Kosovo The Politics of Identity and Space (Routledge Advances in European Politics) [1 ed.] 0415348064, 9780415348065, 9780203087145

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Kosovo

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The sight of Albanian youngsters studying in makeshift classrooms in private houses became a symbol of Serbian repression and of Albanian resistance in Kosovo in the 1990s. So-called parallel education, established following the abolition of Kosovo’s autonomy and the mass disenfranchisement of Albanians, was the embodiment of the Albanian non-violent struggle in Kosovo. This book tells the story of the Serbian–Albanian conflict over Kosovo through the lens of its education system after Slobodan Milo¡evicœ’s rise to power. It analyses space as a central component in the construction of national identity and traces the rise of exclusive notions of nation and homeland among Albanians and Serbs in post-autonomy Kosovo. The focus is on segregated education, discussed critically within the wider context of the Albanian resistance in Kosovo. The view from inside the Albanian national movement includes an account of the creation of the Albanian shadow state, with its strengths and weaknesses, and the Albanians’ embrace of non-violence and their subsequent disenchantment with it. While exploring events that led to the bloodshed in Kosovo in 1999, Denisa Kostovicova shows that the legacy of ethnic segregation is one of the major obstacles the international community faces in its efforts to establish an integrated multi-ethnic society in this territory. Of interest to academics and students of nationalism and politics as well as practitioners and journalists, this book is an important advance in research on one of the most tragic European conflicts of recent times. Denisa Kostovicova is a Research Fellow at the Centre for the Study of Global Governance, London School of Economics and Political Science. She has published articles on nationalism and post-war reconciliation in the Balkans and on the challenges of the region’s integration with Europe.

Routledge Advances in European Politics 1 Russian Messianism Third Rome, revolution, Communism and after Peter J.S. Duncan

12 The European Union and e-Voting Addressing the European Parliament’s internet voting challenge Edited by Alexander H. Trechsel and Fernando Mendez

2 European Integration and the Postmodern Condition Governance, democracy, identity Peter van Ham

13 European Union Council Presidencies A comparative perspective Edited by Ole Elgström

3 Nationalism in Italian Politics The stories of the Northern League, 1980–2000 Damian Tambini

14 European Governance and Supranational Institutions Making states comply Jonas Tallberg

4 International Intervention in the Balkans since 1995 Edited by Peter Siani-Davies

15 European Union, NATO and Russia Martin Smith and Graham Timmins

5 Widening the European Union The politics of institutional change and reform Edited by Bernard Steunenberg 6 Institutional Challenges in the European Union Edited by Madeleine Hosli, Adrian van Deemen and Mika Widgrén 7 Europe Unbound Enlarging and reshaping the boundaries of the European Union Edited by Jan Zielonka 8 Ethnic Cleansing in the Balkans Nationalism and the destruction of tradition Cathie Carmichael 9 Democracy and Enlargement in PostCommunist Europe The democratisation of the general public in fifteen Central and Eastern European countries, 1991–1998 Christian W. Haerpfer 10 Private Sector Involvement in the Euro The power of ideas Stefan Collignon and Daniela Schwarzer 11 Europe A Nietzschean perspective Stefan Elbe

16 Business, the State and Economic Policy The case of Italy G. Grant Amyot 17 Europeanization and Transnational States Comparing Nordic central governments Bengt Jacobsson, Per Lægreid and Ove K. Pedersen 18 European Union Enlargement A comparative history Edited by Wolfram Kaiser and Jürgen Elvert 19 Gibraltar British or Spanish? Peter Gold 20 Gendering Spanish Democracy Monica Threlfall, Christine Cousins and Celia Valiente 21 European Union Negotiatons Processes, networks and institutions Edited by Ole Elgström and Christer Jönsson 22 Evaluating Euro-Mediterranean Relations Stephen C. Calleya 23 The Changing Face of European Identity A seven-nation study of (supra)national attachments Edited by Richard Robyn

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24 Governing Europe Discourse, governmentality and European integration William Walters and Jens Henrik Haahr

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25 Territory and Terror Conflicting nationalisms in the Basque Country Jan Mansvelt Beck

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26 Multilateralism, German Foreign Policy and Central Europe Claus Hofhansel 27 Popular Protest in East Germany Gareth Dale

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28 Germany’s Foreign Policy towards Poland and the Czech Republic Ostpolitik revisited Karl Cordell and Stefan Wolff

29 Kosovo The politics of identity and space Denisa Kostivocova 30 The Politics of European Union Enlargement Theoretical approaches Edited by Frank Schimmelfennig and Ulrich Sedelmeier 31 Europeanizing Social Democracy? The rise of the party of of European Socialists Simon Lightfoot

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Kosovo The politics of identity and space

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Denisa Kostovicova

First published 2005 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge 270 Madison Ave, New York, NY 10016 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group

This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2005. “To purchase your own copy of this or any of Taylor & Francis or Routledge’s collection of thousands of eBooks please go to www.eBookstore.tandf.co.uk.” © 2005 Denisa Kostovicova All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Kostovicova, Denisa. Kosovo: the politics of identity and space/Denisa Kostovicova. p. cm. – (Routledge advances in European politics; 29) Includes bibliographical references and index. 1. Segregation in education – Serbia and Montenegro – Kosovo (Serbia). 2. Education and state – Serbia and Montenegro – Kosovo (Serbia). 3. Albanians – Education – Serbia and Montenegro – Kosovo (Serbia). 4. Passive resistance – Serbia and Montenegro – Kosovo (Serbia). 5. Self-determination, National – Serbia and Montenegro – Kosovo (Serbia). 6. Kosovo (Serbia) – Ethnic relations. I. Title. II. Series. LC212.53.S4732K675 2005 371.829′91′99104971–dc22 2004065841

ISBN 0-203-08714-3 Master e-book ISBN

ISBN 0–415–34806–4 (Print Edition)

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Contents

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11 List of illustrations Acknowledgements Abbreviations Note on transliteration Maps

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Introduction

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Education and national mobilization in Kosovo in the 1980s

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The path to Kosovo’s two national education systems

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The establishment of Albanian parallel education in Kosovo

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Albanian educational battles: from the Ottomans to the Communists

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Celebration of Albanian nationhood in parallel education

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Segregation in Kosovo prevails before and after NATO intervention

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Conclusion

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Glossary Notes Bibliography Index

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Illustrations

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Plates 4.1 An Albanian primary school in a home-school in post-autonomy Kosovo 4.2 Albanian pupils in a home-school in post-autonomy Kosovo 4.3 A teacher with his students at an Albanian home-school in post-autonomy Kosovo 4.4 A classroom in a home-school in post-autonomy Kosovo 4.5 In front of a home-school in post-autonomy Kosovo 4.6 Barred from a school gym, Albanian students hold a physical education class in a meadow in post-autonomy Kosovo 6.1 Serbian children play in front of their home-school in Lipljan, Kosovo 6.2 The Serbian home-school in Lipljan, Kosovo 6.3 A village school in Pones, Kosovo

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Figures 2.1 Breakdown of students by subject of study at Pristina University, 1969–88 2.2 The national composition of students at Pristina University, 1980–8

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Maps 1.1 The Ottoman vilayets at the turn of the twentieth century 1.2 The Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia 4.1 Kosovo primary schools that excluded Albanians, by municipality

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x Illustrations 4.2 Albanian secondary schools in Kosovo according to facilities, by municipality 4.3 Segregation of the Serbian and Albanian faculties in Pristina in the 1990s 5.1 The position of Kosovo in the Balkans 5.2 Kosovo and neighbours 5.3 Distribution of the Illyrian tribes 5.4 Dardanian state 5.5 Amputated borders of the Albanian state determined after the Ambassadors’ Conference in London, 1913 5.6 Kosovo and the Albanian ethnic territories in former Yugoslavia (an assessment) 5.7 The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia – the political map 5.8 The region of Mount ⁄ara. The Kosovo–Metohija valley 5.9 The ethnic map of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia 6.1 Kosovo Serb enclaves in post-intervention Kosovo

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Acknowledgements

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This book grew out of my interest in the conflict in Kosovo over the last decade. It is based on my doctoral thesis written at the Department of Geography, University of Cambridge, under the supervision of Dr Gerry Kearns. I would like to thank Gerry for his helpful and inspiring guidance; the late Dr Graham Smith for his enthusiasm for the Kosovo topic and support in the initial stages of this research; Professor Jonathan Haslam for encouraging my interest in the problem of Kosovo; and Professor William Wallace for his support and interest in my work since the Prague days. I would also like to thank Professor Ranko Bugarski, Maja Danon, and Cecile and Chanel Bouchard for earlier support. This book draws on analytical insights, documentary evidence and other published and unpublished material gathered during several visits to Kosovo since 1995. I would not have been able to study such a rich variety of sources had I not been helped generously along the way: Shkëlzen Maliqi’s help was crucial for my research in Kosovo as was that of everyone involved in the Kosovo Educational Enrichment Programme at the Open Society Fund Pristina-branch office in 1997 and 1998. They opened many doors that provided key insights into my research subject, while being friendly and supportive during a very difficult time in Kosovo. I encountered remarkable responsiveness when approaching a wide range of people involved in different aspects of Albanian parallel education in post-autonomy Kosovo: education officials, activists, analysts, journalists, headmasters, teachers’ union representatives and students. I am grateful to all for the time and information they shared with me. In the text, I describe their official position when using their quotes; names are withheld to protect their anonymity. In addition, many have contributed to this study in its various stages with their interest, encouragement, sources, suggestions and critique. Hence I would like to thank Dr Samuel Abraham, Dejan Anastasijevicœ, Du¡ka Anastasijevicœ, Fadil Bajraj, Sonja Biserko, Thomas Dikant, Bejtullah Destani, Drs Sladjana and Drago Djuricœ, Dr Ger Duijzings, Dr Kate Fleet, Dr Enver Hoxhaj, Tanja Jovanovicœ, Tim Judah, Dr Abraham Karpas, Jovanka Kljajicœ, Jana Lok¡enincová, Tihomir Loza, Dr Cornelia Sorabji,

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Acknowledgements

Dragan ⁄tavljanin, Dr Alex Tait, Dr Philip Towle and Sihana Xhaferi. I am very grateful to Professor Mary Kaldor, Professor Mike Heffernan and Dr Sarah Radcliffe for their detailed comments on the earlier drafts of this book. My colleagues at the Centre for the Study of Global Governance, LSE, tolerated the seclusion the work on my manuscript required, which I appreciate a great deal. My gratitude also goes to all not mentioned here by name who helped in small but important ways. The final stage of this project benefited from academic debates I engaged in during my fellowship at the Centre for the Study of Global Governance, LSE, since 2002 and at Linacre College, Oxford, from 2002 to 2004. I am indebted to the Open Society Institute and the Cambridge Overseas Trust for the support of my postgraduate study, fieldwork and research expenses. I would also like to gratefully acknowledge the Philip Lake Fund II grants, the Lundgren Award, the Worts Travelling Scholars Fund award and the Open Society Institute/The Foreign and Commonwealth Office grant. I am also thankful for support received from Wolfson College and the Department of Geography, Cambridge University. I am indebted to Michelle Johnson and Martha Henry, formerly with the Open Society Institute, for their support and helpful cooperation in managing the minutiae of my scholarship. I am thankful to Goranka Maticœ and Jelena Mrdja at the Photo-Archive of the Belgrade weekly Vreme for allowing me to select photographs from their collection and for granting me permission to reproduce them in this book. Also, I would like to express my gratitude to Ninoslav Randjelovicœ for supplying me his film ⁄kola na¡eg nezadovoljstva (The school of our discontent), by Ronin production, and giving me permission to use its frames as illustrations in this book. My thanks also go to Philip Stickler of the Department of Geography, University of Cambridge, who prepared the maps in the prelims, 1.1, 1.2, 4.1 and 4.2, and permitted me to adapt the map on Kosovo for Map 6.1 for this publication. I would also like to acknowledge thankfully the effort of Aleksandar CŒiricœ, who produced Maps 4.3, 5.1, 5.2, 5.3, 5.4, 5.5, 5.6, 5.7, 5.8 and 5.9 and adapted Map 6.1 in this book. The prompt and comprehensive advice of Heidi Bagtazo, my editor at Routledge, and the efficient collaboration with Diana Chambers, the Project Manager at Florence Production, were invaluable for completing the manuscript and preparing it for publication. Finally, my thanks are due to my family, and especially my mother, for their understanding and belief in me, and to Dave Pankhurst for his support and encouragement and so much more.

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Abbreviations

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FQ FRY KLA KQFK LASH LDK NATO NC OSCE SFRY UÇK UN UNMIK UPSUP US

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Government Fund (from Albanian) Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Kosovo Liberation Army Central Financial Council of Kosovo (from Albanian) League of Albanian Educators Naim Frashëri (from Albanian) Democratic League of Kosovo (from Albanian) North Atlantic Treaty Organization National Curriculum Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Kosovo Liberation Army (from Albanian) United Nations United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo Independent Student Union of Pristina University (from Albanian) United States

Note on transliteration

Kosovo, as an anglicized name of the disputed territory, is used in the text. Lest it should be interpreted as a form of political preference, this book avoids the use of Kosovo–Metohija, as the Serbian name in full, or Kosmet, as its abbreviated form, or Kosova/ë, as the Albanian name. The same principle of anglicization is applied to place names on the maps specially prepared for this book. This book also includes maps adapted from Albanian and Serbian history and geography textbooks. The place names on these maps are reproduced as they appear on the original maps. People’s names are rendered in their original form throughout the text.

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Map 1 Kosovo.

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Map 2 Serbia and Montenegro.

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Bells in Kosovo’s schools rang to announce the start of the new school year only for Serbs and Montenegrins in the autumn of 1991. They were now almost sole occupants of classrooms in Serbia’s disputed province with about 90 per cent majority Albanian population. The application of new education and labour laws by Serbia after its forceful abolition of Kosovo’s autonomy in 1989 rendered most Albanian pupils ‘schoolless’ and their teachers and administrators jobless. Starting the new school year belatedly in January 1992, Albanian pupils greeted their teachers in living rooms, garages, shops and cellars throughout Kosovo. The creation of what came to be known as parallel education for and by Albanians in Kosovo was a powerful demonstration of their resistance to the Serbian state and its policies. The post-autonomy Kosovo became a land of parallel worlds. Albanians and Serbs lived side by side without contact across national lines. To Serbs, Kosovo was a part of a unified Serbia. To Albanians, Kosovo was their own independent republic. Ethnically divided primary and secondary schools as well as university simultaneously reflected and fuelled Serbian–Albanian conflict over the control of Kosovo. The spatial separation between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo in the 1990s and the impact it had on national identity of Kosovo Albanians are the themes this book explores. The ethnic segregation in the post-autonomy Kosovo was allencompassing. The mass dismissal of Albanians in Kosovo from its state institutions and enterprises removed any point of contact Serbs and Albanians once had. Even their neighbourhoods in Kosovo’s towns and villages had increasingly become ethnically homogeneous, as Serbs and Albanians sought to live among their ethnic kin. Tenants living in few ethnically mixed apartment blocks no longer greeted each other on the staircase. The Serbian and Albanian youth who used to play in the same rock-bands now went out in the evenings to separate ethnic cafés. In order to explain how the conflict over Kosovo came to be inscribed in space and how this spatial arrangement affected the symbolic coordinates of Albanian nationhood in this period, I have chosen to focus on the education system in Kosovo. Hardly anyone in the Albanian community remained untouched

2 Introduction by it. Either as pupils and university students, parents, teachers or administrators, all Albanians experienced segregation in their daily lives. In the Albanian classrooms in ‘home-schools’ throughout Kosovo, Albanians learnt for the first time after the Second World War the national content that they were free to determine themselves. At the same time, the Albanian parallel education played an important political role. As the only fully functioning system of the Albanian shadow state in the post-autonomy Kosovo it was the epitome of the Albanian non-violent resistance as a form of national struggle to Serbian rule. In sum, the Albanian parallel education was both a symbolic and a political expression of Kosovo Albanian nationhood. Power has changed hands many times between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo’s turbulent history. Domination of one community over another emerged as a defining feature of Serbian–Albanian relations in Kosovo, whether during the Ottoman period, the World Wars, or Communism.1 The abolition of Kosovo’s autonomy spearheaded by Slobodan Milo¡evicœ in the late 1980s was yet another such handover. Disempowering the Albanians, the Serbs took control over Kosovo. The myth was deftly put in the service of the national policy. The Kosovo myth had grown around a battle the Christians fought against the Ottomans at a field outside the province’s contemporary capital Pristina in 1389. For ensuing centuries under Ottoman rule, the ancestors of modern Serbs sang epic songs of their defeat in Kosovo. The myth contributed to the definition of their ethnic distinctness. It placed Kosovo at the heart of Serbianness. The memory of their loss of Kosovo contained within it an obligation for its return. Just weeks after the beginning of the First Balkan War, Kosovo became a part of the Serbian state in 1912. When Milo¡evicœ began his climb to power some six centuries after the Kosovo battle, he cast himself as a modern-day saviour of Kosovo. This time the enemy was Kosovo’s majority Albanians and the autonomy they had enjoyed since 1974. The message of the revived myth remained unchanged: Kosovo was Serbian. Such a reading of Kosovo and its meaning left no room for its significance as a homeland of its Albanian population. Kosovo’s autonomy was doomed. Albanian resistance to Serbia’s political control over Kosovo in 1989 was a challenge to the vision of Serbian Kosovo. Albanians’ attachment to Kosovo was integral to their sense of national identity nourished during Communism despite the ideological restrictions. Serbs saw this alternative national vision centred on Kosovo as a threat. After the abolition of Kosovo’s autonomy, Albanian-language education in the province, from the primary school to the university level, was placed under the Serbian control with severe limitations on Albanians’ access to education. The Serbian policy had an unintended outcome. Albanians organized school and university classes in private houses throughout Kosovo in the period between 1992 and 1999. The struggle over education, which is one of the

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key sites for producing symbolic contents of nation and its homeland, became a shorthand for the Serbian and Albanian conflict over Kosovo. A total spatial separation from the Serbs brought Albanians unprecedented freedom to express their sense of nationhood of which the lessons of independent Kosovo were a part. Looking at the Serbian–Albanian conflict in Kosovo from the vantage point of identity allows us to see beyond the pattern of political domination. In Kosovo’s case, the Serbian political domination in the 1990s did not translate into an ability to control Albanians in pursuing their politics or in nourishing their nationhood. The segregation between the two communities in Kosovo in the 1990s defined the limits of the Serbian power and the implications of Albanian disempowerment in Kosovo. The establishment of Albanian home-schools in the post-autonomy Kosovo was an expression of Albanians’ strong sense of nationhood and its defence. In fact, it was a response to an equally strong expression of Serbian identity, and its attempted political imposition in Kosovo. This book engages with scholarly debates on national identity in the post-Communist context, while focusing on the role of space in its construction. At the same time, education is conceptualized as an important, though by no means sole, producer of nation’s symbolic coordinates. The spatial dimension of nationalism has until recently been overshadowed by scholarly debates on the temporal aspect of nations. ‘When is the nation?’ is an important query discussed by students of nationalism. However, the question, ‘Where is the nation?’, has increasingly attracted scholarly attention. This book is a contribution to that debate. Space is one of the key markers of nationhood. Knowing one’s homeland is indispensable to a sense of national identity. It manifests itself as a feeling about and attachment to land. It is not any land, but that of forefathers, which is imbued with meaning. However, space is also a physical resource. Nationalists vie for control of a nation’s territory. The actual sovereignty or a quest for sovereignty in the territory is constitutive of nationhood. This book analyses the reconfiguration of national identity through the interplay between these two understandings of space – space as a symbolic and physical resource. In post-autonomy Kosovo, educational space became closely linked to political space. Therefore, nationalism had turned education into a battleground and created new spaces that became a source of new identity. The symbolic redefinition of homeland was a part of that identity. This book tells the story of a parallel education system developed by Albanians after the removal of Kosovo’s autonomy in 1989. But its relevance reaches far beyond education. After Serbia’s abolition of Kosovo’s autonomy, Albanians decided that politically they had nothing to do with Serbia. Therefore, they set about organizing their shadow state as an embodiment of their strategy of passive resistance. This study offers an insight into the political conception of Albanians’ non-violence and their

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strategy of building a self-declared independent state in Kosovo in the 1990s. Albanian disenchantment with passive resistance came from their realization of its impotence in removing Serbian repression. The focus on governance of Albanian parallel education shows that the Albanian parallel state was also undermined by weaknesses and even abuses from within. As the only functioning segment of the parallel state, the Albanian education became caught up in the power struggle between the feuding Albanian factions inside Kosovo. This intra-Albanian politics in post-autonomy Kosovo demonstrated in this book became as critical to the redefinition of the means of the Albanian national struggle as the disagreement between the Albanian leadership based in Kosovo and in the diaspora.2 The Serbian–Albanian dispute over Kosovo has been commonly explained in terms of Serbs’ historical attachment to the territory powerfully captured in the Kosovo myth, and the Albanians’ contemporary demographic preponderance and hence their political claim to the region.3 Such interpretation of the confrontation has emphasized a symbolic meaning that Kosovo as a national homeland has for the Serbs. The Serbian– Albanian conflict has taken many Albanian and Serbian lives since the fall of Communism, and, most recently, during the NATO intervention in the then Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (now Serbia and Montenegro), and in its aftermath. The account of this conflict is incomplete without an insight into an equally strong Albanian attachment to Kosovo as a fatherland, and its political implications both for the resolution of Kosovo’s status and for its multi-ethnic future. The symbolic territorial loyalty has underpinned the force of Serbian and Albanian political convictions and designs for Kosovo. This book shows how the national message transmitted through history and geography textbooks in Albanian as well as in Serbian schools further entrenched the conflict. The conflict over Kosovo’s education during Milo¡evicœ’s period was a part of a confrontation between Serbs and Albanians over sovereignty in Kosovo. Segregation in education that this conflict produced had a contradictory impact. It allowed unprecedented nurturing of Albanians’ sense of nationhood. Serbian and Albanian history and geography textbooks were rewritten. New lessons of nationhood armed Albanians and Serbs with mutually exclusive notions of Kosovo even before the shots were fired in the late 1990s. Total segregation lent additional credence to the perception of the self and Other that Serbs and Albanians learnt in their ethnically homogeneous classrooms in Kosovo. This book provides a view from within at how the sense of nationhood was articulated and perceived by Albanian pupils and university students. Finally, segregation of the 1990s has continued to cast its long shadow on Kosovo after the NATO intervention, the removal of the Serbian domination and the establishment of the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) in 1999. The legacy of this experience is an impediment to ongoing efforts by the international community to help

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establish integrated multicultural society and functioning multi-ethnic democracy in Kosovo. The pattern of spatial separation between two national communities in Kosovo has, by and large, been reproduced in the post-1999 period. Kosovo Serbs now live consigned to mono-ethnic enclaves. At the same time, the education system in Kosovo has remained divided along national lines, while continuing to reinforce mutually exclusive readings of Kosovo’s past, present and future. The self-centred notion of national identity constructed around the quest for national control of the contested homeland of Kosovo has emerged as a major obstacle to stability in Kosovo. Therefore, as a look back at Kosovo’s recent past, this book also aims to shed light on present and future challenges facing stabilization efforts in the region. I now turn to a discussion of nationalism, identity and space, and relate them to education, in order to provide theoretical guidance for empirical chapters that follow.

Nationalism after Communism

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The force of national sentiments displayed by national groups in the late 1980s as Communist federations – the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia and, later, Czechoslovakia – crumbled, illustrated the power of the bonds of nationhood over solidarity based on the Communist ideology. Concerted attempts by Communists to make national identity irrelevant proved to be the failure. The fall of Communism ushered in a change in the nature of the state and its power, creating space for the pursuit of nationalist politics aimed at the capture of a state that was no longer in control of society.4 Yugoslavia’s disintegration had begun in Kosovo. No issue in the Serbian politics of the late 1980s so inflamed the passions as Kosovo. The demand for the abolition of Kosovo’s autonomy for Serbs was the act of reclaiming Serbianness, and shedding any vestiges of ‘false’ identity based on ideology. Likewise, the defence of autonomy for Albanians was the assertion of Albanianness, implying a rejection of any competing ideological identification. The Serbian–Albanian confrontation over Kosovo in the late 1980s and early 1990s was moulded by the dynamics of post-Communist nationalism. All nationalisms are about the capture of the state by and for one nation. It ought, then, to be asked why post-Communist nationalism should be singled out, how it was shaped by the Communist legacy, and, finally, how it played itself out in the context of the post-Communist democratic transition. Post-Communist nationalism was much more than the eruption of deeply frozen national conflicts and suppressed national identities.5 This section traces the process of reinforcement of national identities without intention during Communism, and of their assertion and consolidation during the post-Communist transition. Emerging out of Communism sharper and even more meaningful as a result of the institutionalization of nationhood in the Communist period, national identities were mobilized over the control of territory of administrative units of

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former Communist federations. This section concludes by exploring a complex role nationalism had and continues to play both in Communism’s demise and in the democratic transitions of the post-Communist states in Eastern Europe. Rather than becoming obsolete in accordance with Communism’s ideological dictum of class over nation,6 the sense of nationhood emerged reinforced and reinvigorated after the Communist period. King has noted that the Communists were essentially modernizers, and, therefore, nationbuilders if not nationalists.7 Heralding industrialization and urbanization, along with mass expansion of literacy and education, Communism intensified the sense of nationhood through the process of societies’ modernization.8 Viewed in this light, Communism provided a structural basis for the assertion of nationhood. However, national identities were, simultaneously, forged by institutions designed during the Communist period. Brubaker’s institutionalist account of nationhood and the national question in the Soviet Union points to what appears to be a contradiction: the repression of political nationalism during Communism was accompanied by the pervasive institutionalization of nationhood and nationality as fundamental social categories. Republics and sub-republican units in the Soviet Union were endowed with fixed and bounded territories, names, legislatures, administrative staffs and cultural and political elites.9 As Rothschild observed: ‘political institutions and processes are not only the creatures but also the creators, over time, of ethnonational groups and distinctions’.10 While the literature dealing with this aspect of Communism mostly centres on the Soviet Union, the political, economic and cultural implications of the institutional arrangement were similar in the case of former Yugoslavia. The 1974 Constitution of Communist Yugoslavia promoted federal units – republic and provinces – into proto-states. They were defined by one majority national group, and pursued their own national interest as Yugoslavia ‘disaggregated’ in the late 1970s and throughout the 1980s.11 The formal albeit unintended institutionalization of nationhood was reinforced informally.12 The functioning of the socialist system, and, in particular, economic crises, gave rise to informal networks among ethnic kin. The sense of ethnic unity was also asserted in opposition to other national groups whom they competed with and/or blamed for the scarcity of resources.13 The relevance of nationhood contrasted starkly with a lack of alternative forms of identification. A relative absence of civil society in Communism resulted in the scarcity of interests and links based on wealth, ideology or property relations.14 Therefore, a variety of sources of individual and collective loyalty other than the national could not be created. When the socialist form of the Communist state was removed, only its cultural/national content remained.15 The demise of Communism elevated nationhood into ‘the logical depository of individuals’ hopes, fears, and activity – political, social, and economic’.16 The Communist-style

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territorialization of nationhood held the seeds of future discord and war. In Kosovo’s case, Serbs considered the federal borders of the Serbian republic a legitimate territorial expression of their nationhood. According to them, Kosovo was an indivisible part of Serbia. This claim was undermined by the Albanian quest for sovereignty within the borders of the Kosovo province. In Communist Yugoslavia, the connection forged between national communities and their administrative territories was obfuscated by ideology and linguistics.18 Nationhood was recognized both in a category of nations and nationality. However, in Communist Yugoslavia, nations exercised their sovereignty in the republics, while nationalities, like Albanians in Kosovo, could only have an autonomy. Nations nominally had the right of secession, nationalities did not. The assertion of nationhood after the fall of Communism and the quest for its full political realization in the territory proved inimical either to ideological or linguistic engineering. Serbian–Albanian confrontation in Kosovo as ideological restrictions loosened in the late 1980s was a result of competing claims for undivided sovereignty in the territory based on a strong sense of national identity. Alluding to its multi-faceted nature, Michnik has said: ‘there is nationalism and there is nationalism’.19 While nationalism precipitated the demise of Communism in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union,20 its impact on the democratic transformation of the new post-Communist states has not been uniform. Parrott has noted: ‘A modicum of nationalism is indispensable for the creation and cohesion of a modern state.’21 However, nationalism has also been a chief cause of state destabilization and break-up. It has emerged as a vehicle for anti-democratic policy and practice because it conflated the membership in a nation with the membership in a state.22 The striking diversity of post-Communist states in the second decade of transformation has demonstrated a need for a less analytically rigid examination of nationalism in the post-Communist context. In Lieven’s words: ‘The nationalism of a contemporary Estonian or Hungarian is simply not the same thing as that of a Kazakh or a Chechen. All have their specific features, and these are not of peripheral and decorative but of central importance.’23 Therefore, rather than approach the question of post-Communist democratization from the perspective of nationalism as politics, it is more informative to look at the kind of nation the postCommunist nationalisms tried to promote. An adverse impact of nationalism on the process of democratic transition in the post-Communist context can be attributed to the weakness of the civic dimension of nationhood and the salience of its ethnic dimension in post-Communist Eastern Europe.24 At the same time, the ethnic concept of nation after the end of Communism also owes much to the historical paths travelled by East European nations. According to Smith, the distinction between civic and ethnic nations can be traced to two types of ethnic communities from which nations

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developed: ‘lateral’, primarily composed of aristocrats and higher clergy, but also occasionally including bureaucrats, high military officials and richer merchants, and ‘vertical’, which was more compact and popular, and where common heritage and tradition had a unifying role.25 The process of bureaucratic incorporation and the process of vernacular mobilization produced two different models of nation.26 One is the Western model whose components, according to Smith, encompass historic territory, legalpolitical community, legal-political equality of members, and common civic culture and ideology.27 By contrast, a non-Western model of the nation, that is primarily to be found in Eastern Europe and Asia, relies more heavily on genealogy and presumed ethnic ties, popular mobilization and vernacular languages, as well as customs and traditions.28 The concomitant distinction between civic and ethnic nation concerns civic, i.e. Western, and ethnic, i.e. Eastern, nationalism.29 These, in turn, have been associated with being liberal and democratic as opposed to being illiberal and authoritarian. The elaboration of the ethnic ‘kind’ of nation provides a pertinent conceptual guide into the rise of nationhood in the Balkans. Unlike in the West, where the age of nations is generally associated with modernity,30 in Eastern Europe nations emerged under conditions of semi-modernity. According to Sugar: [A] [semi-modern] community consciously embarked on changing a traditional way of life. Such communities may move away from tradition, even alter it drastically, but they never succeed in fully emulating, let alone ‘catching up’ with the model that they propose to substitute for the system they wish to abandon.31 Moreover, in the absence of their own states for most of the modern period, the nascent nations of Eastern Europe only had a repertoire of ethnic rather than civic sources of identification, like religion, history and language, to draw on.32 Consequently, ethnic identities, nurtured along the religious and linguistic divide, provided symbolic foundations for the rise of national identities. These, in turn, were given national content by the symbolic labour of national intelligentsias that promoted the ideas of nations’ uniqueness and antiquity by creating/inventing national imaginaries.33 However, the diversity of post-Communist nationalisms shows that a pure form of nationalism, civic or ethnic, is hard to find. Rather, the new nations in Eastern Europe can be placed on a spectrum between civic and ethnic ends.34 Kaldor and Vejvoda made a case for a sui generis political model of the post-Communist states whose democratization has been marked by the Communist legacy.35 While inadvertently nourishing nationhood, the politically restrictive totalitarian environment precluded its evolution from a previous mainly ethnic to a civic model in Eastern Europe.

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This transition would require open and democratic debate, and, above all, the acknowledgement of nationhood without ideological fences. The communitarian character of the constitutions of the post-Communist states has been the telling measure of the civic–ethnic balance of their nationalisms. Hayden described ‘constitutional nationalism’ in former Yugoslav republics, deriving from ‘a constitutional and legal structure that privileges the members of one ethnically defined nation over other residents in a particular state’ despite the state’s overt espousal of democracy and equality.36 The conflict over Kosovo’s schools in the 1990s was triggered by the Serbian campaign of restricting the political, economic and cultural rights of Albanians in Serbia. Pusicœ has illustrated how expectations that democracy would be a harbinger of freedom in post-Communism were thwarted: [Democracy, it was expected, will] remove the anathema of nationalism which loomed menacingly over any attempt to express national identity. We will be free to be Croats, but also Serbs, Slovenes, Albanians, or whatever. Nobody spoke about the possible inversion whereby we would all have to be Croats (Serbs, Slovenes, Albanians, or whatever) in order to be free. Croatian national feeling or identity was to be one of the fruits of freedom, not its prerequisite.37 The impact of such an inversion was most disruptive in the multinational post-Communist states where a strong sense of nationhood was a feature both of majorities and minorities.38 Serbian nationalism in the late 1980s emerged in its exclusive and ethnic form. Even before it had a chance to establish itself as a force facilitating democratization, it showed its face by clamping down on the rights of the largest national minority in Serbia. Consequently, it promoted democracy as a preserve of the dominant nation. The rise of the Albanian nationalist counter-mobilization triggered by Serbian nationalism precluded the possibility of genuine democratization. Instead, it heralded a bloody confrontation in the name of the nation and its territory. Nationalism defined the battle lines. Politics was focused on safeguarding the rights of one’s own national community. Such dynamics violated against the emergence of an open and inclusive nationhood. The ideological rigidity of Communism did not preclude a strong sense of national identity; on the contrary. Both Serbs and Albanians faced each other equally confident in the symbolic contents of their nationhoods. The development of the Albanian-language education system illustrates the institutional and cultural affirmation of nationhood during the Communist period. Especially after the founding of the university in Kosovo’s capital Pristina in 1970, Albanian-language education, both as an institution of Albanian autonomy and as knowledge about the nation, became the epitome of the Albanian national identity, in spite of ideological restrictions

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imposed on it. The clampdown on the university in Pristina after the Albanian demonstrations of 1981 removed the ideological layer from the Serbian–Albanian confrontation, revealing the clash of nations driven by their self-awareness.

Conceptualizing national identity According to Gellner: ‘Nationalism holds that they [nations and states] were destined for each other; that either without the other is incomplete, and constitutes a tragedy.’39 This belief has informed Serbian and Albanian competing claims over Kosovo. The move to realize the national territorial project is indivisible from national self-awareness. Its symbolic content, in turn, shapes the political action and its form. By looking at the symbolic coordinates of the Albanian nationhood transmitted by the Albanian parallel education in the post-autonomy period, this study captures the moment of change in formulation and articulation of Albanian nationhood in the 1990s. It shows how the meaning of nationhood informs the political action, but also itself changes in response to it. Scholars of nationalism have profoundly disagreed about explaining the rise of nations. Primordialists, who date the existence of nations to time immemorial, have been marginalized by modernists who posit that nations are a modern and novel phenomenon.40 Meanwhile, modernists have debated whether nations have ethnic origins. Within modernism polar positions concerning the ethnic past of nations are exemplified by Ernest Gellner and Anthony D. Smith. For Gellner, nationalism makes nations as the process of industrialization profoundly transforms the role of culture in human life. In a pre-modern society, culture acts as a support of individuals’ usually stable positions. In mobile and anonymous societies, it becomes crucial and forges identities through education and training.41 Importantly, pre-national culture, according to Gellner, is not crucial for the rise of nations; industrialization is. By contrast, positing the ‘ethnic origin of nations’, Smith traces the emergence of nations from the ‘ethnie’ or ‘ethnic community’, which is ‘a named human population with a myth of common ancestry, shared memories, and cultural elements, a link with historic territory of homeland, and a measure of solidarity’.42 He identifies the mechanisms of ethnic self-renewal: religious reform, cultural borrowing, popular participation and myths of ethnic election. These mechanisms account for the emergence of ‘ethnic cores’, which, in turn, provide the basis of nations.43 Therefore, Smith’s concise retort to Gellner’s argument on essential irrelevance of culture is: ‘Nihil ex nihilo. Nothing comes from nothing.’44 This study of Albanian national identity in post-autonomy Kosovo draws on a theoretical niche within the modernist school that views ‘nations as mental constructs sustained in being by imaginative labour and discursive habit’.45 Hobsbawm introduced the notion of the invention of traditions

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in the process of creating nations and their cultures for the purpose of establishing continuity with the past.46 Anderson contributed to the constructivist approach by defining the nation as an ‘imagined political community’.47 Accordingly, both the nation and the individual’s relation to the nation are theorized as an outcome of symbolic effort.48 Hutchinson has pointed out that the invention thesis has several connotations. It concerns the novelty of nation as a modern phenomenon, but also a dimension of constructivism, including manipulation and even fabrication and forgery in their construction.49 This book does not tackle the constructivist argument as one of the explanations of the rise of nations. Instead, it engages with the notion of a nation’s constructedness, the symbolic production and reproduction of nationhood, after the nation has come into being. For as Eley and Suny put it: ‘there is clearly a point at which nations begin existing independently of the political practices that originally formed them’.50 Therefore, this study limits its focus to symbolic maintenance of nationhood, with a particular interest in the subtle shifts in its meaning reflected in the salience of some of its markers over others. Nationhood and its symbolic coordinates are not given, but need to be sustained. They may undergo a change in the process, with some symbols becoming more prominent than others. An insight into the post-autonomy Albanian identity in Kosovo presented in Albanian history and geography textbooks used in parallel schools demonstrates the pre-eminence of the spatial dimension in the construction of nationhood. Nations defy an elegant definition.51 Still, they may be conceived broadly as a group with shared characteristics, such as language, religion, culture and territory. Connor posits that their essence is self-awareness,52 and, hence, the resulting sense of national identity.53 Yet, nation is more than the cultural community it is made of. Shared cultural attributes that generate the feeling of commonality are underpinned by a political dimension. According to Smith, ‘“national” identity involves some sense of political community’.54 The latter implies: at least some common institutions and a single code of rights and duties for all the members of the community. It also suggests a definite social space, a fairly well demarcated and bounded territory, with which the members identify and to which they feel they belong.55

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The political aspect of national identity is realized through its symbolic tie to the territory and the quest for sovereignty in it. A sovereign state is the ‘gauge and emblem’ of a nation’s freedom.56 However, the beliefs that nations give rise to must be created and sustained, since the tangible givens of the nation, such as territory, language and culture, alone do not automatically foster the feeling of belonging that underlies the national identity. Therefore, both the nation and the individual’s relation to the nation can be understood as an outcome of symbolic

12 Introduction effort. Hage observed that nations ‘never reach a stage where they just “exist”; they are not only constructions, but also continually in the making’.57 Arguably, the construction of national identities is never final. It constantly demands some sort of imaginative ideological labour.58 The interpretation of national identity as ‘a process rather than outcome’59 has brought into focus a number of sites where the process of identity constitution and reconstitution takes place, ranging from state media, geographic institutes and schools to political discourse, as well as symbolic representations in one’s surroundings and in the landscape.60 This study of Albanian national identity in Serb-ruled Kosovo focuses on the role of education as one such site. In Smith’s words: Today [the socialization of ‘nationals’ and ‘citizens’] is achieved through compulsory, standardized, public mass education systems, through which state authorities hope to inculcate national devotion and a distinctive, homogeneous culture, an activity that most regimes pursue with considerable energy under the influence of nationalist ideals of cultural authenticity and unity.61 Understanding national identity as a constructed category implies that the national identity is open to change. However, the extent of that change is limited. According to Radcliffe and Westwood, the fluidity of national identities is ‘not completely free-floating but relates to conceptions of time and space, and the relationships between histories, cultures and biographies’.62 Generations provide a bond between the nationals and mediate this bond both spatially, i.e. in a given national territory, and temporally, i.e. through the years.63 They also emerge as carriers of change. Nonetheless, a redefinition of national identity that they can effect is constrained by the past they inherit. Any change has to come as a result of the dialogue between the past and the present.64 This process is not conflict-free. The victorious version of nationhood has to subdue possible resistance and rival narratives coming from resistant elements within it as well as those coming from other nations.65 The non-static nature of national identity is also reflected in its dynamics with the Other, which has a constitutive role in the articulation of identity.66 Nations nurture a sense of their own uniqueness. A part of their distinctiveness also relies on the rhetorical tool that Penrose calls ‘the foil of other’.67 The Other will always be perceived as threatening.68 Parekh maintains that excessive reliance on the Other in the process of identification ‘encourages the community to pay far more attention to how and how much it differs from the others than to whether or not it is true to itself’.69 Importantly, constructing identity by Othering also has a direct bearing on identity’s symbolic content since it inherently precludes dissension. Those who fail to endorse the absolute distinctiveness of one’s own nation in comparison with the Other, ‘can have their disbelief turned against them

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as evidence of their exclusion from the nation – anyone who belongs will understand’.70 This mechanism is particularly salient when identity is mobilized. It was clearly at work in Kosovo. All Serbs and Albanians who took issue with any aspect of the dominant strategy of their respective national leaderships over Kosovo were castigated as traitors to the national cause. Castells’ definition of legitimizing, resistance and project identities neatly captures the dynamic relationship of resistance in conceptualizing one’s identity, and confronting that of the Other. According to him, legitimizing identity is introduced by dominant institutions of society to extend and rationalize their domination vis-à-vis social actors. Resistance identity is generated by actors that are disadvantaged by domination and create a basis for resistance and survival on principles different or opposed to dominant ones, while project identities are those built by social actors that not only redefine their position in society, but also seek to transform the overall social structure.71 Castells posits that a movement from one to another type of identity is possible: ‘identities that start as resistance may induce projects, and may also, along the course of history, become dominant in the institutions of society, thus becoming legitimizing identities to rationalize their domination’.72 This model neatly explains the transformative path of the Albanian national identity in Kosovo. Starting off as a resistance identity to the legitimizing identity of the Serbian state and social order in the early 1990s, it was premised on the project of independent Kosovo throughout the 1990s, only to itself become a legitimizing identity after the NATO intervention in 1999, albeit with an element of the project identity retained due to the unresolved status of Kosovo. National identity can exist without necessarily implying a process of mobilization.73 However, Canovan posits that nations’ long-term mobilizability is one of their defining features.74 She likens nationhood to a battery: ‘a reservoir of power that can slumber for decades and still be available for rapid mobilisation’.75 National identity is itself multi-dimensional, therefore, ‘it can never be reduced to a single element, even by particular factions of nationalists, nor can it be easily or swiftly induced in a population by artificial means’.76 Yet, national strife can enhance the salience of some markers of national identity. According to Rothschild, every aspect of national identity can be mobilized and politicized so as to emerge as a symbol standing for the whole of national identity.77 This section has shown that national identity is not fixed and static, but rather protean and dynamic. It has definable markers, but the saliency of these markers is also conducive to change. However, the parameters of change are restricted. National identities can be redefined, but always within the limits of history, territory, the institutional framework and political initiatives. National identity engenders feelings of stability and security, but can easily be used to imply exclusion and insecurity. The capacity of national identity, when mobilized, especially in opposition to the Other,

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is bound to accelerate such a shift. In his study of religious identities in Kosovo, Duijzings has demonstrated how identities were ambiguous and shifting, historically facilitating contact across ethnic lines, while the emergence of nationalism in the late 1980s and early 1990s challenged their flexibility.78 The fall of Communism in Eastern Europe paved the way for the assertion of nationhood, while the clash of nationhoods gave particular prominence to some as opposed to their other markers. Kosovo’s territory emerged as a focus of the Serbian–Albanian confrontation in the late 1980s and early 1990s. Accordingly, the opposed interpretation of the spatial dimension captured the uniqueness of Serbian and Albanian nationhoods.

The role of space in the construction of nationhood The national territory commands the special attachment of its inhabitants. In the age of nationalism, the country became a kind of deity. According to Tuan: ‘Men still speak of protecting their “sacred soil.” There are no other gods than la Patrie herself.’79 As Breuilly puts it, ‘national territory became a shorthand term for a complex network of ideas concerning the nation’.80 Space understood in symbolic terms is one of the markers of nationhood. As a social construction, space too can be analytically deconstructed. Forsberg has pointed to a limitation of the constructivist approach: ‘Too often constructivist claims are advanced without proper explanations of how the construction is related to the material world and what the constructivist position impl[ies] in practice other than “things could have been constructed otherwise”.’81 This section attempts to do precisely that. By relating the notion of homeland to the territoriality understood as power over space in the context of nationalism, it shows that social constructions have material implications. Symbolic reconceptualization of national identity is their measure and reflection. Incompatible claims to the territory of Kosovo, its total incorporation into Serbia put forth by the Serbs and the Albanians’ quest for its independence were grounded in respective symbolic constructions of Kosovo as a homeland. The ensuing conflict informed by the incompatible symbolism of Kosovo, however, transformed Kosovo physically. The segregation of two communities became its defining feature, while allowing unprecedented symbolic reconceptualization of identity. Nation and its homeland Nationalism has profoundly changed the meaning of territory. Smith notes that national territories have ceased to be purely areas of self-sustaining resource. Rather, they have become ‘historic’ territories, ‘homelands’, rightful possessions from one’s forefathers through the generations. This was achieved by attaching memories to particular geographic sites in order

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that they become shared, national and, therefore, sacred. Nationalism turned landscape into ethnoscape.82 In the era of nation-building, national intelligentsia, artists and state-agencies funnelled their energies into forging ‘the mystic bond between people and place’, i.e. nation and homeland.83 Symbolic beliefs read into the land and the physical manifestations of these beliefs, whether monuments, museums or maps, placed the nation’s territory in the mind’s eye and gave rise to a geographical imagination of national territory.84 The natural features of the terrain became ‘poetic spaces’ when imbued with historical memories, myths and legends, as well as with the heroic deeds of brave ancestors, all of which were told and retold in the nationalist language.85 The meanings around territory reinforce the purported antiquity of nations, reflected in a paradox concerning ‘the objective modernity of nations to the historian’s eye vs. their subjective antiquity in the eyes of nationalists’.86 In Balibar’s words, nations are an outcome of ‘a retrospective illusion’, which concerns ‘the continuing power of myths of national origin’.87 The invention thesis explains why nations appear ancient and natural,88 when they are new and produced. By providing a nationalized interpretation of past events and heroes, history created a spiritual bond with ancestors and emphasized the uniqueness of the emerging national community. It may have entailed forgetting,89 as well as inventing.90 To McCrone, it was a ‘myth-history’.91 Territory appears to validate the veracity of such a history. It is a ‘temporally deep structure’, because ‘current elements of the structure of a territory are references to past events which provide meaning to and, hence, order our activities in the present’.92 Or, as J. Anderson puts it: ‘the time has passed but the space is still there’.93 While territory appears to embody the sense of belonging into a nation across generations, it also becomes a reminder of the historic duty to the nation. According to Miller:

111 Because our forbears have toiled and spilt their blood to build and defend the nation, we who are born into it inherit an obligation to continue to do their work, which we discharge partly towards our contemporaries and partly towards our descendants.94

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As a result, parcels of land can no longer be simply transferred between states as they used to be. The defence of national territory becomes a must, and calls to defend it are framed in highly symbolic terms, harking back to historical injustices.95 Homelands, as tangible repositories of nationalized historical memories, provide a symbolic underpinning for the uniqueness of the nation. The nations and homelands were created in a mutually reinforcing relationship, and it is the close symbiotic relationship between the two that sustains their existence: ‘Nations [. . .] are not simply located in geographical space – rather they explicitly claim particular territories and derive

16 Introduction distinctiveness from them.’96 Homeland provides the physical and symbolic anchor for the nation’s identity. Because the national territory stretches beyond immediate experience of place, Billig argues, it needs to be imagined, just as nations do.97 Even though the members of the nation may have never visited the sacred national sites, their homeland is clearly defined in their geographical imagination.98 The process of geographical imagination is particularly intense during nation-building.99 Yet, imagination does not become obsolete thereafter. It is stimulated by nationally salient features of landscape, such as monuments. While they reinforce the sense of national identity, most often than not they also reflect its contested nature.100 As Knight puts it, ‘territory is not; it becomes, for territory itself is passive, and it is human beliefs and actions that give territory a meaning’.101 However, ‘spatial experience is not innocent and neutral, but invested with power relating to age, gender, social position and relationships with others’.102 Accordingly the sense of place, i.e. the meanings imputed to place, is bound to reflect the underlying structures of power.103 If considered as a place, homeland becomes an arena where a dominant nation enforces the hegemonic power structure, but also an arena for the contestation of that structure.104 Homeland and its imagination can also be a device to exclude those who are presented as different and do not belong.105 An important aspect of the hegemonic power structure is the supreme position of a group to enforce a dominant symbolic representation of the state and its territory. Hence, another set of questions becomes pertinent: who is in a position to articulate the representation and definition of place, in what terms is it done, and whose interests are thereby represented?106 The conflict over whose representation of place will win the day is important because it relies on the past interpretation of place, in order to secure the future of the place.107 By implication, it will affect the social relations, and the distribution of power. Rose argues that it is through the process of Othering that insiders and outsiders, those who do and those who do not belong, are established. Thus, a sense of place may be harnessed to establish the difference on various bases, such as class, gender and race, but also on nationality. The process of Othering may provoke threatened groups to construct an alternative sense of place, but the position of insider will always imply the claim to power.108 The role of geographical imagination was of utmost importance in the Serbian–Albanian conflict over Kosovo. Due to the Othering of Albanians, the Serbian ‘sense’ of Kosovo prevailed. The Kosovo myth was invoked and this Serbian geographical imaginary precipitated the abolition of Kosovo’s autonomy. Serbian political domination was imposed, and Albanians were disenfranchised. Apart from producing a new distribution of power, the conflict over the contested representation in Kosovo also resulted in the complete spatial and social segregation of Serbs and Albanians.109 There emerged a whole range of physically segregated places conducive to the

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construction of Albanian national identity as well as to their geographical imagining of Kosovo in complete social and institutional isolation from the Serbs. Nation-state and territoriality Nationalism is as much about identity and homeland as it is about power and control, which, in turn, have a direct impact on the symbolic dimension of nationhood. Purcell has noted that ‘actors do not simply imagine national territory, they also struggle to realize that imagined territory in the physical landscape and a real geography for the nation’.110 Moving away from the symbolic meaning of territory, this section explores empowerment derived from control over territory in the context of nationalism. It draws on the notion of territoriality, which explains political dynamics triggered by the imposition of power over territory. Williams and Smith have noted that ‘whatever it may be nationalism is always a struggle for control of land’.111 Contemporary national movements, such as that of Kosovo Albanians, are involved in state-building. This is a shift from a time when states were the pre-eminent nationbuilders.112 The distinction between nations and states is demonstrated by the quest of nations seeking disengagement from the ‘nation-states’ they do not consider their own.113 ‘The interstate cycle’ preceded ‘the internation cycle’, Smith writes, adding that the latter emerged as a challenge to its predecessor.114 The Albanian parallel education in the post-autonomy Kosovo was a result of two nations attempting to assert power over the same piece of territory. Sack defines territoriality as ‘the attempt by an individual or group to affect, influence, or control people, phenomena, and relationships, by delimiting and asserting control over a geographic area’.115 Thus, geographic space actively expresses and implements both benign and malign relationships of social power. Anderson and Hamilton illustrate this with an example of locking people in or out, or giving voting or other rights to people in specified areas.116 The assertion of control over space implies its delimitation, which assumes exclusion. Territoriality pervades all social organizations, and can be seen at work in the case of states as one form of social power. Taylor has argued that the state’s capture of politics is premised on territoriality: ‘the state has acted like a vortex sucking in social relations to mould them through its territoriality’.117 Nations, too, are premised on territoriality, precisely through their quest to establish their own state.118 Both the state and the nation imply sovereign power in the particular territory.119 This leads Taylor to argue that it is ‘this basic community of state and nation as both being constituted through place that has enabled them to be linked together as a nation-state’.120 While relating it to nations, some authors have primarily interpreted territoriality as a protectiveness of place. According to White: ‘Protecting

18 Introduction a group’s territory and protecting a group’s identity go hand in hand and are inseparable.’121 This view lays emphasis on the exclusion of the Other. It is a notion innate to nation, and underscored by territoriality. However, territoriality also implies control through spatial reference. This is of particular relevence in the context of nation’s control over territory, and the implications of that control. Territoriality ‘avoids, to varying degrees, the need for enumeration and classification by kind and may be the only means of asserting control if we cannot enumerate all of the significant factors and relationships to which we have access’.122 Therefore, territoriality allows expedience. As Dijking and Knippenberg explain: ‘Enumeration for example involves communicating via a list of things that are yours and mine but it is much more efficient to pull all my things in one room and subsequently deny entry to you or anyone else.’123 At the same time, territoriality obscures the controllers. According to Sack, territoriality ‘can be used to displace attention from the relationship between the controller and controlled to the territory [. . .]. Territory appears as the agent doing the controlling.’124 When applied in the context of nationalism, the problem arises when the same parcel of territory is a coveted object of control by two groups. As a strategy to control the territory, territoriality is bound to lead to a conflict. It generates rival territorialities in a space-filling process, while encouraging ‘zero-sum games’ in national conflicts.125 Johnston suggests that, in cases where there is antagonism between two groups, territoriality may manifest itself as segregation.126 He cites the case of Northern Ireland. Looking at nationalism from the vantage point of territoriality provides insight into the complexity of territorial strategies in the context of national conflict. According to Pile, spatialities are constitutive both of domination and resistance.127 Broadly speaking, human geographers have used the term spatiality to refer to social implications of space.128 In Kosovo, Serbian and Albanian nationalism had their respective nationhood played out in the conflict over the education system. Asserting the power over the territory of Kosovo, the Serbs also asserted power over its education system. Consequently, Serbs began to limit educational opportunities in Albanian and exclude Albanians from school and university facilities. However, Albanians did not submit to the Serb-imposed spatiality of ‘schoollessness’. By contrast, they resisted it by turning homes into schools, which became, in Routledge’s terminology, ‘liberated space’ where Albanians could be in full command over the symbolic construction of their nationhood.129 On the one hand, the control of territory is empowering as it creates an opportunity for the symbolic sculpting of nationhood.130 Therefore, spatial segregation can offer security to a national/ethnic group by alleviating fears of assimilation and enabling the preservation of its identity.131 On the other, conflict over control of the territory may create new spatial arrangements, which, in turn, produce new symbolic landscapes reflecting and reinforcing a given vision of national identity.132

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Understanding of membership in the nation is indivisible from knowing about nation’s territory. Symbolic meanings that it embodies transform it into an emotionally meaningful space: the nation’s homeland. These emotions can have political implications by denying the Other a place in the geographical imaginary. However, this section has also brought out the role of space in constituting a nation as related to power and relationships based on it. The nation’s move for its ‘realization’ in territory has an absolute character in so far as it subjects everyone to the power it claims. This study will show that the sculpting of nationhood is not shaped merely by symbolic meanings read into the notion of homeland, though these explain the political bid a nation makes to the territory. The symbolic outlines of nationhood ought to be related to the implications derived from the empowerment territory bestows on its controllers. The Albanian parallel education illustrates that these implications may be inscribed on a very physical space, while making a further impact on the meaning of nationhood. Thus, the establishment of Albanian education in the alternative educational space allowed Albanians unprecedented power over the symbolic content of their nationhood.

National identity, space and education This final section explores how issues raised about post-Communism nationalism, the construction of national identity and the role of space in it come together in the context of education in Kosovo. According to Kaplan: ‘Education creates the institutional mechanisms whereby spatial identity is manifested emotionally and symbolically, creating language specific activity networks and operating as vital anchors of national identity.’133 Education gives meaning to the national identity. However, the national education system also represents an important form of institutionalization of identity. Consequently, the issue of the control of schooling becomes of critical importance in the context of majority–minority relations.134 Majority–minority relations emerge as particularly strained from the Communist period. This is the outcome of the nourishment of national identities despite ideological restrictions, but also of an inability to work on their democratic reconciliation in the totalitarian context. In Kosovo, education epitomized both nationhood and statehood. The understanding of nationhood in the symbolic and institutional sense turned the education system into a battleground. The irreconcilable clash of nationhoods resulted in two national systems in post-autonomy Kosovo, but also in aftermath of the NATO intervention. Education and national politics

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20 Introduction of schools in this process has been underscored, when used both by the state to forge the nation and by the nation’s enthusiasts to spread the idea of nationhood, which, in turn, has led to state-building. Hobsbawm described the importance of primary education in relation to nationhood by calling it a ‘secular equivalent of the church’.135 Battles over education in contemporary societies are a testimony to the important place education continues to occupy in the process of forming and maintaining a nation’s self-consciousness. In the multicultural world, these battles are no longer only about a particular rendition of a dominant nation, but also about a recognition of nationhood of minorities. Perhaps the fiercest of these battles were unleashed by the fall of Communism, where the control of education was equated with the control of the state. Embarking on the nation-building project, states used schools to ‘spread the image and heritage of the “nation” and to inculcate attachment to it and to attach all to country and flag’.136 The creation of nationals took place by means of both school content and school rituals, such as the worship of the American flag.137 In his study of the rise of French nationhood from the perspective of rural France, Eugen Weber focused on the role of village schools that made schooling a mass rather than an elite phenomenon. He stressed the integrative role of schooling in that ‘[t]he symbolism of images learned at school created a whole new language and provided common points of reference that straddled regional boundaries exactly as national patriotism was meant to do’.138 Like Hobsbawm, Weber also highlighted the role of schools in the establishment of national languages as one of the key requirements for and expressions of nationhood.139 Education was no longer about the teaching of reading and writing skills, but also about the knowledge of the fatherland. Consequently, it required a geographical awareness that was facilitated by the introduction of maps into school classrooms. Weber drew a parallel between the use of local vernaculars and the geographic focus on the locality: Just as the mother tongue was not the tongue of their mothers, so the fatherland was somewhere more (indeed, somewhere else) than where their fathers rather obviously lived. A vast program of indoctrination was plainly called for to persuade people that the fatherland extended beyond its evident limits to something vast and intangible called France.140 Baker refined Weber’s ‘peasants into Frenchmen’ argument, based on his study of rural Loir-et-Cher during the nineteenth century, into a ‘peasants into French peasants’ thesis. The medium of school history and geography, he argues, contributed to the remapping of spatial identity, whereby the new sense of nationality complemented, but did not eradicate, the existing sense of locality.141

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In Eastern Europe, unlike in the West, nations were being created in the absence of states. The nineteenth-century East European nationalists were faced with the task of creating first nations and then states in the territories that were part of the Empires – Russian, Ottoman and AustroHungarian.142 However, the role of education was also important in the formation of small stateless nations. According to Hroch, the phase of active national agitation, i.e. the ‘fermentation-process of national consciousness’, was critical in creating a sense of nationhood.143 It followed the phase of scholarly interest in nationhood and preceded the mass diffusion of national consciousness.144 Hroch, therefore, singles out the density of the village-school network as one of the factors that influenced the territorial distribution of patriotic activity.145 Schools contributed to the rise of the nations through the process of ‘exo-socialisation, the production and reproduction of men outside the local unit’,146 regardless of whether a cultural community was in possession of a state or was to mount a claim to it having begun to perceive itself as a nation to which a state was due. The historical overview of the Albanians’ efforts in the Balkans to establish schools in the Albanian language in this book highlights the role of the Albanian diaspora at the close of the nineteenth century and beginning of the twentieth in transmitting and inculcating the meaning of nationhood to their brethren in the Balkans. In the Ottoman-ruled Albanian lands in the Balkans, the quest for Albanian-language schools was one of the key factors precipitating the quest for the national state. In Albanians’ case it was by and large the struggle for, rather than the widespread network of, schools that had an important formative effect on Albanian nationhood. The prohibition of schooling in Albanian led to the conjecture that the Albanian national school was conditional on the Albanian national state. For Albanians in Kosovo, the possibility of national education came to the forefront again after the demise of Communism. Both ideological fetters imposed on post-Second World War Yugoslavia, and increasingly national restrictions by Serbia in the post-1981 period, made Albanians rally behind the cause of education in Albanian. The centrality of nationhood after the fall of Communism propelled education as a symbolic producer of nationhood into the forefront of postCommunist politics. Education became a motor and a mirror of the postCommunist transformation of the countries of Eastern Europe. Overnight, in the late 1980s, Marxism was out, nationhood was in; so was democratization. A new, reformed school was to create a new society.147 School history and geography were amended to promote the version of national identity that would be completely free from any ideological interpretations imposed on it, although with only dubious success, in the Communist period. Low-Beer notes that removing the Communist ideology from history curricula and textbooks in the region was simple compared to recovering national history. Rewriting the history of controversial events still in living memory proved particularly challenging.148 The creation of

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new history was a point of contention in multinational states, where a process of ‘nationalizing’ history was appropriated by a dominant nation. Referring to the history of the Russian state, Kaplan argues that the new historical narrative in Russia: ‘contradicted the history of other nations of the Russian Federation, in which the same events that were treated as symbols of national glory for the Russian nation were sometimes perceived as a national tragedy’.149 Scholarly attention has shifted from probing how education contributed to the rise of nation to the content of the message transmitted by the education systems. Schools have played an important role in the promotion of extreme ideologies. However, they have also been used to advance peace and democracy.150 At the same time, apart from nourishing a sense of national identity, they have also incorporated information promoting a supranational dimension, such as a European identity.151 The content of the messages transmitted in schools has been particularly relevant in the post-Communist context, where states themselves were undergoing a transition. The ‘cultural capital’, to use Bourdieu’s notion,152 created in schools has never been far removed from a particular political vision of the state. Likewise, in post-Communism, states counted on education to give legitimacy and meaning to their ideological vision. As in Northern Ireland, education in Kosovo has been a prominent medium for asserting and defending threatened aspects of community.153 As Wanner points out: ‘a politically informed understanding of nationality demands articulation. Articulation inevitably prompts contestation and protest, turning the educational system into a pivotal site of cultural confrontation.’154 A desire either to assert the existence of a nation-state or to establish a nation-state of a stateless nation in the post-Communist context brought into focus the education as a state institution. However, the same political dynamics also turned classrooms and what is taught in them into sharp relief. According to Musgrove, the interpretation of the school curriculum, which is an expression and reflection of the state’s political vision, ‘lost its innocence a long time ago’.155 The following paragraphs look at the role of school curricula and textbooks in shaping the meaning of national identity. School curricula and textbooks as creators of national identity The curriculum is ‘only one component in the state’s armoury of cultural reproduction’.156 However, the deep implication of historical awareness in the construction, reproduction and reconfiguration of a collective sense of nationhood elevates the history curriculum, in particular, into a prime battlefield for controlling the symbolic vision of and for a nation.157 School history defines the nation both temporally and spatially. However, the spatial dimension has mostly been either assumed or marginalized even in the scholarly analyses of school history. The nation’s past battles are

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studied to deconstruct the meaning of nationhood, rather than that of the land they were fought in and for. The analogue studies of geography textbooks extrapolating the meaning of national identity from a spatial perspective have been few and far between. This section will reflect both on the role of school history and geography as creators of national identity. The analysis of Albanian and Serbian history and geography textbooks used in post-autonomy Kosovo presented in this book brings out a spatial dimension of national identity in the accounts of school history. It shows how the nation is historically located in its claimed place, and how historical arguments of the nation’s land possession are framed. The geography textbooks complement this insight with a deconstruction of maps of Serbia and Kosovo, as visual depictions of nations and their neighbours in the Balkans. While being a matter of controversy among members of the same nation, the kind of history to be taught in schools is, arguably, ever more hotly contested in societies marked by national diversity. This diversity could be historical, resulting from the incongruity of nations’ and states’ boundaries, or contemporaneous as an outcome of growing immigrant communities.158 Gundara argues that centralization of education may, paradoxically, be counterproductive for a policy intended to ensure the integrity of the state: Educators in central government and curriculum planners in educational systems produce, curricula and textbooks which homogenise, centralise these [territorial, religious and linguistically based] diversities, for fear that the state systems would fragment. Yet, the real danger is that the centralisation and homogenisation of educational policies, historical pasts and institutions can lead to greater levels of disintegrative tendencies.159

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In the post-Communist context, the centralization often took the form of nationalization. According to Brubaker, the successor states of dissolved Communist federations were nationalizing states, understood as ‘the state of and for a particular ethnocultural “core nation” whose language, culture, demographic position, economic welfare, and political hegemony must be protected and promoted by the state’.160 In Serbia, the new nationalized education was one of the proofs of the assertion of Serbia as a nationstate. A complex national/ethnic fabric of contemporary societies has thrown the curriculum and its mission into stark relief. On the one hand, a state’s many national groups may vie for recognition of their identities in education, while satisfying them is not an easy task. Phillips et al. view the emergence of distinctive history curricula in England, Northern Ireland, Wales and Scotland after the adoption of the National Curriculum (NC) as a step towards a more objective representation of Britain’s diversity.161

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However, recognition of some accentuates neglect of other diversities. The devolved NC was criticized for failing to acknowledge the distinct identity of other minorities such as Asians, Afro-Caribbeans, Greeks and Turks.162 On the other hand, scholars have noted, contrary to Gundara cited above, that recognition and reinforcement of national/ethnic distinctiveness can become a centrifugal force itself.163 Even the Yugoslav experience offers some lessons to be heeded. According to Wachtel, the Communistera multinational policy granting equal rights to all national cultures and allowing their development contributed to the country’s dissolution.164 Jones sums up the dilemma concerning history curricula: If they [modern European states] ignore a group’s demands for forms of historical education that meet with its aspirations, they run the risk of alienation of that group from the mainstream of state activity. If they meet a group’s historical aspirations, that may in itself help destabilise the state.165 To avoid promoting ‘educational devolution’166 into a recipe for state disintegration, scholars have explored refining and redefining various facets of education to meet educational challenges in multinational and multicultural societies. These include issues of administration, curriculum reform and philosophy, and the rethinking of teaching methods and content.167 The post-Communist context defined by a Serbian–Albanian rivalry over territory was not conducive to fine symbolical ‘adjustments’ of nationhood for multinational coexistence. In Kosovo, one ideological curriculum of the Communist period promoting ideologically defined notion of brotherhood and unity was replaced by another ideological curriculum promoting the primacy of a particular version of nation. As we shall see in this study, both were equally, though in different ways, insensitive to national diversity. Consequently, the change from one to another left no room for subtle interventions to promote multiculturalism. Instead, it led directly to conflict, which, in turn, was reflected in new history and geography textbooks. History textbooks contain ‘what society believes should be handed on to the young as a part of their historical consciousness’,168 while studies suggest that ethnocentricity is one of their key features. Crawford argues that: ‘given the ethnocentric nature of national consciousness it would be unrealistic to expect anything else’.169 At the same time, textbooks retain their clout despite a present-day proliferation of sources of information, including printed and electronic ones. Textbooks are still thought to be authoritative, accurate and necessary.170 Steedman points out that children do not question whether ‘the stories in history textbooks’ are true.171 Manipulation of history in general in the process of constructing and reproducing a nation has been elaborated by many scholars, such as Hobsbawm and Ranger.172 Similarly, school history is not immune to ideological alterations in the function of supporting a particular vision of nation-

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hood. Basing his study on interpretations of history in American textbooks, Loewen critically notes that history books abound with ‘factoids’ rather than facts.174 Accordingly, scholars have probed analytically both the overt and less overt aspects of history texts. Attention also needs to be paid to the hidden curriculum with its latent content. Examining the nuances of discourse, content and presentation has become almost standard in the scrutiny of the formal curriculum.175 The silences in textbooks are also telling, for ‘what is not said is of central importance’.176 These emphases and absences need to be understood in their own immediate social and historical context.177 Different approaches employed in the empirical exploration of history textbooks have produced a variety of perspectives on the complex interaction between school history and national identity.178 While a rigorous analysis of history textbooks can yield insights into the message aimed at pupils, more research is still needed to answer the question: how central is school history to pupils’ sense of national identity? Do the textbooks succeed? The relationship between school history and pupils’ historical knowledge is neither simple nor direct.179 On the one hand, the content of a lesson may differ from that of the textbook due to the teacher’s input.180 On the other, a history textbook represents only one means of transmitting a sense of history to pupils.181 Coman points to the impact of television: The textbook may be regarded as authoritative, but last night’s repeat of ’Allo, ’Allo! [a farcical situation comedy set in France during the Second World War that trivialized the meaning of the conflict presenting Nazis as likeable buffoons] will not have been forgotten.182 However, empirical studies of colonialism showed that it is possible to demonstrate with more precision the extent to which different media represent a terrain of reinforcement or contestation of a given vision of history and national identity.183 This study introduces an analysis of poems and essays written by Albanian schoolchildren in order to ascertain the extent to which messages contained in textbooks were reflected in their creative writing in the 1990s. History textbooks and curricula have had a clear monopoly on research attempts at extrapolating national identity from school lessons.184 However, school geography can also be subverted to promote a particular national vision. Being expressions of socio-spatial consciousness, geography textbooks both reflect the dominant ideology of the nation(-state) and help construct the self-image of a nation.185 School geography provides a ‘snapshot of where the state locates itself in world politics, trade and culture’,186 and, hence, an insight into dominant ideologies and hidden geographies of inclusion and exclusion.187 School geography uses both words and pictures,188 and offers stable representations of the nation to pupils.189 As

26 Introduction with school history, discourse analysis may be applied to textbooks.190 However, the visual representations are also invested with an ideological message, while, perhaps, being more effective in their apparent naivety.191 These representations depend upon the geographic imaginations of the day, but, ultimately, mirror the ruling political thinking to various degrees.192 Geographical knowledge, therefore, underscores historical knowledge, fortifying the message about the nation in space and through time.193 Geography taught in Serbian and Albanian textbooks had in common its traditional approach to geography. The geographical knowledge is consigned to presentation of political maps, demographic structure, topography, economic profile and the like. In sum, it does not engage with the ideas explored in the West about the social relevance of space, and interaction between space and society. However, such a reductionist approach to geographic data does not imply their poor analytical value. By contrast, even the simplest maps in geography textbooks tell complex stories of national self-perception. Maps in geography textbooks and atlases are a key tool for expressing spatial aspects of national identity.194 Maps are not impartial, and include an element of spatial ‘seduction’.195 Not unlike history texts, the maps also resort to a range of strategies to persuade.196 Hall has stressed a subtlety of visual distortion. The maps must appear accurate, while incorporating the inaccurate, in order not to be rejected out of hand.197 Analytically, the map is increasingly treated as a text, whose deconstruction discloses its metaphor and rhetoric.198 As Harley argues: ‘Much of the power of the map, as a representation of social geography, is that it operates behind a mask of a seemingly natural science. It hides and denies its social dimensions at the same time it legitimates.’199 However, the maps also represent a site where power relations are contested. The maps reinforce the status quo,200 but also undermine it as well. Hall’s concept of ‘cartographic precedent’ is of relevance in the context of contestation: ‘Maps may be used for establishing precedents and conveying “authorised” images of reality in advance of that reality, usually precluding the possibilities of alternative strategies. Once affirmed cartographically, an obligation may follow to pursue particular objectives.’201 As we shall see, for example, Kosovo has been portrayed as an independent state in the geography textbooks of Kosovo Albanians since the early 1990s. A comparative analysis of the portrayal of Kosovo in Serbian and Albanian textbooks in this study will also show how the conflict was fought out even by the quality of cartographer’s lines. On the pages of the Albanian textbooks, Kosovo’s borders were printed in a bold full line as borders of an independent state. In the Serbian textbooks, Kosovo is often not marked at all since Serbia was presented as a unified territory. Textbooks provide an insight into the symbolic sculpting of nationhood within the education system. This study highlights the role of school history and geography in Kosovo and Serbia in the rise of oppositional identities by reading identities from the symbolic and visual portrayal of the con-

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tested territory of Kosovo in the post-Communist period. Importantly, the conflictual representation of the nation’s space, both by weaving nation’s history around the contemporary claim to sovereignty in the territory, and in school geography by presenting the national vision as already achieved and uncontested, allows us to appreciate the role of space in the construction of national identity. Consequently, this book demonstrates how the control of educational space grants the symbolic empowerment, and, hence, a political advantage. Ultimately, it explains why the control of education becomes an urgent prerequisite in a quest to control national territory in the context of national conflict. Education and power are an ‘indissoluble couplet’.202 Education is an important producer of content that sustains the meaning of national identities. It reflects the state intention, but also contention stemming from challenger groups. The existing accounts of the intractable conflict in Kosovo, whether penned by Serbs, Albanians or by outsiders, have largely focused on past conflicts, historical events and institutional policies. Beyond these political actions and their consequences lies a story of identity. Symbolic contours of national self-awareness are an important guide into national politics. This study of the Albanian parallel education in postautonomy Kosovo tells the story of Albanian national identity by focusing on the role of space in the construction of nationhood. It shows why territory is much more than a mere place of the nation. It is important as a homeland, which is another marker in the nation’s symbolic armoury, but it also has implications as a nation’s political resource whose control implies empowerment. In Kosovo’s case, the interrelationship between the symbol and the resource produced a new spatial order, which itself gave rise to revised national visions about the nation and its territory.

Chapter summary The first chapter sets the issue of Albanian-language education in its historical context. It looks at the proscription of the Albanian-language schools under the Ottomans, and then in the Yugoslav state, with a particular emphasis on the ideological restrictions on the expression of nationhood during Communism. The second chapter examines the Kosovo education system caught up in the rising Serbian nationalism and charts the incipient spatial segregation of Serbian and Albanian pupils. The third chapter shows how a legal(istic) argument was used to introduce total spatial separation of two national groups in Kosovo’s education in 1991. It also examines the Albanian debate in response to it. This debate preceded a decision to establish a parallel system as a part of Albanian non-violent struggle in Kosovo. The fourth chapter traces the creation of the national Albanianlanguage system in private houses, and provides a portrait of ethnic segregation in education. This chapter also examines the sources of solidarity on which the Albanian-education project in Serb-ruled Kosovo relied, as

28 Introduction well as the application of pressure within the Albanian community aimed at reinforcing homogenization in the national ranks. The fifth chapter illustrates the ‘internal liberation’ whereby a use of alternative space allowed unbridled expression of Albanian nationhood in Kosovo. The analysis of Albanian history and geography primary and secondary textbooks, and poems and essays written by Albanian pupils, offers an insight into the symbolic pillars of Albanian nationhood. Finally, the sixth chapter analyses the internal challenges the Albanian education system faced. Specifically, it focuses on the weaknesses in the governance of education. It also examines peaceful protests of Albanian students in the late 1990s and a failed attempt at desegregation of Kosovo’s education under the auspices of the international community. It concludes with an account of reversed segregation after the NATO intervention.

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Albanian educational battles From the Ottomans to the Communists

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The struggle for Albanian-language education in the Ottoman Empire became a chief promoter of nascent Albanian national identity in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The quest for Albanian schools also became the rallying point of all Albanians under Ottoman rule, superseding their religious division into Muslims, both of Suni and Bektashi extraction, Orthodox or Catholic Christians, the cultural divide into northern Gegs and southern Tosks with their respective dialects, and the separation into several administrative units, vilayets, shown on Map 1.1. In the process, a symbolic equality was established between national school and national state. Albanians’ movement for national education and for national liberation fed off each other, eventually becoming one. The Albanianlanguage school became a reality after the creation of an independent Albanian state in 1912. However, Albanians in Kosovo were incorporated first into Serbia and then the inter-war Yugoslavia, continuing the battle for national schooling. In Kosovo, the pattern of domination of one national group over the other was also reflected in education. This pattern was broken, although not completely, in the Communist period. Education in the mother tongue became available to all citizens of Kosovo. Yet, it fell short of being a national education. Rather, it was education in and for the officially sanctioned ideological outlook, captured by the slogan ‘brotherhood and unity’. By attempting to simultaneously encourage and constrain the expression of nationhood, it undermined its own mission. The education system emerged as a focal point of the Kosovo Albanians’ national struggle and resistance in Communist Yugoslavia. This background chapter examines the Albanians’ efforts to establish Albanian-language education while under Ottoman rule. It then explores the Kosovo Albanian educational experience in Yugoslavia, including both the pre-Communist and Communist period.

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Map 1.1 The Ottoman vilayets at the turn of the twentieth century.

Bonds of nationhood: Albanian alphabet and Albanian school The prospects of the loss of Albanian-populated territories to Orthodox Slavs following the San Stefano Treaty (1878) after Russia’s defeat of the Ottomans precipitated the first truly Albanian rebellion.1 Unlike the previous insurrections, fuelled by the defence of local privileges, this one

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had a national hue. Established the same year, the League of Prizren became the military-political motor of the Albanian national movement,2 whose aim evolved from the defence of Albanian territories, by way of the territorial autonomy of the unified Albanian vilayets in the Ottoman state, to eventual Albanian statehood. The League’s establishment also launched the Albanian cultural revival with its emphasis on the Albanian language and school.3 The military defeat of the Prizren League in 1881 shifted the focus to a cultural engagement:4 the cultural Rilindja meaning Rebirth.5 It was marked by accelerated cultural and symbolic labour with explicitly nationalist overtones. The language came to occupy the central place in the construction of Albanian national identity, driven by the demand for secular Albanian schooling articulated by the Prizren League. The early nineteenthcentury pioneers of Albanian nation were, in the main, resident abroad. These nationalists in the diaspora had argued that a national political struggle required the prior enlightenment of the people through language and education. It was only with the San Stefano Treaty (1878) and its threatened loss of Albanian-inhabited territory to Albanians’ neighbours, that these ideas began to resonate in the lands where Albanians lived in the Balkans.6 The cultural revival was promoted by the concerted activities of the Albanian cultural-educational-literary societies. The first, called The Society for the Printing of Albanian Writings, established in Istanbul in 1879 under the guidance of Sami and Naim Frashëri, the brothers of the League’s founder Abdyl, aimed to further the national struggle by publishing in the Albanian language and helping support the founding of Albanian schools.7 Embracing the same goal, cultural societies mushroomed in Romania, Bulgaria, Egypt and the United States (US), as Albanian émigrés seized on their freedom of action abroad. There ensued a prolific publishing activity as ever growing numbers of Albanian primers, dictionaries, books, reviews and journals came off the presses and found their way into Albanian-populated lands in the Balkans.8 Nationalist writing was initiated by Italo-Albanians, who had fled across the Adriatic following the Ottoman conquest of the Balkans.9 However, Albanians still lacked a standardized alphabet. Some writers used Turkish or Arabic, others Cyrillic Greek, and yet others Latin, or a combination of Greek and Latin letters.10 They were promoted by separate societies. Even individuals took to launching their own alphabets.11 The proliferation of alphabets was incisively ridiculed by an Albanian national poet: [But] again poor Albania by them will be divided into many chunks and pieces as there are letters from A to Z.12

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Importantly, scripts based on foreign alphabets – Arabic, Latin and Greek – reflected and offset religious differences among Albanian Muslims, Catholics and Orthodox.13 The multitude of alphabets thwarted efforts to establish a uniform national school.14 Early attempts to standardize the alphabet in the 1860s had failed.15 The process got under way at the turn of the century. The Congress of Monastir in 1908, also known as the Alphabet Congress,16 brought together Albanians from all four Albanian vilayets and the diaspora, Gegs and Tosks, Christians and Muslims.17 It declared the Latin alphabet the national script of Albanians, but maintained two variants.18 However, the Latin script, symbolizing the break with the Ottomans, also elicited the staunch opposition from Kosovo Albanians who held on to the script of the Koran,19 and demanded the sacred Arabic alphabet.20 The nationalist defenders of the Latin alphabet responded in equal measure, asserting that the alphabet was above religion.21 Nationalist ranks were multi-confessional, though Muslim support came mainly from the south.22 The Congress of Diber in 1909, organized by the Young Turks, permitted the use of both Albanian and Arabic letters according to one’s preference.23 Responding to this setback, Albanian nationalists endorsed ‘the only alphabet of the people’, which was purely Latin, at the Second Congress of Monastir in 1910.24 Language knitted Albanian inner unity and reinforced an Albanian identity distinct from the Ottomans, and their Slav neighbours. The unified alphabet was the first concrete expression of Albanian nationhood.25 The quest for Albanian schooling gave impetus to the unification of the alphabet, while simultaneously attracting greater popular support as the battle for the Latin alphabet unfolded. Albanians’ confessional differences were to be tamed in the classrooms with Albanian as the language of instruction. Starting in the 1830s, the Ottomans introduced a series of groundbreaking reforms, allowing the Empire’s ethnic communities to use the vernacular in their scholastic and religious institutions.26 None of these reforms benefited the Albanians. The Ottomans continued to class them on the basis of faith rather than ethnicity. Therefore, Turkish schools were available for Albanian Muslims, and Greek, Serbian or Bulgarian schools for Albanian Orthodox. Albanian Catholics were privileged compared with their co-ethnics. Jesuits and Franciscans opened schools in the north where Albanian was taught, seizing on the rights that Austria had obtained from the Porte. Additionally, the Catholics benefited from Austro-Italian rivalry. Countervailing Austria’s influence, Italy offered Albanian in schools it set up in Catholic areas.27 The proscription of Albanian in schools was intended to forestall any ethnicity-based homogenization among the Albanians.28 But, the Ottoman policy backfired, lending urgency to the demand for the Albanian school articulated by the Prizren League. Ironically, education in foreign schools created an Albanian political and intellectual elite: the most ardent advocates of national education and most vocal critics of the Ottomans’ policy.29 They denounced it for preventing the rise of Albanian national

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feelings, as well as encouraging Albanians’ divisions along religious lines.30 Foreign schools were also seen as a Trojan horse for territorial claims on their lands by the powers that established them.31 Consequently, the Albanian national school emerged as the only salvation to what nationalists warned was an imperilled Albanian national identity, unity and territory.32 The loss of language in foreign schools was equated by them to the loss of nation.33 An Albanian national poet called for secular education in his verses: Friends take a strong oath, not in a church or a mosque, but in a lay school.34 Meanwhile, the cultural revival initiated by the Prizren League was having an impact on the ground. Albanian publications commanded a growing readership in the homeland owing to a resort to a number of secret strategies. The writing and reading of Albanian spread illegally as secret schools took the place of proscribed Albanian schools. Clandestine classes were set up in grocers’ shops and private homes, in country inns and in the shadows of oak trees. The first Albanian libraries of Albanian primers, books, textbooks, newspapers and other patriotic publications smuggled into Albanian-inhabited lands were secret as well.35 The Albanian language stealthily entered foreign schools as Albanian teachers in Greek and Turkish schools gave secret classes in Albanian.36 The significance of Albanians’ religious divisions diminished as the battle for Albanian education unfolded. The turning point came with the opening of the school in Korca in 1887, after the Albanian nationalists obtained permission from the Porte. It was the Albanians’ first national school, with education in the Albanian language from Albanian textbooks printed abroad. It was situated in a private house, a gift from an Albanian patriot living in Bucharest. He wrote: ‘My house should be emptied and turned into an Albanian school.’37 Students flocked to their first national school, abandoning the foreign schools they had hitherto attended.38 Several similar schools were opened, but, with few exceptions, like the Qiriazi national girls’ school, were short-lived.39 Secrecy still provided a haven for the advance of Albanian education until the 1908 Young Turk revolution in Istanbul. The proclamation of the constitution by the Young Turks was welcomed with enthusiasm by Albanians who referred to it as ‘Hyriet’ or Freedom.40 Above all, the constitution guaranteed freedom of education to the peoples of the Empire. However, Albanians’ hopes were dashed as the Young Turks began to pursue the policy of Turkification, which aimed to mould loyal citizens through uniform education in the Turkish language.41 This became the order of the day as of 1909. It implied the closure of national schools and a ban on cultural clubs opened in the first days of the Young Turk regime.42

34 Albanian educational battles Though briefly, the constitution gave an unprecedented impetus to the Albanians’ cultural and educational movement. Apart from newly founded schools, walker-teachers, who went from one village to another giving lessons in Albanian writing and reading, also made their contribution.43 The need for the centralization of nationalists’ activities imposed by the educational revolution and the Young Turks’ growing opposition to Albanian schools precipitated an important meeting of Albanian nationalists. The Congress of Elbasan, dubbed the School Congress, decided to establish a teachers’ college in Elbasan, and to appoint the society in Korca as a central society in charge of administrative and financial issues and the club in Monastir as a central club coordinating the activities of all other Albanian clubs.44 The Elbasan college marked a qualitative advance in Albanian education by responding to Albanians’ acute need – the lack of teachers. It also promoted national unity across Albanian lands.45 The arrival of students from Kosovo was evidence of the dissemination of nationalists’ ideas in Kosovo and the erosion of resistance by Albanians there to nationally defined cultural advancement. Just as Albanian education advanced in the homeland, so did the Turks’ opposition to the Albanian school. Occasional tactical concessions were aimed at appeasing Albanians, rather than allowing Albanian education.46 Instead, the expansion of Turkish, Greek and Serbian schools was encouraged. Many closed Albanian schools continued to work in secrecy. Freedom of education was increasingly linked to the Albanians’ freedom from the Ottomans. Their adamant opposition to Albanians’ cultural and political advancement made Albanians drop pens and pick up guns.47 The battle for the Albanian school that the Albanians fought under and against the Ottomans left a strong message: freedom of education and freedom of nation are indivisible. The nascent Albanian national identity thrived on and fed off the struggle for Albanian schools. The language emerged as the prime marker of Albanian nationhood, dooming Albanians’ religious divisions to irrelevance.48 Teaching became a patriotic calling owed to the nation.49 A financial donation for the Albanian school was considered a patriotic act, while opponents of the Albanian school in the nation’s ranks were written off as traitors.50 The Albanians’ struggle to create a uniform national system, rather than its existence, was crucial in instilling the sense of nationhood. The declaration of Albania’s independence in 1912 brought with it political freedom and freedom of education. Kosovo remained outside the Albanian nation-state, and the battle of the Albanians there for the Albanian school continued.

Kosovo’s contested schools At the beginning of the twentieth century, Albanians in Kosovo were increasingly drawn to the cause of national schooling. The majority Muslim Albanians were educated in Turkish religious schools, mektebs (Muslim

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primary schools) and medreses (Muslim seminaries), whose introduction accompanied the Islamicization of Albanians under Ottoman rule.51 The minority Catholic Albanians of Kosovo enrolled in Catholic schools, which gradually introduced Albanian as a subject, and later as the language of instruction.52 The first Ottoman secular schools, iptidais (primary schools) and rüshdis (secondary schools), opened in Kosovo towards the end of the century, decades after the Porte’s inauguration of educational reforms, and existed alongside religious ones. Of particular importance for the advanced education of Kosovo Albanians were idadis (lycées) and a teachers’ school set up by the Ottomans in Skopje.53 The Albanian cultural movement was slowly reaching Kosovo as well. Cultural clubs began to spread, promoting the use of the Latin alphabet and the spread of education in Albanian.54 The first national schools were opened,55 courses in reading and writing Albanian were organized, and the first Albanian primers began to circulate in Kosovo.56 With the financial support of individuals, such as Hasan Prishtina, students from Kosovo enrolled in the first Albanian teachers’ school in Elbasan.57 As a result of the Ottomans’ unrelenting opposition to education in Albanian and of the grass-roots efforts of Albanian nationalists, the Muslim clergy, hitherto inimical to the national cultural advancement, took up the cause of national education. Some became involved by coordinating the work of cultural clubs and appealing to patriots to take up teaching in Albanian, others by introducing Albanian instruction into religious schools.58 Turkish religious schools, therefore, turned out many teachers whose contribution to the spread of education in Albanian in Kosovo was indispensable.59 A hoxha, Muslim religious teacher, from the Lap region in the north of Kosovo described the relationship between national schooling and religion in the following terms: ‘[I]n the field of schooling, we find ourselves on the war front. In the conditions of war even the Koran permits eating not only of pork, but even of pig’s ears and trotters, only the battlefront must not be abandoned!’60 While themselves facing restrictions on Albanian schools, Albanians witnessed the founding of Serbian schools in Kosovo benefiting from Ottoman educational reforms.61 Their spread was perceived by Albanians as ‘a permanent danger to the Albanian [national] being’.62 Although occasionally suppressed by the Turkish authorities,63 Serbian schools in Kosovo, with education in the ‘national spirit’,64 fostered national feelings among Kosovo Serbs. However, they also gave impetus to the Albanians’ struggle for national schools, which continued under the Serb rule after 1912. After the end of Ottoman rule in Kosovo, its schools, not unlike its territory, became bitterly contested between Serbs and Albanians. The imposition of Serbian control over Kosovo before and after the First World War implied the denial of Albanian-language instruction to Albanians in Kosovo. By contrast, Albanian-language education flourished under the foreign occupation in the First and Second World Wars.

36 Albanian educational battles Assuming power in Kosovo in 1912, Serbs proscribed Albanianlanguage schools as well as the Turkish secular schools attended by many Albanians.65 Instead, Serbian schools were opened. Albanian as a subject in Serbian schools was a rare exception.66 Kosovo’s political and territorial incorporation into Serbia was paralleled by the unification of education. Uniform Serbian curricula and textbooks, with strong emphasis on national subjects, were introduced in Kosovo’s schools. Albanians were to be educated in the ‘[Serbian] national spirit’ so that they would ‘feel as Serbs’.67 However, the Islamic religious schools, medreses,68 as well as odd privately maintained, mejtepes, Muslim primary schools, were tolerated.69 It was yet another strategy for restricting the rise of nationhood. As under the Turks, Albanians made the most of the spaces available to them – Albanian odas (traditional guest rooms in Albanian houses), tekkes (lodges of the Albanian Sufi Orders), churches and mosques – to spread the teaching of Albanian in secrecy.70 It took occupation by outside powers for Kosovo Albanians’ secular education to proceed apace. After the outbreak of the First World War in 1914, Kosovo was divided by its new rulers: Austria-Hungary and Bulgaria.71 In keeping with its past policy of favouring Albanian education, Austria-Hungary opened Albanian-language schools in northwestern Kosovo under its control. Education in these schools approximated that previously provided in Turkish state schools, with the stress on religion and a use of Turkish textbooks.72 Albanian school texts were slowly finding their way into Albanian schools after the renewal of publishing activity.73 Bulgaria, in turn, obstructed both Albanian- and Serbian-language education in the rest of Kosovo, and set up Bulgarian schools. It also closed the Turkish schools it had initially allowed, while the few Albanian-language schools in its zone of occupation were ones aided by Austria-Hungary.74 Austria-Hungary did not a priori assign preference to any nation and its language in Kosovo’s schools. Schools in ethnically mixed areas were to instruct in the language of the dominant group, while the language of the minority group was to be a compulsory subject.75 However, the prospects of learning in Serbian generated a demand for the separation of Serbian and Albanian schools. A school inspector from Kosovska Mitrovica wrote in his report: [T]he population expresses a certain distrust of schools, which is particularly noticeable among Turks and Albanians. The chief cause of this is the instruction in the Serbo-Croat language and the language itself, which has been hated by the Albanians for some time.76 Though it was short-lived, the Albanians’ educational experiences under Austro-Hungarian rule in the First World War offered some taste of relative educational freedom. This freedom was replicated again under the conditions of occupation during the Second World War.

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The closure of the Albanian-language schools, which Austria-Hungary had opened and supported during its occupation of Kosovo in the First World War,77 marked the return of Kosovo to Serbian control in 1918. In contrast to international legal obligations and domestic legislation, interwar Yugoslavia banned secular Albanian-language schools.78 Instead, Serbian schools opened mainly in the areas populated by native Serbs of Kosovo and in those areas into which Serbian settlers were moving as part of Serbia’s policy of increasing the Serbian presence in Kosovo.79 Education in the Serbian language was to turn Albanians into loyal citizens of Serbia. This loyalty would be ensured by controlling the emergence of Albanian national consciousness. Albanians described it as a policy of ‘de-nationalization’.80 The 1929 Law on People’s Schools centralized and unified the state primary education system. It heralded greater state intervention in the now obligatory primary education and prescribed a uniform name for all schools: people’s schools. However, Kosovo’s schools were soon named after prominent Serbian figures.81 The policy of mixing Albanian and Serbian students in classrooms had a specific goal: the children ‘will see that they are no strangers to each other, so that religious tolerance is furthered and enforced and a gap which is separating their parents still today, is gradually reduced through children’.82 Meanwhile, religious instruction continued separately for Serbs and Albanians. Teachers were instructed not to vex their ethnic and religious feelings, by making Albanian and Turkish students take off their traditional headgear – plis and fes. Nonetheless, these youngsters were to be made into citizens who ‘with the passage of time, would never know of any other homeland outside the present homeland’.83 There were more Serbs attending school than Albanians. Some eleven thousand Albanians comprised about 30 per cent of all primary schoolchildren, while their number as compared to Serbs in secondary schools was negligible in the school year 1940–1.84 While repressing Albanian secular schools, Serbian authorities condoned the work of private religious Muslim schools. Albanians were to remain ‘unenlightened and uncultured for a long time to come’.85 It was believed that allowing Albanians to pursue religious education would undercut the rise of their national self-awareness. Consequently, Albanians would lack a symbolic arsenal needed to mount a nationalist challenge to the Yugoslav state. However, religious schools played an unexpected role. They were pivotal for the rise of Albanian national identity in the inter-war period.86 Continued prohibition of Albanian secular schools in inter-war Yugoslavia made the Muslim clergy in Kosovo follow up the earlier trend of introducing the Albanian language into religious schools.87 The new national mission of religious schools made Serbian educational authorities qualify mektebs as ‘harmful to the state’,88 and medreses ‘as not serving our state in the least’.89 Therefore, Serbo-Croat-speaking Muslims from Bosnia, who spoke no Albanian, replaced Albanian muftis (senior Muslim

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clerics) and imams (leaders in prayer), who hardly spoke any Serbian. The policy was aimed at forestalling Albanian nationalist activity in religious institutions. However, Albanians gave precedence to their national language over common religious identification. Bosnian Muslim teachers faced fierce opposition and boycott by their Albanian co-religionists in Kosovo.90 Clandestine efforts aimed at promoting the Albanian sense of nationhood in religious schools were taking place alongside the institutional struggle for the Albanian schools. A demand for Albanian-language schooling was voiced in the Parliament by Albanian members of the Xhemijet, the party representing Muslims in Sanjak, Kosovo and Macedonia. However, they also developed an underground activity and helped to revive Albanian secret schools.91 Secret schools were entirely secular, while secular and religious teaching content was combined in religious schools. Albanian nationalists from Kosovo staunchly opposed the education of Albanians in Serbian schools, for, as Hasan Prishtina said, ‘they teach something other than what we wish our lads to learn’.92 Forcing Albanians into Serbian secular schools or else leaving them to Muslim religious schools in inter-war Kosovo failed to restrict their sense of nationhood. The education of Albanians in Serbian state schools came to be seen as training of Albanians for their national resistance to the Serbs.93 Secular knowledge, albeit imparted in Serbian, stimulated the desire of Albanians for national self-awareness. Also, the Islamic institutions, mektebs and medreses, but also tekkes, became a hub of Albanian national education in inter-war Kosovo. Pirraku observes that it is very difficult to accurately ascertain their impact due to their clandestine quality. He, however, adds that these efforts ought to be acknowledged for securing a continuity in the development of Albanian national culture,94 and, hence, a sense of Albanian nationhood in Kosovo. The outbreak of the Second World War heralded yet another reversal of school fortunes in Kosovo under the Axis occupation and Kosovo’s division by Italy, Germany and Bulgaria. Italy’s occupation brought about a long-desired unification of Kosovo with Albania. Albanian schooling in Kosovo was subjected to the Education Ministry in Albania, in line with Italy’s policy of granting to Albania civil administration of the formerly Yugoslav Albanian-populated lands. The quisling government in Belgrade, administering the area of Kosovo under German occupation, sanctioned Albanian primary and secondary schooling, but prescribed the learning of Serbian as a compulsory subject.95 Neither Serbian nor Albanian schools were allowed in the Bulgarian zone. While in the past Albanian students sought education in Albania, now Albanian teachers from Albania came to Kosovo. Among them were many from Kosovo, who, unable to study and teach in their mother tongue in pre-war Yugoslavia, had left for Albania.96 Truck-loads of Albanian primers were also brought to Kosovo. The political and territorial unification of a greater part of Kosovo with

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Albania acquired symbolic content in schools where teachers imparted a knowledge of nationhood. In this period, secular education in Albanian was developed in a systematic and organized way. Under the direction of the Albanian Education Ministry, an Extraordinary School Mission was dispatched to Kosovo to assess the educational needs of Albanians there.97 Accordingly, Albanianlanguage primary and secondary schools were opened throughout Kosovo, often in mosques or private homes due to the lack of proper school buildings. Pedagogical courses were held for future teachers, and special courses were provided for students who had attended Yugoslav schools.98 In line with the decision of Tirana’s Education Ministry, the Teachers’ College Sami Frashëri was founded in Pristina in 1941, marking a high point in the development of Albanian-language education in war-time Kosovo. Town criers, tellals, spread the news of its opening, as did one in the northern Lap region: ‘Hear, hear [. . .] Ask all parents, in whose veins flows Albanian blood, to immediately register a son or a daughter in this school. This is a high patriotic act. Don’t be afraid and answer this call. God bless you!’99 Apart from professional training, the students were also equipped with national and patriotic ideas from literature, geography and history textbooks printed in Albania.100 While Albanians gained educational opportunities, Serbs in Kosovo lost them. In the Italian occupation zone in Kosovo, they could only learn in Albanian.101 By contrast, education in Serbian was available to them in the German zone.102 Serbian school buildings were taken over by Albanians and turned into Albanian schools. Their names were changed as well. Instead of prominent Serbian figures, they were named after prominent Albanians and adorned with Albanian flags.103 During the war there were in Kosovo 192 primary schools, of which 173 were Albanian, attended by 15,030 students, of whom 13,665 were Albanians. Despite efforts at encompassing all children in primary education, many still remained without education.104 Nonetheless, the Second World War occupation of Kosovo, and the unification of its greater part with Albania albeit under Italy’s suzerainty, provided for Albanians what came closest to the fulfilment of their national, territorial as well as educational unity. Control of Kosovo’s schools emerged as a symbol and consequence of control of Kosovo’s territory that both Albanians and Serbs vied for. While Serbs used schools to promote Kosovo’s integration into Serbia, Kosovo Albanians used them to promote national unity with Albania. Kosovo’s schools became a battleground for the confronted Serbian and Albanian nationhoods sharpened in the struggle for schooling in the national language since the time of the Ottomans. This chapter now turns to the Albanian educational experience in Communist Yugoslavia. Despite the ideological lid placed on the promotion of the free expression of nationhood, the process of Albanian nation-building continued in this period driven by Albanian-language education in Kosovo.

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The Communist-era expansion of education in Kosovo In 1945 Yugoslavia was established as a socialist and federal republic, as shown on Map 1.2. The post-Second World War period heralded unprecedented expansion of education in Albanian in Kosovo. It was premised on the 1946 constitutional provision of equality of all citizens of Yugoslavia and the right accorded to national minorities to the free use of their mother tongue.105 There was a steady rise in the number of primary schools in the province. In the school year 1945–6, Kosovo had a total of 388 primary schools, of which all were four-grade schools.106 In 1956–7, the number rose to 711, including six-grade and eight-grade schools, while in 1974–5 there were 862 primary schools in Kosovo, of which 397 were eight-grade schools.107 The spread of schools was accompanied by a change in the proportion of Serbian and Albanian students, approximating though not quite reflecting the ethnic make-up of the province. In the school year 1945–6 there were 23,536 pupils attending primary school in Albanian and 27,211 in Serbian. In 1974–5, there were 279,475 pupils learning in Albanian, and 60,188 in Serbian in Kosovo’s primary schools. Meanwhile, the expansion of elementary education provided the impetus for the development of secondary education.108 However, only in the late 1960s was there any sense in the Albanian community of equality with others.109 The first curricula for primary schools with Albanian as the language of instruction were adopted in 1945. Their aim was to further socialist rather than national education.110 However, according to Kojçini-Ukaj, many Albanian schools continued to ‘preserve the national spirit’, relying on war-time curricula and textbooks.111 Yugoslavia’s break with the Soviet Union in 1948, and the conflict between the Yugoslav and the Albanian Communist Parties, prompted the expulsion from Yugoslavia of 714 teachers from Albania teaching in Kosovo’s schools,112 removal of all textbooks from Albania from the teaching process and their replacement with Albanian translations of Serbian textbooks.113 Henceforth, the inclusion of select national content, primarily in literature and history courses, was intended to ‘strengthen the sense of belongingness to the socialist community of Yugoslav nations and love towards it’.114 However, the survey conducted among Albanian educators on their assessment of the representation of the national content in the curricula from the early 1950s to mid-1960s reflects their reservations, even outright discontent.115 Mirroring Kosovo’s post-war constitutional position in Serbia,116 the decision-making authority over education lay with the relevant organs in Serbia. Serbian law began to devolve authority over educational issues to the provincial bodies only in 1967.117 This was a year after the fall of Aleksandar Rankovicœ, a high Serbian official with authority over the Serbian-dominated secret police and notorious for his repressive policies against Kosovo Albanians. Hence, the pre-1966 period in Kosovo was

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marked by a two-pronged approach to the development of Albanian national identity. Establishing the secular educational system in the Albanian language, while maintaining control over the curricula and textbooks, was geared at rearing generations of Albanian youth with primary loyalty to the Yugoslav community. Meanwhile, independent development of national culture by young Albanian intellectuals was severely constrained.118 Rankovicœ’s dismissal augured ‘a kind of national revival’119 for Albanians in Kosovo coinciding with the province’s greater constitutional assertion. The Kosovo educational council was established in 1975 on the basis of the 1974 provincial constitution, which significantly upgraded Kosovo’s autonomy in Serbia and Yugoslavia, including in education.120 As of the late 1960s and particularly in the 1970s, there was an accelerated cultural development in Kosovo. Education was one of the Kosovo Albanian Communist authorities’ top priorities. Efforts aimed at extending the school-network were undertaken with newly found vigour:

42 Albanian educational battles When faced with an option of building a limited number of good and expensive schools that would last some fifty years, or of many more cheap prefabricated ones [. . .], we chose the latter approach: to build schools all over the place.121 Kosovo’s education also marked a qualitative advance. The first Higher Pedagogical School was founded in Pristina in 1958.122 It was followed by the establishment of individual faculties after 1960,123 which were branches of Belgrade University. Initially, classes were held in Serbian, while Albanian was introduced as the language of instruction in 1966.124 The opening of the University of Pristina in 1970, with Serbian and Albanian languages enjoying equal standing, paved the way for the mass education of Albanian students. Kosovo and other Albanian-inhabited areas of Yugoslavia were considered a ‘virgin soil’, hitherto untouched by researchers and scholars.125 Therefore, the founding of scholarly institutions, such as the Albanological Institute, the Institute of History and the Kosovo Academy of Sciences and Arts, triggered a wider cultural development.126 Kosovo’s self-rule over education, from 1974, did not, however, imply unbridled freedom of expression of national identity through the curricula. Kosovo had effectively obtained the power to apply in its schools unitary ideological guidelines defined by the Communist Party.127 Their essence was ‘the principle of unity of difference’.128 Alongside the content drawn from the history and culture of all nations and nationalities, there were topics about a particular national group. This was intended to promote a national consciousness that would not undermine inter-ethnic coexistence.129 At the same time, Kosovo’s education confronted the strain of demographic pressure. With youth up to 19 years of age accounting for over 50 per cent of the population, by 1980, every third inhabitant in the province was enrolled either in school or at the university. By 1978, over 1,000 education facilities, from the pre-school to the university level, had been built in Kosovo. Still, there was need for more.130 Many schools continued to work in several shifts a day and many in adapted buildings, while classes remained overcrowded.131 In Kosovo, the expansion of the student body in higher education was unparalleled in Yugoslavia, rising from 149 in 1958–9 to 35,706 at the university and other post-secondary educational institutions in 1975–6.132 In the early 1980s, Kosovo had the highest number of students in relation to the population and to those employed as compared to the rest of Yugoslavia. In 1981, the number of university students per 10,000 inhabitants older than 15 was 255 in Kosovo as compared to the federal average of 179, or 141 in Croatia, 138 in Slovenia and 237 in Macedonia.133 Similarly, the number of university students per 1,000 employed in the socially owned sector in 1980 in Kosovo was 273 as compared to the Yugoslav average of 79, or 51 in Croatia, 39 in Slovenia and 118 in Macedonia.134

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The boom in university education in Kosovo coincided with a growing economic crisis, as the share of post-secondary graduates increased in the army of jobseekers throughout the country in the 1970s.135 The scope of university education in Kosovo was both one of the causes of unemployment and its panacea:136 One year we admitted 400 students to the Faculty of Philosophy and Sociology, whilst Kosovo needed 40 philosophy and sociology graduates [annually]. They could not go anywhere, nor find jobs, nor enrol in other faculties [in former Yugoslavia] due to a language barrier. The university thus accelerated social problems in Kosovo.137 An Albanian official described an additional function of education in Kosovo: ‘our higher learning was to a great extent a social valve’.138 The quantitative and qualitative spread of education in the Albanian language in Kosovo was beset by symbolic and material problems. Consequently, it became a focus of discontent. Instead of bringing the two communities in Kosovo together, tensions centred on education set them further apart.

Education and its ideological mission in Communist Yugoslavia Education in Communist Yugoslavia was considered a vehicle for forging brotherhood and unity among the country’s nations and nationalities.139 Its ideological mission was particularly emphasized in Kosovo, where the Communist era implied a reversal of the pre-Second World War prohibition of schooling in the Albanian language.140 Hence, the spread of Albanian-language education was hailed as a proof of the equality of Albanians with other Yugoslav peoples,141 and of their progress that wrested Kosovo from a ‘feudal embrace’.142 The school in Kosovo also had a special task in bringing Serbian and Albanian students together. Initially, they attended separate Serbian and Albanian schools. In 1953, they were replaced by unitary, i.e. ethnically mixed, schools.143 The language policy was also tailored in accordance with the ideological goals. Students received instruction in their mother tongue, but Albanians had to learn Serbian, and Serbs Albanian.144 Limani argues that there was also a significant, albeit unofficial, national aspect to Albanian-language education in Kosovo, alongside its ideological component. It was considered a ‘great victory’ that ought to be used to the fullest for the mass spread of education among Kosovo Albanians.145 The Albanian Communist leadership and the Albanian population were ‘thirsty for education’.146 As a result, they were equally committed to developing Albanian-language schooling. The sacrifice it exacted was considered an investment in a worthy, even national, cause. In the first post-war years, many Albanians turned their houses into schools to compensate for the

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schools destroyed during the war.147 As late as the mid-1970s, Albanian peasants donated their land or their houses for schools.148 The interplay between the ideological and national components of education was most pronounced at and over the University of Pristina. It was a site where Serbian–Albanian tensions would be played out in the open as a strong sense of national identity tested a fickle ideological concept of brotherhood and unity. It was the Albanians’ dream to have the university.149 According to the Albanian university chancellor, over 50 folk songs were compiled in Kosovo’s villages celebrating the opening of the university.150 In Kosovo’s villages, Albanian families staved off all modernizing influences holding on to traditional mores.151 However, enrolment at the university, especially for a male child, was an exception: ‘It became a national duty to have at least one university student in the family. In a way, it was a substitute for sending children to the army, for it was the Yugoslav army after all.’152 Education in Albanian, and particularly at the University in Pristina, became an important institutional focus of national identification for Albanians in Kosovo. The University in Pristina was organized as a bilingual institution providing equal opportunities for Albanian and Serbian students. Primarily founded to cater for the growing educational needs of Albanians in Kosovo, special care was taken to provide for Serbs everything that was provided for Albanians.153 Due to its organization along the language division, the university was described as two universities in miniature.154 All facilities were doubled: teaching, library stock, administration, publishing, even student newspapers. While satisfying the principle of equality, such doubling put an additional strain on the university’s resources.155 The opening of the university in Kosovo was never divorced from the political context. Its founding was one of the demands at the nationalist demonstrations staged by Albanian students of the Philosophical Faculty in Pristina in 1968. The reaction of the Yugoslav Communists to this protest was largely subdued.156 With delicate negotiations over the advancement of Kosovo’s status under way in constitutional commissions from the federal down to the provincial level, Josip Broz Tito, the Yugoslav President, endorsed the idea of the University of Pristina.157 One of the leaders of Kosovo’s Communists in that period dismissed as romantic the notion that the university was founded as a result of the pressure of the demonstrations: ‘1968 was a knock at an open door’.158 Yet, he added that the negotiations with Serbian Communists were very difficult: ‘The idea had caused much opposition in Belgrade, as the founding of the university was taken as a harbinger of autonomy for Kosovo.’159 The creation of Albanian-language opportunities in Kosovo caused a Serbian and Montenegrin nationalist protest in Kosovo as early as in 1971.160 Albanians welcomed the decision to open the university in Kosovo as a fulfilment of their key cultural demand, but also remained apprehensive lest it should thwart their drive for achieving political equality in the federation.

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An Albanian official in Kosovo pointed out that: ‘The founding of the university does not mean that we have fulfilled all our aims and our desires.’161 The Albanian demonstrations in Kosovo in 1981 shattered any semblance of brotherhood and unity at the university and in the province as a whole. The revolt started at the cafeteria, with Albanian students protesting against poor material conditions at the university. It spread into a nationwide protest of Kosovo Albanians. In contrast to the response of the Communist leadership to 1968, there was no restraint this time. The University of Pristina,162 once flagged as a showcase of inter-ethnic coexistence, was labelled as a ‘fortress of nationalism’.163 The rhetoric of brotherhood and unity first invoked to justify repressive measures centred on the Albanianlanguage section of the university gave way to unclad Serbian nationalist discourse.164 It, in turn, fuelled the growing nationalist movement in Serbia that spawned the demand for the abolition of Kosovo’s autonomy, and, with it, the clampdown on Albanian-language education. Kosovo Albanians’ opportunities for nourishing a sense of nationhood were curtailed. All educational and cultural contacts with their ethnic brethren from Albania were cut as well.

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The Albanians’ acquisition of political autonomy in 1974 had coincided with extensive cultural and educational cooperation between Albanians in Kosovo and Albanians in Albania. Consequently, Albanian national culture in Kosovo burgeoned.165 The 1970s were marked by Albanians’ discovery of national identity in Kosovo through slowly gained opportunities to research and explore the Albanian language, history and culture. The process bore the stamp of Albania’s guidance and assistance. The sense of one Albania as a cultural if not a political community was enforced beyond the border and ideology setting them apart. The first fruits of these nascent Albanian cross-border contacts comprised the agreement on a standard Albanian literary language. As Gegs, Albanians in Kosovo had employed the standard Geg dialect of the Albanian language. However, a decision was taken by their intellectuals in 1968 to make a complete switch to the use of Standard Albanian as it had been developed in Albania.166 By the late 1960s, linguists in Albania arrived at a norm that was officially presented as neither Tosk nor Geg, but was essentially based on southern Tosk. Pipa describes the Geg component in the Tosk-dominated Albanian literary language as being ‘pepper scattered on the dish’.167 According to him, this development was politically motivated, reflecting the policy of Albania’s Communist ruler, Enver Hoxha, of the imposition of sameness on the country’s Tosks and Gegs, to the advantage of Tosks who dominated the country’s Politburo.168

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The decision of Geg Albanians from Kosovo to espouse the dialect of southern Albania was inspired by, but also animated, their growing national movement in the province. Leading literary critic and writer in Kosovo, Rexhep Qosja, put forth a nationalist argument in defence of the Toskbased national standard language in the face of criticism from his fellow Kosovo Albanians by stressing a moral obligation to unite through language with co-nationals in Albania.169 However, the linguistic unification of Albanians fuelled Serbian suspicions that it was a precursor to a political and territorial union between Kosovo and Albania.170 Meanwhile, the Albanian language standardization paved the way for cultural cooperation between Kosovars and their ethnic brethren in Albania. Importantly, the launch of the new Albanian-language university education in Kosovo crucially relied on assistance from Albania, both in textbooks and teaching staff.171 Albania’s willingness to help Albanians in Kosovo was unequivocal. Albania’s leader, Enver Hoxha, declared: ‘Our people and the various scientific, educational and cultural institutions have and always are prepared to help their Kosovar brethren along their noble road.’172 The cultural exchange was inaugurated through a series of agreements signed and renewed yearly between individual institutions and organizations in Kosovo and Albania in the field of TV and radio broadcasting, publishing, applied arts, film, theatre, music and sports. It was spearheaded by the cooperation between the universities in Pristina and Tirana. They opened the way to a steady expansion of cross-border contacts between Albanian co-ethnics in stark contrast to their pre-1966 isolation. Accordingly, the response by both sides to a range of educational, cultural and historic events, as well as scholarly symposia, was enthusiastic.173 Cultural cooperation strengthened the symbolic tenets of the all-Albanian national unity, driven by overwhelming interest in the study of national Albanian themes in history, language, culture and tradition.174 The trend was mirrored in educational cooperation with Tirana University, where exchanges of scholars and students of arts and humanities outnumbered those involved in technical sciences.175 The leadership in Kosovo encouraged educational and cultural cooperation with Albania, but also urged extensive contacts between Albania and all of Yugoslavia to dispel notions that Kosovo was monopolizing the cooperation with Albania.176 Tirana University later concluded cooperation agreements with the universities in Skopje and Titograd, in Macedonia and Montenegro respectively, the two Yugoslav republics inhabited by an ethnic Albanian population.177 Kosovo Albanians’ ‘super-education’ in arts and humanities,178 coupled with a steady expansion of Kosovo–Albanian cultural and educational cooperation, resulted in a discovery of their nationhood despite, or rather, because of ideological limitations.179 Maliqi argues that the ideology-based selection of the acceptable national heritage, coupled with proscription of a critical appraisal both of past and existing traditions, directly bolstered emotionally charged and past-oriented ‘rootedness in tradition, as a form

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of compensation for erstwhile national frustrations’.180 According to Biberaj, it was marked by the rejection of the Serbian interpretation of Albanian history and the glorification of the past national themes and heroes from a ‘uniquely Albanian point of view, emphasising the existence and past unity of the Albanian nation’.181 In the single Albanian cultural space built on cross-border cultural cooperation, Albania emerged as a cultural donor and Kosovo as a recipient. The recognition of their national rights in Yugoslavia created an opportunity for Albanians to independently develop uniquely Kosovar national culture and contribute to the Albanian cultural space with its diversity. Instead, emphasis on cultural uniformity prevailed as Kosovo Albanians, aided by their co-nationals in Albania, set out to make up for the past ban on the study of common national traditions.182 Extensive cultural cooperation between Kosovo and Albania was part and parcel of the Yugoslav–Albanian rapprochement in the 1970s. After the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968, the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) and Albania recognized a common foe – the Soviet Union. Consequently, they moderated their mutual ideological animosity.183 In the new international security environment, Belgrade bestowed a special role on Kosovo and Albanians as bridge-builders and mediators between SFRY and Albania.184 The newly assigned role would primarily be carried out through cultural and educational cooperation with Albania, but was, simultaneously, caught in the midst of the ideological struggle between them. Both the SFRY and Albania tried to use cultural cooperation as a conveyor belt for their own ideology.185 Artisien described Yugoslav–Albanian relations as a two-tier relationship: ‘normal at the state level, but irreconcilably opposed politically and ideologically’.186 Of the two, overtly, Albania was unable to accept the two countries’ irreconcilable ideological differences, Yugoslavia’s revisionist system of self-management at home and non-alignment in foreign policy.187 Appeased over the improved status of Albanians in Kosovo, Tirana continued with attacks on the Yugoslav brand of socialism,188 while using cultural and educational cooperation to reach out to Kosovo Albanians in nationalist and ideological terms.189 Praise of the achievements of Albanian socialism, especially in education, was intended to reinforce the message. Thus, a rosy picture of student welfare in Albania was painted.190 Having received sustained state attention, the educational system in Albania had not had to cope with the shock of a sudden educational expansion as was the case with Albanians in Kosovo.191 An inability to meet the material needs, such as housing and scholarships, of the rapidly growing number of Albanianspeaking students had fuelled discontent among the Albanian youth in Kosovo.192 However, scholars also attributed unrelenting criticism of the Yugoslav ideological model to Albania’s insecurity about its own system. This appeared to have been borne out by liberalizing pressures, calling for the

48 Albanian educational battles emulation of the Yugoslav example, which Enver Hoxha faced and crushed at home in the mid-1970s. Tirana’s ideological tirades, however, did not elicit a similar response from Belgrade.193 Yugoslav Communists noted Albania’s continued ideological hostility towards Yugoslavia, but assigned priority to the normalization of state relations. Visiting Kosovo in 1975, Tito said: ‘let us not be too sensitive’, referring to Albania’s attacks on Yugoslavia.194 Instead, the two countries’ interdependence in the ‘world security situation’ marked by Soviet interventionism was stressed. ‘Whatever befalls Yugoslavia will befall Albania’, stated a high Yugoslav government official.195 The promotion of educational cooperation was, however, not unaffected by ideological considerations felt by the Yugoslav side as well. Kosovo’s high Communist official at the time described the situation prior to the beginning of Kosovar–Albanian cooperation: ‘Kosovo was hermetically closed. There were no tourists, no cultural exchanges, only Radio Tirana.’196 The allusion was to Tirana’s ideological penetration in Kosovo. Not unlike the Albanian leadership, their Yugoslav counterparts also saw educational and cultural cooperation as a gateway for Yugoslavia’s ideological influence in Albania.197 A high Kosovo Albanian Communist official noted that exchange would allow Albania to familiarize itself with ‘the successes of socialist construction in Yugoslavia’.198 Kosovo Albanians’ visits would allow them to see what Albania was ‘really’ like. Confidence in the superior value of the Yugoslav ‘social system, freedoms and living standards’ as compared to those in Albania, ensured restraint on the part of Yugoslavia in the face of Albanian ideological attacks, and increased the reliance of the Yugoslav leadership on its brand of Communism as a factor in co-opting Kosovo Albanians’ allegiance to the Yugoslav state.199 It was deemed that the Yugoslav socialist system, which provided for higher living standards than those in Albania, religious freedoms in contrast to the abolition of religion in Albania, and freedom to travel abroad, unlike Albania’s isolation, coupled with the advancement of Albanians’ political rights and the freedom to develop their national culture – even with Albania’s help – would help override or at least blunt the pull of all-Albanian national-cum-territorial unity for Albanians in Kosovo.200 The belief in the power of ideology as an obstacle to Albanian national unity was proven wrong.201 Instead, the SFRY emerged as a loser in the ideological competition with Albania. The 1981 Albanian demonstrations were dominated by nationalist demands, but also ‘had a smell of Marxism–Leninism’.202 The presence of ideological slogans, such as ‘Long live Marxism–Leninism’, ‘No talk with the red bourgeoisie’ or ‘Long live the working class’, signalled the appeal of Enver Hoxha’s socialism at least to some demonstrators. In addition, the slogans calling for unification with Albania gave rise to the perception that ‘Enverism’ was a platform for an all-Albanian unification.203

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No official assessment of the roots of the protests took into account their complexity.204 The Kosovo leadership insisted on their economic interpretation, but Belgrade’s view prevailed.205 The Albanians’ demonstrations were interpreted exclusively in ideological terms as a counterrevolution. Belgrade pointed to Tirana as their chief instigator, which accomplished its ideological coup precisely through cultural cooperation. Meanwhile, cooperation agreements were assessed as an outright threat to Yugoslavia’s territorial integrity.206 Once the promoter of Yugoslav– Albanian rapprochement, the issue of Albanian cross-border cultural and educational cooperation was denounced as ‘a one-way street, where ideological, political, cultural and educational influence went from Tirana to Pristina’.207 Such official interpretation served to retrospectively impugn Kosovo– Albanian cooperation and to justify its proscription, while Albanians both in Kosovo and from Albania denounced any accusations of abuse of the exchange.208 The number of lecturers from Albania directly involved in the teaching process at the university in Pristina was in decline, as the provincial university had begun to produce its own experts. Instead, the trend was one of re-routing cooperation into the field of research.209 Consequently, Kosovo lost its special mission in the building of SFRY– Albanian relations, and educational and cultural exchange between Kosovo and Albania was severed. Once again Albania slipped into its role of an ethnic patron. It supported the Albanians’ demand for their republic in Kosovo, while vocally condemning national, political and cultural repression of Albanians in Kosovo.210 Yet, the economic cooperation between Albania and Yugoslavia proceeded and advanced unhindered to mutual benefit.211 The hue of Albanians’ discontent in 1981 was largely nationalist,212 albeit permitting a degree of genuine appeal of Albania’s socialist egalitarianism for Albanians in Kosovo. The latter was partly an outcome of the idealization of Albania’s condition caused by years of prohibition of inter-Albanian contacts,213 and partly a reaction to the disproportionate growth of privileged Albanian bureaucracy in Kosovo while ordinary people, especially students, faced growing joblessness.214 Nonetheless, even the ideological identification with Albania primarily served to buttress the sense of national sameness of all Albanians. Former participants of the 1981 events openly expressed this idea. One stated: ‘such ideological identification was in the service of the national issue, the spiritual unification of the nation, from this and that side of the border’.215 They also attributed Albanians’ woes, including social and economic ones, to ‘an unresolved national issue’,216 while the goal of a republic status for Kosovo was a demand put forward not as an ultimate, but as a limited expression of national aspirations: ‘We tried to insist on what was feasible and it seemed to us that the Republic of Kosovo was feasible so we insisted on it.’217

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The events of 1981 and a subsequent gradual clampdown on the education in the Albanian language in Kosovo removed any pretence that the education was about the creation of ‘new consciousness’.218 Rather, it was about suppressing the expression and nourishment of nationhood. It took place under clear ideological guidelines. They gave precedence to multiethnic harmony based on erasing any points of contention rather than that founded on full recognition and acceptance of ethnic neighbours. Yet, a limited educational and academic freedom given to the Albanians in Kosovo to address the symbolic content of their nationhood only stirred a desire for more.

Conclusion Blumi has pointed out that the role of national education as a key site in the symbolic creation of nation and nationalism ought to be re-examined specifically in the Albanian case.219 The first-generation Albanian nationalists were educated in foreign schools abroad. Also, the number of schools in the Albanian-populated lands raises questions about the potential for the curriculum and language to be a formative force in delineating national identity.220 Setting Albanian-language education in its historical context, this chapter has shown that the quest for schooling in the Albanian language under Ottoman rule rather than schooling itself precipitated the Albanians national self-awareness. In the process, the secular understanding of Albanian nationhood overcame the centrality of religion in the conceptualization of Albanian identity. The Albanian language written with a Latin alphabet became its symbolic anchor. The demand for the Albanian national state became its ultimate expression. In addition, right up to the Communist period, especially for Kosovo Albanians, education acquired a strong connotation as a strategy of resistance. In the pre-Communist Yugoslav period, the struggle for Albanian schools created a pool of secret strategies and traditions that were revived and used when a ruler’s educational terms were unacceptable. At the same time, the Serbian and Albanian rivalry over Kosovo bestowed a particular political weight to education. Its denial was a mirror of political submission. Hence, each group’s political ascendancy in the province implied a denial of educational opportunities to the other. Full political control or empowerment in Kosovo implied the educational freedom. Along with a right to open schools in the Albanian language in Communist Yugoslavia, Kosovo Albanians were also given a clearly mappedout symbolic field within which the markers of their national sense of identity were to be fitted. It implied loyalty to socialist Yugoslavia, as well as symbolic severance from any sense of membership in a wider community of the Albanian nation beyond Kosovo. The educational revolution for Albanians in Kosovo was long held up. Therefore, the relaxation of stringent political controls on Kosovo in the 1960s, and the

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empowerment of Kosovo’s Albanians in 1974, resulted in the enthusiastic development of Albanian-language education in Kosovo, and an unprecedented rise of national awareness among Albanians in Kosovo despite existing ideological restrictions. Placing an ideological lid on nationhood made those limited opportunities for its advancement even more precious. Not only did Albanians in Kosovo discover their national identity in opposition to their Slav neighbours, and particularly Serbs, but they also reinforced their sense of fraternity with their ethnic brethren in Albania. The latter gave rise to a deeply felt sense of one, yet divided, nation. Symbolic national unity was reinforced by the educational and cultural cooperation of Albanians on both sides of the border in the 1970s. Albanians’ discovery of national identity had its political logic. The student-led outburst of national demands in 1981 starkly illustrated that national identity is inimical to ideological engineering. It also showed that ideology may emerge as an additional token and symbol of national unity. Some Kosovo Albanians were drawn to Hoxha’s brand of Communism not necessarily because of its ideological merits but because it was Albanian.

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Education and national mobilization in Kosovo in the 1980s

Student-led mass Albanian demonstrations in Kosovo in 1981 and the prominence of Albanian national demands showed that a delicate balance between national affirmation, on the one hand, and the acceptance of Yugoslavia’s constitutional arrangement on the other, had been upset. Education in the Albanian language in Kosovo was identified as a source of Albanian nationalism. Subsequently, a series of administrative interventions in Albanian education in Kosovo in the 1980s were aimed at stamping it out. This policy backfired. In contrast to the period prior to 1981 when Albanian national identity in Kosovo was nourished thanks to opportunities to learn and explore national history, culture and tradition, in the post1981 period it flourished precisely because this symbolic nourishment was denied to it. Albanians’ national identity became a resistance identity. Albanian-language education became a focal point in a national confrontation in Kosovo, pitting Serbs against Albanians. They clashed over the future constitutional visions for Kosovo, but fought out these visions in Kosovo’s schools and the university. Ultimately, separation emerged as a spatial analogy of symbolic national confrontation. A physical division of pupils and students along national lines was imposed in Kosovo’s schools and student dormitories in spring 1990. It was a precursor to total segregation on national lines, not only in Kosovo’s schools and the university, but in all spheres of life in Kosovo. This chapter first analyses the increasingly nationalist clampdown on Albanian-language education, and the Albanian response to it as they rallied together behind the defence of their nationhood. It then goes on to illustrate how the Kosovo education system was used in the context of Serbian nationalism as an argument for the abolition of Kosovo’s autonomy. It concludes by tracing the beginning of a new spatial order in the province.

The end of Yugoslav socialist patriotism In 1981, education in Albanian, from primary school to university level, was singled out as a hotbed of Albanian nationalism in Kosovo. It therefore bore the brunt of measures aimed at rooting out what was referred

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to by the Communist leadership and increasingly vocal Serbian nationalists as enemy ideology. The university particularly came under close ideological scrutiny. A series of measures were applied in Kosovo’s educational institutions. They aimed at suppressing Kosovo Albanians’ sense of nationhood. The restrictions imposed on the expression of Albanian national identity only reinforced it. The result was the supremacy of Albanian nationhood over any competing allegiance that Yugoslav socialism may have held for Albanians. Guidelines for the ‘struggle against enemy and counter-revolutionary forces’ in the province after the 1981 demonstrations were laid out in the Action Programme of the League of Communists of Kosovo. Key recommendations on education called for the ‘differentiation’, meaning purge, of university and secondary school teachers with ‘anti-self-management and anti-socialist attitudes’, while the existing structure of faculties and institutions of higher learning, as well as of secondary education, were to be ‘critically reviewed’.1 The Action Programme also prescribed ‘a Marxist analysis’ of ideological tenets of primary and secondary school curricula and of school and university textbooks, as well as postgraduate theses, research projects and academic publications, in order to remove the content that caused ‘nationalist and irredentist consciousness’.2 The newly appointed, hard-line Communist leadership in Kosovo set about fulfilling the tasks spelled out in the Action Programme. Immediately, textbooks and other books imported from Albania were removed from the teaching process because they were alleged to have caused ‘indoctrination with alien ideologies’.3 However, Albanian officials in charge of publishing in Kosovo argued that all books had been screened and unsuitable ideological content removed before they reached students in the first place. According to them, most of the reprinted books were those used in the sciences, rather than in the humanities.4 Albanian officials also asserted that most books in the arts and humanities were translations into Albanian of the original works of Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, Vladimir Ilich Lenin and other philosophers and sociologists. Without prefaces, commentaries and summaries, they argued, these books were not ideologically disputable.5 Nonetheless, the stigma attached to Albanian-language textbooks was hard to remove.6 Pristina University became a focus of ideological activity marked by the purge of all ideologically unsuitable staff and students. The Communists set out to battle nationalism from the ideological and ostensibly antinationalist premise. However, they only reinforced national feelings. Efforts aimed at distinguishing good Communists from bad nationalists among the Albanians at the university were affected by the growing primacy of national identity over ideological loyalty in the Albanian community in Kosovo. Membership in the nation could by no means be bad. By contrast, it was ‘good’ Communists who were overwhelmingly perceived as outcasts of the Albanian nation in Kosovo.7 To implement ideologically

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correct measures was increasingly being perceived as treachery to the nation. The ideological conflict appeared as a guise for what in essence was a national confrontation in Kosovo. ‘For an Albanian Communist all his Albanian colleagues are not guilty, for a Serbian Communist not a single Albanian professor is good’, was heard in a meeting of Serbian and Albanian Communists discussing the situation at the university.8 Meanwhile, a top-down policy of restructuring the university proceeded apace. The Communist leadership considered the university problematic on two grounds: not only did it fail to produce professionals employable in Kosovo’s economy, but those professionals that it did produce, most of whom studied humanities and arts, were in the view of the Communist officials obsessed with nationalism. There was a great need for industrial expertise in Kosovo. Yet, of 328 experts with doctoral degrees in Kosovo only 10 worked in industry.9 Most of the thousands of university graduates in the humanities faced the prospect of unemployment. This led Belgrade to label them an ‘academic proletariat’, whose dissatisfaction posed a constant threat of rebellion.10 Pristina University had a heavy slant towards humanities and social sciences at the undergraduate level. In addition, the working group that analysed postgraduate research, the majority of which was conducted in humanities and social sciences, condemned the absence of topics dealing with ‘socialist self-management reality’, assessing the research as being ‘turned to the centuries behind us’.11 Therefore, the primary task, it was spelled out, was to cut down the number of students, while giving preference in admission to students of sciences as opposed to humanities.12 In 1984, the chancellor stated that 65 per cent of students were studying technical and other industrial disciplines, i.e. sciences, and 35 per cent arts and humanities, whereas three years earlier the situation had been the other way round.13 Figure 2.1 illustrates a radical change in the ratio between students of humanities and sciences at Pristina University in the 1980s. In the same period, the size of the student body was greatly reduced. This reduction is shown in Figure 2.2. In the academic year 1984–5, the total number of students entering the university was 11,589, practically half the figure for 1981.14 Such a two-pronged policy was explained primarily by a need to bring into line the number of students and their qualifications with the needs of the Kosovo economy.15 However, a radical downsizing of the university, and a sharp curtailment in the study of subjects in Albanian history, literature and culture, was bound to lend itself to a completely different interpretation: as a restriction on the expression of Albanian national identity. It was not until well into 1983 that the situation at the university was reportedly stabilized. By that time, a more aggressive purge of the university staff and students had been implemented.16 Sentences meted out to the lecturers and students for ‘counter-revolutionary activities’ were supposed to have a deterrent effect. By August 1984, out of 585 sentenced

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56 Education and national mobilization, 1980s in Kosovo’s courts, 372 were either intellectuals, students or pupils, while 452 were younger than 35.17 At the same time, the textbooks, through which, it was asserted, ‘the enemy had carried out its major influence’, were subjected to ideological screening.18 Following the ban on books from Albania, school texts written by Albanian authors from Kosovo for primary and secondary education, as well as university, came under criticism as well. The results of the commission charged with their ideological assessment were published in the press. The commission criticized the textbooks for favouring Albanian national content to the disadvantage of that by other Yugoslav nations, including the themes promoting selfmanagement and socialist development. They were also denounced for focusing on the ancient history of Albanians, while neglecting their contemporary history.19 A number of works by authors from Albania were banned and put on blacklists. Yet, they did not lose their Albanian readership. A student at Pristina University at the time explained how: Ismail Kadare [the renowned Albanian writer] was banned here after 1981. I would get the book, and would literally have to read it throughout the night, in order to give it to a friend, who read it during the day and passed it on to someone else.20 Increasingly, the entire academic scholarship in the Albanian language, and, particularly, in Albanian historiography, was in the spotlight. The Serbian press accused the Albanian ‘pseudo-scholarship’ of having lent ‘theoretical and legal’ credence to ‘irredentism’.21 Albanian historiography was singled out as one of the roots of ‘indoctrination of the youth’ that treated ‘certain events in the Albanians people’s past in an uncritical and un-Marxist way and from the nationalist standpoint’.22 Critics attributed nationalism in Albanian school textbooks to the state in the recently developed historiography of Kosovo.23 When the new school year began in 1982, all recommended changes were made and textbooks for primary and secondary schools were ‘healthy’ from the point of view of their ideological-Marxist content;24 so were classroom walls. Their purge took place in accordance with the order to put up Tito’s picture, and replace those of historical figures from Albania proper by pictures of those figures contained in the now amended curricula.25 Yet, the issue of curricula in primary and secondary schools once again took centre stage in the educational debate.26 It now emerged in the form of the so-called common cores. This idea envisaged republics and provinces building into their own curricula agreed common contents that would comprise the core of curricula for all subjects in primary and secondary education. Republics and provinces would then complement common cores with a specific content reflecting their national culture. The strategy was aimed at enforcing the symbolic sense of ‘Yugoslav togetherness’ and ‘uniformity of educational systems’.27

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A controversy over common cores in literature courses led Albanians to protest against the idea as yet another means of restricting the expression of their national identity. For example, the educational authorities from Kosovo objected that a proposed core for literature was more of a complete curriculum than a core. As such, room left for the addition of educational content unique for Albanian nationhood was negligible. Furthermore, even in the over-sized core, they found Albanian literature under-represented.28 Rather than encouraging togetherness on the basis of reciprocity, literary cores were seen as making some ‘more equal than others’.29 However, the imposition of common cores in Kosovo also implied that the Kosovo authorities effectively lost autonomy in the adoption of primary and secondary school curricula. What Albanians perceived as part and parcel of Serbian efforts aimed at the abolition of Kosovo’s autonomy,30 to Serbs was a significant step in the creation of a uniform educational system in the entire territory of Serbia.31 Soon after the 1981 crisis, Albanian officials stressed that: ‘masses that demonstrated would not look identical under a magnifying glass’.32 In other words, not all demonstrators were equally responsible for the riots. The policy of differentiation had the same goal: distinguishing loyal from disloyal members of the Albanian community. Loyalty was measured by the unquestioned acceptance of Yugoslavia’s and Serbia’s constitutional and territorial order. However, the implementation of the policy of differentiation increasingly turned into discrimination on a national rather than ideological basis. Resentment against educational policies in the Albanian community grew. The line was being blurred between ‘separatists and irredentists’, on the one hand, and Albanians as a whole, on the other. The nourishing of Yugoslav socialist patriotism33 – the Yugoslav educational philosophy of nourishing allegiance to the Yugoslav state, its constitution and ideology – was applied to an extreme in Albanian-language education in Kosovo. Even illustrations provided in textbooks in syntax, history and sociology, as well as sciences, were supposed to refer to the Yugoslav socialist reality.34 Any symbolic expression of Albanian national identity was bound to be taken as hostile. An Albanian historian complained before the Central Committee of the Yugoslav Communist League: [W]hen all figures from the history of the Albanian people are concerned, in the continuity, from Agron and Teuta, to the revolutionaries and fighters in the National Liberation War, [t]he former are guilty because they are Illyrians, and the latter for saying that Illyrians were their ancestors, so that all together are irredentists [the nationalist charge attributed to Albanians in the post-1981 period for the alleged aim of severance of Kosovo from Serbia].35 Instead of weakening Albanians’ national feelings, the elimination from Albanian education of a vast majority of references to national symbols

58 Education and national mobilization, 1980s throughout the 1980s actually strengthened them. An Albanian philosopher, Muhamedin Kullashi, noted: [T]hat there were elements of nationalism in books published in the Albanian language, and especially in those dedicated to historical and literary topics, cannot be denied. However, glorification of figures and events from national histories, national romanticism, were present in all national cultures [in Yugoslavia].36 This was particularly the case with the historiography on Kosovo. Albanian scholarly interpretations clashed directly with Serbian ones. The nationalization of historical studies by national communities, as Serbian historian Sima CŒirkovicœ argues, resulted in ‘Serbian historiography teaching one thing and Albanian quite another’,37 particularly about key events such as the famous Battle of Kosovo of 1389. In short, ‘controversial [scholarly] disputes broke away from their professional context and turned into political problems’.38 Serbian Communists denounced Albanian historiography and intellectual endeavour in Kosovo as nationalist and dangerous. Ironically, at the same time they allowed unprecedented freedom and publicity for the revision of history from the Serbian nationalist standpoint of which the historiography about Kosovo was a part. In this context, as Dragovicœ-Soso shows, the Serbian intelligentsia took up the so-called Kosovo question and turned it into a political platform legitimating the nationalist agenda.39 Serbian intellectuals prepared symbolically the grounds for the end of Kosovo’s autonomy, executed politically by the Communist leadership headed by Slobodan Milo¡evicœ. Meanwhile, any assertion of Albanian national identity was interpreted as exclusively anti-Yugoslav and, increasingly, anti-Serbian. Accordingly, the entire Albanian-language education was portrayed as a threat to Serbian territorial integrity. Identification of Albanian education in Kosovo with Albanian nationalism had an all-inclusive character. Everyone involved was affected and, accordingly, labelled. Ideological discrimination turned into national confrontation. Identified as the source of the problem, education became a target of intervention. This propelled the sense of Albanianness as a focal point of resistance to the Serbs and homogenization of the entire Albanian community in Kosovo.

Kosovo’s education in the context of the nationalist argument Serbian nationalism was gaining momentum throughout the 1980s. Kosovo captured Serbian national frustrations centred on the 1974 constitution. This document, which provided autonomy for Kosovo and Serbia’s northern province of Vojvodina, was seen as a device to weaken Serbia from inside. Serbs saw themselves at a disadvantage in relation to other federal

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republics, who exercised sovereign power on their entire territory despite the substantial presence of a non-majority ethnic group. Hence, the finger was pointed at Croatia, where Serbs composed 14.47 per cent of the population, without receiving a special recognition of their rights.40 Serbian nationalists also begrudged the federal constitution for dividing Serbs into republics within Yugoslavia. However, the qualification of the 1981 events as an attempt at Kosovo’s secession from Serbia gave primacy to the revocation of Kosovo’s autonomy. The dwindling number of Serbs and Montenegrins in the province, described as no less than an exodus, made the constitutional action appear urgent. The gradual Albanian empowerment in the province in the post-World War Two period was accompanied by the accelerated emigration of the non-Albanian population. In the period 1961–70, the number of Serbian and Montenegrin émigrés from Kosovo was 34,656, while in the next decade, 1971–81, it was 50,356.41 Accordingly, the participation of the Serbs and Montenegrins, on one hand, and of the Albanians, on the other, in the total population of the province changed. In 1961, Serbs and Montenegrins comprised 27.4 per cent, and Albanians 67.1 per cent of the total population. In 1981, the figures were 14.9 and 77.4 respectively, and in 1991 these stood at 11 per cent and 81.6 per cent.42 By the late 1980s, both the relative and the absolute number of Serbs and Montenegrins in the total population of the province had fallen. Reasons for the Serbian and Montenegrin departure from Kosovo throughout the Communist period, and especially since 1966, still represent one of the most contested issues in the Serbian–Albanian dispute over Kosovo. In the 1980s, Serbs had found themselves in a highly Albanianized environment politically, culturally and professionally. The ethnic proportional employment policy in Kosovo resulted in positive discrimination of Albanians against the Serbs.43 In addition, Kosovo was the most underdeveloped region of former Yugoslavia.44 Even the emigration itself was a cause of insecurity as Serbs watched their co-nationals pack up and leave.45 While economic motives provided a powerful reason to leave Kosovo, the Serbian and Montenegrin migration cannot be entirely separated from a perception and experience of personal insecurity. An independent study of the causes of Serb emigration from Kosovo concluded that it was not a consequence of the Albanians’ direct pressure.46 Blagojevicœ’s study found that it was informal discrimination, which was a spontaneous, everyday occurrence in Kosovo, that fuelled the departure of Serbs and Montenegrins from the province. It took the form of verbal violence – threats, abusive language and insults, and even physical attacks – beatings, assaults and murders, especially in those environments where they were largely outnumbered by Albanians.47 However, criminal statistics in Kosovo were never allowed to remain just that. Instead, they fitted the national narrative of national victimization. The unleashing of Serbian nationalism in the late 1980s led to all inter-ethnic incidents against

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Serbs and Montenegrins in the province being classed as ‘ethnic cleansing’ and ‘genocide’ against the Serbs in Kosovo.48 Albanians were portrayed as rapists, murderers and plunderers, while adjectives used frequently to describe them were bestial, monstrous and fiendish.49 The constitutional unification of Serbia, which implied the abolition of Kosovo’s autonomy, became a potent rallying cry for the Serbs in the late 1980s. According to Vladisavljevicœ, the changing political context in Serbia in this period was crucial for the endorsement of ethnic grievances of Kosovo Serbs.50 It was translated into the policy of ‘reclaiming’ Kosovo, which resonated deeply among the Serbian masses. It would not only reverse what Serbs perceived as the constitutional injustice, but also be a fulfilment of the mythic covenant of the Kosovo legend to salvage Kosovo from its loss – this time from the Albanian demographic preponderance. The national mobilization of Serbs over Kosovo’s reintegration into Serbia triggered a national counter-mobilization of Albanians over the defence of Kosovo’s autonomy. A 55 km-long march of Albanian miners in 1988 was the first mass manifestation of Albanians’ resistance to constitutional changes.51 Any outstanding ideological differences among Albanians were erased as even former ‘Enverists’ – members of clandestine leftist groups – and Communists in Kosovo were united by the Albanian national platform. The Albanians’ mass flight into the ranks of the Democratic League of Kosovo, Lidhja Demokratike e Kosovës in Albanian (LDK), headed by Ibrahim Rugova, heralded the demise of Communism in the province. The LDK asserted its commitment to democracy, but its legitimacy primarily rested on its pledge to fight for the Albanian national cause – the defence of autonomy. However, to Serbs, Albanians’ call for democracy was just a ‘cloak’ for their separatist movement.52 Even Albanian pupils, students and educators who took to the streets to protest the loss of autonomy were labelled as separatists. Their demands were not heeded. Instead, they were segregated into spatially discrete sections in schools and at the university. Albanians feared that the Serbian drive to revoke Kosovo’s autonomy would not leave them with any economic and cultural rights.53 These fears were not unfounded. The education in Kosovo had become so politicized by the late 1980s that it provided an important argument in support of the Serbian official policy of abolition of Kosovo’s autonomy. Educational figures and issues were presented selectively in order to provide a concrete illustration of Serbian grievances in and over Kosovo, such as the Albanian numerical dominance, the ethnic proportional representation in higher education, and the Serbian legislative impotence in the province. Grievances were associated with children and young people and, hence, were not to be questioned. By relating official arguments to official figures in Kosovo, the following paragraphs will demonstrate that figures often spoke in favour of a need to yet enhance rather than curtail the Albanian educational rights in the province in order to achieve national equality in Kosovo.

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The falling number of Serbs and Montenegrins in Kosovo fuelled Serbian nationalism in the 1980s. However, no story could so emotively capture the ‘loss’ of Kosovo as tales of lone Serbian pupils in Kosovo’s schools. By 1990 the number of ‘dwarf’ classes, which had nine students on average, but often fewer, had risen to some 700 in Kosovo.54 There were Albanian ‘dwarf’ classes in primary schools, but the number of Serbian ones was more than double. In secondary schools, there were 118 Serbian and 8 Albanian ‘dwarf’ classes in 1989.55 These small classes were maintained in line with the policy of providing equal opportunities for all pupils to study in their mother tongue.56 At the same time, the national composition of the province’s schools was used to illustrate what it was like for Serbs to live among the Albanian majority. For example, a secondary school in Djakovica was attended by one Serbian and 772 Albanian pupils, or another school in the same western Kosovo town had 63 Serbs and Montenegrins and 1,137 Albanians.57 Reports from small village schools in Kosovo were particularly emotive. Such was the story of one Serbian third-grader from a village in Donja Dubica in northern Kosovo. He was ‘privileged’ to be taught by two teachers, who were twin sisters, since all other Serbian pupils had left the village together with their parents.58 Numerical preponderance of Albanian pupils in Kosovo’s schools was presented as an anomaly that needed to be reversed. Initially an embodiment of the policy of equality in education, the Serbian ‘dwarf’ classes became a symbol of the ‘Albanianization’ of Kosovo. At the same time, new ‘dwarf’ schools were organized for Serbs as part and parcel of the policy of maintaining the Serb presence in Kosovo.59 Ironically, the existence of small village schools and classes was widespread throughout rural Serbia.60 However, in Kosovo they were caught in the looming national confrontation. They no longer had anything to do with reaching out to all children with schooling. They were used as a proof of what Serbs lamented as Kosovo’s loss. Even the institutional safeguards designed to prevent national inequality were found wanting. The inauguration of Kosovo’s autonomy in 1974 heralded the political and cultural ascendancy of its majority Albanians. However, Serbian disempowerment in Kosovo was checked by the application of the national key policy in employment. It would ensure that jobs and public offices were distributed to match the national make-up of the province.61 It was intended to forestall complaints based on nationhood in Kosovo. However, by sanctioning the national principle, the national key additionally promoted nationhood as a platform from which the Serbs would contest the system. The University of Pristina became a show-case of Kosovo Serbs’ discontent and of the solutions sought to redress it. The policy of proportional national representation was, to Serbs, tantamount to a policy of national inequality, since ‘majorityization was and still is the instrument of legalized oppression of Serbs and Montenegrins in Kosovo, and, therefore, at the university as well’.62 The Serbs used the

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term ‘majorityization’ to describe what they purported was Albanians’ abuse of their numerical majority to the political, economic and cultural disadvantage of the minority Serbs. Consequently, one-to-one national parity was the principle by which the Serbian minority in Kosovo sought to safeguard its equality. Even as their share in the national population fell, Serbs and Montenegrins sought to maintain their relative advantageous standing at Pristina University. In 1981 Serbs and Montenegrins comprised 14.9 per cent of the total population of Kosovo,63 while in the academic year 1980–1 Serbs and Montenegrins accounted for 20.8 per cent of the student body at the university.64 Albanians who made up 77.4 per cent of the total population were 72 per cent of the student body in the same period. Similarly, a decade later, Serbs and Montenegrins were slightly over-represented, while Albanians were under-represented at the university. In 1991, Serbs and Montenegrins comprised 11.4 per cent of the total population,65 while in the academic year 1988–9 they accounted for 16 per cent of the student body.66 In 1991, the Albanians comprised approximately 81.6 per cent of the total population,67 while at the university in the academic year 1988–9 they were 75.2 per cent of the student body.68 Other places at the university were taken up by Kosovo’s other minorities – Turks, Muslims, Roma – as well as foreign students. First, the Serbs demanded a change in the national structure of the university’s management staff, so that an equal number of places would be allocated to Serbs and Albanians. The pattern would then be applied to all university employees69 and, finally, to the student body.70 However, Serbs and Montenegrins were effectively seeking an improvement of their already advantageous numerical standing in proportional terms. For example, in the academic year 1987–8, of the university teaching staff with permanent positions, 779 were Albanians and 320 Serbs,71 and of the managing staff 53 were Albanians and 16 Serbs.72 These numbers contradict the Serbian and Montenegrin claim of their unjust ‘minorityization’ and Albanian ‘majorityization’ at the University of Pristina, although their predominance at the time of the opening of the university, when there were nearly twice as many Serb lecturers as Albanian,73 was reversed. At those faculties, where their percentage in the national composition most closely corresponded to their percentage in the province’s total population, Albanian ‘majorityization’ was presented as ‘a question of the future survival of the teaching process in the Serbo-Croat language’.74 Kosovo’s Serbs denounced the national key policy in the late 1980s, although they were favoured by its inconsistent application. Albanians’ preponderance was a setting in which minority Serbs and Montenegrins may have been easily outvoted. A Serb was appointed Chancellor of Pristina University for the first time in 1985, 15 years after its founding, the rest being Albanians.75 However, Serbs and Montenegrins did not seek an institutional remedy for whatever weaknesses of the system they may have

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experienced. Their complaint was presented as a threat to their nationhood. Hence, a national-based cure was demanded: battling Albanians’ numerical dominance at the university by boosting Serb numbers. This goal could best be reached by revoking Kosovo’s educational autonomy. Portraying Kosovo as a ‘state within a state’,76 and its education as a source of ‘enemy ideology’, provided a pointer for the clampdown on Kosovo’s autonomy. With the constitutional devolution of the Yugoslav federation in 1974 republics and provinces became masters of their educational policy and decided on the network and structure of schools and curricula. However, general guidelines for the educational policy were subject to an agreement at the federal level. They were aimed at harmonization of educational systems in the federation in line with the ruling ideology of ‘unity and togetherness’.77 The proclaimed commitment to the harmonization of educational systems of the republics and provinces starkly contrasted with their actual divergence. They all equally resisted changes, arguing that these disregarded the ‘singularities’ of their republics and provinces safeguarded by the 1974 constitution.78 The result was the creation of eight different educational systems in six republics and two provinces.79 They pursued educational policies tailored to further the interests of their dominant nations and nationalities to the extent that ideological limitations permitted. The federal pattern of territorialization of education was replicated within Serbia itself. In 1974, Serbia lost political leverage in the provinces, while the provinces gained the right to veto the decision-making process at the republican but also federal level. Hence, Kosovo’s autonomy was designated in the Serbian nationalist discourse as ‘a state within a state’.80 Kosovo’s educational autonomy from Serbia was used to back up this claim. Consequently, the Serbs pointed to the autonomous educational system in Kosovo and in Vojvodina to illustrate that the provinces wielded excessive powers.81 It was reiterated that Serbia was the only federal republic without a unitary educational system. Therefore, the existence of three educational systems on its territory was perceived as a danger to its internal unity, but also as a weakness in relation to other Yugoslav republics. In the words of a high Serbian official:

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This placed the S[ocialist] R[epublic] of Serbia not only in an unequal position towards the other members of the Yugoslav community – the republics – but such a divided and disunited educational system also contributed to its further dismembering threatening its state sovereignty and even its territorial integrity.82

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The existence of Pristina University, the epitome of Kosovo’s educational autonomy, captured the dual threat. Serbs asserted that the Albanian-dominated Kosovo leadership ‘was “developing” [. . .] Pristina University primarily as a symbol or attribute of the “sovereign” statehood

64 Education and national mobilization, 1980s of Kosovo, i.e. as a nucleus of the set goal, the “Kosovo Republic” with the right to self-determination and secession’.83 The constitutional reintegration of Kosovo into Serbia emerged as nothing other than the prevention of Serbia’s ultimate truncation. The 1989 amendments to the Serbian constitution brought about Serbia’s political-cum-territorial unification. It was paralleled by the unification of its educational system. Serbia became a sole arbiter of the educational policy in Kosovo.84 The Serbian nationalist argument identified Kosovo’s educational system as an expression of the perceived constitutional injustice, but also as a symbolic harbinger of Kosovo’s full political and territorial divorce from Serbia. Serbia’s control over Kosovo’s education epitomized the end of Kosovo’s self-rule. Serbs took Albanians’ resistance to Kosovo’s reintegration into Serbia as a vindication of their apprehension that Albanians were set to wrest Kosovo from Serbia. In their campaign, Serbs pointed at education in the Albanian language as a sphere where Albanians’ symbolic secession had already taken place. As a legacy of 1981, the Albanian education system was placed under closest scrutiny by ruling Communists. As a result, according to one education official: ‘[the Albanian] curricula were the most Yugoslav [in their content of all Yugoslav curricula] . . . [because we knew] we were in their sights’.85 Curricula and textbooks were subjected to stringent ideological vetting by both Albanian professionals and party members, all of whom were appointed on the basis of their ideological credentials as devout Communists, and by Serbs. One educator said that ‘an Albanian folk dance was not allowed in the music curriculum, since it was reminiscent of national consciousness’.86 Yet, none of this did the Serbs acknowledge. By contrast, the nationalist stigma, hitherto primarily attributed to Pristina University, was attached to all educational institutions in Kosovo now described as ‘often [. . .] generat[ing] separatism and nationalism’.87 At the same time, the university education itself was depicted only as the last stage in: ‘a “theoretical” cycle of Albanian nationalism and separatism, which a number of teachers had initiated already in primary, and carried on in secondary schools’.88 The university’s mission in education was also degraded in the eyes of Serbian and Montenegrin lecturers who argued that it ‘had been transformed into a place for the training of Albanian terrorists’.89 The Serbian verdict on Albanian education in Kosovo was set in stone: it encouraged the rise of ‘an anti-Yugoslav stance and an illusion of temporary membership in the SFRY and S[ocialist] R[epublic of] Serbia’.90 Therefore, constitutional changes would give Serbia jurisdiction over Kosovo’s education as well. Serbia’s Education Minister, Danilo ˛. Markovicœ, emphasized that this would allow Serbia: ‘to decisively influence [. . .] the educational content with the aim of developing the feeling of permanent membership in Yugoslavia and Serbia’.91

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Meanwhile, in 1988, the enrolment policy in secondary schools and at the university was used in support of the Serbian drive to increase the number of Serbs in Kosovo – 6,984 places were envisaged in secondary schools for 4,960 pupils ending primary school in Serbo-Croat, while 22,587 places were allotted to 31,845 Albanian primary school pupils in the school year 1988–9. At the same time, 1,934 extra places in SerboCroat classes were envisaged for the Serbian and Montenegrin returnees.92 Serbo-Croat-speaking students were favoured at the university as well – 2,340 secondary school graduates in Serbo-Croat out of 3,339, while 7,082 out 14,437 Albanians started university studies that year.93 In 1989, the year Serbia promoted its constitutional reunification and took control over Kosovo’s educational autonomy, even more Albanian primary school pupils were denied an opportunity to carry on to secondary schools – 11,095 as compared to 9,258 in 1988 had no option of continuing their secondary education. Meanwhile, 11,419 places were envisaged for 4,735 Serbo-Croat-speaking primary school graduates, which was 6,684 places more than the number of Serbian and Montenegrin primary school graduates in the province.94 The Albanians believed this policy’s aim was to make them illiterate and ignorant.95 The Serbs depicted Albanian-language education as a ‘schooling for separatism’. Hence, the creation of ‘new brigades of semi-literates’ was interpreted by Albanians as a Serbian strategy aimed at securing Albanians’ political compliance. Albanians mocked this approach with a phrase: ‘only an illiterate Albanian is a loyal Albanian’.96 The numerical battle was fought at the university as well. In 1990, the percentage of Serbian and Montenegrin secondary school graduates from Kosovo who became university students stood between 75 and 78 per cent. By contrast, only half of their Albanian counterparts had an opportunity to enrol at Pristina University, the only university in the country where they could study in their mother tongue.97 Hence, the decision of the Serbian Parliament to send 1,500 Serbian students to Pristina, as part of the inter-university exchange, on top of the Serbian and Montenegrin envisaged enrolment, was interpreted by Albanians as a forceful imposition of parity as a first stage to the closing of the university.98 Previously singled out as a ‘cradle of separatism’, the university was to be given a Yugoslav character.99 The enrolment policy was an indication that it could only become less Albanian and more Serbian. What started as a ‘de-Albanianization’ of Kosovo’s educational system by reducing places for Albanians, would be carried out symbolically through the educational contents as well. By the autumn of 1990, tens of thousands of Albanian pupils would not be at their school desks. The leadership of the LDK, which spearheaded the Albanian national movement, called on Albanians to self-organize, collect funds and adjust and repair alternative buildings to enable schoolchildren to carry on their

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education.100 The adoption of new Serbian curricula brought the Serbian– Albanian conflict over education to a head. Kosovo’s education had an important role in the construction of the Serbian nationalist argument. Therefore, the Serbian constitutional takeover of the province would first be felt in Kosovo’s educational institutions.

Creeping segregation: Dormitory no. 5 and ethnic shifts The growing rift between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo was imprinted on the spatial layout in the province in spring 1990 as the principle of ethnic mixing gave way to the principle of ethnic separation. Segregation on a national basis became a hallmark of Serb-ruled Kosovo. It was first imposed in Kosovo’s educational system. Ethnically mixed schools and the university in Kosovo had embodied efforts at forging coexistence and tolerance across national lines. Now they became synonymous with the primacy of nationhood cast in terms of the symbolic and spatial exclusion of the other group. The onset of spatial separation was gradual, but its outcome was all-encompassing. By the end of 1992, Kosovo was divided into two ethnic worlds. The Serbs took over all institutions in the province’s administration, economy, health-care, culture, sports and media.101 Ethnically homogeneous Dormitory no. 5 at the university student housing area and ethnic shifts in Kosovo became a harbinger of the future spatial order in Kosovo. Dormitory no. 5 at the Student Centre, the university students’ housing complex in Pristina, became a symbol of a creeping national segregation between Serbian and Albanian students. The demand of Serbo-Croatspeaking students – Serbs and Montenegrins – to be accommodated in a separate dormitory heralded the end of ethnic mixing in five dormitories and three barracks of the Student Centre, and the beginning of total segregation at the university. National confrontation of Serbian and Albanian faculty and students at the university mirrored the overall confrontation of the two national communities in Kosovo. Both mobilized around their respective national goals: the Serbs over the abolition and the Albanians over the defence of Kosovo’s autonomy. At the university premises, national confrontation was translated into physical separation. In February 1990, Serbian and Montenegrin students presented their demand to provincial, republican and federal authorities in no uncertain terms: to be allocated a separate dormitory free of Albanians.102 Their demand, they argued, was driven by their abuse and intimidation at the hands of their fellow students of Albanian nationality.103 As in the whole of Kosovo, the Serbian drive to annul Kosovo’s autonomy had turned the university into an Albanian protest site.104 The lighting of candles in Dormitory no. 5, as a form of protest against the killing of Albanian demonstrators, appeared to have prompted the arrival of the armoured vehicle of the Serbian police and the firing of tear gas into the dormitory,

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making students flee for safety by sliding down tied bed sheets from the windows.105 Serbian and Montenegrin students focused their grievances on the security situation at the Student Centre. However, the measures requested and the rhetoric used, such as ‘identification, punishment and differentiation of Albanian students and lecturers who organized nationalist rampage’,106 aligned them with the nationalist policy of the Serbian Communist leadership. Meanwhile, Albanian demonstrations for the defence of Kosovo’s autonomy in the late 1980s and early 1990s became mass events engaging the entire people. Albanian university students, unlike their fellow co-nationals in 1981, did not initiate the protests. However, along with Albanian miners,107 who initiated Albanian passive resistance, they became the most prominent section of Albanian society to oppose the constitutional changes in the initial stages of Albanian mobilization in Kosovo. The students organized a solidarity vigil with Albanian miners striking in the shafts of the Trepca mine in February 1989.108 In addition, the students’ role in bringing about a transformation of Albanian resistance in Kosovo from a violent to a non-violent form of protest was crucial. The student Communist organization, which followed the orders of its elders, lost its appeal for Albanian students.109 From its ruins emerged the Youth Parliament, a new organization of Albanian students with a democratically elected leadership.110 It supported the Albanian national cause – the preservation of Kosovo’s autonomy – by means of democratization. According to one of its leaders: We did not fight against the Serbs, but against Communism. We wanted to destroy the monopoly of the Communist Party, but not the party itself. It could stay around, but be one of many. We believed we could preserve our rights, that were safeguarded to a certain extent by the 1974 constitution, by the democratization of the society.111 Yet, the new, democratic, unlike the old, autocratic student organization was all-Albanian. The national conflict over Kosovo had precluded any cooperation across national lines even among students. The Serbian drive to annul Kosovo’s autonomy, and the Albanians’ resistance to this drive, were turning violent. Daily Albanian demonstrations and police intervention resulted in a rising death toll on both sides. In spring 1990, when the situation threatened to spill into a full-blown war, the students played a leading role in pacifying the Albanian community, as they: ‘managed to root out the influence of the militant Marxist–Leninist groups which had been the main instigators of demonstrations, calling even for armed insurrection against Belgrade’.112 By the early 1980s a number of similar groups emerged in Kosovo. They espoused a left-leaning ideology, but their activities were primarily guided by

68 Education and national mobilization, 1980s Albanian nationalism. They sought a republican status for Kosovo rather than a return to the tenets of Marxism–Leninism. Unlike their co-nationals in the Communist party who sought a gradual national advancement of Kosovo through an institutional route, they were prone to advocating radical and violent national struggle.113 The Youth Parliament organized mass non-violent actions. They allowed for the expression of protest, but by making noise with keys, lighting of candles and signing the petition ‘For Democracy – Against Violence’. However, its major impact was at the grass-roots level, where the Youth Parliament organized public debates throughout Kosovo, in an attempt to persuade Albanians that their goal could be achieved by pursuing ‘pacifism, tolerance and democracy’.114 Their task was often not an easy one. What they encountered was scepticism: ‘Many times people laughed at us. They said it was a naïveté. We are not dealing with England, but with Serbia.’115 The endorsement of non-violence by the Albanian writer and dissident Adem Demaçi from prison ended resistance to pacifism among recalcitrant Albanian radicals.116 The students’ battle focused on the university. Serbian and Albanian youngsters supported two opposed national visions for Kosovo. An outcome of the dispute over Dormitory no. 5 revealed the outlines of the victorious vision. The idea of the physical separation of Serbs and Albanians was rejected by Albanian students as ‘the institutionalization of the policy of apartheid in Kosovo’.117 An Albanian lecturer articulated the fears shared by his co-nationals among the faculty and the student body: ‘The division of dormitories on a national basis inaugurates the policy of apartheid, which is now being abandoned even in South Africa, because after this we shall have divided schools and cafeterias, divided buses, etc.’118 Albanian students rejected all Serbian allegations of abuse. Instead, they also cited security concerns when rejecting ethnic segregation. They feared that, so separated, they would be an easy target for police assaults. This, in turn, was used by Serbs as Albanians’ ‘open admission that they are using Serbo-Croat speaking students as a screen for demonstrations against Serbia and Yugoslavia’.119 The Serbian demand for, and the Albanian opposition to, ethnic separation split up even the still ethnically mixed Communist authorities in the province. While Albanian officials expressed their reluctance to sanction separation on ethnic lines,120 Serbian ones found the grievances of Serbian students ‘justified’.121 The opposition of Albanian officials in the province no longer carried any weight. Overridden by support given to the Serbian students by the Serbian officials in Kosovo, coupled with the Serbian officials in Belgrade,122 the Kosovo’s Executive Council, i.e. the province’s government, ordered a week-long temporary closure of the entire Student Centre in view of the escalation of conflict between the students of different nationalities.123 The decision was prompted by the resistance of Albanian students to an earlier order to leave Dormitory no. 5.124

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Having once again restated their opposition to national division, Albanian students quietly left the dormitories on 16 March 1990.125 The temporary closure of the Student Centre for the Albanian students became more than temporary as they refused to ‘return to mono-national dormitories’.126 Albanian students did not remain without a roof over their heads. A traditional Albanian notion of mikpritje, meaning hospitality, was mobilized as Albanian families in Pristina opened the doors of their homes to university students.127 The Youth Parliament reacted instantly, setting up a headquarters for the placement of students. The response to its appeal to Albanians in Kosovo to accept students was overwhelming. Within days some 3,000 students were provided with free food and board with Albanian families throughout the capital.128 The solidarity action cut across the lines of wealth and religion among the Albanian community. Even the poorest rushed to help. A nine-member family from Pristina, with one breadwinner, accepted and fed four students.129 So did the owners of restaurants, qebaptores, which are local kebab shops, and other privately owned shops who offered food.130 Students were served warm tea in traditional Albanian çajtorias, meaning tea-houses, free of charge in the cold days of March.131 Even the Alaudin medrese in Pristina opened its doors to 220 students, an act praised in humanistic, rather than religious terms, as ‘humanitarian fundamentalism’: ‘Human needs are neither national nor religious, so the medrese opened its doors to all students who remained without a bed, without asking about their nationality or religion.’132 Meanwhile, only Serbo-Croat could be heard spoken at the Student Centre by the 675 occupants of Dormitory no. 5, who could not fill up one dormitory to full capacity. No sooner had new tenants moved in, than the empty rooms on the fifth floor, offered to Albanians, were vandalized.133 The remaining four dormitories and three barracks remained empty. A new demand – a removal of segregation – was added to the list of the political requests of Albanian students.134 They accused the provincial Communist authorities’ ‘servile and submissive’ act of failing to resist the imposition of segregation, and for, thus, ‘burying with their own hands coexistence and brotherhood and unity among the students’.135 Coexistence of Serbian and Albanian students had already been severely challenged by Serbia’s drive to whittle down Kosovo’s autonomy. The imposition of ethnic segregation at the Student Centre doomed it. At the same time, a damning label – ‘an honest Albanian’ – was reserved for those Albanian students prepared to consider taking up a place in the Student Centre, now segregated in accordance with the wishes of Serbian and Montenegrin students. No such students were found.136 It was a label that denoted the betrayal of the Albanian cause and the endorsement of the Serb vision of a Serb-ruled, ethnically segregated Kosovo. Such rhetoric precluded any dissent or discussion of the promoted political action, and reinforced the homogeneity of the national community. Ethnic separation did not bypass pupils of primary and secondary school age either.

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Ethnic mixing in schools in Kosovo was envisaged as a spatial underpinning of the idea of forging brotherhood and unity, before national tensions in Kosovo in the late 1980s entered the province’s primary and secondary schools. Serbian and Montenegrin pupils, parents and teachers, voiced their demand for separate ethnic shifts. Ethnic mixing emerged as a spatial arrangement of the now defunct idea. Instead, the primacy of national identity was reflected in the principle of spatial unmixing. Emergence of under-age schoolchildren as active political protagonists in the province charged the national confrontation in Kosovo with emotion. Overall confrontation over the status of Kosovo had its miniature version: confrontation over schools. One exacerbated the other, and vice versa. The demonstrations of Serbian and Montenegrin primary and secondary school pupils set the trend. In the autumn of 1988, they mounted a boycott of classes, took to the streets and chanted ‘We don’t dare go to school’ and ‘Kosovo is Serbia.’ Skipping the Albanian-dominated authorities in the province, they took their demands to the Serbian and federal ones. Serbs and Montenegrins demanded security and freedom of movement, threatening that they may otherwise collectively continue their education outside Kosovo.137 The issue of insecurity in Kosovo was one of the dominant themes in Serbian national protests in Kosovo. Serbian and Montenegrin children were portrayed as ‘the last offspring of once numerous nations in this land’, who ‘no longer want to go frightened to school, to spend breaks in classrooms [. . .]. [T]o have parents wait for them after school, escort them to the cinema, call them to come inside at sunset [when they are playing outside].’138 When Serbian schoolchildren took to the streets in Kosovo, and even took their complaints to Belgrade,139 they made the change of the Serbian constitution more urgent. National and parental duty appeared to have merged. Serious disruption in the teaching process in the province marked the late 1980s and early 1990s. Serbian and Albanian pupils adopted the same strategy – the boycott of classes – in support of their national communities’ directly opposed national demands. National conflict over the political status of Kosovo was paralleled by national disputes in and over schools themselves. They manifested themselves as conflicts over the policy of learning a non-native language and naming of schools. National tensions played out in a symbolic field were only a harbinger of a conflict over schools’ physical space, which would soon be imprinted in the form of a physical division within the schools. From the autumn of 1987, learning of the non-native language – Albanian for Serbo-Croat speaking pupils and Serbo-Croat for Albanians – was to start in the first grade of primary school and not from the fourth.140 The policy of introducing youngsters to the language of the other national group from the first day of schooling was aimed at encouraging their becoming closer.141 However, the implementation of this policy began to untie existing ties across national lines.142 The non-native language

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policy of fostering brotherhood and unity was taken by Kosovo Serbs to be a vehicle for imposing Albanian symbolic dominance in the province. They rejected it as a ‘continuation of the Albanianization’ of Kosovo,143 even though Albanian youngsters were supposed to learn Serbian as well. The provincial educational authority rejected such claims as being unfounded. It stressed that it would be equally unacceptable if Albanians were to refuse to learn Serbo-Croat on the pretext that this represented the Serbianization of Kosovo.144 The non-native language issue was submerged under the ever more explosive demand of Serbian and Montenegrin pupils and teachers for the change of the names of primary and secondary schools named after prominent Albanians. The case of secondary school Luigj Gurakuqi in Klina is illustrative. In the autumn of 1988, Serbian and Montenegrin pupils demanded that the name of the secondary school they attended together with Albanian students be changed.145 They were unhappy that their school should bear the name of someone they deemed an ‘insignificant’ poet from Albania.146 Yet, to Albanians, Gurakuqi had a special meaning, not only as a poet, but also as a founder of the first teachers’ school in the Albanian language. In response, they asserted that they did not object to the name of the local primary school Albanians attended, named after Vuk Karad≈icœ, who merits a special place in Serbian national heritage for the reformation of written Serbian and the collection of Serbian epic verses.147 Serbs and Montenegrins proposed that the school should be named Josip Broz Tito or Boro and Ramiz, the name of Yugoslavia’s creator or that of two liberation war fighters and comrades, a Serb and an Albanian, whose symbolic importance was regarded as being equally shared by both national groups.148 The Serbian rejection of the school being named after a prominent Albanian was a denunciation of the Albanian national heritage. Names symbolizing the Communist concept of brotherhood and unity were invoked. However, the concept itself was used as an expression of Serbian demands, backed up by Serbian members of the local leadership. The school was renamed Josip Broz Tito. The bust of Luigj Gurakuqi, in front of the school, was removed by a Serbian headmaster. Only a plaque with several of Gurakuqi’s verses remained.149 At the protest meeting of Albanian parents, teachers and pupils a prophetic remark was heard: ‘Those who removed Gurakuqi’s bust yesterday, will also remove Tito’s bust tomorrow!’150 The names of Albanian historical and cultural figures throughout Kosovo were removed, and their busts in front of the schools smashed.151 The assault on the symbols of Albanian heritage was interpreted as an assault on Albanian culture as a whole.152 The assault was nationalist in essence, even though it donned the guise of brotherhood and unity. The symbolic battle over schools fuelled Albanian resistance to constitutional changes. As the legislative process advanced, so did the street demonstrations. Pupils protested in Kosovo’s school yards and streets.

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They also joined the funerals of killed Albanian demonstrators, as massive gatherings became a common form of political protest.153 However, demonstrators also responded to strong police presence by stoning them.154 The security situation in the province deteriorated amid heavy-handed police intervention, recording casualties even among Albanian pupils. Kosovo was on a verge of civil war. The Serbian rhetoric of hate was directed even at Albanian schoolchildren: [Albanian] primary and secondary school children are included in the bloody game of sabre-rattling. [. . .] So much hatred in those who have not even tasted life can be implanted only by such educators who do not shy away from sacrificing their own nation for the achievement of their dark goals.155 Ironically, both Serbian and Albanian parents had a common concern: the security of their children. However, Serbs demanded the presence of the police to maintain peace and order, whereas the Albanians demanded the removal of the police from the province.156 Also, they voiced their concerns in equally emotive terms. At one of the many meetings held throughout the province, an Albanian parent objected to the police presence in Kosovo: ‘Today our children attend school under the shadow of the barrels of automatic guns, they are maltreated, beaten and killed by members of the federal police only because they are Albanians.’157 Yet, Serbs and Montenegrins demanded an ever greater police engagement to guarantee security, since they ‘could not attend school, even though they wished to’, because of ‘insecurity and the fear of being attacked by demonstrators on their way from home to school and on their way [back]’.158 Unless their children’s security was guaranteed, one Serbian parent saw no other way but to: ‘grab the children by the hand and take them to the army barracks to attend classes [there]. Together with them should go Serbian and Montenegrin teachers.’159 Their collective departure from Kosovo was a threat lest the Serbs’ and Montenegrins’ demands focused on schools were met. They requested the division of school shifts, whereby Serbs and Montenegrins would attend school in the morning and Albanians in the afternoon.160 To step up the pressure on the provincial educational authorities, several thousand Serb and Montenegrin students from Kosovo brought their demands to the Serbian Parliament in Belgrade. They requested that the shifts should be divided ‘for the moment’, but that safe schooling should be guaranteed to them ‘permanently’.161 Faced with the Serbian demand for division, and the Albanian opposition to it, Kosovo’s Education Ministry, headed by an Albanian, tried to find a middle ground. It ordered school authorities to look into the possibility of concentrating pupils learning in Serbo-Croat, so that all could study in the first shift, with the remaining school space during the first shift being allotted to Albanians. It was a

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half-measure, aimed at satisfying Serbian and Montenegrin demands ‘without creating ethnically clean shifts’.162 Albanians interpreted this as the imposition of ethnic division, whose implementation was staunchly resisted by Albanian educators and pupils in schools.163 The Serbian Government in Belgrade had the last word. It sent a telex directly to school authorities ordering the creation of a Serbo-Croat language morning shift.164 The Serbian Education Minister, Danilo ˛. Markovicœ, was unequivocal: ‘The decision must be implemented by headmasters and teachers. Whoever refuses, will be neither a headmaster nor a teacher.’165 The creation of the Serbo-Croat language shift, while leaving the left-over space to Albanians, was presented by the Assistant Education Minister in Serbia as a challenge to Albanians’ claims that there was a policy of apartheid: Even after such a ‘division’, they will still be together. In the morning there will be not only Serbian and Montenegrin pupils, but also Albanian. In some places there will be more Serbs and Montenegrins, in others fewer. But, there will be more Albanians because they are more numerous.166 The Serbian and Montenegrin drive to ‘conquer the classrooms’167 additionally soured inter-ethnic relations in schools. Persistent in their refusal to accept the division, Albanian students showed up in schoolyards in the morning, at a time when, according to a new ‘ethnic’ timetable, they were excluded from the schools. They mounted a boycott of classes, protesting the division of schools and demanding joint shifts and schools.168 To prevent schoolyards from becoming battlegrounds, the provincial authorities ordered the closure of four schools where tensions were highest. Even though their demand was satisfied, to Serbs there remained a question: ‘How will some of those youngsters reared on hatred pass through the same school yard, the same school corridors, and take turns in school benches with their peers who study in Serbo-Croat?’169 The arrangement imposed in the medical secondary school appeared to answer their dilemma. The split along national lines resulted in the division of the school into two mono-national schools.170 The symbolic battle over school names entrenched a national division in schools. As a result, the battle turned into one fought over the schools’ physical space. The principle of national separation was imprinted on school space. In the process, the school in Kosovo underwent a transformation from a ‘socialist school’ and a bedrock of brotherhood and unity to a contested symbolic and physical epitome of nationhood. The division into what approximated ethnic shifts was first inaugurated as ‘temporary’ while the ‘situation is overcome’.171 However, it soon emerged only as a strategy towards total segregation.

74 Education and national mobilization, 1980s

Conclusion The contest over the future constitutional order impacted directly on the education system in Kosovo. A symbolic clash of two asserted nationhoods, Serbian and Albanian, had a territorial dimension at a range of spatial scales. For Serbs, the control of Kosovo’s education system emerged as tantamount to control of Kosovo’s territory. Similarly, at an ever smaller scale, the battle for control unfolded at the level of nearly every school in the province. The ground for the administrative assault on schools was prepared by pinpointing the Kosovo education system as an embodiment of all Serbian grievances in Kosovo. The campaign centred on Kosovo’s education rendered the campaign against Kosovo’s autonomy more urgent. Kosovo’s education was painted in the nationalist public debate in Serbia as a threat to Serbia’s territorial integrity. The danger lay not only in the constitutional powers the province had over education, but also in the Albanian demographic preponderance to which the Serbs were exposed in Kosovo’s schools and university. The fact that Serbian complaints were based in many cases at best on very loose interpretations of the factual situation in the province did not make them less effective. No sooner was Kosovo education instrumentalized in making a case for the Serbian constitutional return to Kosovo, than it offered a glimpse of the future spatial order in the province. In the clash of nationhoods, Kosovo’s schools and university became its embodiment. The era of Communist experimentation in the identity-construction exercise was over. The notions of socialist patriotism and brotherhood and unity were supposed to allow for the development of a cooperative and inclusive aspect of nationhood without completely denying a sense of national uniqueness. The failed experiment imputed additional value precisely to the sense of national difference over any sense of commonality arising from living in the same territory. The casting of national identities in exclusionist terms implied an equally exclusionist approach to school space. As a result, the assertion of Serbian nationhood in Kosovo acquired the spatial equivalent of ethnic separation. The Serbian constitutional onslaught sharpened the sense of Albanian nationhood, as Albanians rallied to the defence of autonomy and, hence, their identity. An incipient spatial division was introduced into hitherto shared school and university premises. It was not long before it was inscribed on the whole of Kosovo’s landscape, taking the creeping separation to an extreme of total segregation.

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Serbian–Albanian confrontation over the constitutional status of Kosovo directly concerned jurisdiction over the education system in the province. Control over Kosovo’s schools and university was, to Serbs and Albanians alike, paramount to the protection of their own national identity. In the context of national confrontation in Kosovo, this implied Serbs trying to obtain powers over Kosovo’s education while bringing about the educational unification of Serbia, and Albanians trying to retain educational authority in the province. These opposed aims led to the pursuit of two national educational policies in Kosovo. This pursuit was clad in the rhetoric of legalism. Each national group ascribed legality only to acts it considered as safeguarding its respective sense of nationhood. Albanians demonstrated their opposition to the Serb-driven constitutional changes in street protests in Kosovo. Denying legitimacy to all legal acts adopted by Serbia pertaining to education, they continued to exercise the rights they were entitled to under the 1974 constitution. The curbing of Kosovo’s autonomous powers in 1989 ended any form of Serbian–Albanian cooperation in the field of education in Kosovo. It marked the emergence of two parallel sets of laws on which two, legally and spatially separate, national education systems in Kosovo would be based. This chapter first explores a legal(istic) aspect of Serbian–Albanian confrontation and relates it to their respective visions of national identity. This is followed by an account of the introduction of complete spatial segregation at all levels of Albanianlanguage education in the province. The chapter concludes by analysing a debate within the Albanian community about a future course of action in education after their exclusion from educational premises in Kosovo.

‘Mysterious epidemic’ The alleged mass poisoning of Albanian youngsters in Kosovo’s schools in spring 1990 is the most controversial event in Serbian–Albanian confrontation over education in the province. Two directly opposed accounts of this incident – the Serbian and the Albanian – radicalized the attitudes of two national communities to the constitutional changes and the

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educational autonomy of Kosovo. The claims of neither side were independently confirmed and verified. Nonetheless, each side took the socalled poisoning as an outright attack on the collective being of their own national community. In spring 1990, some 4,000 Albanians, mainly youngsters, were rushed to clinics in Kosovo. Starting in the northern town of Podujevo, and then spreading throughout the province, this was, Albanians claim, the mass poisoning of Albanian children. An Albanian study of the ‘truth about the poisoning’ puts the number of cases at over 7,600 in the period since March 1990, with four cases recorded in 1994. The majority of those claiming to be poisoned were secondary school pupils, i.e. mostly young women aged between 15 and 19.1 The outbreak of a ‘mysterious epidemic’ in March 1990 instantly triggered conflicting interpretations that reflected national allegiances. The medical opinions about the alleged poisoning also clashed. Albanians described the symptoms as genuine,2 and Serbs as false.3 Medical terminology was introduced into the rhetoric about the enigmatic phenomenon. Serbs ‘diagnosed’ Albanians as suffering from nationalism. An article in the Serbian press suggested that it was an ailment of the mind: ‘We, too, know that they are ill, i.e. poisoned but not in the region of the abdomen.’4 Therefore, the appropriate therapy that was advocated was ‘action by relevant state and judicial organs’, rather than by ‘ointments and liquids’.5 Serbs remained undaunted in their portrayal of what they dubbed the so-called mono-national Albanian poisoning as a ‘farce’, ‘simulation’ and ‘acting’.6 The ‘medical’ diagnosis that Serbs ascribed to this phenomenon was ‘induced psychosis’.7 Accordingly, they represented Albanian doctors’ assessment as ‘the use of medicine for nationalist and separatist goals’ and a ‘violation of the Hippocratic oath’.8 Serbs were convinced that Albanians masterminded the ‘affair’ themselves, and, therefore, denounced them for manipulating their children.9 Both national communities placed the alleged poisoning in the context of their national struggle in and over Kosovo. Hyseni argued that it was the ‘top of the pyramid of state terror’ against Albanians aimed at their definite disappearance from the territory of Kosovo.10 Serbs held a directly opposite view, perceiving the alleged poisoning as an Albanian strategy of creating ‘an ethnically clean Kosovo without Serb presence’.11 Serbs based their belief on an increase in Albanian violence against them in the days when Albanians were taking their children, whom they believed to be poisoned, to Kosovo’s clinics.12 Meanwhile, both communities used the mono-national character of the alleged poisoning to back their interpretation of this controversial phenomenon. To Albanians, ethnic separation implemented in schools only days before the alleged poisoning scare was a form of preparation for the alleged poisoning of Albanians.13 Therefore, that only Albanians were allegedly poisoned, to Albanians, was proof of an explicit anti-Albanian strategy.14 Serbs, by contrast, argued that no

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poison is ethnically blind, accusing Albanians of staging a deception.15 Hence, in Pristina for example, Serbs offered to swap classrooms for the morning shift with Albanians who were fearful of being poisoned.16 The alleged poisoning reinforced inter-ethnic mistrust in Kosovo. Albanians believed that their children were poisoned,17 and Serbs that it was a farce and a political ploy.18 Albanians also believed that the poisoning was engineered by the Serbian state.19 Consequently, they responded to the legal interventions the Serbian state attempted to implement in Kosovo with boycott and disregard.20 At the same time, the alleged poisoning had an immediate repercussion on the structure of the police force in Kosovo. Starting in Podujevo, where the first cases of the alleged poisoning were reported, the Serbian republican authorities mounted a takeover of the Kosovo police in its entirety.21 Albanian policemen were accused of violating the code of duty, e.g. by beating Serbs and Montenegrins, searching their flats or transporting ‘patients’.22 They were dismissed and their posts filled by Serbs, many of whom were brought in from Serbia.23 The ‘Serbianization’ of the Kosovo police force was a strong clue for the future look of Kosovo’s schools. Importantly, the implementation of Serbian legislation in the Kosovo education system would rely on enforcement by the Serbian police. They would take on the role of the gatekeepers of Kosovo’s schools from which Albanians would be excluded for their non-cooperation. Mertus has argued that recent and not just ancient hatreds manipulated by media campaigns can exacerbate national conflict.24 The episode of alleged poisoning of Albanian children in Kosovo belongs to that class. It left no room for a compromise between the two national groups and reinforced the belief in the righteousness of the respective national aims in Kosovo.

The legal intervention in Kosovo’s education Empowered by constitutional amendments, Serbia adopted a series of laws that annulled Kosovo’s educational autonomy. Faced with the Albanian boycott and disregard of the Serbian legislature in Kosovo, the Serbian Parliament adopted a set of laws in the sphere of labour relations. Although they did not make Albanians implement Serbia’s education policy, they did pave the way for the legal punishment of non-compliance. As a result, Albanian defiance of Serbian education laws was accompanied by the imposition of total segregation in Kosovo’s schools and university. The Serbian Parliament asserted Serbia’s jurisdiction in primary and secondary schools in Kosovo by endorsing the Law on Primary Education and the Law on Secondary Education in January 1990.25 Both laws were unambiguous concerning the curriculum, which was the key issue in the Serbian–Albanian dispute over education up to that point. They stipulated that the Serbian Education Council was the sole authority for devising the curriculum.26 The powers of its Kosovo counterpart, which had hitherto

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designed the curricula for Kosovo, were revoked. Hence, the newly adopted Law on the Serbian Education Council gave Serbia full control over Kosovo’s educational content but also over the network of primary and secondary schools and over student enrolment in Kosovo.27 Pristina University lost its autonomy as well. The Serbian Parliament adopted the Law on the University and placed Pristina University under its control. Issues ranging from the enrolment policy to the curricula at the University of Pristina were now to be decided centrally in Belgrade, and no longer in Pristina.28 In spring 1990, the Serbian Presidency announced that a new unified education system would begin to function in ‘the entire territory of the Republic of Serbia’ in the upcoming school year, and that the ‘negative consequences’ of the ‘long-standing parallel functioning of three education systems in the republic’ would thus be remedied.29 The ideological foundation of Serbian policy towards Kosovo, in general, was laid down in the Programme for the Achievement of Peace, Freedom, Equality, Democracy and Prosperity in the Socialist Autonomous Province of Kosovo.30 This official platform for Serbia’s policy in Kosovo made clear that Kosovo ‘cannot be a state’, but only a part of the Republic of Serbia.31 The Programme’s Operational Plan contained a separate section on education. While stressing as its principal goal the continuation of the process of the unification of the education system, it stipulated that all necessary measures would be undertaken by the republican educational authority to ensure consistent implementation of the now uniform education laws over the entire territory of the republic, i.e. in Kosovo.32 The Serbian education laws acquired teeth only after the Serbian Parliament adopted the Law on Actions of Republican Bodies in Special Circumstances and the Law on Labour Relations in Special Circumstances, which made possible the Serbian authorities’ concrete intervention in all institutions and enterprises in Kosovo. Special circumstances were defined in terms of a security threat, particularly to the country’s constitutional order or its territorial integrity.33 The impact of these laws was to be fully felt, once the Serbian Parliament declared the existence of special circumstances in Kosovo. The two laws provided a basis for the imposition of the so-called temporary measures, to which Albanians invariably referred as forced measures. When imposed in Kosovo’s institutions and enterprises, they led to the dismissal of ‘disobedient’ Albanians in management positions and their replacement by Serbs and Montenegrins.34 As directors and managers, the latter acquired the authority to fire employees.35 According to Esat Stavileci, an Albanian legal expert from Kosovo, the two laws brought about the total disenfranchisement of Albanians in Kosovo.36 Particularly, the Law on Actions of Republican Bodies in Special Circumstances brought about a radical change in the ethnic landscape of Kosovo’s institutions and enterprises. Mass dismissals of Albanians triggered by their rejection of Serbia’s authority and laws in Kosovo left

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the institutions and enterprises throughout Kosovo in Serbian hands. In education, they paved the way for the punitive action meted out to Albanian employees for their resistance to the new Serbian education laws in the 1990–1 school year in Kosovo. Albanians perceived Serbian efforts at imposing the rule of law in Kosovo as a pretext cushioned in legal terms for a direct onslaught on their national identity.37 As a result, they went on to apply laws valid under the 1974 Kosovo constitution. One of them entitled them to compile and adopt the Kosovo curriculum. Therefore, the adoption of the Kosovo curriculum compiled by the Kosovo education authorities on 24 August 1990 is considered a milestone in the Albanian resistance to Serbian policy in the field of education in the post-autonomy period.38 At a meeting of the Kosovo Education Council, Albanians were committed not to give up the right to compile and adopt the Kosovo curricula they had enjoyed in the autonomy period, as the new Serbian law stipulated they should. One Albanian member asserted: ‘there can be no equality if we prepare the educational curricula, while the approval of acceptable content is left to the mercy of someone else’.39 Therefore, following the walk-out of three Serbian and Montenegrin members in response to Albanians’ resistance to Serbian legislature, Albanian members of the Council unanimously adopted the Kosovo curriculum previously compiled by the Kosovo authorities.40 Henceforth, the Kosovo curriculum would hold legitimacy only for the Albanian community, its educators and students. After the analysis of the Law on the Serbian Education Council, which annulled the institutional independence of Kosovo’s education authorities,41 the Kosovo Education Council asserted that ‘not a single legal act [. . .] that touches the equality and threatens the national being in Kosovo will be implemented, regardless of possible consequences’.42 It, therefore, continued to carry out its functions as previously. The Kosovo education system, thus, set out along two different legal and institutional paths – Serbian and Albanian – as all cooperation across ethnic lines came to a halt. This was the case with cooperation over educational issues at the grass-roots level as well. In a last-ditch attempt to bring about Albanian compliance, a meeting with headmasters of primary and secondary schools in Kosovo was called by the Serbian Education Minister and the Kosovo Education Secretary, both of whom were Serbs. The meeting turned out to be a mono-national session. Noting the absence of Albanian headmasters, the Albanian representatives of the provincial education authorities left the meeting.43 A primary school headmaster was assigned to stand in front of the building of the Kosovo Parliament where the meeting was held in order to stop any of his Albanian colleagues who defied the call for boycott. Their possible attendance would be interpreted as acceptance of Serbia’s control of Kosovo education. He dissuaded them from making that gesture in the following words: ‘This meeting was scheduled in order to enslave the Albanians. He who responds to this meeting is

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not with us and will later have cause for regret. The order is that not a single Albanian should take part.’44 The Albanian absence from the session not only demonstrated their boycott of Serbian education laws, but also signalled their support for the Declaration of Independence adopted by the Albanian members of the Kosovo Parliament on 2 July 1990.45 In this document, Kosovo was declared ‘an equal unit in Yugoslavia’ and the Albanians ‘a nation, and not a national minority’.46 This declaration signalled Kosovo’s exit from Serbia.47 Following the disintegration of former Yugoslavia, Albanians considered Kosovo an independent state, although its independence had yet to be granted international recognition. The independence declaration became a key document in charting the course of Albanian action in education. Accordingly, the adoption of the Kosovo curricula was an assertion of Albanian independence within Albanian-language education in Kosovo. Serbia endorsed the education laws with the aim to create a unified educational system. Nonetheless, the curricula proposed by the Serbian Education Council for application in Kosovo were not to be identical with those used in Serbia proper. A Serbian education official in Kosovo stressed that it was a mistake to describe the Serbian curriculum as unitary. He added that the curriculum to be used in Albanian-language education was ‘differentiated’.48 In other words, compared to the curriculum used in Serbia, the differences, particularly in the so-called national subjects for Albanians, were designed ‘to respect the national identity of the given national minority’.49 Practically, Serbs were now in charge of ‘protecting’ the Albanians’ sense of national identity. Having first abolished Kosovo’s education authorities, Serbs would vet Albanian national content in primary and secondary education. Albanians rejected this option. The appraisal of the curricula – by Serbs of those adopted in Kosovo and by Albanians of those adopted by the Serbian Education Council to be applied in Kosovo – is not entirely borne out by the analysis of these curricula. Nonetheless, the public debate about the curricula was marked by a lack of any reservations. The Kosovo curricula were described in the Serbian press as ‘separatist’ and even ‘racist’,50 or a ‘mask for separatism’.51 The heads of the Kosovo education authorities responsible for the compilation and approval of the Kosovo curricula were charged and tried in court according to the Serbian Penal Code for ‘inciting resistance’.52 The Albanians rejected the Serbian curriculum for application in Kosovo with equal vehemence. Zeqir Demi, the Secretary of the abolished Kosovo Education Council, said that the Serbian curriculum offered to Albanians ‘contained nothing that would protect the national Albanian culture’.53 Similarly, Halim Hyseni, heading the Pedagogic Institute in Pristina, in charge of compiling the curricula, said the Serbian final aim was the ‘assimilation of Albanians’.54 Neither the Kosovo curricula, that were adopted by Albanians, nor the Serbian curricula, that were designed by the Serbian Education Council

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for Albanian-language education, merited being castigated in such extreme nationalist terms. This conclusion is borne out by the analysis conducted by Serbian education advisers and the Albanian response to it. The Serbian analysis indicates that the so-called Serbian curricula encompassed the educational content that concerned the sense of Albanian nationhood, for example by clearly including Albanian authors or certain periods and events in the Albanian history. However, the Albanian response to this analysis also suggests that Albanians considered the national volume did not allow an adequate expression of the Albanian national identity. As a result, Albanians extended the proportion of Albanian national content in the Kosovo curricula they adopted, while cutting down on themes concerning other Yugoslav peoples.55 However, exclusion of some and inclusion of other elements in the Serbian curriculum were a direct provocation to Albanians. The Serbian music curriculum for the first grade of primary schools is a case in point. It did not include a single Albanian song. Albanians were supposed to learn translations into Albanian of pieces by Yugoslav composers, which directly fuelled Albanian protests over a Serbian denial of Albanian national identity. As another example, the Serbian curriculum for geography included the study of measures adopted by the Serbian Parliament to control the Albanian birth rate in Kosovo. Albanians interpreted such educational content as being an outright support of Serbian nationalist policy, based on a premise that the high Albanian birth rate was the Albanians’ deliberate strategy to wrest Kosovo from Serbia by winning the demographic battle in the province.56 The issue of the adoption of the primary and secondary school curricula had become paramount to the political control of Kosovo’s autonomy. Serbia’s takeover of Kosovo’s educational autonomy implied that Belgrade was in charge of the curriculum in Kosovo’s Albanian classrooms. By adopting the Kosovo curriculum, i.e. their own curriculum, Albanians defied Serbian authority. The Albanian publication for educators, Shkëndija, announced the application of this curriculum in Albanian classrooms in Kosovo on its front page. Above it was a photo, with a teacher helping a pupil writing on a blackboard: ‘Good luck new school.’57 However, the same article also raised the question of whether new schools, i.e. the schools where Albanians continued to exercise educational autonomy, in Kosovo would remain open at all, asserting that ‘the closure of Albanian schools is closer than the implementation of the Serbian curricula’.58 There was fear of Serbian retaliatory action for Albanian resistance. Total segregation in Kosovo’s schools would emerge as a repercussion of the determination of each national community in Kosovo to recognize the supremacy of its own education laws. With Serbs having the upper hand after the abolition of Kosovo’s autonomy, they conditioned Albanians’ access to primary and secondary school buildings upon their acceptance of Serbian education laws and curriculum.

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Contested legality and spatial separation The 1990–1 school year in Kosovo was marked by the imposition of separation in Kosovo’s primary and secondary schools and at the university. By autumn 1991, the state education system in Kosovo was in Serbian hands. The imposition of Serbia’s legislation in education had a spatial repercussion at all levels of education in Kosovo. Due to their refusal to submit to Serbian education laws, Albanians lost access to school and university buildings. The process took place simultaneously in primary and secondary schools, and at the university. The exact process of punishment by exclusion of non-compliant Albanian staff was somewhat different at the pre-university and university level. However, the principle was the same. Contested legality of the Serbian legislation was resolved by the imposition of spatial separation. The closure of the Albanian-language part of the Medical Faculty in 1990–1 heralded the transformation of Pristina University from a bilingual into an all-Serbian institution. Serbian take-over of the university was brought about by the enforcement of the new Law on the University.59 The refusal of the Albanian teaching staff to apply this law was punished with their dismissals by the newly installed Serbian management. Dismissal notices handed out to Albanian lecturers were a penalty not only for non-compliance with Serbian laws, but also for their blunt opposition to Serbia’s political designs in Kosovo. The Albanian staff at the Faculty of Medicine and at hospitals or clinics associated with it particularly caught Serbia’s attention. The Faculty and its clinics were portrayed in the Serbian press as an example of Albanian ‘majorityization’, since, of 342 lecturers and associates, only 91 were non-Albanian.60 The proportion of the Serbian and Montenegrin staff was higher than their share in the total national makeup of the population. Nonetheless, it ran counter to Serbian belief that ethnic equality ought to correspond with a one-to-one ethnic parity. Its purportedly worst implication was the existence of ethnically homogeneous wards, such as neurosurgery, transfusion, urology, etc., where there were no Serbian employees.61 The arrival of Albanian demonstrators and Serbian policemen for medical treatment in early 1990, injured in the protests over the constitutional status of Kosovo, put additional pressure on the already frail inter-ethnic relations at the clinics of the Medical Faculty. Serbian and Montenegrin doctors accused their Albanian colleagues of welcoming wounded demonstrators as ‘heroes and liberators’, while, allegedly, often denying medical help to policemen, of whom not a single one was hospitalized in Pristina’s medical complex.62 The alleged poisoning of Albanian schoolchildren additionally aggravated the relations between Serbian and Albanian staff. Refusing to acknowledge the incident as anything but a simulation, Serbian and Montenegrin doctors at one of the teaching hospitals demanded suspension of their Albanian

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colleagues who offered treatment for poisoning.63 The Medical Faculty, like the entire university, soon became void of an Albanian presence. Since the adoption of the Law on the University which ended educational autonomy of Kosovo at the university level in January 1990, the teaching process in Albanian had been seriously disrupted. Fully backed by their lecturers,64 Albanian students, including the medics, mounted the boycott of classes.65 Annulment of this law was one item on the list of their political requests that centred on the demand for the restoration of Kosovo’s autonomy.66 In August 1990, by its decision based on the Law on Actions of Republican Authorities in Special Circumstances, the Serbian Parliament introduced the so-called temporary measures at the Medical Faculty in Pristina.67 This decision, along with another one sanctioning the dismissal of all managing staff at the faculty, allowed the Serbian authorities to take over the offices of a dean and his deputies.68 By December, a series of decisions on ‘temporary measures’ rounded off the process of dismissals of Albanians in leading academic and administrative positions in the clinics and the departments of the Medical Faculty.69 As a result, quoting the Law on Labour Relations in Special Circumstances, Serbs and Montenegrins, who now occupied all leading positions at the faculty, continued to fire non-compliant Albanian staff. Dismissal notices were printed en masse. Blank lines were filled in with Albanian names. Notices were signed by Serbian managers and directors.70 Exclusion of Albanian teaching staff from the Medical Faculty was presented as a legal remedy for their refusal to enforce the Law on the University. By contrast, Albanians cynically described the so-called forced measures as a ‘constitutional gift’ that would result in the closure of the Medical Faculty.71 Serbs singled out the Gynaecological and Maternity Clinic of the Medical Faculty in Pristina as a place where the policy of ‘a quiet conquest of living space, more accurately, insistence on hyper-production, of the Albanian nation was initiated’.72 The Serbs had pinpointed Albanians’ high birth rate in Kosovo as being directly in the service of the Albanian demographic conquest of Kosovo. Accordingly, the imposition of temporary measures at this particular clinic was described as a ‘destruction of the bastion of separatism’,73 i.e. an act of physical and symbolic subjection of Albanian nationalism in Kosovo. The boundary between legalistic and nationalist argument disappeared. Dismissals of ever more Albanian lecturers in late 1990 and early 1991 caused significant disruptions in lectures, seminars and exams held in Albanian at the Medical Faculty.74 Consequently, Albanian students were not able to register for the summer term, which is the equivalent of the spring term in the West. They lacked lecturers’ signatures in student books verifying regular attendance of courses in the winter term on which the enrolment in courses in the summer term was conditional. Hence, the summer term at the Medical Faculty also began without Albanian students.

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Rather than accept the newly appointed Serbian lecturers, they protested demanding the return of their professors and the verification of the winter term.75 No sooner were the so-called temporary measures imposed in the Medical Faculty than the university’s Serbo-Croat-speaking lecturers demanded that the same be done throughout the entire institution.76 The Serbian Parliament introduced the temporary measures in the Labour Association of the University of Pristina in November 1990. The legal intervention in this body paved the way for the exclusion of Albanians from the university’s administrative structures. Rather than pass a new decision for each faculty, as it did in the case of the Medical Faculty, a Serbian Parliament decision of 27 June 1991 made all other faculties of the University of Pristina collectively subject to temporary measures.77 This decision heralded the closure of the entire university for Albanians. Serbs and Montenegrins who were named temporary, or as Albanians referred to them, forced, heads of faculties, began to fire their Albanian colleagues from their faculties. Albanians described them as ‘gravediggers of the [university] education in the Albanian language’.78 The press ran nearly daily reports of dismissed Albanian lecturers in summer and autumn 1991.79 According to Várady, explanations offered for firing Albanians from their positions were pretexts that sometimes ‘did not add up to a pretext’.80 Dismissal of Albanian assistant lecturers for leaving the faculty building during working hours is illustrative.81 The so-called temporary measures only entrenched Albanian resistance, while the measures themselves, or, rather, Albanians’ determination to disregard them, became yet one more reason for their dismissal.82 Others were sanctioned for their direct opposition to them, for ‘taking part during working hours in the protest rally together with students, and expressing opposition to the Decision on Implementation of Temporary Measures’.83 No explanation could persuade Albanians that they were being fired for a good legal reason. Instead, they argued that their dismissal was a political matter.84 It was a ‘price’ for opposing the constitutional derogation of Kosovo. Meanwhile, faculties were becoming mono-ethnic as a result of the firing of the Albanian staff. However, Serbs did not have to hand out a dismissal notice to each and every Albanian employee at the university. Joining their dismissed co-nationals and colleagues, some Albanian lecturers refused to show up at their faculties in protest. The dismissals were largely a mono-national affair with only extremely rare exceptions.85 Hence, the case of Julijana Atanasijevicœ, a Serb deputy head of the Arts Faculty in Pristina, was noted. She refused to comply with the Serbian Parliament decision to register an additional number of non-Albanian students from Serbia at this faculty on top of the already determined number of new first-year students, both Serbian and Albanian.86 The release of new enrolment figures, now determined in Belgrade and not in Pristina,87 boosted the ethnic ratio to the detriment of Albanians. The enrolment of an equal number of Serbo-Croat- and Albanian-speaking

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students, i.e. of 1,580 full-time students in each language group, was envisaged for the 1991–2 academic year.88 The one-to-one national ratio became the enrolment policy. The Serbian vision of national equality in the province was applied to the student body, as demanded by Serbian and Montenegrin lecturers who rose against the ‘Albanianization’ of Pristina University. Albanians ignored the Serbian enrolment figures, and went ahead with implementing their own.89 However, the Serbian authorities took this act of defiance as yet another reason to hand out fresh dismissal notices. When the academic year 1991–2 started, there were no Albanian students at the University of Pristina. Remaining Albanian teaching staff were dispatched to a paid leave, made redundant,90 or simply dismissed for their refusal to agree to teach in Serbian (as there were no Albanian students to be taught).91 Dismissal notices contained the phrase that would become the official Serbian line for the newly created situation at the university: according to this version, its exclusive cause was the boycott of Albanian students that they had mounted in a show of solidarity with their lecturers who defied Serbia’s legal authority.92 Serbian police broke up the protests of Albanian lecturers and students demanding the restoration of autonomy in education. Albanian lecturers were also deeply affected by a ‘human’ side of their dismissal. One literature lecturer described the feeling among his Albanian colleagues: It is not what the police did that hurt us most. It’s the colleagues – the people with whom we had worked together for years. Overnight, they were writing dismissal notices for us. They were getting rid of us as if we were rats; as if we weren’t human.93 By contrast, Serbs welcomed the application of Serbia’s laws at the University of Pristina, which left Albanian lecturers and students on the streets. To them it ushered in the ‘time of renaissance’, in terms of ‘a quality teaching process’ and favourable financial conditions, as funding would now be spent only on Serbs and Montenegrins,94 including more scholarships for Serbian students.95 Following the exclusion of Albanians, first lecturers and then students, from the Medical Faculty in the spring, a dismissed Albanian administrator asserted that: ‘The faculty is not made up only of walls and rooms that it occupies. It is made up of students, collaborators and professors.’96 His remark was prompted by an appeal to medical students not to leave Kosovo. It implied that the loss of buildings should not be equated to the loss of a university. The same premise, that a university is its actual human capital, rather than buildings, led to the founding of the so-called parallel Albanian university. At the same time, the principle of complete separation was replicated in Kosovo’s primary and secondary schools. Ethnic shifts introduced in Kosovo’s schools in the spring of 1990 proved to be

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only the first step towards total segregation. A year later, the existing school system in Kosovo had become only Serbian, with nearly all Albanian teachers and pupils banned from school buildings. The very start of the school year 1990–1 in Kosovo’s primary and secondary schools was marked by ethnic friction. The third day of September 1990 marked the beginning of the new school year only for Serbian and Montenegrin pupils and teachers. Unlike them, Albanian teachers joined a general strike that Albanians staged throughout the province demanding the reinstatement of Albanian workers dismissed from Kosovo’s institutions and companies as a result of the application of the so-called temporary measures. Once again Kosovo’s schools were caught in a larger Serbian–Albanian confrontation over the constitutional status of the province. Deputy President of the Executive Council of the Serbian Parliament, Momçilo Trajkovicœ, was unequivocal: ‘if schools continue to be used in a dirty separatist game and political strikes are organized, we are prepared to take even that instrument out of the separatists’ hands, even at the price of closing the schools’.97 He added: ‘It should be known in that case that schools are not being closed by the state of Serbia, but by the separatists and their dark goals, while the state is only applying the constitution and the law.’98 As they did at the university, the Serbs used a legal argument to implement the new education policy in Kosovo’s primary and secondary schools. The first stage of segregation was implemented responding to demands of Serbian and Montenegrin pupils, parents and educators for their own shift in Kosovo’s primary and secondary schools. However, its second and the last stage ending with Albanians outside school buildings was spearheaded by the newly founded Association of Educators of Kosovo and Metohija St Sava. The association gathering Serbian and Montenegrin educators set out to undertake a Serbian educational ‘revival’ in Kosovo. Is name was also symbolic. It was named after an Orthodox Saint, venerated as the first great Serbian educator from the medieval period, when Serbian culture flourished. Its organization on an ethnic and professional basis gave its members a concerted voice and, therefore, greater leverage. Citing security reasons, on the eve of the start of the new school year the association submitted a request to the Serbian Parliament for a ‘physical separation of schools, and where this was not possible, implementation of vertical and horizontal separation of students in the same school’.99 This request was in keeping with one of the association’s aims and goals, defined as: ‘independent buildings, from kindergartens to faculties’.100 To justify their quest for spatial separation the Serbs denounced a past marked by spatial coexistence. The policy of bringing pupils of two national groups physically together in Kosovo’s schools in the 1950s was now described as the ‘biggest failure in the education of this province’.101 The Serbs portrayed ethnically mixed schools exclusively as places where they

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suffered at the hands of majority Albanians due to the alleged almost daily incidents.102 Spatial separation was only one aspect of the total separation of the teaching process in the two languages in Kosovo that the association advocated. As it was spelled out in Article 7 of its Statute, the St Sava Association championed ‘that the teaching in the Serbian language be independent in terms of space, staff, organization and financing’.103 All these demands were fully met, resulting in the exclusion of Albanian teachers and pupils from schools. The Albanian–Serbian conflict that eventually led to spatial separation centred on Serbian insistence on, and Albanian resistance to, the Serbian curriculum. As such, it led to a selective rather than an all-encompassing approach to the sanctioning of Albanian primary and secondary school teachers. To avoid duplication and discontinuity in the teaching process, the common practice was to apply the new curriculum in the first year of each educational cycle. Accordingly, the new curriculum in Kosovo was applied in the first and fifth grades of primary school and in the first grade of secondary school.104 Therefore, by continuing to apply the Kosovo curriculum, i.e. Albanian curriculum, Albanian educators teaching these grades were held to be in contempt of Serbia’s laws. In March 1991, the Serbian Government passed a decision on cessation of financing of the teaching process in primary and secondary schools in Kosovo where the curriculum adopted by the Serbian Education Council was not implemented.105 Albanian teachers in the first and fifth grades of primary, and the first grade of secondary school, as well as headmasters and administrative staff who ignored Serbia’s laws in Kosovo stopped receiving salaries. The decision was retroactively enforceable as of 1 January 1991.106 The specialized journal for educators in Serbia welcomed the move that was finally undertaken, since it was ‘absurd for any state to finance its enemies even for a single day’.107 The official end of the financing of ‘unruly’ Albanian educators overlapped with promises of an imminent pay rise for Serbian and Montenegrin educators in the province.108 Bringing the Kosovo salaries in line with those in Serbia was taken as yet another indicator of Serbia’s constitutional unification.109 The issue of financing emerged as Serbian ‘stick and carrot’ tactics. Nonetheless, the prospects of a higher salary failed to persuade Albanian teachers to accept the Serbian curriculum. Instead, Albanians took it as a Serbian form of pressure aimed at ‘driving a rift within the schools and among the Albanian teaching staff’.110 This pressure prompted acts of solidarity within the Albanian community for dismissed Albanian educators. In some areas, like Orahovac, Albanian teachers who received their pay shared it with those who did not.111 In others, like Podujevo, help came from Albanians working abroad, in Switzerland.112 Alternatively, a local campaign was organized by the leading political party, the LDK, as in Gnjilane,113 or simply by parents, as in Korisa, to collect money

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for teachers.114 The end of the financing of all Albanian primary school teachers as of April 1991 additionally aggravated an already dire financial situation among Albanian educators.115 In the meantime, hundreds of Albanian headmasters and teachers were being dismissed by newly appointed Serbian administrators for refusing to apply Serbian education laws.116 However, in late 1990 and early 1991 Albanians were barred from several secondary schools in Vucitrn, Podujevo, Lipljan, Obilic, Kosovo Polje, Vitomirica, etc. Albanians took it as a Serbian warning of what could yet be the price of their defiance.117 The newly prescribed obligation by the Serb-controlled Education Ministry in Kosovo of the so-called class exams for Albanian students who did not study according to the Serbian curriculum emerged as yet another hurdle for Albanian pupils.118 The Serbian education authorities declared the first grade of secondary school, which Albanian students completed according to the Kosovo curriculum, null and void. Consequently, they had to sit the class exams compiled in accordance with the so-called Serbian curriculum in order to continue their studies. A somewhat more lenient attitude towards primary school students was adopted. The first and fifth graders did not automatically lose the year, as it was explained the differences in the curricula could be compensated for later.119 Nonetheless, a class exam in the Serbian language was made obligatory for all Albanian pupils in secondary and in higher grades of primary schools, i.e. from the fifth to the eighth grade of primary school.120 The newly acquired position of the Serbian language in the Serbian curriculum for Kosovo mirrored the constitutional imposition of the Serbian rule in the province. Serbs had rebelled against what they called the ‘secondary character’ of Serbo-Croat in Kosovo, since Serbo-Croat inscriptions came after Albanian ones in all official documents, including school and university diplomas.121 Ending the practice of learning each other’s language, the new education laws made the learning of Serbian obligatory for Albanian pupils, while Albanian was made optional for Serbs. Danilo ˛. Markovicœ, the Serbian Education Minister, described the Albanians’ refusal to learn Serbian in the following way: ‘The learning of the Serbian language in Serbia cannot be made conditional upon reciprocity, i.e. learning of the Albanian language, since we do not live in Albania, but in Serbia.’122 Even if they were to accept Serbia’s ‘educational terms’, the education opportunities for Albanians would, nonetheless, be severely restricted. Applying the so-called rationalization policy, the Serbian education authorities nearly halved the number of secondary schools, from 114 to 58.123 Of about 32,000 Albanians finishing primary schools, only some 9,100 places were earmarked for Albanians in the reduced secondary school network. By contrast, 1,500 more places were planned for Serbs than there were Serbo-Croat-speaking primary school graduates.124 Albanians denounced both the class exams and the rationalization of schools. The

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former was described as a ‘cleansing of the brain from Albaniandom’,125 and the latter as the policy of ‘Serbianization of secondary education’.126 Importantly, the reduction of the secondary education, itself a necessary middle stage between primary and university education, was practically a destruction of the education system of Albanians in Kosovo as a whole. Albanians responded to the Serbian policy of rationalization with their own enrolment figures, which envisaged some 27,000 places for Albanian pupils in Kosovo’s secondary schools.127 Albanians’ professed allegiance to the Kosovo curriculum128 heralded the beginning of a hitherto unprecedented practice in post-Second World War Kosovo of tailoring the Albanian curriculum without any accountability to the Serbs. Changes implemented in the Kosovo curriculum in primary schools in August, before the start of the 1991–2 school year, reflected the breakdown in the Serbian and Albanian political relationship. Albanian education authorities adjusted the curriculum for the so-called national subjects in accordance with the Albanian national goal.129 The learning of Serbian as a non-native tongue was dropped altogether.130 Serbian and Albanian designs for Kosovo education went beyond possible convergence. In June and August 1991, Serbian police obstructed Albanians’ enrolment in a number of Kosovo’s secondary schools. The enrolment procedure was carried out in defiance of class exams, enrolment figures and entrance exams prescribed by the Serbian education authorities. Miodrag Djuriçicœ, at the head of the Serb-controlled Education Ministry in Kosovo, left no doubt about whose design would gain an upper hand. He specified that those Albanian students who did not pass class exams would lose a year, and those who refused to sit the entrance exams would not be enrolled in secondary schools, while heads of school and teachers would remain jobless for failing to abide by the Serbian laws.131 Kosovo’s existing primary and secondary schools ahead of the new school year in September 1991 acquired an ethnic marker: they became Serbian. Albanians’ rejection of the Serbian curriculum was interpreted as a disregard of Serbia’s laws, even as an act of disloyalty to the Serbian state. Albanian teachers and pupils were excluded from Kosovo’s primary and secondary schools. Their exclusion was only the first step in the emergence of one more national educational system in Kosovo – one that would include and cater for Albanians only.

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Debating the options: the Albanian response to the Serbian policy

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The step-by-step process of the abolition of Kosovo’s autonomy in education was accompanied by a debate within the Albanian community about the response to the Serbian education policy. The Albanians’ perception of Serbian strategy in Kosovo moulded their political stance and action to counter it. Albanians perceived the battle for control over education in

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Kosovo as a battle for their identity. The piecemeal tactics of imposing Serbia’s control in education in Kosovo initially incapacitated Albanians. They were forced into adopting defensive steps against the Serbian interventions in education throughout the 1990–1 school year. Crucially, the physical exclusion of Albanians from schools and the university buildings made them embrace a strategy of self-organization that at first appeared impracticable. Ultimately, the Serbian imposition of control on Kosovo education resulted in the Albanians’ decision to resurrect the Albanian education system in Kosovo completely outside Serbian control. The Serbs had intended to disempower Albanians by excluding them from educational facilities. Such an extreme approach prompted Albanians to seek their empowerment in the alternative educational space in Kosovo. The lines of the Serbian–Albanian confrontation over the education system in Kosovo were drawn when both national groups defined their political aim in Kosovo. Control of Kosovo’s schools and university became an indication of a fulfilment of that political aim. Implementation of Serbia’s education laws in Kosovo’s schools was to demonstrate in practice that Kosovo was being reintegrated into Serbia. Under-Secretary of the Serbian Education Ministry, Miodrag Ignjatovicœ, conceded that the measures undertaken by the Serbian state against the education in Albanian in Kosovo were ‘not “gentle” in the least’, but went on to assert: ‘There is no dilemma over whether Serbia will establish its “rule” over its entire territory or not. If it is a state, and it is one, then there is no alternative.’132 By contrast, Albanians disregarded the constitutional order Serbia imposed in the province. Accordingly, they held on to the practice of administering the education system in Kosovo themselves. Only, now, the Kosovo institution administering educational self-rule had become allAlbanian. The Albanians’ educational authority was demonstrated not only by the allegiance to the old, but also by the adoption of the new Kosovo curriculum, described as a ‘curriculum of the Republic of Kosovo’.133 The clash of two irreconcilable nationalist visions over Kosovo had direct ramifications for the physical appearance of Kosovo’s education system. By excluding Albanian pupils, students, teachers and lecturers from school and university buildings in autumn 1991, Serbs put an end to ‘tolerating lawlessness’,134 or, in other words, ignoring Serbian education laws. Albanians were now referred to in a derogatory manner as ‘⁄iptars’,135 and condemned for ‘shooting poisoned arrows against everything that is Serbian, including the new Education Law of the Republic of Serbia’.136 The implementation of the Serbian education laws and curriculum in Kosovo’s schools now empty of Albanians was praised as an introduction of ‘work and order into classrooms’, or as a beginning of ‘a new life’ for Kosovo’s schooling.137 The Serbian extreme-nationalist leader and a lecturer at the Law Faculty in Pristina, Vojislav ⁄e¡elj, expressed outright satisfaction that Albanians remained out of schools and university buildings:

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I believe that the ⁄iptars also did us a favour. They do not wish to educate themselves [. . .]. In this case they saved us a lot of money since we do not have to finance the school system in which their children acquire education.138 The potential damaging repercussions of the physical exclusion of Albanians from educational premises was not lost on the Serbs, even though they portrayed segregation exclusively as the Albanians’ responsibility. As Ignjatovicœ put it: We feel sorry for unfortunate pupils whom separatists are sacrificing in a manner that is more detrimental than the one on a battlefield: the consequences of the ‘war’ with Serbia in schools themselves will be gravest.139 The imposition of spatial separation between Serbian and Albanian pupils, students and educators in Kosovo introduced a new quality into the Serbian–Albanian confrontation. The territoriality of the national conflict over Kosovo had, hitherto, remained largely abstract. The exclusion of Albanians from education buildings had brought it closer. The control over school buildings became symbolic of the control over the entire territory of Kosovo. The Albanian response to Serbian education policy was shaped by Albanians’ perceptions of that very same policy. They placed it in the historical context, and interpreted it as a part of a wider Serbian nationalist project of reclaiming Kosovo. The Serbian-imposed limitations on the extent and content of education in Albanian rekindled the remembrance of the education policy of other historical rulers in Kosovo. The Albanian student paper, Bota e re, reminded its readers about the Ottoman ban on Albanian schools, but also of the secret spread of Albanian schooling in spite of such a ban.140 Further, Albanians pointed to 1981 as the beginning of the Serbian campaign of destruction of Albanian education under the banner of a fight against Albanian ‘nationalist indoctrination’.141 Serbian education policy was perceived as an effort to conquer ‘the essence of Kosovo’s autonomy: the right of autonomous national education’.142 Many heads of school, teachers and university lecturers interviewed during the research for this study in Kosovo made the point that Serbian policy in the area of education was aimed at their ‘physical and spiritual effacement’.143 The Serbian–Albanian confrontation over Kosovo’s constitutional status also moulded the Albanian reading of Serbian intervention in Kosovo’s education system. They believed that, by closing Albanian schools and the university, the Serbs actually intended to incite an Albanian violent insurrection.144 In other words, Albanians saw the Serbian education policy as an attempt to instigate the militarization of the Albanian non-violent movement by turning the education in the Albanian language into the fuse

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that would spark off a wider confrontation.145 At the political level, Albanians also perceived it as an attempt to dictate the political agenda. There was apprehension that the Serbs were attempting to ‘tie Albanian political demands to a demand for the Albanian-language education’.146 Albanians acknowledged that the conflict over schools was part and parcel of a wider Serbian–Albanian confrontation, but were wary that political demands for autonomy in Kosovo would be substituted by a demand for schooling in the Albanian language: it would be like seeking to ‘defend one finger when the whole hand is in danger’.147 Consequently, Albanians defined their position in the following manner: the defence of schools simultaneously means the defence of the national autonomy and identity.148 The defence of the university, in particular, was considered a duty towards ancestors, i.e. earlier Albanian generations, who acquired the university in the native language ‘with much difficulty’.149 A strong sense of national possession emerged as yet another motive for defending schools. They were considered an Albanian ‘national property’ since they were ‘built with the sweat of the people, and with voluntary work, with voluntary [financial] contributions, or on land presented as a gift for this purpose’ by members of the Albanian community.150 In other words, schools were identified as both a spiritual and a material national heritage. The Serbian policy of closing Kosovo’s schools for Albanians triggered a verbal revanchism from Albanians. Threats could be heard that there would be education ‘either for everybody or nobody’,151 or even that the Albanian school would be defended ‘with all means’.152 Nonetheless, what Albanians perceived as the Serbian intention to radicalize their attitudes was crucial in eliciting a contrary response and a pursuit of their goal by ‘a democratic, civilized and rational path’.153 Albanians’ violent confrontation with the militarily superior Serbs would have been an irrational act. Eventually, the totality of the Serbian encroachment in education was to have a mobilizing rather than demoralizing effect on the Albanian community. In the process, the Albanian school emerged as an epitome of its peaceful resistance. The comprehensiveness of Serbian intervention against Albanian schooling provided an impetus for the launch of the so-called Albanian parallel education system. Albanians’ professed insistence on the defence of Albanian education was, however, accompanied initially by their complete or relative inaction. The Albanian daily in Kosovo, Bujku, posed a question after the imposition of the temporary measures at the University of Pristina: ‘What have Albanians done for its defence? The answer would be: Almost nothing.’154 Albanians became proactive only after the whole university had been taken over. At the same time, the end of financing of Albanian primary and secondary school teachers triggered one-time solidarity handouts from the Albanian community. A blunt appeal to welloff parents was illustrative of Albanian teachers’ dire financial predicament:

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‘Think, is it better for your children to remain without a hamburger and a Coca-Cola, or to go out to coffee-shops with fewer cosmetics in their bags, or to remain without classes.’155 However, the situation in which the entire profession was left without any income, month in, month out, required a more stable solidarity net. Like at the university, action was undertaken before the beginning of the new school year. Albanian education authorities adopted their own enrolment plans and curricula disregarding the Serbian ones. More assertive Albanian defiance, instead of verbal protestations, was equally ineffective in ensuring the continuation of Albanian schooling. Albanian educators, students and pupils were barred from school buildings as a result of their persistent rejection of the Serbian laws. Albanian teachers, students and pupils arrived at their primary and secondary schools to start the new school year in autumn 1991. In most places, they were prevented from entering schools, as Serbian and Montenegrin heads of school, appointed following the application of temporary measures, insisted on the application of Serbian laws. In some schools, Serbian police became directly involved by expelling Albanians from school buildings. Yet, in others, Albanian classes continued as usual.156 Albanians once again found themselves responding to Serbian action. The Albanian Coordination Council for the Issue of Education of Kosovo – the umbrella body gathering representatives of political parties, education authorities, the independent union and the teachers’ association – declared the beginning of the new school year for Albanians postponed. It was the Council’s response to the Serbian goal of completely closing secondary schools and, here and there, primary schools as well.157 Alluding to the past lack of strategy in defence of Albanian education, the Albanian weekly Zëri warned that the postponement must be ‘the foundation for the creation of a new strategy’.158 Although it was accompanied by peaceful protests, several postponements of the school year by the Coordination Council seemed to be a strategy in itself. It was failing to make any impact. Albanian youngsters were out of schools and not being educated. Serbs were unmoved. On 3 October, Albanian teachers, students and pupils started a series of daily protests throughout Kosovo in the yards of school and university buildings. They opposed the ‘destructive violence against the Albanian school undertaken by Serbia’, and demanded revocation of measures implemented in Albanian education, together with the restoration of autonomy.159 Serbian police were employed to disperse the protests and prevent Albanians from entering the buildings.160 Albanian grievances over the situation in education were dismissed by Serbs: ‘Albanian leaders see everything taking place in education in a distorted mirror, [. . .] as the aims of their political struggle require.’161 The Coordination Council once again postponed the school year for Albanians until 16 October,162 and, after another

94 The path to two national education systems round of protests, postponed it once again. That postponement was for an indefinite time.163 The Council specified that the ‘occupation of Serbia made it impossible’ to start a new school year.164 However, the decision followed a realization that peaceful protests themselves were an inadequate form of struggle for Albanian schooling in Kosovo. The last response in the Albanian community to the Council’s invitation to join the protests for schools was not ‘as massive’ as before.165 At the same time, the Coordination Council was increasingly under pressure from the Albanians to chart out a concrete defence of Albanian education, because the policy of ‘hollow patriotic pledges’ about the defence of the Albanian school would, eventually, be responsible for its demise.166 The closure of schools for Albanians had already had a profound impact on their collective mood. A general sense of depression had descended on the Albanian community in the autumn of 1991. Parents were out of work following mass dismissals, and children were out of schools: ‘the parents were severely distressed by their children not going to school’.167 Another parent said that pupils and teachers had begun to spontaneously get together in flats upon the initiative of parents. In that way, some instruction was improvised. The situation where children were left without anything to do and teachers were ‘itchy’ as a result of doing nothing led to a completely ‘instinctive’ form of selforganization. The psychological impact of ‘schoollessness’ made action in the area of schooling a matter of extreme urgency. However, the conclusion of a survey entitled ‘How to defend Albanian education in Kosovo’, conducted by the daily Bujku with Albanian politicians, education officials and educators in August 1991, was unambiguous: the creation of a parallel education system would be neither possible nor beneficial.168 After nearly all Albanian employees were made jobless, the parallel education system relying on self-financing seemed to be ‘only a desire without a real basis’.169 The creation of the parallel Albanian education system, it was argued, would only add water to ‘the conqueror’s mill’, for Serbs could point to Albanian schools in private houses and argue that the Albanians did have schools in their native language.170 When the Serbs totally barred Albanians from schools and university buildings in September 1991, Albanians were left without a choice. One of the architects of the parallel system said: ‘We did not want to set up parallel education but were forced to. We did not want [to do it]. We wanted to carry on as we had done before that.’171 The parallel system that at first appeared not to be possible and beneficial, became exactly that. When announcing the final postponement of the school year, the Coordination Council expressed its determination: Albanians will in no way give up education at any level and will find a way to realize their own education, which will not at all mean that the Serbs will be allowed to usurp buildings of primary and secondary schools and faculties.172

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However, the Albanians did lose access to the school and university buildings. Paradoxically, the loss of buildings, however, heralded the prospects of complete educational independence from Serbia. Fehmi Agani, the LDK deputy leader, specified the Coordination Council’s intention: ‘We will have an independent school. We will finance it ourselves and it will have nothing to do with education in Serbia.’173 The imposition of total spatial segregation between Serbs and Montenegrins, on the one hand, and Albanians, on the other, forced Kosovo’s other minorities to align themselves with one or other of the two sides in conflict. An allegiance based on language was forged with the SerboCroat-speaking Slav Muslims. Albanians, therefore, pinpointed them as the enforcers of Serbian education laws.174 By contrast, Kosovo’s Turks, who did not share a language with either party, but did have a faith in common with Albanians, accepted the curriculum designed for them in Belgrade and, therefore, stayed in schools with Serbo-Croat-speaking pupils.175 However, their decision was not clear-cut. In autumn 1991, Turkish pupils in Prizren, a southern Kosovo town with the largest concentration of Turks in Kosovo, mounted a school boycott in a show of solidarity with Albanians who were out of schools.176 Albanians found strength in their superior numbers in Kosovo. Unlike them, Turks, who numbered some 20,000, were aware of their potential weakness. They lacked resources in order to contemplate the idea of self-organization. By leaving their children in the state system, but with a Turkish party participating in the Albanian parallel elections, minority Turks tried to overcome the awkwardness of their position in ethnically segregated Kosovo. The price they paid was the acceptance of Belgrade tailoring their national identity through the curriculum. Among Kosovo’s other minorities, it was only the Roma population who ended up on both sides of the divide, with both Serbs and Albanians.

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Though couched in legalistic terms, the education dispute was only one more manifestation of what essentially was a national confrontation between Serbs and Albanians over Kosovo. A resort to legalism and enforcement of laws allowed for a translation of nationalist designs over Kosovo into a new, radical spatial arrangement in Kosovo’s education system. The newly integrated system was all-Serbian. Exclusion of Albanians from schools and the university practically marked the beginning of the existence of two national education systems in Kosovo. In the process, the educational space in Kosovo became shorthand for the territory of Kosovo. On the one hand, it became the epitome of its symbolic manifestation as it was equated with a very sense of nationhood and a freedom to nourish it. On the other, as an institution of the state, it embodied the power exercised by a sovereign nation.

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The sustained attack on the Albanian-language education system had triggered a process of Albanian self-reflection, in particular, as it concerned the significance of education not only in the past but in the contemporaneous struggles for national advancement in Kosovo. The value of education in the mother tongue was not only related to the nourishment of national identity. Importantly, it was also related to the institutionalization of this identity, whereby the existence of educational institutions was an epitome of the Albanians’ constitutional status in Kosovo. Finally, the threat to Albanian education also stimulated the consideration of the modus of the Albanian national movement and resistance in post-autonomy Kosovo. Ultimately, the defence of the Albanian-language education system was crucial in paving the way for the Albanians’ national struggle by means of peaceful resistance in the 1990s. The totality of the imposition of Serbia’s political will, and the use of space to drive it in, prompted the Albanians into action. In addition, the prospect of the independent national Albanian school in Kosovo proved to be a driving motivating factor for the establishment of the parallel education system outside the official school and university buildings. Paradoxically, the Serbian policy of imposing control on the extent and content of Albanians’ education in Kosovo produced the unintended outcome. By assuming control of the physical space of school and university buildings the Serbs actually lost any say in any aspect of Albanians’ education, and in the contents of the curriculum in particular. Henceforth, the ‘divided’ national identities of Serbs and Albanians would be underwritten by the divided school space.

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The establishment of Albanian parallel education in Kosovo

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The resurrection of the Albanian-language education system in private houses enabled, though belatedly, the start of the school year for Albanian pupils and students in January 1992. Acceptance of Serbian terms for education was a precondition for Albanians to access education facilities. The relocation of the education system by Albanians into private space ensured continuity of education in Albanian in Kosovo on Albanians’ own terms. The re-created Albanian education in houses, workshops and cellars came to be known in Albanian as arsimi paralel, or parallel education. It was the cause that galvanized the entire Albanian community in Kosovo into action, while triggering its unprecedented homogenization. Uniformity of national action was inspired not only by defiance to the Serbian policy; it was also reinforced by sanctions meted out to the members of the Albanian community who dissented from the national cause. Albanian parallel education in Kosovo emerged as an embodiment of the Albanians’ peaceful resistance, and an argument used to prove the existence of the Albanian independent state in Kosovo. The notions of resistance and statehood it symbolized contributed to its successful launch. However, the combination of these two notions also gave rise to an ambiguity that strained its functioning. This chapter describes the re-establishment of Albanian-language education in Kosovo, and provides an overview of the types of segregation in educational institutions in Kosovo. It goes on to analyse the sources of national solidarity, but also of internal pressure within the Albanian community. Finally, it looks at the mechanism of financing the parallel education system, and its ramifications.

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Organizational effort invested in the revival of Albanian education was separated between primary and secondary schools, on the one hand, and the university, on the other. Nonetheless, it was guided by the common imperative of saving Albanian education and, thus, salvaging the sense of Albanian nationhood. The beginning of teaching for Albanian primary and secondary school pupils in January 1992 was the start of what was to be

98 Albanian parallel education known as a parallel education system in Kosovo. Its successful launch was a result of a combination of pragmatism and idealism. A decision to continue with education in Albanian in whatever way possible was based on the analysis of the pros and cons of a complete suspension of classes. The effort was also driven by an idealistic notion of responding to the call of the nation for its spiritual preservation. With Albanian pupils out of schools in the autumn of 1991, there was the prospect of the entire school year being lost. One of the creators of the parallel system and an education expert said that the study of possible consequences of losing an entire school year were shocking even for him: For example, the next year [after the suspension of one school year] we would have 90,000 instead of 45,000 pupils in the first grade [of primary school], while those who were in the first grade [before the suspension] and starting the second grade after the pause would have forgotten how to write, and everything else they had learnt.1 It would have been difficult to compensate for such a harmful impact of a year without classes.2 A strategy paper looked into the possibilities of organizing classes in the Albanian language. The negative pedagogical implications of school suspension were clear, as the effectiveness of the previous school year would be brought into question as well.3 However, the suspension of schooling would also have other unfavourable sideeffects, already evident in Kosovo: ‘loitering in the streets, alcoholism, aggressiveness, depression and desperation and an exodus of Albanian youth with disturbing, even catastrophic dimensions’.4 Urging action to ‘save what could be saved’ by organizing the teaching process at all levels of education,5 the paper laid down ‘a new strategy for the defence of the Albanian school’.6 It counted on the use of school facilities in Kosovo’s all-Albanian areas and on the use of private houses as schools’ hosts.7 One primary and four secondary schools had worked the entire previous school year of 1990–1 in private houses after Albanian pupils and teachers were barred from school buildings. Gashi argues that they provided a model and experience for the organization of parallel education.8 The alternatives, denoted as A, B and C, took into account all combinations in the use of school buildings and private houses. Meanwhile, the Kosovo Education Council drafted and adopted the primary and secondary school curricula in extraordinary circumstances in line with the alternatives in the action plan dealing with school space.9 According to option A, schools would continue to use their own facilities, without any changes in the curriculum.10 According to the alternative B, secondary education would take place in primary school buildings, and apply a reduced curriculum. Finally, the possibility C envisaged the use of private houses as primary and secondary schools, also with a reduced curriculum.11 The question of the schooling of Albanian pupils brought the actors across

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the Kosovo Albanian political spectrum to work together. Organizing classes outside school buildings is considered the brain-child of the League of Albanian Teachers Naim Frashëri – Lidhja e Arsimtarëve Shqiptarë (LASH) in Albanian. However, its implementation was the result of a joint effort by the Albanian education authorities under the auspices of the Albanian Education Ministry of Kosovo, the Independent Education Union, the Albanian political parties and the LASH.12 On 18 January 1992, the Albanian daily Bujku carried the details of the start of the new school year scheduled for 20 January. It announced that primary school classes would start in school buildings. Unlike them, secondary schools would resume classes in private houses from 20 January onwards in accordance with the alternative C.13 At the same time, an appeal was sent out to teachers in Kosovo to continue to work. It was worded in no uncertain terms: ‘Teachers should return to work, or else they will lose their jobs.’14 On the eve of the start of the new school year, the leadership of the LASH declared emotionally: ‘A new start of educational activity, after the crime committed against our schools and knowledge, marks the beginning of a great hour for nation and education.’15 Awaited with anxiety and expectation, 20 January 1992 saw the launch of the Albanian parallel education system. The attempted entry of Albanian primary and secondary school pupils to school buildings revealed a clear pattern. Primary school pupils were by and large allowed to enter school facilities, although there were cases of exclusion in some of the areas of greater relative Serbian concentration.16 The locations where Albanian primary school pupils were barred from schools are shown in Map 4.1. By contrast, secondary school pupils were almost completely prohibited from entering secondary schools buildings.17 A resort to private space became one option for the continuation of secondary education in Albanian. The alternative was to share school space with a primary school that remained in its own building. Albanians believed that their access to most primary schools in Kosovo was a result of international pressure put on Serbia’s authorities.18 However, the Serbian officials described it as a ‘temporary solution’.19 The Serbs’ ultimate ‘lenience’ towards the Albanians’ access to primary school buildings was explained by the fact that primary education is guaranteed by the Serbian constitution.20 This, however, did not imply the recognition of Albanian education. Rooms in private houses for secondary schools were secured through the grass-roots activity of political parties, local education authorities, the independent teachers’ union, the teachers’ association, heads of school and teachers, as well as parents. More detailed information, such as the location of future home-schools, was disseminated through an informal network of schools’ head teachers, administrators, or simply friends.21 Meanwhile, Serbian school administrators, aided by Serbian police or state security officers, prevented Albanian pupils and teachers from entering secondary

Map 4.1 Kosovo primary schools that excluded Albanians, by municipality. Source: Tabela 11 Pasqyra tabelare e shkollave fillore të cilat punojnë në shtëpi private and Tabela 12 Shkollat fillore të cillat mësimin e zhvillojnë jashtë objekteve të tyre të regullta, in Studim: Gjendja dhe pozita e arsimit shqip në Kosovë në periudhën 1990–95 dhe mundësit e zhvillimit të mëtejmë (Prishtinë: Instituti ekonomik, 1995), pp. 49–50 and 51.

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schools, or ordered them to leave school buildings if they had entered. An Albanian teacher at the secondary school in Pristina described how they were barred from their school building:

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In our last year in the school building, we were no longer paid. The next year [1991–2], police cordons did not allow us to enter. Our delegation, of which I was a member, went inside to meet with the Serbian headmaster. He said he was sorry, that we were colleagues until recently, but that he had orders from high up. I looked him in the eye. We had studied together. He was shaking. He could not look us in the eye. He repeated I have orders from above, and said, decisively, ‘Get the kids away. They could get hurt.’ You could see the police outside.22

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The barring of Albanians from secondary schools triggered the implementation of the alternatives B and C. Map 4.2 illustrates the location and manner of organization of secondary school education in Kosovo in secondary school buildings, in primary school buildings and in private houses. The application of the alternative plan enabled the beginning of the ‘Albanian’ school year. Still, there was apprehension as to whether Albanians would be prevented from starting secondary school classes even in private houses. According to organizers: ‘We reckoned that they [the Serbian police] would not be able to stop us. For every facility there was a back-up one.’23 Nonetheless, the start of secondary school education outside their school buildings was accompanied by calls for vigilance.24 An incident in the village of Uce illustrated the risks. According to the reports in the Albanian press, two Albanian men were killed and three wounded when they confronted the Serbian police patrol who allegedly assaulted three Albanian secondary school students who attended school in a private house. It was presumed they would be questioned about the location of their school.25 Even pupils themselves exercised caution. A young woman, a secondary school student at the time, told me they did not carry school-bags: ‘We were afraid at the beginning that the police would intercept us on the way to school, so we tucked our notebooks under our jackets.’26 Meanwhile, some difficulties were reported among secondary school first-graders who were not able to find their facilities. They were caused by a clandestine aspect of the organizational effort that relied on informal networks. Unlike second-, third- and fourth-graders who knew each other and, therefore, could more easily spread information, first-graders had not yet met their classmates.27 One of the founders of parallel education described the successful start of the new school year as ‘very emotional’.28 Having ended a ‘disillusioning stalemate’,29 the continuation of education in the Albanian language, albeit in private houses, generated a ‘feel-good’ effect. Teachers and pupils were reported to have applied themselves to work with

Map 4.2 Albanian secondary schools in Kosovo according to facilities, by municipality. Source: Tabela 19 Organizimi i mësimit sipas variantave, in Studim: Gjendja dhe pozita e arsimit shqip në Kosovë në periudhën 1990–95 dhe mundësit e zhvillimit të mëtejmë (Prishtinë: Instituti ekonomik, 1995), pp. 63–4.

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great élan. Owing to their enthusiasm, the first year of the parallel system was assessed as successful despite its reduced duration.30 The resumption of Albanian classes was also a crucial action statement on the part of Albanians in their confrontation with the Serbs over education. It generated satisfaction over Serbia’s inability to prevent them.31 Meanwhile, the relocation of Albanian university students and staff into private houses in early 1992 marked the beginning of a parallel existence of two national universities in Kosovo – the Serbian and the Albanian. The inaugurated parallelism had a distinct spatial dimension: Serbian meant a total appropriation of proper university facilities, and Albanian a total exclusion from them. Pristina University comprised a system in its own right within the overall education system in Kosovo, and, hence, Albanian-language education there was organized autonomously. After the mass dismissal of Albanians from the university’s departments and administrative bodies, a constitution of the university’s governing organs was a priority in an effort to continue Albanian-language classes. Hence, a constitutive session of the Assembly of the University of Pristina held on 26 November 1991 marked the watershed. However, the initial work in restoring university activity should be credited to the so-called Initiative Council, headed by Eshref Ademaj, the leader of the Independent Union of University Teaching Staff.32 His efforts were described metaphorically by an Albanian educational official as follows: Ademaj ‘secretly organized contacts with lecturers in private houses so that we would not stay in the dark’.33 At the November session in the ‘borrowed’ premises of the Independent Trade Union of Kosovo, Albanian members of the former University Assembly constituted the new Assembly, and elected university and faculty leaderships, headed by University Chancellor Ejup Statovci.34 While described as a continuation of the activity of the old university whose premises were no longer accessible to Albanians, this session effectively heralded the beginning of the new Albanian university. Meeting on 5 December 1991, the heads of faculties agreed to undertake all necessary measures to organize classes in private premises.35 The restarting of the university was assessed as ‘the most difficult exam for Albanian professors and students’.36 For Albanians, the reactivation of the university’s managing bodies ended a ‘to be or not to be’ dilemma for the university.37 With the administrative side of the operation up and running, there was hope for a revival of educational activity university-wide.38 The arrest of the Albanian Chancellor Ejup Statovci by the Serbian police, believed to have been prompted by his letter to the Serbian university authorities demanding the return of Albanians to university facilities, additionally mobilized Albanian staff and students of 13 faculties and 7 post-secondary schools.39 University classes and exams for Albanian students were organized in private houses, in lecturers’ studios for visual arts students, in lecturers’

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private clinics turned into labs for medical and dentistry students, or in the building of the Albanological Institute that Albanians were allowed to use at the time, and even on the premises of the Alaudin medrese in Pristina and in some primary schools.40 The resumption of the teaching process at the university gave rise to defiant satisfaction since ‘the desire of over 30,000 Albanian students and some 850 lecturers for learning and schooling in the mother tongue proved stronger than violence’.41 Pristina University was described as a Phoenix who managed to rise out of the ashes of the Serbian education policy.42 The sense of satisfaction was accompanied by a pledge, in the words of Hashim Thaqi, the student representative at the time, and future leader of the Kosovo Liberation Army and of the Democratic Party of Kosovo after the war, ‘never to abandon the demand to return to our buildings’.43 On behalf of the university teaching staff, Eshref Ademaj asserted that abandoning this demand: would be equal to national treason, since the facilities we are demanding and which have been taken away by force do not belong only to the Serbs, but are built with the sweat of the entire people of Kosovo, 90 per cent of whom are Albanians.44 The series of three peaceful protests by Albanian students attempting to overturn the new spatial order in September 1992 only invited the intervention of the Serbian police, while illustrating that ‘likelihood of freeing occupied university buildings in this manner and by this method is minimal’.45 The use of private facilities, or of primary schools if allowed, proved to be the only realistic and effective strategy.46 The retreat to an alternative space gave a seemingly contradictory quality to the nascent Albanian system. It was a continuation of the previous education system, albeit of only one of its national segments. Simultaneously, it was entirely new, as it marked a break with the previous multi-ethnic education system.

Segregation at the micro level Although it took a different form at a micro level of schools, a division of school space on a national basis was consistently implemented throughout Kosovo. The following typology portrays the types of segregation observed in Kosovo’s schools during 1997 and 1998.47 School as a unit of segregation Throughout Kosovo there were all-Albanian schools that held classes either in proper school buildings or in private houses. These schools could be designated as a unit of segregation. Their main characteristic was that

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pupils were segregated in a school as a totality, juxtaposing all-Albanian schools to all-Serbian schools. However, these schools became homogeneous on a national basis as a result of different processes. In some areas, Albanian pupils continued to attend their schools as before. Since the schools were located in the predominantly or purely Albanian-populated areas, Albanian pupils remained in their buildings, without having to dislocate. The main change in these schools was that they had to rely for their financing on the Albanian parallel authorities as well as self-help from the local community and parents. By and large, no change in the duration of classes was necessary. One example of such a school was the primary school Emin Duraku, with 743 Albanian students, which was perched on a hill in the village of Malisheve. Elsewhere, Albanians continued to use proper school buildings for education, but the schools themselves had become single national group schools through the process of ‘human exchange of pupils’. It occurred in the following way: Serbs, who were a minority in a particular school or a school building (A), left it for another school (B), which became all Serbian. This, however, entailed the exclusion of Albanian students from the school (B) into which Serbian pupils had moved, in turn, causing overcrowding of the first school (A), which became all Albanian. Ultimately, out of two previously mixed schools there emerged a purely Serbian and a purely Albanian school. An example of this strategy was a primary school in the area of Ortokoll in Prizren, southern Kosovo. Its pupils were divided between two school buildings on the same school ground. The initial division was carried out on the basis of age and not nationality. Therefore, pupils from the first to the fourth grades attended classes in one school building, and pupils from the fifth to the eighth grades studied in another school building on the same grounds. The imposition of segregation required that the buildings would be used to separate students on a national basis. Some 300 Serbs, along with the Turks, moved to the building used by lower grades of primary school, and some 1,750 Albanian pupils were left in another. Albanians had to organize classes in three shifts. Each class lasted 40 instead of the usual 45 minutes. The pupils from two now divided schools could see their former grade-mates across the schoolyard. The barring of Albanians from nearly all secondary school buildings, while allowing them to use nearly all primary school buildings, led to the strategy of sharing the available primary school facilities. Seventy-eight primary schools in Kosovo opened their doors to secondary schools barred from their school buildings.48 Also, seven primary schools excluded from their own school buildings held classes in other Albanian primary schools.49 However, primary schools also shared their space with post-secondary educational institutions. For example, 2,600 pupils at the primary school Selami Hallaqi in Gnjilane shared their space with some 1,330 pupils of the secondary school Zenel Hajdini and with students of the Pedagogical College. The classes were shortened to last 30 minutes, and organized in

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as many as four shifts a day. Because of a lack of space, secondary school pupils went to school on Saturdays and Sundays as well. Plates 4.1, 4.2, 4.3, 4.4, 4.5 and 4.6 illustrate teaching in home-schools in Kosovo. They became a hallmark of the Albanian parallel education system. After the exclusion of Albanians from secondary school facilities, most secondary schools, with the exception of those that moved to primary schools, as well as a limited number of primary schools where access to Albanians was barred, resumed classes in private houses. The secondary school, Hoxhi Kadrija, specializing in economics, commerce and law, was located in a private house with its yard fenced in with traditional tall brick walls on the outskirts of the capital Pristina. Some 1,000 of its students attended classes in three shifts. Taking off shoes before entering ‘school’, which is a custom when entering an Albanian house, was yet another reminder of a conversion of a home into a school. The secondary schools, from which Albanians had been barred, could not be filled up with Serbian students, simply because there were not so many of them. As a consequence, a number of secondary schools were not used at all, even in overwhelmingly Albanian-populated areas. Alternatively, classrooms were used as housing by Serbian refugees from Krajina in Croatia or from Bosnia-Herzegovina. At dusk in the winter of 1997–8, drying laundry flapped in the freezing wind, spread out on the classroom windows of the medical secondary school on the edge of Pristina. It was

Plate 4.1 An Albanian primary school in a home-school in post-autonomy Kosovo. Source: Vreme Photo-Archive.

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Plate 4.2 Albanian pupils in a home-school in post-autonomy Kosovo. Source: Vreme Photo-Archive.

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Plate 4.3 A teacher with his students at an Albanian home-school in post-autonomy Kosovo. Source: Vreme Photo-Archive.

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Plate 4.4 A classroom in a home-school in post-autonomy Kosovo. Source: Vreme Photo-Archive.

empty of Albanian students and filled with Serbian refugees. This was one out of over a dozen secondary schools throughout Kosovo filled with Serbian refugees. Segregated inside a school Apart from the type of segregation in which the school as a whole was a unit of segregation, Albanian and Serbian pupils were sometimes segregated within the same school. They used the same building, but pupils belonging to two ethnic groups had no contact. Such schools had two entrances and two separate school administrations, and the very building had two names – one for Serbs and the other for Albanians. This type of segregation was implemented in primary school buildings.

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111 Plate 4.5 In front of a home-school in post-autonomy Kosovo. Source: Vreme Photo-Archive.

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In some schools, physical divisions, such as walls, were constructed, or school corridors were turned into classrooms, to obstruct passage, in order to prevent the mixing of Serbian and Albanian pupils who attended the same school at the same time. Most commonly, it was the Serbs who dictated the terms of spatial division of a school, largely to their own benefit in terms of surface in relation to their number as compared to Albanians. The primary school Hasan Prishtina, which is named after the Albanian patriot from the period of the Albanian national revival, and which for Serbs bears the name Dositej Obradovicœ, after the famous enlightenment scholar and educator, is an example of a school divided by a wall. A Serbian headmaster of the school described the implications of the school division: ‘we have not been in each others’ way’, adding that he ‘ensured

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Plate 4.6 Barred from a school gym, Albanian students hold a physical education class in a meadow in post-autonomy Kosovo. Source: Vreme Photo-Archive.

a relative peace in school by a reorganizing school space at an explosive time’.50 An Albanian headmaster of the Albanian part of the same school said that Albanians were told which part of the building they could use after the meeting with the then Serbian headmaster in August 1990.51 In this meeting, the Albanian staff of the school refused to use the new curriculum, saying that they would use their own. The wall was built subsequently. The Albanian headmaster described the spatial division: ‘They took 70 per cent of the building, for one third of the students.’52 In their part of the school, Albanians additionally accepted several classes of the primary school Faik Konica. According to the Albanian headmaster of this school, after the first year in about a dozen home-schools, the school authorities decided that sharing proper school premises would ensure greater efficiency of the teaching process.53 In the 1997–8 school year, the school was spread out over three primary schools, one of which was the Albanian part of the Hasan Prishtina/Dositej Obradovicœ primary school. Albanian classes were organized in four shifts, and lasted 35 minutes. By contrast, the Serbian ones in the Serbian part of the school lasted the regular 45 minutes. The spatial division of schools entailed a division of a school bell. Consequently, the sound of two ‘ethnic’ school bells mixed, but the pupils, divided by a wall, did not. The segregation of Serbian and Albanian pupils within one building was also achieved by means of shifts. A morning shift was designated for

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Serbs and an afternoon shift for Albanians. The pupils of two ethnic groups shared the same classrooms, the same space, but were there at different times. The distribution of space was uneven in such situations as well. Many classrooms remained empty when the Serbian shift was at school, while the Albanian shift was overcrowded. An example of such a school was a primary school in Prizren, which the Serbs call Slobodan Surçevicœ and the Albanians Lekë Dukagjini. Due to a lack of space, the cellars of the school were adapted for use as classrooms. The teachers’ room was used jointly by Serbs and Albanians. Yet, there were two separate class schedules, the Serbian and the Albanian, on the wall. A rare instance of sharing the same school at the same time was where there were only one or two Serbian classes, the rest being Albanian. An example is a primary school in one of Pristina’s western suburbs, with some 1,000 Albanian and 8 Serbian pupils, but nonetheless two headmasters – an Albanian for Albanians and a Serbian for Serbs. The ‘suburban’ university

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The parallel university depended on private houses even more than Albanian secondary education did. The university was almost exclusively consigned to ‘home-classrooms’. It occasionally received help from primary schools, to organize exams on their premises, or use their gym. Even though many home owners did not ask for financial compensation for use of their premises,54 faculties did pay rent. A lecturer at the Faculty of Architecture explained that the rent they paid to owners of houses they were using was only symbolic, and far below the market price.55 The second academic year of the parallel education system in 1992–3 heralded a ‘stabilization’ of space. In practice, university students no longer had to move from one house to another, as entire houses were turned into faculties, or, alternatively, a faculty was ‘housed’ in a cluster of several neighbouring houses. Teaching in private facilities acquired a sense of permanence. It hardened the overlapping national and spatial division. The spatial distribution of Albanian faculties in homes throughout the capital Pristina also revealed an important dimension of segregation: Albanians’ spatial marginalization. While Serbs held on to easily accessible university buildings located in the central area of the town and on the grounds of the university campus, Albanians were relegated to the town’s peripheral areas. Apart from the faculties, the university campus also encompassed dormitories and a cafeteria. This centre of student life was entirely taken over by the Serbs. The trend of Albanians’ spatial marginalization was characteristic of secondary schools as well, but was somewhat obscured by their use of proper primary school buildings. By contrast, such marginalization was clear looking at the location of Serbian university facilities, which had been jointly used in the past, and newly established Albanian faculties in private houses, shown in Map 4.3. Some

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Map 4.3 Segregation of the Serbian and Albanian faculties in Pristina in the 1990s.

139 private houses, a majority of them in Pristina, were let for the needs of what now was the Albanian university.56 The spread of the university throughout Kosovo’s capital transformed the place. Town and university became one.57 However, the imposition of segregation meant Albanian students were now forced to cross the entire town to reach their faculty in a private house. On their way, they often passed ‘their’ faculties in proper university buildings now exclusively used by Serbs. Albanians’ sense of being humbled not only into using an alternative, often inadequate space, but also into being pushed into the town’s outlying areas, was augmented by Serbs’ sense of superiority reflected in laying a claim to the town centre.

Solidarity in action The cause of schooling in the Albanian language turned Albanians in Kosovo into a community of solidarity. A historic proscription of education in Albanian had given rise to a particular appreciation of education among Albanians. Teachers have traditionally been respected and honoured in their community. Albanians still give their children names such as Arsim, which means education, or Abetarja, which means school primer, etc. The collective effort aimed at restarting Albanian classes also

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relied on a moral obligation to help the nation in peril. Halimi-Statovci, a Kosovo Albanian ethnographer, traced the exercise of solidarity among the Albanian community in post-autonomy Kosovo in the 1990s to the transformation of traditional secular traditions of help and solidarity among the Albanians.58 These practices, whether applied in agriculture, husbandry, house-building, or births, weddings and deaths, or in everyday life, such as making a well, are governed by a complex set of unwritten but shared rules. The post-Second World War modernization brought with it novel forms of help, such as lending a tractor rather than contributing manual work. However, Halimi-Statovci argues that Serbian policy towards the Albanians in Kosovo triggered the rise of a new concept of solidarity at a national level, whereby solidarity became all-Albanian, binding all members of a nation to each other by patriotic duty.59 Furthermore, an act of help also became an act of defiance against Serbian rule in Kosovo. In January 1992, the members of the Albanian community in Kosovo opened the doors of their homes to ‘schoolless’ pupils and students. Their offer of hitherto private space – entire houses, but also floors, or simply one or more rooms – made the continuation of education feasible. Turning rooms into classrooms suggested a return to an oda, a historic educational space for Albanians. An oda is a separate room in an Albanian traditional house for receiving and entertaining guests.60 In it, knowledge, in the form of epic ballads and tales, was orally passed down the generations. Also, odas were used for secret teaching in Albanian to counter the Turkish and Serbian ban on Albanian-language schools at the beginning of the century and in the inter-war period respectively. In early 1992, the Kosovo Albanian daily Bujku reported on the transformation of odas into classrooms throughout Kosovo,61 as Albanians set about resuming education in Albanian. Many owners turned their houses into schools free of charge. In doing so, they helped education, and furthered the national cause. They explained what prompted them to action. One owner, speaking for the household of six brothers, who let their houses for a secondary school and for the Economics Faculty, said: ‘We would have been ashamed today if we had not let our homes. That is not humanity, that is our national obligation, that we should not be indebted to the people.’62 Another owner, working in Switzerland, first let one floor for students to live there, and then let the whole house to a secondary school. He said: ‘It would be a sin for which I would never be able to forgive myself if children remained without a school [. . .]. In this way we dealt the biggest blow to the enemy.’63 The owners of home-schools and ‘home-classrooms’ were described as being on the ‘front-line of the survival of Albanian education’.64 As a form of public praise, their names were published in the Kosovo newspapers, regardless of whether they could ‘afford’ to let one room or the entire house.65 They received public recognition for their service to education and to the nation:

114 Albanian parallel education Thanks to generosity, love for education and patriotic feeling for national liberation, owners of home-schools contribute to the preservation of the institutional organization of schools that hold classes in those houses in particular and in Albanian schools as a whole. [These owners] contribute to the creation and realization of a national educational system and the implementation of provisions of the Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo in the field of teaching and education.66 Pupils and students who went to home-schools also described their owners as patriots. A young woman, who was studying drama at the university, said: ‘The owner who let us use his house was a patriot, he had Albanian flags all over the walls.’67 The commitment of some owners to the national cause was reinforced by reference to the Albanian customary law. A young man attending a secondary school in Pristina described the owner of his home-school: The man who let his house to us is a patriot. He had been in prison. He said you are here now and will be here until the end. Our school has not moved from that house. You know the Code of Lekë Dukagjini? You know what is besa [the Albanian word of honour]. He kept his word till today.68 Elsie describes besa as a sacred oath among Albanians whose violation is unthinkable.69 Apart from letting their homes, many owners covered the costs of maintenance and electricity bills, provided wood for heating, and even invested in school furniture by buying desks and chairs.70 Some even gave financial handouts to teachers.71 An owner of the house used by the university forged a close relationship with its new users: ‘Professors and students are friends of the household. Our house is theirs, their problems are certainly ours as well.’72 The Albanian school grew into a bond of nationhood beyond the immediate site of school, prompting the Albanian diaspora to come to its aid. Hence many Albanians living and working in the West made contributions in foreign currency to their schools in the homeland. These were reported in the press: ‘Bajram (Mahmut) Shala from the village of Brezno in Dragash, who now works in Chicago, in the US, sent 1,000 German Marks for the primary schools Shaban Shabani in Lopushnik (where he completed primary education).’73 The plight of the Albanian education in Kosovo reinforced the transnational links among the Albanian community in the homeland and abroad. Their co-nationals living in the US, Egypt, Italy, Greece and the Ottoman Empire a century earlier were the creators and promoters of the Albanian nationhood both in the diaspora and in the homeland. Unlike them the members of the Kosovo Albanian community abroad in the 1990s exercised their nationhood by financial contributions to the parallel system in

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Kosovo. Their political muscle and influence were of a financial rather than intellectual nature. Paradoxically, this gave the Albanian diaspora a disproportionate leverage on the conduct of the national policy in the homeland. Indeed, it is far away from Kosovo, in the Albanian cafés and clubs in West European cities and towns that the policy of non-violent resistance practised in the homeland was first seriously questioned.75

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Unprecedented national homogenization of the Albanian community in post-autonomy Kosovo was triggered by actions of the Serbs as a national foe. In Kosovo, national unity was also reinforced by an intra-national punitive action. Unity is innate to the concept of nation as it delineates members from non-members. Such delineation is also reinforced by internal homogenization, which distinguishes between the patriots and outcasts. The Albanian dissenters to the national policy of resisting Serbia’s constitutional takeover of Kosovo faced a double punishment. They were singled out as traitors to the nation, but also subjected to social excommunication according to the Albanian customary law. Serbia’s legislative interventions in the Kosovo education system kick-started the mechanism of public denunciation of collaborators in the Albanian community. The student paper named Albanian university lecturers who ‘embraced forced measures’ at the rectorate, the central administrative office of the university.76 The Albanian daily Bujku published in bold script the names of Albanian lecturers who continued to teach at Pristina University in the Serbian language, while other Albanian teachers and students were barred for resisting the imposition of the language.77 Those Albanians appointed by the Serbian authorities to the new administrative bodies to carry out Serbian education policy hastened to publicly refuse their new tasks, lest there be any confusion about whom their allegiances lay with.78 Alternatively, they distanced themselves publicly from colleagues who implemented Serbian laws.79 Accepting the Serbian policy implied an acquisition of the defamatory status of Serbian servant, hyzmeqar in Albanian.80 The students who sat the exam in Serbian, defying the boycott, were also exposed by name.81 An Albanian medical student described his fellow-students who continued to follow the lectures in Serbo-Croat as acting: ‘in an irresponsible manner and against the will of the entire Albanian population, which was confronting the measures of the Serbian occupier with great sacrifices’.82 The ostracism of the nation’s dissenters, innate to nationalism, was additionally intensified in the Albanian community by the application of Albanian customary law, known as the Kanun. The Kanun of Lekë Dukagjini is a written collection of the Albanian customary law compiled by a Catholic Albanian priest, Father Shtjefën Gjeçov, in the early twentieth century. The Albanian society in the Balkans was governed by a

116 Albanian parallel education comprehensive set of traditional codes of law orally transmitted down the generations for centuries.83 The Kanun of Lekë Dukagjini is one of several regional codes applied by Albanians in various historical periods. There is no scholarly agreement on the origins of this Kanun. Some scholars have associated it with the fifteenth-century nobleman Lekë Dukagjini, but it is unclear whether he compiled the code or only lent his name to it. Others have related it to the territory of Dukagjin encompassing the western area of today’s Kosovo.84 Although it is commonly identified mainly with the Albanian tradition of blood feud, the Kanun of Lekë Dukagjini is characterized by its totality. Comprising 12 books, the Kanun pertains to all spheres of life, covering conduct, obligations and relations ranging from those in family and marriage through to household and property to the spoken word, honour and damages.85 For the Albanians of Kosovo, the Kanun has always denoted justice to be accepted and not challenged. ‘So said Lekë’, has been an often used proverbial expression indicating the righteousness of the Kanun.86 Despite the modernization of Albanian society in Kosovo, the civic legal system has never completely invalidated the Kanun in the post-Second World War period. In fact, the Penal Code of Kosovo from 1977 to 1989 specifically incriminated acts related to blood feud, such as blood feud killings, assisting a minor in committing a murder, limiting freedom of movement out of revenge, etc.87 In the late 1960s, and with one case recorded in 1997, revenge murders were carried out even on the premises of the Kosovo district court, where the trials for the original killings that started the cycle of violence were under way.88 The specially tailored legislation did not manage either to eradicate honour killings, or to override the competing customary law in the regulation of their conduct among the Albanians. The legal battle against blood feud in Kosovo was driven by its ideological assessment. The political verdict was that it was ‘a bad and backward custom, which is why it should be eradicated’.89 Consequently, the research into this customary practice in Kosovo was aimed at identifying political, social and institutional instruments, such as local Communist organizations, media or education, and their possible role in hastening the disappearance of blood feud.90 It was not to much avail. In the 1980s thousands of families in Kosovo were caught in the deadly cycle of satisfaction in blood of one’s honour.91 The post-autonomy Kosovo saw an expansion of customary mechanisms of regulation as it encompassed an ever wider sphere of social relations in the Albanian community.92 After the Serbian takeover of Kosovo’s autonomy, the Albanians were left in an institutional void. They were excluded from the existing state institutions, while only being partially successful in institutionalizing their own state. Without a trust in the Serb-controlled judicial system, the application of the Albanian customary law was a default option. The emergence of traditional customary law long pre-dated the emergence of the concept of a nation, and, with it, of a national traitor. However,

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the Kanun or, more specifically, the interpretation of its codes, has proved adaptable to the modern context. In the Communist period it survived its attempted suppression and eradication both in Albania and Kosovo. After Communism the Kanun was revitalized in the vacuum of state impotence in Albania and state absence in Kosovo where Albanians denied legitimacy to the ‘Serbianized’ state institutions.93 The resort to tradition was accompanied by its modification. According to Schwandner-Sievers, the application of the Kanun was criminalized in Albania, and nationalized in Kosovo.94 The Kanun concepts such as the word of honour, besa, were used to ‘ensure contracts outside the legal routes, to enforce a code of silence towards interest-group outsiders and to justify murder of those defined as “traitors” (or contract breakers) to the group interest’.95 In Kosovo, the prime group interest was that of the defence of Albanian nationhood, embodied in the strategy of national defiance to the Serbian policy. Therefore, the Kanun became an important point of reference in delineating Serbian opponents, while reinforcing the unity of the Albanian ranks. The Albanian unity, and singularity of the political action based on it, was reinforced by intra-national reconciliation, but also by the sanctioning of dissenters. Homogenization within the Albanian community in Kosovo was achieved across the boundaries of wealth, class, profession and religion.96 However, Albanians also closed their ranks in opposition to Serbian repression and violence by doing away with violence among themselves. In 1990, Albanian intellectuals in Kosovo, led by an Albanian academic Anton Çetta, initiated a nationwide campaign of reconciliation. About 2,000 feuding families were reconciled, and some 20,000 people released from house arrest. The shedding of the traditional Albanian custom was a symbolic assertion of Kosovo Albanians as modern Europeans.97 Enthusiastic popular support in local communities for mass public rallies and scenes of emotional reconciliation also became a pledge to the Albanian national movement and its goal of independent Kosovo. The Albanian tradition was placed in service of the modern-day struggle for the Albanian national state in Kosovo. The practice of forgiveness began with isolated cases of reconciliation among the Albanian prisoners in the Yugoslav prisons and among Albanian miners protesting the abolition of Kosovo’s autonomy in 1989. As the national confrontation in Kosovo intensified over the next year, reconciliation rituals were taking place in Kosovo’s towns and villages, but also in the Albanian communities abroad – in Switzerland, Germany, and even in the United States. Reconciliation of families in one of Pristina’s suburbs was encouraged in the following words: ‘Forgiveness of wounds and murders is done for the nation, for the sake of the martyrs fallen for sacred Freedom.’98 The homogenization of Albanians in Kosovo was also achieved by punishment of the nation’s outlaws by invoking the Albanian tradition. Those members of the Albanian community who sympathized with the Serbian rather than the Albanian national cause in post-autonomy Kosovo

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were subjected to the customary punishment of leçitje, a sanction defined in the Albanian customary law. The Kanun of Lekë Dukagjini defines it as ‘separation, neglect and destruction of a household, denial to it of any right, respect and honour, both by the village and the barjak [a local leader]’.99 Depending on the severity of the transgression, this sanction implies social isolation and even a physical banishment of the punished party enforced by prohibition of any transactions with him or her by inhabitants of the village. Some of the cases in which leçitje was traditionally applied concerned defiance of customs or authorities in the village as well as a betrayal of the village.100 According to Abdullahu, the functioning of the state judiciary prior to abolition of Kosovo’s autonomy was gradually rendering customary law, and with it leçitje, obsolete.101 Consequently, Albanians’ expulsion from judicial state institutions triggered the re-emergence of traditional customary law in Kosovo,102 as the Albanian society fell back on self-regulation. Leçitje illustrates the adaptation of the traditional rules to the new political circumstances. Hence, leçitje was applied to dissenters in the national ranks. Abdullahu illustrates that a person was leçitur, i.e. punished by leçitje, if they: did not close the shop when everyone went on strike, a person was leçitur who voted in the elections boycotted by his co-nationals, if they joined a party that Albanians boycotted, when accepting and implementing the measures of the forced organs of the Serbian state.103 He also adds that leçitje had a preventive impact, as many abstained from doing the same for fear of bringing down the same sanction upon themselves. Abdullahu argues that this traditional sanction had an educational impact on political consciousness, as a majority ‘understood and learned which acts should and which should not be undertaken’.104 The most radical modification in the use of leçitje was its application to the Serbian state and the Serbs themselves, who were to be ostracized. It ensured the effectiveness of the Albanian boycott of Serbian institutions and Serbs themselves.105 Practically, the nation’s outlaws became identified with the nation’s foes through the application of the same sentence. Albanians who embraced Serbian authority in Kosovo’s education were labelled as traitors to the nation. However, they also became social exiles as members of the Albanian community subject to leçitje for defying the national will of the majority. A lecturer in the Electrical Engineering Faculty described succinctly those Albanians who continued to teach in Serbian: ‘They crossed to the other side, and that’s the end of the story.’106 My interviewees specified that those Albanian educators who remained with the Serbs were, by and large, leçitur by the Albanian community, even though not necessarily by the members of their own family. For example, they were not greeted in the street or an apartment block by their neighbours. In a close-knit Albanian society where social respect and

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integrity are values of particular importance, leçitje was a powerful expression of a moral fall and national disloyalty. Abdullahu pointed out that the non-violent character of punishment for treason was in line with Albanians’ non-violent resistance as a means of national struggle. However, he also added that even the punishment for treason would be treated ‘differently’ if Albanians were forced to change the means of national struggle.107 The transformation of the non-violent into an armed conflict between the Serbian security forces and the Albanian guerrillas in spring 1998 in Kosovo created a new environment for the Kanun’s relevance. Recruits in the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) gave their besa, and, hence, staked their honour on the Albanians’ armed struggle for Kosovo’s independence.108 At the same time, life became a price for any form of collaboration by Albanians with the Serbian regime. Meanwhile, before guns were used in the Serbian–Albanian conflict, some Albanian employees did remain together with the Serbs in Kosovo’s primary and secondary schools and at the university. However, they were not sanctioned because they were employed in jobs, such as maintenance and administration, not deemed essential to the sense of identity. Five Albanians of a primary school in Pristina stayed to work along with the Serbs. They were maintenance staff and one librarian. Their expelled Albanian colleagues explained that they ‘are poor’, ‘have no qualifications’ and may have as many as eight children. Hence, they stayed with the Serbs, who paid them a salary and social security, just enough ‘for a mouthful of bread’.109 By contrast, university lecturers and teachers did not have a choice. Their profession was directly related to furthering the sense of nationhood. Accordingly, the context in which the teaching took place unavoidably became a political statement. I met with one lecturer of a mixed ethnic background, with an Albanian father and a Croat mother, who remained to teach at the Arts Faculty with the Serbs. He said despondently: ‘Everything here is black or white. There are no shades.’110 His explanation for staying with Serbs was that he had not received a notice of dismissal. However, he had not joined the dismissed Albanians in protest either. He said he did not want to leave his job without a piece of paper, a ‘proof’, which would show that his dismissal was not legally grounded. His act of staying with the Serbs at the faculty was interpreted as betrayal of the nation to which he belonged by a paternal descent. He said that art had no national boundaries, and politics should not matter, but his predicament and that of his like only served to deepen the national division and strengthen national homogenization on both sides of that divide. Albanians put up a united front in their confrontation with the Serbs over education in Kosovo. Of over 800 Albanian full-time university lecturers, and nearly 300 part-time lecturers and assistants, only just over 20 remained with the Serbs.111 This unprecedented cohesion and the political and social mechanisms reinforcing it, prevented reneging on what was

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formulated as the Albanian national policy in the field of education. At the same time, such a common front of Albanian resistance towards the Serbian policy proved to be an important denial of its legitimacy.

Parallel education: statehood or resistance The launch and survival of the parallel education system in Kosovo surpassed its strictly educational value. It was hailed in the Albanian community as a proof of Albanian fledgling statehood in Kosovo and a vanguard of peaceful resistance to the Serbian rule. For Albanians, the resurrection of the Albanian education system made the Republic of Kosovo, whose independence was declared in 1990, more real. Importantly, the parallel education system was the only truly functioning segment of the Albanians’ self-declared independent state in Kosovo. Education officials described its existence as a ‘handicap’ to Serbia’s sovereignty in Kosovo.112 As a system with its governing institutions, Albanian education was described by Albanians as a ‘pillar of institutionalized life in Kosovo’.113 It contrasted starkly to, for example, health-care, which never took off as a system, being consigned to private practices and charities. The establishment of the education system, according to the Albanians, also rendered futile the Serbian strategy of their deinstitutionalization.114 This approach rested on the assumption that the ousting of Albanians from institutions – political, economic, educational, cultural, athletic, etc. – would undermine their organizational ability. Therefore, Albanians’ efforts to organize schooling in Kosovo were taken as a proof of their ‘ability to organize state life and to build a state itself in Kosovo’,115 and an illustration of the high degree of ‘our national and state-forming consciousness’.116 The Albanian parallel system also became an epitome of Albanians’ peaceful resistance as a means of their national struggle in Kosovo. In the words of Albanian political analyst and writer Shkëlzen Maliqi, it emerged as a ‘form of total resistance on a totally non-violent plane’.117 The survival of the parallel system also thrived on the Albanians’ sense of defiance – of having ‘surprised’ the Serbs by ‘having done better’ than the Serbs could have possibly expected when making Albanians ‘schoolless’.118 More specifically, Albanians believed that the Serbs counted on being able to eventually dictate the terms of the Albanians’ political return to schools, and thereby to the political life in Serbia, by forcing them into an untenable position.119 Education also came to epitomize political power. An Albanian education official summed up the aim of Serbian policy towards Albanian schools: ‘Take away their schools, and you take away their eyes.’120 In other words, a cessation of education in Albanian would make Albanians malleable politically, leading them to forfeit their national aim of an independent

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Kosovo. By contrast, persistence in continuing education was assessed as ‘a big victory on our path to national independence and liberation’.121 During my year-long stay in Kosovo I had been told numerous times the alleged quote by Aleksandar Rankovicœ, the fearsome post-Second World War Serbian strongman infamous for his repressive policy in Kosovo, who commented on the opening of schools in the Albanian language: ‘We took their rifles, but gave them cannon.’122 The evidence for this statement remained anecdotal. Nonetheless, its implication had a deep resonance in the Albanian community in post-autonomy Kosovo. The Albanianlanguage schools were perceived, almost, in security terms. In Hyseni’s words, education is ‘the strongest fortification for the freedom and independence of Albanians’.123 The symbolic power and political leverage of the parallel education system was not lost on Albanians. Continuation of the education process in the Albanian language in Kosovo had a crucial impact on slowing down, if not entirely halting, a mass departure of Albanians from Kosovo. By the beginning of the 1994–5 school year, some 45,000 pupils and some 12,000 educators, representing the size of an average town in Kosovo, had left.124 Therefore, the Albanian education officials articulated one more role of schooling that surpassed its strictly educational relevance: ‘Now school is also a programme against emigration, or, [expressed] in current political terms, against Serbian attempts to ethnically cleanse Kosovo of Albanians.’125 The existence of education in Albanian, therefore, helped ‘prevent a mass exodus of Albanians’.126 The Serbian strategy of using schooling as a means of political pressure backfired. Paradoxically, reinventing the education system in private homes placed Albanians in a position of strength. The initial defence of Albanians’ educational autonomy turned into the realization of their educational sovereignty. For Albanians, it was an inspiring harbinger of political and territorial sovereignty. However, the financial aspect of the parallel education system in Kosovo highlighted the tension between the roles of Albanian education as a form of national resistance and as an exercise of statehood in Kosovo. The tension was reflected in an ambiguity of the principle on which the financial system was founded. It simultaneously relied on the feeling of solidarity, i.e. voluntary contributions by citizens, but also that of duty, i.e. fulfilment of financial obligation towards the state. In his strategy paper on the possibility of organizing Albanian education in Kosovo, Hyseni asserted that ‘it is in vain to talk and think about restarting a school year without securing financial sources’.127 These, according to him, should be reliable and stable.128 However, the ‘Albanian’ school year began without a functioning financial system in place. Steps towards its implementation had been undertaken. The Central Financial Council of Kosovo, Këshilli Qendror për Financim i Kosovës (KQFK) in Albanian, was founded in Kosovo and the Fund of the Government of

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the Republic of Kosovo, Fondi e Qeverisë së Republikës së Kosovës (FQ) in Albanian, was founded abroad at the beginning of 1992. The two bodies were in charge of collection of funds from Albanians in Kosovo and abroad, respectively.129 Before this system began to function, education was financed by the so-called parents’ councils, a collection of funds from pupils’ parents, and help sent from abroad.130 This form of financing was considered an improvization, until the institutional solution for the issue of financing of some 25,000 Albanian educators was in place.131 In addition, the establishment of a nationwide, rather than locally focused, financial system in education was intended to promote the integrity of the Albanian parallel education system.132 Importantly, the KQFK was to sponsor a wider range of social activities – cultural, health-care, athletic, etc. However, some 90 per cent of the money it collected was spent on education. Its task of collection and distribution of funds verged on the ‘domain of fiscal policy’.133 Therefore, the financial system – ideally – was to be one more institutional attribute of the Albanians’ national state in Kosovo. The effectiveness of the KQFK was crucially defined by the political context in which the entire Albanian parallel system functioned. The Kosovo Albanian government was forced to operate out of exile for security reasons. Similarly, the Serbian police prevented the constitution of the Albanian Parliament in Kosovo, which carried out its work through parliamentary commissions. The work of the KQFK was shaped by a non-existent Parliament unable to allot budgetary expenditures. However, it was also marked by the nature of the resources the KQFK collected. These were citizens’ contributions based on the principle of self-help, rather than duties and taxes.134 Albanians employed abroad were to pay 3 per cent of their monthly income into the so-called Solidarity Fund.135 In Kosovo, contributions encompassed the so-called family tax combined with the percentage on income from businesses or services in the private sector.136 Primary and secondary education were entirely financed by the KQFK. By contrast, the university and post-secondary schools opted for a combined method. They were self-funded from students’ fees (from enrolment, registration of terms, graduate studies, exam fees, etc.), complemented by funds from the KQFK.137 The term used to describe a person paying a contribution in Albanian is obliguesit, which means a tax-payer. However, while the term suggests an obligation, contributions paid were essentially voluntary. Limani described the KQFK as an ‘institution that collects a kind of selfcontribution of citizens of Kosovo for the Albanian parallel system’.138 The apparently obligatory character of the contributions was derived from references to nation and state, rather than from the existence of a functioning judicial system. Without institutional instruments to enforce them, all payments were essentially voluntary in nature. The financial contribution was conceived of as a debt towards education, and, hence, towards the nation; as one education official put it, ‘a duty

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towards education is a civic and national duty’.139 Furthermore, it was considered as a state obligation, grounded in the referendum on independence.140 Accordingly, the failure to pay a contribution into the ‘state till’,141 was an ‘act against the national interest’,142 as well as an outright violation of a constitutional obligation.143 Nonetheless, fulfilment of the monthly financial contributions remained a matter of conscience.144 Therefore, public exposure in the Albanian press in Kosovo of those who evaded, but also of those who fulfilled, their ‘financial obligation’, was coercive in character.145 Private businesses were most commonly singled out for their ‘stinginess’.146 Indifference of small and big businessmen towards the Albanian school was considered unacceptable,147 especially as they paid the so-called Serbian taxes. Despite their declaration of independence, Albanians in Kosovo were part of Serbia’s financial system. Prime Minister-in-Exile Bujar Bukoshi described as paradoxical Albanian payments of Serbian taxes and evasion of Albanian ones: I cannot justify the fact that the same Albanians who hasten to pay taxes to shkijas [a derogatory word for Serbs used by Albanians] with which they maintain the repressive police and army of occupation, hesitate or do not pay at all taxes supporting the attempt to try and get rid of this army and police.148 Unlike businessmen, family contributions, even coming from the poorest strata of Albanian society, were paid with greater regularity.149 In addition, criticism was also directed at a share shouldered by the Albanian diaspora. It was deemed that it could contribute more than the roughly one third of education costs that it did, according to the former head of the KQFK, Mustafë Blakaj.150 The setting up of the Municipal Financial Councils at the local level ensued after February 1992, and marked a further institutionalization of the financial system in Kosovo. However, the financial situation was difficult to alleviate primarily due to the inability of the population to make a payment following their mass dismissals from the state sector by the Serbs, but, also, due to the evasion of payments by many private entrepreneurs in Kosovo. By September 1996, Albanian teachers in some municipalities had not been paid since March.151 The situation got steadily worse. In 1997, many teachers throughout Kosovo were owed as many as six monthly salaries. They were precious even though their value was meagre. The teachers’ monthly salary in 1995 of 130 German Marks was just enough to buy bread for a family (an average with 6.6 members) in Kosovo.152 Meanwhile, teachers enjoyed recognition for their effort and were considered a ‘pride of the nation’.153 The continuity of the Albanian school was attributed to their ‘perseverance, idealism and patriotism’.154 However, Xhavit Ahmeti, the Adviser on Education to President Ibrahim Rugova of

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self-declared independent Kosovo, opposed the use of the word pagë, Albanian for payment or salary, to describe a financial compensation for teachers. Instead, he insisted on the use of ndihmë, Albanian for help.155 The state, effectively, eschewed pressure coming from the Albanian Independent Union for Education aimed at securing a minimum salary for teachers.156 Due to clinging on to the discourse of resistance rather than the discourse of state, efforts aimed at as close an approximation as possible of a fully functioning Albanian state in Kosovo were undermined. However, the notion of help instead of salary was rejected. According to the Albanian daily Bujku, an idea that the teachers would work for free ‘because of patriotism’ was described as an illusion.157 Instead citizens were expected to make regular payments for education. As Hyseni explained it: ‘Education cannot live on help or alms. Education belongs to the people, and the people ought to contribute towards it.’158 Ironically, although they were often working for a compensation below a sustenance level, teachers were not entitled to the free health-care dispensed by Albanian private clinics. No organized solidarity in terms of exchange of services was introduced, making Albanian teachers ever more dependent on their meagre ‘salaries’. The free transport they were provided with in some areas was an exception. The issue of financing emerged as one of the biggest challenges for the survival of Albanian parallel education. While the linkage between Albanian-language education and the Albanian national cause in Kosovo was crucial in mobilizing the Albanian community to launch a parallel education system, their de-linkage was necessary to ensure its survival. The Albanian weekly Zëri wrote: [T]he sooner consciousness is created that teachers, professors, and education officials do their work for a salary and not for some abstract national mission, the better it will be for the new contemporary Albanian education, as well as for the fulfilment of obligations that the state and society have towards education.159 Neither could the linkage between statehood and resistance be relied on to fund education. In 1995, stating that ‘the method of persuasion did not prove efficient’, Rexhep Osmani, the leader of the teachers’ association LASH, recognized a need to change the mechanism for collecting funds for education.160 Enforcement appeared indispensable. In an institutionally ‘rump’ state, it was the very education, or, rather, a denial of it, that provided for an efficient sanction. Pupils’ attendance at school was made conditional upon a proof of parents’ fulfilment of their financial obligations. Only pupils from families registered as welfare cases freed from their financial obligations were exempt. According to Ismajl Kastrati, the head of the KQFK, this Council sent a recommendation to Municipal Councils that pressure should be applied when: issuing a certificate after

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completion of primary school, enrolling pupils to secondary school and issuing a diploma after completing primary school, and issuing documents for personal needs.161 Kastrati also added that, on their own initiative, some Municipal Councils also made the attendance of primary school pupils conditional on their parents’ fulfilment of their financial obligations.162 The financing of the Albanian parallel education system was conceived of as approximating a state tax system. Yet, because it was an approximation, it largely relied on voluntarism by the members of the Albanian community. Voluntarism was reinforced by the identification of payments, not only but primarily for education, with the notions of state and national duty. That duty was not enforceable due to the incomplete character of the institutional structure of the Albanian parallel state in Kosovo. Therefore, the collection of payments to ensure the survival of the system hinged on the possibility of an enforceable sanction. Education itself emerged as a sanction for the sake of its own existence. Those who did not pay taxes could not have their children educated. The ambiguous conceptualization of parallel education as the embodiment of the Albanian state and the Albanian resistance in Kosovo proved a powerful motivator for the immense organizational effort necessary to launch parallel education in Kosovo. However, it also proved its Achilles’ heel as the notion of resistance could not guarantee regular payments that the reference to statehood dictated.

Conclusion Segregation in Kosovo’s education became a manifestation of national confrontation between Serbs and Albanians in and over Kosovo. Physically implanted on Kosovo’s landscape, space underwrote the unique sense of national identity. The spatial divide between the two communities reinforced their respective senses of nationhood in opposition to the other national community. However, it also reinforced the logic of intra-national homogenization. Transgressors in the national struggle could be spotted easily among the opponents’ ranks. National mobilization and traditional punishment in the Albanian society combined to make a powerful disincentive for anyone contemplating a challenge to the Albanian national policy in Kosovo. Schools and the university, where spatial separation was total and crude, served as a daily reminder of Albanians’ plight in Kosovo. The very act of education became an exercise in national resistance, and contribution to the building of the independent Albanian state in Kosovo. The sense of nationhood ceased being a matter of self-awareness. It became a daily practice. The exigencies of the parallel system in Kosovo turned the Albanian society in Kosovo into a community of solidarity, while simultaneously committing the Kosovo Albanian diaspora in Western Europe and in the United States to the national cause in the homeland.

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The Albanian national movement in post-autonomy Kosovo was decisively shaped by its spatial dimension. A withdrawal into private houses and utilization of alternative premises, therefore, bestowed a new quality on the Albanian protest in Kosovo. Unlike the Albanian mass street protests of 1968, 1981, the late 1980s and the early 1990s, which were a highly visible form of resistance, the non-violent struggle, focused on the building of the parallel state, was invisible. Being consigned to towns’ margins, tucked away in towns’ peripheral quarters, Albanian schools and faculties ‘disappeared from view’. Groups of Albanian pupils and university students climbing the steep streets leading away from the central area of Pristina towards the outlying suburbs did, nevertheless, suggest that the mostly Serbian schools in the city centre were not the only schools in town. Two key aspects of national segregation – separation and marginalization – would, eventually, mobilize Albanian university students in an attempt to reverse the spatial order. By doing so they challenged the very defining features of Albanian national resistance in Kosovo. The years of complete freedom the Albanians had acquired to nourish and tailor their nationhood in the parallel system made the challenge inevitable. The freedom won inside the schools was a reminder of a lack of freedom outside the home-schools in the homeland.

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The parallel education system was a microcosm of the Kosovo-wide political dynamics. At one and the same time, it epitomized freedom and repression. The use of alternative space for education empowered Albanians symbolically. For the first time since the Second World War, Albanians were not accountable to anyone in designing the national content of education in Albanian. However, Albanians’ reality in the 1990s was also marked by a politically restrictive context. The spatial concomitant of internally exercised freedom was Albanians’ segregation and marginalization. By accentuating the limited nature of Albanians’ freedom, the spatial order reinforced their desire for it to be fully fledged. This chapter focuses on the exercise of educational freedoms by Albanians in the parallel system. In particular, it examines a symbolic construction of the Albanian sense of nationhood as illustrated by the newly produced Albanian history and geography textbooks after the abolition of Kosovo’s autonomy. It is followed by an analysis of poems and essays written by Albanian children, which provide a comparative insight into the views held by pupils about nationhood and homeland.

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The Albanians perceived post-autonomy Kosovo as a mega-prison, megaburg in Albanian. The metaphor was derived from the experience of Albanian political prisoners who served sentences in Serbian prisons both in Kosovo and Serbia for their involvement in the advancement of Albanians’ national rights in Kosovo.1 One of the best-known Albanian ex-prisoners, Adem Demaçi, who had spent a total of 28 years in prison, said: ‘the biggest prison in the world [is] the prison of Kosovo, [where] two million Albanians suffer, deprived of all elementary human and national freedoms, in the chains of the Serbian hegemonic regime’.2 Nearly a decade of Serbian rule in Kosovo since 1989 entrenched the prison metaphor. A series of all-national Albanian protests for freedom in Kosovo in spring 1998 in response to the Serbian military crackdown in the province was held under the motto: ‘Kosovo, the biggest prison in Europe’.3

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Arguably, the immediacy of the experienced repression in Kosovo’s schools reinforced the Albanians’ experience of all Kosovo as being ‘unfree’. In home-schools conditions were often rudimentary, with wooden planks as benches, and a piece of blackboard if one was lucky. In school buildings many cellars with security rails on the windows and a bare light bulb hanging from a ceiling were turned into classrooms. On a poster carried during Albanian protests for schools in the early 1990s, and reproduced in the Albanian-language newspapers in the years that followed, the two letters ‘o’ in the English word ‘school’ were represented by handcuffs. This symbolic image of the Albanian school arose from a real-life predicament. Neither the young nor the old escaped the exercise of Serbs’ ultimate claim to sovereignty in Kosovo. Albanian education authorities, Albanian primary and secondary school headmasters and teachers, as well as the university chancellor and lecturers, but also pupils and students of all ages, including owners of home-schools, were often interrogated, beaten and imprisoned by the Serbian police.4 Albanian pupils and students caught with university diplomas and school certificates with the seal of the self-declared Republic of Kosovo were subjected to verbal abuse at best. Albanians were not allowed to use schools they shared with Serbs when they were closed for Serbian national holidays.5 Similarly, secondary education was often obstructed regardless of whether it was held in a primary school or in a private house.6 School records and school certificates were taken from schools and the university, exposing the vulnerability of the Albanian parallel education system.7 Merely taking part in the parallel education system was a form of payment of national dues by Albanian pupils and students, and their instructors. The risks of suffering some form of harassment, and even violence, for going to school or university were omnipresent. The killing of an Albanian primary school teacher from Pristina was commemorated during the first lesson in all primary and secondary schools in Kosovo in 1996. It showed that the survival of the Albanian school might exact the ultimate sacrifice.8 Sacrifice for Albanian-language education was acknowledged in obituaries with the following words: ‘we are proud to have had such a parent who did not even spare his life in the defence of the Albanian school’, or ‘with will and pride you gave [your life] for the high Albanian national ideals, for the sacredness of language, students and the Albanian school’.9 However, parallel education took its toll as the number of Albanian students dwindled at all levels. The number of primary school pupils dropped from 304,836 in the 1989–90 school year to 268,543 in the 1995–6 school year.10 Similarly, the number of secondary school pupils decreased from 71,257 in the 1990–1 school year, to 56,187 in 1995–6, or by 21.44 per cent.11 A rapid decline in enrolment of Albanian students was also recorded at the university level, from 25,260 in the academic year 1989–90 to 11,532 in 1994–5.12 A drop in a number of students at various levels

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of education differed by gender. Female enrolment significantly declined in secondary schools, while a declining trend in male enrolment was discernible at the university. There were 6,952 male students at the university in the 1993–4 academic year, while their number dropped by over 300 to 6,635 the next academic year. The number of female students decreased as well, but not as sharply, from 5,030 to 4,897.13 A decrease in students of both sexes was a result of a combination of factors: a sense of the futility of education, a dire economic situation, an overall sense of physical insecurity, and the emigration of parents from Kosovo.14 However, some Albanian girls remained at home due to their family’s negative attitude to schooling. A family ban on schooling pointed to the resurfacing of traditional patriarchal but also religious views that a female child should not leave the house. In addition, an emergence of violent hooliganism among the youth within the Albanian community also seemed to have an impact on female school attendance.15 Young Albanian males, however, seemed more likely to emigrate for fear of being drafted into the Yugoslav Army.16 An Albanian analyst from Kosovo, Shkëlzen Maliqi, dubbed the Albanian school in Kosovo a ‘unique life school of resistance’.17 As years of national confrontation over Kosovo went by, more graduates joined the ranks of the ‘home-school generation’.18 Maliqi noted that the standard of their education may have declined, but they received a first-hand lesson in repression.19 Still, a desire for a return to proper education facilities remained strong. A rush of Albanian pupils to enrol at a centrally located secondary school working in a proper school building in Pristina as compared to declining numbers at one of the best-furnished secondary home-schools on the capital’s outskirts was telling.20 Similarly, ever more university students chose to study part-time. That status would free them from attendance at lectures, while obliging them to go to the faculty located in a private house only to sit an exam. The Albanian parallel education system emerged as a target of Serbian repression, even though the Serbs had, by and large, turned a blind eye to the Albanians’ education system in Kosovo.21 Random acts of repression by Serbian police directed against Albanian schools and the university in Kosovo were a reminder that the educational freedom they had gained left much to be desired. Physical seclusion failed to offer any security to Albanians. By contrast, the Albanians’ very use of the alternative space for education emerged as a daily reminder of the imperfection of such freedom, and, hence, a stimulus for overturning the post-autonomy spatial arrangement in Kosovo.

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The creation of parallel education at the beginning of 1992 paved the way for the unrestrained assertion of Albanian nationhood. For the first

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time since Kosovo’s inclusion in the Yugoslav state, Albanian-language education was ‘without Serbian tutelage over its head’.22 Paradoxically, Albanians found complete freedom to administer all aspects at all levels of their education in the conditions to which they referred as Serbian occupation. Ibrahim Rugova, the president of the self-declared independent Kosovo, described the functioning of the Albanian parallel state in Kosovo as an exercise in ‘internal liberation’.23 The newly gained educational freedom was its most prominent segment. Control over parallel education allowed the casting of a Kosovo-specific Albanian identity in opposition to the Serbs, and the nourishing of a sense of all-Albanian nationhood. The idea of sovereign statehood and, thereby, sovereign education, was graphically imprinted on all school certificates and diplomas. They bore the inscription of the ‘Republic of Kosovo’.24 Education officials argued that, as official school documents, they helped the creation of the ‘reality of statehood of the Republic of Kosovo’.25 Importantly, these school certificates were a testimony to the existence of the ‘internally liberated school’.26 They were, therefore, called ‘diplomas of freedom’.27 Albanians were now free to learn the lessons of nationhood. The changes in the Albanian curricula for primary and secondary schools allowed an unrestrained expression of Albanian nationhood. The new content for primary and secondary schools, primarily in the so-called national subjects, such as literature and language, history and geography,28 gave meaning to Albanian nationhood. The demise of Communism had resulted in the removal of ideological subjects, such as Marxism, from the teaching process.29 The removal of the ‘ideological’ content was accompanied by the assertion of a self-centred vision of Albanian nationhood.30 For example, lessons about the Youth Day, Tito’s birthday celebrated as the official holiday on 25 May, or about the Republic Day on 29 November marking the founding of Communist Yugoslavia, were dropped.31 The teaching of Serbo-Croat in Albanian schools was removed from the new Kosovo curricula. At the same time, for example, the geography of by now former Yugoslavia was replaced by the geography of Kosovo in primary schools, and by the geography of the Albanian lands in secondary schools.32 In subjects that did not concern the sense of nationhood, such as philosophy and sociology, Albanians based their curriculum on the one adopted by Belgrade.33 The curricula were altered in accordance with the ‘national goal’.34 The sense of nationhood expressed at a political level in the form of Kosovo’s independence was built into the curricula. It replaced the symbolic engineering of Albanian national identity along ideological lines characteristic of the Communist period when the curricula were aimed at fostering Kosovo Albanians’ sense of belonging to the Yugoslav political community while de-emphasizing their sense of commonness and fraternity with Albanians in Albanian proper. The nationalization of the curricula was paralleled by the nationalization of school names. Kosovo’s education

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authorities approved a list of recommended names for primary and secondary schools. They included prominent Albanian figures in history, education, science and culture, many of whom were banned in Kosovo during Communism; geographic names, such as Drenica, as an area of Kosovo symbolic of Albanian resistance to Serbs, or Illyria, the territory inhabited by Illyrians as Albanians’ presumed ancestors; and historical events and dates, such as the Prizren League, which marked the Albanian national ‘awakening’ in the nineteenth century, or 2 July, the day of the declaration of Kosovo’s independence.35 The suggested list also contained letters and nouns with a symbolic meaning that could be a school name: A, as the first letter of the alphabet, bashkimi meaning unification, liria meaning freedom, kombi meaning nation, martiri meaning a martyr, etc.36 The renaming of schools in the national spirit was portrayed as ending a ‘tendency towards the assimilation and acculturation of Albanians’.37 However, the existence of two names, an Albanian and a Serbian one, for the same divided schools, was a stark reminder that the national contest for schools, and for Kosovo’s territory, was still under way. For example, both national groups discarded the name of Yugoslavia’s founding father Josip Broz for a primary school in Pristina. Serbs named it after Serbian nineteenth-century poet Jovan Jovanovicœ-Zmaj and Albanians after the founder of the Albanian state in 1912, Ismail Qemali.38 The Albanian school in Kosovo nourished a Kosovo-centred sense of nationhood. However, it also furthered a symbolic national unification of all Albanians, which a former Kosovo Albanian official identified as an important role of an Albanian school.39 It is illustrated by a decision of Kosovo’s education authorities that the portrait of Gjergj Kastrioti Skanderbeg should be hung in Albanian classrooms.40 The choice of the great Albanian national hero from the fifteenth century evoked the sense of all-Albanian national unity. ‘Spiritual unification’ through education was to be a harbinger of an all-Albanian political unification.41 There were calls for the creation of a unified, all-Albanian education system, instead of two separate Albanian national systems in Kosovo and in Albania.42 The idea of the unified education system was based on the political idea of unification, as expressed by one Albanian university lecturer: the unified national education system ‘should be one of our permanent objectives guided by a centuries-old ideal of every Albanian – national unification’.43 Harmonization of curricula for national subjects in primary and secondary schools in Kosovo and Albania was the first step in the direction of creating an all-Albanian unified educational space. Following the agreement reached by the Education Ministry of Kosovo and the Education Ministry of Albania in August 1992, the first joint curricula for the subjects of Albanian language and literature, history, geography, music, visual arts and English in primary and secondary schools were compiled in 1994.44 The process was carried out by National Councils, Këshillave nacionale in Albanian, for given subjects that gathered education officials from

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Kosovo and Albania. The work was accomplished ‘quietly’ for fear of repression by Serbian authorities.45 It was followed by the publishing of the first joint school textbooks for Albanian language and literature and history in primary and secondary schools to be used in Kosovo and Albania.46 Envisaged as fostering a strong co-national bond, a process of unification of Kosovo’s and Albania’s primary and secondary school curricula appears to have caused more intra-national friction than harmony. As an independent Albanian political analyst from Kosovo told me, problems encountered between Albanians from Kosovo and their ethnic brethren from Albania were not unlike those encountered in the process of drafting the so-called common cores for the Yugoslav curriculum in the late 1980s.47 In both cases Albanians from Kosovo were left with a feeling that the Kosovo-specific content was under-represented. This was evident, for example, in a review of a joint primary school history textbook.48 Furthermore, some textbooks introduced to Albanian pupils from Kosovo for a literature course were only reprints of editions used in Albania. As such they were perceived as a violation of the very idea of a unified curriculum based on equality. The Kosovo Albanian weekly Zëri wrote: ‘Paradoxically, with this procedure the opposite is being done from what is said to be intended: Kosovo is presented as an Albanian diaspora, and not as a relevant political national Albanian entity.’49 The establishment of parallel education and the freedom it gave Albanians in Kosovo to design school curricula ended the period when they had to ‘bargain’ with the Serbs over the volume and quality of the Albanian content.50 However, now, ironically, they had to ‘fight’ for the Kosovo-specific content with their Albanian brethren. In addition, Kosovo Albanians’ position in this process was undermined by ‘the problem of internal selection’.51 Hence, in selecting modern writers to be taught in Kosovo’s schools, selection committees made their choice of literary production in Kosovo based on favouritism rather then merit.52 Rexhep Osmani, the head of the Albanian teachers’ association LASH, pointed out that integration of teaching content in different subject areas was distinct from integration of educational systems that itself was impossible in the given political circumstances in Kosovo.53 However, by spring 1998, which marked the beginning of full-blown violent conflict in Kosovo, the process of national curriculum unification had left much to be desired, since ‘for almost a year not a single serious working meeting has taken place with the education leadership in Albania’.54 Not unlike Albanian-language primary and secondary schools, the university also achieved freedom in ‘unfreedom’.55 The process was accompanied by a curriculum reform, which implied the removal of ‘ideological and Slav elements and impact’.56 Therefore, the introduction of the unified all-Albanian curriculum at the History Faculty, and in the history course at the Philological Faculty,57 was an integral part of the nationalization of

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education in Kosovo. Severance with the past was symbolically carried out by the adoption of a new university coat of arms, with Albanian national colours: red and black.58 The newly found freedom for the Albanian-language university in Pristina also provided a window of opportunity for renewing the inter-university cooperation between Kosovo and Albania, which had been cut short after the 1981 Albanian demonstrations in Kosovo. Teaching staff at Pristina University noted that this cooperation was unlike cooperation with other foreign universities since it was ‘a cooperation of national Albanian universities’.59 Apart from a revival of academic cooperation in the form of joint conferences between Albanians in Kosovo and in Albania,60 over 30 Albanian students were sent to Albania to study subject areas such as pharmacology and veterinary science, not offered in Kosovo.61 In addition, Tirana University provided facilities, most notably to medical students from Kosovo, to carry out the practical part of their degree that they were unable to accomplish in the inadequate conditions in private houses in Kosovo.62 The exercise of absolute educational authority in post-autonomy Kosovo, in contrast to the substantial educational self-rule in the autonomy period, freed Albanian administrators from any ideological constraints, including the nationally driven restrictions by Serbs characteristic of its latter part. The new design of the national curriculum giving what was deemed adequate expression to the sense of Albanian nationhood, along with the initial attempts at unifying the national curriculum with the one used in Albania, best illustrate the newly gained educational freedom. That this freedom flourished in the context of repression, as it did, does not in any way modify the limits of that freedom. By contrast, it points to the symbolic power that the physical control, in this case of alternative space, can yield. Therefore, in continuation, this chapter looks at the new ‘nationalized’ Albanian history and geography textbooks as the most delicate aspect of that power and compares them with their Serbian counterparts.

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This analysis of history and geography textbooks aims to chart the symbolic and spatial outlines of national identity as perceived by Albanians in Kosovo, and by Serbs, as pertains to Kosovo. It shows that exclusive and confrontational visions of nationhood in Serbian and Albanian textbooks reflect and feed into the Serbian–Albanian dispute over sovereignty in Kosovo. This section first looks at the Albanian and then at the Serbian national self-perception. The analysis of Albanian textbooks is more substantial in scope because of the centrality of Kosovo in Kosovo Albanian identity. By contrast, Kosovo is only a part of the Serbs’ perceived homeland, albeit invested with a particular symbolic weight. Similarly, dominance of Serbs as an ethnic Other for Kosovo Albanians is reflected in their textbooks. By contrast, Serbian identity is asserted in Serbian

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textbooks not only against Albanians, but also against Muslims and Croats.63 In terms of methodology, this section seeks to explore evident, ‘hidden’ and omitted aspects of the verbal and visual narratives of nationhood, pointing out the interplay between the presented historical and geographical knowledge. Nation and homeland in Albanian history and geography textbooks School history and geography textbooks published by the parallel Albanian education authorities for primary and secondary schools illustrate the symbolic reconfiguration of Albanian nationhood in post-autonomy Kosovo. The social science textbook for third-graders in primary school introduced Kosovo’s geography and history to pupils. The introduction was explicit about its orientation: ‘the Text aims to develop among students the love for the homeland both for Kosovo, and for the ethnic territories [of the Albanian people], to cultivate and develop national consciousness and national pride’.64 Similarly, textbook covers also affirmed a national orientation by often depicting a prominent motif from Albanian national history.65 This section is organized around two main themes. The first includes the examination of Albanian nationhood in terms of its self-perception, including the positioning of the Kosovo-specific sense of national identity in relation to that of the Albanian nation as a whole. The second portrays Albanian nationhood as it is moulded by the ethnic Other, since the Albanians’ sense of national identity in Kosovo has been fostered through contact, conflict and competition with the Serbs in and over Kosovo. The visual presentations of Kosovo in Albanian history and geography textbooks provide an illustration of Hall’s concept of ‘cartographic precedent’.66 It implies the visual portrayal of the fact before it has become a reality. As illustrated by Maps 5.1 and 5.2, Kosovo in the 1990s was portrayed as an independent republic in the Balkans, separate both from Serbia and the then Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY), as well as from Albania in the Kosovo Albanian geography textbooks.67 Albania was studied and represented as a separate country.68 The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia is described as a ‘community of Serbia, Montenegro and Vojvodina’, i.e. without Kosovo, while the Albanians in three municipalities in southern Serbia along the border with Kosovo were described as living ‘in eastern Kosovo’.69 Kosovo’s territorial sovereignty was additionally reinforced by the inclusion of hydrographical, industrial, road and other maps of Kosovo only.70 Such a portrayal of Kosovo was a visual equivalent of the Albanians’ 1991 referendum on independence from Serbia and the FRY. Though not internationally recognized, this act promoted the borders of the former Serbian province of Kosovo into the frontiers of the self-proclaimed independent Albanian state in Kosovo as illustrated by the maps of Kosovo in school textbooks. Therefore, Albanians, who

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Map 5.1 The position of Kosovo in the Balkans.

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were an oppressed majority in Serb-ruled Kosovo, were described in Albanian textbooks as a sovereign majority that protected the rights of minorities, such as Serbs, Montenegrins, Muslims and Turks. They are designated as minorities because they live ‘in another state [from other members of their respective nations]’.71 The Serbs were also portrayed as living in Kosovo’s enclaves.72 Poignantly, Kosovo’s ethnic landscape in the aftermath of the NATO intervention in 1999 was thus anticipated. In addition, the textbooks said that the rights of the Serbs, like those of other minorities, were guaranteed by the Kacanik Constitution, which was clandestinely adopted by Albanian MPs in Kosovo in 1991.73 The territorialization of Kosovo’s self-declared sovereignty was equally important

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Source: Adapted from Pozita e Kosovës në Ballkan, in Sh. Maloku, I. Ahmetaj, R. Pllana, A. Pushka et al., Gjeografia e Kosovës për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, 3rd edn (Prishtinë: Enti i teksteve dhe i mjeteve mësimore i Kosovës, 1997), p. 7.

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Map 5.2 Kosovo and neighbours. Source: Adapted from Kosova me fqinjët, in Sh. Maloku, I. Ahmetaj, R. Pllana, A. Pushka et al., Gjeografia e Kosovës për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, 3rd edn (Prishtinë: Enti i teksteve dhe i mjeteve mësimore i Kosovës, 1997), p. 9.

as the establishment of the Albanian claim to Kosovo’s territory. Their believed Illyrian origin was pivotal in constructing the Albanian argument. The antiquity of the Albanians’ ethnic origin and of the occupation of their ‘ethnic’ territories in the Balkans was established by a lengthy treatment of the Illyrians, the pre-Roman and the pre-Greek inhabitants of the Balkans, in Albanian history textbooks.74 Therefore, Albanian pupils’ encounter with their national history began with the study of the territorial distribution in the Balkan peninsula of nearly a dozen Illyrian tribes,

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including the Illyrians’ wars against and conquest by the Romans, as well as Illyrian art, culture, beliefs and lifestyle.75 Of all Illyrian tribes, the Dardanians merited particular attention in the history textbooks. It was described as the biggest Illyrian tribe whose area in the fourth century BC occupied the present territory of Kosovo and the surrounding areas, i.e. Dardania.76 Map 5.3, adapted from the eighth grade geography textbook, juxtaposed the present Albanian-inhabited territories on the areas inhabited by the Illyrians. While allowing for some inconclusiveness about the Illyrians’ origins, Albanian textbooks specified that a majority of scholars consider the Illyrians to be indigenous inhabitants of the Balkans.77 However, no such scholarly uncertainty is permitted in the case of the Albanians’ origins.

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111 Map 5.3 Distribution of the Illyrian tribes.

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Source: Adapted from Shtrirja teritoriale e fiseve ilire, in Sh. Maloku, I. Ahmetaj, R. Pllana, A. Pushka et al., Gjeografia e Kosovës për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, 3rd edn (Prishtinë: Enti i teksteve dhe i mjeteve mësimore i Kosovës, 1997), p. 48.

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In the Albanian history textbooks, the Illyrians were studied as the Albanians’ ancestors, and this linkage was, unlike in the Western scholarship, indisputable.78 Hence, this passage asserting the Albanians’ Illyrian descent is typical: ‘Although there are few written documents, links of the Albanians of the early mediaeval period with the Illyrians and the Illyrian-Albanian continuity are now proven by archaeological, linguistic, ethnographic, anthropological and other sciences.’79 Without any reservations the teaching units about the Illyrians affirmed the Albanians’ sense of a history-based ethnic and territorial identity. The idea was reasserted in geography textbooks as well.80 One textbook said: ‘[D]espite all territorial contractions, Albanians remained continuously on the first ethnic-geographic territories of their predecessors, the Illyrians, despite facing several centuries-long pressures of foreign occupation and domination.’81 The visual presentations of the Albanians’ ancient Illyrian homeland illustrated its shrinkage over time.82 As shown in Map 5.4, the territorial reduction was particularly evident in the case of Kosovo. Its surface was nearly half the size of the ancient Dardania inhabited by the Dardanians, the Illyrian tribe purported to be predecessors of Albanians in Kosovo.83 Besides endowing them with a sense of historical destiny in the national homeland, the assertion of Illyrian ancestry allowed the Albanians to claim the lands they inhabit by the right of first occupation.84 The argument is that, by occupying the territory much before the arrival of the Slavs in the sixth century, the Albanians hold right to the land. Alongside the territorial and historical location of the nation, identification of and with national heroes represents an important tool in the construction and deconstruction of a nation. The period of struggle led by Gjergj Kastrioti – known as Skanderbeg – was another substantial theme in Albanian history textbooks. Pupils were taught that Skanderbeg never forgot his fatherland, Albania, even though he had been taken as a hostage from his family and raised at the Ottoman court.85 Not only were Albanianinhabited territories in the medieval Balkans retroactively nationalized, Skanderbeg himself at the time of his military undertaking is cast as a national hero. Hence, the notions of nation and nationhood were imported into the era that preceded their conceptualization. At the head of the Albanian military alliance, Skanderbeg spearheaded its resistance to the Ottomans for 25 years in the fifteenth century. Therefore, as a leader of ‘a just struggle for the defence of the fatherland, language, customs and culture of the Arbërs’,86 Skanderbeg embodied the values of national unity, freedom and independence. Thus, a textbook described his legacy: He defended the freedom of a large area of the Albanian lands for decades and strengthened the national unity of Albanians. For the first time, under Skanderbeg’s leadership all Albanian principalities of the liberated lands were included in one state.87

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111 Map 5.4 Dardanian state.

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Source: Adapted from Shteti dardan, in H. Hyseni and B. Shatri, Natyra dhe shoqëria për klasën e tretë të shkollës fillore (Prishtinë: Enti i teksteve dhe i mjeteve mësimore i Kosovës, n/y), p. 93.

Importantly, Skanderbeg’s state is regarded as the Albanian state, which ‘created an important tradition of the Albanians’ state life, that remained alive in the Albanians’ memory and that was propagated in the subsequent centuries’.88 Again, the textbooks operated retroactively with a notion of nationally defined statehood. Skanderbeg was described as ‘a symbol of the struggle for freedom and independence. Even after his death he remained a beloved figure for Albanians.’89 Furthermore, this memory of him, and that of the antiOttoman struggle he epitomized, were also presented in Albanian textbooks as a ‘national covenant’: ‘The struggle against the Ottoman conquerors remained a symbol of pride for the future generations and served as a source of inspiration for unification of Albanians in the struggle to regain freedom.’90 More precisely, he became the symbol ‘of the [Albanians’] efforts for the formation of the national state’.91 Consequently, the invocation of Skanderbeg, as was the case with the order of Albanian parallel authorities that all classroom walls should have Skanderbeg’s portrait hung on them, was an appeal to national unity and for a national state. The authenticity of that appeal was established by placing pre-nation age struggles in the national context.

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Albanian history textbooks in post-autonomy Kosovo dealt most extensively with the Albanian Rilindja – the period of Albanian national mobilization in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries that ended with the declaration of Albania’s independence in 1912. Apart from establishing Albanian national aspirations, this theme also introduced the enemies of the Albanians: ‘Greece, Serbia and Montenegro, which had chauvinist goals towards Albanians lands’.92 Albanians responded to their ‘urgent National duty for the defence of Albanian lands from dismemberment’93 by founding the Prizren League in 1878. The textbooks specified that the defence of national territories was worthy of an ultimate sacrifice. Albanians were resolute: ‘not to give a single inch of the homeland of Albanians to a foreign state. [They] would fight to the last man.’94 The League, the Albanians’ national political and military body, tasked with defending Albanian national interests, became synonymous with its autonomist political programme, meaning ‘the unification of all Albanian lands, divided into four vilayets, into one administrative unit, one vilayet or one autonomous state’.95 The Albanian history textbook made a point of explaining why autonomy rather than independence was the Albanians’ territorial and political expression of their nationhood in the late nineteenth century: Because the risk of dismemberment was so great at the time, Albanian patriots thought that at the start they should try to get rights only for self-rule (autonomy) within the Ottoman Empire. That would mark the first step towards full independence for Albanians.96 Or, as another history textbook put it even more explicitly: ‘[autonomy] did not mean that they [Albanian patriots] gave up on the goal of national independence’.97 However, Albanian autonomy within the Ottoman Empire was not accepted by all Albanians as the national goal. It was particularly resisted by conservative Muslim Albanians in Kosovo and in northern Albania who insisted on retaining close ties with the Ottomans. The disagreement between secular nationalists and religious traditionalists taints the idea of unity behind the national goal during the period of the Albanian national ‘revival’. Nonetheless, Albanian history textbooks barely hinted at the conflict between the secularly and the religiously defined sense of identity. The opposition to the autonomist national programme was mentioned only in two paragraphs of one history textbook. Even then, it was not stated clearly that the opposition came from the Kosovars. The textbooks attributed it vaguely to the ‘delegates with a Turkophile disposition’, as well as to Turkish and Bosnian Muslims.98 The Albanian history textbooks retroactively reinforced the sense of the unperturbed national oneness by omitting or downplaying Albanian divisions. The sense of national unity was marred neither by a conflict between the so-called Albanian patriots and conserv-

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atives, nor by Albanian belongingness to three religious communities: Islam, Catholicism and Orthodoxy. The supremacy of national identity was already emphasized in passages dealing with the Islamicization of Albanians under the Ottomans in the eighteenth century: ‘Although a large number of Albanians took the Muslim faith, they never called themselves Ottomans.’99 Unlike the role of religion as a divisive factor in Albanian national identity and politics in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, national education and culture as chief promoters of the unificatory sense of nationhood were given detailed attention in history textbooks. The message passed on to the pupils was that Albanian national resistance to the foreign yoke took the form of war and education: ‘Our people fought against the Ottoman oppressor and other enemies with a gun and with a pen.’100 The efforts of Rilindja leaders in education, publishing and culture were aimed at ‘increasing love for the homeland, mother tongue and progress’,101 for ‘only knowledge opens a man’s eyes to see the path of freedom and progress’.102 As a result, the pupils were acquainted with the Albanians’ relentless struggle at the turn of the century to open schools in the Albanian language and with the tradition of secret schools in defiance of the ban on Albanian as the language of instruction: ‘Anyone who had the Albanian primer and book was heavily punished. But the people were not stopped from learning their own language. Those who knew how to write and read, taught the others in secrecy, even at risk to their lives.’103 Textbooks also included sections about the unification of the Albanian alphabet, and the work of cultural societies at home and abroad.104 However, the acrimony that accompanied the adoption of the unified Albanian alphabet, as the tension came into the open between the secularists who preferred the Latin-based alphabet and the religious conservatives who preferred the Arabic of the Koran, was absent from Kosovo Albanian history textbooks. The Prizren League was crushed by the Ottomans in 1881. However, it represents a prominent symbolic axis in the definition of Albanianness.105 As a territory-based political expression of the Albanian nation the Prizren League heralded Albania’s independence. However, the presentation of this period did not recognize any national divisions in the process of creating the Albanian nation. Instead, omissions of conflictual aspects of that process retroactively imposed the sense of unity as a natural feature of the nation. History textbooks introduced the declaration of Albania’s independence in 1912 as ‘one of the most important events in the history of our people’.106 According to one textbook, the ‘hoisting of the national flag in Vlora’107 marked the Albanians’ dual territorial victory: ‘The Declaration of Independence was a big victory not only in the struggle against the long Ottoman rule, but also against the anti-Albanian policy of the Balkan monarchies, against their plans for the complete dismemberment of Albania.’108 It was a feat and a dream that belonged to all Albanians: ‘The entire Albanian

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people, all Albanian regions, from Kosovo in the north-east to Çamëri in the south, dreamt and fought for this glorious day of the entire Albanian people.’109 However, the creation of the independent Albanian state also enshrined the loss of some Albanian territories, and introduced the notion of territorial injustice to the textbooks: ‘But about a half of the Albanian lands and Albanian people did not enjoy the independence declared in Vlora, because they passed from Ottoman domination to new domination, the one by Serbs, Montenegrins and Greeks.’110 Henceforth, as illustrated in Map 5.5 in a secondary school history textbook, the Albanians’ territorial grievance became one of the main motifs in history and geography textbooks.111 The Albanians were depicted as having suffered ‘the biggest historical injustice’.112 The Great Powers at the 1913 Ambassadors’ Conference in London, convened to deal with Balkan issues after the First Balkan War, did not endorse Albanians’ aspirations to include all Albanianinhabited lands in a national state. Accordingly, a relevant lesson in the sixth grade Albanian history textbook is entitled: ‘Great Powers decide to dismember Albanian lands’.113 The decisions of the Ambassadors’ Conference were assessed as ‘antiAlbanian’,114 having designated the northern Albanian-populated territories as a part of Serbia and Montenegro and the southern ones as a part of Greece: These unjust decisions clearly show that the Ambassadors’ Conference in London disregarded the national interest of the Albanian people. On the contrary, it gravely dismembered its ethnic lands, while thus fulfilling the chauvinist demands of the Balkan aggressors. As a consequence, only about a half of the Albanian lands (about 28,000 square miles) and of the Albanian people were encompassed within the borders of the Albanian state, while another half was separated from the body of the homeland and dismembered among Serbia, Montenegro and Greece.115 The 1913 Ambassadors’ Conference was presented in Kosovo Albanian history textbooks as being consistent with Western disregard of Albanians at the 1878 Berlin Congress, which recognized Serbia and Montenegro as independent states, ‘enlarg[ing] them at the expense of Albanian lands’.116 Nor was Albanians’ treatment at the hands of the Great Powers any different at the 1919–20 Paris Peace Conference after the First World War. Pupils were told that the Albanians hoped that this Conference would ‘justly solve [their] national demands’.117 They included ‘not only independence of Albania, but also the correction of the injustice that was done at the expense of Albanian lands’ at the Berlin and London Conferences, but these ‘were not accepted’.118 Instead, ‘Great Powers tried to satisfy the chauvinist demands of the Balkan countries, which were their allies

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Map 5.5 Amputated borders of the Albanian state determined after the Ambassadors’ Conference in London, 1913. Source: Adapted from Kufijtë e cunguar të shtetit shqiptar të caktuara nga Konferenca e Ambasadorëve në Londër, në 1913, in B. Jubani, P. Xhufi, K. Biçoku et al., Historia e popullit shqiptar për shkollat e mesme (Prishtinë: Enti i teksteve dhe i mjeteve mësimore i Kosovës, 1996), p. 215.

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during the war.’119 The sense of injustice was accompanied by reiteration of the Albanians’ desire for unification in spite of Serbia’s heavy-handed measures aimed at crushing the Albanians’ resistance to Serbian rule in the aftermath of the London Conference and the First World War.120 According to Albanian geography textbooks, even ‘more tragic dismemberment of the Albanian space’ occurred within the territory of Yugoslavia after the Second World War. Map 5.6, adapted from the eighth grade geography textbook, illustrates the division of Albanians among four political-cum-territorial units: Kosovo, southern Serbia, Montenegro and Macedonia.121 The focus for Albanian grievances shifted from the Great Powers to the Serbs. This was demonstrated in history textbooks by the controversial Bujan Resolution. Adopted towards the end of the Second World War by the majority Albanian members of the National-Liberation Council for Kosovo and Dukagjin, according to the textbooks this document ‘expressed the political will of the people of Kosovo for selfdetermination and unification with Albania’.122 Yet, the Albanians’ wishes held no sway with the Yugoslav leadership: ‘It did not recognize the Bujan decisions, because they were contrary to its chauvinist plans.’123 Albanian history textbooks made the case for Albanians’ forced incorporation in Yugoslavia: Kosovo and other Albanian lands were divided between Serbia, Macedonia and Montenegro in four administrative units of Yugoslavia. [. . .] In this way, the blood of Albanian martyrs was trampled on and the Albanians’ overall desire expressed at the Conference of Bujan at the beginning of 1944 for unification of Kosovo and Albania was denied.124 The partial fulfilment of the Albanians’ national aspiration by the Italian Fascist authorities in the Second World War was noted even though the so-called Greater Albania created in 1941 lacked sovereignty: The unification of Kosovo and other Albanian regions with Albania, although it was done by the Fascist ruler, created economic, political and spiritual links between the dismembered parts of our nation. Even though it was not full, the unification on the national basis was the achievement of the old aspiration of the Albanian people for ethnic Albania.125 The division of the Albanian-populated territory in the contemporaneous context was also noted. The eighth grade geography textbook suggested: ‘Kosovo is divided from [the main part of] its body [i.e. Albania] in an artificial manner, but has a population and territorial unity.’126 Nonetheless, the assertions of the symbolic unity and territorial contiguity of

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111 Map 5.6 Kosovo and the Albanian ethnic territories in former Yugoslavia (an assessment).

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Source: Adapted from Kosova dhe territori etnik shqiptar në ish-Jugosllavi, 1991 (vlerësim), in Sh. Maloku, I. Ahmetaj, R. Pllana, A. Pushka et al., Gjeografia e Kosovës për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, 3rd edn (Prishtinë: Enti i teksteve dhe i mjeteve mësimore i Kosovës, 1997), p. 60.

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the Albanian lands in Albanian history and geography textbooks in postautonomy Kosovo were not accompanied by calls for unification of Kosovo and Albania in the 1990s. This contrasts starkly with the quest for unification of all Albanian lands up to the last decade of the twentieth century. It was a reflection of the development of two national histories in the post-1912 period. The elusive character of the Albanians’ desire to unite their ethnic lands resulted in the parting of national histories after Albania’s independence in 1912. Albanian national history in history textbooks used in postautonomy Kosovo was split into two separate accounts after 1912: into the history of Albania, and into the history of Albanian lands that remained outside it. Consequently, the notion of Albanian national togetherness supported by a sense of common historical destiny was forged before that split. The presentation of the post-1912, and, particularly, of the post-1945 Albanian national history, reinforced the national division at the expense of all-Albanian national unity. In these textbooks, the history of the Albanians of Albania was given a more central place than that of the parts of the Albanian nation – Albanians in Yugoslavia and in Greece – that remained outside it. The textbooks focused on Albania’s domestic and foreign policy, excluding the policy towards the Albanians in Kosovo and Albanians abroad in general. The (dis)proportion of the AlbanianAlbanian and Kosovo-Albanian content was characteristic of the ‘unified’ history textbooks agreed by the Albanian historians from Albania and Kosovo.127 The absence of content that would indicate the persistence of allAlbanian links in the post-Second World War period is striking. The prominent role of Albania and its post-Second World War ruler Enver Hoxha in supporting the national struggle of the Kosovo Albanians, particularly after the 1981 demonstrations in Kosovo, was omitted. The important period of cooperation between Albanians in Kosovo and Albania in the 1970s was mentioned only as a part of Kosovo’s and not Albania’s history. University cooperation was singled out. Within its scope, ‘professional, educational and patriotic help’ of lecturers from Albania at the university in Kosovo was described as successful.128 By contrast, Kosovo Albanians’ history was presented as one of constant struggle for the advancement of their national status and rights, including references to the demands for unification of Albanian lands voiced in the 1968 and the 1981 demonstrations in Kosovo.129 Kosovo Albanians now emerged in Albanian history textbooks almost as sole promoters of the Albanians’ national aspirations in the post-Second World War period. The history textbooks ended with the lessons about the fall of Communism, referring to the first democratic elections in Albania as well as the abolition of Kosovo’s autonomy, the Declaration of the Republic of Kosovo, the adoption of its Constitution in Kacanik, the independence

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referendum and the parliamentary and presidential elections organized by Albanians in Kosovo in the early 1990s. The quest for national unification ceased being an issue in Kosovo Albanian history textbooks after the declaration of Kosovo’s independence. Consequently, in the 1990s, the Albanians in the Balkans were depicted as living in two sovereign national states – Albania and the Republic of Kosovo, which was recognized only by Albania. Nonetheless, lip-service was paid to Albania’s role as a patron of Kosovo Albanians: ‘The [Albanian] democratic government has worked continually to defend the rights of Albanians of Kosovo and other lands in former-Yugoslavia. It particularly helped the internationalization of the issue, which represents a vital problem for the Albanian people.’130 This section has looked at the self-portrait of Albanian nationhood presented in the Albanian history and geography textbooks used in Kosovo’s parallel education in the 1990s. Whether textbooks dealt only with national history,131 or integrated it into world history textbooks,132 the Albanian national identity was deeply rooted in its history up to the Second World War. Independent Kosovo was represented in the textbooks as a territorial analogue of the Kosovo Albanians’ vision of nationhood. However, the Kosovo-specific national and territorial identity was eroded by the emphasis on the division of the Albanians’ national homeland, encompassing all Albanian-inhabited lands. The nation’s continuity from time immemorial as a symbolic community with a clearly defined spatial attachment was created by an emphasis on the Albanians’ Illyrian origin. The ‘myth of nationhood’133 was henceforth sustained by personification of the nation in the figure of the Albanian fifteenth-century hero Skanderbeg. The ‘ironing’ of factual history by smoothing conflicts out of a vision of the ascendant nationhood at the close of the nineteenth century and the start of the twentieth in the era of the Albanian national mobilization retrospectively bestowed the illusion of national unity and uniformity. However, a presentation of a ‘perfect’ nation unified across territory and time in Albanian history and geography textbooks was offset by another competitive narrative negating the unity, particularly in the post-Second World War period. Initially, it was the creation of Albania that introduced ambiguity into the spatial definition of the Kosovo Albanian nationhood. On one hand, it fired a desire for the unification of all-Albanian lands into one nation-state. On the other, it resulted in the reassertion of distinct Kosovo Albanian as opposed to all-Albanian symbolic and spatial identity. The process was, arguably, reinforced by intense contact and contest with the Serbs as an ethnic Other. Having looked at the self-focused portrayal of Albanian nationhood in the previous section, the following section looks at means and strategies in which the proximity of the Serbs made the Albanian nationhood thrive. Therefore, the textbook version of Albanian identity will emerge as constantly embattled and locked in a denial of the Serbs’ rival claim to Kosovo.

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Confronting the Other in Albanian history and geography textbooks A defining feature of the Albanian–Serbian relationship in Albanian history textbooks in the Kosovo of the 1990s was that of conflict. The pattern of confrontation was established in the very first contact. The Slavs’ arrival in the Illyrian Balkans in the sixth century was marked by the destruction of indigenous towns.134 A reference to the Serbian medieval state in Albanian textbooks was brief, but focused on conflict between Serbs and Albanians: The imposition of the Serbian regime in the Albanian lands brought a considerable deterioration of the economic, social and political situation. Dushan’s Empire was a state where non-Slav peoples, primarily the Albanians, were subjected to brutal economic, social and religious pressure and discrimination.135 Serbian–Albanian enmity again came to the fore in Kosovo Albanian textbooks with the decline of Ottoman rule and with the emergence of the first nation-states in the Balkans in the nineteenth century. It persisted as a consequence of the failure to create the Albanian nation-state with Kosovo as a part of it in the next century. Serbian efforts to create an independent state in the early nineteenth century were described in Kosovo Albanian textbooks as an expansionist effort against Albanian lands. In this context, reference was made to the Naçertanije, the national political programme, presented by Serbia’s Foreign Minister Ilija Gara¡anin, thus: ‘One of the first steps of the new Serbian state was an attempt to include many other non-Serb lands within its borders.’136 However, the textbooks depict experience of the Serbian state even before Kosovo came under Serbian rule in the First Balkan War, when Serbia joined Russia in the Russo-Turkish war: Serbian-Ottoman fighting unfolded on the Albanian lands of the Sanjak of Nish that belonged to the vilayet of Kosovo. During December 1877 and January 1878 about 640 Albanian settlements in these lands with about 160,000 inhabitants were forcefully depopulated by Serbian terror and genocide.137 Therefore, Albanian history textbooks portray the consequences of the takeover of Kosovo by Serbia in the First Balkan War in 1912 in the following way: ‘In these lands Serbian and Montenegrin conquerors imposed a brutal military-police regime. They pursued the policy of genocide, confiscation of property and expulsion towards Albanians.’138 The crackdown on the Albanian uprising against Serbian rule is described vividly: ‘The conquering Serbian army committed large massacres. Tens

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of Albanian villages and towns were turned into ashes. Thousands of Albanian men, women, children and the elderly were killed in a barbarian manner.’139 The textbooks also included a religious dimension of conflict, writing about Albanians’ forced conversion from Islam and Catholicism to Orthodoxy.140 Disobedience was punished by killing and described as a ‘genocide by Serbian and Montenegrin rulers’.141 Textbook accounts of subsequent returns of Kosovo under Serbian rule – after the First and Second World Wars – also focused on Albanian suffering and employed the same language of ‘terror’, ‘massacres’ and killings of ‘thousands and thousands of innocent Albanians’.142 One history textbook put the figure of those ‘liquidated’ Albanians at 50,000 in the period following the imposition of military administration in Kosovo in early 1945.143 Yet another ‘reconquest’ of Kosovo after the abolition of autonomy in 1989 was also accompanied by violence against the Albanians. The textbooks employ the already established notion of martyrdom in the context of the Albanian national struggle in Kosovo: On 28 March 1989 the Serbian Parliament in Belgrade adopted the constitutional amendments that enabled it to declare ‘the creation of unified Serbia’. While the unification of a ‘unitary state’ was celebrated in Belgrade, Albanians were killed in Kosovo, because they manifested dissatisfaction against this enforced act. Thirty martyrs fell for the freedom of Kosovo during the demonstrations of March and April 1989.144 Serbian rule subsequently established in Kosovo was referred to as a ‘brutal military-police regime’.145 A complete annulment of Kosovo’s selfgoverning institutions heralded the ‘intensif[ication] of repression against Albanians in all fields. Over 200,000 people were expelled from work, hundreds were killed, while about 7,000 Albanian students were poisoned in March–May 1990.’146 Albanian history textbooks used in the parallel system focused exclusively on confrontation with the Serbs. The conflict-ridden history emerged as a feature of Kosovo’s multi-ethnicity. In that conflict, it is only Albanians who suffered at the hands of the Serbs. Omitting altogether any predicament of the non-Albanian population created the impression of Albanian exclusive victimhood in the territory. It supported the Albanian claim to sovereignty in Kosovo. Methodologically, the numbers and the language achieved the effect that no compromise was to be contemplated. Albanian textbooks often cited high numbers to illustrate Albanian suffering, but did not provide any references to the historical sources from where these numbers were taken. Similarly, a frequent use of words like ‘massacre’ and ‘genocide’ precluded any questioning of Albanian victimhood in Kosovo.

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In Albanian history textbooks Serbs were represented as illegitimate intruders. The presence of Serbs in Kosovo was not dealt with in separate units. However, it was covered indirectly in the context of the region’s ethnic make-up. Demographic dominance has been one of the key arguments supporting Albanians’ claim to Kosovo. Albanian-language history textbooks portrayed Albanians’ successful resistance to centuries-old Serbian attempts to rid Kosovo of their presence. To underline the Albanians’ achievement, they spelled out Serbian political aims towards Kosovo. The change of ethnic structure was first mentioned in the context of the Slav migration to the Balkans in the sixth century,147 and the expansion of the Serbian state in the Early Middle Ages. The latter was accompanied by altitudinal redistribution of ethnic groups: The Serbian feudal lords settled Serbian colonists on the fertile lands in these Albanian areas. By means of trickery, war, killings and torture they removed a part of the Albanians from their lands, who were forced to settle in the mountainous regions.148 The ethnic structure was treated exclusively in the context of Serbian attempts to reduce the number of Albanians in Kosovo. Therefore, Albanian history textbooks did not refer to the Serbian migration in 1690 under the Serbian Patriarch, when Serbs left Kosovo en masse, having risen against the Ottomans during the 1683–99 Austro-Ottoman War. However, even though the Albanian textbooks did not explain the event itself, they did acknowledge it by taking issue with Serbian historiography that claimed that this event produced a great ethnic shift in Kosovo in Albanians’ favour: The Ottoman army was able to reinstate its rule in Kosovo and some other eastern Albanian lands only at the beginning of 1690. The political events of the end of the seventeenth century in Kosovo were not accompanied by demographic and ethnic changes to the benefit of the Albanian and to the detriment of the Serbian population, as some Serbian historians claim.149 Recognizing the past Serbian presence of any significance in Kosovo would undermine the Albanian claim to Kosovo’s territory. Therefore, a selective approach to the territory’s history assured a historic continuity to the Albanian demographic claim. The battle for ethnic numbers in Kosovo began in earnest with the age of nationalism in the Balkans in the nineteenth century. Therefore, Albanian textbooks explained the fate of the Albanian population after 1913 following Kosovo’s takeover by Serbia:

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These acts of the Serbian and Montenegrin government were aimed at making the Albanian population disappear from their homeland and at populating Kosovo and other Albanian lands by the Serbs and Montenegrins. It was intended that in this way Kosovo and other Albanian lands should be called Serbian and Montenegrin.150 The struggle over ethnic numbers also explained attempts to settle Kosovo with Serbs and to force out many Albanians to Turkey, since according to Albanian history textbooks the intellectual atmosphere in Serbia ‘considered the expulsion and assimilation of Albanians a “sacred” national mission’.151 It was implemented as an Agrarian Reform. Albanians had their land and property confiscated, so that some 15,000 families of ‘Slav colonists’ could settle the ‘ethnic Albanian body’.152 History textbooks again point out Serbian preoccupation: ‘the denationalization of the ethnic Albanian lands’.153 In other words, the aim of the Reform was ‘to change the ethnic structure of the Albanian lands’.154 The Albanian emigration to Turkey continued both in the inter-war period, and in the first decades of Kosovo’s incorporation into Communist Yugoslavia. Albanian textbooks put the number of Albanians who emigrated in this period at 250,000.155 The inter-war campaign for ‘Serbianization’ of Kosovo, as it is described in Albanian textbooks, had a clear impact: The ethnic structure of the population was visibly changed as a consequence of massive expulsion of Albanians from Kosovo and the settlement of the Serbian colonists there. From being 90 per cent of the population of Kosovo in 1912, Albanians decreased to 70 per cent in 1941.156 An even more serious wave of Albanian forced migrations to Turkey took place in the 1950s and 1960s, initiated by the action for collection of arms from the Albanian population. Textbooks described brutal beatings of some 30,000 Albanians and over 100 deaths from ‘inhuman torture and pain’, which ‘shows a clear goal of the Yugoslav regime to be the expulsion of Albanians and Serbianization of their lands’.157 History textbooks specified that the number of Albanians who left for Turkey surpassed 400,000.158 As with other numbers cited in Albanian textbooks, this was not attributed to any source. The eighth grade history textbook described the implications on the ground: The Albanian lands were significantly emptied, with negative consequences for the economic, social and political life of our people. Only the Albanians’ high birth rate made it possible to preserve the ethnic structure and thwart the plans for the Serbianization of Albanian lands.159

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Apart from establishing Albanians’ numerical preponderance in Kosovo historically, Albanians’ ethnic ownership of Kosovo was also discursively constructed by depicting Serbs as colonists in Albanian history textbooks. The Serbs were represented as an external opponent, rather than a settler in the land. Therefore, they could not make a legitimate claim to Kosovo. Even before the term was used in the context of the Agrarian Reform, it was applied to the Slav invasion in the Balkans, described as ‘a Slav colonization’160 and the expansion of the Serbian medieval state.161 Serbs were also portrayed as modern-day colonists in Albanian history textbooks. Describing the Albanians’ position in former Yugoslavia, especially after the adoption of the 1974 constitution, the textbooks disclaimed any benefits that Albanians may have accrued from their membership in former Yugoslavia: ‘With all advances made by Albanians in former Yugoslavia, the semi-colonial position of Albanian lands in relation to the Yugoslav state in general remained unchanged.’162 After the abolition of Kosovo’s autonomy, the term ‘colonization’ was replaced by ‘occupation’ to describe the relationship between the Albanians and the Serbian state.163 Apart from focusing on Kosovo’s ethnic composition, Albanian textbooks constructed the disputed territory of Kosovo as being exclusively Albanian in character. A mono-ethnic impression was created by attaching only Albanian historical memories to the land. At the same time, historical events that would mar a mono-ethnic claim and/or contribute to a rival one were either downplayed or omitted. The treatment of the Serbian medieval state and the 1389 Battle of Kosovo are illustrative. Albanian history textbooks offered a minimal understanding of the emergence of the medieval Serbian state in Kosovo and of its political, economic, cultural and spiritual dimension. The reference to this state and the seat of the Serbian Orthodox Church in Kosovo is an important argument for the Serbian claim to the province. Kosovo Albanian textbooks associated the Serbian state with violence, territorial expansion and forced conversions to Orthodoxy.164 At the same time, even the existence of Serbian Orthodox monasteries in medieval Kosovo was disputed by a vague assertion: ‘In Kosovo and Diokle churches and monasteries were taken by the invader who expelled the local Albanian clergy and brought in Slav clerics.’165 Albanian textbooks offered a rival view of the 1389 Battle of Kosovo as well. This battle gave rise to the Kosovo myth that became a central pillar of the Serbian sense of nationhood. The Albanian textbooks stressed the Albanians’ role in the Balkan alliance headed by a Serb: ‘The united armies of the Balkan peoples led by the Serb King Lazar, in which Albanians played a key role, were crushed.’166 They also laid a rival ethnic claim to the battle’s hero. In Kosovo Albanian textbooks, the hero is an Albanian: ‘One Albanian from Kosovo called Millosh, hidden among the dead, attacked the Sultan [Murat I] and killed him with a knife.’167 By describing the Balkan armies as a multinational Christian alliance in

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the battle that was important but not decisive for Ottoman advance to the Balkans, Albanian textbooks were close to the Western scholarly accounts of the Battle of Kosovo.168 Still, by emphasizing the Albanians’ participation and ignoring the battle’s symbolic meaning for the Serbs, the presentation of the Battle of Kosovo in Kosovo Albanian history textbooks had the function of denying the Serbian territorial claim. In them, Kosovo did not figure as lieux de mémoire for the Serbs.169 The absence of a historic space and trace of the ethnic Other in Kosovo precludes the possibility of its future acceptance. Kosovo’s history up to and in the first decades after the Second World War provides ample material for making a case about animosity between Albanians and Serbs. The 1974 constitution heralded the empowerment of Albanians in Kosovo. Therefore, the interpretation of the Albanians’ political, economic and social position in the post-1974 period was a verdict on coexistence in a multinational framework. The political message transmitted in Albanian history textbooks was contradictory. On the one hand, textbooks noted Albanians’ equality with other nations in the former Yugoslavia: From a legal aspect, the 1974 Constitution promoted Kosovo into an independent subject and the Albanians became equal with other peoples in the Yugoslav Federation. The Albanian people continued to fight for full national rights within the framework of this constitution.170 The history textbooks emphasized Kosovo’s almost complete independence from Serbia.171 Metohija, derived from the word metoh (meaning Orthodox church ground) and giving the province’s official name of Kosovo and Metohija a Serbian connotation, was dropped.172 On the other hand, the very same constitution was described as the embodiment of Albanian discrimination in Communist Yugoslavia: [I]n the Communist Yugoslav state, the Serbs had a dominant position, while non-Slav populations (especially the Albanians) were discriminated against. During the Communist regime, thousands of thousands of Albanians were killed and hundreds of thousands of others emigrated from Yugoslavia, because the living conditions were unbearable.173

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Kosovo’s relative economic backwardness was offered as evidence of Albanians’ disadvantaged position.174 Federal Yugoslav investment into Kosovo throughout the post-Second World War period was not mentioned. The constitutional powers Kosovo enjoyed at the federal level were supposed to back an independence argument. Although it was a province, Kosovo, like most of the other republics of former Yugoslavia, should be recognized as an independent state. The passages describing the discrimination against Albanians in Communist

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Yugoslavia and Serbia strengthen the Albanians’ case for Kosovo’s independence, pre-empting possible counter-claims that Kosovo’s status as a province in Serbia invalidates its quest for sovereignty. Therefore, the accounts of the official response to the 1981 Albanian demonstrations sum up the Albanians’ Yugoslav experience. Kosovo Albanian history textbooks attributed the protests to the Albanians’ discrimination in former Yugoslavia, describing them as ‘an important event for the efforts of the Albanian people in Kosovo and other Albanian lands in Yugoslavia to win national rights and equal treatment with other peoples of this state’.175 The ensuing repression of Kosovo Albanians throughout the 1980s, including an alleged 700,000 Albanians arrested by the police, 183 killed of whom 16 were children, over 10,000 sentenced in courts,176 the textbooks said, culminated with the abolition of Kosovo’s autonomy in 1989. The Albanians’ experience in reformed post-1974 Yugoslavia was presented in Albanian history textbooks as a continuation of their historical suffering at Serbian hands. While the 1981 demonstrations were glorified, the attempts of the Albanian Communists to improve the Albanians’ position in Yugoslavia through institutional means were dismissed. Again, the Albanians’ claim to being the sole victims of this entire period was reaffirmed, while Serbian grievances during the period of the Albanian empowerment in Kosovo were not mentioned. In Kosovo Albanian textbooks, Albanians’ dominant attitude to Serbs was that of defiance and resistance ever since Kosovo was left out of the Albanian state in 1912. Their opposition to Serbian rule and quest for freedom produced martyrs and heroes. Albanians’ resistance to the Serbs had a historical continuity. The return of Kosovo to Serbian rule after the First World War marked the beginning of a decade of Albanian resistance. The national hero and his wife, Azem and Shota Galica, epitomized the fighting that lasted from 1918 to 1928. Albanian history textbooks described the period: ‘Thousands of Albanian fighters took part in the uprising. Its motto was: “We’ll die, but we shall not abandon the land.”’177 Shota, who herself took over as a commander of Albanian fighters after her husband was killed, ‘became a symbol of the struggle for freedom’.178 The inter-war period also gave rise to a tradition of secret resistance to Serbs. Hence, textbooks dedicated entire sections to the underground activities of the Committee for the ‘National Defence of Kosovo’.179 The aim of this Committee, which worked in conjunction with the General Uprising, was ‘the liberation of Kosovo and other Albanian lands, the defence of the independent Albanian state and its democratization, etc.’.180 The underground activities of the National Democratic Committee of Albanians, founded in 1945181 with the goal of ‘liberation of Albanian ethnic lands and their unification with Albania’,182 were also studied. Albanian history textbooks also provided a survey of Albanian illegal groups and their activities during the Communist period both in Kosovo and abroad, describing them as ‘a part of the national movement’.183

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The fate of their activists was also described: they were ‘followed, imprisoned and liquidated by the Yugoslav Secret Service both inside the country and abroad’.184 They were listed by names and their resistance was described in Albanian history textbooks: ‘On 15 May 1981 Tahir Meha from Prekaz in Drenica resisted heroically together with his father against large army and police forces until they were killed, but they also killed four Serbian policemen.’185 The history textbooks acknowledged the contribution to the national cause of the clandestine Marxist–Leninist and Enverist activists, opposing Serbia’s rule in Kosovo in the post-Second World War period: [O]ne of the most serious cases was that of 17 January 1982 when the Yugoslav secret service killed in Stuttgart, Germany, three of the main leaders of the Albanian illegal movement, the brothers Jusuf and Bardhosh Gërvalla and Kadri Zeka. Two years later, on 22 January 1984, in Prishtina, Rexhep Mala and Nuhi Berisha fell while heroically fighting against large army and police forces.186 This incident refers to the killing of Kosovo’s activists of the leftist groups in their attempt to merge the fragmented Albanian resistance front at a meeting in Germany. According to British journalist and writer Judah, while many attribute their death to Yugoslav hitmen, some Albanians believe that they may have been gunned down by Albanian intelligence services.187 Post-autonomy Albanian history textbooks incorporated an important dimension of private narrative history from the Communist period in Kosovo. The ideological line at the time dictated that all fighters for the advancement of the national rights of the Albanians in Kosovo be denounced. However, this did not preclude their acknowledgement in a private sphere. Having attained educational freedom in the parallel system, the Albanians gave these fighters for a national cause a rightful place. Hence, they were celebrated as martyrs for a nation. As was the case with Azem and Shota Galica, their sacrifice became integral to the national effort to free Kosovo from Serbian rule: ‘[k]illings and liquidations of these martyrs of freedom and of many others not only did not quench the liberation struggle, but were a stimulation for and example of Albanian resistance against the national repression and inequality’.188 Therefore, the Albanian resistance to the abolition of Kosovo’s autonomy in the late 1980s was represented in Albanian history textbooks as a continuation of Albanians’ traditional opposition to Serbian rule. Unlike the past forms of resistance, the Albanians’ struggle took a novel, nonviolent form in this period, spearheaded by the Albanian miners. Having opposed the revocation of Kosovo’s autonomy in 1989, ‘[t]heir protest reached a climax with the hitherto unseen act of the lock-in at the mines’.189 The Albanians’ peaceful resistance centred on the building of parallel institutions of government in the declared sovereign Republic of Kosovo.

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This was without a historical precedent. As presented in Albanian history textbooks, it also launched its own hero, Ibrahim Rugova, the leader of the Democratic League of Kosovo and the president of the Republic of Kosovo.190 Although resistance had now changed its form, it, nevertheless, remained a dominant paradigm of interaction between Albanians and Serbs. When considered in relation to its ethnic Other, the construction of the Albanian national identity supported and defended the Albanian rival claim to Kosovo. The contested land, as presented in Albanian history and geography textbooks, had solely an Albanian character. When not ‘airbrushed’ from it altogether, the Serbian presence in Kosovo was portrayed as an intrusion and colonization of the Albanian land. The Serbian–Albanian relationship was characterized almost exclusively by confrontation. Therefore, Albanians’ dominant mode of responding to the Serbs was that of defiance and repression. The sense of Albanian nationhood presented in textbooks was closely bound up with the notion of martyrdom. The ultimate sacrifice was that for a nation. At the same time, the Albanians had a monopoly on suffering, while denying the ethnic Other the possibility of being a victim. The past experience with the Serbs, as presented in Kosovo Albanian history textbooks, precluded any possibility of future change in the inter-ethnic dynamics. Consequently, it supported the case for ethnic separation rather than cohabitation. In this section, the examination of the Kosovo Albanian national identity has been approached from two perspectives: an insight into symbolic and spatial anchoring of Albanian nationhood demonstrated the construction of a confident national self, grounded in its purported ancient origin, national unity and quest for sovereignty; by contrast, the introduction of the Albanians’ national Other into the analysis of Albanian nationhood revealed the symbolic and spatial assertion of ‘Albanianness’ deeply connected with Kosovo, simultaneously undermining the sense of all-Albanian unity but also fending off Serbian claims to the territory. The following section will change the focus. It will place Kosovo in the context of the construction of Serbian nationhood in the post-autonomy period by tracing its symbolic and territorial prominence therein. Particular attention will be given to the portrayal of the Albanians as the Serbs’ ethnic Other and their role in reinforcing the Serbs’ sense of identity in general, as well as their sense of possession of Kosovo. Kosovo and Albanians in Serbian history and geography textbooks Unlike its prominence in Albanian geography textbooks, Kosovo as a clearly demarcated territorial unit was almost absent from Serbian geography textbooks used in post-autonomy Kosovo and in Serbia. Kosovo was submerged either partially or completely into the visual representations

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of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) which was constituted as a union of Serbia and Montenegro in 2003. Unlike Kosovo, so-called Serbian lands outside the FRY borders – the Republika Srpska in BosniaHerzegovina and the Serb Krajina in Croatia – received particular attention in Serbian history and geography textbooks.191 As depicted in Map 5.7 some maps of Yugoslavia showed two republics, while Serbia’s provinces – Vojvodina in the north and Kosovo in the south – were indistinguishable.192 Yet other maps did include the internal borders – a republican one with Montenegro and the provincial ones with Vojvodina and Kosovo. A decision whether to register internal borders on a range of maps in Serbian geography textbooks, such as those representing the rivers, the mines, the light industry and the roads, was arbitrary.193 The absence of maps representing solely the provinces or the republics appeared to be the rule.194 The visual representation of the FRY was, by and large, characterized by the absence of recognition of Kosovo as a separate territorial entity. Such an approach reflected the definition of Yugoslavia in geography textbooks. It described the FRY as a federation of Serbia and Montenegro, while the existence of provinces in Serbia was bypassed.195 Similarly, the features of Kosovo’s landscape or its sources of energy were not presented as geographical attributes of Kosovo, but as those belonging to the federation. Thus, the Trepca mining complex in Kosovo was listed side by side with other ore basins in Serbia and Montenegro, and described as the ‘best known and richest mine of lead and zinc in our country’.196 In some cases, Kosovo was presented as a topographic rather than a political entity, being defined as the Kosovo and Metohija valley. Map 5.8 is one such example. In addition, a description of the ethnic diversity of Yugoslavia’s population hinted at, rather than explained, the complexity of Yugoslavia’s political map. Yugoslavia was described as a ‘multinational community’,197 comprised of nations, i.e. Serbs and Montenegrins, and national minorities, such as Albanians, Hungarians, Slovaks, etc., and ethnic groups, such as Roma.198 The Serbian textbooks made a point that all of them as citizens have ‘equal rights and duties’.199 ‘Albanians in Kosovo and Metohija and partly in Montenegro’ were described as the most numerous minority.200 However, they were not mentioned as a majority population in Kosovo. All population percentages concerned the share of the given group in the FRY, rather than in Serbia or in Kosovo separately.201 Therefore, the association of the given groups in Yugoslavia with particular parts of its territory, as is the case with the Albanians in Kosovo, could be deduced only from an illustration of the country’s ethnic make-up in one of the textbooks, shown in Map 5.9. Even on this map the territorial-administrative border of Kosovo is not marked. This survey of Serbian geography textbooks demonstrates that Kosovo’s place in the Serbian territorial identity was downplayed, if not even marginal.202 However, its neglect in visual representations and narrative

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passages does not mean that Kosovo was insignificant in the process of the mapping of Serbian nationhood, but quite the contrary. The fact that it was most often indistinguishable actually reflected the fulfilment of the Serbian national goal: the constitutional and territorial unification of Serbia. This contrasted starkly with presentations of Serb-populated lands in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina, coinciding with the national aim of their

Map 5.7 The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia – the political map. Source: Adapted from Savezna Republika Jugoslavija – politiçka karta, in B. Danilovicœ and D. Danilovicœ, Poznavanje dru¡tva za 4. razred osnovne ¡kole, 6th edn (Beograd: Zavod za ud≈benike i nastavna sredstva, 1998), p. 9.

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11 Map 5.8 The region of Mount ⁄ara. The Kosovo–Metohija valley. Source: Adapted from ⁄arski predeo. Kosovska i Metohijska kotlina, in J. Ilicœ and M. Danilovicœ, Radna sveska iz geografije za 8. razred osnovne ¡kole (Beograd: Zavod za ud≈benike i nastavna sredstva, 1996), p. 19.

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inclusion into an all-Serb nation-state during the early 1990s. The presentation of Albanians and their history in Serbian history textbooks also reflected the Serbian national policy towards Kosovo. Serbian primary and secondary school history textbooks made a distinction between Albanians occupying the territory of present-day Albania, and Albanians in Kosovo. The former were presented as amicable neighbours, while the latter were largely absent from the account of Kosovo’s history up to the nineteenth century. Such a division supports the argument that Kosovo was always the Serbian and not the Albanian homeland. The treatment of the Illyrian issue in Serbian history textbooks, which is crucial for the Albanian argument about the Kosovo case, is illustrative. Illyrians, like Thracians and Celts, were described as ancient settlers in the region, whom the Slavs encountered when they migrated to the Balkans. Nonetheless, they were not mentioned in relation to the scholarly debate about the Albanians’ ancient origin.203 However, Albanians suddenly

Map 5.9 The ethnic map of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Source: Adapted from Etniçka karta SR Jugoslavije, in M. Milo¡evicœ, Geografija za 8. razred osnovne ¡kole, 3rd edn (Beograd: Zavod za ud≈benike i nastavna sredstva, 1995), p. 70.

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appeared in Serbian textbooks in the context of the expansion of the Serbian medieval state. The presentation of this theme assumed Kosovo to be Serbian, unlike northern Albania, which referred to Albania proper and to which Serbia has no claim. A description of conquests of the Serbian ruler Stefan Nemanja in the early twelfth century was an example of this.204 The inclusion of separate units about the Albanians’ medieval history in the Serbian textbooks rested on the idea of distinguishing Albanians from the present-day Albania from those Albanians ‘claiming’ Kosovo. Albanians were given as much room in history textbooks as the Serbs’ other neighbours – Bulgarians, as well as Vlachs and Moldavians.205 Besides the paragraphs on their economy, culture and religion, a complimentary description of Skanderbeg’s resistance to the Ottomans was also included: Skanderbeg and his warriors put up successful resistance to Sultan Mehmed II, who conquered almost all other countries in the Balkan Peninsula. Skanderbeg’s heroism and fighting represented the core of the historical tradition that helped the preservation of the identity of the Albanians in the period of the several centuries-long Turkish rule.206 The idea that Albanians inhabited a territory of the neighbouring state but not Kosovo was reinforced by the presentation of the Battle of Kosovo. In stark contrast to the centrality of the 1389 battle in the Serbian nationalist historiography – both official and popular – Serbian history textbooks did not attribute great significance to this event. Nonetheless, their account of the battle was rather different from the one in Albanian textbooks. There was no mention of Albanian participation, while the fighter who killed the Ottoman Sultan is a Serb. The battle was most extensively covered in the sixth grade history textbook, but still took up little more than one page.207 It was described as follows: The decisive battle took place on 15 (28) June 1389 at the Field of Kosovo. The course and the final outcome of the battle are not known. Few warriors returned from the battlefield. In the fierce clash and great losses on both sides, two rulers, Prince Lazar and Sultan Murad met their deaths. The Turkish Sultan was killed by the Serbian warrior Milo¡ Obilicœ (Kobilicœ).208

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The ‘Serbianness’ of Kosovo up to the nineteenth century was constructed in Serbian textbooks chiefly by using a strategy of omission. Thus, a scholarly debate over Albanians’ ancient origins was not mentioned, nor were Albanians mentioned in the context of the Battle of Kosovo. The battle itself was treated tersely. Serbian history textbooks, therefore, did not play a crucial role in the mythic presentation of Kosovo and its

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centrality in the construction of the Serbian national identity. The airbrushing of Albanians from the presentation of Kosovo’s history until the nineteenth century discredited the Albanians’ claim to the territory based on their prior occupation of the land. When the Albanians were introduced in the textbooks in the account of Kosovo’s history in the nineteenth and twentieth century, they were associated with violence and conflict. Therefore, the relationship between Serbs and Albanians in Serbian history textbooks was a mirror image of that presented in the Albanian textbooks used in the same period in post-autonomy Kosovo. The first mention of Albanians as the inhabitants of Kosovo in the nineteenth century in Serbian history textbooks was accompanied by an emphasis that Albanians were not the native population of Kosovo: ‘There was a great ethnic diversity in this area as a consequence of the centurieslong migrations and intermingling of peoples. Apart from the native Serbian population, this territory was populated by Albanians and Turks as well.’209 However, their presence in Kosovo also implied conflict, in which Serbs were the sole victims. First, the Ottomans were portrayed as condoning Albanian violence: For centuries the Turkish authorities had a benevolent attitude towards Albanian banditry, plunder and terror in the areas inhabited by the Serbian population. That is a method of forcing the Serbs out of Kosovo and Metohija and appropriating their land.210 The references to inter-ethnic violence in Kosovo were particularly elaborate in the presentation of the history of the Second World War. Albanians’ hesitance in joining the liberation movement in Yugoslavia was ascribed to their collaboration with the regime of occupation. Accordingly, Albanian actions were presented in Serbian textbooks as aimed against the Serbs: ‘[S]eparatist and nationalist Albanian groups were active in Kosovo and Metohija. They conducted terror against the Serbian people, burnt the Serbian villages and forced the Serbian settlers to emigrate.’211 In this context, the notorious Albanian volunteer SS division, a ‘Skanderbeg’ unit ‘comprising ⁄iptar [a derogatory name for Albanians] collaborators with the occupier’ was particularly singled out.212 The Serbian textbooks described the Serbian–Albanian war, taking place during the Second World War: The members of Balli Kombëtar [the Albanian nationalist as distinct from the partisan military organization in the Second World War], mainly supported by their own militia (vulnetari) [the Albanian for volunteers], who managed to expel thousands of Serbs and Montenegrins by terror, intimidation, burning of houses and other methods, particularly distinguished themselves in these persecutions.213

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Elsewhere a different approach was applied as any references to inter-ethnic confrontation were omitted. Thus, the Albanians’ disenfranchisement in the inter-war Yugoslavia is portrayed in the following way: ‘The political and cultural rights of national minorities (Germans, ⁄iptars, Hungarians, Rumanians, Slovaks, etc.) were guaranteed by law.’214 Mentioning the repressive policy against the Albanians in this period could legitimate their quest for disassociation from Yugoslavia. The inter-ethnic violence in Kosovo took up the most prominent place in the presentation of the changing ethnic structure in Kosovo in Serbian history textbooks. Albanians were not only portrayed as newcomers, but also the sole perpetrators of violence in Kosovo. Accordingly, the mantle of victimhood was strictly reserved only for the Serbs. The Serbian preoccupation in history textbooks with the ethnic structure of Kosovo began with the treatment of the Ottoman period. Even before Serbia’s takeover of Kosovo in 1912, the years of Ottoman rule had made their mark on the Serbian presence there. The following is an excerpt from the eighth grade primary school history textbook: Even though Kosovo, Metohija and Ra¡ka were inhabited by a Serbian population back to the Middle Ages and were indisputable centres of Serbian statehood and spirituality, great demographic changes, to the detriment of the Serbs, occurred there during Turkish rule, and especially in the eighteenth century and the first half of the nineteenth. As cattle-breeders, Islamicized Albanians gradually occupied the mountain pastures in Kosovo and Metohija and in Ra¡ka and then descended into the fertile Kosovo valleys and lowlands, forcing out the native Serbian population.215 Or, as it was expressed in numbers: [I]n the mid-nineteenth century, according to official Turkish data there were about 400,000 Serbs only around Pri¡tina and Prizren, but, half a century later, i.e. at the beginning of the twentieth century, there were only 210,000 Serbs in the area of Pri¡tina, Prizren, Pecœ, Sjenica and Pljevlja, i.e. on a significantly larger territory.216

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Serbian history textbooks traced the decrease of the Serbian and Montenegrin population through to the period of the Second World War. The fast-changing ethnic ratio in the province after the Second World War was also attributed to the immigration of Albanians from Albania to Kosovo: [I]t ought to be stated that, during the war (1941–5), tens of thousands of Albanians from Albania moved into the area of Kosmet

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The figures indicate that the Serbs began to lose the numbers’ race: ‘on the eve of the war the inhabitants of Albanian nationality were below 50 per cent of the population, and that ratio was disproportionately reduced to the detriment of Serbs and Montenegrins after the liberation in 1944’.218 Geography textbooks approached the problem of Kosovo’s ethnic structure from the perspective of population growth rates, describing Albanians as the fastest-growing population in Yugoslavia and Europe.219 The future implications were spelled out: ‘If the present population growth rates were to continue, then in 2050 central Serbia would have 3.8 million, Vojvodina 1.4, and Kosovo and Metohija 4.2 million citizens.’220 The prospect of the future preponderance of Albanians in Kosovo and Serbia was presented in Serbian textbooks as a veiled threat to Serbia’s integrity. A hint that population growth rates soured Serbian–Albanian relations was also included: Such a trend in the movement of the Serbian and Albanian population [a decline in the Serbian and a rise in the Albanian population] creates certain social problems. Those relations must be solved in a peaceful way, in accordance with scholarship and a total policy of the development of the population and of Kosovo and Metohija as whole.221 The unfavourable ethnic ratio for the Serbs was attributed to the Albanians’ quest to be the sole inhabitants of Kosovo. However, Serbian history textbooks left out any reference to the population policies aimed at increasing the number of Serbs in Kosovo. Serbia’s failed attempt to colonize Kosovo in 1914 is included in the history survey.222 However, a more successful effort at settling Kosovo with Serbs in the inter-war period is omitted. Similarly, the ban on the return of Serbian and Montenegrin colonists from the inter-war period to Kosovo after the Second World War is included in the context of disadvantaging the Serbian numbers in Kosovo.223 The emigration of Albanians to Turkey after the end of the war that negatively affected the Albanian numbers is not. The incorporation of Kosovo into Serbia at the beginning of the twentieth century introduced the concepts of Albanian separatism in Kosovo. Not unlike Albanian textbooks that articulated Serbian national goals in Kosovo, Serbian textbooks also interpreted the Albanian national goal. According to Serbian textbooks, it was severing Kosovo from Serbia and joining it to Albania. Accordingly, Albanians were labelled as separatists and/or secessionists in Serbian history textbooks. The Albanian claim to Kosovo, which is regarded as Serbian territory, was made in the nineteenth century. Albanian national mobilization was largely treated in Serbian history textbooks as a cultural, rather than a political, movement.

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Denying Kosovo a place in Albanian historical memory, one textbook did not even mention the key event of the founding of the Prizren League in 1878 that took place in Kosovo.224 A geography textbook described Prizren, the town in the south of Kosovo where the League was founded, without any reference to its meaning for Albanians, as ‘the capital of the medieval Serbian state at the time of Tzars Du¡an and Uro¡’.225 However, a demand for the sovereignty of all Albanian-inhabited lands was described as a claim to Serbian lands: [O]n 15 June 1878, the representatives of the ‘League’ sent a memorandum to the Great Powers and demanded state integrity of Albanian territory, having in mind on that occasion both western Macedonia, Kosovo, Metohija, Ra¡ka and parts of Montenegro, in other words, predominantly Serbian lands.226 The decision of Albanian Communists in Bujan, i.e. the controversial Bujan Conference, about the joining of Kosovo to Albania, was described as a blatant example of Albanian separatism.227 Similarly, the Albanian uprising in Kosovo in 1945, which preceded the imposition of military rule in the province, was tied to the idea of all-Albanian unification in Serbian textbooks: ‘The obsession with the idea of “Greater Albania” that was created in the heads of the separatists and enemies of Yugoslavia still lives today.’228 The Albanian demonstrations of 1968 and 1981 were assessed in the same terms: ‘in March 1981, in Kosovo and Metohija, [. . .] ⁄iptar masses acted very aggressively on the orders of separatists and secessionists, demanding their republic, i.e. secession from Serbia and from Yugoslavia’.229 Likewise, the Albanians’ empowerment under the 1974 Constitution was portrayed in Serbian textbooks as a stimulus to Albanian separatism:

111 The conditions in Kosovo and Metohija were particularly difficult. For the sake of achieving the idea of ‘Kosovo Republic’ and joining with Albania, Albanian separatists put pressure on the Serbian and Montenegrin populace to abandon their property and to emigrate, in order to make Kosovo and Metohija ethnically clean.230

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Serbian history textbooks adopted an identical approach to Serbian– Albanian history in Kosovo as the Albanian history textbooks. They exclusively focused on the conflict. Only, in Serbian textbooks, Serbs now emerged as embattled defenders of territory from Albanian separatists. The Serbian claim to Kosovo was indisputable, though threatened by the Albanians’ attempts to wrest it from the Serbs with a high Albanian birth rate. A derogatory term, ⁄iptar, was commonly used to refer to Albanians. Hence, the abolition of Kosovo’s autonomy in 1989 by Serbia appeared as the only effective remedy in Serbian textbooks.

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The 1974 constitution was denounced in Serbian textbooks as disadvantageous to the Serbs. Therefore, its suspension by Serbia in 1989 appeared justified. The extensive autonomy this constitution bestowed on Kosovo was presented not only as a territorial but also as a symbolic handicap to Serbia. According to the Serbian history textbooks, the constitutional promotion of provinces implied that ‘a half of its territory was practically taken away from Serbia’.231 Serbia’s territorial division was accompanied by Serbia’s loss of control over Kosovo: [T]he provinces became completely sovereign states in the Republic of Serbia and the Republic of Serbia, except for the field of defence, had no powers over the territory of its provinces. To make a paradox even greater, the provinces had their representatives in the institutions of the Republic and directly participated in the creation of its policy and in decision-making, while the Republic of Serbia had no representatives in the government and other institutions in the provinces.232 After 1974 Serbia no longer had a say in the education in Kosovo. This was likened to the loss of Kosovo itself in the history textbooks: [The Albanian leadership of Kosovo and Metohija] managed to completely get rid of the influence of Serbia and subject itself to the influence of Albania in the most sensitive spheres, such as education, scholarship and culture in general. This had far-reaching consequences for the education of the ⁄iptar youth in Kosovo and Metohija. The majority of textbooks were obtained in Albania. The exchange of professors and other lecturers between Pri¡tina and Tirana was incessant. The border with Albania was not controlled, and TV programmes were received directly from Tirana. Hence, it is no wonder that the ⁄iptar children from Kosovo and Metohija, raised and educated from textbooks from Albania, considered Albania, not Yugoslavia, to be their homeland.233 The presentation of Kosovo’s history in Serbian textbooks in the 1990s concluded with the abolition of Kosovo’s autonomy, ‘which prevented the provinces from behaving like independent states’.234 Albanians’ staunch opposition to the constitutional changes, and the Albanians’ political, cultural and economic disenfranchisement in their wake, were not mentioned. Instead, the reasons for Albanians’ resistance to Serbia was attributed solely to the autonomy period in Kosovo: One should not be surprised that a large portion of the ⁄iptar masses is hostile towards Serbia after the adoption of the Serbian Constitution in 1990, which limited their rights. History had been falsified for years,

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the true Albanian–Yugoslav relations were presented uncritically, Serbia and Yugoslavia were accused of responsibility for their low standard of living, etc.235

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By ignoring the Albanians’ response to the abolition of autonomy, the Serbian textbooks failed to provide a complete account of Kosovo’s postautonomy period. This led to the misrepresentation of the Albanian position in the province, but also of the effectiveness of Serbian sovereignty in Kosovo. Both academic scholarship and popular belief accord Kosovo a central place in Serbian national identity. However, such a view cannot be supported by an analysis of the Serbian primary and secondary school history and geography textbooks used in Kosovo and elsewhere in Serbia in the 1990s. They had a broad take on ‘Serbdom’. It was defined by the political context in which these books were published. After the abolition of Kosovo’s autonomy and during the wars in Croatia and BosniaHerzegovina, Kosovo played a relatively minor part in the construction of Serbian national identity.236 The fulfilment of the national goal in a form of revocation of Kosovo’s self-rule also diminished the importance of Kosovo. However, when Kosovo was dealt with to contribute to the Serbian sense of national and territorial identity, it was constructed as the historic Serbian land plagued by the attempts of Albanian intruders to forcefully wrest it from Serbia. Therefore, the relationship with the Albanians in Kosovo as the ethnic Other was portrayed exclusively as confrontational and antagonistic. It was a consequence of the ongoing contest over the territory. As if they were a mirror image of Albanian textbooks, Serbian history textbooks recognized only Serbian suffering and martyrdom, while leaving out Serbian violence and repression carried out against Albanians.237 As a result, not unlike Albanian identity, Serbian identity as related to Kosovo was portrayed as defensive. As such, it precluded any other relationship other than a confrontational one with the ethnic Other, which translates into a quest for exclusive control of the territory of Kosovo. Both Serbian and Albanian textbooks reflected the political agendas for Kosovo of their respective nationalist elites in the 1990s. As a consequence, the spatial dimension of nationhood became a dominant symbolic marker of the Albanian and Serbian identity constructed in relation to Kosovo. The incompatibility of their respective national goals is, perhaps, best represented by maps of Kosovo in geography textbooks. Blending Kosovo into Serbia in Serbian textbooks indicates that the Serbian national goal over Kosovo was attained. However, it was vividly challenged by Kosovo’s representation in Albanian textbooks as a sovereign state. Consequently, apart from being a reflection of national confrontation in Kosovo, both Serbian and Albanian textbooks also kept the intractable conflict alive. Having explored how nationhood

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was projected in Albanian and Serbian history and geography textbooks, the chapter now looks at poems and essays written by Albanian pupils in order to provide insight into the impact of visual and verbal narratives of nationhood in textbooks on their child readers.

Albanian nationhood and homeland penned by children This section aims to illustrate Albanian schoolchildren’s reading of their nation and its struggle as well as their place therein by looking at the themes and ideas they expressed in verse and prose in their school magazines and gazettes published in Kosovo. These school publications date from the latter half of the 1990s, which is also the latter half of Serbian rule in Kosovo.238 Therefore, they cover the period when fighting between Serbian security forces and Albanian armed guerrillas broke out in the province in the spring of 1998. It was a moment that signalled the transformation from Albanians’ passive to active resistance. This allows a researcher to illustrate how children’s attitudes to nationhood and homeland changed from those expressed in the context of Albanian non-violent resistance to those voiced under the situation of ethnic war in Kosovo. The majority of gazettes were produced by primary schools; others are secondary school publications. They were collected in several areas of Kosovo, from both village and town schools, and, accordingly, encompass a diversity of views in various parts of Kosovo, as well as in rural and urban areas. Most of the 300 poems and essays published in 19 publications and analysed in this overview are defined directly or indirectly by national topics. Poems and essays without a national or political dimension, such as those about mothers, siblings, pets, seasons, etc., are conspicuously few. They are analysed according to recurrent themes, while excerpts are provided with the aim of allowing the pupils’ voices to be heard with minimum mediation. The themes that consumed the most ink of Albanian pupils in Kosovo are: homeland, emigration, freedom, schools, resistance and repression. Coles has demonstrated in his work with children in areas marked by ethnic, racial and class conflict that children have a ‘political mind’, while their strong political attitudes and opinions are based on an acute awareness of their life circumstances.239 An understanding of the nation’s past and present, as well as their fears and wishes, come across with clarity from the writing of Albanian pupils in Serb-ruled Kosovo in the 1990s. As such, they provide a unique insight into their sense of national identity and homeland. These original writings by schoolchildren also provide a useful point of comparison with ideas about a nation and homeland presented to them in their history and geography textbooks. The poems and essays dedicated to Kosovo abounded. They painted a picture of a beloved homeland that is beautiful, unique and unlike any other. The bond with the homeland was almost as strong as personal

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bonds. A fifth-grader writes: ‘I love the homeland/ like my heart/ I love Kosovo/ like my Mum. . . .’240 The homeland was also beautiful, as an eighth-grader suggested in the following verses: ‘. . . The homeland is beautiful/ Like the flower in the spring/ Like a child in the cradle/ When it begins to laugh.’241 It is precious, likened to gold,242 as well as unique: ‘. . . like you in the world/ there’s none’.243 Hand in hand with the complimentary attributes, young poets and writers also asserted their nation’s possession of Kosovo: it is Albanian, and will always be so. The belief that Kosovo belonged to Albanians, and not Serbs, was linked to the Albanians’ believed ancient Illyrian origin. This connection is often implicit, as in: ‘ILLYRIAN Kosovo/ BRAVE Kosovo/ BOUNTIFUL Kosovo/ PROUD Kosovo/ You’ll always be/ ALBANIAN Kosovo!’244 The Illyrian dimension was combined with the assertion that Kosovo did not and would not belong to Serbs, as was expressed in the essay by an eighth-grader about Kosovo being more ancient than legends. She then went on to imagine herself as if: ‘. . . travel[ling] on the time machine, and immediately [I] find myself in the ancient times of the Illyrians and verify that this land is ours and nobody else’s’.245 However, the homeland that Albanian pupils described in their verses and paragraphs was also one of the gloomy reality of the 1990s. Thus, references to and descriptions of repression accompanied the portrayal of the homeland’s beauty and uniqueness. Kosovo ‘under the foreign yoke’246 was associated with tears and pain, as expressed by a sixth-grader: ‘In the soul/ I have a pain/ a big one,/ a big one/ like a hill/ for my country/ that is/ bound/ in chains. . . .’247 The yoke of repression was one of the recurrent themes in the pupils’ writings. A secondary school student described its ‘weight’: Wounds caused in you Kosovo, are very bad, each wound worse than the other. Bad is the departure of youths who took the long and difficult road of emigration, but even more difficult are arrests at home and daily imprisonments. Difficult is the expulsion of children from schools, workers from work. Difficult are beating and abuse done to people in front of family members, in front of children. . . . I deeply feel the heavy burden of the yoke, without ever being reconciled to it.248 Pupils’ direct experience of repression in their very homes was also part of life under the yoke: I was on the balcony writing poetry when suddenly the yard got filled by police.

170 Albanian nationhood in parallel education They took my Daddy I shed two drops of tears I brushed them away, but to no avail Mother kept me in the house.249 The experience of ‘conquered’ schools was shared by all Albanian youngsters in 1990s’ Kosovo. Therefore, the plight of Albanian-language schools emerged in the pupils’ compositions as the most potent illustration of ‘life under the yoke’: It is forbidden to us to write a sweet Albanian word, the school door is closed for Albanian children, the Albanian song is banned. Even though I am twelve, what bothers me most is the foreign yoke. Here in the fertile land and the blue sky of Kosovo darkness reigns.250 In a defiant tone, a sixth-grader portrayed the ‘school situation’ as experienced by Albanians: Albanian schools Were padlocked And Albanian pupils Are learning in houses. We are being beaten We are being killed But they don’t manage To make us blind.251 The fate of Albanian-language schools was not only national, but also deeply personal. A ‘schoolless’ pupil, barred from the building of his school, expressed his thoughts: I often pass by my school. It seems to me annoyed, lonely. It seems to me that it calls me in silence and tells me: ‘Come to my bosom my children, come so we can mark this big day together!’ I conceal a secret tear. Today we cannot fulfil this desire but tomorrow.252 Another pupil described her anxiety over the prospect of continuing her education in a home-school after finishing primary school in the proper school building. She lost sleep after seeing a home-school in a TV broadcast: I saw pupils who were gathered in a small room and who wrote on each other’s backs. My cousin who is in secondary school also told me about this. Will I also study in such a classroom? I could not find

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answers to these questions in any way. Exhausted by these thoughts that did not allow me to rest, I got up slowly in the darkened room and carefully approached the window. The rain had stopped. Darkness everywhere. The prison?!253

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Another prominent theme closely related to the perception of the beloved yet embattled homeland was emigration. It was assessed that dozens of thousands Albanians, mostly men, left Kosovo in the 1990s, fleeing from being recruited into the Yugoslav Army, fearing police repression or seeking fortune abroad, after the mass dismissal of Albanians. The nation’s predicament encroached on the lives of young Albanians through an absence of a parent or a close relative. The following poem expressed the pain of missing a father. It started by emulating their only contact – a telephone conversation: Hello, hello, Daddy? How are you in emigration? Do you think about us? Do you think about the return?

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[. . .] When I saw a friend Holding her Daddy by the hand I felt like crying tears Will you return before next year.254 Friendships and the proverbially close-knit extended Albanian families torn apart by departures abroad were also a subject of pupils’ writing.255 The children’s treatment of emigration had a prominent national dimension. They were aware that the emigration was not entirely voluntary: ‘The Serb occupier/ Stepped up the violence/ From that terror many of our brethren/ Became emigrants.’256 Woeful emigration was described as fate: ‘when foes/ trample on your land’.257 Despite sympathy for emigrants’ cause of departure, pupils warned against it: ‘the enemy rejoices with your departure, he even waits for more to leave’.258 Instead, co-nationals were called on to remain. It was their debt and obligation to the nation: Stay, stay here, I saw the eyes, Stay, stay here, where our language is spoken, Stay, stay here, where the mud is sweet, To end the emigration, once and for all. Stay here! . . ., Oh, the Pillar of the Nation You must not covet the foreign land! . . . Because you have a debt to the blood of this soil The ancestor’s legacy you must not forget!259

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Many youngsters changed the perspective and penned their pieces imagining themselves in the position of emigrants. In them, they pledged to return: ‘Don’t cry mother/ Don’t cry for us/ because we will return/ again to the homeland./ We will return/ to fight/ precious freedom/ to win.’260 Accordingly, the return of the loved ones was linked to the advent of freedom. A sixth-grader asked her mother about the father’s return: ‘Again I asked mother:/ – Why isn’t Daddy coming?/ – He’ll come with freedom,/ mother said.’261 Freedom was another well-represented theme that occupied the pages of pupils’ gazettes. A lack of it made Albanian youngsters different from their peers elsewhere: ‘[W]e want freedom and wish to live like all other children in the world, to sit at the school desks in schools, smiling, happy, cheerful, like the birds in the sky without worries and without horror.’262 Their Serb peers in Kosovo reminded them of what they themselves were denied: We, Albanians in Kosovo, do not enjoy our rights like other peoples of Europe. Suffering doesn’t cease here. Why should Serbia come and close schools to us? Why should their children have a classroom [in the proper school building] even for one student while we are left in the streets?263 They wished and imagined the arrival of freedom: ‘Like a cherry in the summer/ Like light in the dawn/ Will be freedom/ In my country.’264 For another pupil the implications were more concrete – freedom meant return to school buildings: ‘One day that will come soon we shall sit down at our school desks, which have remained like orphans without us, and we, Albanian children, will no longer wander the streets hungry for light.’265 There was also urgency about the arrival of freedom: ‘I will wait/ even in the most difficult days/ because only in you have I hope/ therefore, return as soon as possible.’266 However, the quest for freedom was also a debt to predecessors: ‘For freedom/ we are waiting/ for freedom/ we will die/ from our grandfathers/ we have a legacy/ to defend/ the fatherland/ till/ eternity.’267 Freedom exacted immense sacrifice in the past: ‘Hundreds of thousands of martyrs/ for you, freedom, gave a life.’268 They set the example for the present: ‘I am not little/ I am telling you the truth/ if there’s a need/ for Kosovo I’d sacrifice life.’269 A sister assigned a role of a freedom-fighter to her pre-school-age brother: ‘When he grows up/ He will be brave/ And a good soldier/ For free Kosovo.’270 The praise of martyrs contrasted with the condemnation of traitors: ‘Nor does he recognize the homeland/ and harms it with behaviour and acts/ his greedy eye/ does services for a stranger.’271 Pupils also made clear that they had enough of life under repression: ‘We have lived enough in chains/ impoverished and subjugated/ we want a free life/ in you, the flourishing Kosovo.’272 Others directly called for an uprising in their verses: ‘Why Kosovo without freedom?/ Why the

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youth without future?/ Why children separated from children?/ Why do we endure?/ Why don’t we fight?’273 The sense of impatience was accompanied by the feeling of fearlessness: ‘And I’m not afraid at all/ Even when the enemy becomes wild/ I am always brave/ Because I am an Albanian girl.’274 Defiance to the ‘enemy’ was rooted in a strong sense of national identity. For some young writers from Kosovo, knowledge and learning were a form of national resistance: What have we done, Daddy, We who are children And don’t learn in school but in houses? [. . .] Even in a meadow We shall learn And with the knowledge We shall defend the country.275

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According to another sixth-grader, the closure of Albanian language schools had the opposite effect from the one intended: ‘To no avail they wanted/ To keep/ Us in darkness/ Because Albanians/ Can now see even better.’276 The pupils perceived learning as a weapon. This idea was particularly evident in the writings of the pupils from the Zenel Hajdini primary school in Pristina. A teacher in that school was allegedly killed in the custody of the Serbian police. A student described the scene at the funeral in the following words: The teacher lay in the middle of the yard. He was wrapped in the flag [. . .]. People watched, cried. They watched the face that was always smiling and now had blood over the eyes and lips [. . .]. He was suffocated, killed, maimed. They took him in for arms. He did not have weapons. Pencil was a weapon. Pencil was the most powerful weapon for the enemy. He did not let out a word from his mouth. Such was the teacher.277 Hence, the idea of learning as a path to ‘freedom’ and ‘liberation’ contrasted with the calls to fight their way out of the current predicament: ‘Let’s learn oh friends/ Because only with knowledge/ Will we crush the enemy/ Can we win freedom/ Liberate the fatherland.’278 Similarly, every book and school was likened to ‘a flower knitted in the garland of freedom’.279 While awaiting freedom in Kosovo, Albanian schools offered a taste of it. This idea was expressed in a poem dedicated to a school: ‘The temple

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of knowledge/ The road to the future/ The beginning of freedom/ The end of the yoke.’280 The pupils also recognized the contribution of education to the state-building process in Kosovo: ‘Education is no doubt a strong pillar in the creation of the state.’281 Even the quest for Albanianlanguage education, like the quest for freedom, was a legacy bequeathed by predecessors. One pupil asserted that the ideas of Pandeli Sotiri, the founder of the first Albanian-language school in Korca, were not betrayed, since the learning in Albanian continued: ‘Sotiri’s message/ we implement in cellars/ with the University in the lead/ we forge sun and light.’282 In this undertaking, teachers were praised for imparting the knowledge of nationhood, as in the poem written on the occasion of the Teachers’ Day: Beloved teacher I sing for you Your memorable day To heartily congratulate You taught me also history, about our martyrs who fell for freedom.283 The conscious act of learning as a form of defiance was accompanied by glorification of Albanian national cultural symbols. The nation was presented as a survivor, the proofs of which are the national language and customs: ‘All these years/ you, always endured/ by the enemy’s claws/ you were never subdued./ You preserved the Albanian language/ and the Albanian customs.’284 The Albanian language was praised: ‘Sweet like a chocolate/ Loved like a mother/ It is our language/ that even the nightingales chirp.’285 The pride about language and homeland seem interchangeable, illustrating the prominence of language as a marker of Albanian nationhood: ‘What’s always beautiful/ is the word of our language/ which makes me be brave/ at all times for my homeland.’286 The Albanian alphabet was celebrated too: The precious alphabet Oh the clear sunlight with your golden letters this Albanian language is written. [. . .] Songs, legends, ballads are written with this alphabet this beautiful language – a martyr that’s cuts and brandishes like a sword.287

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Unlike poems and essays about the language and the alphabet, those about other national symbols, such as the national flag and the independence day, provided an insight into how the Albanian pupils from Kosovo positioned their part of the nation and homeland in relation to their co-nationals in Albania. In the school gazettes analysed in this section there was only one poem explicitly dedicated to Albania, where ‘children grow up in freedom’.288 Nonetheless, the sense of all-national unity came across strongly in the poems about the flag. It connected the nation while bearing the burden of the turbulent national past: ‘Oh the red and black flag/ with the two-headed eagle/ the entire nation has you in the heart/ you are soaked with Albanian blood.’289 It is the flag that united all Albanian lands spanning Albania, Kosovo and even northern Greece: ‘The red flag in Tepelene,/ In Qameria and Kosovo/ In Tomor and Vlora/ The great flag/ The flag of the eagle.’290 Yet another symbol of an all-Albanian unity celebrated in the poems and essays by Albanian pupils in Kosovo was 28 November, the national holiday marking the creation of Albania in 1912. For Albanians in Kosovo, it was a reminder that Kosovo was not free: ‘[O]ne day like in a dream the flag from Vlora will salute the flag that will wave freely in Kosovo as an expression of independence and of the centuries-old dream of the people – FREEDOM.’291 Therefore, the national holiday set out the task ahead: Half of my homeland was transformed on 28 November 1912. Tears of joy, tears of hope, tears of longing, tears of worry were shed that November for Kosovo again remained in chains. Ismail Qemaili with his friends left us a legacy that day to fulfil a sacred duty, to unify Kosovo with Albania and Qameria.292 Not unlike national symbols, old and new national heroes also embodied the idea of national unity and the fight for freedom. Among Albanian historical figures in the pupils’ writing, Skanderbeg, the Albanians’ hero who resisted the Ottomans in the fifteenth century, was particularly distinguished: With a sword in the hand great Skanderbeg in rain and in snow fought for the homeland. [. . .]

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We are proud of you Skanderbeg. We’ll become fighters for freedom, for homeland.293

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Verses were also dedicated to eminent national figures from the period of the Albanian national ‘revival’ in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.294 However, Albanians’ struggle in Kosovo in the 1990s produced new heroes who found their place in the pupils’ lyrics and compositions. Most prominent were those dedicated to Albanian miners, described as the ‘pride of the homeland’,295 who spearheaded the peaceful resistance to Serbia’s drive to abolish Kosovo’s autonomy. The pupils also praised Anton Çetta, the Albanian academic, who was instrumental in the campaign of reconciliation of feuding families. They noted his contribution to national homogenization in the ‘quest for freedom’:296 ‘Uncle Anton/ we promise you/ that your deed we shall never forget.’297 The charity work of Mother Teresa, herself of Albanian origin, is cited as a cause of national pride.298 New heroes, such as the miners with their protests and Anton Çetta with his reconciliation campaign, who were celebrated by Albanian pupils, were directly relevant to the Albanian national struggle in the 1990s. However, what was notably absent in the children’s writings was any mention of the Albanian national leader Ibrahim Rugova, or any other modern Kosovo Albanian politician. Neither were any modern political leaders of Albania proper ever referred to in the analysed poems and essays. In the pupils’ writings, the Albanian nation, split by state borders, was unified around past historical figures. New national political elites in Kosovo and Albania are not mentioned. Instead, Albanian pupils write about the ethnic foe who enhances their national awareness and unity. The violence in Drenica in the spring of 1998 marked a turning point in the discourse employed to describe the Serbs in the writings of the Albanian pupils. Similarly, the hitherto ambivalent stance about the type of national resistance: non-violent vs. violent, was resolved. The Serbian police crackdown on a hamlet in Drenica, the central region in Kosovo, left some 80 Albanians dead, of whom many were women and small children. Up to Drenica, Serbs were most often referred to as an ‘enemy’, as in: ‘This country is ours/ ancestors left it to us/ the enemy thinks/ it has the right to take it.’299 They were also commonly described as ‘Serbian occupier/conqueror’,300 and the Serbian rule in post-autonomy Kosovo as ‘occupation’. Importantly, the Serbs were often mentioned by not being mentioned at all, as in: Someone denied me the light, Someone stopped me growing, Someone took from me the sun. Troubles me and bothers me What life is this, I don’t know, I’m not left alone I’m not left to live in FREEDOM!301

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Pupils also expressed a longing to be rid of the Serbs, as in: ‘Why don’t you leave us/ alone/ In our homeland.’302 Direct calls for the ‘enemy’s’ death were an exception: ‘I am little/ Without joking/ I know that enemy/ Should get a bullet in the forehead.’303 Instead, a need for armed insurrection was expressed in generally worded calls to arms. However, the beginning of the Kosovo war in spring 1998 was instantly reflected in the literary contributions of the Albanian children: [W]e awaited this spring as well with great hopes, thinking it would bring us warmth, joy and flowers. But, instead of joy and happiness, this year’s spring brought us tears and bloodshed, which no one else in the world but Serbian criminals could do.304

11 All restraint prevalent in the writings of Albanian schoolchildren about Serbs prior to the Drenica violence gave way to emotional outbursts professing outright hatred:

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Your heart fills with hatred towards the Serbs, because the Serbs are brutal, blood-sucking, treacherous, merciless people who have no drop of mercy in their unfortunate heart, which can’t see beyond their noses. What happened in Drenica left people dumbfounded and, simultaneously, gave strength and courage to Albanian heroes to grasp arms and either to die or to live for their homeland, Kosovo.305 Another pupil expressed frustration over being powerless: ‘to stop these massacres committed by brutal Serbian beasts. But I am very young, in my tender hands I have no strength . . . .’306 Her schoolmate fantasized: ‘If I were a sun I would scorch the barbarian enemy. I would warm up the homeland.’307 Youngsters immediately recognized the historical role of Drenica as the heartland of resistance to ‘the enemy’, where the Serbs historically encountered fierce Albanian opposition: ‘You showed the world/ that you will not surrender.’308 Hence, students listed bygone heroes who had stood up to the Serbs in the past: ‘Drenica, you had and you have/ Shota and Azem,/ Hasan Polaci,/ Shaban Poluzha,/ Adem Prekazi.’309 However, new presentday martyrs, such as Adem Jashari, who was killed in the clash with the Serbian security forces, were also added to their poems.310 All had one message: ‘Till we die we shall remember martyrs. They fell for freedom and for future. We should follow their example. We should even sacrifice ourselves.’311 The deaths of their peers and their co-nationals in Drenica underscored the quest for freedom for young Albanians: Drenica, with many wounds Drenica, with many brave men Drenica, with many heroes and heroines,

178 Albanian nationhood in parallel education Your children, Drenica Love life, Love games, Love homeland, Love spring, Love school, But most of all: Free Kosovo.312 However, the deaths in Drenica also made the young Albanians look to the West: We think that the international community does not react as it should and with the force it could to stop this barbarism against the much suffering Albanian people, who have expressed their aspirations for freedom in a peaceful manner. This martyr – the people of Kosovo – especially the people of Drenica, expects the international community to immediately stop this terror.313 They asked: ‘The West, why are you silent?’314 This appeal echoed the Albanians’ concern whether the West would acknowledge the righteousness of their national struggle: We are proud of the people of Drenica, Decani [the areas where the fighting spread in the spring of 1998] and the whole of Kosovo and hope that in the end even the world has understood what criminals Serbs are and that they will receive the punishment deserved for their crimes.315 The poems and essays written by Albanian schoolchildren in postautonomy Kosovo reflected a deeply felt sense of nationhood. It was rooted in the awareness of the nation’s historical and contemporary quest for sovereignty, and firmly ‘pegged’ to the nation’s cultural markers, as illustrated by the appreciation of language and alphabet. The young Albanians’ sense of distinct cultural identity was also reinforced by a prominent territorial dimension that was, by and large, Kosovo-centric. Hence, the notion of homeland was reserved exclusively for Kosovo, while other Albanianpopulated lands were mainly ignored. By contrast, the pupils focused on contesting the Serbian territorial claim to Kosovo. Consequently, the Albanian youngsters’ Kosovo-specific sense of nationhood was culturally and spatially defined by opposition to the Serbs as an ethnic Other. Their sense of national identity was stimulated by the everyday plight of the Albanian nation in Serb-ruled Kosovo, which was understood through their own experience of Serbian repression: a parent in emigration, attendance of home-schools, a teacher’s death, etc.

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Paradoxically, the ethnic Other appeared rather remote in their pieces of writing, referred to as an enemy without a qualifying attribute in front of it. Prior to the outbreak of the Kosovo war, the Serbs against whom the Albanian pupils asserted their nationness were present in their writings through the reality of the repression that their actions imposed on Albanians, rather than as a ‘face’, ‘personality’ or even an ‘emotion’. Imposed spatial segregation in Kosovo, most obvious in the province’s education system, had minimized contact between Serbs and Albanians, rendering the enemy ‘faceless’ for Albanian pupils. The Drenica tragedy profoundly affected the pupils’ attitudes. The words of hatred were directed at the hitherto mainly ignored ethnic Other. The ambiguous stand towards the right mode of resistance also appeared to be resolved. Calls to respond to arms with arms followed. The coveted freedom and the end of the Albanians’ political and national subjugation were portrayed as the fulfilment of the ancestors’ legacy. The unification of all Albanians emerged as a political agenda imposed by the forefathers, rather than stemming from an intimate familiarity with the ‘parts’ of the nation outside Kosovo. The sense of one nation encompassing all Albanians was expressed through celebration of national symbols and Albanian historical figures synonymous with an all-national quest for independence and unification of Albanians. Finally, the outlines of Albanian nationhood emerging from children’s writings demonstrate a striking overlap with the historical and geographical knowledge imparted to them through textbooks. Their ideas about the nation’s antiquity as related to the Albanians’ purported Illyrian origins, the celebration and selection of national heroes, and the nation’s historical struggle for freedom and unification of Albanian lands are a close reflection of the content of history textbooks. Similarly, the central place of Kosovo in the geographical imagination of Albanian pupils closely corresponds to the visual and verbal representations of Kosovo in geography textbooks. However, the poems and essays of Albanian pupils also revealed a profound preoccupation with the trying realities of everyday life in Serb-ruled Kosovo in the 1990s, and, hence, a heightened sense of nationhood.316 The multitude of poems about the Albanians’ contemporary predicament in Kosovo provides a ‘corrective’ to the presentation of school history. History textbooks allotted very little space to the postSecond World War period in Kosovo, neglecting the Kosovo-specific content in favour of that dedicated to Albania. Nonetheless, the Albanian textbook history provided a prism through which the lived present of Albanian schoolchildren was viewed and interpreted.

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in post-autonomy Kosovo. The transfer of the Albanian-language education system into private houses throughout Kosovo was motivated by an imperative of rescuing the symbolic nourishment of Albanian nationhood in Albanian schools. That was the freedom that Albanians had achieved despite the repressive environment. The newly reclaimed nationhood was inscribed on the Albanian school space by the policy of naming schools and adorning classrooms in the ‘spirit of nationhood’. Its assertion was most explicit and meaningful in the rewriting of school textbooks, especially those in history and geography. Symbolic mapping of Albanian nationhood in Kosovo in terms of opposition to the Serbs overshadowed important questions concerning the development of Albanian nationhood in Kosovo quite apart from the Serbs. ‘Albanianness’ celebrated in post-autonomy schools included a duality. A Kosovo-focused vision of nationhood with the political goal of Kosovo’s independence as its political corollary contrasted starkly with steps undertaken in the field of education to bring about the symbolic unification of all Albanians. However, a process of spiritual unification by means of the national Albanian curriculum produced discontent, albeit subdued, on the Kosovo side. Ironically, rather than being a promoter of a political-cum-territorial unification of Kosovo and Albania, Kosovocentred Albanian nationhood did not do much to further it. As the Kosovo Albanians’ discontent over their representation in the unified national curriculum has illustrated, Kosovo Albanians’ sense of membership in a large Albanian community did not mitigate the Albanians’ strong sense of distinct Kosovar identity. The intensity of the attachment to homeland came across strongly in the poems and essays written by Kosovo Albanian youngsters. They offered a valuable insight into the perception of the notions of nationhood and homeland from the perspective of pupils as the consumers of the history and geography textbooks. Their writings revealed that the textbooks provided an important interpretative mechanism for their daily reality in post-autonomy Kosovo. The most prominent themes from the textbooks were reproduced closely in their writings. However, their perception of nationhood was also powerfully shaped by their daily lived experience of repression. Therefore, their home-schools emerged as an epitome for Kosovo. At the same time, they were equally affected by the absence of a parent or a relative who may have sought refuge abroad. Such daily emotional experiences were not a part of their textbooks. However, the textbooks provided a national code through which they could be understood. In other words, Albanian schoolchildren associated the end of their daily troubles with the end of Serbia’s rule in Kosovo. The flip side of unprecedented celebration of Albanian nationhood in Albanian-language education was the environment of spatial segregation and marginalization in which it was unfolding. ‘We got used to ignoring each other’, is how a Kosovo Albanian education specialist described the

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separation of the Albanian and Serbian youngsters.317 Meanwhile, the walls dividing their schools were matched by the ever growing inter-ethnic rift underwritten by the symbolic reproduction of confrontational identities between Serbs and Albanians. Serbian and Albanian history and geography textbooks were a mirror image of each other. Both used the same techniques, such as presenting the other as villain and self as victim, in order to back their respective national causes in Kosovo. Their same methodology in constructing the image of the self and homeland only took them further apart, bringing Kosovo closer to conflict.

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Conceptualized as ‘an attribute of statehood’,1 the Albanian-language education system was to contribute to the institutionalization and building of the Albanian state in Kosovo. However, the institutional disintegration of educational authorities eventually undermined the education’s statebuilding mission. The absence of clear allocation of legislative and executive power in the Albanian parallel state in the post-autonomy period was coupled with a lack of opportunity for legal redress. This resulted in the proliferation of decision-making centres both among the Albanians in Kosovo and in the diaspora. As all of them competed for control over it, Albanian education in Kosovo was confronted with the prospect of selfdestruction. The last-ditch diplomatic attempt to improve the position of Albanians in Kosovo focused on the desegregation of Kosovo’s education in spring 1998. It came too late. The idea of ethnic mixing was beyond the estranged and antagonized Serbian and Albanian youth of Kosovo. In the early years of Albanians’ resistance, when there was hope in the effectiveness of non-violence, parallel education was primarily equated with freedom to learn about the nation. As hopes faded, parallel education became a symbol only of the failure of Albanian pacifism and the ruthlessness of Serbian repression. It became one more reason for Kosovo Albanians to seek the fulfilment of national aspirations by other means. The outbreak of armed conflict between the Serbian security forces and Albanian guerrillas in spring 1998 transformed the Albanian national struggle in Kosovo. However, the end of the war in Kosovo in spring 1999 and the end of the Serbian rule did not remove the notion of spatial separation between Albanians and Serbs. It continued in an equally crude form, only the two communities exchanged places. Albanians returned to the school and university buildings, while Serbs organized Serbian classes in private houses and the few proper school buildings available to them. This chapter examines the internal fragmentation of the Albanian parallel education system. It is followed by the analysis of doomed attempts at the desegregation of the Kosovo education system after the signing of the Serbian–Albanian education agreement. However, desegregation was also attempted by Albanian students who launched a series of peaceful protests

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in autumn 1997. The chapter concludes by looking at the reversal of segregation in education in Kosovo after the end of the NATO intervention in 1999.

Internal fragmentation From the very beginning of the parallel state in the early 1990s, Albanians in Kosovo had two ministries of education – a public and a clandestine one. The former, set up abroad as part of the government-in-exile, was the Ministry of Education headed by Minister Muhamet Bicaj.2 The other, i.e. the clandestine ‘ministry’ on the ground in Kosovo, was the teachers’ association called the League of Albanian Educators Naim Frashëri (LASH), with its head, Rexhep Osmani, who was a ‘minister’.3 The LASH was founded as a counterpart of the Serbian St Sava teachers’ association in Kosovo in December 1990. In practice, the LASH provided a ‘cover’ for administering Albanian-language education in Kosovo when the Serbs denied Albanians self-governance in Kosovo, including their educational self-rule.4 Albanian administrators dismissed from the Kosovo education authorities had joined the LASH, where they accomplished the critical task of defining Albanian education policy in Kosovo after the abolition of Kosovo’s autonomy.5 The institutions of the parallel Albanian education in Kosovo reflected the institutional architecture of the Albanian parallel state in Kosovo. After the independence referendum of Kosovo Albanians in 1991, which followed the adoption of the Albanian constitution,6 the institutional structure of the Albanian parallel state was completed by holding the multi-party and presidential elections in the proclaimed independent state of Kosovo in May 1992.7 Albanians were determined to make their institutions work. Ibrahim Rugova, the Kosovo Albanian national leader and elected president, said, ‘Serbia has created its own institutions here without a reason. Therefore, the parallel institutions of Albanians have got to function as well.’8 Albanians set up the presidency and the government, along with its ministries. However, warrants issued by Serbian police for the arrest of the creators of the self-declared Republic of Kosovo forced the government into exile.9 Unlike the government, Rugova remained in Kosovo and performed his duties from an office in an unobtrusive building in the centre of Pristina. The parliament was not constituted either. As a result, the shadow state and the national movement of Kosovo Albanians was dominated by the biggest party of Kosovo Albanians, the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK). The reconceptualization of the education system in 1994 revealed the political fault-lines in the administration of Albanian-language education in Kosovo. It was first conceived primarily as a form of Albanian national resistance. Later, it was primarily intended to function as a part of the Albanian state.10 However, an attempt at greater institutionalization of the parallel education system resulted in the dissipation of authority into

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competing centres. It was a result of the incomplete institutionalization in the self-declared Albanian state in Kosovo, but also of the growing stakes in holding a political office after parallel education became stabilized. The initial, relatively smooth, administration of the Albanian-language education system was a result of a combination of a decision-making process and a period of ‘cohabitation’ of actors on the Albanian political scene. An independent education analyst from Kosovo described the decision-making: ‘[Education Minister Muhamet] Bicaj would send [from abroad] the paper with his signature and the inscription of the Kosovo Republic at the top, and then the LASH would fill it out as they saw fit.’11 In this way, all education-related decisions acquired legitimacy as they appeared to be formally endorsed by the relevant ministry, i.e. the official education ministry-in-exile. At the same time, this was the ‘idyllic period’ in the relations between the government, presidency and university, which made the administrative process appear conflict-free.12 Equally important was the head of the LASH Osmani’s ability to perform a balancing act, courting the support of the president, or more precisely various factions in the ruling LDK, and the government. Until early 1994, the education policy was coordinated under Osmani’s chairmanship at the so-called ‘ministerial board’, comprising heads of education authorities, the education union, the financial council and the LASH.13 At the same time, important input into the running of education also came from Albanians’ elected president Ibrahim Rugova, and, more specifically, his Adviser on Education, Xhavit Ahmeti. In the absence of the constituted parliament, the Parliamentary Group for Education emerged as one more centre of authority.14 According to the Kosovo Albanian weekly Koha, this group took over the activity of the ‘ministerial board’ after disagreements emerged among its members at the beginning of 1994.15 Henceforth, the LASH was identified only with Osmani, i.e. it became a one-man association. The period of the ‘blank letter rule’ ended as a rift emerged between the presidency in Kosovo and the government-in-exile. Specifically, the government insisted on wielding real power. An education analyst described the situation in the following way: Rugova [the President] believed that [Prime Minister-in-Exile Bujar] Bukoshi should only be the cashier, that those abroad should only collect money. The purpose of having government at all was kind of symbolic – so Albanians could say that they also had their own government, and not the Serbian government. Thus, the government-in-exile was not supposed to take itself seriously. But, Bukoshi did not want to be just a cashier.16 Accordingly, Education Minister Bicaj refused to sign blank letters. This, effectively, made the administration over education from one centre practically impossible.17 At the same time, Osmani’s balancing act stopped. He aligned himself as Rugova’s trustworthy man.

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The government-in-exile asserted its authority only after the ‘blank letter rule’ had already been (ab)used to monopolize administration over Kosovo’s parallel education. The enforcement of two legal acts – one concerning higher and the other primary and secondary education – ushered in the period of centralization of power over education. The quest for control over education in post-autonomy Kosovo emerged as a form of power struggle among the Albanian leadership. The Decree for Higher Education was compiled by a working group headed by the Chancellor of the Albanian Pristina University, Ejup Statovci.18 The Decree was enacted on 22 June 1994 with the signature of Prime Minister Bujar Bukoshi. It inaugurated a novel form of rule – by decree, the first such used in the parallel state.19 The Decree was enacted despite dissent by a member of the working group.20 The Chancellor said that this document ‘open[ed] the path for internal institutionalization’.21 However, observers in Kosovo criticized it in no uncertain terms: as ‘inaugurating the despotism of one man’, or, put more moderately, as ‘institutionalized voluntarism’.22 The Decree for Higher Education centralized the university by ending the autonomy of the faculties.23 The Senate, ultimately controlled by the Chancellor, was empowered to verify the appointment of faculty deans.24 The Chancellor’s power was demonstrated by the Senate’s refusal to verify the candidacy of Enver Petrovci to the post of Dean of the Arts Faculty. The Petrovci affair captured the complexity of power politics in the context of a national struggle. Even though the Arts Faculty put forward his candidacy for the post of the Dean twice, it was turned down by the Senate.25 Petrovci was ill-suited on ‘ideological grounds’ as an Albanian actor who acted in a Serbian play in the Serbian language in Serbia.26 Bota e re, the Kosovo Albanian student paper that described criticism of the Decree as treason,27 published a clipping from the Serbian daily newspaper Borba of 18 May 1994 with a photograph showing Petrovci in his role. It expressed concern over the approval by this faculty’s lecturers of someone with a ‘collaborationist pedigree’.28 Petrovci asserted that he used his ‘most powerful weapon’ when acting on the enemy’s stage, in order to: [C]ontribute to the awareness that it is not violence that can triumph, but that Spiritual Values and Art are permanently triumphant, that Universalism is an eternal and not a narrow chauvinist value, that the people to whom the actor belongs are worthy of ‘fighting’ also by means of creative values.29

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However, the recourse to nationalist discourse of traitors and treason and amassed powers by the university’s leadership made Petrovci’s a lost cause. Attempted centralization of the university also resulted in its unintended fragmentation. Self-reliance on income from student fees, exam fees and the like, as a method of financing faculties, produced large disparities in salaries of lecturers in more and less ‘populous’ faculties.

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Hence, the Senate, the university governing body, decided that each faculty should contribute 35 per cent of its income to a shared budget for fair redistribution to disadvantaged faculties. However, this decision went unheeded.30 Some faculties under-reported the number of registered students in order to avoid their financial obligation.31 Primary and secondary education was also subjected to centralization in 1994 and 1995. Just like the university’s Chancellor, Rexhep Osmani, the head of the LASH, used the ‘blank letter rule’ to transform the local education authorities and name loyal primary and secondary school headmasters.32 Political realignment of the actors involved in administering education resulted in the creation of a firm, but contested, centre of power in Kosovo – the so-called ‘Presidents’ men’.33 The period of cooperation within a collective body gathering a cross-section of all political and professional actors was over. Instead, Osmani, the head of the LASH, and Zejnullah Rrahmani, the education adviser to the President, became ‘exponents’ of Rugova’s power over education.34 The changes enacted by this faction around Rugova were legally grounded in a Decree on Temporary Administration of Education in the Republic of Kosovo. As these were first ‘legal norms, albeit temporary’ adopted in the history of Albanian school by the authorities of the selfdeclared Republic of Kosovo,35 Osmani forcefully argued that they contributed to state-building.36 However, this process in Kosovo was marked by the empowerment of a group whose claim to authority over education was derived primarily from loyalty to the party, or, more precisely, loyalty to Rugova. The Decree on Temporary Administration of Education provided a legal basis for the adoption of a body of regulations administering a wide range of aspects of primary and secondary education. The so-called Kumtar, which in translation means an official publication, was the most controversial.37 Osmani’s siding with the Presidency implied that Rugova had become a supreme authority on education.38 It was, therefore, sardonically noted in the Albanian press that Rugova’s accurate title should be ‘President of Albanian Schools’, rather than ‘President of the Republic of Kosovo’.39 The control over Kosovo’s schools was an expression of political power in the self-declared Kosovo Republic, education being the only functioning system of the Albanian parallel state in Kosovo. The Municipal Education Councils replaced the Municipal Education Bureaux as local education authorities. In the process of their transformation, professional educational administrators were dismissed and replaced by ‘politicians, or commissars of the LDK’.40 Transformation of educational institutions was described as a reform only by reformers themselves. One of the fathers of the Albanian parallel education system remarked cynically that: ‘“our reformers” abolished without [official] decisions the same institutions abolished by Serbia from 1990 to 1991’.41 Practically, the education institutions recreated in the post-autonomy period as a part of the Albanian parallel system were now being marginalized, disbanded

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or subjected to the test of political loyalty to the faction dominating administration in education. He cited the fate of the Kosovo Education Council, the institution carrying out a critical mass of work in organizing education, as an example.42 In 1994, it was informed ‘unofficially’ of its transformation into an advising service of the Education Ministry with reduced responsibilities.43 The need for a change of headmasters, as a result of institutional reorganization, was mentioned for the first time in the Kumtar.44 Although their elected term in office had expired, headmasters were not re-elected due to the extraordinary circumstances in which education in Kosovo functioned. The Kosovo Albanian weekly Zëri described the Kumtar as a ‘phantom document’ since it lacked any author or any reference as to which education authority endorsed it.45 Nonetheless, it contained the provisions regulating Albanian education in primary and secondary schools in Kosovo.46 The appointment of new headmasters went smoothly in all but a handful of cases of 418 headmasters in primary and 65 headmasters in secondary schools.47 The conflicts arose where the Municipal Education Councils insisted on imposing a headmaster whom the school staff rejected, and instead insisted on their own candidate. In some cases, the imposition of new headmasters was accompanied by threats of denial of salaries to ‘disobedient’ school staff or even by verbal abuse.48 Consequently, such methods of enforcement were dubbed ‘new forced measures’ by representatives of one ‘disobedient school’, the Secondary Medical School Ali Sokoli.49 The headmasters imposed by the Municipal Education Councils were called ‘forced headmasters’.50 This is the same term Albanians used to describe the Serbian administrative measures applied against Albanian staff during the takeover of Kosovo’s primary schools, and the Serbian headmasters appointed in response to Albanians’ defiance of Serbian laws in the early 1990s. The change of headmasters in 1995 was dubbed by the weekly Zëri as korrja, which literally means a harvest, but metaphorically a slaughter, of headmasters. The korrja amounted to the imposition of ideological uniformity. According to the Kosovo Albanian weekly Koha, ‘not a single candidate who is not a member of the LDK, or at least who did not get an agreement from members of this party’ was named as a headmaster by the Municipal Education Councils, whose heads were either members or activists of the LDK.51 Importantly, to receive a dismissal notice at a time when national struggle was under way was awkward. An education analyst explained why: It was a cultural problem as well. In the tightly-knit and patriarchal environment [of the Albanian community] the dismissal of the headmaster gave rise to suspicions. Was he a spy? Collaborating with the Serbs? Or what? When he was fired out of the blue. [That is the problem] and not so much the money [i.e. the meagre salaries they would lose].52

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Ironically, some headmasters, such as Ramiz Shehu, received two dismissal notices: one from the Serbs, when he was a deputy headmaster, and the other from the Albanians. However, unlike the first time, the second time he did not have a possibility to appeal.53 The result of the unilateral consolidation of power over education in Kosovo prompted the government-in-exile to attempt to reassert its authority in Kosovo.54 It founded a Republican Education Council in Kosovo and appointed Jusuf Krasniqi as its head. This Council was supposed to act as the ministry, i.e. an executive branch, on the ground in Kosovo.55 However, the presidency regarded this decision by the government as illegitimate.56 Krasniqi was unable to assert his control over the Municipal Education Councils.57 Nonetheless, the Republican Education Council effectively emerged as yet another depository of authority vying for control over education, contributing to the proliferation of education ‘ministries’. This development was described by Albanian commentators as the creation of ‘parallel authorities of parallel authorities’.58 The Kosovo Albanian weekly Zëri likened the Decree on Temporary Administration of Education to ‘furniture on the meadow, while a house is nowhere [in sight]’.59 It was a law in a legal void, defined by the absence of the parliament. Arguably, the comparison could be extended to the entire parallel education system in Kosovo. It was the only functioning state system in a state without a functioning government, parliament and courts. A detrimental lack of institutional checks and balances was largely a consequence of the Serbian repressive policy towards Kosovo. Rugova, the Kosovo Albanians’ elected president, insisted that the Albanian authorities exercised ‘moral power’.60 However, the concentration of authority over education in the hands of Rugova’s LDK indicated that the LDK would not give up the concept of a ‘party state’.61 Therefore, party allegiance also emerged as an obstacle to the more efficient institutionalization of administration in the field of education, irrespective of Serbian policy. Ironically, quite contrary to its intended role in state-building, shtetëzim in Albanian, the emergence of multiple centres of authority and their competition over control of the Albanian parallel education system contributed to state-destruction in Kosovo, deshtetëzim in Albanian.62 Proliferation of decision-making centres – the presidency, the university Chancellor’s office, and the education ministry-in-exile with its republican education council – accompanied by appropriation of jurisdiction in education by what were practically informal groups, Rexhep Osmani, the head of the LASH, and Zejnullah Rrahmani, the education adviser to Rugova, threatened to lead Albanian education in Kosovo into ‘complete anarchy, and even self-destruction’.63 Institutional parallelism was blatantly demonstrated by the parallelism of school documents. In 1997, double sets of school certificates, which are diplomas handed out on completion of primary and secondary school education, and school booklets, which are certificates for noting marks throughout each of the eight grades of

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primary schools, were printed. They were respectively endorsed by the Government and the President, placing before pupils a dilemma about which to buy.64 Such waste of resources was poignant given the lack of money for teachers’ salaries. In the latter half of its existence, parallel education became a proxy through which actors on the Albanian political scene fought their battles. There were three ways out of the institutional cul-de-sac: a power struggle until absolute supremacy was achieved by one side, an institutional compromise, or Rugova’s reassertion of authority by means of the change of government after the parliamentary elections scheduled for 22 March 1998.65 The prospect of destruction from within was grim after Albanianlanguage education in Kosovo had survived institutional onslaught by the Serbs. However, one of the creators of the parallel system noted: ‘Serbia could not destroy Albanian education in Kosovo; that can only be done by us, Albanians.’66 Soon, a resolution of the power deadlock within the Albanian community over parallel education was overshadowed by an international attempt at desegregation of Kosovo education in spring 1998.

Normalizing Kosovo education Reactions to the news of the agreement on education in Kosovo by Serbian President Slobodan Milo¡evicœ and Albanian leader Ibrahim Rugova on 1 September 1996 verged on the incredulous. The education accord broke a Serbian–Albanian stalemate in Kosovo largely marked by an absence of any political contact across national lines since Serbia’s abolition of Kosovo’s autonomy. The success of the mediator, the Catholic good will mission Communitá di Sant’Egidio chaired by Monsignore Vicenzo Paglia, was even greater in view of a previous collapse of the talks on education by the Albanian and Serbian, i.e. Yugoslav, sides in 1993. Initiated during the short-lived premiership in the FRY of Milan Panicœ in 1992, the illfated talks took place within the framework of the International Conference on Former Yugoslavia in Geneva, co-organized by the United Nations and the European Community.67 After 13 rounds of meetings between Albanian and Serbian negotiators it proved impossible to disentangle the issue of education from its political relevance in the context of the national dispute in Kosovo. Education, and, hence, control of it, emerged as a symbol of national sovereignty. The latter was indivisible. Accordingly, bargaining with any aspect of education was ruled out. Paglia’s achievement lay in obtaining the agreement of the two sides to one aspect of education: the return of Albanian pupils and students to their facilities. Meanwhile, contentious issues such as the curriculum and financing, which were bound to paralyse any agreement, were left aside for the moment.68 However, the agreement lacked an implementation timetable. Instead, its fate was left to the so-called 3 + 3 group consisting of three Serbian and three Albanian representatives. The text of the

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agreement explicitly sought to depoliticize its significance. It specified that this agreement, which is ‘above any political debate’, is of ‘humanitarian value’.69 However, holding out a prospect of an unprecedented change in the political and spatial deadlock in Kosovo, for Albanians, the education agreement was anything but divorced from politics. It was seen as inseparable from the Albanians’ national struggle of the past six years in Kosovo. However, while for some it proved the effectiveness of Albanians’ peaceful resistance, others drew an opposite conclusion. For Rugova’s supporters the agreement was a vindication of Albanians’ passive resistance. Rugova’s adviser on education, Xhavit Ahmeti, described it as ‘a proof that a peaceful path can yield concrete results’.70 Its signing seemingly inaugurated a more efficient tackling of the overall problem of Kosovo. The education agreement appeared to be the start in the step-by-step approach marked by gradual ‘normalization’ of Kosovo’s problems: health care, media, economy, etc.71 However, the end aim, Rugova insisted, would remain the independence of Kosovo.72 What for Rugovites was a political victory, for his ever more vocal opponents was a defeat. Their argument that the agreement should be considered in a ‘dynamic, evolutionary context, as only a stage in a series of stages’73 was completely dismissed. Instead, Rugova’s opponents saw it as a fatal verdict for Kosovo’s final political status. The criticism of Adem Demaçi, the Albanian writer and ex-prisoner, was damning: [T]his is not a document for normalization of education in the Albanian language, but this is a political document with which Dr Rugova made, in the most pitiful way, the fatal step of capitulation before the hegemonic and police regime of Belgrade.74 According to Demaçi, by accepting the talks on the solution of Kosovo from ‘the tail and not from the head’, Rugova reduced the question of Kosovo’s independence to that of cultural autonomy.75 In this way, Demaçi set the tone of radical dissent on the Albanian political scene, portraying the education agreement as an unacceptable ‘fragmentation’ of the Kosovo issue.76 Dividing the indivisible issue of sovereignty was an act of national treason. Even the signatures on the agreement spoke of a national betrayal, the critics argued.77 Whereas Milo¡evicœ signed the agreement as President of the Republic of Serbia, there was no state title, only an academic one – Dr, next to Rugova’s name.78 Fehmi Agani, one of the negotiators, dismissed criticism that ‘the [Kosovo] issue was transformed into a demand for a cultural autonomy’ as unfounded. According to him, the agreement was to be interpreted literally: as an agreement on education that does not prejudge the question of Kosovo’s future status.79 Such verbal cross-fire on the Albanian political scene in Kosovo initially failed to affect the euphoria at the grass-roots level. The Kosovo Albanian weekly Koha described the normalization of life in Kosovo, which the

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education agreement seemed to usher in, as a ‘magic word’.80 It heralded brighter prospects for ‘the population tired and disheartened by Albanian waiting and Serbian violence’.81 However, the complexity of Kosovo’s situation was not lost on anyone. Caution accompanied high hopes of a speedy return to school buildings.82 On the hundredth day after its signing, without progress in its implementation, the agreement was practically dead.83 Most Albanian students and pupils continued classes as usual, in home-schools. Once again, Belgrade appeared victorious in a diplomatic game. It signed a political agreement with Albanians in Kosovo it had no intention of implementing. However, it appeared cooperative at a time when international attention was being turned to Kosovo as another potential Balkan flashpoint after the pacification of Bosnia-Herzegovina by the 1995 Dayton Peace Accords.84 The signing of the education agreement did unofficially bring about a change of atmosphere in Albanian schools. The repression of schooling by Serbian police had been relaxed.85 Albanians even managed to return to several schools. In Suva Reka, Albanians repaired and entered a small school unobstructed by Serbian police. Shepherds had ruined the school by playing football inside, and Albanians pupils were forced to go to home-schools.86 However, it was an underhand return. It occurred, but did not imply the implementation of the education agreement. Aside from Serbian unwillingness to implement the education agreement, Albanians’ return, at least in some cases, did not take place due to internal obstacles. A member of the Albanian education union from Dragas complained: ‘we could have entered our school buildings but various political activists feared that someone from Pristina could criticize them’.87 Local officials waited for the go-ahead from their superiors in the capital that never came. The Albanian weekly Zëri conspicuously noted the inaction of the Albanian side in accelerating the agreement’s implementation. It pointed out that the reservations about the agreement were ‘two-sided’, i.e. Serbian and Albanian, hinting that the Albanian side had political reasons for not actively working on the agreement’s implementation.88 Asked at a press conference about the Serbs delaying Albanians’ return, Rugova responded: ‘we are not in a hurry either, because we have our schools’.89 An Albanian political analyst commented on the stalling of his co-nationals: ‘Rugova and his LDK are not in a hurry to return [to the schools and the university], lest independence should turn into no more than the cultural rights of Albanians.’90 Education, which had galvanized the Albanian community to act in unison six years before, became an apple of intra-national discord in postautonomy Kosovo. Importantly, emerging differences of opinion went beyond education, revealing the cracks in the Albanian national consensus over the means of national struggle. Formerly hailed as an embodiment of the achievement of the Albanian national policy in Kosovo, Albanian parallel schools were now described as ‘quasi schools’.91 The attribute

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‘quasi’ came to apply to the entire philosophy of passive resistance. It was dismissed critically, both in Kosovo and in the diaspora, as a counterproductive policy of waiting. In the words of Bujar Bukoshi, the Prime Minister-in-Exile: ‘We are waiting for Serbia to give us our schools.’92 The failure of implementation of the education agreement increasingly lent credibility to the concept of activism in the context of the Albanian national struggle. Rejection of passivism as a mode of national resistance was also a rejection of Rugova’s political domination over the national issue and its resolution. The education agreement was an exclusive domain of Rugova and his party, the LDK, as neither the Prime Minister-inExile, and, hence, the Education Minister-in-Exile, other political parties in Kosovo, or representatives of the Albanian university had known that it was in the offing.93 On the first anniversary of the signing of the education agreement activism had won the day. It took the form of a peaceful protest of Albanian university students for the return to their facilities. However, another form of activism – a violent struggle advocated and exercised by the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) – would soon emerge as a main rival to the peaceful activism practised by university students.

Albanian university students and active non-violence in Kosovo An attempt by the Serbian and Albanian 3 + 3 group to resuscitate the negotiations on the normalization of the education system in Kosovo collapsed in autumn 1997.94 The failure to implement the Rugova– Milo¡evicœ agreement, one year after its signing, crucially changed the atmosphere in Kosovo. A sense of deep disillusionment with the political status quo precipitated the emergence of the Albanian student movement.95 By staging peaceful protests for a return to university premises in autumn 1997, Albanian students challenged both the Serbian policy of ethnic domination and segregation in Kosovo and the hitherto unquestioned policy of passive resistance spearheaded by the Albanian national leader Ibrahim Rugova. As a consequence, Albanians’ national struggle in Kosovo had undergone a transformation. A peaceful, static and invisible national movement turned into an active and visible, but still non-violent, protest in the streets. The new leadership of the Independent Student Union of the Albanian Pristina University, Unioni i Pavarur i Studentëve të Universitetit të Prishtinës (UPSUP) in Albanian, which was inaugurated in spring 1997, ended the period of submissiveness of the student organization to the LDK.96 Instead, launching an initiative for peaceful protests for return to university facilities, it positioned itself at the head of seething student dissatisfaction.97 Symbolically, Bujar Dugolli, the newly elected leader of the UPSUP, denounced the LDK’s policy of peaceful resistance on the occasion of the sixteenth anniversary of the 1981 demonstrations of

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Albanian students. Led by the UPSUP, Albanian students centred their demands on the unconditional return to university premises, which they portrayed as ‘simply a technical issue’.99 Consequently, adopting nonviolent practice and iconography the UPSUP organized three non-violent protests on 1 and 25 October and on 30 December 1997 demanding the ‘liberation of occupied buildings’.100 By taking to the streets en masse they achieved what had seemed impossible. The crackdown of the Serbian police was most severe on 1 October. Nonetheless, Albanian university students showed that passive resistance might be less risky but it was certainly not the only form of possible resistance to the Serbian rule. The students’ initiative was also a litmus test for other forces on the Albanian political scene. Rugova’s suggestion to students to postpone their protests – effectively a euphemism for their cancellation – starkly contrasted with the backing they received from Rugova’s Prime Ministerin-Exile Bujar Bukoshi and Education Minister-in-Exile Muhamet Bicaj.101 In Bukoshi’s opinion, the Kosovo leadership had ‘overly pacified the Albanians’.102 A successful launch of protests on 1 October 1997 was hailed across the Kosovo Albanian political spectrum.103 Yet, in its wake, there crystallized an opposition to Rugova in exile but also at home, in Kosovo, headed by the Parliamentary Party of Kosovo but also by the Chancellor of the Albanian Pristina University, Ejup Statovci.104 Despite insisting on being divorced from politics,105 the UPSUP’s rejection of home-schools was, nevertheless, political both in motivation and in implication. Driton Lajçi, the UPSUP deputy leader, described the student initiative as the result of the Serbian ‘occupation of buildings’ and ‘ineffectiveness of our political class’.106 The political class that mattered in Kosovo was Rugova’s. Albanian students considered the initial organization of classes in private houses as a necessity. However, they warned that a prolonged lack of action could result in ‘becoming accustomed to the situation, a stabilization in difficult conditions’.107 Therefore, continued inaction was compared to treason: ‘it is treacherous extremism to agree with an existing situation of enslavement’.108 Consequently, a return to the university buildings was described as a ‘national duty’.109 For them, progress on the national issue required ‘concrete actions’.110 In other words, the way to go was down the route of active yet peaceful resistance. Accordingly, Albanian students’ non-violent activism was a rejection of Rugova’s ‘kind’ of non-violence, whose passivism they derided as a policy of waiting. Albin Kurti, a member of the UPSUP leadership, commented on its implications for the Albanian youth: ‘[It seems] as if our parents and politicians have forgotten that this is the seventh year of teaching in private houses. Do you know that first-years at Pristina University were sixth-graders in primary school when school buildings were occupied?’111 Activism in the form of public protest was also a demonstration of Albanian students’ defiance to Serbian policy, in the sphere of education, in particular, and in Kosovo at large. Bujar Dugolli, the UPSUP leader, stated that

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the protests were a message to the Serbian regime that ‘we will never accept its policy of occupation’.112 Accordingly, a reversal of Serbian domination over education facilities was understood in relation to a reversal of Serbian domination in Kosovo. The paper of Albanian university students Bota e re wrote: ‘The motto of the October demands: “Let’s liberate our buildings” seems to echo: let’s liberate our lands.’113 As one student put it: ‘The path towards freedom passes through the university buildings.’114 While protesting for the liberation of university buildings Albanian students did not demand the expulsion of their Serbian counterparts. ‘Serbian students should study in those premises like us,’ said Kurti.115 However, it was not a return to the status quo ante. Albanians would just return, while maintaining control over legislature, financing, administration and curricula.116 Chancellor Statovci articulated the idea of the university’s independence: ‘Our university can no longer be married or remarried. It has already formed its identity, individuality, autonomy and independence as a state university of the Republic of Kosovo.’117 The protests of Albanian students over reclaiming university premises also sent a signal to the international community. Speaking to protesters on 29 October 1997, Dugolli called on the international community to work towards fulfilment of student demands, warning that: ‘dissatisfaction can grow so much that it can acquire undesirable proportions and uncontrolled direction’.118 The choice of languages was telling. Apart from Albanian, the message, emphasizing students’ resolve to return to university buildings, was read in English, German and French, but not in Serbian. Another member of the student leadership displayed ambivalence about the most effective means of struggle. Speaking in support of peaceful resistance, he said that many of its forms had not been tried in Kosovo. However, he argued that Albanians as a nation would be heeded only if they: ‘endanger the peace and stability in the region. We want peace, but we cannot give freedom for the price of peace.’119 When students staged their last protest on 30 December 1997, the KLA had already made its first public appearance in Kosovo. The KLA’s activism won sympathy from Albanian students from the very start.120 One described it as a ‘more realistic alternative for the liberation of Kosovo from the Serbian occupier’.121 Consequently, violence as opposed to non-violence as a means of struggle began to compete for students’ support. In a survey conducted by the Albanian student paper Bota e re on students’ opinions for solving the Kosovo issue, 8 per cent favoured a policy of passive pacifism, 64.5 per cent advocated active pacifism, and 27.5 per cent urged armed struggle.122 Ironically, Albanian students’ peaceful activism proved as impotent in achieving its professed goal of a return to the university as did Rugova’s passive pacifism. The KLA’s guns seemed to match the definition of effectiveness. The students, who had hitherto enjoyed the undivided support of the Albanian community in Kosovo, were being gradually overshadowed by the explosion of euphoria that evolved around the KLA.

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However, student protests brought about a change of political focus within the Albanian community. Previously, emphasis was on achieved liberty regardless of the oppressive political context. Hence, the Albanian parallel university was praised as ‘our miracle inside a classical Serbian occupation’.123 Albanian students put stress on occupation. Consequently, a shift of vision implied rebellion against it. By activating Albanians’ peaceful resistance, Albanian students put an end to political ‘apathy’.124 A feeling of helplessness had seeped into the Albanian community increasingly worn out by a ‘confrontation of attrition’ in Kosovo. Therefore, when they took to the streets students returned to Albanians a sense of national dignity.125 They showed that there is ‘a new Kosovo’.126 In it, Albanians refused the ‘mentality of subjection’.127 However, Albanian students had also raised hopes that they failed to live up to. Their activism boiled down to three several-hour-long public protests in a period of three months.128 They were followed by a ‘very speedy return to normality’.129 Instead of sustained action, the Albanian student leadership adopted the same strategy of public pronouncements and foreign trips for the sake of gaining international backing for its cause that it so vehemently criticized when pursued by Rugova. Their inaction was criticized by Bajram Kosumi, a veteran of the 1981 student demonstrations: If student leaders want to become diplomats, they cannot continue the movement they started. Please, put away diplomacy, if the movement is to continue. Diplomats are bureaucrats. Look how narrow your movement has become? One protest is held, and then a month’s rest. Can’t students fill this break with anything? Can’t they express their free opinion about all social problems in public debates organized daily? Can’t they fill Kosovo with graffiti about their rightful demands. Can’t they find hundreds of other forms of everyday protests?130

111 Crucially, only the KLA appeared to deliver what it said it would do – fight with arms for the ‘liberation’ of Kosovo. The next time Albanian students took to the streets was when they did it along their co-nationals to protest the killing of some 80 Albanians in the area of Drenica, the violent conflagration that is taken as the start of the Kosovo war in spring 1998.

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At a ceremony in the National Library, from which Albanian students and staff had been barred, in Kosovo’s capital, Pristina, on 23 March 1998, and in the presence of the representatives of Comunitá di Sant’Egidio, the Serbian and Albanian representatives endorsed the measures for the implementation of the Milo¡evicœ–Rugova education accord of 1 September 1996.131 The implementation protocol provided a timetable for the return

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of Albanian students and pupils to university, as well as primary and secondary school facilities. It envisaged a ‘normal’ beginning of the next academic year 1998–9 for all students and pupils in Kosovo. Signed against the background of violent clashes in Kosovo’s countryside, this initiative was an attempt not only to reaffirm a peaceful and negotiated resolution of Kosovo’s education problem, but also to find a comprehensive political solution to the Kosovo dispute. Monsignore Vicenzo Paglia stated after the signing ceremony: ‘This is the spirit of this agreement: Either we shall all win – or we shall all lose.’132 The subsequent (mis)implementation of the education agreement in spring 1998 additionally gave credibility to a violent resolution of Kosovo’s political status for even the issue of school space eluded a resolution by non-violent means. In early 1998, Albanian sources close to Comunitá di Sant’Egidio reported that Slobodan Milo¡evicœ had requested this Catholic nongovernmental organization to resume its mediating services.133 At this point Serbia seemed to have adopted a two-pronged approach to Kosovo: compromise in the negotiations on education and uncompromising crackdown on Albanian militants. Still, the agreed implementation measures did not imply desegregation of Kosovo’s education system. The protocol sanctified the principle of separation in the form of mono-national shifts alternating by a semester.134 An Albanian negotiator described the principle of ethnic shifts as a ‘precautionary measure’.135 He had no illusions about the impact years of segregation had on Serbian and Albanian youth. Other contentious aspects of the normalization of education, such as curricula, financing and administration, were not tackled in this agreement.136 The political significance of the implementation protocol was not lost on either the Serbs or the Albanians. It was captured in different national renderings of the word ‘re-entry’, the official term for the return of Albanians to education premises. In the Serbian version of the text of the agreed measures, it was translated as ‘integration’ in the official Yugoslav state news agency release. An excerpt of the text of the agreed measures reads: ‘the first three faculties of the University in Pristina to which Albanian students and professors will be reintegrated’.137 The same excerpt had a different meaning in the English language of the official statement distributed after the signing ceremony,138 and the Albanian language in the statement of the Kosova Information Centre, controlled by the Democratic League of Kosovo. The latter said: ‘the first three faculties of the University in Pristina to which Albanian students and professors will re-enter’.139 In the Albanian press, ‘re-entry’, which is not directly translatable into Albanian, appeared as kthehen, i.e. return, followed by rihyjnë, as a literal translation of the English word, re-enter, in brackets.140 The politics of translation of the key word in the agreed document was paralleled by the politics of its interpretation. Serbian negotiators portrayed the Albanians’ return to education facilities as a gesture of their recognition of the Serbian state. Ratomir Vico, the head of the Serbian troika of

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the 3 + 3 group, described it as ‘a defeat of [Albanian] separatism’.141 Goran Perçevicœ, another member of the Serbian team, said that the ‘measures represent the end of self-isolation of Albanian children and youth, which was a source of separatism in Kosovo and Metohija’.142 Albanians had managed to de-link the issue of school space from the school curriculum. Consequently, they saw Serbs as the ones who actually began to recognize the post-autonomy reality in Kosovo. Albanians accepted a return to school and university facilities on disadvantageous terms compared to the spatial status quo ante. However, they did not bargain with the symbolically important national curriculum. Fehmi Agani, the chief Albanian negotiator, said: ‘We have no reason to request a recognition of these diplomas, since they have their own value. The issue of diplomas is linked with the issue of the status of Kosovo.’143 Nonetheless, both the Serbian and the Albanian negotiators made an effort to fend off possible criticism by downplaying the significance of their political concessions. Dobrosav Bjeleticœ, a third member of the Serbian troika, said that ‘there are no victors or defeated here, but it is about providing education to all citizens in Kosovo’.144 Zejnullah Rrahmani, Rugova’s education adviser, was equally adamant about the issues of national significance, by saying ‘Kosovo’s education will not be at the mercy of a foreign state, such as Serbia in this case.’145 Agani denied that to talk about schools meant forsaking independence.146 Similarly, Abdyl Ramaj, a member of the Albanian troika, defended the agreement: [T]his signature also cannot be appraised as a defeat, but it should be assessed as one more attempt at a return to our hearths of education. If we had not negotiated, if we had not signed any document, what would we have gained then?!147 Privately, however, an Albanian member of the 3 + 3 group told me that Albanians risked being losers in the eyes of the international community whose backing they sought in the Albanians’ political bid in Kosovo. He said that the Albanian troika was particularly under pressure from the Americans, ‘the hand that was offering bread’.148 He explained: The international community criticized us saying that we did not want to talk about individual issues [such as education, health, economy, etc.], that we did not want anything but independence. We said we would talk about education facilities. To show that we are cooperative. That we agree to smaller political steps.149 Nonetheless, he was aware that an agreement on school and university facilities with Serbs could make them vulnerable to the damning charge of treason by some of their co-nationals insensitive to the subtleties of the diplomatic game. ‘The blood drained from our faces during the signing [ceremony] at the Library,’ he said.150

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Both the Serbian and the Albanian students in Kosovo were unaffected by the political spin of their own leaders. They refused to interpret the implementation measures as anything but the frustration of their national aspirations. Political concessions in the sphere of education were equated with abandonment of respective national goals – Kosovo as a Serbcontrolled part of Serbia for Serbs and Kosovo as an independent state for Albanians. For Serbian students in Pristina, the prospect of sharing university facilities with their Albanian counterparts had much more to do with the fate of Kosovo rather than with the fate of Kosovo’s education. They evaluated the signed implementation protocol as a violation of the sovereignty of Serbia and ‘a beginning of the betrayal and surrender of Kosovo’.151 The Serbian Chancellor of the Serbian Pristina University, Radivoje Papovicœ, spearheaded the Serbian opposition to the education agreement. He expressed his view of the implementation protocol in no uncertain terms: We will not respect anyone who wants or intends to threaten Serbia and Serbdom in Kosovo. We will not allow separatist children to be rocked in the Serbian cradle. We will not do anything contrary to the law and morals, anything contrary to the patriotic honour of the Serbian people. In this edifice of the university, the Serbian being, the Serbian name and its influence in the entire space of Serbian lands will continue to be expressed. We will not share it with anyone. This will be ours.152 The Chancellor’s ‘this’ in the last sentence blurred the distinction between Kosovo and the university. The opposition of Albanian students to the implementation protocol was consistent with their opposition to the Milo¡evicœ–Rugova education agreement. Bujar Dugolli, the UPSUP chairman, described it as ‘a half-solution [. . .] for Albanian schools’.153 Not only was its incompleteness criticized, but also its form. Specifying that two alternating shifts were unacceptable, he drew a parallel with the past practice of segregation in the South of the United States: ‘It is like with the blacks and whites on the bus. Only now they are asked to keep changing places.’154 He added that an acceptable distribution of premises would be according to relative sizes of the ethnic groups, and not 50 per cent for each.155 Simultaneously, Albanian students dismissed the protocol as an unacceptable fragmentation of the Kosovo issue. Instead, they supported talks on the independence of Kosovo and not on ‘issues of secondary importance such as the education agreement’.156 Hence, their attitude would be shaped by a belief that a concession on Albanian education was a concession on Albanian statehood in Kosovo. The main success of the Serbian and Albanian negotiators was the separation of the education problem from any comprehensive solution to

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the question of the status of Kosovo. Consequently, it resulted in their signatures on the education agreement and its implementation protocol. It was the only officially agreed document between Serbs and Albanians since the abolition of Kosovo’s autonomy. However, a de-linkage between the ‘school’ and the ‘state’ did not seem to work among Serbian and Albanian students, for whom the two were conceptually tied. Hence, this belief informed their respective perceptions of political demands and attitudes by the other side. According to the leader of the protest of Serbian students ‘Albanians do not need the university as an educational institution, but as a denominator of statehood.’157 He agreed with Serbian Chancellor Papovicœ for whom lectures in Albanian heralded a recognition of Albanian statehood in Kosovo: By introducing the Albanian language into the Pristina University, Albanians would, indirectly, be granted the status of a nation. This was the goal of their struggle anyhow. They fought for school buildings because of the national status, and not because of education itself.158

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Albanians may have not necessarily equated a demand for a national school with a demand for a state. However, they too were unable to resist another similar political analogy. Their call for the liberation of educational premises strongly connoted the call for the liberation of Kosovo. It was aptly illustrated by the first stage of the actual implementation of the education accord. The implementation of the education agreement was to kick off with the building of the Albanological Institute. The Institute was not part of the university network. However, as ‘a most important academic and national institution’,159 it shared the same fate that befell university premises, both in terms of the initial exclusion of Albanians from it in the spring of 1994 and in terms of its inclusion in the education agreement four years later.160 On 31 March 1998 the Institute’s Albanian director received the keys to the building. The Serbian members of the university who had taken over its premises carried out their belongings, leaving the word ‘treason’ written in big capital letters on the buildings’ entrance.161 The Serbian official press release described the event dryly: ‘The Albanological Institute in Pristina was opened to its previous occupants yesterday.’162 By contrast, the Albanians hailed it as ‘a return home’.163 The return was described as a ‘liberation’ of a ‘usurped building’.164 Albanian academic and writer, Rexhep Qosja, described the occasion: ‘This, we hope, will be the beginning of our victory. And the beginning of the defeat of those who wanted to take what is not theirs.’165 The ‘liberation’ of the Institute and its relation to the future of the national homeland was articulated by a poet and literature professor Agim Vinca:

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The timely return of the Albanological Institute seemed to suggest that the letter of the education agreement would be kept, even though it potently illustrated the linkage between educational and national space. However, the idea of sharing the same educational space was truly tested only by the Albanians’ return to the Technical Faculty housing the Mechanical, Engineering and Civic Engineering/Architectural Faculties. The return to this building marked the beginning of the agreed return of Albanian students to the first three faculties of Pristina University.167 However, its outcome bode ill for coexistence in Kosovo. Serbian students abandoned the faculty building altogether rather than give a chance to the practice of sharing it with their Albanian peers. Serbian students staged a lock-in at the Technical Faculty in a lastditch attempt to resist the implementation of the education agreement.168 Ironically, they received a similar combination of legalistic and police treatment as Albanian students when they were being expelled from the faculties of the university in Pristina. The Serbian Education Minister ordered the move of the Serbian Technical Faculty, which was officially justified as ‘a more rational and adequate use of facilities’.169 The Serbian students saw it in purely national terms and defied the ministerial order. Their protest flier read: ‘Become aware of a shameful decision on “rationalization of facilities”. Rise against the surrender of Kosovo – that is beginning here and now at the Technical Faculty.’170 Serbs demanded police measures to prevent the Albanians’ return to Pristina University, but the Serbian police responded by intervening against the Serbian students.171 Thrown out on to the street in the middle of the night, the Serbian students paraded around Kosovo’s capital chanting: ‘Help us God!’ and ‘Treason! Treason!’, thus expressing a sense of ultimate betrayal by the Serbian political leadership. However, the handover of the Technical Faculty did not happen without a violent clash between Serbian and Albanian students. The implementation of the agreed deadline had already been postponed from 30 April to 15 May 1998. This date passed without the implementation going ahead.172 The agreement’s credibility lay also in its timing. The patience of Albanian students was wearing thin. They assembled eager to enter the faculty only to be confronted with their Serbian counterparts adamant not to let it happen.173 It took the Serbian police to prevent what began as an exchange of rocks from deteriorating into a more violent showdown between young scholars in Kosovo.174 In what was officially called a ‘redistribution of

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classes’, the Serbian Education Minister abruptly ended classes at the university.175 Serbian students were practically ordered home. The education agreement was to be implemented in their absence. Nonetheless, its long-overdue partial (mis)implementation at the Technical Faculty also offered a lesson for the political future of Kosovo. Referring to a neverending wait in Samuel Beckett’s play, the Albanian student paper Bota e re wrote that, if the implementation of the education agreement is something to go by, ‘the independence of Kosovo will come together with Godot’.176 Extending the analogy of the building of the Technical Faculty, the future of Kosovo was grim. Serbs had stripped the faculty building of all valuable equipment, taking it with them in the days up to the handover. However, in the hours before the police intervention, the Serbian students indulged in a rampage, seeking to destroy what they had not taken away, such as windows, electric wiring and furniture.177 When Albanians eventually entered the Technical Faculty they walked on shattered glass as offensive nationalist slogans stared at them from walls and blackboards.178 Nonetheless, even the state of the building could not take away from the joy over a return to the Faculty.179 An Albanian lecturer in computer science told me during my visit to the Faculty: ‘Something in my stomach turns whenever I enter the building. I had not been in the building for six years and ten months. I did not believe I would ever go in.’180 However, for most future engineers and architects this was the first ever visit to the proper faculty building. A third-year electrical engineering student said: ‘I have never been in the university [building] before. I could not imagine what it was like inside. I saw it only from the outside. I feel as if I’ve begun my university studies only now.’181 Another put their experience of home-schools in perspective: ‘Only now that we see how nice it is here do we realize how bad were the conditions in which we used to work.’182 Paradoxically, Albanians’ return to the first three university buildings demonstrated that the education agreement was actually defunct. Serbs had no intention of sharing them as the agreement specified. Nonetheless, Albanians continued to use the Technical Faculty only in the afternoon shift as they were supposed to according to the agreement. The agreement’s (mis)implementation showed that even the idea of inter-ethnic sharing of the same premises at different times of day ensuring minimum contact was a tall order. Meanwhile, the education agreement was already annulled by changes that the Serbs proposed concerning normalization of classes in secondary schools. Dismissing the agreed idea of the sharing of schools they proposed a division of schools whereby schools would be used by a single ethnic group. At the same time, Serbs insisted on keeping the best and disproportionate numbers of schools.183 The demise of the education agreement was confirmed by a statement of the Serbian Education Minister: ‘Our proposal is, although the agreements says that work should be in joint buildings, not to work in the same premises this autumn.’184

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Attempted implementation of the education agreement signalled the futility of the so-called ‘step-by-step approach’, i.e. tackling the totality of the national dispute by conducting negotiations on its various aspects. Hence, a comprehensive solution of Kosovo’s status emerged as a precondition for resolving the problem of education.185 More significantly, it also seemed to discredit the utility of a peaceful, non-violent approach to the resolution of the Kosovo problem. Albanian negotiators accepted the principle of ethnic shifts in Kosovo’s education system. That was a concession on the status quo ante in schools and university premises where Serbs and Albanians were mixed. They thus risked being branded traitors to the national cause. As the Kosovo Albanian weekly Zëri reported, the failure of its implementation seemed to indicate for many that that was not the way to deal with Serbia.186 Ominously, this led to a conclusion born out of desperation: ‘Better Bosnia than Serbia.’187 It implied that violence may be unavoidable. When on 30 April, the agreed date of their return to the Technical Faculty, Albanian students had assembled in front of the faculty building only to be prevented from entering it by the Serbian police, they chanted: ‘UÇK, UÇK [the Albanian acronym for the KLA] . . .!’188 The return to the faculty building emerged as a test of the agreement, but also of peaceful activism. The Albanian student paper Bota e re wrote a warning to the Italian mediator: ‘aren’t initial signals of overall frustration visible on the horizon? Perhaps, we shall be witnesses to a total metamorphosis of the (peaceful) Student Movement. Mr Paglia!’189

Schools into rubble, students into fighters The travails in the implementation of the education agreement in the spring of 1998 were gradually overshadowed by the onset of armed conflict between the Serbian security forces and the KLA, the Albanian guerrillas. Serbia reasserted its exclusive claim to statehood in Kosovo by combating Albanian militants set on achieving Kosovo’s independence by violent means. As war spread, taking its toll in human lives and property, education became only secondary to physical survival. By the autumn of 1998, the Albanians’ rival education authorities agreed that the new school year should, nevertheless, start where there exist ‘minimal conditions’,190 rather than be called off altogether. However, the atmosphere was that of war even in those parts of Kosovo not directly caught up in the fighting. One Albanian primary school in Pristina took in 166 pupils from war-torn areas by the first week of September 1998. More kept arriving every day.191 Albanian youngsters in Pristina now sought security in plastic toy guns whose sale sky-rocketed on the local market.192 However, their older co-nationals reached for real ones. In June 1998, an Albanian philosophy student, whose cousin was killed and brother wounded in central Kosovo, asked me rhetorically. ‘How can I be a philosopher, a cosmopolitan [ethnically tolerant] person, when the

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situation has gone to extremes, when every day I wait to hear that other members of my family have been killed?’193 He left Pristina to join the KLA. He was not alone. Albanian students had gone through a phase of being politicians to being fighters. Their demands were no longer exclusively focused on education, but on Kosovo’s status, i.e. independence. Prospects of peaceful resolution were ever more remote as Kosovo descended into war. By summer 1998 a departure to the battlefield was ‘the most attractive faculty’ for Albanian students.194 Others trained in first aid.195 As one student wrote: ‘Our freedom, now, needs a lot of rifles. I’m off to be one of them.’196 Bota e re honoured all those arrested and killed for the ‘liberation of Kosovo’, by saying that these ‘martyrs of freedom’ were setting ‘an example for [future] generations’.197 Hailing ‘the victory in this war’, Bota e re asserted that it would usher in a moment when, unlike on earlier occasions, one could say: ‘Farewell cellars, farewell home-schools. Everything that is ours will be ours.’198

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Serbian rule in post-autonomy Kosovo was ended with the NATO intervention in the FRY in spring 1999. The swift return of over 800,000 Albanian refugees to Kosovo from the neighbouring Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and Albania, where they had been expelled during the air campaign, marked the creation of new Kosovo. The United Nations (UN) Security Council Resolution 1244 defined its legal framework. Kosovo had not attained the independence Albanians coveted. The resolution of its final status was put off to a later date. However, it removed Serbia’s control over the territory of Kosovo, which became a UN protectorate administered by the UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK). While Albanians sped home to encounter death and destruction wreaked by the Serbian security forces, but also by NATO’s missiles during the 78-day intervention, Serbs were rushing towards Kosovo’s borders and into Serbia fleeing a wave of reprisal attacks by Albanians.199 Post-war Kosovo came to be characterized by Kosovo’s ethnic enclavization. It emerged as a security strategy of the Serb minority. Serbs could no longer seek assurance from the presence of the Serbian security forces in Kosovo as in the 1990s. At the same time, as Clark notes, few Albanians did much to encourage Serbs with their fate.200 The remaining Serbs in Kosovo withdrew into the mono-ethnic enclaves shown in Map 6.1.201 They were created in the areas of previous higher demographic concentration of ethnic Serbs mainly in the rural areas of Kosovo. At the same time, urban Serbs fled Kosovo’s towns, which were being settled by Albanians in a quest for a housing alternative to their destroyed village homes. Some Serbian enclaves were no more than ethnic pockets of some

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80 Serbs living among the majority Albanians.202 The Albanian violence in Kosovo in March 2004, which left 19 people dead, another 900 injured, and 700 Serb, Roma and Ashkali houses, as well as two monasteries and 30 churches, completely destroyed or damaged, while nearly 4,500 people, mainly Serbs, were displaced,203 delivered another blow to the idea of ethnic mixing. The divided town of Kosovska Mitrovica in northern Kosovo became the epitome of the new ethnic and spatial arrangement in Kosovo. With Serbs occupying the north of the river Ibar that divides the town, northern Mitrovica became the largest Serbian-populated area and the urban centre for the Serbs in Kosovo.204 The empty bridge over the river separating the Serbian north from the Albanian south is now a symbol of an ethnic chasm between the two communities in Kosovo. Nearly a decade of segregation in post-autonomy Kosovo, followed by a full-blown ethnic war in 1998–9, made a post-war segregation a foregone conclusion. The creation of two separate national education systems in Kosovo was its embodiment, along with a reversal in access to educational space. Albanians returned to proper school and university buildings, while Serbs had to find alternative educational facilities. The Albanians’ entry into the schools and university from which they had been barred since the early 1990s was a concrete experience of the newly found freedom in the new Kosovo after the NATO intervention. In the Hasan Prishtina primary school in Kosovo’s capital, Pristina, its Albanian headmaster reintegrated the school by knocking down the ‘Berlin Wall’, which was the red-brick wall built in the school corridor to separate the Serbian and Albanian children eight years earlier.205 Before returning to proper school buildings, other Albanian teachers and students said goodbye to their old home-schools, which were burnt down by the Serbian police during the NATO intervention.206 Likewise, Albanian university students and lecturers returned to their university buildings. For some Albanian lecturers, who had completed their undergraduate and postgraduate studies in the parallel system, it was the first time ever they had stepped into a proper university lecture hall. On the anniversary of the declaration of Kosovo’s independence, on 2 July, Albanian students and lecturers gathered to remove all the insignia and monuments erected in front of the university during its Serbian domination in the 1990s.207 This was not a return to the education situation prior to the abolition of Kosovo’s autonomy in 1989. Driven away by the fear of violence, there were no Serbs to share these schools and university in the new Kosovo. Serbs now set up their parallel education system in Kosovo. It was plagued by many problems familiar to their Albanian counterparts from their own parallel education in post-autonomy Kosovo. Consigned to mono-ethnic enclaves, the Serbs started their own Serbian education in Kosovo. They organized classes in school buildings available to them, but also in private houses. One such house turned into

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a school for Serbian children in Kosovo is shown in Plates 6.1 and 6.2. While efforts were made to restart the teaching process inside the Serbian enclaves, many teachers and pupils have been forced to travel to schools from one to another scattered Serb area in Kosovo. This has often implied a journey escorted by KFOR, the international security force in Kosovo. Serbian primary and secondary schoolchildren from the so-called YUbuilding in Pristina, where a tiny post-war Serbian community lives in Kosovo’s capital, are daily escorted to a nearby village and town where there are classes in Serbian.208 Massive internal displacement of Serbs within Kosovo created pressure on the available school buildings. One secondary school in the Serbian-dominated northern Mitrovica now became a host to Serbian students of two secondary schools from the southern part of the town as well as students from the displaced secondary school in Vucitrn.209 The examples of Serbs and Albanians sharing a school, even in separate ethnic shifts, has been a rarity in post-war Kosovo.210 Serbian education was also a target of violence in post-intervention Kosovo. In September 2003 the beginning of the school year for Serbs in the village of Cernica, southeastern Kosovo, was overshadowed by the killing of a Serbian teacher and the wounding of four of his colleagues. In this village Serbs now attend a home-school in complete separation from their Albanian neighbours. It is not far away from a big modern school building in this village that had been used jointly by Serbs and Albanians in the Serb-ruled Kosovo until the NATO intervention. The violence against Serbian educators spread fear and anxiety to other isolated islands of Serbs in Kosovo. In the nearby hamlet of Pones, the grim news threatened to spoil a rare experience of the Serbian and Albanian schools using the same school building, which is shown in Plate 6.3.211 Meanwhile, education in Serbian has acquired additional importance in UNMIK-administered Kosovo. According to the representative of the Serbian Education Ministry in Mitrovica, ‘[Serbian] education has been a pillar of [Serbian] survival’ in Kosovo. On the one hand, parents were satisfied to see their children going to school, which would improve their prospects in life. On the other hand, organizing education in Serbian in Kosovo has had additional national and political importance. The Serbian education system in Kosovo remained a part of the education system in Serbia. This, to Kosovo’s Serbs, has been a proof that Kosovo is a part of Serbia as stipulated in the 1244 UN Security Council Resolution. Their national educational system has also been perceived as a barrier to their integration in the Albanian state, i.e. independent Kosovo demanded by Albanians.212 As exemplified by Serbian cooperation in the field of education with the UNMIK in northern Mitrovica, that relationship has been consigned to infrastructural issues such as school reconstruction. In other words, the Serbs have continued to apply their own Serbian primary and secondary school curricula in Kosovo, resisting attempts to make teachers’ salaries distributed by the UNMIK conditional on abandoning

Map 6.1 Kosovo Serb enclaves in post-intervention Kosovo. Source: Adapted from Koordinacioni centar Srbije i Crne Gore i Republike Srbije za Kosovo i Metohiju. Online. Available at http://www.kc.gov.yu (accessed 15 April 2004).

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Plate 6.1 Serbian children play in front of their home-school in Lipljan, Kosovo. Source: Film ⁄kola na¡eg nezadovoljstva by Ninoslav Randjelovicœ, Ronin production, 2003.

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Plate 6.2 The Serbian home-school in Lipljan, Kosovo.

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Source: Film ⁄kola na¡eg nezadovoljstva by Ninoslav Randjelovicœ, Ronin production, 2003.

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Plate 6.3 A village school in Pones, Kosovo.

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Source: Film ⁄kola na¡eg nezadovoljstva by Ninoslav Randjelovicœ, Ronin production, 2003.

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their curricula.213 Therefore, Serbs safeguarded their power to sculpt the sense of Serbian identity both from Albanians and from the UNMIK. The Serbian teachers in Kosovo have been paid an additional supplement to their regular salaries disbursed by the Serbian Education Ministry. They have also been paid by the UNMIK.214 Likewise, the Kosovo Serbs have preserved the Serb-dominated Pristina University. As a result, the UNMIK-administered Kosovo has an Albanian and a Serbian university. The UNMIK’s initial attempts to reopen the university in Kosovo as an open and democratic institution, for all students regardless of ethnic background, and without segregation, came to nought.215 According to Michael Daxner, the University of Pristina International Administrator and Co-Head of the Department of Education and Sciences until 2002, ‘[the]UNMIK pursue[d] a realistic strategy of “two institutions under one (UNMIK) roof” – a practical alternative to the moot idea that Serb students would be welcome in Pristina.’216 For Albanians in Kosovo, the inclusion of Serbs at the now Albanian Pristina University has remained a political rather than an educational issue.217 Both the Albanian lecturers and students have been deeply involved in Kosovo’s politics, with lecturers holding civil service posts as party representatives in violation of the UNMIK regulation.218 The key political issue in Kosovo has been its final status. Therefore, the acceptance of Serbs as equal partners and colleagues at the university before Kosovo’s status has been resolved could be interpreted as compromising the Albanians’ quest for independence. Neither was higher education divorced from politics for the Kosovo Serbs. In the initial post-intervention period, most faculties of the Serbian Pristina University were displaced outside Kosovo’s borders, but also in northern Kosovo. No sooner were students enrolled in Pristina University, now functioning in the towns in Serbia’s south, than the Serbian government found itself under pressure to return the displaced faculties to Kosovo. Returning the university to Kosovo would send a strong political signal to Serbs and Albanians of the Serbian commitment to Kosovo. While unwilling to tolerate the establishment of the Serbian official institutions in Kosovo, the UNMIK was open to the idea of the provision of education in Serbian for Kosovo Serbs. Almost a year after the fall of Milo¡evicœ in Belgrade, the democratic government in Serbia showed its willingness to cooperate with the UNMIK, for the sake of ‘saving the education of the Serbs in Kosovo’.219 Therefore, Belgrade was open to negotiating the recognition of the faculties of the Serbian Pristina University, which had been relocated back to Kosovo.220 It resulted in the compromise agreement between the UNMIK and the Serbian Education Ministry that paved the way for a legal pursuit of higher education in Serbian in Kosovo in the autumn of 2001.221 The Serbian press reported that the diplomas would be in Serbian, although they would contain the UNMIK stamp and inscription in Serbian and English at the back.222 The Serbian university preserved its autonomy, yet within the UNMIK administrative framework.

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University education in Kosovo again became deeply mired in interand intra-ethnic politics. The UNMIK inevitably became a part of Kosovo’s educational battles placed in the context of the unresolved final status for Kosovo. For Albanians, the UNMIK-sponsored Serbian university in Mitrovica was a clear provocation.223 It showed that the UNMIK was supporting the establishment of Serbian parallel institutions, while the university in Mitrovica itself was assessed as ‘the most concrete step of allowing the Serbian violation of territory of Kosovo’.224 The UNMIK rejected any such charges.225 Meanwhile, the Serbs praised their achievement of creating a Serbian university along with student facilities in Mitrovica. The university’s former rector Gojko Savicœ described it as a miracle.226 However, he made sure to minimize cooperation with the UNMIK, lest it be interpreted as the Kosovo Serbs’ acceptance of Albanian rule in Kosovo: ‘We are applying the Serbian curricula, we are building [the university] with the Serbian money, while the UNMIK only awards our effort with accreditation and nothing else.’227 For Serbs, it was a national duty to preserve Serbian authority over the university. Consequently, the draft statute of the university was rejected in early 2004. Without mentioning Serbia and its education ministry in its text, it was perceived as the university’s incorporation into Kosovo’s, i.e. Albanian, institutions.228 According to a report by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), after the war ‘there has not been any sign of genuine tolerance or attempts to find a common ground between the Kosovo Albanian and Kosovo Serb communities regarding the consolidation of the educational system’.229 Both Serbs and Albanians equated the fate of their national education systems with the prospects for realizing their respective national visions in Kosovo. Such an approach may prove to be counterproductive. The maintenance of the so-called Serbian parallel structures, including the educational ones, in Kosovo has often been interpreted by Albanians as a Serbian strategy to partition Kosovo. These claims refer to the maintenance by Serbia of the health-care, judiciary and administrative authorities, including elements of a security structure, in Kosovo. Likewise, the Albanians’ claims of intending to build a multi-ethnic state have failed to convince the Serbs, when even the buses transporting Kosovo Serb pupils between the enclaves are occasionally stoned by Albanians.230 Meanwhile, physical separation in their national educational systems was further enhanced by interpretations of recent history in post-war textbooks. New heroes and martyrs as well as new ‘massacres’ of Albanians, such as that in Drenica at the start of the conflict and in Racak prior to start of the NATO intervention, were introduced to the rewritten Albanian history textbooks after the war in Kosovo. The KLA and its struggle against the Serbian forces took up a prominent space. Some 1,500 soldiers of the KLA were described as ‘martyrs for freedom for Kosovo’.231 The role of the United States and NATO was also acknowledged: the KLA

210 Segregation before and after NATO intervention ‘with arms in their hands after a long and unequal war with the help of the US and NATO made the Serbian occupier leave Kosovo and brought freedom awaited for centuries’.232 Numbers illustrating Albanian suffering varied from one textbook to another. In one, the number of KLA martyrs was 1,700, while the number of Albanians killed, ‘including women, children and elderly’, was 25,000.233 In another, the number of Albanian casualties was put at about 15,000.234 No sources for these figures are cited. Nonetheless, the textbooks concluded that: ‘The freedom was won with blood, that is why it is sacred.’235 The placing of Kosovo under the UNMIK administration was not mentioned. After Milo¡evicœ’s fall, Serbian textbooks were rewritten as well. However, a new primary history textbook, which also covers the Serbian history of the 1990s, was challenged by the question of how to present the wars of Yugoslavia’s disintegration and the Serbian role in it. The entire period was described in five paragraphs, occupying just over a half of the page. Nearly as much, or little room, to be more precise, was dedicated to the NATO intervention. Kosovo was tersely described as a ‘new flashpoint’ where security was ‘provided by significant police and military force’ of Serbia and then Yugoslavia.236 The text said that the ‘bombing took many lives’, without specifying whose.237 It concluded with a reference to the UN Security Council resolution that introduced a UN mission to Kosovo. However, it specified that: ‘This resolution did not bring into question the integrity’ of Serbia and Yugoslavia.238 The Serbian leader during all these years, and during the NATO intervention, Slobodan Milo¡evicœ, was not even mentioned in this textbook. A topographic description of Kosovo, in a new geography textbook, was accompanied by a note that Kosovo is under UNMIK administration.239 However, on the map of Serbia and Montenegro, a visual definition of the country, Kosovo could not be distinguished.240 Serbia was presented as one, unified territory without any internal borders. Ultimately, directly opposed readings of Kosovo’s situation in the aftermath of the NATO intervention – Albanian as Kosovo’s freedom and Serbian as Kosovo’s unchanged position within Serbia – have been added to the symbolic arsenal in the construction of their nationhoods. The absence of contact between the youngsters of the two communities in ethnically homogeneous classrooms removed even a possibility of confronting each others’ arguments. Meanwhile, with the self-centred vision of nationhood they nourished, both Serbian and Albanian education systems have only further reinforced the conflicting positions over the future status of Kosovo.

Conclusion Initially a focus and moulding force of Albanian national unity, the Albanian parallel education system gradually transformed into its opposite.

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It reflected the disunity in the Albanian political camp, both inside Kosovo and in relation to the diaspora, about the means of achieving the Albanian national goal of Kosovo’s independence. The Albanian parallel education system had found itself under a dual pressure. It was caused by the lack of a fully institutionalized Albanian state in Kosovo, and the political rivalry within the Albanian community over the control of this only functioning segment of the Albanian parallel state in Kosovo. At the same time, the spatial separation and marginalization of Albanians became tolerable no longer. Previously, the symbolic freedom was a compensation for the Albanian spatial predicament. Now that very same predicament brought about a redefinition of the perception of parallel education and its role in the national struggle. Albanian university students showed that national struggle could be active and non-violent. However, their activism appeared as ineffectual as Rugova’s passive approach to non-violence. Increasingly, it was the KLA that was taking charge of the Kosovo Albanian national struggle. Close association between national schooling, on the one hand, and a national state, on the other, eventually became an impediment to the implementation of any gradual solution to the contested sovereignty in Kosovo. Ironically, both the Serbian and the Albanian students held the same opinion: the concession on education was a concession on the national goal in Kosovo. Such a belief precipitated a slide into an armed confrontation. Crucially, the principle of sharing educational premises acquired a caveat after nearly a decade of education of Serbian and Albanian youngsters in complete spatial segregation. It implied the use of the same space but, at the same time, the avoidance of any contact between the students of two national groups achieved by introducing mono-national shifts. However, the identification of the educational space with the national space over the past decade in post-autonomy Kosovo precluded the possibility of a thus modified idea of sharing. The exclusive sense of nationhood had its correlation in the exclusive understanding of national space. The homeland, like the school and university faculties, were not to be shared. It was clearly illustrated by the Serbian refusal to share the building of the Technical Faculty. The message of the demolished building of the Technical Faculty in Pristina in spring 1998 was telling. In the early 1990s the Serbs took over the entire building, and nearly a decade later left it – destroyed and empty – to the Albanians. The spatial reversal became the hallmark of Kosovo’s landscape in the aftermath of the 1999 NATO intervention in Serbia and Montenegro. The residential segregation between the Albanians and the Serbs, as Serbs withdrew into Serbian enclaves in response to Albanian reprisal attacks, was replicated in Kosovo’s education system. Albanians returned to schools and university faculties, while Serbs were left to devise alternative spatial strategies to continue to provide education in Serbian to the remaining Serbs in Kosovo. At the same time, the issue of education remained deeply

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implicated in the issue of the final status for Kosovo. Both its spatial arrangement as well as the national message transmitted in the Albanian and Serbian classrooms throughout the territory have been tied to the conflicting national aims in Kosovo. The failure to resolve the Kosovo impasse by starting with education in the post-autonomy period appears to suggest that education in Kosovo will remain hostage to the final resolution of Kosovo’s status. Without it the chances for democratization of education and its role in fostering an open and civic, rather than a conflictual and ethnic, sense of nationhood are slim.

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The walls of ethnic separation in Kosovo were torn apart in spring 1998 with bullets and shells. When a Serb and an Albanian looked at each other over the barrel of a gun, they faced an enemy, and theirs was an enmity made more bitter for all the years they had lived together, but divided, in Kosovo. In addition, the separation of two communities further entrenched their respective beliefs in the righteousness of their own claims over Kosovo. For Albanians the only right future has been Kosovo’s independence, and for Serbs the presence of the Serbian state in Kosovo as a guarantee for the survival of the Serbs in the territory. When relative calm was restored to the war-torn region after the end of the NATO intervention in spring 1999, spatial seclusion proved to be the only way to safeguard Kosovo’s multi-ethnicity. The contact across ethnic lines was most likely to take the form of violence now directed against Kosovo’s minority Serbs, enclosed in their mono-national enclaves dotted throughout Kosovo. This book has shown that the reality of ethnic segregation between Serbs and Albanians in Serb-ruled Kosovo during the period of Milo¡evicœ’s rule had a profound impact on the future ethnic coexistence in the territory, precisely by creating a context in which an exclusive and divisive nationhood thrived. Indeed, Kosovo’s multi-ethnicity after 1999 appears to hinge on the maintenance of two separate national communities, with hopes that ethnic boundaries will soften and give way to contact and cooperation across national lines. Mertus has remarked pertinently that it is not just old, but also new myths, that may drive a wedge between the confronted national communities.1 This study of Albanian parallel education in postautonomy Kosovo has demonstrated that the Serbian–Albanian confrontation in the 1990s is replete with such new myths. Those concerning the emergence and existence of two parallel worlds in Kosovo after the abolition of Kosovo’s autonomy in 1989 is perhaps the biggest one. When describing the rise of the new spatial order in Kosovo in the 1990s to me during my research in Kosovo and Serbia for most of the past decade, the Serbs have been prone to attribute it to the wholesale boycott by the Albanians of the institutions of the Serbian state, without acknowledging the role of those same institutions in the ethnic exclusion

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of Albanians. Focusing on Albanian parallel education, this study pinpointed the discriminatory nature of Serbian education in the postautonomy Kosovo policy against the Albanians. If one does not accept a ‘soft’ argument concerning the imposed limits on Albanian national content in schooling, then a ‘hard’ argument whereby the Serbian authorities severely restricted the number of places for the enrolment of Albanians should speak for itself. Similarly, Albanians have their own view. For them, the situation was exclusively caused by the expulsion of all Albanians from institutions as a result of the Serbian discriminatory policy. Such a view neglects the fact that the Serbs did not, nor, indeed, did they need to, send out dismissal notices to each and every Albanian in the early 1990s. This book about the spatial separation in education in Kosovo describes strong pressure from within the Albanian community for severance of any remaining links with the Serbs throughout the 1990s. This allowed Albanians to maximize their strife for the national gain. The declaration of Kosovo’s independence came as a natural conclusion. Insistence on details such as these does not by any means mitigate the hardship, hopelessness and depression that the newly imposed political and spatial order brought upon the people of Kosovo in the 1990s. False assumptions lead to erroneous conclusions. Neither Serbs nor Albanians were immune to them. Therefore, this book has looked inside the dynamics of domination from the vantage point of identity. I have argued in the introduction that the reduction of the inter-ethnic confrontation in postautonomy Kosovo to Serbian oppression and Albanian repression fails to capture important political developments that shape post-intervention Kosovo. These developments are driven by a particular meaning of national identity acquired through the process of national mobilization and reinforced in spatial separation. The Serbian campaign to abolish Kosovo’s autonomy in the late 1980s did not end with ‘clipping the wings’ of the Albanians’ political power in the province and Kosovo’s constitutional reintegration into Serbia. By contrast, the Serbs had deemed it equally important to conquer Kosovo’s primary and secondary schools as well as its university, as prime symbolic and physical sites for the reproduction of nationhood. However, the totality of the Serbian takeover of Kosovo was a fallacy. The amendments to the Serbian Constitution adopted by the Serbian Parliament on 28 March 1989 reduced the provinces to ‘shadows of their former selves’.2 Serbia celebrated its unification with a grandiose commemoration of the 600th anniversary of the Battle of Kosovo in the field outside Pristina. Yet, ‘Kosovo had never been less Serbian than at the point when it became a part of Serbia again.’3 The price was an irrevocable estrangement of Albanians in Kosovo, which, in turn, resulted in the creation of their shadow state in Kosovo. Albanian parallel education and the empowerment it gave Albanians in the post-autonomy period best illustrates the illusion of efficacy of

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Serbian rule in Kosovo in the 1990s. The Albanian sense of nationhood flourished in an unprecedented way in complete spatial segregation in Albanian home-schools in Kosovo. The assertion of nationhood was most explicit and meaningful in the rewriting of school textbooks, especially those in history and geography. In them, Kosovo was celebrated as an independent state. Although no one but Albanians recognized that independence, it potently captured the sense of Albanians’ rejection of Serbia. In addition, Albanians also saw Albanian parallel education in Kosovo as an institutional embodiment of their freedom from the Serbs. Therefore, the Albanian-language parallel education system became an epitome of the Albanian self-declared state in Kosovo. At the same time, the Albanian strategy of declaring and building the independent state in Serb-ruled Kosovo in the 1990s was plagued by its own presuppositions. The weakness of the self-declared Albanian state, and strategy based on it, as this study has shown by analysing the governance of the education system, actually undermined the Albanian national struggle in this period. Albanian parallel education was ambiguously designated both as an integral part of the Albanian resistance and as a state institution. The Albanian shadow state was never fully constituted in postautonomy Kosovo. However, the absence of checks and balances was used by the factions on the Kosovo Albanian political scene to monopolize education, as the only functioning segment of the Albanian self-declared state. The struggle for little actual power that Albanians wielded in Kosovo in this period undermined the national consensus about non-violence as a means of national struggle. This dimension is a neglected story of Kosovo’s slide to the war, which, in the accounts concerning the Albanian side, is mainly attributed to the discord between the Albanians in the diaspora and the Albanians in Kosovo. The Serbian repression notwithstanding, the political tensions within the Albanian community in Kosovo also significantly undermined the belief in peaceful resistance. This fragmentation of the political power within Kosovo, and, hence, the internally generated weakness of the Albanian strategy, which increasingly became apparent after the protests by Albanian students in the autumn of 1997, made the Albanians in Kosovo receptive to the idea that the path to the resolution of the deadlock might have to be violent. The impact of spatial segregation of Albanians and Serbs, the nature of Serbian power in Kosovo, and the functioning of the Albanian shadow state in Kosovo, as presented through the prism of Albanian parallel education in post-autonomy Kosovo, comprise the legacy relevant for the building of new Kosovo after the NATO intervention. The legacy of spatial separation has until now eluded scholarly scrutiny. This book aims to contribute to the efforts aimed at understanding the Kosovo of the 1990s. The past segregation does not legitimate a future one. However, a view into how the Other is and has been constructed and perceived on both sides of the national divide is bound to herald caution about attempts to

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enforce ethnic mixing in post-intervention Kosovo. Further, abolishing the autonomy of Kosovo in 1989, the Serbs actually lost power over Kosovo Albanians. Some commentators in Serbia would say that the Serbs lost Kosovo then as well. Nonetheless, a political design of Serbia’s present and future role in Kosovo has to appreciate the limits of Serbian power in post-autonomy Kosovo. Finally, Albanians’ self-declared independent state in post-autonomy Kosovo was neither independent nor was it a state. The Albanian state in Kosovo may have been an end goal of their statemaking efforts, while these were reduced to the functioning of a mere handful of institutions with questionable legitimacy. As a result, the Albanian institutional life in post-autonomy Kosovo was characterized by paucity and fickleness, not to mention abuse. As a consequence, the importance of the legitimacy of institutional politics and democratic governance cannot be overemphasized, not just for the sake of the Albanian community, but also for the sake of its peaceful coexistence with Kosovo’s minorities. This study of Albanian parallel education in Kosovo has used education as an analytical vehicle to bring together the literature on nations and nationalism, and, in particular, on its post-Communist kind, with the scholarship by human geographers on territory. Its main aim has been to further the understanding of the role of space in the construction of national identity. Focusing on the symbolic construction of space as one of the markers of nationhood, this study has demonstrated that space has profound implications in the context of nationalism apart from shaping the political bid a stateless nation may make to the territory it claims. Understanding territory in terms of power it grants to its controller in the context of nationalism is pivotal for capturing the change impacted even on the nationals’ physical environment at and below state level, which, in turn, helps explain the symbolic reconfiguration of their sense of nationhood and homeland as an integral part of it. The study of Albanian national identity in post-autonomy Kosovo is a contribution to the literature on national identity preoccupied with the questions of how the notion of nation is sustained after a nation has come into being, whether this meaning of national identity changes and how, and, finally, what the implications are of that shift, if any. To view ‘nation’ as constructed, while divorcing it from the meaning and significance of its symbolic markers, may render ‘nation’ a concept of limited analytical value. With an identity shift it precipitated from class to nation, postCommunist nationalism provides a terrain conducive to detecting and studying how the content of nationhood transformed in relation to newly assumed relevance of its markers. The battle over sovereignty in Kosovo underscored the importance of the territorial dimension in the construction of Albanian nationhood. In the post-Communist reconfiguration of Serbian national identity in the context of Kosovo, the Serbian historical belonging to the territory as an axis of Serbian identity played an equally prominent part. However, space may not have necessarily emerged as its

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dominant marker. A comparison with a reconceptualization of Serbian national identity in Bosnia-Herzegovina is telling. Even though the process was precipitated by the conflict over national control of territory, the Serbian sense of identity was sharply defined by its religious dimension. This insight only further confirms the need to be aware of how the complexity of national identity is expressed, particularly in national conflicts. This study has sought to understand the role of space in relation to national identity as a constructed category that requires incessant symbolic sustenance. Appadurai has pinned down two meanings of national space: ‘While soil is a matter of spatialized and originary discourse of belonging, territory is concerned with integrity, surveyability, policing and subsistence.’4 This study of segregation in education resulting from the clash of nationalisms in Kosovo has sought to understand the interrelationship of these two meanings of space in order to answer the analytical challenge of how social constructivism of space really matters.5 The interpretation of the meanings of the nation’s space has often been overshadowed by a priority given to deconstructing the nation’s sense of history. This book complements scholarly efforts appreciating the spatial dimension of national identity, which have demonstrated that nation’s quest for control over the claimed territory is buttressed by spatial consciousness about its homeland.6 However, this study argues that to stop there without pursuing further implications of space in the context of nationalism may actually underplay the formative role of space in the symbolic configuration and reconfiguration of nationhood. White’s work on nationalism and territory has been a welcome explanation of the importance of territory in shaping group identity. Describing how a nation’s sense of territory is constructed in relation to historically significant places, he posits the existence of the core, semi-core and periphery that determine the intensity of a national action in that territory.7 In short, whether a nation will fight for a particular piece of land hinges on the symbolic significance of that particular territory. Consequently, the symbolic weight of space accounts for the geographic extent of the national effort. The Serbs were driven by the symbolic significance read into the territory of Kosovo and its autonomy was doomed. However, such an explanation does not capture either the power of the rival symbolic significance of territory, nor does it fully acknowledge the implications of the nation’s territoriality. Paasi has designated nationalism as a ‘specific, strategic form of territoriality’.8 The study of Albanians’ parallel education showed that territoriality understood as a form of the control and empowerment it grants explains the emergence of ethnically separate worlds in Kosovo, and the Albanians’ unprecedented celebration of nationhood in spatial seclusion. Ultimately, the role of space in the construction of national identity is more than just that of a metaphor that orders meanings. The insight into how the nation’s homeland is constructed

218 Conclusion explains where the nations’ desired boundaries are, and, therefore, determines the geographic limits of the political execution of the national project. As this study of Albanian-language education in post-autonomy Kosovo has argued, nationhood viewed from the perspective of control over space is pivotal in understanding the physical and symbolic implications of the national project. The control over the physical space is a key to understanding the transformation of its symbolic meaning. Therefore, a complex role of space in the construction of identity can be highlighted by appreciating space as both a symbolic and physical resource, and these two in conjunction. The post-Communist transformation in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union was an explicitly territorial process in which nations’ boundaries were either reconfirmed, contested or created anew. This book contributes to the understanding of the reaffirmation of the territorial factor in the context of the global eruption of sub-state nationalisms.9 The centrality of space in the construction of national identity and the conflict it underpinned in post-Communist Kosovo has taken place alongside an erosion and transformation of the role of territory in the constitution of national states and identities under the pressure of globalization. Scholarship is now preoccupied with the processes of ‘deterritorialization’ and ‘reterritorialization’ of identity. Nation-states are losing their once preeminent command of identity, which increasingly seeks fulfilment in localized, supranational and transnational political loyalties and activities. The challenge for scholars and practitioners remains to learn from the diminishing role of national territory for one’s identity and politics in a quest for a peaceful resolution of national conflicts where national space is still a shorthand expression of nationhood. One of the first such lessons should be the understanding of the role space has played and still does in the construction of national identities informing those conflicts. Ethnically homogeneous schools and classrooms blend into the ethnically homogenized landscape throughout the war-torn Balkans. Even though the ethnic cleansers have failed throughout the region to fully realize their bloody nationalist undertaking, their efforts did lead to ethnic homogenization of territories. The violence that swept the region in 1990s, as well as in 2001 during the Macedonian conflict, turned the classrooms into battlefields in their own right. Now, Bosnia-Herzegovina has practically three education systems for its Bosniaks, Croats and Serbs,10 and Kosovo two national educations serving Serbs and Albanians separately. In the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, separation of Macedonian and Albanian students in ethnic classrooms has been a norm.11 Likewise, Serbs in Eastern Croatia are apprehensive about school history compiled by the Croatian educators after a five-year moratorium on the study of recent history.12 Years after the conflict the content of history lessons in the Balkans continues to enflame passions, since the national control over education is perceived as a guarantee not just for the protection of national

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identity, but also for the protection of the particular reading of its meaning. Still, the dominant mentality in the region is that of a zero-sum approach to education and nationhood. The incorporation of a critical appraisal of the symbolic markers and how they contributed to the particular understanding of nationhood and its political implications in school education is taken as a denial of national identity. Crawford has shown that an ethnocentric perspective may also include critical observations of a nation’s history.13 Education has played an important role in constructing the sense of national identity despite ideological restrictions during the Communist period. It was also deeply implicated in the post-Communist national conflict, while the education and national message it transmits deeply affects the future of the Balkans. It has reaffirmed hegemonic narratives of the nation. By focusing on the kind of history and geography favouring one’s own nation, post-war textbooks in the Balkans have reaffirmed the nation’s victimhood and the nation’s rightful and exclusive place in the territory. Such uncritical self-centred renditions of nationhood do not just concern the nationalist reinterpretation of the nation’s distant past, they are also characteristic of the lessons about recent conflicts which have touched the lives of the pupils themselves. Thus, their life experiences are fitted into the historical large national narratives. As a consequence, education represents a crucial area of reform and assistance for the future stabilization of the Balkans.14 One of the defining features of Communist-era education was ‘content monism’, whereby pupils in a given grade throughout a country would use the same schoolbook.15 Such an approach assured the uniformity of the ideological message. This practice has begun to change in some states of East Central Europe.16 Liberalization of schoolbooks by endorsing the use of more than one textbook in teaching a particular grade heralds the prospects of multi-perspectivity as a form of the democratization of history teaching.17 In addition, the states in the Balkans retained their traditional control over the content of history textbooks in the post-Communist period.18 Only the ideological outlook changed. School texts became a prominent source of the transmission of the ideology of nation-states with precedence given to the values of the dominant nation.19 The pupils obtained their understanding of their nations through school history and geography, which were fact-driven accounts of the nation’s struggles and suffering. As a result, the knowledge of history has boiled down to an agglomeration of the historical events involving the ancestors’ travails. This does not mean that all relevant events merited a mention, despite the methodology based on listing and enumeration. As the analysis of Albanian and Serbian textbooks in post-autonomy Kosovo presented in this book indicates, those that would mar the desired portrayal of the nation and its claim to territory were either downplayed or omitted. As a result, the pupils became familiar with the notion of nation and national identity,

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while in the process fallacies that make nationalism such a deadly ideology were reinforced: a belief in the existence of the nation from time immemorial, that one’s own nation was always a victim and never a perpetrator, and that its unity of action always withstood historical tests. Efforts were focused on repudiating the history of the ethnic Other. The possibility of plural representation of national histories allowing reconciliation with the ethnic Other was not considered. Hence, there is no debate about the nation’s past destiny, nor should there be one about its future. Ironically, such an impact was achieved by teaching students about the nation and its history without them learning what a nation actually means. The textbooks that taught Serbs and Albanians about their nationhood in the post-autonomy period do not contain a single sentence that might explain to the pupils in primary and secondary schools in Kosovo when the concept of the nation came to be used, and what it came to signify, let alone allow a glimpse into ongoing debates about factors to which the emergence of nations is to be attributed. The future security of the Balkans hinges on the democratization of nationhood, which in its symbolic construction would make room for the Other. Only such a conceptual shift can lead to the acceptance of ethnic neighbours. As long as it is missing, the ethnic classrooms, the ethnic neighbourhoods and the ethnic states will appear as the only feasible solution. The introduction of the concepts into the teaching of history and geography should be a good start. Past animosities between nations in the Balkans cannot be erased, nor should they be forgotten. However, the familiarity with the conceptual context that shaped them may lead to their understanding in both the historical and contemporary perspective. The dawn of the age of nations and nationalism is perhaps the most relevant lesson the pupils should learn, not least because their lives and those of their families were directly affected by it. Specifically, they would have to grasp how nationalism tied identity to the space. With this in view, the understanding of space in relation to national identity is more than an academic endeavour and challenge. Equipping students with this conceptual knowledge may yet be the best prevention of future violence in the Balkans.

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arsimi paralel bashkimi barjak besa borxh çajtoria deshtetëzim fes hoxha hyzmeqar idadi imam iptidai Këshillave nacionale kombi korrja leçitje leçitur liria martiri medrese megaburg mejtepe mekteb metoh mikpritje mufti

parallel education unification local leader in the Albanian community Albanian word of honour debt local tea house state-destruction traditional Slav Muslim headgear Muslim religious teacher servant lycée leader in prayer Turkish primary school National Councils nation harvest, slaughter customary sanction of social excommunication punished by means of leçitje freedom martyr Muslim seminary huge prison Muslim primary school Muslim primary school land of Orthodox monasteries hospitality senior Muslim cleric

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ndihmë obliguesit oda pagë plis qebaptore Rilindja robëri rüshdi shtetëzim tekke tellal vilayet

help tax-payer traditional guestroom in the Albanian house salary traditional Albanian headgear local kebab shop Albanian national movement in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries yoke Turkish secular school state-building lodge of the Albanian Sufi order town crier province

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1 N. Popov, ‘Te¡kocœe sa dijalogom’, Republika 6, 1994: 3–7, 5–6; D. Janjicœ, ‘National identity, movement and nationalism of Serbs and Albanians’, in D. Janjicœ and Sh. Maliqi (eds) Conflict or Dialogue: Serbian–Albanian Relations and Integration of the Balkans, Subotica: Open University, 1994, pp. 117–76, 132–41; Cf. P.R. Prifti, Confrontation in Kosova: The AlbanianSerb Struggle, 1969–1999, New York: Columbia University Press, 1999. 2 P. Hockenos, Homeland Calling: Exile Patriotism and the Balkan Wars, Ithaca, NY, and London: Cornell University Press, 2003; T. Judah, Kosovo: War and Revenge, New Haven, CT, and London: Yale University Press, 2000. 3 Cf. V. Anzulovicœ, Heavenly Serbia: From Myth to Genocide, London: Hurst & Co., 1999. 4 J. Breuilly, Nationalism and the State, 2nd edn, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1993, pp. 340–65. See also E.J. Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1780, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990; V. Zaslavsky, ‘Nationalism and democratic transition in postcommunist societies’, Daedalus 121, 1992: 97–121, 106. 5 M. Hroch, ‘From national movement to the fully-formed nation: the nationbuilding process in Europe’, in G. Balakrishnan (ed.) Mapping the Nation, London and New York: Verso, 1996, pp. 78–97, 89. 6 Cf. G. Smith, ‘The Soviet state and nationalities policy’, in G. Smith (ed.) The Nationalities Question in the Post-Soviet States, London and New York: Longman, 1996, pp. 2–22, 3–5. 7 C. King, ‘Post-postcommunism: tradition, comparison, and the end of “Eastern Europe” ’, World Politics 53, 2000: 143–72, 164. 8 P. Spencer and H. Wollman, ‘Nationalism, politics and democracy in the development of post-communist societies’, in T.D. Sfikas and C. Williams (eds) Ethnicity and Nationalism in East Central Europe and the Balkans, Aldershot: Ashgate, 1999, pp. 73–121, 83. For the impact of modernization on nationbuilding and tolerance in former Yugoslavia see R. Hodson, D. Sekulic and G. Massey, ‘National tolerance in the former Yugoslavia’, American Journal of Sociology 99, 1994: 1534–58. 9 R. Brubaker, Nationalism Reframed: Nationhood and the National Question in the New Europe, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996. On the

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16 17 18 19 20

21 22 23 24

impact of boundaries on identity formation see also M. Anderson, Frontiers: Territory and State Formation in the Modern World, Cambridge: Polity Press, 1996, pp. 107–8. J. Rothschild, Ethnopolitics, New York: Columbia University Press, 1981, p. 95. I. Vejvoda, ‘Yugoslavia 1945–91 – from decentralisation without democracy to dissolution’, in D.A. Dyker and I. Vejvoda (eds) Yugoslavia and After: A Study in Fragmentation, Despair and Rebirth, London and New York: Longman, 1996, pp. 9–27, 14–8; cf. Y. Slezkine, ‘The USSR as a communal apartment, or how a socialist state promoted ethnic particularism’, in G. Eley and R.G. Suny (eds) Becoming National, New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996, pp. 203–38; V. Vujacic and V. Zaslavsky, ‘The causes of disintegration in the USSR and Yugoslavia’, Telos 88, 1991: 120–40; G. Schöpflin, ‘The rise and fall of Yugoslavia’, in J. McGarry and B. O’Leary (eds) The Politics of Ethnic Conflict Regulation, London and New York: Routledge, 1993, pp. 172–203. K. Verdery, National Ideology Under Socialism, Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1991, pp. 305–9. Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism, pp. 173–4; cf. C. Lingle, ‘Authoritarian socialism, interest group formation and ethnic nationalism’, Canadian Review of Studies in Nationalism XX, 1993: 7–12. J.L. Linz and A. Stepan, ‘Political identities and electoral sequences: Spain, the Soviet Union, and Yugoslavia’, Daedalus 121, 1992: 123–39, 132; Di Palma has focused on the impact of dissidence while giving more credit to the nascent civil society in East Central Europe to effect democratic change after the demise of Communism in G. Di Palma, ‘Legitimation from the top to civil society: Politico-cultural change in Eastern Europe’, World Politics 44, 1991: 49–80. Slezkine, ‘The USSR as a communal apartment, or how a socialist state promoted ethnic particularism’, p. 229; C. Calhoun, ‘Nationalism and civil society: democracy, diversity and self-determination’, International Sociology 8, 1993: 387–411. V. Bunce and M. Csanadi, ‘Uncertainty in the transition: post-communism in Hungary’, East European Politics and Societies 7, 1993: 240–75. Cf. P. Radan, ‘Yugoslavia’s internal borders as international borders: a question of appropriateness’, East European Quarterly 33, 1999: 137–55. V. Popovski, ‘Yugoslavia: politics, federation, nation’, in G. Smith (ed.) Federalism: The Multiethnic Challenge, London and New York: Longman, 1995, pp. 180–203. A. Michnik, ‘Nationalism’, Social Research 58, 1991: 757–63, 759. Cf. C. Williams, ‘Imagined democracy: ethnicity and nationalism in East Central Europe and the Balkans’, in Sfikas and Williams (eds) Ethnicity and Nationalism in East Central Europe and the Balkans, pp. 45–71, 54; Cf. Michnik, ‘Nationalism’, p. 759. B. Parrott, ‘Perspectives on postcommunist democratization’, in K. Dawisha and B. Parrott (eds) Politics, Power and the Struggle for Democracy in SouthEast Europe, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997, pp. 1–39, 10. See J. Richards, ‘Ethnicity and democracy – complementary or incompatible concepts?’, in K. Cordell (ed.) Ethnicity and Democratisation in the New Europe, London and New York: Routledge, 1999, pp. 11–23. A. Lieven, ‘Qu’est-ce qu’une nation? Scholarly debate and the realities of Eastern Europe’, National Interest 49, 1997: 10–22, 19. G. Schöpflin, ‘Nationalism and ethnicity in Europe, East and West’, in C.A. Kupchan (ed.) Nationalism and Nationalities in the New Europe, Ithaca, NY, and London: Cornell University Press, 1995, pp. 37–65, 60. Similarly,

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Hroch has noted that linguistic and cultural demands have come to the fore in the post-Communist national movements since linguistic and cultural appeals act as substitutes for articulated political demands. See Hroch, ‘From national movement to the fully-formed nation’, pp. 91–2; Spencer and Wollman, ‘Nationalism, politics and democracy in the development of post-communist states’, pp. 93–107; cf. J. Mostov, ‘Democracy and the politics of national identity’, Studies in East European Thought 46, 1994: 9–31. A.D. Smith, National Identity, London: Penguin Books, 1991, p. 53. Ibid., pp. 54–67. Ibid., p. 11. Ibid., p. 12. For a more nuanced typology of Balkan nationalisms see I. Banac, ‘Nationalism in Southeastern Europe’ in Kupchan (ed.) Nationalism and Nationalities in the New Europe, pp. 107–21. Smith, National Identity, pp. 79–84; Cf. Gellner’s interpretation of Plamenatz’s typology of nationalism in E. Gellner, Nations and Nationalism, Oxford, UK, and Cambridge, MA: Blackwell, 1983, pp. 99–101. Notably this approach is challenged by authors who pre-date nations to modernity. Cf. L. Greenfeld, Nationalism: Five Roads to Modernity, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992. P.F. Sugar, ‘Ethnicity in Eastern Europe’, in P.F. Sugar, East European Nationalism, Politics and Religion, Aldershot: Ashgate/Variorum, 1999, pp. 1–16, p. 4. On the persistence of oral rather than written culture in southeastern Europe see A. Dut,u, ‘National identity and tensional factors in South Eastern Europe’, East European Quarterly XXXI, 1997: 195–205. W. Roszkowski, ‘Nationalism in East Central Europe: old wine in new bottles?’, in P. Latawski (ed.) Contemporary Nationalism in East Central Europe, Houndmills, Basingstoke and London: Macmillan Press, 1995, pp. 13–24, 15. Cf. P. Kitromilides, ‘“Imagined communities” and the origins of the national question in the Balkans’, European History Quarterly 19, 1989: 149–94; P.M. Kitromilides, ‘“Balkan mentality”: history, legend, imagination’, Nations and Nationalism 2, 1996: 163–91; H. Poulton, ‘Islam, ethnicity and state in the contemporary Balkans’, in H. Poulton and S. Taji-Farouki (eds) Muslim Identity and the Balkan State, London: Hurst & Co. in association with the Islamic Council, 1997, pp. 13–32; F. Bieber, ‘Muslim identity in the Balkans before the establishment of nation states’, Nationalities Papers 28, 2000: 13–28; P. Mentzel, ‘Conclusion: millets, states, and national identities’, Nationalities Papers 28, 2000: 199–204; K.H. Karpat, ‘The ethnicity problem in a multiethnic anational Islamic state: continuity and recasting of ethnic identity in the Ottoman state’, in P.R. Brass (ed.) Ethnic Groups and the State, London: Croom Helm, 1985, pp. 95–114. Parrott, ‘Perspectives on postcommunist democratization’, p. 10. M. Kaldor and I. Vejvoda, ‘Democratization in Central and East European countries: an overview’, in M. Kaldor and I. Vejvoda (eds) Democratization in Central and Eastern Europe, London and New York: Pinter, 1999, pp. 1–24, 19. R.M. Hayden, ‘Constitutional nationalism in the formerly Yugoslav republics’, Slavic Review 51, 1992: 654–73, 655. V. Pusicœ, ‘Dictatorships with democratic legitimacy: democracy versus nation’, East European Politics and Societies 8, Fall 1994: 383–401, 387. See A. Wilson, ‘The post-Soviet states and the nationalities question’, in Smith (ed.) The Nationalities Question in the Post-Soviet States, pp. 23–43, 34. Gellner, Nations and Nationalism, p. 6. For an overview of the primordialist position see U. Özkirimli, Theories of Nationalism: A Critical Introduction, London: Macmillan, 2000, pp. 64–84. For a critique of primordialism, see J.D. Eller and R.M. Coughlan, ‘The poverty

226 Notes 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48

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50 51 52 53 54 55 56

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of primordialism: the demystification of ethnic attachments’, Ethnic and Racial Studies 16, 1993: 183–202. Gellner, Nations and Nationalism. A.D. Smith, ‘The ethnic sources of nationalism’, in M.E. Brown (ed.) Ethnic Conflict and International Security, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993, pp. 27–41, 28–9. Smith, National Identity, pp. 35–42. A.D. Smith, ‘Memory and modernity: reflections on Ernest Gellner’s theory of nationalism’, Nations and Nationalism 2, 1996: 371–88, 385. G. Cubitt, ‘Introduction’, in G. Cubitt (ed.) Imagining Nations, Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press, 1998, pp. 1–20, 3. E. Hobsbawm and T. Ranger (eds) The Invention of Tradition, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983. B. Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, 2nd edn, London and New York: Verso, 1991, p. 6. Motyl additionally distinguishes between Hobsbawm as a ‘hard’ constructivist and Anderson as a ‘soft’ constructivist. The former focuses on the conscious elite activity in creation of identity, whereas the latter relies on human agency so that national identity emerges as an unintended consequence of human actions such as print capitalism. See A.J. Motyl, ‘Inventing invention: the limits of national identity formation’, in R.G. Suny and M.D. Kennedy (eds) Intellectuals and the Articulation of the Nation, Ann Arbor, MI: The University of Michigan Press, 1999, pp. 57–75, 60–1. J. Hutchinson, Modern Nationalism, London: Fontana Press, 1994, pp. 28–9. For Smith’s opposition to the constructivist approach see A.D. Smith, ‘The nation: invented, imagined, reconstructed?’, Millennium: Journal of International Studies 20, 1991: 353–68. G. Eley and R.G. Suny, ‘Introduction: from the movement of social history to the work of cultural representation’, in Eley and Suny (eds) Becoming National, pp. 3–37, 18. M. Canovan, Nationhood and Political Theory, Cheltenham, UK, and Brookfield, WI: Edward Elgar, 1996, pp. 50–67. W. Connor, ‘A nation is a nation, is a state is an ethnic group is a . . .’, Ethnic and Racial Studies 1, 1978: 377–400, 389. E. Shils, ‘Nation, nationality, nationalism and civil society’, Nations and Nationalism 1, 1995: 93–118, 93. Smith, National Identity, p. 9. Ibid. Anderson, Imagined Communities, p. 7; S.K. Hennayake, ‘Interactive nationalism: an alternative explanation of minority ethnonationalism’, Political Geography 11, November 1992: 526–49, 532; C. Calhoun, ‘Nationalism and ethnicity’, Annual Review of Sociology 19, 1993: 211–39. G. Hage, ‘The spatial imaginary of national practices: dwelling-domesticating/ being-exterminating’, Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 14, 1996: 463–85, 465. Eley and Suny, ‘Introduction: from the movement of social history to the work of cultural representation’, pp. 8–9. M. Keith and S. Pile, ‘Introduction part 2: the place of politics’, in M. Keith and S. Pile (eds) Place and Politics of Identity, London and New York: Routledge, 1993, pp. 22–40, 28; cf. S. Hall, ‘Ethnicity and difference’, in Eley and Suny (eds) Becoming National, pp. 339–49. M. Billig, Banal Nationalism, London: Sage Publications, 1995, p. 77; S. Radcliffe and S. Westwood, Remaking the Nation: Place, Identity and Politics in Latin America, London and New York: Routledge, 1996; cf. D. Hooson (ed.), Geography and National Identity, Oxford, UK, and Cambridge, MA: Blackwell, 1994; N. Johnson, ‘Cast in stone: monuments, geography and nationalism’,

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Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 13, 1995: 51–65; T. Edensor, ‘National identity and the politics of memory: remembering Bruce and Wallace in symbolic space’, Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 29, 1997: 175–94; cf. P. Schlesinger, ‘On national identity: some conceptions and misconceptions criticised’, Social Science Information 26, 1987: 219–64, 260–1. Smith, National Identity, p. 16. Although Gellner and Smith differ on the issue of the ethnic origins of nations, both acknowledge the relevance of education in the symbolic sustenance of nationhood. Radcliffe and Westwood, Remaking the Nation, p. 24. Cf. A. Paasi, ‘Deconstruction of regions: notes on the scales of spatial life’, Environment and Planning A 23, 1991: 239–56, 252. B. Parekh, ‘Discourses on national identity’, Political Studies XLII, 1994: 492–504, 503–4; cf. J.R. Gillis, ‘Memory and identity: the history of a relationship’, in J.R. Gillis (ed.) Commemorations: The Politics of National Identity, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994, pp. 3–40; M. Schudson, ‘The present in the past versus the past in the present’, Communication 11, 1989: 105–13. Cubitt, ‘Introduction’, pp. 5–8. Keith and Pile, ‘Introduction part 2: the place of politics’, p. 28; cf. Hall, ‘Ethnicity and difference’. J. Penrose, ‘Reification in the name of change: the impact of nationalism on social constructions of nation, people and place in Scotland and the United Kingdom’, in P. Jackson and J. Penrose (eds) Constructions of Race, Place and Nation, London: UCL Press, 1993, pp. 27–49, 32–3. See R. Salecl, ‘National identity and socialist moral majority’, New Formations 12, 1990: 25–31. Parekh, ‘Discourses on national identity’, pp. 504–5. Penrose, ‘Reification in the name of change’, p. 33. M. Castells, The Power of Identity, Oxford: Blackwell, 1997, p. 8. Ibid. Radcliffe and Westwood, Remaking the Nation, p. 16; cf. Bowman, ‘Tales of the Lost Land: Palestinian identity and the formation of nationalist consciousness’, in E. Carter, J. Donald and J. Squires (eds) Space and Place: Theories of Identity and Location, London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1993, pp. 73–99, 78–80. Canovan, Nationhood and Political Theory, p. 74. Ibid., p. 73. Smith, National Identity, p. 14. Rothschild, Ethnopolitics, pp. 96–8. G. Duijzings, Religion and the Politics of Identity in Kosovo, London: Hurst & Co., 2000. Y. Tuan, ‘Geopiety: a theme in man’s attachment to nature and to place’, in D. Lowenthal and M.J. Bowden (eds) Geographies of the Mind: Essays in Historical Geosophy, New York: Oxford University Press, 1976, pp. 11–39, 26. Breuilly, Nationalism and the State, p. 6; T.K. Oommen, Citizenship, Nationality and Ethnicity: Reconciling Competing Identities, Cambridge: Polity Press, 1997, pp. 185–8. T. Forsberg, ‘The ground without foundation? Territory as a social construct’, Geopolitics 8, Summer 2003: 7–24, 8–9. C. Williams and A.D. Smith, ‘The national construction of social space’, Progress in Human Geography 7, 1983: 502–17, 508; A.D. Smith, ‘Culture, community and territory: the politics of ethnicity and nationalism’, International Affairs 72, 1996: 445–58, 453–4. Smith, National Identity, pp. 91–8; Smith, ‘Culture, community and territory: the politics of ethnicity and nationalism’.

228 Notes 84 Anderson, Imagined Communities, pp. 163–85. Cf. R.S. Peckham, ‘Map mania: nationalism and the politics of place in Greece, 1870–1922’, Political Geography 19, 2000: 77–95. 85 Smith, National Identity, pp. 127–8; cf. J. Boyarin, ‘Space, time and the politics of memory’, in J. Boyarin (ed.) Remapping Memory: The Politics of TimeSpace, Minneapolis, MN, and London: University of Minnesota Press, 1994, pp. 1–37, 15–20. 86 Anderson, Imagined Communities, p. 5. 87 E. Balibar, ‘The nation form: history and ideology’, in E. Balibar and I. Wallerstein (eds) Race, Nation, Class: Ambiguous Identities, London: Verso, 1991, pp. 86–106, 86–7; cf. G. Hosking and G. Schöpflin (eds), Myths and Nationhood, London: Hurst & Co., 1997. 88 See Cubitt, ‘Introduction’, p. 5; cf. A. Thompson, ‘Nations, national identities and human agency: putting people back into nations’, Sociological Review 49, 2001: 18–32, 22–4. 89 E. Renan, ‘What is a nation?’, in H. Bhabha (ed.) Nation and Narration, London: Routledge, 1990; cf. P. Nora, ‘Between memory and history: Les Lieux de Mémoire’, Representations 26, 1989: 7–25. 90 Hobsbawm and Ranger, The Invention of Tradition; cf. D. Lowenthal, ‘Identity, Heritage and History’, in Gillis (ed.) Commemorations, pp. 41–57, 47; C. Calhoun, Nationalism, Buckingham: Open University Press, 1997, pp. 51–65. 91 D. McCrone, The Sociology of Nationalism, London and New York: Routledge, 1998, p. 51. 92 S. Grosby, ‘Territoriality: the transcendental, primordial feature of modern societies’, Nations and Nationalism 1, 1995: 143–62, 144 and 148–51; cf. D. Lowenthal, ‘Past time, present place: landscape and memory’, The Geographical Review LXV, 1975: 1–36. 93 J. Anderson, ‘Nationalist ideology and territory’, in R.J. Johnston, D. Knight and E. Kofman (eds) Nationalism, Self-determination and Political Geography, London, New York, Sydney: Croom Helm, 1988, pp. 18–39, 24. 94 D. Miller, ‘In defence of nationality’, Journal of Applied Philosophy 10, 1993: 3–16, 7; cf. Shils, ‘Nation, nationality, nationalism and civil society’, p. 93. 95 T. Forsberg, ‘Explaining territorial disputes: from power politics to normative reasons’, Journal of Peace Research 33, 1996: 433–49; A.B. Murphy, ‘Historical justifications for territorial claims’, Annals of the Association of American Geographers 80, 1990: 531–48; Shils, ‘Nation, nationality, nationalism and civil society’, p. 101; cf. A.F. Burghardt, ‘The bases of territorial claims’, The Geographical Review LXIII, 1973: 225–45; Williams and Smith, ‘The national construction of social space’, p. 515. 96 Anderson, ‘Nationalist ideology and territory’, p. 18; Also see Billig, Banal Nationalism, p. 76. 97 Billig, Banal Nationalism, p. 74; cf. Y. Tuan, ‘Place: an experiential perspective’, The Geographical Review LXV, 1975, 151–65. 98 See W. Norton, ‘Human geography and the geographical imagination’, Journal of Geography 88, 1989: 186–92. By employing the notion of territorial socialization, Duchacek lays emphasis on social construction in the creation of territorial human beings: All territorial authorities engage in verbal, visual, and symbolic propaganda to make identity with the territory separate from that with the rest of the world. From cradle to grave, a continuous display and manipulation of territorial symbols – flags, flowers, trees, birds, uniforms, emblems, slogans and anthems – are meant to enhance local pride (and prejudice) and a sense of belonging forever to a given territory, be it a nation-state, a province or a city.

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See I.D. Duchacek, The Territorial Dimension of Politics: Within, Among, and Across Nations, Boulder, CO, and London: Westview Press, 1986, p. 17. P. Gruffudd, ‘Remaking Wales: nation-building and the geographical imagination, 1925–1950’, Political Geography 14, 1995: 219–39; cf. B.J. Graham, ‘No place of the mind: contested Protestant representations of Ulster’, Ecumene 1, 1994: 257–81; F. Kashani-Sabet, ‘Picturing the homeland: geography and national identity in late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Iran’, Journal of Historical Geography 24, 1998: 413–30. A. Crampton, ‘The Voortrekker Monument, the birth of apartheid, and beyond’, Political Geography 20, 2001: 221–46; S. Cooke, ‘Negotiating memory and identity: the Hyde Park Holocaust Memorial, London’, Journal of Historical Geography 26, 2000: 449–65; B.S. Osborne, ‘Constructing landscapes of power: the George Etienne Cartier monument, Montreal’, Journal of Historical Geography 24, 1998: 431–58. D.B. Knight, ‘Identity and territory: geographical perspectives on nationalism and regionalism’, Annals of the Association of American Geographers 72, 1982: 514–31, 514. C. Tilley, A Phenomenology of Landscape: Places, Paths and Monuments, Oxford/Providence, RI: Berg, 1994, p. 11; cf. P. Raento and C.J. Watson, ‘Gernika, Guernica, Guernica? Contested meanings of a Basque place’, Political Geography 19, 2000: 707–36. G. Rose, ‘Place and identity: a sense of place’, in D. Massey and P. Jess (eds) A Place in the World? Places, Cultures and Globalization, Vol. 4, Oxford: Oxford University Press and The Open University, 1995, pp. 87–132, 99. J. Penrose and P. Jackson, ‘Conclusion: identity and politics of difference’, in P. Jackson and J. Penrose (eds) Constructions of Race, Place and Nation, London: UCL Press, 1993, pp. 202–9, 204–7. Tuan, ‘Geopiety’, p. 35; D. Morley and K. Robins, ‘No place like Heimat: images of home(land) in European culture’, New Formations 12, 1990: 1–23, 4–7. P. Jess and D. Massey, ‘The contestation of place’, in Massey and Jess (eds) A Place in the World?, pp. 133–74, 134. Rose, ‘Place and identity’, pp. 104–16; cf. M. Purcell, ‘A place for the Copts: imagined territory and spatial conflict in Egypt’, Ecumene 5, 1998: 432–51; I. Sharkansky and G. Auerbach, ‘Which Jerusalem? A consideration of concepts and borders’, Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 18, 2000: 395–409. Penrose and Jackson, ‘Conclusion: identity and politics of difference’. Cf. F.W. Boal, ‘Territoriality on the Shankill-Falls divide, Belfast’, Irish Geography 6, 1969: 30–50. Purcell, ‘A place for the Copts’, p. 433. Williams and Smith, ‘The national construction of social space’, p. 502. M. Guibernau, Nations without States, Cambridge: Polity Press, 1999, p. 17. A.D. Smith, ‘States and homelands: the social and geopolitical implications of national territory’, Millennium: Journal of International Studies 10, 1981: 187–202, 196–7; Williams and Smith, ‘The national construction of social space’, p. 514; cf. N. Keyfitz, ‘Subdividing national territories: the drive to live in a political community whose boundaries are congruent with cultural community’, Geographical Analysis 27, 1995: 208–29. Smith, ‘States and homelands’, p. 196; cf. R.J. Johnston, D. Knight and E. Kofman, ‘Nationalism, self-determination and the world political map: an introduction’, in Johnston, Knight and Kofman, Nationalism, Self-determination and Political Geography, pp. 1–17, 1–9; Anderson, ‘Nationalist ideology and territory’, pp. 20–3. R.D. Sack, Human Territoriality, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986, p. 19.

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116 J. Anderson and D. Hamilton, ‘Territoriality, democracy and national conflict resolution in Northern Ireland’, Geography Research Forum 19, 1999: 98–121, 104. 117 P.J. Taylor, ‘The state as a container: territoriality in the modern-world system’, Progress in Human Geography 18, 1994: 151–62, 154. 118 See Anderson, ‘Nationalist ideology and territory’, p. 21. 119 For a detailed discussion of power in the context of state encompassing the dimension of territory, see R. Paddison, The Fragmented State: The Political Geography of Power, Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1983, pp. 1–56. 120 Taylor, ‘The state as a container’, p. 151. 121 G.W. White, Nationalism and Territory: Constructing Group Identity in Southeastern Europe, Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2000, p. 32. 122 Sack, Human Territoriality, p. 32. 123 G. Dijkink and H. Knippenberg, ‘The territorial factor: an introduction’, in G. Dijkink and H. Knippenberg (eds) The Territorial Factor: Political Geography in a Globalising World, Amsterdam: Vossiuspers UvA, 2001, pp. 11–28, 11. 124 Sack, Human Territoriality, p. 33. 125 Anderson and Hamilton, ‘Territoriality, democracy and national conflict resolution in Northern Ireland’, p. 104. 126 Johnston, Knight and Kofman, ‘Nationalism, self-determination and the world political map’, p. 205; cf. J. Robinson, ‘ “A perfect system of control”? State power and “native locations” in South Africa’, Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 8, 1990: 135–62; K.J. Anderson, ‘The idea of Chinatown: the power of place and institutional practice in making of racial category’, Annals of the Association of American Geographers 7, 1987: 580–98; D. Sibley, ‘Outsiders in society and space’, in K. Anderson and F. Gale (eds) Inventing Places: Studies in Cultural Geography, Melbourne: Longman Cheshire, 1992, pp. 107–22. 127 S. Pile, ‘Introduction: opposition, political identities and spaces of resistance’, in S. Pile and M. Keith (eds) Geographies of Resistance, London and New York: Routledge, 1997, pp. 1–32; cf. J.P. Sharp, P. Routledge, C. Philo and R. Paddison, ‘Entanglements of power: geographies of domination/resistance’, in J.P. Sharp, P. Routledge, C. Philo and R. Paddison (eds) Entanglements of Power: Geographies of Domination/Resistance, London and New York: Routledge, 2000, pp. 1–42. 128 For a summary of intellectual approaches to spatiality see ‘Spatiality’ in R.J. Johnston, D. Knight and E. Kofman (eds) The Dictionary of Human Geography, 3rd edn, Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1994, pp. 582–5. 129 P. Routledge, ‘A spatiality of resistances: theory and practice in Nepal’s revolution of 1990’, in Pile and Keith (eds) Geographies of Resistance, pp. 68–86, 78–80. 130 D. Kaplan, ‘Nationalism at a micro-scale: educational segregation in Montreal’, Political Geography 11, 1992: 259–82, 261; Sibley, ‘Outsiders in society and space’, p. 129. The Albanians’ move to the private houses demonstrates the dislocation of the space of resistance from that of domination. Cf. E.J. Peters, ‘Subversive spaces: First Nations women and the city’, Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 16, 1998: 665–85. 131 Cf. D. Pringle, ‘Separation and integration: the case of Ireland’, in M. Chisholm and D.M. Smith (eds) Shared Space: Divided Space, London: Unwin Hyman, 1990, pp. 168–70; Kaplan, ‘Nationalism at a micro-scale’, pp. 277–8. 132 Cf. N. Kliot and Y. Mansfield, ‘The political landscape of partition: the case of Cyprus’, Political Geography 16, 1997: 495–521; D. Campbell, ‘Apartheid cartography: the political anthropology and spatial effects of international diplomacy in Bosnia’, Political Geography 18, 1999: 395–435.

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133 Kaplan, ‘Nationalism at a micro-scale’, p. 268. 134 C. Dwyer, ‘Construction of Muslim identity and the contesting of power: the debate over Muslim schools in the United Kingdom’, in Jackson and Penrose (eds) Constructions of Race, Place and Nation, pp. 143–59. 135 E. Hobsbawm, ‘Mass-producing traditions: Europe, 1870–1914’, in Hobsbawm and Ranger (eds) The Invention of Tradition, pp. 263–307, 271. 136 Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1780, p. 91. 137 Hobsbawm, ‘Mass-producing traditions: Europe, 1870–1914’, p. 280. 138 E. Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen, London: Chatto & Windus, 1979, p. 337. 139 Hobsbawm argues that the national language itself is a construction: ‘[T]he official or culture-language of rulers and elites usually came to be the actual language of modern state via public education and other administrative mechanism.’ See Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1780, p. 62. 140 Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen, p. 334. 141 A.R.H. Baker, ‘Locality and nationality: geopieties in rural Loir-et-Cher (France) during the nineteenth century’, in S. Courville and N. Séguin (eds) Espace et culture, Sainte-Foy: Les Presses de l’Université Laval, 1995, pp. 77–88. 142 P.F. Sugar, ‘The problems of nationalism in Eastern Europe: past and present’, in Sugar, East European Nationalism, Politics and Religion, pp. 1–20, 6. 143 M. Hroch, Social Preconditions of National Revival in Europe, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985, p. 23. 144 Ibid. See also Roszkowski, ‘Nationalism in East Central Europe’, pp. 15–16. 145 Hroch, Social Preconditions of National Revival in Europe, pp. 166–8. 146 Gellner, Nations and Nationalism, p. 38; cf. Smith, National Identity, p. 16. 147 Cf. F. Mertens and J. van Dommelen, ‘Striving for a dynamic balance in Russian educational policy’, in F.J.H Mertens (ed.) Reflections on Education in Russia, Lueven: Acco, 1995, pp. 9–16, 13. 148 A. Low-Beer, ‘Creating school history textbooks after Communism’, Paradigm 22, 1997: 1–9, 2; C. Wanner, Burden of Dreams: History and Identity in PostSoviet Ukraine, University Park, PA: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1998, pp. 94–100. 149 V. Kaplan, ‘The reform of education in Russia and the problem of history teaching’, Education in Russia, the Independent States and Eastern Europe 17, 1999: 3–18, 11–12. 150 L. Pine, ‘The dissemination of Nazi ideology and family values through school textbooks’, History of Education 25, 1996: 91–109; R.J. Wolff, ‘“Fascisitizing” Italian youth: the limits of Mussolini’s educational system’, History of Education 13, 1984: 287–98; D. Ayres, ‘The Khmer Rouge and education: beyond the discourse of destruction’, History of Education 28, 1999: 205–18; D. Holly, ‘Learning and the economy: education under the Bolsheviks 1917–1929’, History of Education 11, 1982: 35–43; N. Pronay and K. Wilson (eds) The Political Re-education of Germany and Her Allies After World War II, London and Sydney: Croom Helm, 1985; H. Lindo-Fuentes, ‘Balancing memory and “culture of peace”: writing a history textbook in El Salvador after a Civil War’, Internationale Schulbuchforschung 21, 1999: 339–51; W.E. Marsden, ‘“Poisoned history”: a comparative study of nationalism, propaganda and the treatment of war and peace in the late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century school curriculum’, History of Education 29, 2000: 29–47. 151 P. Hansen, ‘Schooling a European identity: ethno-cultural exclusion and nationalist resonance within the EU policy of “The European dimension of education”’, European Journal of Intercultural Studies 9, 1998: 5–23; R. Sultana, ‘A uniting Europe, a dividing education? Euro-centrism and the curriculum’, International Studies in Sociology of Education 5, 1995: 115–44;

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M. Du Bois-Reymond, ‘European identity in the young and Dutch students’ images of Germany and the Germans’, Comparative Education 34, 1998: 27–40; U. Weinbrenner, ‘Education for Europe by means of geography school textbooks?’, International Research in Geographical and Environmental Education 6, 1997: 93–7. Cf. P. Bourdieu, ‘The production of belief: contribution to an economy of symbolic goods’, Media, Culture and Society 2, 1980: 261–93. S. Farren, ‘Education and national identity in Northern Ireland’, Aspects of Education 54, 1997: 82–92. Wanner, Burden of Dreams, p. 81. F. Musgrove, ‘Curriculum, culture and ideology’, Journal of Curriculum Studies 10, 1978: 99–111. D. Coulby, ‘European curricula, xenophobia and warfare’, Comparative Education 33, 1997: 29–41, 33. P. Harnett, ‘Heroes and heroines; exploring a nation’s past. The history curriculum in state primary schools in the twentieth century’, History of Education Society Bulletin 62, 1998: 83–95; cf. T. Haydn, ‘“Nationalism begins at home”: the influence of National Curriculum history on perceptions of national identity in Britain, 1987–1995’, History of Education Society Bulletin 57, 1996: 51–61. Cf. J.S. Gundara, ‘Socially diverse polis: social and school exclusion’, European Journal of Intercultural Studies 7, 1996: 20–8, 20. J.S. Gundara, ‘Devolution and issues of teaching history’, Primary Teaching Studies 11, 1999: 24–8, 28. Brubaker, Nationalism Reframed, p. 103. R. Phillips, P. Goalen, A. McCulley and S. Wood, ‘Four histories, one nation? History teaching, nationhood and a British identity’, Compare 29, 1999: 153–69; cf. G.E. Jones, ‘Which nation’s curriculum? The case of Wales’, Curriculum Journal 5, 1994: 5–16. T. Mortimer, ‘National(ist) curriculum’, Issues in Race and Education 56, 1989: 10–12; C. Searle, ‘Lethal discourses: National Curriculum or curriculum nationalism?’, Forum for Promoting Comprehensive Education 40, 1998: 42–6. Cf. S.J. Foster, ‘The struggle of American identity: treatment of ethnic groups in the United States history textbooks’, History of Education 28, 1999: 251–78. A.B. Wachtel, Making a Nation, Breaking a Nation: Literature and Cultural Politics in Yugoslavia, Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1998. C. Jones, ‘Warfare, state identity and education in Europe’, European Journal of Intercultural Studies 10, 1999: 5–15, 8. R. Phillips, ‘History teaching, nationhood and politics in England and Wales in the late twentieth century: a historical comparison’, History of Education 28, 1999: 351–63, 355. J.A. Riffel, B. Levin and J. Young, ‘Diversity in Canadian education’, Journal of Education Policy 11, 1996: 113–23; G. Steiner-Khamsi, ‘Minority-inclusive history curricula in secondary schools: adopting methods of comparison and multiperspectivity’, European Journal of Intercultural Studies 7, 1996: 29–44; K. Crawford and M. Jones, ‘National identity: a question of choice?’, Children’s Social and Economics Education 3, 1998: 1–16; A. Howkins, ‘A defence of national history’, in R. Samuel (ed.) The Making and Unmaking of British National Identity, Vol. 1: History and Politics, London: Routledge, 1989, pp. 18–25; A. Low-Beer, The Reform of History Teaching in Schools in European Countries in Democratic Transition: Report, Strasbourg: Council of Europe/Counseil de l’Europe: 1995. H. Schissler, ‘Perceptions of the Other and the discovery of the self’, in V.R. Berghahn and H. Schissler (eds) Perceptions of History: International

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Textbook Research on Britain, Germany and the United States, Oxford/New York/Hamburg: Berg, 1987, pp. 26–37, 26. K. Crawford, ‘History textbooks and the construction of national memory: a comparative analysis of teaching the Second World War’, Curriculum 21, 2000: 26–38, 34. M.W. Apple and L.K. Christian-Smith, ‘The politics of the textbook’, in M.W. Apple and L.K. Christian-Smith (eds) The Politics of the Textbook, New York and London: Routledge, 1991, pp. 1–21, 5, referring to A.G. Down, ‘Preface’, in H. Tyson-Bernstein, A Conspiracy of Good Intentions: America’s Textbook Fiasco, Washington, DC: The Council for Basic Education, 1988, p. viii. C. Steedman, ‘True romances’, in Samuel, The Making and Unmaking of British National Identity, pp. 26–35, 32; cf. Y. Fumat, ‘History, civics and national consciousness’, Children’s Social and Economics Education 2, 1997: 158–66, 159. Hobsbawm and Ranger, The Invention of Tradition. Coman argues that history textbooks present a rather reduced version of a plurality of historiographical arguments. See P. Coman, ‘Reading about the enemy: school textbook representation of Germany’s role in the war with Britain during the period from April 1940 to May 1941’, British Journal of Sociology of Education 17, 1996: 327–40, 336–8. J.W. Loewen, Lies My Teacher Told Me: Everything Your American History Textbook Got Wrong, New York: The New Press, 1995, p. 4. See M. Lieven, ‘Bias in school history textbooks: representations of the British invasion of Zululand’, Paradigm 2, 2000: 11–23. Cf. R. Gilbert, The Impotent Image: Reflections of Ideology in the Secondary School Curriculum, London and Philadelphia, PA: The Falmer Press, 1984, pp. 139–85; Steiner-Khamsi, ‘Minority-inclusive history curricula in secondary schools’, pp. 38–40. Gilbert, The Impotent Image, p. 178. J. Ahier, Industry, Children and the Nation: An Analysis of National Identity in School Textbooks, London: The Falmer Press, 1988, p. 50. While noting that each approach has its own downside, Lieven focused on one historical event as presented in textbooks published during the period from the 1880s to 1960s in Lieven ‘Bias in school history textbooks’. Others focus on presentations of one historical period, e.g. the Second World War, in a comparative perspective; see Crawford, ‘History textbooks and the construction of national memory’. The perception of the national Other also illuminates the conception of the national self; see J. Maw, ‘Ethnocentrism, history textbooks and teaching strategies: presenting the USSR’, Research Papers in Education 6, 1991: 153–69; Coman, ‘Reading about the enemy’; Ahier, Industry, Children and the Nation, pp. 95–120. See E. Nasalska, ‘German–Polish relations in the historical consciousness of Polish youths’, Intercultural Education 11, 2000: 53–64. P. Goalen, ‘History and national identity in the classroom’, History Today 47, 1997: 6–8. P. Coman, ‘National Curriculum history and primary school pupils’ perception of wartime German people’, Primary Teaching Studies 11, Spring 1999: 32–4; S. Wood and F. Payne, ‘The Scottish school history curriculum and issues of national identity’, The Curriculum Studies 10, 1999: 107–21; P. Goalen, ‘The history curriculum and national identity: exploring children’s perceptions of national identity’, Curriculum 19, 1998: 23–32, 28; R.P. Sander, ‘The contribution of post-World War II schools in Poland in forging a negative image of the Germans’, East European Quarterly XXIX, 1995: 169–87.

234 Notes 182 Coman, ‘Reading about the enemy’, p. 337; Goalen also notes the role of popular TV shows in reinforcing the sense of common national identity; see Goalen, ‘The history curriculum and national identity’, p. 29; cf. Crawford and Jones, ‘National identity’, pp. 6–7. 183 Castle demonstrates a reinforcing relationship between history textbooks and children’s periodicals in winning the allegiance of the young to the British Empire. See K. Castle, Britannia’s Children: Reading Colonialism Through Children’s Books and Magazines, Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press, 1996; MacKenzie points out the relevance of a wider context in which professed values are intensified, as those included in school textbooks and juvenile literature operate next to those disseminated by cinema, radio and exhibitions, as well as propaganda and extracurricular activities; see J.M. MacKenzie, Propaganda and Empire: The Manipulation of British Public Opinion, 1880–1960, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1984; cf. G.G. Pigeon, ‘Black icons of colonialism: African characters in French children’s comic strip literature’, Social Identities 2, 1996: 135–59; Foster has called for the study beyond formal school processes to include the ‘material culture of schooling’, such as friezes displayed on primary classroom walls, paintings, symbols on exercise books, school magazines, images on shields, medals and certificates, as well as other ‘educational sites’, such as home, church, museum, war memorial, etc. See S.J. Foster, ‘The struggle of American identity’; I. Grosvenor, ‘“There’s no place like home”: education and the making of national identity’, History of Education 28, 1999: 235–50, 248. 184 See S.W. Bednarz, ‘Research on geography textbooks in the United States’, International Research in Geographical and Environmental Education 6, 1997: 63–7; B. Merenne-Shoumaker, ‘School geography textbooks in Francophone Belgium’, International Research in Geographical and Environmental Education 6, 1997: 86–8; O. Biilman, ‘Geography textbook analysis: a Danish perspective’, International Research in Geographical and Environmental Education 6, 1997: 79–81; M. Flori, ‘Research on geography textbooks in Italy’, International Research in Geographical and Environmental Education 6, 1997: 82–5. 185 A. Paasi, ‘The changing pedagogies of space: representation of the Other in Finnish school geography textbooks’, in A. Buttimer, S.D. Brunn and U. Wardenga (eds) Text and Image: Social Construction of Regional Knowledges, Leipzig: Institut für Länderkunde, 1999: 226–37, 226. 186 Coulby, ‘European curricula, xenophobia and warfare’, p. 37; Ahier, Industry, Children and the Nation, pp. 121–73. 187 J. Morgan, ‘To which space do I belong? Imagining citizenship in one curriculum subject’, The Curriculum Journal 11, 2000: 55–68, 57; D. Wright, ‘A curriculum palimpsest: continuity and change in UK geography textbooks, 1820–1870’, Paradigm 21, 1996: 33–9. 188 T. Ploszajska, Geographical Education, Empire and Citizenship: Geographical Teaching and Learning in English Schools, 1870–1944, Historical Geography Research Series No. 35, Liverpool: Liverpool Hope University College, 1999, pp. 106–80. 189 Morgan, ‘To which space do I belong?’, p. 57. 190 Ploszajska, Geographical Education, Empire and Citizenship, pp. 39–47. 191 Ibid., pp. 137–80; cf. Billig, Banal Nationalism. 192 Y. Bar-Gal, ‘Boundaries as a topic in geographic education: the case of Israel’, Political Geography 12, 1993: 421–35; A. Buttimer and G. Fahy, ‘Imagining Ireland through geography texts’, in Buttimer, Brunn and Wardenga, Text and Image, pp. 179–91. 193 Cf. MacKenzie, who argues in reference to the dissemination of the imperial values and outlook that geography and history textbooks were indistinguishable.

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See MacKenzie, Propaganda and Empire, p. 174; cf. A.M.C. Maddrell, ‘Discourses of race and gender and the comparative method in geography school texts 1830–1918’, Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 16, 1998: 81–103; A.M.C. Maddrell, ‘Empire, emigration and school geography: changing discourse of Imperial citizenship, 1880–1925’, Journal of Historical Geography 22, 1996: 373–87. Maps are by no means the only form of visual representation. For a variety of visual imagery contributing to ‘geographical knowledge’, see Ploszajska, Geographical Education, Empire and Citizenship, pp. 137–80. Cf. A. Burnett, ‘Propaganda cartography’, in D. Pepper and A. Jenkins (eds) The Geography of Peace and War, Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1985, pp. 60–89, 60–1; D. Wood, The Power of Maps, London: Routledge, 1993. Burnett sums them up as: choice of map projection and scale, the selection and omission of data, the use of certain symbols and colours, and the message incorporated in the title and accompanying caption; Burnett, ‘Propaganda cartography’, p. 61. D.R. Hall, ‘A geographical approach to propaganda’, in A.D. Burnett and P.J. Taylor (eds) Political Studies from Spatial Perspectives, Chichester: John Wiley & Sons, 1981, pp. 313–30, 316; cf. J.S. Murray, ‘The map is the message’, The Geographical Magazine LIX, 1987: 237–41. J.B. Harley, ‘Deconstructing the map’, in T.J. Barnes and J.S. Duncan (eds) Writing Worlds: Discourse, Text and Metaphor in the Representation of Landscape, London and New York: Routledge, 1992, pp. 231–47, 238–43; cf. P. Vujakovic, ‘The Sleeping Beauty complex: maps as text in the construction of national identity’, in T. Hill and W. Hughes (eds) Contemporary Writing and National Identity, Bath: Sulis Press, 1995, pp. 129–36. Harley, ‘Deconstructing the map’, p. 238. Ibid., p. 247. Hall, ‘A geographical approach to propaganda’, pp. 316–17. Apple and Christian-Smith, ‘The politics of the textbook’, p. 2. Albanian educational battles: from the Ottomans to the Communists

1 C. and B. Jelavich, The Establishment of the Balkan National States, 1804–1920, Seattle, WA: University of Washington Press, 1977, p. 224. 2 S. Skendi, Albanian National Awakening 1878–1912, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1967, pp. 31–53. 3 H. Myzyri, Shkollat e para kombetare shqipe (1887–korrik 1908), Tiranë: 8 nëntori, 1978, pp. 46–7. 4 E.E. Jacques, The Albanians: An Ethnic History from Prehistoric Times to the Present, Jefferson, NC, and London: McFarland & Co., 1995, p. 275. 5 J. Rexhepagiq, Sami Frashëri dhe pedagogjia e Rilindjes kombëtare, Prishtinë: Akademia e shkencave dhe e arteve e Kosovës, 1995, p. 19. 6 Jacques, The Albanians, p. 283; Skendi, Albanian National Awakening, pp. 121–3; S. Pollo and A. Puto, The History of Albania, London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1981, p. 111. 7 Skendi, Albanian National Awakening, pp. 120–1. 8 Ibid., pp. 145–64; Jacques, The Albanians, pp. 287–307; D. Hall, Albania and the Albanians, London: Pinter Reference, 1994, pp. 49–53. 9 Skendi, Albanian National Awakening, pp. 115–19. 10 S. Skendi, ‘The history of the Albanian alphabet: a case of complex cultural and political development’, Südost Forschungen XIX, 1960: 263–84, 264–9.

236 Notes 11 H. Myzyri, Arsimi kombëtar shqiptar (1908–1912), Prishtinë: Enti i teksteve dhe i mjeteve mësimore i Kosovës, 1996, p. 73; Skendi, ‘The history of the Albanian alphabet’, pp. 270–4. 12 Skendi, ‘The history of the Albanian alphabet’, pp. 274–5, quoting Gjergj Fishta. 13 Hall, Albania and the Albanians, p. 44; the Bektashis supported the Latin script – see Skendi, Albanian National Awakening, p. 143; Jacques, The Albanians, pp. 285–6. 14 Rexhepagiq, Sami Frashëri dhe pedagogjia, p. 23. 15 Myzyri, Shkollat e para, p. 34; S. Rizaj, ‘Albanska abeceda u nauçnoj literaturi’, Jugoslovenski istorijski çasopis 1–2, 1969: 173–98, 182. 16 Jacques, The Albanians, p. 308. 17 Myzyri, Arsimi kombëtar shqiptar, pp. 82–5. 18 T. Raka, ‘Levizja kulturo-arsimore shqiptare (1908–1912)’, unpublished thesis, Universitet në Prishtinë, Grupi i historisë, 1977, pp. 40–1; Hall, Albania and the Albanians, p. 30; Skendi, Albanian National Awakening, pp. 140–1; Rizaj, ‘Albanska abeceda’, pp. 184–7. 19 Skendi, ‘The history of the Albanian alphabet’, p. 278. 20 Myzyri, Arsimi kombëtar shqiptar, pp. 128–35 and 251–8. 21 Raka, ‘Levizja kulturo-arsimore shqiptare’, p. 129. 22 Skendi, ‘The history of the Albanian alphabet’, p. 281. 23 Raka, ‘Levizja kulturo-arsimore shqiptare’, pp. 98–101; Myzyri, Arsimi kombëtar shqiptar, pp. 135–43; cf. E.J. Zürcher, Turkey: A Modern History, London and New York: I.B. Taurus & Co., 1993, p. 109. 24 Raka, ‘Levizja kulturo-arsimore shqiptare’, pp. 124–30; Skendi, ‘The history of the Albanian alphabet’, p. 282. 25 D. Hall, ‘Albanian identity and Balkan roles’, in D. Hall and D. Danta (eds) Reconstructing the Balkans: A Geography of the New Southeast Europe, Chichester: John Wiley & Sons, 1996, pp. 119–33, 126. 26 Pollo and Puto, The History of Albania, p. 110; N. Malcolm, Kosovo: A Short History, London: Macmillan, 1998, pp. 187–8; J. Red≈epagicœ, Razvoj prosvete i ¡kolstva albanske narodnosti na teritoriji dana¡nje Jugoslavije do 1918. godine, Pri¡tina: n/p, 1968, p. 100; Raka, ‘Levizja kulturo-arsimore shqiptare’, pp. 12–15; ⁄. Rahimi, ‘Verska podeljenost i razvoj nacionalne svesti kod Albanaca u drugoj polovini XIX veka’, Jugoslovenski istorijski çasopis 1–4, 1978: 298–310, 305; cf. S. Deringil, The Well-Protected Domains: Ideology and the Legitimation of Power in the Ottoman Empire 1876–1909, London and New York: I.B. Taurus & Co., 1998, pp. 93–111. 27 Skendi, Albanian National Awakening, pp. 127–33; B. Hrabak, ‘Kulturni protektorat Austro-Ugarske nad Katolicima Arbanasima (1897)’, Vjetar e Arkivit të Kosovës (Godi¡njak Arhiva Kosova) XXIII, 1987: 33–54; Jacques, The Albanians, pp. 279–81. 28 Skendi, Albanian National Awakening, p. 132. 29 Raka, ‘Levizja kulturo-arsimore shqiptare’, p. 62. 30 Myzyri, Shkollat te para, pp. 36–7; Red≈epagicœ, Razvoj prosvete i ¡kolstva, p. 183. 31 Myzyri, Shkollat te para, p. 190; A.R. Vokrri, Shkollat dhe arsimi në anën e Llapit brenda viteve 1878–1944, Prishtinë: Enti i teksteve dhe i mjeteve mësimore i Kosovës, 1995, pp. 34–5. 32 Rexhepagiq, Sami Frashëri dhe pedagogjija, pp. 31–52; Raka, ‘Levizja kulturoarsimore shqiptare’, p. 24. 33 Vokrri, Shkollat dhe arsimi në anën e Llapit, p. 35. 34 Rexhepagiq, Sami Frashëri dhe pedagogjija, p. 44, quoting Koto Anastas Hoxhi.

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35 Myzyri, Shkollat te para, pp. 131–46; Jacques, The Albanians, pp. 307–8; Skendi, Albanian National Awakening, p. 143. 36 Myzyri, Shkollat te para, p. 171. 37 Ibid., p. 67. 38 Ibid., pp. 54–80; Red≈epagicœ, Razvoj prosvete i ¡kolstva, p. 199. 39 Myzyri, Shkollat te para, pp. 81–95; Skendi, Albanian National Awakening, pp. 134–5. 40 Raka, ‘Levizja kulturo-arsimore shqiptare’, p. 56. 41 B. Lewis, The Emergence of Modern Turkey, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1961, pp. 214–15; Myzyri, Arsimi kombëtar shqiptar, pp. 26–7. 42 Red≈epagicœ, Razvoj prosvete i ¡kolstva, pp. 273–4; ⁄. Rahimi, ‘Albanci u borbi za nacionalnu emancipaciju posle mladoturske revolucije’, Jugoslovenski istorijski çasopis 1–2, 1970: 71–87. 43 Myzyri, Arsimi kombëtar shqiptar, pp. 103–8. 44 Ibid., pp. 145–76; Raka, ‘Levizja kulturo-arsimore shqiptare’, pp. 95–111. 45 Raka, ‘Levizja kulturo-arsimore shqiptare’, p. 112. 46 Ibid., pp. 157–9; Red≈epagicœ, Razvoj prosvete i ¡kolstva, pp. 289–93; S.G. Çanovicœ, Specifiçni problemi nastave u ¡kolama Kosova i Metohije, Beograd: Zajednica nauçnih ustanova Kosova i Metohije, 1968, p. 68; Jacques, The Albanians, p. 317; Rahimi, ‘Albanci u borbi za nacionalnu emancipaciju’, pp. 71–87. 47 Myzyri, Arsimi kombëtar shqiptar, p. 309; Raka, ‘Levizja kulturo-arsimore shqiptare’, pp. 161–3. 48 A. Doja, ‘The politics of religion in the reconstruction of identities: the Albanian situation’, Critique of Anthropology 20, 2000: 421–38; S. Draper, ‘The conceptualisation of an Albanian nation’, Ethnic and Racial Studies 20, 1997: 123–44; A. Babuna, ‘The Albanians of Kosovo and Macedonia: ethnic identity superseding religion’, Nationalities Papers 28, 2000: 67–92. 49 Myzyri, Arsimi kombëtar shqiptar, p. 61. 50 Red≈epagicœ, Razvoj prosvete i ¡kolstva, p. 286; Myzyri, Arsimi kombëtar shqiptar, pp. 387–92. 51 For the background on Ottoman religious education, see H. Inalcik, The Ottoman Empire: The Classical Age 1300–1600, London: Phoenix, 1997, pp. 165–72; Çanovicœ, Specifiçni problemi nastave, pp. 30–5. 52 Çanovicœ, Specifiçni problemi nastave, p. 71; Red≈epagicœ, Razvoj prosvete i ¡kolstva, pp. 188–91; Raka, ‘Levizja kulturo-arsimore shqiptare’, pp. 21–2. 53 Çanovicœ, Specifiçni problemi nastave, pp. 61–7; Red≈epagicœ, Razvoj prosvete i ¡kolstva, pp. 141–82; B. Fortna, Imperial Classroom: Islam, the State, and Education in the Late Ottoman Empire, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002. 54 J. Red≈epagicœ, ⁄kolstvo i prosveta u Kosovskoj Mitrovici i okolini od druge polovine XIX stolecœa do 1975. godine, Prishtinë: Akademia e shkencave dhe e arteve e Kosovës, 1980, pp. 14–15; Raka, ‘Levizja kulturo-arsimore shqiptare’, p. 60. 55 Raka, ‘Levizja kulturo-arsimore shqiptare’, p. 113; Red≈epagicœ, Razvoj prosvete i ¡kolstva, pp. 201–3; Myzyri, Arsimi kombëtar shqiptar, pp. 186–8. 56 Vokrri, Shkollat dhe arsimi në anën e Llapit, pp. 15–16. 57 Red≈epagicœ, Razvoj prosvete i ¡kolstva, pp. 259–60. 58 Vokrri, Shkollat dhe arsimi në anën e Llapit, pp. 11–14 and 28; Myzyri, Arsimi kombëtar shqiptar, p. 201. 59 Red≈epagicœ, Razvoj prosvete i ¡kolstva, p. 52. 60 Vokrri, Shkollat dhe arsimi në anën e Llapit, p. 29, fn. 56. 61 D.T. Batakovicœ, The Kosovo Chronicles, Belgrade: Plato, 1992, pp. 96–100; Red≈epagicœ, Razvoj prosvete i ¡kolstva, pp. 117–39; B.Dj. Nu¡icœ, Kosovo: Opis

238 Notes 62 63 64 65 66 67

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zemlje i naroda, Novi Sad: Matica srpska, 1902 reprint by Beograd: Prosveta, 1986, pp. 116–22; Raka, ‘Levizja kulturo-arsimore shqiptare’, pp. 20–1. Vokrri, Shkollat dhe arsimi në anën e Llapit, pp. 15–16. Batakovicœ, The Kosovo Chronicles, p. 132. Çanovicœ, Specifiçni problemi nastave, p. 55. Ibid., p. 74; Red≈epagicœ, ⁄kolstvo i prosveta u Kosovskoj Mitrovici, p. 17. Çanovicœ, Specifiçni problemi nastave, pp. 73–4. Red≈epagicœ, ⁄kolstvo i prosveta u Kosovskoj Mitrovici, pp. 17–20, quoting AS, MP PO, 1913; Çanovicœ, Specifiçni problemi nastave, pp. 74–5; C. Jelavich, South Slav Nationalism: Textbooks and Yugoslav Union before 1914, Columbus, OH: Ohio State University Press, 1990. Red≈epagicœ, ⁄kolstvo i prosveta u Kosovskoj Mitrovici, p. 17. Çanovicœ, Specifiçni problemi nastave, p. 74. Vokrri, Shkollat dhe arsimi në anën e Llapit, p. 42. Malcolm, Kosovo, pp. 260–1. Çanovicœ, Specifiçni problemi nastave, pp. 76–7; Red≈epagicœ, Razvoj prosvete i ¡kolstva, pp. 315–16. Vokrri, Shkollat dhe arsimi në anën e Llapit, pp. 47–8; Red≈epagicœ, ⁄kolstvo i prosveta u Kosovskoj Mitrovici, p. 27. Red≈epagicœ, Razvoj prosvete i ¡kolstva, pp. 299–315; Vokrri, Shkollat dhe arsimi në anën e Llapit, p. 43. Red≈epagicœ, ⁄kolstvo i prosveta u Kosovskoj Mitrovici, pp. 22–3. Ibid., p. 24, quoting As VGG, 8. politiçko odeljenje, p. 5. Cf. Red≈epagicœ, Razvoj prosvete i ¡kolstva, pp. 299–315. The benefits of the international legal obligations the Yugoslav state signed, such as the Saint Germain Treaty on Protection of Minorities of 1919, or those of domestic legislation, such as the Vidovdan Constitution of 1921 and the Law on People’s Schools of 1929, all of which provided for primary education of minorities in their mother tongue, bypassed the Albanians, but not the Germans and Hungarians. See Çanovicœ, Specifiçni problemi nastave, pp. 83–5; Malcolm, Kosovo, p. 267; Lj. Dimicœ, Kulturna politika u Kraljevini Jugoslaviji, Vol. III, Beograd: Stubovi kulture, 1997, pp. 5–118. M. Vickers, Between Serb and Albanian: A History of Kosovo, New York: Columbia University Press, 1998, p. 105; Red≈epagicœ, ⁄kolstvo i prosveta u Kosovskoj Mitrovici, p. 31; A. Vokrri, Shkollat dhe arsimi në Kosovë ndërmjet dy Luftërave Botërore (1918–1941), Prishtinë: Enti i teksteve dhe i mjeteve mesimore i Kosovës, 1990, pp. 27–8. Vokrri, Shkollat dhe arsimi në Kosovë, p. 22. Ibid., pp. 12–13. Dimicœ, Kulturna politika u Kraljevini Jugoslaviji, Vol. II, pp. 109–10, quoting A.J, (O.N.), f-87–91; A.J, CPB (38), f-63–69; A.J, 66 (pov), f-22 and 62. Ibid., p. 110. Çanovicœ, Specifiçni problemi nastave, p. 85. M. Pirraku, ‘Kulturno-prosvetni pokret Albanaca u Jugoslaviji (1919–1941)’, Jugoslovenski istorijski çasopis 1–4, 1978: 356–70, 358, fn. 10; cf. Dimicœ, Kulturna politika u Kraljevini Jugoslaviji, Vol. III, p. 123; M. Dogo, ‘National truths and disinformation in Albanian-Kosovar historiography’, in G. Duijzings, D. Janjicœ and S. Maliqi (eds) Kosovo-Kosova: Confrontation or Coexistence, Nijmegen: Peace Research Centre, University of Nijmegen and Political Cultural Centre 042, 1996, pp. 34–45, 38–9. For a more detailed account of this period see D. Kostovicova, ‘“Shkolla shqipe” and nationhood: Albanians in pursuit of education in the native language in inter-war (1918–41) and post-autonomy (1989–98) Kosovo’, in S. Schwandner-Sievers and B.J. Fischer (eds) Albanian Identities: Myth and History, London: Hurst & Co., 2002, pp. 157–71.

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87 Vokrri, Shkollat dhe arsimi në Kosovë, pp. 303–14; Pirraku, ‘Kulturnoprosvetni pokret Albanaca u Jugoslaviji’, pp. 360–1. 88 Dimicœ, Kulturna politika u Kraljevini Jugoslaviji, Vol. III, p. 130, quoting A.J, 66 (pov), f-22/a.j. 51; A.J (pov), f-22/a.j. 55. 89 Ibid., p. 131 quoting A.J, 38 (CPB), f-64/169; A.J, 63, f-151/xv; A.J, 63 (Versko odeljenje – Muslimanski odsek), f-137/x. 90 Vokrri, Shkollat dhe arsimi në anën e Llapit, p. 78; Pirraku, ‘Kulturno-prosvetni pokret Albanaca u Jugoslaviji’, p. 361. 91 I. Banac, The National Question in Yugoslavia: Origins, History, Politics, Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1984, pp. 377–8; Pirraku, ‘Kulturnoprosvetni pokret Albanaca u Jugoslaviji’, pp. 363–4; Malcolm, Kosovo, pp. 269–72; Vokrri, Shkollat dhe arsimi në Kosovë, pp. 318–19. 92 Vokrri, Shkollat dhe arsimi në Kosovë, p. 359. 93 Pirraku, ‘Kulturno-prosvetni pokret Albanaca u Jugoslaviji’, p. 365; Vokrri, Shkollat dhe arsimi në anën e Llapit, pp. 58–9. 94 Pirraku, ‘Kulturno-prosvetni pokret Albanaca u Jugoslaviji’, p. 369. 95 Red≈epagicœ, ⁄kolstvo i prosveta u Kosovskoj Mitrovici, pp. 51–4; Malcolm, Kosovo, pp. 292–3. 96 Vokrri, Shkollat dhe arsimi në anën e Llapit, pp. 105–8. 97 Rexhepagiq et al., Shkolla Normale ‘Sami Frashëri’ e Prishtinës: Zhvillimi, karakteri dhe rëndësia e saj 1941–1944, Prishtinë: Enti i teksteve dhe i mjeteve mësimore i Kosovës, 1997, pp. 24–6. 98 Vokrri, Shkollat dhe arsimi në anën e Llapit, pp. 98–108; Rexhepagiq et al., Shkolla Normale ‘Sami Frashëri’, pp. 26–80. 99 Rexhepagiq et al., Shkolla Normale ‘Sami Frashëri’, p. 112. 100 Ibid., pp. 106–204. 101 Çanovicœ, Specifiçni problemi nastave, p. 89. 102 Red≈epagicœ, ⁄kolstvo i prosveta u Kosovskoj Mitrovici, pp. 50–7. 103 Vokrri, Shkollat dhe arsimi në anën e Llapit, pp. 109–17. 104 Çanovicœ, Specifiçni problemi nastave, pp. 89–90. 105 Ibid., p. 92. 106 Cf. V. Okiljevicœ and F. Sulja, Socijalistiçki samoupravni preobra≈aj obrazovanja i vaspitanja u SAP Kosovu, Pri¡tina: Zavod za ud≈benike i nastavna sredstva Socijalistiçke Autonomne Pokrajine Kosova, 1978, p. 12. 107 Kosanovicœ, ‘Problem savremenog pedago¡kog obrazovanja i permanentnog usavr¡avanja nastavnog kadra osnovnih i srednjih ¡kola s posebnim osvrtom na specifiçne uslove u SAP Kosovu’, 1980, p. 182. 108 Ibid., p. 183. 109 F. Syla, Veprimtaria shkencore në Kosovë: Zhvillimi, rënia, mbijetesa, Prishtinë: Rilindja, 1995, p. 9; cf. D.I. Rusinow, ‘The other Albania: Kosovo 1979, Part I: problems and prospects’, American Universities Field Staff Reports, Europe, No. 5, 1980: 1–17. 110 Red≈epagicœ, ⁄kolstvo i prosveta u Kosovskoj Mitrovici, p. 59; Çanovicœ, Specifiçni problemi nastave, p. 137. 111 S. Kojçini-Ukaj, Kuadri arsimor shqiptar në Kosovë në shënjestrën e sigurimit shtetëror (1945–1951), Prishtinë: Instituti i Historisë, 1997, pp. 17–18. 112 Vokrri, Shollat dhe arsimi në anën e Llapit, pp. 106–7. 113 Kojçini-Ukaj, Kuadri arsimor shqiptar në Kosovë, p. 18. 114 Çanovicœ, Specifiçni problemi nastave, p. 138; V. Te¡icœ, M. Mirkovicœ, S. CŒunkovicœ and R. Vukovicœ, Sto godina Prosvetnog saveta Srbije 1880–1980, Beograd: Zavod za ud≈benike i nastavna sredstva, 1980, pp. 176–7. 115 Çanovicœ, Specifiçni problemi nastave, pp. 149–59 and 209. 116 S. Repishti, ‘The evolution of Kosova’s autonomy within the Yugoslav constitutional framework’, in A. Pipa and S. Repishti (eds) Studies on Kosova, New York: Columbia University Press, 1984, pp. 195–231, 209–13.

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117 Te¡icœ, Mirkovicœ, CŒunkovicœ and Vukovicœ, Sto godina Prosvetnog saveta Srbije, pp. 187–9. 118 Vickers, Between Serb and Albanian, pp. 159–60; Syla, Veprimtaria shkencore, p. 8; Tridhjetë vjet të Institutit Albanologjik (1967–1997), pp. 13–14; KojçiniUkaj, Kuadri arsimor shqiptar në Kosovë, pp. 225–48. 119 Syla, Veprimtaria shkencore, p. 9. 120 Z. Demi, Roli i Pleqësisë së Arsimit të Republikës së Kosovës ne pavarësimin e shkollës shqipe: Kushtet dhe rrethanat e jashtëzakonshme, Prishtinë: Pleqësia e Arsimit e Republikës së Kosovës, 1995, pp. 7–8; Studim: Gjendja dhe pozita e arsimit shqip në Kosovë në periudhën 1990–95 dhe mundësit e zhvillimit të mëtejmë, p. 15. 121 Author interview with the then high Albanian official, Pristina, autumn 1997. 122 Kosanovicœ, ‘Problem savremenog pedago¡kog obrazovanja i permanentnog usavr¡avanja nastavnog kadra osnovnih i srednjih ¡kola s posebnim osvrtom na specifiçne uslove u SAP Kosovu’, 1980, pp. 208–11. 123 H. Koliqi, The Survival of the University of Prishtina 1991–1996, Prishtinë: University of Prishtina, 1997, pp. 15–16. 124 Ibid., p. 16. 125 G. Bobi, ‘Reth disa gollove të ndjeshme të kulturës sonë materiale dhe shpirtërore’, in G. Bobi, Vështrime, ese, gazetari: Vepra 4, Pejë: Dukagjini, 1997, pp. 175–82. 126 Syla, Veprimtaria shkencore, pp. 11–40; I. Gashi, ‘The development of Kosovar historiography after the fall of Communism’, in U. Brunnbauer (ed.) (Re)Writing history: Historiography in Southeast Europe after Socialism, Münster: Lit Verlag, 2004, pp. 317–32, 326–9. 127 Okiljevicœ and Sulja, Socijalistiçki samoupravni preobra≈aj, pp. 54–8. 128 R. Brada, ‘Obrazovanje i vaspitanje za zajedni¡tvo kao atribut mnogonacionalne sredine’, in S. Bezdanov (ed.) Jedinstvo i zajedni¡tvo u vaspitanju i obrazovanju u SFRJ, Beograd: Nova Prosveta, 1986, pp. 178–83, 179. 129 Ibid., p. 181; V. Djuriçkovicœ, ‘Nacionalna grupa predmeta u funkciji razvijanja bratstva, jedinstva i zajedni¡tva u sistemu vaspitanja i obrazovanja u SFRJ’, in Bezdanov (ed.) Jedinstvo i zajedni¡tvo u vaspitanju i obrazovanju u SFRJ, pp. 190–6, 190. 130 Okiljevicœ and Sulja, Socijalistiçki samoupravni preobra≈aj, p. 28. 131 Ibid., p. 14. 132 Kosanovicœ, ‘Problem savremenog pedago¡kog obrazovanja’, p. 208; cf. M. Ivkovicœ, Obrazovanje i promene: Ogledi i istra≈ivanja, Beograd: Struçna knjiga, 1990, p. 17. 133 See Tabela 3 Udio broja studenata na 10 hiljada stanovnika po republikama i pokrajinama (stariji od 15 godina). Izvor: Prema SGJ za 1980., 1981. i 1982. godinu, in M. Ratkovicœ, Obrazovanje za razvoj, Zagreb: NIRO ⁄kolske novine, 1987, p. 202. 134 See Tabela 4 Udio broja studenata na 1000 radnika zaposlenih u DS, in Ratkovicœ, Obrazovanje za razvoj, p. 202. 135 N.N. ⁄oljan, ‘The saga of higher education in Yugoslavia: beyond the myths of a self-management socialist society’, Comparative Education Review 35, 1991: 131–53, 147. 136 J. Reuter, ‘Educational policy in Kosova’, in Pipa and Repishti (eds) Studies on Kosova, pp. 259–64, 260. 137 Author interview with a then high Albanian government official who was also a university lecturer in Kosovo, Pristina, spring 1998. 138 S. Pualicœ, ‘Idejna borba na svim poljima’, Komunist, 24 April 1981, quoting Imer Jaka, Kosovo Education Secretary. 139 S. Bezdanov, ‘Aktuelna pitanja ostvarivanja jedinstva i zajedni¡tva u politici i sistemu vaspitanja i obrazovanja u SFRJ’, in Bezdanov (ed.) Jedinstvo i

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zajedni¡tvo u vaspitanju i obrazovanju u SFRJ, pp. 17–40, 17; cf. K.S. Layton, ‘Yugoslavia and her ethnic groups: national identity and the educational arena’, Balkan Studies 39, 1995: 117–35, 124–32. P. Kosin and N. Selmanovicœ, ‘Dve ostavke u Izvr¡nom vecœu’, Politika, 19 May 1981. K. Saliu, Nastanak, razvoj, polo≈aj i aspekti autonomnosti Socijalistiçke autonomne pokrajine Kosovo u socijalistiçkoj Jugoslaviji, Pri¡tina: Zavod za ud≈benike i nastavna sredstva Socijalistiçke autonomne pokrajine Kosovo, 1985, pp. 180–2. G. Marinkovicœ, ‘Obrana na¡ih najvecœih vrijednosti’, Vjesnik, 11 April 1981. Çanovicœ, Specifiçni problemi nastave, pp. 117–19; Reuter, ‘Educational policy in Kosova’, pp. 259–60. Ibid.; J. Red≈epagicœ, ‘Ostvarivanje jeziçke ravnopravnosti u oblasti obrazovanja u pro¡losti i danas’, Buletin (Universiteti i Kosovës në Prishtinë, Shkolla e lartë pedagogjike ‘Skënderbeu’ Gjilan) 1, 1987: 7–21; S. Novak-Lukanovicœ, ‘Bilingual education in Yugoslavia: some experiences in the field of education for national minorities/nationalities in Yugoslavia’, Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 9, 1988: 169–76, 170. M. Limani, ‘Problemet e arsimit shqip’, paper written for the Fund for an Open Society, Pristina branch office, Pristina, n/d, p. 2. R. Marmullaku, Albania and the Albanians, London: Hurst, 1975, p. 148. Kojçini-Ukaj, Kuadri arsimor shqiptar në Kosovë, p. 17. Red≈epagicœ, ⁄kolstvo i prosveta u Kosovskoj Mitrovici, p. 81. Author interview with the then high Albanian Communist official, Pristina, autumn 1997. M. Zaricœ and S. Had≈eronaj, ‘Odluka za istoriju’, Veçernje novosti, 4 February 1980. V.S. Erlich, ‘The last big zadrugas: Albanian extended families in the Kosovo region’, in R.F. Byrnes (ed.) The Zadruga, Notre Dame, IN, and London: University of Notre Dame Press, 1976, pp. 244–51, 248. Interview with an Albanian education specialist working with a nongovernmental organization, Pristina, spring 1998. Interview with the then high Albanian Communist Official, Pristina, autumn 1997. B. Kaljevicœ, ‘Mladi struçnjak ne mo≈e biti poluosposobljen’, Politika, 24 November 1975. Interview with a then high Albanian official and university lecturer at the time, Pristina, spring 1998. D. Kostovicœ, ‘History of the protests in Kosovo: three decades of demonstrations in Kosovo’, VREME (News Digest Agency) 313, 2 October 1997. Interview with the then high Kosovo Albanian Communist official, Pristina, autumn 1998. Ibid. Ibid. R. Zlatanovicœ, ‘Srbi i Crnogorci napustili dva zbora na Filozofskom fakultetu’, Politika, 13 November 1971; L.Z., ‘Ferment in Kosovo’, Communist Area Analysis Department: Kosovo, Radio Free Europe Research, 13 December 1971. For an inside account of the changing atmosphere at Pristina University see M. Motes, Kosova/Kosovo: Prelude to War 1966–1999, Homestead, FL: Redland Press, 1999. ‘Cooperation between Tirana University and the new University in Prishtina’, Yugoslavia: Education, No. 0413, Radio Free Europe Research, 3 December 1969, quoting Rilindja, 20 November 1969. It was renamed Kosovo University in the aftermath of the 1981 demonstrations. B. Maticœ, ‘Univerzitet u Pri¡tini tvrdjava nacionalizma’, Politika, 14 May 1981.

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164 M. Kullashi, ‘Kosova dhe zhbërja e Jugosllavisë’, in M. Kullashi, Ese filozofikopolitike, Pejë: Dukagjini, 1994, pp. 117–42, 125. 165 E. Biberaj, Albania: A Socialist Maverick, Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1990, p. 120; cf. R. Elsie, History of Albanian Literature, Vol. II, New York: Columbia University Press, 1995, pp. 622–48. 166 J. Byron, ‘An overview of language planning achievements among the Albanians of Yugoslavia’, International Journal of the Sociology of Language 52, 1985: 59–92, p. 73. 167 A. Pipa, The Politics of Language in Socialist Albania, New York: Columbia University Press, 1989, p. 31; Byron, ‘An overview of language planning achievements among the Albanians of Yugoslavia’, pp. 64–5. 168 Pipa, The Politics of Language, pp. 94–116. 169 Byron, ‘An overview of language planning achievements among the Albanians of Yugoslavia’, p. 79. 170 D. Milovanovicœ, ‘Uvezena ideologija’, Veçernje novosti, 1 July 1981. 171 ‘Cooperation between Tirana University and the new University in Prishtina’, Radio Free Europe Research; L. Zanga, ‘The Kosovar dilemma’, Albania, No. 149, Radio Free Europe Research, 20 May 1981; cf. P. Kola, The Search for Greater Albania, London: Hurst & Co., 2003, p. 134. 172 ‘Albanian–Kosovar cooperation despite irreconcilable ideologies’, Albania: Foreign relations, No. 0645, Radio Free Europe Research, 7 July 1970, quoting Zëri i Popullit, 31 May 1970. 173 ‘More on Albanian film week in Prishtina’, Albania/6, No. 0989, Radio Free Europe Research, 29 April 1971; ‘Exchange of Albanian–Kosovar visitors on the increase’, Albania/13 and Kosovo, No. 1558, Radio Free Europe Research, 4 October 1972. 174 L. Zanga, ‘A new high in Albanian–Kosovar relations’, Albania, No. 47, Radio Free Europe Research, 20 February 1981. 175 E. Biberaj, ‘Albanian–Yugoslav relations and the question of Kosovë’, East European Quarterly XVI, 1983: 485–510, 494. 176 ‘Kosovo, key element to Yugoslav–Albanian harmony’, Yugoslavia: Kosovo, No. 1329, Radio Free Europe Research, 13 March 1972; ‘Kosovo leader advocates good relations with Albania’, Yugoslavia: Nationalities, No. 2040, Radio Free Europe Research, 2 April 1974. 177 P.F.R. Artisien and R.A. Howells, ‘Yugoslavia, Albania and the Kosovo riots’, The World Today, November 1981: 419–27, 426. 178 N.F. Warner, ‘Yugoslav approaches to the nationalities problem: the politics of circumvention’, East European Quarterly XVIII, 1984: 327–34, 333; cf. A. Pipa, Albanian Stalinism: Ideo-political Aspects, New York: Columbia University Press, 1990, p. 102. 179 Sh. Maliqi, ‘Monopoli informativ Kosovar’, in Sh. Maliqi, Nyja e Kosovës: As Vllasi as Millosheviqi, Ljubljana: Knji≈na zbirka KRT, 1990, pp. 105–19, 110–12. 180 Ibid.; A. Logoreci, ‘A clash between two nationalisms in Kosova’, in Pipa and Repishti (eds) Studies on Kosova, pp. 185–94, 190. 181 Biberaj, Albania: A Socialist Maverick, p. 120. 182 Cf. Sh. Maliqi, ‘Hapësira kulturore shqiptare’, in Maliqi, Nyja e Kosovës, pp. 217–24, 220–1; Pipa, Albanian Stalinism, pp. 88–9; Syla, Veprimtaria shkencore, p.73. 183 Biberaj, ‘Albanian–Yugoslav relations and the question of Kosovë’, p. 490. 184 L. Zanga ‘Kosovo: an important element in Yugoslav–Albanian rapprochement’, Albania, No. 91, Radio Free Europe Research, 2 June 1975. 185 Zanga, ‘The Kosovar dilemma’. 186 P.F.R. Artisien, ‘A note on Kosovo and the future of Yugoslav–Albanian relations: a Balkan perspective’, Soviet Studies XXXVI, 1984: 267–76, 271.

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187 Biberaj, ‘Albanian–Yugoslav relations and the question of Kosovë’, pp. 485–9. 188 S.K. Pavlowitch, The Improbable Survivor: Yugoslavia and its Problems, 1918–1988, Columbus, OH: Ohio State University Press, 1988, p. 91. 189 Zanga, ‘The Kosovar dilemma’; A. Pipa, ‘The political situation of the Albanians in Yugoslavia, with particular attention to the Kosovo problem: a critical approach’, East European Quarterly XIII, 1989: 159–81, 170; Artisien and Howells, ‘Yugoslavia, Albania and the Kosovo riots’, p. 425. 190 L.Z., ‘A review of current developments in Kosovo’, Communist Area Analysis Department, Radio Free Europe Research, 24 January 1992. 191 A. Logoreci, The Albanians: Europe’s Forgotten Survivors, London: Victor Gollancz, 1977, pp. 169–71; Marmullaku, Albania and Albanians, p. 79. 192 S. Stankovic, ‘The Kosovo unrest – the causes and consequences’, Yugoslavia, Radio Free Europe Research, 7 April 1981. 193 Biberaj, ‘Albanian–Yugoslav relations and the question of Kosovë’, pp. 492–3. 194 Zanga, ‘Kosovo: an important element in Yugoslav–Albanian rapprochement’. 195 L. Zanga, ‘Intensive Yugoslav–Albanian cooperation – despite polemics’, Albania, No. 282, Radio Free Europe Research, 19 December 1979. 196 Interview with the former high Kosovo Albanian Communist official, Pristina, autumn 1997. 197 Logoreci, ‘A clash between two nationalisms in Kosova’, p. 190. 198 Zanga, ‘Kosovo: an important element in Yugoslav–Albanian rapprochement’. 199 Cf. S. Stankovic, ‘Yugoslav–Albanian relations discussed’, Yugoslavia, No. 198, Radio Free Europe Research, 7 August 1980. 200 Artisien, ‘A note on Kosovo’, p. 270; Pavlowitch, The Improbable Survivor, p. 86; Zanga, ‘The Kosovar dilemma’. 201 M. Milo¡evicœ, ‘Nova çitanja dogadjaja’, NIN, 3 May 1981; J. Blahnik, ‘Further reforms: Yugoslav self-confidence shaken’, Yugoslavia, No. 212, Radio Free Europe Research, 28 July 1981. 202 Interview with a former high Albanian Communist official, Pristina, autumn 1997. 203 Logoreci, ‘Clash between two nationalisms’, p. 272; B. Horvat, Kosovsko pitanje, Zagreb: Globus, 1988, pp. 96–108. For a critique of the Kosovo Albanians’ espousal of Albanian Stalinism see Pipa, ‘The political situation of the Albanians in Yugoslavia’. 204 Cf. N.J. Costa, ‘Kosovo: a tragedy in the making’, East European Quarterly XXI, March 1987: 87–97, 88–9. 205 Artisien, ‘A note on Kosovo’, p. 272. 206 Cf. M. Milo¡evicœ, ‘Posledice, odgovornost’, NIN, 10 May 1981. 207 Z. Simicœ, ‘Dva barjaka’, NIN, 14 June 1981. 208 ‘The voice of science and the wind of chauvinism’, in About the Events in Kosova – Articles from ‘Zëri i popullit’ and other press organs, Tirana: 8 Nëntori, 1981, p. 85. 209 Table I in Biberaj, ‘Albanian–Yugoslav relations and the question of Kosovë’, p. 495. 210 Ibid., pp. 504–5; cf. About the Events in Kosova. 211 Biberaj, ‘Albanian–Yugoslav relations and the question of Kosovë’, p. 506; Artisien, ‘A note on Kosovo’, p. 426; Pawlovitch, The Improbable Survivor, p. 92. 212 Ibid., p. 93; cf. Pipa, Albanian Stalinism, p. 201. 213 Adem Demaçi, jailed for nearly 30 years for his advocacy of Kosovo’s unification with Albania, said after his release: ‘. . . I also had a lot of illusions about Enver because my only source of information was Radio Tirana.’ See Z. Çelaj dhe L. Mjeku, ‘Adem Demaçi: Mungesë serioziteti, apo vetëmashtrim’, Zëri, 7 October 1995. 214 Artisien and Howells, ‘Yugoslavia, Albania and the Kosovo riots’, p. 422.

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215 B. Kosumi and B. Shala, ‘Intervistë eksluzive: Hydajet Hyseni’, Zëri i rinise, 10 August 1991. 216 B. Kabashi, ‘Intervistë eksluzive: Ali Lajçi–81-shi takon shqiptarëve, e jo marksizmit apo Udbës jugosllave’, Zëri i rinise, 31 August 1991. 217 Kosumi and Shala, ‘Intervistë eksluzive: Hydajet Hyseni’; cf. H. Mulliqi et al., ‘Tryezë: Kryengritja paqësore e 1981-shit ka avansuar përpjekjet për pavarësi dhe ka paralajmëruar rënien e socializmit’, Zëri, 23 March 1996. For the assertion that Kosovo Republic was also the goal of the Albanian leadership in Kosovo, but that it supported an institutional and gradual approach rather than street demonstrations, see A. Vllasi, ‘’81-shi shumëdimensional’, Koha, 3 April 1996. 218 Okiljevicœ and Sulja, Socijalistiçki samoupravni preobra≈aj, p. 4. 219 I. Blumi, ‘The role of education in the formation of Albanian identity and its myths’, in Schwandner-Sievers and Fischer (eds) Albanian Identities: Myth and History, pp. 49–59. 220 Ibid. 2

Education and national mobilization in Kosovo in the 1980s

1 ‘Dokumenti: Akcioni program djelovanja SK Kosova u borbi protiv neprijateljskih i kontrarevolucionarnih snaga i na stabilizaciji politiçkog stanja u pokrajini’, Borba, 6 June 1981. 2 Ibid. 3 Tanjug, 29 July 1981. 4 P. Ignja, ‘Istorija u obradi’, NIN, 24 May 1981; S. Pualicœ, ‘Idejna borba na svim poljima’, Komunist, 24 April 1981. 5 Tanjug, 29 July 1981. 6 ‘Na videlo nepriznate gre¡ke’, Politika, 18 May 1981, based on Tanjug. 7 Interview with a member of a non-governmental organization and a student at Pristina University at the time, Pristina, autumn 1997. 8 A. Malja, ‘Produbljivanje akcije’, Komunist, 8 October 1982. 9 M. Daci, ‘Sposobnima vrata otvorena’, Borba, 12 December 1983. 10 L. Zanga, ‘Drastic reduction of student enrolment in Kosovo’, Radio Free Europe Research, 13 June 1985. 11 ‘Opsjednutost pro¡lo¡cœu’, Vjesnik, 7 December 1981, based on Tanjug. 12 Tanjug, 26 May 1981. 13 ‘Obruç oko zihera¡a’, Veçernje novosti, 5 March 1984. 14 Zanga, ‘Drastic reduction of student enrolment in Kosovo’. 15 Tanjug, 17 August 1981; B. Komljenovicœ and D. Basara, ‘Mo≈e li se planirati natalitet?’, Politika, 10 June 1981. 16 Z. Zejneli, ‘Povoljnije stanje na Univerzitetu Kosova’, Politika, 24 November 1983. 17 M. Mi¡ovicœ, ‘Pravda na ispitu’, NIN, 19 August 1984. 18 V. Vignjevicœ, ‘Çemu smo ih uçili?’, Nedjeljna borba, 14 June 1981. 19 S. Ast and M. Milo¡evicœ, ‘Kosovski krug kredom’, NIN, 28 March 1982; A. Malja, ‘Start za izvr¡avanje zadataka’, Komunist, 21 August 1981; Kikovicœ, ‘Gre¡ke u programima’, Novosti, 20 July 1981. 20 Interview with a Kosovo Albanian poet and translator, who was a university student at the time, Pristina, spring 1998. 21 I. Hajdari, ‘Naukom protiv iredente’, Komunist, 13 April 1984. 22 M. Anticœ, ‘Samokritika – nepoznanica’, Borba, 25 September 1982. 23 Ignja, ‘Istorija u obradi’. 24 N. Selmanovicœ, ‘Novi ud≈benici na Kosovu’, Politika, 19 August 1982; R. Stojanovicœ, ‘Izvr¡ene promene u ud≈benicima’, Prosvetni pregled, No. 1416, 7 September 1982.

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25 Z.Z., ‘Nekim nastavnicima nema mesta za katedrom’, Politika, 19 June 1981. 26 R. Lazarevicœ, ‘Zajedniçki programi’, Politika, 27 September 1982. 27 M. Jergovicœ, ‘Zajedniçko i razliçito u sistemu odgoja i obrazovanja u SFRJ’, in S. Bezdanov (ed.) Jedinstvo i zajedni¡tvo u vaspitanju i obrazovanju u SFRJ, Beograd: Nova Prosveta, 1986, pp. 52–60, 53; S. Ivanovicœ, ‘Prihvacœena zajedniçka jezgra’, Prosvetni pregled, No. 1401, 23 March 1982. 28 Z. Demi, ‘Uçenje nematernjih jezika u funkciji ostvarivanja jedinstva i zajedni¡tva’, in Bezdanov (ed.) Jedinstvo i zajedni¡tvo u vaspitanju i obrazovanju u SFRJ, pp. 263–4, 264. 29 Sh. Maliqi, ‘Dy koncepte të berthamave dhe të përbashkësisë (Rreth planprogramit të letërsisë)’, in Sh. Maliqi, Nyja e Kosovës: As Vllasi as Millosheviqi, Ljubljana: Knji≈na zbirka KRT, 1990, pp. 73–8, 77. 30 Limani, ‘Problemet e arsimit shqip’, p. 2. 31 D.˛. Markovicœ, ‘Kako izacœi iz detinjstva’, in D.˛. Markovicœ, Obrazovanje za buducœnost, Beograd: Prosveta, 1989, pp. 157–72, 171–2. 32 Pualicœ, ‘Idejna borba na svim poljima’. 33 P. Ramet, ‘Kosovo and the limits of the Yugoslav socialist patriotism’, Canadian Review of Studies in Nationalism XVI, 1989: 227–50; cf. W. Höpken, ‘History education and Yugoslav (dis-)integration’, in W. Höpken (ed.) Öl ins Feuer?: Schulbücher, ethnische Stereotypen und Gewalt in Südosteuropa, Hanover: Verlag Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1996, pp. 99–124, 102–11. 34 Vignjevicœ, ‘Çemu smo ih uçili?’. 35 ‘“⁄kupi” i “Belgrad”’, Novosti, 18 December 1986. 36 M. Kullashi, ‘Prodhimi i urrejtjes në Kosovë’, in M. Kullashi, Ese filozofikopolitike, Pejë: Dukagjini, 1994, pp. 143–71, 148; cf. M. Dogo, ‘National truths and disinformation in Albanian-Kosovar historiography’, p. 42. Also, on persistence of nationalism in the history textbooks throughout Yugoslavia even before the Albanian unrest in 1981, see P. Ignja ‘Lo¡a uçiteljica ≈ivota’, NIN, 29 May 1977. 37 S. CŒirkovicœ, ‘Images of history: same objects, different perspectives’, in Duijzings, Janjicœ and Maliqi (eds) Kosovo-Kosova, pp. 24–8, 27. 38 Ibid, p. 26. 39 J. Dragovicœ-Soso, ‘Saviours of the Nation’: Serbia’s Intellectual Opposition and the Revival of Nationalism, London: Hurst & Co., 2002, pp. 115–61. 40 K. Çavo¡ki, ‘Jugoslavija i srpsko pitanje’, in A. Djilas (ed.) Srpsko pitanje, Beograd: Politika, 1991, pp. 97–116, 110–14. The figures are based on the 1948 census, after determination of the borders of the SFRY. 41 Table 4.1 in S. Bogosavljevicœ, ‘A statistical picture of Serbian–Albanian relations’, in D. Janjicœ and Sh. Maliqi (eds) Conflict or Dialogue: Serbian–Albanian Relations and Integration of the Balkans, Subotica: Open University and European Civic Centre for Conflict Resolution, 1994, pp. 17–29, 23. 42 Tabela 9. Kretanje stanovni¡tva od 1931. do 1991. godine in B. Krsticœ, Kosovo izmedju istorijskog i etniçkog prava, Beograd: Kucœa Vid, 1994, p. 90. The quoted figures represent the data recorded by the official population censuses in all cases, except the number of Albanians who boycotted the census in 1991. Therefore, the percentage of their participation in the total population in that year is based on assessment. 43 B. Maga¡, The Destruction of Yugoslavia: Tracking the Break-up 1980–92, London and New York: Verso, 1993, p. 36. 44 P. Ramet, Nationalism and Federalism in Yugoslavia, 1963–1983, 2nd edn, Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1984, pp. 187–9. 45 M. Blagojevicœ, ‘Iseljavanje Srba sa Kosova: trauma i/ili katarza’, Republika VII, 1995: i–xx, v–x. 46 S. Popovicœ, ‘A pattern of domination’, warreport, April–May 1993: 6–7.

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47 M. Blagojevicœ, ‘The other side of the truth: migrations of Serbs from Kosovo’, in Duijzings, Janjicœ and Maliqi (eds) Kosovo-Kosova, pp. 70–81, 74–5. 48 See a petition signed by two hundred intellectuals in Dokument br. 2, in Djilas, Srpsko pitanje, pp. 260–2. 49 Sh. Maliqi in M. Petrovicœ, Pitao sam Albance ¡ta ≈ele – a oni su rekli: republiku . . . ako mo≈e, Beograd: Radio B92, 1996, p. 73; M. Milo¡evicœ, ‘Izve¡taj Nezavisne komisije o Kosovu: Skupa cena’, Vreme, 12 November 1990; V. Vasicœ-Janekovicœ, ‘Ten easy lessons for creating ethnic discord’, warreport, April–May 1993: 12–13. 50 N. Vladisavljevicœ, ‘Nationalism, social movement theory and the grass roots movement of Kosovo Serbs, 1985–1988’, Europe-Asia Studies 54, 2002: 771–90. 51 A. Abrashi and B. Kavaja, Epopeja e minatorëve: Marshet e tubimet protestuese dhe grevat e minatorëve të ‘Trepçës’ ne vitët 1988–1990, Prishtinë: Koha, 1996, pp. 21–30. 52 M. Ilicœ, ‘Ustanak, ili . . .’, Intervju, 2 February 1990. 53 S. Djuricœ, ‘Razvejani san o republici’, NIN, 5 May 1989. 54 R. Bislimi, ‘Më keq tash se para pesë vjetëve’, Rilindja, 31 January 1990; cf. E. Hamiti, ‘Ostvarivanje zajedni¡tva u oblasti obrazovanja i vaspitanja u SAP Kosovo’, in Bezdanov (ed.) Jedinstvo i zajedni¡tvo u vaspitanju i obrazovanju u SFRJ, pp. 272–5, 273. 55 B. Kabashi, ‘Pushim i nevojshëm’, Rilindja, 14 January 1989. 56 R. Brada, ‘Obrazovanje i vaspitanje za zajedni¡tvo kao atribut mnogonacionalne sredine’, pp. 180–1. 57 N. Be¡evicœ, ‘Jednojeziçna nastava’, Jedinstvo, 7 January 1988. 58 N. Vlahovicœ, ‘Dve uçiteljice, a jedan djak’, Jedinstvo, 19 January 1988; D. Becœirovicœ, ‘Neki novi neimari’, Politika, 15 August 1986; cf. Z. Vla¡kovicœ, ‘Samo pet uçenika’, Jedinstvo, 27 February 1989; ‘Nema na¡eg uçe’, Prosvetni pregled, No. 1663, 16 September 1988. 59 L. Çapari, ‘Odeljenje po uçeniku’, Prosvetni pregled, No. 160, 30 October 1987. 60 N. Trnavac, ‘Pod la≈nim opravdanjem’, Prosvetni pregled, No. 1703, 22 September 1989. 61 D. Janjicœ, ‘National identity, movement and nationalism of Serbs and Albanians’, p. 138. 62 D. Vlahovicœ, ‘Univerzitet je izvori¡te revolucije’, Intervju, 23 June 1989, quoting Radivoje Papovicœ, a Pristina University professor who would become the rector of the Serbian university in Pristina. 63 Tabela 9. Kretanje stanovni¡tva od 1931. do 1991. godine in Krsticœ, Kosovo izmedju istorijskog i etniçkog prava, p. 90. The Albanians boycotted the census in 1991. Therefore, the percentage of their participation in the total population is based on assessment. 64 Calculation based on ‘Struktura nacionale e studentëve’, in Universiteti i Prishtinës 1970–1990, p. 56. 65 Tabela 9. Kretanje stanovni¡tva od 1931. do 1991. godine in Krsticœ, Kosovo izmedju istorijskog i etniçkog prava, p. 90. 66 Calculation based on ‘Struktura nacionale e studentëve’, in Universiteti i Prishtinës 1970–1990, p. 56. 67 Tabela 9. Kretanje stanovni¡tva od 1931. do 1991. godine, in Krsticœ, Kosovo izmedju istorijskog i etniçkog prava, p. 90. 68 Calculation based on ‘Struktura nacionale e studentëve’, in Universiteti i Prishtinës 1970–1990, p. 56. 69 Vlahovicœ, ‘Univerzitet je izvori¡te revolucije’, quoting Radivoje Papovicœ. 70 Markovicœ, ‘Kako izacœi iz detinjstva’, p. 161.

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71 Tab. 3 Nauçna i nacionalna struktura nastavnika i saradnika na univerzitetu u 1987–88. godini – u stalnom radnom odnosu, in V. Milanovicœ, Univerzitet u Pri¡tini u mre≈i velikoalbanske strategije, Beograd and Pri¡tina: Knji≈evne novine & Jedinstvo, 1990, p. 287. 72 Tab. 13 Nacionalna struktura rukovodecœih kadrova na univerzitetu u 1987/88. g., in Milanovicœ, Univerzitet u Pri¡tini u mre≈i velikoalbanske strategije, p. 301. 73 Tab. 6 Nauçna i nacionalna stalnih struktura nastavnika i saradnika postojecœih fakulteta in 1965/66, 1969/70. i 1987/88. godini, in Milanovicœ, Univerzitet u Pri¡tini u mre≈i velikoalbanske strategie, p. 291. 74 N. Be¡evicœ, ‘Liçna karta majorizacije’, Jedinstvo, 13–14 January 1990. Note that in this period it was appropriate to refer to the official name of the language as Serbo-Croat. The disintegration of Yugoslavia was accompanied by nationalization of languages, and Serbo-Croat for Serbs became Serbian only. 75 S. Zejnullahu, ‘Euforia e epsheve të shfrenuara’, Bota e re, 1 March 1990. 76 Dj. Jevticœ, Bitka za Kosovo: ⁄est vekova posle, Vol. I, 2nd edn, Pri¡tinaBeograd: Novi Svet, 1998, p. 69. 77 Bezdanov, ‘Aktuelna pitanja ostvarivanja jedinstva i zajedni¡tva u politici i sistemu vaspitanja i obrazovanja u SFRJ’, pp. 23–4. 78 N. Potkonjak, ‘Dogovorimo se o çemu da se dogovorimo’, in Bezdanov, Jedinstvo i zajedni¡tvo u vaspitanju i obrazovanju u SFRJ, pp. 305–10, 306–7. 79 Djuriçkovicœ, ‘Nacionalna grupa predmeta u funkciji razvijanja bratstva, jedinstva i zajedni¡tva u sistemu vaspitanja i obrazovanja u SFRJ’, pp. 190–1. 80 Jevticœ, Bitka za Kosovo, Vol. I, p. 69. 81 D.˛. Markovicœ, ‘Dru¡tvena reforma i obrazovanje’, in Markovicœ, Obrazovanje za buducœnost, pp. 86–112, 91. 82 D.˛. Markovicœ, ‘Osnovna polazi¡ta reforme obrazovanja’, in Markovicœ, Obrazovanje za buducœnost, pp. 113–36, 127. 83 L.K. Akovicœ, ‘Zloupotreba profesije’, Jedinstvo, 2 February 1990. 84 Ivkovicœ, Obrazovanje i promene, pp. 23–4. 85 Interview with the Albanian education official in post-autonomy Kosovo, Pristina, summer 1998. 86 Ibid. 87 D.˛. Markovicœ, ‘Reforma ¡kolstva uslov napretka’, in Markovicœ, Obrazovanje za buducœnost, pp. 167–72, 172. 88 M.R. Pa¡anski, ‘Fitilj nacionalizma’, NIN, 11 September 1988. 89 Y.A. and B.K., ‘Një kërkesë u plotësua të tjerat do të zgjidhen’, Rilindja, 23 February 1990. 90 D.˛. Markovicœ, ‘Dru¡tvena reforma i obrazovanje’, in Markovicœ, Obrazovanje za buducœnost, pp. 86–112, 93; cf. D. Panticœ, ‘Ru¡enje la≈nih zidova’, Prosvetni pregled, No. 1652–3/4, 22 April 1988. 91 D.˛. Markovicœ, ‘Osnovna polazi¡ta reforme obrazovanja’, in Markovicœ, Obrazovanje za buducœnost, pp. 113–36, 128. 92 N. Be¡evicœ, ‘Bodovanjem do ≈eljenog zanimanja’, Jedinstvo, 22 June 1988. 93 Y. Avdiu, ‘Faktet i mundin fjalët’, Rilindja, 5 February 1989. 94 S. Dreshaj, ‘Të tepërtit’, in H. Kekezi and R. Hida (eds) Ç’thonë dhe ç’kërkojnë Kosovarët-Përmbledhje studimesh, artikujsh, intervistash dhe komentesh, Vol. II, Tiranë: 8 nëntori, 1990, pp. 177–8. 95 H. Koliqi, ‘Ç’po njet me arsimin kosovar?’, Rilindja, 17 September 1989; B. Kabashi, ‘Stimulimi i analfabetizmit’, in Kekezi and Hida (eds) Ç’thonë dhe ç’kërkojnë Kosovarët, Vol. II, pp. 174–6. 96 J. Ferizi, ‘Shkulja e rrënjëve’, in Kekezi and Hida (eds) Ç’thonë dhe ç’kërkojnë Kosovarët, Vol. II, pp. 183–5, 183–4. 97 Zejnullahu, ‘Euforia e epsheve të shfrenuara’.

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98 L. Nallbani, ‘Segregacion e jo e mahi’, Rilindja, 10 June 1990; I.B., ‘Dënohet politika e diktatit ndaj Unversitetit të Prishtinës’, Rilindja, 28 July 1990. 99 ‘Universitetit të Prishtinës duhet dhënë tipare jugosllave’, Rilindja, 5 April 1989. 100 B. Haliti, ‘Arsimi – pa imponime e pa modele të importuara’, Rilindja, 9 June 1990. 101 D. Kostovicova, ‘Parallel worlds: response of Kosovo Albanians to loss of autonomy in Serbia, 1986–1996, South East Europe Series Research Paper 2, Keele: Keele European Research Centre, Keele University, 1997, pp. 32–6. 102 J.P., ‘Obezbedite nam mir i sigurnost!’, Jedinstvo, 21 February 1990. 103 Ibid.; N. Be¡evicœ, ‘Prinudjeni da napuste domove’, Jedinstvo, 3–4 March 1990. 104 D. Doshla, ‘U gjykuan ekcese në Qendrën e studentëve’, Bota e re, 1 January 1990. 105 B.K. and Y.A. ‘U sulmua konvikti i studentëve’, Rilindja, 27 February 1990; J.D. and A.S., ‘Po≈ar u studentskom domu’, Jedinstvo, 27 February 1990. 106 J.P., ‘Obezbedite nam mir i sigurnost!’. 107 Abrashi and Kavaja, Epopeja e minatorëve. 108 Y.A. and B.Z. ‘Nuk kursyen as gjak, as të holla për minatorët’, Rilindja, 26 February 1989. 109 B. Haliti, ‘Ose ndryshe ose hiç’, Rilindja, 21 February 1990. 110 Cf. T. Zymberi, ‘Xhepi i studentit nuk është xhepi i gasterbajterit’, Bota e re, 1 September 1990. 111 Interview with the then leader of the Youth Parliament, Pristina, spring 1998. 112 Sh. Maliqi, ‘The Albanian Movement in Kosova’, in Sh. Maliqi, Kosova: Separate Worlds – Reflections and Analyses 1989–1998, Peja: MM Society, Prishtina & Dukagjini, Peja. Reprint by Grafika Rezniqi, Prishtinë, 1998, pp. 17–43, 32. 113 Cf. H. Poulton, The Balkans: Minorities and States in Conflict, London: Minority Rights Group, 1991, pp. 62–3. 114 Interview with the then leader of the Youth Parliament, Pristina, spring 1998. 115 Ibid. 116 Maliqi, ‘The Albanian Movement in Kosova’, in Maliqi, Kosova: Separate Worlds–Reflections and Analyses 1989–1998, p. 32. 117 A. Muhaxheri, ‘Të krijohen kushte për barazi e jetë të qetë të të gjithëve’, Rilindja, 12 March 1990. 118 I. Berisha and B. Kabashi, ‘Të depolitizohet dhe të deideologjizohet Universiteti’, Rilindja, 27 February 1990. 119 N. Be¡evicœ, ‘Pretnja fiziçkim obraçunom’, Jedinstvo, 12 March 1990; ‘Odluka se mora sprovesti’, Jedinstvo, 15 March 1990. 120 Be¡evicœ, ‘Prinudjeni da napuste domove’. 121 J.P., ‘Obezbedite nam mir i sigurnost’. 122 ‘Odluka se mora sprovesti’. 123 ‘Qendra e studentëve mbyllet shtatë ditë’, Rilindja, 17 March 1990. 124 N. Be¡evicœ, ‘Privremeno zatvoren jedan dom’, Jedinstvo, 8 March 1990. 125 ‘Studentët u larguan të qetë nga konviktet’, Rilindja, 17 March 1990. 126 B. Kabashi, ‘Konviktet e zbrazëta’, Rilindja, 29–30 April and 1–2 May 1990. 127 B. Haxhiu, ‘I përzuri qeveria – u strehuan te populli’, Bota e re, 1 April 1990. 128 I.B., ‘U vendosën afro 1,000 veta’, Rilindja, 20 March 1990. 129 H. Latifi, ‘U mbyll një, u hapën një mijë shtëpi’, Rilindja, 16 May 1990. 130 Haxhiu, ‘I përzuri qeveria – u strehuan te populli’; N. Maliqi, ‘“Konvikti” i Ismajlit për 100 studentë’, Bota e re, 1 April 1990. 131 T. Desku, ‘Qyteti me zemër të madhe’, Bota e re, 15 April 1990. 132 B. Shabani, ‘Fundamentalizmi . . . njerëzor’, Bota e re, 1 April 1990.

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133 V. Bajrami, ‘Vandalizëm apo diçka më tepër . . .’, Bota e re, 15 April 1990; ‘Në konviktin numër 5 u vendosën 675 studentë’, Rilindja, 28 March 1990, based on Tanjug. 134 Y. Avdiu, ‘Zgjidhje e vetme – heqja e segregacionit’, Rilindja, 11 May 1990. 135 N. Çoçaj, ‘Edhe njëherë për konviktet e studentëve’, Bota e re, 15 April 1990. 136 Y. Avdiu and D. Blakaj, ‘Për ndarje më së paku vendosëm ne studentët’, Rilindja, 14 May 1990; S. Zejnullahu, ‘Ndjenja e frikës’, Bota e Re, 15 April 1990. 137 Jevticœ, Bitka za Kosovo, Vol. I, pp. 55–9; Spasojevicœ, ‘Iz Vitine u Skup¡tinu Srbije’. On politicization of school incidents see D. Hudelist, Kosovo: Bitka bez iluzija, Zagreb: Centar za informacije i publicitet, nakladno novinska radna organizacija, 1989, pp. 57–66. 138 M. Lazicœ, ‘Dokle, Jugoslavijo?!’, Ilustrovana politika, 4 October 1988. 139 S. Deljanin, ‘Budjenje savesti’, Prosvetni pregled, No. 1666, 7 October 1988; Jevticœ, Bitka za Kosovo, Vol. I, p. 60. 140 Demi, ‘Uçenje nematernjih jezika u funkciji ostvarivanja jedinstva i zajedni¡tva’, p. 263. 141 N. Be¡evicœ, ‘Rezultati koji ohrabruju i podstiçu’, Jedinstvo, 26 January 1988; cf. R. Ismajli, ‘Albanski jezik u Jugoslaviji’, in S. Gaber and T. Kuzmanicœ (eds) Kosovo–Srbija–Jugoslavija, Ljubljana: Univerzitetna konferenca ZSMS, Knji≈nica revolucionarne teorije, 1989, pp. 81–100. Ultimately, the learning of Serbo-Croat was made compulsory for Albanians, while Serbo-Croatspeaking students were freed from the obligation to learn Albanian; see I. Zymberi, ‘Albanian in Yugoslavia’, in R. Bugarski and C. Hawkesworth (eds) Language Planning in Yugoslavia, Columbus, OH: Slavica Publishers, Inc., 1992, pp. 130–9. 142 Cf. V. Djikanovicœ et al., ‘Pomaci i otpori u obrazovanju’, Jedinstvo, 9 February 1988. 143 B. Kabashi, ‘Frikë nga mësimi i gjuhës joamtare!’, Rilindja, 9 January 1989. 144 ‘Tezat e dëmshme’, Rilindja, 9 January 1989. 145 Spasojevicœ, ‘Iz Vitine u Skup¡tinu Srbije’. 146 M. Dragidella, ‘Kërkesa që futi përçarje’, Rilindja, 18 January 1989. 147 M.D., ‘Energjikisht kundërshtohet vendimi për ndarje’, Rilindja, 24 February 1990. 148 Dragidella, ‘Kërkesa që futi përçarje’. 149 M. Kajtazi and M. Dragidella, ‘Kthimi i bustit si kusht për vazhdimin e mësimit’, Rilindja, 15 March 1990. 150 Ibid. 151 For other cases of name change and destruction of busts of Albanian national figures see: Q. Aliu, ‘Shkolla qe pagëzuar në mënyrë plotësisht legjitime’, Rilindja, 21 April 1990; M.Gj., ‘Ndërrimi i emrit të shkollës – pa bazë ligjore’, Rilindja, 29–30 April and 1–2 May 1990; R. Demiri, ‘Sulm vandal mbi kulturën shqiptarë’, Rilindja, 21 May 1990. 152 Demiri, ‘Sulm vandal mbi kulturën shqiptarë’. 153 Q. Aliu, ‘Pati bojkotim të mësimit dhe demonstrime’, Rilindja, 15 February 1990; Q. Aliu et al., ‘Ndërprerje e mësimit e gjithnjë e më masive’, Rilindja, 16 February 1990; Q. Aliu et al., ‘Apelet nuk po ndihmojnë’, Rilindja, 17 February 1990; Group of correspondents, ‘Sërish tubime dhe demostrata’, Rilindja, 20 February 1990. 154 Lj.K., ‘Uzvratili kamenovanjem’, Jedinstvo, 20 February 1990. 155 M. Çupicœ, ‘Manipulisanje decom’, Jedinstvo, 21 February 1990. 156 Group of reporters, ‘Obustave prerastaju u demonstracije’, Jedinstvo, 20 February 1990. 157 ‘Të ndalet – dhuna ndaj fëmijëve’, Rilindja, 21 February 1990.

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V.R., ‘Strah ispraznio uçionice’, Jedinstvo, 23 February 1990. B. Kabashi, ‘Kërkesa ultimative’, Rilindja, 21 February 1990. Lj.S., ‘Nastavnici poveli djake u demonstracije’, Jedinstvo, 21 February 1990. J.P., ‘Zahtevaju bezbedno ¡kolovanje’, Jedinstvo, 2 March 1990. Q. Aliu, ‘Pasojat e një konfuzioni’, Rilindja, 13 March 1990. M.R., ‘Bojkot u re≈iji prosvetnih radnika’, Jedinstvo, 14 March 1990. R.R. ‘Në shkolla të përbashkëta, por me orar të ndarë’, Rilindja, 1 March 1990; H.L. ‘Fëmijët nuk janë fajtorë . . .’, Rilindja, 3 March 1990. N. Be¡evicœ, ‘Na granici strpljenja’, Jedinstvo, 15 March 1990. B. Kabashi, ‘Parimisht nuk jam për ndarje’, Rilindja, 16 March 1990, quoting Miodrag Ignjatovicœ, the Deputy Minister of the Serbian Education Ministry. G.R.P., ‘Politika u uçionicama’, Jedinstvo, 20 March 1990. Q. Aliu et al., ‘Kryesisht protesta e bojkotime’, Rilindja, 17 March 1990; M.S., ‘Vandalistiçko divljanje uçenika’, Jedinstvo, 16 March 1990. G.R.P., ‘Politika u uçionicama’. N. Maliqi, ‘Kur apelet s’pinë ujë’, Bota e re, 1 April 1990. Kabashi, ‘Parimisht nuk jam për ndarje’, quoting Miodrag Ignjatovicœ.

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1 H. Hyseni, E vërteta për helmimet në Kosovë (1987–1990), Prishtinë: Redaksia e botimeve e Partisë shqiptare demokristiane e Kosovës, 1996, pp. 98–108. 2 S. Aliu and E. Bajçinovci, ‘Mjekët thonë: Ka simptome helmimi’, Rilindja, 23 March 1990; Sh. Gashi, Shkollat e mesme të Prishtinës 1990/91–1996/97, Prishtinë: n/p, 1997, p. 32, fn. 26; cf. Vickers, Between Serb and Albanian, p. 244. 3 ‘Nema simptoma trovanja’, Jedinstvo, 24–25 March 1990, based on Tanjug. 4 G. Kozicœ, ‘Srbima je dobro’, Intervju, 13 April 1990. 5 N. Smikicœ, ‘Nacionalizam se ne leçi medikamentima’, Jedinstvo, 26 March 1990. 6 Z. Kosticœ, ‘(Ne)ve¡ta gluma’, Jedinstvo, 27 March 1990; ‘Osuda manipulisanja decom’, Jedinstvo, 26 March 1990. 7 N. Be¡evicœ, ‘Va¡arsko cenkanje o “trovanju”’, Jedinstvo, 21–22 April 1990. 8 V. Vidakovicœ, ‘Medicina iskori¡cœena za separatistiçke ciljeve’, Jedinstvo, 27 March 1990; ‘Surovo poigravanje lekarskom etikom’, Jedinstvo, 27 March 1990, based on Tanjug. 9 Dj. Jevticœ, Bitka za Kosovo, Vol. II, p. 103; ‘Tragikomiçni scenario albanskih sadista’, Jedinstvo, 27 March 1990; S. Deljanin, ‘Sa istinom u svet’, Prosvetni pregled, No. 1724, 3 April 1990. 10 Hyseni, E vërteta për helmimet, pp. 110–12. 11 M. Çupicœ, ‘⁄ta posle “trovanja”’, Jedinstvo, 27 March 1990. 12 M. ˛aricœ et al., ‘Teror nad Srbima i Crnogorcima’, Jedinstvo, 24–25 March 1990; ‘Plagët e përqarjes nuk shërohen me rrahje’, Rilindja, 24 March 1990. 13 Hyseni, E vërteta për helmimet, pp. 61–79; Gashi, Shkollat e mesme të Prishtinës, p. 32. 14 ‘Helme të armikut’, Rilindja, 25 March 1990. 15 ‘Na Kosovu nije bilo trovanja’, Jedinstvo, 29 March 1990, based on Tanjug. 16 J.P., ‘’Trovanje’ i dalje remeti nastavu’, Jedinstvo, 6 April 1990. 17 Malcolm, Kosovo, p. 345. 18 See statements by young Serbs and Albanians in J.A. Mertus, Kosovo: How Myths and Truths Started a War, Berkeley/Los Angeles, CA, and London: University of California Press, 1999, pp. 214–26. 19 Hyseni, E vërteta për helmimet, p. 54.

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20 Cf. Janjicœ, ‘National identity, movement and nationalism of Serbs and Albanians’, pp. 156–7. 21 Jevticœ, Bitka za Kosovo, Vol. II, pp. 97–100. 22 A. Spremo, ‘Garantuju punu bezbednost’, Jedinstvo, 27 March 1990; D. Jankovicœ, ‘⁄ovinistiçka seansa separatista’, Jedinstvo, 24–25 March 1990; M. ˛aricœ et al., ‘I radnici “zatrovani”’, Jedinstvo, 24–25 March 1990. 23 Jevticœ, Bitka za Kosovo, Vol. II, p. 99. 24 Mertus, Kosovo. 25 Zakon o osnovnom obrazovanju i vaspitanju, Slu≈beni glasnik Socijalistiçke Republike Srbije, Godina XLVI-Broj 5, 27. januar 1990; Zakon o srednjem obrazovanju i vaspitanju, Slu≈beni glasnik Socijalistiçke Republike Srbije, Godina XLVI-Broj 5, 27. januar 1990. 26 Çlan 3 Zakona o osnovnom obrazovanju; Çlan 20 Zakona o srednjem obrazovanju. 27 Demi, Roli i Pleqësisë së Arsimit të Republikës së Kosovës në pavarësimin e shkollës shqipe, p. 12. 28 Koliqi, The Survival of the University of Prishtina 1991–1996, pp. 25–6. On Albanian criticism of the draft University Law, see Y. Avdiu, ‘Normativizmi i tepruar ngushton iniciativën’, Bujku, 17 January 1990. 29 ‘Novi sistem obrazovanja’, Jedinstvo, 24 April 1990. 30 Kosovo: pravo i politika – Kosovo u normativnim aktima pre i posle 1974. godine, Beograd: Helsin¡ki odbor za ljudska prava u Srbiji, 1998, p. 50. 31 Program za ostvarivanje mira, slobode, ravnopravnosti, demokratije i prosperiteta SAP Kosova, Slu≈beni glasnik SRS, Br. 15, 30. mart 1990. 32 Operativni plan realizacije zadataka iz programa za ostvarivanje mira, slobode, ravnopravnosti, demokratije i prosperiteta SAP Kosova, Slu≈beni glasnik SRS, Br. 15, 30. mart 1990. 33 Janjicœ, ‘National identity, movement and nationalism of Serbs and Albanians’, p. 159, fn. 289. 34 A. Fetahu, Masat e përkohshme: Akt i shkatërrimit të ndërmarrjeve ekonomike dhe të institucioneve shoqërore të Kosovës, Prishtinë: Bashkimi i sindikateve të pavarura të Kosovës, 1992, pp. 7–27. 35 Çlan 6 Zakona o radnim odnosima u posebnim okolnostima in Kosovo: pravo i politika, p. 66. 36 E. Stavileci, Në mbrojtje të pavarësisë së Kosovës, Prishtinë: Shoqata e pavarur e juristëve e Kosovës, 1998, p. 33. 37 Ibid., p. 46. 38 Demi, Roli i Pleqësisë së Arsimit, p. 30. 39 I. Ilazi, ‘Planprogramet mësimore u miratuan’, Shkëndija, August 1990. 40 Ibid. 41 Demi, Roli i Pleqësisë së Arsimit, p. 12. 42 Ibid. 43 S. Miticœ, ‘Pravna dr≈ava i u ¡kolama’, Prosvetna reç, September 1990, p. 2. 44 Gashi, Shkollat e mesme të Prishtinës, p. 37, fn. 32. 45 Ibid., p. 37; Demi, Roli i Pleqësisë së Arsimit, p. 21. 46 ‘The Declaration of Independence’, in Albanian Democratic Movement in Former Yugoslavia-Documents: 1990–1993, Prishtina, Kosova Information Centre, 1993, pp. 6–8. 47 C. von Kohl and W. Libal, Kosovo: gordischer Knoten des Balkans, Wien: Europaverlag, 1992, p. 121. 48 S. Popovicœ, ‘Odluçan raskid sa dosada¡njom praksom’, Prosvetna reç, October 1991, p. 3, quoting Dragoljub Vuçkovicœ, Deputy Director of the Temporary Management of the Institute for the Advancement of Education in Pri¡tina. 49 Ibid.

252 Notes 50 S. Risticœ, ‘Rasizam iz ilegalnih programa’, Politika, 25 September 1990; N. Be¡evicœ, ‘Separatistiçko-balistiçka lekcija’, Jedinstvo, 21 September 1990. 51 M.D. Ignjatovicœ, ‘Pedagogija u raljama separatizma’, Prosvetni pregled, No. 1773–4, 11–18 June 1991. 52 A. Muhaxheri, ‘Arsimi shqiptar – në bankë të zezë’, Bujku, 4 June 1991. 53 Ibid. 54 Ibid. 55 Z. Demi, ‘Pismena odbrana u svojstvu optu≈enog za kriviçno delo iz Çlana 216 KZ Srbije’, Op¡tinski sud u Pri¡tini, 28.5.1998. 56 Ibid. 57 See front page, Shkëndija, No. 16, August 1990. 58 B. Berisha, ‘Do të punohet me programët e Kosovës’, Shkëndija, No. 16, August 1990. 59 Zakon o univerzitetu, Slu≈beni glasnik Socijalistiçke Republike Srbije, Godina XLVI-Broj 5, 27. januar 1990. 60 N. Be¡evicœ, ‘Liçna karta majorizacije’, Jedinstvo, 13–14 January 1990; N. Be¡evicœ, ‘Poziv stuçnjacima’, Jedinstvo, 19 January 1990. 61 Be¡evicœ, ‘Liçna karta majorizacije’. 62 N.B., ‘“Barikade” na Hirur¡koj klinici’, Jedinstvo, 3–4 February 1990; D. D≈eletovicœ, ‘Najzad prekinuta zloupotreba medicine’, Prosvetna reç, January 1991, p. 4. 63 E. Bajçinovci, ‘Kërkesë për suspendimin e kolegëve shqiptare’, Rilindja, 3 April 1990; Z. Çelaj, ‘Pushtimi me shpejtësi i autonomisë’, Rilindja, 3 June 1990. 64 B. Shabani, ‘Të gjitha përçarjet tona’, Bota e re, 1 March 1990. 65 Cf. Y. Avdiu and I. Berisha, ‘Bojkotimi i mësimit dëmton universitetin dhe studentët’, Rilindja, 2 March 1990. 66 Y.A. and D.G., ‘Edhe një afat për përmbushjen e kërkesave’, Rilindja, 28 February 1990. 67 Koliqi, The Survival of the University in Prishtina, p. 29. 68 Ibid. 69 For a review of the Serbian Parliament decisions that led to a mass dismissal of Albanians in leading positions, and appointment of Serbs in their place, see Fetahu, Masat e përkohshme, pp. 63–85. 70 See the form for Aktvendim or Vendim at the Faculty of Medicine. The wording of the notices may have had negliglible differences, e.g.: Nr. 1/30–16.10.1990 for D.I. (full name is provided in the notice); Nr. 11/2804–8.11.1990. for N.J. 71 L. Jaha, ‘Humbën edhe shpresat e fundit!’, Bota e re, 15 October 1990. 72 D. D≈eletovicœ, ‘Ru¡i se bastion separatizma’, Jedinstvo, 24 September 1990. 73 Ibid. 74 S. Zejnullahu and Xh. Krasniqi, ‘Dhuna nuk pranohet në mjekësi’, Bota e re, 25 January 1991. 75 Sh. Vinca dhe B. Morina, ‘Loja shumaktshe me studentë’, Zëri, 23 February 1991; Sh. Vinca, ‘Shkresat dhe shpresat’, Zëri, 30 March 1991. 76 N.B., ‘Zahtev za uvodjenje privremenih mera?’, Jedinstvo, 20 September 1990. 77 Koliqi, The Survival of the University of Prishtina, pp. 30–1; see for the names of dismissed Albanian deans and their Serbian replacements, Fetahu, Masat e përkohshme, pp. 97–9. 78 Sh. Rexhepi, ‘Varrmihësit e fakulteteve’, Bujku, 17 August 1991. 79 M.K., ‘Edhe katër arsimtarë u përzune nga puna’, Bujku, 4 July 1991; ‘U përzunë nga puna Prof. Dr. Eshref Ademaj dhe Prof. Dr. Mujë Rugova’, Bujku, 16 July 1991; ‘Fakulteti i bujqësisë – pa 14 punëtore’, Bujku, 18 July 1991; Sh. Rexhepi, ‘Nga Fakulteti i arteve u përjashtuan 9 veta’, Bujku, 10 August 1991; H. Latifi, ‘Sprovë për profesorët dhe studentët!’, Bujku, 5 September 1991.

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80 T. Várady, ‘Minorities, majorities, law, and ethnicity: reflections of the Yugoslav case’, Human Rights Quarterly 19, 1997: 9–57, 24. 81 Ibid., p. 25. 82 Aktvendim mbi ndërprerjen e marrëdhënies së punës, Universiteti i Prishtinës, Fakulteti Juridik, Nr. 01–136, 9.07.1991. Prishtinë. 83 Aktvendim mbi nderprerjen e marredhenies se punes, Republika e Serbise, KA e Kosoves e Metohise, Universiteti i Prishtines, Fakulteti Filologjik, Nr. 02/649, 04.10.1991, Prishtine (note that the diacritical signs were omitted in the original); cf. Re¡enje o prestanku radnog odnosa, Republika Srbija–AP Kosovo i Metohija, Univerzitet u Pri¡tini, Filolo¡ki fakultet, Br. 02/641, 04.10.1991, Pri¡tina. 84 Stavileci, Në mbrojtje të pavarësise së Kosovës, pp. 95–102. 85 Rexhepi, ‘Varrmihësit e fakulteteve’. 86 N. Be¡evicœ, ‘Ima jo¡ slobodnih mesta’, Jedinstvo, 20 September 1990. The enrolment of some 1,350 non-Albanians on top of the envisaged enrolment was planned at the University of Pristina; see R. Negojevicœ, ‘⁄ansa i u septembru’, Prosvetna reç, September 1990, pp. 1 and 3. 87 Sh. Vinca, ‘Strategjia e shaktërrimit’, Zëri, 11 May 1991. 88 Y. Avdiu, ‘Kush po përgjysmon Universitetin e Prishtinës?!’, Bujku, 7 June 1991. 89 Y. Avdiu, ‘Nuk do të ketë shmangie nga konkurs!’, Bujku, 15 June 1991. 90 For example, see Re¡enje o upucœivanju radnika na placœeno odsustvo zbog tehnolo¡kog vi¡ka, Republika Srbija, AP Kosovo i Metohija, Univerzitet u Pri¡tini, Filozofski Fakultet, Br. 999, 20.12.1991. Pri¡tina. 91 For example, see Odluk(a) o prestanku radnog odnosa, Medicinski fakultet, OOUR ‘Instituti’, Nr. 573, 18.11.1991. Pri¡tina. 92 Ibid. 93 Interview with a lecturer of the Philosophical Faculty, Pristina, winter 1997–8. 94 B. Slavkovicœ, ‘Vreme preporoda poçelo’, Prosvetna reç, November 1991, p. 1. 95 Ibid. 96 A. Vllahiu and S. Zejnullahu, ‘Intervistë: Alush Gashi – Internacionalizimi i çështjes së Kosovës detyrë e shenjtë’, Bota e re, 10 April 1991. 97 Miticœ, ‘Pravna dr≈ava i u ¡kolama’. 98 Ibid. 99 P. Milo¡evicœ, ‘Jednoglasni u stavovima’, Prosvetna reç, September 1990, p. 2. 100 B. Savicœ, ‘Odluçan zahtev za raskid sa dosada¡njom politikom’, Prosvetna reç, September 1990, p. 8. 101 M.J. Bogavac, ‘⁄kole – poligoni separatista’, Jedinstvo, 20 August 1990. 102 M.J. Bogavac, ‘Ru¡enje pedago¡kih kriterijuma’, Jedinstvo, 23 August 1990. 103 ‘Statut udru≈enja prosvetnih radnika “Sveti Sava”’, Prosvetna reç, September 1990, p. 9. 104 These corresponded to the cycles: the so-called lower and higher grades of primary school (from the first to the fourth grade and from the fifth to the eighth grade) and four grades of secondary schools (the first to the fourth). 105 On ending the financing of primary schools, see Odluka, Br. 400–59/90, Republika Srbija, Autonomna Pokrajina Kosovo i Metohija, Pokrajinski fond za osnovno obrazovanje, Pri¡tina, 2.03.1991.god. 106 Ibid. 107 B. Slavkovicœ, ‘Selektivno finansiranje’, Prosvetna reç, February 1991, p. 3. 108 M. Stani¡icœ, ‘Jo¡ malo strpljenja’, Prosvetna reç, March 1991, p. 1. 109 D. ˛ivkovicœ, ‘Racionalizacija u prvom planu’, Prosvetna reç, February 1991, p. 11. 110 A. Kajtazi, ‘Inkuizicioni dhe heretikët’, Zëri, 9 February 1991.

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111 T.R., ‘Sërish u bë segregacion’, Bujku, 23 March 1991. 112 A.O. Rexhepi, ‘Mbi 6 mijë franga për punëtorët e arsimit’, Bujku, 5 April 1991. 113 R.B.D., ‘Arsimtarët ndihmohen materialisht’, Bujku, 12 April 1991. 114 R. Bobaj, ‘Ndihmë për arsimtarët’, Bujku, 15 June 1991. 115 A. Kajtazi and I. Spahiu, ‘Ora policore në shkollë!’, Zëri, 31 August 1991. 116 Ibid. 117 Z. Banjac, ‘⁄kolstvo na Kosovu: Disciplina kiçme’, Vreme, 16 September 1991. 118 S. Deljanin, ‘Deca u igri odraslih’, Prosvetni pregled, No. 1770, 21 May 1991. 119 S.M., ‘Razredni ispiti, pa svedoçanstva’, Prosvetna reç, March 1991, p. 2. 120 Ibid. 121 M. Bo≈ovicœ, ‘Praksa negira proklamovanu politiku’, Prosvetna reç, February 1990, p. 5. 122 B. Slavkovicœ, ‘Iniciran raskid sa neradnicima’, Prosvetna reç, November 1990, p. 2. 123 ‘Më se 200 mijë nxënës shqiptarë në provime “plotësuese”?!’, Bujku, 16 May 1991, quoting Serbian Education Ministry. 124 B. Kabashi, ‘Diskriminim i nxënësve shqiptarë’, Bujku, 4 June 1991. 125 A. Xhaferi and A. Salihu, ‘Lufta me mullinjtë e erës’, Koha, 26 March 1991. 126 Kabashi, ‘Diskriminim i nxënësve shqiptarë’. 127 Q.A., ‘Të vendosur për të nxënë dijen’, Bujku, 22 June 1991. 128 F. Kristaj, ‘Arsimit t’i mbrohet tërësia’, Bujku, 1 September 1991. 129 Demi, Roli i Pleqësisë së Arsimit, p. 30. 130 Kajtazi and Spahiu, ‘Ora policore në shkollë!’. 131 B. Slavkovicœ, ‘Vracœanje ugleda ¡koli’, Prosvetna reç, June 1991, p. 3. 132 B. Savicœ, ‘U obrazovanju nema mesta ni za nacionalne ni za nacionalistiçke kljuçeve’, Prosvetna reç, October 1991, pp. 2–3; cf. B. Slavkovicœ, ‘Srbija ≈eli obrazovane gradjane’, Prosvetna reç, September 1991, p. 2. 133 R. Reshani, ‘Arsimtarët shqiptarë – qe katër muaj pa të ardhura’, Bujku, 10 May 1991. 134 B. Slavkovicœ, ‘Po diktatu separatista’, Prosvetna reç, October 1991, p. 3. 135 ‘⁄iptar’ is an incorrect pronunciation of the Albanian appellation ‘Shqiptar’ that the Albanians use to refer to their nation. 136 B. Savicœ, ‘Zakon nije dugme’, Prosvetna reç, September 1991, p. 1. 137 B. Savicœ, ‘Dostignucœa u senci nemilih dogadjaja’, Prosvetna reç, December 1991, p. 1. 138 B. Slavkovicœ, ‘Akademici sa znanjem srednjo¡kolaca’, Prosvetna reç, November 1991, p. 2; ⁄e¡elj is facing charges of crimes against humanity and violations of the laws or customs of war at the International Criminal Tribunal for former Yugoslavia in The Hague. 139 B. Savicœ, ‘U obrazovanju nema mesta ni za nacionalne ni za nacionalistiçke kljuçeve’, Prosvetna reç, October 1991, pp. 2–3, 2, quoting Miodrag Ignjatovicœ, Deputy Minister of the Serbian Education Ministry. 140 T. Zymberi, ‘Udha që kërkon diell’, Bota e re, 1 January 1991. 141 Cf. Vinca, ‘Strategjia e shaktërrimit’; Xhaferi and Salihu, ‘Lufta me mullinjtë e erës’. 142 A. Kajtazi, ‘Edhe një grackë dehumanizuese’, Zëri, 11 May 1991. 143 Cf. B. Kosumi, ‘Muaji i kthesave’, Zëri, 7 September 1991. 144 Y. Avdiu, ‘Universiteti, megjithatë, s’është shkatërruar’, Bujku, 1 November 1991. 145 A. Kajtazi, ‘Hipokrizia e “mëshirës”’, Zëri, 2 March 1991; I. Berisha, ‘Institucionalizimi i dhunës në shkolla’, Bujku, 1 September 1991. 146 B. Kosumi, ‘Si do te mbrohet shkolla shqipe’, Zëri, 31 August 1991. 147 Ibid.

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148 Cf. Q.A., ‘Atentati kundër arsimit shqip do të dështojë’, Bujku, 31 August 1991. 149 N. Kamberi, ‘Oborret pa lule’, Zëri, 19 October 1991. 150 D. Ruhani-Azemi and Y. Avdiu, ‘Rruga e rezistencës, megjithatë, është e pashmangshme’, Bujku, 6 August 1991. 151 B. Haliti, ‘Ose do të shkollohemi të gjithë, ose askush’, Bujku, 24 August 1991. 152 ‘Shkolla shqipe do të mbrohet me të gjitha mjetet’, Bujku, 25 August 1991. 153 Avdiu, ‘Universiteti, megjithatë, s’është shkatërruar’. 154 Y. Avdiu, ‘Mungon hapi i dytë’, Bujku, 4 July 1991. 155 B. Stavileci, ‘Prindër, zgjohuni nga gjumi!’, Bujku, 29 March 1991. 156 Group of correspondents, ‘Pushteti serb pengoi fillimin e mësimit në shkollat shqipe në Kosovë’, Bujku, 3 September 1991. 157 ‘Fillimi i vitit shkollor shtyhet deri më 1 Tetor’, Bujku, 3 September 1991. 158 Kosumi, ‘Muaji i kthesave’. 159 Y. Avdiu et al., ‘Shkollat janë tonat, ato nuk japim’, Bujku, 3 October 1991. 160 Sh. Rexhepi et al., ‘Aty ku jemi ne, është edhe Universiteti dhe shkolla’, Bujku, 4 October 1991; Sh. Rexhepi et al., ‘Duam shkollën shqipe’, Bujku, 5 October 1991. 161 S. Deljanin, ‘U krivom ogledalu’, Prosvetni pregled, No. 1775–6, 3–10 September 1991. 162 ‘Shty viti shkollor deri më 16 tetor’, Bujku, 8 October 1991. 163 ‘Komunikatë e Këshillit koordinues për çështje arsimore të Kosovës: Terrori shtetëror i mbylli shkollat shqipe’, Bujku, 20 October 1991. 164 Ibid. 165 Group of reporters, ‘Sërish u pengua hyrja në shkollë’, Bujku, 17 October 1991; B. Kosumi, ‘Çlirimi kombëtar është çlirim i shkollës’, Zëri, 12 October 1991. 166 B. Kabashi, ‘Nesër fillon viti i shtyrë shkollor’, Bujku, 15 October 1991. 167 Interview with the Albanian education official and one of the creators of the parallel education system, Pristina, winter 1997–8. 168 Y. Avdiu, ‘U caktua “diagnoza”, mbetet të gjendet “terapia” ’, Bujku, 9 August 1991. 169 Y. Avdiu and D. Ruhani-Azemi, ‘Si të mbrohet arsimi shqiptar në Kosovë (1): Ministria e arsimit e Kosovës t’i nxjerrë ligjet e veta’, Bujku, 1 August 1991. 170 Avdiu, ‘U caktua “diagnoza”, mbetet të gjendet “terapia”’. 171 Interview with the Albanian education official and one of the creators of the parallel education system, Pristina, winter 1997–8. 172 B.K., ‘Bëhet i pamundshëm organizimi i mësimit në gjuhën shqipe’, Bujku, 19 October 1991. 173 B. Haliti, ‘Zyrtarisht do të kërkojmë çmilitarizimin e Kosovës’, Bujku, 16 November 1991. 174 Cf. A.H., ‘Arsimtarëve shqiptarë nuk iu lejua hyrja në shkollë’, Bujku, 16 August 1991. 175 M. Stani¡icœ, ‘Uskoro dvojeziçna nastava’, Prosvetna reç, March 1991, p. 3. 176 V. Bytyçi, ‘Fëmijët tanë nuk i çojmë në shkollë pa shqiptarët’, Bujku, 15 September 1991. 4

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The establishment of Albanian parallel education in Kosovo 1 Interview with the Kosovo Albanian education official and one of the creators of the parallel system, Pristina, winter 1997–8. 2 Ibid.

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3 H. Hyseni, ‘Disa aspekte dhe mundësi të organizimit të mësimit në shkollat shqipe në Kosovë’ (Ekstrakt), Enti pedagogjik i Kosovës, November 1991, p. 3. 4 Ibid. 5 Ibid, p. 1. 6 Demi, Roli i Pleqësisë se Arsimit, p. 31. 7 Interview with the Kosovo Albanian education official and one of the creators of the parallel system, Pristina, winter 1997–8. 8 Gashi, Shkollat e mesme të Prishtinës 1990/91–1996/97, p. 66. 9 Demi, Roli i Pleqësisë se Arsimit, pp. 31–2. 10 Ibid., p. 34. 11 Studim, p. 63. 12 N. Mekolli and B. Kosumi, ‘Ora e parë: jemi shqiptarë, mësojmë shqip’, Zëri, 18 April 1992. 13 B.K. ‘Çdo shtëpi nga një shkollë’, Bujku, 18 January 1992. 14 Ibid. 15 The Appeal by the LASH in ‘T’i kthehemi mësimit’, Bujku, 19 January 1992. 16 A. Ramaj, ‘Shkolla e qëndresës’, Shkëndija, September 1996. 17 Y.B. and A.R., ‘Me vështirësi, por filloi’, Bujku, 21 January 1992; B.V., ‘Nxënësit u përzunë me polici’, Bujku, 25 January 1992; M.D., ‘Policia pengoi mësimin’, Bujku, 25 January 1992; C. Mazrekaj, ‘Rifillimi me plot halle’, Bujku, 26 January 1992; T.R., ‘Në tri shkolla nuk u zhvillua mësimi’, Bujku, 28 January 1992; B.V., ‘Shkollat e mesme i ruante policia’, Bujku, 28 January 1992; Sh.Y., ‘Mësim nëpër lokale private’, Bujku, 28 January 1992. 18 Y. Jaka, ‘Vërsuljet gjenocidiale të pushtetit serb ndaj qenies kombëtare shqiptare në fushat e arsimit, të shkenës e të kulturës’, in Gjenocidi dhe aktet gjenocidiale të pushtetit serb ndaj shqiptarëve nga kriza lindore e këndej, Prishtinë: Akademia e shkencave dhe e arteve e Kosovës, 1995, pp. 207–15, 209–10. 19 ‘Vazdhojnë bisedimet për mësimin në gjuhën shqipe’, Bujku, 11 February 1992, based on Tanjug, quoting Miodrag Djuriçicœ. 20 B. Todorovicœ and P. Vuçinicœ, ‘Dosije “Vremena”: Kako se ≈ivi na Kosovu – Zajedno samo Boro i Ramiz’, Vreme, 27 February 1995. 21 B.K., ‘Çdo shtëpi nga një shkollë’, Bujku, 18 January 1992. 22 Interview with an Albanian secondary school teacher, Pristina, summer 1998. 23 Interview with the Kosovo Albanian education official and one of the creators of the parallel system, Pristina, winter 1997–8. 24 Ç.I., ‘Policët vëzhgojnë për të zbuluar punktet’, Bujku, 8 February 1992; ‘Policët serbë orvaten t’i zbulojnë punktet shkollore’, Bujku, 9 February 1992; D. Maliqi, ‘Mësimi po zhvillohet normalisht’, Bujku, 11 February 1992. 25 B. Kabashi, ‘U vranë dhe u plagosën duke mbrojtur nxënësit’, Bujku, 2 February 1992. 26 Interview with a university student who attended secondary school in a private house, Pristina, autumn 1997. 27 B. Kabashi, ‘Në Obiliq – me kërcënime’, Bujku, 4 February 1992. 28 Interview with the Kosovo Albanian education official and one of the creators of the parallel system, Pristina, winter 1997–8. 29 A. Kajtazi, ‘Në fillim të fillimit! . . .’, Zëri, 25 January 1992. 30 Interview with the Kosovo Albanian education official and one of the creators of the parallel system, Pristina, winter 1997–8. 31 Mekolli and Kosumi, ‘Ora e parë: jemi shqiptarë, mësojmë shqip’. 32 A. Zogaj, ‘Midis mbijetesës dhe reformimit perëndimor’, Zëri, 5 October 1996. 33 Interview with the Albanian education official, Pristina, spring 1998. 34 Koliqi, The Survival of the University of Prishtina 1991–1996, pp. 42–6. 35 Ibid, p. 46.

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36 Sh. Rexhepi, ‘Studimet s’njohin abstenim’, Bujku, 9 January 1992; cf. Y. Avdiu, ‘Rektor i Universitetit u zgjodh prof. dr. Ejup Statovci’, Bujku, 12 December 1991. 37 Y. Avdiu, ‘Pa taktizime’, Bujku, 18 January 1992. 38 ‘Sprovë e rëndë pas tri dekadash’, Bujku, 25 January 1992. 39 Sh.R., ‘S’ka luhatje në rrugën e vazhdimit të studimeve’, Bujku, 24 January 1992. 40 Sh. Rexhepi, ‘Në kushte të rënda-studime të frytshme’, Bujku, 15 May 1992; F.D. ‘Fletëfalënderime për mikpritësit’, Bujku, 15 July 1992. 41 Y.A. ‘Punohet normalisht e legalisht’, Bujku, 8 May 1992. 42 Sh. Rexhepi and Y. Avdiu, ‘Universiteti po ringjallet si Feniksi’, Bujku, 15 February 1992. 43 Y. Avdiu, ‘Rinia forcë kohezive e bashkimit kombëtar’, Bujku, 19 May 1992. 44 Sh. R., ‘Të ndërprehet serbizmi i Universitetit’, Bujku, 25 January 1992. 45 Group of reporters, ‘U shtua brutaliteti i milicisë’, Bujku, 15 September 1992; cf. a teacher’s statement: ‘perhaps, organizing classes in private houses, as was done last year, would be the best solution’, in Q.A., ‘Të gjendet forma efikase për lirimin e objekteve shkollore’, Bujku, 15 September 1992. 46 According to Chancellor Statovci: ‘Presently reality dictates that we continue work in houses – in private facilities’, in Y. Avdiu, ‘Universiteti kryen punën e vet’, Bujku, 30 September 1992. 47 The complete list of visited schools is: primary schools Salami Hallaqi, Musa Zajmi and Abaz Ajeti and secondary school Rexhep Elmazi in the town of Gjilan/e, primary school Emin Duraku, in the village of Malishevë, primary school Skënderbeu, in the village of Përlepnicë, primary schools Hasan Prishtina, Dardhania, Du¡ko Radovicœ, Zenel Hajdini and secondary schools Hoxhi Kadrija, Sami Frashëri, Gjon Gazulli and Xhevdet Doda in Pristina, primary school Shkëndija, in the village of Hajvalija, primary school Mrameur, in the village of Mrameur, primary school Rilindja, in the village of Keqekolle, primary school Deshmorët e Zhurit, in the village of Zhur, primary schools Abdyl Frashëri, Dositej Obradovicœ and Lekë Dukadjini, in the town of Prizren, primary school Korishë, in the village of Korishë, primary school Mustafa Bakija and secondary school Hajdar Dushi, in the town of Gjakova, primary school Gjergj Fishta, in the village of Bistrazhin, and primary school Ukshin Miftari, in the village of Skivjan. 48 B. Shatri, ‘Shkolla shqipe në Kosovën e pushtuar (6): Arsimi i mesëm me përmbajtje kuptimplote’, Bujku, 13 March 1996. 49 Studim, p. 50. 50 Interview with the Serbian headmaster of the primary school Dositej Obradovicœ, Pristina, spring 1998. 51 Interview with the Albanian headmaster of the primary school Hasan Prishtina, Pristina, spring 1998. 52 Ibid. 53 Interview with the Albanian headmaster of the primary school Faik Konica, Pristina, spring 1998. 54 Koliqi, The Survival of the University of Prishtina, p. 63. 55 Interview with the Albanian lecturer at the Faculty of Architecture, Pristina, summer 1998. 56 Y. Avdiu, ‘Universitetin e mban populli’, Bujku, 13 April 1994. 57 H. Koliqi, ‘Dekretligji mbi shkollimin e lartë hap rrugën e modernizimit te Universitetit tonë’, Bujku, 13 January 1996. 58 D. Halimi-Statovci, ‘Ndihma-solidariteti i popullit shqiptar’, in D. HalimiStatovci Etnologjia flet, Prishtinë: Instituti albanologjik i Prishtinës, 1998, pp. 211–43.

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59 Ibid. 60 On the continued inclusion of this particular room even in modern Albanian houses in Kosovo, and a combination of a traditional and modern style, see M. Krasniqi, ‘Shtëpia shqiptare në Kosovë’, Gjurmime albanologjike – Folkor dhe etnologji, No. 1, 1971: 11–73. 61 Ç. Ibishi, ‘Mësim edhe jashtë shkollave’, Bujku, 25 February 1992; T. Rexhepi, ‘Etja për dije mund vështirësitë’, Bujku, 27 February 1992. 62 B. Ilazi, ‘Obligim qytetar ose më shumë heroizëm’, Zëri, 7 September 1996. 63 Ibid. 64 B. Shatri, ‘Shkolla shqipe në Kosovën e pushtuar (7): Populli shemb synimet e armikut’, Bujku, 14 March 1996. 65 Ibid. 66 See photocopy of Vendim për ndarjen e mirënjohjeve për pronarët e shtëpiveshkolla, Republika e Kosovës, Kuvendi i komunës së Prishtinës, Sekretari i arsimit, Nr. 56, Prishtinë, 24.14.1994., in Gashi, Shkollat e mesme të Prishtinës, pp. 237–8. 67 Interview with an Albanian university student, Pristina, autumn 1997. 68 Interview with an Albanian university graduate, Pristina, spring 1998. 69 ‘Besa’ in R. Elsie, A Dictionary of Albanian Religion, Mythology, and Folk Culture, London: Hurst & Co., 2001, p. 35. 70 Cf. Gashi, Shkollat e mesme të Prishtinës, pp. 73–95. 71 Interview with the staff at the secondary school Sami Frashëri, Pristina, spring 1998. 72 Ilazi, ‘Obligim qytetar ose më shumë heroizëm’. 73 A.H., ‘Ish-nxënësi kujdeset për shkollën shqipe’, Bujku, 26 December 1992. 74 Cf. D. Kostovicova, ‘The Abanians in Great Britain: diasporic identity and experience in the educational perspective since 1990’, Journal of Southern Europe and the Balkans 5, 2003: 53–69. 75 Judah, Kosovo, pp. 128–9; Hockenos, Homeland Calling, pp. 220–37. 76 L. Mjeku, ‘U hartua një memorandum’, Bota e re, 20 February 1991. 77 See box in ‘Kush po punon nën organet e dhunshme’, Bujku, 13 January 1993. 78 For example, see a public denial by Dr Hamdi R. Ramadani, explaining that he refused to be appointed manager at the Clinic of Infectious Diseases, in H.R. Ramadani, ‘Nuk pranova të jem anëtar i organit të përkohshëm në klinikën infektive’, Bota e re, 25 January 1991. 79 ‘Arsimtarët shqiptarë pa të ardhura’, Bujku, 5 April 1991. 80 Cf. Z.H. ‘Nuk u pranua inspektimi me dhunë’, Bujku, 26 April 1991. 81 B. Guri, ‘Mësimi i bllokuar’, Bota e re, 1 June 1991. 82 N. Rugova, ‘Të mos ndiqen ligjëratat në gjuhën serbokroate’, Bota e re, 1 May 1991. 83 Malcolm, Kosovo, pp. 17–21. 84 ‘Kanun of Lekë Dukagjini’ in Elsie, A Dictionary of Albanian Religion, Mythology, and Folk Culture, pp. 146–9. 85 See Kanon Leke Dukadjinija, Sakupio i kodificarao ⁄tjefen Konstantin Djeçovi, Zagreb: Stvarnost, 1986. 86 ‘Predgovor’, in Kanon Leke Dukadjinija, p. 14. 87 S.S. Djuricœ, Osveta i kazna: Sociolo¡ko istra≈ivanje krvne osvete na Kosovu i Metohiji, Ni¡: Prosveta, 1998, pp. 141–8. 88 Ibid., p. 226. 89 M. Karan, Krvna osveta, Beograd: Partizanska knjiga, 1985, p. 173. 90 Ibid. 91 ‘Blood feuding’ in Elsie, A Dictionary of Albanian Religion, Mythology, and Folk Culture, pp. 43–5. 92 Djuricœ, Osveta i kazna, p. 305.

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93 S. Schwandner-Sievers, ‘The enactment of “tradition”: Albanian constructions of identity, violence and power in times of crises’, in B.E. Schmidt and I.W. Schröder (eds) Anthropology of Violence and Conflict, London and New York: Routledge, 2001, pp. 96–117; D. Kostovicova, ‘Parallel worlds’. For the post-Communist revival of the Kanun in Albania see C. de Waal, ‘From laissez-faire to anarchy in post-Communist Albania’, Cambridge Anthropology 20, 1998: 21–44. 94 S. Schwandner-Sievers, ‘Albanian “traditions”: trajectories and transformations in post-war Kosovo and post-totalitarian Albania’, paper presented at the Fifth Social Science History Conference, Humboldt University, Berlin, 24–27 March 2004. 95 Ibid. 96 C. von Kohl and W. Libal, Kosovo, p. 137. 97 Sh. Maliqi, ‘Self-understanding of the Albanians in non-violence’, in D. Janjicœ and Sh. Maliqi (eds) Conflict or Dialogue: Serbian–Albanian Relations and Integration of the Balkans, Subotica: Open University and European Civic Centre for Conflict Resolution, 1994, pp. 237–47, 242. 98 B. Hoti, Anton Çetta: Orakull i pajtimit kombëtar, Prishtinë: Jeta, 1996, p. 197. 99 Article 156 in Kanon Leke Dukadjinija, p. 160. 100 Ibid., p.161; cf. M. Djuriçicœ, Obiçaji i verovanja Albanaca, Beograd: Slobodan Jovicœ, 1995, pp. 504–5. 101 F. Abdullahu, Rezistenca dhe e mundshmja shqiptare, Prishtinë: Rilindja, 1996, p. 127. 102 Ibid., pp. 128–9. 103 Ibid., p. 129. 104 Ibid., pp. 129–30. 105 Ibid., p. 131. 106 Interview with an Albanian lecturer at the Electrical Engineering Faculty, Pristina, spring 1998. 107 Abdullahu, Rezistenca dhe e mundshmja shqiptare, p. 135. 108 Judah, Kosovo, p. 99. 109 Interview at the primary school Hasan Prishtina, Pristina, spring 1998. 110 Interview with a lecturer at the Serbian Arts Faculty, Pristina, summer 1998. 111 Y. Avdiu, ‘Vështirësitë të përballohen – dobësive t’u pritet hovi’, Bujku, 6 January 1993. 112 Rexhep Osmani, the head of the LASH, in ‘Arsimi – pjesë e vetëdijes kombëtare’, Shkëndija, March 1998. 113 Hajrullah Gorani, Leader of Independent Unions of Kosovo, in B.Z. ‘Kontabiliteti – kriter i tatim’, Bujku, 7 September 1995. 114 Cf. interview with Rexhep Osmani, the head of the LASH, in V. Ukaj, ‘Arsimi funksionon në sistem’, Shkëndija, May 1996. 115 Interview with Rexhep Osmani, the head of the LASH, in Group of authors, ‘Filloi beteja për dituri’, Bujku, 5 September 1995. 116 R. Sylaj, ‘Mbijetimi i shkollës kombëtare’, Shkëndija, April 1996. 117 Quoted in Kostovicova, ‘Parallel worlds’, p. 43. 118 Interview with Xhavit Ahmeti, adviser for education to the President of the Republic of Kosovo, in F. Kristaj, ‘Me sistem edukativ kombëtar arrihet evropizmi i mirëfilltë’, Bujku, 19 March 1994. 119 Interview with a Kosovo Albanian political analyst, Pristina, spring 1998. 120 Interview with an Albanian education official, Pristina, summer 1998. 121 Gani Sylajn, the head of the Glogovac branch of the LASH, in R. Greiçevci, ‘Arsimi i shëndetshëm i një populli të shëndoshë’, Bujku, 4 August 1993.

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122 The saying is also quoted in Sh. Morina, ‘Vrasja e shkollave shqipe’, Bota e re, 1 January 1991. 123 Halim Hyseni, the head of the Pedagogical Institute of Kosovo, in B. Kabashi and Y. Avdiu, ‘Të krijohet sistemi unik kombëtar i arsimit’, Bujku, 9 January 1993. 124 Interview with Rexhep Osmani, the head of the LASH, in F. Kristaj, ‘Shkolla shqipe-shkollë me elemente të mirëfillta kombëtare’, Bujku, 3 September 1994; cf. Z. Bekolli, ‘Eksodi preku edhe arsimin shqip’, Bujku, 13 May 1993. 125 ‘Arsimi – pjesë e vetëdijes kombëtare’. 126 Hyseni, in Kabashi and Avdiu, ‘Të krijohet sistemi unik kombëtar i arsimit’. 127 Hyseni, ‘Disa aspekte dhe mundësi të organizimit të mësimit në shkollat shqipe në Kosovë’, p. 6. 128 Ibid., p. 5. 129 B. Stavileci, ‘Këndellje e arsimit në shqipe’, Bujku, 27 February 1992. 130 N. Mekolli and B. Kosumi, ‘Ora e parë: Jemi shqiptarë, mësojmë shqip!’, Zëri, 18 April 1992. 131 B. Kabashi, ‘Këshillat e prindërve duhet të ndihmojnë’, Bujku, 28 February 1992. 132 Studim, p. 102. 133 Ibid., p. 103. 134 Ibid. 135 D. Gashi and I. Steiner, Albanien: archaisch, orientalisch, europäisch, Wien: Promedia, 1997, p. 233. 136 Studim, pp. 104–7. 137 Koliqi, The Survival of the University of Prishtina, pp. 77–8. 138 Limani, ‘Problemet e arsimit shqip’, p. 4. 139 R. Reshani, ‘Etje e madhe për dije’, Bujku, 17 May 1992. The term borxh used in this context as a duty also means debt in Albanian. 140 For the Communique by the KQFK, see ‘Mund të kontribuojmë edhe më shumë’, Bujku, 20 August 1996; cf. Mekolli and Kosumi, ‘Ora e parë: Jemi shqiptarë, mësojmë shqip!’. 141 I.K., ‘Disa firma private – dorështrënguara!’, Bujku, 19 June 1992. 142 Halim Hyseni in B. Kabashi and E. Berisha, ‘Secili t’i kryej obligimet dhe punët e veta’, Bujku, 21 July 1995. 143 Cf. The Communique of the Government of the Republic of Kosovo, in ‘Kthimi në objektet shkollore – e drejtë jona e patjetërueshme’, Bujku, 27 August 1996. 144 Cf. R. Reshani and A. Shabani, ‘Pjesa më e madhe e mjeteve iu dhanë punëtorëve arsimorë’, Bujku, 15 November 1993. 145 Interview with Bujar Bukoshi, the Prime Minister of the Republic of Kosovo, in ‘Republika e Kosovës nuk është iluzion’, Zëri, 25 November 1995. 146 I.K., ‘Disa firma private–dorështrënguara!’; cf. I. Musliu, ‘Mësimdhënësit të mos i harrojmë’, Bujku, 21 July 1992. 147 Rexhep Osmani, the head of the LASH, in ‘Sprova e madhe’, Zëri, 10 September 1994. 148 Interview with Bujar Bukoshi, in ‘Republika e Kosovës nuk është iluzion’. 149 Hajrullah Gorani, Leader of Independent Unions of Kosovo, in B.Z., ‘Kontabiliteti – kriter i tatim’. 150 Mustafë Blakaj, former head of the KQFK, in ‘Tryeza e Zërit: Gjendja në arsimin kosovar (II) – Arsimi nuk mundet pa ministri aktive’, Zëri, 15 October 1994; cf. Kabashi and Berisha, ‘Secili t’i kryej obligimet dhe punët e veta’. 151 M. Limani, ‘A ka gjasa për kthim në objekte shkollore’, Zëri, 31 August 1996. 152 The Communique by the Central Financial Council, in ‘Mund të kontribuojmë edhe më shumë’.

Notes 261 11

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153 154 155 156 157 158 159 160

Xh. Lahu, ‘Aktivitetet dhe pozita e arsimtarit’, Shkëndija, January 1998. R. Gjoshi, ‘Pozita e arsimit sot’, Shkëndija, February 1998. Limani, ‘Problemet e arsimit shqip’, p. 4. Ibid. Kabashi, ‘Këshillat e prindërve duhet të ndihmojnë’. Q. Aliu, ‘Pritet vendimi i subjekteve të arsimit’, Bujku, 24 September 1992. M. Limani, ‘Letargjia e gushtit dhe rutina e shtatorit’, Zëri, 17 August 1996. Interview with Rexhep Osmani, the head of the LASH, in Y. Avdiu, ‘Arsimin e mban rendi, disciplina’, Bujku, 9 August 1995. 161 Interview with Ismajl Kastrati, the Head of the KQFK, in M. Limani, ‘Ka dobësi subjektive’, Zëri, 9 March 1996; cf. Sh. Popova, ‘Gjendje e vështirë financiare’, Bujku, 25 August 1997. 162 Interview with Kastrati, in Limani, ‘Ka dobësi subjektive’. 5

Celebration of Albanian nationhood in parallel education 1 A. Spahiu, ‘Kosova si megaburg!’, Bujku, 4 October 1997; cf. interview with Ramadan Haziri, the ex-prisoner and history teacher from Urosevac, in R. Reshani and A. Shabani, ‘Nëpër burgje – drejt lirisë!’, Zëri, 7 March 1992. 2 Spahiu, ‘Kosova si megaburg!’. 3 Cf. V. Veliu, ‘Edhe ne kemi të drejtë të jetojmë’, Bujku, 2 June 1998. 4 For an overview of Serbian repression centred on the Albanian-language education system in Kosovo see: (in primary and secondary schools) Demi, Roli i Pleqësisë së Arsimit, pp. 81–96; (in secondary schools) Gashi, Shkollat e mesme të Prishtinës, pp. 125–42; (at the university) Koliqi, The Survival of the University of Prishtina, pp. 81–6. The acts of repression were regularly reported in the Albanian-language daily press, e.g.: R. Reshani, ‘Drejtorit të shkollës – një viti burg’, Bujku, 31 January 1993; Y.A., ‘U burgos rektori i Universitetit të Prishtinës prof. dr. Ejup Statovci’, Bujku, 24 March 1993; ‘Policia arrestoi e rrahu tre nxënës prishtinas’, Bujku, 11 April 1993; Z. Bekolli, ‘Eksodi preku edhe arsimin shqip’, Bujku, 13 May 1993; B.K., ‘U liruan udhëheqësit arsimorë’, Bujku, 19 June 1993; ‘Mësuesit nxirren nga orët e mësimit’, Bujku, 15 April 1994; E. Berani, ‘Keqtrajtime edhe gjatë pushimeve’, Bujku, 27 June 1994; R.B.D., ‘Policia e ndau nga shkolla!’, Bujku, 5 January 1995; Z. Bekolli, ‘Ushtrohet dhunë mbi punëtorët e arsimit’, Bujku, 23 May 1996; Z. Bekolli, ‘Policia serbe merr në pyetje drejtorët e shkollave’, Bujku, 4 September 1997. 5 Cf. ‘Policia ndërhyri në disa shkolla fillore dhe të mesme në Kosovë’, Bujku, 29 March 1996, based on QIK; B. Kajtazi, ‘Në shumë shkolla fillore të Prishtinës nuk u lejua mësimi’, Bujku, 29 April 1997. 6 Cf. F. Kristaj et al., ‘Policia serbe pengoi hyrjen në shumë shkolla’, Bujku, 2 September 1993; F. Kristaj, ‘Përsëri u pengua hyrja në shkolla’, Bujku, 3 September 1993; B.V., ‘Nismë e mbarë me probleme të vjetra’, Bujku, 8 February 1994; F. Kristaj, ‘Për nxënësit shqiptarë – shumë shkolla nën dry’, Bujku, 3 September 1994. 7 Cf. I.K., ‘Policia po konfiskon dëftesat e nxënësve’, Bujku, 22 June 1993. 8 ‘Shkolla e Kosovës proteston nesër kundër vrasjes së Feriz Blakçorit’, Bujku, 18 December 1996; E. Berisha, ‘Orë proteste të më se 400 mijë shkollarëve kundër dhunës’, Bujku, 19 December 1996. 9 D. Halimi-Statovci ‘Mbi përkujtimet’, in Halimi-Statovci, Etnologjia flet, pp. 247–95, 287. 10 Studim, pp. 38–9. 11 Ibid., p. 66; H. Islami, Dimension demografik i çështjes së Kosovës, Prishtinë: Enti i teksteve dhe i mjeteve mësimore i Kosovës, 1997, pp. 159–63.

262 Notes 12 13 14 15

16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23

24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35

36

Koliqi, The Survival of the University of Prishtina, p. 61. Ibid., p. 62. Ibid.; cf. B. Ilazi, ‘Guri dhe drejtpeshimi i luhatur’, Zëri, 10 June 1995. V. Ukaj et al., ‘Tribunë: (Mos)Shkollimi i femrës problem kyç’, Shkëndija, January 1998; M. Gjevori, ‘Për hir të interesit kombëtar’, Shkëndija, March 1998; R. Greiçevci, ‘Arsimi drenicar fanar i pashuar’, Shkëndija, December 1996; B. Luzha, ‘Mësimi i mesëm sërish në objektet e veta’, Shkëndija, November 1996. Koliqi, The Survival of the University of Prishtina, p. 62. Cf. Sh. Maliqi, ‘The school of resistance’, in Maliqi, Kosova, pp. 113–17, 117. B. Kabashi, ‘Brezi i parë i shtëpive-shkolla’, Bujku, 24 May 1995. Cf. Maliqi, ‘The school of resistance’, p. 117. On quality see interview with Xhavit Ahmeti, Rugova’s adviser on education, in S. Haliti, ‘Për mohim nuk ka vend’, Shkëndija, October 1996. A. Salihu, ‘Rënia me shpejtësinë e pestë’, Koha, 30 August 1995. Cf. Maliqi, ‘The school of resistance’, p. 114. Q. Aliu, ‘Po ndërtohet sistem i ri i arsimit’, Bujku, 30 April 1993. I. Rugova, Çështja e Kosovës: Biseda me Marie-Françoise Allain dhe Xavier Galmiche, Dukagjini: Pejë, 1995, the Albanian translation of Ibrahim Rugova, La question du Kosovo: entretiens avec Marie-Françoise Allain et Xavier Galmiche, Paris: Fayard, 1994, p. 178. See the official certificates and documents reproduced in Gashi, Shkollat e mesme të Prishtinës, pp. 211–50. Zejnullah Rrahmani, Rugova’s education adviser, in M. Limani and B. Hamzaj, ‘Vendimet e zyrës së presidencës çfuqizojnë vendimet tjera’, Zëri, 28 June 1997. P. Buzhala, ‘Diplomat e lirisë’, Shkëndija, May 1996. Ibid. Halim Hyseni, the head of the Pedagogical Institute, in A. Salihu, ‘Prodhimi i gjysmëanalfabetëve’, Koha, 1 June 1994. Ibid. Cf. V. Ukaj and S. Jaha, ‘Arsimi – pjesë e vetëdijes kombëtare’, Shkëndija, March 1998. N. Mekolli and B. Kosumi, ‘Ora e parë: Jemi shqiptarë, mësojmë shqip!’, Zëri, 18 April 1992. Demi, Roli i Pleqësisë së Arsimit, p. 48. ‘Mësimi i lëndëve filozofi, sociologji, logjikë dhe psikologji në shkollat e mesme’, in Projekti: ‘Sistemi shkollor në Kosovë’, Fondacioni Soros-Zyra në Prishtinë, Prishtinë, December 1995. ‘Raporti i punës së Pleqësisë së arsimit të Kosovës për vitin 1991’, Pleqësia e Arsimit e Republikës së Kosovës, Prishtinë, January 1992. On 2 July 1990, the Kosovo Assembly adopted ‘the constitutional declaration on Kosova as an independent and equal constituent unit within the framework of the Federation (Confederation) of Yugoslavia’. See Assembly of Kosova, Constitutional Declaration, 2 July 1990, in M. Weller (ed.) The Crisis in Kosovo 1989–1999: From the Dissolution of Yugoslavia to Rambouillet and the Outbreak of Hostilities, Vol. I, Cambridge: Documents & Analysis Publishing Ltd, 1999, pp. 64–5. This document served as a basis for the declaration of Kosovo’s independence. See Resolution of the Assembly of the Republic of Kosova on Independence, 22 September 1991, in Weller, The Crisis in Kosovo 1989–1999, p. 72. ‘Lista orientuese për emërtimin e enteve parashkollore, të shkollave fillore dhe të shkollave të mesme’, Pleqësia e Arsimit e Republikës së Kosovës, Prishtinë, December 1991.

Notes 263 11

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37 B.K., ‘Iu shmangën padrejtësitë’, Bujku, 27 June 1992. 38 M. Limani, ‘Kosova – diasporë arsimore’, Zëri, 15 April 1995. 39 P. Nushi, ‘Drejtimet strategjike të arsimit kombëtar dhe të shkollës shqipe’, in N. Prifti (ed.) Shekulli 21, New York: Gjonlekaj Publishing Company, 1996, pp. 9–15, 10. 40 Demi, Roli i Pleqësisë së Arsimit, p. 45. 41 Abdyl Ramaj, the head of the Kosovo Albanian Parliamentary Commission for Education, Culture and Sports, in F. Kristaj, ‘Marrëveshja për shkolla do të realizohet’, Bujku, 15 February 1997. 42 Q. Aliu, ‘Orët e mbijetimit të dhunës’, Bujku, 31 December 1992–1 and 2 January 1993. 43 Hajrullah Koliqi, lecturer at the Pedagogical Faculty of Pristina University, in F. Kristaj, ‘Sistemi unik edukativ shpie nga bashkimi’, Bujku, 8 June 1993. 44 Gashi, Shkollat e mesme të Prishtinës, pp. 114–15; cf. Rexhep Osmani, the head of the teachers’ association LASH, in V. Ukaj, ‘Arsimi në Kosovë funksionon në sistem’, Shkëndija, May 1996. 45 Limani, ‘Problemet e arsimit shqip’, pp. 11–12. 46 J. Fetahaj, ‘Vite pune dhe suksesi’, Shkëndija, April 1996. 47 Interview with the Kosovo Albanian independent political analyst, Pristina, summer 1998. 48 J. Krasniqi, ‘Tekst i begatuar, po me ca mangësi’, Shkëndija, December 1996; cf. ‘Sigurimi i teksteve shkollore për lëndët shoqërore të shkollës fillore dhe të mesme në Kosovë’, in Projekti ‘Sistemi shkollor në Kosovë’, Fondacioni Soros-Zyra në Prishtinë, Prishtinë, n/d. 49 Limani, ‘Kosova-diasporë arsimore’; cf. Sh. Riza, ‘Si mbetën nxënësit pa dy tekste mësimore’, Koha, 25 January 1995. For a list of primary and secondary textbooks taken directly from Albania, see ‘Sigurimi i teksteve shkollore për lëndët shoqërore të shkollës fillore dhe të mesme në Kosovë’. 50 Rexhep Osmani, in M. Avdyli and B. Kosumi, ‘Negociatat pa asnjë hap para’, Zëri, 6 March 1993. 51 Interview with the Kosovo Albanian independent political analyst, Pristina, summer 1998. 52 A similar trend was noted in the unified all-Albanian national music scene. Albanians in Kosovo felt much more enthusiastic about this form of cultural integration than their ethnic brethren from Albania. However, apart from feeling under-represented in all-national music festivals, they also noted that a ‘privatization’ of the process of selection of candidates within Kosovo undermined their chances. See R. Rudi, ‘Integrimi kulturor (muzikor) dhe inertësia dyanëshe’, Koha, 25 January 1995. 53 Y. Avdiu, ‘Arsimin e mban rendi, disciplina’, Bujku, 9 August 1995. 54 Local education official Mazllum Kumnova in Ukaj and Jaha, ‘Arsimi-pjesë e vetëdijes kombëtare’. 55 Ejup Statovci, the Chancellor of (Albanian) Pristina University, in S. Aliu, ‘Autonomia e Universitetit siguron rrugë të mbarë të zhvillimit’, Bujku, 15 May 1993. 56 Koliqi, The Survival of the University of Prishtina, p. 65. 57 Y. Hysa, ‘Analizë rreth gjendjes së lëndës së historisë në procesin arsimor në Kosovë’, in Projekti ‘Sistemi shkollor në Kosovë’, Fondacioni Soros-Zyra në Prishtinë, Prishtinë, n/d. 58 A. Salihu, ‘Busull e orientimeve kuq e zi’, Koha, 21 February 1996. 59 Y. Avdiu, ‘Të gatshëm për vazhdimin e vitit akademik’, Bujku, 25 February 1993. 60 Koliqi, The Survival of the University of Prishtina, pp. 68–9. 61 A. Cenaj, ‘U miratua plani për regjistrimin e studentëve’, Bujku, 28 May 1993.

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62 Koliqi, The Survival of the University of Prishtina, p. 75. 63 For a similar disproportion noted in Greek and Turkish history textbooks with limited references to the Greeks in Turkish textbooks and extensive references to the Turks in Greek textbooks, see H. Millas, ‘History texbooks in Greece and Turkey’, History Workshop, Issue 31, 1991: 21–33, 24. 64 H. Hyseni and B. Shatri, Natyra dhe shoqëria për klasën e tretë të shkollës fillore, Prishtinë: Enti i teksteve dhe i mjeteve mësimore i Kosovës, n/y. Topics in history and geography are cumulatively expanded in the history and geography textbooks in the subsequent grades of primary and secondary education after national history is introduced in the fourth and geography in the fifth grade of primary school. For example, the number of pages dedicated to the fifteenth-century Albanian national hero Skanderbeg doubles in the secondary school national history textbook as compared to the primary school one. However, the appraisal of his legacy for the Albanian nation remains the same. V. Kuri, B. Graceni, A. Bishqemi and R. Gjini et al., Të njohim historinë e popullit tonë 4, Prishtinë: Enti i teksteve dhe i mjeteve mësimore i Kosovës, 1994, pp. 54–69; B. Jubani, P. Xhufi, K. Biçoku et al., Historia e popullit shqiptar për shkollat e mesme, Prishtinë: Enti i teksteve dhe i mjeteve mësimore i Kosovës, 1996, pp. 70–99. 65 The history textbook for the seventh grade has on its cover a building that hosted the Bujan Conference, when the Albanians voted for the unification of Albanian lands after the Second World War; see A. Gani, M. Dezhgiu and I. Bicaj, Historia për klasën VII të shkollës fillore, Prishtinë: Enti i teksteve dhe i mjeteve mësimore i Kosovës, 1996. The building hosting the Prizren League, the symbol of the Albanian national movement in the nineteenth century, is on the cover of one secondary school history book; see A. Gani, H. Myzyri and J. Bajraktari, Historia për klasën e dytë të shkollave të mesme, Prishtinë: Enti i teksteve dhe i mjeteve mësimore i Kosovës, 1996. The eighthgrade history book has a picture of Skanderbeg on its cover; see H. Myzyri, M. Belegu, F. Rexhepi and N. Leka, Historia për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, Prishtinë: Enti i teksteve dhe i mjeteve mësimore i Kosovës, 1996. 66 D.R. Hall, ‘A geographical approach to propaganda’, pp. 316–17. 67 Sh. Maloku, I. Ahmetaj, R. Pllana, A. Pushka et al., Gjeografia e Kosovës për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, 3rd edn, Prishtinë: Enti i teksteve dhe i mjeteve mësimore i Kosovës, 1997, p. 7. Illustrations used in this chapter are adaptations of maps used in Albanian and Serbian history and geography textbooks, conveying precisely the cartographic information contained in them. 68 A. Pushka, Gjeografia për klasën VI të shkollës fillore, Prishtinë: Enti i teksteve dhe i mjeteve mësimore i Kosovës, 1996, p. 57. 69 Ibid., pp. 148–9. 70 Similarly, geography textbooks dealing with physical geography also use Kosovo (its map, rivers or gorges) as a basis for illustrations. See R. Pllana, Gjeografia për klasën V të shkollës fillore, Prishtinë: Enti i teksteve dhe i mjeteve mësimore i Kosovës, n/y, p. 84. 71 E. Mato, A. Ramaj, N. Mita and K. Grillo, Edukatë qytetare për klasën VI të shkollës fillore, Prishtinë: Enti i teksteve dhe i mjeteve mësimore i Kosovës, 1997, pp. 63–4. 72 Maloku, Ahmetaj, Pllana, Pushka et al., Gjeografia e Kosovës për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, pp. 65–6. 73 Mato, Ramaj, Mita and Grillo, Edukatë qytetare për klasën VI të shkollës fillore, p. 64; Hyseni and Shatri, Natyra dhe shoqëria, p. 33. 74 Kuri, Graceni, Bishqemi and Gjini, Të njohim historinë e popullit tonë 4, p. 10. 75 Ibid., pp. 10–41; V. Kuri, R. Zekolli and B. Jubani, Historia për klasën V të shkollës fillore, Prishtinë: Enti i teksteve dhe i mjeteve mësimore i Kosovës,

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1995, pp. 32–3; Myzyri, Belegu, Rexhepi and Leka, Historia për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, pp. 8–25; Rexhepi and Bicaj, Historia e për klasën e parë të shkollave të mesme profesionale, Prishtinë: Enti i teksteve dhe i mjeteve mësimore i Kosovës, 1997, pp. 101–2; Jubani, Xhufi, Biçoku et al., Historia e popullit shqiptar për shkollat e mesme, pp. 8–36. Kuri, Graceni, Bishqemi and Gjini, Të njohim historinë e popullit tonë 4, pp. 16–18; Kuri, Zekolli and Jubani, Historia për klasën V të shkollës fillore, pp. 85–7; Myzyri, Belegu, Rexhepi and Leka, Historia për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, pp. 19–21; Rexhepi and Bicaj, Historia e për klasën e parë të shkollave të mesme profesionale, pp. 85–7; Jubani, Xhufi, Biçoku et al., Historia e popullit shqiptar për shkollat e mesme, pp. 26–9. Rexhepi and Bicaj, Historia për klasën e parë të shkollave të mesme profesionale, pp. 16–17. For a thorough review of the scholarly findings about the Illyrians, see J. Wilkes, The Illyrians, Oxford, UK, and Cambridge, MA: Blackwell, 1992. Myzyri, Belegu, Rexhepi and Leka, Historia për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, pp. 29–30. Maloku, Ahmetaj, Pllana, Pushka et al., Gjeografia e Kosovës për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, p. 49; cf. Hyseni and Shatri, Natyra dhe shoqëria, p. 33. Ibid. Ibid. Hyseni and Shatri, Natyra dhe shoqëria, p. 107. For an analysis of the political implications of the Illyrian myth, see A. Pavkovicœ, ‘Kosovo: a land of conflicting myths’, in K. Drezov, B. Gokay and D. Kostovicova (eds) Kosovo: Myths, Conflict and War, Keele: Keele European Research Centre, Keele University, 1999, pp. 4–11, 9–11. Rexhepi and Bicaj, Historia e për klasën e parë të shkollave të mesme profesionale, p. 156. Kuri, Graceni, Bishqemi and Gjini, Të njohim historinë e popullit tonë 4, p. 68; cf. Kuri, Zekolli and Jubani, Historia për klasën V të shkollës fillore, p. 172. Myzyri, Belegu, Rexhepi and Leka, Historia për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, p. 59. Jubani, Xhufi, Biçoku et al., Historia e popullit shqiptar për shkollat e mesme, p. 100. Ibid., p. 102. Myzyri, Belegu, Rexhepi and Leka, Historia për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, p. 59. Jubani, Xhufi, Biçoku et al., Historia e popullit shqiptar për shkollat e mesme, p. 100. V. Kuri, H. Latifi and H. Myzyri, Historia për klasën VI të shkollës fillore, Prishtinë: Enti i teksteve dhe i mjeteve mësimore i Kosovës, 1995, p. 91. Ibid., p. 92; Myzyri, Belegu, Rexhepi and Leka, Historia për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, p. 85. Jubani, Xhufi, Biçoku et al., Historia e popullit shqiptar për shkollat e mesme, p. 154. Gani, Myzyri and Bajraktari, Historia për klasën e dytë të shkollave të mesme, p. 248; Myzyri, Belegu, Rexhepi and Leka, Historia për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, p. 97. Kuri, Latifi and Myzyri, Historia për klasën VI të shkollës fillore, p. 96. Myzyri, Belegu, Rexhepi and Leka, Historia për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, p. 97. Jubani, Xhufi, Biçoku et al., Historia e popullit shqiptar për shkollat e mesme, pp. 154–5. Kuri, Graceni, Bishqemi and Gjini, Të njohim historinë e popullit tonë 4, p. 76.

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100 Ibid., p. 85. 101 Myzyri, Belegu, Rexhepi and Leka, Historia për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, p. 81. 102 Kuri, Graceni, Bishqemi and Gjini, Të njohim historinë e popullit tonë 4, p. 85. 103 Ibid., p. 101. 104 Ibid., pp. 85–6, 101 and 105–8; Kuri, Latifi and Myzyri, Historia për klasën VI të shkollës fillore, pp. 89–90, 98–9 and 102–4; Myzyri, Belegu, Rexhepi and Leka, Historia për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, pp. 80–3, 102–7 and 113–16; Gani, Myzri and Bajraktari, Historia për klasën e dytë të shkollave të mesme, pp. 241–2, 250–3 and 258–9; Jubani, Xhufi, Biçoku et al., Historia e popullit shqiptar për shkollat e mesme, pp. 142–7, 171–8 and 189–91. 105 Kuri, Latifi and Myzyri, Historia për klasën VI të shkollës fillore, p. 97. 106. Jubani, Xhufi, Biçoku et al., Historia e popullit shqiptar për shkollat e mesme, p. 206. 107 Ibid. 108 Ibid. 109 Kuri, Latifi and Myzyri, Historia për klasën VI të shkollës fillore, p. 109. Also, put in a historical perspective, it was described as ‘the fruit of continuous efforts and centuries-old struggles against the foreign oppression for freedom and for the formation of the independent Albanian state’, in Gani, Myzyri and Bajraktari, Historia për klasën e dytë të shkollave të mesme, p. 264. 110 Ibid. 111 Maloku, Ahmetaj, Pllana, Pushka et al., Gjeografia e Kosovës për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, pp. 67–8. 112 Kuri, Graceni, Bishqemi and Gjini, Të njohim historinë e popullit tonë 4, p. 119. 113 Kuri, Latifi and Myzyri, Historia për klasën VI të shkollës fillore, p. 112; or, ‘Big European states break up Albania’, in Kuri, Graceni, Bishqemi and Gjini, Të njohim historinë e popullit tonë 4, p. 118; ‘Decisions of the London Conference (1912–1913) for dismemberment of Albania’, in Myzyri, Belegu, Rexhepi and Leka, Historia për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, p. 132; ‘Grave dismemberment of the Albanian territories’, in Jubani, Xhufi, Biçoku, Historia e popullit shqiptar për shkollat e mesme, p. 214. 114 Kuri, Graceni, Bishqemi and Gjini, Të njohim historinë e popullit tonë 4, p. 119. 115 Kuri, Latifi and Myzyri, Historia për klasën VI të shkollës fillore, p. 112; this paragraph with slight changes in the wording is included in Myzyri, Belegu, Rexhepi and Leka, Historia për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, pp. 133–4; Gani, Myzyri and Bajraktari, Historia për klasën e dytë të shkollave të mesme, p. 268; Jubani, Xhufi, Biçoku et al., Historia e popullit shqiptar për shkollat e mesme, pp. 216–17. 116 Gani, Myzyri and Bajraktari, Historia për klasën e dytë të shkollave të mesme, p. 233. In another textbook, it is described as a ‘grave infringe[ment] of the integrity of the Albanian lands and national interests of our nation’. See Myzyri, Belegu, Rexhepi and Leka, Historia për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, p. 92. 117 Myzyri, Belegu, Rexhepi and Leka, Historia për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, p. 144. 118 Ibid.; Gani, Dezhgiu and Bicaj, Historia për klasën VII të shkollës fillore, p. 54. 119 A. Mezini, J. Bajraktari and M. Dezhgiu, Historia për klasën e tretë të shkollave të mesme, Prishtinë: Enti i teksteve dhe i mjeteve mësimore i Kosovës, 1997, p. 70. 120 Ibid., p. 77; Jubani, Xhufi, Biçoku et al., Historia e popullit shqiptar për shkollat e mesme, p. 248. 121 Maloku, Ahmetaj, Pllana, Pushka et al., Gjeografia e Kosovës për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, p. 68; cf. Hyseni and Shatri, Natyra dhe shoqëria, p. 108.

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122 Gani, Dezhgiu and Bicaj, Historia për klasën VII të shkollës fillore, p. 82. 123 Myzyri, Belegu, Rexhepi and Leka, Historia për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, p. 184; cf. Jubani, Xhufi, Biçoku et al., Historia e popullit shqiptar për shkollat e mesme, pp. 317–18. 124 Gani, Dezhgiu and Bicaj, Historia për klasën VII të shkollës fillore, p. 137. 125 Jubani, Xhufi, Biçoku et al., Historia e popullit shqiptar për shkollat e mesme, p. 298. 126 Maloku, Ahmetaj, Pllana, Pushka et al., Gjeografia e Kosovës për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, p. 5. 127 See the textbook of national history based on the unified national curriculum for use by Albanians everywhere, Myzyri, Belegu, Rexhepi and Leka, Historia për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore. 128 Jubani, Xhufi, Biçoku et al., Historia e popullit shqiptar për shkollat e mesme, pp. 370–1. 129 The demand for unification is mentioned in the context of the 1968 student demonstration, while the demand for the promotion of Kosovo’s status into a republic is the only one to be mentioned of a range of requests voiced during the protests in 1981. See Myzyri, Belegu, Rexhepi and Leka, Historia për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, pp. 211 and 214; however, the demand for unification is mentioned both in relation to the 1968 and 1981 demonstrations in Jubani, Xhufi, Biçoku et al., Historia e popullit shqiptar për shkollat e mesme, pp. 366 and 377. 130 Ibid., p. 395; cf. Myzyri, Belegu, Rexhepi and Leka, Historia për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, p. 222. 131 Kuri, Graceni, Bishqemi and Gjini, Të njohim historinë e popullit tonë 4; Myzyri, Belegu, Rexhepi and Leka, Historia për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore; Jubani, Xhufi, Biçoku et al., Historia e popullit shqiptar për shkollat e mesme. 132 Kuri, Zekolli and Jubani, Historia për klasën V të shkollës fillore; Kuri, Latifi and Myzyri, Historia për klasën VI të shkollës fillore; Gani, Dezhgiu and Bicaj, Historia për klasën VII të shkollës fillore; Jubani, Bicaj and Kuri, Historia për klasën e parë të shkollave të mesme, Prishtinë: Enti i teksteve dhe i mjeteve mësimore i Kosovës, 1995; Rexhepi and Bicaj, Historia e për klasën e parë të shkollave të mesme profesionale; Gani, Myzyri and Bajraktari, Historia për klasën e dytë të shkollave të mesme; Mezini, Bajraktari and Dezhgiu, Historia për klasën e tretë të shkollave të mesme. 133 Cf. Hosking and Schöpflin (eds), Myths and Nationhood. 134 Jubani, Xhufi, Biçoku et al., Historia e popullit shqiptar për shkollat e mesme, p. 40; cf. Kuri, Zekolli and Jubani, Historia për klasën V të shkollës fillore, pp. 101–2. 135 Jubani, Xhufi, Biçoku et al., Historia e popullit shqiptar për shkollat e mesme, p. 55; cf. Myzyri, Belegu, Rexhepi and Leka, Historia për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, p. 34; Jubani, Bicaj and Kuri, Historia për klasën e parë të shkollave të mesme, p. 149. 136 Gani, Myzyri and Bajraktari, Historia për klasën e dytë të shkollave të mesme, p. 229; cf. Rexhepi and Bicaj, Historia e për klasën e parë të shkollave të mesme profesionale, p. 102. 137 Myzyri, Belegu, Rexhepi and Leka, Historia për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, p. 86. 138 Kuri, Latifi and Myzyri, Historia për klasën VI të shkollës fillore, p. 114. The wording aimed at fourth-graders is somewhat tempered: ‘The governments of these states [Serbia and Montenegro] imposed in these Albanian lands a cruel, brutal regime, while arresting, killing and detaining the Albanian population en masse.’ See Kuri, Graceni, Bishqemi and Gjini, Të njohim historinë e popullit tonë 4, p. 120.

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139 Ibid., p. 121. The description of the Serbian crackdown on the Albanian uprising is almost the same in Kuri, Latifi and Myzyri, Historia për klasën VI të shkollës fillore, pp. 114–15; cf. Gani, Myzyri and Bajraktari, Historia për klasën e dytë të shkollave të mesme, pp. 269–70; Jubani, Xhufi, Biçoku et al., Historia e popullit shqiptar për shkollat e mesme, pp. 221–2. 140 Gani, Myzyri and Bajraktari, Historia për klasën e dytë të shkollave të mesme, p. 269. 141 Jubani, Xhufi, Biçoku et al., Historia e popullit shqiptar për shkollat e mesme, p. 220. 142 Mezini, Bajraktari and Dezhgiu, Historia për klasën e tretë të shkollave të mesme, p. 77; cf. Myzyri, Belegu, Rexhepi and Leka, Historia për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, pp. 149–50 and 189; Jubani, Xhufi, Biçoku et al., Historia e popullit shqiptar për shkollat e mesme, p. 248; cf. Gani, Dezhgiu and Bicaj, Historia për klasën VII të shkollës fillore, p. 137. 143 Jubani, Xhufi, Biçoku et al., Historia e popullit shqiptar për shkollat e mesme, p. 342; cf. Mezini, Bajraktari and Dezhgiu, Historia për klasën e tretë të shkollave të mesme, p. 224. 144 Jubani, Xhufi, Biçoku et al., Historia e popullit shqiptar për shkollat e mesme, p. 381; cf. Gani, Dezhgiu and Bicaj, Historia për klasën VII të shkollës fillore, p. 143; Myzyri, Belegu, Rexhepi and Leka, Historia për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, p. 216. 145 Rexhepi and Bicaj, Historia e për klasën e parë të shkollave të mesme profesionale, p. 149. 146 Myzyri, Belegu, Rexhepi and Leka, Historia për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, p. 216. 147 Jubani, Xhufi, Biçoku et al., Historia e popullit shqiptar për shkollat e mesme, p. 40; Jubani, Bicaj and Kuri, Historia për klasën e parë të shkollave të mesme, pp. 101–2. 148 Kuri, Zekolli and Jubani, Historia për klasën V të shkollës fillore, p. 158. 149 Myzyri, Belegu, Rexhepi and Leka, Historia për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, pp. 65–6; cf. Jubani, Xhufi, Biçoku et al., Historia e popullit shqiptar për shkollat e mesme, p. 112. The history book for the second grade of secondary schools adds: ‘These assertions are in contradiction with the reality of that time and are not supported by historical documents.’ See Gani, Myzyri and Bajraktari, Historia për klasën e dytë të shkollave të mesme, p. 113. By bringing up the 1690 Serbian migration, Albanian history textbooks are actually taking issue with Serbian nationalist historiography, but not with ideas presented in Serbian history textbooks. In them, the event is portrayed as increasing the number of Serbs outside Serbia, i.e. Austria, rather than decreasing the number of Serbs in Kosovo. See M. Perovicœ and B. Smiljevicœ, Istorija za prvi razred çetvorogodi¡njih struçnih ¡kola, 9th edn, Beograd: Zavod za ud≈benike i nastavna sredstva, 1995, p. 181; R. Mihaljçicœ, Istorija za 6. razred osnovne ¡kole, 9th edn, Beograd: Zavod za ud≈benike i nastavna sredstva, 1999, p. 59. Even where it is mentioned that the people fled from southern Serbia, the issue is not related, in Serbian history textbooks, to the change of ethnic structure. See S.M. CŒirkovicœ, Istorija za II razred gimnazije prirodno-matematiçkog smera, 2nd edn, Beograd: Zavod za ud≈benike i nastavna sredstva and Novi Sad: Zavod za izdavanje ud≈benika, 1992, p. 138. 150 Kuri, Graceni, Bishqemi and Gjini, Të njohim historinë e popullit tonë 4, p. 129. 151 Jubani, Xhufi, Biçoku et al., Historia e popullit shqiptar për shkollat e mesme, p. 290; Mezini, Belegu, Rexhepi and Leka, Historia për klasën e tretë të shkollave të mesme, p. 79.

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152 Myzyri, Belegu, Rexhepi and Leka, Historia për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, p. 168; Gani, Dezhgiu and Bicaj, Historia për klasën VII të shkollës fillore, p. 58. 153 Mezini, Bajraktari and Dezhgiu, Historia për klasën e tretë të shkollave të mesme, p. 79. 154 Myzyri, Belegu, Rexhepi and Leka, Historia për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, p. 168. 155 Jubani, Xhufi, Biçoku et al., Historia e popullit shqiptar për shkollat e mesme, p. 291; Gani, Dezhgiu and Bicaj, Historia për klasën VII të shkollës fillore, p. 59. 156 Mezini, Bajraktari and Dezhgiu, Historia për klasën e tretë të shkollave të mesme, p. 79. 157 Myzyri, Belegu, Rexhepi and Leka, Historia për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, p. 206. 158 Ibid. The national history textbook for secondary schools quotes several hundred thousand; see Jubani, Xhufi, Biçoku et al., Historia e popullit shqiptar për shkollat e mesme, p. 364. 159 Ibid.; cf. Myzyri, Belegu, Rexhepi and Leka, Historia për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, p. 206. 160 Myzyri, Belegu, Rexhepi and Leka, Historia për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, pp. 28–9; cf. Jubani, Xhufi, Biçoku et al., Historia e popullit shqiptar për shkollat e mesme, p. 40. 161 Kuri, Zekolli and Jubani, Historia për klasën V të shkollës fillore, p. 159; cf. Jubani, Xhufi, Biçoku et al., Historia për klasën e parë të shkollave të mesme, p. 149. 162 Myzyri, Belegu, Rexhepi and Leka, Historia për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, p. 214. 163 Rexhepi and Bicaj, Historia e për klasën e parë të shkollave të mesme profesionale, p. 149. 164 Kuri, Zekolli and Jubani, Historia për klasën V të shkollës fillore, p. 159; Myzyri, Belegu, Rexhepi and Leka, Historia për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, pp. 33–4; Jubani, Bicaj and Kuri, Historia për klasën e parë të shkollave të mesme, pp. 147–8. 165 Jubani, Xhufi, Biçoku et al., Historia e popullit shqiptar për shkollat e mesme, p. 49. 166 Kuri, Zekolli and Jubani, Historia për klasën V të shkollës fillore, p. 151; Jubani, Bicaj and Kuri, Historia për klasën e parë të shkollave të mesme, p. 142. 167 Kuri, Graceni, Bishqemi and Gjini, Të njohim historinë e popullit tonë 4, p. 51. He is also referred to as Millosh Kopili; see Jubani, Xhufi, Biçoku et al., Historia e popullit shqiptar për shkollat e mesme, p. 71. 168 Cf. T.A. Emmert Serbian Golgotha: Kosovo, 1389, (Boulder) New York: East European Monographs distributed by Columbia University Press, 1990, pp. 42–60; A. N. Dragnich and S. Todorovich, The Saga of Kosovo: Focus on Serbian–Albanian Relations, (Boulder) New York: East European Monographs distributed by Columbia University Press, 1984, p. 20. 169 P. Nora, ‘Between memory and history’. 170 Myzyri, Belegu, Rexhepi and Leka, Historia për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, p. 211. 171 Gani, Dezhgiu and Bicaj, Historia për klasën VII të shkollës fillore, p. 130. 172 Jubani, Xhufi, Biçoku et al., Historia e popullit shqiptar për shkollat e mesme, p. 368. 173 Gani, Dezhgiu and Bicaj, Historia për klasën VII të shkollës fillore, p. 130; cf. Rexhepi and Bicaj, Historia e për klasën e parë të shkollave të mesme profesionale, p. 148.

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174 Jubani, Xhufi, Biçoku et al., Historia e popullit shqiptar për shkollat e mesme, p. 369. 175 Mezini, Bajraktari and Dezhgiu, Historia për klasën e tretë të shkollave të mesme, p. 228; cf. Myzyri, Belegu, Rexhepi and Leka, Historia për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, p. 214. 176 Myzyri, Belegu, Rexhepi and Leka, Historia për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, p. 215; cf. Mezini, Bajraktari and Dezhgiu, Historia për klasën e tretë të shkollave të mesme, pp. 228–9; Jubani, Xhufi, Biçoku et al., Historia e popullit shqiptar për shkollat e mesme, pp. 378–9. 177 Kuri, Graceni, Bishqemi and Gjini, Të njohim historinë e popullit tonë 4, p. 130; cf. Gani, Myzyri and Bajraktari, Historia për klasën e dytë të shkollave të mesme, p. 270; Myzyri, Belegu, Rexhepi and Leka, Historia për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, pp. 134–5; Jubani, Xhufi, Biçoku et al., Historia e popullit shqiptar për shkollat e mesme, pp. 249–50. 178 Kuri, Graceni, Bishqemi and Gjini, Të njohim historinë e popullit tonë 4, p. 130. The contributions of Shota and Azem Galica are also described in additional readings following the lessons; see Jubani, Xhufi, Biçoku et al., Historia e popullit shqiptar për shkollat e mesme, pp. 251–2; Myzyri, Belegu, Rexhepi and Leka, Historia për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, p. 153. 179 Gani, Dezhgiu and Bicaj, Historia për klasën VII të shkollës fillore, p. 58. 180 Jubani, Xhufi, Biçoku et al., Historia e popullit shqiptar për shkollat e mesme, p. 248; Mezini, Bajraktari and Dezhgiu, Historia për klasën e tretë të shkollave të mesme, pp. 77–8. 181 Myzyri, Belegu, Rexhepi and Leka, Historia për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, pp. 204–5. 182 Gani, Dezhgiu and Bicaj, Historia për klasën VII të shkollës fillore, p. 138. 183 Myzyri, Belegu, Rexhepi and Leka, Historia për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, p. 215. 184 Jubani, Xhufi, Biçoku et al., Historia e popullit shqiptar për shkollat e mesme, p. 379. 185 Myzyri, Belegu, Rexhepi and Leka, Historia për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, p. 215. 186 Jubani, Xhufi, Biçoku et al., Historia e popullit shqiptar për shkollat e mesme, pp. 379–80; Gani, Dezhgiu and Bicaj, Historia për klasën VII të shkollës fillore, p. 141; Myzyri, Belegu, Rexhepi and Leka, Historia për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, pp. 215–16; Mezini, Bajraktari and Dezhgiu, Historia për klasën e tretë të shkollave të mesme, p. 229. 187 Judah, Kosovo, pp. 104–6. 188 Jubani, Xhufi, Biçoku et al., Historia e popullit shqiptar për shkollat e mesme, p. 380; cf. Myzyri, Belegu, Rexhepi and Leka, Historia për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, p. 216. 189 Ibid., p. 381. 190 Myzyri, Belegu, Rexhepi and Leka, Historia për klasën VIII të shkollës fillore, pp. 216–17; Gani, Dezhgiu and Bicaj, Historia për klasën VII të shkollës fillore, p. 142; Mezini, Bajraktari and Dezhgiu, Historia për klasën e tretë të shkollave të mesme, p. 229; Jubani, Xhufi, Biçoku et al., Historia e popullit shqiptar për shkollat e mesme, pp. 382–5. 191 Their maps are accompanied by overviews of the history of the Serbian people in the two republics; D. Rodicœ, Geografija za I ili III razred srednje ¡kole, 2nd edn, Beograd: Zavod za ud≈benike i nastavna sredstva, 1994, pp. 156–74; cf. V. Djuricœ, Geografija za II razred gimnazije, 5th edn, Beograd: Zavod za ud≈benike i nastavna sredstva, 1995, p. 168. The Serbian lands are treated as a part of geography units about Bosnia-Herzegovina in some textbooks. See M. Potkonjak and M. Milo¡evicœ, Geografija za 6. razred osnovne ¡kole, 11th

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edn, Beograd: Zavod za ud≈benike i nastavna sredstva, 1996, pp. 51–7. They are comprehensively dealt with in separate chapters in other textbooks, but also in students’ workbooks; cf. Milo¡evicœ, Geografija za 8. razred osnovne ¡kole, pp. 120–7; Rodicœ, Geografija za I ili III razred srednje ¡kole, pp. 156–74; J. Ilicœ and M. Danilovicœ, Radna sveska iz geografije za 6. razred osnovne ¡kole, Beograd: Zavod za ud≈benike i nastavna sredstva, 1993, p. 31; Ilicœ and Danilovicœ, Radna sveska za 8. razred osnovne ¡kole, pp. 94–5. Danilovicœ and Danilovicœ, Poznavanje dru¡tva za 4. razred osnovne ¡kole, p. 9. No internal borders are marked on the map indicating the air temperatures, the rainfall and the air polution; see Slika 8.-Srednje januarske temperature vazduha u Jugoslaviji, in Rodicœ, Geografija za I ili III razred srednje ¡kole, p. 22, Slika 9.-Godi¡nja raspodela koliçine padavina u Jugoslaviji, in Rodicœ, Geografija za I ili III razred srednje ¡kole, p. 23 and Slika 10.-Srednje julske temperature vazduha u Jugoslaviji in Rodicœ, Geografija za I ili III razred srednje ¡kole, p. 24. However, the border with Montenegro, but not the provincial borders, is marked on the map indicating the air temperatures in Temperatura u pojedinim mestima 17. januara 1993. godine u 13 sati, in M. Milo¡evicœ, Geografija za 5. razred osnovne ¡kole, 7th edn, Beograd: Zavod za ud≈benike i nastavna sredstva, 1994, p. 25. The internal borders are not marked on the map showing the spas in Va≈nije banje, in Milo¡evicœ, Geografija za 8. razred osnovne ¡kole, p. 59. However, the provincial and the republican borders are properly marked with a dotted and full line respectively on the map showing the thermo-mineral springs and spas in Yugoslavia in Slika 21.-Karta va≈nijih termomineralnih izvora i banja u Jugoslaviji, in Rodicœ, Geografija za I ili III razred srednje ¡kole, p. 37. By contrast, the map showing the rate of population growth seems to be an exception, for on it both the republican and the provincial borders are marked by a full line, which does not correspond to their different constitutional status; see Prirodni prira¡taj po delovima SR Jugoslavije, 1991. god., in Milo¡evicœ, Geografija za 8. razred osnovne ¡kole, p. 67. Similarly, the southern province of Kosovo is not marked on the blank map of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the geography workbook where the pupils are asked to fill in the names of rivers, mountains, channels and towns, and to mark the region of Metohija, but not of Kosovo; see Ilicœ and Danilovicœ, Radna sveska iz geografije za 6. razred, p. 28. The map showing the distribution of the chemical industry in Serbia in the geography textbook for the second grade of secondary school is an exception; Djuricœ, Geografija za II razred gimnazije, p. 55. Danilovicœ and Danilovicœ, Poznavanje dru¡tva za 4. razred osnovne ¡kole, pp. 8–10; Milo¡evicœ, Geografija za 8. razred osnovne ¡kole, p. 11; Djuricœ, Geografija za II razred gimnazije, p. 168. Danilovicœ and Danilovicœ, Poznavanje dru¡tva za 4. razred osnovne ¡kole, p. 111; cf. Milo¡evicœ, Geografija za 8. razred osnovne ¡kole, p. 87; J. Ilicœ and M. Danilovicœ, Geografska çitanka za VIII razred osnovne ¡kole, 4th edn, Beograd: Zavod za ud≈benike i nastavna sredstva, and Novi Sad: Zavod za izdavanje ud≈benika, 1991, pp. 64–6. Potkonjak and Milo¡evicœ, Geografija za 6. razred osnovne ¡kole, p. 46. Danilovicœ and Danilovicœ, Poznavanje dru¡tva za 4. razred osnovne ¡kole, p. 10. Potkonjak and Milo¡evicœ, Geografija za 6. razred osnovne ¡kole, p. 46; Rodicœ, Geografija za I ili III razred srednje ¡kole, p. 54. Ibid. Ibid., p. 55; Potkonjak and Milo¡evicœ, Geografija za 6. razred osnovne ¡kole, p. 47.

272 Notes 202 The following geography textbooks and practice books were also consulted in the analysis: J. Ilicœ and M. Danilovicœ, Radna sveska iz geografije za 5. razred osnovne ¡kole, Beograd: Zavod za ud≈benike i nastavna sredstva, 1992; M. Milo¡evicœ, Geografija za 7. razred osnovne ¡kole, 5th edn, Beograd: Zavod za ud≈benike i nastavna sredstva, 1996; J.Dj. Markovicœ, Geografska çitanka za 7. razred osnovne ¡kole, Beograd: Zavod za ud≈benike i nastavna sredstva, 1995; T. Rakicœevicœ and D. Dukicœ, Geografija za I razred gimnazije, 4th edn, Beograd: Zavod za ud≈benike i nastavna sredstva, 1994. However, their contents, dealing either with physical geography or human geography of continents and countries outside Europe, bear no direct relevance to the analysis of the geographic representations of Kosovo. 203 L. Rakicœ, Istorija za 5. razred osnovne ¡kole, 4th edn, Beograd: Zavod za ud≈benike i nastavna sredstva, 1996, pp. 135–7; Perovicœ and Smiljevicœ, Istorija za prvi razred çetvorogodi¡njih struçnih ¡kola, p. 37; cf. Danilovicœ and Danilovicœ, Poznavanje dru¡tva za 4. razred osnovne ¡kole, pp. 40–2. In the sixth-grade history textbook, Albanians are described as ‘descendants of partially Romanised Illyrians’, which is an exception to how they are generally portrayed; see Mihaljçicœ, Istorija za 6. razred osnovne ¡kole, pp. 30–1 and 115. 204 Ibid., p. 75; cf. CŒirkovicœ, Istorija za II razred gimnazije prirodno-matematiçkog smera, p. 31; cf. Danilovicœ and Danilovicœ, Poznavanje dru¡tva za 4. razred osnovne ¡kole, p. 49. 205 Mihaljçicœ, Istorija za 6. razred osnovne ¡kole, pp. 115–17. 206 CŒirkovicœ, Istorija za II razred gimnazije prirodno-matematiçkog smera, p. 65; Perovicœ and Smiljevicœ, Istorija za prvi razred çetvorogodi¡njih struçnih ¡kola, p. 129; cf. R. Mihaljçicœ and S. CŒirkovicœ, Istorijska çitanka za 6. razred osnovne ¡kole, 3rd edn, Beograd: Zavod za ud≈benike i nastavna sredstva, 1995, pp. 75–6. 207 Mihaljçicœ, Istorija za 6. razred osnovne ¡kole, pp. 144–6. In other textbooks the battle is allotted barely a paragraph or two; see: Danilovicœ and Danilovicœ, Poznavanje dru¡tva za 4. razred osnovne ¡kole, pp. 52–3; Perovicœ and B. Smiljevicœ, Istorija za prvi razred çetvorogodi¡njih struçnih ¡kola, p. 127; CŒirkovicœ, Istorija za II razred gimnazije prirodno-matematiçkog smera, p. 68. 208 Mihaljçicœ, Istorija za 6. razred osnovne ¡kole, p. 144. 209 N. Gacœe¡a, Lj. Mladenovicœ-Maksimovicœ and D. ˛ivkovicœ, Istorija za 8. razred osnovne ¡kole, 1st edn, Beograd: Zavod za ud≈benike i nastavna sredstva, 1993, p. 25. 210 Ibid., p. 47; cf. Perovicœ and Smiljevicœ, Istorija za prvi razred çetvorogodi¡njih struçnih ¡kola, pp. 193–4; M. Perovicœ and R. Novakovicœ, Istorija za III razred gimnazije (op¡ti tip i dru¡tveno-jeziçki smer) i struçnih ¡kola, 6th edn, Beograd: Zavod za ud≈benike i nastavna sredstva, 1993, p. 170. 211 Ibid., pp. 109 and 117; cf. N. Gacœe¡a, D. ˛ivkovicœ and Lj. Radovicœ, Istorija za II razred çetvorogodi¡njih struçnih ¡kola, 6th edn, Beograd: Zavod za ud≈benike i nastavna sredstva, 1995, p. 168. 212 Gacœe¡a, Mladenovicœ-Maksimovicœ and ˛ivkovicœ, Istorija za 8. razred osnovne ¡kole, p. 116. 213 Gacœe¡a, ˛ivkovicœ and Radovicœ, Istorija za II razred çetvorogodi¡njih struçnih ¡kola, p. 159. 214 Gacœe¡a, Mladenovicœ-Maksimovicœ and ˛ivkovicœ, Istorija za 8. razred osnovne ¡kole, p. 89. 215 Gacœe¡a, ˛ivkovicœ and Radovicœ, Istorija za II razred çetvorogodi¡njih struçnih ¡kola, p. 64. 216 Ibid., p. 65. 217 Ibid., p. 218. 218 Ibid.

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219 Milo¡evicœ, Geografija za 8. razred osnovne ¡kole, p. 67; Potkonjak and Milo¡evicœ, Geografija za 6. razred osnovne ¡kole, p. 47; Rodicœ, Geografija za I ili III razred srednje ¡kole, pp. 48–51. 220 Milo¡evicœ, Geografija za 8. razred osnovne ¡kole, p. 68. 221 Rodicœ, Geografija za I ili III razred srednje ¡kole, p. 133. 222 Gacœe¡a, ˛ivkovicœ and Radovicœ, Istorija za II razred çetvorogodi¡njih struçnih ¡kola, p. 65. 223 Ibid., pp. 217–18. 224 Gacœe¡a, Mladenovicœ-Maksimovicœ and ˛ivkovicœ, Istorija za 8. razred osnovne ¡kole, pp. 47–8; cf. Perovicœ and Smiljevicœ, Istorija za prvi razred çetvorogodi¡njih struçnih ¡kola, pp. 195–6. Similarly, the impression of Kosovo as an exclusively Serbian territory and landscape is reinforced by tasks assigned to pupils in geography workbooks. For example, one asks students to mark a monument sign for the Battle of Kosovo (1389) in the appropriate place. See Ilicœ and Danilovicœ, Radna sveska iz geografije za 8. razred osnovne ¡kole, p. 20. 225 Milo¡evicœ, Geografija za 8. razred osnovne ¡kole, p. 31. 226 Ibid. 227 Gacœe¡a, Mladenovicœ-Maksimovicœ and ˛ivkovicœ, Istorija za 8. razred osnovne ¡kole, p. 133. 228 Gacœe¡a, ˛ivkovicœ and Radovicœ, Istorija za II razred çetvorogodi¡njih struçnih ¡kola, p. 168. 229 Gacœe¡a, Mladenovicœ-Maksimovicœ and ˛ivkovicœ, Istorija za 8. razred osnovne ¡kole, p. 156; cf. Gacœe¡a, ˛ivkovicœ and Radovicœ, Istorija za II razred çetvorogodi¡njih struçnih ¡kola, p. 233. 230 Gacœe¡a, Mladenovicœ-Maksimovicœ and ˛ivkovicœ, Istorija za 8. razred osnovne ¡kole, p. 153. 231 Gacœe¡a, ˛ivkovicœ and Radovicœ, Istorija za II razred çetvorogodi¡njih struçnih ¡kola, p. 235. 232 Ibid. 233 Gacœe¡a, Mladenovicœ-Maksimovicœ and ˛ivkovicœ, Istorija za 8. razred osnovne ¡kole, p. 155. 234 Ibid., p. 157; cf. Gacœe¡a, ˛ivkovicœ and Radovicœ, Istorija za II razred çetvorogodi¡njih struçnih ¡kola, p. 239. 235 Gacœe¡a, Mladenovicœ-Maksimovicœ and ˛ivkovicœ, Istorija za 8. razred osnovne ¡kole, p. 155. 236 Note that certain textbooks had several editions in the analysed period of the 1990s. Some recent editions are completely identical to the older ones, as is the case of the fourth edition of Rakicœ, Istorija za 5. razred osnovne ¡kole, published in 1996, and the eighth edition, published in 2000 by the same author, L. Rakicœ, Istorija za 5. razred osnovne ¡kole, 8th edn, Beograd: Zavod za ud≈benike i nastavna sredstva, 2000, or the sixth edition of M. Perovicœ and M. Strugar, Istorija za 7. razred osnovne ¡kole, 6th edn, Beograd: Zavod za ud≈benike i nastavna sredstva, 1997, and its ninth edition M. Perovicœ and M. Strugar, Istorija za 7. razred osnovne ¡kole, 9th edn, Beograd: Zavod za ud≈benike i nastavna sredstva, 2000. The alterations in the history for the eighth grade of primary school are limited to the introduction of a short subsection entitled ‘Religions in Yugoslavia and the reasons for divisions on a religious basis’. However, the insertion of this section does not add to an understanding of the situation in Kosovo. By contrast, it appears to be aimed at explaining the conflict between the Serbs, Croats and Muslims by referring to the religious tensions in inter-war Yugoslavia. Cf. the first edition of Gacœe¡a, Mladenovicœ-Maksimovicœ and ˛ivkovicœ, Istorija za 8. razred osnovne ¡kole published in 1993 and its seventh edition Gacœe¡a, Mladenovicœ-Maksimovicœ

274 Notes

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241 242 243 244 245 246 247 248

and ˛ivkovicœ, Istorija za 8. razred osnovne ¡kole, 7th edn, Beograd: Zavod za ud≈benike i nastavna sredstva, 1999. For the added sub-unit, see Gacœe¡a, Mladenovicœ-Maksimovicœ and ˛ivkovicœ, Istorija za 8. razred osnovne ¡kole, 7th edn, pp. 94–6. Most extensive changes were made in the sixth-grade history textbook. Some sections dealing with the history of Slovenians, Macedonians, Croats and even France in the Late Middle Ages are omitted. However, most changes in the actual text concern the titles of sections in the textbooks, but not the content concerning the history of former Yugoslav lands. The adjective ‘South Slav’ in the headings, which indicates the Yugoslav character of the historical periods, is replaced by ‘Serb’ to stress the ‘Serbianness’ of the history presented; cf. the second edition of Mihaljçicœ, Istorija za 6. razred osnovne ¡kole published in 1992 and its ninth edition published in 1999, R. Mihaljicœ, Istorija za 6. razred osnovne ¡kole, 9th edn, Beograd: Zavod za ud≈benike i nastavna sredstva, 1999. Cf. D. Stojanovicœ, ‘Ud≈benici istorije kao ogledalo vremena’, in R. Rosandicœ and V. Pe¡icœ (eds) Ratni¡tvo patriotizam patrijarhalnost: Analiza ud≈benika za osnovne ¡kole, Beograd: Centar za antiratnu akciju/Grupa MOST, 1994, pp. 77–103, 94–6. It is also characteristic of the textbooks used in other Balkan states; I. Ilchev, ‘Future perspectives: history textbooks and the teaching of history, in particular from an intercultural angle, in the context of the Balkan states’, in Maria Couroucli (general rapporteur) The Balkans – Ethnic and Cultural Crossroads: Educational and Cultural Aspects, Strasbourg: Council of Europe Press, 1997, pp. 53–60. Most of the gazettes analysed are among the first issues published in their respective schools. Most were only published annually, either on the occasion of a school anniversary or a national holiday, largely due to financial constraints. It took several years from the founding of the Albanian parallel system in 1992 to organize a system of sponsorship by local private entrepreneurs. In some cases, donations from international non-governmental organizations also contributed to the publication of school gazettes and magazines. R. Coles, The Political Life of Children, New York: Atlantic Monthly Press, 1986. Similarly, the writings of children from the East End collected by Searle demonstrate a remarkable comprehension of class and social issues; see C. Searle, This New Season, London: Calder & Boyars, 1973 and C. Searle, Classrooms of Resistance, London: Writers and Readers Publishing Cooperative, 1975. V. Gashi, V-5, ‘Dua’, Lulëkuqet (Revistë e nxënësve të Shkollës fillore Zenel Hajdini), Prishtinë, No. 3, May 1997, p. 11; the Roman numeral indicates the grade of the pupil and the Arabic numeral indicates the number of the classroom. Primary school grades go from I to VIII, and secondary school grades from I to IV. M. Vita, VIII-3, ‘Kosova ime’, Lulëkuqet, No. 2, March 1997, p. 12. Z. Graca, VII-3, ‘Kosova është ar’, Lulëkuqet, No. 3, May 1997, p. 12. R. Sallahu, V-6, ‘Kosova’, Lulëkuqet, No. 3, May 1997, p. 13. S. Ymeri, VI-2, ‘Kosovë’, Lulëkuqet, No. 4, May 1998, p. 16. A. Loshaj, VIII-2, ‘Kosovë je legjendë që nuk shuhesh’, Zilja (Revistë e Shkollës fillore Hasan Prishtina), Prishtinë, No. 4, April 1998, p. 24. The word used in Albanian is robëri. It literally translates as bondage, slavery, yoke or servitude. The closest translation into English would be the yoke of repression. G. Matoshi, VI-4, ‘Dhembje e shpirtit’, Drita (Fletushkë e nxënësve të Shkollës fillore Selami Hallaçi), Gjilan, No. 1, April 1997, p. 10. M. Rrahmani, III-3, ‘Pesha e robërisë’, Gentiana lutea (E përkohshme e Shkollës së mesme të mjekësisë Elena Gjika), Ferizaj, October 1997, p. 15.

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249 B. Halimi, VII-2, ‘Babai’, Lulëkuqet, No. 4, May 1998, p. 17. 250 D. Paçarada, VI-1, ‘Ne fëmijët e Kosovës’, Lulëkuqet, No. 4, May 1998, p. 4. 251 Sh. Gori, VI-4, ‘Dhuna në shkollat shqipe’, Lulëkuqet, No. 4, May 1998, p. 17. 252 A. Kadriaj, V-2, ‘Gëzuar ditën tënde, shkollë krenare!’, Shqiponja (Revistë Letrare – Shkolla fillore Faik Konica), Prishtinë, No. 2, n/y, p. 3. 253 V. Kukaj, VIII, ‘Errësira’, Drita e diturisë (Organ i Shkollës fillore Sezai Surroi), Korishë, Year I, No. 2, November 1996, pp. 18–19. 254 A. Mekolli, V-5, ‘Babi’, Lulëkuqet, No. 2, March 1997, p. 12. 255 M. Kabashi, VIII-2, ‘Shoku i klases iku në Zvicër’, Drita e diturisë (Organ i Shkollës fillore Sezai Surroi), Korishë, Year I, No. 2, November 1996, p. 18. 256 L. Kabashi, VIII-2, ‘Dhuna’, Drita e diturisë (Organ i Shkollës fillore Sezai Surroi), Korishë, Year I, No. 1, June 1996, p. 21. 257 K. Ibushi,, VII-1, ‘Në mërgim’, Zilja, December, 1997, p. 9. 258 A. Behluli, VIII-3, untitled essay, Xixat (Revistë letrare e Shkollës fillore Abaz Ajeti), Gjilan, No. 2, March 1997, p. 5. 259 L. Krasniqi, VIII-1, ‘Pse?!’, Zilja, No. 1, 27 April 1997, p. 21; cf. B. Ajeti, VI-6, ‘Mos ia kthe shpinën atdheut’, Zilja, No. 1, 27 April 1997, p. 5. 260 S. Reshani, VI-4, ‘Mos qaj Kosovë’, Drita e diturisë (Organ i Shkollës fillore Sezai Surroi), Korishë, Year I, No. 2, November 1996, p. 17. 261 V. Mehmeti, VI-6, ‘Pse s’vjen babi’, Drita, No. 1, April 1997, p. 16. 262 Y. Kabashi, VIII-3, ‘E duam lirinë’, Drita e diturisë (Organ i Shkollës fillore ‘Sezai Surroi’) Korishë, Year I, No. 2, November 1996, p. 18. 263 A. Muçaj, VIII-2, ‘Atdhe – dua të jesh i lirë’, Drita e diturisë (Organ i Shkollës fillore Sezai Surroi), Korishë, Year I, No. 2, November 1996, p. 18. 264 B. Halili, VI-2, ‘Liria’, Lulëkuqet, No. 4, May 1998, p. 13; cf. B. Bekteshi, VII-3, ‘Ah, sa do të doja . . .!’, Zilja, No. 1, 27 April 1997, p. 21. 265 M. Berisha, VII-1, ‘Ëndërra për liri’, Lulëkuqet, No. 4, May 1998, p. 16. 266 A. Ukimeri, VIII-2, ‘Të pres’, Drita e diturisë (Organ i Shkollës fillore Sezai Surroi), Korishë, Year I, No. 2, November 1996, p. 16. 267 L. Behluli, V-3, ‘Liria’, Drita, No. 1, April 1997, p. 10; cf. A. Xhokli, VI-9, ‘Stërgjyshërit tanë’, Xixëllonja (Revistë shkollorë e sh.f. Gjon Serreçi), Ferizaj, Year I, No. 2, 1997, p. 9. 268 R. Kabashi, VI-3, ‘Lirisë’, Drita e diturisë (Organ i Shkollës fillore Sezai Surroi), Korishë, Year I, No. 1, June 1996, p. 20. 269 A. Ukshini, VII-4, ‘Nuk jam i vogël’, Drita, No. 1, April 1997, p. 16. 270 S. Krasniqi, VII-1, ‘Vëllai’, Shqiponja, No. 2, n/y, p. 8. 271 D. Shehu, II-7, ‘Tradhëtari’, Gentiana lutea, October 1997, p. 14; cf. A. Cakolli, VIII-2, ‘Me flamur’, Lulëkuqet, No. 2, March 1997, p. 6. 272 R. Rexhaj, VII-1, ‘Kosova ime’, Drita e diturisë (Organ i Shkollës fillore Sezai Surroi), Korishë, Year I, No. 1, June 1996, p. 19; cf. J. Fetiu, VI-3, ‘Deri kur në robëri’, Zilja, No. 4, April 1998, p. 12. 273 B. Muharremi, VII-6, ‘Dielli pa rreze, hëna pa dritë’, Xixëllonja, Year I, No. 2, 1997, p. 10. 274 F. Ajazi, [no class number], ‘Ende jam e vogël’, Shqiponja, No. 2, n/y, p. 9. 275 H. Berisha, VI-2 , ‘Shkollat tona’, Lulëkuqet, No. 4, May 1998, p. 16. 276 Sh. Gori, VI-4, ‘Dhuna në shkollat shqipe’, Lulëkuqet, No. 4, May 1998, p. 17. 277 Xh. Hajzeri, VII-2, ‘Në rrugën pa kthim’, Lulëkuqet, No. 3, May 1997, p. 21. 278 M. Makolli, VIII-1, ‘Libri’, Lulëkuqet, No. 4, May 1998, p. 12. 279 L. Bajçinovci, VIII [no class number], ‘Liria është shumë sthrenjët’, Lulëkuqet, No. 2, March 1997, p. 13. 280 L. Musliu, VI-2, ‘Shkolla’, Lulëkuqet, No. 2, March 1997, p. 6. 281 V. Hashani, VI-1, ‘7 Marsi–Dita e mësuesit’, Shqiponja, No. 2, n/y, p. 9.

276 Notes 282 A. Hetemi, VIII-2, ‘Shtatë Marsi’, Shqiponja, No. 2, n/y, p. 7. Cf. A. Rexhepi, V [no class number], ‘Shkolla e parë shqipe’, Lulëkuqet, No. 3, May 1997, p. 11. 283 K. Ahmeti, VII-3, ‘Urim për mësuesin’, Drita, No. 1, April 1997, p. 20; cf. U. Idriz, II-3, ‘Mësuesja Sheribane’, Zilja, No. 4, April 1998, p. 13. 284 A. Ukimeri, VII-2, ‘Popullit time’, Drita e diturisë (Organ i Shkollës fillore Sezai Surroi), Korishë, Year I, No. 2, June 1997, pp. 18–19. 285 F. Maloku, VI-7, ‘Gjuha jonë’, Drita, No. 1, April 1997, p. 10. 286 A. Krasniqi, V-5, ‘Ç’është e bukur’, Xixëllonja, Year I, No. 2, 1997, p. 9. 287 F. S. Krasniqi, VI-1, ‘Alfabeti’, Zilja, No. 1, 27 April 1997, p. 21. 288 I. Bytyqi, VIII-4, ‘Vendi më i bukur’, Xixëllonja, Year I, No. 2, p. 8. 289 I. Makolli, III-2, ‘Poezi për flamurin’, Lulëkuqet, No. 3, May 1997, p. 12. 290 V. Ibishi, V-1, ‘Flamuri’, Lulëkuqet, No. 4, May 1998, p. 12. 291 V. Kurti, VII-4, ‘Dita e flamurit’, Xixëllonja, Year I, No. 2, 1997, p. 8. 292 A. Isufi, V-2, ‘Festa e Atdheut tim’, Xixat, No. 2, March 1997, p. 5. 293 A. Misini, V-3, ‘Skënderbeu’, Xixat, No. 2, March 1997, p. 7. 294 Naim Frashëri, one of the leaders of the Albanian Rilindja, is praised for his literary contribution in A. Kabashi, IV-2, ‘Naim Frashëri’, Drita e diturisë (Organ i Shkollës fillore Sezai Surroi), Korishë, Year I, No. 2, November 1996, p. 17; Hasan Prishtina is hailed as a national hero in E. Ymeri, V-4, ‘Hasan Prishtina’, Zilja, No. 4, April 1998, p. 12; Bajram Curri is celebrated as an honourable defender of Albania in B. Krasniqi, VIII-1, ‘Bajram Curri’, Zilja, No. 1, 27 April 1997, p. 5; while Ismail Qemajli and Isa Boletini are praised as the founding fathers of the Albanian state in B. Shala, VIII-5, ‘Dita e Flamurit’, Xixëllonja, Year I, No. 2, 1997, p. 10. 295 K. Etemi, V-1, ‘Minatorit’, Shqiponja, No. 2, n/y, p. 7. 296 L. Berisha, [no class], ‘Anton Çeta fytyre e ndritar e popullit shqiptar’, Lulëkuqet, No. 3, May 1997, p. 21. 297 T. Ahmetaj, VIII-4, ‘Anton Qeta’, Drita e diturisë (Organ i Shkollës fillore Sezai Surroi), Korishë, Year I, No. 1, June 1996, p. 20. 298 A. Avdiu, VIII-4, ‘Mburremi për Nënën Terezë’, Xixëllonja, Year I, No. 2, p. 8. 299 A. Xhokli, VI-9, ‘Stërgjyshërit tanë’, Xixëllonja, Year I, No. 2, 1997, p. 9. 300 L. Kabashi, VIII-2, ‘Dhuna’, Drita e diturisë (Organ i Shkollës fillore Sezai Surroi), Korishë, Year I, No. 2, November 1996, p. 21. 301 K. Ibra, V-3, ‘Dikush’, Xixëllonja, Year 1, No. 2, 1997, p. 11. 302 L. Kabashi, VIII-2, ‘Dhuna’, Drita e diturisë (Organ i Shkollës fillore Sezai Surroi), Korishë, Year I, No. 2, November 1996, p. 21. 303 N. Metolli, [no class], ‘Jam i vogël’, Lulëkuqet, No. 2, March 1997, p. 12. 304 B. Krasniqi, IV-1, ‘Pranvera në Kosovë’, Zilja, No. 4, April 1998, p. 4. 305 E. Ibrahimi, V-2, ‘Shtrenjtë paguhet, gjaku shqiptar’, Zilja, No. 4, April 1998, p. 16. 306 F. Telaku, VIII-6, ‘Pranvera erdhi me plumba’, Zilja, No. 4, April 1998, p. 7. 307 F. Sheholli, VII-5, ‘Po të isha diell’, Zilja, No. 4, April 1998, p. 8. 308 I. Neziri, V-5, ‘Drenicës’, Lulëkuqet, No. 4, May 1998, p. 12. 309 Sh. Tahiri, VII-3, ‘Ke pasur Drenicë’, Lulëkuqet, No. 4, May 1998, p. 5. 310 L. Kozmaqi, VIII-7, ‘Drenicë, fole shqiponjash’, Lulëkuqet, No. 4, May 1998, p. 5. 311 B. Gori, VIII-2, ‘Duke kaluar nëpër shtrëngata’, Lulëkuqet, No. 4, May 1998, p. 5. 312 D. Kozmaqi, III-6, ‘Dëshirë për liri’, Lulëkuqet, No. 4, May 1998, p. 12. 313 E. Ajeti, V-5, ‘Drenicë jemi me ju’, Zilja, No. 4, April 1998, p. 5. 314 B. Gori, VIII-2, ‘Duke kaluar nëpër shtrëngata’, Lulëkuqet, No. 4, May 1998, p. 5.

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315 B. Krasniqi, IV-1, ‘Pranvera në Kosovë’, Zilja, No. 4, April 1998, p. 4. 316 The situations of conflict, at worst, but also of inter-ethnic or inter-racial tensions, emphasize children’s sense of nationhood, including the sense of national homelands. See K.C. Dougherty, ‘The role of social representations and national identities in the development of territorial knowledge: a study of political socialization in Argentina and England’, American Educational Research Journal 29, 1992: 809–35; B. Carrington and G. Short, ‘What makes a person British? Children’s conception of their national culture and identity’, Educational Studies 21, 1995: 217–38; H. Hengst, ‘Negotiating “us” and “them”: children’s constructions of collective identity’, Childhood 4, 1997: 43–62; M. Povrzanovic, ‘Children, war and nation: Croatia 1991–4’, Childhood 4, 1997: 81–102. 317 Interview with a Kosovo Albanian specialist and teacher, Pristina, winter 1997/8.

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Segregation in Kosovo prevails before and after NATO intervention 1 B. Haxhiu and A. Salihu, ‘Fundi i variantit “B” ’, Koha-Shtojca: Arsimi në shok-dhomë, 7 June 1995. 2 The Government of Kosovo was reconstructed in exile following the elections held in 1992. Prime Minister Bujar Bukoshi replaced former Prime Minister Jusuf Zejnullahu. However, Education Minister Muhamet Bicaj retained his post. 3 Interview with a Kosovo Albanian education analyst, Pristina, spring 1998. 4 B. Ilazi, ‘Ku humbën mbi një milion marka gjermane?’, Zëri, 26 April 1997. 5 H. Hyseni and A. Salihu, ‘Vija e mbrojtjes së shtetësisë së Kosovës?!’, KohaDosja/Arsimi, 20 September 1995. 6 ‘Report on the results of the referendum on the independence of Kosova’, in Albanian Democratic Movement in Former Yugoslavia-Documents: 1990–1993, pp. 17–18. 7 ‘Report on the multi-party elections for the Parliament and President of the Republic of Kosova’, in Albanian Democratic Movement in Former Yugoslavia-Documents: 1990–1993, pp. 19–20. 8 Ibrahim Rugova in S. D≈ezairi and V. Oro¡i, ‘Intervju: Ibrahim Rugova – Svi zatvaraju oçi’, Vreme, 24 June 1991. 9 ‘Chronology of the Kosovo crisis’, Evropa 2, January–February 1996, pp. 29–39, 37. 10 M. Limani, ‘Problemet e sistemit të ri klasik shtetëror’, Zëri, 3 February 1996. 11 Interview with an Albanian education analyst, Pristina, spring 1998. 12 M. Limani, ‘Virusi i brendshëm rrënues’, Zëri, 13 April 1996; cf. Q. Aliu, ‘Po ndërtohet sistem i ri i arsimit’, Bujku, 30 April 1993. 13 Hyseni and Salihu, ‘Vija e mbrojtjes së shtetësisë së Kosovës?!’. 14 Limani, ‘Problemet e arsimit shqip’, p. 5. 15 Hyseni and Salihu, ‘Vija e mbrojtjes së shtetësisë së Kosovës?!’. 16 Interview with an Albanian education analyst, Pristina, spring 1998. 17 M. Limani, ‘Qendra e vetme e problemeve: arka e arsimit’, Zëri, 24 January 1998. 18 Koliqi, The Survival of the University of Prishtina 1991–1996, pp. 54–5. 19 The legal basis for passing a governmental decree was dubious. According to Statovci, this right derives from amendments to the Kaçanik Constitution empowering the government to take over some jurisdictions of the Parliament. According to Limani, this was the first time the public heard about those amendments. Limani, ‘Problemet e arsimit shqip’, pp. 7–8. 20 D. Halimi and Sh. Maloku, ‘Mendim i ndarë’, Koha, 6 July 1994.

278 Notes 21 R. Demiri, ‘Vendosmëria dhe mençuria po e mban Universitetin’, Bujku, 3 October 1994. 22 M. Limani and Sh. Vinca, ‘Tryeza a Zërit: Gjendja ne arsimin kosovar (II) – Arsimi nuk mundet pa ministri aktive’, Zëri, 15 October 1994. 23 A. Salihu, ‘Dekretligji i quajtur rektor’, Koha, 6 July 1994. 24 Ibid. 25 M.S., ‘Kadrush Rama ushtrues i detyrës së dekanit’, Bota e re, November 1994. 26 A. Salihu, ‘Petrovci në dramën e Dekretligjit’, Koha, 3 November 1994. 27 H. Ibra, ‘Dekretligji – Bazë për rend në Universitet’, Bota e re, December 1994–January 1995. 28 B.P., ‘Enver Petrovci (despot Stefan Llazareviq) Dekan i Fakultetit të Arteve?’, Bota e re, October 1994. 29 E. Petrovci, ‘Anatemimi i artistit dhe fabrikimi i tradhtarit’, Koha, 19 November 1994. 30 Y. Avdiu, ‘Sa studentë ka Universiteti ynë’, Bujku, 6 April 1996. 31 Ibid.; cf. interview with Pristina University Chancellor Ejup Statovci, in Y. Avdiu and R. Demiri, ‘Universiteti është institucion shtetëror’, Bujku, 31 July 1996. 32 Cf. B. Ilazi, ‘Paratë nga dokumentacioni i LASH-it të derdhen në Ent’, Zëri, 21 June 1997. 33 M. Limani, ‘A ka gjasa për kthim në objekte shkollore’, Zëri, 31 August 1996. 34 Limani, ‘Qendra e vetme e problemeve: Arka e arsimit’. Xhavit Ahmeti, Rugova’s first adviser for education, was killed in a car accident in November 1996. 35 Z. Gashi, ‘Shokët më thonë: pse po i respekton kaq shumë normat’, Zëri, 23 September 1995. 36 A. Salihu, ‘Në arsim nuk është punuar me diletantizëm’, Koha, 1 May 1996. 37 Gashi, Shkollat te mesme të Prishtinës 1990/91–1996/97, p. 97. 38 Interview with a Kosovo Albanian education analyst, Pristina, spring 1998. 39 M. Limani, ‘Kur nuk ndodh asgjë’, Zëri, 5 March 1994. 40 A. Salihu, ‘Rënia me shpejtësinë e pestë’, Koha, 30 August 1995. 41 Interview with a Kosovo Albanian education official, Pristina, spring 1998. 42 Ibid. 43 Demi, Roli i Pleqësisë së Arsimit të, p. 18. 44 Limani, ‘Problemet e arsimit shqip’, p. 10. 45 M. Limani, ‘Kush u kërcënohet mësimdhënësve shqiptarë me kafshatën e gojës’, Zëri, 27 January 1996. See a picture of the cover pages of this booklet, Hyseni and Salihu, ‘Vija e mbrojtjes së shtetësisë së Kosovës?!’. 46 Limani, ‘Kush u kërcënohet mësimdhënësve shqiptarë me kafshatën e gojës’. 47 B. Ilazi, ‘Reformë drejtorësh dhe zhurmëri postesh’, Zëri, 23 September 1995; I.R., ‘Nervozë në arsim’, Koha, 27 December 1995. 48 Limani, ‘Kush u kërcënohet mësimdhënësve shqiptarë me kafshatën e gojës’; Staff of the secondary school Abdyl Frasheri were ‘blackmailed’ with salaries to accept a new headmaster; see N. Paçarizi, ‘“Reforma drejtorësh” apo shkolla sipas masës së partisë?’, Zëri, 23 September 1995. 49 Z. Alihajdari, ‘Në shkollat shqipe masa të reja të dhunshme’, Zëri, 16 September 1995. 50 B. Morina, ‘Dy drejtorë për një kasollë’, Zëri, 2 March 1996. 51 I. Thaçi, ‘Përmbyllja e centralizimit dhe hapja e problemeve’, Koha, 28 February 1996. 52 Interview with a Kosovo Albanian education analyst, Pristina, spring 1998. 53 H. Hyseni, ‘A duhet të luftojmë për secilin njeri?’, Koha, 28 February 1996.

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54 Cf. Interview with Jusuf Krasniqi, the head of the Republican Council, in B. Ilazi, ‘Ne vazhdojmë punën tonë’, Zëri, 28 June 1997. 55 Interview with Krasniqi, in M. Limani, ‘Institucionalizimi është zgjidhje e problemeve’, Zëri, 14 June 1997. 56 Interview with Zejnullah Rrahmani, Rugova’s education adviser, in M. Limani and B. Hamzaj, ‘Vendimet e zyrës se presidencës çfuqizojnë vendimet tjera’, Zëri, 28 June 1997. 57 Cf. interview with Krasniqi, in Ilazi, ‘Ne vazhdojmë punën tonë’. 58 B. Haxhiu, ‘Banka shkollore në tryezën diplomatike’, Koha, 1 June 1994. 59 Limani, ‘Virusi i brendshëm rrënues’. 60 B. Ilazi, ‘Çka thonë arsimtarët?’, Zëri, 3 February 1996. 61 Limani, ‘Qendra e vetme e problemeve: Arka e arsimit’. 62 Interview with Halim Hyseni, the director of the Pedagogical Institute of Kosovo, in A. Salihu and B. Haxhiu, ‘Drejt deshtetëzimit të Kosovës’, KohaShtojca: Arsimi në shok-dhomë, 7 June 1995. 63 Heset Mazrekaj, the head inspector of the Republican Inspectorate for Education of the Republic of Kosovo, in Ilazi, ‘Paratë nga dokumentacioni i LASH-it të derdhen në Ent’. 64 F. Kristaj, ‘Edhe sivjet të përdoret dokumentacioni pedagogjik i LASH-it’, Bujku, 10 June 1997; F.G., ‘Afera e dëftesave në Komunën e Rahovecit’, Zëri, 21 June 1997. 65 Interview with a Kosovo Albanian education analyst, Pristina, spring 1998. 66 A. Salihu, ‘Prodhimi i gjysmëanalfabetëve’, Koha, 1 June 1994. 67 S. Troebst, ‘International mediation in the Kosovo conflict, 1992 to 1998: the issue of education’, in The Kosovo Crisis: papers from a workshop held on 18 May at Green College, University of Oxford, RSP working paper 1, Oxford: Refugees Studies Programme, 1999, pp. 10–26, 11–13. 68 Cf. D. Gorani, ‘Nga represioni jonormal në represion normal?’, Koha, 18 September 1996. 69 See the original text of the agreement in Troebst, ‘International mediation in the Kosovo conflict, 1992 to 1998’, pp. 18–19. 70 ‘Hap i rëndësishëm drejt stabilizimit në Kosovë’, Bujku, 3 September 1996. 71 See an impromptu survey conducted by the weekly Koha, in The team for public opinion research of Koha, ‘Nënshkrimi i suksesit politik’, Koha, 18 September 1996. 72 B. Zogiani, ‘Nënshkrimi i marrveshjes për arsim – hap i parë për zgjidhjen e çështjes së Kosovës në bazë të vullnetit politik të popullit’, Bujku, 7 September 1996. 73 B. Rexhaj, ‘Marrëveshja mbi arsimin-dëshmi e vitalitetit tonë politike’, Bujku, 10 September 1996. 74 A. Demaçi, ‘Rrëshqitja drejt autonomisë kulturore!’, Zëri, 7 September 1996. 75 Ibid. 76 B. Kosumi, ‘Dyshoj se marrëveshja mund të realizohet’, Zëri, 7 September 1996. 77 Demaçi, ‘Rrëshqitja drejt autonomisë kulturore!’. 78 See the photocopy of the signatures in ‘Teksti i Marrëveshjes RugovaMilosheviq’, Zëri, 7 September 1996; Demaçi, ‘Rrëshqitja drejt autonomisë kulturore!’; cf. Troebst, ‘International mediation in the Kosovo conflict, 1992 to 1998’, p. 20. 79 F. Agani, ‘Marrëveshja-ç’është dhe ç’mund të shpresojmë’, Shkëndija, October 1996. 80 Gorani, ‘Nga represioni jonormal në represion normal?’. 81 B. Shala, ‘Fillimi i shthurjes’, Zëri, 7 September 1996.

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82 B. Ilazi, ‘Gëzimi dhe dyshimi’, Zëri, 7 September 1996; Y. Avdiu, ‘Realizimi i kësaj marrëveshjeje sigurisht nuk do të shkojë lehtë dhe shpejt’, Bujku, 7 September 1996. 83 ‘Realizimi i marrëveshjes për arsimin është në dyshim’, Bujku, 6 December 1996. 84 Cf. M. Limani, ‘Ringjallet marrëveshja për kthimin në objektet shkollore?’, Zëri, 18 January 1997; Vickers, Between Serb and Albanian, p. 306. 85 ‘Pod lupom: Obrazovanje na albanskom jeziku’, Fond za humanitarno pravo, Izve¡taj, Br. 24, February 1998, pp. 9–10. 86 Interview with a Kosovo Albanian education official, Pristina, winter 1997–8. 87 A. Zogaj, ‘Në pritje të udhëzimeve’, Zëri, 26 October 1996. 88 M. Limani, ‘Presione nga jashtë për të pranuar zhbërjen e Univesitetit të Prishtinës në faza’, Zëri, 17 May 1997; cf. Vickers, Between Serb and Albanian, p. 306. 89 M. Mavraj, ‘Mbijetimi i shkollimit shqip – një histori në vete’ (chronology of Albanian schooling compiled on the basis of reports in Bota e re, Rilindja, Zëri), Bota e re, October 1996. 90 Interview with a Kosovo Albanian former official and political analyst, Pristina, spring 1998. 91 N. Misini and R. Fazliu, ‘A mund të bëjmë më shumë për shkollën tonë?’, Bujku, 30 October 1996. 92 Interview with Prime Minister-in-Exile, Bujar Bukoshi, in B. Haxhiu, ‘Nga LDK-ja: “Populin duhet ushqyer me diçka”’, Koha, 30 October 1996. 93 ‘Deklaratë e Qeverisë së Republikës së Kosovës: Marrëveshja për arsimin të shikohet me optimizëm të kujdesshëm’, Bujku, 12 September 1996; K.A., ‘Marrëveshja mbi arsimin shqip do të realizohet pa kushte ose do të dështojë’, Bujku, 18 September 1996; B. Bukoshi, ‘Qeveria e Kosovës nuk ka marrë pjesë në negociatat për arsimin kosovar’, Zëri, 7 September 1996. 94 Troebst, ‘International mediation in the Kosovo conflict, 1992 to 1998’, p. 20. 95 Cf. Y. Avdiu, ‘Shqiptarët kthehen në shkolla?’, Bujku, 26 April 1997. 96 M.S., ‘Kuvend i harmonisë dhe iniciativave’, Bota e re, 1 May 1997; cf. H. Mulliqi, ‘ “Bota e re” si mollë sherri’, Zëri, 15 March 1997; cf. V. Murati, ‘Viti 1998: Luftë apo nënshtrim?’, Bota e re, February 1998. 97 H. Maliqi and Y. Avdiu, ‘Si të kthehemi në shkollat tona’, Bujku, 25 August 1997. First calls for protest were voiced by students in spring 1996 in response to the killing of an Albanian student, Armend Daci. A year later some 550 students signed a petition opposing the policy of the Albanian leadership in Kosovo. Both initiatives were ‘stifled’ by the then student leadership. See M. Limani, ‘Marsi, prilli, maji . . .’, Zëri, 5 April 1997. 98 D. Lajçi and M. Mavraj, ‘Ngjarje në funksion të pavarësisë’, Bota e re, April 1997. 99 Interview with Bujar Dugolli, the chairman of the UPSUP, in Sh. Tetaj and E. Luma, ‘Nuk do të protestojmë sa për sy e faqe’, Bota e re, 25 September 1997. 100 For numerous reports on the violent crackdown on the 1 October protest see the entire issue of Bujku, 2 October 1997. Similarly, see Bujku, 30 October 1997, for reports of the 29 October protest, and Bujku, 31 December 1997, for reports of the 30 December protest; cf. H. Clark, Civil Resistance in Kosovo, London/Sterling, VA: Pluto Press, 2000, pp. 151–7. 101 B. Cani, ‘Protestom do povratka u ¡kolske klupe’, Na¡a borba, 1 October 1997; ‘Dosledan stav Rugove’, Na¡a borba, 1 October 1997; ‘Buko¡i protiv odlaganja protesta’, Blic, 30 September 1997; interview with Muhamet Bicaj, Education Minister-in-Exile, in V. Murati, ‘Jam i bindur se studentët nuk do të tërhiqen nga iniciativa’, Bota e re, 1 October 1997.

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102 Interview with Bujar Bukoshi, Prime Minister-in-Exile, in M. Mavraj, ‘Nëse ju studentët heshtni, ju dhe të gjithë ne, e me ne edhe Kosova, do të stagnojmë’, Bota e re, 1 May 1997. 103 ‘Protestat ishin pozitive dhe të suksesshme’, Bujku, 4 October 1997; A. Spahiu, ‘Kosova e guximit dhe e dinjitetit’, Bujku, 4 October 1997. 104 R.D., ‘Universiteti s’pranon zgjidhje parciale’, Bujku, 8 October 1997. 105 Y.A. and R.B., ‘Kërkojmë vetëm kthim në objektet tona shkollore’, Bujku, 1 October 1997. 106 R. Demiri, ‘Do ta realizojmë qëllimin tonë të drejtë’, Bujku, 19 September 1997. 107 E. Berani, ‘Ritmet e frymimit të studentëve’, Bujku, 25 December 1997. 108 H. Bekteshi, ‘A u shkell Kushtetuta e Kosovës, kërkesat e 570 studentëve dhe lëvizja për pavarësi e bashkim kombëtar?’, Bota e re, July 1997. 109 D. Lajçi, ‘Politikanët s’do të na kthejnë në objektet tona, sidomos jo pa kryengrijen e rinisë për drejtësinë’, Bota e re, July 1997. 110 A. Kurti, ‘Domosdoshmëria e veprimit konkret’, Bota e re, 25 September 1997. 111 Berani, ‘Ritmet e frymimit të studentëve’. 112 J.A. Rexha, ‘Më 1 tetor u dëshmua se morali tek ne është shumë i lartë’, Bota e re-Shtojcë speciale, 29 October 1997. 113 B. Ejupi, ‘Synimi i studentëve-lëvizja e gjërave nga vendi’, Bota e re-Shtojcë speciale, 29 October 1997, p. 18. 114 Lajçi, ‘Politikanët s’do të na kthejnë në objektet tona, sidomos jo pa kryengritjen e rinisë për drejtësinë’. 115 Anon., ‘Tehniçki problem’, Na¡a borba, 17 October 1997. 116 Ibid. 117 Interview with Ejup Statovci, Pristina University Chancellor, in M. Mavraj, ‘Më mirë t’i shohësh prangat e tua ashtu siç janë sesa t’i zbukurosh me lule’, Bota e re, July 1997. 118 I. Hajdari, ‘Demonstracije do ispunjenja zahteva’, Na¡a borba, 30 October 1997. 119 Kurti, ‘Domosdoshmëria e veprimit konkret’. 120 L.M. and E.L., ‘UÇK-ja, e vetmja nga të gjitha forcat politike që veprojnë në Kosovë, tek e cila populli i mbështetë shpresat!’, Bota e re, December 1997. 121 Ibid. 122 The research team of Bota e re, ‘Në krye të lëvizjes sonë duhet të vijë një garniturë e re politikanësh’, Bota e re, December 1997. 123 F. Ajvazi, ‘Themeli i një rezistence aktive’, Bota e re, July 1995. 124 Interview with Bujar Bukoshi, Prime Minister-in-Exile, in Mavraj, ‘Nëse ju studentët heshtni, ju dhe të gjithë ne, e me ne edhe Kosova, do të stagnojmë’. 125 B. Tovërlani, ‘Studentët-faktorë në skenën politike’, Bota e re-Shtojcë speciale, 29 October 1997, p. 15. 126 B. Ilazi and F. Gashi, ‘Protestat-Përparësitë dhe limitet’, Zëri, 24 January 1998. 127 V. Murati, ‘Viti 1998: Luftë apo nënshtrim?’, Bota e re, February 1998. 128 Some dissatisfaction by students with organization of protests by the student leadership could be discerned from questions students asked their leaders. See ‘Ne do të fitojmë!’, Zëri, 17 January 1998. 129 M. Cakaj, ‘Studentët po i thejnë tabutë’, Bota e re, November 1997. 130 Interview with Bajram Kosumi, deputy leader of the Parliamentary Party of Kosovo, in G. Dugolli, ‘Në mes të status-quos dhe luftës në Kosovë, ka mbetur shumë pak hapësirë’, Bota e re, December 1997. 131 R. Barjaktarevicœ and V. Radivojevicœ, ‘Srbi i Albanci u istim ¡kolama’, Blic, 24 March 1998. 132 L. Aliu, ‘Paglia: “Ose do të fitojmë të gjithë – ose do të humbin të gjithë”’, Koha ditore, 24 March 1998.

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133 ‘Palja është kërcënuar me tërheqje nga Marrëveshja’, Koha ditore, 11 February 1998 based on Arb; cf. ‘Nxënësit shqiptarë në “objekte shtetërore” ’, Koha ditore, 18 February 1998, quoting Na¡a borba (Fonet). 134 ‘Agreed Measures for the Implementation of the Accord on Education of 1 September 1996’ (the original text of the implementation measures distributed to the journalists at the signing ceremony at the National Library in Pristina, 23 March 1998): the students who are now normally studying in the premises and Albanian students will alternate in the use of the university spaces and facilities, with the system of double shifts exhanged every semester. In the first semester of implementation of these measures, the students who are now normally studying in the premises will use the facilities in the morning (till 2 p.m.) and the Albanians in the afternoon; in the second semester, the shifts will be reversed, with the Albanian students in the morning and the students who are now attending classes in the premises in the afternoon, and so on in the following semesters. 135 Interview with an Albanian negotiatior in the Albanian troika, Pristina, summer 1998. 136 ‘Agreed Measures for the Implementation of the Accord on Education of 1 September 1996’. 137 ‘Kosmet-Obrazovanje-Sporazum’, Tanjug, 23 March 1998. The same wording was used in the Serbian press that published the complete text of the agreement on measures. For example, see ‘Dokumenti: Mere za primenu sporazuma o obrazovanju na Kosovu’, Na¡a borba, 24 March 1998; M. Kikovicœ and M. Vuksanovicœ, ‘3 + 3 = Nastava’, Novosti, 24 March 1998. The same interpretation of the word ‘re-enter’ also appears in point 4 of the Agreed Measures. 138 ‘Agreed Measures for the Implementation of the Accord on Education of 1 September 1996’. 139 ‘Measures Agreed on Implementation of Education Accord’, Kosova Information Center, Kosova Daily Report #1380-A, Prishtina, 23 March 1998. 140 ‘Masat e miratuara për implementimin e Marrëveshjes së Arsimit të 1 shtatorit 1996’, Koha ditore, 24 March 1998. 141 ‘Ratomir Vico o znaçaju primene Sporazuma o normalizaciji obrazovanja za albansku decu: Poraz separatizma’, Novosti, 24 March 1998. 142 ‘Albanci iza¡li iz geta u koji su nasilno gurnuti’, Blic, 24 March 1998. 143 A. Islami, ‘Në marrëveshje ende ka gjëra të paprecizuara’, Koha ditore, 24 March 1998. 144 ‘Albanci iza¡li iz geta u koji su nasilno gurnuti’. 145 ‘Arsimi i Kosovës nuk do të jetë në varshmëri të një shteti të huaj’, Bujku, 28 May 1998, based on QIK. 146 F. Agani, ‘Mjerimi i politikës tinzare’, Zëri, 16 May 1998. 147 M. Limani, ‘Abdyl Ramaj, Anëtar i grupit “3 + 3”: Dorëzanët e fortë dhe befasitë serbe’, Zëri, 28 March 1998. 148 Interview with a member of the Albanian troika, Pristina, summer 1998. 149 Ibid. 150 Ibid. 151 V. Radivojevicœ, ‘Katastrofalni potez Vlade Srbije’, Blic, 24 March 1998. 152 R. Barjaktarevicœ and V. Radivojevicœ, ‘Rektor, studenti i gradjani protiv Sporazuma’, Blic, 24 March 1998. 153 M.L. ‘Bujar Dugolli, Kryetar i UPSUP 24 mars 1998: Nënshkrimi i dytë, dy ditë para mbledhjes së Bonit ështe fatal . . .’, Zëri, 28 March 1998. 154 Interview with one of the UPSUP leadership, Pristina, summer 1998. 155 Ibid.

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156 ‘Komunikatë e Unionit të Pavarur të Studentëve të UP-së; Studentët: Takimi në Beograd – nënçmues, fyes, poshtërues . . .’, Koha ditore, 17 May 1998. The communique of the UPSUP on the occasion of the withdrawal of Bujar Dugolli from a broad-based political advisory group of Ibrahim Rugova, the so-called G-15, in a response to a meeting between Albanian leader Ibrahim Rugova and Serbian leader Slobodan Milo¡evicœ in Belgrade, contains a list of student demands. Prominent among these were a condition of international mediation and a withdrawal of Serbian police forces from Kosovo. 157 Radivojevicœ, ‘Katastrofalni potez Vlade Srbije’. 158 B. Jasicœ, ‘DT Intervju: Uçinicœemo sve da ih spreçimo’, Dnevni telegraf, 26 March 1998. 159 Limani, ‘Abdyl Ramaj, Anëtar i grupit “3 + 3”: Dorëzanët e fortë dhe befasitë serbe’. 160 A. Zogaj, ‘Frika nga një lojë e re?!’, Zëri, 28 March 1998. 161 M. Vuksanovicœ, ‘Euforija i gorçina’, Novosti, 2 April 1998. 162 ‘Dogovoreno ispunjeno’, Novosti, 1 April 1998, based on Tanjug. 163 A. Maliqi, ‘Kthimi në shtëpi’, Bujku, 2 April 1998. 164 N. Miftari, ‘Prona e huaj s’bëhet jotja, po kthehemi në atë që është jona’, Koha ditore, 2 April 1998. 165 ‘Fillimi i fitores sonë’, Koha ditore, 2 April 1998. 166 Maliqi, ‘Kthimi në shtëpi’. 167 On complexities of selecting the first three faculties see Y. Avdiu, ‘Ende gjithëçka e paqarte’, Bujku, 14 May 1998. 168 M.K., ‘Necœe sa fakulteta’, Novosti, 8 May 1998. 169 Re¡enje, Republika Srbija, Ministarstvo prosvete, Broj: Slu≈beno, 28.04.1998. Beograd (a photocopy of the notice was distributed by the Serbian students at the Technical Faculty). 170 ‘Probudite se studenti!!!’ (leaflet distributed by the Crisis Headquarters of the Serbian students of the Technical Faculties). 171 ‘Policija “izvela” srpske studente sa fakulteta’, Na¡a borba, 19 May 1998, based on Beta. 172 H. Maliqi and Y. Avdiu, ‘Policia para fakulteteve’, Bujku, 1 May 1998. 173 ‘Akademski “dijalog” kamenicama’, Na¡a borba, 19 May 1998, based on Fonet; ‘Ne damo Univerzitet!’, Danas, 19 May 1998. 174 The author’s observation of the scheduled handover of the Technical Faculty, 18 May 1998. 175 ‘Preraspodela, a ne prekid nastave’, Na¡a borba, 21 May 1998, based on Fonet. 176 F.A., ‘Studentët serbë demoluan objektin e Fakultetit Teknik’, Koha ditore, 19 May 1998. 177 Ibid.; R.D. ‘Studentët vandalë serbë thyen gjithçka brenda e jashtë fakultetit’, Bujku, 19 May 1998; ‘Ne damo Univerzitet!’; R. Barjaktarevicœ, ‘Zgrada Tehniçkog fakulteta predata albanskim studentima’, Glas javnosti, 21 May 1998. 178 The author’s visit to the Technical Faculty, June 1998. 179 Cf. A. Pallata, ‘Studentët kthehen në Teknik: Kur euforia e mund dhembjen’, Jeta-Shtojcë Nr. 69, Zëri, 23 May 1998; I. Kabashi, ‘Vandalizmit serb shqiptarët i përgjigjen me diplomime’, Bota e re, 9 June 1998. 180 Interview with an Albanian lecturer at the Technical Faculty, Pristina, spring 1998. 181 Interview with an Albanian student at the Technical Faculty, Pristina, spring 1998. 182 Interview with another Albanian student at the Technical Faculty, Pristina, spring 1998.

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183 B. Kajtazi, ‘Serbët i duan shkollat më të mira!’, Bujku, 2 April 1998; Y. Avdiu, ‘Tash – ndarja i shkollave?’, Bujku, 9 May 1998; ‘Pala serbe po sajon obstruksione’, Bujku, 9 May 1998, based on QIK; M. Limani, ‘A do të pranojnë përfaqësuesit shqiptarë aparteidin?’, Zëri, 16 May 1998. 184 L.J., ‘Pri¡tinske bruco¡e finansiracœe Republika’, Danas, 25 June 1998. 185 Cf. a statement by Ahmet Gecaj, Deputy Prorector of the Albanian University in L.J., ‘Pitanje ¡kolskog prostora zavisi od statusa Kosova’, Danas, 25 June 1998. 186 Limani, ‘A do të pranojnë përfaqësuesit shqiptarë aparteidin?’. 187 Ibid. 188 E. Luma, ‘Loja me ndjenjat studentore ndoshta do të shpie në metamorfizimin total të lëvizjes studentore. Zoti Palja!’, Bota e re, 8 May 1998. 189 Ibid. 190 B. Ilazi, ‘Tri variante për një situatë të tmerrshme’, Zëri, 5 September 1998. 191 Author’s visit to the primary school Hasan Prishtina, Pristina, autumn 1998. 192 Interview with the Albanian director of the primary school Hasan Prishtina, Pristina, autumn 1998. 193 Interview with an Albanian philosophy student, Pristina, spring 1998. 194 E. Luma, ‘Ata të cilët e ngjallën Kosovën më 1 tetor të vitit të kaluar, po numërojnë edhe në radhët e Ushtrisë Çlirimtarë të Kosovës, këtë vit’, Bota e re, 7 July 1998. 195 M. Bogaj, ‘Përgatitjet elementare për rreziqet e luftës mirëpriten nga studentët’, Bota e re, 26 May 1998; Komisioni për Shëndetësi i UPSUP-së, ‘Mësoni t’i ndihmoni vetvetes dhe të tjerëve’, Bota e re, 26 May 1998; A. Behramaj and B. Neziri, ‘Gjakderdhja dhe ndihma e parë’, Bota e re, 28 June 1998. 196 F. Ahmeti, ‘Po shkoj në luftë . . .’, Bota e re, 7 July 1998. 197 J.A. Rexha, ‘Me veprën e tyre u bënë shembull për gjenerata’, Bota e re, 7 July 1998; H. Behluli, ‘Iliri, përherë thoshte: “Ah, Kosovë sa shumë ke për të gjëmuar!”’, Bota e re, 28 June 1998; B. Berisha, ‘Trimat e lirisë nuk e dinë se ç’është frika’, Bota e re, 7 July 1998; L.M. ‘Lavdi i qoftë përjetë rënies heroike të Mentor Dervishajt’, Bota e re, 7 July 1998. 198 Ahmeti, ‘Po shkoj në luftë . . .’. 199 D.H. Allin, ‘Unintended consequences – managing Kosovo independence’, in D. Triantaphyllou (ed.) What Status for Kosovo?, Chaillot Paper 50, Paris: Institute for Security Studies, Western European Union, October 2001, pp. 7–17, 9. 200 H. Clark, Kosovo-Work in Progress: Closing the Cycle of Violence, Coventry: Centre for the Study of Forgiveness and Reconciliation, Coventry University, January 2002, p. 21. 201 The exact number of Serbs in Serbia as Internally Displaced Persons from Kosovo and the exact number of Serbs who remained in Kosovo are disputed; see ‘The Lausanne principle: Multiethnicity, territory and the future of Kosovo Serbs’, in European Stability Initiative, Berlin/Pristina, 7 June 2004, pp. 7–8. Online. Available at http://www.esiweb.org (accessed 10 August 2004). 202 N.Lj. Stevanovicœ and D. Konjiku¡icœ, ‘Izbori na Kosovu: izadji i bori se’, Vreme, 15 November 2001; D. Anastasijevicœ, ‘Good policies needed before good practices can thrive in Kosovo’, in N. Dimitrijevicœ and P. Kovács (eds) Managing Hatred and Distrust: The Prognosis for Post-conflict Settlement in Multiethnic Communities in the Former Yugoslavia, Budapest: Local Government and Public Service Reform Initiative/Open Society Institute, 2004, pp. 103–13. 203 ‘Collapse in Kosovo’, International Crisis Group, ICG Europe Report No. 155, Pristina/Belgrade/Brussels, 22 April 2004.

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204 The European Stability Initiative claims that the number of Serbs living north of the river Ibar is a third of the total Serb population in Kosovo, ‘The Lausanne principle’, pp. 7–8. Nonetheless, as the largest contiguous Serbpopulated territory leaning on Serbia, this area is perceived as most secure by the Serbs. 205 D. Holley, ‘In Kosovo, new school year knocks down old barriers’, LA Times, 31 August 1999. 206 D. Williams, ‘For Yugoslav students, summer was no vacation: across nation, schools reopen to tales of war,’ Washington Post Foreign Service, 7 September 1999. 207 B. Abazi, ‘University education in Kosovo: Struggle for lost lessons’, AIM Pristina, 18 September 1999. Online. Available at http://www.aimpress.ch/ (accessed 25 August 2004). 208 ‘Kosovo/Kosova: Prisoners in our own homes’, Amnesty International, 29 April 2003, AI Index: EUR 70/010/2003, pp. 39–40. Online. Available at http://web. amnesty.org/library/Index/ENGEUR700102003 (accessed 5 September 2004). Cf. T. Matic and O. Stojanovic, ‘Kosovo: Serb schools in doldrums’, Balkan Crisis Report, No. 421, 8 April 2003. Online. Available at http//:www.iwpr.net (accessed 22 January 2004). 209 Interview with the representative of the Serbian Ministry of Education, northern Mitrovica, summer 2003. 210 H. Murseli, ‘Multiethnic schools: promoting a wider identity’, Focus KosovoSocial Affairs, 2002. Online. Available at http://www.unmikonline.org/pul/ focuskos/feb02/focusksocaffair4.htm (accessed 6 April 2002). 211 Film ⁄kola na¡eg nezadovoljstva, author and director Ninoslav Randjelovicœ, Ronin production, 2003. 212 Interview with the representative of the Serbian Ministry of Education, northern Mitrovica, June 2003. 213 Interview with the Serbian clerk in the UNMIK administration, northern Mitrovica, June 2003. 214 ‘Parallel structures in Kosovo’, Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, Mission in Kosovo, Department of Human Rights and Rule of Law, October 2003, p. 32. Online. Available at http://www.osce.org/documents/mik/ 2003/10/698_en.pdf (accessed 25 September 2004). 215 Abazi, ‘University education in Kosovo: Struggle for lost lessons’. 216 M. Daxner, ‘Opinion: Higher education for Kosovo Serbs needs coordination not co-decision’, UNMIK/FR/069/01. Online. Available at http://unmikonline. org/pub/features/fr069.html (accessed 6 April 2002). 217 Interview with an Albanian lecturer from the Pristina University, London, June 2004. 218 E. Gjurgjeala and S. Shala, ‘Investigation: Kosovo’s over-politicised university’, Balkan Crisis Report, No. 508, 23 July 2004. Available at http:// www.iwpr.net (accessed 5 June 2004). 219 Former Serbian Education Minister Ga¡o Kne≈evic in ‘Kne≈evicœ: Ideolo¡ka borba na terenu prosvete’, B92, 26 April 2004. Online. Available at http://www. b92.net (accessed 20 August 2004). 220 V. Cukic, ‘Mitrovica university’, AIM Mitrovica, 11 November 2001. Online. Available at http://www.aimpress.ch/ (accessed 25 August 2004). 221 ‘Kosovo/Kosova: Prisoners in our own homes’, p. 41. 222 O.N., ‘Unmik odredjuje plate i broj bruco¡a’, Glas javnosti, 1 April 2002; cf. ‘Diplome na srpskom’, Glas javnosti, 1 April 2002. 223 Arsim Bajrami, Deputy Dean for Academic Issues at Pristina University, in ‘Hypocrisy or something else’, Rilindja, 15 October 2001. Online. Available

286 Notes

224 225 226 227 228 229 230

231 232 233 234 235 236 237 238 239 240

at http://www.unmikonline.org/press/2001/mon/lmm151001.html (accessed 15 August 2004). ‘Aliu: UNMIK’s Serb University’, Bota Sot, 20 October 2001. Online. Available at http://www.unmikonline.org/press/2001/mon/lmm201001.html (accessed 15 August 2004). Ibid. Cf. ‘UNMIK: Univerzitet u Mitrovici nije paralelna struktura Srba’, 14 October 2001, quoting Beta. Online. Available at http://www.mfa.gov.yu/ Srpski/Bilteni/Srpski/b151001_s.html (accessed 17 August 2004). Interview with Professor Gojko Savicœ, the former rector of the Serbian university in Mitrovica, Mitrovica, June 2003. Ibid. B. Radomirovicœ, ‘Odbijen Nacrt statuta Pri¡tinskog univerziteta’, Politika, 14 January 2004. ‘Parallel structures in Kosovo’, p. 31. ‘Kamenovan autobus sa srpskim djacima’, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Serbia and Montenegro, based on Tanjug, 28 January 2004. Online. Available at http://www.mfa.gov.yu/Srpski/spopol/CI/KIM/280104_8_s.html (accessed 20 August 2004). F. Rexhepi and I. Bicaj, Historia. Për klasën e nëntë orientuese, Prishtinë: Shtëpia Botuese Libri Shkollor, 2003, p. 210. F. Rexhepi, V. Kuri and B. Jahollari, Të njohim historinë e popullit tonë, 2nd edn, Prishtinë: Shtëpia Botuese Libri Shkollor, 2000, p. 85. F. Pushkolli, Historia e sotme. Për klasën e tretë gjimnaz drejtimi shoqërorgjuhësor, 2nd edn, Prishtinë: Shtëpia Botuese Libri Shkollor, 2003, p. 223. Rexhepi and Bicaj, Historia. Për klasën e nëntë orientuese, p. 210. Pushkolli, Historia e sotme, p. 223. D.M. Kovaçevicœ, D. Mikavica, B. Be¡lin and B. Simunovicœ-Be¡lin, Istorija za osmi razred osnovne ¡kole, Zavod za ud≈benike i nastavna sredstva: Beograd, 2001, pp. 204–5. Ibid. Ibid. See Karta Kosova i Metohije in M. Milo¡evicœ, Geografija za osmi razred osnovne ¡kole, 10th edn, Zavod za ud≈benike i nastavna sredstva: Beograd, 2002, p. 19. Ibid., p. 8.

Conclusion 1 Mertus, Kosovo. 2 S.P. Ramet, Balkan Babel: Politics, Culture and Religion in Yugoslavia, Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1992, p. 27. 3 S. Cerovicœ, ‘Ças istine’, Vreme, 26 November 1990. 4 A. Appadurai, ‘Sovereignty without territoriality: notes for a postnational geography’, in P. Yaeger (ed.) The Geography of Identity, Ann Arbor, MI: The University of Michigan Press, pp. 40–58, 46. 5 Forsberg, ‘The ground without foundation?’. 6 G.H. Herb, ‘National identity and territory’, in: G.H. Herb and D.H. Kaplan (eds), Nested Identities: Nationalism, Territory, and Scale, Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 1999, pp. 9–30. 7 White, Nationalism and Territory. 8 A. Paasi, ‘Nationalizing everyday life: individual and collective identities as practice and discourse’, Geography Research Forum 19, 1999: 4–21.

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9 Keyfitz, ‘Subdividing national territories’; A. Kavanagh, ‘Postmodernity, globalisation and nationalist conflict in the former Yugoslavia’, Geopolitics and International Boundaries 3, 1998: 34–52. 10 Cf. E. Bayrasli, ‘Comment: Bosnia’s Education Law fiasco’, Balkan Crisis Report, No. 498, May 20, 2004. Online. Available at http//:www.iwpr.net (accessed 18 September 2004). 11 Cf. V. Petroska-Beska and M. Najcevska, ‘Macedonia: Understanding history, preventing future conflict’, United States Institute of Peace, Special Report 115, February 2004. Online. Available at http://www.reliefweb.int/library/ documents/2004/usip-mkd-17feb.pdf (accessed 17 September 2004). 12 D. Hedl, ‘Croatia: painful history lessons’, Balkan Crisis Report, No. 432, 23 May 2003. Online. Available at http//:www.iwpr.net (accessed 18 September 2004). 13 See Crawford, ‘History textbooks and the construction of national memory’. 14 M.-L. Murgescu, ‘Rewriting school textbooks as a tool of understanding and stability’, in D.A. Sotiropoulos and T. Veremis (eds) Is Southeastern Europe Doomed to Instability?, London and Portland, OR: Frank Cass, 2002, pp. 90–104. 15 P. Szebenyi, ‘Change in the systems of public education in East Central Europe’, Comparative Education 28, 1992: 19–31, 23; cf. J.G. Vaillant, ‘Reform in history and social studies education in Russian secondary schools’, in A. Jones (ed.) Education and Society in the New Russia, Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1994, pp. 141–68, 142. 16 Szebenyi, ‘Change in the systems of public education in East Central Europe’; Vaillant, ‘Reform in history and social studies education in Russian secondary schools’, pp. 146–52. It ought to be noted, however, that the process of pluralization of historical views in schools has also been severely undermined by financial constraints in some countries, such as Albania and the Ukraine. LowBeer, ‘Creating school history textbooks after Communism’, p. 4; Wanner, Burden of Dreams, p. 100. 17 Low-Beer, The Reform of History Teaching in Schools in European Countries in Democratic Transition, pp. 30–2; cf. W.B. Husband, ‘History education and historiography in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia’, in Jones (ed.) Education and Society in the New Russia, pp. 119–39. 18 Ilchev, ‘Future perspectives’. 19 C. Koulouri (ed.), Clio in the Balkans: The Politics of History Education, Thessaloniki: Center for Democracy and Reconciliation in Southeast Europe, 2002; W. Höpken (ed.) Öl ins Feuer?: Schulbücher, ethnische Stereotypen und Gewalt in Südosteuropa, Hanover: Verlag Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1996; J. Ledic, ‘Croatia above all: values/messages in Croatian elementary school curriculum’, paper presented at the European Conference on Educational Research, Edinburgh, 20–23 September 2000; R. Rosandicœ and V. Pe¡icœ (eds), Ratni¡tvo patriotizam patrijarhalnost: Analiza ud≈benika za osnovne ¡kole, Beograd: Centar za antiratnu akciju/Grupa MOST, 1994; H. Karge, ‘Geschichtsbilder im postjugoslawischen Raum: Konzeptionen in Geschichtslehrbüchern am Beispiel von Selbst- und Nachbarschaftswahrnehmung’, Internationale Schulbuchforschung 21, 1999: 315–37.

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Koordinacioni centar Srbije i Crne Gore i Republike Srbije za Kosovo i Metohiju. Online. Available at http://www.kc.gov.yu (accessed 15 April 2004).

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1974 Constitution 6, 41, 58–9, 63, 79; representation in Albanian school textbooks 153; representation in Serbian school textbooks 165–6 Action Programme, League of Communists of Kosovo 53 active non-violence 192–5 Ademaj, Eshref 103, 104 Agani, Fehmi 190, 197 agreement on education see Rugova– Milo¡evic´ education accord Ahmeti, Xhavit 123–4, 184 Albania: administration of Kosovo during World War Two 38–9; Education Ministry 39; expulsion of Albanian teachers from Kosovo 40; independence (1912) 34, 141–2; Kosovo ban on books by Albanian authors 56; relations with Yugoslavia 47–50 Albania-Kosovo collaboration: in education 45–9; inter-university cooperation 46, 133; representation in school textbooks 146–7; school curricula 131–2 Albanian alphabet 31–2; celebrated in a child’s poem 174 Albanian Coordination Council for the Issue of Education of Kosovo 93 Albanian cross-border cooperation see Albania–Kosovo collaboration Albanian cultural revival see cultural movement Albanian customary law 115–16, 118

Albanian diaspora: financial contributions 114–15, 122, 123 Albanian Education Ministry of Kosovo 99, 183 Albanian historiography 56, 58 Albanian Independent Union for Education 124 Albanian language: publishing activities, in Ottoman period 31, 33, 35; standard 45–6; teaching for Serb pupils 70–1 Albanian language education: during World War One 36; during World War Two 38–9; expansion in Communist period 40–7; historical perspective 21; ideological issues 47–50; in Ottoman period 32–5; Serbian intervention in 1980s 52–74; Serbian intervention 1989– 75–96; Serbian suppression 1912–14 36; Serbian suppression 1918–39 37–8; see also parallel Albanian education system Albanian national heroes: in poems and essays of Albanian pupils 176; representation in school textbooks 138–9 Albanian national identity and nationhood: celebration in parallel education system 180–1; cultural revival in Ottoman period 31–4; national solidarity in period of parallel education 112–14, 117–18; in poems and essays of Albanian pupils 168–80; representation in school

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textbooks 134–47, 156; suppression in 1980s 52–3, 57–8 Albanian national movement: in Communist period 44–5, 49–50, 67–8; in Ottoman period 30–1; in post-autonomy period 117, 120–1, 125–6; representation in school textbooks 140–1 Albanian parallel education system see parallel Albanian education system Albanian parallel university see parallel Albanian university Albanian Pristina University 193, 208; see also University of Pristina Albanian resistance to Serbian intervention 91–5 Albanological Institute: founding 42; in period of parallel education 104; return of Albanians 199–200 all-Albanian joint curricula 131–2 Alphabet Congress 32 alphabets, Albanian see Albanian alphabet Ambassadors’ Conference (1913), representation in school textbooks 142–3 Arabic alphabet 32 armed conflict 202–3 Association of Educators of Kosovo and Metohija St Sava 86, 87 Austro-Hungarian rule 36–7 Battle of Kosovo: representation in Albanian school textbooks 152–3; representation in Serbian school textbooks 161 Bicaj, Muhamet 183, 184, 193 blood feud 116; see also Kanun of Lekë Dukagjini (customary law); reconciliation (Albanian national) boycott of classes 70, 73, 83 ‘brotherhood and unity’ 43–4, 45, 70–1 Bujan Resolution 144; representation in Serbian school textbooks 165 Bukoshi, Bujar 193 Bulgarian occupation, during World War Two 36, 38 Bulgarian schools 32, 36

Catholic schools 32, 35 Central Financial Council of Kosovo 121–5 centralization of education 23 Cernica 205 Çetta, Anton 117 children’s writings 168–79, 180 collaborators with Serbs, sanctions 115–19 Committee for the ‘National Defence of Kosovo’ 154 Communist rule: demise of Communism 6–7, 130; educational expansion in Kosovo 40–7; ideological issues 47–50; national identity and nationhood 5–7, 9–10; suppression of Albanian nationalism 52–8 Comunitá di Sant’Egidio 189, 196 Congress of Diber 32 Congress of Elbasan 34 Congress of Monastir 32 Constitution (1974) 6, 41, 58–9, 63, 79; representation in Albanian school textbooks 153; representation in Serbian school textbooks 165–6 constitutional unification of Serbia 60, 64, 78–9 cultural movement: clubs and societies 31, 33, 34, 35; collaboration with Albania 46–7 curricula: adoption of Kosovo curricula by Albanians (1990) 79; ideological screening 53, 64; imposition of common cores 56–7; in Communist period 40, 42; in parallel Albanian education system 98, 130, 131–2; national identity and nationhood in 22–4, 130–47; Serbian–Albanian dispute 77, 79, 80–1, 87, 89 customary law 115–16, 118 Dardanian state, representation in school textbooks 138–9 de-Albanianization of Kosovo education system 65, 84–9 Declaration of Independence 80; representation in school textbooks 141–2

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Decree for Higher Education 185 Decree on Temporary Administration of Education in the Republic of Kosovo 186, 188 Demaçi, Adem 190 Demi, Zeqir 80 Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) 60, 65, 183, 188 democratization 9, 60, 67 demographic changes: in 1980s 59; in 1990s 121; representation in Albanian school textbooks 150–1; representation in Serbian school textbooks 164 demonstrations see protests and demonstrations desegregation attempts 208; see also ethnically mixed education dialects, Albanian language 45 diaspora, financial contributions 114–15, 122, 123 ‘differentiation’ 53, 57 dismissals 40, 78–9, 82, 83–4, 88 dissenters to Albanian cause, sanctions 115–19 Dositej Obradovic´ primary school 109–10 Drenica: in poems and essays of Albanian pupils 176–8; protests 195 Dugolli, Bujar 192–3 education agreement see Rugova–Milo¡evic´ education accord education and national identity 19–22, 27 education laws (Serbian) 77–80, 88, 90 Elbasan, teachers’ college 34, 35 emigration see migration Emin Duraku primary school 105 employment laws, dismissal under ‘temporary measures’ 78–9, 83–4 employment policy, in 1980s 59, 61–2 enrolment policy: schools 65, 88–9; University of Pristina 62, 65, 84–5 Enverists, representation in school textbooks 155 ethnic enclavization, in post-war Kosovo 203–4, 204–5, 206

ethnic Other: in children’s writings 179; in constructing national identity 12–13, 16; in school textbooks 156, 167 ethnic segregation: reversal after NATO intervention 203–9; Rugova– Milo¡evic´ education accord 196, 201–2; of schools 72–3, 85–7, 95, 104–11; University of Pristina 66–9 ethnic shifts 72–3, 105, 196, 202, 205 ethnic structure: representation in Albanian school textbooks 150–1; representation in Serbian school textbooks 157, 160–2, 163–4; in schools 37, 40, 88–9; in university education 55, 62–3, 84–5; see also demographic changes ethnically mixed education 37, 43, 44, 70, 208 ethnicity, national identity and nationhood 7–9, 10 European Community, International Conference on Former Yugoslavia 189 Extraordinary School Mission 39 Faik Konica primary school 110 family tax 122, 123 Federal Republic of Yugoslavia see Yugoslav regime female pupils, school attendance 129 financial issues: parallel Albanian education system 105, 111, 113, 114–15, 121–5; parallel Albanian university 185–6 Fondi e Qeverisë së Republikës së Kosovës (FQ) 121–2 Frashëri, Sami and Naim 31 freedom, in poems and essays of Albanian pupils 172, 173–4 FRY see Yugoslav regime Fund of the Government of the Republic of Kosovo 121–2 funding see financial issues Galica, Azem and Shota 154 Geg dialect 45 geography curriculum 25–6, 130

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geography textbooks: as creators of national identity 22–3, 25–6; ideological screening 56; in parallel Albanian education system 133–6, 144–6, 147, 148, 167; rewriting after NATO intervention 210; Serbian 156–9, 164–5 German occupation, during World War Two 38, 39 Gnjilane, Selami Hallaqi primary school 105 Government Fund 121–2 government-in-exile see ‘Republic of Kosovo’ Great Powers, Ambassadors’ Conference, representation in school textbooks 142–3 Greek schools 32, 34 Hasan Prishtina primary school 109–10, 204 headmasters, new appointments 187–8 Higher Pedagogical School (Pristina) 42 historiography, Kosovo, controversy 56, 58 history curriculum 81, 130, 131–2 history textbooks: as creators of national identity 22–5; ideological screening 56; in parallel Albanian education system 133–47, 148–56; rewriting after NATO intervention 209–10; Serbian 159–67 home-schools: 1912-14 period 36; in Communist period 43–4; parallel Albanian education system 98–9, 101, 106, 106–9, 113–14; Serbian, after NATO intervention 204–5, 207; university teaching 99, 111–12; World War Two period 39 homeland: and national identity 15–17; in poems and essays of Albanian pupils 168–9, 175, 180; see also national identity and nationhood hospitals, exclusion of Albanians 82 Hoxha, Enver 146 Hoxhi Kadrija secondary school 106 Hyseni, Halim 76, 80, 121, 124

idadis 35 Ignjatovic´ , Miodrag 90, 91 Illyrian origin of Albanians: representation in Albanian school textbooks 136–8; representation in Serbian school textbooks 159, 161 independent Albanian state see Albanian national movement; ‘Republic of Kosovo’ Independent Education Union 99 Independent Student Union of the Albanian Pristina University (UPSUP) 192–3 Independent Trade Union of Kosovo 103 Independent Union of University Teaching Staff 103 Initiative Council 103 Institute of History 42 International Conference on Former Yugoslavia 189 iptidais 35 Islamic schools see Muslim schools Islamicization in the Ottoman period 34–5; representation in school textbooks 141 Italian occupation, during World War Two 38–9 jurisdiction of Kosovo education system, by Serbia 77–80 Kacanik Constitution 135 Kanun of Lekë Dukagjini (customary law) 115–16, 118 Kastrioti, Gjergj see Skanderbeg, Gjergj Kastrioti Këshilave nacionale 131–2 Këshilli Qendror për Financim i Kosovës (KQFK) 121–5 KLA see Kosovo Liberation Army Korca: cultural society 34; national school 33 Kosovo Academy of Sciences and Arts 42 Kosovo autonomy: 1974 Constitution 6, 41, 58–9, 63, 79; abolition 77–9 Kosovo Education Council: commitment to Kosovo curriculum

318 Index 78–9, 98; establishment 41; revoking of powers 77–8, 187 Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) 194, 195, 202–3, 209–10 Kosovo Montenegrins: boycott of classes 70; emigration from Kosovo 59, 61 Kosovo myth 2, 4, 152 Kosovo Republic (in exile) see ‘Republic of Kosovo’ Kosovo Serbs: boycott of classes 70; education after NATO intervention 204–8; emigration from Kosovo 59, 61; response to Rugova–Milo¡evic´ education accord 200–1 Kosovska Mitrovica 204 Kosumi, Bajram 195 KQFK see Central Financial Council of Kosovo Krasniqi, Jusuf 188 Kumtar 186, 187 Kurti, Albin 193, 194 labour laws see employment laws Lajçi, Driton 193 language and national identity 11, 20, 31–3 language teaching: Albanian 70–1; Serbo-Croat 38, 43, 70–1, 88, 89, 1 30 LASH see League of Albanian Teachers Naim Frashëri Latin alphabet 32 Law on Actions of Republican Bodies in Special Circumstances 78, 83 Law on Labour Relations in Special Circumstances 78 Law on People’s Schools (1929) 37 Law on Primary Education 77 Law on Secondary Education 77 Law on the Serbian Education Council 78, 79 Law on the University 78, 82, 83 LDK see Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) League of Albanian Teachers Naim Frashëri 99, 183–4, 186 League of Communists of Kosovo, Action Programme 53

League of Prizren 31; representation in school textbooks 140, 141; representation in Serbian school textbooks 165 leçitje 118 lecturers see university teachers Lekë Dukagjini primary school 111 liberation of university buildings 193–4, 196–7, 199, 200–1 libraries, Albanian language 33 Lidhja Demokratike e Kosovës in Albanian (LDK) see Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) Lidhja e Arsimtarëve (LASH) see League of Albanian Teachers Naim Frashëri Lipljan 207 literature, Albanian, in Ottoman period 31 literature teaching 57, 130 ‘majorityization’ 61–2, 82 maps of Kosovo: Ottoman period 30; representation in Albanian school textbooks 134–7, 143, 145; representation in Serbian school textbooks 158–60; Serb enclaves 206; in Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia 41 Markovic´ , Danilo ˛. 64, 73, 88 Marxist–Leninist groups, representation in school textbooks 155 ‘mass poisoning’ 75–7, 82–3 medreses 35, 36, 37, 38, 69, 104 mejtepes 36 mektebs 34–5, 37, 38 migration: Albanians 121, 129; in poems and essays of Albanian pupils 171; representation in Albanian school textbooks 150–1; representation in Serbian school textbooks 163–4; Serbs and Montenegrins 59 Milo¡evic´, Slobodan 2, 189, 196 miners’ protests 60, 67, 155 Ministry of Education, Albanian see Albanian Education Ministry of Kosovo ‘minorityization’ 62

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Mitrovica, Serbian university 209 mixed schools see ethnically mixed education Monastir, cultural club 34 Montenegrins, Kosovo see Kosovo Montenegrins mosque schools 36, 39 multi-ethnic education 37, 43, 44, 70, 208 Municipal Education Councils 186, 187, 188 Municipal Financial Councils 123, 125 music curriculum 81 Muslim schools: 1912-14 36; inter-war period 37–8; in Ottoman period 32, 34–5 Muslims: Slav, alignment with Serbs 95; Kosovo, representation in school textbooks 140–1 national Albanian curriculum 130–2 national content in education 40, 56, 80–1, 214 National Councils 131–2 National Democratic Committee of Albanians 154 national homogenization 115–19 national identity and nationhood 5–27; see also Albanian national identity and nationhood national key policy 61, 62 National-Liberation Council for Kosovo and Dukagjin 144 national movement see Albanian national movement nationalization of education 23–4, 130–2 NATO intervention 203–10 non-violent activism 192–5 occupation: arguments based on first occupation of the land 136, 138, 152, 162; World War Two see World War Two period one-to-one ratio 62, 82, 85 Ortokoll, primary school 105 Osmani, Rexhep 183, 184, 186, 188 Othering see ethnic Other

Ottoman rule: Albanian cultural revival 30–4; representation in school textbooks 138–9, 140–1, 148, 150 Paglia, Vicenzo 189 Papovic´, Radivoje 198, 199 parallel Albanian education system: administration 183–9; after NATO intervention 208–11; beginnings 92–5; curricula 130–3; establishment 97–126; pupil numbers 128–9; target of Serbian repression 128–9 parallel Albanian government see ‘Republic of Kosovo’ parallel Albanian university: accommodation 111–12; administration 185–6; beginnings 85, 103–4; coat of arms 133; curricula 132–3; student numbers 128–9 Parliamentary Group for Education 184 Parliamentary Party of Kosovo 193 passive resistance 67, 190 peaceful protest see active non-violence Pedagogical College 105 people’s schools 37 Petrovci, Enver 185 poetry, children’s 168–79 ‘poisoning’ of youngsters in Kosovo’s schools, 1990 75–7, 82–3 police force, Serbianization 77 police repression and violence 101, 128, 129; representation in school textbooks 154 Pones 205, 207 population changes see demographic changes post-Communist nationalism 5–10 post-Communist transformation 21–2 Prishtina, Hasan 35 prison metaphor 127–8 Pristina: Teachers’ College Sami Frashëri 39; Higher Pedagogical School 42; support for displaced students 69; University see University of Pristina private businesses, financial contributions 123 private clinics, use for university teaching 103–4

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private houses used as schools see home-schools Prizren: Ortokoll, primary school 105; Slobodan Surcevic primary school 111 Prizren League see League of Prizren Programme for the Achievement of Peace, Freedom, Equality, Democracy and Prosperity 78 protests and demonstrations: 1968 student demonstrations 44; 1981 nationwide protests 45, 48–9, 154–5, 165; 1988 march of Albanian miners 60; 1988– pupil protests 70, 71–2; 1989 student protests 67–8; 1990 general strike 86; 1991 teacher, student and pupil protests 85, 93, 93–4; 1992 student protests 104; 1997 student protests 192–4 publications: Albanian language, in Ottoman period 31, 33, 35; ideological screening 53 Qiriazi national girls’ school 33 Rankovic´, Aleksandar 40–1 rationalization policy 88–9 reconciliation (Albanian national) 117 refugees, Serbian, occupation of secondary schools 106, 108 religious differences: and the Albanian alphabet 32; and schooling, in the Ottoman period 32, 34–5 religious education, under Serb rule 1918- 37 religious schools 32, 34–5, 36; Albanian language education in 37–8 repression, in poems and essays of Albanian pupils 169–70, 172–3 ‘Republic of Kosovo’: declaration of independence 80, 120; internal fragmentation/self-destruction 183–9 Republican Education Council 188 resistance to Serbian takeover 91–5; in poems and essays of Albanian pupils 176–8 Rilindja period, representation in school textbooks 140–1 Roma population, alignment 95

Rrahmani, Zejnullah 186, 188, 197 Rugova, Ibrahim 60, 156, 183, 184, 188, 190; opposition to 193 Rugova–Milosevic education accord 189–92; (mis)implementation 195–202 rüshdis 35 Sami Frashëri Teachers’ College 39 San Stefano Treaty 30, 31 School Congress (Elbasan) 34 school curricula see curricula school textbooks see textbooks schools: in children’s writings 170–1; enrolment policy 65, 88–9; ethnic segregation 72–3, 85–7, 95, 104–11; ethnic shifts 72–3, 105, 196, 202, 205; ethnic structure 37, 40, 61, 88–9; exclusion of Albanians 65, 82, 86–9, 93, 99–101; magazines and gazettes 168–79; naming of 37, 39, 71, 130–1; pupil protests 70, 71–2, 73; return of Albanians 191, 196–7; use for university teaching 111; use of primary school buildings for secondary school teaching 105–6; see also Albanian language education; home-schools; secret schools secondary education, in period of parallel education 99, 101, 102, 105–6 secret schools: inter-war period 38; representation in school textbooks 141; under Ottoman rule 33, 34 secular education 35–9 segregation, ethnic see ethnic segregation Selami Hallaqi primary school 105 seminaries, Muslim 35 Serbian Constitution, 1989 amendments 64 Serbian Education Council 77–8, 79 Serbian education laws 77–80, 88, 90 Serbian language see Serbo-Croat language Serbian language education: after NATO intervention 204–10; Communist era 40; in 1980s 65, 72–3; in 1990s 88; inter-war period

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37–8; World War One 36; World War Two 39; see also Serbian schools Serbian medieval state and Kosovo: representation in Albanian school textbooks 148, 152–3; representation in Serbian school textbooks 161 Serbian nationalism 9, 52–4, 58–66 Serbian Pristina University (Mitrovica) 208–9 Serbian refugees, occupation of secondary schools 106, 108 Serbian rule: 1912–14 period 35–6; attacks on Albanian parallel education system 128, 129; growing pressure for reintegration into Serbia 60–5; intervention in Kosovo education system 75–95; inter-war period 37–8; loss of Kosovo educational autonomy 65–74; representation in school textbooks 148–56 Serbian schools: during World War Two 39; in inter-war period 37, 38; in Ottoman period 32, 34, 35; under Serb rule 1912-14 36; Serbianization 77, 89, 151 Serbo-Croat language, non-native language teaching 38, 43, 70–1, 88, 89, 130 Serbs, Kosovo see Kosovo Serbs SFRY see Communist rule shadow state see ‘Republic of Kosovo’ Shehu, Ramiz 188 Skanderbeg, Gjergj Kastrioti: portrait hung in classrooms 131; representation in Albanian school textbooks 138–9; representation in Serbian school textbooks 161 Skopje, teachers’ school 35 Slav Muslims, alignment with Serbs 95 Slobodan Surçevic´ primary school 111 Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) see Communist rule Society for the Printing of Albanian Writings 31 solidarity: students supporting miners 67; support for students 69; support

for dismissed teachers 87; in service of parallel education 112–13; see also home-schools Solidarity Fund 122 spatial segregation see ethnic segregation St Sava Association see Association of Educators of Kosovo and Metohija St Sava standard Albanian 45–6 Statovci, Ejup 103, 185, 193 students: numbers and subject breakdown 54–5; protests and demonstrations 44, 45, 67–8, 192–5; purges by Communist leadership 53; response to Rugova–Milo¡evic´ education accord 198–9, 200 Suva Reka school 191 teachers: dismissal 40, 88; education of 34, 35, 39; financial predicament 87–8, 92–3; protests and demonstrations 86, 93–4; purges by Communist leadership 53; salaries 123–4; see also university teachers Teachers’ College Sami Frashëri 39 tekkes 38 ‘temporary measures’, dismissal of Albanian employees 78–9, 83–4 territorial issues, representation in school textbooks 134–8, 142–6, 150–1 territory, national identity and nationhood 11 textbooks: in Communist period 40; ideological screening 53, 56, 64; national identity and nationhood in 130–47; see also geography textbooks; history textbooks Thaqi, Hashim 104 Tirana University 46, 133 Tosk dialect 45 total spatial segregation see ethnic segregation traitors 34, 115, 117, 118–19 transnational links: diaspora 21, 31, 114–15, 122, 123; see also Albania–Kosovo collaboration treason 34, 115, 117, 118–19

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Turkification, in Ottoman period 33–4 Turkish schools 32, 34, 35, 36 Turks (Kosovo), alignment with Albanians 95 UÇK see Kosovo Liberation Army UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) 203–10 uniform national education system 34, 131–2 Union of Albanian University Students, Unioni i Pavarur i Studentëve të Universitetit të Prishtinës (UPSUP) 192–3 United Nations: International Conference on Former Yugoslavia see International Conference on Former Yugoslavia; Security Council, Resolution 1244 203 University of Pristina: after NATO intervention, desegregation attempts 208; bilingual character 44; in Communist period 42–3, 44–5, 46; conflict in 1980s 53–6, 63–4; enrolment policy 62, 65, 84–5; ethnic structure 62–3; exclusion and dismissal of Albanians 82, 83, 84–5; as fortress of nationalism 45; Medical Faculty 82, 83, 85; opening 42; return of Albanians 196–7, 200–1; Student

Centre, ethnic segregation 66–7, 68–9; see also parallel Albanian university university teachers, dismissal 82, 83–4, 85, 119–20 UNMIK see UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo UPSUP see Independent Student Union of the Albanian Pristina University war 1998-9 202–3 World War One period, Albanian language education during 36–7 World War Two period: education during 38–9; representation in Serb school textbooks 162 Young Turks 32, 33–4 Youth Parliament 67, 68, 69 Yugoslav regime: educational expansion in Kosovo 40–7; inter-war period 37–8; relations with Albania 47–50; representation in school textbooks 144–5, 151–2, 153–4, 156–7, 163; rise of Serbian nationalism 58–66; socialist patriotism 57; suppression of Albanian nationalism 52–8 Zenel Hajdini primary school 105