.TheoriginalSpanishwordisconvivencia.Englishhasnoexactequivalentforconvivencia,whichmeansmorethanjustlivingsidebyside(inSpanishthisiscoexistencia); convivenciarefersalsototheabilitytolivepeacefullyandinanagreeablemannerwith others.(Translators’note)
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differenttimes,strangleit.Ontheotherhand,thestatecancreatethe socialconditionsforthefreedevelopmentofliterature.Thetwowords are complementary: “development” means the promotion of the material,intellectual,andlegalconditionsthatpermittheproduction,publication,andcirculationoftheworks;initsturn,developmentneeds,to betrulyrealized,thefreedomtowriteandpublish. Inthepresenceofthestate,thepowersofliteraturearealsoimmense andlimited.Thewritermustchoosebetweenliteratureandpower:he cannotgovernandwriteatthesametime;neithercanthewriterbean official,socialredeemer,founderofhospitalsorhousesofrefugefor thevulnerable,apostleofrepentedsinners,hierophantfortheworship ofthecultofJupiterAmon,orleaderofaband:thewritermustchoose between collective action, be it philanthropic or messianic, and solitarywriting.Naturally,itisgoodthatthewriter,atsomemomentinhis life,hasknownactionandthevariousoccupationsofmen:captainof cavalry,usher,conspirator,icecreamvendor,industrialist,electrician, diplomat,statesmanlikeMilton,orhighwaymanlikeVillon.Butthen, inthemomentofhistruth,thewritercanbeonlyawriter.Althoughit isnotobligatorythathehavethem,thewritercanindeedhavemoraland politicalopinions:whathecannotdoisexchangeliteratureforaction, orpropaganda,withoutceasingtobeawriter.Iamnotproposingthe abolitionofcriticism;Iaskthatitnotbeturnedintoanadmonishment andthatittrulybeliterature.Thecriticismofcustomsandideas,passionsandbeliefs,institutionsandthestate,hasbeenandisoneofthe dominionsofmodernliterature.Manyandgreatliteraryworksarecreationsthatarecriticism:Cervantes,Dostoyevsky,Flaubert,Proust,and somanyothers.Also,sometimescriticalthoughtturnsintoartisticcreation,poem:NietzscheandValéryasthenearestexamples.Finally,what thewriterinthepresenceofthestatecandois,aboveallandbeforeall, write.Iemphasize:writethebestthathecan. Towritewellmeanstotellhistruth.Thewordofthewriterisnotthe collectiveword:itisanindividualword,unique,singular.Ifthewriter sayshistruth,hisreaderswillfindthatthistruthbelongsalsotothem.In theindividualwordofthewriterisheard,initsmostintensemoments, thewordoftheworld.Thishasbeensaidmanytimes.Amongthosewho havesaiditisonewhodidsoinsuchawaythatcallingitperfectisnot anexaggeration:HanYu,aChinesepoetwholivedintheeighthcen-
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tury.Hewasapublicmanandaprivatepoet.Hiswordsseemasthough writtentodayandforus.Nothingbetterthantoconcludewiththem: Everythingresoundsassoonastheequilibriumofthingsisbroken. Thetreesandthegrassaresilent;thewindstirsthemandtheyresound.Thewaterisquiet:theairmovesitanditresounds;thewaves roar:somethingsubduesthem;thecascaderushesheadlong:itlacks ground;thelakeseethes:somethingheatsit.Metalsandrocksare mute,butifsomethingstrikesthem,theyresound.Thus,man.If hespeaks,itisthathecannotholdhimselfback;ifheismoved,he sings;ifhesuffers,helaments.Everythingthatcomesoutofhis mouthintheformofasoundisowingtoabreachofhisequilibrium...Themostperfectofthehumansoundsistheword;literature,initsturn,isthemostperfectformoftheword.Andso,when equilibriumisbroken,theheavenschoosebetweenmenandthose whoaremoresensible,anditmakesthemresound.
3
Poetry, Myth, Revolution La Révolution comfirme, par le sacrifice, la superstition. —CharlesBaudelaire
It is very difficult to express in few and clear words whatIfeel:emotion,gratitude,surprise.Aboveall:Ihavebeentouched thatyou,Mr.President,havehadthegoodnesstodelivertheAlexisde Tocqueville Prize personally to me. I will never forget your gesture. Yourgenerouswordsheightenmyemotion:Iseeinthemthatsignof friendship,preciousamongall,thatsometimesawriteraddressestoanotherofadifferenttongue,althoughthosetonguesmightbeascloseas SpanishandFrench.Mygratitudeforthisisdouble:tothemanofstate andthewriterofFrench,alanguagewhoseliteraturehasbeenmysecondspiritualland. MygratitudetothejuryoftheAlexisdeTocquevilleFoundationis mixed with a slight and very agreeable sensation of unreality. When Mr.AlainPeyrefittehadthekindnesstoannouncethedecisionofthe jurytome,myfirstreaction,Iconfess,wasofastonishmentandeven incredulity:whyme,apoet?VeryquicklyIsuspectedthereason:atone timeoranother,movedasmuchbytheaccidentsofmylifeasbythe changesandupheavalsoftheworldandofmycountry,Ihaveparticipatedinpubliclife,andIhavewrittensomebooksonthehistoryand politicsofourtime.Overandabovethedoubtfulmeritsofmywritings, IimaginethattheFoundationhaswantedtorewardinme,writerfroma continentfrequentlytornbetweentheforcedimmobilityofdespotisms andtheconvulsionsofsectarians,afaithfulness.Ineffect,Ihavealways triedtobefaithfultothatattitudethattheworkandpersonofAlexis Originaltitle:“Poesía,mito,revolución.”Source:OctavioPaz,Poesía, mito, revolución. Precedido por los discursos de François Mitterrand, Alain Peyrefitte, y Pierre Godefroy (Mexico:Vuelta,1989),pp.47–69. 553
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deTocquevilleexemplifiesandthatcanbesummarizedthus:myliberty beginswiththerecognitionofthelibertyofothers.Inthedawnofthe modernage,beforeaspectaclethathassincebeenrepeatedmanytimes: thetyrantdisguisedasliberator,Chateaubriandwrotetheseprophetic words: LaRévolutionm’auraitentrâiné...maisjevislapremièretête portéeauboutd’unepiqueetjereculai.Jamaislemeurtreneseraà mesyeuxunargumentdelibertjeneconnaisriendeplusservile, depluslâche,deplusbornequ’unterroiste.N’aijepasrencontré toutecetteracedeBrutusauservicedeCésaretdesapolice?1 Since my adolescence I have written poems, and I have not stopped writingthem.Iwantedtobeapoetandnothingmore.Inmybooksof proseIintendedtoservepoetry,justifyanddefendit,explainitbefore othersandbeforemyself.SoonIdiscoveredthatthedefenseofpoetry, undervaluedinourcentury,wasinseparablefromthedefenseofliberty.Fromthismypassionateinterestinthepoliticalandsocialmatters thathaveshakenourtime.AftertheSecondWorldWarIbecameacquaintedwithAndréBretonandhisfriends.Idonotsharetodaymany oftheirphilosophicalandaestheticideas,butIkeepintactandalivemy admiration.Inhiswritingsasmuchasinhislife,libertyandpoetryappearwiththesamefieryface,simultaneouslyseductiveandturbulent. Nordidhe,likeChateaubriandattheotherextreme,everconfusethe tyrantwiththeliberator.Libertyisnotaphilosophy,norevenisitan idea:itisamovementoftheconsciencethatbringsus,incertainmoments,topronouncetwomonosyllables:YesorNo.Initsinstantaneous brevity,likethelightofthelightningflash,thecontradictorycharacter ofhumannaturerevealsitself. Throughoutthecourseofhistoryandinthemostdiversecircumstances, poets have participated in political life. I do not refer to the conceptofpoetryasanartintheserviceofastate,achurch,oranideology.Wealreadyknowthatthatconcept,asoldasthepoliticalandideo 1.“Therevolutionhadpulledmealong...butIsawthefirstheadontheendofa pike,andIdrewback.Iwillneverseeinmurderanargumentforliberty;Iknownothingmoreservile,morecowardly,morenarrowofmindthanaterrorist.HaveInotmet thatentireraceofBrutusintheserviceofCaesarandhispolice?”(Editor’snote)
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logicalpowers,invariablyhasyieldedthesameresults:statescollapse, churchesbreakuporturntostone,ideologiesdisappear—butpoetry remains.No:Ialludetothefreeparticipationofthepoetintheaffairs ofthecity.Eveninsocietiesthatdidnotknowpoliticalliberty,likeancientChina,poetswhocontributedtothecourseofpublicaffairswere notrare.Manyamongthemdidnothesitatetocensuretheabusesofthe SonofHeaven,andnotafewsufferedimprisonment,exile,andother punishmentsfortheiropinions.IntheWestthistraditionhasbeenvery much alive, and I hardly need to evoke the Greek and Roman poets. Two of the greatest poets of our tradition, the Florentine Dante and theEnglishmanMilton,werealsonotablepoliticalthinkers.Weoweto thefirstthetreatiseOn Monarchyandtotheseconddaringdefenseson behalfoftheemancipationofconsciences,suchashisfamousdefense oftherighttodivorceorhiscriticismofthecensuredecreedbyParliament,whichhehadthecouragetomakebeforeParliamentitself. Thesehistoricalprecedentsshouldnotconcealfromusthatthereis amajordifferencebetweentheseattitudesandthesituationofmodern poets.TheChinesepoetscensuredthethronebutbelongedtotheimperialbureaucracy;almostallwerehighofficials,andcensureformed partoftheConfucianmoralandintellectualtradition.DanteandMilton foundthemselvesinvolvedincontroversiesinwhichpoliticswasindistinguishablefromreligion.Forboth,thefoundationoftheiropinions wasintheology.Theyfoughtinthisworldwiththeireyesfixedonthe nextandwithmotivesthatcamefromthatotherworld.Inthelastcircle ofHell,atthesideofJudasIscariot,thearchtraitor,Danteputtwoenemiesoftheempire:BrutusandCassius.ForDantetherealityofthis worldwasanimitationofthemorerealrealityoftheotherworld;for thisreason,politicaloffenseswerejudgedinthedivinetribunal.Inthe GreekcitiesandintheRomanRepublictheinfluenceofreligionwas less;thequestionsthatdividedcitizenswereclearlypoliticalandwere nottingedbytheology.Nonetheless,thesimilaritywithGreco-Roman antiquityisdeceptive;acentralelementislackinginit,andthatisthe distinctivemark,thesignofthebirthofthemodernage:theideaof Revolution.Itisanideathatcouldariseonlyinourtime,foritisheir toGreeceandChristianity,thatistosay,tophilosophyandtheyearningforredemption.InnootherhistoricalperiodhastheideaofRevolution had that power of magnetic attraction. Other civilizations and societiesexperiencedimmensechanges—tumults,dynasticfalls,frat-
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ricidalwars—butonlytheirgreatreligiousmutationscanbecompared withourfascinationbeforeRevolution.Itisanideathat,duringmore thantwocenturies,hashypnotizedmanyconsciencesandvariousgenerations. It has been the North Star that has guided our wanderings andthesecretsunthathasilluminatedandwarmedthevigilsofmany solitarypersons.Inithavebeenfusedthecertaintiesofreasonandthe hopesofreligiousmovements. From the moment in which it appeared on the historical horizon, Revolutionwastwofold:reasonmadeactandprovidentialact,rational determinationandmiraculousaction,historyandmyth.Childofreason initsmostrigorousandlucidform:criticism,intheimageofrevolution,isatthesametimecreatoranddestroyer;bettersaid:indestroying, itcreates.Revolutionisthatmomentinwhichcriticismistransformed intoutopiaandutopiabecomesincarnateinsomemenandinanaction. Thedescentofreasontoearthwasatrueepiphany,andassuchwaslived throughitsprotagonistsand,later,throughitsinterpreters.Livedand notthought.Foralmosteverybody,theRevolutionwasaconsequence ofcertainrationalpostulatesandofthegeneralevolutionofsociety;almostnoonerealizedthattheywerepresentataresurrection.Certainly thenoveltyoftheRevolutionappearsabsolute;itbreakswiththepast andinstitutesarationalregime,justandradicallydifferentfromtheold. Nonetheless,thisabsolutenoveltywasseenandlivedasareturntothe beginningofthebeginning.TheRevolutionisareturntothetimeof origin,beforeinjustice,beforethatmomentinwhich,Rousseausays, indesignatingtheboundariesofapieceofland,amansaid:this is mine. Thatdayinequalitybeganand,withit,discordandoppression:history. Insum,theRevolutionisaneminentlyhistoricalactand,nonetheless, isanactnegatinghistory:thenewtimethatitinstallsisarestorationof theoriginaltime.Childofhistoryandreason,theRevolutionisthechild oflinear,consecutive,andunrepeatabletime;childofmyth,theRevolutionisamomentofcyclicaltime,likethegyreofthestarsandthecycle oftheseasons.ThenatureoftheRevolutionisdual,butwecannotthink ofitwithoutseparatingitstwoelementsandrejectingthemythicalas aforeignbody...andwecannotliveitwithoutconnectingthem.We thinkofitasaphenomenonthatrespondstothepredictionsofreason; weliveitasamystery.Inthisenigmadwellsthesecretofitsfascination. Themodernagebroketheoldlinkthatboundpoetrytomythbut onlyinordertobindit,immediatelyafterward,totheideaofRevo-
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lution. This idea proclaimed the end of the myths—and thus it was convertedintothecentralmythofmodernity.Thehistoryofmodern poetry,fromromanticismtoourdays,hasbeennothingbutthehistory of its connections with that myth, clear and coherent as a geometric proof,turbulentastherevelationsoftheancientchaos.Connectionsinflamedandextreme,fromtheseductiontothehorror,fromthedevotiontotheanathema,fromtheidolatrytotheabjuration—theentire gamutofthetwogreatpassions:loveandreligion.Theenthusiasmof Hölderlin before the young Bonaparte and the disillusion he feels in seeinghimbecometheemperorNapoleon,theGirondistsympathiesof WordsworthandtheabhorrencethatRobespierreinspiresinhim,are justtwoexamplesofthevacillationsoftheGermanandEnglishRomanticsinthefaceoftheFrenchRevolution.Thoseviolentoscillationsare repeatedthroughoutthenineteenthcenturyinthefaceofeachrevolutionarymovementandculminateinthetwentiethwiththeimmense andsuccessivewavesofcontradictorysentiments—againfromfanaticismtorepulsion—thattheprolongedinfluenceoftheBolshevikRevolutionstirredupintheworld. Themovementsofadherencethatallrevolutionsprovokecanbeexplainedinthefirstplacebythenecessitythatwemenfeeltoremedyand putanendtoourunhappycondition.Therearetimesinwhichthatneed forredemptionbecomesmoreintenseandurgentbecauseofthedisappearanceoftraditionalbeliefs.Theolddivinities,riddledwithsuperstition,vilifiedbyfanaticism,andeatenawaybycriticism,disintegrate. Amidsttherubblespringsupthetribeofthespecters:theyappearfirst asradiantideasbutsoonaredeifiedandturnedintofrighteningidols. Althoughthereareotherexplanationsfortherevolutionaryphenomenon—economic, psychological, political—all of them, without being false,essentiallydependonthisbasicfact.Afaiththatarisesfromthe vacuumthattheoldbeliefshaveleftandthatisnourished,jointly,bythe consciousnessofourmiseryandthegeometriesofreason,iscoriaceous andresistant;itclosesitseyeswithobstinacyequallytotheincoherenciesofitsdoctrineandtotheatrocitiesofitsleaders.Inthis,revolutionaryfaithislikereligiousfaith:neithertheslaughtersofSeptember1792 northebutcheryofSaintBartholomewnortheconcentrationcampsof Stalinmadetheconvictionsofthefaithfulwaver.Nonetheless,there isadifference:revolutionarybeliefsaresubjecttotheproofoftime, whilereligiousbeliefsareregisteredinanotherworld,untouchedby
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timeanditschanges.Revolutionsarehistoricalphenomena,thatisto say,temporal.Thecriticismoftimeisirrefutablebecauseitisthecriticismofreality:showingwithoutdemonstrating.Andwhatshowsisthat theRevolutionbeginsasapromise,dissipatesinfrenziedagitations,and congealsinbloodydictatorships thatarethenegation oftheimpulse thatcausedittoarise.Inallrevolutionarymovements,thesacredtime ofmythisinexorablytransformedintotheprofanetimeofhistory. Hope is reborn after each failure. The enthusiasm of Shelley refutesthedisenchantmentofColeridge,andHeinewritesOf Germany inordertorespondtoMadamedeStaëlandheapridiculeonthepoets ofthepreviousgeneration,whohadinitiallyshownsympathiesforthe FrenchRevolutionbutwhoendedbybeingitsenemies.Thecircleofadhesion–negation–adhesionisrepeatedduringmorethantwocenturies, firstinEuropeandafterwardsintheentireworld.Thepoeticwordhas beensimultaneouslyprophecy,anathema,andelegyofmodernrevolutions.Althoughthedifferencesandcontrastsbetweenthetwogreat revolutionaryprototypes(theFrenchRevolutionof1789andtheRussianRevolutionof1917)aregreaterandmoreprofoundthanthesimilarities,thefeelingstheyprovokedobeyedthesameemotionalrhythm ofattractionandrepulsion.Despitethefactthatthereligiousfunction ofmodernrevolutionshasinvariablybeenbrokenbytheeminentlyhistoricalnatureofthosemovements,theresulthasbeentherebirth,inthe followinggeneration,ofsimilaraspirationsandchimeras.Ortheadoptionofpersonalmythologies.Hereappearsanotherofthedifferences betweenmodernpoetryandthatofyesterday: forDante,theSacred Scriptures, axis of the universal analogy, were the key to his poem; Blake, by contrast, created a mythology with remnants of gnosticism and the hermetic tradition. Many poets arrived at the same solution, andIhavehardlytobringtomindthebeliefsofNervalorofHugoand, alreadyinthetwentiethcentury,thetheosophyofYeatsortheoccultism ofBreton.Thereasonforthisapparentparadoxliesinthefollowing: thepublicreligionofmodernityhasbeentheRevolution,andpoetry itsprivatereligion. Thecriticismofrevolutionshasbeenmadebythosenostalgicforthe oldorderandbytheliberals(inthebroadsenseofthetermliberal:more thanadoctrine,aphilosophicalandpoliticaldisposition).Contraryto reactionarycriticism,liberalcriticismhasbeeneffective:itdismantled
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theideologicalconstructionsoftherevolutions,itpulledawaythereligiousmaskfromthem,anditshowedthemintheirhistorical,profane nakedness. Liberalism did not intend to replace those constructions with others; the very nature of this intellectual tradition, essentially critical,hasprohibiteditfromproposing,liketheothergreatpolitical philosophies,ametahistory.Earlier,thishadbeenthedomainofreligions;liberalismofferednothinginexchangeandconfinedreligionto theprivatesphere.Itestablishedlibertyontheonlybasethatcansustain it:theautonomyoftheconscienceandtheacknowledgmentoftheautonomyofotherpersons’consciences.Itwasadmirableandalsoterrible: itlockedusintoasolipsism,brokethebridgethatjoinedtheIandthe youandbothtothethirdperson:theother,theothers.Betweenliberty andfraternitythereisnocontradiction,butratherdistance—adistance thatliberalismhasnotbeenabletoerase.Whatwouldbethefoundationforfraternity?Inspiredbytheancients,RobespierreandSaint-Just wantedtoestablishthesolidarityofthecitizensinvirtue.Except,what canbethefoundationforvirtue?TheJacobins,aslatertheirdescendants,theBolsheviks,didnotaskthemselvesthisquestion.Bettersaid: theirresponsewasvirtuebydecree,theTerror.ButtheTerrorcanengenderonlytwoirreconcilablefraternities:thatoftheexecutionersand thatofthevictims. Democraticliberalismisacivilizedwayoflivingtogether.Forme itisthebestamongallthosethatpoliticalphilosophyhasconceived. Nonetheless,itleaveswithoutanswerhalfthequestionsthatwemenask ourselves:fraternity,thequestionoftheoriginandpurpose,thequestionofthemeaningandvalueofexistence.Themodernagehasexalted individualismandhasbeen,thus,theperiodofthedispersionofconsciences.Poetshavebeenparticularlysensitivetothisvacuum.Around 1851Baudelairewritesinanotebook: Lemondevafinir....Jenedispasquelemondeseraréduitau desordrebouffondesrépubliquesduSudAmériqueouquepeut- êtrenousretourneronsàl’étatsauvage....Non,lamécanique nous’auratellementaméricanisés,leprogrèsaurasibienatrophiéen noustoutelapartiespirituelle,querienparmilesrêveriessanguinairesdesutopistesnepourraêtrecomparéàsesresultatspositifs ...maiscen’estpaspardesinstitutionspolitiquesquesemanifes-
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teralaruineuniverselle(ouleprogrèsuniversel,carpeum’importe lenom).Seseraparl’avilissementdescoeurs.2 Ninetyyearslater,asifcontinuingthereflectionsofBaudelaire,in oneofhisFour Quartets,Eliotseesourworld,whichweconsidermoved byprogress,astheinterminablefallfromthevacantintothevacant: Odarkdarkdark.Theyallgointothedark, Thevacantinterstellarspaces,thevacantintothevacant, Thecaptains,merchants,bankers,eminentmenofletters, Thegenerouspatronsofart,thestatesmenandtherulers, Distinguishedcivilservants,chairmenofmanycommittees, Industriallordsandpettycontractors,allgointothedark, AnddarktheSunandMoon,andtheAllmanach[sic]ofGotha AndtheStockExchangeGazette,theDirectoryofDirectors, Andcoldthesenseandlostthemotiveofaction. Andweallgowiththem,intothesilentfuneral, Nobody’sfuneral,forthereisnoonetobury.3 Icouldaddothertestimonies,butitseemstomethatthetwoIhave cited are sufficient to illustrate the state of spirit of the poets in the faceofthedisastersofmodernity.ThereflectionsofBaudelaireandthe versesofEliotareagloomycounterpointtotheenthusiastichymnsof WhitmanandVictorHugo.Bothareexamplesoftheschisms;better said,oftherentinmodernpoetry.Thatrentisthemarkthatdistinguishesitfromthepoetryofothertimesandcivilizations.Suspended betweenthehandsoftime,betweenmythandhistory,modernpoetry consecratesadistinctandmucholderfraternitythanthatofthereli 2.Theworldisgoingtoend....Iamnotsayingitwillbereducedtothebuffoonish disorderoftheSouthAmericanrepublics,orthatperhapswewillbereturnedtothe stateofsavagery....No,themechanismwillhaveAmericanizedussomuch,progress willhaveatrophiedourspiritualfacultiessocompletely,thatnothingamongthebloody dreamsoftheutopianswillbecomparabletotheirexcellentresults...butitisnot throughpoliticalinstitutionsthatuniversalruinwillbemanifest(oruniversalprogress, because the name is not important to me). This will be through the degradation of hearts.(Editor’snote) 3.ThispassageisinEnglishintheoriginal.(Editor’snote)
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gionsandphilosophies,afraternitybornofthesamefeelingofsolitude theprimitivehadinthemiddleofanalienandhostilenature.Thedifferenceisthatnowwelivethatsolitudenotonlyfacingthecosmosbut alsobeforeourneighbors.Nonetheless,weallknow,eachoneinhis room,thatwearenotreallyalone:fraternityoverthevacant. Afteralongperiodofpoliticaldeadlock,alwaysonthebrinkofthe precipice,alwaysinthepresenceofthespecterofanewtotalwarand thethreatoftheannihilationofhumankind,wehavebeenwitnesses, duringthelasttwentyyears,toaseriesofchanges,portentsofanewera, which,perhaps,isdawning.First,thesunsetoftherevolutionarymyth intheveryplaceofitsbirth,WesternEurope,todayrecoveredfromthe war,prosperousand,ineachoneofthecountriesoftheCommunity,the liberaldemocraticregimesecured.Followingthis,thereturntodemocracyinLatinAmerica,althoughstillwaveringbetweenthespectersof populistdemagogueryandmilitarism—itstwoendemicdiseases—the ironshackleofdebtarounditsneck.Finally,thechangesintheSoviet Union,inChina,andothertotalitarianregimes.Whatevermightbethe scopeofthosereforms,itisclearthattheysignifytheendofthemyth ofauthoritariansocialism.Thesechangesareaself-criticismandequivalenttoaconfession.ForthisreasonIhavespokenoftheendofanera: wearepresentatthetwilightoftheideaofRevolutioninitslastunfortunateincarnation,theBolshevikversion.Itisanideathatsurvivesonly insomeregionsontheperipheryandamonginsanesectslikethatofthe Peruvianterrorists.Wedonotknowwhatthefutureholdsforus:virulentnationalisms,ecologicalcatastrophes,rebirthofburiedmythologies,newfanaticisms,butalsodiscoveriesandcreations:historyandits entourageofhorrorsandwonders.Nordoweknowifthepeoplesofthe SovietUnionwillbecomeacquaintedwithnewformsofoppressionor anoriginalandSlavicversionofdemocracy.Inanycase,therevolutionarymythisdying.Willitcomebacktolife?Idonotbelieveso.AHoly Allianceisnotkillingit:itisdyinganaturaldeath. Joyce said that history is a nightmare. He was wrong: nightmares disappear with the light of dawn whereas history will conclude only towardtheendofourspecies.Wearementhroughitandinit;ifit ceasestoexist,wewillceasetobemen.Buttheendoftherevolutionarymythperhapswillpermitustothinkanewabouttheprinciplesthat haveestablished oursocietyandabouttheirdeficiencies andlacunas. Relieved,finally,ofthestruggleagainsttotalitariansuperstition,wecan
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nowreflectmorefreelyonourtradition.Thus,thesubjectofthevirtue ofcitizensreappears.ItisasubjectthatcomesfromClassicalAntiquity; itpreoccupiedMachiavelliaswellasMontesquieu,andtodayithasa painfulactualityinmanycountries,amongthemtheAnglo-American democracybasedonthePuritanethic.Kanttaughtusthatmoralitycannotbebasedonhistory:itflowswithoutceasing,andwedonoteven knowifsomelaworplanrulesitsunpredictablepassing.Weknowalso thatthemetahistoricconstructions—betheyreligiousormetaphysical, conservativeorrevolutionary—stranglelibertyandendbycorrupting fraternity.Thethoughtoftheerathatisbeginning—ifaneraisreally beginning—willhavetofindthepointofconvergencebetweenliberty andfraternity.Wemustrethinkourtradition,renewit,andseekthe reconciliationofthetwogreatpoliticaltraditionsofmodernity,liberalismandsocialism.Iventuretosay,paraphrasingOrtegayGasset,that thisis“thesubjectofourtime.”Itseemstomethatourdaysareauspiciousforanendeavorofthissignificance;insomecontemporaneous works—forexampleinthatofCornelioCastoriadis—Ialreadynotethe beginningofaresponse. Whatcanbethecontributionofpoetrytothereconstitutionofanew politicalthought?Nonewideasbutrathersomethingmoreprecious andfragile:memory.Eachgenerationofpoetsrediscoverstheterrible antiquityandtheno-less-terribleyouthofthepassions.Intheschools andfacultieswheretheso-calledpoliticalsciencesaretaught,thereadingofEsquiloandShakespeareshouldbeobligatory.Poetsnourished thethoughtofHobbesandLocke,ofMarxandTocqueville.Through themouthofthepoetspeaks—Iemphasize:speaks,notwrites—theother voice.Itisthevoiceofthetragicpoetandthatofthebuffoon,thatofthe melancholysolitarypersonandthatofthefiesta,itistheguffawandthe sigh,thatoftheembraceofloversandthatofHamletbeforetheskull, thevoiceofsilenceandthatoftumult,insanewisdomandwiseinsanity, whisperofconfidenceinthebedroomandsurgeofthemultitudeinthe plaza.Tohearthatvoiceistoheartimeitself,thetimethatpassesand that,nevertheless,returnstransformedinafewcrystallinesyllables.
Index Abasolo,438 absolutismprecedingliberalrevolutions inLatinAmerica,xvi–xvii absolutistprinciples,“old”liberalsversus “new”liberalson,397–401,431–35 AcademiadeNoblesArtes,280 Adams,John,x,xiv,474 AfricanAmericansinU.S.,universalsuffrageand,477,479 Alamán,Lucas:Altamiranoon,317–18; biographicalinformation,150;Bustamanteadministration,aspartof, 150,153n2;freetradeand,324;askey writer,xxix;onrestrictionofvoteto propertyholders,xv,169–74.See also Bustamanteadministration(1829– 1832),Alamán’scriticalexaminationof alcabalas(internaldutiesandcustoms), 322–23,362 AlexanderVI(pope),donationof,9 Alexandria,Museumof,520 AlexisdeTocquevillePrize,541,553–54 AlfonsoReyesPrize,541,549 Allende,438 Almovogates,320 Altamirano,IgnacioManuel:amnesty aftercivilwar,speechagainst,299–306; biographicalinformation,298;independence,speechonanniversaryof, 314–20;askeyauthor,xxix;onmartyrs ofTacubaya,303,307–13;as“old”liberal,xxiv Álvarez,General,265,302–3 ambition,problemof,32–39,203–4 amendmentofconstitution,Otero’sproposalsfor,233–34 America.SeeLatinAmerica,liberalre-
publicantraditionin;UnitedStates; specific Latin American countries AmericanIndians.Seeindigenouspeoples ofMexico amnestyproposalfollowingThreeYears’ War,299–306 amparo,writof,410 Anaxagoras,522 Appleby,Joyce,xiv,xxi Argentina,483 Arista,Mariano,272n4,459 Aristides,53 Aristophanes,319 AristotleandAristotelianism,xvii,30, 520,522–23,525,526 armedforces.Seemilitary Arriaga,Ponciano,33,395,476 Arteaga,EduardoF.,415 association/assembly,rightof,216,279 ElAteneodelaJuventud,518 AttilatheHun,319 AugustineofHippo,288 Ayutla,Plan/Revolutionof(1854),252, 263,264,266,267,272,291,296,302–3, 322,459,483 Bagehot,Walter,493 balanceofpowers,xxv–xxvi,487–93 Balmes,Jaime,338 Barquera,JuanWenceslao,xxvn51 Barreda,Gabino,511 Barthélémy,Joseph,484n2,488–89 BasesOrgánicas(1843),233 Bassols,Narciso,507,513 Baudelaire,Charles,553,559–60 Bayard,PierreTerrail,seigneurde(ChevalierdeBayard),305 563
564 : index Bayle,Pierre,76 Belisarius(FlaviusBelisarius),318 Bello,Dionisio,309 Benítez,Justo,406–7 Bentham,Jeremy,xixn34,45,74–76, 86–87,98,433 Berencer,Justice Criminelle,59n3 Bergson,Henri,518,520 bicameralsystem,issuesrelatingto, 171–78,498 Bignon,LouisPierreEdouard,baron,94 BitternessStreet,341 blackpeopleinU.S.,universalsuffrage and,477,479 Blake,William,558 Blancarte,JoséMaría,272n4 Bolivia,xv Bonaparte,Napoleon,38,52,557 Bravo,Nicolás,14,154n3,438 Brazil,483 Breton,André,554,558 BrissotdeWarville,JacquesPierre,x Britain:citizenmeetingsorcouncilsin publichousesof,126;conservatism in,402;Constitutionof,212,222,229, 394,492;educationin,335;emergency powersin,164;parliamentarysystem ofgovernmentin,487,494,497;Tories andWhigsin,97;universalsuffrage in,477,478–80;U.S.governmentand Constitutionoriginatinginexperience of,156;vagrancyin,346 Brito,Rodolfo,506 Bruni,Leonardo,xvii Brutus(Caesar’sassassin),96,303,554 Bryce,474 Buenabad,Ángel,311,312 Buenrostro,Felipe,299 Burke,Edmund,85–86,151,152n1,155, 157n6,171 businessandcommerce,governmentsupportfor,369
Bustamanteadministration(1829–1832), Alamán’scriticalexaminationof,151– 78;bicameralsystem,issuesrelatingto, 171–78;circumstancesandobjectives of,153–55;meansavailabletocarryout objectivesof,153,155–56,162–69;propertyowners,proposaltorestrictvoting rightsto,169–74;U.S.Constitutionand governmentcompared,156–63,165–67 Bustamante,Anastasio,14,67n1,139, 150–54,159n7,168,321 Bustamante,CarlosMaría,185 Caamaño,301,303 CalderóndelaBarca,Pedro,329,446 Caligula(Romanemperor),96 Calleja,FélixMaría,438 Callejo,General,308 Calles,PlutarcoElías,512n3 Calpulalpan,republicanvictoryat,300, 301,303,307 Cardoso,Mr.,235 CarlosI(kingofSpain),117 CarlosIII(kingofSpain),346 CarlosIV(kingofSpain),xvi–xvii CarlosV(HolyRomanEmperor),103, 117,316 Caro,Elme-Marie,398,421–23,432–33 Carrel,Dr.,520 Cartagena,Alonsode,xvii CasaMata,Planof(1823),140–41,142,157 Casanova,301,304 Caso,Antonio:onancientandearly modernphilosophy,520–23;biographicalinformation,518;ondemocracy, 532–37;onfundamentalistreligion, 439;onGermanidealism,524–27;on HegelandHegelianism,523,525,526– 29,534,535;onKant,522–25,527,529, 531;askeywriter,xxix;libertyandlaw, onrelationshipbetween,529–31;on Scheler,520,535–40;scienceandphi-
index : 565 losophy,onmodernadvancementsin, 519–21;universitypoliticsand,506,518 Cassius,303,555 Castelar,Emilio,382–84,402 Castillo,Severodel,302–3 Castoriadis,Cornelio,562 CatholicChurch.SeeRomanCatholic Church Cato,319 CentralAmericanUnion/Provincias UnidasdeCentroAmérica,134n1,472 Cervantes,Miguelde,546–47,551 CervantesPrize,541,542 Chacón,301,303 Charles(kingsofSpain).See entries at Carlos Chateaubriand,François-Renéde,554 Chavarría,General,312 Chile,403,483 Cicero,124,221n8,346 Cinna,305 citizens,civillibertiesof.Seecivillibertiesofthecitizen citizenship,amendmentofConstitution of1824toencompassrightsof,214–18 civilauthority:ambitionand,32–39;civil libertiesofthecitizen,importanceof governmentprotectionof,42–49;laws ofexceptionviolatinglimitson,52–53; limitationson,17–22,41 civillegislationandlitigation,Zavalaon, 129–31 civillibertiesofthecitizen,40–49;defined,40;despots,expungedby,41–42, 45–49;importanceofgovernmentprotectionof,42–49;lawsofexception eroding(seeexception,lawsof );social contractand,40–41 civilregister,LawsofReformestablishing,353,360 civilwarinMexico.Seerevolutionand civilwarinMexico
Civil War(Lucan),169n12 CivilWar,U.S.,393,394,414 classes,representationby,139 classicaldemocracy,distinguishedfrom modern,84 Coleridge,SamuelTaylor,558 collectivism.Seesocialism/communism CollegeofAgriculture,280 Colmeiro,347 Colocolo,105 Colombia,xiv,472 colonialperiodinMexico,Zavalaon, 102–12,115–16 Columbus,Christopher,102,288,349 commerce.Seeeconomics communism.Seesocialism/communism Comonfort,Ignacio,262,265,303,309, 318,353,452,459,483 Comte,Auguste,398 Condorcet,Marie-Jean-Antoine-Nicolas Caritat,marquisde,x ConfuciantraditioninChina,555 Congress.Seelegislativebranch CongressofUniversityStudents,502 Congressional Government(Wilson,1885), 488,493n5 conquestandcolonialperiodinMexico, 102–12,316 conquest,rightof,10 conservativesversusliberals:onambition ofpublicmen,203–4;onchangeablenessofpersonsandsystemsinpower, 204–5;civilwarinmid-nineteenth centuryMexicoand,xxvi–xxvii;on education,280–84;onequalityasprinciple,193–94;federalrepresentative system’sappropriatenessforMexico, 191–96;onmotivesforMexicanindependence,184–86,197–99;onpopular sovereignty,192–93;presspolemicregarding,181–82;progressivemovement and,279–84;onreligioustolerance
566 : index conservativesversusliberals(continued) andreligiousfreedom,282–83,285–90; unityofpower,concernoverlack of,186–90,199–201;onvetopowers, 264–65;work,article5ofConstitution onfreedomof,391–405.See also“old” liberalsversus“new”liberals Considerations concerning the Greatness and Decline of the Romans(Montesquieu), 50 Constant,Benjamin,xix–xx,xxiii,3,18 La Constitución y la dictadura(Rabasa, 1912):onadolescentorsimplisticconceptionofelections,468–71;onclassificationofgovernmentalsystems, 486–87;compositionof,467;constitutions,effectsofpersistentaction of,491–93;onevolutionofsuccession practices,481–85;legislativebranch, critiqueof,493–98;onparliamentary systemsofgovernment,487,492,494; onpartypoliticsandelections,471–76; onpresidentialorAmericansystemof governmentwithbalanceofpowers, 487–93;onuniversalsuffrage,476–81 constitutionsandconstitutionalism: amendmentof,Otero’sproposalsfor, 233–34;BasesOrgánicas(1843),233; BritishConstitution,212,222,229, 394,492;Bustamanteadministration andU.S.governmentandConstitutioncompared,156–63,165–67;criminalsandConstitutionalrights,Vigil on,454–57;factionsinliberalsociety notabout,88–89;FrenchConstituentAssembly,Constitutionof,157, 175;FrenchConstitutionof1815,212; FrenchConstitutionof1848,xxvi; FrenchConstitutionof1875,492; GómezFaríasonneedtoconvenenew constituentcongress(1823),138–49; homelandobligations,article31re-
garding,411–12;LatinAmerica,liberal republicantraditionin,xiv–xv;MexicanConstitutionof1824,206,209–14, 234–41,266,272,289,292,458;Mexican Constitutionof1857,xxvi–xxviii,262, 269–73,285,291–97,326–28,330,332, 356,385–87,388,409,459,476,491–92; MexicanConstitutionof1917,xxviii, 517;Mexico,firsteffortstoconstruct constitutionalsystemin,xxv–xxvi, 156–60,172–78;Otero’svoteonconstituentcongress(1847),207–41;persistentactionsofconstitutions,effects of,491–93;rightsofcitizenship,establishing,214–18;secondarylawsconflictingwithprinciplesof,50–52; SevenLaws(1836),210n3,247,269; slavery,Mexicanabolitionof,329–93, 411;U.S.Constitution,17–18,114,156, 158,212,215,491,492;work,freedom of,interpretationofarticle5ofConstitutionregarding,391–93,394–95, 404–5,410–14,419,421.See alsoLaws ofReform;“old”liberalsversus“new” liberals;SpanishConstitution Contemporáneos,501 Córdova,Treatiesof(1821),145 corporationsandcorporaterights,xxii, xxvi,114,167,169,376,464 El Correo de México,298 Cortés,Hernando,103,117–18 Cortesof1814,143–45 Cos,JoséMaríade,185n2 CosíoVillegas,Daniel,xxi,xxii CostaRica,134n1,483 Councilofthegovernment,162–63 Cousin,Victor,523 criminaljusticeinMexico:Constitutionalguaranteesandcriminality,Vigil on,454–57;LawsonReformregarding,360;vagrancyascrime,344–52; Zavalaonstateof,127–29
index : 567 Critique of Judgment(Kant),524 Critique of Pure Reason(Kant),523 Cromwell,Oliver,447 crucifixionofJesus,53 Cualpopoca,316 Cuesta,Jorge:biographicalinformation, 501;askeywriter,xxix;onnewclerical politics,511–13;onpoliticaldogmatism followingRevolutionof1917–1920, 514–17;onuniversitypolitics,502–8, 509–11,513 Cumplido,Ignacio,182 Curso de política constitucional(Constant), xx customsandlaws,relationshipbetween, 285–90 Dante,318,349,546,555,558 Danton,Georges,44,52,309 Daunou,PierreClaudeFrançois,28 daylaborers,landless.Seelandless laborers DazaArgüelles,311,312 dePradt,Mr.,142 Degollado,Santos,304,308–9,330,438 democracy:philosophyof,532–37;union oflibertyand,546 Democracy in America(Tocqueville),221 Democritus,522 Descartes,René,523,524–25 despotism:ambition,destructionoflibertyvia,32–39;civillibertiesofcitizens,expunging,41–42,45–49;defined, 19,52;indigenouspeoplesandecclesiasticalauthorities,relationshipbetween,108;LatinAmerica,association ofdictatorshipwith,ix;aslawwithout liberty,531;secondarylawsviolating constitutiveprinciples,via,50–52,55 Diario de los debates. Sexto Congreso Constitucional(1872),326,333,344 DíazCerna,347
DíazCovarrubias,Juan,310,311 Díaz,Isidro,301,304,313 Díaz,Porfirio,xxiv,xxviii,xxix,321,381, 395,407,442n1,467,483 Diccionario de Autoridades(1726–39),550 doctrinaireconstitutionalists(“old”liberals).See“old”liberalsversus“new” liberals Dolores,cryof(1810),184–85n1–2,198, 199,315,436–39 Don Quixote(Cervantes),546 Don Simplicio,242 Dostoyevsky,Fyodor,551 Durango,Collegeof,281 Duval,Dr.,310 Echávarri,JoséAntoniode,14,138–39, 140n5 Eco Nacional,279–82,284,285,288–90 economics:businessandcommerce,governmentsupportfor,369;freetrade, 112,279,323–25,362,xxixn56;internaldutiesandcustoms,Prieto’sproposaltoabolish,322–23,362;laissez faire,adoptedaspoliticalphilosophy, 280–84;lawsof,incapitalistandcommunistsystems,505;LawsofReform, onnationalfinances,361–65;Ministry ofEconomicDevelopment,establishmentof,280–81;resourcesandpopulationnecessarytosustainindependence,15–16 Ecuador,xiv educationinMexico:boardsof,339–40; freedomofinstruction,333–35,337, 359;historyof,121–26;LawsofReform on,359;newclericalpoliticsand,511– 13;orallessons,adequacyof,338–39; politicsandphilosophyofuniversity, 502–8,509–11,513,518;progressive movementand,280–84;romanticnonconformityofstudentspirit,510–11;
568 : index educationinMexico(continued) systemofpubliceducation,335–43; vagrancy,asantidoteto,351 EdwardVI(kingofEngland),346 Einstein,Albert,519,520 ElSalvador,134n1 elections:adolescentorsimplisticconceptionof,468–71;citizeninvolvement andinterest,importanceof,274–78; evolutionofsuccessionpracticesand, 481–85;governmentalneedforstabilityversus,470–71;LatinAmerica, electoralpracticein,xv;partypolitics and,471–76;propertyowners,proposalstorestrictvoteto,xv,96–97, 169–74;propertyowners,rejectionof restrictionofelectedofficeto,221–22; reformofelectoralsystem,proposalsregarding,226–30.See alsouniversal suffrage Eliot,T.S.,560 emergencypowers:Bustamanteadministration’slackof,164–65;inConstitutionof1857,xxvi.See alsoexception, lawsof Empedocles,522 encomiendasandencomenderos,104,107,316 England.SeeBritain Ensayo histórico de las revoluciones de México, desde 1808 hasta 1830(Zavala, 1831):oncivillegislationandlitigation, 129–31;oncolonialperiod,102–12, 115–16;compositionof,100;conclusion to,115–33;oncriminaljustice,127–29; oneducation,121–26;onhonor,131–32; onindigenouspeoples(seeindigenous peoplesofMexico);introductionto, 102–14;post-revolutionarysociety, issuesin,112–14;onpropertydistributionandlandlesslaborers,104,108–12; onRomanCatholicchurch,105–8,114, 116–21
equalityasprinciple,conservativesversus liberalson,193–94 Escalante,Fernando,xxii El Espectador Sevillano,3,77n6,81n7 EspinosadelosMonteros,Mr.,235 Esteva,Sr.,163 Ethics(Spinoza),523 La evolución política del pueblo mexicano (Sierra),381 exception,lawsof,50–59;Bustamante administration’slackofemergency powers,164–65;Constitutionof1857, emergencypowersin,xxvi;illegalnatureof,55–57;limitsoncivilauthority, violating,52–53;nojustificationfor, 53–55;asoutsidethelaw,130;public securitythreatenedby,57–59;secondarylawscontradictingprinciplesof constitutivelaw,50–52 executivebranch:checksandbalances versusstrictseparationofpowers, xxv–xxvi;Otero’sproposedreformsto Constitutionof1824regarding,224–26; presidentialorAmericansystemof governmentwithbalanceofpowers, 487–93;U.S.powers,160–61 expression,freedomof,23–31 factions,88–99;foundationalandconstitutionalissues,importanceofgeneral agreementregarding,88–89;inevitabilityinliberalinstitutions,88;majorityopinionversus,92–94;negative anddestructive,90–99;propersubjects ofdispute,89–90;propertyowners abstainingfrom,96–97 federalism,xii,137,168,206,209–10 Federalist Papers,xxv,xxviin54 Fedro,60 FelipeII(kingofSpain),117 FernandoandIsabel(Catholicmonarchs ofSpain),117
index : 569 Fernando(Ferdinand)VII(kingof Spain),9,141n6,143,184n1,185n2,198 Ferrier,M.,245 Fichte,JohannGottlieb,525–26,539 Filangieri,413 Filisola,Vicente,14,135 financialissues.Seeeconomics Flaubert,Gustave,551 Fontana,Biancamaria,xviiin29 foreignrelations,LawsofReformon, 360–61 Fox,CharlesJames,220 France:chambersofrepresentativesin, 494–95,498;conservatismin,394, 402;ConstituentAssembly,Constitutionof,157,175;Constitutionof 1815,212;Constitutionof1848,xxvi; Constitutionof1875,492;education in,338;martiallawin,164;Mexico, interventionin,xxvi–xxvii,242,262, 321;Revolutionof1848,319;Saint Bartholomew’sdaymassacrein,557; Spain,invasionof,184,198;strictseparationofpowersin,xxv,175;systemof governmentin,488;universalsuffrage in,477,478.See alsoFrenchRevolution of1789 FrancisofAssisi,349 Franklin,Benjamin,319 freetrade,112,279,323–25,362,xxixn56 freedom.Seelibertyandliberalismin Mexico,andspecific liberties FrenchRevolutionof1789:clergyand, 318;customsandlaws,relationshipbetween,287;denialofnaturalrightsin pre-revolutionaryFrenchsocietyand, 409;Mexicantheoriesoflibertyand, xvii–xix,xxv;Mora’suseof,18–19,34, 44,49,52,66,95;“old”liberalsversus “new”liberalsand,394,409,432–33, 435;poets’responsesto,557,558,559; Reflections on the French Revolution
(Burke),151,155;Zavalaoncolonial Mexicoand,111 FríasySoto,Citizen,340–43 Fritot,413–14 Fuente,C.JuanAntoniodela,377 fundamentalistreligion,439 Galileo,30,288 Gamboa,Mr.,323 GarcíadelaCadena,Mr.,330–32 GarcíaTorres,Vicente,181,391n1 Garza,JuanJosédela,308 Gayón,347 generalpower,Oteroonlimitsof,230–33 Germanidealism,524–27 Germany,335,343,486–87 Ghibellines,117 Girondists,44,557 Gladstone,WilliamEwart,491 El Globo,382 El Gobierno Constitucional, á la Nación (Juárez,1859),355 Godoy,Manuelde,xvii GómezFarías,Valentín:biographicalinformation,137;educationand,337;as keywriter,xxix;Morainadministrationof,3;newconstituentcongress, 1823argumentinfavorofconvening, 138–49;Prietoand,321;revoltoverthrowing,438n2;VigilonindependenceofMexicoand,438;Zavalain administrationof,100 GómezPedraza,Manuel,154n4,164,438 GonzálezOrtega,General,303,407 Gorostiza,José,501 The Government of Poland(Rousseau), 217n5 Gracii,77 GreatBritain.SeeBritain Greekdemocracy,distinguishedfrom modern,84 Guadalupe,Orderof,270
570 : index Guadalupe,Virginof,198 Guatemala,xv,101,134–36,253 Guatimocine,105 Guernica,Treeof,328 Guerra,François-Xavier,xvin21,xxi–xxii Guerrero,Vicente,14,67n1,100,150, 153–54n2–4,438 Guillaumen,338 Guizot,François,229 Gutiérrez,303,317 Guzmán,Léon,309,395 Hale,CharlesA.,xi–xii,xx–xxv,xxviii HanYu,551–52 happiness,generalhumandesirefor,71 Harrington,James,xvii,111 Hartmann,Karl,427 Hegel,GeorgWilhelmFriedrich,and Hegelianism,523,525,526–29,534,535 HenríquezUreña,Pedro,518 HenryIV(kingofFrance),300,303 Heraclitus,522 Herrera,JoséJoaquínde,14,206 Hidalgo,Miguel,ofDolores,184n1, 185n2,198,199,436–39 Hippocrates,339 Historia de Méjico(Alamán,1849–52),150 Historia del Congreso Extraordinario Constituyente (1856–1857)(Zarco,1857),251, 262,291 Historia del Segundo Congreso Constitucional de la República Mexicana(Buenrostro,1875),299 Historia moderna de México(Villegas, 1955),xxi Historia parlamentaria del Cuarto Congreso Constitucional(Tovar,1874),325 historicalconstitutionalists(“new”liberals).See“old”liberalsversus“new” liberals Hitler,Adolf,517
Hobbes,Thomas,427,531,562 Hölderlin,Friedrich,557 Homer,105,349 Honduras,134n1 honor,principlesof,131–32 Horace,152,175–76 Huerta,Victoriano,467 Hugo,Victor,405,558,560 Humboldt,Alexandervon,ix,xn3 Hume,David,90–91 Husserl,Edmund,520,523,525 Huxley,Aldous,501 Iguala,Planof(1822),14,140,145,188, 190,198 immigration,LawsofReformonMexicanencouragementof,367–68 Inclán,Ignacio,159 independenceofGuatemala,Zavala’svote on,134–36 independenceofjudges,xxiv,60–67 independenceofMexico:federalrepresentativesystem,appropriatenessof, 191–96;legitimatepossessionofland occupied,8–12;motivesforindependencemovement,184–86,197–99; “old”liberalmeditationonanniversary of,436–39;populationandresources necessarytosustain,15–16;fromprinciplesofSpanishConstitution,5–8; speechofAltamiranoonanniversary of(1861),314–20;sufficientenlightenmentofpeoplesclaiming,13–15;unity ofpowerand,186–90,199–201 independenceofTexasfromMexico, 100–101 indigenouspeoplesofMexico:during conquestandcolonialperiod,104–8; ecclesiasticalauthorityand,105–8,117– 18;educationof,122–23,281;landless stateof,109–12;landssetasidefor,331;
index : 571 languagesof,254–55;inMexicanconsciousness,544;territorialdivisionand, 251–55;universalsuffrageand,477–78 The Individual and His Property(Stirner), 528 individualsecurity,lawsattacking.See exception,lawsof infrastructure,LawsofReformon, 366–67 Inquisition,106–7,283,545 InstitutodeCienciasofOaxaca,281 InstitutodeGuadalajara,281 InstitutoLiterarioofToluca,281 internaldutiesandcustoms(alcabalas), 322–23,362 internationalrelations,LawsofReform on,360–61 IsabelandFernando(Catholicmonarchs ofSpain),117 Iturbide,Agustínde:ambition,Moraon dangersof,38;constituentcongress under,139n3,157n5;oneducation,337; GómezFaríasand,137,142,143,144; independenceofMexicoproclaimed by,14,199,438;publicopinionandthe generalwill,Moraon,77n3;rebellion andaccessiontopowerof,140–41n4–6; TreatiesofCórdovasignedby,145n8; Zavalaand,100 Jackson,Andrew,160,474 Jacobinism,xxiv,xxviii–xix,249,469, 480,545,559 Jalisco,Revolutionof(1852),272 Jane,Cecil,xii Jansenists,119 Jefferson,Thomas,ix–xi,473–74,492 Jerome(saint),349 Jesuits(casuists),118–21,281 Jesus,crucifixionof,53 Jicotencale,105
JiménezdeCisneros,Francisco,316 Jovellanos,GasparMelchorde,xvi Joyce,James,561 Juárez,Benito:administrationof,242, 258n2,262,321,353–54;Constitution of1857and,xxvii–xxviii;Instituto deCienciasofOaxaca,asdirectorof, 281;LawofReform,proclamationof (1859),353–54,355;Mateosand,309; “new”liberalsonMexicanrepublic under,395;overthrowof,483,497;in Ramirez’s“LettertoFidel”(1965),259, 260;religiousfreedom,declarationof (1860),372–77;vetopowerand,265; VigilonindependenceofMexicoand, 438 judicialbranch:checksandbalancesversusstrictseparationofpowers,xxv– xxvi;civillegislationandlitigation, Zavalaon,129–31;criminaljusticein Mexico,Zavalaonstateof,127–29;extraordinarypowersmadeindependent of,51;independenceofjudges,xxiv, 60–67;lawsofexceptionalteringtribunalsandformsoftrial,53–54;Laws ofReformregarding,358–59 juicio de amparo,xxvi,206 JuliusCaesar(GaiusJuliusCaesar),96, 300,303,447,554 Juridical and Social Philosophy(Sauer),528 Justice Criminelle(Berencer),59n3 JustinianI(Byzantineemperor),318n1, 339 Kant,Immanuel,522–25,527,529,531,562 Koskiusco,Tadeusz,319 Kossuth,Lajos,315,319 LaHarpe,Jean-Françoisde,124–25 LaLlave,General,308 Laboulaye,Edouardde,xxiii–xivn49
572 : index Lafayette,GilbertdeMotier,marquis de,xi Lafragua,JoséMaría,xxix laissez faire,adoptedaspoliticalphilosophy,280–84 landlesslaborers:incolonialMexico,104, 108–12;Ramírezonslaveryof,255–57 languagesofindigenouspeoplesof Mexico,254–55 Lanjuinais,JeanDenis,comte,89 Laplace,Pierre-Simon,524 LatinAmerica,liberalrepublicantraditionin,ix–xx;constitutions,liberal basisof,xiv–xv;dictatorship,associationofLatinAmericawith,ix;historicalbackgroundandcontextofSpanish Americanrevolutions,xv–xx;independencefromSpain,adoptionofliberal republicanformofgovernmentafter, ix;scholarlyneglectof,xi–xiv;U.S. foundingfathers’skepticismregarding,ix–xi lawandliberty,relationshipbetween, 529–31 LawsofReform,353–54;businessand commerce,governmentsupportfor, 369;civilregister,establishmentof, 353,360;constitutionalprecepts,Prieto’sproposaltoelevatetostatusof, 326–32;oncrimeandinternalsecurity, 360;economicmeasuresin,361–65; oneducation,359;onforeignrelations,360–61;onfreemovement,360; onfreedomofthepress,360;immigration,encouragementof,367–68;on infrastructure,366–67;judicialbranch, pertainingto,358–59;onmilitary, 363–64,366;onpensions,363–64;proclamationof(1859),355–71;reasonsfor promulgating,356–57,369–71;religious liberty,establishmentof,353,358; RomanCatholicChurch,lossofprivi-
legesof,331,353,357–58;separation ofchurchandstate,353,357;statistics, gatheringanddisseminationof,369; territorialproperty,subdivisionof, 368–69;ThreeYears’War(1858–1861) and,353–57,369–70;Vigilon,434,440, 458–61 LawsoftheIndies,104–5,424 Lazcano,General,309 legislativebranch:checksandbalances versusstrictseparationofpowers, xxv–xxvi;civillegislationandlitigation,129–31;criminaljusticeinMexico and,127–29;critiquedbyRabasa, 493–98;lawsofexceptionpassedby (seeexception,lawsof );Otero’sproposedreformstoConstitutionof1824 regarding,219–24;powersunderfirst MexicanConstitution,167–68;presidentialorAmericansystemofgovernmentwithbalanceofpowers,487–93; publicopinion,obligationofrepresentativestosubmitto,80–87;inU.S., 165–67;vetopowerand,xxvii,167,175, 263–68 Leibniz,Gottfried,523 Lemus,Mr.,328 León,330 LerdodeTejada,Miguel,319,327,354, 371,483,495 lèse-nation,43 “LettertoFidel”(Ramirez,1965),259, 260 “liberal”and“liberalism,”Spanishoriginsofterms,xvii La Libertad:“old”liberalsand“new”liberals,polemicbetween,xxiv,381,408; Sierra’spublicationsin,382–84,385, 388,391,401,402;Vigilreferencing, 416–22,426–34,444–47,449,451,452 libertyandliberalisminMexico,ix–xxix; colonialperiod,102–12;Hale’sanalysis
index : 573 of,xi–xii,xx–xxv,xxviii;asideological issue,xx–xxii,xxviii–xxix;keywriters on,xxix(see also specific authors by name);lawandliberty,relationshipbetween,529–31;literatureand,542–47; fromMexicanWarofIndependence (1810–1821)toMexicanRevolution (1910–1929),xxii–xxviii;inpostrevolutionaryperiod(1929–2000),xxviii– xxix;traditionalpoliticalstructures, interactionwith,xii–xiv,xx,xxiin46. See alsoconservativesversusliberals; constitutionsandconstitutionalism; LatinAmerica,liberalrepublicantraditionin;“old”liberalsversus“new” liberals;revolutionandcivilwarin Mexico;specific liberties Liceo,281 Lista,Alberto,3 literacyrequirementsforuniversalsuffrage,476–77 literaryprizes,541,542,549 literature:liberaltraditionand,542–47; “TheNationalRepresentation”(poem; Ramirez,1845),243–50;poets,poetry, andrevolution,553–62;thestateand, 548–52 Livy,105,124 Lloyd,James,x Locke,John,82,131,562 LombardoToledano,Vicente,502,510, 518 LópezdelaPlata,Mr.,135,136 López,MarcialAntonio,xxn36 López,Narciso,319 loyaltyoathtoSpain,11–12 Lucan,169n12 Luxemburg,Rosa,545 Lycurgus,286 Mach,Ernst,519 Machiavelli,Niccólo,427,562
Madison,James,xxviin54 Magiscatzine,105 Magyars,319 Malebranche,Nicolas,121,523 Marat,Jean-Paul,34 Marín,General,308 Marión Delorme(VictorHugo,1831),405 Marius,305 Márquez,Leonardo,301,308,310,312,313 MartinezMarina,FranciscoXavier,83, 145–48 Marx,Karl,528–29,562 Mateos,Manuel,309,311 Maximilian(emperorofMexico),xxvi– xxvii,261,308n1,313 McKinley,William,489 Mejía,General,308,310,313 Merquior,J.G.,xviin28 Mexican-Americanwar(1846–1848),150, 181,263 MexicanConstitutions.See underconstitutionsandconstitutionalism Mexico,libertyandliberalismin.SeelibertyandliberalisminMexico military:conscription/levy,393,410–11; France,martiallawin,164;honor, principlesof,131–32;LawsofReform on,363–64,366;NationalGuard,209, 216,366;pensions,363–64;permanent troops,Zavalaonproblemof,113;in U.S.,393,394,414 Mill,JohnStuart,338,398 Miltiades,53 Milton,John,555 MinistryofEconomicDevelopment, 280–81 Miramón,Miguel,303,308,310,312 Miranda,Francisco,x Moctezuma,9–10,106,245,316 El Monitor Republicano:Altamirano’s speechonanniversaryofindependencein,314;polemicbetweenEl Siglo
574 : index El Monitor Republicano(continued) XIX, El Universal,and,181–82,183,191, 197,202;Sierrareferencing,391,393, 397,400,401,403,404;Vigil’spublicationsin,408,409,415,421,426,428, 431,436,440,444,449,454,458,462 Montaño,301,303 Montesquieu,CharlesLouisdeSecondat, baronde,xivn13,xixn34,xxiii,40,42, 50,93,132,214n4,223n9,245,562 Montezuma.SeeMoctezuma Mora,JoséMaríaLuis:Alamáncompared,150;ambition,ondestructionof libertyvia,32–39;biographicalinformation,3–4;Constant,influenceof, xx;educationand,337;onfreedomof thought,speech,andwriting,23–31;on independenceofjudicialpower,60–67; askeywriter,xxix;onlimitationsof civilauthority,17–22,41;religionand publicmorality,citedbyVigilon,462– 65;onrestrictionofvotetoproperty holders,xv;onweaknessofexecutive understrictseparationofpowers,xxv. See alsocivillibertiesofthecitizen; exception,lawsof;factions;independenceofMexico;publicopinionand generalwill Morales,JuanBautista,182 moralityandreligion,relationshipbetween,118–21,462–66 Morelos,438 Morse,Richard,xii–xiii,xxii Moses,286 movement,freedomof,360 Mussolini,Benito,507,517 Muzquiz,Mr.,138,149 NapoleonBonaparte,38,52,557 NapoleonIII(Frenchemperor),xxvi– xxvii NationalCollegeofSanGregorio,281
National Episodes(PérezGaldós,1881– 1885),543–44,545 NationalGuard,209,216,366 “TheNationalRepresentation”(poem; Ramirez,1845),243–50 NativeAmericans.Seeindigenous peoplesofMexico Negrete,PedroCelestino,14,138–39 ElNegromante.SeeRamírez,Ignacio Nerval,Gérardde,558 newclericalpolitics,Cuestaon,511–13 NewGranada,xiv,xv “new”liberals.See“old”liberalsversus “new”liberals Newton,Isaac,529 Nicaragua,134n1,136 Nietzsche,Friedrich,520,551 oathofloyaltytoSpain,11–12 oaths,374 ObregónGonzález,Citizen,351,352 El Observador de la República Mexicana,3, 17,23,32,40,50,60,68,88 obvenciones,107 Ocampo,Melchor,301,304,305,309,330, 354,371,438 Oceana(Harrington),111 O’Donojú,Juande,145n8 O’Horan,311,313 “old”liberalsversus“new”liberals, xxiii–xxiv,381;absolutistprinciples, Sierraon,397–401;absolutistprinciples,Vigilon,431–35;conservatism of“new”liberals,Sierraon,388–90, 402–5;conservatismof“new”liberals, Vigilon,440–43,449;Constitution of1857,opinionof“new”liberalson, 385–87,388;criminaljusticeandConstitutionalguarantees,Vigilon,454– 57;FrenchRevolutionof1789and, 394,409,432–33,435;idealismof“old” liberals,Vigilon,415–20;impracti-
index : 575 calnatureof“old”liberallaws,Sierra on,393–97;independenceofMexico, Vigilon,436–39;individualrightsfor all,Vigilon“new”liberalsasrejecting,421–25;LawsofReform,Vigil on,xxiii–xxiv,381;La Libertad,Sierra onprogramof,382–84;naturalrights guaranteedbyConstitution,Vigilon, 409–10;presidentialelectionsof1880 and,406–7;principlesof“new”liberals,Sierraon,397–401;principlesof “new”liberals,Vigilon,449–53;revolutionariesandreactionaries,Sierra on,388,401–2;revolutionariesandreactionaries,Vigilon,416–20,427–29; scientificmethodof“new”liberals, Sierraon,402–3;scientificmethodof “new”liberals,Vigilon,445–46,448, 449,451;socialorder,Sierraonaims of“new”liberalstoconserve,402; socialorder,Vigilonaimsof“new” liberalstoconserve,449–53;strong government,Sierra’s“new”liberal supportfor,403–7;stronggovernment,Vigil’s“old”liberalquestioning of,444–48,451;tyranny,Vigil’srejectionof“new”liberalismas,426–30; work,article5ofConstitutionon freedomof,391–93,394–95,404–5, 410–14,419,421 Olmedo,Father,316 On Liberty(Mill),398 On Monarchy(Dante),555 Onofre(saint),349 opinion,freedomof,23–31 OrderofGuadalupe,270 OrtegayGasset,527,535,562 OrtízRubio,Pascual,512n3 Osollo,303 Otero,Mariano:onamendmentofconstitution,233–34;biographicalinformation,206;constituentcongress,
voteon(1847),207–41;Constitution of1824,proposaltorestorewithreforms,206,209–14,234–41;onelectoral system,226–30;onexecutivebranch, 224–26;formalplanforconstitutional reform,236–41;askeywriter,xxix;on legislativebranch,219–24;onlimitsto generalpowerandstatepower,230–33; onrightsofcitizenship,214–18;El Siglo XIXand,182,206 Owen,Gilberto,501 Pacheco,Citizen,335 Padilla,316 Pagden,Anthony,xv–xvi Paley,William,82,87,131 Panama,xiv Paraguay,10 Paredes,General,269 parliamentarysystemsofgovernment, 487,492,494 Parmenides,522,523 Pascal,Blaise,121 Paz,Irenio,543 Paz,Octavio:biographicalinformation, 541;askeywriter,xxix;onliterature andtheliberaltradition,542–47;onliteratureandthestate,548–52;onpoets, poetry,andrevolution,553–62 PeñayRamírez,476 penance,doctrineof,119–20 pensions,LawsofReformon,363–64 PérezGaldós,Benito,543–44,545 Pericles,320 Perry,LaurensBallard,xxii La persona humana y el estado totalitario (Caso,1941),518,519 Peru,110,483,544,561 petition,rightof,216 Petofi,Sándor,319 Peyrefitte,Alain,553 Phaedrus(Plato),522
576 : index philosophy:ancientandearlymodern, 520–23;ofdemocracy,532–37;Germanidealism,524–27;HegelandHegelianism,523,525,526–29,534,535; Kant,522–25,527,529,531,562;modern advancementsinscienceand,519–20; Scheler,520,535–40;university,politicsandphilosophyof,502–8,509–11, 513,518 Philosophy of Universal History(Hegel), 535 Phocian,53 physiocrats,349 Piña,Ismael,301 Pitt,William,220 Pizarro,Francisco,484 Planck,Max,519 PlanofAyutla/RevolutionofAyutla (1854),252,263,264,266,267,272,291, 296,302–3,322,459,483 PlanofCasaMata(1823),140–41,142,157 PlanofIguala(1822),14,140,145,188, 190,198 PlanofTacubaya/RevolutionofTacubaya (1858),xxvi,483 PlanofTuxtepec/RevolutionofTuxtepec (1876),442,483 PlatoandPlatonism,346,511,512,520, 522,526 Plutarch,124 Pocock,J.G.A.,xix poets,poetry,andrevolution,553–62 Polybius,396–97 popularsovereignty,conservative polemicregarding,192–93 populationandresourcesnecessaryto sustainindependence,15–16 PortesGil,Emilio,505 Portugal,Dr.,310 positivism,xxiv,381,398,408,422n1,432, 467,511,518
preemptionofstatelaw,230–33 presidency.Seeexecutivebranch,andspecific presidents by name press:conservativeversusliberal(seeconservativesversusliberals);elections and,277–78;freedomof,23–31,78–80, 98,273,360.See also specific newspapers and journals Prieto,Guillermo:biographicalinformation,321;El Correo de Méxicoand,298; oneducation,333–43;onfreetrade, 324–25;onfreedomtowork/notwork andvagrancyascrime,344–52;oninternaldutiesandcustoms,322–23;as keywriter,xxix;onLawsofReform (toConstitutionof1857),326–32; Mateosand,309;Ramirezand,242, 258,298 Principles of Constitutional Law(Bagehot), 493n5 progressandprogressivemovement, 279–84 propertyandpropertyownership: Churchproperty,nationalizationof, 357–58,364–65;civillegislationregarding,129;colonialMexico,property distributionandlandlesslaborersin, 104,108–12;factions,abstainingfrom, 96–97;indigenouspeoplesofMexico, landssetasidefor,331;proposalsto restrictvotetopropertyholders,xv, 96–97,169–74;restrictionofelected officeto,Otero’srejectionof,221–22; slaveryofdaylaborers,Ramírezon, 255–57;taxontransfersofproperty, abolitionof,362;territorialdivision, Ramirezon,251–55;territorialproperty,subdivisionof,368–69 Proust,Marcel,551 ProvinciasUnidasdeCentroAmérica/ CentralAmericanUnion,134n1,472
index : 577 publicmoralityandreligion,relationship between,118–21,462–66 publicopinionandgeneralwill,68–87; defined,69–70;factionsversus,92–94; fixedsignsofformationof,determining,74–80;lawsofexceptionnotjustifiedby,53–54;libertyasmostessential characterof,78;obligationtosubmit to,80–87;PlanofCasaMata,supportfor,140–41;popularvoiceversus, 80–81;significanceofconcepttoany government,68–69;verificationofuniformity,problemof,70–74 Pythagoras,522 Quevedo,Franciscode,531 Quisteil,110 Rabasa,Emilio:biographicalinformation,467;onConstitutionof1857, xxvii–xxviii;askeywriter,xxix;as latter-dayscientificconstitutionalist, xxivn50;as“new”liberal,467.See also Constitución y la dictadura RafaelyVilá,Rafaelde,181 Ramírez,Ignacio(ElNegromante):biographicalinformation,242;El Correo de Méxicoand,298;askeywriter,xxix; “LettertoFidel”(1865)onrepresentativegovernment,258–61;“TheNationalRepresentation”(poem,1845), 243–50;newclericalpoliticsand,511; Prietoand,242,258,298;onslavery ofdaylaborers,255–57;onterritorial division,251–55 RamosTritemio,Pedro,30 Ravaillac,François,303 La raza cósmica(Vasconcelos,1925), 511n2 Reflections on the French Revolution (Burke),151,155
ReformWarorThreeYears’War(1858– 1861),xxvi–xxvii,262,269,299n1,307, 327,353–57,369–70,459–60,517 religionandpublicmorality,relationship between,118–21,462–66 religion,fundamentalist,439 religioustoleranceandreligiousfreedom:Constant’svalorization,Mexicansuppressionof,xxn36;customsand laws,relationshipbetween,285–90; declarationof1860,372–77;Lawsof Reformdecreeing,353,358;Mexican independence,Altamirano’sspeechon anniversaryof(1861),318;progressive movementand,282–83;SaintBartholomew’sdaymassacre,557;separationofchurchandstateinMexico,353, 357.See alsoRomanCatholicChurch representativegovernment:appropriatenessforMexico,conservativedoubts regarding,191–96;classes,representationby,139;classicaldemocracy,distinguishedfrom,84;GómezFarías onneedtoconvenenewconstituent congress(1823),138–49;“TheNational Representation”(poem;Ramirez, 1845),243–50;Otero’sproposedreformstoConstitutionof1824regarding,219–24;publicopinion,obligation ofrepresentativestosubmitto,80–87; Ramírez’s“LettertoFidel”(1865)on, 258–61;townandmunicipalcouncils, votesgrantedto,139–40,141–42;unity ofpower,conservativeversusliberal polemicregarding,186–90,199–201.See alsoelections;legislativebranch;universalsuffrage La República,307 El Republicano,207 resourcesandpopulationnecessaryto sustainindependence,15–16
578 : index revolutionandcivilwarinMexico, 207–10,258–61;absolutismpreceding,xvi–xvii;Ayutla,Plan/Revolution of(1854),252,263,264,266,267,272, 291,296,302–3,322,459,483;Dolores, cryof(1810),184–85n1–2,198,199,315, 436–39;evolutionofsuccessionprocess and,483–84;historicalbackgroundand contextofSpanishAmericanrevolutions,xv–xx;Jalisco,Revolutionof (1852),272;Noria,Revolutionofthe, 483;North,Revolutionofthe,483; “old”liberalsversus“new”liberalson revolutionariesandreactionaries,388, 401–2,416–20,427–29;poets,poetry, andrevolution,Pazon,553–62;politicaldogmatismfollowingRevolution of1917–1920,514–17;ReformWaror ThreeYears’War(1858–1861),xxvi– xxvii,262,269,299n1,307,327,353–57, 369–70,459–60,517;Tacubaya,Plan/ Revolutionof(1858),xxvi,483;Tuxtepec,Plan/Revolutionof(1876),442, 483.See also Ensayo histórico de las revoluciones de México revolutioninFrance:1789(seeFrench Revolutionof1789);1848,319 RevolutionaryWar,U.S.,xviii,15,134,414 Revue des deux mondes,421–22 Reyes,Alfonso,518,541,549 ReyesHeroles,Jesús,xxn39,xxi,xxv rightsofcitizenship,amendmentofConstitutionof1824toencompass,214–18 RiodelaPlata,xv Ripalda,Jeronimo,281,350 RivaPalacio,General,312 Robespierre,Maximiliende,34,44,52, 66,557,559 Le Rôle du pouvoir exécutif dans les républiques modernes(Barthélémy,1906), 484n2,488–89 Rollin,Charles,123
RomanCatholicChurch:civilregister,LawsofReformestablishing,353, 360;corruptionin,283–84;democratic opinionand,440;educationinMexico and,121,122,124;independenceof Mexico,Altamirano’sspeechonanniversaryof(1861),314–15,316,317–19; indigenouspeoplesincolonialperiod and,105–8,117–18;influenceonMexicansociety,Zavalaon,116–21;Inquisition,106–7,283,545;monastichouses, suppressionof,357,399–400;nationalizationofchurchproperty,357–58, 364–65,460–61;newclericalpolitics, Cuestaon,511–13;possessionofland, proclamationofGospelnotlegitimate entitlementto,10;publicmoralityand religion,relationshipbetween,118–21, 462–66;reformpoliciesagainstprivilegesof,xxvi,xxvii,3,114,318–19,331, 353,357–58;SantaAnnabackedby, 459;Tacubaya,martyrsof,312,313;U.S. foundingfathers’skepticismregarding liberalrepublicantraditioninLatin Americaand,ix–xi.See alsoreligious toleranceandreligiousfreedom Romandemocracy,84,217,221 romanticism:FrenchRevolutionand,557; studentspirit,romanticnonconformityof,510–11 Romero,Matías,259 Roosevelt,Theodore,489 Rousseau,Jean-Jacques,xviii–xix,18,74, 217n5,228n12,397,398,422,432,545, 556 RuizdeAlarcón,Juan,281 Ruiz,Manuel,309,354,371 Russia/SovietUnion,487,528,539,545, 558,561 Safford,Frank,xiin9,xiv,xv,xvin19,xix SaintBartholomew’sdaymassacre,557
index : 579 Saint-Just,LouisAntoinede,557 SanJuandeLetrán,literaryacademyof, 281 SanMartin,martyrsof,317 Sánchez,Atilano,337 Sánchez,Dr.,310,311 sans culottes,52,95 SantaAnna,AntonioLópezde:Bustamantegovernment,overthrowof,150, 153n2;clericalsupportfor,318;dictatorshipof,269–70,272,424,458, 459;GómezFaríasand,137;overthrow of,252n2,302,483;PlanofCasaMata (1823)issuedby,157n5;pressunder, 181–82;rebellionof(1822),140n5;veto powerand,263 SantoDomingo(Haiti),slaverevoltin, xviii Sauer,Juridical and Social Philosophy,528 Savigny,FredericCharlesde,xxiiin49 Scheler,Max,520,535–40 Schelling,FriedrichWilhelmJoseph, 525,526 SchoolofMedicineofPuebla,281 Schopenhauer,Arthur,427 scienceandphilosophy,Casoonmodern advancementsin,519–20 scientificconstitutionalists(“new”liberals).See“old”liberalsversus“new” liberals Scottishparty,154n3–4 Sebastian(saint),349 Segur,123 Semanario Político y Literario de México,5 separationofchurchandstateinMexico, 353,357 separationofpowers,xxv–xxvi,175,489 SevenLaws(1836),210n3,247,269 Shelley,PercyByssche,558 Sherman,WilliamTecumseh,393 Sierra,Justo:biographicalinformation, 381;onconservativesversusliberals,
381;onConstitutionof1857,385–87, 388;askeywriter,xxix;La Libertad,on programof,382–84;as“new”liberal, xxiv,381;positivismof,381,518;on presidentialelectionsof1880,406–7; Vigil,polemicwith(see“old”liberals versus“new”liberals) El Siglo XIX:Oteroand,182,206;polemic betweenEl Universal, El Monitor Republicano,and,181–84,187,188,190–97, 202;Prietoand,321,323;Vigil’sarticles for,408;Zarcoand,182,262,269,274, 279,285 Simmel,532,533 Sismondi,JeanCharlesLéonard,102,117, 119,221n7,228–29 slavery,Mexicanabolitionof,329–93,411 slaveryofdaylaborers,Ramírezon, 255–57 Smith,Adam,349 Sobieski,JohnIII(kingofPolandand granddukeofLithuania),319 socialcontract:civillibertiesand,40–41; originsof,19–21 The Social Contract(Rousseau),228n12, 397,398,422,432 socialism/communism:Hegelianism and,528–29;humanperson,challenges posedbydoctrineto,518;riseof,501; romanticnonconformityofstudent spiritand,510–11;Scheleron,539;university,politicsandphilosophyof, 502–8,509–11,513,518 Socrates,53,520,522–25 Solon,245 SouthAmerica.SeeLatinAmerica,liberalrepublicantraditionin;Latin America,liberalrepublicantradition in,andspecific Latin American countries Southey,Robert,xvii–xviiin28 SovietUnion/Russia,487,528,539,545, 558,561
580 : index Spain,oathofloyaltyto,11–12 SpanishAmerica.SeeLatinAmerica,liberalrepublicantraditionin,andspecific Latin American countries Spanishconquestandcolonialperiodin Mexico,102–12,316 SpanishConstitution:argumentsfor Mexicanindependencebasedon,5–8; corporationsandcorporaterights under,168–69;Councilofthegovernment,appointmentof,162;Mexican adaptationof,114,157–58;inPlanof Iguala,141n6 SpanishCortesof1814,143–45 Spanishoriginsofterms“liberal”and “liberalism,”xvii Spartacus,319 Spedalieri,Nicola,26 speech,freedomof,23–31 “SpeechtotheElectorsofBristol” (Burke,1774),85–86,171n14 Spinoza,Benedict,523,527 The Spirit of the Laws(Montesquieu),40, 214n4,223n9 Staël,Madamede,425,558 Stalin,Josef,517,557 thestate:LawsofReformonseparation ofchurchand,353,357;literatureand, 548–52 states:centralgovernment,LawsofReformrelationshipwith,359–60;federalism,xii,137,168,206,209–10;income of,363;limitsonpowerof,Oteroon, 230–33;presidentialorAmericansystemofgovernmentwithbalanceof powersand,490–91;territorialdivision,Ramirezon,251–55 statistics,gatheringanddissemination of,369 Stirner,Max,528–29 Stoics,349
Suárez,Francisco,xvi Switzerland,487 Tacitus,23,88,124 Tacubaya,martyrsof(1859),303,307–13 Tacubaya,Plan/Revolutionof(1858), xxvi,483 Taft,WilliamHoward,489 Tagle,Mr.,139 Tantalus,313 Tavera,312 taxation:internaldutiesandcustoms (alcabalas),322–23,362;LawsofReformon,361–63;resourcesandpopulationnecessarytosustainindependence,15–16 Terán,Mr.,135 territorialdivision,Ramirezon,251–55 territorialproperty,subdivisionof, 368–69 TexanindependencefromMexico,100– 101 Thales,539 thought,freedomof,23–31 ThreeYears’WarorReformWar(1858– 1861),xxvi–xxvii,262,269,299n1,307, 327,353–57,369–70,459–60,517 Tocqueville,Alexisde,xxiii,206,221,244, 541,552–54,562 Tolstoy,Leo,520 Tovar,Pantaleón,325 TreatiesofCórdova(1821),145 TreeofGuernica,328 Trejo,301 Tupac-Amaro,110 Tuxtepec,Plan/Revolutionof(1876), 442,483 TyrtaeusofSparta,258 UnitedKingdom.SeeBritain UnitedStates:AfricanAmericansin,477,
index : 581 479;bicameralsystemin,175;BustamanteadministrationandU.S.governmentandConstitutioncompared, 156–63,165–67;checksandbalancesin governmentof,xxv;citizenmeetings orcouncilsinpublichousesof,126; CivilWarandmilitaryorganization in,393,394,414;Congressof,493–95; conservatismin,402;Constitutionof, 17–18,114,156,158,212,215,491,492; educationin,335,336,342;founding fathers’skepticismregardingliberal republicantraditioninLatinAmerica, ix–xi;individualrightsin,394; Mexican-Americanwar(1846–1848), 150,181,263;Mexico,asmodelfor,114, 142,156;militaryconscriptionin,393; politicalparties,earlyhistoryof,473– 75;populationofMexicocomparedto, 15;presidentialsystemofgovernment in,487,488–91;religiousfreedomin, 289–90;RevolutionaryWar,xviii,15, 134,414;universalsuffragein,477,479; vagrancyin,351;vetopowerin,266; Zavalain,100–101 unityofpower,conservativeversusliberal polemicregarding,186–90,199–201 El Universal:Cuesta’spublicationsin,502, 509,514;polemicbetweenEl Siglo XIX, El Monitor Republicano,and,181–84, 191,193,194,196–98,202,203;Zarcoon progressivismand,281 universalsuffrage:Constitutionof1824, Otero’sproposedamendmentsto, 214–16;disruptiveelements,producing,477–78;indigenouspeoplesand, 477–78;indirectelectionsversus,275; inLatinAmerica,xv;literacyrequirements,476–77;propertyowners, proposalstorestrictvoteto,xv, 96–97,169–74;publicopinion,prob-
lemoflackofgeneraluniformityin, 74;Rabasaonreasonsforqualifying, 476–81 universities.SeeeducationinMexico utilitarianism,75,348–49,399,433–34 vagrancy,ascrime,344–52 Valens(Valente;Romanemperor),87 Valentinian(Valentiano;Romanemperor),87 Valéry,Paul,551 Valle,Leandro,304,309 Vasconcelos,José,511–13,518 Velasco,GustavoR.,xxixn56 Véliz,Claudio,xvii–xviiin28 Venezuela,xiv,xv Victoria,Guadalupe,154n3,163n8,164n9 Vigil,JoséMaría:biographicalinformation,408;oncriminaljusticeand Constitutionalrights,454–57;onindependenceofMexico,436–39;askey author,xxix;onLawsofReform,434, 440,458–61;as“old”liberal,xxiv,381; onreligionandpublicmorality,462– 66;Sierra,polemicwith(see“old”liberalsversus“new”liberals) Villaurrutia,Xavier,501 Villemain,Abel-François,221 Virgil,105 VirginofGuadalupe,198 Vivanco,marquisof,138–39 votesandvoting.Seeelections;universal suffrage Vuelta,541 Warren,Richard,xv Washington,George,473 Weber,Max,525 Whitman,Walt,560 Wilson,Woodrow,488,493 Wordsworth,William,557
582 : index work,freedomof:article5ofConstitutionregarding,interpretationof, 391–93,394–95,404–5,410–14,419, 421;vagrancyascrimeand,344–52 writing,freedomof,23–31 Xenophon,346 Yeats,WilliamButler,558 Yorkistparty,100,154n3–4,159n7 Zamora,330 Zaragoza,438 El Zarco(Altamirano),298 Zarco,Francisco:biographicalinformation,262;onConstitutionof1857,
269–73,291–97;onelections,274–78; Historia del Congreso Extraordinario Constituyente, 1856–1857(1857),251, 262,291;askeywriter,xxix;laissez faire,aspoliticalphilosophyof,280– 84;onprogress,279–84;onreligious toleranceandreligiousfreedom,282– 83,285–90;El Siglo XIXand,182,262; onvetopower,263–68 Zavala,Lorenzode:biographicalinformation,100–101;Guatemala,voteon independenceof,134–36;askeywriter, xxix.See also Ensayo histórico de las revoluciones de México Zuloaga,Félix,353 Zumárraga,Juande,254,316
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