Kythera: excavations and studies conducted by the University of Pennsylvania Museum and the British School at Athens [First U.S. Edition] 0815550170

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KYTHERA EXCAVATIONS AND STUDIES Conducted by THE UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA MUSEUM and THE BRITISH SCHOOL AT ATHENS and G. L. HUXLEY (editors) F. LAZENBY and A. S. TRIK with contributions from BERNARD ANDERSON, W. G. FORREST, JUDITH HERRIN, A. H. S. MEGAW and W. H. PLOMMER J.

R.

N.

COLDSTREAM

HoPE SIMPSON,

J.

NOYES PRESS Noyes Building Park Ridge, New Jersey 07656. U.S.A.

First U.S. Edition: 1973 Copyright© 1972 by G. L. Huxley and]. N. Coldstream Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 72-87476 ISBN: 0-8155-5017-0 Printed in Great Britain

TO MISS SYLVIA BENTON DISCOVERER OF

MINOAN KYTHERA

Contents Preface page 11 List of Figures 13 List of Plates 17 21 Abbreviations Acknowledgements 27 28 Note on Lettering ofTombs and Deposits r. The Geology ofKastri and its Neighbourhood by Bernard Anderson 29 2. The History and Topography of Ancient Kythera by G. L. Huxley 33 3. Byzantine Kythera by Judith Herrin 41 4. The Akroterion Excavations by R. Hope Simpson and ]. F. Lazenby 52 5. Trial Excavations near Kastri by G. L. Huxley and 67 ]. N. Coldstream 6. (a) Deposits of Pottery from the Settlement by]. N. Coldstream 77 (b) Small finds from Deposits by G. L. Huxley 205 7. Tombs near Kastri by G. L. Huxley, A. S. Trik and 220 ]. N. Coldstream 228 8. Tombs: the Finds by]. N. Coldstream 9. Kythera: the Sequence of the Pottery, and its Chronology 272 by]. N. Coldstream 309 10. Epilogue Appendices: A. Kythera: the Doric Fragments Preserved in Ayios Kosmas 311 by Hugh Plommer 314 B. A Metrical Inscription by W. G. Forrest C. Ayios Panteleimon, Palaiopolis, Kythera by A. H. S. Megaw 315 317 Index

Preface The island of K ythera lies off Cape Malea, the south-eastern promontory of the Peloponnese {Map: Fig. 1). On the headland ofKastri beside the Bay of Avlemon, on the coast facing Crete {Plate 1b), Miss S. Benton discovered that there had been a prehistoric settlement in which Middle Minoan to Late Minoan I pottery had been used (B.S.A. 32 (1931-2) 245-246); further work by R. Hope Simpson added to Miss Benton's results (B.S.A. 56 (1961) 153-156), after road-making near Kastri in 1957 and in 1958 had ruined three chamber tombs. In the tombs much Minoan pottery was found of the same date as the sherds collected in the settlement. The abundance of Minoan remains indicated the presence of a Cretan colony, which would repay excavation and perhaps throw some light on the period of Cretan maritime dominance in the Aegean. In 1963 thanks to the generosity of Mr and Mrs John Dimick, and of the University of Pennsylvania Museum, and also to the encouragement of the Director and Committee of the British School at Athens, a trial excavation at Kastri was undertaken with the permission of the Greek Archaeological Service. The trials confirmed that Kastri was a Minoan colony, for the finds were mostly of Cretan character. There followed two five-week seasons of selective excavation in the summers of 1964 and 1965.1 This report is chiefly concerned with the discoveries made in the Minoan colony at Kastri, but antiquities of earlier and later periods are to be found in the neighbourhood; some of them are described here, our observations being intended to supplement the descriptions given by earlier visitors. Evidence for the ancient and medieval history of K ythera is also discussed in our book and related to the results of our excavations. lA preliminary account will be found in the Illustrated London News (27 August 1966) 28-29. During the excavations brief reports on each season's work appeared in 'Apxa•oAoy•Kov LleATlov and in Archaeology in Greece.

List of Figures (following page JZO) Map ofKythera: contours by Gen. A. Hoerschelmann 2. Map of Palaiokastro mountain, by K. McFadzean and K. Minto 3. Map of Kastri, by J. Dimick, K. Minto and K. McFadzean 4. Soundings in sea offKastri, by K. McFadzean 5. Profiles of sea bed offKastri, by K. McFadzean 6. Ay. Kosmas, by K. Minto 7. Ancient Water Channel near Kastri, by K. Minto S. Plan of Ay. Panteleimon, by A. H. S. Megaw Sa. Ay. Panteleimon, sketch of apse in elevation, by A. H. S. Mcgaw Sb. Column drums in Ay. Panteleimon, by K. Minto 9. Akroterion, Layout Plan of Trenches, showing Minoan and Mycenaean walls, by K. McFadzean ro. Akroterion Trial Trenches, Section, by R. Hope Simpson Akroterion, Layout Plan of Trenches VII and VIII, by R. Hope Simpson I I. 12. Akroterion, Section of Trench XII, by R. Hope Simpson 13. Akroterion, Section of Trenches I and II, by R. Hope Simpson 14. Akroterion, Trench I, plan of Cist Grave, by R. Hope Simpson 15. Akroterion, Trench III, North Section, by R. Hope Simpson 16. Akroterion, Trench VI, South Section (reversed), by R. Hope Simpson 17. Akroterion, Plan of Minoan Walls, Areas VII and VIII, by K. McFadzean 1S. Akroterion, Trenches VII and VIII, North Section, by R. Hope Simpson 19. Akroterion, Trench VIII, West Section, by R. Hope Simpson 20. Akroterion, Trench IX, North Section, by R. Hope Simpson Akroterion, Trench IX, South Section, by R. Hope Simpson 21. 22. Akroterion, Trench IX, Plan of Minoan Walls, by R. Hope Simpson 23. Akroterion, Trench VII A, North Section, by R. Hope Simpson 24. Akroterion, Trench VII B, North Section, by R. Hope Simpson 25. Akroterion, Trench VII, West Section, by R. Hope Simpson 26. Akroterion, Trench VII C, Plans and Sections of DoorV'.;ays, by R. Hope Simpson I.

14 27. 28. 29.

30. 3I. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 4r. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49.

so. ,51. 52·

.53·

List of Figures Akroterion, Trench VIII, Doorway, Rooms 7 and 8, Plans by R. Hope Simpson Akroterion, Plan of Early Byzantine Walls, Trenches VII and VIII, by R. Hope Simpson Kastraki Trial, Plan, by A. S. Trik Kastraki Trial, Section, by A. S. Trik Neck Trench II, Section, by J. N. Coldstream Neck Trench III, Plan, by J. N. Coldstream Neck Trench III, South Section, by J. N. Coldstream Neck Trenches III and IV, East Section, by J. N. Coldstream Deposit a: E.H. I-II Deposit f1 r-63: E.M. ll-M.M. IA Deposit {164-rr6: E.M. II-M.M. IA Deposit y: M.M. IA Deposit S: M.M. IB-M.M. IIIA Deposit£: M.M. IIIB Deposit' l-r39: M.M. lllB-L.M. IA Deposit ' r34-50: M.M. lllB-L.M. IA Deposit 71: L.M. IA Deposit (}: L.M. IA Deposits i-.\: L.M. IA-B Depositµ. r-53: L.M. lB Deposit µ. 57-62: L.M. lB Deposit v r-49: L.M. lB Deposit v 45-58: L.M. lB Deposit ' r -II r : L.M. lB Deposit ' rr2-58: L.M. lB Deposit o: L.H. Ill A2 Deposit w: L.H. Ill A2-BI Deposit p r-r3: L.H. Ill A2-BI Deposit p 22-69: L.H. Ill A2-BI Deposit er r-59: Late Fifth Century B.C. Deposit er 6o--82: Late Fifth Century B.c. Deposit T: Third Century A.D. Deposits v and

.oyi1..Owtrs-, a terrace about 400 metres west of Ayios Kosmas;3 but here a temple would have been hidden by the shoulder of the mountain from the view of sailors making a landfall at Skandeia. We suggest therefore that the temple may have been built on a terrace mid-way between Ayios Kosmas and the chapel of A yios Georgios at the summit of the mountain. The level ground here is held back by a wall oflarge rough polygonal blocks, which may well belong, like the capitals in Ayios Kosmas, to the Archaic period. Unfortunately we were not privileged to dig trenches here. Architectural remains were drawn in the fifteenth century by Cyriac of Ancona during his visit to Kythera. The ruins called by him APOLJITHl: IEPON may in fact have been seen by him not on Palaiokastro mountain, but at Skandeia. 4 The drawing of them, also entitled 'KYBHPA MOEN/A' by Cyriac, would suit the Byzantine fortifications at Kastri, most See also G.R.B.S. 8 (1967) 90. j_';' •:12620 P. Gardner,J.H.S. 2 (1881) 329 If. 3 Senator John Calucci reported by W. M. Leake in 'Some Remarks on the Island ofCerigo, Anciently Kythera' (Transactions efthe Royal Society efLiterature, New Series, Vol. 4, 1850, 4). R. Weil, A.M. S (1880) 230. 4 Rev. Peter Levi S.J. kindly called our attention to Cyriac's observations. Rev.E. W.Bodnar, Cyriacus of Ancona and Athens (Collection Latomus XLill, Bruxelles-Berchem 1960) 47 quotes Cyriac's remarks of8 July 1437: 'Cytheream Insulam venimus, in qua Cyt~era antiq.uis~imam Civitatem in al~o m?nte' (.Palaiokastro): 'vndique collapsam vetustate vidimus. Sed ab ahqu~ C1vitatts parte mo~ma mag~s ed1ta lap1d1bus extant (Kastri?), ' & in summa Civitatis arce dirutum Veneris Templum consp1c1tur . . . i

2

The History and Topography of Ancient Kythera

36

of which disappeared in the great earthquake of 1798, when many of the rock tombs on Asprogas also fell away. Cyriac's drawing shows one tower rectangular in plan and another circular in plan; foundations of both kinds of tower are to be seen in the Byzantine walling on the northerly slope at Kastri (Plate 5a, b).Like others ofhis time, Cyriac may well have believed the fort at Kastri to be a castle ofHelen. 1 The Phoenician founders of the Aphrodite cult whom Herodotos mentions remain inscrutable. We may have here a vague recollection of Minoans in Kythera, but the historian does state clearly that the cult was brought from Palestine, not from Crete. The quantity of our Archaic fmds is small, and no Phoenician remains have been found in our excavations, but their absence does not, of course, prove that no Phoenician ever came to Kastri; Phoenicians' cargoes may have consisted of perishables, such as wool, and they may have used Kythera only as a port of call, for example on their way to settlements in the western Mediterranean from c. 750 B.c. onwards. Besides, we have as yet found no evidence ofhabitation at Kastri between the twelfth and sixth centuries B.c., apart from a few sporadic sherds. The words of Herodotos do not entail that Phoenicians settled in Kythera, but the statement of Stephanos of Byzantium (s.v. Kvfhipa) that Kytheros was a son of Phoinix implies a closer connexion, though it may be only a learned conjecture. It is conceivable that Phoenicians, at some time unknown, adapted for their own purposes and brought to Kythera a cult of an originally Minoan dove-goddess.z Pausanias suggests that the cult continued in his time. More evidence for its survival may be given by a fragment of an inscription, seemingly oflate Roman imperial date, now in the Chora Museum. The preserved roughly-cut letters,] TQN THE eEAE llP[, mention a goddess who could well be Aphrodite (Plate 3d). The stone is said to have been found near Kastri. Much earlier evidence of a cult is the graffito HIARO on the rim of an Archaic pithos, now in the Chora Museum and said to have been found at Palaiopolis (Plate 87, Q 6). The script would seem to be Argive rather than Laconian. Aristotle's remark3 that Kythera was called Porphyroussa, Purple Island, .Sul ro K.iMos- rwv 1Tep< atlr~v 1Topvpwv, is revealing, since Phoenicians were for long engaged in the purple industry, as were the Minoans also, and there is no doubt that purple was produced in Kythera. In the Minoan and later levels, both in the Neck between Kastraki and the Kastri fort and in the promontory, we discovered many shells of the murex (Plate 3e). Most were of the species Murex brandaris, but a few examples of Murex trunculus and Purpura haematostoma were noted. All three creatures were used in antiquity for the production of purple dye, 4 and large numbers of them were needed. See Leonhard, op. cit. 3 for the influence of this tale on other visitors. cf. A.]. Evans, P.M. I, 222-4. 3 ap. Steph. Byz. Joe. cit.; compare Pliny N.H. 4.12.

1

2

4 See L. Briihl, 'Purpur' in Die Rohstoffe des Timeichs 2.2 (Berlin 1929) 358-79. Aristotle, H.A. 5.15. For Murex trunculus at Mallia see 0. Pelon, B.C.H. 90 (1966) 584 and fig. 32.

The History and Topography of Ancient Kythera

37

Until the traditional process was made obsolete by modem chemical dyes, purple production required prolonged labour. The process lasted several days. First the squashed animals and their shells were mixed with salt. Then they were boiled, and from sixteen parts of the brew about one of purple dye was obtained, the purple being found only in a small gland in the animal. In Kythera salt would easily have been gathered in the shallow pools beside the sea along the coast from Kastri at Avlemon and nearby, as it is today. The convenient inlet at Avlemon may well have been the harbour significantly named Phoinikous.1 The purple industry in Kythera had almost certainly begun in the Middle Bronze Age: in the levels in which purple-painted Middle Minoan III pottery was discovered there were also murex shells, and Aristotle's remark suggests that K ythera may still have been a source of purple in his time; but what part the Phoenicians took in the business there we do not know.2 Herodotos states that Kythera was once an Argive possession, and implies that the island was still Argive at the time of the Thyrean war between Argos and Sparta c. 546 B.C. (1.82.2). The Argives may well have used K ythera as a base for attacks on Laconia in the middle of the sixth century B.c., since Herodotos elsewhere (7.235.2) reports an optimistic wish of the Spartan Ephor Chilon, who lived then, that the island would sink beneath the sea. How long the Argives ruled Kythera is not known; moreover, evidence of Argive influence is slight: a Middle Geometric oinochoe, of Argive type (Q 4), from Leibadi, is now in the Chora Museum, and an Argive Geometric sherd has been picked up by us at Kastri (w 3rn). A single name survives from this shadowy period of the island's history-Xenodamos of K ythera, who flourished about 600 B.C., was renowned as a musician, and visited Sparta ([Plutarch], De

Musica 9). Early Greek writing from Kythera was known before our excavations. 3 To the previously found examples we add an inscribed stone, of late Archaic date, having the single word MAAO.E; it was discovered by us in a barn at Kastri and has been published (G.R.B.S. 6 (1965) 47-9)- A volute, also oflate Archaic date, discovered in a house near Avlemon, is now in the Chora Museum (Plate 3c). It may be compared with the akroteria of the altar at Monodendri near Miletos.4 The well-known Archaic lion from Kythera, now in the National Museum at Athens, once adorned the Kastro in the Chora, whither it had almost certainly been taken from Kastri. By the middle of the fifth century B.C. Kythera had become a Spartan dependency. In 456/5 the island was attacked, and is said to have been taken, by the Athenian admiral Tolmides during his assault on the coasts of Peloponnese5 but, if they captured it, the Athenians did not, Xenophon, Hellenica 4.8.7-8. Pollux, Onom. 1.47-49 gives an account of the catching and boiling of murex for purple by the Tyrians. See also L.B. Jensen,J.N.E.S. 22 (1963} I07-13. 3 Jeffery, Local Scripts 8 n.7 and 194 n.4. 4 A. von Gerkan, Milet 1.4 (Berlin 1915) pl. v, 2 and pl. xix. 5 Pausanias 1.27.5. Schol. Aeschines 2.75. L. H. Jeffery, B.S.A. 60 (1965) 56. 1

2

The History and Topography of Ancient Kythera it seems, stay long. The strategic importance of Skandeia and the upper city was again shown during the Peloponnesian War when, in 424 B.C., an Athenian force under Nikias, Nikostratos and Autokles, consisting of sixty ships and two thousand hoplites together with some horsemen and an allied contingent, including Milesians, attacked Kythera; the inhabitants now had the status of Lakedaimonian perioikoi and were ruled by a K ytherodikes, a civil official sent over year by year from Sparta. There was a Spartan garrison in the island to make sure that it was not used as a base for pirates and to protect the merchantmen which put in on the way from Egypt and Libya to Laconia. A detachment of ten ships and some Milesian hoplites took Skandeia, but this was a feint. The main force landed on the coast opposite to Cape Malea, perhaps near Diakophti, whence there is a way inland, and made for the city of Kythera, 1 (Palaiokastro), marching westwards over the high ground. It is not likely that the troops attacked Palaiokastro from the east, however, as the mountainside falls steeply into the gorge of the Palaiopolis river on that side (Plate 1h). They may well have marched north of the city, and then attempted to take it by surprise by advancing up the easy slopes of the mountain from the west. The Kytherians were ready for them, but were forced to give ground after a short fight, and took refuge in the upper city towards the summit. 2 Later they came to terms with Nikias, giving themselves up on condition that their lives were spared. The Athenian general had been engaged in negotiations with some of them even before this. Thus with little trouble the harbour town at Skandeia and the city were taken, to be held by a garrison (Thucydides 4.54.4). The eagerness ofthe K ytherians to capitulate suggests that their city may not have been strongly fortified at the time (c£ Plate 2). Kythera became, like Pylos, a convenient base for attacks on the Peloponnesian mainland (Thucydides 5. 14.3); the politically unreliable inhabitants were removed, and the island paid four talents of tribute annually (4.57.4). The terms of the Peace of Nikias in 421 B.C. required Athens to hand hack Kythera to Sparta (Thuc. 5.18.7), but there were Kytherians in the Athenian army before Syracuse (7.57.6}, and the island may not have been held again by the Spartans till about 409 B.C., when Pylos was recovered (Diodoros 13.64.5-7). When Demosthenes and Charikles landed on the Laconian mainland near Boiai in May or June 413, they may well have used Kythera as a base (Thuc. 7.26.2). One name of a Kytherian survives from this period-the poet Philoxenos. Another attack on K ythera was made by Konon the Athenian and Pharnabazos in 393 B.c.; they landed to replenish their fleet after attacking Laconia. The ships moored at Phoinikous, and the occupants ofKythera city abandoned their walls. Having allowed the Kytherians to depart to Laconia, the invaders strengthened the fortifications. The stronger walling with towers on 1

We accept Kruger' s deletion of the words brl fJa)uiaari from M£aa. MO.V7Js (Athens 1964) have done much to fill in the shadowy history of Southern Greece. 3 The Chronicle of Monemvasia, ed. P. Lemerle, Revue Jes Eludes Byzantines, 21 (1963) 10, lines 39-SO; P. Schreiner, 'La Fondation de Monemvasie en 582/3', Travaux et Memoires, 4 (1970) 471-6. 4 Miracula Sancti Demetrii, P.G. 116, col. 1325. 5 Libri Chalipharum, ed. Land, Anecdota Syriaca, 1 (1862) 115. 6 Orations of Saint Andrew of Crete, P.G. 97, col. n68; G. Miles, Byzantium and the Arabs: Relations in Crete and the Aegean area, Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 18 (1964) 1-3 I. 7 Theophanes, Chronographia, ed. de Boor (Leipzig 1883) I, 483. 8 Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De AJministranJo Imperio, ed. Moravcsik and Jenkins, 1 (Budapest 1949) eh. 49, 228-32, II (London 1962) 182-5. 1

2

The Middle Byzantine Period

45

the Emperor had to give the Slavs pieces of silk to ransom Orthodox prisoners of war, removed from their homes in the northern islands of Imbros, Tenedos and Samothrace.1 And twenty years later Theophilos, the Byzantine strategos of the Kibyrrheot thema, was captured and martyred by Arabs from Cyprus.2 It is most likely, therefore, that Kythera was for a time abandoned. It does not seem to have been settled by either Slav or Arab pirates for any lengthy period; at least no trace of such an occupation survives, and by the tenth century it was used as a hunting ground by the mainland inhabitants.

THE MIDDLE BYZANTINE PERIOD. MID-TENTH CENTURY TO 1205

Following the triumphant expedition of Stravrakios to central and southern Greece in 783, Byzantine authority was gradually reimposed, but the position ofKythera remained precarious owing to the proximity of Arab-occupied Crete. There was probably no permanent settlement on Kythera until after the reconquest of Crete by Nikephoros Phokas in 961. Osios Theodoros, who is supposed to have arrived 'in the time of the Emperor Romanos' (probably Romanos II, 959-63), met no one in the island. According to the saint's Life, Theodoros and his companion, Antonios, went from Monemvasia to seek solitude, but the diet of nothing but carobs and herbs forced Antonios, an elderly monk, to return. Theodoros lived for several years in the centre of the island where he found a small church dedicated to Saints Sergius and Bacchus. Outside this church his body was discovered by hunters who came from the mainland. When they returned to Laconia with this news, the Despotes of Sparta ordered that the body should be buried and a shrine constructed on the spot. So the monastery of Osios Theodoros (Plate Sb), near Logothetianika, was built and the island was gradually repopulated.3 It is necessary to distinguish fact from fiction in this account, but unfortunately evidence is scarce. Certainly the reconquest of Crete and the destruction of the Arab fleet were preconditions of safety on K ythera, and it may have been only after 961 that huntsmen cared to venture out to the island. But the reoccupation must have taken many years and it is hardly surprising 1 Nikephorus, Opuscula historica, ed. de Boor (Leipzig 1880) 76. 2 Theophanes, op. tit. I, 465.

a In the Bibliographie des Acolouthies grecques, by L. Petit (Subsidia Hagiographica 16, Brussels 1926), 278 f. three editions of theAkolouthia of Osios Theodoros are listed: those of Venice, 1747, Smyrna, 1841, and Athens, 1899. In addition a new edition was prepared in 1961 by the Metropolitan ofKythera. These are all based on two surviving manuscripts, both of the fifteenth century: F. Halkin, Bibliotheca Hagiographica Graeca, 3, Supplementa, 74. The Life of Holy Theodore in Doukakes, op. cit. 213 (seep. 41, n. l) reproduces the Synaxarion of the Athens edition (1899) which was also printed in the Smyrna one of 1841. I have been unable to trace either of these. The basic story of the Life is also found in a later Italian document, I'Antique Memorie Jell' Isola Ji Cerigo, edited by Sathas in Documents relatives a /'histoire de la Grece medilvale, 6 (1885) 299-JII, but with slightly different details. The Metropolitan Meletios discusses some of these variations and the date of the Life in his edition, 22. See Addendum p. 5I.

Byzantine Kythera that there is no evidence of settlement until the eleventh and twelfth centuries. As for the alleged support of the 'Despot of Sparta', this may have been an important factor in the repopulation, as most of the settlers were to come from Laconia. But no such official title is recorded for any ruler of medieval Lakedaimonia. Despotes is probably a glorified name for the archon, the local governor who was responsible to the strategos of the Peloponnese. From the early ninth to the twelfth century Laconia formed part of this thema, governed by the strategos from Corinth, and later incorporated with the thema of Hellas, that is, central Greece. In the tenth century Life of Ayios Nikon, patron saint of Lakedaimonia, there is no mention of a despotes or any other rival power to that of the strategos. 1 It is only at the end of the twelfth century, in a period when imperial authority began to decline in the provinces, that we find an independent power in Laconia, the family of Leon Chamaretos, who ruled the plain of Sparta like a tyrant. 2 So the repopulation of Kythera may have been encouraged by the local archon of Lakedaimonia. Later, settlers were to come from Crete, but not until Byzantine authority had been re-established there in the eleventh century. The Laconians must have recommenced the cultivation of olive and vine, which flourish in Kytliera, as carobs were reputedly the only food of Osios Theodoros. 3 The expanding and increasingly important commercial towns of Monemvasia, Korone, Methone and Lakedaimonia probably found it profitable to maintain contact, exporting their cloth and taking from Kythera excess olives for pressing. 4 The island must have shared in the prosperity of southern Greece in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, for the churches built in this period are richly decorated. The monastery of Osios Theodoros was founded by Laconians on the order of the despotes, presumably in the tenth century. The church of Ayios Demetrios at Pourko (Plate 6e, f) can be dated by an inscription to the year I 100, and the Spelaion of A yia Sophia near Mylopotamos, is decorated by eleventh- and twelfthcentury paintings. 5 The churches of Ayios Nikon, Potamos; Ayios Blasios, Phriligkianika; Ayios Andreas, Leibadi; Ayios Petros, Areoi and Ayios Nikolaos, Moligkates, near Mylopotamos, were probably built before the island passed under Venetian control (Plate Sc, d, g). In the twelfth century the area around Metata came under the control of Georgios Pachys, a powerful if unofficial governor related to the Eudaimonoioannis family of Monemvasia.s Metata probably replaced Kastri, as it was a safer settlement in the mountains, not so exposed to the sea, and it is possible that pots were brought from Metata to Kastri and left there (see 1 Life of Ayios Nikon, ed. Lampros, Neos Hellenomnemon, 3 (1906) 12sr222. 2 Niketas Choniates, ed. Bekker (Bonn 1835) 841. 3 Sathas, op. cit., 'herbe et carobe selvadeghe', 300. 4 Documenti de/ Commercio Veneziano nel secoli XI-XIII, ed. Morozzo della Rocca and Lombardo (Turin 1940) 135, 22sr30. F. Thiriet, La Romanie venitienne au moyen Sge (Paris 1959) 47, 48. As early as the tenth century Italian merchants began to frequent Lakedaimonia: Life of Ayios Nikon, op. cit. 215. 5 Xyngopoulos, Ninth Congress of Byzantine Studies (Salonika 1955) 1, 178-83. 8 Sathas, op. cit. 301-2; apparently the despotes ordered Zorzi Pacchi da Malvasia to be Castaldo; Eudaimonoioannis, however, remained assoluto padrone et signore.

The Middle Byzantine Period

47

Deposit r/J infra). Most of the pottery is rough green-and-brown glazed ware, but some pieces are more elaborate and have parallels in the pottery ofLakedaimonia (.Pr). It is quite likely that the Kytherians used to import special dishes and pots from the mainland. They must have continued to use the landing at Kastri, but it is impossible to tell whether the site was permanently occupied. Connections with Monemvasia grew increasingly strong in the Middle Byzantine period until the twelfth century, when the Eudaimonoioannis family came to regard the island as their own property. This development, which is paralleled in other parts of the Empire, probably took place earlier here than elsewhere, because southern Greece was so far distant from the capital and also because there were three extremely powerful families in Monemvasia. Together with the Mamonades and the Sophianoi, the Eudaimonoioannides controlled the city and its valuable trading activity, and withstood siege by the Normans in n47. 1 (In 1248, however, after a three-year siege by the Franks and Venetians, they were starved into surrender.) During the twelfth century their merchant fleet sailed round the coasts of the Peloponnese and put into the port of Athens.2 This naval power provided direct access to Kythera and must have facilitated the Eudaimonoioannis domination. By the end of the twelfth century Monemvasiot influence over Kythera had completely removed any trace of Spartan control, and it was to continue long into the following centuries. In the Middle Byzantine period the episcopal status ofKythera is problematic. As S. Binon pointed out in his articJ.e on the metropolitan see of Monemvasia,a Kythera does appear as a suffragan bishopric of Corinth in the Codex Athenensis 1372, fol. 486v, which was published in part by Gelzer as Notitia III, and dated by him to the reign ofJohn Tzimiskes, 969-72. 4 But Gelzer did not publish the suffragan bishoprics and made no comment on the inclusion of Kythera. 0 In the first list of the Nea Taktika, published as Gelzer's Notitia II (pr~40), and part of Parthey's Notitia 3 (eleventh century), the suffragan bishoprics of Corinth are always the same seven: Damala, Argos, Monemvasia, Kephalonia, Zakynthos, Zemaina and Maina. 6 There was no change in this list until the arrival of the Franks: see the twelfth-century lists, Codex Atheniensis 1371, partly published by Gelzer as Notitia V and by Parthey, Notitia 10.7 1 Nikctas Choniates, op. cit. 97-8. The Chronicle of Morea, op. cit. 123, lines 294~49, mentions these families, whose members held influential

positions in the Byzantine administration of the Morea throughout the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. 2 Michael Akominatos, Ta Sozomena, ed. Lampros (Athens 1879-80) 2, 137· 3 &hos J'Orient, 37 (1938) 274-311. 4 'Ungedruckte und ungeniigend veroffentlichte Texte der Notitiae episcopatuum', Abh. Jer philos.. philol. Cl. Jer Konig. Bayer. Akad. der Wissenschaften, Band 21 (M~ch 1.901) 574· . 6 Examination of the manuscript shows that all the suffragan b1shopncs were copied out at the same time; . . . K ythera is not a later addition. 6 Parthey, Hieroclis Synecdemus et notitiae graecae ep1scopatuum, (Berhn 1866) 117; Gelzer, op. cit. 556. 7 Parthey, op. cit. 215; Gelzer, op. cit. 585-6.

Byzantine Kythera The stray mention ofKythera in the tenth-century list is not retained in later ones. It is unwise to accept the tenth-century list on other grounds as well: in the 97os K ythera was barely repopulated. It could hardly have had sufficient souls to merit a bishop before the eleventh century at the earliest. Also, the list is part of a manuscript written in 1779 for Dorotheos, Archbishop of Trebizond. It must have been copied from an earlier one which attributed to Corinth an eighth suffragan see ofKythera. But it is highly improbable that Kythera was the site of an episcopal see in the tenth century. The first occasion when such an honour might have been accorded was at the elevation of Monemvasia to metropolitan status soon after the recapture of Constantinople and the return of Monemvasia to the Empire.1 The site was favoured by Palaiologue Emperors in many ways and it was perhaps the most important military stronghold in the Morea.2 It was promoted from 98th position in the metropolitan hierarchy to 34th, 13th and rnth in about twenty years, and during this period it was given four suffragan sees: Maina, formerly under Corinth; Elous, formerly under Patras; and two new ones, Reontos and Kythouria. These are confirmed in the Chrysobullon of 1301, which also adds three more, Korone, Methone and Zemaina.3 This reflects the reorganization of the Greek Church in the Peloponnese necessitated by the Frankish occupation of Patras and Corinth, the two oldest metropolitan sees. All their suffragan bishoprics were either transferred to Monemvasia or became autocephalous archbishoprics, with the exception of Bolaina, Amykeion and Damala. The disappearance of these three was compensated by the creation of two new sees, Reontos and Kythouria (Kythera}. Despite the Frankish occupation of the Morea, the Orthodox church succeeded in maintaining its authority, and the emergence of two new bishoprics in the south is an indication of the growing Greek strength of this area.

THE VENETIAN DOMINATION.

1205-1537

Although Kythera is not mentioned in the Partition Treaty of 1204 which divided the Byzantine Empire between the Venetians, the Franks and the pilgrims of the Fourth Crusade, it was included among those parts of the Peloponnese which were allotted to the Republic. Because of its trading activity, Venice was particularly interested in the ports of mainland Greece and of the islands: Corfu, Korone and Methone, for example, which served as trading stations on the way to Crete and Cyprus. In 1205 Nikolaos Eudaimonoioannis was ruling Kythera. Two years later, Marco Veniero was appointed Marquis ofCerigo (the Italian name for the island) 1 Binon, op. cit. 277-8.

Miklosich und Miiller, Acta et diplomata graeca (Vienna 186-90) 5,154-5, 161-5, 165-8. Binon, op. cit. 281 f; D. Zakythinos, Le Despotat grec de Moree, II (Athens 1953) 273-7. This MS. of the Byzantine Museum, Athens, no. 3 570, is the original Chrysobullon. The Codex Atheniensis 1462 dated 1293, published in Miklosichand Muller, 5, 155--01, has been identified as a later forgery by Binon, op. cit. 2892

3

93.

The Venetian Domination

49

by the Republic, but he was also given lands in Crete, where he preferred to live.1 He may have sent officials to his possession, but the Eudaimonoioannis family continued to rule. In 1238 the two families were united by a judicious marriage between Nikolaos' daughter and Marco's son, Bartolomeo. Kythera was given to the couple by Nikolaos as part of his daughter's dowry. 2 The fall of Monemvasia to the Franks strengthened the Eudaimonoioannis influence which was maintained by Palaiologue Emperors. When a Venetian envoy visited Kythera in 1275 he found a Greek official, Paulus Savastos, in control. He was 'homine domini Imperatoris et capitaneus dicti loci Cedrigi', and a member of the Monoioannis family (another name for the Eudairnonoioannis}.3 Veniero rule in Kythera was further disrupted in the 128os by the activities of Licario, Grand Duke of the Byzantine fleet. 4 So throughout the thirteenth century Kythera was not much affected by nominal Venetian control. But after 1309, when another marriage alliance gave the Venieri greater power over Kythera, the island was divided up in a feudal fashion. 5 The four grandsons of Bartolomeo established twenty-four carati (lots) and took six each. The whole island was thus assigned to one of the brothers, except the area around Palaiopolis (Kastri) and lands below Kapsali. These parts were held communally by all four, 'forse come la piu bella parte che potea esser nell'isola'.s This is the contemporary description of the region of Paiopoli (sic) {Plate 1h). In the twenty-four carati the inhabitants were reduced to the status of serfs, called parichi, and were bound to the land and to the authority of the Venieri in all important matters. 7 The Memorie states bluntly that their oondition was 'si puo dire di captivita'.8 During this period the Venieri ignored the prosperity of the island and used it purely as a base for piracy in the Aegean, especially against Catalan ships. At the same time they failed to prevent the establishment of a group of Turkish pirates on K ythera, and a contingent of a hundred soldiers had to be sent from Crete to assist Nicolo Veniero in dislodging them. 9 Crete also had to supply wheat for the K ytherian population. Relations between the Republic and the Venieri, already worsened by the latter's continued piracy against allies of Venice and their lack of co-operation during the 1 Cheilas, 'Chronikon monasterii S. Theodori ', ed. K. Hopf, Chroniques Greco-Ro manes int!dites ou peu connues (Berlin 1873) 346. At the same time the Viaro family was given the island of Antikythera (Cerigotto). 2 Sathas, op. cit. 302. 3 Tafel and Thomas, Urkunden zur a!teren Handels- und Staatengeschichte der Republik Venedig (Vienna l8,S6--7) 3, 181. Savastos may be a corruption of the Byzantine title l:•fJacrros. 4 Miller, The Latins in the Levant (London 1909) 14r, .s64. o Marino Sanudo Torsello, Istoria de/ Regno di Romania, in Hopf, op. cit. 127. 6 Sathas, op. cit. 302. 7 Sathas, ibid. The Italian paricho 'che vuol dire servo particolare', obviously corresponds to the Greek 'ttapo•Kos, but it is not clear whether the duties and status of Greek peasants in the Byzantine Empire and those under the Venetians were the same. C£ D. Jacoby, La Feodalite en Grece Mt!dit!vale. Les 'Assises de Romanie': sources, application et diJJusion (Paris 1971). 8 Sathas, ibid. 9 Thiriet, op. cit., 2.s1, note 3.

Byzantine Kythera

50

war with Genoa, deteriorated yet further in 1354, when the brothers demanded a licence to export 2,000 staia of wheat per annwn to Kythera. The Senate granted a licence for half the amount. From this time onwards the Cretan branch of the Veniero family became a recognized centre of opposition to Venetian rule. 1 The Cretan uprising of 1363, in which close relations of the Venieri played a prominent part, resulted in the Republic's victory and much more direct control over Aegean possessions. The four brothers in K ythera were removed from their positions and the island became a Venetian colony administered by a governor called Castellano. 2 The strategic importance of Kythera as a staging post between the Peloponnese and Candia, capital of Crete, and its wealth of natural resources were recognized and developed by the Republic.3 The defence system was taken in hand. Kapsali (Plate 6a--d), Mylopotamos (Plate Se, f) and the spectacular site of Palaiochora, the Greek city of Ayios Demetrios, were fortified (Plate 7). With funds sent from Crete, the two main harbours ofKapsali (Plate 6d) and Ayios Nikolaos (Avlemon) were strengthened, and there was a project, never fulfilled, to build a castle on the mountain overlooking Avlemon, where the monastery of Ayios Georgios stands. 4 Despite direct Venetian rule during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, neither the prosperity nor the Orthodoxy of the Greek inhabitants appear to have declined. K ythera became the seat of a bishopric, first mentioned in the 1301 Chrysobullon for Monemvasia, and many churches were built and decorated. 5 The Venetians did not interfere with the Orthodox clergy and Ayios Demetrios, which may have been founded by the Eudaimonoioannis family before 1205, remained a Greek citadel. It almost certainly replaced the settlement at Kastri as the most important site on the east coast of the island, although Avlemon also became an important centre. The position of Palaiochora, only two kilometres but invisible from the sea, on a crag in the middle of a deep ravine, gave it pre-eminence (Plates 7e, Sa). The city reputedly held 7,000 people or more in 1537 when it was destroyed by a Turkish fleet under Barbarossa.e The Bishop ofKythera probably resided at Palaiochora but the actual church of A yios Demetrios has not been identified. 7 By the second half of the fourteenth century the island appeared to be 1 Ibid, 275--0. Thiriet, Rlgestes des Deliberations du Slnat de Venise concernant la Romanie (1958) 1, 75, no. 268. Miller, op. dt. 565; Sathas, op. dt. 303. The Republic took over eleven of the twenty-four carati ofland.

2

3 The reportsoflater governors make this clear, see 'Relatio viri nobilisJoanis Superantii Reversi provisoris Cytherici', of 1545, in Sathas, op. cit. 286-9. 4 Ibid. 288. The port ofKapsali was 'habile a salvar X o XII gallie'. H. Noiret, Documents int!dits pour servir l'histoire de la domination venitienne en Crete de 1380 1485 (Paris 1892) 93, 94. s Miller,J.H.S. 27 (1907) 232, suggested that natives ofKythera were responsible for building the church of the Panayia Myrtidiotissa, one of their patron saints, at Monemvasia. The church of Ayios Nikolaos, next door to the monastery of Ayios Georgios tou Bounou, is also dedicated to the Panayia Myrtidiotissa. 6 Sathas, op. dt. 289; Miller, op. dt. 507 and 567. In the sameyeartheacropolisof Aegina was attacked and its Palaiochora fell. 6,ooo women and children were taken off as slaves. See Addendum p. 51. 7 A reference (A.D. 21 (1966) BI 24) by persons engaged in restoration of churches at Palaiochora to a church of Ay. Demetrios suggests that the building may now have been identified.

a

a

The Venetian Domination

51

under the ecclesiastical control of a protopapas, rather than a bishop.1 (Protopapas is the usual title for an episcopal deputy: for example, the protopapas of Athens carried out the commands of the Metropolitan in exile, during the Frankish occupation.) 2 But this situation did not prevail for long, and K ythera remained a stronghold of Byzantine Orthodoxy long after the fall of Constantinople in 1453· The Turks did not succeed in capturing Kythera when they gained control of mainland Greece, and so the island, together with the Venetian ports ofKorone, Methone and Monemvasia, continued to be an outpost of the Republic, now even more important than before in the struggle between Venice and the Turks. But it never recovered from the devastation of Barbarossa's attack in 1537· Governors made repeated requests for families to be resettled in formerly fertile parts of the island, which became poor and barren due to lack of regular cultivation, but these passed unheeded. 3 When Monemvasia was handed over to the Turks in 1540, its inhabitants were offered homes on Kythera. But they demanded to be rehoused in more prosperous parts of the Republic, and many were eventually settled in Crete, Cyprus and the Ionian islands. 4 So K ythera declined although it remained one of the last centres of Byzantium in the East. In l 540 the Bishop ofKythera inherited the exclusive right of ordaining the Greek clergy of Crete. 5 And at the end of the sixteenth century, long after the political and strategic decline of the island, Bishop Maximos Margounios was famous as a Greek scholar, theologian, poet and letter writer. 6 ADDENDUM

On Osios Theodoros, see the most recent edition of the Life by N. A. Oikonomides, 'O {Jlo> -roii }aas oJv Ka2 rats WOOKLµ.wra'TOLS" 'TWV t1TL rf/s lliooa1T'i)s- laTpwv avyy&6µ.&os KaL ?T6vcp 1ToAA--!'!

!!>

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I Floor level

ELEVATION OF COLUMN AND BASE

Fig. Sb. Colwnn drums in Ay. Panteleimon, by K. Minto

I

I

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1964

PLAN LAYOUT of trenches on AKROTERION, KASTRI

-

showing ~

=

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Minoan

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===-

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bed

Fig. 9. Akroterion, Layout Plan of Trenches, showing Minoan and Mycenaean walls, by K. McFadzean

Layout

Plan

of

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VII

and

VIII

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: VIII B I

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EXT.

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-- -

VIII BAULK

l- -- ----.--- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

:

Fig.

VIII A

terrace w a l l s - - - 4

Akroterion. Layout Plan of Trenches Vil and VIII, by R. Hope Simpson

Kastri, Kythera: Akroterion TRENCH &ii North Section

dark brown soil with Modern terrace fill

tiles

c.Eorly Byzontint:>

soil

6 yellow earth (MM!Asherds) Ot:posit

y

NATURAL 0

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NATURAL

Fig.

12.

Akroterion, Section of Trench XII, by R. Hope Simpson

Akroterlon LEVEL 8 :

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Fig. 16. Akroterion, Trench VI, South Section (reversed), by R. Hope Simpson

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KASTRI : KYTHERA AKROTERION PLAN OF MINOAN WALLS. AREAS VII & VIII. KENNETH McFADZEAN ARCHITECT 1%5.

Fig. 17._Akroterion, Plan of Minoan Walls, Area(VII and VIII, by K. McFadzean

KYTHERA KASTRAKI

...

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••

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(b) Ay. Mt.OCl!Of

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Phm 9. Akroccrion uUb, wilh view ofTtmdt VII

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(c) Doonny, Room 7 to Room I from woe

(d) Doorway, Room 7 co Room I, from noriih

(c) Doonny. Room i co Room J, from non""Pb~ u .. Akroccnon, Trench VIII .

walls and thresholds

(a) L.M. m booru in cow:te o( c:xeavuion

(d) Rooms r-6 from QJC

(c) Alley and dnin (rom tt1e: Rooms ?-4 on ngln

Place 13. Akrocuion. Trench VIII : views of Late Min03n houses

(•) IU: LM. tA fbponc ffom nonh

(c) HJ: LM. tA 8-

(c) IV: walls und y {let.) IS (oglu)

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