Korwars and Korwar Style: Art and Ancestor Worship in North-West New Guinea [Reprint 2010 ed.] 9783111387925, 9783111026619

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KORWARS AND KORWAR STYLE

ART IN ITS C O N T E X T Studies in Ethno-Aesthetics edited by Adrian A. Gerbrands

MUSEUM SERIES: VOLUME 2

MOUTON & CO - PUBLISHERS - THE HAGUE - PARIS

ΤΗ. Ρ. VAN B A A R E N

KORWARS A N D KORWAR S T Y L E Art and ancestor worship in North-West New Guinea

MOUTON & CO - PUBLISHERS - PARIS - THE HAGUE

THIS BOOK WAS PUBLISHED WITH THE AID OF THE NETHERLANDS ORGANISATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF PURE RESEARCH (z.W.O.)

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. NO PART OF THIS BOOK MAY BE REPRODUCED IN ANY FORM WITHOUT WRITTEN PERMISSION FROM THE PUBLISHER © MOUTON & CO 1968 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGUE CARD NO. 67-20711 PRINTED IN THE NETHERLANDS BY VADA, WAGENINGEN

PREFACE

This investigation is based mainly on korwars which I have been able to see and handle personally, as it is often difficult, or even impossible, from photographs or descriptions to come to a decision about minor details which nevertheless may be of major importance for classification. For these reasons I have as a rule not used various korwars in collections outside the Netherlands, although they may have been published, for purposes of classification. Apart from research in museums this study is based on the relevant literature. The author hopes that his endeavours and his shortcomings may stimulate interest among field workers, although he fears that it is already too late and that the age of the korwars is gone forever. I am indebted to my wife for correcting the English text. For facilities for research and generous help my sincere thanks are due to the Dutch museums of Ethnography. Without the hospitality of the directors and staff of these museums this book could not have been written.

Groningen, Spring 1965

TH. P. VAN BAAREN

CONTENTS

Preface

7

Introduction

11

The function of korwars

21

The morphology of korwars

67

Conclusions

85

Notes

87

Bibliography

96

Glossary

102

List of illustrations

103

INTRODUCTION

The art of the Western half of New Guinea (in Europe and America generally known as Dutch New Guinea, although this has to be changed now to Indonesian West Irian) is on the whole still a rather neglected subject outside the Netherlands. This is only partly due to the superior artistic merit of the cultures of the Eastern half of this extensive island, for, although the Sepik area easily takes first place, the only recently discovered art of the Asmat area bids fair to come second. For the greater part this neglect, in my opinion, must be ascribed to two other factors. Not only is most of the literature on the subject written in the Dutch language, but also it must be very difficult to find the necessary material for a thorough study of the Western half of New Guinea outside the Dutch museums, which contain unrivalled riches for the student of these art forms. Although it is partly true that the art of the Western part of New Guinea cannot be compared, either in variety or in artistic merit, to that of the former German and British parts which now form the Australian territory, it nevertheless offers much of great interest not only to the ethnologist but also to the connoisseur of primitive art. The exhibition of the art of Lake Sentani, organized by the Museum of Primitive Art in New York in 1959, has convincingly demonstrated this for one small area, and it is to be hoped that more exhibitions of the same kind will follow for other parts of Western New Guinea which are up till now insufficiently known outside the Netherlands. The art of the Geelvinkbay area, part of which is the subject of this book, would certainly repay such an effort, as would the art of the Asmat area. The art of the Western part of New Guinea is often treated as if it were one area with one and the same style. Even an excellent book like Arts of the South Seas by Linton and Wingert only treats the Geelvinkbay area in some detail and merely mentions in passing a few examples from other parts of Western New Guinea. A. A. Gerbrands has already remarked upon this.1 The present introductory study is only concerned with one area, that of the Geelvinkbay in the North-west of New Guinea, and mainly with one kind of object, the ancestor figures for which the name korwar has become the usual term. It seeks to determine their religious significance and function and tries to give a stylistic classification of these figures. Moreover it will briefly discuss the korwar style as proposed by Speiser.

II

Although our records show clearly that there have been some local differences in religion between the various tribes which together inhabit the Geelvinkbay area, our information is too scanty to allow us to treat these religions in a manner in which the local differences are given due importance. On the other hand the similarities are such that we may build up a composite picture which gives a general idea of the religion of the Geelvinkbay region as a whole as long as we keep in mind the existence of local differences, which invalidate the exactness of the picture given without assailing, as I trust, the main lines of the exposition. Held distinguishes in this area 'three centres for the radiation of culture' :2 1. The Numfor-Biak group: The North-west point of the Geelvinkbay (Doreh, Manokwari, Scheuten Islands, and further to the South the islands Rumberpon and Ron [in part]). 2. The Wandamen coast, including Windesi, and part of the island Ron. 3. The Waropen region on the East side of the Geelvinkbay. Apart from these centres whose influence has spread over a more extensive territory, we find various smaller settlements of different tribes. The position of the important island of Japen is difficult to determine. This island may form a fourth centre of culture in this region but it has been strongly influenced by all three of the cultural centres named. Held considers the various regions to be sufficiently similar to speak of one culture area with three or four separate provinces. This division only concerns the coastal tribes, the tribes of the interior differ again in culture from the sea-faring tribes living along the coast and on the islands, but for the most they remain outside the scope of this book. Although in many ways the islands in and the country around the Geelvinkbay belong to the best known parts of New Guinea, there has been only little systematic scientific investigation of the cultures of this region, so that we largely have to depend on the accounts of missionaries, military and administrative officers, and of travellers whose main interest was often the fauna and flora or the geology of the region visited. The older reports often hold that the Papuans have no religion at all, that they are only scared of evil spirits, or at best worship their ancestors. It is worth mentioning how little the older missionaries, dedicated as they were to preaching the gospel of their own religion, have known and understood of the religion of the people they tried to convert to Christianity, although some of the missionaries did their best, and with good results, to collect facts about these religions; however, practically all they have to tell us remains on the surface, without an inkling of the deep religious content of the religion they waged war on, or is tainted with misunderstanding owing to their own, often rather naive, Christianity. This is the more to be regretted as this part of New Guinea was one of the first to be westernized, so that much information is lost forever. Held, who knew the Western half of New Guinea very well, remarks on the scarcity of ethnological data concerning Netherlands New Guinea (as it was then) and confesses 'that we have lagged behind in the domain of ethnographical exploration'.3 12

In the religions of the Geelvinkbay, as in all religions, there is a division between the sacred and the profane. In the Waropen region this division does not engender much tension, according to Held.4 Ritual and myth serve to bring the profane world into contact with the sacred one. The idea of the sacred is expressed in Waropen by the word mi.5 All sacredness has a double aspect, that of holy blessing and that of'holy terror', that of mercy and that of danger. Contact with the sacred in its manyfold manifestations brings powerful blessings, but is fraught with dangers at the same time, hence a great number of ritual prescriptions which aim at neutralizing the danger while preserving the life-enhancing aspects of the sacred. The gods, spirits and ancestors exercise effective power and are able, if they are willing to, or if man succeeds in persuading or compelling them, to communicate this power to other beings such as humans or animals. They can also transfer some of their power to plants and stones and all kinds of objects.6 In this way the Besew Papuans speak of ncmek, the powerful blessing, the possession of which is of the greatest importance to the community and to the individual.7 Held seems to hold, in a way, to the dynamistic conception in his treatment of the aiwo, the various medicines and amulets of the "Waropen Papuans,8 but he too mentions aiwo that 'do not act on impersonal sacred powers but represent a personal supernatural power'.9 He thinks this curious, but it is my impression, which in this case cannot be proven because of the lack of material, that the opposition is not so much that of impersonal power against personal power, as the difference between the aiwo which are directly related to the ancestors, etc., and others in which the connection is less direct and less conscious, and therefore less clear for the user as well as for the observer. Several other words are used to denote the conception of effective power, as pidar or pidiar in Windesi and Wandamen.10 In many cases tnana means nothing more than the possession of some effective quality by someone or something; whether this is put in a magico-religious context or not depends on the character of the culture, but mana is not necessarily in itself a supernatural quality belonging within the sphere of magic and religion. It is only regarded as such as the result of the conception that sees in the whole world and behind it spiritual beings and their handiwork. This too is the impression we receive from the Numfor-Biak term or. According to Van Hasselt all the Biak Papuans have an or. This or represents his good luck, his good fortune. But or is not only an impersonal force, it can be insulted, and become angry and revenge itself.11 Often words derived from se, sei, ser are used to denote power. Power and life are related. Kyne writes: 'In living things power is considered to reside in the lifejuice. The combination of juice and matter gives firmness, the flesh. In the universe the sky is the power, and the earth the living firm matter; dead matter is that which falls apart.'12 This conception is of great importance for the understanding of many customs connected with the dead. It explains the importance of the decomposition, the falling apart of the body, and the significance of the liquids issuing from the decaying corpse: the two principles which are connected in life are severed again in death. The 13

combination of life and power is, according to Kyne, often indicated in the Geelvinkbay languages by tu or ku, which at the same time signifies real, certain.13 The conception of taboo is known and functions in various forms in the Geelvinkbay cultures, but, as in many other cultures, a great number of the taboos are of only secondary importance in religion and ought to be considered, mainly and in the first place, sociologically and psychologically. There are, too, prohibitions of religious nature which ought not to be classed as taboos. Among the Waropen Papuans it is forbidden to kill the sea-eagle (manduko), because this is the shape which the sun assumes during the day.14 This is a religious prohibition, but calling it a taboo makes no sense at all and only serves to confuse a situation which in itself is sufficiently clear, i.e. that it is forbidden to harm or kill the sacred bird of the sun-god. In other cases we may use the word taboo, if we want to. In a dirge from the Waropen coast we find enumerated a number of animals which are ghori for a certain clan during the period of mourning.15 In Biak the word^or is used for taboo.16 There is a special fear of blood which leads to taboos.17 On the Waropen coast spilt blood is called dare and is regarded with great awe. When a prau lands in a region, the people who have reason to fear dare there stay on board.18 Kamma gives a clear account of the religious cosmology of the Besew Papuans and of their belief in gods and spirits.19 The Besew Papuans live on the Radja Ampat Islands to the West of New Guinea. As these islands have been populated by immigrants from Biak in the Geelvinkbay, we may expect this picture to be more or less valid for that region too. The supreme god who transcends the universe is called Manseren Nanggi, which signifies the lord of heaven as well as the lord heaven. He is certainly considered to be a personal god and he keeps the destiny of man in his hands.20 If a shaman does not succeed in curing a patient he can say 'Nanggi i mjofi ba', Nanggi does not allow it.21 Man's attitude to him is ambivalent because he gives death as well as life. In an old prayer, given by Kamma, heaven is the first to be implored, then follow the spirits of the ancestors, then the spirits of nature. Manseren Nanggi is also invoked as witness and judge in cases of oath taking and of ordeal. He is of importance in shamanistic rites. His supremacy is expressed in an old prayer: Lord Heaven, you are the supreme one; We, who are nothing, invoke you. Have mercy upon us, the distress of our life Is a small matter to you. The universe is divided into two parts: the spiritual world, the world of the winds (dunia warn), and the material world, the world of the body (dunia baken). There are four princes of the winds, called wamfuar, origin of the wind. They reign over the material world, unfortunately not in unity, and this world is their battle-field. The world is compared to a prau driven to and fro by the winds. H

The main prince of the winds is the prince of the East (korano wammurmi). He is the mediator between man and the lord of heaven. He is the chief of all spirits and powers which are favourable. He is the master of the winds, although the other winds may be in revolt. The West wind, korano wambarek, is his chief antagonist. This wind is feared in reality as the harbinger of storms. Korano wambrur is the prince of the North wind, he is worshipped after the prince of the East wind. The prince of the South wind, korano wambrauw, is again an evil power, as it is in reality, for the South wind brings terrible storms, and, moreover, this wind which blows during the dry season spreads dust which often brings blindness. Between the princes of the winds and man there exist a great number of good and evil spirits; many of them have an ambivalent character and combine both traits. The evil spirits are called faknik; the prince of all spirits is called korano faknik; he is sometimes identified with the prince of the East wind, but he can also be considered as a separate power. Here the ambivalence is clear. Everywhere in the universe spirits are to be found. Korano faknik sends spirits as messengers to man in dreams. He is chief of the village of spirits, and, just as it happens on earth, the spirits sail out in their praus from time to time to hold a raid. When this happens there is an epidemic on earth and many people die. Apart from ordinary praus that sail on the sea, they have also miraculous praus that fly and others that can move under water. The village of the spirits is always guarded because the won, the shaman, is able to send his magical formulas into the village of the spirits and thus break for a time the power of the demons. In the Besew cosmology the sun is subordinate to the prince of the East wind. He it is who makes the sun come forth in the morning and who guards it against magic formulas which might prevent this. The chief of the evil spirits is the great antagonist of the sun. This heavenly body, when it rises, chases away most evil spirits, but some escape to harm man on that day. The prince of the East wind and the sun wage a continual war against the chief of the evil spirits about the control of all forces in nature.22 The moon is also of importance. On Biak the moon is considered to influence the weather and is therefore particularly venerated in case of a voyage.23 Kamma connects the worship of the moon with the important idea of koreri, the renovation of all things. A myth from Numfor tells how originally man had the same power of regeneration as the moon and how he lost this power.24 A few heavenly constellations are also of importance. Kamma mentions especially Orion (Romangkwandi) and says that it is believed to regulate the weather.25 Of very special importance is Samfari or Sampari, the morning star who plays an essential part in the eschatological myth of Manarmakeri.26 The spirits operate on earth. Four groups can be distinguished: the spirits of the upper wind, those of the nether wind, the spirits of the earth and those of the sea. Every spirit has its own shape by which it can be recognized and in which it is depicted in the so-called wow-books of the shamans (man). They are as a rule depicted in human or animal shape, but in most cases all sorts of

15

fantastic elements are added. Many demons are shaped like insects (the Besew Papuans call, not without good reason, the insects the weapons of the demons). Many spirits are neither good nor evil. There exists a certain balance in the world and man must help to keep it by attending to the traditional ceremonies, etc. The evil spirits seek out man for their prey and he has to be on guard against them not only during his life on earth but also after his death. The demons can be recognized from the way they manifest themselves. Kamma gives many instances of this. To mention only one of his many examples, when a baby vomits continually this is caused by a spirit which lives in the sea in the shape of an octopus.27 Kamma calls the religion of the Besew Papuans anthropocentric because it is centred in man and his well-being.28 Considered thus there is no religion which is not anthropocentric in a way, but the aspect under which the 'Heil' appears may differ gradually from religion to religion. For the Besew Papuans it means to have good health and to lack nothing.29 Held mentions particularly the importance of longevity among the Papuans of Waropen.30 As man is dependent upon the gods and spirits he can only act with any chance of success so far as his state of dependency allows. Man's welfare is also dependent upon a state of harmony, at least a balance of power, in the universe. Man has no possibility of directly influencing the cosmic powers, but indirectly he contributes to this wished for state by attending to the traditional rites. Ethics do not take a central place in this religion. On the one hand man has only a very modest place in the cosmos, but on the other hand he tries to promote his welfare with all the means at his disposal: prayers, communal rites, methods of divination, magic, etc.31 The world consists of a system of polarities which do not exclude but include each other: the total world is always made up of both: heaven and underworld, rain and sea, life and death, man and wife, bird and snake, etc. The Morning Star is at the same time the one who steals the juice of life from Manarmakeri, and the one who unveils to him the secret of renewing life. The ambivalence of polarity is especially clear in the myths concerning snakes. Thus the snake who represents the underworld, the sea, the darkness, woman, sometimes turns out to be a glorious youth spreading light around him. In this ambivalent world of relationships of polarity there is also place for the trickster, called Uri, about whom many stories are related. This double aspect is seen in all relations of life. The villages, for instance, are divided over two clans: the head clan and the tail clan; together they form the community in its totality.32 Kyne has pointed out how this same polar relation is to be found in marriage. Members of two families who negotiate a marriage call each other bai, a word that signifies a state of mutual dependence. Everyone would prefer to be independent and the necessity of negotiating is felt as an unpleasant duty which cannot be avoided.33 The community comes before the individual, not in the sense that there is no consciousness of individuality, but because man can only maintain his existence in cooperation with others. This cooperation is necessary not only for all the daily work, but also for the rites through which man 16

*"·'' · '

9

ίο

II

12

13

20

2-7

3ί' Μί

28

29

30

keeps in communication with the world of the numinous. The community is the basis of life. Individualism is not unknown, but it manifests itself soonest in the antisocial forms of sorcery. Not only the living belong to the community, the dead do as well.34 Creation myths seem to have been of little importance, at least as far as our knowledge reaches. Held says of the Papuans of Waropen that to them the creation is at most 'a certain ordering and division of things',35 and he illustrates this by various examples: thus, there seems to be no myth which tells about the origin of the sago palm, only a myth to explain the curious distribution of the areas in which this palm grows. Most 'creation' myths are purely aetiological myths to explain some local peculiarity. The Supreme Being is for these Papuans only a vague entity and his creative work is of the same kind as that of other mythic figures.36 Kamma only mentions a creation myth from Numfor in connection with the eschatological conceptions.37 Myths of origin referring, for instance, to the first ancestor of a clan or tribe are numerous. In a story of a great flood we are told of two brothers who sought refuge against the rain in a hollow tree. There they fell asleep. The violence of the water broke the tree and it drifted off to the island Waigeo, but the two brothers slept on till the tree trunk landed. They found other people already living there and intermarried with them. This is the reason why the village Linsok has two chief family lineages till to-day, the autochthonous Siam and the Rumbiak of which the myth of origin tells.38 Although totemism is not a prominent element in the religions of the Geelvinkbay, there is a number of totemistic myths of origin.39 A myth from Biak tells of a white turtle that changed into a man.40 A family from Numfor has two totems, the amberof, a polyp, and abir, a species of edible tuberous plant, because the polyp vomited their ancestor on to the beach, and because that same ancestor covered himself with a large leaf of the abir to keep himself warm. His descendants still refuse to eat that animal and that tuber.41 There are totemistic myths of origin that must have come into being only recently. Thus, the inhabitants of Wariab tell such a myth of the rice, which is a recent import in New Guinea.42 There are various food taboos which may or may not be totemistic in character,43 but neither socially nor in religion do these conceptions seem to be of any central importance. Among the Numfor there still is a connection between totemism and exogamy, but among the Waropen this relation is lost and the members of one and the same ruma (house, group of exogamous relatives, family-branch) may belong to different totems. Among the Numfor the line of inheritance of the totem is that of the father but among the Waropen the membership of the ruma also counts.44 If a species functions as totem this does not mean that all specimens of this species are sacred. As a rule an animal is only considered sacred when it acts in a special way, for instance, a cassowary which did not flee but attacked its hunters.45 There is little or no organized cult in the accepted sense of the word. The only exception of importance seems to be the ceremony οι fan nanggi, the feeding of the heavens. For this ceremony

a wooden platform is erected on which offerings for Nanggi are laid. This god is then evoked while standing with outstretched arms. When the arms begin to tremble this is taken to be a sign that the god of the heavens has descended. Afterwards a ceremonial meal is held.46 Of great practical importance, however, is the function of the shaman. He himself as well as the spirits called up by him are called man. The word won signifies according to Kamma: priest, shaman, medium, demon, sacrificial pole, and the bamboo pole with barbs used in shamanistic ceremonies. In the battle of man against the evil spirits the mon plays a prominent role. On the other hand, by his power over certain evil demons he can be a dangerous person himself. His help is called in in cases of illness ascribed to the loss of the soul, but also in many other difficulties. He is also the medium who communicates with the clan ancestors. Kamma distinguishes between the mon inarwur and the mon bemar, who is in contact with the world of the dead. Originally the mon bemar was the mythic ancestor himself. His image was called mon too. In some parts of the Geelvinkbay there is a special mew-house for shamanistic ceremonies.47 Of central importance, too, are the many communal ceremonies by which the children are gradually initiated into the community of the adult members of the tribe. There are several local differences in these initiation ceremonies. Held has given a circumstantial description of these rites on the Waropen coast.48 Kamma has done the same for the Besew Papuans of the Radja Ampat Islands.49 Dances form a prominent part of these rites. The piercing of the nose is an important moment in the ritual cycle of initiations. The general name of these dances and the accompanying songs is wor. The dance itself is not very complicated. The only musical instrument used is the drum. In many of the rites a central role is played by the mother's brother. In some cases we find special houses for the ritual isolation of the boys and girls to be initiated, but often this is omitted, at least nowadays, or only symbolically indicated. The boys' house, the karewari, is, says Kyne, the world in which the secret is hidden that the men discovered and now own. In this house the boy is reborn. The human sacrifice which used to be brought on this occasion is necessary for the acquisition of the 'Heil'.50 On Biak we find the insos and k'bor ceremonies, the first for girls, the second for boys. Roughly considered, these are puberty rites, though the actual age may range from about 5 to 15. Boys as well as girls have to spend some time, varying between 2 and 4 months in the case of the girls, a week or ten days for the boys, in complete isolation and subject to a great many restrictions. Tattooing in the case of both boys and girls, and a partial circumcision in the case of the boys alone form part of the rites. The ceremonies are begun and finished with a so-called dissen-wark ceremony, this means a ceremony in which the spirits are requested in songs to put no impediments in the way of the ceremonies so that they may run a favourable course.51 Divination, magic, sorcery, the belief in witches and werewolves are all known in the Geelvinkbay. In so far as they are directly related with korwars and ancestor worship they will be mentioned in the next chapter. 18

Of great importance and interest are the eschatological conceptions connected with Manarmakeri or Manseren Manggundi. As these have been treated in an exemplary manner by Kamma in his study of the Koreri-movements in the Geelvinkbay area, and as the whole subject of cargo cults is being studied by many scholars, it is sufficient here to give a very short summary of this important material. The myth, to compress it as much as possible, treats of a mythic being who discovers the secrets of life and power, but who is despised and chased away by his own people, the Papuans. He sails away, but he will return and then he will bring an age of plenty and eternal life to all who believe in him. From time to time a herald, a honor, appears with the message that the time of Manggundi's return is near. As so often in these movements the new age has to be introduced by wholesale destruction of all that is old.52 Ancestor worship is one of the most widely spread religious activities of man. In ancestor worship man is able to return to the security of childhood and, as he usually attributes a higher power to the dead than to the living, he may feel still safer than when he was a child and his parents and grandparents were still human beings on earth. The deceased members of the tribe or clan still form part of the community they belonged to in life, but they also participate after death in a way of life of a different order, that of spirits. The ancestors are also guardians of the social order and reward or punish, as things may be, but they seldom forget to serve the best interests of the community to which they belonged while still alive. This is the general pattern of ancestor worship as found in many parts of the world. In societies in which written history is unknown - which is quite a different thing from saying that they have no idea of history at all - it is the veneration of the ancestors that provides a link with times past and gives in this way a feeling of permanence in an otherwise fleeting world. This idea can be demonstrated clearly and impressively from the initiation ritual of the Papuans of Waropen on the East coast of the Geelvinkbay. The young men's house, called datna, is considered as a microcosmic replica of the macrocosmos. The central pole, masa, is the connecting axis between heaven and earth. Now at the initiation the boy to be initiated is at one point crowned with diepatuo 'a piece of decoration, made of four little sticks tightly fashioned around one half of a coconut shell'. Held presumes that Uuspatuo 'is nothing but a memory of the coneshaped datna with its four lateral poles. Within the dama, the masa or central pole represents the ancestor. Putting thepatuo on the head of the initiandus implies that he is now sitting in the space of the datna formed by the four ekaini; the central pole, the inggoro, is lacking because that is the initiandus himself. For in a mythical sense, as is also clear from Waropen mythology, the initiandus equals the initiator; he is one with the inggoro, the ancestor, represented by the central pole of the datna'.53 Fear of the dead in general is not a typical trait of primitive cultures. Too many observations speak against it, although it is true that there are also some exceptions to this rule. As a rule it is 19

not the dead as a group who are irrationally feared but only some special person, or persons who died in special circumstances. These general observations apply to the Geelvinkbay area too. If the worship of the ancestors is well developed they may receive a more or less regular cult but this is not always the case. Ancestor figures are known in many cultures. This term is loosely used, and it would be better if we could be more precise. I should like to propose the following division: 1. Ancestor figures proper. Figures representing ancestors which receive a cult. 2. Grave figures, grave markers. Figures put on or near a grave which receive no cult and only serve to mark the place of burial. Of course, ancestor figures proper may also be placed on the spot of the grave and receive cult there. 3. Memorial figures. These figures may be placed near a grave or elsewhere. They receive no cult and serve solely to keep alive the memory of the dead. If they are placed on a grave we shall call them grave figures because then there is no distinction between 2 and 3. 4. Protective figures of ancestors. These figures, as a rule, receive no cult. Of course, the ancestor figures proper have also the function to protect and help the descendants, but there are other figures which are considered as protective without belonging to the group of real ancestor figures. To this group belong e.g. amulets with the figure of an ancestor, figures placed at the entrance of a village, representing an ancestor, etc. 5. Symbolic representations of ancestors. In each of the cases named the more or less realistic figure may be replaced by something which is only a symbolic representation of the ancestor meant. The korwars, as will become clear in the next chapter, can best be classed under the first category.

20

THE FUNCTION OF KORWARS

The ancestor figures of the Geelvinkbay are usually called korwar. Many variations of this term exist, e.g. karwar, kor(r)owa(a)r, etc.54 Korwar is said to signify soul or spirit and by extension the figure in which the soul or spirit is thought to dwell. Feuilletau de Bruyn thinks that korwar is probably derived from kor kwar, they are already bones,55 but this is probably only one of the many popular etymologies. F. J. F. van Hasselt mentions the possibility that the first part of the word is kar, to cut, to carve, to fell a tree. A mangarwa(r) is an adze: that which has the quality of (man) and therefore is suitable for use when carving (kar) a prau (war, wai, wa).5* If the first part of the word korwar or karwar were to be derived from a verb meaning to carve, I do not see what the second half is to mean. Various other explanations of the name korwar are given but none is satisfactory.57 Kyne thinks that the word is derived from a root Iowa, lawa (rowa, rawa) and signifies all things that are connected with the underworld. Related words can be used with the significance of weird, eerie, uncanny, etc.58 Many other names can be found as De Clercq shows, though some of them may be due to some misunderstanding; he mentions e.g. tnatutuo, nurawo, rumbpi, janbatan at, atnfjanir etc.59 According to Kamma, as quoted by Van der Heyst, the name korwar is wrong and these images are called atnfjanir by the tribes of North-west New Guinea themselves.60 This information can certainly be trusted, but in a later article by his own hand he also uses this term himself.61 In any case the name korwar has been so generally adopted that it would lead to confusion to introduce a new term at this late stage. Nearly all korwars are made of wood. It is not known whether the kind of wood used may have any significance, although this may well be the case as De Hoog has shown for other regions.62 In any case it is certain that various kinds of wood are used. Many korwars are made of very light and soft wood, specimens in hardwood occur less frequently. Korwars carved out of stone are exceedingly rare. The korwars in which the actual skull of the deceased forms the head are also far from common. This type is as a rule called skull korwar. The disproportion between the head and the body is in practically all cases very marked. In many specimens even the carving of the body is neglected, although the head may be shaped and finished with great care. The figures stand or squat, or have sometimes an intermediate position 21

which is not easy to define. A great many korwars have a kind of shield or balustrade, or other object in front of them. The shape of the head may vary in certain respects. A characteristic of most korwars is the flat, horizontal underside of the head, as if it were hewn out with one stroke of the axe. It is possible, at least in some cases, that it was done in this way, but we have no precise description of the manner in which korwars used to be made. There exists no systematic and exhaustive treatment of the socio-religious functions of the korwars. For our knowledge of the function of korwars we depend entirely on scattered references, often rather short and many of them of comparatively early date. The older material is, of course, of great value, but, owing to its character, it can never be a complete substitute for a thorough and up-to-date monograph based on serious and intensive fieldwork. As in so many cases it is now too late to fill this gap in our knowledge. As this chapter is meant as a kind of source-book, the original writings being mostly in Dutch and many of them not easily available outside Holland, I have chosen the method of summarizing, and, as far as the korwars themselves are concerned, quoting this information in full, mainly in chronological order. Although korwars have been noted and, in a few cases, even shown in illustration by early travellers,63 we have to wait till half-way the last century for our first information of any value regarding these ancestor images. In 18 51 De Bruyn Kops published an article on North-west New Guinea in which he gives some particulars. He mentions tattooing as a sign of mourning and even goes into details: the tattoo marks are placed on the cheeks and under the eyes at the death of a father, on the breast for a grandparent, on shoulders and arms for a mother, and on the back for a brother.84 About korwars he has the following to tell: 'Religion with them consists in the adoration and consultation of a wooden image, named karwar, that each man makes for himself and which is regarded as the protector of its owner. This image, ι to i| foot high, roughly carved into human shape, stands behind a carved shield that it holds with one hand. The head is uncommonly large, the nose long and sharply pointed, the mouth wide and set with many teeth, the whole body disproportionate in its dimensions. Sometimes an old piece of coloured cotton is hung around it. 'It struck me, that while they give all human figures on their praus, shields, houses, etc. the aspect of a Papuan with a great shock of hair, they do not keep to this for their idols, for I never saw these other than with a smooth head or covered with a cloth. In their adoration they place the image before them, sit down, bring the hands together palm to palm at the height of the forehead, bend forward and tell the image what they intend to do, at the same time asking advice. If a trembling or thrill now comes over them, or any other unpropitious sign, then they take it that their intention is disapproved and put off carrying it out until a later opportunity. If nothing unusual takes place, then they regard that as approval. At the birth of a child, at marriages or deaths, the karwar must be present as a witness.'65 22

Further on he states that the korwar is shown during the burial and then is violently reproached as being the cause of the person's death.66 Later we will meet with a similar piece of information which may be derived from this report. Both instances are certainly based on some kind of misapprehension. After the burial the korwar is placed on the grave and left there till it has decayed.67 Earl (1853) derives his information in this field from De Bruyn Kops.68 Pijnappel's article of the next year, for which he was able to use the notes made by Fabritius who lived for several years on the island Ron, contributes little or nothing to our investigation. He gives the text (as it seems rather corrupt) of a song sung while rowing, in which the country of the dead on the bottom of the sea is spoken of.69 Our next information dates from 1858 and was published a few years later. This, the report of a commission sent by the government of the Dutch East Indies, as they were then, illustrates two specimens from Doreh, of what is called there korwaar. No information about these images is given, only some short data on the manner of burial. The dead body, in a sitting position, is wrapped in a mat and stays in the hut for two days, or longer if more time is needed for the blood relations to come to the burial. The corpse is wept over for two days and nights. The deceased is buried, wrapped in a mat, as already mentioned, with the face upward. The place of the grave is marked by putting some sticks or bamboo stakes round it. Later, food plants are planted on the grave. Their produce is harvested and used by the living.70 The earliest of our main sources is a small book by A. Goudswaard, De Papoewa's van de Geelvinksbaai.71 The author himself has not visited New Guinea but he bases his descriptions on verbal communications from people who have been there. He records that children who die before they are two years old are not buried, but placed in a basket which is hung in a tree. Older children are buried in a shallow grave which is not closed in again with earth but only covered with sticks and stones. Slaves and persons of no importance are buried in the same way. Only a bamboo stake is placed at the head, on which stake a few simple utensils are placed or hung that the deceased may need in his after-life. Firstborn children of twelve or more years old are buried with more care and elaborate ceremonies. They are placed in a small canoe with a plate or dish beneath the head. A small hut is built behind the house and the canoe is put in it. The mother must keep a vigil near the body till the head drops from it of its own accord. This usually happens after twenty days or so. All this time the mother is obliged to keep a fire burning in the hut and to abstain from all food but the barest necessities of life. Once the head is separated from the body, the body is covered in leaves and buried in a grave which is filled in again with earth. Rich gifts are buried with it. The head is brought to the parents' house and carefully preserved there. The place where it is put is marked by a little flag on the roof exactly above the spot where the head is deposited. After two or three months, when decomposition has removed the fleshy parts, friends and 23

relations come together in the house of the bereaved family. The father, wearing mourning, squats down in the middle of the assembly, while someone starts making a pair of new ears and a new nose for the skull. A special kind of wood is used for this purpose, one sort for a male and another sort for a female. During this work a dirge is sung. When the nose and ears are ready they are fastened to the head and a kind of small red fruit, to represent the eyes, is placed in the eye-sockets. Afterwards a meal is held in honour of the deceased, who is represented by the skull which is put on a block in the midst of the guests. The face of the skull is painted with soot, chalk and sirih, and a cloth is wrapped round the head. 'In this way', Goudswaard writes, 'the head of the deceased is raised to the status of idol of the house, to that of a korrowaar, and is afterwards kept with care in a corner of the room, often behind a shield'. In case of the death of a father or mother the procedure is the same as that when a firstborn child has died. There are various mourning customs in use. Among them Goudswaard mentions the making of small wooden amulets, sometimes with a face carved on them. Amulets such as these are worn on a string round the neck. In the time between the death and the making of the korwar various taboos are imposed upon the family: they are not allowed to leave the house nor to bathe themselves, and are forbidden to eat the sago-porridge which forms the staple food here as in many other parts of New Guinea. Shortly after the korwar has been made, the family of the deceased go to some holy place to bring a sacrifice (as is supposed) and for a lustral bath. This ceremony has the character of a procession in canoes which move slowly and sedately. No other boat may with impunity either pass or cross such a procession. After this ceremony the normal course of life is resumed, although the dead are not forgotten. The family continues to wear some kind of mourning, from time to time a sacrifice is offered on the grave, or a meal in honour of the deceased is held.72 Although this account leaves us with many questions which we cannot answer, it is nevertheless of great value for our subject because of the description of the making of a korwar. The korwar in this case consists only of the skull itself with a few appendages. Indeed a few skulls of this type are known.73 Moreover, the decoration of skulls in this way is known from other parts of New Guinea. Of importance too is what Goudswaard tells us of the making of small wooden amulets, and the fact that they serve as portable ancestor figures. The Papuans, as he tells us, will not start on a voyage without these amulets 'convinced as they are that their dead will then be certain to help them, for which reason they also, when they are at sea and the weather is rough, invoke these deceased to request better weather, or a favourable wind when the wind is against them. As the dead are thought of as dwelling at the bottom of the sea, they are intimately connected with this element.' Goudswaard also gives an account of the way in which the korwars are worshipped and consulted: 'According to the Papuans the korrowaar is the representative of the deceased person, so that whatever they do for it they conceive as done for their dead relative. Now in order to be 24

in the good books of the deceased, they occasionally offer sacrifices to their korrowaar and now and then hold a feast in its honour. They also take it with them in case of war, however, hoping to gain the victory through the powerful assistance of the deceased. The Papuans also ascribe a more than human knowledge to their dead. Hence is to be explained what brings them to turn to their korrowaar on various occasions to consult it about something or other or to ask it some question. To this end they place the figure of the korrowaar in front of them, bring the hands together palm to palm at the level of the forehead, bow forwards and in this posture put the questions to which they desire an answer. Of course these questions are always formulated in such a way that the response must be yes or no, approval or disapproval. Now if they experience nothing unusual during the consultation, this is regarded as an approval; should they, however, owing to a reproach of their conscience be seized by trembling, say, or touched by emotion, they hold this to signify disapproval. An example may serve to elucidate this. A certain man had got a sore on his finger. Not knowing to what cause this was to be ascribed, he placed the korrowaar before him to obtain that indication from it. He put several questions; at none of them was he at all moved or did he observe any unfavourable sign. But when at last it occurred to him that he had offended against the law of custom and neglected his duties with regard to the widow of his brother, and he put the question whether this painful sore had fallen to his lot for that reason, his conscience began to accuse him. Convinced, with his compatriots, that the dead have the power to punish the living for any misdeed or neglect of duty, fear of the dead man's anger caused him to experience some emotion while pronouncing this question: this emotion had been caused by the korrowaar and was the exponent of his answer. And he went forth and brought his brother's widow to his house and undertook her maintenance. In the same way the korrowaar is consulted if at some death it is desired to find out to what or to whose influence the death is to be ascribed. Not infrequently the result is that an innocent person is indicated as the cause and suffers fatal results. If the person indicated belongs to a different tribe, or the death is ascribed to the Manuel of that tribe, a raid is undertaken for vengeance. If this were neglected the deceased would be much incensed and he would make his surviving relatives sensible of his anger if his death were not avenged with the life of at least one member ofthat tribe. - That in consulting the korrowaar imposture is not rare in order to do evil under the semblance of attachment to the dead and of seriousness, or in order to wreak vengeance upon some person to whom one bears ill-will may easily be guessed and has more than once become evident.'74 Our next two sources of importance are an article by A. B. Meyer from 1875 and another article, written in German by J. L. van Hasselt, one of the first of the Dutch missionaries who have worked in North-west New Guinea, published in ι Syo.75 As Meyer recognizes Van Hasselt as one of his most important informants we do better to take the second article first. It becomes evident on first sight that Goudswaard and Van Hasselt do not agree on all points but this may be partly 25

due to local differences. Van Hasselt, for instance, mentions only one form of burial but it is difficult to accept that Goudswaard's informants were completely untrustworthy when they gave a circumstantial description of the various forms of burial. Goudswaard tells about sacrifices on the grave, while Van Hasselt denies the occurrence of sacrifices there. Here the ostensible contradiction results probably from the use of the word Offer' in Dutch which may mean any offering to a god or some other high being, and which may be used in a more pregnant sense as sacrifice. Van Hasselt, after his denial, goes on to say that the Papuans only put food offerings on the grave and that they place a korwar there.76 On other points both records agree very well. Van Hasselt too mentions that the spirits of the deceased are invoked to protect the relations and friends on a journey or voyage. Van Hasselt's record of the burial ceremonies is, in short, as follows. He mentions women who make a profession of wailing and singing dirges and who must be distinguished from the bereaved relatives. They also wash the corpse and wrap it in white cotton cloth. This is covered by a mat which is fastened with cords. For the occasion of the burial the bridge which connects the house (that is built over the water) with the shore is carefully repaired. These bridges are usually very rickety for reasons of security, and it was forbidden (for) to repair and strengthen them except for the occasion of a burial.77 The corpse is placed on a bier of bamboo which is carried to the place of burial by the closest relations. There a shallow grave is dug and the corpse is placed in it in a half sitting position with the head somewhat raised. During the burial the whole village must keep quiet, working and dancing are forbidden, so as not to offend the deceased, who might otherwise avenge himself. Leaves or boughs are suspended from some of the houses to chase away the spirits of the dead. They also may be fastened to trees and canoes. Various things which are needed for daily use, like utensils and weapons, tobacco and even a small boat are put in or near the grave. Before the participators in the funeral disperse, one more ceremony is executed. Everyone takes a leaf from the ground, folds it together in the shape of a spoon and touches the head of the deceased with it as if they were pouring something out. During this ceremony they mumble rur iratna, that is 'the spirit comes'. If they neglect this the spirit of the dead is liable to haunt his relations in this life. Those who have dug the grave are not allowed to enter their house without having taken a bath first, lest some uncleanness from the corpse might still adhere to them and thus give the deceased power over them. Among the mourning customs Van Hasselt, in agreement with Goudswaard, mentions that of tattooing and he tells of a man who had the picture of a boy tattooed on his back. The man, on being asked the significance of this by the missionary, answered that this picture represented his dead son and that, in this way, he could carry him with him all the time. The word used for spirit or soul of a human being, rur, is the same as that which is used for the steam of boiling water and which indicates mist and fog. Boiling water is called, rur itam, hot spirit, and mist is called rur aiknand, spirit of the trees.78 The land of the dead is down under the 26

earth or at the bottom of the sea. The life after death is conceived more or less in the same terms as life on earth. Hence the custom of putting utensils and weapons in and on the grave. The korwar serves as medium of communication between the deceased and his living relatives. About the making of a korwar Van Hasselt only tells: 'When a korwar is made a dance is held which may last for days and nights without interruption. Every time that a new part (of the korwar) is carved a new dance is organized.'79 About the consultation of korwars he speaks at greater length: 'By means of this korwar they converse with the spirit of the dead person when his advice and assistance is required in cases of illness or in other dangers, for success in fishing for trepang or when planning a journey. For this reason the korwar is held in great honour, adorned with bits of cloth and offered tobacco, in order that he may be favourably disposed. When holding such a conference with the korwar, the speaker bows low before the image, in the same way as a Papuan is accustomed to bow before a superior, say before the sultan of Tidore or his envoy. In bowing both hands are stretched out in front of the forehead. If nothing particular happens at such a consultation, it is a sign of the korwar's approval: should the consultant begin to tremble, however, then that is a sign of the contrary, and he goes forth unsatisfied. Favourable wind, a lucrative journey or voyage, everything is managed by the dead. 'In stormy weather or when the wind is contrary travellers often throw tobacco into the sea to induce the spirits to provide them with a favourable wind. 'Although the Papuans have a great respect for their korwars, they can get very angry with them if the prophecy has not turned out according to the desire of the person concerned, and in such a case they may throw them against the wall or against a post so that an arm or a leg or the point of its usually immense nose breaks off. 'Such a korwar that is no use anymore is sometimes offered us for sale, as it no longer has any power; otherwise they remain firmly attached to this idolatrous worship, and go in fear of all kinds of mishap should it be taken from them by a foreigner.'80 Van Hasselt also mentions the wooden amulets. They are worn round the neck or on the back. Their functions vary: one is to chase away the tempest, another serves to bring a favourable wind, another again protects against evil spirits or against illness. A. B. Meyer in his article81 gives various details which we have not yet met with. He begins by saying that the belief in the immortality of the soul is 'der Grund ton ihres Gottesdienstes'. With reference to the dirges that are sung he tells us that they are sung in praise of the deceased. Between the washing of the corpse and the burial the body is put in a sitting position in a corner of the hut. If the dying person is a rich and important man a few shots may be fired at the moment of his death, and the same salute is repeated when he is buried. The funeral is usually held on the day following the death. The shape of the grave is more or less oval, its depth is four or five feet. Meyer also describes the ceremony with leaves directly after the burial but he puts it thus: 'The 27

nearest relatives. . . take leaves folded in the shape of a spoon and with these they beckon the spirit of the dead to them continually calling out: spirit come! spirit come!' There is some discrepancy here between Van Hasselt and Meyer. It is true that Van Hasselt in another short article in Dutch translates rurirama as 'the spirit comes', or 'spirit come!' He does, however, not speak of beckoning movements and describes the action again by saying that it looks 'as if they were pouring out an imaginary contents over themselves'.82 Fortunately we have an older description of a funeral given by Van Hasselt in which the same ceremony is also described.83 As this is the oldest direct report of a funeral which we possess, I give this verbatim: 'After the body had been wrapped in a new sarong and a white cloth knotted round the head, it was wrapped in a mat, the upper part of the body in a recumbent position and the legs directed upwards. The mat was tightly tied up, and a couple of firm stakes fastened right and left under the mat. The bridge of the house, which is usually in a miserable condition and most hazardous for a European to walk over, is put in order for funerals. And there the funeral procession appeared. The body carried by two men by the two rough stakes, behind it some men of the dead woman's family, including a slave of the house who was to make the grave, then some women and also a girl with a sack. What the sack contained and what it served for, we shall hear presently. The place where the grave was to be made was a few minutes distance from the house, alongside the beach, but they went some way round. They did not take the body along the beach, but went through the bush. On arrival at the place destined for the grave, the body was set down, and the dead woman's son with a few more men began to dig up the ground with stakes, while the women sat down at a little distance to enjoy the smoking of a native cigar of tobacco rolled in dried banana-leaf. It is the custom of the Papuans not to dig the grave before the body is on the spot. This grave was not deeper than three or four feet and the ground was pure mud: before the pit was ready water had to be bailed out several times. The body was placed in the grave and now a ceremony began which was still entirely strange to me here. One of the bystanders took a small branch and fastened a wilted leaf to it, which he had first shaped like a spoon. Another did the same, but instead of a branch he used the oblong green leaf of a tree. The first mentioned now passed his tree-leaf several times over the corpse and then raised the leaf above his own head, murmuring words that I could not understand. Thereupon he waved this leaf over the head of all the bystanders, including the girl, while the second Papuan I spoke of served only himself. Now the slave took this tree-leaf and waved it over his master's head. After this the leaf was torn and thrown away. On the way back I asked what all this meant, and so far as I have understood it the meaning is this: at this ceremony they call the spirit of the deceased and say: "Rurirama", which is continually repeated; this word means in our language: "Spirit, come!"84 By calling the spirit to one in this way, it is favourably disposed to those who are left and does not come to haunt them. Now before 28

the grave was filled in, the sack, first emptied of its contents, was thrown into the grave. The sack contained a sieve, a spoon, a little dish, a Dutch earthenware jar, a little pot for cooking and instruments for making pots. All this was buried with the body. We see that the Papuans take care that their dead will not lack utensils in the other world. For that all this is used by the dead person's spirit, is a general, never doubted article of faith among the Papuans. The grave was now filled in and it was mainly the dead woman's son who carried out this work. Large stones were laid at the head-end and foot-end and more earth was heaped over them, and after that the grave was covered over still with branches. All the men who had done this work, bathed and then returned home by the same route. For many days after the dead person was buried they hold repasts to which many are invited. If a chief has died, as happened recently, it is many days before the Papuans dare travel at all far away; first the days of mourning must be past, for if one were to travel earlier, the dead man's spirit would revenge himself for it.' It is too much to expect that all these old records will tally exactly. Minor discrepancies of all sorts are only natural. For readers used to modern field-work these old reports can be exasperatingly vague and, moreover, one of the greatest drawbacks, observation and interpretation are inextricably interwoven. Misunderstandings are numerous, but not in all cases easy to correct. Thus, for instance, the ceremony with the leaves at the grave is probably a divination ceremony which was not understood as such by the missionaries who reported it. Meyer, to return to his article, gives many details about the making of a korwar. The artist is usually a sorcerer who is also called in in case of illness, and who, moreover, in general undertakes all those actions that are forbidden to ordinary people. As the general size of a korwar he gives 'a foot or more'.85 I give his most important information again in translation: 'Shouting and calling they go into the forest to cut a piece of wood for making the korwar. With a further clamour it is brought into the village, and they at once begin to carve it roughly into shape. This takes several days and nights, all the blood relations and friends of the dead person are present and there is much eating, and drinking of palm-wine, when available, while from time to time dances and songs are performed which bear the name of "kajop". 'The widow, if there is one, is then inducted with certain formalities into her state of widowhood, which entails various duties. Now if in these festivities all the food and drink at hand has been consumed, a journey is usually undertaken to fetch a new supply. The main item is sago. The sago palm grows wild along the seashore in profusion in several places. The contents of a sago palm takes only a few days to prepare and is sufficient to feed a whole family for a long time. On return the korwar is provided with eyes, nose, ears and mouth, and now the point at issue is the principal thing, viz. to entice the spirit of the deceased into the wooden figure. The spirit is thought to be still wandering around near by, and the thing is to drive it away everywhere, so that it will go into the figure. Towards evening, at a given signal, an infernal racket starts up in all houses at once. They beat the drums, they yell and bang, in short they make as much noise as 29

possible. As soon as this noise penetrates to the settlements close by - the individual villages, each consisting of several houses, often lie close together - people start there too, and it is kept up conjointly for some time. This is repeated several evenings running, and meanwhile one of the "sorcerers", making faces and crying out, holds the korwar in his hand, shakes the figure and suddenly falls down, a sign that the spirit has entered in; at this all those present begin to tremble and fall into movement, so that the whole house rocks to and fro as if there were an earthquake; now the spirit of the deceased can no longer wander round as a ghost and exercise an evil influence. 'The korwar now becomes an object of peculiar veneration. It is carefully preserved under nicely made mats in a corner of the dwelling, and they are vigilant to conceal it from the view of any profane entrant. Often I saw that something was hastily hidden if I suddenly came into a room, and that must certainly always have been the korwar. It is the korwar to whom close relations turn for counsel in case of illness, whom they ask whether to set out on a raid, whether they can safely undertake a voyage, go out after trepang or turtle, in all these matters he is asked for assistance. The manner of consultation is that tobacco is laid before the figure, or it is decked out with little pieces of coloured material, and held in the hand for some time until it moves, i.e. till it answers. On long voyages the korwar is taken too, to protect the occupants from harm, to provide a favourable wind and other such things. I also found weatherbeaten korwars lying around upon cemetery fields among human bones. For in some parts it is the custom after a time to exhume the bones of those who have been buried and to take them to particular places, a craggy cleft by the seashore, an uninhabited island nearby, etc. There they are flung down in disorder, and it would seem as if the living attached no further value to the bones. One day, however, I found out this was not so. The rumour had already gone round before my arrival in one place that I bought human skulls and skeletons, and as they brought me many things that were much weather-worn, which I could see had not lain in the earth nor hung in the hut as a trophy, so I began to enquire where they got it from. No one was willing to give this away, but in the end one man agreed to take me there in secret. When we got there, however - as a precaution, I had seen to it that I myself and my men were well armed - it was immediately evident that everything had been cleared away and only very few leavings remained; obviously they were afraid I would carry it all off. Afterwards I have seen untouched fields of bones, where the skeletons lay about haphazard exposed to the weather. It seems then, that after a korwar has served for a considerable time it is put with the bones that have been dug up from the earth again. Possibly this is done when a closer relation dies in his turn, whose memory it is now desired to honour. The former one then becomes a piece of old furniture; possibly too it is thrown away when it has proved powerless or has given bad advice. I do not believe the Papuans are such thinkers as to systematize their notions, and that they form a conception of what will happen to the spirit when they no longer venerate it in the korwar. Neither do I believe that they form a 30

clear conception as to whether the spirit actually enters into the wooden figure, or whether the latter is only a kind of mediator in order to enter into relation with the spirit abiding somewhere, any more than many a one among us in analogous circumstances has a clear idea of the nature of the Mediator, through whom he sends his prayer to the right address.86 'The Papuans do not easily part with the wooden ancestor figures, the korwars, and it cost me some pains to acquire a series of real images of the dead. They are fond of carving and painting wooden figures for sale to strangers - i. a. in the harbour of Doreh in the Geelvinkbay, where comparatively many ships, whalers, warships of many nations and such like put in - only the newness of the article makes it easy to discover the pious fraud; a used korwar is always dark with soot and dirt, often too it is carved in hard, darker or black wood and not in soft white wood. Such a korwar made simply for amusement (wau>erik)si is not a korwar kaku, not a real one, for there is no spirit (rur) in it. I myself had the following experience shortly after my arrival in Mansinam, a village on the island Manaswari: A Papuan had vouchsafed to sell me a korwar. This I had placed on the ground at my feet. Suddenly another man rushed up with an expression of horror upon his face and carried off the korwar before I was aware of it. I sent someone to run after him, asked him to come back and told him I had bought the korwar; but he maintained that the image belonged to him and had been stolen out of his prau which lay nearby; it was his father and he would become ill if he parted with it, but he would make another one for me. I was forced to leave him his father and did not claim the other. In Kordo on the island Mysore a Papuan once brought me two wooden figures and said they were his sudara betul, i.e. (so it was translated for me into Malay): "his fraternal kin of his own body". Further into the interior of New Guinea itself, in Weueli it was, that one day I acquired four korwars at once. I was travelling with an escort of Coast Papuans with whom I was upon a friendly footing; as a rule the inhabitants of the interior are in a state of dependence to those of the coast, even if the latter are often in fear of the sudden attacks of the former; in order to guard against them, they build their houses entirely above the water, so that they can not be reached from the land with dry feet. The influence exerted by these companions of mine, to which no contradiction was raised, produced me those four wooden figures, although indeed I offered the owners generous compensation in the form of knives and beads. They were standing peacefully together on a little plank put up for the purpose, and these four korwars, representing members of a large family who had died not long since - a big house of the interior is inhabited by a number of small families, which together form a large family comprising some 20 to 40 individuals - were meant to be portraits of the deceased, as is always the intention when korwars are made. However, as the art of the Papuans has remained stationary at a low level, as they always make these images according to a certain type, which they must certainly have received from tradition for countless centuries already, the likeness in portraiture of these korwars usually goes no further than a rough copying of the way the living person was accustomed to wear his hair. There is great

diversity in the ways of arranging the hair among the Papuans, and almost everyone has his peculiarities in this direction.'88 After having described these four korwars he continues: 'Not every korwar is equally powerful. If that which is prayed for never takes effect, it is thrown aside, sometimes too ill-treated, and another is made. When all goes well with the Papuan, he takes little, heed of his korwars, only when he is in want, when war or other dangers threaten, they are appealed to (as indeed with us too many a man only knows his God in distress); thus certain korwars havergained a particular reputation in particular matters of danger, when they have proved their worth in such cases; they are then only used for these special purposes; no doubt in analogous eases a general idea may sometimes become specialized in similar fashion. 'For instance, if a korwar has a reputation for banishing rain and wind, and it is desired to put it in action, one takes it in one's hand and calls out: "mami, perem mekkem, niami, perem warn", i.e. "Father, (if the korwar is the caller's father, otherwise the appropiate appellation), rebuke the rain, father, rebuke the wind". It does not seem that the Papuan forms a clear idea in this as to the manner of operation of the spirit of the deceased, whether it has direct power over nature, or whether perhaps it subdues the spirits of nature, of whom we shall have more to say later on. 'In times of distress, when many die as a result of epidemics, such as small-pox, cholera, dysentery bring to these children of nature also, naturally particularly many korwars require to be made. Only in times of affliction not only are images made of those newly dead, but typical figures are also carved and a general appeal made to the spirits of friends and relations who have died formerly to enter into these figures. Formerly there was a temple in Doreh, the so-called Rutnsram, which must certainly have been the chief centre of this veneration of the dead, though the holy place may very likely also have served for other ceremonies and meetings. In such a place the thought of venerating the dead may well have deepened into general ancestor-worship, images of the tribal ancestors being made according to tradition and set up there. This temple, however, fell down in an earthquake in 1864 and was not built up again, presumably because of the opposition raised by the missionaries.'89 Meyer also mentions the making of large ancestor figures, called tnon, on special occasions as, e.g., during the epidemic of dysentery in 1873.'° About the small amulets5 in the shape of a korwar, or only consisting of a piece of wood, he offers not much new information. Some protect against evil influences, others send a favourable wind or stop the rain, others again protect a boat from being stranded, or give luck in commerce, hunting or fishing.91 In 1875 Von Rosenberg published a record of his travels in the Geelvinkbay,·92 and a few years later a general book:on his travels in Indonesia and New Guinea.93 In his first work he gives only a few short notes which concern us. In the Eastern half of the island Japen the corpse, in a sitting position, is dried above a fire, and affer that put in a corner: of the house. "When decomposition 32

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is complete the bones are gathered and put in a cave.94 In the village of Ansus on the same island the corpse is kept wet for a time and then brought to a certain place in the bush and put on a platform between the boughs of a tree. After decomposition the bones are gathered and put in systematic order in a cave or hole.95 The Arfak Papuans make no korwars.96 He also relates that shortly before (the report dates from 1869) the inhabitants of Manaswari had burned their korwars on the insistence of the missionary Geissler.97 In his second work he gives information about Doreh. Here the dead are buried in a grave that is 4-5 feet deep. Under the head of the corpse a porcelain dish or some other kind of bowl is placed. He tells us further that the korwar is reproached because he has not prevented the man's dying.98 I have already mentioned that this is almost certain to be based on a misunderstanding, as is also the opinion of Kamma and Kyne to whom I put this question. The korwar is placed on the roof which is erected to protect the grave.99 About the festivities accompanying the making of a korwar he tells the following. In the evening of the day before they are going to start on the korwar they sing and dance. The next morning a number of young men with a gun go into the bush to find a suitable piece of wood. After having found one a shot is fired and the young men return with the wood. The block of wood is handed to the carver who sits down under a tree in the middle of a circle of onlookers, who sing and sometimes dance, while he makes the korwar.100 Some more information follows: '. . . the wooden figures called karwar . . . are exclusively portraits of people who have died, whose intercession to ward off harm must be gained by making them offerings. These karwars are about 1 foot high and represent, without regard to proportion, a human figure, a man or woman, in a standing position. The disproportionately large head of the figure displays a straight nose that juts out greatly, and a wide mouth, well supplied with teeth; for eyes big green or light-blue glass beads are inserted, the hole of which, filled up with black, represents the pupil of the eye. The male figures usually have an immense penis and carry a long shield in their left hand, while waving a sword in their right. The images of women on the contrary, have both hands holding a snake that stands on its tail and displays its forked tongue. A second kind of male karwar represents a figure without genitals holding in both hands, right in front of the lower part of its body, an openwork shield that stands on the pedestal. When the eyes have been inserted, the figures are shaken and addressed in the conviction that thereby the soul of the dead person the figure is meant to represent, takes up its abode therein. The figures of men with the shieldlike ornament, as well as the images of women, are placed upon graves, those armed with a brandished sword, on the contrary, are set in the houses. If anyone wants to call upon the assistance of a karwar or ask advice from it, he crouches down before the image and lays the offerings he has brought, tobacco, bits of cotton material, beads etc. on the ground in front of it. He now speaks of the reason of his request and informs the karwar of his wishes. Should sneezing, trembling, or any other peculiar physical sensation befall the supplicant during this performance, then this is accounted an unfavourable sign, and the affair in 33

question will not be proceeded with. For the spirits of those who died of illness or as a result of accidents they also fasten blocks of wood, hacked into the shape of a house, to trees here and there in the wood, in the belief that the souls take up their dwelling there.'101 Van der Aa, the editor of a book on travels in New Guinea, only has a few short remarks to offer. While the inhabitants of the coast of the island Misol are Moslims already, the inhabitants of the interior are still pagans and make wooden figures of about 25 cm., called karawari. If they are in difficulties they burn incense for these figures and then consult them and ask them for assistance. This is not done by special priests but by the head of the family.102 I do not know whether we must take the burning of incense literally. From Doreh he reports that it was difficult to get a korwar, while in former years they could be had for a small sum. He ascribes this to the fact that korwars were no longer made, or only rarely made, for fear of the missionaries.103 In the Beugten (later: Berichten) van Je Utrechtsche Zendingsvereeniging letters were published from time to time written by the missionaries working in the Geelvinkbay. The older reports do not offer much of interest for our subject. Here I group together the information from 1870 till 1879. One letter tells of four men, standing ready, armed with bow and arrows, when the corpse was brought out of the house. They ran away as soon as they saw the corpse appear. On his question as to the meaning of this the missionary received the answer that they ran to the gardens to guard them against the spirit of the dead man till the sun had set.104 The same missionary, in another letter, tells of a mysterious ceremony on the grave. Even before the corpse was deposited in the grave, a man muttered some words and struck with a small stick in various directions over the grave. He could not get a satisfactory explanation (time and again we are struck by the reticence of the Papuans concerning all that belongs to their religion and their most sacred convictions), only that it was done to prevent the ghost from harming him.105 It probably was a divination ceremony. Missionary Bink (1874) offers some detailed information about korwars (the same information seems to have been used by Meyer in his article already analyzed and quoted): 'Step inside a Papuan dwelling with me; after a little straying around, you will notice somewhere in a corner or hanging over your head on a bit of rattan an ugly little wooden image, sometimes decorated with rags and baubles; ask one of the inhabitants: "What thing is that, my friend?" and the reply will be: Korrowar. In further explanation they then tell you: it is my father or my grandfather, or perhaps some mambri (brave, courageous hero) or other who has died. 'Recently I was in such a dwelling, and on seeing such a korrowar remarked that I found it hard to understand, how such a piece of wood could help me, or save me if I were in distress; that it was foolish to pray to a piece of wood and expect help from it; and the answer was: "But, Sir, we do not so, these korrowars only depict our ancestors or braves, and when we see these images, we think o(them, who are represented by them." Why, one of them even went so far as 34

to claim that I had korrowars in my house too, to wit the portraits of my relations and friends; I had korrowars of paper, they could not make that kind of thing, so they used wood for i t . . . 'Not all korrowars are equally powerful. In my village there is a man who has one that, according to several persons, should be held in no small esteem. This korrowar is an image of the man's father, and the dead man's spirit dwells in i t . . . Some time ago I wished to buy such an amulet, with the object of sending the thing to Holland. One was indeed offered me for sale, but they stated at the same time that this was not a korrowar kaku (not a real korrowar), for there was no rur (spirit) in it, this was just made wawerik (for amusement). A lot of such things are made. Referring to these words: "there is no rur in it", I asked the man how they went to work then when a real korrowar was made. To this I received the following answer: When a member of a family has died, either father or mother, or sometimes a child, or if a mambri (hero), who during his life-time has struck off the head of many enemies, has breathed his last, some time after they go with a great deal of cheering to the bush to cut down a piece of wood for a korrowar; when it is cut, it is taken with similar great jubilation to the village and the first rough shaping is begun. This work takes place to the singing and dancing of a great part of the village. When the image has been roughly blocked out, they undertake a long journey, for instance to Ansus or Wandamen, presumably for the main purpose of getting sago, as at the preceding festival much of their supply was used up. After their return they finish off the image and cut its eyes, ears, nose and mouth, but the main thing is still to come, there is no rur (spirit) in it yet. Now a man takes the image in its hands, shakes it, while he pulls all kinds of horrid faces and makes various strange noises. Particularly those noises attract the dead person's spirit, which enters into the image. That the spirit has entered in they can be quite certain of. In the first place the man who was holding the image and who for half an hour or sometimes for an hour has been making all sorts of noises and pulling faces, falls down exhausted; this might still be explained, for the man is tired, but more things happen; all the people in the house tremble, and the whole house stands shaking as it does when there is an earthquake.'106 The same missionary, a few years later, tells about a kind Papuan who offers to put his korwar in the new house of the missionary for a few days. As it was a very powerful korwar its protection would remain effective even after it had been returned to its rightful owner. This friendly proposition, I am sorry to say, was turned down.107 In 1878 Van Hasselt published a detailed report on burial rites, etc. ,108 without adding, however, materially to the information given in his older articles, or that given ten years later in his 'Gedenkboek'. In 1884 Wilken published his well-known book on animism in the Indian Archipelago.109 According to the usage of the time the term animism is used as a general name for primitive religions. On korwars and korwar-worship he offers no original material.

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Our next two sources of importance date both from 1886. The authors are again two of the wellknown older missionaries who have spent a long time in New Guinea. Van Hasselt gives some more notes about the Nuforese,110 and Van Balen describes a ceremony for the dead on the island Ron.111 Van Hasselt mentions various points not expressed in his former articles, but many of these points are of minor importance, as when he mentions that for wrapping the dead not only white but also blue cotton may be used; or it is not sure in how far he relays information and to what extent he expresses his own opinions, as when he compares the half-sitting position of the corpse with that of the embryo and states: 'The position of the embryo in the womb serves as model for the laying down of the dead in mother earth.'112 In my own opinion this is nothing but a reflection of European learned theories and not information received. The custom of fastening leaves to houses, etc. is said to prevent the spirit from entering that house or haunting a place thus marked. It is left to the slaves to close the grave. Van Hasselt writes that to touch the dead, or earth of the grave which has been in contact with a corpse, can bring disaster as it is 'according to their idea a sort of medium through which the deceased keeps in contact with his surviving relations.'113 If people die young, or after only a short illness, their death is attributed to an evil spirit, called tnanom. In this case the ceremony with leaves (which has already been described) is omitted and a divination ceremony is held to discover the cause of death. The choice seems to be between a breach of the adat and being killed by a manoi'n. Van Hasselt describes one of these divination ceremonies, which he witnessed himself, as follows: On arrival at the grave the bearers held up the corpse over the pit. Now someone came out of the bush with a bough which he had broken off and struck the dead person's body several times with it, asking: Why did you die so soon? Did you do something forbidden by the adat'? Did a tnanom kill you? Answer me. After he had asked these questions twice, once to the right and once to the left of the body, the corpse was placed in the pit. The bystanders asserted that they had heard an answer: the dead man had agreed: a mano'in had killed him. My contradiction was useless; thus it was and thus it remained.'114 Dead babies, Van Hasselt reports, are placed in a tree 'as a kind of sacrifice to Nanvur, a spirit who lives in the haze above the trees'.115 This spirit in the shape of a dwarf, loves children and it is hoped that he will leave the other children alone once he has received one as a sacrifice. He is especially keen on twins and often kills one of them. Van Hasselt mentions that the killing of a twin is often done by the parents themselves. The author further mentions some mourning ceremonies and says that tattooing may be done as a sign of mourning.116 Sometimes, especially in the case of a tnambri, a brave, a man who has killed many enemies, a few days after the funeral a frightful noise is made to chase away the spirit of the dead man. Everybody yells and screams as loudly as possible, drums are beaten, shell trumpets are blown and everything that is fit to make a loud noise is utilized. Van Balen describes a ceremonial feast for the dead held on the island Ron in the South-west 36

of the Geelvinkbay and begins by saying that the way of treating the dead on this island is completely different from the way it is done in the neighbourhood of Doreh. After death the body with the knees drawn up is placed on a new mat, he is adorned with all the ornaments he used to wear during life on specially festive occasions. One element of man, called in Dutch 'geest' (spirit, mind) by Van Balen goes straight to Suruka, the Papuan heaven, at least if he can show that his nose and his ears have been pierced. Van Hasselt in his 'Gedenkboek' adds some more information on this point which he himself had received from Van Balen: 'The place that the dead person's soul goes to, is called the suruga. Everything there is just as upon earth, with the difference that nothing there is subject any longer to decay and that invisible powers provide food. As soon as the spirit starts upon his journey, he already has a new body, only the bones are not yet hard. The dead person's spirit comes first to the janitor of Suruga, whose name is Inkakumi. He looks to see whether the lobes of the ears and the septum of the nose have been pierced, if not, he himself does this. Next an inhabitant of this Hades is called, and placed beside the new arrival to determine his height. A bit of wood laid on their two heads makes the height equal. Now the deceased enters into the place of immortality, and joins his friends and relations, who by singing for him for four nights effect the necessary solidity of his bones.'117 But, apart from the body, something else of the dead person has stayed on earth, his nin, shadow. This shadow stays in the neighbourhood of the house till a korwar has been made. Till this has been done all noise in the village must be avoided, because it might make the nin angry. As already mentioned in the case of Van Hasselt, it is often very difficult in these articles to distinguish between information and interpretation, as the material by which these assertions could be verified is often lacking.118 The possessions of the dead man are usually destroyed or thrown away. After two or three days of mourning the corpse is buried. It is placed on a bier of wood and bamboo and wrapped in a mat. Then the body may be carried to the grave, or be conveyed there in a boat moving with the stern foremost. Having arrived at the place of burial a grave is dug. After the grave is finished someone listens with his ear to the wall of the pit; if he hears a sound as of wailing, this is a sure sign that a second death is soon to be expected. Before the actual burial the body is placed beside the pit and a divination ceremony is held to find out the cause of death. The hair of the head has been cut off after death, except a lock of hair in front. The man who makes the enquiry winds this lock around his index finger. While a question is put (usually in the form: has this person caused the death?) he tears at the lock. The person at whose name the lock comes off is taken to be the guilty party, and as a rule revenge is taken as soon as possible. After the enquiry the body is placed in the grave; this is not yet filled in, only covered with the bier, pieces of wood and stones to keep the dogs out. Small triangular flags of red material are put next to the grave. If it is a man a broken bow and arrow are deposited there, in the case of a woman a broken pot and a bag. Slaves are simply buried without any ceremony. If the dead is 37

a firstborn son or daughter the corpse is treated in a special way. They are put in a small house without walls, placed in front of or at the side of the house, laid in a small prau, and left there till the flesh has disintegrated. The body may also be placed on a scaffolding outside the village. If the corpse is put near to the house, it is the duty of the nearest surviving female relative (mother, sister or wife) to keep vigil during the time needed, usually about twenty days. Red flags are placed on the prau. Whether the dead gets a place near the house, or somewhere outside the village is, according to Van Balen, a question of love: loved ones are kept as near as possible. Dead children are placed in a tree to be fetched by the spirit Narbuier, the Narwur of Van Hasselt. Songs must be sung before a korwar is made, and the singing of songs is at the same time an occasion for a feast for which food must be provided. Some friends go out on a fishing expedition. During this time the surviving next of kin are obliged to stay indoors and are subject to various taboos. The door opening is closed so that the room is rather dark. They may eat baked sago, but no sago-porridge, fish only if it has been caught in the traditional way and they may only drink from small bamboo containers, not from large ones. They are allowed to smoke but only if they utilize a kind of holder for their cigarette. While the meal is prepared, the next of kin are dressed in traditional mourning costumes which are described by Van Balen. After that he proceeds to give a report about the making of the korwar: 'The korwar or wooden images that represent the incarnation of the nin are of two kinds. Those of the firstborn in a family are of hideous design, and although all korwars are extremely unaesthetic, these are pre-eminently so. The head is open on top and hollowed out in such a way that the whole skull can stand in it. The head stands upon a body, more or less in proportion. The whole statuette is a good foot and a half high. 'Now, while in the house preparations are being made for the meeting at night, some men go to the prau where the body is lying and take out the skull, the first cervical vertebra and the breast-bone, and after they have been cleaned the two latter bones are brought home to be neatly wrapped in pieces of material by the mother, if she is still alive, and worn round her neck during the period of mourning. The cervical vertebra is afterwards used in divination (kinsor). The string by which it is suspended, which passes through the opening in the projecting part, is held between finger and thumb of the outstretched hand. If the vertebra hangs still it is a favourable sign, if it does not an unfavourable one. 'The skull is not taken to the house but some way into the bush, and there it is hung upon two pieces of wood bound cross-wise and hung round with sago leaves in such a manner as to resemble a kind of barrel. After sunset when the friends are gathered together, some men quietly go to fetch the skull and bring it in a basket underneath the back veranda (the landward side) of the house, where the mother takes it up through the opening in the floor, as it may not be carried up the stairs. The mother, or if she is no longer alive, some other woman, now takes the skull first to the room, where it is lamented over for some time, but then it is set down in the wide central 3»

passage of the house where the friends are sitting and the singing begins, though without the Papuan musical instrument, the drum or tifa (here called sedip, or, and then it is a narrower kind, roiberok after the animal whose skin is used for it, viz. a kind of lizard . . . several feet long; roiberok means something that makes a noise). This singing is repeated the next night, and after that the members of the family are allowed to go about through the house, though not yet outside it, as the korwar must first be made.When that work of art is ready, they go ashore in procession at low tide with the korwar and the skull and on the land they set the skull in the korwar, for if that is done in the house, the fishing gear in the house is spoilt. When the cortege is returning to the shore, the mother, if alive, goes bent to the back veranda and remains sitting there till they come back with the korwar. The latter is now given a place in the dwelling and is regarded henceforth as one of the household. A protective power is ascribed to such a korwar, for which reason they are taken along when travelling. Later on this power seems to wear off, or at any rate faith in it does. Offerings are never made to these korwars, however; my questions on this point were even considered ridiculous. "What could they need?" I was asked. Sometimes when cigarettes are being prepared in the room, they make one also for the korwar and insert it somewhere along the statuette, but afterwards take it away again and smoke it. It seems to be nothing more than a kind of politeness shown to the deceased. 'In some cases it is considered necessary to ask the dead person's advice. This is done by means of a medium. The man or woman having the reputation of a medium takes up a position in front of the korwar with a folded Papuan mat before them and lights a cigarette. After taking a good pull, swallowing the smoke and blowing it out through the nose, he or she calls upon the dead by name, and the whole proceeding is repeated until the medium begins to tremble. The joined hands are now nervously beaten more and more forcibly upon the mat to the murmuring of words, unintelligible to the uninitiated, which contain the dead person's advice.'119 After the korwar has been made the relatives, except some of the nearest female kin, are allowed to depart, but not before they have taken a ceremonial bath in the sea. From time to time several families together who have lost someone organize a ceremonial feast for the dead. Apart from the preparing of food two other things must be done in preparation for this. The grave is opened and the radius of the dead person is taken out. These bones are assembled and hidden for the time being, the other bones are collected together and deposited on a rock or in a cave. Old korwars may be deposited in the same place, as Van Balen found when visiting one of these caves. The second thing is the preparing of a large bamboo by piercing the partitions between the segments and by putting small pieces of bamboo, which serve as a kind of spout, into holes made at one end of the large bamboo. There are altogether eight of these small spouts, four on each side. Of the ceremony itself he gives the following account: 'The night after the opening of the graves there is singing and dancing again. Late at night some men and women, carrying torches, go to the place where the radii are hidden. Each dead person's radius is taken 39

by a member of his family to the houses where the dancing is and there, neatly wrapped up in a sarong or a piece of cotton, it is carried round about the dancers all night accompanied by two torch bearers. When it begins to grow light the bones are taken to a low, overgrown rock by the pole set up by the government. There a little house 1 metre long, 1 metre wide and 1 metre high is built on posts that have been carved for the purpose beforehand. These posts represent a naked human being with terribly big genitals; on top of the head there is a triangle with the point directed downwards and the base upwards. On these aligned posts stands the house, the roof of which runs up to a point at either end. In that little house the radii are put away in a wooden box with a lid, carved from a single piece of wood, or they are neatly packed in cloths and laid upon plates. 'While this is being done, a great fire is lit near the charnel-house and all the insignia of mourning are burnt in it, for once the feast is ended the adat has been complied with and the dead have no further claims upon the living. To the house itself fruit and kium (a kind of loaf made of sago and beans) are suspended, which some hours later are fetched away by the children and eaten. 'In the meantime all the praus of the village are assembled in the neighbourhood of the government pole and some men thrust an arrow into the beach in front of each prau to count them, and lay down kium by each arrow for the owner of the prau. If I am not mistaken then in November last there were 10 kium for each prau. 'Meanwhile it has become afternoon and the beach has run dry. Gradually all those who can and will dance assemble before the government pole in festive attire. They have all decorated their great mops of hair with the feathers and down of cockatoos and white pigeons, so that from a distance they look like snowballs; the men wear the white bone sticks in the septum, sometimes ear-drops, and over the shoulders, crossed upon the breast and on the back, they have two plaited bands of a kind of grass, with wristlets of the same on their wrists. They have silver and copper bracelets, rings and anklets, and a new white pubic covering made of a sun-dried sheath from a banana trunk, while all the dancers are provided with a bamboo cut to a point, which is used as a kind of walking-stick in the dance, and serves to protect a wife or sister from improper advances. (This may be a misunderstanding and the bamboos may serve for erotic scratching as in use in the Geelvinkbay.120) Besides this, all the participants who are mambri (braves) wear the signs by which this is denoted, consisting of feathers cut off and inserted one into the other in such a way that it seems to be only a single long feather standing upon the end of their ornamental bamboo comb which is cut in the shape of a fork. Every single feather in that row is the sign of a murder perpetrated by the man's own hand. 'The women, whose hair is also strewn with little white feathers, wear loads of beads round their neck and a quantity of silver, copper and polished shell armlets and anklets, while many who wore sarongs since our coming have exchanged these for the traditional kapiupes, for this festival in particular the kapiupes kariessi. For daily use this is a length of cotton which, passing before and 40

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behind over a bundle of red and yellow cords, hangs down in front as wide as an apron and down to a point at the back; for festivities, however, they use a piece of material decorated with shells, mother-of-pearl, bismuth or coloured bits of stuff, which also hangs down much lower than the other, while some have a red or white cloth tied underneath it. 'When all are present, including the master of ceremonies and the man who leads the singing, the ladies start walking two by two, though not linked, as if round a circus ring, while they begin to sing and finally to dance. Such a dance would be called in military terms: marking doublequick time, the difference only being that in this dance one moves slowly forward. At first they continue dancing and occasionally walking thus for a considerable time in the neighbourhood of the charnel-house, but in the end, sometimes going straight on and sometimes rotating again, they move along the beach to the other side of the village. Before passing the charnel-house, however, some wives of dead men who were mambri come to display the comb with the insignia of murder in front of the house of bones. 'While the ladies are moving along, they are followed by a number of men armed with bow and arrows, spear or gun. 'Gradually the women and girls leave the dancing cortege, till finally in the neighbourhood of the last house one sees all those still remaining go home, so that only men, youths and boys are left. Of that last house the back veranda is masked by the sail of a prau, from under which the previously described long trunk of bamboo slopes down to the beach, in such a way that all the spouts lie flat. Once near to that furthest house, dance and song undergo a change. The dance now takes the form of the movements of a snake, going backwards and forwards or swaying to the left and to the right again, while they sing "Aja Waku, aja Wosei", i.e. "I am Waku, I am Wosei", which the people sometimes also sing when they are drunk with arrack or gin they get from some ships or with their own palm-wine. When this has gone on for some time the people in the last house and all the onlookers set up a tremendous yelling, while at the same time they kick and strike out as hard as possible. At the same time there flies out from every little spout in the bamboo a jet of water mixed with red pepper and other hot fruits. As soon as the dancers see this, they run like mad and with loud cries to the jets of water and all drink of this appetizing beverage.' Held, who remarks upon this information, says that it undoubtedly refers to the dramatization of the myth known in the Waropen region as the battle between Kirisi-Aimeri and the snake Ghoiroponggai.121 'With this the kajob is ended, only the night after the following day they will still drive away the merbak with lively singing and dancing, to which they now again beat the drum. One more ceremony must follow. They know that certain Papuans of other tribes are not well disposed towards the inhabitants of Ron, and before these come and make "rak" on Ron, they would rather make away with them. This is done in the following manner. One afternoon, some days after the kajob, the men go once again to the charnel-house. They dig a little hole in the

ground inside the house, and look for a flat stone. Those whose death is wished for are mentioned by name, and for each name they lay down a bit of wood. These bits of wood are laid in the hole and then the stone is dropped on top of this. Now they can make themselves easy, for, so they assured me, after a few months not one of those whose name was mentioned will be alive any more.' This concludes his material as far as korwars and buiial rites are concerned.122 The Berichten of the Utrechter Missionary Society for the years 1880-1889 give some more particulars to be added to our information. A report published in 1880 tells of a prau with souls of the dead in it. They amused themselves by jumping into the water. One of the dead climbs the wall of the house where a weeping mother mourns over her small daughter, recently dead, and sticks out his tongue at the mother. This is the dead man who has taken the girl out of jealousy.123 From Mansinam it is reported that it is the custom to put a korwar on the grave.124 In a letter of the next year we are told that the spirit of a dead person may inhabit a black and white striped sea snake. If this happens it is believed that a snake like that keeps to the neighbourhood of the houses and makes the inhabitants ill. But some men, belonging to a special group (it is not quite clear what kind of group is meant) have the power to entice the spirit of the dead man away from the snake and make him return to the grave by knocking on the floor in a special way.125 Also of some interest is the following information: 'Some time ago our Brother bought a korwar with a monstrous large head. This misshapen object had been fished out of the sea, having probably been knocked from a prau in a storm. In this gigantic head there was an opening; its purpose was explained by Tom to our Brother. This kind of kor war comes from Biak. There the dead are buried on the seacoast in an uninhabitable place, only along a narrow path can one reach the rocks in whose clefts they set the dead. They must be hollow rocks, formed not by art but by nature, where the dead are placed. Now when the flesh of the body has decayed away, they separate the head from the body and place the head in the cavity made for this purpose in the korwar which then guards and protects the family. The purpose of taking such a korwar on a voyage is also the expectation that the dead person's influence will extend protection and assistance to them.'126 Another piece of information relates that dead persons can change into fish which then must not be harmed or killed, because that makes the dead angry.127 The next year we are told that the custom of putting a figure on the grave is on the wane, although the customary funerary offerings are still in use.128 Other letters give information about Ron. The making of a skull-korwar is mentioned, but no description of the process is given. We learn only that the making of it started on the twelfth day after death. This skull-korwar was made for a girl.129 Some more information is given about mourning customs and the mourning-dress of the women is described.130 The same missionary gives in a later letter some information of more importance for our subject: 42

'Their proper adat custom is to place the corpse in a prau on stakes in the sea or on land, but always near to the house where the dead person lived. Exposed to the influence of sunshine, rain and wind the body soon decomposes and speedily decays away; the ravens too carry off a morsel or two; the bones are then buried, not, however, the head or cranium. To the singing of dirges, a wooden object is made for the cranium, in which the skull is placed and preserved in memory of the deceased. This is also consulted in crucial questions and carried on sea-journeys if these are rather long, as a preservative against all evil such as stormy weather, lack of wind, or meeting with enemy praus. A few days after someone's death his spirit is called back. If I have understood aright, they seem to live in the assumption that the dead person's spirit still continues to hover around in the neighbourhood of its former dwelling as it were between heaven and earth. To make an end of that roving, they set up a fairly tall, freshly cut bamboo on the beach; this bamboo is decorated with some leaves, rags and orange-like fruits, while nearby a pile of wood lies smoking; they do their very best to raise up a good column of smoke. Some hours before the people have been warned not to light a fire anywhere, neither in the house nor in the gardens, no doubt to prevent the dead man's spirit being led astray and descending in the wrong place. When the smoke from the smouldering wood close to the bamboo stake is rising well, a man goes to stand by the bamboo, grips it in his hands and holds it tight. Meanwhile the bamboo begins to shake. An outsider would naturally think the bamboo stake is moving because the man holding it sets it going, but that idea is mistaken; the bamboo stake enters into more and more violent movement, because the spirit of the departed friend enters into the bamboo container. It does not remain there, however, the man who keeps such a seemingly tight hold on the stake of bamboo has space enough in his body for two spirits, for his own together with that of his old neighbour or friend; the movement of the bamboo is communicated to the man also and this movement becomes so vehement that the whole exhibition greatly resembles an attack of epilepsy. In the end the man lets go the pole, letting himself fall backwards, but he soon raises himself again and sitting on the ground he lets his convulsion run its course, continually drumming nervously on a mat with his hands and uttering groaning sounds. Finally the man calms down, he gets up, takes a quid of tobacco, steps into the dead man's house with his friends and is richer by one spirit than when he went out of it. The spirit of the deceased neighbour first descended from the air into the bamboo pole and after that penetrated into the body of his former neighbour through the pores of the bamboo container.'131 Another letter mentions that the Papuans at the mouth of the Mamberamo River (Amberno) possess korwars too.132 The Berigten for the year 1886 bring various pieces of information. On the island Ron the korwar is called tnunasa.133 About the making of a korwar for a dead girl we read: 'While the procession went to the shore the dead girl's mother came to sit in the back veranda, coming there in a bent posture. Now, when the procession was on the shore, I went to see what they were doing and saw the following. All had squatted down among the tall reeds; in the middle the 43

father sat with a little korwar in front of him, the head of which was at least as big as the entire body. When I arrived he was just busy making eyes for the korwar of two blue beads, by fastening these in their respective places with little wooden pins; after this he took the dead girl's cranium, that was wrapped in a red cloth, from a little frame ofgabba gabba (stem of the leaf of the sago palm) covered with grass; first the teeth were replaced that had fallen out when it was cleaned, and then the lower jaw and next the skull was placed in the hollow head of the korwar, while finally the red piece of material the skull had been packed in was laid over it, and the edges tucked in between the skull and the wood. When this was finished they all stood up, the father took the korwar and all returned home in a solemn procession; when the cortege approached, the mother again went into the house in a bent posture.'134 Van Balen tells in a letter about a divination ceremony of the type already described by him, but the account given now differs in some particulars from the one given in his article already quoted: 'Here the mat containing the body was loosened, and several women and men in succession enquired the cause of death. This was done in the following manner: They went to the head end, took the forelock of the body between thumb and index of the right hand, twisted it round a few times, whispered something into the dead man's ear, and then listened attentively, holding the ear close to him, while all kept silent. The man who did this last pulled the lock of hair out of the forehead of the corpse, rolled it in a leaf and took it home. When this examination was at an end, the mat was tied up again, the body let down into the pit, a few pieces of wood laid across the grave and the bier laid upon the grave, the open spaces that remained were closed with pieces of wood, and finally the grave was covered with a thin layer of earth.'135 In the village Rasje on the coast of Wandamen missionary Bink found in one house a row of sixteen korwars for persons who had died recently and for whom the feast of the dead had not yet been celebrated.136 After 1886 the amount of information given in the missionary reports is very small. It is about this time that the work of the mission begins to show some success and it is only natural that this is reflected in the tenor of the reports home. Fortunately in 1888 J. L. van Hasselt published a 'Gedenkboek' one chapter of which is dedicated to the religion of the Papuans. The following information concerns korwars: 'Every family has its own korwar, an image carved in the same unsightly form as the man, but smaller and not indelicate, at least usually not. This korwar is to be regarded as the medium through which the dead person's spirit communicates with his relatives in the world of sense. Indeed, they call this image father or mother, and identify it with the dead person. It is decorated with bits of stuff, a sembak is made (they bow to the ground, raising the hands, laid palm to palm, to the forehead). The father of the family, or otherwise some konor (of whom more later), after the marks of honour already described, takes the doll in his hands, speaks to it, asks whether there will be luck or ill-fortune in the intended undertaking, e.g. a voyage or an expedition to catch trepang or turtles, whether a sick member of the family will 44

recover, etc. If the korwar does not speak, all is well; if it does, i.e. if a trembling comes over the questioner, the matter is in a bad way. Particularly in cases of illness the korwar has to serve. Once I found four or five korwars at the bed-head of a woman who lay seriously ill. On my asking whether they all belonged to her, the naive answer was: "No, but friends and relatives have been kind enough to lend her some." Korwars of former days, that have served their time, have lost their powers and may be sold. Models are supplied on payment.'137 He gives some more information on burial rites which is of interest: 'The way of burying is not uniform on Anday. The usual fashion, corresponding to the adat of Nufor, is burial in a round pit, one fathom in depth. The body is placed in it in a sitting position, after which the pit is covered over with rough branches and the interstices filled up with leaves, and then closed with earth and sand. There does not appear to be any conjuration of the dead person's spirit. Others lay the body in the grave-pit with the legs drawn up, while the head is placed in a specially prepared opening at ground level. Others again follow the custom of their tribe, and dry the corpse upon a platform, beneath which a low fire is kept going. As soon as the epidermis begins to come off, it is peeled from the body, after which the corpse is blackened with finely powdered charcoal. The working of this preparation takes three or four days. The odour of the decomposing corpse does not incommode the natives in the slightest. It is now laid in the grave in a sitting or standing position. In Hattam such corpses are placed in bumed-out trees; the trees are cut to a certain height for this purpose, and the standing trunk burnt out so that the body just fits in; then the opening is firmly closed with rough sticks. The burnt-out hollow is covered over with a little roof. This mode of burial serves to enable the dead speedily to leave their grave, when the great spirit comes.'138 Horst (1889) mentions that he has seen carved figures with a large phallus on Biak, but it is not clear whether these are korwars or figures from a rumsram; he also mentions the existence on the same island of small wooden chests, containing skull and bones, placed on posts of about one metre high above the ground.139 In 1893 De Clercq and Schmeltz published an ethnographic description of the West- and North coast of New Guinea which is still a standard work.140 It is almost entirely descriptive and contains only little information about the function of korwars. The authors mention the burning of incense or other perfumes for male figures which are worn in war. Female figures are left in the prau then to keep them safe from a surprise attack. In Fiur De Clercq was able to get one of the four korwars which had a place of honour in the hut of the chief, but first the oldest members of the family had to take leave ceremonially by making a setnbah and by rubbing some dust from the korwar on their own body. After that the korwar was offered some tobacco, and only then was he allowed to take it away. Many korwars have folded hands. According to these authors 45

this is based on the posture of the medium when they are possessed by the spirit of an ancestor. They hold the korwar in both hands in front of them. Korwars are sometimes placed in a hollow piece of wood, sometimes in a small hut made from pandanus leaves. Once it is placed there, it is not permissible to take the korwar out again. On sea-voyages one usually takes a male korwar and puts it in one of the seats. Korwars which have lost their power are thrown away. The shield which many korwars hold is interpreted as a sign of courage. Although I suppose that the latter is part of the information received by the expedition, I do not consider this as trustworthy for reasons which will become clear when we examine this attribute in the next chapter. The Numforese only make korwars for people who were generally respected and who died at home. On the island Ron, on the South coast of Japen and on the Waropen coast korwars are only made of persons who died in war or somewhere outside the village. The ancestor figures made of these persons are considered to be the korwars of the entire village and loss of the figures will bring misfortune to all. For purposes of divination the diviner draws figures round the korwar with saliva, which is tinted red from chewing sirih, and predicts the outcome from these figures. It is also a good sign if the medium beats the fists up and down.141 They also give some information about the small korwars used as amulets.142 These are worn on the breast or hanging down the back and give the men courage when attacking and protection against disaster of all descriptions. Young men sometimes wear such an amulet on the back as a magic way of attracting a girl. To some of these small korwars bits of wood or root are fastened. When going to war a few bits are scraped off these pieces and chewed with sirih. Another way of doing this is by burning one end of the piece of wood and eating some of the charred wood. This is also done to keep the rain away during an expedition or raid. They must be consecrated anew every time, for which purpose they have to be rubbed with chewed pinang, sirih and chalk. In Sekar and Wonim these amulets are called kaigura. When not worn they are hung on the korwar in the house. The authors mention amulets from Ron which are said to be worn as a sign of courage and as a kind of challenge, and stories are told about fights to the death resulting from this custom. Amulets, called womindaroi, bring rain if they are put in salt water. Another kind of amulet is called mamfarawai and is worn round the neck by the helmsman to help him in keeping the course and to ensure a favourable wind. These amulets are left in the prau. De Clercq and Schmeltz are of the opinion that the korwar figures of the amulets do not, or only rarely, represent ancestors, and that they are pure decoration. Most of these amulets consist of wood with a small figure at one end. The part which is not carved is usually covered with a piece of cloth or some other material. Between this and the wood some kind of substance is placed which is believed to give luck and to help in avoiding misfortune. In our discussion of Held's material from Waropen it will become clear that the authors probably were mistaken, when they deny that the korwar figure of these amulets has a functional significance. It is of importance that they tell us that amulets are made of certain kinds of wood which are traditionally connected with certain 46

families (De Clercq and Schmeltz use the Dutch word 'gezin'). A family would never make use of an amulet made out of another kind of wood than their own. This is the more striking because the authors report too that for the making of a korwar the kind of wood used is of no significance. This is probably a misapprehension, although this is a subject on which we have singularly little information. In the same year De Clercq published on his own account a series of articles on his travels through North-west New Guinea in which he gives more information about the use of korwars.143 On the islands off the West coast, the so-called Four Rajas territory, images (karwar) are made of people who died at home and not of persons who were killed in war. Neither do they ever make a korwar for a slave. He mentions the use of amulets (ga kawä), which he calls in Dutch 'tooverhoutjes', and that of wooden stakes (sama) with an image (man) on top. These serve to prevent all kinds of illness and disaster.144 He reports about burial rites and ancestor worship in this region as follows: 'Here too are the little wooden houses, urn dodadi or onto wadjadib which represent the seat or dwelling of the ancestors, and which even Mohammedans burn incense in on Fridays in honour of the souls of the dead; these souls, by the way, are cared for like living creatures, by putting some sago stamped fine into the houses in the morning, which is taken out again in the afternoon, but may not be eaten by persons residing in that house. Women, however, may never put food in, if they did, they would remain childless. Besides such little houses in each dwelling for the family living there, there are also some in the house of the chief for the souls of the dead of the whole village. With the inhabitants of the Nine Hamlets, they are often skeletons of houses, termed by them mm seran, ornamented with bits of coloured cloth, which are regarded as the abode of the spirits of the ancestors, and which are produced on festive occasions to be danced around to the accompaniment of tifa gongs. The mountain dwellers seldom have such little houses: they believe that the ancestral spirits sojourn on trees, to the lateral branches of which they suspend pieces of red and white cotton, always to the number of seven or a multiple of seven; if there are more lateral branches, these are removed. They also lay down food upon them or hang it on in a basket.'145 The inhabitants of Misol believe that everything is finished with death. They leave a corpse in the house for three days and then put it on a heap of corpses on a small island to decay. Sometimes the head is severed, but not always. The Seget Sele on the same island bring the dead to the island Lago and in the bush erect small spirit-houses to honour the ancestors. The relatives are not allowed to come near them.146 Of the korwars of Waigeo he tells us that the male images have a raised ridge all round along the back of the head. The female ones are characterized by a comb standing up across the head and by ear pendants.147 This seems to be not quite correct, as we also find korwars with the raised ridge of the male type and the ear pendants of the female one. The soul of the dead is considered to reside in the images which serve thus as patrons of the house and which are worshipped by the offering of food on festive occasions.148 47

In the region of the MacCluer gulf wooden images are made of persons who excelled in bravery or otherwise, and made a name for themselves. For these images, which may be wound round with cloth and ornamented by shells round the neck, he gives the name tnatutub. He mentions that in the village of Sekar small bowls are hung in the huts, called kararasa, in which the spirits of the ancestors are presumed to be present and in which on special occasions some food is placed.149 On the island of Ron in the Geelvinkbay people of substance are at death placed in a prau, which is put in the bush resting on poles. The body is clothed and the head rests on an old plate. Red flags are put near the head and near the feet. Instead of a prau a coffin may be used which has more or less the same shape. After decomposition of the body a smaller receptacle is substituted inwhichaskull-korwar is placed. Graves of this type are called kubir. Often plates with food are placed near them. Personal ornaments and other objects of value are buried with the dead person.150 Then he gives a further report on the function of korwars on Ron: 'In order to be able to appeal to the soul of the deceased, either for rain and wind, assistance in fishing, for the curing of illness, the prevention of misfortunes or many other cases, they make wooden images (karwar), which are kept in the house or carried in the praus with some hair of the corpse thrust between the legs. They are carved in a sitting position (kokain and on Ron kokon) with the buttocks touching the ground or squatting upon the heels (kokain sasor and on Ron kokon karari) and sometimes standing, but nearly always with the hands folded and pointing forwards; this originates from the position of the medium when the soul enters into him and, with folded hands or holding the korwar, he begins to shake and tremble violently at the moment of entry. For soothsaying (kinsor and on Ron kokinsor) plays a great part among the Papuans and rules practically all their activities. Soothsayers (snun kinsensor) are indeed found everywhere, as nothing is done without favourable omens, and if the prediction of one man is disappointing, they go to another.There are many ways of predicting the future . . . but the method most in vogue and enjoying the greatest confidence is the consultation of the karwar or souls of the dead, which after death are supposed to remain around or near the dwelling or in the grave, and to have passed into the wooden image. If someone is ill and wishes to know what remedy will cure him, or if misfortunes need to be warded off or there is a need to unveil the unknown, then in the presence of the whole family one of its members is brought into a state of stupefaction with the fumes of incense or some other kind of drug. The image of the soul whose opinion they wish to ascertain, is placed on the lap or shoulder of the stupefied person, that the soul may pass therefrom into his body. On the instant that this happens, he begins to tremble (sosor) and, encouraged by the bystanders, the soul speaks through the mouth of the one who is stupefied, naming the curative remedies or the means of averting disasters, and after he has recovered his senses, he does not know what he has said. This is called kor karwar, i.e. the soul speaks. Though, generally speaking, images are only made of those who died in their dwelling-place, upon Ron it is also done for persons who suc48

49

cumbed elsewhere or who fell in battle. There a soul of this kind is called to the village by setting fire to a great tree with branches and leaves, while one of the members of the family surrounding it holds the ready carved image in their hand, and after turning faint and trembling, invites the soul and its shadow to pass into the korwar, which after this is preserved in the house as equally reliable.'151 The korwars from Windesi can be recognized by the curious elongation of the back of the head which represents a manner of wearing the hair.152 The Papuans of Jaur, except the inhabitants of Siebu in the South who make wooden figures called ahiore, have no korwars. The inhabitants of the northern villages on this part of the coast communicate with the dead by way of the posts of the ceremonial house.153 The Papuans of Umar are specially mentioned too because they make no korwars.154 As De Clercq mentions various differences between this group and the other inhabitants of this stretch of the coast we may conclude that they form perhaps a foreign element in this area. The Papuans of Mor make ancestor figures, called reimoa, which they value highly. De Clercq was not able to acquire one of these figures 'as they feared illness to follow such a transaction'.155 From the coast of Waropen he reports: 'They rarely make wooden figures (enggoro or nurawb) at the death of members of the family, and when in imitation of the Numforese they do so, they throw them away after a few months anywhere in the bush. If they are heirlooms, however, made at the death of ancestors who enjoyed a certain reputation, then they are carefully preserved and regarded as patron saints of the whole family, which is sure to suffer mishap if these objects are removed. They are consulted in case of illness or when going to war, inasmuch as the diviner draws a few circles around them with sirih saliva from which he foretells the outcome. The souls of the dead are called inikabau and their shadows arininiau. In any case divining (sorau) in its various phases plays a great part, as it does on the West coast, and it is seldom neglected.156 Of the South coast of the island Japen he remarks that one does not often see wooden images of the dead: 'In Ansus these are called janbatanai, in Sumfinua and in Ambai domo. They are only carved if someone has fallen in battle or died away from home. The souls are called tentuma here, and their shadows tanduanunu. The soul of the dead person and its shadow are supposed to wander around, and only temporarily to enter into the person who invokes them and accepts them with trembling, in order to be consulted upon difficult matters by the relatives concerned. This is done more or less in the same way as related of the Numforese.'157 In a separate article on Biak, published already in i888,158 De Clercq gives some more information about this island. He mentions the custom of placing a small wooden coffin, which is put on posts of a metre high, above the grave of great warriors. In this small coffin the skull of the deceased is placed; sometimes the skull is put first in a korwar and then deposited in this wooden coffin.159 Korwars are also made for persons of no importance, but these are made with little care and are often thrown away in the bush within a month.160 49

After 1893 the stream of original data on korwars, with few exceptions, seems suddenly to dry up. Although the korwars are by no means forgotten, there seems to be no new information available, and the publications tend to be more interested in the morphology of these carvings than in their function. Between 1890 and 1900 our missionary sources bring a short note of interest concerning the Papuans of Hattam, mentioning a sacrifice consisting of rice and ten pigs, the tails of which were placed under the head of the dead girl. These offerings were at the same time a sign that someone would have to die to revenge the death of this girl.161 In 1898 Van der Roest published an article on the Papuans of Windesi in the South of the Geelvinkbay in which he describes a feast for the dead: 'When someone dies, there is a considerable outcry of mourning. From all the houses, wailing-men and wailing-women come to bewail the dead. The wife laments that her husband has left her, and that she will be in circumstances of distress, the parents that they so much wanted to remain together, etc., etc. Otherwise there is silence in the village; tapping and beating or shouting is hardly heard. Usually the funeral takes place next day. Only for a few do they dig a pit, generally the body is laid on a platform. It is wrapped in a few mats and a piece of blue material, which, however, is laid open when the body has been laid on the stand. All the dead person's possessions... are given as grave-goods. If the death is ascribed to the influence of an evil spirit, they seize the dead person by a lock of hair, and name various places. As the places are named, they tug at the lock of hair; if it comes out, then at the place named the cause of death, consisting in a human being, is to be found. If they do not manage to tear out the lock of hair, then no evil spirit has been at work. Before carrying away the body, the family goes to bathe. 'It is a fairly general custom to lay the dead bodies upon an island. When a person is buried the bystanders take up a leaf fallen from a tree, break it in half and pass it over their body, that the spirit of the deceased may not kill them. After the dead has been interred or laid in his last restingplace, the "buryers" remain near the grave. All are seated in the prau, and one of the men . . . commands birds and flies to be quiet, because they wish to listen. All sit perfectly still in a position of prayer, and in the end the man who called out relates what he has heard. If the so-called blue flies have buzzed in his neighbourhood, then someone else is to die. If he heard the sound of the conch, then they will go to rob or murder, there, whence the sound came; if he heard the call of a bird, kohwi, then this is proof, that the fruit-trees will bear, particularly the nangga. Though all listened, only he perceived it. 'Now they undertake the return journey to the house of mourning. They climb up at the front of the house and walk through its entire length, carrying the oar flat upon the shoulder. Otherwise the oar is never carried in this fashion, as it would cause someone to die. Meanwhile the women have been into the bush to get bark, which is beaten and used to make mourning-hoods for the women. The men occupy themselves with plaiting armlets and anklets of rattan, into which they put a few pieces of red material; large blue and white beads are strung upon a red 50

cord, or they twirl together a bit of red or white stuff, and make a fringe of beads to it, and tie that round their neck. Their mops of hair are shorn off, all as a sign of mourning. The mourners are forbidden to eat anything cooked in a pot. Sago-porridge and katjang may not be eaten either. If they wish to eat rice, they cook it in a piece of bamboo. The opening of the house, the entrance proper, is closed with a mat or a plank; also the hole in the wall that serves as window. The bereaved relations make as many long cakes of sago as there are houses in the village, and have these taken round to the houses, having also prepared some for themselves. All those who are not members of the family leave the house of mourning. Now the eldest brother of the deceased, or his substitute, stands up and all follow him to the back veranda, where a woman is standing with arrows, bows, axe, oar, etc., which objects are lightly touched by everyone. Since the death no work has been done, and this rest now ends, all do as before. The first preliminaries are finished; this is called djawarra. 'After a month, during which time they have tried to buy enough sago with the help of friends, they make round cakes of sago about half a yard long, which are wrapped in leaves and roasted over the fire. All the sago is used up, and each of the members of the family, friends and those who helped in the burial receive three such cakes, and also some dried fish. Only very young children may eat sago-porridge now already . . . 'When a year or more has gone by, the so-called feast of the dead takes place. Very often this feast is held for several dead at the same time; the expense is then borne in common. From far and near they have fetched sago . . . etc. During two nights and one afternoon they dance and sing, but neither tifa nor gong is used. The first night they still wear the signs of mourning, and so do not eat sago mush; Only friends who are not in mourning are allowed to eat this food. They eat and drink, smoke, dance and sing, but nothing particular takes place and at sunrise the feast is ended for the time being. The next day, many people make a korwar for their relation, a little figure carved in wood, in human form, though rather misshapen, which is the substitute of the deceased. Others have fetched the head of their dead relation, and make a korwar with a large head with a hole at the back, in which the skull is placed. 'Now big wooden dishes of sago-porridge are brought to the various houses, in return for which they give presents which they bring in person. He or she who comes with a piece of blue material, beads, etc., takes the little stick with which sago is eaten, rolls some sago-porridge on, and hands it to his friend in mourning, i.e. puts it into his mouth. When this is finished, the signs of mourning are thrown away. Now a festive dance is held on the beach, though without music, while the new korwars are held in the hand. Dancing and singing is continued until the next morning, after which this ceremony also passes into history.'162 Serrurier in his article on korwars163 gives no information about their use. With regard to the region of Hattam, Metz mentions that the inhabitants of the mountainous district of the interior do not make korwars themselves, but they buy them from the Papuans on the coast.164 When a

death occurs, they ascribe this to the action of an evil spirit and organize ceremonies to drive it away with violent noise and with bow and arrows. Trees are cut down and the stairs to the house are demolished. He gives an account of a burial which is rather circumstantial but adds nothing of essential interest to our knowledge.165 The same goes for his much shorter account of a burial on Ron.166 Kruyt in his well-known study of Indonesian religions gives no new and original information about korwars.167 In the same year (1906) Snelleman gives a detailed description of a burial in Windesi, but adds no information which can be considered as essential and not before reported.168 Van Balen mentions the custom of putting a bamboo tube in the grave so that it rests on the forehead of the deceased. According to his informant this was done to pour water through it which served to hasten the process of decomposition. Van Balen himself thinks that it is a way for the soul to leave the grave.169 Van Hille several times mentions korwars in the account of his travels in West New Guinea, but mostly without going into particulars. Worth mentioning here is, that on Waigeo korwars are seldom made. He relates an exception when a korwar was made to console a child that wept continually after the death of its mother. The adults bring offerings on the places where the spirits are supposed to manifest themselves.170 In 1920 the notes of W. K. H. Feuilletau de Bruyn were published in a number of the Reports of the Encyclopaedic Bureau of the Dutch East Indies.171 According to this report the inhabitants of Biak believe in two souls, the nin and the rur; the first is brought into relation with the shadow, the second is the principle of life, mind, consciousness and personality. The nin is more closely connected with the body than the rur. In case of a sudden death it is often thought that the nin has not had sufficient time to part from the body. Persons who have died in that way are, for that reason, particularly venerated, which may mean the making of a korwar, or the use of the skull as such. The souls of the dead are not malicious, unless they are neglected and then want to revenge themselves. Persons, however, who were considered dangerous while they were alive, are also feared after death. This is the reason why the souls of dead chiefs and famous fighters (mambri) are venerated with special care. So too the people who died young or at least prematurely. As Feuilletau de Bruyn was told by one of his informants: 'Well, you see, when a house begins to get old, the atap begins to decay and the roof leaks, then we people do not really want to live in it any more and look out for a different house. On the other hand, if a new house burns down or falls over because of an earthquake, then we take that far more to heart, and return many a time to the place where the accident occurred. It is the same with the rur. Those who die before their time regret their young body and keep returning to its neighbourhood, even when the blood and the flesh and the entrails have decayed. Moreover they are piqued at having had to depart this life so early. Then if they find that they are speedily forgotten, they revenge themselves for it.'172 On the other hand they count on the help and protection of the ancestors and tell that Urjas, the god of the country of the dead, with his army of souls of the dead wages war 52

against Imkombrof and his army offaknik (demons), who bring the dry winds that wreck the harvest and prohibit the sailing of praus. In the Padaido Islands we usually find a korwar at the stern of the prau. This figure is the seat of the protecting spirit of the prau to whom sacrifices are made und whose name is often given to the prau. Unlike the general run of korwars this figure has a large phallus. Many Geelvinkbay tribes believe in a country of the dead, but some think that the soul stays with the dead body, so that it was possible by means of the bones to come into contact with the soul of the deceased. As instance of this belief, which he considers older, Feuilletau de Bruyn mentions the Arfak of Korim. Souls of slaves are not feared as they remain slaves in the life after death.173 About korwars and their use Feuilletau de Bruyn has the following to report: 'Communication with ancestor spirits. . . . The people of Biak again and again seek communication with the spirits of their ancestors in order to invoke their help and support. For this the korwar is used. The man goes to the dead person's grave; with his left hand he holds on to the flag-staff planted upon it. In his right hand he has the korwar, with which he taps upon the ground until he begins to tremble. That is the sign that the spirit has entered into him. The seance is now continued in the house, which has been completely darkened; the man goes into a trance and speaks unintelligible language. When he returns to his senses, he relates what the dead person has told him and what advice he has been given. In other parts they do not go to the grave, but tap with the korwar upon the floor of the house. 'The initiative may also be upon the part of the spirit. In that case, they say, he produces a low whistling or taps upon the romowi. As soon as they think they hear this all the fires are extinguished. The man squats down on a mat and sets the korwar in front of him, and then he offers the image some tobacco and pinang. The spirit gives a further manifestation, calling plaintively Αία ο (it is I)... The man again taps upon the floor with the korwar and soon begins to tremble. Now the spirit salutes the members of the keret with a loud tabea from the mouth of the mon, with whom he commences a conversation in unintelligible language, which is afterwards put into comprehensible terms in the same way as above. 'Relations between spirits and korwar. Generally speaking, they are always the same spirits who are supposed to manifest themselves through particular korwars, so that it is only with certain spirits that each mon habitually associates. Hence not all korwars enjoy the same honours. The common people identify the image to some extent with the spirit; for them it is a kind of fetish to which they make offerings. If these offerings show no result, then they begin to doubt the value of the korwar; it may be that the spirit has less concern for the image, or is no longer willing to manifest itself through this medium. So the image is no good anymore, and it is smashed up or thrown away, often after previous maltreatment. 'Sometimes korwars were sold to strangers. Probably this was done with the object of getting rid of a particularly malignant spirit or of encouraging it to murder the buyer. Once after leaving 53

the kampong Wari I found a korwar tied upon the roof of my prau. There was a heavy sea on during the voyage. At first the Papuan rowers had not seen the object, and when they noticed it, they asked one of our soldiers to unfasten it and throw it into the sea, because they themselves did not dare touch it. There was a general protest when I not only did not have the object removed, but had it tied more firmly. I found that on account of my action on this occasion I was suspected of being manoin.'174 The manoui are a kind of werewolves, persons who can send out their soul during sleep in the shape of an animal to do harm to others.175 Feuilletau de Bruyn's account continues: 'Korwars. A month after the funeral the bones are dug up; originally they were all sewn up together in a mat; and the whole was then named korwar (Nowadays on the South coast it means a little image that serves as medium for intercourse with the spirits of the ancestors. They are also called aitnun or aibui). Gradually they inclined to the opinion, that the head or what remained of it, i.e. the skull, was really the place where the nin resided, so that this came to be honoured separately. 'Sometimes they made a wooden nose for the skull, filled up the orbits with wax, inserting beads for eyes, and covered the skull with a piece of red cloth, under which they would usually keep the dead person's hair, which they had cut off. This form of korwar is found generally disseminated along the North coast of Biak, for instance in Sor, Wari and Dwar. 'Somewhat different was a skull korwar of Marieni (tribe Jenures), for which they had carved a wooden pedestal with arms and legs, the hair and the skull being placed in a hollow of the image. Eyes and a wooden nose had not been provided here. 'In Korim I found a korwar where the skull was provided with a wooden nose and ears; for the rest, the skull had been placed upon a pedestal carved after the model of the ordinary korwars. 'Most in use are the ordinary wooden korwars. These little figures are carved of soft wood. Between its hands the korwar holds a piece of open-work tracery shaped like a shield, while the image itself represents a human form with the knees drawn up. Occasionally one sees a snake drawn on the front of these korwars on the shield, which, I was repeatedly told, represented the thorax with the ribs. . . Such a snake is a special mark for the korwars oftnons. 'Usually male and female korwars cannot be distinguished from one another.176 On their head most of them have a peculiar conical point, called ofur. They pretended that this point represents the hak of the head. 'Among many tribes on the South coast one finds these korwars on the dead person's grave. The custom is not general, however, many people also keep the korwars in the house. On the Padaido Islands the skulls of the dead are collected in a so-called ram (b) mm. Usually one sees a few upper arm or thigh bones in such little houses, while the korwars are placed under these. This may indicate that formerly the skeletons were gathered together and honoured as korwars. When later on the wooden korwars had been copied from tribes at a higher stage of development, this was replaced by the charnel-house. 54

'Korwars as medium. The wooden korwar is regarded as a medium, into which the spirit of a dead person may enter . . . Usually the spirit wanders around outside the korwar, but if it wants to manifest itself, it makes use of the image. How the spirit is lured to such a korwar I do not know for certain. The information given on this point was so confused, owing to deliberate lying, that it is better not to set it down. However, everywhere they hold a festival when the spirit of the dead person is lured into the korwar for the first time. This festival sometimes takes place when the dead person's bones are dug up and placed in an abai (charnel-house). Elsewhere this festival is not held until the conclusion of the period of half mourning. The latter time is the most usual, as there must be opportunity to get together the necessary food. In each village the customs of mourning are different again, so that there do not seem to be any rules that apply everywhere. 'The abai were originally made of ironwood. Afterwards softer kinds of wood were used. The Sapori tribe put the bones in a peculiar abai to which they give the name of ai be, the top of which is carved in the shape of a korwar.'177 Feuilletau de Bruyn's information about burial rites, etc. is also of interest for our subject (I omit some notes which refer to illustrations not given here): 'When someone has died, the widow and the mother, if still alive, keep vigil by the body and sing the laments, in which all the man's virtues and merits are highly praised. If the deceased was held in great affection, then the corpse is kept in the house until two days after death. The nose, mouth and ears (not the anus, for that is the way by which the soul can leave the body) are stopped up with tobacco. Often the women are half mad with grief and their relations have to watch them, as otherwise they try to kill themselves. (Not always is this make-believe; frequently it is in full earnest and the surviving relatives are deeply afflicted. The customary forms of mourning are not indeed based solely on fear of the dead person's spirit. For a large part they are certainly related to the deep grief of the relatives who are left.) In the end, however, decomposition of the corpse has progressed to such an extent that they are compelled to proceed to burial. All clothes and beads are now removed from the body. Besides this, one armlet is taken off each arm, the others are left to the dead man. The red tjidako (perhaps the red loin-cloth on the Scheuten Islands was introduced by strangers and they kept to the old adat in funerary customs. According to some the soul is black, so that a red tjidako would form too much of a contrast) is removed from the body and replaced by one of blue cotton. The women, meanwhile, join together in songs of lamentation. 'Treatment of the corpse. After death the eyes are closed at once; this must be done with the head turned aside, for one is particularly wary of a dead person's eyes. If those undertaking the funeral catch a look, it may cause them to become ill, even to die of it; the men who are present, are not allowed to speak. The sister (for the body of a woman it is done by her brother. If no brothers or sisters are present, then the closest female c.q. male relative performs this service) of 55

the dead man now shaves offhis hair, only leaving a small lock upon the forehead. The hair that was shaved off is plaited into the locks of hair that the relatives leave standing beside their ears, for the blood-relations too shave off their hair. (Not everywhere is this the case: in many tribes the women may retain the hair of their head. In Inof the women's hair is bound up into a peculiar coil and we probably have to do with an imitation of the hair-sacrifice. Part of the hair is always left; if one were to shave off everything, one would be doomed to die. A peculiar imitiation hair-sacrifice is found on the Padaido Islands. Here the whole head is covered with a piece of red material). When a woman dies, then the hair that was shaved off is kept by her brother in his abop (box of pandanus leaves). After shaving, the body is sewn into a tjelopen with the arms crossed upon the breast and the knees drawn up, and then put into a mat. It is laid in the grave in a recumbent position; a few tjelopens are laid beside it, and usually a young coconut under the head. At the burial great care must be taken, that the shadow of the bearers does not fall upon the body. The ceremony always takes place at low tide. After the grave is closed, the members of the keret step across it, and so part from their napirim. 'Graves. Over the grave they build a little house (arpor) and upon it they lay a torn-up tjelopen with the household utensils and the weapons used by the person in life. The crockery is usually broken. One often sees a little smashed prau on a grave. On Mokmer the skulls of conquered enemies were also laid upon a dead man's grave, and when the gurus took steps against this they set a little gallows of bamboo over the grave, from which they hung as many white cockatoo feathers, as the dead man had killed people during his life. On the graves of more well-to-do persons one or two little flags are set up. 'The more highly the dead man was regarded by his fellow-members of the keret, the more objects of value are found at his grave. Not infrequently one also sees a lamp by the grave, which for some time at first is lit every night. At the graves of slaves one only finds a few roasted taro tubers. 'Not everywhere are the bodies buried. On Sowek and Korrido they are laid on a platform somewhere among the bako-bako until all fleshy parts have decayed. 'Mourning dress. There is no specific mourning dress among the people of Biak. They do, however, tear the dead person's loin-cloth into strips which they then twist into a cord that is worn round the arms, neck and legs. Furthermore, shining objects which are used as afiandar and aimamur, such as e.g. the orbei, are covered with a bit of red cloth so as not to attract the attention of the spirits. 'Sacrifices to the dead. (It was sometimes thought that when a member of the keret had been murdered by another tribe, the people of Biak would take a head from a third tribe, because they hoped that these last would revenge themselves upon the tribe who had committed the first murder. This, however, is contrary to the principles of justice obtaining on Biak. Different matters have been confused a little here. Actually, if someone of kampong a was murdered by 56

the very strong kampong b, then kampong a knew beforehand they would not be able to avenge the murder without suffering serious damage, because b was on its guard. They first waited to see whether the spirit would not be content with an animal sacrifice or the usual festival for the dead. If they were very much afraid of the spirit, though, a sacrifice to the dead became necessary and divination was resorted to in order to determine the village in which to go headhunting. Then someone of c would be murdered, a village of about equal strength. For c the same considerations would sometimes be valid. Kampong a was on guard, and moreover was warned by the manibobi, who though they never dared speak out, yet would warn their trade friends in metaphor of a head-hunting expedition. So kampong c would look round for another kampong, and hear that b had committed a murder in a, so that b was the indirect cause of the death of the man to be avenged. In b they had gradually become less watchful, so that c had a good chance there, and then they decided to have a try in b.) A short time ago a human sacrifice was still made in several kampongs on the North coast. Thus during my stay there was a criminal trial because some 2 years before Arfak Papuans of Siawes had taken the head of someone of Sirmomes. On the South coast this human sacrifice has fallen into disuse and been replaced by an animal sacrifice. Upon the North coast also it is gradually dropping out of use and is only still carried out in special cases, if it is thought manoins were conceined, or when a person dies who was particularly feared. 'In the same way the cutting down of the entire coconut plantation, the pinang trees and the ladangs of the deceased is gradually going out of use. A prohibition issued by the Administration had a favourable effect in checking this custom. The Biak only do it from fear of the spirit of the deceased, but it goes against the grain to make the sacrifice. One repeatedly sees the trunks of coconut palms and pinang trees only half cut through, while only a few trees are cut down. "Boleh tjoba", they think, "let us first wait and see". If many people in the keret become ill, there is still plenty of time to cut through the trees the rest of the way and satisfy the spirit. Only when malicious persons die, they sometimes do not dare to make the experiment. I only know of a single case where an entire ladang was sacrificed to the spirit of a dead person. In this particular instance it was a woman who had died from the bite of a poisonous snake, so that a mano'in was thought to have caused the death. The spirit of the woman, who had been strongly attached to life and moreover was known as a real Xanthippe in her lifetime, therefore had reason to be particularly angry. The prohibition by the Administration will make the Biak feel justified towards the spirits of the dead, and so the custom will gradually wear out. It should not be forgotten that owing to the chronic lack of food it is a very heavy sacrifice for the population of Biak to destroy ladangs and fruit trees, which often results in famine. They will therefore be glad to be honourably quit of this obligation towards the spirits. 'The surviving relatives are accustomed to take over the most visible sign tattooed upon the chest of the deceased. 'Deep mourning. After the funeral there follows in all tribes the time of deep mourning 57

(frur sarop) for the blood-relations, lasting from 4 to 30 days. So as not to lose count, they make ajeren. This is a bit of rattan cord, in which they make as many knots as there are nights in the period of mourning. Then every morning a knot is cut off. The other inhabitants of the village come and bring food, as during this period the mourners are obliged to remain indoors. If it is absolutely necessary to leave the house, then they cover themselves with a kakoja and slink along in a bent posture. The arms are held close to the body, with the hands between the knees, so as to draw the attention of the dead person's spirit as little as possible. During this time a little wood fire is lit every morning by the grave, for the dead man's soul to warm itself by. A light is also lit upon the grave in the evening. 'All noise is avoided as much as possible. Various kinds of food such as sago-porridge, kinds of katjang, ajagung and others are forbidden, but roasted sago is permitted. 'No mats may be sewn during this period, for then another death would occur in the keret. This prohibition is connected with the belief, that on the voyage to the land of the dead the soul uses the mat, into which the body was sewn, as a sail. 'Half mourning. When the deep mourning is over, a time of half mourning begins. One may go out of doors, but does not yet take part in ordinary activities; one leaves the house for the first time at low tide. Speaking aloud is still forbidden, the ordinary items of food, however, are again permitted. 'Head-hunting expeditions for a sacrifice to the dead. Many tribes organize a head-hunting expedition or a hunting party in the time of half mourning. It seems that in former times the slaves captured on such an expedition were really slaughtered on the grave of the deceased. Gradually this custom was confined to the funerals of persons who had a right to it because of their position or owing to the circumstances of their death. A head-hunting expedition then usually took place when someone had died, whose death could not be plausibly explained; once the divination had found out the kampong of the real or imaginary murderer, they set forth. (Attention is drawn to the fact, that in some tribes on the North coast divination is also carried out with the body itself. The man and an assistant fasten the body to a stake and lay this stake over the left shoulder. Then they stand upon one leg and pose the various questions. If they begin to wobble, this is evidence that the spirit has answered the question in the affirmative.) As soon as a victim had been laid low, they went to bathe and that was the end of the tnarbak (period of mourning). On the South coast it became customary, instead of this assassination, to go hunting pigs and cuscus.'178 The reports of the military exploration of New Guinea bring only one piece of information that must be mentioned here: 'In Bintuni the dead are laid on platforms in the bush in the neighbourhood of the dwellings. According to information given by the population and by foreign traders, a most disgusting way of treating the corpse was formerly in general use in the region of Bintuni 58

and along the Arguni Bay, which has, however, been discontinued owing to the Islam. The body was kept in the house for four days. Then in a particular posture, it was placed in a charnel house on a slightly curved lathing of thin bamboo. Beneath the interplaited bamboo the wide rib of a kind of palm-leaf was suspended; the earth on this rib, often too pieces of broken plates, serve to catch the liquid that drops down from the corpse. Around the body hung various articles of daily use belonging to the dead person, and also small sago cakes and kladi. Thus the body was left to the process of decomposition. The stench which then infected the atmosphere in the settlement must, it seems, have been indescribable, and the aspect of the corpse covered with innumerable flies and maggots most ghastly. After twenty days the head and the right arm were taken down and cleaned; the other bones and the remains of the body stayed in the chamel house, or they were cleaned, gathered in a box, and deposited in the house. We were told that when the repulsive nature of all this was pointed out to the people, they replied: "What, should we fear the dead man? Surely he remains our brother, even if he is dead?" ' 179 A few more pieces of information from missionary sources follow. The younger Van Hasselt reports that among the Numfor cat's cradle was only played during a wake, and was forbidden (for) at other times. On Biak this form of ritual play seems to have been completely secularized already.180 Elsewhere he tells how he sails to the small island Meos Karwari (the island of the dead, of the spirits) to fetch from there two ancestor figures of great renown, because they represented clan ancestors: the male Surarof and the female Samiosi. He does not describe the figure of Surarof but says that the figure of Samiosi consisted of a base in which was carved a sea snake, on which base there was only a small piece of wood with five holes in it. In the hole in the centre there was a small stick.181 A. J. de Neef mentions that in making a korwar for a first-born very hard wood is used, and soft wood for all others.182 Elsewhere he has the description of the making of a korwar which, though it is romantically presented, is of importance as being the only description which tells us something of the technique used in making a korwar: 'Now the time has come to make a korwar for the boy. For a first-born child hard wood should be chosen and Kabisai could not have chosen a more sound and beautiful piece. There is silence in the pile-dwelling of the mon. The inhabitants have gone to the gardens and the huts in the bush. The old wood-carver is alone. Yet, bending over his work, he keeps up a whispered conversation. That is his custom when he is alone. He is talking with the spirit of his father, who taught him the magical spells and made him acquainted with the sources of power through which he has now become a great shaman. The art of making korwars, too, he learnt from his father while still quite young. Now there is no mon to be found in the whole Geelvinkbay who makes finer and better work than Kemon. ' "The length I shall make like that which I measure off from the tip of my middle finger to the point of my elbow. The width of the shield of snakes that the korwar must grip, shall be as the length of my hand", murmurs Kemon, as with a firm hand he strikes his chopper into the unshap59

ed block of wood. Here an artist is at work, unconscious of his talent, choosing the form of the wooden image. Under his hand that rough piece of wood will change into a fancyful figure, a traditional shape of strange outline. Already those forms are beginning to emerge from the flakes and chips that are jumping away; the abnormally large head, the small body and the shield of snakes that the great skull rests on. But the finer carving on this piece of work Kemon will not do now. That must be kept until it is evening and the members of the tribe are back in the piledwellings. Then Kabisai will invite a great many people to sit down around the fire flickering on the hearth. He will not be parsimonious in handing round choice food, tobacco, and pinang. Then the death-songs will be heard, and all will heartily join in, for the power of the song sung for the dead is particularly powerful for the won, who during the singing lets his knife follow the forms of the image, and fixes the finer figures in the hard wood. That is not done in one evening. It takes several evenings before the korwar is finished.'183 Of importance, too, is a short piece of information given by Metz: 'This year a woman died here, who had recently got married. Her father thought that the spirit of the family she had married into had caused the death. In his fury he took his korwars and burnt them on the beach, hoping that now that family would also speedily die, as the korwars, like the Lord God, are supposed to kill people. But one of those relations by marriage, seeing this, became angry likewise and also fetched his korwars and burnt them, that the father, mother and relations of the dead woman might also die. Many, seeing those two burning their korwars, were in great fear, thinking that the korwars would kill them. They departed to another place. Before they left, they said to me: "Guru! go away quickly that you may not die." ' 184 For our next source we are happy to have a detailed article on the religion of the Besew Papuans on the Radja Ampat Islands by F. C. Kamma in which also some information on Biak is given.185 Among these Papuans themselves korwars are not in use, at least not any longer.186 This article, however, is indispensable for our general knowledge of the religion of the Geelvinkbay tribes. His information about korwars and consulting the dead is given verbatim: 'When a soul is to be evoked from the dead to obtain its blessing, or rather its Nanek, then the participants in this war first all go to bathe. They tie on a clean pubic girdle. (For according to tradition it once happened that Manarmaker Urmbori, the earliest known mythical ancestor, standing on the beach at Jenjar (North Batanta), whither he had led a part of the Biak Papuans from their homeland, stood in the sea, while the end of his pubic girdle hung in the water. He cut off that wet part and threw it on the beach. There, however, it grew out into a tree and for this reason, when he saw what power lay in the pubic girdle, he ordered everyone always to wear a mar (pubic girdle), particularly upon special occasions. That is why also the village elders and other persons of consequence wear this "gala" costume for special events.) 'Thus they gather in the evening after sunset, sitting in a wide circle. It is dark then, and all are 60

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smoking, so that only the glowing tips of the rolled up tobacco are visible. Thus they sit together silently upon the bridge that connects the house with the bank, or sometimes indoors in the houses, until at last someone begins to yawn, and that is the sign that the dead person called upon enters into someone. If a spirit had really entered into anyone, he began to tremble. In that case he is addressed by the participants, and they ask for his Nanek upon the medicine they want to give a patient. For instance, if one of the parents of a child dies, it is thought that he or she will try to get the child with them. For if the dead soul has taken the child to the land of souls, it becomes ill (gets fever). In that case the dead person is evoked and implored to let the child's soul go again. It also happens, usually because of some transgression of the adat, that the dead are angry with the living, and seek to kill them. If that is suspected (the sick person probably feels his conscience) the dead are called up and all kinds of offerings are made to them. Others, who are much attached to their dead relations, make a little image of them and then evoke the soul and request it to take up residence in the korwar (or amfjanir). Movement of the korwar is the sign, that the soul of the dead enters injafter that the image is kept in the house, where it is supposed to guard against illness and evil spirits. This was the outline of the matter among the Numforese Papuans of Biak. 'The Besew Papuans handle things a little differently. Here they have no soul images, nor do they any longer know anything of the sram. The Besew evoke the dead by means of the WOT. The participants sit in a great circle, while the mon bemar stands in the middle. To a vehement booming of drums the dead person is called up and enters into the mon, who then sits down. Through him, the soul from the dead now asks for what reason they have called him, what it is that is going on, and what is expected of him. The patient is then brought before the mon, who passes his hand over his or her forehead and hair. The Besew accompany this with the words: "Intam si ttnai berkat: that they may receive blessing". It is clear, however, that what is meant here is: imparts his Nanek (powerful blessing) in this way. They then continue the wor, and the dead person's soul departs again from the mon.'187 The Papuans of Biak are accustomed to put a representation of a korwar on a great many of the objects of daily use. By this means the surviving relatives keep in contact with the deceased and their Nanek, the powerful blessing, which they are able to give to those who remain in communication with them. To remain in their good books, however, the living must take care in their dealings with the dead and offer frequent sacrifices, even if they are only small ones, for it is dangerous to neglect the dead. A neglected soul is liable to claim his share with force, and may, for instance, return to fetch his or her child from the land of the living. There are ceremonies in use to keep the dead in the community of which they were part when still alive. If the prescribed ritual is attended to, the souls of the dead stay in the neighbourhood of the tribe, and their power remains available for the tribe. The souls of those who died in war and whose head was taken - most fighting was head-hunting at the same time - inhabit a separate domain after death. They are as a rule feared. If the surviving relatives do not succeed in binding the soul of the dead to the 61

earth, these rise to the Milky Way. On representations of the galaxy these souls are depicted as a fens with a circular handle. These signs have a fortuitous resemblance to the Egyptian hieroglyph for life ('n/h). The dead function as guards to protect and warn the living. They can sense dangers the living cannot observe. If the dead fail in their duty, notwithstanding the sacrifices offered, the living cool their anger on the korwar.188 In 1939 Held published an article on consultation of the ancestors in cases of illness among the Papuans of Waropen.189 The medium for this is the ghasaiwin, a woman belonging to the oldest lineage of her clan, usually a clever old woman, especially a woman who is binapa, that is to say who lost her first child, is considered to be a suitable medium. She receives information about the supernatural cause of illness in a dream during which she is in communication with the ancestors. Breaches of custom are often punished by illness, and the ancestors as guardians of tradition are in this way responsible for illness, and can take illness away if the patient is careful to put things right again. In some cases the ghasaiwin resembles more or less the Numfor men, but there are clear differences too, thus the mon can be asked to help against danger from the side of all kinds of mythic beings and from the suangi (werewolves), while fas. ghasaiwin can only bring help in those cases in which the ancestors are active. Kooijman in his book on the art of New Guinea gives detailed information about a korwar now in the Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde at Leiden. He writes: 'The age of this image is about that of six generations. If we take a period of about twenty-five years for each generation, then it was made around 1800. The collector found it in the Northern part of the island Batanta of the Radja Ampat group. It was not made there, however, but on the North coast of the Vogelkop near the kampong Asbakin. It was destined for the spirit of the dead leader of a group of Papuans from Biak - the clan of the Kafdarun - who were going with a number of boats from their homeland to the Radja Ampat Islands and on their way were passing along the North coast of the Vogelkop. Near Asbakin this chief died, and here they made the korwar, by means of which his spirit could participate in the journey to the West, directing the expedition and protecting its members against danger. The head cloth ornamenting the image is intended to show that the person concerned was a man of high position; it is a - typically Indonesian - token of dignity, a prerogative of the sengadji, the district chiefs appointed by the sultan of Tidore. The image holds its hands in the position adopted by the elders of the clan when calling upon Mansren Nanggi (the Lord of Heaven) at the deeply religious ceremony of the fan nanggi (feeding the heavens) when food was laid on a platform raised on four poles.'190 As Held's important field study of the Papuans of Waropen on the East coast of the Geelvinkbay has been translated into English,191 I can restrict myself to a short recapitulation of his material concerning death, burial and ancestor images. 62

Death is considered to be 'an irregular interruption of human existence'.192 The ritual for the dead, the munaba, aims at promoting life. While in the initiation ritual, the saira, mainly the men are active, in the munaba the women take the active part. The Papuans of Waropen possess no clear ideas about life after death, neither is death envisaged as the definite conclusion of life.193 Man has a soul, called rosea, and the definitive departure of this soul - it may also leave the body for a time and return again - is followed by death. After death man becomes an inggoro or nurawa. The second of these terms is also used to indicate the soul-statuettes, i.e. the korwar. The dead protect and help the living, but they can punish them as well, as we have seen that is the case in other regions of the Geelvinkbay.194 Pieces of the stem of the leaf of the sago-palm are carved in the shape of the image of an ancestor and hung in the sago-palms when they have reached the stage that they can be processed.195 When the bride-price is paid a sacrifice is made to the ancestors.196 The ancestors are connected with the practice of raiding.197 The custom of consulting the ancestors is based on an appropriate myth.198 The moment of death is the sign to start a great uproar, but Held warns us not to confuse the loud wailing and keening - which is a ritual matter - with the real grief felt by the surviving relatives.199 He describes the way the dead is laid out: 'The deceased is laid in the central portion of the house, towards the water, i.e. pointing downstream, and with the feet towards the back, towards the forest, hence upstream. Thereupon all the openings of the body are closed: the nose and the ears with pieces of the rib of a sago-leaf, the mouth is closed by tying up the lower jaw by means of a strip of blue cloth, the eye-openings are covered by two small round shells, a blue loin-cloth is pulled tightly between the legs of the corpse and tucked in behind (kito irogha). The corpse lies on its back with the arms stretched alongside the body. At its feet often a small fire is laid, to keep away the flies, it was said. If the dead person is an infant the mother holds it in her arm until it is buried in the forest.'200 During the night a number of young men armed with bow and arrows keep watch outside the house, in which the dead person is lying, to protect the corpse against evil. For burial the corpse is placed on a piece of an old prau, or in a small one of the type which is also used for the rinsing of sago, and then: 'The head of the corpse is placed on a pile of plates and whilst the wailing grows in volume, the head is covered with a piece of blue cotton or a mat or a flat fish-trap. Then the corpse is put in a sandu, a prahu made of bark and without outriggers.'201 After this and before they proceed to the definitive burial, the custom is to organize a divination ceremony to find out the cause of death. Questions are asked and if the answer is in the affirmative the dead man makes the prau, in which the corpse is put, rock to and fro. He also mentions the manner of divination, as already described from missionary reports, by tearing at a lock of hair of the deceased till it comes off.202 The corpse of little children is placed on a kind of stand, roofed over, and standing on a pole near the house. The corpse of a grown-up is deposited on a scaffolding with the head pointing 63

downstream. Various objects are hung or put round the scaffolding. Some utensils, like plates, for instance, are broken as a sign of mourning. Theferasoa, the place where the dead are deposited, is usually downstream from the village.203 In Waropen Kai the corpse used to be dried over a small fire, which was not done in the Napan region. After some days of this treatment the skin starts to come off, it is then collected and thrown away. The whitish colour of the corpse is evidently regarded as of special beauty and importance. This custom was, according to mythology, introduced, 'by Kirisi Aimeri who killed the snake Ghoiroponggai with hot stones and hot water, in this way saving the Waropen from destruction. Kirisi Aimeri went from the Woisimi to the East with the first dead Aruifono. It was at Waren that the people wanted to accept the dead man. That is the reason why only the inhabitants of the Waropen Kai district and those of Japen since that time have the custom of mummifying their dead.'204 Held also gives a description of the mourning customs which I omit here.205 According to Held the skulls of dead relatives were often kept in the houses, and he warns against the hasty conclusion that the presence of a skull in a house was to be considered as evidence of head-hunting.206 In the Napan area the skulls were as a rule put in a korwar, in the Kai district this custom was practically unknown. Held only knows of one case, which was a special one: Only once a father made a soul-statuette for his uninitiated son; its nose was perforated in lieu of the child's nose. Evidently no special importance was attached to the image itself, because shortly after the decease the father offered it for sale.'207 The piercing of the septum is considered of great importance. If it had not been done yet during life, it ought to take place after death.208 After decomposition of the body the bones were collected in a case made of leaves and the skull was taken home in a new carrying-bag. It ought then to be suspended from the rooftree, but for the sake of convenience it was sometimes placed in a handier spot. Some time after death, when the skull is available, and when sufficient food for the feast of the dead has been collected, a munaba is danced. Held remarks on this, because it is always said that a munaba is danced, while the word by itself means a song, the sacred chant which is sung by the dancers. Munaba signifies 'the great song'. The dance is rather simple and there is little question of dramatization of the mythological contents of the song. In former times the munaba was associated with sexual licence. In theory a munaba lasts five days and five nights without interruption, but in practice as a rule the afternoon is not used. About the significance of this ritual Held writes: '. . . although the actual dramatization of the myth is lacking . . . the munaba . . . is probably meant as a re-enactment of those mythical primeval times when the ancestors whose actions are sung, lived a longer and happier life than their present descendants. The munaba is intended as a periodical repetition of the contact with this happier past when mankind suffered less from death.'209 The usual ritual of death is only changed in the case of a very influential old man, a senior representative of the senior line of the clan. In these rare cases various ceremonies are added to the common ritual of the munaba. Of especial importance is the poetic version of the Serakokoi myth 64

which then is sung. This myth treats of the wife of a mythic snake who visited all kinds of places, and relates how a mythic woman (the connection between the various figures of the myth is complicated and can be neglected here) was the first to do the work of processing the sago that is now the work of the men.210 About the function of ancestor statues in the village Weinami we learn the following: '. . . the two clans there each possessed an ancestor, represented by an ancestral statue. The nurawa, the ancestor, of the Waratanoi clan was called Kowei and he was the eldest; the ancestor of the younger clan was called Warari. Because the village of Weinami usually equipped only one raiding party for both clans, it was the custom to present a sacrifice to Kowei before starting out, the offering consisting of sago-mush with coconut. When this food had been presented to Kowei, it was eaten by the gathering of the companions. It was assumed that Kowei preceded the party and showed them the way, blinding the eyes of the attacked, so that they would not observe the attackers.'211 If the raiding party succeeded in coming back with cut-off heads these used to be placed near those statues.212 Of importance for our subject is what Held has to tell us about the aiwo, small amulets consisting of a stick with a small korwar figure at one end. The figure indeed represents an ancestor, and the bit of stick, which is a standing characteristic of this type of amulets, represents in Held's opinion, as I think quite correctly, the central pole of the house, which in its turn stands for the first ancestor.213 In several later publications by Kamma we find korwars mentioned, but new material is scarce. He communicates a myth in which an explanation is given for the custom of wrapping the dead in a mat. This forms part of the Manseren Manggundi myth. Manggundi had forbidden to bewail the dead, because in that case they would not come to life again. Nevertheless a woman whose child had died started to keen in the traditional manner, and when asked by Manggundi whether the dead would return, answered that the dead would never come back. Then Manggundi became angry, he took a mat, folded it with a rope around it, and said: this is the way you will wrap your dead, and because of your lack of faith they will not return.214 Another myth illustrates the life-giving properties ascribed to the skull.215 Of importance is the connection laid between the skull and the coconut (as in many other parts of New Guinea and the surrounding regions). Thus a myth from Numfor tells how the first coconut palm grew out of a woman's skull. In some Geelvinkbay languages the same word is used for the skull and the coconut.216 Korwars are rubbed with coconutoil.217 The anio sara (=rum srani) of Dusner on the Wandamen coast was famous. A person initiated here, a tubo, was a man of importance. These persons were buried in a special way immediately at the back of the village, in a sitting position with their hands before the eyes like a telescope, looking out over the village, guarding and protecting it.218 In a letter Kamma mentions that on Biak the dead are conceived of as sitting on the beach of the island of 65

Meos Korwar, looking out to the East, themselves protected against the unpleasant cold winds from the West. The song sung during the making of a korwar is always a mourning song (kajob)?19 In the letter already quoted Kamma also mentions that sometimes a korwar is accused of having killed someone. In that case the kor war is placed on the grave of the victim where it is left to decay by way of punishment. A few cases are known in which korwars were made of strangers.220 In 1957 there were discovered on the island Waigeo a few wooden coffins in the shape of a large fish. In the coffins were found the remains of several bodies.221 In a recent article on the ancestor figures of the MacCluer Gulf, a region culturally related to that of the Geelvinkbay, Kooijman discusses the possibility of connections between the worship of the ancestors and the cult of the sun.222 Apart from 'a certain functional analogy between sun and ancestors in the sphere of the practical aspects of the magico-religious life, there would seem to be here, as in the rock-painting region, close relationships between the sun and certain mythical ancestors.'223 Kooijman communicates a myth collected by M. van Rhijn which tells 'the story of Aupakofate, a young unmarried man who was later to become the progenitor of a group living in Kampong Besar' who meets and later marries the two daughters of the sun. At first Aupakofate lived in the dark, because the whole earth lay in darkness, but the daughters of the sun bring with them a cage with four kinds of birds, 'all of the type which begins to sing at sunrise. The man opened this cage and let the birds escape. They begin to sing and it became light. When the last bird had flown out of the cage it was full day.'224 Now the difficulty is that the data given apply only to a limited area where wooden ancestor figures are not known, but there exist indications which make it probable that the same ideas or similar ones are known in other areas too and may be brought into connection with the wooden ancestor images, called matuai. These statues and the carvings in relief on the posts of the titaraja, the young men's house, had a function in head-hunting and raiding. Before such a trip they were consulted and given offerings consisting of tobacco, pieces of cotton cloth, etc., and after a succesful raid more offerings were made. The heads taken were hung on the centre-pole of the ceremonial house and thus brought into close contact with the images of the ancestors. Their function also extended to the visits which were paid after the hostilities had finished. Then the matuai received gifts from the visitors. The information given pertains to the village Negeri Besar.225 This concludes the material collected. Some conclusions, in so far as the korwars proper are concerned, will be drawn in the Conclusion.

66

THE MORPHOLOGY OF KORWARS

The Geelvinkbay area is formed by the coastal districts around and the islands lying in the Geelvinkbay, of which Numfor, the Schouten Islands with Biak, and Japen are the largest, by the coast of the Vogelkop and the region of the MacCluergulf, and by a number of islands like the Ajau Islands, of which Waigeo is the most important, and by other islands of which Salawati and Batanta are the largest. The island Liki, which forms the Eastern frontier for the occurrence of korwars, may be taken as its Eastern boundary. This is the part of New Guinea where the influences from Indonesia are felt most. In former times the Papuans of the Geelvinkbay used to travel long distances in their praus to the Eastern islands of Indonesia.226 The main area for the production of sculptural art is the Geelvinkbay itself and the Ajau Islands where immigrants from the Geelvinkbay have settled. The area around the MacCluergulf is rather poor artistically but in style belongs clearly to the Geelvinkbay. The Vogelkop, except the coast, in particular the Eastern and Northeastern coastal reaches, is of no importance from the point of view of sculptural art. Theie are some difficulties about the delimitation of the Geelvinkbay region as a style area. The differences in style on the South between the MacCluergulf and Mimika are clear, but on the North coast the Geelvinkbay area is not so easy to delimitate. Contrary to Gerbrands and Kooijman, I am of the opinion that the Geelvinkbay style does not reach further East than approximately the mouth of the Mamberamo on the coast and the island Liki off it, and that we ought to consider the North coast as a separate style area. A few arguments must suffice to support this proposition. Korwars are not found further East than Liki; the wooden figures which are found differ on small points, but nevertheless noticeably; the prau ornaments of this area differ completely from those of the Geelvinkbay. Gerbrands gives the following general characterization of the art of the Geelvinkbay style area: 'There is a striking contrast between the mainly rectilinear construction of the figures and particularly the faces, and the scroll work ornamentation seen in the scutiform objects held by the figures.... which clearly shows Indonesian influence. A scroll ornamentation of essentially the same form is also found on the decorated bamboo containers and in the prau ornaments, 67

which are worked in a technically very clever ajour technique. The strictly rectilinear aspect of the figures gives them almost a monumental menace. The combination with the scroll motives causes the art of this area to convey an impression of strong nervous and emotional tension.'227 Masks from the Geelvinkbay are very rare. The making of masks either forms no part of the traditional culture of this area at all, or it is an art form which has fallen into disuse before the middle of the last century, when the first missionaries settled there. The main product in three dimensional carvings are the korwars which will be described further on in detail. In the same style as the korwars other figures were carved, so, for instance, the ones in or at the rumsram (both prepositions are correct), the ceremonial house of the Geelvinkbay area, that seems to have been in decline already at the time of the first closer contact with the Europeans.228 The rumsrams were long buildings constructed on poles above the water (as were the houses too in many places). The one at Doreh is said to have measured ± 25 by 5 metres. It was built more or less in the form of a prau with which it could be symbolically identified. It was decorated with many carvings of human figures and of crocodiles and snakes, both of which are of importance in mythology.229 Unlike the korwars which are usually without any overt indication of sex, the figures of the rumsram are described as having large and conspicuous genital parts and as being represented sometimes in the act of coition. Amulets are made in the same style as korwars and it seems to me that the local differences in style between korwars are faithfully reflected in the style of the amulets. Kamma mentions from the Ajau Islands the making of a wooden figure for a child which has reached the age when it is to go outside the house for the first time. This is considered dangerous, and the mon, the shaman, makes a small wooden figure and puts that on the ground on the spot where the child usually plays. This is thought to confuse the demons of the earth who might otherwise harm the child.230 We find also figures in wood of various animals like dogs, snakes, crocodiles etc., but only in some cases are we informed about the specific purpose of these carvings. Carving in stone is nearly unknown. The large sea-going praus are decorated with carvings of various types. The best known type, which is at the same time the most impressive, consists of a rather thin board with an ornament of scrolls in open work and with one or more heads of korwar type, or a complete figure in the same style added. Unlike the korwars these heads were as a rule decorated with cassowary feathers to represent hair. Only a few korwars are known which have a similar decoration on the head. Especially the large war-canoes (wai-ron) used to be decked out with gorgeous and complicated decorations.231 A particular form of ritual art, of which only very little has been published till now, are the drawings in the so-called mon-books. These drawings, often depicting more or less fabulous animals, were the personal property of the shaman (mon) who made them, each in his own individual style and giving them each their own individual significance.232 68

57

58

59

6ο

6l

62

Utensils and weapons are generally of pleasing form and agreeably decorated. The great naturalist "Wallace, a hundred years ago, already remarked upon this: 'If these peoples are not savages, where shall we find any ? Yet they have all a decided love for the fine arts, and spend their leisure time in executing works whose good taste and elegance would often be admired in our schools of design.'233 Another object of interest is the float used for turtle fishing carved in the shape of a bird (like the one Wallace bought in 1858 in the Straits between Waigeo and Batanta834), or in the shape of a sort of ray like the manta. This fish, seen from above, resembles a bird with the wings stretched out. The explanation for this form is given by Held who tells us that this form hides a mythical allusion to the sun that by day flies along the sky like a bird, while at night it swims like a fish through the sea. For this reason these floats have the shape of a fish which reminds us of a bird.235 The neck-rests generally show a kind of double sfinx which shows a fortuitous but very close resemblance to the Egyptian sign for Aker (skr). Sometimes they consist of the figure of an animal. They are often worked with great care and sometimes decorated with a few beads. Many utensils like sago spoons, tapa beaters, paddles, combs, etc. are as a rule decorated with some scroll work or show a small korwar figure. Receptacles made out of wood or bamboo often have the surface decorated with the intricate scroll work of this area. Like all the coastal Papuans those of the Geelvinkbay have a profusion of personal ornaments made from all kinds of suitable materials, among which shells, feathers, teeth of dogs and boars, and vegetable fibres of various colours predominate. Studying the korwars it soons becomes clear that there exist various types. It is often difficult, however, and sometimes impossible, to find for every type an exact location, owing to the unfortunate fact that most korwars in our museum collections have no exact and trustworthy provenance. Seeing that this part of New Guinea has been in regular contact with missionaries, traders and government officials for more than a century, and has been rapidly westernized in the last twenty years, it is not to be expected that this deficiency can ever be made good, even if field work in this problem were to be undertaken in the next few years. For a morphological classification of korwars we must distinguish in the first place between those with, and those without an actual human skull. As we have seen in the preceding chapter, the term korwar is also applied to an ancestor skull without a wooden figure. Skulls like these may be put in a basket and sometimes some parts, like nose and ears, are carved in wood and added to the skull. This type of korwar is not taken into consideration in this chapter. In both groups - the one with and the one without an actual skull - standing md sitting figures can be found. Most specimens hold a shield, or some other object, in front of them, though korwars without this are not rare. Keeping to the main characteristics the following types can be distinguished : 69

Pi. 5

A. KORWARS WITH A SKULL

Pi. ι

I. II. a. b.

Pi. 3 Pi. 2

The skull stands on a cervical spike The skull is put into a receptacle which serves as head of the figure The front part of the skull serves as face The front part of the skull is not visible and the gure has a face carved in wood

B. KORWARS ENTIRELY CARVED IN WOOD, OR, IN SOME RARE INSTANCES, IN STONE

Pi. 6 Pi. 7 Pi. 4

I. Standing figure a. Without a shield b. Holding a shield or some other object ι. Both hands holding the shield 2. One arm holding the shield and one arm outstretched II. Sitting figure (usually squatting)

Pi. ii Pi. 8 Pis. 9, io Pi. 12 Pis. 13, 17 Pi. 14

Pi. 15

Pis. 16, 19, 20 Pi. 2i Pi. 23 Pi. 22 Pis. 18, 24

a. Without a shield i. The body is a roughly shaped block, arms and legs are not indicated 2. The body is a block with the arms and legs carved in relief 3. The body, and the arms and legs as well, are carved in the round b. Holding a shield or some other object i. The body is a block with arms, legs and shield carved in relief 2. The whole figure is carved in the round C. VARIOUS ATYPICAL SPECIMENS MAY BE FOUND

A large number of korwars have a shield or some other object in front of them. If we take this scutiform object as starting point of our investigation the following types can be distinguished: a. Korwars without a shield b. Korwars with a shield or some other object infront of them i. The shield is plain. It is not always certain whether this is intended, or whether we have to do with an unfinished piece. Nevertheless, in a number of cases we may be sure that this lack of decoration is intended. 2. The shield is decorated with scroll work, as a rule open work (ajour), in a few cases painted or incised only. 3. The shield is in open work with a pattern that resembles a tree. 4. The shield has scroll work, or there is some indication of a shield, but there is a human figure, smaller than the korwar itself, worked into the overall pattern of the shield. 5. There is no actual shield, but the korwar has only a smaller figure in front. 6. The korwar has one or two snakes in front. Generally the figure holds the snakes by the neck. 70

7- The korwar holds, or has in front of it, instead of recognizable snakes one or two staffs either plain or decorated. 8. The korwar has a Y-shaped object in front of it. 9. There is no actual shield, but the hands are connected by a horizontally held cross-piece which is usually incised with scroll work.

Pis. 25, 26 Pis. 27, 28, 29 Pis. 30, 31

Before we consider the facial characteristics of the korwars, which may be of use in classifying, we will base our next attempt at classification on the general shape of the head which shows some characteristic differences. A number of korwars cannot be classified according to this principle owing to various particularities which make it difficult, if not impossible, to determine the shape of the head in general with any certainty. 1. The head is elongated along the horizontal axis. The length of the head measured from the nose to the back of the head may be twice or even thrice the height of the face measured from the hairline downwards. 2. The overall shape of the head is round. 3. The shape of the head is decidedly conical. 4. Without being actually conical, the shape of the head is appreciably prognathic. 5. The shape of the head is roughly cylindrical. Not all characteristics of the face are of the same importance in classifying korwars. Apart from the degree of prognathism, which has already been remarked on, and a few other traits, it is mainly the shape of the nose, and in relation therewith, of course, the general line of the profile which is of importance. The way in which eyes and mouth are indicated (or not indicated at all as in several cases) gives, as far as I can see, no certain lead for purposes of classification. The face may be either concave or convex. In both types prognathism occurs. In many korwars the face seen from the front gives the impression of being framed by a ring. One gets a more or less clear impression of a face which is fixed on the frontal part of a skull which is larger than the face. The face looks either as if it had been pasted on, or it juts out in front. I take this to be one of the indications that certain types of wooden korwars (I think it goes too far to argue that this is valid for all types) are based on korwars in or on which an actual skull was placed. Seen in profile there are four types of kor war in existence: 1. The profile, especially the line of the nose, forms more or less a straight line which goes vertically down. 2. The profile, especially the nose, is faintly curved, there is some degree of prognathism. 3. The profile, especially the nose, is clearly curved, there is a decided degree of prognathism. 4. The profile, especially the nose, is clearly curved, but there is little or no prognathism.

Pis. 32, 33

Pi. 3 5 Pi. 36 Pis. 34, 37 Pi. 38

Pis. 40, 42 Pi. 39 Pi. 41 Pi. 43

We must now decide in how far it is possible to distinguish types of korwars'and to locate these in various areas of the Geelvinkbay. Serrurier in 1898 was the first to attempt a local classification of the different types of korwar.23· He distinguishes two divisions, standing korwars and sitting ones, comprising ten separate types in all.237 I. STANDING KORWARS

1. The Salawati-Arfak type This type is to be found on the island Salawati and East from there. It is rather different from the general run of korwars. Especially the face does not resemble that of other types. Comparable figures are known from the Arfak mountains but these come nearer to the korwars proper in the shape of the face. 2. The Major type Thelocation of this type is the island Numfor (also called Mafor), the region of Dorehand Ansus on the island Japen. The shape of the face shows conventional stylization. The Mafor type is related to the Arfak type. 3. The Ansus type The korwars from Ansus in the West of Japen resemble the korwars from Doreh. They are often mistakenly supposed to come from there. 4. The Doreh type Because of the importance of Doreh as harbour many korwars may have been labelled Doreh without having been made there. This type has the richest scroll work decoration. The shape of the face is less conventionally stylized. Π. SITTING KORWARS

5. The Indonesian type This type is to be located around the MacCluergulf. It has no shield, or, as Serrurier generally calls it after M. Uhle288 no balustrade. 6. The Waigeo type The korwars of the Ajau Islands are also related to the Indonesian type of ancestor figures, but there exists another type which Serrurier means here. The head is very large and often has a small human figure carved in relief on both sides. The back of the head usually shows a rim which contains the head in the form of a halfcircle. There may be a shield, or the figure may sit with the arms folded on his knees. 7. The Biak types The Indonesian type is also to be found on the Schouten Islands. Apart from that there exist on Biak two types of korwars proper. One is characterized by the shape of the body which is that of a square block, the other by the hair which is smoothed down and covers the entire head except ; the face.

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8. The Eastern Japen type The shield is very much reduced. Here and on Biak we find a few korwars holding only one staff. The forehead is narrow and we often meet with something which resembles a kind of 'chignon' at the back of the head. 9. The Liki-Amberno type The shield has two rows of holes, shaped like a diamond or a leaf. Serrurier unites under this head the korwars from the island Liki that forms the Eastern frontier for the occurrence of korwars, and those from the mouth of the Mamberamo (Amberno) which is the furthest point on the coastline of New Guinea itself for this, ίο. The Wandamen-Mor type This type is located in the South of the Geelvinkbay on the Wandamen coast and on the Mor Islands near there. Most korwars from this area hold two staffs instead of a shield. The head of the male korwar is extremely elongated by a kind of 'chignon' at the back of the head; the head of the female korwar is quite round. Nuoffer in 1906, after having treated the skull korwars as a group apart, distinguishes three types of korwars: 1. The Wandamen type This is the same as Serrurier's Wandamen-Mor type. 2. The Doreh type This is the same as Serrurier's Doreh type. 3. The Ansus type This is the same as Serrurier's Ansus type, but Nuoffer considers them as belonging to a mixed type, because they combine the standing posture of the Doreh korwars with the shape of the face of the Wandamen type.239 Van Heyst in 1942 distinguishes only two types: the type from the Ajau Islands, which he calls amjjanir, and the balustrade-korwars from the Geelvinkbay proper.240 In 1951 A. A. Gerbrands published a pioneer article called Kunststijlen in West Nieuw Guinea?*1 part of which is devoted to a stylistic classification of the ancestor figures of the Geelvinkbay. He distinguishes four style groups, the first three of which are subdivided further. Altogether he distinguishes and describes seven styles. Style group la is located on the island of Waigeo. Since his descriptions are carefully detailed and can hardly be bettered, they are given here in translation: 'This group is characterized by carvings of a seated human form with the arms crossed and laid upon the knees, which are drawn up. The figures are 20 to 25 centimeters high, the proportion of the head to the body being about 73

3 to 2. The basic shape of the head is an elongated cylinder, from the front of which a slightly concave, semi-oval piece has been removed. The facial area thus formed is delimited along the top by strictly horizontal eyebrows, projecting considerably at right angles to the surface of the face. From the middle of these eyebrows, the nose goes down as a perfectly straight vertical ridge, ending in a comparatively very short, barely modelled horizontal ridge forming the nostrils. Above the eyebrows, the hairline is indicated by a horizontal, brace-shaped groove, sometimes continuing over the cheeks to the jaws. To either side of the nose, just above the nostrils, runs a line from the nose to the edge of the facial oval, with a slight downward curve. The lower lip coincides with the curve ending the oval of the face; the upper lip is fairly naturalistic, and the teeth are visible. The head is finished smoothly, and usually has a raised ridge surrounding the back of the head, from temple to temple, though sometimes there is a simple transversal ridge. Reniform ears in relief, sometimes with a carved pendant, shaped more or less like a European split-pen. Sometimes above each ear there is a standing human figure carved in relief against the side of the head, its face showing the same characteristics of style as that of the main figure.' The raised ridge is of interest for our understanding of this type of korwar. According to Serrurier this ridge represents a comb.242 It seems more probable, however, that this type of korwar with a raised ridge around the back of the head is a wooden replica of a skull korwar, and that the ridge represents the cylindrical wooden box which is open in front so that the face of the skull is visible. The transversal ridge is evidently meant to depict a comb. Style group ib is located on the Ajau Islands and has in the main the same characteristics as la: 'The mouth, however, is a groove of elliptical shape without any indication of teeth, and sometimes placed below the oval area of the face. The figures are generally somewhat more roughly finished than those of group ia.' From the island Japen Gerbrands describes only one style, although he rightly mentions that there are probably two or three other style groups. Of one of these types he says that they are small carvings of not more than about 20 cm. 'whose eyes are carved in the shape of an elliptical groove on a small raised area. They wear a heavy, hood-shaped headdress, and are in general much less angular than the other figures.' The style described fully is characterized as follows: 'These figures are also seated, but with the elbows resting on the drawn up knees, holding an object which is sometimes hard to define. The head is built up on a system of various planes: a vertical plane for the sides, passing into the two sides of the face at an obtuse angle. The ridge of the nose is at the intersection of the two planes of the face, continuing upwards into the often tapering forehead, and running down as far as the upper lip in a sharp point, which is often pierced for a nose ornament. The nostrils are formed by small flat pieces, pointing upwards at an angle, which gives the nose more or less the shape of an anchor. The face is cut away round the nostrils in something of a heart shape, which makes the mouth jut forward very strongly. A very wide, slit mouth with thin lips placed upon the chin, occasionally showing the tongue or the teeth. The 74

eyes are always represented by beads pressed into the wood. The ears stand out as a little ridge or round, usually pierced. The face lies a little deeper than the rest of the head; thus a kind of frame is formed round the face of a rectangular shape with rounded corners. The figures are 25-30 cm. high, the proportion of the head to the body is about 2:3.' This is style group 2a. Style group 2b is found on the Schouten Islands, probably especially in Biak. Gerbrands mentions the possibility of the existence of a separate style group on the same island centered in the village Wardo. He describes the Biak style as follows: 'Seated figures whose attitude is altogether identical with that of those of group 2a. The head, however, is not composed of flat planes, but its horizontal section is about egg-shaped, with the narrow end drawn to a point. This point is at the front, where the two sides of the face meet at an acute angle. The heart-shaped part cut away round the nostrils in group 2a is either not removed or very much less noticeable. Otherwise the stylistic characteristics are the same.' Style groups 33 and 3b both come from the area of the Wandamen Bay and the Umar Bay in the South-west of the Geelvinkbay. The description of both types follows: '33 ... With a very few exceptions the figures are seated, with the elbows resting on the drawn up knees. Most typical is the disproportionately long head (about twice as long as it is wide). This head is placed on a short neck right at the back, so that it projects a long way forward, being sometimes supported under the chin by an ornament held in the hands. At the back of the head there is a spherical projection, more or less in the shape of an old-fashioned bun of hair. From here the head proceeds in a trumpet shape to the surrounds of the face. This frame stands out like a wreath and is often marked on the outside edge with triangular indentations (the whole aspect is vividly reminiscent of a Victorian poke-bonnet). As it were "affixed" to this frame is the actual face; there is very little organic relation between the face and the rest of the head. This face is of practically the same type as the face of group 2a: it is built up of plane surfaces, the nose is anchor-shaped, a slit mouth placed on the chin, beads for eyes, etc. The ears have various forms, sometimes there is merely a little hole in the framework round the face for the insertion of an ear ornament. Very probably it will be possible to distinguish a sub-group in this group, differing only in the shape of the face (face built up of curviform planes). The height is generally 25-30 cm. *3b . . . Only differing from the previous group with regard to the shape of the head, which is here almost a perfect sphere, completely smooth and cut off straight on the underside. The face is "affixed" to this in the same way as in the previous group. It is practically certain that the well-known "skull-korwars" also belong to this group 3b.' There are indeed skull-korwars which resemble this group very much and may indeed belong to it, but I hesitate to extend this to all skull-korwars. To Gerbrands' style group 4 belong the well-known korwars from the Doreh Bay, probably the best known type of all korwars. Gerbrands thinks it 'most probably possible' that in this area more styles should be distinguished. His description of style 4 is as follows: 'Standing

75

figures, the hands advanced and holding a shield-like object carved in open work and resting on the ground. This object is a sometimes highly abstract stylization of two snakes facing each other with wide open mouth (Serrurier 1898). Occasionally figures are found holding one, or two, clearly recognizable snakes resting their tail on the ground. Sometimes, too, a smaller standing human figure is worked into the scutiform object. Typical of the main figure is its strikingly natural form. Jaws, mouth, nose and nostrils, eyebrows and ears are often carved in a very naturalistic manner. A fairly high forehead, and set far back a raised demarcation running from ear to ear to indicate the wig-like hairdress. The figure always stands with legs spread wide, and the legs are always far too short in proportion. In spite of these incorrect proportions, many anatomical details are often fairly well rendered in the best pieces: heel, calf, knee, buttock, cleft of the buttocks, backbone, hip, collar-bone. The majority of the pieces is about 25-30 cm. high, though considerably larger or smaller pieces are not rare. This group is probably the only style group containing figures with parts of the body carved separately and fixed to the body by means of a square peg fitting into a hole (separate arms, raised and thereby exceeding the limits of the original block of wood). In the other style groups. . . the pieces are always carved from a single block of wood.' We may now disregard the attempts of Nuoffer and van Heyst. When we compare the classification of Serrurier and that of Gerbrands, the result is as follows: SERRURIER

ι. Salawati-Arfak type 2. Mafor type 3. Ansus type 4. Doreh type 5. Indonesian type (Mac Cluergulf) 6. Waigeo type 7. Biak type 8. Eastern Japen type 9. Liki-Amberno type 10. Wandamen-Mor type

GERBRANDS

4. Doreh type la. Waigeo type ib. Ajau Islands type 2b. Biak type 2a. Japen type 3 a and 3b. Wandamen coast and Umar Bay type.

The results of both scholars agree sufficiently well to offer some firm ground for all future attempts at classification. Four types in any case are quite clear and can be located with certainty: Pis. 44, 45, 46

a. The Doreh type. Korwars of this type come from Doreh and the neighbouring villages. In most cases standing figures holding a shield, usually with both hands, but sometimes with one

76

arm outstretched. The shield consists of scroll work. In some cases the scroll work of the shield frames a smaller human figure, or is combined with one or two snakes; sometimes only the snake(s) is (are) present. The shape of the head is intermediate between cylindrical and round; the line of the nose is generally faintly curved, sometimes straight; the rendering of the nose is in most cases rather natural, in any case, hardly ever is the nose very flat or is it continued till the tip of the nose meets the upper lip to which it then adheres. All in all this is the most naturalistic type ofkorwar. b. The Biak types. These come from the Schouten Islands, mainly from Biak, but influences from this centre may have radiated into several other regions. In most cases sitting figures. There is a type carved in the round with the arms crossed and lacking a shield, another type exists in which the body is a square block without any indication of limbs or of a shield, but most korwars of this area have a shield of some kind. The main shape of the head is cylindrical; the line of the nose is as a rule faintly curved but may deviate in either direction. The nose is in most cases like that of the Doreh type and only seldom is the tip of the nose continued till it meets the upper lip to which it then adheres. The face is framed by the rest of the head as described in detail by Gerbrands. There is a type with the body inclined forward in a posture which reminds us of a man racing on a motorcycle. Many korwars from this area, except the block type, are carved with great care. There is certainly more than one type ofkorwar in use on these islands. At least three can be distinguished with certainty, although not located: 1. The block type. 2. The type without a shield sitting with the arms crossed. 3. The type with the body inclined forward. Of this type the nose is as a rule more clearly curved than is the case with most of the other korwars from this area.

Pis. 57, 58, 59, 60, 61

c. The Wandamen coast types. Korwars of these types come from the South-western part of the Geelvinkbay: the surroundings of Windesi, the Wandamen coast, Jaur, the Umar Bay, and perhaps the island Ron. In most cases seated figures, generally holding two staffs or sometimes a cross piece, but never a full shield. The head is in most cases either elongated or round, the line of the nose is always straight and the nose is very flat. Two types can be distinguished: 1. The type with the peculiar elongated head. 2. The type with a conspicuously round head.

Pis. 48, 50

d. The Waigeo-Ajau Islands types. All korwars from this area are sitting; there are korwars with a shield of scroll work and others without a shield at all. The head is either cylindrical or rounded. The line of the nose is straight and the nose is very flat. Some wear a helmet-like head covering

Pis. 62, 63, 64, 65

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(to be explained as Portugese influence by way of Eastern Indonesia), others have a raised ridge along the back of the head, others again have a raised ridge like a comb on top of the head. We are able to distinguish three types: 1. The type with a cylindrical head and a face which is either flat or only slightly concave. 2. The type with a cylindrical head and a very clearly concave face. 3. The type with a round head and a convex face. We have now distinguished in accordance with both Serrurier and Gerbrands four types (4, 6, 7, ίο of Serrurier). Gerbrands disregards in his classification the area of the MacCluergulf (Serrurier type 5). Although the number of atypical specimens from this area seems to be rather high, we may safely follow Kooijman who has contributed an article to the investigation of these little known korwars. So we find our fifth style area: Pis. 67, 68, 69

e. The MacCluergulf types. These korwars come from the MacCluer- and Bintuni Gulf and from the South-western coast of the Vogelkop as far as Salawati. They are aesthetically one of the least striking groups of korwars. Kooijman distinguishes two types which he describes as follows (partly using material collected by J. Roeder and lost during the last war): 1. Standing figures with outstretched arms which, it may be assumed with certainty, are detachable. The palms of the hands face forward. Little or no attention has been paid to the torso. The legs are either shapeless stumps or are entirely missing . . . the rather unpronounced faces show a great resemblance to those of the squatting figures. . . The head may or may not be provided with a conical 'cap'. Figures with this head-gear probably represent men: in earlier times the men are supposed to have danced in such head-dresses, made from palm leaves. Figures of people without head-covering are probably female ancestors. 2. Squatting figures with raised knees and short arms crossed horizontally in front of the body, the hands joined under the chin. Arms and hands are sometimes rendered more or less naturalistically, but they are sometimes stylized to the point at which the arms become an uninterrupted wooden ring. The torso and legs are also sometimes highly stylized . . . The face is rather flat, the nose and mouth not very pronounced. The latter is small and sometimes projects forward, in contrast with the wide, vigorous mouths of the true korwar region. The head is either very tall, with or without a small conical cap, or cut off flat at the top.243 According to Roeder the standing figures are called matutuo, and the sitting ones mam or maro.2** The matutuo represent the great ancestors, those a long time dead and still revered, the smaller sitting figures are representations of those who died recently.245 I do not think that the present state of our knowledge allows us to do more than indicate tentatively a few more areas in which a local substyle may be centered, and I do not consider it 78

possible to divide the rest of the Geelvinkbay area with sufficient certainty into clearly defined smaller local style areas. The following two areas may tentatively be proposed: f. The region of the Waropen coast. Lack of material makes it impossible to decide whether the Waropen coast can be considered as a region with a style of its own.

Pi. 47

g. The island Liki. We meet with the same difficulty in trying to decide whether Liki may be considered as such. But here, at least, two points can be made. The shield with a pattern resembling a tree seems to belong to this area, and it is possible that korwars with a very pronouncedly conical head, so that it looks triangular in diameter, have their provenance here.

Pi. 49

h. The islandJapen. The situation onjapen is still left in abeyance. Gerbrands describes one type and mentions the existence of two or three others. The material, in my opinion, does not yet allow of sorting out these types with certainty. It is only possible to give some characteristics that may indicate that a korwar has its provenance on this island. The korwars of Japen often stand, but can then be clearly distinguished from the Doreh type. Nearly all hold a shield with both hands. The shield shows usually some kind of scroll work and a comparatively high percentage of korwars from this area has a smaller figure in front. The head is in most cases cylindrical, but not very clearly so; the line of the nose may be straight or clearly curved. While most korwars have no overt indication of sex, it seems that the male korwars onjapen have comparatively often a phallus or some indication of it. One other characteristic is, as far as I know, only to be found on Japen: the legs and feet of some korwars from this island have been deformed into snake-like appendages. Besides korwars completely carved in the round, we find others with carving in relief, and even the block type as on Biak. As the island Japen is inhabited by immigrants from Biak along the North coast and some villages on the South coast are inhabited by other immigrants from the South of the Geelvinkbay, while the rest of the South coast is populated by the original inhabitants of this island246 we may expect a mixture of imported styles and an original one, if any. Unfortunately there is not sufficient material for deciding this question.

Pis. 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56

SKULL-KORWARS

The question whether skull-korwars ought to be considered the prototype of those entirely in wood, cannot be solved with certainty, but the probability points in this direction. The following arguments in support of this hypothesis may be adduced: ι. We find cases in which the skull only serves as korwar. 2. Some characteristics of certain types of korwars can be best explained by the assumption that they originally were modelled on the skull-korwar, ao e.g. the raised ridge along the back of 79

the head of some Ajau Islands korwars, and the face that juts out in front of the cranial part of the head in a number of korwars from the Wandamen coast, Japen and elsewhere. 3. The very marked disproportion between the head and the body (marked even according to New Guinea standards) obvious in most korwars can best be explained by the assumption that the korwars entirely in wood imitate the skull-korwars. The body must then be considered as nothing but a kind of pedestal to put the skull on. It is clear that a wooden body, even if only approximately in proportion to the head, would make the a skull-korwar into a very clumsy and unwieldy object, not suitable at all to be preserved in the house or to be carried on travels. THE KORWAR-SHIELD

No other single aspect of the korwar has received so much attention as the shield or balustrade that many of these carvings hold in front of them. There are many theories but there is hardly any concrete information. The older theories are discussed by Nuoffer.247 Schurtz (1895) is of the opinion that the pillar-like staffs are the oldest form and the shield or the animals a later development. This is rightly contradicted by Nuoffer. Serrurier (1898) thinks that the shield is meant as a real one. Again Nuoffer disagrees, because, as he argues plausibly, it is curious to depict a warrior hiding behind a shield. Nuoffer himself defends the thesis that the oldest form of the korwar balustrade is that of one or two snakes held by the neck by the human figure. According to him this points in the direction of a myth in which a divine being or mythic ancestor conquers one or more snakes. It is true that this type of myth is known from many parts of New Guinea and from the Geelvinkbay area as well. According to Nuoffer the scroll work is to be regarded as an amplification of the snake-motif. Feuilletau de Bruyn thinks that the shield with scroll work is a representation of the breast and ribs, and he states that this is a communication which has been made to him frequently.248 The theories of Serrurier, Nuoffer and Feuilletau de Bruyn deserve our attention. Serrurier. It is, of course, implausible that the korwar depicts a warrior hiding behind a shield, but there is a possibility that the intention was to depict the deceased sitting, the posture in which he was very often buried, behind a shield. In one case we are told that it was the custom to keep the dried body in a corner of the hut behind a shield. Nevertheless Serrurier's theory is, in my opinion, untenable for two reasons. In the first place it is difficult to understand how the shield can develop into the representation of the snake; and in the second place, if it really were a shield, why then is it made in most cases in open work ? Feuilletau de Bruyn. At first sight the information given by this author does not sound convincing, even though we may trust that this is really the information received by him. It is, however, possible to support his opinion by pointing out the existence of 'hollow' figures in 80

r, 7

68

6ς>

other parts of New Guinea (Mimika area, Asmat area, Sepik River area) which seem to depict, in a very stylized form, a skeleton. It is true, however, that in these examples we do not find a clear indication of the ribs, and that in some cases (for instance in the Mimika area) we find in these figures too a more or less clearly recognizable animal shape (in the Mimika region a lizard or a crocodile). It is possible, of course, that the other instances also will have to be explained in this or a similar way. Although it is true that a representation of the cage of the ribs as origin of the korwar balustrade would nicely explain the open work, we are left again with the difficulty of explaining the transition from the ribs to the snakes. Nuoffer. I have been unable to find an acceptable alternative to Nuoffer's theory, in which the snake is taken as starting point of the development of the korwar shield, although his mythological explanation is probably a bit too simple. I do not think that the way the snake is held necessarily indicates an intention of killing it. It is a technical necessity to make a connection between the snake and the human figure, and what is more natural than having the human figure hold the snake? This interpretation has also the advantage of explaining why the snakes, and the balustrade derived from them, may also be used for female korwars. Nuoffer has to surmise that this only became possible after the original intention was not felt anymore.249 The duplication of the snake, in so far as it is not found in the myths, can be understood without any difficulty as an artistic inclination to symmetry, as we also find in heraldic art all the world over. Starting from the representation of a double snake, it is possible to interpret most of the balustrades as further amplification of this motif, or as simplification of it as the case may be. Some scroll work shields still clearly show the motif of the snake worked in the profusion of scrolls. The staffs and the Y-shaped object are practically certain to be a simplified snake-motif. Even the cross-piece (explained by Meyer, on the basis of information given to him, as some kind of food which the figure is eating250) can very well be explained as the reduced form of a snake. Summing up, the following arguments can be adduced for considering the shield or balustrade to be in principle the representation of one or two snakes: 1. No satisfactory alternative theory has ever been proposed. 2. All forms of the shield, or in any case nearly all, can be explained as either an amplification or a simplification of the snake motif. 3. The significance of the snake in mythology and symbolism of the Geelvinkbay religions is in accordance with this explanation. The snake symbolizes on the one hand the underworld and death and the dangers of the dark which must be overcome (many myths tell of a primordial victory over a large and dangerous snake) by the powers of light, of the heavens, symbolized by a bird (in this area usually the sea-eagle). On the other hand the snake represents the power of rejuvenation and regeneration, the power ofkoreri, which is such a central idea in the Geelvinkbay religions. Hence it is possible to give the snake wings like a bird, or the snake may turn out to be

81

a young man..251 This last conception perhaps offers an explanation for the smaller figure which some korwars have in front of them, usually framed in some way in the shield, interwoven with the snakes as it were, but sometimes alone. The snake possesses the mystery of life and keeps it for his own use. The myths tell of the snake with a treasure hidden in its body, or with golden eyes, which constitute the treasure.252 So, in many ways, the snake represents a power in which man wants to share, and which he either must conquer or propitiate to further his own ends in his search for Life, what Kristensen would have called the spontaneous or absolute life.253 According to Kamma the korwar expresses the mystery of totality: in the male korwar the male person has the snake as his counterpart, in the female korwar the woman has as her counterpart the eagle.254 This, however, does not help to solve the problem of the shield as shields with a recognizable bird are unknown. THE ARTIST AND THE MAKING OF KORWARS

About this aspect of korwars we know next to nothing. The few old descriptions of the making of a korwar have already been quoted, but, apart from the romantically presented description by De Neef, they give little or no information about the technical and artistic side of the making ofkorwars. We know that the making ofkorwars and similar carvings generally was a matter of specialists and that there was even a certain degree of specialism in making various types of objects for use in daily life. The pictures in the mon-books were, of course, made by the shamans themselves. Probably there were some ritual prescriptions connected with the making of a korwar, but we possess no information about this. We only know that this was the case when a prau was to be ornamented with figures and designs. Missionary Jens writes: Only a few men are capable of drawing these designs and figurines upon it and cutting them out. Before going to work, they drink a potion prepared from certain leaves, which they also daub upon their breast and forehead. This is coupled with the superstition, that if an uninitiated person were to attempt the drawing or cutting of those figures, he would die suddenly or after a few days. The figures represent certain animals or birds.'255 Kamma writes that builders of praus, smiths and woodcarvers were duly honoured.256 He also communicates a myth in which the art of woodcarving is ascribed to Manarmakeri himself who lived on a mountain, where he carved wood and made poems.257 Ascetic practices and the use of special medicines (ai) are necessary to become a carver of wooden figures.258 A REMARKABLE GROUP OF FIGURES FROM THE AJAU ISLANDS

Pi. 66

The Tropenmuseum in Amsterdam possesses a remarkable group of figures from the Ajau Islands that deserves a short mention, even if it consists for the greater part not ofkorwars proper, but 82

of images of divinities. There is an image of the chief divinity, who represents the creative power in the universe; two smaller figures are his two wives. Two more large figures are his sons; the firstborn son has his two wives with him. There remain three more figures: one is a skull korwar of the ancestor of the inhabitants of the Majalibit Bay region on Waigeo; two quite small figures are his two wives. The three gods have the arms stretched out in the gesture of the fan nanggi ceremony, the feeding of the heavens. In style all these figures belong to the Ajau Islands types.259 KORWAR STYLE

In 1941 F. Speiser published a short study under the title Kunststile in der Südsee,260 which has made a great impression. In this he proposes to distinguish in Oceania six styles of art: 1. The primary style. This is properly no style at all. It belongs to the beginnings of art and has not yet developed into a real style of art. 2. The curvilinear style, characterized by the abundant use of curved lines. 3. The rostral style, so called after the characteristic nose shaped like the beak of a bird, as is often particularly obvious in the Sepik area of New Guinea. 4. The korwar style. This style is rather squarish and simple. He finds this style in the Bataklands, in Nias, Flores and Timor, in North-west New Guinea, in the human figures of the Trobriand Islands, in the Admiralty Islands, in New Ireland (related to the Malanggan style) the Solomon Islands and the Marquesas Islands. 5. The Tami style. This too is a rather squarish style, but while the korwar style uses the cube as basis of the shape of the head, the Tami style uses the prism. 6. The Malanggan style, which is a very complex style, but nevertheless easily recognizable. His comparison of styles is connected with theories about the migrations of culture in the Oceanic area starting from South-east Asia in prehistoric times. It is not possible to discuss these theories in a short compass, and neither is this, for our purpose, strictly necessary. Even though the migration theory may be right, at least in general lines, I do not think it feasible to couple this to stylistic comparisons in the way Speiser does. The following arguments may be adduced against this theory7 either in general or on specific points: 1. Even though the lines of migration may have been as conceived by Heine-Geldern, Speiser, Riesenfeld and others, it is improbable that the forms of art during such a long time have been so true to their origin that they are still clearly recognizable as related. Speiser can only maintain this theory by assuming that primitive or tribal art is highly static, an assumption which is neither proven nor plausible. 2. His conception of the primary style is nothing but a solution dictated by embarrassment. In reality there is no such style, except in isolated pieces which do not belong to an established tradition of art; there are only some styles which are simpler than others and which Speiser fails to recognize as such. 83

3- Speiser compares too readily on the basis of general similarities and neglects the existence of convergence either resulting from technical necessities, or from the use of similar models found in nature. L. Adam writes: '. . . the theory . . . that the decorative art not only of Indonesia and New Guinea, but largely also that of the Melanesian islands and even New Zealand, may be ultimately traced back to that period and locality ... is certainly a fascinating theory. It would mean that the early migrations of both Melanesians and Polynesians might give us a clue to the history of decorative art in the Western Pacific, perhaps even in the Pacific area generally. However, it would be incorrect to interpret every single decorative pattern of Indonesia and the Western Pacific in this way.'261 4. His explanation of the rostral style as derived from the trunk of an elephant (the Indian god Ganesha) is untenable, as I have tried to show already elsewhere.262 It explains one isolated point in a very complicated and implausible manner and completely ignores the cultural context in which these bird's beaks are found; moreover, it refers to only one characteristic of the Sepik style, and even then it is only valid for a limited part of the masks and figurines made in this area, as other nose forms exist as well. Some other connections laid by Speiser or others are as little plausible, e.g. the Malanggan style and India (e.g. the Garuda bird), or representations of the monkey god Hanuman in Tahiti.263 5. It is certain that there is a strong Indonesian influence in North-west New Guinea, but Speiser fails to see that the lines of contact are not limited to prehistoric times and that the lines of contact do not run exclusively from West to East; there have been strong migrational tendencies from the Geelvinkbay to the West, in any case during the last four or five centuries, and this recent contact in both directions offers a far more plausible explanation of Indonesian influence in this part of New Guinea than the fact of prehistoric migrations. 6. Speiser's theory lacks finer aesthetic distinctions which are necessary for a further study of primitive or tribal art if we want to proceed beyond a few elementary pronouncements based on often superficial resemblances.

84

CONCLUSIONS

The Geelvinkbay area is a separate style area. The North coast to the East of Liki can best be considered as a separate style area too. There is a strong Indonesian influence in the Geelvinkbay area which can very well be explained by the many contacts between North-west New Guinea and East Indonesia in recent centuries. The word korwar denotes in the first place the spirit of the dead and is by extension used for the skull and the wooden ancestor figure. Korwars are ancestor figures which serve as a medium between the living and the dead. The making of a korwar is subject to various ritual prescriptions. The korwars are as a rule placed in the house and kept there till they have lost their usefulness by not properly answering and helping their descendants. Then they may be thrown away or sold, they may even be damaged intentionally. As long as a korwar is held in honour, it receives some form of cult, from time to time, because it represents the ancestor to whom offerings are due. The consulting of a korwar is in most cases, but not always, done by the man, the shaman. Apart from the usual kind of korwars, some of which belong to each family, there are a few figures which represent clan ancestors and which are venerated by the whole community. There are korwars with and others without the actual skull of the deceased. In the first case three types can be distinguished. Among the korwars which are made entirely of wood a number of local styles can be distinguished, some with certainty, others only tentatively because of the scarcity of well-documented material. The korwar shield or balustrade is probably derived from the representation of one or two snakes. Although general proof is lacking, it is plausible that the skull-korwars are older than those made entirely of wood. About the artist, the aesthetic and technical side of the making of korwars we know next to nothing. Speiser's theory of a korwar-style is not tenable,

NOTES

1. GERBRANDS, Α. Α., 'Kunststijlen in West Nieuw Guinea', Indonesien, 1950-'51, p. 256. 2. HELD, G. J., The Papuas ofWaropen, The Hague 1957, pp. 1-2. 3. Ibid., p. 7. 4. Ibid., p. 236. 5. Ibid., p. 237. 6. Mana as conceived in the theory of dynamism is hardly ever found in primitive religions. See: BAAREN, TH. P. VAN, 'De ethnologische basis van de fenomenologie van G. van der Leeuw', Ned. Theol. Tijdschr. 11, 1956-'57, pp. 321-353; ID., Wij Mensen, Religie en wereldbeschouwing bij schriftloze volken, 1960, pp. 112-122. (Menschen wie wir, Religion und Kult der schrifilosen V lker, 1964, pp. 103-121). 7. KAMMA, F. C., 'Levendheidendom', Ned. Tijdschr. Zend. Wet. Mededeelingen 83,1939, p. 300. 8. HELD, op.cit., pp. 239-244. 9. Ibid., p. 242. 10. KYNE, I. S., 'Mana en tabu in de talen van de Geelvinkbaai, Noord Nieuw Guinee', Ned. Tijdschr. Zend. Wet. Mededeelingen 74,1930, pp. 263-276. 11. HASSELT, F. J. F. VAN, Or, mana, for en verwante begrippen bij de Papoea's voornameh'jk van den Noemfoorschen stam', Ned. Tijdschr. Zend. Wet. Mededeelingen 74,1930, pp. 235-262. 12. KYNE, I. S., 'Godsdienstonderwijs voor Papoea's', Zend.Tijdschr. De Opwekker 79,1934, p. 232. 13. Ibid. 14. HELD, op.cit., pp. 262-264. 15. Ibid., pp. 264-265. 16. VAN HASSELT, Or, pp. 251-261. 17. Ibid., pp. 252-253; HELD, op.cit., p. 35. 18. HELD, op.cit., p. 216. 19. KAMMA, Heidendom, pp. 192-207. 20. Ibid., p. 192. 21. KAMMA, F. C., 'Religieuze voorstellingen', in: Kruis en Korwar, Den Haag 1953, p. 20. 22. KAMMA, Heidendom, 193-198. 23. FEUILLETAU DE BRUYN, W. K. H., 'Scheuten- en Padaido-Eilanden', Mededeelingen van het Bureau voor de Bestuurszaken der Buitengewesten bewerkt door het Encyclopaedist Bureau, 21, p. 101, Batavia 1920. 24. KAMMA, F. C., De Messiaanse Koreri-bewegingen in het Biaks-Noemfoorse cultuurgebied, Den Haag 1955, pp. 80-81. 25. KAMMA, Heidendom, pp. 206-207. 26. KAMMA, Koreri, pp. 31-33. 27. KAMMA, Heidendom, pp. 195-202. 86

28. Ibid., pp. 289-295. 29. Ibid., p. 289. 30. HELD, IVaropen, p. 167. 31. KAMMA, Heidendom, pp. 289 ff. 32. KYNE, Godsdienstonderwijs, pp. 232-236; Held, IVaropen, pp. 45-54. 33. KYNE, op.cit., pp. 237-238. 34. KAMMA, Heidendom, pp. 291-295. 35. HELD, op.cit., p. 278. 36. A«*., pp. 278-279. 37. KAMMA, Heidendom, pp. 417-418. 38. KAMMA, F. C., 'De verhouding tussen Tidore en de Papoeasche eilanden in legende en historic', Indonesie 1, 1947-'48, p. 367. 39. HELD, op.cit., p. 53. 40. KAMMA, Tidore, pp. 368-369. 41. VAN HASSELT, Or, pp. 254-255. 42. Ibid., p. 254. 43. HELD, op.cit., pp. 264-265. 44. Ibid., pp. 265-266. 45. Ibid., pp. 266-267. 46. KAMMA, F. C., 'Religieuze voorstellingen', in: Kruis en Korwar, p. 21; ID., Heidendom, p. 396. 47. KAMMA, Heidendom, pp. 205-206, 310-314, 386-408. 48. HELD, Waropen, pp. 128-166. 49. KAMMA, Heidendom, pp. 295-310. 50. KYNE, Godsdienstonderwijs, p. 240. 51. JENS, J., 'Hetlnsos en K'bor feest op Biak en Soepiori', Bijdr.Taal-, Land- en Volkenk.Ned.Ind. 72, 1916, pp. 404-411; FEUILLETAU DE BRUYN, Schauten Eilanden, pp. 103-111. 52. KAMMA, Koreri, and the bibliography given there. 53. HELD, Waropen, p. 158. 54. CLERCQ, F. S. A. DE, met medewerking van J. D. E. SCHMELTZ, Ethnographische beschrijving van de West- en Noordkust van Nederlandsch Nieuw-Guinea, Leiden 1893, p. 157 ff. 55. FEUILLETAU DE BRUYN, W. K. H., 'Scheuten- en Padaido-Eilanden', Mededeelingen van het Bureau voor de Bestuurszaken der Buitengewesten bewerkt door het Encyclopaedisch Bureau, 21, p. 116, Batavia 1920. 56. VAN HASSELT, Or, pp. 246-247. 57. Some older explanations for instance in: M. UHLE, 'Holz- und Bambusgeräthe aus Nordwest NeuGuinea', Publ. Ethnogr. Mus. zu Dresden vi, Leipzig 1886, p. 4. 58. As according to a communication by I. S. Kyne which he has kindly allowed me to publish. Dr. Kyne hopes in future to publish himself on this question at greater length. 59. DE CLERCQ, Beschrijving, pp. 157 ff. 60. HEYST, A. F. C. A. VAN DER, Amfjanirs, Cult. Indie 3,1941, pp. 193-200. 61. KAMMA, Levend Heidendom, passim. 62. HOOG, J. DE, 'Nieuwe methoden en inzichten ter bestudering van de funktionele betekenis der beeiden in het Indonesisch-Melanesisch kultuurgebied', Kultuurpatronen, Bull.Etnogr.Mus.Delft 1, 1959, pp. 1 ff. Dr. Kamma tells me that the man dreamed on which spot in the bush the tree for making the korwar was 8?

to be sought for and what species of tree it ought to be. 63. CHAUVET, S., Les arts indigenes en Nouvelle Guinee, Paris 1930, pp. 75-76, quotes an account by Dumont d'Urville in which a funeral feast at Doreh is described. During these feasts the korwars made the round of all those present and the good qualities of the deceased were praised. Wingert's extrapolation from this account that the korwars took part in a communal rite in which it was of importance that they were touched by all participants, is not supported by the further material available (WINGERT, P. S., Primitive Art, its Traditions and Styles, New York 1962, p. 194). 64. BRUYN KOPS, G. F. DE, 'Bijdrage tot de kermis der Noord- en Oostkusten van Nieuw-Guinea', Natuurk. Tijdschr. 1,1851, p. 177. K. GALIS, 'Biak-Noemfoorse tatouage', Kultuurpatronen 3-4, 1961, pp. 102-119, does not mention this piece of information, neither does he give any information from which its correctness or otherwise might be ascertained. 65. DE BRUYN KOPS, op. cit., pp. 186-187. 66. Ibid., p. 189. 67. Ibid. 68. EARL, G. W., The native races of the Indian Archipelago, London 1853, pp. 84-85. 69. P(IJNAPPEL) GZN., J., 'Eenige bijzonderheden betreffende de Papoea's van de Geelvinksbaai van NieuwGuinea', Bijdr. Taal-, Land- en Volkenk.Ned.Ind. 2,1854, p. 375. 70. 'Nieuw Guinea, ethnographisch en natuurkundig onderzocht en beschreven in 1858 door een Nederlandsch Indische commissie',Bijdr.Taal-, Land- en Volkenk.Ned.Ind., N.R. 5,1862. 71. GOUDSWAARD, A., De Papoewa's van de Geelvinksbaai. Hoofdzakelijk naar tnondelinge mededeelingen van ooggetuigen, Schiedam 1863. 72. GOUDSWAARD, op. cit., pp. 70-94. 73. DE CLERCQ, Beschrijving, p. 186. 74. GOUDSWAARD, loc. cit., GOLDMAN, W. C. F., 'Aanteekeningen gehouden op eenereis naar Dorei (NoordOostkust van Guinee) in de maanden Junij, Julij, Augustus en September 1863', T.Ind.Taal-, Land- en Volkenk. 15, 1866, pp. 475-556; 16, 1867, pp. 392-427, gives some information about korwars but nothing which is not known from elsewhere too (1866, pp. 549-551). He also mentions the wooden amulets with the figure of a korwar (1867, pp. 396-397). 75. MEYER, A. B., 'Notizen über Glauben und Sitten der Papuas des Mafoor'sehen Stammes auf NeuGuinea', XII.Jahresber.d.Ver.f.ErdkundezuDresden,OresdeTi'\.875·, HASSELT, J. L. VAN, 'Die Nuforesen, äusserliches Vorkommen, Kleider, Verzierungen, Waffen, Häuser', Ztschr.f.Ethnol. 8,1876, pp. 134-139, 169-202. 76. VAN HASSELT, Nuforesen, p. 191. 77. VAN HASSELT, Or, p. 259. 78. Rur i bur, the soul leaves (the body), i.e. he dies; HASSELT, J. L. VAN, Noefoorsch-Hollandsch Woordenboek, 2nd ed., Utrecht 1893, p. 30. 79. VAN HASSELT, Nuforesen, p. 186. 80. Ibid., pp. 169-202. 81. See note 75 for the full title. 82. HASSELT, J. L. VAN, 'Eenige aanteekeningen aangaande de bewoners der N. Westkust van Nieuw Guinea, meer bepaaldelijk de stam der Noeforezen', T.Ind.Taal-, Land- en Volkenk.Ned.Ind. 31,1886, pp. 576-593. 83. J. L. VAN HASSELT in: Berigten van de Utrechtsche Zendingsvereeniging voor hetjaar 1867, pp. 37-38. 84. Rur i rama, the spirit he comes (rama = to come; i rama = he comes, present indicative tense. There is no

88

separate imperative tense; instead of it the 2nd person of the pres. indie, tense is used. In accordance with this 'come!' ought to be wa rama;HASSELT,F. J. F. VAN, Spraakkunst der Nufoorsche taal, Den Haag 1905, pp. 23 and 15. 85. MEYER, Notizen, p. 25. 86. Ibid., pp. 25-27. 87. Wawerik = in vain, without definite purpose; VAN HASSELT, Spraakkunst, p. 47. 88. MEYER, Notizen, pp. 28-29. 89. Ibid., pp. 30-31. 90. Ibid., p. 32. 91. Ibid., p. 34. 92. ROSENBERG, C. B. H. VON, Reistochten naar de Geelvinkbaai op Nieuw Guinea in dejaren 1869 en 1870, Den Haag 1875. 93. ROSENBERG, C. B. H. VON, Der Malayische Archipel. Land und Leute in Schilderungen, gesammelt während eines dreissigjährigen Aufenthaltes in den Kolonien, Leipzig 1878. 94. VON ROSENBERG, Geelvinkbaai, p. 53. 95. Ibid.

96. Ibid., p. 96. 97. Ibid., p. 18. 98. VON ROSENBERG, Archipel, p. 456. 99. Ibid.

100. Ibid., p. 458. 101. Ibid., pp. 460-461. 102. AA, P. J. B. C. ROBIDE VAN DER, Reizen naar Nederlandsch Nieuw Guinea ondernomen op last der regeering van Nederlandsch Indiein dejaren 1871,1872,1875-1876, pp. 147-148.

103. Ibid., p. 68. 104. Berigten Utr.Zend.Ver. 12, 1871, p. 199. 105. Ibid. Probably a misunderstood divination ceremony as described by Van Hasselt.

106. Ibid., 15, 1874, pp. 20-22. 107. 108. 109. 110. 111. 112. 113. 114. 115.

116.

Ibid., 17, 1876, p. 182. Ibid., 19. 1878, pp. 69-79. WILKEN, G. A., Het animisme bij de volken van den Indischen Archipel, Amsterdam 1884,1885. HASSELT, J. L. VAN, 'Eenige aanteekeningen aangaande de bewoners der N. Westkust van Nieuw Guinea, meer bepaaldelijk de stam der Noeforezen', T.Ind.Taal-, Land- en Volkenk. 31,1886, pp. 576-593. BALEN, J. A. VAN, 'lets over het doodenfeest bij de Papoea's aan de Geelvinksbaai. Uittreksels uit een brief van den zendelingsleeraar J. A. van Balen te Roon', T.Ind.Taal-, Land- en Volkenk. 31,1886, pp. 556-575. VAN HASSELT, Aanteekeningen, p. 589. Ibid., p. 590. Ibid., p. 591. Ibid. Van Hasselt gives in his dictionary: 'a spirit abiding in the mists over the forests; it is supposed sometimes to show itself in the shape of a dwarf with a long beard; it breathes upon the young children and they die', VAN HASSELT, Woordenboek, p. 24. See on this subject now: GALIS, K. W., 'Biaks-Noemfoorse tatoeage', Kultuurpatronen, 3-4, 1961, pp. 102-119. 89

117. HASSELT, J. L. VAN, Gedenkboek vaneenvijf-en-twintig-jarig zendelingsleven op Nieuw Guinea (1862-1887), Utrecht 1888, pp. 253-254. 118.1 think, for instance, of Williams' experience in another part of New Guinea, where noise after a death is avoided, not as a kind of taboo, but out of care for the surviving relatives; WILLIAMS, F. E., Orokolo, the Social and Ceremonial Life of the Elema, Oxford 1940, p. 121. 119. VAN BALEN, Doodenfeest, pp. 562-564. 120. HELD, Waropen, pp. 88-89. 121. Ibid., pp. 135-136. 122. VAN BALEN, Doodenfeest, pp. 569-572. 123. Berigten 21, 1880, p. 182. 124. Ibid., pp. 161-162. Compare with this report what Kamma writes many years later of the shaman possessed by his spirit who searches for some victim from whom to take the heart or liver which is needed for the recovery of the patient: 'When his spirit is thus roaming about he climbs up outside the houses and hides behind the middle pole of the porch. From this ambush he tries to strike his victim with his bush knife'; KAMMA, Heidendom, p. 393. 125. Berigten 22, 1881, p. 187. 126. Ibid., pp. 188-189. 127. Ibid., pp. 181-182. 128. Berigten 23,1882, p. 151. 129. Berigten 26,1885, pp. 167-168. 130. Ibid., p. 168. 131. Ibid., pp. 196-197. 132. Ibid., p. 206. 133. Berigten27,1886, p. 75. In: HELD, G. J., 'Woordenlijst vanhet Waropensch (Nederlandsch Noord Nieuw Guinea)', Verh.Batav.Gen.Kunst en Wet., 77,2. stuk, Bandoeng, 1942,1 cannot find this word. Muna is inter alia to strike, to kill; but also sacred song for the dead, feast for the dead. The common term for feast for the dead is munaba; Held, op. cit. pp. 44-45. 134. Berigten 27,1886, pp. 78-79. 135. Ibid., p. 132. 136. Ibid., p. 166. 137. HASSELT, J. L. VAN, Gedenkboek van een vijf-en-twintig~jarig zendelingsleven op Nieuw Guinea (1862-1887), Utrecht 1888, pp. 27-28. 138. Ibid., pp. 241-242. 139. HORST, D. W., De Rum-serams op Nieuw Guinea of het Hinduisme in het Oostenvan onzen Archipel, Leiden 1893, p. 228. 140. CLERCQ, F. S. A. DE, met medewerking van J. D. E. SCHMELTZ, Ethnographische beschrijving van de West- en Noordkust van Nederlandsch Nieuw Guinea, Leiden 1893. 141. Ibid., p. 157 ff. 142. Ibid., p. 168 ff. 143. CLERCQ, F. S. A. DE, 'De West- en Noordkust van Nederlandsch Nieuw Guinea', T. Aardrijksk.Gen. 10, 1893, pp. 151-220, 438-466, 587-650, 841-885, 981-1022. 144. Ibid., p. 202. 145. Ibid., pp. 198-199. 90

146. Ibid., pp. 210-211, 207.

147. Ibid., ρ. 205. 148. Ibid. 149. Ibid., pp. 461-462. 150. Ibid., p. 629. 151. Ibid., pp. 630-632. 152. Ibid., p. 871. 153. Ibid., p. 873. 154. Ibid. 155. Ibid., p. 874. 156. Ibid., p. 877. 157. Ibid., p. 880. 158. CLERCQ, F. S. A. DE, 'Het eiland Wiak of Biak benoorden de Geelvinkbaai', M.Gids 10,1888, pp. 293-311 159. Ibid., pp. 310-311. 160. Ibid., p. 311. 161. Berichten Utr.Zend.Ver., N.S. 10, 1897, pp. 10-11. 162. ROEST, J. L. D. VAN DER, 'Uit het leven der bevolking van Windessi (Nederl. Nieuw Guinea)', T. Ind. Taal-, Land- en Volkenk. 40, 1898, pp. 159-162. 163. SERRURIER, L., 'Die Korware oder Ahnenbilder Neu Guinea's. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der bildenden Kunst', T.Ind. Taal-, Land- en Volkenk. 40, 1898, pp. 287-316.

164. METZ, J., lets over het volk en de zending van Nieuw Guinea, Oegstgeest 1903, p. 33. 165. Ibid., pp. 39-41. 166. Ibid., pp. 51-52.

167. KRUYT, A. C., Het animisme in den Indischen Archipel, Den Haag 1906. 168. SNEIXEMAN, J. F. in: De Aarde en haar Volken, March 3 and April 9,1906 . 169. BALEN, J. A. VAN, 'Windesische verhalen met vertaling en woordenlijst' Bijdr.Taal-, Land- en Volkenk. Ned.Ind. 70,1915, pp. 515-516. KAMMA, F. C., 'De stem uit het graf, in: Kruis en Korwar, p. 234, reports from the Batanta Islands the case of a couple whose son had died and who communicated with him by means of a bamboo tube put in the grave. 170. HILLE, J. W. VAN, 'Reizen in West Nieuw Guinea', T.Aardrijksk. Gen. 23,1906, pp. 482,483. 171. FEUILLETAU DE BRUYN, W. K. H., 'Scheuten- en Padaido-Eilanden', Meded. Bur. Bestuurszaken Buitengewesten bewerkt door het Encyclopaedisch Bureau, 21, Batavia 1920. 172. Ibid., pp. 80-83. 173. Ibid., p. 83. 174. Ibid., pp. 95-96. 175. Ibid., pp. 85-87. See too by the same author: 'lets over de lykanthropie of het weerwolfgeloof der Papoea's van de Scheuten Eilanden', Tijdschr.Nw.Guinea 5,1940-'41, pp. 106-116; and: 'lets over de lykanthropie op Noord Nieuw Guinea', Ibid. 9,1948-'49, pp. 33-38, 65-70. 176. Dr. Kamma kindly tells me in a letter that in the Geelvinkbay everyone is able to distinguish between male and female korwars. 177. FEUTIXETAU DE BRUYN, Schauten- en Padaibo-Eilanden, pp. 116-118. 178. Ibid., pp. 112-116.

179. Verslag van de militaire exploratie van Nederlandsch Nieuw Guinea 1907-1915, Weltevreden 1920, p. 260.

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180. VAN HASSELT, Or, pp. 259-260. HELD, Waropen, p. 182 and pp. 362-368, gives some information about cat's cradle on the Waropen coast. 181. HASSELT, F. J. F. VAN, Petrus Kafiar, eene bladzijde uit de Nieuw Guinea zending, n.d., pp. 41-42. 182. NEEF, A. J. DE, Papoealand, het arbeidsveld van de Utrechtsche Zendingsvereeniging, Oegstgeest 1938, p. 62. 183. NEEF, A. J. DE, Heidendom op Nieuw Guinee, Oegstgeest, n.d., pp. 20-21. 184. METZ, GZN., J., OpRoon begint de victorie' Tijdschr. Zend. Wet. Mededeelingen 84,1940-'41, pp. 316-317. 185. KAMMA, F. C., 'Levend heidendom', Tijdschr. Zend. Wet. Mededeelingen 83, 1939, pp. 187-207, 289-316, 387-422. 186. Ibid., p. 298. 187. Ibid., pp. 314-316. 188. Ibid., pp. 298-299. 189. HELD, G. J., 'Bemiddeling tusschen voorouders en zieken in de Geelvinkbaai', Cult.Indie 1, 1939, pp. 209-211. 190. KOOIJMAN, S., De kunst van Nieuw Guinea, Den Haag 1955, p. 29. 191. HELD, G. J., The Papuas of Waropen, The Hague 1957. Original Dutch edition: Papoea's van Waropen, Leiden 1947. 192. HELD, Waropen, p. 167. 193. Ibid., p. 168. 194. Ibid., pp. 168-170. 195. Ibid., pp. 40-41. 196. Ibid., p. 104. 197. Ibid., p. 215. 198. Ibid., p. 281. 199. Ibid., pp. 170-171. 200. Ibid., pp. 171-172. 201. Ibid., pp. 172-173. 202. Ibid., pp. 173-174. 203. Ibid., p. 176. 204. Ibid., pp. 177-178. Compare with this the treatment of the corpse among the Hattam Papuans on the Westside of the Geelvinkbay; according to the account of one of the missionaries the corpse was dried, then skinned and rubbed with charcoal; after four days of drying it was put in a hollow tree trunk, Ber. Utr.Zend.Ver. 28, 1887, p. 188. 205. HELD, Waropen, pp. 180-183. 206. Ibid., pp. 183-184. 207. Ibid., p. 184. 208. Ibid., p. 164. 209. Ibid., pp. 184-189. 210. Ibid., pp. 191-197. 211. Ibid., pp. 205-206. 212. Ibid., pp. 209-210. 213. Ibid., pp. 242-243; compare also pp. 158-159. 214. KAMMA, F. C., De Messiaanse Koreri-bewegingen in het Biaks-Noemfoorse atltuurgebied, Den Haag 1955, p. 37.

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215. Ibid., pp. 72-74. 216. Ibid., pp. 75-79. 217. Ibid., p. 79. 218. Ibid., p. 89. 219. Ibid., pp. 97-98. 220. Ibid., p. 200. 221. Nieuw Guinea Studien l, 1957, pp. 59-60. 222. KOOIJMAN, S., 'Ancestor figures of the MacCluer Gulf area of New Guinea. A variation of the korwar style', Mededelingen Rijkstnus. Volkenkunde Leiden 15,1962, pp. 65-66. 223. Ibid., p. 74. 224. Ibid., pp. 74-75. 225. Ibid., p. 76. 226. KAMMA, F. C., 'De verhouding tussen Tidore en de Papoese eilanden in legende en historic', Indonesie 1, 1947-'48, pp. 361-370, 536-559; Id. 2,1948-'49, pp. 177-188, 256-275. 227. GERBRANDS, A. A., 'Kunststijlen in West Nieuw Guinea', Indonesie 4,1950-'51, pp. 256-276. 228. HORST, D. W., De Rum-serams op Nieuw-Guinea ofhet Hindu'isme in het Oosten van onzen archipel, Leiden 1893; HASSELT, F. J. F. VAN, 'lets over de Roem Seram en over Nanggi (naar aanleiding van Feuilletau de Bruyn's rapport, gepubliceerd door het Encyclopaedisch Bureau)', T.Ind.Taal-, Land- en Volkenk. 60, 1921, pp. 108-114. 229. HELD, G. J., 'Slangenfigureninhetinitiatie-ritueelindeGeelvinkbaai'.CM/i./niiie^, 1940, pp. 138-147. 230. KAMMA, F. C., 'Levendheidendom', Tijdschr. Zend. Wet. Mededeelingen 83,1939, pp. 405-406. 231. GALIS, K. W., 'De Biaks-Noemfoorse prauw', Kultuurpatronen 5-6,1963, pp. 121-142. 232. KAMMA, Heidendom, passim. 233. WALLACE, A. R., The Malay Archipelago, London 1869; here quoted after the 1886 ed., p. 510. 234. Ibid., p. 493. 235. HELD, G. J., De Papoea cultuurimprovisator, Den Haag-Bandung 1951, p. 135; HELD, Waropen, p. 47 and 160; GALIS, K. W., 'Aanwinst uit Nederlands Nieuw Guinea', Kultuurpatronen 3-4,1961, pp. 238-240. 236. SERRURIER, L., 'Die Korware oder Ahnenbilder Neu-Guinea's, ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der bildenden Kunst', T.Ind. Taal-, Land- en Volkenk. 40, 1898, pp. 287-316. 237. Ibid., pp. 304-316. 238. UHLE, M., 'Holz- undBambusgeräthe aus Nordwest Neu-Guinea', Publ. Ethnogr. Mus. zu Dresden VI, Leipzig 1886. 239. NUOFFER, O., 'Ahnenfiguren von der Geelvinkbai, Holländisch Neu-Guinea', Abh.u.Ber.Zool.u.Anthrop. Mus. zu Dresden 12, Nr. 2, Leipzig 1908, pp. 9-17. 240. HEYST, A. F. C. A. VAN, 'Amfjanirs', Cult.IndieS, 1941, pp. 193-200. 241. GERBRANDS, A. A., 'Kunststijlen in West Nieuw Guinea', Indonesie 4,1950-'51, pp. 251-283. 242. SERRURIER, op.cit., p. 310. 243. KOOIJMAN, S., 'Ancestor figures from the MacCluer Gulf area of New Guinea. A variation of the korwar style', Mededelingen Rijksmus. Volkenkunde Leiden, 15,1962, pp. 65-66. 244. As quoted by KOOIJMAN, ibid. 245. As quoted by KOOIJMAN, ibid. 246. Adatrechtbundels 45, Den Haag 1955, p. 7. 247. NUOEFER, op.cit., p. 17-26. 93

248. FEUIIXETAU DE BRUYN, Schauten Eilanden, p. 117. 249. NUOFFER, op.cit., p. 21.

250. MEYER, Notizen, p. 30. 251. KYNE, I. S., 'Godsdienstonderwijs voor PapoeaY, Zend.Tijdschr. De Opwekker 79,1934,233-236. 252. Ibid., p. 236. 253. KRISTENSEN, W. B., has introduced the term of spontaneous or absolute life. See, e.g., his book The Meaning of Religion, The Hague 1960, passim.

254. KAMMA, Koreri, p. 67. 255. Ber.Utr.Zend.Ver. 22,1881, p. 146. 256. KAMMA, Koreri, p. 15.

257. Ibid., p. 24. 258. Ibid. 259. LAMSTER, J. C., 'Een merkwaardige groep afgodsbeelden', T. Aardrijksk.Gen. 47,1930, pp. 452-458.

260. SPEISER, F., Kunststile der Südsee, Basel 1941. 261. ADAM, L., Primitive Art, 3rd. ed., London 1954, pp. 135-136.

262. BAAREN, TH. P. VAN, Bezielend Beeiden, inleiding tot de beeidende kunst der pritnitieve volken, Amsterdam 1962, pp. 40-41. 263. See for instance, FRÄSER, D., Primitive Art, London 1962.

94

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charnel-house traditional customary law war amulet amulet korwar mangrove maize spirit (often : evil spirit) stem of sago-palm leaf mat kind of peas clan herald, prophet Malay dagger garden

mambri manibobi mano'in, manuel mon nanek napirim nin or ra(a)k rur sembah, sembak tjelopen tjidako wor

brave, man who has killed ceremonial trade friend werewolf shaman powerful blessing brothers' sons shadow, soul 'mana' head hunting expedition spirit, steam ceremonial salutation length of cotton loin cloth ceremonial dance

LIST OF PLATES

All the korwars figured are made of wood. 1. Skull korwar, with the skull placed on a cervical spike; Rumberpoon Island, Jembekiri. Height 36cm. Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden; inv. no. 2953-1. 2. Skull korwar, with the skull placed in a receptacle the back of which is open. Height 50 cm. Museum voor het Onderwijs, The Hague; inv. no. 54098. 3. Skull korwar, with the skull placed in a receptacle which is open on top and in front. Height 34 cm. Museum voor Land- en Volkenkunde, Rotterdam; inv. no. 17634. 4. Korwar, standing, holding a shield and with one arm outstretched. Type as found in the Doreh area. Height 37 cm. Museum voor het Onderwijs, The Hague; inv. no. 47868. 5. Skull korwar, of uncertain type. Height 47 cm. Museum voor de Tropen, Amsterdam; inv. no. 573-48. 6. Korwar, standing with no shield. Height 24.5 cm. Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden; inv. no. 370-3948. 7. Korwar, standing and holding a shield with both arms. Height 30.7 cm. Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden; inv. no. 1904-637. 8. Staff amulet with korwar figure, presumably sitting with limbs carved in relief, but with no shield indicated. Height of the figure 8.5 cm. Collection Prof. Th. P. van Baaren, Groningen. 9. Korwar, sitting with no shield, carved in the round; probably SchoutenIslands. Height 27cm. CollectionL. van Lier. 10. Korwar, sitting with no shield, carved in the round; probably Schouten Islands. Height 30 cm. Museum voor de Tropen, Amsterdam; inv. no. 2670-717. 11. Korwar, presumably sitting, with neither limbs nor shield indicated; probably Schouten Islands. Height 25.5 cm. Museum voor het Onderwijs, The Hague; inv. no. 53862. 12. Korwar, sitting, with limbs and shield carved in relief; probably Schouten Islands. Height 20 cm. Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden; inv. no. 1971-1527B. 13. Korwar, sitting, holding a shield, entire figure carved in the round; Ajan Islands. Height 27 cm. Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden; inv. no. 929-690. 14. A typical korwar, perhaps not a korwar but a prau ornament. Height 19 cm. Museum voor de Tropen, Amsterdam; inv. no. 111-443. 15. Korwar, with a plain shield; probably Schouten Islands. Height 24.5 cm. Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden; inv. no. 1922-18. 16. Korwar, with shield with typical scroll work of the Doreh area. Height 19.3 cm. Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden; inv. no. 3155-260. 17. Korwar, sitting, holding a shield, entire figure carved in the round; probably Schouten Islands. Height 25.5 cm. Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden; inv. no. 370-3914. 102

18. Korwar, holding a snake. Type as found in the Doreh area. Height 48 cm. Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden; inv. no. 1971-1523. 19. Korwar, with shield with simple scroll work; probably Doreh area. Height 27cm. Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden; inv. no. 370-3919. 20. Korwar, with shield with scroll work incised and painted on it; Liki. Height 24.5 cm. Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden; inv. no. 370-3932. 21. Korwar, with shield with tree pattern; probably Schouten Islands. Height 20.5cm. Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden; inv. no. 929-707. 22. Korwar, without a shield, but with a human figure in front; probably Schouten Islands. Height 24.5 cm. Museum voor Land- en Volkenkunde, Rotterdam; inv. no. 29383. 23. Korwar, with shield with scroll work and human figure. Type as found in the Doreh area. Height 25 cm. Museum voor de Tropen, Amsterdam; inv. no. 15-334. 24. Korwar, holding a shield with two snakes. Type as found in the Doreh area. Height 34.5 cm. Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden; inv. no. 53-40. 25. Korwar, holding two staffs. Height 17cm. Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden; inv. no. 127-50. 26. Korwar, holding a staff. Height 24 cm. Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden ; inv. no. 370-3944. 27. Korwar, holding a Y-shaped object. Height 31 cm. Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden ; inv. no. 550-11. 28. Korwar, holding a Y-shaped object. Height 30.5 cm. Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden; 1971-1524a. 29. Korwar, holding a Y-shaped object. Height 28 cm. Collection L. van Lier. 30. Korwar, with cross-piece. Type as found in Wandamen area. Height 32.5 cm. Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden; inv. no. 848-8. 31. Korwar, with cross-piece; probably Ajau Islands. Height 33 cm. Collection L. van Lier. 32. Korwar, with the head elongated along the horizontal axis; Wandamen area, Rasje. Height 29.3 cm. Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden; inv. no. 929-698. 33. Korwar, with the head elongated along the horizontal axis. Type as found in the Wandamen area. Height 28 cm. Museum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden; inv. no. 1222-20. 34. Korwar, with a prognathic head; probably Schouten Islands. Height 23 cm. Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden; inv. no. 2442-4. 35. Korwar, with a round head. Height 36.5 cm. Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden; inv. no. 370-3916. 36. Korwar, with a conical head. Height 20.5 cm. Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden; inv. no. 929-707. 37. Korwar, with a prognathic head. Height 24 cm. Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden; inv. no. 370-3920. 38. Korwar, with a cylindrical head. Height 28 cm. Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden; inv. no. 3436-155. 39. Korwar, with profile faintly curved. Height 28 cm. Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden; inv. no. 370-3941. 40. Korwar, with profile straight. Height 22.5 cm. Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden; inv. no. 1971-1525. 41. Korwar, with profile clearly curved and prognathic. Height 25 cm. Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden; inv. no. 370-3936. 42. Korwar, with profile straight. Height 24.7 cm. Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden; inv. no. 370-3945. 43. Korwar, with profile clearly curved but not prognathic. Height 18.5 cm. Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden; inv. no. 1922-17. 44. Korwar; Doreh area. Height 29.5 cm. Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden; inv. no. 53-41. 45. Korwar; Doreh area, Saukorem. Height 33 cm. Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden; inv. no. 929-692. 46. Korwar; Doreh area, Manokwari. Height 27cm. Museum voor het Onderwijs, The Hague; inv. no. 47867. 47. Korwar; Waropen area. Height 31 cm. Museum voor de Tropen, Amsterdam; inv. no. 669-46. 103

48. Korwar; no exact location given but certainly Wandamen area. Height 25 cm (face). Museum voorLand- en Volkenkunde, Rotterdam; inv. no. 28861. 49. Korwar; Liki. Height 20.5cm. Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden; inv. no. 929-707. 50. Korwar; Wandamen area, Wosimi. Height 34.3 cm. Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden; inv. no. 929699. 51. Korwar; ]a.pcn. Height 17.5 cm. Museum voorhetOnderwijs, The Hague; inv. no. 19. 52. Korwar; Japen. Height 23 cm. Museum voor de Tropen, Amsterdam; inv. no. 933-49. 53. Korwar; Japen. Height 22 cm. Museum voor de Tropen, Amsterdam; inv. no. 608-81. 54. Korwar; Japen, Ansus. Height 29 cm. Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden; inv. no. 929-709. 55. Korwar; Japen, Surui. Height 23 cm. Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden; inv. no. 929-711. 56. Korwar; Japen. Height 36.5 cm. Museum voor de Tropen, Amsterdam; inv. no. 169-71. 57. Korwar; Biak. Height 22 cm. Collection Prof. Th. P. van Baaren, Groningen. 58. Korwar; South Biak, Marrieni. Height 28 cm. Museum voor de Tropen, Amsterdam; inv. no. 43-118. 59. Korwar; Biak, Wardo. Height 28 cm. Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden; inv. no. 929-718. 60. Korwar; Biak. Height 24.5 cm. Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden; inv. no. 602-46. 61. Korwar; Numfor. Height 37cm. Museum voor de Tropen, Amsterdam; inv. no. 669-48. 62. Korwar; Ajau Islands. Height 23.5cm. Museum voorLand- en Volkenkunde, Rotterdam; inv. no. 29378. 63. Korwar; Ajau Islands. Height 23 cm. Collection Prof. Th. P. van Baaren, Groningen. 64. Korwar; Ajau Islands. Height 19.7cm. Museum voorLand- en Volkenkunde, Rotterdam; inv. no. 28839. 65. Korwar; Ajau Islands. Height 19.5 cm. Museum voorLand- en Volkenkunde, Rotterdam; inv. no. 28225. 66. Image of a god; Waigeo. Height 68 cm. Museum voor de Tropen, Amsterdam; inv. no. 573-36. 67. Korwar; Salawati. Height 41 cm. Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden; inv. no. 929-680. 68. Korwar; MacCluergulf, Darembang. Height 40.5 cm. Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden ; inv. no. 929682. 69. Korwar; MacCluergulf, Sirito. Height 49 cm. Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden; inv. no. 929-683.

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