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Language Learning Motivation in Japan
SECOND LANGUAGE ACQUISITION Series Editor: Professor David Singleton, Trinity College, Dublin, Ireland This series brings together titles dealing with a variety of aspects of language acquisition and processing in situations where a language or languages other than the native language is involved. Second language is thus interpreted in its broadest possible sense. The volumes included in the series all offer in their different ways, on the one hand, exposition and discussion of empiri cal findings and, on the other, some degree of theoretical reflection. In this latter connection, no particular theoretical stance is privileged in the series; nor is any relevant perspective – sociolinguistic, psycholinguistic, neuro linguistic, etc. – deemed out of place. The intended readership of the series includes final-year undergraduates working on second language acquisition projects, postgraduate students involved in second language acquisition research, and researchers and teachers in general whose interests include a second language acquisition component. Full details of all the books in this series and of all our other publications can be found on http://www.multilingual-matters.com, or by writing to Multi lingual Matters, St Nicholas House, 31-34 High Street, Bristol BS1 2AW, UK.
Language Learning Motivation in Japan
Edited by Matthew T. Apple, Dexter Da Silva and Terry Fellner
MULTILINGUAL MATTERS Bristol • Buffalo • Toronto
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress. Language Learning Motivation in Japan/Edited by Matthew T. Apple, Dexter Da Silva and Terry Fellner. Second Language Acquisition: 71 Includes bibliographical references and index. 1. English language—Study and teaching—Japanese speakers. 2. English language—Japan. 3. Second language acquisition. 4. Learn ing, Psychology of. 5. Motivation (Psychology) I. Apple, Matthew T., editor of compilation. PE1068.J3L38 2013 428.0071’052–dc23 2013022864 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue entry for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN-13: 978-1-78309-050-1 (hbk) ISBN-13: 978-1-78309-049-5 (pbk) Multilingual Matters UK: St Nicholas House, 31–34 High Street, Bristol BS1 2AW, UK. USA: UTP, 2250 Military Road, Tonawanda, NY 14150, USA. Canada: UTP, 5201 Dufferin Street, North York, Ontario M3H 5T8, Canada. Copyright © 2013 Matthew T. Apple, Dexter Da Silva, Terry Fellner and authors of individual chapters. All rights reserved. No part of this work may be reproduced in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the publisher. The policy of Multilingual Matters/Channel View Publications is to use papers that are natural, renewable and recyclable products, made from wood grown in sustainable forests. In the manufacturing process of our books, and to further support our policy, preference is given to printers that have FSC and PEFC Chain of Custody certi fication. The FSC and/or PEFC logos will appear on those books where full certification has been granted to the printer concerned. Typeset by Exeter Premedia Services. Printed and bound in Great Britain by Short Run Press Ltd.
Contents
Contributorsvii Prefacexi 1
Foreign Language Motivation Research in Japan: An ‘Insider’ Perspective from Outside Japan Ema Ushioda
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2
Learning Japanese; Learning English: Promoting Motivation Through Autonomy, Competence and Relatedness Kimberly A. Noels
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Imagined L2 Selves and Motivation for Intercultural Communication Tomoko Yashima
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Exploring Classroom-based Constructs of EFL Motivation for Science and Engineering Students in Japan Matthew T. Apple, Joseph Falout and Glen Hill
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Dual Goal Orientation in the Japanese Context: A Case Study of Two EFL Learners Hideo Hayashi
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A Comprehensive Summary of Empirical Studies of Motivation Among Japanese Elementary School EFL Learners Rieko Nishida
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7
One Curriculum, Three Stories: Ideal L2 Self and L2-Self-Discrepancy Profiles Kay Irie and Damon R. Brewster
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Effect of Intercultural Contact on L2 Motivation: A Comparative Study Scott Aubrey and Andrew G.P. Nowlan
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9
Motivation, Ideal L2 Self and Valuing of Global English Yoko Munezane
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10 Motivation, Attitudes and Selves in the Japanese Context: A Mixed Methods Approach Tatsuya Taguchi
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11 A Longitudinal Perspective on EFL Learning Motivation in Japanese Engineering Students Michael P. Johnson
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12 Demotivators in the Japanese EFL Context Keita Kikuchi
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13 Positive L2 Self: Linking Positive Psychology with L2 Motivation J. Lake
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14 What’s Working in Japan? Present Communities of Imagining Joseph Falout, Yoshifumi Fukada, Tim Murphey and Tetsuya Fukuda
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15 Understanding Motivational Evolution in the EFL Classroom: A Longitudinal Study from a Dynamic Systems Perspective Ryo Nitta 16 Motivational Design for Effective Second Language Instruction Tomohito Hiromori
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17 Perspectives on L2 Motivation: Bridging the Gaps between Teachers, SLA Researchers and Teacher Educators Yoshiyuki Nakata
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Index
326
Contributors
Matthew Apple, MFA (University of Notre Dame), MEd, EdD (Temple University), is an associate professor of International Communication at Ritsumeikan University, Kyoto, Japan. He has taught at various levels of education in Japan since 1999, including junior and senior high school, undergraduate university and graduate school. His research interests include English for Specific Purposes (ESP), individual differences and second lan guage vocabulary. [email protected] Scott Aubrey is an instructor of English as a Foreign Language (EFL) at Kwansei Gakuin University in Japan. His scholarly interests include theories of L2 motivation and incorporating world culture into the EFL classroom. [email protected] Damon Brewster is the director of the English Language Program in the College of Cornerstone Education at J. F. Oberlin University. His main research areas are in technology and education and language learning moti vation. [email protected] Dexter Da Silva, BA, Dip Ed, MA (Sydney), PhD (SELF Centre, Univer sity of Western Sydney), is professor of Educational Psychology at Keisen University, Tokyo, Japan. His dissertation focused on Japanese university students’ motivation. He has presented at conferences in Asia, Australia, Europe and the United States, and authored or co-authored book chapters and journal articles in this area. He has been teaching at the tertiary level in Japan for over 25 years. [email protected] Joseph Falout, an assistant professor at Nihon University, researches, publishes and presents about developmental motivational variables of lan guage teachers and learners in EFL socio-cultural contexts. He edits for the OnCUE Journal, published by the Japan Association for Language Teaching (JALT), and the Asian EFL Journal. [email protected]
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Terry Fellner, BA, BEd, MA TEFL (Birmingham University), is an associate professor in the Center for the Research & Development in Higher Education at Saga University, Saga, Japan. He has more than 20 years of experience as a teacher, teacher trainer and researcher in North America, Africa and Asia. His research areas include CALL, ESP/EAP, outdoor language learning and learner motivation. He edits for the OnCUE Journal, published by the JALT. Yoshifumi Fukada, EdD (University of San Francisco), is Professor in the Department of International Studies at Meisei University, Tokyo, Japan. His research interests include L2 learners’ and users’ dynamic identities, their agency in their English-learning and social interactions (in and out of class) and their use of English as a Lingua Franca (ELF) in international communi ties. [email protected] Tetsuya Fukuda is an English instructor at International Christian Uni versity in Tokyo, Japan. He is interested in the socio-cultural and politi cal aspects of language learning in Japan, especially factors that motivate students to learn and use English and how students perceive varieties of English in and out of the classroom. [email protected] Hideo Hayashi is a professor of English and English as a Second Language (ESL) at the Department of English, Kumamoto Gakuen University, teach ing both in the undergraduate and postgraduate programs. He is currently an editor of JACET Journal and the editor-in-chief of Language Education and Technology. His past papers on motivational aspects of Japanese English learners can be found in these and other journals. [email protected] Glen Hill, MS, is an assistant professor at Obihiro University of Agriculture and Veterinary Medicine, Obihiro, Japan, where he is also the manager of the English Resource Center. He has taught English courses in Japan since 1998 in business English, private high school and university undergraduate and graduate courses. His research includes extensive reading, scientific writing and presentations and ESP. He is chief editor for the OnCUE Journal and copyeditor for Scientific Drilling. [email protected] Tomohito Hiromori received his doctorate from Hokkaido University and is currently an associate professor at Meiji University, Tokyo, Japan. His work focuses mostly on various aspects of individual differences (e.g. lan guage learner motivation and strategies) and second language acquisition. [email protected] Kay Irie is an associate professor in the Foreign Language Center at Tokai University, Japan. Her main research interests are language learning motiva tion and learner autonomy in language education contexts. She is a co-editor
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of Realizing Autonomy: Practice and Reflection in Language Education Contexts (2012, Palgrave Macmillan). [email protected] Michael Johnson teaches at Muroran Institute of Technology in Hokkaido. Over the last 20 years he has taught in Canada, the United States and Japan. His research interests include EFL learning motivation, ESP and instruc tional design, particularly as these pertain to engineering students in Japan. [email protected] Keita Kikuchi, MA, EdD, is an associate professor at Kanagawa Univer sity, Kanagawa, Japan. He has taught English in Singapore and in Japan. His research interests include curriculum development and second language acquisition, especially individual differences and task-based language teach ing. [email protected] J. Lake is a Lecturer at Fukuoka Women’s University. He has taught at uni versities in Japan for over 20 years. His current interests include: language motivation, psychological and language assessment, and positive psychology. Yoko Munezane teaches at Aoyama Gakuin University and is a doctoral candidate at Temple University. She holds an MA from Teachers College, Columbia University. She was awarded the John Fanselow Award by Teach ers College. Her research interests include motivation, willingness to com municate and promoting autonomy in learning. [email protected] Tim Murphey (PhD Université de Neuchâtel, Switzerland) TESOL’s Pro fessional Development in Language Education series editor, co-author with Zoltan Dörnyei of Group Dynamics in the Language Classroom, researches Vygotskian Sociocultural Theory (SCT) with a transdisciplinary emphasis on community, play and music at Kanda University of International Stud ies. [email protected] Yoshiyuki Nakata, PhD, is an associate professor of English language edu cation and of the Joint Graduate School in Science of School Education at Hyogo University of Teacher Education, Hyogo, Japan. His research inter ests include language learning motivation and teacher/learner autonomy in the Japanese EFL context. [email protected] Rieko Nishida, PhD, is a lecturer at Osaka University. Her research interest has been social psychology and educational psychology of second language learning. Her study focuses on motivation and affective factors among Japanese elementary school and university EFL learners. rienishi@lang. osaka-u.ac.jp
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Ryo Nitta is an associate professor at Nagoya Gakuin University where he teaches second language acquisition in the Faculty of Foreign Studies. He received his PhD from the University of Warwick. He is currently involved in several research projects including task-based language teaching, L2 writing and L2 motivation. [email protected] Kimberly A. Noels is a professor in the Social and Cultural Psychology area of the Department of Psychology and an adjunct professor in the Depart ment of Educational Psychology at the University of Alberta, Canada. Her award-winning research concerns the social psychology of language and communication processes, with a focus on intercultural communication. [email protected] Andrew Nowlan is a language instructor at Kwansei Gakuin University in Nishinomiya, Japan. He has experience teaching in South Korea, Taiwan and Japan. Originally from Halifax, Canada, Andrew has done extensive world travel and is interested in the application of intercultural commu nication and intercultural awareness in the classroom. [email protected] Tatsuya Taguchi, PhD, is a lecturer in the Department of Foreign Lan guages at Aichi University of Education. His research interests and exper tise are in second language acquisition (especially attitudes and motivation, learning styles and learning strategies) and research methodology. taguchi@ auecc.aichi-edu.ac.jp Ema Ushioda is an associate professor at the Centre for Applied Linguis tics, University of Warwick, UK. She has been working in language educa tion since 1982 and obtained her PhD from Trinity College, Dublin, where she developed institution-wide language programmes and an Irish version of the European Language Portfolio. Her main research interests are learner motivation, autonomy and teacher development. [email protected] Tomoko Yashima received her PhD from Okayama University and is cur rently professor of Applied Linguistics and Intercultural Communication at Kansai University, Japan. Her research interests include intercultural con tact, acculturation, language identity, as well as attitudes, motivation and affect in L2 communication. [email protected]
Preface
A generation ago English as a Foreign Language (EFL) students, student– teachers and teachers were faced with a yawning gap in the area of student motivation between theory and research on the one hand and practice on the other. EFL motivational theory and research were dominated by the Gardnerian tradition (Gardner, 1985; Gardner & Lambert, 1972), while teachers seemed to view motivation as a mysterious, magical intangible phenomenon (Bagnole, 1993) unrelated to theory and research. One of the main challenges and achievements in this field for the past two to three dec ades has been to bridge that gap. The explosion of research has also helped to bridge other gaps that have existed in the field: that between EFL motiva tional theory and general educational psychology theory and that between the inner circle dominated/driven academic theory and outer circle class room practice. The field of EFL motivational research has clearly rapidly progressed and matured into a multi-faceted, dynamic one, where the present generation of teachers is now faced with a wide variety of motivational models and constructs, developed using different methods in very different contexts. It may sometimes be confusing or overwhelming, but teachers are now able to make clear connections with their experience in the classroom and the existing theoretical constructs and research results. Our intention for this volume was simple: to pull together the cutting edge EFL motivational research occurring in Japan. Despite being very aware of the current research field, it was nevertheless an eye-opening process. By focusing on Japan we were recognizing the importance of the cultural con text and the situated approach. A basic part of this context is that English is by far the dominant foreign language of study in Japan. English is mandatory at all levels of education in Japan, from elementary to doctoral. Government data also show that over 90% of those actively studying foreign languages are studying English (METI, 2005), and business reports indicate a grow ing need for Japanese professionals to improve their English language skills to cope with globalization of the world market (Yano Research Institute, 2012).
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The focus on Japan also set certain limits. However, the variety of edu cational contexts and theoretical approaches gathered dissolve these limits. The chapters in this volume examine the proposed theories using Structural Equation Modeling, case studies, ethnographic evidence and diary studies as well as several mixed studies. We believe that the volume succeeds in delivering a broad canvas on which the details of the specific situations are described, analyzed and discussed, to novice and experienced readers within and outside of the Japanese context. Ema Ushioda, from her unique perspective, provides the book with the perfect introduction. She covers the theoretical, empirical and educational perspectives of recent and current L2 Motivational research, as well as pro viding the background to English Language Education in Japan and the meaning of English for students. Yoshiyuki Nakata’s final chapter serves to both summarize the important issues in L2 motivation and the Japanese school context, and to suggest ways forward for future L2 motivation research, especially in Japan. In between these bookends, the volume is not intended to be read from start to finish. Individual chapters are designed to be read on their own, without the need for knowledge of previous chapters. However, references to other chapters are included to help the reader find connections with other chapters. Matthew Apple Dexter Da Silva Terry Fellner
References Bagnole, J. (1993) The magic and mystery of motivation in TEFL and language learning. TESOL Matters, February/March, 10. Gardner, R.C. (1985) Social Psychology and Second Language Learning: The Role of Attitudes and Motivation. London, Ontario: Edward Arnold. Gardner, R.C. and Lambert, W.E. (1972) Attitudes and Motivation in Second Language Learning. Rowley, MA: Newbury House. Ministry of Economy, Trade, and Industry (METI) (2005) The general outlook of foreign language conversation schools [gaikokugo kaiwa kyoushitsu no gaikyou]. http:// www.meti.go.jp/statistics/tyo/tokusabizi/result-2/h17/pdf/h17-t-27.pdf Yano Research Institute (2012) 2012 results of an investigation into the language study business market [gogaku bizunesu ichiba ni kansuru chousakekka 2012, accessed 3 July. http://www.yano.co.jp/press/pdf/959.pdf
1 Foreign Language Motivation Research in Japan: An ‘Insider’ Perspective from Outside Japan Ema Ushioda
In this paper, I would like to develop an evaluative commentary on foreign language motivation research in Japan, in my capacity as both an ‘insider’ and an ‘outsider’. In terms of academic credentials, my insider status stems from the fact that I have been ‘inside’ the L2 motivation field since my doc toral studies in the early 1990s. Most of my research and publication work over the past 20 years has focused on language learning motivation and associated issues of learner autonomy and language pedagogy (e.g. Ushioda, 1996, 2001, 2003, 2006, 2008; Dörnyei & Ushioda, 2009, 2011). From a pro fessional perspective, my insider status stems from the fact that most of my language teaching experience in the decade before I began my doctoral research was with Japanese students of English, both in Japan and in the UK. From a personal, linguistic and cultural perspective, my insider status stems from the fact that I am ethnically Japanese, born of Japanese parents, with whom I continue to interact mostly through Japanese rather than English. At the same time, however, my perspective on foreign language motivation research in Japan is that of someone born and educated outside Japan – namely, in Ireland – and based since 2002 in a UK academic environ ment. Japan is not geographically ‘home’ for me, and I have spent only three years of my life living there, as a language teacher in the 1980s. So with my insider perspective from outside Japan, my purpose is to offer an evaluative commentary on foreign language motivation research in Japan. As evidenced by the range of papers in this volume, foreign language motivation is a major research topic in Japan. It is interesting to consider why this may be so and to evaluate how this body of research in Japan connects with and contributes to the broader field of research on language learning motivation outside Japan. I will begin by considering this wider 1
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international field and discuss possible reasons for the current growth of interest in L2 motivation in general. I will then focus on the Japanese con text and explore three key areas of inquiry in foreign language motivation research in this context. I will evaluate the empirical, theoretical and peda gogical insights deriving from this body of work, and position these in rela tion to current broader developments in the field of L2 motivation research. In doing so, I will show how foreign language motivation research in Japan is contributing in no small measure to advancing current thinking in the field, and I will highlight the importance of localized understandings of L2 motivation in shaping theory and classroom practice.
L2 Motivation in the New Millennium: A Vibrant Field of Research Before we consider why foreign language motivation is currently a major research topic in Japan, it is important to take a step outside Japan and ask a broader question: Why is L2 motivation research such a vibrant research field right now in general? For there is no doubt that it is, as evidenced in the surge of L2 motivation studies and papers published since the turn of the millennium, and continuing to be submitted to international and local ref ereed journals across the globe. More particularly, within the last few years, several book-length publications on L2 motivation have appeared. These include two research monographs by Nakata (2006) and Gu (2009) and two volumes of conceptual and empirical papers edited by Dörnyei and Ush ioda (2009) and Murray et al. (2011), respectively. Across these two edited volumes, there are as many as 39 L2 motivation researchers represented, hailing from different parts of the world. To this I should add that I have just edited another volume of papers on international perspectives on moti vation in English language teaching (Ushioda, 2013a). In short, within the space of just a few years since 2009, the field of foreign language motivation research will have generated three substantial collections of papers. Prior to this, the most recent anthology of L2 motivation studies dates back to just after the turn of the millennium (Dörnyei & Schmidt, 2001). It is clear that L2 motivation research across the globe has become much more vibrant within the last few years, as attested to by the publication of these new collections of studies as well as journal articles, and by the growing popular ity of motivation-themed conferences in the language education field. This begs the question: why are we so interested in foreign language motivation these days? Of course it is difficult to specify the exact reasons for this recent surge in interest in L2 motivation across the globe. Undoubtedly, however, what seems key to the analysis is the nature of this global context – or more
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specifically, the impact of globalization and global English on all aspects of our lives, including language learning and education. For if we ask ourselves what recent debates within the L2 motivation field have centered on and what has provoked these debates, it is unquestionably the impact of globali zation and the dominant status of English.
Theoretical and empirical perspectives At a theoretical level, these debates have revolved around questioning the continued relevance or value of the traditional social–psychological concept of integrative motivation, which is defined in its strong form as identification with and a desire to integrate into the target language com munity (Gardner, 2001). As I have discussed elsewhere (Ushioda, 2011), recent thinking is that the notion of integrating with a target language community loses explanatory power when we talk about motivation for learning English (a) when English is fast becoming a ‘must-have’ basic educational skill (e.g. Graddol, 2006); (b) when there is no clearly defined target language community (UK? US? The world?) into which learners of English are motivated to ‘integrate’; and (c) when physical geographical boundaries separating communities of language users become dissolved in the world of cyberspace and online communication networks. Since we are referring to a global community of English language users, does it make sense to conceptualize it as an ‘external’ reference group, or should we think of it more as part of one’s internal representation of oneself as a de facto member of this global community? This line of thinking has led us to reconceptualize L2 motivation in terms of what Dörnyei and Csizér (2002: 453) call an ‘internal process of identification within the self-concept’, rather than identification with an external reference group or community. In other words, language learning motivation becomes closely associated with concepts of self and identity, as reflected in the titles of the recently edited volumes Motivation, Language Identity and the L2 Self (Dörnyei & Ushioda, 2009) and Identity, Motivation and Autonomy in Language Learning (Murray et al., 2011). In short, from a conceptual and research perspective, the impact of globalization and global English on foreign language motivation is provid ing a richly fertile ground for theoretical analysis and empirical inquiry, as we develop new self-related and identity-related conceptualizations of L2 motivation and seek to validate these new constructs.
Pedagogical and educational perspectives On the other hand, if we look beyond theoretical and empirical issues and consider instead the impact of globalization and global English on more practical pedagogical and educational concerns, this is where much of the
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current growth and energy in the L2 motivation field would really seem to be centered. As I discuss elsewhere (Ushioda, 2013b), from pedagogical and educational perspectives, the global importance ascribed to English might lead one to assume that the need to learn English is unquestionable, and that therefore, student motivation is not really a problem. In reality, of course, issues of motivation loom large and are high on the agenda for teachers and students despite – or rather because of – the significant status which English has in educational policy and curricula, high stakes gatekeeping exams and the professional job market. The pressures and stakes are very high where learning English is concerned, and the impact on student motivation is sig nificant and complex. At the same time, the power and status accorded to English can impact negatively on students’ motivation for learning other foreign languages, and on the motivation of education providers and policy makers to promote a more diversified language curriculum. Thus, for example, Kubota (2002) comments critically on educational reforms in Japan in which discourses of internationalization (kokusaika) are underpinned by the message that English is the international language, so that ‘English’ becomes synonymous with ‘foreign language’ in the school curriculum. As Kubota argues, this results in a heavy educational bias towards ‘white middle class English and essentialized Anglo culture’, rather than the rich international diversity of other languages and cultures (2002: 27). Similarly, in Scandinavia, declining student motivation for learn ing additional foreign languages other than English has been highlighted as a cause for concern (e.g. Henry, 2013; Henry & Apelgren, 2008; Trebbi, 2003). Elsewhere, students’ declining motivation for learning foreign lan guages other than English emerged as a significant trend in Dörnyei et al.’s (2006) major longitudinal survey of Hungarian teenagers’ language learn ing attitudes and motivation. This was a large-scale survey that involved attitudinal–motivational data from over 13,000 teenage language learners and spanned the period from 1993 (just after the fall of communism) to 2004 (on the eve of Hungary’s accession to the European Union). The sur vey uncovered a clear developing trend in teenagers’ perceptions of English as the ‘must-have’ language, diminishing their interest in and motivation for learning other foreign languages, including the traditional regional language, German. In short, we might say that the impact of globalization and English as a global language can help explain not only the recent growth in theoreti cal and empirical literature on foreign language motivation, as we seek to reconceptualize L2 motivation in relation to notions of self and identity and validate these new conceptualizations. The impact of globalization and global English can also help explain the significant growth in interest in – or we might say concern about – foreign language motivation as a problematic pedagogical and educational issue, for the kinds of reasons outlined. These critical concerns have contributed to a rapidly expanding literature on issues
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of foreign language motivation in different educational contexts (e.g. see Ushioda, 2013a). In this respect, a primary case in point is undoubtedly the fast-growing empirical literature on foreign language motivation and demotivation stem ming from the ‘problematic’ Japanese educational context. In fact, it is no exaggeration to say that nearly all the leading empirical research on demotivation in foreign language learning currently derives from Japan. While for eign language motivation in the Japanese educational context is thus seen as a major problematic issue for teachers and education providers, from a more positive perspective we might also say that this problematic situation is fostering a rich and active wave of research in Japan, and that this literature is contributing in no small measure to advancing current thinking in the L2 motivation field (for a similar argument, see also Nakata, this volume). I will now turn to consider key issues, perspectives and insights deriving from this current body of research in Japan. I should explain that it is not my purpose to offer a comprehensive and systematic review of the L2 moti vation literature stemming from Japan. Instead, I wish to highlight issues in the Japanese educational context that have provoked critical research inquiry in relation to foreign language motivation, and I will evaluate and position the insights from this research in relation to broader developments in the L2 motivation field.
English Language Education in Japan: A ‘Permanent Sense of Crisis’ For readers even marginally familiar with the Japanese educational context, it is probably unnecessary for me to rehearse well-known argu ments about problems with English language education in Japan. As one reads the academic and critical literature (e.g. Makarova & Rodgers, 2004; McVeigh, 2002) as well as the plentiful media literature on the subject of English education in Japan, one is struck by the rather colorful hyperboles used to portray the rather negative state of affairs. For example, high-school education is typically characterized as ‘exam hell’, and the English that is studied is grammar-focused ‘English for exams’ (juken eigo), with minimal attention paid to the development of communication skills. Once students are liberated from exam hell and reach university, the hyperboles change. Thus, in a critical piece on university education in The Japan Times, Clark (2010) comments cynically on university students’ enjoyment of ‘four years of “leisure-land” existence’, as they are released from exam hell and face few real incentives or pressures to work hard, since progression and graduation are effectively guaranteed in a system where university name value carries more weight than quality of individual academic performance. In a similar
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vein, Berwick and Ross (1989: 207) have famously described English edu cation in Japanese universities as a ‘motivational wasteland’, while more recently, Ryan (2009a: 407) refers to ‘the permanent sense of crisis’ that seems to characterize the debate surrounding English education in Japan as a whole. In short, problems abound, and they clearly raise critical issues for student motivation. Examining the growing literature on foreign language motivation stem ming from this problematic Japanese context, I would like to highlight three main areas of active research inquiry. These are: (1) Analysis of demotivation, its definitions, causes and factors. (2) Investigation of students’ motivational trajectories through different stages of education and learning experience. (3) Exploration of what English and learning English mean for students in terms of their sense of self, identities, goals and values. Needless to say, I do not see these as three independent areas of research inquiry, since there is clearly a great deal of overlap between them. Never theless, for the purposes of this evaluative analysis, I think it is useful to consider these areas of inquiry separately, in order to situate emerging issues in relation to the broader field of L2 motivation research at large.
Demotivation If we take work on L2 demotivation first, I have already highlighted the fact that Japan leads the field in this area of research inquiry. Demotivation is obviously viewed as a significant phenomenon in English language edu cation in Japan, given the problems of ‘exam hell’ and ‘motivational waste lands’ noted above. Key studies that focus on L2 demotivation include, for example, Falout and Falout (2005), Falout and Maruyama (2004), Falout et al. (2009), Kikuchi (2009), Sakai and Kikuchi (2009) and Warrington and Jeffrey (2005). For a comprehensive overview of demotivation research within and outside Japan, see Kikuchi (this volume). At one level, the value of this Japan-based research on demotivation is that through systematic analysis of student self-report data, it shows clearly the many factors in students’ experience of English education in Japan which are perceived to impact negatively on their motivation. In doing so, this research uncovers some complexities in, for example, the role and impact of teachers in relation to student demotivation. Previous research studies in non-Japanese settings have typically highlighted teacher variables as the most significant demotivating factors (see Dörnyei, 1998 and Oxford, 2001). However, the more extensive and systematic investigations of L2 demoti vation in Japan suggest that students’ perceptions of teachers are rather more complex and differentiated, and not simply synonymous with their
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negative perceptions of teaching methods, grammar-focused lesson content and learning materials. At another level, looking beyond the local implications of the research, this body of work in Japan has wider theoretical significance in raising ques tions about conceptual definitions of demotivation. In particular, Sakai and Kikuchi (2009) interrogate Dörnyei’s (2001) view that demotivation is defined with reference to external factors that diminish or reduce motivation, since their own findings point to a significant role for learner-internal factors too, such as a lack of purpose or lack of intrinsic motivation. Complex interactions between external and internal factors in affecting demotiva tion also emerge in Falout et al.’s (2009) investigation, suggesting that the impact of some external demotivating factors may be mediated by internal factors – that is, by attributional and reactive processes which lead some learners (i.e. those with good proficiency in English) to find ways of self- regulating their motivation and lead other learners (typically those with low proficiency) to lose self-confidence and motivation. In short, this important body of research advances our thinking about how we conceptualize L2 demotivation. It suggests that demotivation is not a straightforward consequence of demotivating environmental fac tors and learning experiences, since much depends on how learner-internal factors interact with these. Conceptually, this re-analysis of L2 demotiva tion connects closely with current analyses of motivation which similarly focus on complex dynamic interactions between individual and context (e.g. Dörnyei, 2009; Ushioda, 2009). From a pedagogical point of view, moreover, this re-analysis underlines the critical importance of helping learners to build their own sense of pur pose for learning, and through this to develop inner resources and strategies to mediate the effects of demotivating factors and thus self-regulate their motivation (see Carpenter et al., 2009; on teachers’ role in promoting auton omy, see also Noels, this volume). Interestingly, these twin pedagogical per spectives (sense of purpose and motivational self-regulation) relate closely to the two other areas of research inquiry I have identified – namely, explor ing what English and learning English mean for students and investigating students’ motivational trajectories.
Investigating students’ motivational trajectories over time Clearly, however we choose to define it, the very concept of demotiva tion draws attention to the unstable nature of motivation as something that ebbs and flows over time. This process of motivational flux or change in students’ experiences of learning English seems to be of particular interest to researchers in Japan. I believe that one of the reasons for this may lie in the structure of the Japanese educational system, which I sketched in fairly sim plistic and hyperbolic terms earlier – that is, the high pressured ‘exam hell’
8 Language Learning Motivation in Japan
that characterizes students’ learning experiences through high school and then the sudden transition to the ‘four-year leisure-land existence’ (Clark, 2010) of university life. Associated with this structure and its clear-cut division between school life and university life is an equally sharp contrast between the kinds of English language study to which students are exposed in the two settings. Learning English at school is equated with learning Eng lish for university entrance exams, with its focus on grammar, reading and vocabulary, or as Ryan and Makarova (2004: 52) put it, those ‘elements of English which are testable in a written examination requiring short answers, most of which can be graded by a computer’. As they note, this is despite highly publicized government-led attempts to give more emphasis to English listening and speaking skills. Put simply, oral communication skills are much less easily testable, and hence, tend to receive much less attention. On the other hand, learning English at university is more about learning English for communication, for which years of grappling with English lan guage structures and vocabulary at junior and senior high school have not really prepared students. As Warrington and Jeffrey (2005: 320) observe, this can lead to students becoming ‘confused or overwhelmed by the change’ and becoming passive and demotivated in English classes at university. In effect, there are major changes and dissonances in students’ experi ences of learning English as they progress through successive stages of edu cation. In this connection, we might note here that from April 2011, the stages of English language education under focus also include elementary school, following the introduction of compulsory ‘foreign language activi ties’ – namely, English – from Grade 5 in public elementary schools. Under the circumstances, it is perhaps not surprising that researchers’ attention has been drawn to exploring Japanese students’ motivational trajectories through these transitions in their English learning experiences. Nakata’s (2006) research monograph was perhaps the first major study to focus on the links between Japanese students’ educational experiences and the devel opment of their language learning motivation. More recently, researchers have compared the motivation of students at different stages of education, such as secondary and university (e.g. Ryan, 2009b); or have used various retrospective data-gathering methods such as interviews, timelines and lan guage learning histories to explore the evolution of students’ L2 motivation through successive educational stages (e.g. Carpenter et al., 2009; Shibuya, 2010); or have conducted longitudinal investigations of students’ motiva tion and learning experiences during a course of study (e.g. Nitta & Asano, 2010). For a useful overview of longitudinal research on L2 motivation within and outside Japan, see also Hiromori (this volume). If we examine this body of research on Japanese students’ motivational trajectories, an interesting theme that seems to emerge is the potential impact of initial motivational states or initial learning experiences in shaping subsequent motivational trajectories. Simplifying somewhat, it seems that
Foreign Language Motivation Research in Japan 9
students who have low motivation when they begin their university English courses tend to remain rather poorly motivated and succumb to negative learning experiences. On the other hand, students who begin with high motivation are better able to sustain or recover their motivation despite challenges in their learning experiences. As Nitta and Asano (2010: 193) suggest, ‘initial motivational states can be a litmus test for predicting the success of classroom learning’. Moreover, looking further back to students’ earlier experiences of learning English in school, it seems that the quality of these initial learning experiences may similarly function as a litmus test for students’ long-term motivational trajectories and self-regulatory processes, as evidenced in Carpenter et al.’s (2009) study. Put simply, if students’ first encounters with learning English at school are negative, the long-term moti vational and self-regulatory prognosis is not good. At a local national level, this raises critical questions about the quality of now even younger pupils’ first encounters with learning English in elementary school from April 2011. There is clearly scope for a valuable longitudinal research program in this regard. For a detailed discussion concerning English learning in Japanese ele mentary schools, please see Nishida (this volume). More generally, from a broader theoretical and research perspective, the substantial empirical work that is happening in Japan makes an impor tant contribution to the still rather limited amount of research on the process-oriented dimension of L2 motivation and its interactions with L2 learning experience.
What English and learning English mean for Japanese students Let me now turn to consider finally the third area of research inquiry that is particularly active in Japan – namely, what English and learning English mean for Japanese students in relation to their sense of self, identi ties, goals and values (e.g. Ryan, 2009b; Taguchi, 2010; Taguchi et al., 2009; Yashima, 2009, also this volume). Clearly, in a context where English lan guage education is viewed as problematic and where there are dissonances and tensions between ‘English for exams’ and ‘English for communication’ at different stages of education, it seems important to try to understand what learning English means for students, and how they see English fitting into or not fitting into their personal system of values, goals and identities. Of course, this is currently a major area of research inquiry not just in Japan but across the L2 motivation field, shaped by recent re-conceptualizations of L2 motivation in relation to concepts of self, identity and future self- representations (e.g. Dörnyei & Ushioda, 2009; Murray et al., 2011). Never theless, my perception is that this area of inquiry has especial relevance or perhaps resonance in the Japanese English as a Foreign Language (EFL) con text. This is particularly the case in the university sector because of prob lems of apathy, passivity or lack of learning purpose and engagement that
10 Language Learning Motivation in Japan
commonly seem to characterize student learning in this setting (Warrington & Jeffrey, 2005). As noted earlier, students’ sudden release from examination pressures means that they no longer have an unquestionable rationale or motivation for studying hard. In addition, in this setting they find them selves faced with communicative demands on their English language skills which are poorly served by the grammar- and vocabulary-focused abilities they have struggled hard to develop through junior and senior high school (McVeigh, 2002). In a context like this where students can experience loss of learning purpose and disorientation, it would seem particularly relevant to explore their perceptions of what English and learning English mean to them, and to examine the ambivalences and complexities of how they see English fitting into (or not fitting into) their personal system of values, goals and identities, now that learning English for exams no longer provides a prescribed rationale. More broadly speaking, in terms of how Japanese people in general regard English, learning English and the place of English in their society (Mckenzie, 2008), another relevant dimension may be the underlying cultural and his torical legacy of Japan’s complex and ambivalent relationship with the west ern world through history, from self-imposed isolation or sakoku, to the war years, post-war occupation, westernization and now internationalization or kokusaika (see Kubota, 2002). Added to this is the legacy of discourses of Nihonjinron or theories about the supposedly unique nature of Japanese cul tural identity and sensibilities, which is often implicated in analyses of Jap anese people’s orientation towards the international community and other languages and cultures (e.g. Seargeant, 2005). Against this background, it is perhaps not surprising that foreign language motivation research has been attracting so much interest in Japan in the current climate of globalization, global English and self- and identity-related theories, since these current themes and theoretical perspectives resonate strongly with these cultural, historical and psychological legacies of the Japanese context. In this respect, however, in evaluating foreign language motivation research in Japan, I would like to emphasize that this is not simply a case of researchers in Japan following the general Zeitgeist and sensing this under lying resonance with current self- and identity-oriented perspectives on L2 motivation. Rather, important work in Japan through the past decade or so has contributed in significant ways to the development of these current theoretical perspectives, through questioning the meaning and relevance of notions of integrative motivation in the Japanese context. For example, Irie (2003) reviewed L2 motivation survey studies of university students in Japan and noted that a factor relating to positive attitudes to native speak ers and the target culture emerged in these studies. Yet she also observed that researchers hesitated to label this as integrative motivation, since the factor did not seem to fit Gardner’s original definition and included prag matic motives such as traveling. Other Japanese researchers have proposed
Foreign Language Motivation Research in Japan 11
alternative concepts of ‘international orientation’ (Nakata, 1995) and ‘inter national posture’ (Yashima, 2000, 2002, this volume) to capture this out ward-looking non-parochial attitude of Japanese learners of English, or their sense of global or cosmopolitan identity, which is conceptually different from traditional notions of integrative motivation. In short, the work of these researchers in Japan has contributed to the reframing of L2 motiva tion in relation to notions of self and identity, and it is no accident that Dörnyei draws explicitly on this research in Japan when developing the first articulation of his L2 Motivational Self System in 2005 (Dörnyei, 2005: 95–98). It is perhaps no accident either that two major empirical studies that subsequently sought to validate Dörnyei’s new self-related concepts of L2 motivation were led by Japan-based researchers who were also his doctoral students (Ryan, 2009b; Taguchi, 2010). On the other hand, of course, if we want to avoid culturist and essen tialist assumptions about learners of English in Japan and their foreign language motivation, values and identities, it is important that we seek to understand what English and learning English mean for them as uniquely individual people, with particular personal histories, located in particular social contexts, rather than as learners necessarily defined by their Japanese cultural, historical and psychological legacies (for further elaboration of this argument, see Ushioda, 2009). It is here where I think the richness of cur rent foreign language motivation research in Japan really lies – that is, in its growing focus on exploring, understanding and promoting the motivation and agency of individual learners in particular classroom contexts. Reference here might be made, for example, to the work of Cowie and Sakui (2011; see also Sakui & Cowie, 2012), who have investigated English language teach ers’ perceptions of their students’ motivation and their classroom strategies for working with this motivation; or the work of Murphey et al. (2009) on inviting student voice and active participation in transforming educational practice. After all, if our work in foreign language motivation research does not lead to helping the very people who are engaged in language learning, then we may well ask what useful purpose our research serves beyond our own academic interests and our need to publish.
Concluding Remarks In this respect, a fundamental strength of foreign language motivation research in Japan is its educationally grounded and applied focus. As I sug gested earlier, the current tide of international interest in L2 motivation is driven not only by the pursuit of new theoretical frameworks and con ceptual analyses, in light of globalization and the global status of English. Current interest in L2 motivation is driven also by local practical concerns in an era where globalization, global English and concomitant critical issues
12 Language Learning Motivation in Japan
have a significant impact on educational policy, language pedagogy and, of course, student motivation. As I have argued, this educationally grounded and problem-focused locally driven research agenda is nowhere more appar ent than in Japan. Yet, as I have also tried to show through my ‘insider– outsider’ evaluative commentary, these contextually grounded and locally produced insights, questions and understandings are contributing in no small measure to advancing current thinking in the field of L2 motivation, and in ways that can help us help our students to develop and strengthen their own motivation.
References Berwick, R. and Ross, S. (1989) Motivation after matriculation: Are Japanese learners of English still alive after exam hell? JALT Journal 11 (2), 193–210. Carpenter, C., Falout, J., Fukuda, T., Trovela, M. and Murphey, T. (2009) Helping students to repack for remotivation and agency. In A.M. Stoke (ed.) JALT2008 Conference Proceedings (pp. 259–274). Tokyo: JALT. Clark, G. (2010) Saving Japan’s Universities. Japan Times, accessed 17 August. http:// www.gregoryclark.net/jt/page75/page75.html Cowie, N. and Sakui, K. (2011) Crucial but neglected: English as a foreign language teachers’ perspectives on learner motivation. In G. Murray, X. Gao and T. Lamb (eds) Identity, Motivation and Autonomy in Language Learning (pp. 212–228). Bristol: Multilingual Matters. Dörnyei, Z. (1998) ‘Demotivation in foreign language learning’. Paper presented at the TESOL ’98 Congress, Seattle, WA, March. Dörnyei, Z. (2001) Teaching and Researching Motivation. Harlow: Longman. Dörnyei, Z. (2005) The Psychology of the Language Learner: Individual Differences in Second Language Acquisition. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. Dörnyei, Z. (2009) The Psychology of Second Language Acquisition. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Dörnyei, Z. and Csizér, K. (2002) Some dynamics of language attitudes and motivation: Results of a longitudinal nationwide survey. Applied Linguistics 23 (4), 421–462. Dörnyei, Z., Csizér, K. and Németh, N. (2006) Motivation, Language Attitudes, and Globalisation: A Hungarian Perspective. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. Dörnyei, Z. and Schmidt, R. (eds) (2001) Motivation and Second Language Acquisition. Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press. Dörnyei, Z. and Ushioda, E. (eds) (2009) Motivation, Language Identity, and the L2 Self. Bristol: Multilingual Matters. Dörnyei, Z. and Ushioda, E. (2011) Teaching and Researching Motivation (2nd edn). Harlow: Pearson Education. Falout, J. and Falout, M. (2005) The other side of demotivation: Learner demotivation. In K. Bradford-Watts, C. Ikeguchi and M. Swanson (eds) JALT2004 Conference Proceedings (pp. 280–289). Tokyo: JALT. Falout, J. and Maruyama, M. (2004) A comparative study of proficiency and learner demotivation. The Language Teacher 28, 3–9. Falout, J., Elwood, J. and Hood, M. (2009) Demotivation: Affective states and learning outcomes. System 37 (3), 403–417.
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Gardner, R.C. (2001) Integrative motivation and second language acquisition. In Z. Dörnyei and R. Schmidt (eds) Motivation and Second Language Acquisition (pp. 1–20). Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press. Graddol, D. (2006) English Next: Why Global English may Mean the End of ‘English as a Foreign Language’. London: British Council. Gu, M. (2009) The Discursive Construction of Second Language Learners’ Motivation: A Multi-level Perspective. New York: Peter Lang Publishing Group. Henry, A. (2013) Digital games and ELT: Bridging the authenticity gap. In E. Ushioda (ed.) International Perspectives on Motivation: Language Learning and Professional Challenges (pp. 133–155). Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Henry, A. and Apelgren, B.M. (2008) Young learners and multilingualism: A study of learner attitudes before and after the introduction of a second foreign language to the curriculum. System 36 (4), 607–623. Irie, K. (2003) What do we know about the language learning motivation of university students in Japan? Some patterns in survey studies. JALT Journal 25 (1), 86–100. Kikuchi, K. (2009) Listening to our learners’ voices: What demotivates Japanese high school students? Language Teaching Research 13 (4), 453–471. Kubota, R. (2002) The impact of globalization on language teaching in Japan. In D. Block and D. Cameron (eds) Globalization and Language Teaching (pp. 13–28). London: Routledge. Makarova, V. and Rodgers, T. (eds) (2004) English Language Teaching: The Case of Japan. Munich: Lincom. Mckenzie, R.M. (2008) The complex and rapidly changing sociolinguistic position of the English language in Japan: A summary of English language contact and use. Japan Forum 20 (2), 267–286. McVeigh, B.J. (2002) Japanese Higher Education as Myth. Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe. Murphey, T., Falout, J., Elwood, J. and Hood, M. (2009) Inviting student voice. Asian EFL Journal 36, 1–25. Murray, G., Gao, X. and Lamb, T. (eds) (2011) Identity, Motivation and Autonomy in Language Learning. Bristol: Multilingual Matters. Nakata, Y. (1995) New goals for Japanese learners of English. The Language Teacher 19 (5), 17–20. Nakata, Y. (2006) Motivation and Experience in Foreign Language Learning. Bern: Peter Lang. Nitta, R. and Asano, R. (2010) Understanding motivational changes in EFL classrooms. In A.M. Stoke (ed.) JALT2009 Conference Proceedings (pp. 186–196). Tokyo: JALT. Oxford, R.L. (2001) ‘The bleached bones of a story’: Learners’ constructions of language teachers. In M.P. Breen (ed.) Learner Contributions to Language Learning (pp. 86–111). Harlow: Longman. Ryan, S. (2009a) Ambivalence and commitment, liberation and challenge: Investigating the attitudes of young Japanese people towards the learning of English. Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 30 (5), 405–420. Ryan, S. (2009b) Self and identity in L2 motivation in Japan: The ideal L2 self and Japanese learners of English. In Z. Dörnyei and E. Ushioda (eds) Motivation, Language Identity, and the L2 Self (pp. 120–143). Bristol: Multilingual Matters. Ryan, S.M. and Makarova, V. (2004) Japanese learners of English: Myths and reality. In V. Makarova and T. Rodgers (eds) English Language Teaching: The Case of Japan (pp. 49–64). Munchen: LINCOM. Sakai, H. and Kikuchi, K. (2009) An analysis of demotivators in the EFL classroom. System 37 (1), 57–69.
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Sakui, K. and Cowie, N. (2012) The dark side of motivation: Teachers’ perspectives on ‘unmotivation’. ELT Journal 66 (2), 205–213. Seargeant, P. (2005) Globalisation and reconfigured English in Japan. World Englishes 24 (3), 309–319. Shibuya, K. (2010) The development of L2 motivation of Japanese learners of English as a foreign language (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of Cambridge, Cambridge, UK. Taguchi, T. (2010) The L2 Motivational Self System among Japanese learners of English: A mixed methods approach (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of Nottingham, Nottingham, UK. Taguchi, T., Magid, M. and Papi, M. (2009) The L2 Motivational Self System among Japanese, Chinese and Iranian learners of English: A comparative study. In Z. Dörnyei and E. Ushioda (eds) Motivation, Language Identity, and the L2 Self (pp. 66–97). Bristol: Multilingual Matters. Trebbi, T. (2003) Curriculum development and learner autonomy in the foreign language classroom: Constraints and possibilities. In D. Little, J. Ridley and E. Ushioda (eds) Learner Autonomy in the Foreign Language Classroom: Teacher, Learner, Curriculum, and Assessment (pp. 166–184). Dublin: Authentik. Ushioda, E. (1996) Learner Autonomy 5: The Role of Motivation. Dublin: Authentik. Ushioda, E. (2001) Language learning at university: Exploring the role of motivational thinking. In Z. Dörnyei and E. Ushioda (eds) Motivation and Second Language Acquisition (pp. 93–125). Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press. Ushioda, E. (2003) Motivation as a socially mediated process. In D. Little, J. Ridley and E. Ushioda (eds) Learner Autonomy in the Foreign Language Classroom: Teacher, Learner, Curriculum, and Assessment (pp. 90–102). Dublin: Authentik. Ushioda, E. (2006) Language motivation in a reconfigured Europe: Access, identity, autonomy. Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 27 (2), 148–161. Ushioda, E. (2008) Motivation and good language learners. In C. Griffiths (ed.) Lessons from Good Language Learners (pp. 19–34). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Ushioda, E. (2009) A person-in-context relational view of emergent motivation, self and identity. In Z. Dörnyei and E. Ushioda (eds) Motivation, Language Identity, and the L2 Self (pp. 215–228). Bristol: Multilingual Matters. Ushioda, E. (2011) Language learning motivation, self and identity: Current theoretical perspectives. Computer Assisted Language Learning 24 (3), 199–210. Ushioda, E. (ed.) (2013a) International Perspectives on Motivation: Language Learning and Professional Challenges. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Ushioda, E. (2013b) Motivation and ELT: Global issues and local concerns. In E. Ushioda (ed.) International Perspectives on Motivation: Language Learning and Professional Challenges (pp. 1–17). Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Warrington, S.D. and Jeffrey, D.M. (2005) A rationale for passivity and de-motivation revealed: An interpretation of inventory results among Freshman English students. Journal of Language and Learning, 3 (2), 312–333. Yashima, T. (2000) Orientations and motivations in foreign language learning: A study of Japanese college students. JACET Bulletin 31, 121–133. Yashima, T. (2002) Willingness to communicate in a second language: The Japanese EFL context. Modern Language Journal 86 (1), 54–66. Yashima, T. (2009) International posture and the ideal L2 self in the Japanese EFL con text. In Z. Dörnyei and E. Ushioda (eds) Motivation, Language Identity, and the L2 Self (pp. 144–163). Bristol: Multilingual Matters.
2 Learning Japanese; Learning English: Promoting Motivation Through Autonomy, Competence and Relatedness Kimberly A. Noels
Given that the intensity of student engagement is one of the most impor tant predictors of students’ future language proficiency (Masgoret & Gardner, 2003), a large part of developing and delivering a successful lan guage course involves compiling materials and mastering approaches that will capture the interests and imaginations of students. In recent years, a variety of motivational theories have been proposed, and studies conducted to better understand how student engagement is encouraged, maintained, lost and regained. There are now many motivational models to guide teach ers and researchers in their thinking and practice (see Dörnyei & Ushioda, 2009 for overviews). As Ushioda (this volume) points out, the concern with the motivation of students has been particularly evident in Japan and other countries where English is widely taught as a second or foreign language (EFL/ESL). In this chapter, I describe self-determination theory (SDT; Deci & Ryan, 1985; Ryan & Deci, 2002), a framework that has proven useful in several educational contexts, and highlight some of the facets that I think might be helpful in the EFL/ESL context. I discuss some of the issues that need to be addressed if the theory is to be applied successfully in different cultural settings. I then review what the research suggests might be some effective styles and strategies for EFL/ESL teachers to use to engage their students more successfully in language learning. The main point is that across cul tural contexts, student motivation and engagement can be promoted by fostering their sense of autonomy, competence and relatedness in the language-learning process. 15
16 Language Learning Motivation in Japan
Self-Determination Theory and Language Learning Forms of intrinsic and extrinsic motivation Although a number of theorists have influenced my thinking about motivation and language learning, in recent years I have been reflecting on Edward Deci and Richard Ryan’s ideas as encapsulated in SDT (Noels, 2001a, 2009). SDT offers a typology of motivational orientations that dis tinguishes between intrinsic and extrinsic motivation (see Table 2.1 for some examples). Generally speaking, intrinsic motivation derives from the satisfaction of engaging in an activity that is stimulating and inherently interesting. Feelings of intrinsic motivation are associated with an internal perceived locus of causality (deCharms, 1968), which means the learners’ actions are experienced as emanating from themselves and not from an external impetus. By contrast, extrinsic motivation derives from any reason for learn ing a language that is not due to enjoyment with the activity per se. The range of extrinsic reasons for learning a language is wide, but Deci and Ryan (1985) suggest that most can be organized according to the extent they are determined by the learner himself/herself or by people or circumstances that are external to the learner. One form is external regulation, which is the least self-determined form of extrinsic motivation and exemplified by learners who engage in language study because of demands by other parties or circumstances, such as passing an examination or attaining a program requirement. Another is introjected regulation, a more internalized form of regulation, in which there are exigencies to learn the language related to the students’ desire to maintain self-esteem by living up to evaluative stand ards. This ego-focused form of regulation corresponds with the feeling that the learner ‘should’ or ‘ought’ to learn the language in order to meet their own or others’ expectations of them. In both external and introjected regu lation, the learner may put in a great deal of effort to learn a language when the pressure or reward is present; however, when it is removed, it is likely that the learner will quickly cease to engage in the learning process. External and introjected regulation, then, are inconsistent predictors of engagement and ultimately proficiency. SDT suggests that two other forms of extrinsic motivation are more consistent predictors of student engagement. Identified regulation is exem plified by learners who believe that competence in the language will aid them to achieve a goal that is personally relevant. For example, an English- speaking ESL teacher may learn Japanese because her students speak Japa nese as a native language, thus enabling her to better instruct her students. The second, integrated regulation, is the most self-determined form of extrinsic motivation wherein a person learns a language because it is fully integrated into the person’s sense of self and consistent with their values,
Learning Japanese; Learning English 17
Table 2.1 Examples of students’ reasons for learning Japanese categorized by motivational orientation subtype (Based on data from McEown et al., 2013) Orientation
Students’ reasons for learning Japanese
Intrinsic motivation
The more I find out about Japanese language/culture, the more interested in it I become; it is very interesting and fun for me to discover each new kernel of knowledge. … Once again, because it is fun.
Extrinsic motivation— Integrated regulation
When I was younger I was really interested in Japanese culture. So when I won a scholarship to do an exchange in Japan, I was really excited. It was there where I decided to become an English teacher. So I’m going to get my degree in Education with my major as Japanese and my minor as International/Intercultural Education. After I convocate in a few years I plan on teaching in [X High School] in Sendai….
Extrinsic motivation— Identified regulation
As part of my research in cultural anthropology, learning the language would help me understand Japanese culture better (to some extent at least).
Extrinsic motivation— Introjected regulation
I spent 3 years in Japan… I studied the martial art of naginata and my teacher and fellow students knew little English. We communicated pretty well, but I truly wish I could have known them better. Learning Japanese would have helped that. I have some shame over not learning more of the language while I was there. I didn’t apply myself…
Extrinsic moti- I am learning Japanese because I would like to get a job with a vation—Exter- Japanese car company as an accountant. There is a lot of money nal regulation in Japan, and I want it. Amotivation
Sigh… 6 credits of LOE [language other than English] in order to complete a BA. I really don’t understand what is with the Faculty of Arts. Silly requirements, i.e. LOE make linguistically challenged people like me… pretty upset to find out that the university values linguistic capability over academic achievements. After all, the ability to pick a language up is innate and not something that can be taught. Anyway, にほんごはすきじゃありませんですよ.
opinions and activities. Learning and using the language is, thus, an expres sion of that person’s identity. Although they share several common fea tures, integrated regulation can be differentiated from intrinsic motivation because it is not driven by a love of the activity itself, but rather because the activity is integral to one’s self. Both intrinsic and extrinsic motivations differ from amotivation, in which a person has no intentional reason for learning a language. Students may be amotivated because neither the activity of learning nor its out comes are valued, or, perhaps, because they feel incompetent. Research in North America shows that post-secondary-level language students rarely express amotivation (perhaps because amotivated students do not register
18 Language Learning Motivation in Japan
in language classes), but it seems likely that the experience of amotivation may be more widespread within Japan where English training is required by most programs (see Kikuchi, this volume). That said, even in North America there are some students who cannot see any value in language learning; although they may be externally regulated because of a program require ment, their exasperation and determination to quit this ‘silly’ activity is clearly evident.
Motivational orientations and engagement: The case of learners of Japanese Motivational orientations are important predictors of language-learning engagement. I will illustrate this point through a discussion of a study of university-level learners of Japanese as a foreign language in a province of Canada where Japanese speakers comprise only 0.4% of the total provincial population (see McEown et al., 2013), for a more complete discussion of this study). These students completed a questionnaire that assessed: (a) their intrinsic and extrinsic motivational orientations; (b) their perceptions of autonomy, competence and relatedness (see definitions of these in the next section); and (c) their engagement in the process of learning Japanese. Figure 2.1 (based on data from McEown et al., 2013) illustrates how strongly they endorsed each motivational orientation. It is important to keep in mind that people generally have multiple reasons for why they 7
Mean orientation score
6 5 4 3 2 1 Amotivation
External regulation
Introjected regulation
Identified regulation
Intrinsic motivation
Orientation type
Figure 2.1 Mean motivational orientation subtypes of learners of Japanese (based on data from McEown et al., 2013).
Learning Japanese; Learning English 19
engage in an activity. Although they may endorse one orientation more strongly than another, this does not mean that the other orientations are unimportant to their experience. Students are rarely categorized accurately as entirely intrinsically or extrinsically (of whatever subtype) oriented. This particular group of students, for example, strongly endorsed identified regulation, followed by intrinsic motivation, and then external regulation, which covers three out of the five key motivational forms of the SDT. In other words, this group stated that they were learning Japanese because it was valuable to their personal goals, it was enjoyable and it was necessary for addressing pressing concerns (such as course credit), in that order. As a group, they very weakly endorsed reasons for learning the language that reflected a sense of obligation (i.e. introjected regulation) or no motivation at all (i.e. amotivation). What evidence is there, then, that motivational orientations in any way contributed to greater intensity of effort, more persistence and even greater competence in the learning and use of Japanese? As shown in Table 2.2 (again based on data from McEown et al., 2013), correlations between moti vational orientations and engagement variables indicated that the more the students in the study endorsed amotivation, the less intense their engage ment in learning Japanese was, the less they intended to continue studying the language, and the poorer they felt their language skills were. In contrast, the more participants endorsed reasons for learning Japanese that expressed their intrinsic interest and the sentiment that they were learning the lan guage because it was of personal value and satisfying (i.e. intrinsic moti vation and identified regulation), the greater their effort and intention to continue studying the language, and the better they felt their Japanese skills were. To summarize, these findings are consistent with the SDT premise that student engagement and success in language learning can most reliably be enhanced when students have an intrinsic interest in learning a language. Given that self-determined extrinsic and intrinsic motivational orienta tions facilitate student engagement in language learning, is there any way Table 2.2 Correlations between motivational orientations and engagement indices (based on data from McEown et al., 2013) Orientation
Motivational intensity
Intention to continue
Japanese self-evaluation
Amotivation
-.30*
-.31*
-.27*
External regulation
-.03
.17
.04
Introjected regulation
-.05
.06
.00
Identified regulation
.28*
.63*
.34*
Intrinsic motivation
.40*
.56*
.36*
*p < .05.
20 Language Learning Motivation in Japan
in which these orientations can be fostered? SDT (Deci & Ryan, 1985; Ryan & Deci, 2002) posits that these orientations can be developed and sustained when the people and circumstances in the learning environment foster a student’s sense of autonomy, competence and relatedness while learning. Autonomy refers to a learner’s capacity to freely choose to engage in activ ities. Competence refers to a learner’s ability to effectively carry out the activity and to rise to (optimal) challenges, and relatedness refers to a sense of security and connection between the learner and other people who value them and their learning efforts. According to Ryan and Deci (2002), although autonomy is the key to more internalized regulation and sustained intrinsic motivation, competence and relatedness are also necessary. On a practical level, this theory suggests that EFL/ESL teachers can help students to be more engaged in language learning when they help students to meet these three needs, a possibility that we will consider more thoroughly below.
Culture, Language Learning and SDT Although they were not always conducted using the analytical frame work of SDT, several studies have examined constructs such as intrinsic motivation and autonomy across diverse language-learning contexts, including the learning and teaching of second languages (e.g. Bonney et al., 2008; Noels et al., 1999), foreign languages (e.g. Busse, in press a, b; Busse & Williams, 2010), heritage languages (Comanaru & Noels, 2009; Noels, 2005) and English as a Foreign/International Language (EFL) (e.g. Abu Bakar et al., 2010; Pae, 2008). A number of the more recent EFL studies have come from Japan (see Nakata, this volume). More widely examined is the notion of autonomy; in fact, it has been so well examined that Hayo Reinders’ website on autonomy and language learning (http://www.innovationinteaching.org/autonomybibiliography. php) contains over 1700 references to relevant articles, many of which discuss language education in Asian countries. But a cautionary note is in order at this point: the centrality of autonomy as a motivational con struct seems appropriate in Western societies where individualism is a deeply-vested cultural value, but may be less so in Asian societies where individualism may not be as highly valued. According to cultural psy chologists (e.g. Hofstede, 2001; Markus & Kitayama, 1991), people from Western societies tend to see themselves as autonomous persons with indi vidualistic values that emphasize the importance of self-determination and achieving personal goals. In other cultures, particularly those in East Asia, people are suggested to hold more collectivistic values that prioritize the harmony of interpersonal and group relationships and a sense of self that is construed as interdependent with others and the broader context. Consist ent with these observed broad tendencies, several researchers have argued
Learning Japanese; Learning English 21
that the social and psychological dynamics of language learning and teach ing in Asian societies is quite different from North America. Some argue that traditional Asian pedagogical approaches that include teacher-focused instructional styles, form-focused content and exacting assessment criteria are detrimental to students’ sense of competence and autonomy (e.g. Yang, 1998). Others argue that stressing autonomy in language education may be inappropriate in Asian contexts where social interconnectedness and respect for authority are emphasized (Farmer, 1994; Ho & Crookall, 1995). Still others suggest that autonomy may take different forms depending upon the cultural context (Littlewood, 1999). Only recently have motivational processes outlined in SDT been addressed from a cross-cultural perspective. Some studies suggest that autonomy may be critical to academic engagement and well-being across cultures (Chirkov et al., 2010). However, other studies bring into question the centrality of autonomy across cultures. Iyengar and Lepper (1999) found that whereas Anglo-American children were more intrinsically motivated when they made their own choices, Asian American children were more intrinsically motivated when choices were made for them by trusted sig nificant others. They suggest that for Anglo-Americans the act of making a personal choice offers an opportunity to express one’s personal preference and unique identity, but for Asian Americans, having choices made by sig nificant others provides a greater opportunity to promote harmony and ful fill the goal of belonging to the group (see also Hernandez & Iyengar, 2001).
A cross-cultural comparison of language learning motivation While this study indicates that autonomy may not be central to intrin sic motivation in all cultures, it did not directly examine what other needs are important to motivating language-learning students in other cultures. It seems plausible that where collectivistic values are relatively strongly endorsed, individuals feel a greater need for relatedness, and that fulfilling this need could be more central to intrinsic motivation than fulfilling the need for autonomy. To examine this question, Maureen Ehrensberger-Dow, Hiroshi Ota and I used a cross-cultural comparative approach, analyzing motivational orientations, self-perceptions of autonomy, competence, relatedness and learning engagement in university-level EFL students from a relatively individualistic society and those from a more collectivistic society: the Swiss-German speaking part of Switzerland and Japan, respec tively (McEown et al., 2013). We chose these societies based on Hofstede’s (2001) survey of national values, in which countries are scored on sev eral cultural dimensions, including individualism-collectivism (see http:// www.geert-hofstede.com). We began by measuring the participants’ inde pendent and interdependent self-construals (Singelis, 1994) to verify that they conformed to anticipated cultural orientations, and consistent with
22 Language Learning Motivation in Japan
expectation, the Japanese students rated their independent and interde pendent selves equally (and moderately), whereas the Swiss–German stu dents rated their independent self more strongly than their interdependent self. Thus, the two groups differed in the relative strength of their independ ent and interdependent self-construals in a way that was consistent with Hofstede’s description of their society of origin as more or less individualis tically oriented. As a result, we were confident that the two groups we were working with would permit a valid comparison of cultural tendencies in our study about motivation. Next, we conducted correlational analyses between the orientation scores and several indices of engagement in language learning, including motivational intensity, persistence, self-evaluation and English language use. The pattern of correlations reflected the same pattern as was described ear lier for the Canadian learners of Japanese. The more participants from both cultures indicated that they felt amotivated, the less intense and persistent they were learning English, the worse they judged their English skills, and the less they used English outside the classroom. By contrast, the more they indicated that they were learning the language because it was valuable to them and because they found it stimulating and enjoyable, the greater was their motivational intensity and persistence, their self-evaluation, and their use of English outside the classroom. External and internal pressures and contingencies, however, did not predict learning engagement. These results indicate that intrinsic and self-determined orientations are important for student engagement across (at least these two) societies. We then addressed the question of relative importance of autonomy, competence and relatedness by conducting correlational and standard regression analyses separately for each of the two groups (Table 2.3). Prior to doing so, we had created a composite orientation index adapted from the Relative Autonomy Index (RAI; Connell & Ryan, 1986), in which the composite index was the sum of the mean scores for each orientation, after weighting the means to reflect the self-determination continuum [(-2 × MeanExternal Regulation) + (-1 × MeanIntrojected Regulation) + (+1 × MeanIdentified )+(2 × MeanIntrinsic Motivation)], where “Mean” refers to the mean score Regulation across the items used to assess that construct. On our composite orienta tion index, a high positive score indicated greater endorsement of self-de termined reasons for learning English, and a high negative score indicated endorsement of reasons reflecting external and internal pressures. In the Swiss-German group, the results of the correlational analyses showed that greater endorsement of each of autonomy, competence and relatedness correlated positively with a more self-determined motivational orientation. The results of the standard regression analyses corroborated the independent contribution of each of the psychological needs to feel ings of self-determination, with autonomy being the strongest predictor, followed by relatedness, and then competence. In the Japanese group, the correlational results showed that greater endorsement of autonomy,
Learning Japanese; Learning English 23
Table 2.3 Results of standard regression analyses examining the relations between psychological needs and Relative Autonomy Index (RAI) in Switzerland and Japan (based on data from Noels et al. (2012)) Equation
Coefficients
R
F
Beta
Correlation
.40
54.99*
Autonomy
.38*
.54*
Competence
.16*
.47*
Relatedness
.26*
.47*
Autonomy
.55*
.67*
Competence
.02
.43*
Relatedness
.20*
.53*
2
Switzerland
Japan
.49
30.76*
*p < .05
competence and relatedness correlated greater self-determined orienta tion. The regression results indicated that the most important predictor of self-determination was autonomy, followed by relatedness – competence did not significantly figure into the prediction of self-determination. These results did not support our hypothesis that autonomy might be less impor tant to predicting a self-determined orientation in people from a more col lectivistic society than a more individualistic society. Instead, autonomy was the most important predictor for students from both cultures, a find ing that underscores the value to EFL teachers of fostering autonomy in Japanese language students. But more work is necessary, for both methodological and theoretical reasons. For instance, our study only considered one country that might be considered relatively collectivistic and one that might be relatively individ ualistic. Japan and Switzerland are certainly not representative of all collec tivistic and individualistic nations. The next step would be to draw samples of students from several countries that could be considered collectivisti cally or individualistically oriented. Also, care must be taken to ensure that the comparison groups differ as little as possible in other ways that might account for the patterns of findings. With the present study, for instance, the two samples differed in their gender ratio (more women were included in the Japanese sample, and more men in the Swiss–German sample). Had we found differences in the pattern of relations between variables, they may have been due to gender differences in motivation to learn languages rather than cultural differences in self-construals and value orientations. Also, there are other possible explanations for group differences, including the purpose of the language programs, opportunities for contact with English speakers, and so on. The better these potential confounds can be controlled,
24 Language Learning Motivation in Japan
the more confident we can be that differences are due to cultural differences in motivational processes. More importantly, there are other theoretical questions that could be addressed. For instance, Buchtel (2009) found that Euro-Canadians find an activity engaging and satisfying when they experience a sense of choice and self-endorsement, while East Asians have positive emotional associations with both agentic and obligated motivations. We might likewise ask whether introjected regulation (i.e. a sense of duty or obligation) might be stronger in East Asian participants and more predictive of engagement and enjoyment of language learning in Japanese learners than in North Americans. Another line of research might address the question of whether different cultures frame autonomy differently, in terms of proactive/reactive autonomy or individual/inclusive autonomy (Littlewood, 1999; Rudy et al., 2007; see also Noels et al., in press). Examination of the role of value orientations other than individualism–collectivism, particularly the value of social hierarchies and asymmetrical power relations, could further inform understanding of cultural variations in student–teacher dynamics. These types of questions could help define a research agenda in which not only is SLA research more informed by cultural psychology but also one in which cultural psychology benefits from a better understanding of the inherently intercultural dynam ics of language learning.
Teaching to Enhance Student Motivation The evidence presented thus far suggests that there might be some cross-cultural validity to SDT, such that this theory might be useful for understanding and encouraging students’ motivation in EFL classrooms in Japan. There is a growing body of research looking at how language instruc tors foster students’ motivation, but to date, little of this research looks at how SDT principles could be used to inform teachers’ methods. In this section, I review some key studies on the topic relating to teachers’ motiva tional strategies and how they affect student engagement, especially as they relate to autonomy, competence and relatedness. One of the more influential series of papers on how teachers can strate gically influence the motivation of their students is that of Zoltàn Dörnyei and his colleagues. In the mid-1990s, Dörnyei (1994) developed a list of motivational strategies for teachers based on a synthesis of personal expe rience, a ‘semi-formal survey’ of teachers and pre-service teachers, and a conceptual model that emphasized the interplay between learners’ charac teristics, the language and the learning situation. Dörnyei and Csizér (1998) asked Hungarian EFL instructors to indicate how important they thought each strategy was, and labeled the top-ranked strategies the ‘10 command ments of language teaching’. Cheng and Dörnyei (2007) extended this study
Learning Japanese; Learning English 25
to Taiwan and found that there was good correspondence with the rankings in the Hungarian study, though some of the strategies shifted their order of importance, perhaps due to different cultural priorities. In 2001, Dörnyei published a schema with over 100 motivational techniques divided into 35 ‘strategy’ categories, organized along four main dimensions: (i) creating basic motivational conditions, (ii) generating initial motivation, (iii) main taining and protecting motivation and (iv) encouraging positive retrospec tive self-evaluation. According to the schema, the effectiveness of given strategies may vary depending upon the point in the language-learning process or course they are used. Guilloteaux and Dornyei (2008) validated this teaching strategy frame work through a subsequent study in which they observed language classes and assessed the strategies used by the teachers as well as students’ behav ioral engagement. The students were also asked to provide self-reports of their attitudes toward the class and their self-confidence. Guilloteaux and Dörnyei (2008) combined all aspects of the teachers’ practices together and correlated this overall score with the scores for the learners’ engagement and self-reports of motivation/self-confidence. The teachers’ motivational prac tice correlate with both aspects of the learners’ motivation (r = .61 with learners’ behavior and r =.31 with students’ self-report). Taken together, this series of studies suggests that language teachers should become aware of a variety of instructional strategies that might influence students’ motivation in different ways across different points in the language course. As stated by Dörnyei and Csizér (1998: 224), ‘… no motivational strategy has absolute and general value because such strategies are to be implemented in dynamically changing and very diverse learning contexts, in which the personality of the individual learners and the teacher, as well as the composition and structure of the learner group, will always interplay with the effectiveness of the strategy’. The point that a range of factors can influence learner motivation suggests that the teacher who wishes to foster student motivation must attend to the learner, the situ ation, the group dynamics and the stage in the learning process. Perhaps a limitation of this framework, however, is that it does not explain the social psychological mechanisms by which teacher behavior relates to student behavior. Some evidence that student perceptions mediate the relation between teacher practices and student engagement comes from Bernaus and Gardner (2008), who took a different approach than Dornyei in their study of university-level Catalonian EFL students. They asked teachers to describe the instructional strategies they use, and also asked students to assess the frequency with which their teachers used those same strategies. They chose instructional strategies that they described as either ‘traditional’ (i.e. teacher-centered and focused on structural aspects of the language) or ‘innovative’ (i.e. student-centered and communication-oriented). A first
26 Language Learning Motivation in Japan
analysis looked at the correspondence between the frequency with which the instructors said they used the strategy and the frequency with which the students perceived the strategies. Traditional strategies showed a bet ter correspondence than innovative strategies (71.4% vs. 50%, respectively). A second analysis examined predictors of student motivation, and found that the frequency with which teachers used a strategy did not predict stu dent motivation, but the students’ perceptions of a strategy used by their teacher (innovative and traditional strategies combined) did. Bernaus and Gardner (2008: 399) concluded that ‘[t]eachers may use any strategy with which they feel comfortable and that is of value to the students, but for the strategies to be effective in influencing students’ motivation they must be perceived as such by the students. We recommend, therefore, that teachers assess their students’ perceptions of any strategies they employ’. In sum, it seems that, if the students believe that their teacher frequently uses a vari ety of ways to teach the material, then the students are more motivated, even if this belief is only partially based on the teachers’ reported behavior.
Fostering engagement through autonomy, competence and relatedness One suggestion for a social psychological mechanism can be gleaned from Noels’ (2001b) study, which used SDT as a theoretical framework to better understand how teachers’ communication style might be related to students’ motivation (also see Noels et al., 1999). In this study, students were asked to assess their teachers across four dimensions, including perceptions of the teacher as negative (e.g. ‘the feedback I get from my professor takes the form of useless criticisms’), congenial (e.g. ‘My professor uses personal examples or talks about experiences she/he has had outside of class’; ‘My professor uses humor in class’), controlling (e.g. ‘My professor emphasizes that he/she is the one in control’) and as providing informative feedback (e.g. ‘My professor gives me good feedback on how I perform in my course work’; ‘My professor praises students’ work actions’). The results of path analyses showed that although they were related to control and inform ative feedback, the extent to which the teacher was perceived as critical and mean-spirited, or as congenial and humorous, was not directly related to the other motivational aspects.1 Instead, only students’ perceptions of their teachers as controlling and as providing informative feedback pre dicted students’ perceptions of themselves as autonomous and competent, respectively. In turn, greater feelings of autonomy and competence were related to greater intrinsic motivation, more internalized forms of extrinsic motivation, and to lower levels of amotivation. The findings of this study suggest that the key to fostering university-level students’ motivation is by supporting the development of their autonomy and their competence in language learning.
Learning Japanese; Learning English 27
Table 2.4 A self-determination theory perspective on motivational dos and don’ts for language teachers (based on Assor et al., 2002; Jang et al., 2010) Psychological Communication Do need style
Don’t
Autonomy
Autonomy support vs. Controlling
– Foster relevance – Allow criticism – Provide choice
– Suppress criticism – Use intrusive directions
Competence
Structure and informative feedback vs. Chaos
– Articulate clear, explicit and well-organized directions – Provide leadership and a program of action to guide students’ ongoing activity – Offer constructive feedback on how to gain control over valued outcomes.
– Ambiguous, confusing directions of ‘what to do’ – Little guidance, no goals – Off-task or little feedback, competenceirrelevant info
Relatedness
Involvement / immediacy vs. disinterest/ disregard
– Express interest, empathy, affection – Use inclusive language – Nonverbal displays of ‘immediacy’
– Tease, ridicule, or use disparaging comments – Convey resentfulness,disinterest or exasperation
Some recent work has suggested guidelines for using SDT principles to promote language students’ motivation (e.g. Fukuda et al., 2011; Jones et al., 2009), and below I will expand on this work through a discussion of some teaching styles that could be most useful from an SDT perspective, based primarily on the work of Reeve and his colleagues (e.g. Reeve, 2009; Reeve & Assor, 2010; Reeve & Jang, 2006; see Table 2.4 for a summary).
Fostering autonomy
As noted earlier, autonomy refers to a sense that one can freely choose to engage in activities that they find personally meaningful. Jang et al. (2010; Reeve, 2009) suggest that there are three aspects to autonomy- supportive teaching. The first involves nurturing students’ own motiva tional resources by focusing on student interests, enjoyment and sense of challenge and by making opportunities for them to take the initiative. This can be contrasted with a reliance on extrinsic sources of motivation, such as offering incentives, consequences and directives, and seeking compli ance from students. The second is using language that provides options for students and identifies the potential meaningfulness and utility of a learning activity. In contrast, controlling language involves pressuring stu dents to comply, emphasizing what students should or ought to do and
28 Language Learning Motivation in Japan
neglecting to identify what the benefits and value are for students. The third is acknowledgement and acceptance of students’ negative feedback and affect, by listening carefully and openly to criticism, and accepting that complaints are a first step to reorienting an activity so that it better meets students’ needs. Such actions can be contrasted with an instruc tional style in which negative feedback and affect are seen as unacceptable; something to be countered by the teacher, and subsequently changed by the student. Assor et al. (2002) examined whether children can differentiate between types of autonomy-enhancing and autonomy-suppressing behaviors from their teachers. They found that children identified three types of autonomy- enhancing behaviors, including fostering relevance, allowing criticism and providing choice. In addition, the three types of autonomy-suppressing behaviors include suppressing criticism, intruding on the students’ learn ing and forcing students to do meaningless activities. Importantly, positive affect toward, and greater engagement, in schoolwork were predicted most strongly by perceptions of the teacher as helping to clarify the personal rele vance of schoolwork to the students’ personal interests and goals. Perceived choice was also important, but it only predicted positive feelings and not behavioral engagement. Assor and his colleagues emphasize that it is per sonal relevance and not choice alone that is important for fostering motiva tion. When learners have choice, they can decide to pursue directions that they prefer, presumably because they are meaningful to them. However, when the choices do not include an option with some personal relevance, making choices becomes a meaningless exercise and might even be over whelming (Iyengar & Lepper, 2000; Schwartz, 2004). Teachers can also act in ways that suppress learners’ autonomy. Assor and his colleagues (2002) found that the most effective way to undermine student engagement and positive attitudes was by suppressing students’ criticism of the teachers’ practice and/or other aspects of the classroom sit uation. If the teacher exercises too much control over the students’ voices, students cannot communicate their discontent, and the teacher will have a difficult time addressing their concerns in a way that is satisfactory. Rather, teachers should make it clear that they are open to feedback from the stu dents, try to subdue any of their own defensive reactions to negative com ments from students and address the concerns constructively.
Fostering competence
Autonomy support is not sufficient to foster students’ engagement. Rather Jang and her colleagues (2010) found that both autonomy support and structure are necessary motivational supports. Deci and Ryan (1985; Ryan & Deci, 2002) maintain that structure and informational feedback help to develop students’ feelings of competence. Informational feedback
Learning Japanese; Learning English 29
includes providing a clear structure to students from the beginning of the course, class or activity, throughout the duration and on to feedback and assessment at the end (Jang et al., 2010). Jang and her colleagues argue that, early on, teachers should articulate explicit and well-organized expectations and directions for the students to follow. Throughout the duration of the course/class/activity, the teacher must be prepared to provide leadership and a program of action to guide the students’ ongoing activity. Such acts support students’ engagement by keeping the students on track and manag ing their behavior. At the conclusion, the teacher should offer constructive feedback on how students can effectively increase their competence so that they can attain the outcomes that they desire.
Fostering relatedness
Relatedness has been less well studied in educational contexts, but it has been suggested that it is essential for the atmosphere that facilitates students’ engagement in the exploratory and creative behaviors that char acterize intrinsic motivation (Furrer & Skinner, 2003; Ryan & Powelson, 1991). In order for people to feel secure about pursuing the risky business of learning a new language, the classroom climate must ensure a sense of safety and positive regard (Deci et al., 1991). Relatedness is also important for the internalization process (Ryan & Deci, 2002). Not all students are intrinsically motivated to learn a language, even if it is potentially benefi cial to them. Students are more likely to internalize and ‘take ownership’ of the practices of those with whom they feel connected and in contexts where they feel a sense of belonging (Niemiec & Ryan, 2009). There is some evidence to demonstrate that language learners who feel a strong sense of relatedness are more likely to report more self-determined extrinsic regula tion and intrinsic motivation for language learning (Comanaru & Noels, 2009; Noels, 2005) Relatively little SDT-based research has looked at those aspects of teach ers’ styles that affect students’ feelings of relatedness, but communication research on teacher immediacy provides some insights. Immediacy refers to communication that conveys warmth, engagement, and interpersonal closeness (Allen et al., 2006; Mehrabian, 1971). Immediacy is increased when teachers express their interest and involvement in their students and their students’ learning efforts, including their achievements and disap pointments. This can be accomplished verbally through the use of inclusive language, as well as nonverbally through behaviors that suggest that the teacher is interested and approachable. In contrast, relatedness is under mined by instructors who are perceived to be cold and uncaring, leaving the students feeling unvalued and isolated. Nonimmediate teachers are perceived as vocally tense, unexpressive, seldom smile or look directly at students and are perceived as remote, aloof and unapproachable.
30 Language Learning Motivation in Japan
These three aspects of teachers’ communication style – autonomy sup port, structure and informational feedback and immediacy – are argued to work interactively to optimize students’ motivation (although some types of support might be more important at different levels of motivation and/or proficiency; see Hiromori, this volume). Further research is necessary to bet ter understand how culture might affect the manifestation of these aspects of communication style through differences such as the role of the teacher, social positioning and power relations and the appropriateness of specific communication strategies. With regards to the teachers’ role, Zhang and Oetzel (2006) point out that whereas Western research on immediacy has focused on teachers’ in-class communication, in China, teachers’ roles are expected to extend beyond classrooms to out-of-class domains. They main tain that Chinese teachers are viewed as transmitters of knowledge, role models and authority figures who are accountable for students’ holistic devel opment. Research on culture and teaching style, then, should be attentive to what happens between the teacher and student both inside and outside the classroom. Cultural differences in the value placed on power hierarchies and individualism/collectivism can also impact the perceived appropriateness of communication practices. The immediacy strategies of Westerners, such as using first names or using direct eye contact, may be inappropriate in soci eties where more indirect communication better supports the sociocultural order. Pribyl et al. (2004) found that Japanese students responded to immedi acy, but differentiated animated engagement from relational expressiveness more than American students did. In sum, in addition to the need for cul turally informed research on the dynamics of students’ motivation that was outlined in the previous section, there is a parallel need for a better under standing of how teachers can support their students’ autonomy, competence and relatedness across diverse cultural contexts.
Conclusion In this paper I argued that self-determination theory could be a use ful framework to understand students’ motivation for learning languages and to develop teaching styles that might engender greater and more effec tive student motivation. Although preliminary evidence suggests that the framework could be useful in Japanese EFL settings, there is a need for more culture-specific and culture-comparative work on the role of autonomy, competence and relatedness in student engagement. There is also a clear need for greater empirical articulation of specific strategies and practices that teachers can adopt to improve student outcomes. I believe that systematic comparisons of the interactions between teachers and learners across con texts, cultural and otherwise, would expedite the development of practical strategies and best-practice guidelines to foster EFL students’ motivation.
Learning Japanese; Learning English 31
Such research would also provide a richer understanding of culture overall and its role in language learning motivation.
Note (1) The students’ sense of relatedness was not assessed in this study. The possibility that there might be a relation between students’ perceptions of teachers’ congenial ity and/or negativity are associated with students’ motivational orientations that is mediated by feelings of relatedness should be addressed in future research (e.g. Noels & Saumure, 2012).
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Niemiec, C.P. and Ryan, R.M. (2009) Autonomy, competence and relatedness in the classroom: Applying self-determination theory to educational practice. Theory and Research in Education 7, 133–144. doi:10.1177/ Noels, K.A. (2001a) New orientations in language learning motivation: Towards a model of intrinsic, extrinsic and integrative orientations. In Z. Dörnyei and R. Schmidt (eds) Motivation and Second Language Acquisition (pp. 43–68). Honolulu, HI: University of Hawai’i Second Language Teaching and Curriculum Centre. Noels, K.A. (2001b) Learning Spanish as a second language: Learners’ orientations and perceptions of their teachers’ communication style. Language Learning 51, 107–144. Noels, K.A. (2005) Orientations to learning German: Heritage background and motiva tional processes. Canadian Modern Language Review 62, 285–312. Noels, K.A. (2009) The internalization of language learning into the self and social identity. In Z. Dörnyei and E. Ushioda (eds) Motivation, Language Identity, and the L2 Self (pp. 295–313). Bristol: Multilingual Matters. Noels, K.A., Clément, R. and Pelletier, L.G. (1999) Perceptions of teachers’ communicative style and students’ intrinsic and extrinsic motivation. The Modern Language Journal 83, 23–34. Noels, K.A., Chaffee, K., Michalyk, M., and McEown, M.S. (in preparation) Culture, autonomy and the self in language learning. In K. Csizér and M. Magid (eds) The Impact of Self-Concept on Second Language Acquisition. Bristol: Multilingual Matters. Noels, K.A., Ehrensberger-Dow, M. and Ota, H. (2013) Culture, autonomy and motiva tion to learn English. Manuscript in preparation. Noels, K.A. and Saumure, K.D. (2013) Motivation for learning German as a heritage vs. foreign language: A self-determination perspective on the role of the social context in supporting learner motivation. Manuscript under review. Noels, K.A., Sugita, M., Saumure, K.D. and Sharma, V. (2012) Perceptions of the teachers’ Communication Style and Students’ Motivation in the Japanese Classroom. Manu script under review. Pae, T.-I. (2008) Second language orientation and self-determination theory: A structural analysis of the factors affecting second language achievement. Journal of Language and Social Psychology 27, 5–27. Pribyl, C.B., Sakamoto, M. and Keaten, J.A. (2004) The relationship between nonverbal immediacy, student motivation, and perceived cognitive learning among Japanese college students. Japanese Psychological Research 46, 73–85. Reeve, J. (2009) Why teachers adopt a controlling motivating style toward students and how they can become more autonomy supportive. Educational Psychologist 44, 159–175. Reeve, J. and Assor, A. (2010) Do social institutions necessarily suppress individuals’ need for autonomy? The possibility of schools as autonomy-promoting contexts across the globe. In V.I. Chirkov, R.M. Ryan and K.M. Sheldon (eds) Human Autonomy in Cross-cultural Context: Perspectives on the Psychology of Agency, Freedom and Well-being. Dordrecht: Springer Science+Business Media. Reeve, J. and Jang, H. (2006) What teachers say and do to support students’ autonomy during a learning activity. Journal of Educational Psychology 98, 209–218. Rudy, D., Sheldon, K.M., Awong, T. and Tan, H.H. (2007) Autonomy, cultue and well-being: The benefits of inclusive autonomy. Journal of Research in Personality 41, 983–1007. Ryan, R.M. and Deci, E.L. (2002) An overview of self-determination theory: An organismic-dialectical perspective. In E.L. Deci and R.M. Ryan (eds) Handbook of Self- determination Research (pp. 3–33). Rochester, NY: University of Rochester Press.
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Ryan, R.M. and Powelson, C.L. (1991) Autonomy and relatedness as fundamental to motivation and education. Journal of Experimental Education 60, 49–66. Schwartz, B. (2004) The Paradox of Choice: Why More is Less. New York: Harper Perennial Singelis, T.M. (1994) The measurement of independent and interdependent self- construals. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 20, 580–591. Yang, N.D. (1998) Exploring a new role for teachers: Promoting learner autonomy. System 26, 127–135. Zhang, Q. and Oetzel, J.G. (2006) Constructing and validating a teacher immediacy scale: A Chinese perspective. Communication Education 55, 218–241.
3 Imagined L2 Selves and Motivation for Intercultural Communication Tomoko Yashima
Every researcher has different learning experiences and it affects his/her research interests. To me, learning a foreign language has meant crossing psychological boundaries. It was something that would connect me to peo ple I’d never seen or places I’d never been. It was something that would take me from my room to an imagined world. This paper, partly representing my own experience as a language learner, focuses on the motivation to learn a language for communication with peo ple from different cultures, including those whom the learners have yet to see. A key premise is that the motivation to learn a foreign language includes the motivation to communicate with dissimilar others (TingTommy, 1999), meet diverse views, integrate some of these perspectives and take on new perspectives. Thus meeting diverse perspectives and integrating them to create new ones is a key to developing what is called ‘intercultural competence’ (Gudykunst, 1991; Kim, 1991; Matsumoto, 2000; Spitzberg & Changnon, 2009). Although this goal is attainable through reading books or online materials as well as through written communication, it is crucial that the learners be able to imagine or visualize the target community they are relating to. For this purpose, an opportunity to experience face-to-face communication through, for example, study abroad is obviously an impor tant step. Yashima and Zenuk-Nishide (2008) also demonstrated that simi lar effects can be attained by creating an imagined L2 community linked to classroom practice. In fact, I believe that dialogues with dissimilar others start by encountering diverse perspectives in the classroom, and I will later discuss the significance of creating dialogic space in L2 classrooms. Ushioda (this volume) links a recent surge in interest in L2 motivation research to globalization and with the changing role of English in particular. Similarly, my research has been stimulated by globalization, which has brought about increasing mobility of people around the planet, as a result of which all of us need to learn to relate to people from various cultural backgrounds. My discussion in this chapter is rooted in my belief that L2 learning can and should play an active role in enhancing people’s intercultural competence. 35
36 Language Learning Motivation in Japan
Imagined L2 Communities and Possible L2 Selves Having first-hand contact with the target community should have a powerful impact (both positive and negative) on the motivation and affect of L2 learners as they develop ‘TL [target-language]-mediated identity work’ (Block, 2007: 144) through the process of identity negotiation or the strug gle to achieve self-presentation in the target language as mature individu als (Yashima, 2004). Some research shows that face-to-face communication with target-language speakers or participation in the communities of prac tice in the target-language community through study-abroad experiences can motivate learners to learn the L2, as they can now envision the commu nity they are trying to relate to using the language (see Sasaki, 2004, 2007 for the development of L2 writing skills). An alternative for stay-at-home L2 learners is to participate in imagined communities. Teachers can connect local classroom communities to imagined L2 communities in which learners participate as members using their imagination. As Wenger (1998: 176) argues, imagination is a ‘process of expanding our self by transcending our time and space and creating new images of the world and ourselves’. By envisioning the imagined community students are participating in, practice and drills in the classroom acquire new meanings and expressions the students learn are situated in contexts. Within L2 motivation research, the imaginative capacity of humans is at the core of Dörnyei’s theory based on L2 self-system or ‘possible selves’ (Dörnyei, 2005, 2009). According to Dörnyei, two types of possible (or imagined) selves are distinguished: the ideal self, representing the person one would like to become, and the ought-to self that a person believes one ought to become. This perspective helps us see how individuals’ visions of selves guide their actions in imagined communities. Learners need to envi sion imagined selves using an L2 in imagined communities for the visions to really motivate them to work towards these selves. These visions, which are embodied as a whole-body experience with senses and feelings and not simply cognitive, can lead learners to acquire L2-mediated identities. Each individual can create an imagined community of his or her own in which he or she wishes to participate (e.g. an international community of chess players, applied linguists or environmental activists). In this paper, I revisit my research, which addresses two questions: (1) how L2 learning attitudes, motivation and affect relate to the willing ness to interact with dissimilar others and (2) how participation in real and imagined L2 communities of practice will sustain the motivation to learn and use the L2 and along the way enhance intercultural competence. First, I will review two groups of studies that will address the two questions men tioned above. Second, I will explore, using the two key concepts of imagined L2 communities and possible L2 selves, what English language teaching can
Imagined L2 Selves and Motivation for Intercultural Communication 37
do if an objective of ELT is to create young people who are willing to com municate with dissimilar others. By way of illustration, I will also briefly look at a recent discourse on uchimuki or the characterization of young Japanese people as inward-looking and not much interested in the outside world in relation to the discourse of kokusaika (or internationalization of Japan). I feel the urge to address these issues because of their relevance to my research topics. I will start by intro ducing the discourse of uchimuki as it relates to the concept of intercultural competence I explore in this chapter. Later as part of the pedagogical discus sion, the discourse of kokusaika and the complexity of English as an inter national language framework will be discussed.
The Discourse of Uchimuki Recently, a number of news articles and reports in Japan have drawn attention to uchimuki, or an allegedly inward-looking tendency among young Japanese people. The authors of these reports support their argument with a number of data sources that generally indicate young people’s lack of interest in going out of Japan, as seen, for example, in the decline in the num ber of young people studying in the US, a lack of interest in overseas posts shown by the newly employed in the workforce or a decline in the number of applications for international academic exchanges, to name a few. The backdrop to these comments is the discourse of kokusaika, or the interna tionalization of Japan being considered a national mission (also see Ushioda (this volume)). However, there are counterarguments. Some of these show that the above interpretation of the data is inaccurate, while others argue that the blame should be placed on Japanese society and employment prac tices that invariably discourage students from taking risks (Yamagishi & Brinton, 2010). It seems to be the case that going abroad does not necessar ily benefit students in securing good jobs. Thus, uchimuki may simply be a reflection of the economic and social costs of studying and working abroad being greater than the benefits. Whether or not young Japanese people are really going uchimuki is an empirical question that needs investigation. But if so, there must be a mul titude of social, economic, psychological and situational and/or contingent reasons that are related to this phenomenon. On the other hand, as data from OECD indicates (IMD World Competitiveness Yearbook, 2009, cited in METI, 2010: 25), it seems to be a fact that young Japanese people are not as visible as many other nationals in international scenes. In terms of the number of Japanese students studying in universities in OECD countries per 1000 inhabitants, Japan ranks 41st among 57 nations and regions in the world. If we look at the sheer number, 55,429 young Japanese studying in OECD countries in 2009 is modest compared to 408,344 Chinese (ranks
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48th in terms of the number per 1000 reported in METI, 2010) and 105,779 Korean (ranks 10th) counterparts in the same year (Honkawa Data Tribune, 2010). Assuming that it is true, the trend whereby young Japanese people prefer to stay in Japan for whatever reason concerns me because people not travelling abroad will result in less frequent grass-root intercultural inter actions that might help people understand each other better. It might also affect Japanese people’s willingness to communicate and work with dis similar others. Consequently, the intercultural competence of the Japanese public may not be cultivated as much as it could be. This might also affect people’s motivation to learn an L2 in order to have face-to-face communi cation with dissimilar others living in different parts of the world as well as those coming to Japan. I will now explore the themes raised in this section by examining research. I will come back to uchimuki and the discourse of kokusaika later in this discussion.
Revisiting Research In this section, I introduce two groups of studies (Phase 1 and Phase 2 studies) to address the two questions: (1) Do L2 learning attitudes, motiva tion and affect relate to the willingness to interact with dissimilar others? and (2) does participation in real and imagined L2 communities of practice sustain the motivation to learn and use the L2 and along the way enhance intercultural competence? In both groups of studies, willingness to commu nicate in an L2 and international posture are key concepts, which I explain in what follows.
Willingness to communicate in an L2 (L2 WTC) WTC in an L2 is a socio-psychological variable that was recently intro duced in motivation-related research in applied linguistics. Whereas in most research in L2 learning, the goal is to discover how a higher proficiency level in the L2 can be achieved, research in L2 WTC goes a step beyond this. It focuses on how L2 proficiency and other individual and contextual factors interact to result in communication behavior using the L2. L2 WTC research can help address a problem many teachers face, namely the fact that the acquisition of L2 competence does not necessarily lead to L2 use. At the same time, researchers in L2 WTC also emphasize that using the L2 in com munication is needed to increase the proficiency in the language. Unless one is willing to communicate, the learner has limited opportunities of practic ing to use the language. For this reason, WTC should be a goal of L2 peda gogy. MacIntyre et al. (1998: 547) defined L2 WTC as the ‘readiness to enter into discourse at a particular time with a specific person or persons, using
Imagined L2 Selves and Motivation for Intercultural Communication 39
a[n] L2’. These researchers introduced a model that represents a number of traits and situated variables affecting WTC in an L2, which stimulated other researchers in different parts of the world to consider WTC as a goal of L2 teaching. As such researchers, my colleagues and I applied the idea of L2 WTC to the Japanese EFL context to examine what variables might affect ELT learners’ WTC in English (Yashima, 2002; Yashima et al., 2004).
International posture In L2 motivation research, integrativeness is a well-known concept, ini tially proposed by Gardner, which refers to interest in an L2 culture and the willingness to interact with the speakers of the language or even identify with them (see Gardner, 1985). In Yashima (2002), I introduced a concept I named ‘international posture’ as an attitudinal construct that affects lan guage learning, but that was believed to represent the attitudes of learners of English as a foreign language (EFL) more accurately than integrative ness. International posture refers to openness towards dissimilar others and a willingness to approach them as well as interest in an international vocation and in global affairs. One motivation for developing this alterna tive concept of integrativeness was that in a context where opportunities for face-to-face contact with native speakers of the language are limited, learners are not likely to have a clear affective reaction to a specific L2 lan guage group. A second reason was that English is increasingly perceived in the Japanese context as a means to communicate with Asian neighbors and people from other parts of the world where English is not the primary language. I also discussed the possibility that Japanese EFL learners may possess dual goals: their immediate academic goals, such as tests, grades or university entrance examinations on the one hand and international com munication goals on the other. International posture is the concept related to the second goal, which conceptually coexists with the first (Yashima et al., 2004). In Yashima (2002), I attempted to operationally define international pos ture by reviewing the preliminary studies in applied linguistics mentioned above as well as the work of communication researchers on the assessment of intercultural competence (e.g. Gudykunst, 1991; Kim, 1991). In Yashima et al. (2004), international posture is presented as comprising three subor dinate concepts: an intergroup approach-avoidance tendency, an interest in an international vocation and activities and an interest in global affairs. Examples of items that assess the variable of intergroup approach-avoidance tendency are: I wouldn’t mind sharing an apartment or room with inter national students and I would feel somewhat uncomfortable if a foreigner moved in next door (negatively worded item). Items measuring interest in an international vocation and activities include: I’d rather avoid the kind of work that sends me overseas frequently (negatively worded item) and
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I want to work in a foreign country. Items that assess interest in global affairs include: I often read and watch news about foreign countries and I often talk about situations and events in foreign countries with my family and/or friends.
Phase 1 studies The first group of studies investigated relationships among factors hypothesized to influence L2 WTC and frequency of communication in class room contexts and were inspired by previous research conducted in Canada by MacIntyre and Charos (1996) and MacIntyre and Clément (1996). First, I examined relations among international posture (as a substitute for inte grativeness), L2 learning motivation, L2 proficiency and L2 communication variables including confidence in L2 communication (which is a combina tion of perceived competence and level of anxiety) and WTC in a Japanese EFL context (Yashima, 2002). An L2 communication model was constructed and tested using a statistical procedure called structural equation mode ling (SEM) with a sample of 297 Japanese university students. The results indicated that international posture significantly predicted motivation, which, in turn, significantly predicted proficiency in English as measured by a standardized test. Motivation appeared to affect self-confidence in L2 communication, which led to L2 WTC. In addition, a direct path from inter national posture to L2 WTC was found to be significant. The path from L2 proficiency to L2 self-confidence was not significant. This study was replicated in Yashima et al. (2004) with Japanese high school students. My associates and I examined the relationships among motivation, self-confidence, international posture, L2 WTC and frequency of communication in English classrooms. Using SEM again, we found that those who had a higher level of international posture tend to be more moti vated to study English and more willing to communicate in the language, resulting in higher frequency of communication. A follow-up investigation reported in Yashima et al. (2004) was conducted in a study-abroad context. The results showed that those who had high scores in L2 WTC prior to departure were found to communicate more frequently with their host fam ilies in English once they were in the US. Further, those who communicated with their hosts more frequently had greater satisfaction in interpersonal relationships and generally adjusted better to life in the US. In the two studies employing SEM, my colleagues and I found that self-confidence in L2 communication had the single greatest influence on WTC. International posture played a vital role in motivating learners to study and to communicate in the L2. The investigation conducted in a study-abroad context and reported in Yashima et al. (2004) revealed that L2 WTC also predicts a tendency to communicate with intercultural partners using the L2.
Imagined L2 Selves and Motivation for Intercultural Communication 41
Frequency of communication
Expanded motivational cycle
In classrooms and in intercultural contact L2 WTC
Motivation to communicate “I can do it!” L2 Selfconfidence
Primary motivational cycle L2 skills
International posture
L2 Proficiency L2 Learning motivation
Figure 3.1 A summary of studies in Group 1 (Yashima, 2002; Yashima et al., 2004)
Figure 3.1 combines what I learned from the results of quantitative investigations discussed above. It shows how international posture, moti vation to learn the L2 and self-confidence relate to L2 WTC, resulting in communication in English both in and outside the classroom and with dis similar others in a study-abroad context. In Figure 3.1, I added the dotted line (from L2 self-confidence to L2 learn ing motivation) to show a motivational cycle which I did not investigate in my three studies but that is deemed necessary to sustain motivation. Many motivation theories including self-determination theory and self-efficacy theory tell us that self-confidence is vital in sustaining motivation to do something. The theory-based triangle in Figure 3.1 indicates that motiva tion leads to learning behavior and knowledge/skills acquisition, which, in turn, leads to perceived competence, which leads to desire to learn, thus creating this basic motivational cycle. I regard this as fundamental in under standing learning motivation, and I call it a ‘primary motivational cycle’. The research I introduce here concerns an expanded motivational cycle that includes motivation to communicate with dissimilar others. Phase 1 studies summarized above led to a research question in Phase 2 studies that I discuss in the following section. I wondered whether or not communication with dissimilar others in study-abroad contexts, which was the endmost variable in Figure 3.1, if it is favorable, could in turn enhance international posture and WTC. If this is the case, a cycle is generated such that international posture leads to L2 WTC and results in L2 use in inter cultural communication, which in turn enhances WTC and international posture, with L2 motivation being sustained.
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Phase 2 studies Phase 2 studies concern the influence of intercultural contact on inter national posture and WTC in an L2. In this section, I introduce three stud ies that investigated the effects of study abroad on attitudes, affect and frequency of L2 communication. The first two studies are conducted with international volunteering. Participants were 265 college students (279 in the second study),1 who joined in international volunteer (IV) work projects organized by a nonprofit organization (NPO) and a control group of 109 students (115 in the second study) who did not participate in the projects. A quasi-experimental research design was employed to compare responses to the questionnaires by participants and nonparticipants, and these were administered at two points in time. Participants in the project lived and worked together at various sites where projects were organized, joining in an international community of about 10 to 20 young people from 4 to 10 coun tries for about three weeks. The ‘official’ languages used in the projects were English, which was an L2 for most of the participants, and the local language of the country where the particular project took place. Each year, the NPO sends about 600 young Japanese people to projects such as this, building a road, repairing a house or taking care of children in a nursery home. Of these 600, 70% are females, and, according to the NPO, Japanese students tend to choose labor-intensive projects due to their relatively lower English compe tency. Among the 265 participants in the investigation, about half reported that they had previous intercultural experience (IE) mostly through home stay. The effects of participation in the volunteer projects on English learners’ affect, including L2 WTC and anxiety about using English, were reported in Yashima (2009). Interestingly, it was found in the pretest (or Time 1) that those who had previous IE (participants with previous IE) already had a lower level of anxiety and a higher level of WTC and that they scored higher in a newly added construct named ‘having things to communicate’ than those who had never had such an experience (participants without IE). Furthermore, participants in the IV project (IV participants) scored a lower level of anxiety and a higher level of L2 WTC prior to participation than did nonparticipants (IV nonparticipants). For this reason, a 2 × 2 analysis of covariance (ANCOVA) was conducted to assess the difference between participants and nonparticipants after controlling for pre-existing differences. The results revealed that participants gained slightly in WTC (Figure 3.2) and, to a larger degree, in the variable named ‘having things to communicate’, while nonparticipants did not. The four lines on each of the figures represent, respectively: (a) IV participants with previous IE, (b) IV participants without IE, (c) IV nonparticipants with previous IE and (d) IV nonparticipants without IE. Among both participants and nonparticipants, those with previous IE scored higher than those without on both pretest (Time 1) and post-test (Time 2).
Imagined L2 Selves and Motivation for Intercultural Communication 43 38 36 34 32
36.44
36.66
35.86 32.9
33.54
33.49
30 28 26 24
24.81
25.05
IV Participants with previous IE IV Participants without previous IE IV Nonparticipants with previous IE IV Nonparticipants without previous IE
22 20
Time 1
Time 2
Figure 3.2 Changes in WTC through study abroad (Yashima, 2009) 4.3 4.1
4.1
3.9 3.7 3.5 3.3
3.67 3.36 3.12
3.1
IV Participants with previous IE IV Participants without previous IE
2.9 2.7 2.5
Time 1
Time 2
Figure 3.3 Changes in L2 anxiety through study abroad (Yashima, 2009)
Further, participants in the project were shown through an analysis of variance (ANOVA) to have substantially lower L2 use anxiety over the six months (see Figure 3.3). Again, those with previous intercultural (mostly home stay) experience had a lower level of anxiety already at Time 1. In the second study of Phase 2, I reported the effects of IV experience on international posture (approach-avoidance tendency, interest in interna tional affairs), ethnocentrism, social skills and self-efficacy (Yashima, 2010). These variables together comprise what researchers have called ‘intercultural competence’ (Matsumoto, 2000; Spitzberg & Changnon, 2009). In pretests, it was revealed that those with previous experience of intercultural contact showed a significantly lower level of ethnocentrism and scored higher in all other variables compared to those with no such experience. In addition, participants in the project had significantly lower levels of ethnocentrism
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and higher scores in all other variables in pretests than did nonparticipants. The results of an ANCOVA showed that there was a significant difference between participants and nonparticipants in the project after controlling for pre-existing differences in all of the variables studied. This demonstrates that although those who decided to participate exhibited a high level of intercultural competence before they participated in the project, the vol unteer work experience further developed this. The scores in pretests and post-tests for two of the variables, approach-avoidance tendency and ethno centrism, are graphically represented in Figures 3.4 and 3.5. Similar results were obtained with international interest and self-efficacy (for a detailed discussion, see Yashima, 2010). The four lines in each of the figures repre sent participants with previous IE, participants without such experience, nonparticipants with IE and nonparticipants with no IE. 5.5 5
IV Participants with previous IE IV Participants without previous IE IV Nonparticipants with previous IE IV Nonparticipants without previous IE
4.5 4 3.5 3
Time 1
Time 2
Figure 3.4 Changes in intergroup approach-avoidance tendency (Yashima, 2010) 4 3.8 3.6
IV Participants with previous IE IV Participants without previous IE IV Nonparticipants with previous IE IV Nonparticipants without previous IE
3.4 3.2 3 2.8 2.6 2.4 2.2
Time 1
Time 2
Figure 3.5 Changes in ethnocentric tendency (Yashima, 2010)
Imagined L2 Selves and Motivation for Intercultural Communication 45
Prior to this quantitative analysis, I had conducted semi-structured interviews with nine participants and asked open-ended questions in writ ten form from about 200 participants to elicit what they perceived to have gained from their experiences as well as any challenges and problems they had faced and what solutions they had found. The analysis of the data shed some light on the nature of these experiences and helped me understand how the changes in intercultural competence assessed in the quantitative study might have been brought about. From these results, we can say that Japanese students who have a higher level of international posture (intercultural approach-avoidance tendency and interest in global affairs) and a lower level of ethnocentrism tend to be motivated to have contact with people from different linguistic and cul tural backgrounds and that as a result of that contact, these attributes are developed further. Similarly, those who are willing to communicate in the L2 tend to seek intercultural contact and that tendency is further enhanced through IEs. These results indicate that, in the long run, there will be a wid ening gap between those who are internationally oriented and those who have not chosen to participate in study abroad or who for some reason have not had intercultural contact. To summarize the two studies, the effects of intercultural contact on what can be broadly termed ‘intercultural communication competence’ was empirically confirmed, with reduced ethnocentrism and L2 use anxi ety, heightened interest in international affairs, openness towards dissimilar others, a heightened sense of ‘having things to communicate’ and WTC in the L2. In Figure 3.6, what is learned from these results is represented by Frequency of communication
Expanded motivational cycle
L2 WTC
Motivation to communicate “I can do it!” L2 SelfConfidence
Primary motivational cycle L2 skills
International posture
L2 Proficiency L2 Learning motivation
Figure 3.6 A summary of Phase 1 and 2 studies
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the added lines. What we see here is a cycle of international posture, L2 motivation, L2 WTC and L2 use in intercultural contact situations that can sustain motivation to learn and use English. It is expected that communica tive competence in the L2 as well as intercultural competence can develop through this process. Drawing on the concept of possible L2 selves, we can argue that the learn ers’ imagined L2 selves become more lucid and real and increasingly involve the senses as a result of intercultural contact. This creates concrete possible self-concepts that communicate with international partners in English. The third study (Yashima & Zenuk-Nishide, 2008) compared learning contexts in a high school. It shows that 11 students who participated in a year-abroad program demonstrated a significant increase in proficiency, international posture and frequency of communication. While the studyabroad group clearly had an advantage over the stay-home group, three dif ferent profiles of stay-home participants were delineated through cluster analyses, and one of the groups was found to score similar gains in inter national posture and frequency of communication in the L2. A large per centage of the students in this group were enrolled in the program, which had a stronger emphasis on theme-based teaching with global studies con tent. This finding demonstrates that although the impact of participating in a real L2 community of practice is undeniable, participating in an imagined international community, when successfully managed, can be similarly effective in enhancing learners’ WTC and international posture.
Summary of phase 1 and 2 studies I have presented summaries of two groups of studies. In the first group, the results demonstrated using mostly path analyses with SEM that when learners have higher levels of international posture, motivation and confi dence in English, they are more willing to communicate in English, and as a result they tend to communicate in English more frequently. In the studyabroad study, it was also shown that those students with a higher level of L2 WTC tended to communicate more frequently with host nationals in English once they were in the study-abroad context. In the second group of studies that investigated the effects of inter cultural contact through quasi-experimental methods, those who chose to have intercultural contact experiences (such as study abroad) already had a higher level of international posture, WTC in the L2 and lower levels of L2 anxiety and ethnocentrism when the pretest was administered. The sub sequent intercultural experience further heightened what can be broadly termed ‘intercultural competence’, with higher L2 WTC and international posture at the time of the post test. The studies also revealed that those who are willing to go overseas tend to repeat the experience and, as a result, cul tivate their intercultural competence as well as L2 WTC to a greater degree.
Imagined L2 Selves and Motivation for Intercultural Communication 47
The result is a widening gap in intercultural competence and WTC between those who are willing to have intercultural contact, and therefore can be called ‘outward-looking’, and those who are less interested in going out of Japan (as well as those who are interested but have not had an opportunity). As regards the (supposed) uchimuki phenomenon among Japanese youth, the result suggests a tendency for university students to bipolarize. It seems students who are outward-looking tend to repeat intercultural contact and become even more outward-looking. However, it does not mean that the group of students who did not participate in the volunteer projects nor had previous intercultural experience are not motivated to learn English. They may have developed the primary motivational cycle to learn English, but sim ply have not had a chance to participate in study abroad for many reasons. Other students may be motivated to learn English as a school subject but not very interested in intercultural contact. As Yashima and Zenuk-Nishide (2008) suggested, creating an imagined community in a classroom may stim ulate such interest and help trigger the expanded motivational cycle. Phase 2 studies found that international posture and frequency of com munication can be enhanced through participation in an imagined com munity of L2 speakers. This suggests that motivation to learn and use an L2 can be sustained through participation in both a real and an imagined community of L2 speakers, both of which help learners envision their possi ble L2 selves. Hopefully, an expanded motivational cycle of L2 learning and communication is created, as indicated in Figure 3.6. Through this cyclic process, learners gradually envision their L2 self more lucidly and their L2 communication become embodied experiences, which might, in turn, moti vate them to learn the L2 in order to have more effective communication with people they meet in the community. Finally, since from an intercultural communication perspective L2 learn ing situated in classrooms needs to create and trigger possible L2 selves, I will discuss in the next section some pedagogical implications of these research findings.
Pedagogical Implications As we have seen, real-life experience of intercultural contact through study abroad and international volunteer work clearly has an impact on L2 learners. On the other hand, through creating a local community of practice tied to an imagined community, international posture and amount of L2 communication can both be enhanced. Broadly, two approaches are con ceivable to make this happen in L2 classrooms. First, using global studies content will raise awareness of global situations. Topics related to global issues, including environmental issues, human rights, war and peace, etc., will be effective, as discussed in Yashima and Zenuk-Nishide (2008) through
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the example of a ‘model United Nations’. Through these activities, the learn ers encounter multiperspectives, which, as I discussed, is vital in enhancing intercultural competence. Second, creating a learning community of prac tice in the classroom itself will be crucial for learners to become aware of multiperspectives. Because communication is a social and collaborative pro cess, learners cannot learn to communicate privately. Maekawa (2009) reports a project-based ESP class for engineering stu dents. In her class, students were required to give presentations in English four times over a nine-month long course period, with topics including ‘intro duction to an engineering product’ and ‘instructions on how to use an indus trial product’. Analyses of pre-test and post-tests (questionnaires) indicated that students’ anxiety over giving the speech decreased, interest in learning English increased and perceived English competence rose. Qualitative analy ses of portfolio including speech drafts revealed that the learners gradually became more conscious of the audience’s perspectives. It seems that the sense of participation in an imagined community of engineers was enhanced and their future self became more lucid through interaction with other partici pants. This process made learners aware of the perspectives of co-learners in the local community, which is linked to an imagined community of engineers. A project-based approach allows learners to experience the social pro cess of communication and collaboration needed to build something or solve a problem together. We may be able to stimulate young people who have never had intercultural experience outside Japan (such as those in the fourth group in the international volunteer studies) to become involved in imagined communities of practice that are personally meaningful to them. Communi cation with dissimilar others starts with interpersonal communication with classmates and teachers or tacit dialogues with authors of reading materials because they all offer different viewpoints and thought patterns. Yet, learn ers should also be able to envision their imagined L2 selves and continue to see these as they go beyond the four walls of the classroom. In Figure 3.7, I show the schematic representation of how willingness to communicate and desire to be heard develop as what the learners want to express becomes clearer and the acquisition of accuracy and fluency in English makes their voices clearer through project-based ELT. At the same time, in ELT for intercultural communication, critical awareness of the ethnolinguistic vitality of English and its influence should be in the consciousness of both researchers and practitioners. I will briefly look at this issue in the final section.
Complexity of English as an international language framework As someone who promotes ELT for intercultural communication, I can not be oblivious to the criticism that teaching English and motivating learn ers to learn English as an international language contribute to increasing the
Imagined L2 Selves and Motivation for Intercultural Communication 49 Project based teaching creating an imagined international community
Researching. Analyzing, discussing enhancing critical thinking & dialogic interactions What they want to express
Becomes clearer
Participating, being emotionally involved in the topic
Willingness to communicate
Possible L2 selves
Desire to be heard
Medium of communication
English fluency accuracy
Make their voices clearer
Figure 3.7 A motivation cycle created through project-based ELT
hegemony of English and to the phenomena described as ‘linguistic impe rialism’ (e.g. Phillipson, 1992; Tsuda, 1990). Tsuda maintains that teaching and learning English without critical appraisal of the influence might result in ‘making learners of English worship Western values’ through naive admi ration and yearning for American and/or British cultural products, which lead to ‘psychological colonization’ (1990: 136–137). He also points out the power imbalance between native speakers of English and others, adding that this imbalance gives undue advantage to native speakers of English. In her critical analysis of the discourse of kokusaika (internationalization) in Japan, Kubota problematizes equating learning English with an interna tional and intercultural understanding (Kubota, 2002). She writes ‘with an emphasis on the inner circle white middle class varieties’ that ELT ‘does not lead to intercultural understanding’ as it ‘promotes a narrow view of world cultures’ (2002: 22). She also points out the nationalism echoed in kokusaika discourse that is of a unified Japanese identity contrasted with essentialized English-speaking culture. I agree that the acquisition of English does not in itself guarantee that learners will understand how people from different cultural backgrounds think and feel. It is also true that promoting intercultural communication using English may amount to discouraging people from learning local lan guages when they meet with, for example, other Asians. If so, it will lead to a misperception that we can become intercultural communicators if we are able to use English without the willingness to understand local languages and cultures. As I have argued, it is through the process of dialogue with
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dissimilar others and an awareness of multivoices and not merely by gain ing the English knowledge and skills that learners will develop intercultural competence. However, I also believe that learning English or any other addi tional language has the potential to open up new cultural space and imagined communities that might, through dialogues, enhance our openness and flex ibility to different cultural perspectives. The English that learners learn in schools may be a first step, albeit a small one, towards intercultural under standing by starting the dialogic process of encountering, appraising, and integrating different viewpoints, perceptions and thought patterns. ELT practices have a great deal to contribute to addressing the concerns mentioned above and for promoting interactions through English that help participants understand each other. ELT therefore needs to incorporate activ ities that enhance critical thinking and promote analytical skills as well as critical pedagogical perspectives with a view to raising awareness of power differences among cultures and/or languages and those between native and nonnative speakers, among other distinctions. Also needed are materials that cultivate learners’ sensitivity towards communication partners’ mul tiple identities, whether cultural, ethnic, regional or gender-, class- or age related. Although a detailed discussion of teaching methods and materials is beyond the scope of this paper, we should be particularly sensitive to ste reotypical representations of certain groups of people in teaching materials. When two people from different cultural backgrounds, for example, a Japanese and a Korean, meet and communicate in English, what is the cul ture represented in the communication styles, conversational scripts and assumptions that underlie the interaction? Would it be Japanese, Korean, English or a combination of two or more? Research is required to under stand more fully what exactly happens in communication when all the participants in an interaction use English as an L2, as was often the case in the intercultural volunteer projects I discuss above. A recent example of such research is Deguchi and Yashima (2010). In this study, we investi gated the dialogic process of five participants in an international volunteer project and how the different levels of English competence of the five par ticipants affected the outcome and their positions in the group. Further, we also need to investigate in what way dialogues lead to understanding or misunderstanding among participants and to what extent participants resort to standard English communication styles (for example, directness/ indirectness, politeness strategies, etc.) to come to a mutual understanding or to accomplish communicative tasks. This kind of information will help us decide what should or should not be included in ELT practices. I believe that critical reflections on what values and meanings are cre ated in ELT classrooms are of vital importance. However, we should also acknowledge the reality that for Japanese learners to participate in debates of this kind (e.g. on the topic of linguistic imperialism), we will not be fully heard by people around the world unless we can use English. Neither can
Imagined L2 Selves and Motivation for Intercultural Communication 51
we deny that English as cultural and symbolic capital (Bourdieu, 1991) gives a learner access to higher education, a wide range of job opportunities and greater freedom to move around both the real and the virtual world. As I argue elsewhere (Yashima, 2013) learning a new language should equip individuals with a greater cognitive, behavioral and affective repertoire, or any other additional tools that can help them become ‘authors of their own worlds’ (Pennycook, 1997: 45).
Conclusion I have reviewed my own research to demonstrate that those who have a higher level of international posture tend to be more motivated to learn English and tend to be more willing to communicate with dissimilar others. Communication with dissimilar others using English, in turn, enhances international posture and WTC in English further. If this cycle is created, I suggest, motivation to learn English to communicate will be sustained in addition to matching the fundamental motivational cycle. I also sug gest how good teaching practices that stimulate the imagination through imagined communities and imagined selves can merge the local, imagined and real communities. Motivation research situated in classroom interactions is useful as well as much needed. Studies focusing on how motivation evolves thorough interactions among teachers and learners carry great pedagogical values. On the other hand, motivation to learn and use an L2 should not end at the door of the classroom. As Gardner (1985) showed using the concept of integrativeness, learning an L2 is different from learning other subjects in that we are teaching the medium of communication with which we relate to people we cannot communicate with in our L1. In the process, we access and possibly incorporate different perspectives in addition to meeting dif ferent world views inherent in the L2. For this reason, we should connect classroom practices where dialogues start with both imagined and real L2 communities of practice. We should also encourage learners to open dia logues with dissimilar others they encounter in the classroom, in the text, through the internet and outside of the classroom. Through these encoun ters, learners will empower themselves by developing attitudes, skills and mindsets that help them cope with globalizing societies that are becoming steadily multicultural.
Note (1) Study 1 and Study 2 report analyses and results of different sections of the question naires administered to the same group of students. The operationalization of IEs was not the same in both studies and this contributed to the difference in the numbers of participants in the two studies.
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References Block, D. (2007) Second Language Identities. London: Continuum. Bourdieu, P. (1991) Language and Symbolic Power (G. Raymond and M. Adamson, trans.). Cambridge: Polity Press. Deguchi, T. and Yashima, T. (2010) ‘L2 Communication among Participants in an Inter national Volunteer Project: A Discursive Process of the Dialogue toward Mutual Understanding’. Paper Presented at the 2010 AAAL Annual Conference, Atlanta, GA, March. Dörnyei, Z. (2005) The Psychology of the Language Learner: Individual Differences in Second Language Acquisition. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Dörnyei, Z. (2009) The L2 motivational self system. In Z. Dörnyei and E. Ushioda (eds) Motivation, Language Identity, and the L2 Self (pp. 9–42). Bristol: Multilingual Matters. Gardner, R.C. (1985) Social Psychology and Second Language Learning: The Role of Attitude and Motivation. London: Edward Arnold. Gudykunst, W.B. (1991) Bridging Differences. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications. Honkawa Data Tribune (2010) Shakai jitujo data zuroku [Social data in graphics]. http:// www2.ttcn.ne.jp/honkawa/6138.html Kim, Y.Y. (1991) Intercultural communication competence: A systems-theoretic view. In S. Ting-Toomey and F. Korzenny (eds) Cross-Cultural Interpersonal Communication (pp. 259–275). Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications. Kubota, R. (2002) The impact of globalization on language teaching in Japan. In D. Block and D. Cameron (eds) Globalization and Language Teaching (pp. 13–28). London: Routledge. MacIntyre, P.D. and Charos, C. (1996) Personality, attitudes, and affect as predictors of second language communication. Journal of Language and Social Psychology 15, 3–26. MacIntyre, P. D. and Clément, R. (1996). ‘A Model of Willingness to Communicate in a Second Language: The Concept, its Antecedents, and Implications’. Paper Presented at the 11th World Congress of Applied Linguistics, Jyväskylä, Finland, August. MacIntyre, P.D., Clément, R., Dörnyei, Z. and Noels, K.A. (1998) Conceptualizing will ingness to communicate in an L2: A situational model of L2 confidence and affilia tion. The Modern Language Journal 82, 545–562. Maekawa, Y. (2009) ‘Motivational Changes through Project-based ELT for Engineering Students’. Paper Presented at the Symposium on Integration of Motivational Theories and Practice, LET Annual Conference, Ryutsu Kagaku University, Japan, August. Matsumoto, D. (2000) Culture and Psychology. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth. METI (2010) Sangyokaide grobarujinzaino ikuseio jinzaiikusei iinkai hokokusho [Fostering human resources in the globalizing industrial world. A report of the Human Resources Committee]. http://www.meti.go.jp/press/20100423007/20100423007-3. pdf Pennycook, A. (1997) Cultural alternatives and autonomy. In P. Benson and P. Voller (eds) Autonomy and Independence in Language Learning (pp. 35–53). Harlow, UK: Longman. Phillipson, R. (1992) Linguistic Imperialism. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Sasaki, M. (2004) A multiple-data analysis of the 3.5-year development of EFL student writers. Language Learning 54, 525–582. Sasaki, M. (2007) Effects of study-abroad experiences on EFL writers: A multiple-data analysis. The Modern Language Journal 91, 602–620. Spitzberg, B.H. and Changnon, G. (2009) Conceptualizing intercultural competence. In D.K. Deardorff (ed.) The SAGE Handbook of Intercultural Competence (pp. 2–52). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
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Ting-Toomy, S. (1999) Communication Across Cultures. New York: The Guilford Press. Tsuda, Y. (1990) Eigoshihaino kozo [Structures of English Domination].Tokyo: Daisanshokan. Wenger, E. (1998) Communities of Practice: Learning, Meaning, and Identity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Yamagishi, T. and Brinton, M. (2010) Risukuni seomukeu nihonjin [Japanese not Taking Risks]. Tokyo: Kodansha. Yashima, T. (2002) Willingness to communicate in a second language: The Japanese EFL context. The Modern Language Journal 86, 54–66. Yashima, T. (2004) Dainigengo komyunikeshonto ibunkatekio [Second Language Communication and Intercultural Adaptation]. Tokyo: Tagashuppan. Yashima, T. (2009) Kaigaikenshu niyoru eigojoiyouinno hennka: Kokusai borantiano baai [Using English in a study abroad program: Participants in international volunteer projects]. JACET Journal 49, 57–69. Yashima, T. (2010) The effects of international volunteer work experiences on the intercultural competence of Japanese youth. International Journal of Intercultural Relations 34, 268–282. Yashima, T. (2013) Individuality, imagination and community in a globalizing world: An Asian EFL perspective. In P. Benson and L. Cooker (eds) The Applied Linguistic Individual: Sociocultural Approaches to Autonomy, Agency, and Identity (pp. 46–58). London: Equinox Publishing. Yashima, T. and Zenuk-Nishide, L. (2008) The impact of learning contexts on proficiency, attitudes, and L2 communication: Creating an imagined international community. System 36, 566–585. Yashima, T., Zenuk-Nishide, L. and Shimizu, K. (2004) The influence of attitudes and affect on willingness to communicate and second language communication. Language Learning 54, 119–152.
4 Exploring Classroom-based Constructs of EFL Motivation for Science and Engineering Students in Japan Matthew T. Apple, Joseph Falout and Glen Hill
Worldwide scientific research and its practical applications depend on multinational team efforts whose success is often contingent upon effec tive communication. The increasing demand for communicative skills across various international ventures involves the expertise of science and engineering (S&E) professionals. Students in S&E fields feel pressed to improve their language skills for communicating with team members, supervisors and outside contractors (Craig et al., 2008; Dakich, 1991), in addition to the need to publish and present their academic research (Ono & Morimura, 2007). Ironically, S&E communicative skills are seen as lacking, even in their native languages (Galloway, 2008). Because the lingua franca of science is English, S&E students learning English as a second language (L2) are at a further disadvantage (Orr, 2003). Yet despite the growing need to use English, students majoring in S&E may be more likely than those in other majors to experience troubles maintaining their motivation to learn English. Little research to date has examined the L2 motivation of S&E students, despite overwhelming pressure from future employers who expect a reason able level of English communicative abilities. In this chapter, we will first examine the difficulties S&E students in Japan face in English communi cation. We then follow with a brief discussion of the existing motivational theories and factors that may help to explain reasons for S&E students’ lack of language-learning motivation. Finally, we present results from a study that explores the relationships among speaking confidence, integrative ori entation, attitudes, social values and the L2 Motivational Self System for a population of Japanese university EFL students in a wide range of S&E fields.
54
Exploring Classroom-based Constructs of EFL Motivation 55
Background English communication challenges for S&E students Scientific collaboration has long been known to lead to productivity (Price & Beaver, 1966), whether the collaborators have the same mother tongue or not (Riemer, 2007). In our globalized world, research and development cannot exist without cooperative networks (Kuemmerle, 1997). Various communi cation skills are needed by global engineers (Riemer, 2002a, 2002b, 2007), yet the ability to communicate orally is viewed as the most critical component of success in today’s technologically based world (Polack-Wahl, 2000). How ever, NNS often mistakenly think that their technical skills alone will suffice and do not pay enough attention to developing oral communicative skills in English (Hawthorne, 1997). In addition to communication about daily life activities, NNS in S&E who travel, study or work overseas need to know technical terminology, whether in formal presentations or poster sessions or in casual talks about data. However, NNS often find study- and work-abroad experiences stressful and confusing not only because of language issues but also because of social and cultural differences and expectations (Kim, 2008; Ohata, 2005). S&E students are additionally burdened with necessary oral presentation skills such as organizing information coherently, using verbal and nonverbal communicative strategies, speaking with notes, asking ques tions, taking part in discussions, participating in panel discussions and even doing interviews (Jordan, 1997; Ostler, 1980).
Lack of integrativeness and confidence in Japanese S&E students Recent studies have demonstrated lower levels of integrativeness – the motivational orientation to act within an L2-speaking culture (Gardner, 1985; Gardner et al., 1997) – among S&E students in Japan than in other study fields. A large-scale study in the Japanese EFL context of the moti vations of over 1000 participants indicated that S&E students are not as positively motivated as students in other majors (Kimura et al., 2001). S&E students often learn English for practical or extrinsic reasons: to get a good grade in class, to pass entrance examinations and to enter and do well in their careers with instrumental orientation commonly a good predictor of their study effort and eventual proficiency (Gardner & MacIntyre, 1991; Yashima, 2000). In Japan, the need to pass entrance exams to enter high school and university provides the main instrumental motivation to learn English. This motivation, however, frequently disappears upon attaining the goal of university entrance (Berwick & Ross, 1989). Therefore, many univer sity students lose interest and relevance for learning English as a result of
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a secondary educational system that relies too heavily on memorization of grammar and vocabulary items (Murphey et al., 2009; see also Kikuchi, this volume). University S&E students were more likely than non-S&E majors to have disliked the way English was taught to them (i.e. through the dominant pedagogy of grammar translation), less likely to have valued learning English or stuck with learning English during difficult times and more likely to struggle with their loss of motivation due to lack of ability to react to their demotivation with self-regulatory behaviors (Falout et al., 2009; Appendix A). Moreover, demotivated S&E students who were of low English proficiency tended to blame themselves for their demotivation, and indicated a loss of self-confidence more frequently compared to demotivated S&E students who were highly proficient (Falout & Maruyama, 2004). The combination of negative variables indicates that many S&E students in Japan are more likely than students of other majors to have negative L2 learning experiences and a corresponding lack of L2 motivation. One of the strongest negative L2 learning experiences is that of anx iety. Highly anxious students appear to experience more anxiety when tested for L2 oral proficiency than those with low anxiety, possibly due to how they deal with high pressure situations to perform in the L2 (Hewitt & Stephenson, 2011). Studies suggest that the longer students remain in school learning a language, the more likely they experience learned help lessness in their L2 classes due to a vicious cycle of poor performance and foreign language anxiety (Gardner et al., 1992; Sick, 2007). Undertaking early language education might not help improve matters. First, learning EFL in Japanese elementary school, compared to junior high school, does not seem to counteract the rise of anxiety, nor does it have a positive effect upon integrativeness, instrumental orientation or the need for achievement (i.e. feeling of competence) (Takada, 2003). Similarly, the more time students spent learning a foreign language in elementary school, the more their motivation declined and the less their curiosity was linked with intrinsic motivation as they matured (Carreira, 2011).
The L2 Motivational Self System Dörnyei and Csizér (2002) reconceptualized integrativeness as some thing that was identified strongly with the sense of self: ‘We suspect that [integrativeness] is not so much related to any actual, or metaphorical, integration into an L2 community as to some more basic identification process within the individual’s self-concept’ (Dörnyei & Csizér, 2002: 453, italics orig inal). This reconceptualization of motivation as a process of identifying the self, as influenced by various social and psychological variables, leads to the model of the L2 Motivational Self System (Dörnyei, 2009). The primary components of the L2 Motivational Self System stem from the ‘possible selves’ theory from mainstream psychology (Markus & Nurius, 1986). Possible selves are future self guides that share three components – the
Exploring Classroom-based Constructs of EFL Motivation 57
person that learners might become (probable self), would like to become (ideal self) and are afraid of becoming (feared self). These three components of pos sible selves act as a motivational bridge between self-concept and behavior. Dörnyei’s model depicts the learner as guided by three similar components. The Ideal L2 Self (IS), in the case of language learning, is someone who is a fluent L2 speaker. The Ought-to L2 Self (OS) is a component that prevents learners from becoming something they do not wish to become (i.e. a failure in a school subject, such as English). The third component is the L2 experi ence within the immediate learning environment, which impacts on cogni tive processes that lead to behavioral patterns (Dörnyei & Ushioda, 2011). The L2 Motivational Self System thus adopts only two components from possible selves theory: the IS (ideal self) and the OS (feared self). For the Japanese EFL context, these two components may be main determinants for the motivations of students who are English majors. For science majors, the probable self, the projected image of what people think they might become, may play a stronger role. Even among Japanese university international studies majors, Fukada (2009) found that the strength of probable selves correlated with the degree of perceived investment in classroom participa tion and autonomous learning outside of class. Although the L2 Motivational Self System has been examined in the Japanese L2 educational context (Ryan, 2009), little if any research has examined the application of the theory for pedagogic purposes. However, studies in Japan (Fukada, 2009; Murphey et al., 2012) indicated that educa tional materials and activities might help students to more vividly ‘see’ their probable selves and share these motivating visions with their classmates, which in turn might promote the development of individual motivation and group agency for learning. We have thus seen evidence that S&E students in Japan may have different motivations than non-S&E students, and may have lower perceived competence and greater anxiety, leading to a sense of learned helplessness and language learning demotivation. Conversely, there is some evidence that S&E students could benefit from an L2 Self approach to motivation. What is missing so far is a model that can describe the vari ous nonlinguistic influences on the L2 Selves of S&E students in Japan. The present study had a primary purpose of examining L2 motivation among S&E students in Japan. A secondary purpose was to examine any dif ferences that might exist among the various levels of education: high school or technical college, undergraduate school and graduate school.
Research Questions It is hoped that our results might serve as a preliminary evaluation of the sense of an L2 Self, as a base upon which future studies could build for more in-depth assessments of Possible L2 Selves among budding Japanese scientists and engineers.
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This study had two research questions: (1) What factors are most influential in leading to possible L2 Selves for S&E students in Japan? (2) What differences of possible L2 Selves exist among educational levels of S&E students?
Methods Participants The initial sample population consisted of 690 students from three insti tutions of higher learning in three different regions of Japan. Of the original 690 questionnaires, 19 were removed prior to data entry due to illegibil ity or failure to complete the questionnaire items. Of the remaining 671 questionnaires, an additional 17 questionnaires were eliminated because they contained set-response patterns (e.g. answering all items with the same response or using a predictable pattern such as 1-2-3-4-5-6-5-4-3-2-1). After removing these as unreliable respondents, the final sample size was N = 654. The average age for the participants was 19 (range 16–33). There were 528 male participants and 119 female participants. Seven participants did not indicate their sex.
Schools represented in the study
Three hundred ninety-five participants were drawn from School A, a public technical college consisting of a five-year main course of study and an additional two-year advanced course of study in five separate engineer ing departments. Students completing the main five-year program receive a junior college degree, whereas students completing the additional two-year advanced course of study receive an undergraduate university degree. One hundred forty-three participants came from School B, one college within a large, private university, devoted to 12 undergraduate and 17 graduate degree-granting departments of S&E that focus on ‘hard sciences’ with the oretical and practical application. One hundred sixteen participants came from School C, a national university with undergraduate and graduate pro grams in veterinary medicine and various agriculture-, animal science- and food hygiene-related majors.
Disciplines and fields of study
Participants represented a broad range of 19 separate S&E disciplines. Disciplines in School A included chemical engineering, electrical engineering, information engineering, mechanical engineering and systems control engi neering. Disciplines in School B included applied chemistry, architecture,
Exploring Classroom-based Constructs of EFL Motivation 59
oceanic architecture, civil engineering, socio-transportation, aerospace engineering, precision machinery, physics and mathematics. Disciplines in School C included agricultural studies and veterinary medicine.
Educational level
Participants in the study represented a wide range of educational levels from the final year of high school to doctoral level. The greatest number of participants were in their first year of university study (n = 252), and the lowest number was a single doctoral candidate.
Instrumentation The main instrument for this study was a questionnaire consisting of 57 items designed to measure 11 separate hypothetical latent constructs. A Likert-type scale was used with six categories (1 = ‘Strongly disagree’ to 6 ‘Strongly agree’) and no middle or neutral option. Items were created to measure the following constructs: (a) Attitude towards English (AE), (b) Integrative Orientation (IO), (c) Interest in English Culture (IC), (d) Speak ing Anxiety (SA), (e) Perceived Speaking Competence (PS), (f) Desire to Speak (DS) English, (g) Classroom Atmosphere (CA), (h) Perceived Social Values (SV), (i) IS, (j) OS and (k) Probable L2 Self (FS). Items from con structs (a), (b) and (c) were based on similar items in Taguchi et al. (2009). Items from constructs (d) through (h) were based on similar constructs from Apple (2011). Items from constructs (i), (j) and (k) were based on sim ilar items from Ryan (2009) and Fukada (2009).
Analytical procedures Rasch model analysis
Preliminary data analysis consisted of using the Rasch rating scale model (Andrich, 1978; Rasch, 1960) in comparison to traditional descriptive statis tics and Cronbach’s alpha reliability estimates in order to screen the data for the SEM. Constructs were analyzed for Likert scale category functioning, Rasch item fit, Rasch person and item reliability and Rasch principal com ponent analysis (PCA) of item residuals (Linacre, 2006). Rasch PCA of item residuals also determined which items could be categorized into primary and secondary dimensions of each construct to assist item selection for the SEM (Smith, 1996).
Structural equation modeling
The SEM analysis consisted of three steps. First, all questionnaire items were used to test the original hypothesized model. Second, items were removed based on the results of the preliminary data analysis. Third, items
60 Language Learning Motivation in Japan
were deleted and item paths were respecified according to the ‘single-step modification approach’, in which individual measurement variables were removed from the model one at a time to clarify the structure of the latent variables (Byrne, 2006; Kaplan & Wenger, 1993). Fit to the model was assessed by square root mean residual (SRMR) and root mean square error of approximation (RMSEA), which are not affected by sample size (Kenny, 2010; MacCallum & Austin, 2000).
Analysis of variance (ANOVA)
Following instrument validation and model analysis, data were exam ined using ANOVA to investigate differences among the sample partici pants based on the years of study and final degree sought. Because multiple ANOVA were conducted, the analyses were subject to a Bonferroni adjust ment (i.e. the p value divided by the number of analyses) to control for possible Type II error.
Results Preliminary data analysis To test the constructs for item and construct validity, data from the questionnaire items were first input into the Rasch model to determine item fit to the items’ intended hypothetical constructs (Smith, 2002). Items that had infit mean squared between .5 and 1.5 logits were considered to show good fit (Linacre, 2007). Rasch analysis identified two items as misfitting their intended constructs. Item IC1 (‘I like English language music’) misfit the intended construct of IC. The relatively low item difficulty measure of 36.91 (compared to the mean of 50) indicated that this item was extremely easy for participants to endorse. Item CA5 (‘I get along with classmates in my technical college/university/graduate school classes’) misfit the intended construct of CA. Consequently, these two items were noted as candidates for exclusion from the structural modeling analysis. Person and item reliabilities and separation statistics were obtained for the questionnaire as a whole and also for each individual hypothesized con struct (Table 4.1). Rasch person reliabilities for individual constructs ranged from .63 (OS) to .80 (PS); Cronbach’s alpha estimates ranged from α = .72 to α = .87 for the same constructs. The Rasch person separation statistics showed that OS was least successful at separating students into distinct groups (Rasch person separation = 1.29), while PS was the most successful, separating participants into three distinct groups (Rasch person separation = 2.02). Next, a Rasch PCA of item residuals was conducted to determine construct unidimensionality (Wright, 1996). The first contrast for the
Exploring Classroom-based Constructs of EFL Motivation 61
Table 4.1 Traditional Cronbach’s alpha and Rasch person and item reliability and separation estimates for the hypothesized constructs Item Construct name code
Cronbach’s Person Person alpha reliability separation
Item Item reliability separation
AE
Attitude towards English
.85
.77
1.83
.99
9.34
CA
Classroom Atmosphere
.85
.71
1.55
.96
5.05
DS
Desire to Speak English
.86
.78
1.89
.96
4.81
FS
Probable L2 Self
.75
.69
1.50
1.00
14.30
IC
Interest in English Culture
.82
.67
1.42
.99
9.49
IO
Integrative Orientation
.83
.77
1.81
1.00
19.26
IS
Ideal L2 Self
.81
.78
1.86
1.00
20.57
OS
Ought-to L2 Self
.72
.63
1.29
.97
6.20
PS
Perceived Speaking Competence
.87
.80
2.02
.98
7.36
SA
Speaking Anxiety
.84
.76
1.78
.97
5.68
SV
Perceived Social Values
.76
.68
1.46
.99
12.11
constructs SA and OS explained 10.6 and 11.6 of the variance, respectively, which is above the recommended 10% (Linacre, 2007). However, the eigen value of the first contrasts were below the recommended 2.0, and addition ally, the construct explained variance was well above the recommended criterion of 50%. Thus, the Rasch model indicated that residuals in the first contrasts were uncorrelated errors, supporting the construct validity for all 11 hypothesized constructs.
Data screening
Traditional descriptive statistics were requested from SPSS for the 57 items in the questionnaire. However, raw mean scores and standard devia tions from Likert category type data cannot tell us the ease or difficulty of the participants’ endorsements, i.e. the degree to which participants agree or disagree with the items (Waugh & Chapman, 2005). Therefore, the raw scores were input into the Rasch model, and Rasch item difficulty meas ures were obtained to determine endorsement levels of individual item. The traditional raw mean scores and Rasch item difficulty measures were then compared side by side (Appendix B). The easiest item to endorse was item IO2 (‘I want to become someone who can speak English well’, M = 5.15, SD = 1.17, Rasch item measure difficulty = 34.29). The descriptive statistics indicated that the item was
62 Language Learning Motivation in Japan
too easy for participants to agree, effectively giving little useful information about the level of the latent construct among study participants. Further, this item was highly skewed with a z-skew score of -4.82, most likely due to the ease with which participants were able to agree to the item. This item was therefore removed from further analyses, leaving 56 items. In addition to the three items previously identified as misfitting their constructs (IC1, IO2 and CA5), Rasch PCA revealed that items FS2, IC2, IC3, IS2, OS2, PS3, SA3 and SV2 failed to loaded onto their respective constructs. Thus, the preliminary analysis recommended that 11 questionnaire items be excluded from correlational analysis and the structural regression model, leaving a total of 46 items.
Correlational analysis
The data from the hypothesized 11 constructs (Table 4.1) were analyzed for significant correlations as a preliminary check to determine suitability for model creation (Table 4.2). The results revealed that while most of the constructs correlated to some degree, several of the constructs correlated quite highly. DS had an extremely strong correlation to IO (r = .87), a possi ble indication that the items from these variables were measuring the same construct. DS also correlated strongly with IS (r = .73) and FS (r = .72). The strongest correlation to OS was Perceived Social Value of speaking English (r = .67). Taking into account the correlational analysis results, the latent variables were placed into a structural regression model and analyzed to determine the strength of relationships among the variables.
Table 4.2 Correlations among the hypothesized constructs SA Speaking Anxiety Perceived Speaking Competence
PS
DS
AE
IC
SV
CA
IS
OS
FS
-.22
-
Desire to Speak
.05
.45 -
Attitude towards English
.09
.50 .72 -
Integrative Orientation
IO
-.02
.47 .87 .73 -
Interest in English Culture
.10
.46 .50 .66 .53 -
Perceived Social Values
.17
.20 .37 .35 .41 .22 -
Classroom Atmosphere
.04
.46 .51 .62 .49 .52 .25 -
Ideal L2 Self
.05
.55 .73 .73 .75 .64 .41 .53 -
Ought to L2 Self
.20
.35 .56 .57 .58 .44 .67 .41 .63 -
Probable L2 Self
.05
.46 .72 .67 .74 .55 .50 .45 .79 .62 -
Notes. Boldface numerals indicate significant correlations at p < .01; N = 654.
Exploring Classroom-based Constructs of EFL Motivation 63
Structural equation modeling results A hypothesized model was created partially based on previous research (Apple et al., 2012) as well as results from the correlational analysis. In the model (Figure 4.1), CA, SA, DS and Perceived SV were exogenous (i.e. pre dictor) variables. The interceding variables were IC, PS, AE, IO, IS and OS. FS was the outcome variable. The initial model included 46 items and 11 variables; however, model analysis revealed several problems with the hypothesized paths. The path from DS and IO had a beta weight of .98, which violated the assumption of multicollinearity among variables. Likewise, the beta weights on the paths from SV to FS (FS) (β = –.95) and OS (OS) (β = .90) violated the multicol linearity assumption, and the path from OS to FS was clearly the wrong direction (β = 1.41). Although the hypothesized model included two separate variables for DS and IO, the results from the initial model analysis indicated the
AE
IC IS
CA
FS
PS IO SA
OS DS SV
Figure 4.1 Hypothesized model of variables leading to science and engineering students’ sense of an FS. Exogenous variables are shaded gray
64 Language Learning Motivation in Japan AE1
AE2 .75
IC4
.68
IC5
.67* .46* .77*
IC6
.66*
AE3
AE4
.66* .75*
AE5 .81*
AE
.48*
.20*
IC
.21*
IC7 .72* CA1
.78
CA2
.85* .74* .70*
CA3
IS
.17*
.67 .58* .63* .69*
.71*
.48*
.58* .21* PS1
.73
PS2
.62*
PS4
.84* .78*
.40*
PS
DS2
.80
DS3
.84*
DS4
.77* .69*
DS5
–.24*
IO1 .93
SA2
.51*
SA4
.60*
IS4
.56*
DS1
PS5
SA1
IS3
IS5
CA
CA4
IS1
IO3 IO4
SA
.43*
SA5 .64
SV3
.48*
SV4
.57*
.52*
FS4
.53*
.29*
OS
.81*
.45
OS1
.52*
OS3
.60* .52*
.71* SV1
FS3
.45*
FS5
IO5
.89*
FS1
.68*
DS
.66* .74* .74* .74*
FS
.48
OS4 OS5
SV
.75*
SV5
Figure 4.2 Final structural regression model after path respecification, with Ought-to L2 Self (OS) as the outcome variable (RMSEA = .07, 95% CI .068–.072; SRMR = .12). N = 654.
possibility that the items represented the same variable. We reasoned that model variable and path reconfigurations ought to begin with the possibility that a hypothesized indicator variable (DS) might actually be an interme diate variable. Items from DS and IO were combined into one variable and the model was run again. The results of the Wald test for removing nonsig nificant paths suggested the removal of the path from AE to FS and the path from PS to IO/DS. The LaGrange Multiplier test suggested the addition of two paths from IC to AE and from DS to FS. While the path from OS to FS was no longer in violation of the assumptions, the LaGrange Multiplier test suggested that the path be reversed so that FS influenced OS. The final model (Figure 4.2) found good fit on one fit index (RMSEA = .07, 95% CI .068–.072). There were 108 free parameters and 63 fixed param eters, for a total of 171 parameters in the model. The case to parameter ratio (N = 654) was 3.82, below the recommended minimum ratio of 5.0 (Kline,
Exploring Classroom-based Constructs of EFL Motivation 65
2005). The RMSEA, which is not affected by sample size, indicated the like lihood that a larger sample size would achieve the fit on other sample-size affected indices for this model. Because OS was the final outcome variable of the model, ANOVA were conducted to examine differences among the groups of participants.
ANOVA results Two separate ANOVA were conducted on the data, using OS as the dependent variable. In the first ANOVA, the independent variable was the educational level (i.e. current school year) of the participants. In the sec ond ANOVA, the independent variable was the participants’ expected final degree, as self-reported on the questionnaire. For the first ANOVA, the entire sample was examined (N = 654). No significant differences were found among groups (junior college, undergrad uate, master’s level and doctoral level) based on the current educational levels of participants, F(7) = 1.24, p = .28. The second ANOVA used the independent variable ‘final expected degree’, with OS as the dependent var iable (N = 517). Significant differences with a small effect size were found among the four groups, F(3) = 3.60, p = .013, h2 = .02. A post-hoc analysis was conducted to determine which of the four groups were significantly dif ferent, using a Bonferroni adjustment for multiple comparisons (p = .0167). Results showed that participants indicating a final degree expectation of junior college and master’s degrees had significantly different Ought-to L2 Selves with a moderate effect size, t = –3.45, p = .007, d = –.38, r = –.19.
Discussion The model proposed in this study demonstrates that for Japanese S&E students, the concept of Possible Selves may prove more salient in deter mining levels of L2 motivation than the traditional socio-cultural views of integrative vs. instrumental orientation. The loss of IO from the final model supports the early notions (Dörnyei & Csizér, 2002), and later assertions (Dörnyei, 2009), that the L2 Self System model effectively subsumes the component of IO. That is, orientations may be seen not simply as latent variables of motivation but as integrated components of one’s self image and therefore identity as an L2 language learner and user. However, the outcome variable of the model indicates that achieving an IS or an FS is not as pertinent for participants’ future S&E careers as the OS. Rather than a ‘feared self ’ that attempts to avoid learning or avoid failure, the OS in this study can likely be seen as a combination of two important factors.
66 Language Learning Motivation in Japan
First, as a Confucian-influenced country, Japan and Japanese society has traditionally highlighted the importance of knowing one’s societal role and performing to one’s utmost to achieve the expectations of that role (e.g. Heine et al., 2001; Heine, Kitayama et al., 2001). Thus, the S&E students in this study may not differ much from non-S&E students in Japan in their awareness of the societal expectation to study and do their best in their role as students (see also the discussion of ‘introjected regulation’ or sense of duty and obligation in Noels, this volume). Indeed, S&E programs in Japan frequently exhort their students to devote their efforts to helping to build, support and maintain the physical infrastructure of Japanese society as future engineers. The ANOVA results additionally demonstrate a greater sense of L2 Self among students aiming towards graduate school than those satisfied with a junior college degree, which may indicate a difference in the sense of soci etal duty among participants. A junior college engineering degree qualifies one to become an entry-level technician at the local or regional level, but a master’s degree enables one to become a researcher or a technical expert for a national institute or internationally oriented corporation. It is likely that the more S&E students wish to enter a highly competitive workforce of S&E experts, the more their Ought-to L2 Selves become clear to them. Such S&E students seem not only grounded in reality, understanding the needs of their future professions, but also ambitious and driven to become an ‘engineer who can use English’, a catchphrase of S&E programs through out Japan. A second factor explaining the relevance of OS over other L2 Selves is the timing of the study. The survey for this study was given to students in the months following the Greater Tohoku Earthquake, tsunami and Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant triple disaster on March 11, 2011. During those months, intense media attention was paid to the immense efforts of Japanese civil and nuclear engineers, as Japanese engineers were lauded for their self-sacrifice and round-the-clock efforts to combat the nuclear plant meltdown (Hogg, 2011). The media routinely praised engineers as ‘heroes’, calling them the ‘Fukushima 50’. It is highly likely that S&E students in this study were affected by the reaction to Japanese engineers in the spring and summer of 2011. It is entirely possible that their S&E teachers took the occasion not only to warn their students of the dangers of nuclear power generation but also to remind S&E students of the crucial role that they had in Japanese society. The increased pressure both in class and in their outside school communities to fulfill their expected role as the ‘heroes’ of Japanese society may have positively affected a sense of their possible selves as internationally minded science researchers. The high correlation among the Possible Selves of S&E students is telling; there may, indeed, be a thin line between what is ‘ideal’, or ‘possible’, and what is expected.
Exploring Classroom-based Constructs of EFL Motivation 67
Implications Several implications can be inferred from the study results. Strong cor relations from Perceived SV to OS and moderate correlations from DS with the various possible selves of the L2 Self System indicate that S&E students are highly affected by perceptions of those around them, but also are indi vidually motivated to learn English for future communication. Cultural or societal expectations of S&E students, both in their present studies and in how they contribute to Japanese society upon graduation, represent the ‘group’ aspect of Japanese society, i.e. cultural-role fulfilling behavior. The students’ desire to use English, related to their interest in other cultures and peoples, may not only relate to their sense of an expectation to commu nicate internationally as an S&E professional, but may additionally show their individual L2 use desires, i.e. using English for getting and maintaining a career as well as for personal pleasure and interest. However, this desire to communicate is confounded by a lack of posi tive CA and lack of perceived competence. The relationships in the model from CA to PS, Interest in Culture and Attitudes towards English imply the powerful influence of the classroom for Japanese S&E students. If stu dents begin to fall behind in English class, perceptions that other students are much better at English may generate demotivation, eventually leading to learned helplessness. A worst-case scenario in which a majority of class mates find English difficult, and dislike being forced to learn it year after year, would lead to a vicious circle where a group sense of demotivation leads to a greater sense of learned helplessness and further demotivation. Japanese S&E students have been shown to have a greater potential for learned helplessness than non-S&E students; thus, escaping the downward spiral of demotivation may prove especially challenging for S&E students in Japan. Potential solutions to the L2 motivational difficulties experienced by S&E students in Japan can also be inferred from the outcome variable of the final SEM model. If S&E students find the pursuit of an OS compel ling, focusing on academic English for Specific Purposes (ESP) coursework, based on authentic use of English in the workplace within the Japanese context, could potentially increase the sense of a Possible Self and thus motivate more learning. Students could, for example, watch a series of vid eo-taped interviews of Japanese S&E workers conducting product devel opment with an international team of collaborators. S&E students may also respond positively to the examples set by Japanese S&E teachers and researchers at their own schools. Encouragement to study English may be more effective and believable coming from Japanese engineers than from EFL teachers.
68 Language Learning Motivation in Japan
Conclusions and Future Directions The model generated by this study represents an initial inquiry into the relationships among L2 motivation and related nonlinguistic variables for S&E students in Japan. While the overall above-mean scores of items on sev eral variables demonstrate many positive aspects of L2 motivation among S&E students in Japan, overall below-mean scores of items on other varia bles raise potential ‘teachable’ points for EFL teachers. The S&E students in this study showed a general interest in using English communicatively (DS), but the below-average perception of their own speaking ability (Perceived Speaking Confidence), less-than-positive perceptions of classroom dynam ics (CA) and relatively high anxiety towards English use in the classroom (Speaking Anxiety) may prove hindrances to their high hopes for them selves as English-speaking professionals (IS). Further studies are needed to examine reasons behind the relationships revealed in the model. Perceived SV appears a potentially strong driving force; however, the model cannot show how S&E students perceive these values, nor can the model reveal to what degree or in what aspects S&E students perceive their Ought-to L2 Selves. Because Perceived SV seems the prime influence on the formation or realization of an OS, S&E students need to learn more about the connections between the needs of the commu nity and their own individual or private needs as students or professionals. Rather than merely saying, ‘You need English’, teachers of English to S&E students in Japan need to give greater explication for what they need Eng lish or how they might be using English in their S&E careers, as opposed to merely memorizing information about English for the purpose of taking an exam. More research might be done specifically to address the connection between the perception by S&E students of external social pressure to use English and their sense of what they ought to be using English for as pro fessional scientists and engineers. For example, a recent study suggests that S&E students seem to become more motivated by participating in English seminars given by Japanese professionals from their study fields (Kaneko, 2012). In-depth interviews with S&E students in Japan at varying levels of education as well as current S&E professionals may prove beneficial.
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72 Language Learning Motivation in Japan
Appendix A Table 4.3 ANOVA for comparing science majors and non-science majors n
M
SD
F
Sig.
d
S&E majors
185
3.70
.97
50.82
.000*
–.58
non-S&E majors
715
4.23
.87
S&E majors
185
2.99
1.18
1.25
.265
non-S&E majors
715
2.87
1.26
S&E majors
185
2.40
.92
1.80
.179
non-S&E majors
715
2.29
1.00
S&E majors
185
2.76
.91
19.12
.000*
–.18
non-S&E majors
715
3.08
.86
S&E majors
185
3.01
1.01
25.58
.000*
.21
non-S&E majors
715
2.55
1.11
S&E majors
185
3.97
1.15
15.69
.000*
.16
non-S&E majors
715
3.57
1.26
S&E majors
185
3.42
.52
30.84
.000*
–.22
non-S&E majors
715
3.65
.48
S&E majors
185
3.36
1.01
26.54
.000*
–.20
non-S&E majors
715
3.76
.92
S&E majors
185
3.02
.58
1.37
.242
non-S&E majors
715
3.07
.55
Teacher immediacy
Help-seeking
Enjoyment-seeking
Grammar translation
Avoidance
Self-denigration
Value
Course level
Self-confidence
Note. Data based on Falout et al. (2009) *p < .001
Exploring Classroom-based Constructs of EFL Motivation 73
Appendix B Table 4.4 Descriptive statistics and Rasch item difficulty measures for constructs in the study Item
M
SD
Skewness
Kurtosis
Rasch item difficulty measure
AE1
3.57
1.54
-.15
-.92
49.38
AE2
4.10
1.45
-.45
-.55
43.12
AE3
3.11
1.58
.24
-.96
54.66
AE4
3.59
1.46
-.05
-.76
49.12
AE5
3.19
1.55
.20
-.90
53.72
CA1
3.02
1.48
.22
-.84
51.22
CA2
2.70
1.42
.43
-.66
54.70
CA3
2.89
1.40
.32
-.64
52.66
CA4
3.16
1.53
.14
-.95
49.63
CA5
4.00
1.19
-.34
-.07
41.79
DS1
3.90
1.57
-.31
-.91
50.01
DS2
3.79
1.59
-.20
-.98
51.32
DS3
4.01
1.71
-.45
-1.01
48.73
DS4
4.17
1.42
-.44
-.63
46.77
DS5
3.62
1.48
-.07
-.83
53.19
FS1
4.23
1.33
-.53
-.24
44.80
FS2
3.51
1.41
.00
-.74
51.84
FS3
4.06
1.63
-.43
-.98
46.56
FS4
2.58
1.39
.72
-.08
60.91
FS5
4.12
1.38
-.50
-.40
45.89
IC1
4.18
1.45
-.50
-.61
36.91
IC2
3.75
1.64
-.18
-1.08
44.57
IC3
2.61
1.28
.59
-.17
56.47
IC4
3.27
1.42
.23
-.63
48.39
IC5
2.90
1.55
.49
-.72
54.21
IC6
2.54
1.54
.77
-.42
59.14
IC7
3.17
1.49
.32
-.69
50.32
IO1
3.53
1.47
.05
-.84
54.50
IO2
5.15
1.17
-1.54
2.13
34.29
IO3
3.49
1.75
.01
-1.29
54.95
IO4
3.08
1.66
.36
-1.03
59.47
IO5
4.23
1.44
-.50
-.57
46.79 (continued)
74 Language Learning Motivation in Japan
Table 4.4 Descriptive statistics and Rasch item difficulty measures for constructs in the study (continued) Item
M
SD
Skewness
Kurtosis
Rasch item difficulty measure
IS1
3.63
1.61
-.13
-1.04
46.44
IS2
3.15
1.54
.21
-.97
51.62
IS3
2.37
1.29
.66
-.33
60.73
IS4
4.65
1.32
-.84
.03
34.58
IS5
2.69
1.46
.58
-.50
56.64
OS1
3.51
1.49
-.04
-.83
51.48
OS2
3.46
1.49
-.05
-.85
51.85
OS3
3.65
1.50
-.12
-.89
50.89
OS4
3.72
1.56
-.14
-.96
50.03
OS5
4.28
1.38
-.57
-.28
45.75
PS1
3.27
1.43
.14
-.65
44.02
PS2
3.08
1.31
.24
-.48
46.62
PS3
2.85
1.33
.38
-.50
50.85
PS4
2.73
1.36
.56
-.26
53.37
PS5
2.63
1.37
.62
-.32
55.14
SA1
3.79
1.52
-.17
-.95
49.01
SA2
3.76
1.52
-.14
-.97
49.22
SA3
3.39
1.50
.07
-.86
53.33
SA4
4.04
1.55
-.44
-.80
46.25
SA5
3.50
1.55
-.01
-.99
52.19
SV1
3.74
1.31
-.08
-.47
51.90
SV2
3.48
1.31
.03
-.39
54.46
SV3
4.65
1.24
-.72
-.03
42.73
SV4
3.38
1.39
.12
-.58
55.05
SV5
4.30
1.48
-.60
-.47
45.86
Notes: A six-point Likert category scale was used; Rasch measures are in CHIPs with a mean of 50; N = 654
5 Dual Goal Orientation in the Japanese Context: A Case Study of Two EFL Learners Hideo Hayashi Language learning motivation has traditionally been seen to comprise a social psychological dimension that highlights the role of people’s positive predispositions toward the target language community (e.g. Gardner, 1985; Giles & Byrne, 1982). Most typically dubbed ‘integrative orientation’ (as a subcomponent of ‘integrativeness’) in Gardner’s terminology, this aspect of language learning motivation is posited to reflect ‘an inquisitiveness and gen uine interest in the people comprising a cultural group…or a desire to meet with and possibly associate with that group’ (Gardner & Lambert, 1972: 14). While these studies saw language learning motivation as a widely social, intercultural phenomenon, a different genre of viewpoints can be found in the attempt to integrate the insights already made in the motivational psy chology field into what had been found in L2 motivational research. This approach, termed the ‘cognitive-situated’ approach (Dörnyei, 2005: 74), brought the study of L2 motivation down to the immediate learning situa tion where the learners’ experiences in the classroom and their relationship with the teacher are the main determinants of motivation. The broad distinction suggested above between the social dimension of language learning motivation that features learners’ intercultural pre dispositions and the classroom-situated motivational dimension that fea tures learners’ experiences in an academic setting was highlighted by Noels’ (2001a, 2001b), who maintained that these represent two separate ‘motiva tional substrates’ (Noels, 2001a: 138). The qualitative study presented in this chapter uses these two motiva tional dimensions as a framework of reference and attempts to explore the roles each play in the learning process of two Japanese EFL learners, with a view to finding implications these cases may provide.
Relationship between the Two Dimensions Regarding the social dimension of language learning motivation men tioned above, a recent development in research is that integrativeness, 75
76 Language Learning Motivation in Japan
particularly with reference to English, has come to be seen to extend to a broader, nonculture-specific, cosmopolitan orientation, in light of the globalized utility of this language and the diverse cultures associated with it (e.g. Coetzee-van Rooy, 2006), as well as to incorporate the ambiguous, more comprehensive nature of integrativeness found in different milieus of language learning (e.g. Lamb, 2004). Yashima (2002) calls this general predisposition toward the association with the wider international commu nity ‘international posture’, and Dörnyei (2005; Csizér & Dörnyei, 2005) uses the term ‘the ideal L2 self ’ to refer to a similarly extended, but more future-related, concept. The other classroom ‘situated’ approach, meanwhile, drew much on the powerful foundation provided by self-determination theory (SDT; Deci & Ryan, 1985; Ryan & Deci, 2002) that features intrinsic and extrinsic moti vation as motivational components relevant to people’s behavior in general. SDT is different from prior theories of motivation in that it does not view extrinsic motivation as an invariantly nonautonomous entity, but acknowl edges that people can be extrinsically motivated in an autonomous way; that is, people can endorse the value, and take on the responsibility, of a behavior (i.e. are autonomous) for some goal extraneous to the behavior itself (i.e. are extrinsically motivated). For example, a child can learn to spontaneously clear up his or her room by understanding the consequences of the behavior, not by being presented a reward. Two kinds of extrinsic motivation, integrated and identified regulations, represent this state of ori entation and are often referred to as ‘self-determined extrinsic motivation’ (see Noels, this volume for more discussion on SDT). The relations between the socio-psychological dimension of L2 motiva tion, which follows the tradition of Gardner’s perspective, and the situated dimension of language learning motivation where SDT is a relevant theory has been explored most actively by Noels and her associates through a series of empirical studies conducted in Canada and the US (e.g. Noels, 2001a; Noels et al., 2001). They found that integrative orientation is associated with both intrinsic motivation and self-determined extrinsic motivation, but more strongly with intrinsic motivation (e.g. r = .70 with intrin sic motivation, p < .01, r = .42 with identified regulation, p < .01; Noels et al., 2001), while its link with the less self-determined motivation is only modest. However, an important point is made that this does not imply that inte grative orientation is similar to intrinsic motivation, but that these two are conceptually different (Noels, 2001b). This differential perspective is sup ported by Noels’ (2001a) finding that intrinsic motivation and identified reg ulation predict positive attitudes toward learning the L2, while integrative orientation is the best predictor of intercultural contact/identity indices. Accordingly, it is suggested that L2 motivation implicates two ‘motivational substrates’ (Noels, 2001a: 138), one pertaining to the immediate classroom
Dual Goal Orientation in the Japanese Context 77
situation, where intrinsic motivation and self-determined extrinsic moti vation are significant constituents, and the other pertaining to the socio- cultural dimension of language learning, where integrative orientation is likely the main feature. Gardner’s (1985) socio-educational model supports the motivational impact of these two orientations by showing that integrativeness and atti tudes toward the learning situation together form the attitudinal foundation of motivation to learn a language. It can also be seen that these two corre late with each other considerably strongly (e.g. r = .70, p < .001; Cardner, 1983), in a somewhat similar sense to the strong tie between integrative orientation and autonomous regulation of learning via intrinsic motivation and self-determined extrinsic motivation found in Noel’s studies. Further support of this distinction can be found in Bonney et al.’s (2008) study that demonstrated how intrinsic motivation and integrative motiva tion predict different learning strategy use, and in Ryan (2009) who found that the measure of the ideal L2 self differentiates English-major college students, the more internationally oriented learners, from secondary school and non-English-major college students, the more formal study-oriented learners, in the Japanese context. In an EFL context, such as Japan, where learning English basically tends to be a matter of coping with the learning materials presented at school, and of learning for examinations and grades, positive attitudes toward the immediate learning situation directly entail commitment to getting high grades and passing examinations. This can go to an extreme when the edu cational milieu and the learner him/herself both place heavy emphasis on grades and examination results (Choi, 2008; Huang & Andrews, 2010). Huang and Andrews (2010), for example, reported on secondary school learners of English in China, where college entrance is viewed as a para mount goal of pretertiary education. The study demonstrated how these learners’ commitment to gaining high test scores and passing examinations mold their learning approaches, quite separately from their concern over their competence for real communication, the other dimension of second language learning in Noel’s framework. Yashima (2009; Yashima et al., 2004) explicitly addressed such dual goal orientation of Japanese adolescent English learners by pointing out that these learners tend, on one hand, to be preoccupied with the short-term goal of raising test scores mainly through memorization/translation exer cises, in order to eventually pass college entrance examinations, and tend, on the other hand, to hold interest in a relatively vague, long-term goal of using English for international communication. Her study (Yashima, 2009) also demonstrated that international posture correlates significantly both with intrinsic motivation (r = .40, p < .01) and with self-determined extrin sic motivation (r = .47, p < .01), implying statistical, but not conceptual, relation across the two dimensions hinted at by Noels.
78 Language Learning Motivation in Japan
Taken together, these studies suggest that language learning motivation subsumes at least two core strands of orientations. One of these pertains to socio-cultural aspects of language learning that feature interest in the target language culture and cultures outside one’s own in general, referred to by such terms as integrativeness, international posture and the ideal L2 self. The other addresses the learner’s experiences in the immediate learn ing situation, where the psychology of learning in the SDT framework of intrinsic/extrinsic motivation is relevant, and where the attitudes toward the learning situation (Gardner, 1985) involving classroom practices, learn ing materials and teachers are the main focus.
Research Questions Given that language learners are driven at least by these two broad cat egories of motivational orientations represented by two dimensions, and that the two correlate with each other statistically as shown above, and yet reflect conceptually different attitudes toward learning an L2, the next question to be asked would be if it is possible for an individual learner to have the two orientations to distinctively different degrees; that is, ‘can any learner be strongly oriented toward international, intercultural experiences while at the same time being only poorly disposed to formal studies of L2, or vice versa?’ Assuming that it is possible, the second question to be asked would be ‘what insights do such cases offer regarding different roles of these motivational dimensions in language learning?’ A careful qualitative study of these cases in the Japanese context, particularly their learning histories, would provide unique contributions toward understanding the differen tial functions of the two dimensions, as well as their interplays, in the EFL context.
Methods Site The study took place at a mid-size private university (approximately 6200 students), located in a prefectural capital in western Japan. Although the city has seen an increasing number of non-Japanese visitors and resi dents for the past decades, daily contact with them, particularly with those whose native tongue is English, is unusual for the average citizen. The uni versity has less than 10 English-speaking international students enrolled, which limits daily use of English in real communication to a small group of students.
Dual Goal Orientation in the Japanese Context 79
Procedure The study involved a search for two learners who represent opposed combinations of the two orientations; one who has strong international aspirations but has less than positive attitudes toward formal studies of English, and the other who shows the reverse tendency. The search proce dure comprised three stages. First, a questionnaire was administered with 114 undergraduates in the first, third and fourth years from four departments (including English), ask ing them to report on their motivational transitions from the first year of junior high school up to the present on a five-point Likert scale and to state their reasons for the ups and downs in open-ended spaces. The possibility of contacting the participants further for individual interviews was announced at the onset of the survey, and the request was made to include their names on the questionnaire form if they consented to this. The collected forms were read carefully, and six participants who reflected the disparity between the two orientations were selected as target learners, who were then asked to see the author for individual interviews. None declined this. The interviews, the second stage of the search process, were done in Japanese, twice for each of the six participants, with intervals of five to eight weeks. The first interviews were performed in late July, 2010, almost four months into the Japanese academic year. They were conducted in a semi-structured manner using the collected questionnaires as a guide to pro vide prompts for the interviewee to elaborate on motivational transitions over time. Because the focus of this study is the duality of goal orientation, additional prompts were given when the interviewee’s narrative developed in this direction. The second interviews focused more on eliciting additional information found necessary through the analysis of the first interviews. Both interviews were audio-recorded with permission and transcribed verbatim. At the final stage, the transcripts were examined to choose the two who appeared to represent the most diametrically opposed combinations of the two orientations. This study reports on these two learners, referring to each by a pseudonym. Toshi is seen to be opting for experiences in overseas countries considerably strongly, while his commitment to formal studies of English tends to be low. Kana has strong commitment to formal studies, while her interest in being abroad appears to be low. The English transcripts shown in the following sections are direct translations from the originals.
Participants Toshi (aged 21, male) was a third year undergraduate at the time of the interviews, majoring in international economics, and Kana (aged 22, female)
80 Language Learning Motivation in Japan
was a fourth year English major. Both learners were educated in the regular Japanese school system, where English is compulsory for six years in junior and senior high schools. While grammar-translation is a widely practiced method in Japanese schools (e.g. Nishino & Watanabe, 2008), the senior high school that Kana attended had a stronger system to aim toward college entrance, making her English learning experiences still more book oriented. Toshi attended an ordinary senior high school, which allowed him more liberty to focus on other activities outside classroom. At college Toshi took, or was required to take, fewer English courses than Kana, who was an English major.
Results Participants’ outlooks toward international experiences Toshi stated that he spent most of his time training with his school basketball team when he was in high school, hoping to make the sport his future career choice. A sudden change occurred when he injured his knee at the end of the second year of senior high school (i.e. about a year before graduation), and had to give up his career as an athlete. This forced him to look for other career goals, which somehow ended up opening his eyes toward the possibility of working overseas in the future. He recalled: T (for Toshi, hereafter): When I became a third year student, I was done with the inter-high-school tournament and decided to quit basketball. Then I found that I had to find a different career to go for in the future, and I realized that I wanted to go overseas and work there. Although apparently abrupt, his interest in foreign countries as a voca tional arena can be traced back to his family background. He mentioned that he was inspired by his relative who frequently travels abroad on his importing business, which he thought ‘kakko-ii (cool)’. He also commented on his experience of visiting Korea to join an international basketball event as a junior high school student and mentioned his frustration over his ina bility to converse with Korean students in English. Evidently, these direct and indirect exposures to foreign cultures helped form his international aspiration. In his third year of college now, he still holds this goal, which in fact has been strengthened now that his college years are running short and ‘job placement battle’ is drawing near: T: I’ve been thinking of this [i.e. working overseas] all the time. . . . I think I would have to work in Japan first, and maybe perform well in my job here, because otherwise I wouldn’t get a chance to be sent abroad.
Dual Goal Orientation in the Japanese Context 81
He said he now had a goal of working at a ‘stock brokerage firm’ to seek a chance to be dispatched overseas, adding that this desire ‘has grown stronger than before’. It is also notable that his interest in going abroad is almost exclusively for business activities and that it seems to be so broad that he doesn’t care which country (high international posture; Yashima, 2002), as he said, ‘I wouldn’t mind going to Africa, if that’s where I can go. I don’t really care. Even regional conflict areas would be perfectly fine’. At the end of the first interview, he mentioned that he was packing things for a trip to India on a one-month internship program, to leave Japan the following week. This challenge of his for a unique career experience in an unusual country for a Japanese to visit appears to reflect his now stable determination to land a job that will send him abroad. Kana, a fourth year English major, is from another city where, she says, exposure to non-Japanese people was quite scarce, and where she grew up with literally no vision of being abroad. She recalled her days as a high school student: I (for Interviewer, hereafter): Were you interested in going abroad when in junior high school, for example, on a home stay program? K (for Kana, hereafter): No, I was not, not at all. I: Any reason for that? K: Well, how should I put it? I was not interested in foreign countries. There were only Japanese in my neighborhood, anyway. K: When I got accepted to this university [i.e. to the department of English], I knew there was a study abroad program in the curriculum, and I wondered if I should join that. I was nervous about the trip because I hadn’t thought about that before. . . . Though I was not fascinated by foreign countries, I was interested in English. In the first year at college, she took five courses of English in both semes ters that focused on separate skills of the language. Finally free from col lege entrance examinations, she found joy in learning such practical skills of English, as she said ‘I had great fun in the first year, practicing speaking in English, for example, always chatting and laughing with my friends’. How ever, soon she took more interest in a different facet of English studies: K: In the second year, I became intrigued by the ‘history of the English language’ course, quite apart from the idea of going abroad. . . . I guess you could say I was interested in English, but not in anything practical like speaking, writing or listening. She said she also found courses on ‘modern education’ and ‘history of western philosophy’ very inspiring. The author found her different from
82 Language Learning Motivation in Japan
other English-major students, who tend to have stronger aspirations for intercultural interactions, and are thus more internationally oriented, than the average Japanese college student (Ryan, 2009). Her international ori entation remained noticeably low in spite of the department climate that tends toward direct and indirect contacts with non-Japanese cultures. To conclude this section, Toshi can be viewed to have a considerably strong international posture that has grown even stronger and more specific now that he is expecting job placement, while Kana’s international posture appears to be, and to have always been, very modest.
Participants’ attitudes toward formal studies of English Before Toshi quit basketball in senior high school, his life was so much dominated by the sport that he recollected, ‘I was not listening to the teacher in class very much . . . I only crammed for exams’. The subsequent shift in his career vision to international business, which happened in the last year of senior high school, drew his attention toward English, as he said, ‘I thought English would be a must. I thought I had to study English, and this feeling spurred me’. Quite contrary to this statement, however, his commitment to learn ing English remained low for the very simple reason that English was not required for college entrance: T: I was planning to use the recommendation system [from high school principal]1 to get accepted to college. So I mainly studied for essay tests and interviews [both in Japanese]. I hardly ever studied English and other subjects. His commitment to English studies remained low for some time after matriculation to college: T: During the first two years in college, I spent a lot of time working parttime, and I also needed to get used to university life. So, I tended to neglect studying English. The fact that there were no English courses offered for the freshman year in the curriculum of his department partly explains his lack of moti vation to study English at this stage. In the second year of college, he only took two obligatory English courses that his department offered each semester – the average number for a non-English major in this country. Another reason could be what Sugimoto (2010: 148) referred to as the ‘lei sure land’ culture of the Japanese universities in general, where students tend to view their university life as a moratorium period before entering the job market.
Dual Goal Orientation in the Japanese Context 83
Presumably, it is during this period from the last year of high school through the second year of college that the gap was the largest between his heightened, though still vague, international outlook and his slack attitudes toward learning English. Despite the future vision of working in the inter national arena that he gained in the last high school year, the excerpts above indicate that he was not passionate at all about his formal studies of English at that stage. In his last year of high school, his low commitment to for mal studies was due largely to the lack of immediate need to study English, which would have been different if English had been required for college entrance. In college, at least until the end of the second year, his investment in English studies remained low because he was not pressured to study Eng lish for any reason relevant to his survival in college. The only reason he had for studying English was a still remote, vague goal of gaining a job that may give him a chance to go overseas. It is understandable that such a lack of immediate need for learning English coupled with relatively low pressure may easily make a learner passive toward learning English in an EFL context. Toshi did not seem to be aware of this gap until near the end of his second year. Gradually, however, he came to realize the gap through some feedback on his English skills: T: Toward the end of the sophomore year, I realized my grades [in English] were rather low, and I thought I should study harder. T: I never got good scores [on TOEIC]. I took the test a couple of times. The latest one was last year. I: So, you don’t think your English is good enough? T: No, not at all. T: I felt stimulated the other day at a prejob placement session. I told them I was seeking a chance to be sent abroad on business, and they said you have to be good enough to carry business interactions in Eng lish, not just daily conversations. So, again, I thought I really needed to put my nose to the grindstone. The two interviews found some evidence of change in his attitudes toward English studies expressed in these statements. He mentioned a goal of scoring 500 or 600 on TOEIC (now 390) that he set for himself with a view to being sent overseas on business. He also took business English and academic reading in English courses in his third year. These were optional in addition to the two obligatory courses of English provided by his depart ment. He received a B in business English, and two As (for separate semes ters) on the academic English reading, showing difference from the first and second years when he ‘tended to neglect studying English’. Besides the homework from these courses, he stated he spent three hours a week on average doing individual study using an internet English news site (NPR).
84 Language Learning Motivation in Japan
He also joined a one-month internship program in India in the summer of his third year. These show that his diminished attitude toward formal English studies has slowly been catching up with his intent to seek an international career, though the gap is still large, as he said, ‘The goal looks very far’. All in all, Toshi’s story shows how difficult it is to be motivated in English studies in an EFL context solely by aspiring toward international experiences, or by having a high international posture, unless such a per spective is specific and immediate. He seems to have slowly improved his attitudes toward the learning situation as the job placement season drew near, and as he started to see a clearer vision of working for stock brokerage that leads eventually to an international career. Turning now to Kana, she recollected the time when she was having some trouble following English class at junior high school, and how that changed through ‘juku’ (a privately owned after-school tutoring institution) classes, where her teacher gave ‘very easy-to-understand explanations’ in a ‘personally agreeable’ manner: K: Then, in no time, I found I was understanding ‘English’ [i.e. English as a school subject] though I couldn’t really use English. So, I found learning English to be great fun. My scores jumped about 60 points, from about 30 to about 90 out of 100. K: I gained confidence, and because my scores picked up so dramatically, I was so excited. I couldn’t wait for exams. The excerpts above referring to fun and excitement indicate that she was motivated intrinsically to a great extent at this point. The following excerpt suggests that she was also motivated extrinsically for the goal of passing the entrance examination to the senior high school of her wish: K: It [i.e. the school] was almost as competitive as X Senior High to get into. I was just about the level of pass-or-fail to this school when I was in the third year. So, I knew that I had to make almost the full score on the English exam [of the entrance exams] because I was a poor student in math and science. I believe I studied English harder than anybody else. Her life became harsher after she entered this senior high school, because in such a strongly academically oriented high school in Japan, the next goal of passing entrance exams to high-ranking universities poses extreme chal lenges. She had classes from 7:30 am through late afternoon with extra- curricular activities thereafter, and then worked on her heavy homework at home until midnight: K: I don’t want to do that again, ever. I was always sleepy because I slept only for about four hours daily.
Dual Goal Orientation in the Japanese Context 85
The fun part of learning English for her during this period was in the process of working toward the goal of outperforming other students on exams, as she said: I: Did you find any enjoyment in learning English? K: Yes, I did. I felt great joy when I was studying for exams, entrance exams, saying to myself, ‘I’m going to get excellent scores’, because that way people would know I was good. These quotes demonstrate that she was motivated, or inspired to study, by the powerful external pressure of having to pass an entrance examination, implying that she was extrinsically motivated (or externally regulated). In the terminology used by Ames (1992), this would be a case of performance goal orientation. It is also notable that she does not appear simply to have been complying with the external control in a nonautonomous way. More likely, she took on the responsibility of having to study and even identified with the value of working hard (i.e. self-determined extrinsic motivation), as suggested by her pursuit of high exam scores and her serious commit ment to her studies at the expense of sleeping hours. Her intrinsic motivation appears to be unique in that it reflects her joy in working toward excellence, that is, good exam scores, and not exactly the kind of excitement in dealing with or being exposed to the language itself, let alone in using English for real communication. Theoretically, this falls into the category of ‘intrinsic motivation toward accomplishment’ (Vallerand et al., 1992) in the SDT framework, which refers to the pleas urable sensation experienced in the process of attempting to accomplish or create something. At college, when she was amused with English chats with her class friends, she also took an initial interest in TOEIC, as she said, ‘I was into TOEIC a lot when I was a freshman’, possibly following her preoccupation with ‘exams’ that was intensified in high school. She voluntarily took TOEIC several times and received her best score (555) in June of her sophomore year, three months into that year according to the Japanese school calendar. While her pursuit of both practical English skills and TOEIC scores con tinued for some time, a gradual yet important change occurred when she appears to have realized that she was not aspiring to be involved in any form of international interactions as her career goal. This overlaps with the time when she took interest in English language history and other academia in the sophomore year. She recalled: K: So, my interest changed. And I thought this should be OK. I thought, ‘why not this way? I’m not thinking of working overseas, anyway’. I thought, ‘Maybe it’s not my style to look for using English skills at work’. So, that’s how I changed.
86 Language Learning Motivation in Japan
She stopped taking TOEIC when her score declined. In her senior year now, at the time of the interviews, she has secured a job at a railway com pany and shows little regret for not having much chance of using English at her work, as in these quotes: I: K:
Was the chance to use English important in your job hunting? No, not at all.
I: Are you sorry that your job is not linked to English? K: No, not much. There’s English somewhere around, and foreigners, too. The transition in Kana’s motivation described above comprises two phases. In high school, her overall positive attitudes toward the learning situation strengthened through the academically oriented school system, played a powerful role in sustaining her motivation to learn English, even though she only had a modest international posture. Kana’s story at col lege, however, appears to demonstrate that her positive attitudes toward the learning situation lost its impact once she became aware of her poten tially low interest in using English in the real world, that is, her low inter national posture. The implications of this change will be discussed in the next section.
Discussion This study was conducted assuming that aspirations for international, intercultural experiences and positive attitude toward formal studies of English constitute conceptually separate dimensions, which implies that it is possible for a learner to be dominantly oriented in either of the two. The study supported this assumption by identifying such learners in the EFL context of Japan. These cases also provide unique qualitative data regarding the impact of each dimension on learning when the evidence of the other is minimal. Comparing the two learners, a simple picture emerges out of their expe riences in junior and senior high school. Toshi’s learning performance was unremarkable despite his heightened, but still vague, outlook for interna tional career experiences, and this appears to be due to his low orientation toward formal studies of English. Kana made a better performance because of her strong disposition toward working intensely at school, indicating her strong academic predisposition, though she showed little interest in being exposed to foreign cultures and people. It appears that, for these two learn ers, success or failure in learning hinged primarily on their attitudes toward the learning situation representing the academic dimension; the relative strength of their international posture that represents the social dimension
Dual Goal Orientation in the Japanese Context 87
had a relatively small impact on learning English. Part of the reason for this low impact is that this outlook tends to be vague and undeveloped in this culture. Their academic orientation, or their attitudes toward the learning situation (Gardner, 1985), had a more direct impact because it can more easily be translated into their efforts in daily studies of English in the imme diate learning context. A particularly relevant feature of the immediate learning context for Kana was the goal of getting good scores on exams, which would open the way to her ultimate goal of getting accepted to a prestigious university. At one point in the interview, in fact, she mentioned that 80% of her goal of learning English was to pass the college entrance exam. She acknowledged the meaningfulness of the challenge and was thrilled at her own endeavor (i.e. self-determined extrinsic motivation and intrinsic motivation). Toshi was free from these goals, or pressures, which left him in the state of no immediate goal and no purposeful intention (i.e. amotivation). All these boil down to the assumption that external pressure of some sort, which poses a goal for a learner to reach and a challenge to tackle, is a major factor condu cive to being motivated to learn English in an EFL setting. Past research in Asian contexts documents how various exams, and social pressures to score well on them, play a central role in shaping the student’s attitudes toward learning English, as well as how negative its washback effects can be (Choi, 2008; Huang & Andrews, 2010). The two learners’ experiences in high school shown above suggest that with all the undesirable effects, exam-measured competency might be a realistic goal that we have to live with if the learner’s commitment to English studies is to be maintained in an EFL context. In contrast to high school, the two learners’ narratives in college appear to illustrate a somewhat more complex picture of the two dimensions and the relationship between them. Toshi slowly started taking up English stud ies voluntarily when he realized the gap between what he hoped to achieve in the future and his current skill level. This was reflected in his self-set goal on TOEIC, elective English courses in the third year, individual studies using the internet and his participation in the internship program in India. The point has to be made that his vision of landing a job that offered him a chance of working overseas is very specific now; he mentioned he was inter ested exclusively in working for a stock brokerage firm, hoping to perform well at his job there first to win a position to be sent abroad, and added that he was aiming to obtain 500 or 600 on TOEIC as a preliminary goal. It’s also noteworthy that the job-hunting season was drawing near, to peak in about eight months from the time of the first interview. Such specificity and urgency of the need to improve his English assumably was an impor tant factor contributing to his improved attitudes toward formal studies in the last part of his college years. He did not have this level of pressure in high school, when he knew his admission to college would be relatively
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easy and his hope to be involved in international business was still a distant possibility, and when, therefore, his efforts in formal studies of English were minimal. This leads to the assumption that international posture (reflect ing the social dimension of L2 motivation), which may tend to be a vague outlook in the EFL context, can only help enhance one’s motivation to learn English (reflecting the academic dimension), when the former is linked to specific, visible goals that are tangible enough for the learner to translate into the hands-on practice of learning (see Taguchi, this volume for further elaboration on this point). Kana’s anecdotes at college appear to indicate that the impact of her strong academic orientation was nullified when she realized that she was not aspiring to an international career. This was particularly evident when she gave up her studies for TOEIC, which would otherwise have led her to a more internationally flavored job market than what she landed. She showed no interest in this and little regret for not using English in her career. Had she had a stronger international posture, it can be argued, she would have maintained her interest in learning communicative English, and a positive attitude toward the English skill-learning situation. To summarize, reviews of the two learners’ experiences in high school and college provide three hypotheses regarding the functioning of the two dimensions in the EFL context. (1) Positive attitudes toward the learning situation (the academic dimen sion) can be an effective source of motivation in the EFL context, particularly in a highly institutionalized academic setting. (Toshi and Kana in high school) (2) International aspirations (the social dimension) can only be an effec tive motivator when it is translated into specific/immediate goals that the learner can relate to the learning situation, enhancing his or her academic orientation (the academic dimension). (Toshi’s change in the third year of college) (3) Positive attitudes toward the learning situation (the academic dimen sion) do not persist unless the learner develops a clear, realistic vision of using English in international interactions (international posture) that relates formal studies to real world use of the language (the social dimension). (Kana’s change in college) Hypothesis (3), as a continuation of hypothesis (1), concurs with the point made by Dörnyei (2005, 2009) that a key component of language learning motivation is an elaborate, vivid future vision of oneself as a pro ficient L2 speaker (‘the ideal L2 self ’). Such a vision of oneself using the language fluently in international contact situations and attaining profes sional success reflects one’s conceptualization of language learning beyond class-room-based formal studies – something that Kana failed to achieve.
Dual Goal Orientation in the Japanese Context 89
This also coincides with Yashima’s studies (Yashima, 2009; Yashima & NenukNishide, 2008) that underscore how the vision of oneself participating in an English-speaking community, needs to, and can, be created and personal ized in learners who are preoccupied with the vision of passing exams and getting good grades (see also Yashima, this volume). Hypothesis (2), taken together with hypothesis (1), on the other hand, implies the need for the reverse to occur, whereby the self that holds a lofty vision of using English in the real world is reduced to the English-studying self by making the vision more specific, visible and manageable. It applies to a learner like Toshi in high school and in the first two years of college, who is full of ambitions to be ‘international’, yet does not know how to translate these ambitions to the day-to-day investment in English studies. Such a view of L2 motivation accords with the suggestion often made in the research literature that integrativeness is more identifiable and meaningful in second than in foreign language contexts (e.g. Clément & Kruidenier, 1983; Gardner et al., 1979), given that Japan is an EFL country. It is also in accord with the assertion made by motivational psychologists that specific goals and proximal subgoals generally bear higher commitment than vague, distal goals (e.g. Bandura & Schunk, 1981; Locke, 1996). The current study, accordingly, presents two opposing perspectives of language learning that can best be seen to represent, using Wenger’s (1998: 176) analogies (and adding an opposite to them), a contrast between look ing at an apple seed and seeing a tree versus looking at an apple tree and remembering that you have to buy a seed first, or between playing scales on a piano and envisioning a concert hall versus watching a concert and seeing that you need to practice playing scales. One highlights how a learner who sees language learning primarily as a here-and-now engagement in formal studies needs to learn to expand this orientation to a future vision of using the language in real international communications, and the other features how the reverse should occur. It is notable that while these perspectives imply shifts in opposite direc tions, both end up at the same goal – an optimally balanced, and comfortably meshed, combination of international posture and positive attitudes toward the learning situation. The dominance of either of these orientations alone in the learner’s mindset implies a less advanced, less adaptive motivation, as shown by the two learners’ anecdotes, and hypotheses (2) and (3). The present study maintains that the shifting between these two orientations is an important developmental path to such a mature, well-balanced moti vation, and that the coexistence of and the link between the two, realized accordingly, are crucial for eventually gaining stable motivation. It is also notable that in both perspectives, a clear, visible image/goal of using English in real communication may play an important role. In the seed-tree perspec tive, this image/goal is a way to give enlarged, socially relevant meanings of language studies to learners who are primarily formal study oriented, and
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in the tree-seed perspective it is a way to implement specifically elaborated commitment to formal studies in learners who are dominated by a less than clear international outlook. Kana demonstrated how the first needs to happen, and Toshi demonstrated how the second can happen. Japan used to be a place where learning English basically meant studying the language from textbooks, workbooks and paper-and-pencil exercises, and where the possibility of using the language in interpersonal, not to speak of international, communication was largely missing (e.g. Reischauer, 1977). This was the time when entrance to college was still competitive enough to challenge many of the Japanese youth with the rigors of formal studies, and when the ‘bottom-up’ or ‘seed-tree’ shift was generally desired. The picture looks different now as the competition has been alleviated considerably, due mainly to the steady decrease of the 18-year-old population that has made recruitment of new entrants a major concern of many Japanese universities (Kinmonth, 2005; Mori, 2002). Now that we are in the crisis of meeting learners whose commitment to formal studies is weaker than in the past, but whose vision tends to be more globalised than before, the ‘top-down’ or ‘tree-seed’ shift may pose a new agenda in L2 motivational research and educational practices in this country.
Conclusion This study is an attempt to document personal histories of two English learners with a view to demonstrating what may happen if one of the two dimensions of English learning motivation dominates a learner’s perspective in an EFL context. The results underscore how the balance and synthesis of the two, that is, international posture and positive attitudes toward the learning situation, are indispensible for long-term engagement in English studies in this milieu, and how this may be achieved by building person ally relevant goals of using English in international contact situations. The challenge in an EFL setting is how such goals can be implemented in the lifestyle of learners whose immediate learning context is away from English speaking communities, and who, therefore, tend to have a vague hope, but no identifiable need, to use English in interpersonal communications or who simply do not concern themselves with such possibilities and find their for mal knowledge of English useless.
Note (1) Japanese universities accept a certain number of students through the recommenda tions of high school principals, apart from the students they accept through regular entrance exams, because they have to meet the enrollment quota, which may not be met by regular entry alone. Such entrance is relatively easy, typically with simple interviews and essay tests (Kinmonth, 2005).
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References Ames, C. (1992) Classrooms: Goals, structures, and student motivation. Journal of Educational Psychology 84, 261–271. Bandura, A. and Schunk, D. (1981) Cultivating competence, self-efficacy, and intrinsic interest through proximal self-motivation. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 41, 586–598. Bonney, C.R., Cortina, K.S., Smith-Darden, J.P. and Fiori, K.L. (2008) Understanding strategies in foreign language learning: Are integrative and intrinsic motives distinct predictors? Learning and Individual Differences 18, 1–10. Choi, I.-C. (2008) The impact of EFL testing on EFL education in Korea. Language Testing 25, 39–62. Clément, R. and Kruidenier, B.G. (1983) Orientations in second language acquisition: 1. the effects of ethnicity, milieu, and target language on their emergence. Language Learning 33, 273–291. Coetzee-van Rooy, S. (2006) Integrativeness: Untenable for world English learners? World Englishes 25, 437–450. Csizér, R. and Dörnyei, Z. (2005) The internal structure of language learning motivation and its relationship with language choice and learning effort. The Modern Language Journal 89, 19–36. Deci, E.L. and Ryan, R.M. (1985) Intrinsic Motivation and Self-determination in Human Behavior. New York: Plenum. Dörnyei, Z. (2005) The Psychology of the Language Learner. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. Dörnyei, Z. (2009) The L2 motivational self system. In Z. Dörnyei and E. Ushioda (eds) Motivation, Language Identity and the L2 Self (pp. 9–42). Bristol: Multilingual Matters. Gardner, R.C. (1983) Learning another language: A true social psychological experiment. Journal of Language and Social Psychology 2, 219–239. Gardner, R.C. (1985) Social Psychology and Second Language Learning: The Role of Attitudes and Motivation. London: Edward Arnold. Gardner, R.C. and Lambert, W.E. (1972) Attitudes and Motivation in Second Language Learning. Rowley, MA: Newbury House. Gardner, R.C., Smythe, P.C. and Clément, R. (1979) Intensive second language study in a bilingual milieu: An investigation of attitudes, motivation and language proficiency. Language Learning 29, 305–320. Giles, H. and Byrne, J.L. (1982) An intergroup approach to second language acquisition. Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 3, 17–40. Huang, J. and Andrews, S. (2010) Situated development and use of language learner strategies: Voices from EFL students. Language Learning Journal 38, 19–35. Kinmonth, E.H. (2005) From selection to seduction: The impact of demographic change on private higher education in Japan. In J.S. Eades, R. Goodman and Y. Hada (eds) The ‘Big Bang’ in Japanese Higher Education: The 2004 Reforms and the Dynamics of Change (pp. 106–135). Melbourne: Trans Pacific Press. Lamb, M. (2004) Integrative motivation in a globalizing world. System 32, 3–19. Locke, E.A. (1996) Motivation through conscious goal setting. Applied and Preventive Psychology 5, 117–124. Mori, R. (2002) Entrance examinations and remedial education in Japanese higher education. Higher Education 43, 27–42. Nishino, T. and Watanabe, M. (2008) Communication-oriented policies versus classroom realities in Japan. TESOL Quarterly 42, 133–138.
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Noels, K.A. (2001a) Learning Spanish as a second Language: Learners’ orientations and perceptions of their teachers’ communication style. Language Learning 51, 107–144. Noels, K.A. (2001b) New orientations in language learning motivation: Towards a model of intrinsic, extrinsic, and integrative orientations and motivation. In Z. Dörnyei and R. Schmidt (eds) Motivation and Second Language Acquisition (pp. 43–68). Honolulu: University of Hawai’i, Second Language Teaching & Curriculum Center. Noels, K.A., Clément, R. and Pelletier, L.G. (2001) Intrinsic, extrinsic, and integrative ori entations of French Canadian learners of English. Canadian Modern Language Review 57, 424–442. Reischauer, E.O. (1977) The Japanese. Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle. Ryan, R.M. and Deci, E.L. (2002) Overview of self-determination theory: An organismic dialectical perspective. In E.L. Deci and R.M. Ryan (eds) Handbook of Self-determination Research (pp. 3–33). New York: University of Rochester Press. Ryan, S. (2009) Self and identity in L2 motivation in Japan: The ideal L2 self and Japanese learners of English. In Z. Dörnyei and E. Ushioda (eds) Motivation, Language Identity and the L2 Self (pp. 120–143). Bristol: Multilingual Matters. Sugimoto, Y. (2010) An Introduction to Japanese Society (3rd edn). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Vallerand, R.J., Pelletier, L.G., Blais, M.R., Briere, N.M., Senecal, C. and Vallieres, E.F. (1992) The academic motivation scale: A measure of intrinsic, extrinsic, and amoti vation in education. Educational and Psychological Measurement 52, 1003–1019. Wenger, E. (1998) Communities of Practice: Learning, Meaning, and Identity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Yashima, T. (2002) Willingness to communicate in a second language: The Japanese EFL context. Modern Language Journal 86, 54–66. Yashima, T. (2009) International posture and the ideal L2 self in the Japanese EFL con text. In Z. Dörnyei and E. Ushioda (eds) Motivation, Language Identity and the L2 Self (pp. 144–163). Bristol: Multilingual Matters. Yashima, T. and Zenuk-Nishide, L. (2008) The impact of learning contexts on proficiency, attitudes, and L2 communication: Creating an imagined international community. System 36, 566–585. Yashima, T., Zenuk-Nishide, L. and Shimizu, K. (2004) The influence of attitudes and affect on willingness to communicate and second language communication. Language Learning 54, 119–152.
6 A Comprehensive Summary of Empirical Studies of Motivation Among Japanese Elementary School EFL Learners Rieko Nishida
As globalization increases in the 21st century, children in Japan are expected to be motivated to use English, to have to communicate and work collabora tively with people from different cultural backgrounds as well as to deepen their understanding of people from different countries. It was for these rea sons that Japan’s Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Tech nology (MEXT) introduced ‘foreign language activities’ (English activities) to 5th and 6th grade children (aged between 10 and 12 years old) in public elementary schools in 2011 (MEXT, 2009). The main language skills for these activities are speaking and listening, with a focus on the joy of communication, which is enhanced by providing experiences that will help students understand different cultures and lan guages. Thus, it can be seen that motivation and other affective variables are important aspects of this program. Although the official introduction has already been announced, empirical research into motivation and affect among young learners in a foreign language (FL) context in Japan has been limited. In order to achieve the stated goals of these ‘FL activities’ in pub lic elementary schools, it is important to conduct sophisticated empirical studies as well as accumulate fundamental data concerning motivation and affect. These investigations will further lead to a better understanding of young learners in an FL context and promise benefits for teaching practices. To address these issues, I have conducted a series of studies associated with motivation and affect in a Japanese elementary school EFL context. In this chapter, I will provide a brief overview of past research on motivation; I will also summarize the empirical studies that I have con ducted in the last few years, and which target Japanese elementary school students. These include: (1) cross-sectional research and (2) longitudinal 93
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research focusing on motivational change among children who had experi enced project-based learning. I will also discuss possible directions for future research as well as educational implications concerning Japanese elementary school EFL learners.
Theories of Motivation Since the 1960s, motivation research has been the subject of much inter est in the field of L2 studies, as motivation has been found to significantly influence individual language learning (e.g. Dörnyei, 1990; Gardner, 1985) and is viewed as ‘the primary impetus to initiate L2 learning and later the driving force to sustain the long and often tedious learning process’ (Dörnyei, 2005: 65) so that extensive research has been conducted in this area. The initial work in L2 motivation research was pioneered by Gardner and Lambert (1972). L2 motivation research attracted attention in Canada as the Anglophone and Francophone communities coexisted in the same social and political context. According to Gardner and Lambert (1972), lan guage was viewed as a mediating factor in different ethnic communities, and they ‘thus regarded the motivation to learn the language of the other communities as the primary force responsible for enhancing or hindering intercultural communication and affiliation’ (Dörnyei, 2005: 67). Later, Gardner (1985) conceptualized the socio-educational model focusing on integrative motivation that refers to the desire to learn an L2 in order to meet and communicate with members of the L2 community. In more recent years, in the so-called cognitive situated period (Dörnyei, 2005), motivational research was to focus on understanding the motiva tional features of the language classroom in practice. This is because it is vital for practitioners in the classroom to understand how to motivate students. During the 1990s, the cognitive-situated approach became popular in L2 motivational research. According to Dörnyei (2005), the cognitive-situated period can be characterized as consisting of two broad trends, a cognitive per spective and a situated perspective. From the cognitive perspective, motiva tion is affected by how the learners think about their abilities, potentialities and limitations, their performances in the past as well as how they perceive the various tasks to attain and achieve their goals. The situated perspective is concerned with the influences of the learning situation on L2 motiva tion. The components are considered in relation to the actual classroom and these include the teachers, the materials, the curricula and the learner groups that were examined in motivational research (Williams & Burden, 1997). Theories from educational psychology, including self-determination theory (SDT) and attribution theory, were seen as particularly relevant to L2 classroom practice. A number of studies examined motivation and L2 classroom situations from these perspectives (e.g. Dörnyei & Csizér, 2002;
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McGroarty, 2001; Williams & Burden, 1997). For example, Williams and Burden (1997) endeavored to incorporate some environmental variables into the framework of L2 motivation and tested the motivational impact within the classroom context including teachers and curriculum. They argued that ‘teachers establish in their classrooms a climate where confidence is built up’ (1997: 73), mistakes are accepted as part of their learning and tasks and activities lead to successful learning experiences. In the cognitive-situated period, two main psychological theories were regarded as being particularly useful: SDT (Deci & Ryan, 1985, 2002) and attribution theory (Weiner, 1992). Following the cognitive-situated period, in the process-orientated period, Dörnyei and Ottó (1998) proposed a process-model (Dörnyei, 2000, 2001) that is concerned with ‘dynamic character and temporal variation’ in motivation (Dörnyei, 2005: 83). Motivation may show continuous fluctu ations for various reasons, so this is a crucial aspect of L2 motivation, as it helps us understand learners’ motivational change in the lengthy learning process (Dörnyei & Ottó, 1998; Dörnyei & Ushioda, 2009; Hiromori, 2009). As mentioned earlier, SDT has become an important theory in L2 moti vation research and is considered to be suitable for practical settings. In the following section, I will briefly explain SDT as the framework applied in one study and then describe the studies concerned with Japanese elementary school children that focus on motivation.
Self-determination theory SDT, developed by Deci and Ryan (1985, 2002), focuses on intrinsic (more self-determined) and extrinsic (less self-determined) motivation. When learners develop intrinsic motivation, learners feel enjoyment in learning and their rewards are linked to learning itself. On the other hand, in extrinsic motivation, learners’ behaviors are related to extrinsic cues includ ing reward or punishment (Deci & Ryan, 1985). Deci and Ryan (2000) also discuss three psychological needs: autonomy, competence and relatedness. Intrinsic motivation can be enhanced when these three psychological needs are fulfilled. Intrinsic motivation involves feelings of pleasure. Pleasure that is believed to derive from the sense that one has freely chosen to perform an activity in which one is developing competence and that engagement in the activity is supported by significant others. These claims are supported by empirical research on language learning, which demonstrates that intrin sically motivated and highly self-determined students tend to be more per sistent and exhibit greater motivational intensity (e.g. Noels, 2001a; Noels et al., 1999; Ramage, 1990). Noels (this volume) details the application of SDT to L2 motivation research. In the Japanese context, several studies targeting adults and adoles cents have applied the SDT framework by referring to Noels’ studies
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(e.g. Hayashi, 2005; Hiromori, 2004, 2006; Honda & Saku, 2004; Tanaka & Hiromori, 2007) and focusing on intrinsic motivation (Tachibana et al., 1996). Hiromori and Tanaka (2006) examined whether the three psycho logical needs (for competence, relatedness and autonomy) could be fulfilled by educational intervention and how this relates to the enhancement of intrinsic motivation. ‘A task-based activity called Group Presentation Activ ity’ (Hiromori & Tanaka, 2006: 111) was considered to potentially fulfill the three psychological needs. The researchers found that a group presentation activity when planned and organized well did enhance fulfillment of stu dents’ three psychological needs as well as their intrinsic motivation. They also emphasized that autonomy and competence were important factors in increasing motivational development (see also Hiromori, this volume). To address the findings of this past research in the context of Japanese elementary schools, I initially conducted a series of cross-sectional studies to gather demographic data on elementary school students, as well as on how motivation and other forms of affect relate to students in language learning. I then carried out classroom-focused longitudinal research on motivation to examine the students’ learning process.
The Study Context Before introducing the study site of the present studies, I will briefly explain the situation of FL activities in Japan. In 2007, during the time when the research presented here was conducted, many public elementary schools in Japan included FL activities in their curricula. The hours given to these activities annually differed among schools ranging from 2 to 70 hours and also curricula, lesson plans and the total hours of visitors such as language specialists including ALTs (assistant language teacher) and JTEs (Japanese teacher of English) differed. Some schools were having English lessons start ing from the 1st grade, while others were having only two hours a year and starting in the 5th and the 6th grades. In January 2008, MEXT announced a new ‘Course of Study’ in which FL activities were to be introduced, with 35 annual hours stipulated for the 5th and the 6th grades: these FL activities were officially introduced in 2011.
Study site Satsuki Elementary School (pseudonymous) in Osaka, Japan, started English activities with ALTs (whose native language is English) approxi mately 10 years ago and with JTEs (whose native language is Japanese) since 2006. Prior to 2006, ALTs visited the public elementary schools only twice a year, so English was fairly new to all the homeroom teachers. The school was enthusiastic about promoting English activities with JTEs so they
A Comprehensive Summary of Empirical Studies of Motivation 97
integrated English classes from the 1st grade to the 6th grade, but teachers and students did not have much experience with English activities. Among these grades, the 5th grade teachers particularly showed a positive attitude toward English activities, and they were eager to learn English with the stu dents and conduct a project with the JTEs and English activities were intro duced gradually to this school.1 In addition to Satsuki Elementary School, a different school in the same city, Sakura Elementary School (pseudony mous) started English activities for their 5th grade around the same time.
Cross-Sectional Studies of Motivation among Japanese Elementary School EFL Learners As little research was available in the city or the country as a whole, ini tially, a series of studies concerning demographic information on motivation and affect were conducted (Nishida, 2008a, 2009, 2011). In the study con ducted during the 2006–2007, the participants were 720 Japanese elemen tary school students: 343 boys and 377 girls aged between 6 and 12 years old (from 1st to 6th grades). Students were asked to fill out a questionnaire form including items taken from 18 motivation/attitude variables con structed by Dörnyei (1990) and the FL classroom anxiety scale developed by Horwitz et al. (1986) to understand the students’ motivation, interest in FL and anxiety. These items were originally used for adolescents, so the wording was modified for elementary school students. By conducting fac tor analysis with a maximum likelihood method, the structure of factors was found to be two factors for the lower grades and three factors for the middle to upper grades. These were labeled as follows: for the lower grades, ‘motivation’ and ‘anxiety’, and for the middle to upper grades, ‘motivation’, ‘interest in foreign countries’ and ‘anxiety’ (Nishida, 2008a for details). To explore age and gender differences in motivation, interest in foreign countries and anxiety, descriptive statistics as well as multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) were used to compare and contrast students’ age and gender differences.2 Based on the results of the MANOVA, the main effect of grades on motivation for the lower grades showed statistical sig nificance, and the 1st grade students showed higher motivation than those in the 2nd grade. For the middle and the upper grades, the main effect of grades on motivation was observed, and multiple comparison technique for post-hoc tests was computed: the 3rd grade showed a statistically higher level of motivation than the 4th, 5th and 6th grades (3rd > 4th, 5th, 6th, p < .001). Regarding gender differences, in the lower grades, girls exhibited higher motivation than boys. The main effect of gender on motivation was observed. For the middle-upper grades, girls showed slightly higher moti vation than boys, and no statistical significance was observed. Overall, the
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study identified two main issues: (1) motivation tends to decrease as stu dents get older; and (2) girls tend to exhibit higher or slightly higher moti vation than boys among students in a Japanese elementary school context; similar results were identified in other studies (Nishida, 2009, 2011).
The inter-relationship between motivation and other learner characteristics Demographic information related to motivation was clarified in a num ber of studies (Nishida, 2008a, 2009, 2011) and showed consistency regard ing age and gender differences. In addition, since the two main goals of FL activities were to foster learners’ willingness to communicate (WTC) in English and to enhance learners’ interest in foreign culture and language, WTC and interest in foreign countries, and the inter-relationship between motivation and these factors, were also investigated in the model. Nishida and Yashima (2009a) used Structural Equation Modeling (SEM) (Figure 6.1) to examine motivation and learner and classroom characteris tics. This study examined how motivation, perceived competence, perceived classroom atmosphere and extraverted personality tendencies affect WTC in the L2 and interest in foreign culture and language among elementary school students learning English. Three hundred and thirty-eight students aged between 8 and 12 years old participated in the study. The questionnaire items included motivation (five items) and interest in foreign culture and language (five items) that were originally constructed by Dörnyei (1990).
.78** Classroom atmosphere .37**
.02
Motivation
.79**
Interest in culture and language
.23**
Can-Do
.29**
.44**
Willingness to communciate
**> Emerging pasts
Present communities of imagining (PCOlz)
Figure 14.1 Three mind-time frames in PCOIz
>> Emerging futures
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Such activities included language learning histories (LLHs; Murphey, 1999) for reconnecting students with their pasts; action logs (Murphey, 1993) for reflecting on their presents; and a 10-year class reunion (Fukada et al., 2011) for imaginatively experiencing their futures. In addition to reframing effects, we hypothesized that PCOIz would help increase students’ motivations through emotional contagion, the com municability of moods (Hatfield et al., 1994), resulting in inspiring each other with their shared ideas and experiences. Increases between correla tions of past educational experiences, present involvement learning in- and out-of-class and future expectations using English, indicated that by the end of the semester students had reached a greater degree of self-integration and self-determination. In other words, the purpose of English in their lives was beginning to make more sense to them. In this paper, we bring further depth to our past PCOIz research by aug menting it with qualitative CPL that entailed open-ended questions about students’ own data from our surveys. CPL is a complex dynamic adaptive systems approach, as it invites emerging, nonlinear and self-organizing par ticipation of teacher-researchers and student-researchers. This approach helps to confirm research hypotheses that classroom PCOIz and activi ties focusing on three motivational mind-time frames have a motivational effect. By showing the data to students themselves, asking them to verify or refute the research hypotheses, or to provide alternative interpretations, we were able to incorporate student voice into the findings and implications.
Methods Classroom activities Based on the PCOIz theory described above, we incorporated activi ties in our classes to stimulate positive group dynamics, which we believed would increase motivation for learning English. Some activities were not used in all classes, and some were adapted differently in different classes. We did not see this as problematic, as long as the classes were all student- centered and rich in interactive activities. The activities included sharing LLHs, drawing social network maps of learning English, making possible selves lists, describing possible selves, sharing job aspirations, reading and imagining about future work environments and attending an imaginary 10-year class reunion (Fukada et al., 2011).
Data collection In 2010, questionnaires were distributed to 466 EFL students in 25 depart ments at six Japanese universities for voluntary participation (Appendix A).
What’s Working in Japan? Present Communities of Imagining 251
The questionnaire had been piloted, and all items were derived from previ ous research (Carpenter et al., 2009; Falout et al., 2009; Fukada, 2009). There were 17 six-point Likert-scale questions to measure: (1) the extent of the positivity/negativity of the students’ ACL (items a–f); (2) the extent of their investment in learning English inside and outside the classroom (items s–x); and (3) the strength or clarity of their English-related possible selves in the contexts of their future careers and their everyday lives (items k–n). We adopted this quantitative approach to measure the three factors’ inter- relationships and transformations across one academic year. The surveys were administered in three different periods. The first was a presurvey at the beginning of the first semester. The same survey was given again at the end of the first semester as a first post-survey. The survey was administered a third time as a second post-survey in the second semester classes that had continued on from the first semester (Figure 14.2). A total of 189 students answered all three surveys. Since the quantita tive data were ordinal, collected by Likert-scale questions, and the students’ perceptions of each point of the Likert-scale are assumed not to be the same, rather than parametric tests we utilized nonparametric statistical tests, which are more appropriate for the analysis of interval data (Pallant, 2007). First, we compared each of the three factors’ means measured in the three different time periods. We utilized a nonparametric statistical technique called the Friedman test, which is equivalent to a parametric technique of one-way repeated measures ANOVA to confirm the statistical significance changes across the academic year. Testing to find out across which semes ter (the first or second) the motivational changes were statistically signifi cant, we investigated further by utilizing another nonparametric test, the 1st semester
2nd semester
• Group work • Activities on ... ACLs Investments Possible selves
• Group work • Activities on ... ACLs Investments Possible selves
Pre-survey
1st Post-survey
Figure 14.2 Diagram of the methods
2nd Post-survey & Looping
252 Language Learning Motivation in Japan
Wilcoxon rank order test, an equivalent of the parametric t-test. Second, we measured these factors’ interrelations by using the Spearman’s rank-order correlation, the nonparametric alternative to Pearson product-moment cor relation coefficient and confirmed the degree of significance in the motiva tional changes. At the end of the second semester, we implemented the second post- survey, and we also conducted the CPL portion of the study, looping the first semester’s data back to the students to refute or support and develop further with explanations. This process supplied a complementary layer of data and incorporated student voice into this study. Although we were not able to collect responses from the students whose classes only lasted the first semester, a group of 223 students (the 189 continuing students along with 34 new students who joined our English courses from the second semester) reflected upon the data and made com ments freely in groups or individually. For our analysis of their comments, we separated this qualitative data into semantic segments and coded these into thematic categories. The intercoder reliability was 71.86, designating the percentage of agreement between the four of us on the semantic seg mentation and subcategory assignments (Brown, 2001).
Results Co-construction of students’ pasts, presents and futures The students’ ACLs, in-class and out-of-class investment, and possible selves increased by the end of the second semester (Table 14.1). The increases in the possible selves were not significant, which may be attributed to its relatively high mean average even in the beginning of the first semester. For ACLs and out-of-class investment, these increases were confirmed statisti cally significant with the Friedman test and the Wilcoxon rank order test. The effect sizes were medium across the first semester (.38 and .32, respec tively), while small (.03 and .05, respectively) across the second semester. While the increase for in-class investment across the academic year was found to be statistically significant, we were not able to trace across which semester this increase was statistically significant. This may be attributed to an overall small increase across the year (.19). Concomitantly, its effect size both across the first and second semesters was small (.11 and .03, respectively). Additionally, Spearman’s rank-order correlation test confirmed the increase of correlations between ACLs, in-class and out-of-class investment in English and possible selves by the end of the first semester (Table 14.2). Although they decreased slightly, the strengthened correlations were main tained through the end of the second semester.
What’s Working in Japan? Present Communities of Imagining 253
Table 14.1 Effect sizes of transformations of three mind-time frames across one year Descriptive Statistics
N = 189
Friedman Test Wilcoxon Signed-Rank test (Pre-survey – Post-test – 2nd 2nd Post survey) Pre-test – Post-survey Post-survey
Pre- 1st post- 2nd post- Diff. p survey survey survey
Chidf Z Square
p
r
Z
p
r
ACL M Md Std. Dev.
3.58 3.50 1.15
4.00 4.00 1.17
4.04 4.00 1.06
0.46 .000 57.56 2
-7.37 .000 .38 -.60
.55 .03
4.26 4.50 1.16
4.33 4.50 1.13
0.19 .041 6.39
-2.09 .037 .11 -.67
.50 .03
In-class investment M Md Std. Dev.
4.14 4.50 1.20
2
Out-of-class investment M Md Std. Dev.
2.78 2.75 1.16
3.19 3.00 1.26
3.31 3.25 1.25
0.53 .000 50.30 2
-6.24 .000 .32 -1.02 .31 .05
4.13 4.00 1.25
4.13 4.25 1.34
4.16 4.25 1.26
0.03 .339 2.17
-.02
Possible selves M Md Std. Dev.
2
.982 .01 -.13
.90 .01
Table 14.2 Correlations of the transformations between three mind-time frames across one year Presurvey 1 1. ACL 2. In-Class Investment 3. O ut-of-Class Investment 4. Possible Selves
–
1st Post-survey
2nd Post-survey
2
3
4
1
2
3
4
.24
.41
.77
–
.40
.68
.76
–
.31
.21
–
.47
.33
–
.40
–
.57
–
–
1 –
2
3
4
.40
.62
.71
–
.34
.31
–
.53 –
Notes: All correlations are in Spearman’s rho (r); N = 189; p < .01
Looping back the research results to our students At the end of the second semester we administered the second post- survey. Then, we looped back the first-semester results to our students, sharing preliminary conclusions, and asking for their interpretations and feedback with six open-ended questions (Appendix B).
254 Language Learning Motivation in Japan
Our students’ sense of becoming a community We hypothesized the increases of mean averages within, and correla tions between, the three motivational mind-time frames as an effect of the classroom PCOIz. In other words, due to collaborating and sharing in the classroom communities, students became more positive about their English- related pasts, presents and futures. While the statistical data supported our theory, we wondered if our students would make the same attributions for these quantitative changes – that they felt classroom communities had formed and supported their learning. About four-fifths of our students responded that they felt a sense of com munity development with their classmates, a community that supported their L2 learning (Table 14.3). They believed sharing common present situ ations and goals, and being inspired by sharing ideas with their classmates (emotional contagion), promoted community formation. However, about one-fifth of the students did not feel, or were not sure they felt, a sense of community development, primarily due to differences in attitudes toward accomplishing classwork together (i.e. some were less serious). Table 14.3 Do you think the students in the classroom became a community to share dreams of learning English? If ‘yes’, why? If ‘no’, why not? Semantic segments
n
%
42
23.75
Inspiration through communicating ideas and dreams (emotional contagion) Nature of collaborating to complete group projects or class activities
34
19.21
28
15.82
Experiencing increased competence and motivation acting together
27
15.25
Making friends and good relations
9
5.08
Experiencing difficulties and solving problems together
5
2.82
Other
2
1.13
16
9.04
3
1.69
Difficulty in getting along (interpersonal conflicts)
1
0.56
Other
4
2.26
DON’T KNOW (whether classroom became a community) n = 6, % = 3.39 Total
6
3.39
YES (Thought the classroom became a community) n = 147, % = 83.05 Same desire, goal or situations of class members in one classroom
NO (Thought the classroom did not become a community) n = 24, % = 13.56 Classmates’ having different goals, motivations, or commitment to Classwork Students’ being coerced to interact
177 100.00
What’s Working in Japan? Present Communities of Imagining 255
Our students’ sense of interrelations of their past, presen and future In the looping questions we also asked what made their past relation ships with English seem better, as evidenced from the increase in the average mean of the ACL variable. We asked, ‘Why do you think students’ views of past experiences with English became more positive?’ About two-fifths (n = 70, 40.70%) of their comments related to the creation of more positively emerging pasts, with different reasons primarily about increasing interest, skill, enjoyment and confidence in learning English (Table 14.4). About another two-fifths (n = 65, 37.79%) of the comments were related to more positive past self-images that resulted from more positive future self-images and imagined communities. From the responses to this and other looping questions, we surmised that the students were visualizing themselves in the context of global societies where English skills are strongly needed and that they recognized their expectations of the future were influ encing their preparations in the present. The following are typical responses: Because we feel English is necessary as the world is globalizing and many companies are internationalizing. Table 14.4 Why do you think students’ views of past experiences with English became more positive? Semantic segments
n
%
1 Because of their having more positive ACL (emerging past): Having more interest in English or having stronger Eng. learning motivation (19) Getting more used to using English or feeling of improving their own English skills (13) Enjoying this English class (10) Having more confidence in their English skills (9) Feeling closer to English (8) Realizing what they learned in the past was meaningful or useful in their current/future English-learning and communication (8) Having more positive perspectives of English (3)
70
40.70
2 Because of their having clearer/stronger English-related possible selves or imagined communities (emerging future)
65
37.79
3 Because of their active investment in English in the present: Having more opportunities of using English in this class (15) Taking communicative English classes at university, which is quite different from the one at JHS, HS (7)
22
12.79
4 Other
8
4.65
5 Having no ideas
7
4.07
Total
172 100.00
256 Language Learning Motivation in Japan
Recently, more companies have started to prefer to hire people who can speak foreign languages. Students also try to have experiences for their future career. From the looping question, ‘Why do you think students’ in-class and out-of-class effort to learn English increased?’ many students, about twofifths (n = 79, 41.80%), believed that their increased efforts were due to self- images of using English in the future (Table 14.5). Almost as many comments (n = 73, 38.62%) related feelings of self-improvement or enjoyment with English, while a smaller portion (n = 33, 13.46%) indicated that students had increased opportunities to use English inside and outside of the classroom. The correlations between the mind-time frames showed increases across the first semester, and we asked our students their interpretations of this in the open looping question, ‘Why do you think the relationships became stronger among all variables?’ About three-quarters of the comments (Table 14.6) referred to just one of the mind-time frames acting as catalyst that stimulated stronger relationships among all the variables: clearer self-im ages of the future (n = 46, 29.87%); improved self-images of the past Table 14.5 Why do you think students’ in-class and out-of-class effort to learn English increased? Semantic segments 1 Because of their having clearer/stronger English-related possible selves or imagined communities (emerging future) 2 Because of their having more positive ACL (emerging past):
n
%
79
41.80
73
38.62
33
17.46
Having more interest in English or having stronger English-learning motivation (37) Realizing the pleasure or magnificence of learning or being able to use English (23) Getting more used to using English or feeling of improving their own English skills (7) Enjoying this English class (6) 3 Because of their having more situations/settings which promote active investment in English inside/outside the classroom: Having opportunities of using English in their daily lives (13) Having more opportunities to be exposed to English in their daily lives (7) Inspired by their (more competent) peers in the English class (6) Having more opportunities of using English in this class (5) Need of using English in completing given tasks in this class (2) 4 Other 5 Having no idea Total
3 1.59 1 0.53 189 100.00
What’s Working in Japan? Present Communities of Imagining 257
(n = 41, 26.45%); increased use and investment of their English abilities in the present (n = 10, 6.45%). The rest of the comments, about one-sixth (n = 24, 15.48%), explained these increased interrelationships as a holistic integration of all the variables involved. Summarizing the coding results to here, students perceived interactions of ACLs (past), investment in English (present) and possible selves (future) as co-constructing constructs that related to their L2 motivations. Moreover, the students interpreted that motivational increases among these variables Table 14.6 Why do you think the relationships became stronger among all variables? Semantic segments 1 Because of their having clearer/stronger English-related possible selves or imagined communities (emerging future):
n
%
46
29.68
41
26.45
24
15.48
10
6.45
Realizing (stronger) need of English skills for their own future (17) Starting thinking about their future more seriously and having their clearer possible selves with their growth (16) Realizing stronger need of English skills in the contemporary or future societies (13) 2 Because of their having more positive ACL (emerging past): Having more interest in English or having stronger English-learning motivation (17) Feeling closer to English (8) Having more confidence in their English abilities (8) Feeling of improving their English skills (5) Enjoying this English class (3) 3 Because of the strong interrelationship among ACL, investment, and possible selves: Thinking that improvement of their English skills is attributed to their past or present effort (10) Thinking that past, present, future are all related to each other (10) Realizing the meaningfulness of their English-learning in the past or present for their future (4) 4 Because of their active investment in English in the present: Having more opportunities of using English in the present with their growth (4) Studying with classmates who have strong English-learning motivation (4) Relearning what they learned at JHS or HS at university (2) 5 Other 6 Having no idea Total
12 7.74 22 14.19 155 100.00
258 Language Learning Motivation in Japan
came from the influences of the communities in which they were practicing and learning English. These open attributions made by the students, for the quantitative changes in the data, help to confirm our hypothesis that a classroom PCOIz can support L2 learning.
Effects of looping this research to students To understand the effects of looping this research to the students, we asked the open looping question, ‘What do you think of this research?’ About two-thirds (n = 95, 69.34%) of the comments communicated it was meaningful to know about the findings of research conducted with them, raising meta-cognitive awareness about learning and motivation, improving active language skills and helping other learners in Japan to learn English (Table 14.7). At the same time, about one-quarter (n = 36, 26.28%) of the comments provided critical viewpoints about the classrooms, the study, and the presentation of the research, including the need to revise class activities, the difficulty of understating the purpose and findings of the research and the negative influence of students with low motivations.
Discussion and Implications As evident in their reflections on their own data, most of our students felt that they regained purposefulness, determination and agency to learn through their explicit awareness of the connections between their early and current EFL education. Most of our students found empowerment through the opportunities of classroom PCOIz. However, we have these questions. What had gone wrong in their prior educational experiences? Why were students entering our classrooms so lost in purpose? Why was it that they themselves said they needed to reframe past educational experiences before they were ready to move on in their learning? We and likely many other teachers in Japan do not question the idea that students need to be challenged, rather we question: why does the challenge, and the preparation for it, have to be done in such a way that it seems to be of little help later in life? Why does it have to so regularly stress students, teachers, school administrators and parents alike? Why does it end up with such a loss of confidence and motivation? We believe that students should progress in stages of their education carrying with them a greater sense of confidence and accomplishment. We feel that students should be challenged by something more consequential for life than the endless and mindless exam taking of abstract information. Hori (1996, cited in Rohlen & LeTendre, 1996) explains that exam prepa ration in Japan, enacted as a path to becoming a serious adult, may be ‘a trap’ that ‘brings no enlightenment’ and that ‘Just doing routines does not
What’s Working in Japan? Present Communities of Imagining 259
Table 14.7 What do you think of this research? Semantic segments 1 Thinking this study is meaningful: (Including the following specific comments)
n
%
95
69.34
36
26.28
Helping them recognize the effectiveness of group work or group conversation (8) Helping them promote their English learning (7) Helping them strengthen their English-learning motivation (7) Helping them realize the need of English skills (5) Helping them recognize the improvement of their English skills (4) Helping improve English education in Japan (3) Helping them know about other Japanese learners of English (3) Helping them recognize the influence of community on their English learning (3) Helping them have a new perspective of English (2) Helping them recognize their transformation throughout the semester (2) Other (3) 2 Having some critical viewpoints on this study: Not understanding one or more questions on the looping survey (14) Feeling that some class activities offered in the classroom have some problems (6) Not understanding the purpose of this study (5) Feeling it difficult to understand the research findings (4) Pointing out the existence of some unmotivated students (3) Feeling that the data presented was insufficient to prove the findings (2) Questioning the formation of communities in the classes (2) 3 No opinion Total
6
4.38
137
100.00
guarantee insight’ (Rohlen & LeTendre, 1996: 10). Rohlen and LeTendre conclude that playful early childhood learning and life-long learning are not so different: ‘Ironic as it may seem, the final stage of adult advancement begins to replicate, in style and philosophy, the spontaneity and playfulness of early childhood education’ (1996: 11). A more valuable challenge would be to retain the early joy of learning and playing throughout life. Tapping into students’ interest and challenging them to have fun more often, we think, would improve not only their edu cation in the moment but their lives thereafter. While we recognize that not all of the students will appreciate the class room PCOIz, we endeavor to find out how we can improve. In the present
260 Language Learning Motivation in Japan
study we asked what students thought of the research, and almost twothirds felt much educational value in participating, while over one-quarter conveyed concerns or criticisms, which we appreciate as useful toward improving our teaching practices. Some students felt they were forced into participating in the cooperative activities in our classrooms. Coupling these few concerns with the more common reports that student motivation had increased by focusing on future selves, we wonder if we are not falling into the same reliance on the Ought-to L2 Self as when high school teachers enforce university exams preparation. The Ought-to L2 Self is constructed though compelling images from social expectations of who one ought to become, always contrasted by the threatening image of what one ought not become (Dörnyei, 2005). People are thus motivated to avoid negative out comes. However, we do not wish to rely on what might potentially equate to motivational coercion, prodding with carrots and sticks, when we can find more intrinsic motivation through meaningful activities (Deci, 1995). To accomplish more appreciated meaningful activities – activities involv ing cooperation and active communication – we feel we cannot work alone. Therefore, we invite the wider cooperative participation of all students, teachers and policymakers in the Japanese educational system toward the common goal of not just increasing the knowledge of individuals but of exploring imagination, play and creativity together in learning – learning what we have accomplished, what is working for us now and what we might be working toward. Students, teachers and policymakers can all interact through our overlapping PCOIz and design a better future of our educational system. The findings in this study led us to the following implications: (1) Students’ EFL learning and their motivations can be analyzed in three mind-time frames – their past (ACL), present (investment) and future (possible selves). These variables correlate together and co-construct each other positively. Change in one mind-time frame influences the other mind-time frames. Due to context-in-person and person-in-con text dynamics, teachers and researchers cannot easily predict the potential effects of changes in one part of the complex adaptive sys tems of classrooms. (2) Individual student’s pasts, presents, and futures are transformable. Because emotional and aspiration contagion can disseminate positive influences in three mind-time frames, students in positive PCOIz can at any time access their past and future via present engagement, cre ating more positive emerging pasts, more effortful presents inside and outside the classroom and better-envisioned futures. (3) PCOIz are transformable. Collaboratively interacting or working together within equitable relations, students can bond, support and inspire each other and thus make their PCOIz more positive. While
What’s Working in Japan? Present Communities of Imagining 261
person-in-context recognizes the importance of the individual within the social learning context, common goals such as improving English skills and completing given tasks help bring the values and benefits of PCOIz to the members through the influences of context-in-person. (4) Students can develop self-reflective abilities of interpreting research results when scaffolded appropriately. We believe that sharing our research results with our students helps them develop their analytic capacities about their own English use on a meta-cognitive level. We fur ther contend that students are ready to accept social responsibility and contribute to the educational system for the benefit of other students.
Emerging Conclusions When we look at the educational system to ask, ‘What’s working in Japan?’ we immediately think of early childhood cooperative programs that seem to foster interaction and holistic learning. We are thankful that most of our university students are willing to invest themselves in more inter active and communicative environments that still challenge them to take risks and thrive, and willingly collaborate with us in our research to improve education. We have found that the PCOI framework of three mind-time frames provides a holistic way for us to conceptualize groups we teach and to invite them in as co-researchers in our action research. Also we have found that CPL improves our research through greater validity and our teaching through feedback from students. CPL has also increased our rapport with students through the transparency of our practices that honestly relate to the reliance we place on them. We would also like to acknowledge the many teacher PCOIz in Japan that enduringly seek to improve education and assist this area of research. We look forward to discovering more wonderful things in Japanese edu cation, and continue inviting students, teachers, policymakers, and others within our own PCOIz to ask, ‘What’s working?’
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Appendix A. The questionnaire used in the pre/first-post/second-post survey Name:_______________________ Number:_______________ Date:_______ Gender: M / F Major: ____________ TOEIC:_____ TOEIC Bridge: _____ Eiken Grade:____ INSTRUCTIONS: Please answer the following questions about your English learning. Circle the level of your agreement with the statements. (1 = Strongly disagree, 2 = Disagree, 3 = Slightly disagree, 4 = Slightly agree, 5 = Agree, 6 = Strongly agree) (s) I regularly used English in class with my classmates this semester. (t) Even if the teacher were not close to me, or could not hear me, I still spoke English with my classmates in class this semester. (u) This semester, I made an effort to speak more English with my class mates outside of class. (v) I supported my classmates and we supported each other’s English learning reciprocally, and/ or talked about our English-related future careers outside of class. (w) This semester, I made an effort to speak more English with other peo ple (high-school friends, English teacher at language school, parents, etc.) outside of class. (x) This semester, other people and I supported each other’s English learn ing reciprocally, or talked about our English-related future careers out side of class. (a) Generally, I think that I enjoy learning English in class. (b) Generally, I think that I enjoy learning English out of class. (c) I like studying English now. (d) Even if English was not a compulsory subject, I would choose to study it. (e) I am confident in learning English now. (f) I like studying or practicing English with friends or classmates. (k) To what extent would you like to use English in your daily life after graduation? (l) To what extent would you like to be using English in your daily life in 20 years?
What’s Working in Japan? Present Communities of Imagining 265
(m) To what extent would you like to get a job using your English abilities after graduation? (n) To what extent would you like to be using English in your work in 20 years? (o) Could you describe in your own words a possible job, or jobs that you might have using English? What exactly would you be doing in the job and how would you use your English? Give as many details as possible. N.B. Items in this survey are not ordered alphabetically due to combining items from earlier versions of our surveys without relettering them.
Appendix B. The looping survey 英語学習における学習履歴、授業内外の活動、 将来像の相互関係 学習履歴 → 過去の英語に関する経験に対する見方 (これまでどのように英語学習をしてきましたか?) 将来像 → 将来の英語使用に対する見方 (将来の仕事や日常生活で英語をどれくらい使うでしょうか?) 授業内投資 → 授業内での英語学習への取組み (英語の授業の中でどのように英語学習に取り組んでいますか?) 授業外投資 → 授業外での英語学習への取組み (英語の授業以外でどのように英語学習に取り組んでいますか?) 互いの想像を共有し合う共同体 → 英語修得に関わる希望を共有する共同体 (共に英語を学習していこうという仲間たち)
解説 2010年の1学期の開始時と終了時で、英語と英語学習の努力に対する学 生の見方には変化が見られた。1学期中に学生は英語使用に関する将来 像についての意見を交換した。以下が学期終了時における興味深い調査 結果である。(1) 過去の英語に関する経験に対する見方がより肯定的に なった。(2) 学生の英語を学ぼうという努力が授業内でも授業外でも増 した。(3) 過去の英語に関する経験に対する見方、将来の英語使用に対 する見方、授業内外での英語学習への取組みという要素間の関係が、全 てにおいて強まった。(4) 研究グループは、教室内で学生たちは、英語 修得に関わる希望を共有し合う共同体になった、と仮説を立てた。
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Explanation Students’ views about English and their efforts to learn English changed between the beginning and end of the first semester in 2010. During the semester, students shared their views of their future using English. At the end of the semester, there were some interesting results: (1) Students’ views
What’s Working in Japan? Present Communities of Imagining 267
of past experiences with English became more positive, (2) Students’ in-class and out-of-class effort to learn English increased, (3) The relationships became stronger among all variables – view of past experiences with Eng lish, view of future experiences using English, and in-class and out-of-class effort to learn English; and (4) the researchers hypothesize that the students in the classroom became a community to share dreams of learning English.
研究グループから学生への質問 Research group’s questions to students (1) 過去の英語に関する経験への学生の見方がより肯定的になったのは なぜだと思いますか。 Why do you think students’ views of past experiences with English became more positive? (2) 学生の英語を学ぼうという努力が授業内でも授業外でも増したのは なぜだと思いますか。 Why do you think students’ in-class and out-of-class effort to learn English increased? (3) 過去、現在、未来の要素間の関係が全てにおいて強まったのはなぜ だと思いますか。 Why do you think the relationships became stronger among all variables? (4) 学生達は教室で、英語修得に関わる希望を共有する共同体になった と思いますか。またそれ はなぜだと思いますか。 Do you think the students in the classroom became a community to share dreams of learning English? If ‘yes’, why? If ‘no’, why not? (5) 英語学習意欲を維持するためにあなたが現在行っていること、これ からやってみようと思っていることは何ですか。 What are you doing now or planning to do to keep motivated in your English learning? (6) この研究に関してのあなたの意見/感想を聞かせて下さい。 What do you think of this research? スぺースが足りなければ、裏面にも書いてください。 Please write on the back side if you need more space. どうもありがとうございます。 Thank you very much!
15 Understanding Motivational Evolution in the EFL Classroom: A Longitudinal Study from a Dynamic Systems Perspective Ryo Nitta
Second language (L2) classrooms are complex and dynamic spaces, where various agents (e.g. teachers and students) and elements (e.g. tasks, mate rials and classrooms) continuously interact and co-adapt to one another. As a consequence, student motivation in the classroom emerges as dynamically co-constructed processes that evolves and fluctuates through time. This chapter explores L2 motivation from a dynamic systems (DSs) perspective. Several terms exist that represent similar views to DS in applied linguistics, such as DSs theory (de Bot et al., 2007), complexity the ory (Larsen-Freeman & Cameron, 2008) and emergentist (Ellis & Larsen- Freeman, 2006). These terms have their own primary foci, but this new paradigm shares several important principles such as wholeness, complete connectedness and interaction with the environment. Another impor tant characteristic is that a DS approach permits theoretical statements not only about the development of groups but also about individuals within those groups by acknowledging that development is multilayered (Howe & Lewis, 2005). The study in this chapter follows Dörnyei (2009) and argues that student motivation in the L2 classroom is a complex DS, which is emergent at both group and individual levels through interactions between a number of subsystems over time. Focusing on changes in a class of first-year English majors at university, I describe the complexity of stu dent motivational systems and identify changing patterns under complex relationships. It is hoped that this will contribute to our understanding of dynamic motivational systems in the English as a Foreign Language (EFL) classroom context. 268
Understanding Motivational Evolution in the EFL Classroom 269
General Motivational Orientations and Situation-Specific Motivation Research on L2 motivation has generally followed the Newtonian deter ministic paradigm, typically using psychometric measurements; i.e. what motivational orientations have led to successful achievements in second or foreign language (FL) learning (e.g. Gardner & Lambert, 1972). This con tention underlines a cyclical and linear relationship between motivation and learning, i.e. high motivation→high achievement→high motivation (Dörnyei & Ushioda, 2011). Based on the linear and reductionist tradition, mainstream motivation research has often adopted cross-sectional designs and looked at a snapshot of static motivational states without taking tem poral changes into consideration. However, such a static view toward the nature of L2 motivation is often not very useful for understanding motivation in classroom learning situa tions, because this cannot explain the reality that various learner attributes display a considerable amount of variation from time to time and from sit uation to situation (Dörnyei, 2005). For example, a student with high moti vational intensity in one class does not necessarily exhibit the same level of energy in another class. In addition, motivated behaviors at the beginning do not guarantee the continuation of this state in the following weeks. To understand L2 motivation involving situated and temporal dimen sions, it is important to distinguish general motivational orientations and situation-specific motivation (Julkunen, 2001). This distinction is similar to that between trait and state in the literature on anxiety (Spielberger, 1983), in which the former was conceived as a relatively stable tendency, while the latter refers to a state that occurs in a particular situation at a given point in time. As general motivational orientations are formed during one’s earlier learning history, these are likely to be stable and hard to change. According to Dörnyei and Ottó (1998), this type of motivation concerns student’s ini tial wishes and desires and influences his/her choice of particular actions. Mainstream L2 motivation research has paid a great deal of attention to this trait aspect of motivation (e.g. integrative – instrumental motivation) as part of students’ personality, exploring causal relationships between motivational orientations and learning outcomes. However, it is also true that even students who do not have much moti vation to learn as general motivational orientations may display high levels of motivation in a specific classroom. This so-called situation-specific moti vation is contextualized and rather unstable because it is based on unique continuous appraisals of students and interpretations of classroom events (Volet, 2001). Dörnyei and Ottó (1998: 45) suggested that situation-specific motivation (or what they called executive motivation) played a major role in actual learning processes, because ‘complex learning contexts reduce the role
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of the motivational influences associated with the initial decision to pursue the goal, and highlight the importance of motivational influences that affect action during goal implementation’. Situation-specific motivation is directly influenced by the immediate context, and as a consequence of this direct impact, ‘most learners experience a regular fluctuation of their enthusiasm/ commitment, often on a day-to-day basis’ (Dörnyei & Ottó, 1998: 45).
Emergence and Evolution of Student Motivation Student motivation Research on L2 motivation has been influenced by the increasing inter est in situated motivation, and attention has therefore been focused on the dynamic nature of L2 motivation (e.g. Ushioda, 2001; Williams & Burden, 1997); i.e. motivation is not a stable state of mind but always fluctuates and changes dynamically in constant interaction with the learner’s environ ment. In this study I use the concept of student motivation as one particular type of situation-specific motivation to explore dynamic and complex moti vational characteristics. The term often refers to the general motivation of a student or group of students, but this study develops the definition by Brophy (2010), which is concerned with the degree to which students invest attention and effort in various pursuits at the course or classroom level (see Nakata (this volume), for a more detailed review of the concept). Student motivation is regarded as an open system, which is contrastive to psycho metric traditions focusing on motivational traits as a closed system, because student motivation emerges and evolves as a consequence of complex inter actions between motivational orientations and the classroom environment. Motivational orientations may largely determine the initial state of student motivation in the classroom, but its state dynamically fluctuates, being influenced by environmental conditions in the following weeks. Student motivation is thus inextricably linked to the classroom context, which is in contrast to traditional research on individual differences that regards context as an independent background variable or a static backdrop (Ushioda, 2009).
Self-organization Emergence and evolution of student motivation through dynamic inter actions with the classroom environment can be explained from a DS per spective. DS theory stipulates higher-order wholes spontaneously emerging from interactions between lower-order constituents (Thelen & Smith, 1994). Although various DS characteristics could be applied to understand ing motivation in the classroom, this study focuses on the concept of self- organization, which refers to the spontaneous emergence of novel patterns
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or structures from nonlinear interactions among the components of a DS (Kauffman, 1995). Self-organization takes place within both immediate and long-term timescales, and important processes at each timescale influence processes at the other timescale (Lewis, 2005). In the immediate timescale, the inter nal change of one’s motivational system occurs in response to the current environment contextualized by the learning task at hand. In the area of FL motivation, research has been done on task motivation (e.g. Dörnyei, 2002; Dörnyei & Tseng, 2009), which examines the psychological processes under lying task performance. In the long-term timescale on the other hand, the emergence of higher-order structures represents configurations that have crystallized over many occasions (Howe & Lewis, 2005). The present study focuses on this latter aspect – how student motivation emerges as a result of the recursive interactions with the EFL classroom. Although it is not sufficiently understood how higher-order structures are constructed through functions of lower-order factors, Lewis (2005) pos tulated that the DS self-organizes through phases of (1) triggering, (2) self- amplification, (3) self-stabilization and (4) learning (see Figure 15.1). To explain the process of self-organizing student motivation, imagine a demotivated student who attended a beginning class. From his unsuc cessful learning history, he was not very motivated to learn English in the class. However, the student found the content of the lesson interesting in
FL Motivational system
General motivational orientation
(4) Learning
Student motivation
(2) Self-amplification
(3) Self-stabilisation
(1) Triggering
Classroom environment
Figure 15.1 Self-organizing processes of Foreign Language Motivational System
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the first class. His positive attitudes toward the class trigger a change in his pre-existing negative orientations. In a DS term, a triggering event means that the orderly behavior of the system (demotivated orientations) is inter rupted by perturbation (positive attitudes toward the first class), resulting in a rapid loss of orderliness and an increase in sensitivity to the environ ment (Lewis, 2005). A phase of self-amplification follows the triggering phase. A favorable attitude toward the class may be enhanced in the following weeks in this given example. That is, positive feedback in this phase amplifies change. The student motivation and appraisal constituents interact in positive feed back loops, such that the acquisition of any element leads to the activation of other elements in recursive cycles of increasing magnitude. Under this condition, the motivational system is highly sensitive, and small deviations may be rapidly amplified. The favorable senses may foster positive attitudes toward the class, and other elements (e.g. communicating with a teacher and creating good relationship with classmates) may contribute to this change. It should also be indicated that students react to the same class in different ways; thus, repetition of their own reactions would lead to various forms of unique trajectories of student motivation. The state of student motivation does not continue to grow endlessly. As the elements of the system interact recursively, the growth and change ini tiated by positive feedback will be sooner or later stabilized. Once student motivation has been stabilized in the final learning phase, interpretations, action plans and expectations endure for some period of time (Lewis, 2005), which seem to affect various motivational orientations in his motivational system. Although general motivational orientations and situation-specific moti vation are assumed to be independent, they have a reciprocal relationship and continuously influence each other, as presented in Figure 15.1. Accord ing to Volet (2001), when students participate in a learning experience, their motivational beliefs are activated and these cognitions interact with subjective appraisals of the affordances and constraints perceived in the immediate learning situation. That is, ‘these subjective appraisals mediate the direct impact of activated beliefs and orientations, and lead to goals, engagement and forms of participation which reflect context-sensitivity’ (2001: 77). Similarly, Boekaerts (2001) argued that information from moti vational orientations is essential to appraise (perceive and interpret) cues in the actual learning situation, while environmental conditions are equally important in influencing students’ cognitions and affects.
Sensitive dependence on initial conditions Although one’s motivational orientations do not precisely predict one’s situation-specific motivation in the classroom, the initial state of student
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motivation affected by motivational orientations may play an important (sometimes crucial) role in organizing the motivational system. Traditional L2 motivation research has explored causal links between motivational fac tors, motivated behavior and learning achievement, and has also focused on initial conditions. DS theorists give special attention to the historicity of a system (Larsen-Freeman, 2011), as Semetsky (2008: 91) states that ‘the dynamical process comprises the “past that is carried into the present”’. DS approaches are thus applied to investigate the initial conditions on the later states, but they focus on the changing processes by gaining an understand ing of how the system evolved over time rather than identifying the causeand-effect relationships. Differences in student motivation and its intensity are too subtle to neglect at the beginning, but they may become more dis tinctive at a later stage because the initial state is amplified over and over again through iterative opportunities, as described in the self-organizing process (Figure 15.1). Simply put, student motivation is always in flux and change, taking the current state of the system as input for the next state (de Bot et al., 2007: 14). The influence of motivational orientations on student motivation can be accounted for by sensitive dependence on initial conditions, where minimal differences under beginning conditions of systems can have massive effects occurring later. This phenomenon explains a classroom situation where the same instruction does not necessarily lead to the same motivational trajec tories. Thus, having detailed information on the initial conditions is bene ficial (de Bot & Larsen-Freeman, 2011), and investigation into the impact of motivational dispositions on learning achievements continues to pose an important question in FL motivation research. Instead of searching for linear causal links, a DS approach takes into consideration the relationship between initial and future conditions as one of the important characteristics of complex dynamic interactions.
Researching motivational changes Despite the significance of understanding motivational changes, there have only been a limited number of longitudinal studies investigating moti vational changes during a course of study. Koizumi and Matsuo (1993) exam ined motivational changes in 296 Japanese junior high school students over the course of one year, using questionnaires administering at four points in time. The results revealed that scores on four (e.g. Interest and Emotion, Parental Encouragement) out of five motivational factors decreased from the beginning until the third or seventh month of the school year, followed by a stable period. Gardner et al. (2004) focused attention on changes in situation-specific motivation as well as those of motivational dispositions, investigating 197 university students learning L2 French in classrooms during a year-long
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course. The Attitude/Motivation Test Battery (AMTB) was administered at the beginning and the end of the course, while a short questionnaire deal ing with state motivation and state anxiety was administered four times. The results obtained from the AMTB indicated that there were very little changes for measures that were related to rather general factors, but there were significantly greater changes for measures that directly involved the classroom environment. Despite significant changes in the situative factors, their results obtained from the state motivation questionnaire suggested that day-to-day fluctuations in state motivation were relatively slight with Gardner et al. (2004: 29) concluding that ‘environmental factors appear to play a relatively minor role in one’s level of state motivation’. One possibil ity for their conclusions might rest on their attempts to understand changes in situation-specific motivation from a deterministic paradigm. That is, sta tistical analysis failed to demonstrate significant variations for any meas ures, but it is dubious whether important but subtle differences affected by the environment could be detected by such statistical methods based on linearity. One main challenge in recognizing the limitations of traditional lin ear research is determining how to describe and analyze fluctuations in temporal motivational changes. It is thus natural for most longitudinal studies on L2 motivation to have adapted qualitative methods of inquiry using retrospective interview data. For example, Ushioda (2001) conducted a qualitative study on motivational changes of 20 Irish university students learning French through two stages of interviews, separated by 15–16 months. Through a detailed content analysis of the interview data, she found that goal orientation might be a potentially evolving dimension that needed time to develop and that assumed motivational importance and clarity. Motivational dynamics has been investigated by such qualitative methods using retrospection, partly due to the methodological difficulty of repeating a quantitative questionnaire survey. A retrospective survey to evaluate one’s past motivational states could be possible (Miura, 2010), but it is necessary to recognize that as they recall one’s own motivational states from the past, it is not possible to describe changes more precisely. It would thus be invaluable to describe more recent states of student motivation dur ing learning. This study investigated how Japanese university students’ FL motiva tion in classrooms changed over a period of one year from a DS perspective. The study focused on two issues, i.e. the effects of initial motivational ori entations on student motivation and the dynamics of self-organizing stu dent motivation. Three research questions were asked: (1) what factors in general motivational orientation influenced initial states of student moti vation? (2) how did student motivation at the group level change over one year? and (3) how did individual students’ motivation change over one year?
Understanding Motivational Evolution in the EFL Classroom 275
The first research question concerns the potential impact of the initial learning experience. The other research questions concern the potential impact of initial motivational states on the later states. Initial states do not guarantee its maintenance, and understanding how they will change is an important point of scrutiny. The second and third research questions concern changes in student motivation, which have largely been neglected in previous research. The study administered a weekly Online Motivation Questionnaire (OMQ) (see below) at the end of each class inquiring into students’ situation-specific motivation toward the classroom learning on that day. While the trajectories of student motivation exhibited an average tendency, individual students had numerous variations and these changes were often nonlinear. Individual trajectories were examined by identifying patterns in motivational changes.
Methodology Participants and classes The project involved 190 university students enrolled in seven classes of first-year English courses. One class consisted of 26 students majoring in English, while the other six classes were comprises 164 non-English majors (economics in classes 2–5 and commerce in classes 6–7). The number of students in each class ranged from 24 to 31. All the students were also tak ing a mandatory two-semester, first-year general-English course that met once a week for 90 minutes. While the classes shared these similarities, there were a number of distinctions in the learning content between English- major and non-English major classes. The English-major class was taught by this researcher, whereas the six non-English major classes were taught by another instructor using the same materials and teaching procedures. The goal of the class for English majors was to develop their English skills through communicative activities, whereas that for non-English majors was mainly to gain basic English knowledge and skills. Both English and non-English majors were examined with the first two research questions, while research question (3) was focused solely on the English-majors in an attempt to understand individual changes in student motivation.
Procedure Two different questionnaires were provided in this study: a Motiva tional Factors Questionnaire (MFQ) and an OMQ. The former was used at the beginning of the course to identify students’ general motivational ori entations, and the latter was given throughout the year at the end of every class to assess their situation-specific motives. The MFQ was developed by
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Ryan (2009) with the specific goal of measuring Japanese learners’ moti vation and consisted of 106 questions measuring 17 motivational factors (e.g. Instrumentality, Ideal L2 Self and Willingness to Communicate) and one criterion factor (Intended Learning Effort). Because many of these fac tors are not relevant to the present context, I will confine the discussion to seven motivational factors; Cultural Interest, Instrumentality, Interna tional Contact, Attitudes toward L2 Community, Milieu, Ideal L2 Self and L2 Self-Confidence. Two-wave research design is usually used at the beginning and end of measurement periods to investigate motivational changes, but is not ade quate for situation-specific motivation because it assumes a linear develop ment. The exploration of nonlinear development requires multi-wave data, i.e., understanding how their motivation developed over the period. As a result, this study collected data from individual students multiple times, through the OMQ, adapted from the state motivation measures developed by Gardner et al. (2004). The OMQ consisted of three questions to measure how each student evaluated their own learning and perceptions toward the class on that day: (1) how much you enjoyed the class (Enjoyment), (2) how hard you tried to learn (Effort) and (3) how much you understood what you learned (Understanding). The questionnaire included six-point Likert scales for each of the above questions. The outcomes for the three questions brought together elements of the student motivation system that worked together, and they were assumed to be collective variables, which describe the relations among elements and reveals points of emergence and self- organization from its trace over time (Larsen-Freeman & Cameron, 2008). To investigate how student motivation changes, the study adapted insights from attractor dynamics (Nowak et al., 2005). An attractor is a state or a reli able pattern of change toward which a DS evolves over time. In a system governed by attractor dynamics, a relatively wide range of starting points (initial states) will eventually converge on a much smaller set of states or on a pattern of change between states (Nowak et al., 2005). The behavior of the system depends on its initial starting conditions and can change rapidly at first, oscillate for a while, and finally arrive at a stable attractor point (Howe & Lewis, 2005). What types of attractors can occur is an important question to ask in examining the attractors of student motivation. Although there are marked individual differences in growth curves (Howe & Lewis, 2005), three types have generally been identified in theories of DSs: point attractors, limit-cycle attractors and strange attractors. A point attractor corresponds to a system reaching a stable equilibrium. A limit-cycle attractor corresponds to periodic oscillations. A strange attractor corresponds to a chaotic system, in which relatively simple variables produce extraordinarily complex behaviors. A strange attractor typically exhibits a trajectory that generates patterns
Understanding Motivational Evolution in the EFL Classroom 277
that almost repeat themselves but not quite (Capra, 1996). Understanding the nature of strange attractors is important in recognizing the distinctions between mere randomness and chaos. Chaotic behavior is deterministic and patterned, and strange attractors allow us to transform seemingly random data into distinct visible shapes. If student motivation remains stable over time (as reported in Gardner et al., 2004), the trajectory indicates a limit- cycle attractor. If on the other hand, student motivation changes from an unstable to a stable state throughout a course, the trajectory indicates a point attractor. Other trajectories, such as changes from stability to insta bility and instability throughout a course, can be recognized as strange attractors. Retrospective interviews were also conducted with three or four stu dents in each class on a volunteer basis at the end of the academic year. All interviews were done in Japanese (L1), lasted about 15 minutes and were recorded on a digital recorder. The interviews adopted a semi-structured form with a list of prepared questions on the students’ motivational changes during the academic year and the reasons for these changes.
Results and Discussion Effects of motivational factors on initial states of student motivation To understand what motivational factors influenced students’ motiva tional behaviors, the correlations between seven motivational factors and the criterion factor, Intended Learning Effort, were checked (Table 15.1). Table 15.1 Motivational factors ordered according to the strength of correlation with Intended Learning Effort, with Internal Reliability Coefficients Motivational factors
Intended Learning Effort (a = .90) Cronbach alpha
Correlation
Ideal L2 Self
.89
.89*
International Contact
.86
.86*
Cultural Interest
.77
.57*
Instrumentality
.90
.54*
Attitudes toward L2 Community
.85
.47*
L2 Self Confidence
.57
Milieu
.53
*p < .001 level
.38* -.15
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Table 15.2 The unstandardized and standardized regression coefficients for the seven Motivational Factors with the first-week OMQ Motivational Factors Cultural Interest Attitude toward L2 Community Instrumentality International Contact
B
SEB
.28
.13
-.11
.12
.43
.19
β .21* -.07 .24*
.09
.16
.06
-.24
.14
-.12
Ideal L2 Self
.02
.11
.02
L2 Self Confidence
.14
.12
.08
Milieu
*p < .05
Ideal L2 Self and International Contact showed particularly strong cor relations, but all factors except Milieu were significantly correlated with Intended Learning Effort. It is conceivable that, rather than a few par ticular dominant motivational factors, a conglomerate of general motiva tional orientation made up of many factors seemingly influence motivated behaviors. To explore the direct link between the motivational dispositions and the initial states of student motivation, multiple regression analysis was performed (Cronbach’s alpha for the first-week OMQ was .77), presenting a significance level of the model, F (7,181) = 7.07, p < .001. The model explains 21.5% of the variance (adjusted R-squared = .18). Only Cultural Interest and Instrumentality were significant, although many dispositional factors were highly correlated with Intended Learning Effort (Table 15.2). Incongruent results of the relationships between motivational factors – Intended Learning Effort (i.e. high correlations with Ideal L2 Self and Inter national Contact) and initial states of student motivation – point out the distinction between general and specific motivational behaviors. Intended Learning Effort indicates the magnitude of students’ motivated behaviors, but only a general tendency involving other out of class activities as well as the classroom learning. Thus, high values of this do not necessarily guaran tee high motivation in the specific classroom. In this study, genuine interest in foreign culture (i.e. Cultural Interest) and practical necessity (i.e. Instru mentality) seemed to be more closely related to organizing the initial states of student motivation in the classroom. It is less certain why only these factors indicated a significance, but the results might suggest an explanatory power of the traditional construct of integrative and instrumental moti vation. This may also be because the content of the classes, which often involves topics of the target language culture (Class 1) and TOEIC exercises (Class 2–7) in the first class.
Understanding Motivational Evolution in the EFL Classroom 279
Figure 15.2 Changes of OMQ in seven classes
Group-level changes in student motivation The trajectories of student motivation in the seven classes were plotted to explain how this changed as a group over one year (Figure 15.2). Despite many fluctuations every week, the changes in the three components reveal certain overall trends; there is an upward trend for all three components in Classes 1 and 6, an upward trend for Enjoyment in Classes 2 and 3 and a downward trend for Effort and Understanding in Class 4. All three components tended
280 Language Learning Motivation in Japan
to develop together in Classes 1 and 6, while the Enjoyment lines tended to travel along different trajectories from the other two components, especially later in the year for the other classes. That is, Enjoyment, Effort and Under standing were closely connected in the more motivated classes, but Enjoy ment seemed to be separately evaluated for the less motivated classes. This may suggest that the three components are closely connected and function as collective variables in classes that maintain a good level of motivation, while Enjoyment seems to be separately perceived in less motivated classes. For the second research question, student motivation at the group level frequently fluctuated during the study. This finding seems different to the very limited changes in state motivation in Gardner et al. (2004), which involved only four data points. Although motivational orientation and the initial states of student motivation influence later states of motivation, this does not indicate the preservation of this state throughout the course. The results from the weekly OMQ in the seven classes revealed many variations and fluctuations during the year, but they also indicated general directions of change. Classes 1 and 6 indicated upward trends for all three components, while the other five classes indicated mixed directions for the components. As a result of iterative learning opportunities, the initial small differences became more distinctive over time, underscoring the sensitive dependence on the initial conditions. At some level, initial motivational states can be a ‘litmus-test’ for predicting the success of classroom learning (Nitta & Asano, 2010; also see Ushioda, this volume), but initially high motivation does not guarantee its maintenance, as observed in Class 7. It is also worth noting that the classes for non-English majors (i.e. Classes 2–7), despite having the same teaching content and procedures delivered by the same instructor, had very different trajectories. Thus, the real picture revealed by multiple data points is much more complex than what we were able to predict from the initial states. To explain these different trajectories among the classes, one should conduct detailed observations of the classes and to analyze students’ self-reports as well as the questionnaire results, although these are beyond the limitations of this study.
Individual changes in student motivation While interpreting group level changes are important in understand ing the behaviors of a class system, individual changes in motivation are nearly impossible to measure in group-level analysis. Therefore the study also examined the individual student motivation of the English majors in Class 1 by examining their motivational trajectories over the course of one year. Because student motivation is very sensitive to various class factors (e.g. teaching materials, teacher attitudes and students relationships with classmates), the values fluctuated every week. However, as time went by individual student motivation began to move into a state of stability.
Understanding Motivational Evolution in the EFL Classroom 281
The trajectories were categorized in terms of degrees of stability to identify patterns in motivational changes. Larsen-Freeman and Cameron (2008) demonstrated that at the moment of a phase shift, collective var iables (i.e. Enjoyment and Effort and Understanding) do not just change continuously but jump into a new configuration. Identifying patterns of trajectories may reveal the moment of a phase shift. The working cri terion for the present method of categorization is what range values traversed during the period. Degrees of stability were labeled as change, limited change or stability according to the numbers of ranges which each line moved; a trajectory was identified as change when the line moved beyond the two ranges, while it was identified as limited change when the line moved within the two ranges. When the value did not move or moved mostly only within the one range, this was identified as stability. For example, when the lines of the three components changed from two in week 1 to five in week 15 (i.e. moving between three ranges), it was labeled as limited change. Some trajectories remained within a certain range during the whole period, while others exhibited a clear shift in mov ing ranges at a certain point in time. Thus, one label was assigned in the former case (e.g. change), while two labels were assigned in the latter case (e.g. stability – change). Table 15.3 summarizes the results for the identification of patterns. Despite an upward trend at the group level, the largest categorical level is stability throughout the year (30.8%). Each case indicates some variabil ity but is limited to changes within the two ranges. Figure 15.3 shows one example in which a student self-evaluated ‘Understanding’ as four in the first class, but then he marked all three components as either five or six throughout the year. A limited change pattern (11.5%) can be categorized with a similar tendency. Moving ranges were broader but the variability levels were still limited within a certain range (e.g. Figure 15.4 has a limited change pattern).
Table 15.3 Micro-patterns of changes of student motivation Patterns
Percentage (number of cases)
Stability
30.8% (8)
Change – stability
15.4% (4)
Limited change – change
15.4% (4)
Change – change
15.4% (4)
Change – limited change Limited change Limited change – limited change
3.8% (1) 11.5% (3) 7.7% (2)
282 Language Learning Motivation in Japan
Yukinari 6 5
4
3 2
1
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 Enjoyment
Effort
Understanding
Figure 15.3 Case of stability pattern
Asami 6
5
4
3
2
1 1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 Enjoyment
Effort
Understanding
Figure 15.4 Case of limited change pattern
The second most frequently identified categories (15.4%) involved three different patterns, change – stability, limited change – change, and change – change, all of which indicated a change in stages during the period. The change – stability pattern indicates a great deal of variability at the begin ning but the system later moved into a stable state over time. Figure 15.5 illustrates this pattern where all three components changed with some
Understanding Motivational Evolution in the EFL Classroom 283
Kanae 6
5
4
3
2
1
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 Enjoyment
Effort
Understanding
Figure 15.5 Case of change – stability pattern Yuto 6
5
4
3
2
1
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 Enjoyment
Effort
Understanding
Figure 15.6 Case of change – limited change pattern
upward trends from the beginning to week 12, but these components sta bilized around level five after week 13. There was only one case of change – limited change, which could also represent a similar trend but to a different extent. Figure 15.6 shows much variability until week 17 but a relatively limited range of change for the remainder. The limited change – change pat tern is somehow in contrast to the change – stability pattern, because this
284 Language Learning Motivation in Japan
Yoshihiro 6
5
4
3
2
1 1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 Enjoyment
Effort
Understanding
Figure 15.7 Case of limited change – change pattern
represents a shift from a relatively stabilized to a destabilizing state. For example, the values are rather stable in the first 17 weeks in Figure 15.7, but these then started destabilizing from week 18. A change – change pattern suggests a destabilizing state throughout the year, but there were clear distinctive stages of change, often separated by a period of some stability. Aki’s self-evaluation of the three components greatly changed from one to six in the earlier period (i.e. weeks 1–10; Figure 15.8). After relative stability between weeks 11 and 18, the evalu ations started destabilizing again but mostly in upper ranges. Similarly, a pattern of two distinctive stages but to a lesser extent was labeled limited change – limited change. The ranges of values changed around week 12 in Figure 15.9, and these values mainly moved by three and four in the period at the beginning but by four and five in the following weeks. The group-level observation of Class 1 presented a general upward trend over the year, but individual trajectories ranged widely. Whereas some stu dents gave consistent evaluations of their motivation, other students’ eval uations changed greatly throughout the class. Three broadly categorized macro-patterns can be identified in terms of stability and instability, i.e. instability to stability, stability throughout the year and stability to insta bility. Referring back to attractor dynamics, these macro-patterns could also be labeled as corresponding to point, limit-cycle or strange attractors (Table 15.4). It can be assumed from point attractors that student motiva tion was stabilized through iterative class opportunities. Unstable states of student motivation were gradually stabilized over time with this pattern.
Understanding Motivational Evolution in the EFL Classroom 285
Aki 6
5
4
3
2
1
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 Enjoyment
Effort
Understanding
Figure 15.8 Case of change – change pattern
Yukie 6
5
4
3
2
1 1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 Enjoyment
Effort
Understanding
Figure 15.9 Case of limited change – limited change pattern
Changes in student motivation with limit-cycle attractors were rather sta ble throughout the year. Unexpectedly, half the students presented limit- cycle attractor dynamics (50%) while the number of point attractors was the least frequent (19.2%). A detailed inspection of limit-cycle attractors, demonstrated changes in relatively high position ranges (i.e. between 4 and 6) in most cases, suggesting that these students reached both high
286 Language Learning Motivation in Japan
Table 15.4 Macro-patterns of changes of Student Motivation Macro-patterns
Percentage
Instability – stability (Point attractor)
19.2%
Stability (Limit-cycle attractor)
50%
Micro-patterns Change – stability Change – limited change
30.8%
15.4% 3.8%
Stability
30.8%
Limited change
11.5%
Limited change – limited change Stability – instability (Strange attractor)
Percentage
7.7%
Limited change – change
15.4%
Change – change
15.4%
levels of motivation in the period at the beginning and the ceiling of the questionnaire scales as well. While the patterns of point attractors and limit-cycle attractors illus trate rather simple changes, a good number of students (30.8%), identified as strange attractors, exhibited more complex patterns. DS theories argue that intra-individual variability can be regarded as a source of information, and by looking at the different degrees and patterns of variability in dense devel opmental data, we can discover how and when different subsystems are changing and developing, and how they are related (Verspoor et al., 2008). Following this assumption, certain qualitative changes in student motivation might have taken place during the observation period. The macro-pattern of strange attractors in the present analysis involved two micro-patterns: limited change – change and change – change, both of which presented a clear shift in stages during the period (e.g. Figures 15.7 and 15.8). Follow-up semi-structured interviews were conducted with three stu dents (Aki, Hiro and Masa) who were identified as having strange attractor patterns. While space limitations do not allow me to discuss them in detail, all three students generally revealed strong motivational attitudes toward English learning while continuously having specific goals for individual learning. Aki expressed her strong desire toward communicating with an international singing celebrity in English. Hiro expressed strong motiva tion to study abroad in a university program and make efforts to improve her English proficiency test scores used to select exchange students. Masa, explained that his dream to become a high school English teacher helped him maintain his motivation toward learning in the classroom. Their ini tial states of student motivation were not necessarily high; the average for the first week OMQ was 1.7 for Aki, and that for the second week was 2.7 for Hiro, but over time they developed motivation in the class repre senting nonlinearity in motivational evolution. Although the present data cannot sufficiently explain reasons for strange trajectory patterns, frequent
Understanding Motivational Evolution in the EFL Classroom 287
fluctuation in student motivation may not always be a negative indication of their motivation in the classroom. Rather their strange trajectories might mirror their struggles to learn in the classroom in trying to reach their ideal self-image.
Conclusion The findings from this study demonstrated the dynamic and complex interactions between students’ motivational system and the classroom environment in all their componential complexity, while identifying emerg ing student motivation. The relationship between motivational factors and student motivation and changes in student motivation demonstrated both their dynamism and their effect on each other. A conglomerate of various motivational factors influenced the formation of general motivated behav iors assessed by Intended Learning Effort while it was shown that many motivational factors did not necessarily influence the initial states of stu dent motivation. A group-level analysis of student motivation suggested some changing trends over time, but an individual analysis found various patterns of change under the same teaching conditions. Some students’ motivational systems changed smoothly and continuously, while other stu dents experienced a period of more sudden and radical change. Individual students followed different routes at different paces, but they self-organized their own motivational systems throughout the one-year course. An important question that all DS research is confronted by is that expectations based on prior expectations only have limited predictive power (Dörnyei, 2012). As Larsen-Freeman and Cameron (2008) pointed out, a separation of explanation and prediction should be carefully considered. One finding that could be useful in understanding the dynamics of other class room situations is the three macro-attractor patterns of student motivation for instability – stability (point attractor), stability (limit-cycle attractor) and stability – instability (strange attractor). I believe that the identified patterns are sufficiently basic to be useful in understanding the dynamics of ranges in other situations. In a paper discussing L2 motivation research from a DS perspective, Dörnyei (2012) argued that we cannot claim the findings beyond the particular situation the data came from, but we can claim that the results we have arrived at touch upon the core of the dynamic situation we examined. A good proportion of each type of pattern in one classroom is suggestive of the complexity of EFL classrooms, where students constantly interact with the teacher, classmates and tasks in developing their own motivational system over the year. As there have been only very limited numbers of L2 motivation research projects from the perspective of DSs, the method of investigation and
288 Language Learning Motivation in Japan
analysis adopted in the present study was rather exploratory, and thus had some limitations. First, the study gauged student motivation according to three questions on states of student motivation, but we may need to consider how precisely and reliably these questions captured the states of student motivation. More reliable data could be gained if more questions on one OMQ were included, but it would not be effective (nor feasible) for students to repeatedly answer a long list of the same questions every week. Collecting and analyzing multiple data longitudinally is an essential part of DS research; however, as there is a trade-off between practicality and validity, or between how many items are included and how frequently questionnaires are administered, we should be careful as to the number of items used. It is debatable to what extent the responses represented stu dents’ true evaluations of their motivation in the classroom in relation to OMQ because it is possible that students gave higher evaluations simply to please the teacher or that students routinely ticked the boxes without carefully reflecting on their learning (Ushioda, personal communication). To avoid these dangers, the instructors emphasized that this questionnaire had nothing to do with student grades for every single class, although this procedure cannot fully justify the present means of investigation. While the DS approach makes the landscape of L2 motivation research more difficult and complex due to its emphasis on dynamic and complex characteristics, it may be destined to resolve the dilemma between theoriz ing and practicality. With a growing demand for temporal and contextual variability in L2 motivation research, the present method of investigation, i.e. repeated gathering of a situation-specific motivation questionnaire, seems to be worth developing in the future research. As such it is hoped that this study contributes to a better understanding of dynamic student motivation in the EFL classroom.
Acknowledgment This study is part of a larger research project, which is funded by the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, Japan (Grant No. 21720207). I am grateful to Ema Ushioda for her valuable com ments on the earlier drafts of the paper.
References Boekaerts, M. (2001) Context sensitivity: Activated motivational beliefs, current con cerns and emotional arousal. In S. Volet and S. Jarvela (eds) Motivation in Learning Contexts: Theoretical Advances and Methodological Implications (pp. 17–31). Oxford: Elsevier Science. Brophy, J. (2010) Motivating Students to Learn (3rd edn). New York: Routledge. Capra, F. (1996) The Web of Life. New York: Anchor Books.
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de Bot, K. and Larsen-Freeman, D. (2011) Researching second language development from a dynamic systems theory perspective. In M.H. Verspoor, K. de Bot and W. Lowie (eds) A Dynamic Approach to Second Language Development: Methods and Techniques (pp. 5–24). Amsterdam: John Benjamins. de Bot, K., Lowie, W. and Verpoor, M.H. (2007) A dynamic systems theory approach to second language acquisition. Bilingualism: Language and cognition 10, 7–21. Dörnyei, Z. (2002) The motivational basis of language learning tasks. In P. Robinson (ed.) Individual Differences and Instructed Language Learning (pp. 137–158). Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Dörnyei, Z. (2005) The Psychology of the Language Learner: Individual Differences in Second Language Acquisition. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. Dörnyei, Z. (2009) The Psychology of Second Language Acquisition. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Dörnyei, Z. (2012) Plenary speech: Researching complex dynamic systems: ‘Retrodictive qualitative modelling’ in the language classroom. Language Teaching 45, 1–12. Dörnyei, Z. and Ottó, I. (1998) Motivation in action: A process model of L2 motivation. Working Papers in Applied Linguistics (Thames Valley University, London) 4, 43–69. Dörnyei, Z. and Tseng, W.-T. (2009) Motivational processing in interactional tasks. In A. Mackey and C. Polio (eds) Multiple Perspectives on Interaction (pp. 117–134). London: Routledge. Dörnyei, Z. and Ushioda, E. (2011) Teaching and Researching Motivation (2nd edn). Harlow: Longman. Ellis, N.C. and Larsen-Freeman, D. (2006) Language emergence: Implications for applied linguistics – Introduction to the Special Issue. Applied Linguistics 27, 558–589. Gardner, R.C. and Lambert, W.E. (1972) Attitudes and Motivation in Second Language Learning. Rowley, MA: Newbury House. Gardner, R.C., Masgoret, A-M., Tennant, J. and Mihic, L. (2004) Integrative motivation: Changes during a year-long intermediate-level language course. Language Learning 54, 1–34. Howe, M.L. and Lewis, M.D. (2005) The importance of dynamic systems approaches for understanding development. Developmental Review 25, 247–251. Julkunen, K. (2001) Situation- and task-specific motivation in foreign language learn ing. In Z. Dörnyei and R. Schmidt (eds) Motivation and Second Language Acquisition (pp. 29–41). Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Kauffman, S. (1995) At Home in the Universe: The Search for the Laws of Self-organization and Complexity. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Koizumi, R. and Matsuo, K. (1993) A longitudinal study of attitudes and motivation in learning English among Japanese seventh-grade students. Japanese Psychological Research 35, 1–11. Larsen-Freeman, D. (2011) A complexity theory approach to second language develop ment/acquisition. In D. Atkinson (ed.) Alternative Approaches to Second Language Acquisition (pp. 48–72). London: Routledge. Larsen-Freeman, D. and Cameron, L. (2008) Complex Systems and Applied Linguistics. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Lewis, M.D. (2005) Bridging emotion theory and neurobiology through dynamic systems modeling. Behavioral and Brain Science 28, 169–245. Miura, T. (2010) A retrospective survey of L2 learning motivational changes. JALT Journal 32 (1), 29–54. Nitta, R. and Asano, R. (2010) Understanding motivational changes in EFL classrooms. In A.M. Stoke (ed.) JALT 2009 Conference Proceedings (pp. 186–196). Tokyo: JALT.
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Nowak, A., Vallacher, R.R. and Zochowski, M. (2005) The emergence of personality: Dynamic foundations of individual variation. Developmental Review 25, 351–385. Ryan, S. (2009) Self and identity in L2 motivation in Japan: The ideal L2 self and Japanese learners of English. In Z. Dörnyei and E. Ushioda (eds) Motivation, Language Identity and the L2 Self (pp. 120–143). Bristol: Multilingual Matters. Semetsky, I. (2008) On the creative logic of education, or re-reading Dewey through the lens of complexity science. Educational Philosophy & Theory 40, 83–95. Spielberger, C.D. (1983) Manual for the State-trait Anxiety Inventory (Form Y). Palo Alto, CA: Consulting Psychologists Press. Thelen, E. and Smith, L.B. (1994) A Dynamic Systems Approach to the Development of Cognition and Action. Massachusetts: MIT Press. Ushioda, E. (2001) Language learning at university: Exploring the role of motivational thinking. In Z. Dörnyei and R. Schmidt (eds) Motivation and Second Language Acquisition (pp. 93–125). Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Ushioda, E. (2009) A person-in-context relational view of emergent motivation, self and identity. In Z. Dörnyei and E. Ushioda (eds) Motivation, Language Identify and the L2 Self (pp. 215–228). Bristol: Multilingual Matters. Verspoor, M.H., Lowie, W. and van Dijk, M. (2008) Variability in second language develop ment from a dynamic systems perspective. The Modern Language Journal 92, 214–231. Volet, S. (2001) Emerging trends in recent research on motivation in learning contexts. In S. Volet and S. Jarvela (eds) Motivation in Learning Contexts: Theoretical Advances and Methodological Implications (pp. 319–334). Oxford: Pergamon. Williams, M. and Burden, R.L. (1997) Psychology for Language Teachers. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
16 Motivational Design for Effective Second Language Instruction Tomohito Hiromori
The role of individual differences has been indicated repeatedly as being important when considering the success or failure of L2 learning. For exam ple, Dörnyei (2006) showed that individual differences (principally language aptitude and motivation) are consistent predictors of success in second language acquisition (SLA), yielding multiple correlations with language achievement within the range of .50 and above. Masgoret and Gardner (2003) revealed, through meta-analysis, a median correlation of .37 between L2 motivation and grades in the language course. This means that moti vation accounts for approximately 14 percent of the variance in language achievement scores. Thus, motivation is of obvious practical importance in L2 learning and teaching, and teachers should take their students’ motiva tion into account when teaching. In this chapter, I will summarize L2 motivation research conducted so far from three perspectives (namely, research relating to ‘motive’, ‘motiva tion’ and ‘motivate/motivating’), and I will provide practical teaching sug gestions obtained from the findings.
Research Relating to ‘Motive’ and Practical Teaching Suggestions There have been a large number of studies conducted to describe and explain the structure of motive in L2 learning. They began with research based on a social psychological approach (e.g. Gardner & Lambert’s (1972) integrative/instrumental orientation) and an educational psychological approach (e.g. Noels’ (2001) self-determination theory approach, Williams & Burden’s (1997) attribution theory approach). More recently there has been growing activity involving research aimed at expansion into new areas (e.g. Dörnyei’s (2005) Ideal L2 Self approach, Ushioda’s (2009) person-in- context relational approach). These studies provide valuable information in 291
292 Language Learning Motivation in Japan
terms of gaining an understanding of the motives and reasons behind the manner in which subject learners approach L2 learning. In the following illustrative cases, I will present four typical studies that employed the statistical technique called factor analysis, and I will compare the results of these studies. The studies cited in Table 16.1 were all con ducted in the English as a foreign language (EFL) context, in which an L2 (in these cases, English) is a goal set by Ministries of Education, but is not used routinely. The participants in the first two studies (i.e. Dörnyei, 1990 and Schmidt et al., 1996) were adult learners, whereas those in the latter two studies (i.e. Yashima, 2000 and Hiromori, 2002) were university students. Table 16.1 Selected Studies Employing Factor Analysis Study
Nation
Participants
Factors
Dörnyei (1990)
Republic Adult learners 1. Instrumentality of Hungary (n = 134) 2. Need for achievement 3. Interest in foreign language/culture 4. Values associated with language 5. Bad learning experiences 6. Desire to spend some time abroad 7. Language learning as a new challenge
Schmidt et al. Arab (1996) Republic of Egypt
Adult learners 1. Determination (n = 1464) 2. Anxiety 3. Instrumental motivation 4. Sociability 5. Attitudes to foreign culture 6. Foreign residence 7. Intrinsic motivation 8. Beliefs about failure 9. Enjoyment
Yashima (2000)
Japan
University learners (n = 389)
1. Intercultural friendship 2. Travel 3. Anglo/American culture 4. Academic importance 5. Instrumental orientation 6. International interest 7. American/British music 8. Vague sense of necessity 9. Information
Hiromori (2002)
Japan
University learners (n = 112)
1. Strong determination 2. Anxiety 3. Instrumental motivation 4. Personal will 5. Locus of control 6. Attitudes to foreign culture
Motivational Design for Effective Second Language Instruction 293
All studies employed principal component analysis with Varimax rotation (using a minimum Eigen value of 1.0) to extract underlying factors. Note that each study employed different questionnaire scales, implying that the following comparisons are subject to limitations when considering the scale dependency of factor analysis. As can been seen, seven factors were extracted to define learners’ L2 motivation in Dörnyei (1990), such as ‘Instrumentality’ (pragmatic/profes sional utility of English), ‘Need for achievement’ (a desire to achieve, to become perfect and to prove oneself in exams) and ‘Interest in foreign lan guages and cultures’ (an interest in foreign cultures and considering Eng lish as the means of learning about them), while nine factors in total were extracted in Schmidt et al. (1996), such as ‘Determination’ (high motiva tional strength and determination to learn English well), ‘Anxiety’ (class/ speaking/test anxiety and fear of the opinions of the teacher and other stu dents) and ‘Instrumental motivation’ (future career and pragmatic reasons). As variables that represent typical L2 motivation, factors relating to ‘Instrumental motivation/orientation’ and ‘Attitudes to/Interests in for eign cultures’ were repeatedly reported. These results are consistent with the findings of not only the studies examined above but also other studies conducted in English as a second language (ESL) context, in which an L2 is the standard language of a community, country or school (e.g. Belmechri & Hummel, 1998; Inbar et al., 2001; Masgoret & Gardner, 2003). It is, thus, reasonable to say that these factors can be considered to represent cardinal (or core) L2 motives. Further, factors such as ‘Language learning as a challenge’ (a need to encounter new stimuli by seeking optimal challenges) and ‘Enjoyment’ (a similar concept to intrinsic motivation) were extracted from the studies on adult learners, but not from the studies on university learners. This result might be attributable to the fact that each study used different types of questionnaire scales. However, another possibility is that, compared to university learners, adult learners tended to enjoy learning in itself, make decisions for themselves, and engage in learning more willingly. Next, as for the relationship between these motives and L2 achievement, it would be possible to argue that the facilitating role of motives appeared to vary according to the situation. In short, in the long-term view, learn ers who have integrative and/or intrinsic motives tended to achieve higher learning outcomes, whereas in the short-term view, instrumental/extrinsic motives can play more important roles in students’ language development (e.g. Crookes & Schmidt, 1991; Dörnyei, 2003; Gardner & MacIntyre, 1991; Miura, 2010; Smith, 2009). Put another way, although having an interest or concern with a target language or having a positive attitude toward persons of the target language society can be strong motives for learning an L2, the exist ence of an upcoming, regularly scheduled test or the desire to acquire profes sional or economic success are also thought to be strong motives. Moreover, in other cases, highly ethnocentric individuals who do not even like the cultures
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of the languages they are studying have achieved very high levels of L2 pro ficiency (Leaver, 2003). These studies suggest that the relationship between learners’ motives and the development of proficiency is more complex than a simple linear correspondence, implying that an overemphasis on a particular learning motive (e.g. the intrinsic motive) may not be appropriate, and should be treated as only one among many variables in the language learning process. Then, what kind of practical teaching suggestions can we obtain from the studies? One is that we must understand the importance of having multiple learning motives. As mentioned above, there are many types of learning motives involved in studying an L2, but no single motive is ‘good’ or ‘bad’ in an absolute sense. For example, an intrinsic motive can be a pow erful source of commitment to studies, but learning an L2 (especially, in an EFL context) involves a great deal of deliberate effort by learners to engage in studies that they do not find as enjoyable as they expected (Hayashi, 2009). To study or work for good grades or high rewards (i.e. to have extrin sic motives) is not a bad thing, but this does not necessarily mean that you will keep getting good grades or receiving an increased salary. Therefore, it is quite important to have a proper balance of multiple motives, as discussed in various motivation theories, so that a weaker (or ‘dying’) motive can be supported by other stronger motives. If you take this perspective, for effective L2 instruction, it will be impor tant to diagnose learners’ current learning motive(s) and/or to make them aware of particular motive(s) intentionally. For example, by developing and administering an L2-related learning motive questionnaire, teachers can comprehend what types of motive are supporting the L2 learning of individ ual students and whole groups in a single setting. This information is indis pensable for implementing instruction reflecting the actual conditions of the students in question. On the other hand, from the learners’ point of view, comprehending their own motives can be quite important because activities that cause learners to reflect on their own learning status or approach to learning effectively function as ‘awareness-raising’, which serves to more clearly identify the purpose and necessity of learning. ‘Awareness-raising’ is considered to help learners make their learning process more explicit and provide them with opportunities to direct their own learning. In addition, enhancing awareness of weak motives or further enhancing an awareness of strong motives after having diagnosed and comprehended current motivational tendencies makes it possible to encourage learning supported by more solid motives. For example, according to Yashima and Zenuk-Nishide (2008) and also Yashima (this volume), an activity was con ducted at a certain high school that enabled students to form an ideal image of themselves (Ideal L2 Self) when using a foreign language by assuming an imaginary international community through a model United Nations project. If the ultimate goal of learning a foreign language is assumed to be actual communication using a foreign language in the international
Motivational Design for Effective Second Language Instruction 295
community or regional society that goes beyond the classroom, then form ing an ideal image of oneself actually functioning in such a community or society by using a foreign language is extremely important.
Research Relating to ‘Motivation’ and Practical Teaching Suggestions As a second viewpoint, I will look at research that describes and explains the process of motivation in L2 learning, including studies that clarify the manner in which motivation develops or changes (e.g. Koizumi & Matsuo, 1993; Lamb, 2007; Yamamori, 2004) and studies that clarify the various fac tors that affect the process of motivation (e.g. Gardner et al., 1992; Hiromori, 2004; Okada, 2007). In order to track motivational developments and changes, several stud ies have employed longitudinal research designs. Although these enable us to detect developments or changes in the characteristics of the target popu lation at the individual level as well as the group level, they also have some drawbacks or challenges, including (1) they require a long period of time to gather data, (2) they need to have a large sample size and (3) partici pants may drop out (for a detailed discussion, see Dörnyei, 2007). On the other hand, cross-sectional studies do not require a long time to gather data and enable us to compare a relatively large number of different population groups at a single point in time. Thus, several researchers have attempted to examine the results of cross-sectional studies from a developmental perspec tive (e.g. Dörnyei & Csizér, 2002; Hiromori, 2003a). Table 16.2 gives typical studies that employ both approaches. Study participants included junior high school students, high school students, and university students, and the study period ranged from half a year to six years. While participants and follow-up periods varied across each study, one commonly observed feature was found. That is, in most of the studies, the longer students continued to study an L2, the lower their motivation. For example, Koizumi and Matsuo (1993) investigated attitu dinal and motivational changes over one year, confirming that the partic ipants’ motivation dropped after the initial stage of the learning process. They pointed out that the transition from elementary school to junior high school can be a stressful experience for school children. This may be partly because, upon entering junior high school, students are faced with a number of new challenges, such as the physical environment, a variety of subject teachers and a list of new school rules and regulations. On the other hand, Yamamori (2004) found that a decreasing trend in motivation could be clearly observed during the second semester in the course of a school year. As is indicated by being referred to as the ‘terrible second semester phenomenon’ (VanPatten & Glass, 1999), this phenomenon is
Nation
Japan
United Kingdom
Japan
Canada
Indonesia
Republic of Hungary
Japan
Study
Koizumi & Matsuo (1993)
Hotho (1999)
Yamamori (2004)
Gardner, Masgoret, Tennat & Mihic (2004)
Lamb (2007)
Dörnyei & Csizér (2002)
Hiromori (2003a)
Follow-up period
Half a year
High school students (n = 203)
Junior high school students (n = 8593)
1. Participants’ attitudes to learning tended to deteriorate. 2. The above was possibly due to the influence of classroom teachers in charge.
1. Participants’ general learning motivation showed little change. 2. The change was greatest for attitudes to the specific learning situation.
1. Participants who reported a strong will to learn dropped from 90% to 60%. 2. The change mainly occurred in the second term.
1. Several items experienced a great drop (e.g., career/job), others showed little change (e.g., interest in a language). 2. Perceived level of difficulty rose during the period.
1. Participants’ motivation gradually decreased over the year. 2. The above was possibly due to the increased difficulty of learning contents.
Main results
Three years 1. Participants were categorized into three groups per grade (cross-sectional) with different motivational characteristics. 2. Several developmental changes were identified as the grade went up.
Six years 1. Participants’ general language learning commitment showed a (cross-sectional) significant decline. 2. Motivation to study English showed little change.
Junior high school 20 months students (n = 195)
University One year students (n = 197)
Junior high school One year students (n = 81)
University students (n = 14)
Junior high school One year students (n = 296)
Participants
Table 16.2 Selected Longitudinal/Cross-sectional Studies
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Motivational Design for Effective Second Language Instruction 297
described as being attributable to a considerable increase in difficulty in learn ing content that starts in the second semester. A similar phenomenon is also observed in the second year of junior and senior high school, and is sometimes referred to as the ‘second-year blues’ or ‘second-year slump’. When signs of these phenomena occur, it is believed to be necessary to provide learning sup port by, for example, promoting the (re)setting of learning objectives. In addition to these ‘orthodox’ longitudinal surveys, several studies employ a blended approach fusing the idea of traditional snapshot stud ies (i.e. cross-sectional approach) and studies based on the developmental perspective. For example, Hiromori (2003a) investigated Japanese EFL high school students’ motivation for language learning from a developmental perspective. A self-report questionnaire assessing language learners’ motiva tion was administered to first-, second- and third-year students in one high school. The results indicated that learner’s motivation in the three grades could be categorized into three groups, respectively: (1) The Well-Motivated group, (2) The Externally-Motivated group and (3) The Unmotivated group. Although each group had distinct patterns of motivation, several develop mental changes were identified as the grade went up. This study shows that a developmental perspective is a useful research framework for uncovering these various learner differences. With these research findings in mind, what practical teaching sugges tions can we obtain from the studies relating to ‘motivation’? It is that we must understand the importance of continuously having the motivation to learn a language. Not only in the case of L2 learning, but throughout all aspects of educational activities, learning a language requires a certain degree of perseverance and persistence. Matsumura (2009) points out that the total hours of L2 instruction in Japanese junior high school, high school and university amounts to only 1120 hours, whereas about 4000 hours are said to be required for certain levels of attainment. In order to fill this gap, it is necessary to secure the continuity of various learning motives, namely, to create an environment capable of continuously maintaining these motives. So, how can we help maintain L2 learners’ various learning motives? From the previous studies, it has been identified that several factors strongly influence the motivation process of L2 learners. Thus, utilizing those factors effectively is presumed to have a positive effect on motivation and may be the key to the development of learner motivation and effective L2 instruction. For instance, it has been repeatedly pointed out that there is a strong link between student motivation and the use of learning strategies (e.g. Hiromori, 2004; Hiromori et al., 2012; Oxford & Nyikos, 1989; Yamato, 2002). In general, the more motivated students are reported to use learning strategies of all kinds more often than do the less motivated students. In other words, research dealing with both of these factors has usually pre sumed a (causal) relationship of motivation having an effect on learning strategies. However, Hiromori (2004), using two-wave panel data targeted
298 Language Learning Motivation in Japan
at EFL high school students, indicated that awareness of the use of learning strategies also has the potential to enhance student motivation. In addi tion, as is indicated by the statement that ‘students lose interest in learning because they do not know how to study’, Okada (2007) has identified that failure to acquire a learning strategy leads to a decrease in motivation. These studies are thought to specifically indicate a learning process in which, even though a student is unable to adopt a positive approach to learning initially, the efficiency with which the student studies gradually increases as the stu dent acquires learning strategies, and as a result, motivation increases. Along with learning strategies, self-efficacy beliefs and language anxiety are said to have close relationships with L2 motivation. Perceived self-efficacy represents people’s beliefs about their capabilities to produce designated lev els of performance. By keeping self-efficacy beliefs at a high level, a decrease in motivation can be reduced (Bandura, 1997; Yamamori, 2004). Similarly, by removing excessive language anxiety (the feeling of uneasiness, nervous ness and apprehension experienced by learners when learning/using an L2), an environment where each learner engages in his/her learning at ease can be created (Gardner et al., 1992; Horwitz, 2001). However, as I have pointed out before, you cannot hope for a learning environment where these factors continue to be assured by others. Ultimately, it is important to attempt to provide learning support that enables expectations of increased autonomous motivation involving effective self-regulation of various factors from within. Another point that is presumed to have a positive effect on motivation is to schedule ‘occasional events’. As I mentioned above, student motiva tion tends to decrease with time. However, several studies have revealed that motivation increases at specific times (e.g. Hayashi, 2005; Miura, 2010). Those times consist of prior to regular periodic tests and entrance exams. This clearly indicates that certain types of tests/exams function as motivators, despite being external, for certain students. On the other hand, scholastic performance (such as group presentation) can also function as motivators for other students. Thus, what is important is the scheduling of occasional events at opportune times. This is thought to provide support in enabling students to effectively maintain and protect their motivation.
Research Relating to ‘Motivate/Motivating’ and Practical Teaching Suggestions Finally, research involved in determining how the motivation to learn an L2 can be enhanced includes research that details and organizes numerous motivational strategies (e.g. Dörnyei, 2001; Williams & Burden, 1997) and investigative research or educational intervention studies conducted on the basis of a motivation model (e.g. Guilloteaux & Dörnyei, 2008; Hiromori, 2006, 2012). While engaging in routine educational activities, an area that
Motivational Design for Effective Second Language Instruction 299
often interests teachers is how to enhance the level of motivation of the students being instructed. In actuality, in the educational setting, teachers have long attempted to motivate students by trial and error. In these cir cumstances, numerous useful findings can be obtained from the results of studies targeted at general educational activities. Table 16.3 shows typical studies that deal with motivational factors in the research context of gen eral education and/or (educational) psychology. For example, Epstein (1988) identifies six structural features (i.e. Task, Authority, Reward, Grouping, Evaluation and Time) that can help teachers organize their instructional environments. These six features are known by the acronym TARGET. According to the TARGET model, teachers can influence students’ motivation by manipulating these six features in their classes. Specifically, the role of the teacher in these six structural features is to: (1) identify the task(s) that their students will perform during class (Task), (2) decide who will make the instructional decisions – the teacher, the students or both (Authority), (3) determine how rewards will be given (Reward), (4) designate how students will be grouped for activity (Grouping), (5) determine how students will be assessed (Evaluation) and (6) decide on the lesson’s pace and the amount of time devoted to task completion (Time). Table 16.3 Selected studies dealing with motivational factors Study
Model
Example motivational factors
Epstein (1988)
TARGET Model
Keller (1983, 1992)
ARCS Model
Gagne et al. (1988)
Nine Events of Instruction
Deci & Ryan (1985, 2002)
Basic Psychological Needs
Schumann (1997)
Component Process Model
– Task – Authority – Reward – Grouping – Evaluation – Time – Attention – Relevance – Confidence – Satisfaction – Gain attention – Inform learner of objectives – Stimulate recall of prior learning, etc (nine factors in total) – Need for autonomy – Need for competence – Need for relatedness – Novelty – Pleasantness – Goal/Need significance – Coping ability – Compatibility with self and social image
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On the other hand, in self-determination theory (SDT: Deci & Ryan, 1985, 2002), what is called ‘basic psychological needs’ are regarded as the motivating factors for human development and functioning. They are innate, universal and essential for health and well-being. Deci and Ryan (1985) postulate three psychological needs, including (1) the need for auton omy: the experience of choice in the initiation, maintenance and regulation of activity, and the experience of connectedness between one’s actions and personal goals and values; (2) the need for competence: the need to expe rience oneself as capable of producing desired outcomes and avoiding neg ative outcomes; and (3) the need for relatedness: the need to feel securely connected to the social surroundings and the need to experience oneself as worthy and capable of love and respect. It is hypothesized that if these psy chological needs are met, human motivation will be enhanced, while if they are not met, motivation will be undermined. So far, several studies investigated the applicability of SDT to the study of L2 learner motivation (e.g., Hiromori, 2003b, 2005; Noels, 2001, this volume; Noels et al., 1999) and verified that students’ perceptions of three psycholog ical needs had a strong influence on their motivation. For example, Hiromori (2003b) validated the applicability of SDT in the Japanese EFL context. In addition, with the examination of motivating factors, or psychological needs as precursors of motivation, implications for educational practice were con sidered with reference to how to motivate learners. As Figure 16.1 shows, the results indicated that: (1) students’ perceptions of their own self-competence had a strong influence on their motivation, (2) in order to enhance self- determined types of motivation (i.e. intrinsic motivation and identified reg ulation), the needs for relatedness should be fulfilled and (3) a desire for an autonomous climate in the classroom might affect motivation indirectly through students’ perceptions of being ‘competent’. One of the important educational implications appeared to be that targeting learner’s perceptions of competence and the development of each type of motivation could be a good strategy for effectively enhancing the learner’s motivation in school settings. As these studies imply, when a teacher senses that a class is not proceed ing as desired, or when wanting to reflect on the teaching methods being employed, it is considered to be important to confirm whether or not such motivational factors are being effectively incorporated in the educational practice. On the other hand, in the research context of L2 learning and teaching, some studies have appeared that focus specifically on factors involved in bringing about L2 motivation, or in other words, factors that enhance L2 motivation. For example, Williams and Burden (1997) present a compre hensive model on motivation within a social constructivist framework. In their model, motivational factors can be classified depending on whether the motivational influence is internal (such as intrinsic interest in the activ ity, mastery and self-concept) or external (such as significant others, the learning environment and the board context).
Motivational Design for Effective Second Language Instruction 301
intrinsic motivation autonomy 1 autonomy 2 autonomy 3 autonomy 4
.54 .66 .81 .40
.40
relatedness 1 relatedness 3
.67 .58 .53
relatedness 4
.78
relatedness 2
identified regulation
.52
competence 2 .61 competence 3 .67
competence
.34
.88
intrinsic 2
.59
intrinsic 3
.72
identified 1
.76
identified 2
.81
identified 3
.59
external 1
.89
external 2
.92
external 3
.74
amotivation 1
.76
amotivation 2
.76
amotivation 3
.33 -.23
relatedness
intrinsic 1
.24
autonomy
competence 1 .73
.87
external regulation
-.34 amotivation
Figure 16.1 Structural equation modeling of the relationships between students’ perceptions of psychological needs and self-determined types of motivation (Hiromori, 2003b). Path coefficients represent standardized estimates. Only significant estimates are shown (p < .05). Creating the basic motivational conditions
Encouraging positive retrospective self-evaluation
Generating initial motivation
Maintaining and protecting motivation
Figure 16.2 Schematic representation of the process model of motivation (based on Dörnyei, 2001)
Dörnyei (2001) also puts forward an elaborate model reflecting on the process-oriented approach to motivation. His model separates the motiva tional process into three distinct phases: Preactional phase → Actional phase → Postactional phase, and summarizes corresponding motivational factors in each phase. Figure 16.2 shows a schematic representation of this moti vational process. In the preactional phase, motivation has to be generated. Thus, learners need support to help set their goals and initiate their learn ing (e.g. a pleasant and supportive atmosphere in the classroom, increasing
302 Language Learning Motivation in Japan
the learners’ goal-orientedness). Next, in the actional phase, generated motivation needs to be maintained and protected (e.g. presenting tasks in a motivating way, protecting the learners’ self-esteem and increasing their self-confidence). Finally, in the postactional phase, the learning process is evaluated in a retrospective way (e.g. providing motivational feedback, increasing learner satisfaction). The model mentioned above conceptualizes the process and mecha nism by which learner motivation develops and changes, and Guilloteaux and Dörnyei (2008) investigated the validity of such a conceptual model. Specifically, this study examined the relationship between teachers’ moti vational teaching practice and their students’ language learning motivation from both quantitative and qualitative perspectives. In order to clarify the characteristics of teachers’ teaching practice and their students’ learning, they developed a new instrument named MOLT (Motivation Orientation of Language Teaching) and analyzed teachers’ as well as learners’ behav iors in the actual classrooms in a temporal order. The results showed that students who learn in a classroom where the previously described motiva tional strategies have been incorporated had higher motivation and tended to more actively engage in class activities. In addition, there have been several studies conducted to examine the effects of these motivational strategies from an empirical perspective (e.g. Hiromori, 2006, 2012; Tanaka & Hiromori, 2007). For example, Hiromori (2006) designed and implemented writing activities that had the potential to stimulate the motivational factors postulated to enhance human motivation in SDT (i.e. three psychological needs), and investigated the effects of the edu cational intervention on L2 learners’ motivational development. The results showed that the intervention had a significant positive effect on learner moti vation, but more detailed analysis also revealed that the facilitating role of the three psychological needs varied according to learners’ motivational profiles. In short, less motivated learners seemed to benefit the most from satisfaction of the need for competence and relatedness, whereas learners with a higher level of motivation required autonomy for their motivational development. This result suggests the possibility that, in order to motivate less-motivated learners, it is necessary to provide learning support that instills a sense of competence in the form of ‘you can learn English if you try’, as well as a sense of solidarity with teachers and other learners. However, for learners who are already motivated and take the initiative in engaging in learning on their own, collaborative work with others is not always required, and in order to more effectively enhance such learners’ will to learn on their own, it can be said to be important to motivate them so that they have an awareness of taking the initiative in engaging in learning English on their own. The last practical teaching suggestions obtained from these kinds of studies refer to the need for caution when considering a teaching method to be absolute and exclusive, regardless of how effectively that method
Motivational Design for Effective Second Language Instruction 303
has been developed. To put it differently, although teaching practice that employs motivational strategies has certain positive effects on L2 instruc tion, its effects can depend on individual learner factors, such as learners’ current motivation and language proficiency. It is fair to say that an effective teaching method for highly motivated learners is not necessarily the same as that for less motivated ones. Furthermore, differences in learners’ person alities, language aptitude, learning styles, etc., can also make an impact on their performance. Thus, in a nutshell, instruction should be considered on the basis of these individual differences among learners. What kind of things, then, should we consider in order to provide more effective learning support that accommodates learners’ individual differ ences? In the following, I consider this issue from the perspective of the process model of motivation (i.e. generation of motivation, maintenance and protection of motivation and motivational retrospection, respec tively). First, in order to generate student motivation, setting appropriate learning goals and learning tasks is highly important. This is because, by setting goals that represent the learners’ actual conditions, positive engage ment with subsequent learning and learning outcomes can be promoted (Dörnyei, 2001; Pintrich, 2000). In Hiromori (2009), an in-depth survey was conducted among students as well as teachers at the time learning/ teaching objectives were revised for new English curriculum. The setting of such objectives in consideration of ‘necessity’ (the degree to which a specific learning item is recognized to be required or important) and ‘feasibility’ (the degree to which a specific learning item can be performed) is essential for teaching practice that enhances student motivation. Next, in order to maintain and protect motivation, it is necessary to encourage learners continuously and alleviate their anxiety, although this may sound rather hackneyed. As was said before, to master a foreign lan guage definitely needs a certain amount of time. Thus, even when intended learning outcomes have not been gained, a learning environment capable of continuously maintaining learner motivation should be provided. In so doing, not only can learning support from teachers and other learners play important roles, but utilizing the aforementioned factors presumed to have a positive effect on motivation can also be effective. As for the former, pro viding advice and exchanging information pertaining to learning between students and between students and teachers through the use of ‘learning records’ (see Figure 16.3) and ‘reaction logs’ (see Figure 16.4) serves not only to develop a sense of solidarity, but is also considered to facilitate enhance ment of mutual rapport. Finally, as for motivational retrospection (i.e. self-evaluation), feedback that motivates learners and increases their satisfaction should be empha sized. Giving appropriate feedback can not only function as a bridge-building process for later learning, but can also generate a virtuous motivational pro cess circle. One important way of promoting such a motivational process
304 Language Learning Motivation in Japan This Week’s Goal (For Out-of-Class Activities)
Date
Learning Contents
Learning Time (minutes)
Total Learning Time
(minutes)
Reflection of This Week
Comments from Your Teacher
Figure 16.3 An example of learning records for out-of-class activities
Month/Day
What You Want to Say. What You Want to Hear.
1st Class /
2nd Class /
3rd Class /
4th Class (etc.)
Figure 16.4 An example of reaction logs
Motivational Design for Effective Second Language Instruction 305
appears to be to ‘visualize’ a learning outcome. In general, while good or poor test results can be considered to have considerable impact on learn ers, this is because the test results are quite easy for them to understand (i.e. visualize). Therefore, in order to practically implement feedback that enhances motivation, factors such as what was learned in class that day, what degree of progress/achievement was observed and what types of prob lems remain should be confirmed both objectively and periodically. Provid ing informational feedback that balances outcomes with problems can give strong motivation for subsequent behavior.
Conclusion In this paper, I summarized L2 motivation research from three per spectives and described their practical implications for L2 teaching. As for research relating to ‘motive’, it was pointed out that there is no ‘good’ or ‘bad’ learning motive in an absolute sense. This means that it is important to have a balanced set of multiple motives, as discussed in various moti vation theories, so that learning can be constantly supported by stronger motives. Second, as for research relating to ‘motivation’, it was indicated that mastering an L2 requires sustained, long-term effort, and motivation does not remain constant during the process. On the contrary, it is not sur prising to see that students’ motivation gradually decreases over the period. In order to deal with this issue, it was suggested to make effective use of several learner factors (such as learning strategy and self-efficacy beliefs) presumed to have a positive effect on motivation. Finally, as for research relating to ‘motivate/motivating’, several investigative research and edu cational intervention studies were presented. They aimed at identifying motivating factors and investigating their impacts on learner motivation. Although they offer useful insights into how to motivate L2 learners, they also reveal that the effects of educational intervention depend, to a certain extent, on individual learner differences. Learner motivation providing both diversity and continuity is essential for effective L2 learning. Although strategies for enhancing such motivation have been proposed, there is no ‘secret strategy’ that can be applied in any situation. Teachers are required to be motivated with diversity and continu ity in the same manner as learners.
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Hiromori, T. (2004) Motivation and language learning strategies of EFL high school students: A preliminary study through the use of panel data. JACET Bulletin 39, 31–41. Hiromori, T. (2005) Three factors that motivate L2 learners: From the perspectives of general tendency and individual differences. JACET Bulletin 41, 37–50. Hiromori, T. (2006) The effects of educational intervention on L2 learners’ motivational development. JACET Bulletin 43, 1–14. Hiromori, T. (2009) The elaboration and validation of English language proficiency benchmarks (Can-Do lists) for Ehime University. Annual Review of English Language Education in Japan 20, 231–240. Hiromori, T. (2012) Instructional practice that enhances English learners’ motivation: Diagnostic use of motivation evaluation. Annual Review of English Language Education in Japan 23, 361–372. Hiromori, T., Matsumoto, H. and Nakayama, A. (2012) Profiling individual differences of successful and unsuccessful L2 readers. The Journal of Asia TEFL 9, 49–70. Horwitz, E. (2001) Language anxiety and achievement. Annual Review of Applied Linguistics 21, 112–126. Inbar, O., Schmidt, S.D. and Shohamy, E. (2001) Students’ motivation as a function of language learning: The teaching of Arabic in Israel. In Z. Dörnyei and R. Schmidt (eds) Motivation and Second Language Acquisition (pp. 297–311). Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press. Keller, J.M. (1983) Motivational design of instruction. In C.M. Reigeluth (ed.) Instructional- design Theories and Models: An Overview of their Current Status (pp. 386–434). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Keller, J.M. (1992) Enhancing the motivation to learn: Origins and applications of the ARCS model. Reports from the Institute of Education, Tohoku Gakuin University 11, 45–67. Koizumi, R. and Matsuo, K. (1993) A longitudinal study of attitudes and motivation in learning English among Japanese seventh-grade students. Japanese Psychological Research 35, 1–11. Lamb, M. (2007) The impact of school on EFL learning motivation: An Indonesian case study. TESOL Quarterly 41, 757–780. Leaver, B.L. (2003) Motivation at native-like levels of foreign-language proficiency: A research agenda. Journal for Distinguished Language Studies 1, 75–92. Masgoret, A.M. and Gardner, R.C. (2003) Attitudes, motivation, and second language learning: A meta-analysis of studies conducted by Gardner and associates. Language Learning 53, 123–163. Matsumura, M. (2009) 58 Keys You Should Know About English Education. Tokyo: Taishukan. Miura, T. (2010) A retrospective survey of L2 learning motivational changes. JALT Journal 32, 29–53. Noels, K.A. (2001) Learning Spanish as a second language: Learners’ orientations and perceptions of their teachers’ communication style. Language Learning 51, 107–144. Noels, K.A., Clément, R. and Pelletier, L. (1999) Perceptions of teachers’ communicative style and students’ intrinsic and extrinsic motivation. The Modern Language Journal 83, 23–34. Okada, I. (2007) How can we enhance high school students’ motivation to learn English vocabulary? Effects of teaching an organization strategy. Japanese Journal of Educational Psychology 55, 287–299. Oxford, R.L. and Nyikos, M. (1989) Variables affecting choice of language learning strate gies by university students. Modern Language Journal 73, 291–300.
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Pintrich, P. (2000) Multiple goals, multiple pathways: The role of goal orientation in learning and achievement. Journal of Educational Psychology 92, 544–555. Schmidt, R.W., Boraie, D. and Kassabgy, O. (1996) Foreign language motivation: Internal structure and external connections. In R.L. Oxford (ed.) Language Learning Motivation: Pathways to the New Century (pp. 9–70). Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press. Schumann, J.H. (1997) The Neurobiology of Affect in Language Learning. Malden, MA: Blackwell. Smith, L.J. (2009) Motivation and long-term language achievement: Understanding motivation to persist in foreign language learning. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Maryland, College Park, Maryland, USA. Tanaka, H. and Hiromori, T. (2007) The effects of educational intervention that enhances intrinsic motivation of L2 students. JALT Journal 29, 59–80. Ushioda, E. (2009) A person-in-context relational view of emergent motivation, self and identity. In Z. Dörnyei and E. Ushioda (eds) Motivation, Language Identity and the L2 Self (pp. 215–228). Bristol: Multilingual Matters. VanPatten, B. and Glass, W.R. (1999) Grammar learning as a source of language anxiety: A discussion. In D.J. Young (ed.) Affect in Foreign Language and Second Language Learning: A Practical Guide to Creating a Low-anxiety Classroom Atmosphere (pp. 89–105). Boston: McGraw-Hill. Williams, M. and Burden, R. (1997) Psychology for Language Teachers. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Yamamori, K. (2004) Durability of the will to learn English: A one-year study of Japanese seventh graders. Japanese Journal of Educational Psychology 52, 71–82. Yamato, R. (2002) A study on motivation and strategy in an EFL setting. JACET Bulletin 35, 1–13. Yashima, T. (2000) Orientations and motivation in foreign language learning: A study of Japanese college students. JACET Bulletin 31, 121–133. Yashima, T. and Zenuk-Nishide, L. (2008) The impact of learning contexts on proficiency, attitudes, and L2 communication: Creating an imagined international community. System 36, 566–585.
17 Perspectives on L2 Motivation: Bridging the Gaps between Teachers, SLA Researchers and Teacher Educators Yoshiyuki Nakata
What is motivation, anyway? This is perhaps the most basic question, which many scholars and educators cast doubts on and yet are struggling to answer. We all know that motivation is one of the essential elements in teaching, yet it seems to be elusive and therefore is often perceived differently by each individual. There is a general consensus in the literature that motiva tion is a multifaceted concept (Dörnyei, 2001) or a blanket (umbrella) term (Boekaerts, 1995). Just as there are many ways in which motivation prob lems are manifested, there are many reasons for learner behavior (Givvin et al., 2001). This inevitably requires researchers to inquire into some aspect of motivation. Why does each of us see motivation differently? The individual’s view of motivation corresponds in varying degrees with his or her own agenda. For many second language acquisition (SLA) researchers, the main agenda is to con tribute to the academic literature in the hope that teachers can learn from their findings. Many researchers are inclined to choose particular existing approaches to motivation as their preferred theoretical underpinning, and accordingly to follow some research methods rather than others. Attempts to address motivation are complicated by differences in the ways that dif ferent investigators, each with their own philosophical and academic back ground (i.e. their learning and teaching experience), have been persuaded to take different positions, particularly in the way they see motivation. For example, while quantitative researchers attempt to find patterns and principles drawn from the results of the questionnaire survey, qualitative researchers try to delve deeper into the dynamics of motivation. For most classroom teachers, however, the main concern is simply to improve their own teaching in their day-to-day practice. The agenda for 309
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many teacher educators who are teaching theories of motivation at gradu ate courses (whether in the field of SLA, educational psychology or teacher education), then, naturally becomes to help teachers find effective ways of motivating their students or to teach them how to discern and utilize the existing motivational theories for their own purposes. Most of all, the indi vidual’s view of motivation is conditioned by a complex web of cultural, contextual and individual factors. The overarching aim of this chapter is therefore to unravel a tangled thread of motivation research in the field of English language teaching and applied linguistics, with specific reference to the Japanese school context. I will begin by examining the existing L2 motivation research literature in the light of such aspects of motivation as the social milieu, expectancy and value. Following this, I will introduce the definition of student motivation, and then briefly explain the mechanism of motivation. After that, I will highlight student motivation to learn English in the Japanese school con text. Finally, I will stress the gaps between teachers, SLA researchers and teacher educators that need to be bridged, in order for them to incorporate motivation research into the practice of ‘language teaching’.
Three Aspects of L2 Motivation The social milieu Jere Brophy (2008; also see Gaedke & Shaughnessy, 2003 for an inter view with Brophy), an educational psychologist as well as a teacher educa tor, postulated three major aspects in motivation research: the social milieu, the expectancy aspect and the value aspect. The most tangible characteristic suggested by Brophy is the social milieu in which the learning takes place (e.g. the degree to which it is supportive vs. threatening; questions about the classroom climate, learning community, classroom goal, etc.). In the early stages of L2 motivation research, the focus was placed pri marily on the learners’ sense of identity and attitudes toward the target language and its culture. In their social psychological approach to motiva tion, Gardner and his associates (Gardner, 1985; Gardner & Lambert, 1972) argued that the level of motivation is largely dependent on learners’ integra tive motivation (i.e. psychological preparedness to adopt various aspects of behavior that characterize members of the target linguistic-cultural group). Admittedly, there is no such target language group in the Japanese English as a Foreign Language (EFL) context with which learners wish to integrate generally. Though some of them may long to become famous singers or actresses or dream of living in such countries, many of them simply want to communicate with foreigners in English. In an EFL context like that of Japan, it is not a matter of either resistance or assimilation to the target
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language culture, as has been partly shown by Kimura et al. (2001), and this helps to explain the difficulty of distinguishing instrumentality and integrativeness among Japanese EFL learners. Therefore, it was a natural cor ollary for some Japanese researchers to further inquire into an alternative source of motivation – international outlook (Nakata, 1995a, 1995b) and international posture (Yashima, 2002, this volume; Yashima et al., 2004) – suggesting that, in this global age, Japanese students learn English in order to become international citizens who look critically at both the L1 and L2 cultures (see Nakata (1995a) for the internationalization model). Moreover, as Dörnyei (2009: 27) described, integrativenes also refers to ‘the L2-specific facet of one’s self ’ associated with the mastery of an L2. This leads us to infer that the social milieu aspect of motivation encapsulates the idea of one’s Ideal L2 Self and Ought-to L2 Self (Dörnyei, 2005; Dörnyei & Ush ioda, 2009; see Ryan (2009) and Yashima (2009) for the studies in Japan). It goes without saying that the social psychological aspect of motivation in language learning plays an important role in learners’ language devel opment on the condition or in the context where L2 learning necessitates some degree of change in their identity and inevitably involves such a learn er’s psychological readiness. Doubtless, this social milieu aspect is of considerable theoretical inter est among L2 motivation researchers (see this volume). However, my focus here is on another social milieu aspect: whether the classroom environment is supportive or threatening rather than whether the social context itself is either supportive or threatening for language learning. This social milieu aspect is perhaps a more emergent issue facing EFL secondary school teachers in their day-to-day practice. Good and Brophy (2003) stressed the inextricable link between teachers and learners, suggesting that teachers’ unawareness of what they do or why they engage in a classroom often result in learners’ unproductive behavior. Positive teacher–student relationships, as Fraser and Walberg (2005) argued, are worthwhile process goals of education and pro mote student outcomes. Nevertheless, despite its international tendency (Crooks & Schmidt, 1991; Dörnyei, 1994, 2001, 2007), this aspect of the social milieu as a source of concern among EFL school teachers (e.g. Miura et al., 2002) has unfor tunately been overlooked by motivation researchers in Japan until only recently. In this regard, Nuibe (1985) provided an excellent vantage point to view and revisit the importance of classroom atmosphere and teacher rapport for motivating language learners. Though his claim was made in the very early stages of EFL motivation research literature in Japan, it is now high time for motivation researchers to delve deeper into this issue. The idea that ‘motivation, above all, is dependent on the trusting rela tionship between teacher and learners’ (Nakata, 2009a: 243) may well be a matter of common sense in the eyes of EFL secondary school teachers in Japan. Such an idea is espoused by the findings of questionnaire surveys
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(Sakui & Cowie, 2011; Sugita & Takeuchi, 2010). Additionally, this social milieu aspect also plays an important role for the promotion of learner autonomy. Referring to the argument made by Allwright (1991, cited in Little, 1995) that teachers and learners are co-producers of classroom lessons, Little (1995: 178) insisted: ‘In the promotion of learner autonomy the teach er’s task is to bring learners to the point where they accept equal respon sibility for this co-production’. Of even more importance is the Japanese Ministry’s new course of Guidelines (2009) stated ‘During English lessons, teacher should use English as a medium of instruction’ to be enacted in high school from the year of 2013. Amid growing concerns about students’ anx iety, motivation and autonomy (i.e. teachers’ ways of dealing with them in such a classroom), this social milieu aspect is likely to be valued more than ever. It is no wonder that fertile grounds still exist for this social milieu aspect (i.e. both for teachers and researchers).
The expectancy aspect The second defining feature suggested by Brophy (2008) is the learner’s attributions, expectations and self-efficacy perceptions (prospects for achieving learning goals; implications of success and failure; questions such as ‘What are my chances for succeeding here?’ or ‘How can I protect my reputation if I fail?’). A prominent line of research in this regard is based on the edu cational psychological approach to motivation, and much of this research arose from the criticism that the studies available in those days lacked rele vance to the classroom (Crooks & Schmidt, 1991). Within this category, there are three strands of research. One is the large-scale questionnaire survey whose subjects were EFL learners (Clément et al., 1994; Dörnyei, 1990). In this context, survey-based research began to incorporate theories of educational psychology into the study of EFL motivation in Japan, thus moving toward practitioner-friendly motivation research (Kimura et al., 2001). Another strand of research is the retrospec tive study using open-ended questionnaires and interviews. Williams and Burden (1997, 1999) investigated learners’ retrospective perception of their successes and failures in language learning. In Japan, as I understand it, attention to learners’ ‘retrospective perceptions of their language learning experience’ in L2 motivation research was rather a minority voice in the 1990s with some exceptions (e.g. Nakata, 1999). Indeed, it was only after the new millennium that a number of motivation researchers began to focus on ‘demotivation’, mainly with regard to learners’ previous language expe rience in secondary schools (Falout et al., 2009; Ikeno, 2002; Kikuchi, 2009, this volume; Nakata, 2003, 2006b; Sakai & Kikuchi, 2009; Tsuchiya, 2006). One more intriguing line of research is the qualitative longitudinal investi gation into the development of learners’ motivational thinking using openended and semi-structured interviews (Ushioda, 2001), echoing another
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qualitative investigation employing the techniques of observation and the semi-structured interview in Japan (Kimura, 2003). Admittedly, we have greatly benefited from the studies dealing with both of these aspects of motivation (i.e. the social milieu and the expec tancy aspect). In fact, L2 motivation studies regarding the social milieu have helped raise teachers’ awareness of the reasons why their learners study English, and the importance of creating a comfortable atmosphere for them to learn English. Studies on the expectancy aspects, on their part, also offer teachers some suggestions regarding how to orient students to attribute their learning progress to internal and controllable factors (e.g. effort), help them to view their abilities as incrementally improvable, and thereby, lead them to develop positive self-efficacy perceptions (Brophy, 2008).
The value aspect According to Brophy (2008), the value aspect of motivation suggests that individual students place value on engaging in a learning activity or gaining whatever benefits successful completion will bring (the degree to which the learner values the opportunity to engage in the learning activity and acquire the knowledge or skills that it develops, addressing such questions such as ‘Why should I care about this?’ or ‘What will I get out of it?’). Thus far, the existing motivation theory and research in educational psychology have not yielded much information about how to help students appreciate the value of what they are learning (Brophy, 2004, 2008). Regret tably, I need to concur with Brophy’s assertion, in that this is also the case in L2 motivation research. This is even despite the fact that, in the Japanese EFL school context, the majority of the students learn English not as their chosen subject but as a compulsory subject. For many school teachers in an EFL context full of constraints and limitations (Nakata, 2011), motivation is likely to be a matter of developing students’ appreciation for what is taught in school. Self-determination theory (SDT) (Deci & Ryan, 1985; Ryan & Deci, 2002) seems to address this issue, at least partially. In fact, two forms of extrinsic motivation, identified regulation (i.e. the learner consciously val ues a behavioral goal or regulation and accepts the behavior as personally important) and integrated regulation (i.e. the learner endorses values, goals and needs that are already part of the self), are relevant to English learn ers in the Japanese school (also see the notion of students’ engagement in Jang (2008) and Jang et al. (2010) for a similar discussion). In contrast, the notion of intrinsic motivation referring to pure interest or enjoyment may not necessarily be very relevant to the Japanese EFL school context with its constraints and limitations (e.g. curriculum goals, preparation for entrance exams, rote learning, grammar translation method and textbooks inspected by the ministry).
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On a practical level, intrinsic motivation defined as interest or enjoy ment (Deci & Ryan, 1985) is ideal but unattainable as an all-day, every day motivational state for teachers to seek to develop in their students, as Brophy (2004) argued. On a theoretical level, SDT seems to be more or less incompatible with the origin of intrinsic motivation: the notion of effectance motivation – ‘a feeling of interest which often sustains us well in day-to-day actions, particularly when things we are doing have continuing elements of novelty’ (White, 1959: 323) – which seems to include not only the affective aspect of motivation (i.e. fun, enjoyable), but also the cognitive aspect of motivation (i.e. meaningful, worthwhile). Therefore, in his model two levels of intrinsic motivation, Nakata (2006b, 2009b, 2010) distinguished the core level where learners can manage their language learning and consider learning in school or even at home as part of their lifelong language learning (irrespective of teacher, teaching approach or text material) from its surface level where learners’ motivation is rather vulnerable. For example, some studying English with enjoyment may cease their L2 learning in the future owing to such external factors as described above. Others without appropriate language learning strategies (i.e. how they learn a foreign language best) may not progress as well as they could. Other learners with language proficiency and language learning strategies may pass the entrance exam, but some of them without having internalized its intrinsic value may not continue learning on their own. The important message of this theory is that, in order to be fully self-regulated, autonomous language learners, students should achieve a certain level of language learn ing strategies’ competency and language proficiency, and, above all, should come to appreciate the value of the language learning endeavor. Otherwise, the virtuous cycle of self-regulated language learning (between language learning strategies, language proficiency and intrinsic value) is unlikely to occur, and thus students are unlikely to become highly intrinsically moti vated, autonomous language learners (Tsuda & Nakata, 2013). The value aspect of motivation could possibly offer useful insights to English teachers (in the school context) wanting students ‘not merely to retain the content taught but to value it and want to learn more about it’ (Brophy, 2008: 132). Hence, there is a potential for research dealing with this aspect of motivation to offer teachers more fruitful practical indications of how to motivate their learners in their own classroom and school context.
Student Motivation Theoretical underpinning The foregoing discussion regarding the value aspect of motivation brings us to another type of motivation that has not so far drawn much attention
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but highly prospective in the field of L2 motivation – student motivation. In this section, I would like to confine my discussion primarily to student ‘motivation to learn’ in the Japanese EFL school context, sticking to the definition set out by Brophy (2004: 3–4): In the classroom context, the concept of student motivation is used to explain the degree to which students invest attention and effort in various pursuits, which may or may not be the ones desired by their teachers. Student motivation is rooted in students’ subjective experiences, especially those connected to their willingness to engage in lessons and learning activities and their reasons for doing so. The idea of student motivation is also well described in the model (Figure 17.1) that takes account of (1) the effect of teacher’s interven tion (see Hiromori, this volume) and learners’ self-regulation in the class room context (see Noels, this volume), (2) the interplay between social/ cultural context, classroom context, and internal factors such as beliefs and perceptions (see Kikuchi, this volume; also, Yashima, this volume) and (3) motivated behavior. More concretely, Figure 17.1 depicts the process of motivational development where learners come to exhibit their motivated
Part of Integrated Model of Student Motivation in the Classroom (Dembo, M.H., & Eaton, M.J., 1997, p. 69, adapted from Pintrich, 1994) Intervention strategies Teacher-direct
Teachers’ perspectives (motivational strategies, demotivation)
Student self-regulated Social/cultural context
Classroom contextual factors
Internal factors (Beliefs and perceptions)
Motivated behavior
Cultural factors
Classroom factors
Student motivational beliefs and emotions
Actual observable behaviors
the social milieu (social psychological approach)
Teacher educators’ perspective (intrinsic value)
attributions, expectations, self-efficacy, demotivation (educational psychological approach)
Learners’ perspective SLA researchers’ perspective
Figure 17.1 An integrated model for examining aspects of student motivation research
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behavior, through the filters of the beliefs and perceptions that have led them to act as they do, influenced by a number of factors inherent in the classroom context where the interaction between teacher and students occurs in the social/cultural context. All of the elements displayed in the model together help depict the whole picture of motivation not only in the sphere of education in general but also in that of L2. Therefore, I attempt to relate some of the issues in L2 motivation research to the model ‘Part of Integrated Model of Student Motivation in the Classroom’ (within the framework of the ruled line), out side of which I try to situate both of the social psychological approach and the educational psychological approach to L2 motivation on the one hand, and clarify the differences of concerns about L2 motivation among teach ers, SLA researchers and teacher educators, on the other. There is a great potential for this model as a whole to help teachers, SLA researchers (both those favoring the qualitative approach and those favoring the quantitative approach) and teacher educators to understand their own perspective as well as each others’ perspectives, and accordingly help contribute to bridge the gap between them.
The Japanese EFL school context As Figure 17.1 suggests, motivation is deeply woven into fabric of the social/cultural context and is conditioned by a complex web of factors (e.g. classroom, school, structural constraints, curriculum goal and culture). It is therefore reasonable for us to suppose that there exist no ‘golden rules’ of how to motivate learners. As a natural corollary, the task-facing motiva tion researchers is to offer teachers some food for thought that may help them to think about the meaning of motivation in their own educational context and how to motivate their learners accordingly. In a nutshell, moti vation is not a matter exclusively pertaining to learner’s minds, but rather is inextricably linked with a number of other factors such as the curriculum, the course of study, exam, textbook, limited class hours and the teacher. It is supremely important therefore to illuminate some of the important contextual issues of motivation in the Japanese school context. I attempt to do this on the basis of the four points made by Brophy (2004: 13–14) listed below. The first point is that school attendance is compulsory, and curriculum content and learning activities are selected essentially on the basis of what society believes students need to learn, not necessarily on the basis of what students would choose if given opportunities to do so. This is certainly true in the Japanese EFL school context. The second point is that teachers usually work with classes of 20 or more students and therefore cannot always meet each individual’s needs. In many Japa nese EFL classrooms, the class size is much bigger than that (normally about 30–40 students).
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The third, and more significant, point is that classrooms are social settings where failures often produce not only personal disappointment but also public embarrassment. In educational contexts like many EFL classrooms in East Asia (including Japan), students are constantly required to be perfect in their preparation for passing the entrance exam (high school, university), and therefore making mistakes often means public humiliation. As a result, many learners are reluctant to use language in public and do not necessarily take the initiative in their learning, which makes it difficult for us to detect their motivation from their behavior alone. Perhaps this is also one of the reasons why motivation research is popular in Japan. The fourth point is that students are graded, and periodic reports are sent home to their parents. In Japan, instead of ‘sotai hyouka’ or comparative assessment (i.e. one’s ranking within a group), which used to be a traditional form of evaluation, the system of ‘zettai hyouka’ or absolute assessment (the level of one’s individual achievement) has attracted much more attention these days. Regrettably, however, the reality of the current situation is such that, while some teachers employ multiple perspectives of evaluation focusing on process as well as results (i.e. mastery goals as well as performance goals; see Ames, 1992; Ames & Archer, 1988), other teachers end up simply accumu lating the test scores of the quizzes and call it absolute assessment. One final point we cannot pass over is ‘juken eigo’ or ‘English for entrance exams’, which emphasizes grammar, vocabulary and reading com prehension. While recognizing that this plays a major part in the instruction for secondary school EFL teachers, however, I do not necessarily believe they are entirely preoccupied with this. Nor do I believe it is the Japanese Minis try’s idea, as far as the new course of Guideline (2009) is concerned at least. There are some currents of fresh air blowing among Japanese high school EFL teachers (e.g. debate tournament and professional development circle) to suggest that debate activity can help develop students’ critical thinking skills as well as their negotiation skills in English and thereby to help promote their learner autonomy (e.g. Muneyasu, 2009). Debate activity should be perceived not as an alternative to traditional instruction for ‘juken eigo’ but as a valid addition or link to it, by which learners find the value in learning English, get motivated both affectively and cognitively and start to endeavor to become autonomous (i.e. self-regulated, life-long) language learners.
Student motivation to learn in the Japanese EFL school context As I argued elsewhere, it is my observation that motivation encapsu lates willingness to learn English (yaruki or iyoku in Japanese), which can be characterized by reference to the three salient features – classroom, learner behavior and attitude to engaging learning – that are inherent in the school context (Nakata, 2006a). Such a view, to a greater or a lesser extent, seems to be congruent with the findings of Shimizu (1998: 92):
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We found three categories of motivation that teachers, parents, and stu dents believed to have contributed to success at school: (a) having inter est in (kyomi or kanshin) or liking (suki or tanoshii) to study, (b) having a willingness or desire (yaruki) to study; and (c) having the right attitude (taido) for studying. This offers a number of intriguing insights into motivation deeply woven into the fabric of the culture and educational system in Japan. For one thing, kyomi or kanshin may stir the learner’s motivation but does not necessarily bring it into operation in his or her behavior. What is more, suki or tanoshii can ignite learner motivation but may not necessarily help sus tain it over time. One final point is that, while admitting that taido is one of the indispensable characteristics of motivated learners – a key to successful learning – we sometimes see exceptional cases of low achievers who appear to be diligent (e.g. full class attendance and full homework submission). Though such learners appear to be diligent and disciplined at the surface level of their behavior, we are not sure if they are really motivated since such behavior might be merely the outcome of training (discipline). This observation also sheds a slightly different but interesting light on the model two layers of intrinsic motivation (Nakata, 2006b, 2010) aforemen tioned. Without all of the elements which belong to the very centre of prac tice in the school context, learners cannot enter the core level of intrinsic motivation (autonomy, self-regulation). This, it seems to me, confirms the inevitable fact that it is the teacher’s responsibility to help learners to fill gaps for each element. An important task-facing motivation researchers in Japan then is to find practical implications of how to help our learners to change their perceptions of English from a compulsory classroom subject to an internally valued one (e.g. Nakata, 2009b, 2010; Tsuda & Nakata, 2012). All this explains, at least partially, (1) the secret of the popularity of motivation research in Japan (i.e. why many language teachers in Japan give higher priority to motivation); (2) the aspects of motivation they are most concerned with (i.e. motivating students in the Japanese EFL school context with its constraints and limitations: the value aspect, in particular); and (3) some gaps between the researchers’ interests and the practitioners’ need for help in bringing the gaps.
L2 Motivation Research as Dialogue L2 motivation studies have been produced both internationally and domestically in what appears at first glance to be impressive quantity and quality. But we cannot simply take for granted that in practice we have succeeded in accumulating the empirical evidence of motivation research in such a way that all teachers can benefit from it, or in such a way that all
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teachers, SLA researchers and language teacher educators can communicate with each other. Some motivation research, it seems to me at least, has been unreasona bly underestimated among practitioners. It may be partially true that teach ers find the results of quantitative motivation research (drawn from the large-scale questionnaire survey using factor analysis or structural equation modeling) not meaningful as they are not easily accessible to practition ers. However, taking the findings at face value, it is unfair and inaccurate to describe quantitative research on motivation (the large-scale question naire survey in particular) as useless for teachers. Upon closer scrutiny, we come to realize that the problem lies not in such research itself but in those researchers’ ways of interpreting their findings (failing to connect them with practice, at least at the level where the practitioner makes sense of them). On the other hand, all too often in motivation research, the qualitative approach to motivation is interpreted as being more beneficial to teachers than the quantitative approach. In fairness, this observation is misleading, if one contends that all teachers can benefit from qualitative research on motivation. For example, some of my graduate students have voiced their concern over the fuzziness (as it appears to them at least) surrounding the findings of qualitative studies. A notable example is the narrative inquiry which requires teachers and novice researchers (if they are the readers) to have a substantial amount of background knowledge in the interpretation of its findings. Without sufficient and appropriate knowledge, teachers often cannot appreciate the value of such qualitative studies since they remain elusive, leaving the teachers with the impression that qualitative research (e.g. narrative inquiry) is also study for the (qualitative) researchers’ own sake. A common thread that runs through any motivation research, whether qualitative or quantitative, is that we, as motivation researchers, need to face the inevitable process of having our findings ‘interpreted’ through the lenses of others who favor different research paradigms, and whose con cerns are different from ours. In this regard, it is important to insist that it is the author’s responsibility to present the interpretation of his or her findings sensitively as well as explicitly, while keeping in mind those readers without sufficient background knowledge. As Ellis (2010: 190) observed, ‘actors can assume more than one iden tity’. There are both isolated and overlapping areas among teachers, SLA researchers and teacher educators in their agendas (Figure 17.2), by which each researcher’s perception of the relationship between motivation research and practice is, in varying degree, influenced. It is crucially impor tant in this regard to create a virtuous cycle of dialogue between teachers, SLA researchers and teacher educators (see Figure 17.2). This is even more important when it comes to communication between those whose agen das, background and perceptions of motivation are different. It is highly
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SLA researchers
Teachers
Teacher educators
Figure 17.2 Triadic aspects of agendas with regard to motivation
probable that such a dialogue, either explicit or implicit, allows us to accu mulate the evidence of different aspects of motivation in the L2 motivation literature, and suggests several possible research directions, if not identical. As Ushioda (this volume: 16) puts it, our work in foreign language moti vation research should ‘lead to helping the very people who are engaged in language learning’. Inevitably, this task is to a large extent dependent on their teachers who have come to appreciate the outcome of foreign language motivation research or those who have engaged in motivation research either on their own or under expert supervision. It is for this reason we need to break free from the preperception that teachers are always the recipients of the knowledge provided by SLA researchers or teacher educa tors working on motivation research. Borg (2010: 421) also touched on this issue by saying: ‘[M]any teachers who, despite a genuine interest in becom ing research-engaged, find it difficult to translate into practical sustainable action…Collaboration between academics and teachers is in fact commonly seen as a productive strategy in enhancing teacher research engagement’. Hence, the crux of the matter is not only the methodology employed but more largely, the lack of effort on both sides (the motivation of researchers and the teachers or teacher educators who wish to apply the findings of their studies). As Figure 17.3 suggests, one of the important tasks for researchers is to ‘make their work more accessible to teachers’ (Borg, 2010: 412). This demands not only effort on the part of researchers but also readiness on the part of teachers to attain a sufficient level of knowledge about motivation theories. It is then the teacher educator’s job to lead the teachers to the point where they are able to find the intrinsic value of learning from the findings. More precisely, serving as facilitators (of teachers) or mediators (between researchers and teachers), teacher educators should endeavor to help teachers to critique and evaluate the applicability (either direct or indi rect) of motivation research to practice, and to help them to make a fair
Bridging the Gaps between Teachers, SLA Researchers and Teacher Educators 321 Quantitative - SLA researchers - Qualitative Teacher educators as mediators
Teachers
Learners
Figure 17.3 SLA researchers, teacher educators and teachers in motivation research
judgment of whether it has some intrinsic value or not (how beneficial it is to them, what they can learn from it either directly or indirectly). This requires of teacher educators multiple levels of understanding (i.e. of learn ers, the educational context, teachers’ classroom reality and motivation the ories both in educational psychology and in SLA). As argued earlier, L2 motivation is a multifaceted complex construct. Therein resides the very role of dialogue. Needless to say, it is through the joint endeavors of all concerned with L2 motivation that we come to appre ciate the merit of each study, to see L2 motivation research (including ours) or practice for motivating L2 learners with fresh eyes, and thereby to hunt for buried treasure of L2 motivation theory and pedagogy.
Conclusion In this chapter, I have attempted to lay the foundation for further devel opment of motivation research (particularly in the Japanese EFL school con text), in the hope that this will help motivation researchers with different backgrounds to discuss such issues, both respecting each others’ position and situating their own position within a broader perspective of motiva tion (e.g. one could say ‘Seen from this perspective…’ using Figure 17.1). Moreover, I also suggest that, among other aspects of motivation (the social milieu, the expectancy aspect), there is a potential for research focusing on the value aspect of motivation to provide teachers with more opportunities to think about what motivation means to them and how to motivate their learners in their own educational context. In a nutshell, the important ques tions to be addressed further may be: what kind of data motivation researchers can provide for teachers, and how teacher educators can help teachers to appreciate the finding of motivation research.
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This is not an easy challenge and my attempt may be only one small contribution to the task. But until we motivation researchers rise to it, our endeavor to bridge practice and theory in L2 motivation will remain an individual and limited achievement that gives us little opportunity to share with our teaching colleagues the knowledge and the wisdom drawn from the studies on language learning motivation. On this base moti vation research can be embedded not only in the academic sphere but also in the social/cultural context of education, and, as a result, we can come to incorporate motivation into the theory and practice of ‘language teaching’.
Acknowledgment I would like to dedicate this paper to Jere Brophy who bequeathed his immeasurable wisdom to us, and ended his work trajectory on a question of value in the year of 2009.
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Index
A Autonomy 1, 7, 15, 18, 20–24, 24–28, 30, 95–96, 100–102, 105, 126, 165–166, 238, 299, 301–302, 312, 317–318
L L2 motivational self system 11, 36, 54, 56–57, 65, 67, 110–112, 123, 125, 131, 152–153, 171–172, 184, 220, 228–229
C Community of practice 36, 46–48 Complexity theory 268, 287 Critical participatory looping 246
O Orientations Goal 77–78, 85, 229–230, 238–239, 274, 302 Integrative 11, 55–56, 65, 75–78, 131, 248, 269, 278, 291, 293 Instrumental 55–56, 65, 201–202, 248, 269, 278, 291–292 International Friendship 179, 197 Ought-to L2 Self 36, 57, 65–66, 68, 110, 123, 131, 133–134, 141, 145–147, 157–159, 163–164, 171–172, 220, 228–229, 238, 260, 311
D Demotivation 5–7, 56–57, 67, 200, 206–208, 210, 212–217, 219–221, 230, 247, 312, 315 Dynamic systems 250, 273, 287–288 E Expectancy-value 191, 229, 310, 312–313, 321
S Self concept 3, 9, 46, 56–57, 113, 155, 171, 182, 186, 225–227, 229, 231–232, 300 Self-determination theory (SDT) 15–16, 19–21, 24, 26–27, 29, 76, 78, 85, 94–95, 100–101, 124, 300, 302, 313–314 Self-discrepancy theory 110–111, 113, 120 Self-esteem 16, 155, 226–228, 235–239, 302 Structural equation model 59, 98, 140, 158–159, 174, 217, 301, 319
I Ideal L2 Self 36, 57, 66, 76–78, 88, 110–113, 115–125, 131, 152–166, 171–176, 178–179, 181–185, 220, 228–229, 232, 234–236, 238–239, 276–278, 287, 291, 294–295, 311, 314 Identified regulation 16–17, 19, 22, 76, 300, 313 Imagined self 36, 46, 48, 165 Imagined community 35–36, 46–49, 129, 228 Integrated regulation 16–17, 76, 313, 315 Intercultural competence 35–39, 43–48, 50 Introjected regulation 16, 19, 22, 24, 66
R Rasch model 59–62, 157 T Teacher motivation 24–26, 320
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