Kojiki 9781400878000

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Translated with an Introduction and Notes by DONALD L. PHILIPPi

Princeton University Press University of Tokyo Press 1969

© University of Tokyo Press 1968 Printed in Japan All Rights Reserved

Copublished by PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS and UNIVERSITY OF TOKYO PRESS Library of Congress Catalogue: 67-29534

A cknowledgements

This study owes much to an advisory committee organized in co­ operation with the Nihon Bunka Kenkyusho (Institute for Japanese CiJture and Classics), Kokugakuin University, and composed of the following members: Prof. Hisamatsu Sen'ichi, chairman of the com­ mittee and general adviser; Prof. Ono Soky5, adviser on religious questions; Prof. Kurano Kenji, president of the Kojiki Gakkai and adviser on textual and exegetical matters; and Prof. Kamei Takashi, adviser on linguistic aspects. My particular thanks go to Profs. Kurano and Kamei, who gave freely of their time and provided me with numerous helpful suggestions and comments. I am also greatly in­ debted to Prof. Hirai Naofusa, formerly executive director of the Nihon Bunka Kenkyusho. It was largely through his encouragement that this project was begun, and through his initiative that financial support was obtained and the advisory committee organized. Thanks are due to the Rockefeller Foundation, whose supporting grant from August 1959 to July 1961 made research and work on this translation possible. I would also Uke to thank the various scholars, Japanese and American, who read this manuscript in whole or in part, and whose useful advice and criticism suggested a number of revisions. Although many people have provided assistance and encouragement throughout this project, the final translation, opinions and interpreta­ tions are entirely the responsibility of the author. Donald L. Phihppi Tokyo December, 1967 ν

CONTENTS

Translator's Introduction

ι

Kojiki Preface

35

Book I

45

Book II

161

Book III

299

Appendices A. Additional Notes

397

B. Romanized Transcriptions of the Song Texts

426

Glossary

445

Bibliography

647

Index

653

Translator's Introduction

Introduction

An investigation of a nation's origins, whether they are comparatively recent or shrouded in ancient myths and traditions, is an interesting guide to the modern nation. Very often the beginnings of a nation's history involve tensions, contradictions, and difficulties which continue to operate, overtly or latently, for many centuries. Even if the external forms of life undergo change—even revolutionary change—many of the early concepts, attitudes, and beliefs maintain a surprising vitality, influencing the nation throughout its entire history. This has certainly been true of Japan. All students interested in the origins of Japan must of necessity turn to the Kojiki. Completed in 712 A.D. under the auspices of the imperial court, it is the oldest extant book in Japanese and, as its title (literally, "Record of Ancient Things") suggests, an account of a still earlier era. It is the court's statement about the origins of the imperial clan and the leading families and the beginnings of Japan as a nation; and it is, at the same time, a compilation of myths, historical and pseudo-historical nar­ ratives and legends, songs, anecdotes, folk etymologies, and genealogies. While using the Kojiki as the earliest source book in Japanese litera­ ture and history, the contemporary reader may also consult the wealth of supplementary information which has recently become available. The postwar years in Japan have witnessed a great revival of interest in the early centuries of Japanese history. Released from the prewar ven­ eration of the Kojiki and the national myths as sacred text, historians, archeologists, philologists, and students of mythology and literature have been able to look at their subjects anew, evaluate critically the material at hand, and make early Japan more accessible to the student and layman. In this book I have attempted to relate the translated text to the achievements of modern scholarship. As I did not think it sufficient merely to transliterate the names of persons, families, deities, or places, I have tried to identify all of them, to go into their etymologies when-

Kojiki ever possible, and to put them into perspective against the background of the history and social structure of early Japan. The glossary, foot­ notes, additional notes, and cross-references have been provided in order to help the reader gain a sophisticated, accurate, and (it is hoped) up-to-date understanding of the Kojiki—and, incidentally, to help him avoid the pitfalls to which facile acceptance or rejection of the contents of this complex book would lead. In short, it is hoped that this book will serve not only as a translation of Japan's oldest extant book but also as an introduction to the history, genealogy, social structure, mythology, language, and literature of early Japan. In the introduction which follows, I have outlined the prove­ nance of the Kojiki, the ArchaicJapanese language and writing systems, and the manuscripts and history of criticism of the Kojiki. Since there are several good, general accounts of early Japanese history in English, I will not discuss that history here. The reader may find the following books useful: J.E. Kidder, Japan before Buddhism (New York: Praeger, !959); George B. Sansom ,Japan, a Short Cultural History (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1962) and A History of Japan to 1334 (Stan­ ford: Stanford University Press, 1958); Robert Karl Reischauer, Early Japanese History (2 vols.; Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1937). Robert Brower and Earl Miner's Japanese Court Poetry (Stanford: Stan­ ford University Press, 1961) provides an excellent introduction to early Japanese poetry and poetic theory, and Roy Andrew Miller's The Japanese Language (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1967) is an informative study of the Japanese language and writing systems en­ compassing all periods. THE PROVENANCE OF THE KOJIKI The Kojiki is, as its name implies, a book of antiquities; it is a record of events which, by the seventh and eighth centuries, had become an­ cient history. The events recorded had been simplified and distorted in the collective memory and were heavily encrusted with legend and myth. The Kojiki was also the contemporary court's attempt at an authoritative historical statement about its own origins. Scholars believe today that the compilation of genealogical and an-

Introduction ecdotal histories began in the sixth century, during the reigns of Empe­ rors Keitai and Kimmei. It has often been suggested that the "now" of the Kojiki refers to this period, the time of the first collection of the source documents which were later combined and elaborated to make what we now have as the Kojiki. The first concerted effort at historical compilation of which we have record is that made in 620 under the authority of Shotoku Taishi and Sima ηό opo-omi. The works which, according to the Nihon shoki, were compiled under their initiative at the time were: 1) the "Record of the Emperors" (Tenno-ki, also read Sumera-mikoto no pumi); 2) the "National Record" (Kokki, also read Kuni-tu-pumi); and 3) the "funda­ mental records" (hongi, also read moto-tu-pumi) of the titled families and free subjects.1 All but one of these works were destroyed by fire in the Taika coup d'etat of 64$ when Soga no Umako's house, where they were stored, was burned to the ground. A scribe named* Pune-nopubito Wesaka rescued one book, the "National Record," from the burning house and presented it to Prince Naka-tu-opo-ye, the future Emperor Tenchi.2 As there is no further mention of the book, it may have been lost after Tenchi's death during the upheavals of the Jinshin Rebellion of 672. The preface of the Kojiki indicates that the leading families also kept historical and genealogical documents. One of the chief reasons it gives for the compilation of the Kojiki is the correcting of the mistakes and corruptions which had been allowed to creep into those documents. The only information we have in regard to the process by which the Kojiki was compiled comes from the preface of the Kojiki itself. In it, the compiler Opo no Yasumaro informs us that Emperor Temmu (reigned 673-686), deploring the falsehoods which had crept into the families' genealogical and historical records, decided to review and emend these documents with the purpose of "discarding the mistaken and establishing the true," and conveying the latter to posterity as an official body of historical doctrine.3 1 W. G. Aston, trans., Nihongi: Chronicles of Japan from the earliest times to A.D. 679 (London: George Allen & Unwin Ltd., 1956), hereafter cited as Aston, II, 148. 2 Ibid., 193. 3 Cf. Preface: 39-42, 54. See the account of a previous attempt at regularization of

Kojiki

It is easy to understand that by the reign of Emperor Temmu the introduction of foreign culture should have produced, as a reaction, an increased interest in the nation's origins and the native civilization. But an even more important consideration must have been the need for authoritative genealogical accounts by which to consider the claims of the noble families and to reorganize them into a new system of ranks and titles. At a time when noble families based their claims for distinc­ tion on ancestry and when questions of precedence and rank were decided by considerations of birth, ancestry, and degree of relationship to the imperial family, it is only natural that falsification of family records should have reached alarming proportions. It was, in fact, vital to the state to establish a definite system of ranks and titles based on a "correct" genealogical account acceptable to the imperial family, and we find evidence of this intense concern for genealogical data on almost every page of the Kojiki. As a result of Emperor Temmu's concern for the revision of histor­ ical documents and the establishment of an acceptable master-text, an imperial command was given to a toneri, or court attendant, called Piyeda no Are, to "learn" the texts of what appear to be two separate manuscripts: the "Imperial Sun-Lineage"4 and the "Ancient Dicta of Former Ages."5 We are told that Are was 28 years old at the time of this commission, and that he was endowed with remarkable intelligence and powers of memory.6 The preface also makes it plain that this project of compilation and revision of historical materials was not completed by the time of Empe­ ror Temmu's death in 686. No doubt we are to understand that the project of historical compilation was abandoned at that time. Interest­ ingly, at the emperor's funeral, held in 688, the ceremonies included the pronouncing of eulogies detailing "the circumstances of the services rendered" by the ancestors of different prominent noble families and,

names and titles during the reign of Emperor Ingyo1 121:11. 4 Sumera mikoto no pi-tugi, a genealogical source document. 5 Saki-no-yo no puru-goto or Sendai ktiji, evidently a collection of myths, legends, and songs connected with the forebears of the Yamato ruling family. 6 Preface: 43-46.

Introduction again, of eulogies giving "the succession to the throne of the imperial ancestors."7 The process of re-examining and re-editing the genealogical and historical materials was resumed after a lapse of twenty-five years (after the reigns of Jito and Mommu) in the fourth year of the reign of Empress Gemmei, which was in fact the year after the palace had been moved to the new capital of Nara. On the 18th day of the ninth month of 7ΐΐ, says the preface, the empress, appalled at the mistakes and cor­ ruptions in historical documents, issued a command to Opo no Yasumaro to "record and present" those documents which had been learned by Are at the command of Emperor Temmu.8 Empress Gemmei was the daughter of Emperor Tenchi and the niecc and daughter-in-law of Emperor Temmu. Perhaps her doubly close relationship to Emperor Temmu accounts in part for the empress' desire to complete the project left unfinished at his death. No doubt also the conservative character of her reign9 was responsible for her conviction that, in order to finish the administrative reorganization begun at the Taika Reform and given more concrete form in the legal compilations and reforms made under Emperors Tenchi, Temmu, and Mommu, corrections should be made in the genealogical and historical records, which were regarded as containing doctrine of fundamental state im­ port—as being in fact "the framework of the State, the great foundation of the imperial influence."10 In the past there has been disagreement about the exact nature of Yasumaro's role in the compilation of the Kojiki. It now appears that, having received the imperial command, he set to work re-writing the documents "learned" by Are, taking great care to preserve their linguis­ tic and semantic peculiarities by a graphic system skillfully combining phonetic and ideographic use of Chinese ideographs.11 The source doc­ uments were probably written in a style long out of fashion, which ' Aston, II, 388-89. 8 Preface: 55. 9 The Shoku nihongi says that "she did not alter the previously established patterns, but followed them unswervingly." (Tempy5 8:11.) 10 Preface: 41. 11 Cf. Preface: 57-62.

Kojiki required considerable mnemonic effort to master and reduce to oral recitation.12 Yasumaro's task was presumably to combine the two pre-existing documents, the "Imperial Sun-Lineage" and the "Ancient Dicta of Former Ages," into one work, couched in an up-to-date graphic style and supphed with glosses to clarify the meanings or readings of unclear passages. The resulting work, in three books, was presented to the empress four months later, on the 28th day of the first month of the year 712.13 THE GENEALOGICAL AND THE ANECDOTAL SOURCE DOCUMENTS It is now generally believed that the basic documents from which the Kojiki was compiled were the above-mentioned two books, the first a genealogical source-book, the second an anecdotal work contain­ ing myth, legend, and song sequences. In the preface the two documents are identified, in accordance with the requirements of Chinese cadenced prose writing, by a number of apparently interchangeable terms: A. The genealogical source document: Sumera-mikoto no pi-tugi ("Imperial Sun-Lineage"); Teiki ("Imperial Chronicles"); Senki ("Former Chronicles").

12 Many documents of that time were written in a 'scribe style' of script which had become extremely difficult to decipher and which contained many irregularly written ideographs and copyists' errors (cf. Aston., II, 41). It appears that Are was especially gifted in deciphering and remembering the contents of such documents. The importance of memory in the learning of kambun documents (see section entitled "Writing Systems in Early Japan") will be recognized by all students of Japanese. In time a whole system of mnemonic devices and reading signs, annotations, and phonetic glosses came into use to assist the reader. The Kojiki text has been patiently outfitted with reading glosses, which tell the reader how to pronounce certain difficult words; the word order has been hybridized to enable the native reader to perceive the Japanese sentence structure; and there are even a few accent marks, whose purpose has not been fully explained but which must have been a guide to proper enunciation of the text. Undoubtedly these reading aids are largely or entirely the fruit of Are's rote knowledge of the original source texts. Yasumaro no doubt re-wrote the texts in a more contemporary graphic style on the basis of Are's memorized readings. 13 Preface: 67-69.

Introduction Β. The anecdotal source document: Saki-ηδ-γδ no puru-gdto, also read Sendai Kuji ("Ancient Dicta of Former Ages"); Honji ("Fundamental Dicta"); Kuji ("Ancient Dicta"). Although some scholars doubt that the anecdotal source document existed at that time as one single book, it is highly probable that both sources were pre-existing written documents. There is documentary evidence for the existence in 746 of a one-volume book Nippon teiki and in 748 of a two-volume Teifei'.14 Quoted in the Nihon shoki and elsewhere, works of this title are believed to have been concise, mem­ orandum-like compilations containing data on the order of imperial succession, the offspring of the emperors, and occasional brief accounts of the chief accomplishments of their reigns. After the First Book (Chapters 1-46), the text of the Kojiki can be divided into two radically different styles. The genealogical information for each reign is written in a kambun style, in a remarkably consistent format. The songs and anecdotal prose narratives interspersed with the genealogical data are written in a Japanese style and have no consistent format. The genealogical data for each emperor contain the following information (the bracketed elements occur irregularly): x. [Relation to the previous emperor.] 2. The emperor's name. 3. The name and location of his palace and the words "ruled the kingdom." [The number of years of his reign.] 4. The names of the emperor's consorts and offspring. [Brief ac­ counts of their numbers and memorable activities.] 5. [Brief accounts of important accomplishments during the reign.] 6. [The age of the emperor at his death. The location of his tomb. The date of his death.] Although there are minor variations in style and in degree of detail, there is consistency in all these entries, and we can suppose that the genealogical sections were derived from a single genealogical source 14 See Takeda Yukichi, Kojiki kenkyu, I: Teikiko (Seijisha, 1944), 96-112. (All works cited are published in Tokyo unless otherwise indicated.)

Kojiki document, which listed for each emperor in succession the types of information enumerated above. Fitted around this basic framework are all those accounts not derived from the genealogical document, but from an anecdotal source-doc­ ument, the so-called Kuji, Honji, or Saki-no-yo no puru-goto. Almost all of the mythological First Book must be assigned to this anecdotal source. Sections from the two sources have been combined in the Second and Third Books. However, Chapters 56-64, 69, 77, 89-91, 99, 108-109, 120-21, 127,135, and 140-49 are almost entirely genealogical; the other chapters are largely anecdotal, with occasional admixtures of data from the genealogical document. A number of scholars have suggested that the imperial genealogy, the so-called Sumera-mikoto no pi-tugi, was originally a simple document containing little more than the names of the emperors, which was later collated with family records of the nobility, the sources of the names of consorts and offspring. Interestingly, the dubious reigns between Jimmu and Sujin were especially popular sources of ancestors for the noble families. Naturally, ancient ancestors were more venerable than new ancestors, and it is much easier to fabricate an ancestry from an immemorably ancient period than from a comparatively recent age. False accounts attached at one time or another to a family's genealogical records gradually gained currency, and despite the imperial policy of adhering to tradition and discouraging innovation, some of the fabrica­ tions must have been adopted in official quarters. The account of the rectification of names under Emperor Ingyo, quoted approvingly in the preface of the Kojiki, may well have been true. Such attempts continued sporadically until the early ninth century when the Shinsen shojiroku, the voluminous genealogical directory, was prepared. The preservation of purity in genealogical accounts proved an impossible task, since even in the Shinsen shdjiroku one can find fabrications orig­ inating later than the Kojiki and Nihon shoki. The genealogical glosses in the Kojiki, usually written in a smaller hand in two parallel columns under the names of the particular ancestor, are in large measure later fabrications. Most of the groups mentioned in the glosses claim as ancestors princes of the periods before Emperor

Introduction Ojin, i.e., in dimly remembered periods. There are few families in the Kojiki, Nihon shoki, or Shinsen shdjiroku who claim descent from empe­ rors or princes living in more recent, historical periods. In sum, the genealogical source document used in the Kojiki was probably a work originating at an early date—perhaps fifth but cer­ tainly sixth century—which was augmented in a series of redactions, the last of which occurred in the late seventh century or at the time the Kojiki was actually written.15 The bulk of the material in the Kojiki -comes from the anecdotal source document and is more structurally complex than the genealogical material. Here we have to do with myths, legends, and songs—the parts of the Kojiki which are of literary interest but of little historical veracity. The exact provenance of the anecdotal material of the Kojiki cannot be determined. We do not know, for example, whether Yasumaro had before him a single document or several. Judging from the rapidity with which he completed his work, we may assume that he had a single anecdotal source document which had been composed at some previous time from a plurality of sources, oral and written traditions current in the imperial family, in various noble families, and among the common people. The anecdotal sections are descriptive and rhythmical, interspersed with song sequences; they are suitable for oral recitation. The concern with pronunciation and accent in the glosses evinces the compiler's desire to make a text which could be pronounced or recited. Some scholars, Motoori for instance, believe that Piyeda no Are preserved the texts by memory and that Yasumaro reduced the recited texts to writing and unified them into a single work. Other scholars, notably Hirata Atsutane, argued that Piyeda no Are was a woman whose specialty was the memorization of oral literature. It is, of course, not impossible that ancient traditions of great length could have been committed to memory and recited verbatim. Long mythological and epical accounts are recited from memory in many pre-literate societies, such as that of the Ainu of Hokkaido in contem16

For a discussion of the evidence for these several redactions, see Takeda, Teikiko.

Kojiki porary times. However, in eighth century Japan, writing had been used extensively for historical documents and important records for hun­ dreds of years, and the katari-be, or corporations of reciters, had practically disappeared from the society.16 It is difficult to find any convincing reason in the highly literate atmosphere of the court for abandoning written documents and having Are memorize a long ac­ count. Moreover, the wording of the Kojiki preface points to the neces­ sity of "learning"17 older texts, i.e., familiarizing oneself with their graphic peculiarities in order to be able to recite them aloud. Thus, Are's work cannot be considered in the absence of a written text.18 We should also add that the inconsistencies and nonsequiturs in the text (for instance, see notes to 33 :13, 74:5) make it apparent that there has been some merging of elements from a plurality of written doc­ uments. Some of the possible sources of anecdotal and song material are: 1. Traditions transmitted from mouth to mouth by the katari-be, whose duty was to preserve information by rote before writing became widespread. 2. The repertoire of the court musicians, who preserved a large num­ ber of native Japanese songs and dances as well as music of foreign origin. Many, if not all, of the song texts in the Kojiki must owe their preservation to the court music department. 3. Popular legends, beliefs, and rites. Ofspecial interest are the folk etymologies of place names and the old sayings quoted in many chapters. 4. Accounts of foreign origin. Some of the myth sequences contain elements which can be identified with southern Asia and Korea or detected as a reflection of Chinese ideas. 5. Traditions of noble families such as the Nakatomi, the Μόηό-ηόbe, and, of course, the Sarume to which Piyeda no Are was related. 6. The imperial court itself. One of the means by which Yamato 16 Ando Masatsugu, "Kojiki kaidai," in Kojiki kamiyo no maki, comp. Kato Genchi (Sekai Seiten Zenshii Kankokai, 1920), pp. 13-20. 17 Preface: 46. 18 Okada Masayuki, Omi Nara -cho no kambungaku (Yotokusha, 1946), pp. 131-32.

Introduction forged the Japanese islands into a unified nation was the creation of a single "official" mythology, in which the protagonists of local mythol­ ogies were woven into a common framework. In this way, the an­ cestors of powerful local rulers were given roles in the vast national genealogy-mythology, and the deities they worshipped were made blood relations of the ancestral deities claimed by the Yamato emperors. We cannot understand the Kojiki's genealogies, myths, and legends unless we constantly bear in mind the composite nature of the work, the fact that it is a collation of separate accounts and traditions made in an attempt to justify the rule of Yamato and at the same time to re­ concile subordinate interest-groups and to give them a place and an interest in the national mythology-genealogy. Such political mythmaking was to the advantage of both the central rulers and the local aristocracies, and we can easily see that the latter took much of the initiative in this work. Whereas the style of the genealogical sections is unvaried and weari­ some, the style of the narrative sections is characterized by a certain degree of conscious Hterary art. Some passages reach dramatic heights and seem appropriate subjects of dance-dramas or mimes, and in fact, we are told that some of the songs are performed "today" on particular occasions, such as imperial funerals (88:27) or the appearance of the Kuzu at court (103:20). The book abounds in folk accounts of origins of place names and customs current at the time; a mentality which delights in myths, which seeks for a hallowed explanation of present realities in the dim past, is present in all folk societies. The naive liking for origins accounts is akin to the unhistoric glorification of heroic personalities, to whom is at­ tributed sole responsibility for long historical processes. For instance, the Kojiki's account of the legendary Emperor Jimmu's expedition from Kyushu to Yamato may be a concrete statement of the complex historical process of the cultural penetration of the Yayoi culture. Yamato-takeru-no-mikoto is depicted as a heroic figure wandering about conquering the enemies of the kingdom—a reflection of an ex­ tended process of conquest and national unification. Empress Jingu's miraculous conquest of Korea is a legendary account of a series of actual

Kojiki events. The people among whom these accounts originated lacked the sophisticated historical sense visible in the Nihoti shoki accounts for the post-Keitai reigns and reduced long, complex historical processes to rousing legends centered in a single heroic figure. The anecdotal source document comes to an end with the reign of Emperor Kenzo, c. 498. The genealogical source document may have existed as a single composite document by the first half of the sixth century; additions and changes were subsequently made from time to time. The First Book of the Kojiki is a major statement of early Japanese politico-mythology; its climax is the Heavenly Descent myth sequence, in which is proclaimed the destiny of the "offspring of the heavenly deities" to rule the land. The mythology of the First Book can be divided into the following groups: A. Cosmogony sequences B. Izanagi—Izanami sequences C. Takama-no-para sequences D. Idumo sequences E. Land-ceding sequences F. Heavenly Descent sequences In the mythology we find reflections of two separate myth worlds: the Takama-no-para myth world, home of the heavenly deities who were ruled by Ama-terasu-opo-mi-kaim and worshipped by the Yamato court and the aristocracy aligned with it; and the world of the earthly deities, represented as autochthonous gods of the land—moun­ tain deities, sea-deities, deities of the home and hearth, etc.—and attached to Opo-kuni-nusi, a culture-hero and land-creator deity whose center of worship was at Idumo. The Land-ceding myth sequence, which precedes and sets the stage for the Heavenly Descent sequence, appears to be a mythical statement of a compromise settlement between two religious systems and ways of life: the Takama-no-para religion, characterized by agricultural rites and concepts of divine kingship, and the earthly deity religion, based on older and more popular beliefs. The pseudo-historical legends and tales of the Second and Third Η

Introduction Books are full of lyricism and captivating naivete. Some chapters are so well delineated that they are, in fact, the first Japanese short stories. We must read many of these episodes not as factual accounts of real histor­ ical personages, but as idealized episodes in the lives of the heroes whom the nobility appreciated and emulated as models of the sublime and desirable in human life. We may profitably study these old tales as concrete examples of how nobles acted, or ought to act, in certain situations. The Kojiki also abounds in verse. Its some 111 songs are among the oldest recorded in the Japanese language; here is the beginning of rec­ orded Japanese poetry. The value of the verse portions is incomparably enhanced by the extreme care with which the texts have been tran­ scribed phonetically. Many of the songs recount scenes of hunting, fishing, and farming and betray a humble origin. As the texts of the songs do not always seem appropriate to the narrative in which they are incorporated, they may haVe an independent origin. Also, we should not forget the magico-religious role of song in the ceremonial life of the early court. The songs of the Kojiki reveal a preoccupation with dis­ plays of technical virtuosity which sometimes overshadow the "mean­ ing" of the song itself. The imagery often stands independent of its allusive functions; indeed, at times the natural images seem to have only a vague connection with the semantic content of the song. KOJIKI AND NIHON SHOKI The Kojiki and the Nihon shoki should be studied together. Not only were they planned and finished at almost the same time, but also, in dealing with the same subject matter, they often echo, complement, and elucidate each other. No serious study of early Japan is possible without making full use of both. The Nihon shoki, which was completed in 720, some eight years after the presentation of the Kojiki, was also a compilation from previously existing source documents. Since the Nihon shoki lacks a preface, how­ ever, its process of compilation is less clear than that of the Kojiki. The Nihon shoki itself records that in 682, the tenth year of the reign of Emperor Temmu, the emperor commanded an assembly of princes and

Kojiki

nobles to "commit to writing a chronicle of the emperors, and also of matters of high antiquity" (jdko no shoji, inisipe no koto-goto).19 Two persons, one from the Nakatomi family and one from the Peguri fam­ ily, personally took up their brushes and began compilation. This com­ mand is regarded as the initial impetus in an extensive work of historical compilation which began in the time of Emperor Temmu and which resulted finally in the compilation of the Nihon shoki. Thus, the interest in historiography of Emperor Temmu eventually resulted in both the Kojiki and the Nihon shoki. During the Temmu period the T'ang Chinese ideal of centralized government and national unification under a strong emperor ruling through a bureaucracy—the ideal of the Taika Reform—gained accept­ ance. Despite the wastes of the Jinshin Rebelhon through which he had come to power, Emperor Temmu strengthened the position of the emperor; and the nobility, feeling a new spirit, eagerly adopted the culture of T'ang China. At a time of rapid importation and adoption of an advanced foreign culture, increased interest in the national origins and history, as distinct from those of China and Silla, was natural. The emperor and his advisors also felt that they should clarify and coordi­ nate the internal political structure by adopting a well-defined, hier­ archical social order. Not only was it necessary to prevent any further falsification of genealogical records, but also—because of the promulga­ tion of the Temmu eight-rank social system—it was necessary to compile a correct genealogy, acceptable to the imperial family. This necessity is given clear expression in the preface of the Kojiki. The state's needs in terms of internal politics and social order are evident throughout the Kojiki, even though it records in detail the remoter periods of history and says nothing about recent matters. Though con­ centrating on "ancient" history, the Kojiki nevertheless gives the genea­ logical details of a larger number of noble families than does the Nihon shoki.

On the other hand, the Nihon shoki, although not lacking an internal political significance, was above all an attempt at an official national history which could be shown with pride, should the occasion demand, 19

Aston, II, 350.

Introduction to any foreign emissary or court. National prestige demanded an au­ thoritative history conforming to certain international standards. The title bears the name Nihon, at that time a eulogistic expression for Yamato; its chronological format is like that of the Chinese dynastic histories, and its language and style is the florid style of literary Chinese. It is less attentive than the Kojiki to the minutiae of genealogical detail, it becomes more informative and reliable as historical time moves for­ ward, and it contains subjective judgments and reflections on some of the events it records. Whereas the source documents of the Kojiki were apparently Hmited to two compilations, both of them handed down in the court, the Nihon shoki attempted to bring together a wide selec­ tion of documentary source materials. This accounts in part for the two books' differences in detail and emphasis. The scope of the two books is significandy different. The Nihon shoki records history up to the death of Empress Jito (697), but the Kojiki ends with the death of Empress Suiko (641) and records nothing except genealogies for the period after the death of Emperor Kenzo (487?). There is a gap of over 200 years between the last of the anecdotal incidents the Kojiki records and the date of its completion and presenta­ tion to the court; the time lag in the Nihon shoki is only some twenty years. The records for the post-Kenzo periods fill only a few pages in the Kojiki, but 437 pages in Aston's translation of the Nihon shoki. Thus, we can say that the Nihon shoki is our main historical source for the post-Kenz5 reigns and that it becomes more reliable as time goes on until it is, finally, a contemporary history, as trustworthy and useful a work as the other, later official histories. With regard to the pre-Kenzo period, however, both the Kojiki and Nihon shoki are unreliable witnesses to historical fact. A number of articles in the Nihon shoki do seem to ring true for these periods; we find quotations in extenso from Korean historical materials, which are of the utmost value, and there is a greater wealth of detail than in the Kojiki. But we also find a gross manipulation of dates and facts, false chronology, frequent speeches and passages quoted verbatim from Chi­ nese sources but attributed to Japanese speakers, and the pervasive influence of continental thinking, which often led to unfortunate elab-

Kojiki orations based on a foreign model. Although the anecdotal material in the Kojiki is best appreciated as literature, its historical value is precisely that it tells us as no other document does of the life values, the ideals, and the political concepts of the early Japanese. Also—as literature or history—it does have a literary style, relatively free of undigested, imported diction and vocabIary and relatively reluctant to follow foreign models. The information in the Kojiki's genealogical sections is of consider­ able value. Not only does the information frequently differ from that given in the Nihon shoki, but also it gives us a sporadic but surprisingly probable chronology of death dates for fifteen emperors. The glosses containing these death dates (written in the sixty-year, cyclical dating system) are of considerable antiquity and of a provenance different from the genealogical source-document, which records conflicting in­ formation about the length of the reigns and the life-spans of the same emperors. The dates are found only in the Shimpuku-ji manuscript of the Kojiki, and were suppressed by Motoori—for unconvincing reasons —in his edition of the Kojiki. We can be sure that these dates are of earlier origin than the Nihon shoki chronology because they dare to differ so radically from the contrived system adopted by the later offi­ cial history. The problems of conversion of the cyclical dates into calendar dates are taken up passim in the notes to the passages. The fol­ lowing table compares the Nihon shoki and Kojiki dates, both converted into Western calendar dates. DEATH DATES OF EARLY JAPANESE SOVEREIGNS (Kojiki) (Nihon shoki) Jimmu 585 B.C. Suisei 549 Annei 5 11 Itoku 477 Kosho 393 Koan 291 Korei 215 Kogen

Introduction

Kaika Sujin Suinin Keiko Seimu Chuai

258 A.D.

355 362

Jingu (regent) Ojin Nintoku Richu Hanzei Ingyo Anko Yuryaku Seinei Kenzd Ninken Buretsu Keitai Ankan Senka Kimmei Bitatsu Yomei Sushun Suiko

394 427 432 437 454 489

527 $35

584 587 592 628

98 30 70 A.D. 130 190 200 269 310 399 405 410 453 456 479 484 487 498 506 531 535 539 571 585 587 592 628

From the foregoing remarks, we can conclude that the Kojiki is a work containing many pseudo-historical narratives which often have a basis of historical actuality. Frequently the reader encounters memories of complex historical processes, such as the national unification or the expansion on the Korean peninsula, treated as naive anecdotes about heroic figures. Such material, revealing an unsophisticated sense of history, should be used with caution, but the Kojiki's chronology and some of its genealogical data are of the greatest documentary value even in their present form. 19

Kojiki

THE ARCHAIC JAPANESE LANGUAGE The most striking fact about the Japanese language, both archaic and modern, is its quasi-isolation from all surrounding language groups. The only language which oan be scientifically related to Japanese is the group of dialects spoken in the Ryukyus and known collectively as Okinawan. Hattori, a philologist experimenting with glottochronology, has proposed that Okinawan separated from the dialect spoken in the Japanese home provinces about 500 A.D.20 Despite the efforts of a large number of scholars to discover other provable connections between Japanese and other languages, it is only too obvious that Japanese must have developed in isolation for a long period of time. Although some modern scholars21 see a relationship with the Korean and Altaic languages, any connection between them must have ended thousands of years ago, if it in fact existed.22 The earliest examples of Japanese are recorded in what we may call Archaic Japanese, the dialect of the Yamato court in the seventh and eighth centuries. Some of its characteristics are as follows: The normal word order is: subject before predicate, modifiers before noun, inflections and particles after nouns and verbs. Verbs and adjectives are inflected. Inflection shows grammatical rela­ tion (final, attributive, consecutive, etc.) rather than time, number, or person. AuxiHary verbs are placed after verbs and adjectives to indicate pas­ sive and causative constructions, perfection of action, future or expecta­ tion, affirmation, etc.; these are also inflected to indicate grammatical relation rather than number or person. Honorifics are used to show person-to-person relations and levels of 20 Hattori Shiro, Nihongo no keitd (Iwanami Shoten, 1959), p. 83. This work is espe­ cially valuable for its very complete review of the literature on the subject of the relation­ ships of Japanese and other language groups. 21 See, e.g., Samuel E. Martin, "Lexical Evidence Relating Korean to Japanese," Language, Vol. XLII, No. 2 (April-June, 1966). 22 Hattori, p. 96. For an exhaustive study of the genetic relationships of the Japanese language, see Miller, pp. 1-89.

Introduction speech. The personal pronouns are not highly developed and are used sparingly. There are no relative pronouns. There are no long vowels or diphthongs. All vowels are short. The syllabic structure is extremely simple, the only possible patterns being V or CV. All syllables are open and there are no initial or final consonant clusters. The final nasal -n does not appear graphically until the ninth century. Words do not begin with r or with voiced consonants. Voiced consonants vary with their unvoiced counterparts in certain positions. Definite affinities exist among certain groups of vowels in word roots. Because some vowels never or rarely appear together in the same root, some scholars have spoken, somewhat inaccurately, of traces of "vowel harmony" in Archaic Japanese. In recent years the phonology of Archaic Japanese has been studied with some success by means of a scientific analysis of the available phonetic writings—not the least of which is the Kojiki itself.23 The phonemes which may be graphically distinguished in early writings are shown in the following list in the orthography adopted in this translation: VOWELS: a i ϊ u e c ο δ CONSONANTS: kg η sz m t d y ρ b r w Whereas ModernJapanese has five vowels, early Japanese documents have graphic distinctions for eight; the thirteen consonants found in early documents are somewhat less in number than those existing in Modern Japanese. 23 The scholars mainly responsible for this research have been Hashimoto Shinkichi, Arisaka Hideyo and Ono Susumu. See particularly Ono, Jddai kanazukai no ketikyu (Iwanami Shoten, 1953), pp. 167-70.

Kojiki

During the seventh and eighth centuries the pairs of vowels i ϊ, e e, and ο δ amalgamated—gradually—into single vowels i, e, o. It is pos­ sible to trace the progress of this process in the documents of those centuries and to see that the six vowels had been simplified into the three vowels i, e, and o; the graphic distinctions were no longer made by the ninth century. The Modern Japanese syllabaries evolved on the basis of the resulting 5-vowel system (a, i, u, e, 0). The following list shows the syllables in early Japanese writing: e a 1 U O ku ke ke ko ko ka ki ki u a e i ge g° gi g g° g g S si se so so sa SU ZU ze za zi ZO ZO tu ti te to to ta du do do da di de i pu pe pe i pa P P P0 bu ba bi bi be be bo nu ne no no na ni me mi mu me mo [mo ma mi yu yo ye y° ya ro ro ra ri ru re wa wi we WO NOTE: The syllables mo and mo are distinguished graphically in the Kojiki, but in no later document. It will be readily understood that the many differences between the phonemic structure of Archaic Japanese and that of Modern Japanese make it imperative to transcribe ArchaicJapanese words in an orthogra­ phy capable of distinguishing all the phonemes which were graphically distinguished in early Japanese documents. A transcription into Modern Japanese readings blurs many semantically significant distinctions, makes us vulnerable to mistaken interpretations, and obscures unneces­ sarily the etymologies of the vocabulary. As in all cases of dead dialects preserved only in writing, it is often impossible to determine the exact phonetic value of any given phoneme; but it is of the utmost importance

Introduction

to preserve in the orthography at least all graphically distinguished phonemes. The following is not a complete definition of the phonetic values of the Archaic Japanese phonemes, but a guide to help the reader relate them to their counterparts in Modern Japanese. VOWELS: a, i, u, e, o. Appear to correspond with the same vowels in Modern

Japanese. Ϊ. The exact phonetic value has not been established. In the ninth century, combined with i. In ArchaicJapanese frequently alternates with u and sometimes with o. Thus, the word kami, 'deity' (strik­ ingly similar to the Ainu loan-word kamui, also meaning 'deity') has an alternative form kamu used in compounds. The word Yomi, 'Hades,' has the alternative form Yomo. The vowel f may have been a central vowel between [i] and [tii], similar to the [ϊ] heard in the dialects of northeastern Honshu today. e. The exact phonetic value has not been established. In the ninth century, combined with e. In ArchaicJapanese frequently alternates with a. For example, the word upe, 'up,' has an alternative form upa used in certain compounds. Phonetically, it must have been between [e] and [a], perhaps similar to the [ae] heard in some modern dialects. o. In the ninth century, combined with o. Its phonetic value in

ArchaicJapanese has been established as [ Θ ] , CONSONANTS: k. Corresponds to k in Modern Japanese. g. Voiced k; it evidently corresponds to Modern Japanese g. s. In the combinations si, su, and se, corresponds to the [s] in Modern Japanese sa. Si is probably [si] rather than [Ji]. Sa, so, and so are [tsa], [tso], [tso]. 2. Voiced 5. Zi is [zi] rather than [d3i]. Za, zo, and zo are [dza], [dzo], [dzo]. t. Corresponds to ModernJapanese t in the syllables ta, te, to, id. Ti is [ti] rather than [tji], and tu is [tu] rather than [tsu]. d. Voiced t. In the syllables da, de, do, and do, corresponds to the

Kojiki

ModernJapanese phoneme. Di is [di] rather than [d3i], and du is [du] rather than [zu]. p. Corresponds to the ha-gyd of Modern Japanese. This has been the least stable of all Japanese consonants. In the earliest periods it was pronounced [p] in all positions, and there is evidence that the [p] pronunciation was preserved until the early Heian period. At that time the consonant split into pairs of positional variants: pa: pi: pu: pe: po:

Initial fa fi fu fe fo

Non-initial wa i u e ο

In Modern Japanese, the variants are as follows: pa: ha wa pi: hi [ςί] i pu: fu u pe: he e po: ho ο b. Voiced p; corresponds in all positions to the Modern Japanese consonant. n. Corresponds to the Modern Japanese initial n. m. ι. Corresponds to the Modern Japanese m. In Archaic Japanese it sometimes alternates with b. y. Corresponds to the Modern Japanese y. Modern Japanese lacks the syllable ye; ye and e have been represented graphically with one set of symbols since the Heian period. r. Corresponds to the Modern Japanese r. w. Corresponds to the Modern Japanese w. Modern Japanese has written forms for the syllables wi, we, and wo, but these are pro­ nounced i, e, and o. The following table equates Archaic and ModernJapanese syllables. Both Archaic and Modern transcriptions are given for every Japanese word listed in the Glossary.

Introduction

ARC. a ba

MODERN a ba

ARC. ko ko

MODERN ko ko

be be bi b'i bo bu da de

be be bi bi bo bu da de

ku ma me me mi mi mo mo

ku ma me me mi mi mo mo

di do do du

ji do do zu

mu na ne ni

mu na ne ni

e ga ge ge gi gi go go gu i ka ke ke ki k'i

e ga ge ge gi gi go go gu i ka ke ke ki ki

no no nu o pa pe pe pi pi po pu ra re ri ro

no no nu o ha [wa] he [e] he [e] hi [i] hi [i] ho [o] fu [u] ra re ri ro

i

ARC. ro ru

MODERN ro ru

sa se si so so su ta te

sa se shi so so su ta te

ti to to tu

chi to to tsu

u u wa wa we e wi i | wo o ya ya ye e yo yo yo yo yu yu za za ze ze zi ji zo zo zo zo zu zu N O T E : The bracketed forms are used in Modern Japanese in non-initial positions.

25

Kojiki

WRITING SYSTEMS IN EARLY JAPAN The Japanese never developed a writing system independent of for­ eign influence. The so-called shindai-moji (Age-of-the-Gods scripts) are crude inventions of Edo period scholars and correspond to phonemic systems of a later age. Chinese ideographs, in which the entire Kojiki is written, were the only type of writing known in early Japan and were the basis from which the Japanese syllabaries evolved in the Heian period. Chinese script was known in Japan during the protohistoric period. Official history records the introduction of Chinese learning during the reign of Emperor Ojin.24 During this period the Yamato court began to have close relations with Paekche and used continental immigrants—Chinese, Koreanized Chinese, or Paekche Koreans—as hereditary groups of scribes and lit­ erati. TheJapanese themselves probably did not learn or become profi­ cient at writing for some time. The Nihott shoki records the appointment of local scribes, probably Japanese, during the reign of Emperor Richu. Chinese script was, naturally, used at first to write communications in unmodified Chinese; the tise of literary Chinese (in Japanese, kambun) has been preserved and was the dominant style in historical and official records for many centuries. However, almost from the beginning both Korea andJapan modified the imported Chinese writing, first to transcribe individual proper nouns and then to write entire sentences in the vernacular. Within a few centuries, the Korean scribes gave up their attempts to write Korean with Chinese ideographs, but the Japanese developed a number of devices by which Japanese words and sentences could be written in Chinese script, either in a modified kambun style or in manydgana, a system in which Chinese ideographs were used phonetically. The oldest known inscription in Japan, found on a sword which dates from about 43 8 in the Funayama burial mound, reveals a use of Chinese considerably adapted to the needs of Japanese sentences. Generally speaking, there are three ways in which Chinese ideographs

24

Aston, I, 262.

Introduction were used in ancient Japan. Examples of all three may be found in the Kojiki. 1. Chinese writing (kambun), with a pure Chinese vocabulary and sentence structure. By far the majority of the extant early Japanese works are written in an almost pure kambun style; the entire Nihoti shoki, except for its verse portions, is in this style, as are most of the other early historical works. The preface of the Kofiki is written entirely in kambun, as are a few sections scattered throughout the work. Modern scholars do not know whether the early Japanese read kambun in a semi-Chinese pronunciation or, mentally and orally, in Japanese trans­ lation, as is generally the case today. We do know, however, that texts were already read in Japanese in the Nara period. In time a standard system of reading signs indicating Japanese inflections and word order developed; kambun texts were supplied with these reading signs to aid the reader in translating them into Japanese. 2. Chinese ideographs used phonetically, completely divorced from their lexical meaning, to represent Japanese sounds. This technique orig­ inated in China, where Indian proper nouns and technical terms were rendered phonetically in the Chinese translations of Buddhist scriptures. It was first used in Korea and Japan to transcribe sounds which occurred only in the native languages. In the system, each Japanese syllable was assigned one or more Chinese ideographs whose sound approximated the Japanese sound. This system has been called manyogana because of its prevalence in the Manydshu. Later it gave rise to the hiragana and katakana syllabaries, which are basically cursive abbreviations of the ideographs. This type of phonetic writing was not widely used in antiquity; we find lengthy passages in it only in the verse portions of the Kojiki and Nihon shoki, in parts of the Manyoslm, and in song texts recorded in other documents. 3. Chinese ideographs used in a modified or hybrid kambun style and read in pure Japanese. In this system, words were written phonet­ ically or ideographically in their Chinese equivalents but were read in Japanese, much as we might read the Latin abbreviation i.e. in English, calling it "that is." Although certain conventions and compromises were adopted by which Chinese grammatical particles represented

Kojiki

Japanese inflections and particles, often the troublesome details were omitted, so that a variety of readings was possible. The Kojiki compiler, for example, provided some glosses to indicate the reading or the accent. The modern reader of the Kojiki, the main text of which is written in this complicated style, has a sort of bilingual puzzle which he must decipher as he goes along. He may often be uncertain about a reading but, generally, he can understand the meaning of the passage thanks to the predominant use of ideographic elements, the lexical meaning of which is more or less fixed. One sometimes wonders why the Japanese, once they had developed a phonetic script of Chinese ideographs which could express all the Japanese sounds, continued nevertheless to write in pure or hybrid karnbun.

There are probably many reasons. First, kambun had tremendous prestige; throughout Japanese history, to know the ideographs and to be able to compose original writings in them was to be on the highest imaginable cultural level. Second, kambun was more concise and eco­ nomical than phonetic writing, which required at least twice as many ideographs to express the same idea. Third, to eyes accustomed to ideographs, a mass of phonetic symbols was burdensome and sometimes incomprehensible. As there were no spaces between words, it was diffi­ cult to separate the mass of symbols into word-units, and countless ambiguities resulted. For instance, there was no way to indicate suc­ cinctly the meanings of unusual or difficult words or to distinguish between homonyms or between shades of meaning. All these draw­ backs are painfully evident in the phonetic verse portions of the Kojiki —which are among the most difficult Japanese texts. Finally, kambun was an "international" writing system, used in every state which had come under China's advanced cultural influence; Japanese written pho­ netically could not be understood by anyone but a Japanese. Kambun was preferred for centuries for the same reasons that Latin was so long preferred over the vernacular languages of Europe. The translator of a text like the Kojiki written primarily in a hybrid kambun style has a number of special interpretation problems. Although the ideographic portions of the text may be semantically clear, their

Introduction

Japanese readings are, strictly speaking, conjectural except in those cases where the compilers have added phonetic glosses to indicate a specific reading. Conversely, the phonetic sections—the song texts and the pho­ netically written Japanese words in the hybrid text—can be "read," but they include no indication of word division, sentence structure, or meaning. The phonetic sections can really be interpreted only by in­ ference, by analogy with other examples of Archaic Japanese, and by comparison with later usage. A special interpretation problem is posed by a convention which we might call graphic substitution. There are cases in which one ideograph is used in more than one sense. It can refer to a Japanese word corre­ sponding in meaning to the Chinese concept and, at other times, to express another, homonymous Japanese word which is unrelated to the Chinese word and its lexical meaning. For example, the ideograph which has the lexical meaning "jewel" is used in early Japanese texts to represent two Japanese words: the Japanese word for "jewel" or "bead," which is pronounced tama, and the Japanese word for "spirit" or "soul," which is also pronounced tama. Another example is the ideograph for "comb," which sometimes represents the Japanese word for "comb," pronounced kusi, and sometimes an adjective meaning "wondrous," which is also pronounced kusi. Thus, in reading or trans­ lating the Kojiki, one must always bear in mind that many apparently ideographic elements are really substitutes and that mechanical transla­ tion of the ideographs according to their dictionary meanings will be to no avail in such cases. The science of attachingJapanese readings to the ideographic sections of such texts as the Kojiki is called kunkogaku; and it is to this task of establishing acceptable readings that Japanese scholars devote a great deal of their effort. The readings current today are essentially guesses made by scholars on the basis of their studies of the readings of various early documents. Of course, kunkogaku need not be of primary impor­ tance to the translator, because the predominant semantically meaning­ ful stratum within the texts permits translation without resort to a phonemic reconstruction. In other words, the ideographic portions of the text are meaningful and can be translated into any language no

Kojiki matter how they are read by any one scholar, or even if they cannot be "read" at all. In the present translation, in cases of several possible readings or interpretations, I have usually chosen that translation which conveys the lexical meaning inherent in the ideograph. MANUSCRIPTS AND HISTORY OF CRITICISM Whereas the manuscripts of the Nihon shoki go back as far as the Heian period, the Kojiki is available only in comparatively late man­ uscripts. This situation is a result of the relative neglect of the Kojiki throughout the Heian and medieval periods. Of the some thirty-two existing manuscripts of all or parts of the Kojiki, the oldest is the so-called Shimpuku-ji manuscript, copied in three fascicules in 1371-72 by Ken'yu, a priest in the temple of Shim­ puku-ji. The manuscript is written entirely in ideographs, having no interlinear glosses in syllabic script and no reading marks. The Second Book of the manuscript is thought to be of a different provenance from that of the First and Third Books. This famous old manuscript is available to the student in excellent photographic reproductions. There are three extant manuscripts of all or part of the First Book which come from the same source as the Shimpuku-ji manuscript. These are the Doka manuscript (a portion of the First Book copied in 1381); the Dosho manuscript, also called the Ise-bon or Ise manuscript (the entire First Book copied in 1424); and the Shun'yu manuscript, also called the Second Ise manuscript (a copy of the Dosho manuscript apparently made in 1426). These three manuscripts are also available in photographic reproductions. All other extant manuscripts of the Kojiki belong to the tradition of the Urabe family. "The chief among this group of manuscripts is the Maeda manuscript or the Yuhan-bon, which is the property of the Maeda family and dates from 1522. A large number of affinitive man­ uscripts exist; all of them seem to have been transcribed after the Maeda manuscript. The earliest printed edition of the Kojiki was the Kan' ei Kojiki, printed in Kyoto in 1644 from a manuscript of the Urabe type. A second early printed edition was prepared and annotated by Watarai Nobuyoshi, a

Introduction Shinto priest at Ise, and published in Ise in 1687. Motoori Norrnaga's text was the basis of the Teisei kokun Kojiki, first published in 1803 and frequently re-issued. Among the numerous later printed editions, the critical edition published by Tanaka in 1887 is of great value. This translation is based on the critical edition published by Heibonsha in 1958 as volume 7 of the Kojiki taisei; students interested in textual variations among the Kojiki manuscripts would do well to consult this useful volume. Generally speaking, the various Kojiki manuscripts, be­ ing of relatively late date, are quite uniform. In the case of trouble­ some variants, I have attempted to choose from all the available sources the most likely and satisfactory version. In some cases, when the variants were semantically significant, I have added notes to alert the reader. The comparative scarcity of old manuscripts can be explained by the non-canonical nature of the Kojiki, which was never one of the official histories. Whereas the Nihon shoki was the first of six massive kambun official histories, the smaller Kojiki, written in a hybrid style, was re­ garded until the Edo period as, at most, a variant account to be read for the Hght it could shed on the official accounts. After the first printed editions of the Kojiki began to appear in the seventeenth century, interest in it revived, an interest historically con­ nected with the kokugaku (native learning) movement, a classicist and nationalistic movement in scholarship which produced such figures as Kada no Azumamaro (1657-1725) and Kamo no Mabuchi (1697-1769). Arai Hakuseki (1657-1725), the scholar and statesman, was among the first to recognize the independent value of the Kojiki, and both Azumamaro and Mabuchi produced annotated editions of it. But the Kojiki received its most serious study and exposition at the hands of Motoori Norinaga (1730-1801), the most famous kokugaku scholar. Although Motoori had obtained a copy of the Kojiki in 1754, it was not until his celebrated meeting with Kamo no Mabuchi in 1763 that Motoori began to consider himself an adherent of the kokugaku movement and a disciple of Mabuchi. At this time he decided to devote his efforts to the scholarly study of the Kojiki. He began the Kojiki-den, a monumental commentary and a triumph of Japanese scholarship, in 1764 and completed it thirty-four years later in 1798. Publication of

Kojiki this voluminous work was finished only in 1822, after Motoori's death. With Motoori, the Kojiki assumed an importance at least equal to that of the Nihon shoki. In fact, in Motoori's view the Kojiki, which was free from the intrusions of "Chinese mentality," was a purer and more reliable source book for the ancient Japanese traditions than was the Nihon shoki. Motoori's contributions to the scholarly study of the Kojiki were so great that his work is still a basic starting-point for contem­ porary scholars. Motoori's work was carried on, though in a somewhat different direction, by his disciple Hirata Atsutane (1776-1843) and also by his opponents Fujitani Mitsue (1768-1823) and Tachibana Moribe (17811849). Each of them produced commentaries and treatises which have a certain interest even today. After the Meiji Restoration of 1868, the attention of native scholars turned away from the national cultural heritage for some years, but the Kojiki became once more the object of scholarly discussion with the inauguration of folklore and mythology studies in the Meiji period. The importance of the Kojiki as a work of literature—or, more pre­ cisely, as a work having elements of literary value—was recognized as never before; and scholars realized that the accounts in the Kojiki and Nihon shoki were comparable in many ways with the myths and legends of the ancient Greeks and Romans. An epoch-making event in the history of modern Kojiki research was the publication in 1913 of a study by the historian Tsuda Sokichi. In a series of books Tsuda set out to show that the Kojiki, particularly in its earlier sections, was neither history nor myth but a late fabrication by court intellectuals for the sole purpose of legitimizing and justifying the rule of the imperial house. Tsuda's work created a sensation, and subse­ quent scholarly study of the Kojiki amounts largely to modification and correction of the line of thought proposed by him. His basic textualcritical writings on the Kojiki are currently available in his 2-volume Nihon koten no kenkyu (Iwanami Shoten, 1948-50). Among the reactions to Tsuda's work was Watsuji Tetsuro's Nihon kodai bunka (Iwanami Shoten, 1920), which argued that literary impulse was clearly at work in the Kojiki, imparting to it an inner unity and co-

Introduction herence. Kurano Kenji, in his Kojiki no shinkenkyii (Shibundo, 1927), proposed that the Kojiki had elements of epic literature and that it might be regarded as a national epic like Beowulf. During the 1920's and 30's, Hashimoto Shinkichi, the philologist, studied the phonology of Archaic Japanese, and in time his conclusions were applied by scholars to the study of the Kojiki. Tsugita Uruu's Kojiki shinkd, the first and best of the modern com­ mentaries, was published in 1924. A critical study of the textual structure of the Kojiki has been made in recent years by Takeda Yukichi, whose Kojiki kenkyu, Vol. I: Teikikd (Seijisha, 1944), Kojiki setsuwagun no kenkyu (Meiji Shoin, 1954), and Kiki kaydshu zenkd (Meiji Shoin, 1956) are of great value. The folkloristic school of Yanagita Kunio and Orikuchi Shinobu has been responsible for other studies, including a re-emphasis of the theory that Piyeda no Are was a woman. The study of Japanese mythology reached a high point in the monu­ mental four-volume work by Matsumura Takeo, Nihon shimva no kenkyu (Baifukan, 1954-58). There have also been numerous literary and historical studies of sub­ jects related to the Kojiki. Especially noteworthy is Heibonsha's multivolume Kojiki taisei. This collection includes a critical text, a comment­ ary, and a concordance. The learned society called the Kojiki Gakkai publishes annually the Kojiki nempo, which includes critical articles and bibliographical surveys of the year's work in Kojiki studies.

Preface1

Ι

2

3

4

5 6

I, YASUMARO,2 do say: When the primeval matter had congealed but breath and form had not yet appeared, there were no names and no action.3 Who can know its form? However, when heaven and earth were first divided, the three deities became the first of all creation.4 The Male and Female5 here began, and the two spirits6 were the ancestors of all creation. Whereupon after the going in and coming out from the seen and unseen worlds,7 the sun and moon were revealed in the wash­ ing of the eyes.8 After the floating and sinking in the sea-waters, the deities were revealed in the washing of the body.9 Thus, though the primeval beginnings be distant and dim, yet by

1 The so-called Preface is actually a document presenting the Kojiki to the Empress Gemmei. It is entirely Chinese in style and diction, containing many phrases modeled after Chinese writings. 2 Opo no Yasumaro; cf. verse 70 of the Preface. The word translated T is ga, meaning 'subject' or 'vassal.' 3 'Primeval matter' might also be translated 'chaos.' This matter congeals or hardens. Breath and form are two of the three attributes of Ufe, the third being substance. In the primeval state these attributes had not yet emerged. The idea of such a primeval name­ less state of inactivity seems to be borrowed from Taoist thought. The whole paragraph is thoroughly Chinese in conception. 4 Verses 3-18 contain references to many of the accounts in the Kojiki text. The 'three deities' are those mentioned in 1:1 of the text. 5 Literally, the Yin and Yang. 6 The two deities Izanagi and Izanami (2:2). ' I.e., Izanagi's visit to Yomi in Chapter 9. 8 Cf. 11:22-23. » Cf. 11:13-18.

Kojiki

the ancient teachings do we know the time when the lands were 7 conceived and the islands born; though the origins be vague and indistinct, yet by relying upon the sages of antiquity do we per­ ceive the age when the deities were born and men were made to stand.10 8 Truly, after the hanging up of the mirror11 and the spitting out 9 of the jewels,12 the hundred kings followed in succession; after the chewing of the sword and the slaughtering of the serpent,13 the myriad deities flourished. 10 Conferring by the YASU river, they pacified the kingdom;14 dis­ puting by the beach, they purified the land.15 11 At this, PO-NO-NINIGI-Nό-Μΐκότό first descended to TAKA-TIPO peak,16 and the emperor KAMU-YAMATO passed through [the island of] AKI-DU-SIMA.17 12 The ghostly bear came forth from the river,18 and the heavenly sword was obtained from TAKA-KURA.19 13 Men with tails blocked the road,20 and a large crow led the way to YESINO.21 14 Dancing in rows, they swept aside the bandits; hearing the song, they vanquished the foe.22 10 Kurano Kenji equates the 'deities' with the 'myriad deities' and the 'men' with the 'hundred kings' of verse 9. The parallelism of verses 6 and 7 is a common feature of the style of Chinese writing used as a model by Yasumaro. See Kurano in Kojiki taisei, ed. Hisamatsu Sen'ichi et al. (Heibonsha, 1956-58), VI, 6. 11 A reference to the ceremonies before the Heavenly Rock-cave (cf. 17:11). 12 A reference to the contest between Susa-no-wo and Ama-terasu-opo-mi-kami (see Chapter 15). The 'chewing of the sword' also refers to that contest (see I5:2ff). 13 Susa-no-wo's slaying of the eight-tailed dragon (see Chapter 19). 14 The divine convocation of 32:5ff. ls The confrontation of 3 5:8ffl 16 Cf. 3 9 : 1 3 · 17 The expedition of Emperor Jimmu, recounted in Chapters 47-52. 18 The bear is, of course, the bear mentioned in 49:1. In no document, however, is this bear said to come from a river. Most manuscripts have 'put forth his claws,' which is believed to be an error for 'came forth from the river.' See Kojiki taisei, VI, 7. 10 A shortened form for Taka-kurazi, the person who brought the sword to Emperor Jimmu (cf. 49:3). 20 An allusion to 5o:8ff. Perhaps the road was 'blocked' in the sense of being thronged with greeters. 21 An allusion to 50:2-3. 22 The sentences in verses 14-16 contain no grammatical subjects; personal pronouns

Preface gods,23

15

Then, warned by a dream, he reverenced the and there­ 24 fore was lauded as the wise emperor. 16 He looked at the smoke and treated the people with benevol­ ence, and to this day is reputed a saintly ruler.25 17 The borders were determined and the lands were developed 18 during the reign at TIKA-TU-APUMI,26 and the titles were cor­ rected and the clan-names selected during the rule at TOPO-TUASUKA.27

19 20

Although each reign differed in the degree of swiftness or slowness, and each was not the same in refinement and simplicity; yet there was not one [ruler] who did not by meditating upon antiq­ uity straighten manners which had collapsed, and who did not by comparing the present with antiquity strengthen morals and teach­ ings verging on extinction.28 21 Coming now to the reign of the emperor who ruled OPO-YASIMA in the great palace of KIYOMIPARA in ASUKA :29 22 Already as latent dragon he embodied the royal qualities, and the repeated thunder-peals responded to the times.30 23 Hearing the song in a dream, he thought to inherit the Throne; have been supplied by the translator. Each paragraph refers to a different person or persons. Verse 14 refers to the warriors who killed the Tuti-gumo, the 'men with tails,' in Chapter 52. 23 Emperor Sujin in 65:2ff. 24 Cf. 68:7. 26 This paragraph refers to Emperor Nintoku (cf. 110:2-7). 28 The reign of Emperor Seimu (cf. 90:4). 27 The reign of Emperor Ingyo (cf. 121:11). 28 Although Motoori attached little importance to this section, the nationalistic Yamada Yoshio regarded verses 15-20 as a summary of the highest principles ofJapanese politics. Reverence to the gods, benevolent rule, the designation of local borders, and the correction of names and titles are, he says, the four basic principles of good rule as laid forth by Yasumaro. Kojiki jobun kdgi (Shiogama [Miyagi Prefecture]: Shibahiko Shrine & Shiogama Shrine, 1935), pp. 67-68. 29 Emperor Temmu (reigned 673-686). Verses 21-38 are an elaborate encomium of this emperor, dwelling especially upon the circumstances which led to his ascent to the throne after the Jinshin rebellion of 672, in which he was the victor against the pretender Prince Opo-tomo (the so-called Emperor Kobun). 30 'Latent dragon' is a Chinese expression for 'crown prince,' or the destined emperor who has not yet come to the throne. The 'repeated thunder-peals' are signals calling him to the throne.

Kojiki

24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33

34

arriving at the water by night, he knew that he was to receive the Dignity.31 But the time of Heaven had not yet come, and cicada-like he shed his wrappings in the southern mountains.32 As popular support grew for his cause, he walked tiger-like in the eastern lands.33 The imperial chariot proceeded with quick willingness, crossing over the mountains and rivers. The six regiments shook like thunder, and the three armies moved like lightning. The spears and javelins revealed their might, and the fierce war­ riors rose up like smoke. The crimson banners gleamed upon the weapons, and the treach­ erous band collapsed like tiles. Before a fortnight34 had elapsed, the foul vapors had been puri­ fied. Thus they released the cattle and rested the steeds, and returned peacefully35 to the capital. Furling the banners and putting away the halberds, they re­ mained singing and dancing in the city. As the star rested in the region of the Cock,36 in the second month, in the great palace of KIYOMIPARA he ascended [the throne] and assumed the Heavenly Dignity. In the Way he excelled the Yellow Emperor; in Virtue he sur­ passed the king of Chou.37

31 The passage does not identify the song; perhaps it was the popular waza-uta to which prophetic meanings were attached (cf. Aston, II, 299). The 'water at night' refers to the Yoko-gapa river at Nabari, where a divination indicated that Temmu would become Emperor. Ibid., 306. 32 The future Emperor Temmu, shortly before the death of the preceding Emperor Tenchi, renounced the world (i.e., shed cicada-like his worldly adornments) and retired to Mount Yosino (or Yesino), for purely tactical reasons. See Aston, II, 297. 33 Emperor Temmu went to the eastern part of the kingdom and rebelled against Prince Opo-tomij in 672. 34 Actually, a period of 12 days. The word is used loosely. 35 Or 'in triumph.' 38 I.e., in the year of the Cock, 673. 87 The Yellow Emperor (Huang Ti) was a legendary Chinese ruler. The king of Chou is evidently Emperor Wfin (Wen Wang), a rider of the Chou dynasty.

Preface 35 36 37 38

39

40 41 42

43 44 45 38

Grasping the regalia, he ruled the six directions; gaining the Heavenly Lineage, he embraced the eight corners. Adhering to the Two Essences,38 he put the five elements in right order.39 He set forth profound principles to implant good practices, and he proposed noble manners to issue throughout the land.40 Not only this, his wisdom was vast as the sea, searching out antiquity; his mind was bright as a mirror, clearly beholding for­ mer ages. Whereupon, the Emperor said: "I hear that the Teikiil and Hottjii2 handed down by the various houses have come to differ from the truth and that many false­ hoods have been added to them. "If these errors are not remedied at this time, their meaning will be lost before many years have passed. "This is the framework of the state, the great foundation of the imperial influence. "Therefore, recording the Teiki and examining the Kujii3 dis­ carding the mistaken and establishing the true, I desire to hand them on to later generations." At that time there was a court attendant44 whose surname was PIYEDA and his given name ARE. He was twenty-eight years old. He possessed such great native intelligence that he could repeat

The Yin and Yang. The five elements are water, fire, wood, metal, and earth. Kurano regards this as a reference to Emperor Temmu's repeated homage to the wind god of Tatuta and the god of Pirose. Kojiki taisei, VI, 24. 40 Kurano regards these as definite accomplishments of Emperor Temmu's reign. Ibid., 24-25. 41 'Imperial Chronicles.' A document or documents recording genealogical and other basic data concerning the Imperial House. It is regarded as identical with the Senki of verse 54 and the Sumera-mikoto no pi-tugi of verse 46. See Introduction. 48 'Fundamental Dicta.' These were evidently documents recording ancient myths, legends, and songs and are believed to be the same as the Kuji of verses 42, 54, and 55 and as the Saki-no-yd no puru-goto of verse 46. See Introduction. 43 'Ancient Dicta.' Used interchangeably with Honji. 44 Toneri. A male attendant of low rank who served the person of the emperor or a prince of the blood. See GLOSSARY. 39

Kojiki orally whatever met his eye, and whatever struck his ears was indelibly impressed in his heart. 4.6

Then an imperial command was given to ARE to learn45 the Sumera-mikoto no pi-tugi46 and the Saki-no-yo no puru-goto.47

47

However, the times went on and the reign changed before this project48 was accomplished.

48

Prostrate, I consider how Her Imperial Majesty,49 gaining the One,50 illumines the Universe; being in communion with the Three,51 nurtures the populace.

49

Ruling in the Purple Pavilion, her virtue extends to the limit of the horses' hoof-prints; dwelling in the Concealed Palace, her in­ fluence illumines the furthest extent of the prows of the boats.52

50

The sun rises with doubled radiance; the clouds are scattered and there are no mists.

51

Auspicious signs — connected stalks and double rice-ears — are

52

ceaselessly recorded by the scribes; tribute from across countless border beacon-fires and through numberless translations does not leave the treasury empty for a single month.53

45 The Chinese expression used here means both to familiarize oneself with the con­ tents of a written document and to memorize it so that one can recite it without the text. Are was commissioned to familiarize himself with the difficult old texts, to repeat them over and over again by rote, and thus to learn or memorize them. Kojiki taisei, VI, 32. 46 'The Imperial Sun-Lineage.' This was probably the same document as the Teiki or Senki. 47 This may also be read Sendai-kuji and may be translated 'Ancient Dicta of Former Ages.' It was probably the same document as the Kuji or Honji. 48 The project of editing the old traditions as outlined in verse 42. 49 Empress Gemmei (reigned 707-715). After a short encomium (verses 48-53), Yasumaro records the empress' command in regard to the compilation of the Kojiki (verses

54-55)· 50

I.e., the throne. I.e., heaven, earth, and man. 52 The expressions "to the limit of the horses' hoof-prints" and "the furthest extent of the prows of the boats" are reminiscent of Japanese phrases found in the norito for the Grain-petitioning Festival in the Engi-shiki. 53 The phraseology is intentionally continental. The sense of "across countless border beacon-fires and through numberless translations" is that the tribute comes from such distant states—as well as from the nearer countries—that it must cross many borders and be explained in many languages before it reaches the imperial treasury. Cf. Kojiki taisei, VI, 36-37. 51

Preface 53

It must be said that her fame is greater than that of Emperor Yii,54 and her virtue surpasses that of Emperor T'ang.55

54

Hereupon, appalled at the mistakes in the Kujii she determined to correct the corruptions in the Senki.

55

On the eighteenth day of the ninth month of the fourth year of Wado,56 an imperial command was given to me, YASUMARO, to record and present the Kuji learned by imperial command by

PIYEDA NO ARE. 56

Reverently, in accordance with the imperial will, I chose and took them up in great detail.

57

However, during the times of antiquity, both words and mean­ ings were unsophisticated, and it was difficult to reduce the sen­ tences and phrases to writing.57

58

If expressed completely in ideographic writing, the words will

59

not correspond exactly with the meaning, and if written entirely phonetically, the account will be much longer.58

60

For this reason, at times ideographic and phonetic writing have been used in combination in the same phrase, and at times the whole matter has been recorded ideographically.

61

Thus, when the purport is difficult to gather, a note has been added to make it clear; but when the meaning is easy to under­ stand, no note is given.

62

Again, in the case of surnames such as Kusaka, which is written HT, and given names such as Tarasi, which is written if, the traditional way of writing has been followed without change.59

54

The legendary emperor who founded the Hsia dynasty, 2205 B.C. The founder of the Yin or Shang dynasty, 1766 B.C. 56 711 A.D. 57 I.e., Chinese writing. In verses 57-62 Yasumaro dilates upon the principles he adopted in editing the texts making up the Kojiki. 58 If translated entirely into literary Chinese, there will be discrepancies between the ideographic text and the original traditions; if written entirely phonetically, a much greater number of ideographs will be required to express the same meaning. Yasumaro gives a good statement of the dilemma of the scribe in the Japan of that period. 59 Yasumaro follows the traditional transcriptions of various proper names, even when there seems to be no logical reason for perpetuating them. 55

Kojiki

63 64

65 66

67 68 69 70

In general, the account begins with the beginning of heaven and earth and ends with the reign of WOPARIDA.60 Thus everything from AME-NO-MI-NAKA-NUSI-NO-KAM! through PIKO-NAGISA-TAKE-U-GAYA-PUKI-APEZU-NO-MIKOTO is included in the first volume.61 Everything from Emperor KAMU-YAMATO-IPARE-BIKO through the reign of POMUDA is included in the second volume.62 Everything from Emperor OPO-SAZAKI through the reign at the Great Palace of WOPARIDA is included in the third volume.63 These three volumes are recorded together and are reverently presented. Thus do I, YASUMARO, full of awe, full of fear, reverendy bow my head again and again. The twenty-eighth day of the first month of the fifth year of Wad5.«4 The ASOMI OPO NO YASUMARO, upper fifth rank and fifth order of merit.

60

Empress Suiko.

61

Cf. 1:1; 46:1

62

Cf. 47:1; 99:1

63

Cf. 109:1; 149:1

64

712 A.D.

Kojiki Book One

Book One, Chapter ι

CHAPTER Ι THE FIVE SEPARATE HEAVENLY DEITIES COME INTO EXISTENCE.

ι

At the time of the beginning of heaven and earth,1 there came ing into existence in TAKAMA-NO-PARA a deity named AME-NO-MINAKA-Nusi-NO-KAMI; next, TAKA-MI-MUSUBI-NO-KAMI; next, KAMIMUSUBI-NO-KAMI. These three deities all came into existence as sin­ gle deities,2 and their forms were not visible.3 2 Next, when the land was young, resembling floating oil and drift­ like a jellyfish, there sprouted forth something like reed-shoots.4 From5 these came into existence the deity UMASI-ASI-KABI-PIKODI-NO-KAM!; next, AME-NO-TOKO-TATI-NO-KAMI.6 These two deities also came into existence as single deities,6 and their forms were not visible.3 3 The five deities in the above section are the Separate Heavenly Deities.7

1 See ADDITIONAL NOTE I for a discussion of the cosmogony of this chapter. For discussions of proper names see GLOSSARY. 2 Pitori-gaml; unlike the pairs of male and female deities who came into existence later, these deities came into being one by one and had no counterparts. However, it later becomes apparent that both Kaim-musubi-no-kami and Taka-mi-musubi-no-kami' had children (cf. 30:4; 38:5). 3 Or 'they hid their bodies.' 4 Asi-kabi; the word forms part of the name of the next deity. 5 Or 'by, by means of.' 6 The first two sentences of this verse are written phonetically, for the most part, and must have originated in oral tradition. Kanda Hideo surmises that the section from ι :2 through 2:2 was originally a poem depicting the birth of all things from reed-shoots springing up in the muddy water of some primeval period. Kojiki no kozo (Meiji Shoin, 1959), PP- 246-47· 7 Koto-ama-tu-kami. For some reason which is unclear to us today, these five deities were distinguished from the other heavenly deities and were set apart in a special category.

Kojiki

CHAPTER 2 THE SEVEN GENERATIONS OF THE AGE OF THE GODS COME INTO EXISTENCE.

Next there came into existence the deity KUNI-NO-TOKO-TATIΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ; next, TOYO-KUMO-NO-NO-KAM!. These two deities also

Ι

came into existence as single deities,1 and their forms were not visible.2 2 Next there came into existence the deity named U-PIDI-NI-NOΚΑΜΪ; next, his spouse3 SU-PIDI-ΝΙ-ΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ. Next, TUNO-GUPIΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ; next, his spouse IKU-GUPI-NO-KAMI. Next, OPO-TO-NODI-ΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ ; next, his spouse OPO-TO-NO-BE-NO-KAM!. Next, OMODARU-NO-KAMI; next, his spouse AYA-KASIKO-NE-NO-ΚΑΜΪ. Next, IZANAGI-NO-KAMI ; next, his spouse ΙΖΑΝΑΜΙ-ΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ. 3 The deities in the above section, from KUNI-NO-TSKO-TATI-NOΚΑΜΪ through ΙΖΑΝΑΜΙ-ΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ, are called collectively the Seven Generations of the Age of the Gods.4 4

The first two single deities1 are each called one generation.6 The next pairs of ten deities are arranged in couples, each couple being called one generation.5

1

Pitori-gami.

a

Or 'they hid their bodies.' Imo. Literally, 'younger sister.'

8 4

Kami-yd nana-yo.

Vo. The two single deities in verse ι are each counted as one yo; the ten deities which follow are in couples, each couple being reckened as one yo. Thus there are altogether seven yo. Verse 4 is a redactoral gloss, written in small characters in the original, no doubt by Yasumaro. For the cosmogony of this chapter, see ADDITIONAL NOTE 2. 5

Book One, Chapters 2 and 3

CHAPTER 3 IZANAGI AND IZANAMI ARE COMMANDED TO SOLIDIFY THE LAND. THEY CREATE ONOGORO ISLAND. Ι

At this time the heavenly deities,1 all with one command,2 said to the two deities IZANAGI-NO-MIKOTO and IZANAMI-NO-MIKOTO : "Complete and solidify this drifting land!"3 2 Giving them the Heavenly Jeweled Spear,4 they entrusted the mission to them. 3 Thereupon, the two deities stood on the Heavenly Floating Bridge5 and, lowering the jeweled spear, stirred with it. They stirred the brine with a churning-churning sound;® and when they lifted up [the spear] again, the brine dripping down from the tip of the spear piled up and became an island. This was the island ONOGORO.7 1

Evidently the Separate Heavenly Deities of Chapter 1. Some manuscripts have 'giving a command.' A heavenly mandate is not an essential element in the story of Izanagi and Izanami (its omission in most of the versions in the Nihon shoki reveals that it was something of an afterthought). Matsumura Takeo con­ tends that it was included in the Kojiki version to conform with a traditional idea that any deities descending from the heavens to perform any activities should be acting under a mandate from the heavenly deities. Nihon shinwa no kenkyii, II, 71-83. 3 The land mentioned above (1:2) as 'drifting like a jellyfish.' A similar command is given later to Opo-kuni-nusi (cf. 30:5). 1 Ame no nu-boko. The words ante no ('heavenly') are a stylized epithet praising an object by connecting it with the heavenly abode of the gods. Nu is an element which seems to mean 'jewel'; thus, nu-boko would mean a spear made of, or decorated with, precious stones. 5 Ame no uki-pasi; cf. 32:3; 39:13. A bridge over which divine beings traveled be­ tween heaven and earth. Commentators have interpreted it as a boat or raft, a high ladder, a bridge of rainbows, or the Milky Way. 6 Koworo koworo ni. This onomatopoeia, which appears again in the song in 133:5758, has also the sense of'curdling' or 'congealing.' This section of the narrative is perhaps reminiscent of the ancient Inland Sea custom of manufacturing salt by boiling down sea water. 7 Onogoro island, which may Iiterally mean 'self-curdling' island (see GLOSSARY), 2

Kojiki

CHAPTER 4 IZANAGI AND IZANAMI MARRY AND BEAR THEIR FIRST OFFSPRING. ι 2

3

4

5

6

7

Descending from the heavens to this island, they erected a heav­ enly pillar1 and a spacious palace.2 At this time [Izanagi-no-mikoto] asked his spouse IZANAMI-NOMIKOTO, saying: "How is your body formed?" She replied, saying: "My body, formed though it be formed, has one place which is formed insufficiently." Then IZANAGI-NO-MIKOTO said: "My body, formed though it be formed, has one place which is formed to excess. Therefore, I would like to take that place in my body which is formed to excess and insert it into that place in your body which is formed insufficiently, and [thus] give birth to the land. How would this be?" ΙζΑΝΑΜί-ΝΟ-Μΐκότό replied, saying: "That will be good." Then IZANAGI-NO-MIKOTO said: "Then let us, you and me, walk in a circle around this heavenly pillar and meet and have conjugal intercourse." After thus agreeing, [Izanagi-no-mikoto] then said:

was evidently thought to be near what is now Osaka Bay (see 111:22). The dripping brine congealed or crystallized to form this island, which became the base of operations of Izanagi and Izanami when they descended from the heavens to begin their procreative work. 1 For a discussion of the significance of this pillar (ame no mi-pasira), see ADDITIONAL NOTE 3. * Ya-pird-dond. The wedding palace of Izanagi and Izanami. According to Kurano, piro is a unit of length equivalent to the distance from fingertip to fingertip when a person has both arms extended.

Book One, Chapter 4

8

9 10

11

12

"You walk around from the right, and I will walk around from the left and meet you." After having agreed to this, they circled around; then IZANAMINO-MIKOTO said first: "Ana-tti-yasi,3 how good a lad!" Afterwards, IZANAGI-NO-MIKOTO said: "Ana-ni-yasi, how good a maiden!" After each had finished speaking, [Izanagi-no-mikoto] said to his spouse: "It is not proper4 that the woman speak first." Nevertheless, they commenced procreation and gave birth to a leech-child.5 They placed this child into a boat made of reeds and floated it away. Next, they gave birth to the island of APA. This also is not reckoned as one of their children.

* An exclamation of wonder and delight. 4 Or 'it bodes no good.' 5 Piru-go; for a discussion of the leech-child, see ADDITIONAL NOTE 4. The leech-child and the island of Apa were considered failures and were not counted among Izanami and Izanagi's rightful progeny (cf. 7:25).

Kojiki

CHAPTER 5 IZANAGI AND IZANAMI, LEARNING THE REASON FOR THEIR FAILURE, REPEAT THE MARRIAGE RITUAL.

ι

2

3 4 5 6

Then the two deities consulted together and said: "The child which we have just borne is not good. It is best to report [this matter] before the heavenly deities." Then they ascended together and sought the will of the heavenly deities. The heavenly deities thereupon performed a grand divina­ tion1 and said: "Because the woman spoke first, [the child] was not good.2 Descend once more and say it again." Then they descended again and walked once more in a circle around the heavenly pillar as [they had done] before. Then IZANAGI-NO-MIKOTO said first; "Ana-ni-yasi, how good a maiden!" Afterwards, his spouse IZANAMI-NO-MIKOTO said: "Ana-ni-yasi, how good a lad!"

1 Puto-mani; mentioned also in 73:10. According to the description in 17:1o,puto-mani was an ancient method of divination, in which the shoulder blade of a deer was heated (using bark from the papaka tree) and the cracks observed. This system was evidently practiced in Japan from antiquity and was later replaced by the tortoise-shell system of divination imported from China. Archeological evidence reveals that scapulamancy was performed at least as early as the Yayoi period: remains of such bones have been discovered in late Yayoi period strata in Miura, Kanagawa-ken, as well as in the Yayoiperiod Chigusa remains on Sado island, Niigata-ken. The History of the Kingdom of Wei (Wei Chih), written about 297 A.D., attests to the prevalence of scapular divination among the early Japanese (Tsunoda Ryusaku et al., comp. Sources of Japanese Tradition [New York: Columbia University Press, 1958], p. 7). For information about the archeological finds see Saito Tadashi, Nihon zenshi I: Genshi (Tokyo Daigaku Shuppankai, 1958). pp. 241-43· a This statement was anticipated by Izanagi in 4:10. The condemnation of the woman for speaking before the man was probably influenced by Chinese ideas; it is doubtful that the ancient Japanese had any such clear-cut ideas of male supremacy. Tsuda, Nihon koten no kenkyii, I, 353.

Book One, Chapter 6

CHAPTER 6 IZANAGI AND IZANAMI GIVE BIRTH TO NUMEROUS ISLANDS.

ι

2 3

4

After they had finished saying this, they were united and bore as a child [the island] APADI-NO-PO-NO-SA-WAKE-NO-SIMA.1 Next they bore the double island2 of IYO. This island has one body and four countenances, each with a separate name: Thus, the land of IYO is named EPIME ; the land of SANUKI is named IPI-YORI-PIKO ; the land of APA is named OPO-GE-TU-PIME; and the land of TOSA is named TAKE-YORI-WAKE. Next they bore the triple island of OKI1 also named AME-NOOSI-KORO-WAKE.

5

Next they bore the island of TUKUSI. This island also has one body and four countenances, each with a separate name: 6 Thus, the land of TUKUSI is named SIRA-PI-WAKE; [the land of] TOYO-KUNI is named ΤΟΥΟ-ΡΙ-WAKE; [the land of] P! is named

1 All of the islands which Izanagi and Izanami bore have alternative personal names, and some of them clearly have gender. The island of Apadi plays a central role in all of the Kojiki and Nihon shoki accounts of island-bearing; in one version in the Nihon shoki, Izanagi is said to dwell enshrined upon this island (see note on 13 :9). As Tsuda says, the accounts of island-bearing are not a cosmogony, but are merely accounts of the origin of Japan in a political sense. It is strange that there is no account of the creation of man or animals in these origin myths. To Tsuda, Izanagi and Izanami are national deities in a narrow sense, who give birth first to the islands of Japan, then to the deities who dwell in them, and finally to Ama-terasu-opo-mi-kami, the emperorsymbol; at no time do they leave Japan. Nihoti koten no kenkyii, I, 343, 350, 358. Kanda (pp. 251-54) argues that the Izanagi-Izanami myth was originally a mythcomplex from the Inland Sea area and could be dated from the end of the Jomon Period, or approximately the third century B.C. At any rate, it is clear that the Kojiki account reflects the geographical knowledge of a fairly late period, when sea communications along the Inland Sea to Kyushu were well developed and when the nation was unified under the Yamato court. 2 Literally, 'double-named island.' Both Iyo (Shikoku) and Tukusi (Kyushu) have four divisions.

114 Kojiki

TAKE-PI-MUKAPI-TOYO-KUZI-PI-NE-WAKE;3 4 and the land o f KUMAs o is n a m e d TAKE-PI-WAKE. 5

7

Next they bore the island of IKI, also named AME-PITOTUBASIRA.

8

Next they bore [the island o f ] TU-SIMA, also named AME-NOSADE-YORI-PIME.

9 IO Ii

Next they bore 6the island of SADO. Next they bore 7 [the island] OPO-YAMATO-TOYO-AKI-TU-SIMA, also named AMA-TU-MI-SORA-TOYO-AKI-TU-NE-WAKE. Thus, because the eight islands8 were born first, they are called OPO-YASIMA-GUNI.9

12

After this, when they returned, 10 they bore [the island] KIBINO-KOZIMA, also named TAKE-PI-KATA-WAKE.

13

Next they bore [the island o f ] ADUKI-SIMA, also named OPONO-DE-PIME.

14

Next they bore [the island o f ] OPO-SIMA, also named OPOTAMARU-WAKE.

15

Next they bore [the island o f ] PIME-ZIMA,11 also named AMEPITOTU-NE.

16

Next they bore [the island o f ] TIKA-NO-SIMA, also named AMENO-OSI-WO.

17

Next they bore [the island o f ] PUTA-GO-NO-SIMA, also named AME-PUTA-YA.

18

From KIBI-NO-KOZIMA through AME-PUTA-YA are altogether six islands.

3

There are textual difficulties in regard to this name; see GLOSSARY. Tanaka proposes to emend the text to read: " N e x t they bore the island of Sado, also named Take-pi-wake." Kojiki taisei, VII, 15, head-note 14. 6 7 " Tanaka suppresses the words: " . . . the island of Sado. Next they bore . . . " Ibid., VII, 16, head-note 2. 8 Ya-sima. 'Eight,' ya, was a sacred number to the Japanese, and may often be translated as 'myriad.' 9 'Great Eight-Island Land; Great Land of Yasima.' A poetical name for Japan. 10 Evidently to Onogoro. 11 Cf. 1 1 6 : 1 . 4-5

Book One, Chapter 7

CHAPTER 7 IZANAGI AND IZANAMI GIVE BIRTH TO

NUMEROUS DEITIES. IZANAMI DIES AFTER BEARING THE FIRE-DEITY. ι

After they had finished bearing the land, they went on to bear deities.1 2 The name of the deity they bore was OPO-KOTO-OSI-WO-NOΚΑΜΪ; next they bore IPA-TUTI-BIKO-NO-KAMI;2 next they bore IPASU-PIME-N0-KAM! ; next they bore OPO-TO-PI-WAKE-NO-KAMI ; next they bore AME-NO-PUKI-WO-NO-KAM!; next they bore OPO-YAΒΙΚΟ-ΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ ; next they bore KAZA-MOTU-WAKE-NO-OSI-WOΝ0-ΚΑΜΪ; next they bore the sea-deity, whose name is OPO-WATATU-MI-NΟ-ΚΑΜΪ;3 next they bore the deity of the sea-straits,4 whose name is PAYA-AKI-TU-PIKO-NO-KAMI; next, his spouse PAYA-AKITU-PIME-NΟ-ΚΑΜΪ. 3

From OPO-KOTO-OSI-WO-NO-KAMI through PAYA-AKI-TU-PIME-NO-KAMI are altogether ten deities.

4

These two deities PAYA-AKI-TU-PIKO and PAYA-AKI-TU-ΡΙΜΕ rule, respectively, the rivers and the seas. 5 They5 bore the deity AWA-NAGI-NO-KAMI ; next, AWA-NAMI-

1 At this point Izanami gives birth to the deities who are to inhabit the islands. The deities represent various natural phenomena and physical features of the land. Tsuda, reasoning from the fact that many of the deities in this section do not seem to have any gender and that their functions and roles are not mentioned, concludes that they were gods having names but no distinctive characteristics; even their names were given to them in the absence of any real basis in folk belief. Nihon koten no kenkyu, I, 365. Matsumura (II, 345-50) draws attention to the similarities between the deities men­ tioned here and those which are listedin Chapter 2. Both accounts supply lists of names of deities without giving any information about their characters or functions. 2 Tsugita (pp. 41-42) suggests that the six deities from Ipa-tuti-biko-no-kami through Kaza-motu-wake-no-osi-wo-no-kam'i were deities of buildings. 3 Other sea deities, whose names contain the element wata-tu-mi ('sea spirit'), are born of Izanagi's purification (cf. Chapter 11). 4 Minato; also 'river-mouth,' [later] 'harbor.' Cf. 37:6. 5 I.e., Paya-aki-tu-piko and Paya-aki-tu-pime.

114 Kojiki NO-KAMI; next, TURA-NAGI-NO-KAMI; next, TURA-NAMI-NO-KAMI;

next, AME-NO-MI-KUMARI-NO-KAMI; next, KUNI-NO-MI-KUMARINO-KAMI; next, AME-NO-KUPIZA-MOTI-NO-KAMI ; n e x t , KUNI-NOKUPIZA-MOTI-NO-KAML 6

From AWA-NAGI-NO-KAMI through KUNI-NO-KUPIZA-MOTI-NO-KAMI are altogether eight deities.

7

Next they6 bore the wind-deity, whose name is SINA-TU-PIKONO-KAMI.

8

Next they bore the tree-deity, whose name is KUKU-NO-TI-NOKAMI.

9

Next they bore the mountain-deity, whose name is OPO-YAMATU-MI-NO-KAMI.

10

Next they bore the deity of the plains, whose name is KAYANO-PIME-NO-KAMI, also named NO-DUTI-NO-KAMI.

11

From SINA-TU-PKO-NO-KAMI through NO-DUTI-NO-KAMI are altogether four deities.

12

These t w o deities OPO-YAMA-TU-MI-NO-KAMI and NO-DUTI-NO-

KAMI rule, respectively, the mountains and plains. They 7 bore the deity AME-NO-SA-DUTI-NO-KAMI; next, KUNI-

13

N6-SA-DUTI-NO-KAMI; n e x t , AME-NO-SA-GIRI-NO-KAMI; n e x t , KUNI-NO-SA-GIRI-NO-KAM! ; n e x t , 8

AME-NO-KURA-DO-NO-KAMI;

next, KUNI-NO-KURA-DO-NO-KAMI;9 next,

OPO-TO-MATO-PIKO-

N O - K A M I ; n e x t , OPO-TO-MATO-PIME-NO-KAMI. 14

From AME-NO-SA-DUTI-NO-KAMI through OPO-TO-MATO-PIME-NO-KAMI are altogether eight deities.

15

Next they 10 bore the deity TORI-NO-IPA-KUSU-PUNE-NO-KAMI, also named AME-NO-TORI-PUNE-NO-KAM!.11 Next they bore OPO-GE-TU-PIME-NO-KAMI. Next they bore PI-NO-YAGI-PAYA-WO-NO-KAMI, also named

16 17

P!-N6-KAGA-BIKO-NO-KAM!, and also n a m e d PI-NO-KAGU-TUTI-NOKAMI. 6 I.e., Izanagi and Izanami. The deities born in verses 7 - 1 0 are the children of Izanagi and Izanami. ' I.e., Opo-yama-tu-mi-no-kami and Kaya-no-pime-no-kami. 8-9 Lacking in the Shimpuku-ji manuscript. 10 I.e., Izanagi and Izanami. 11 The element -no-kami, missing in the text, has been supplied here on the authority

of 35 =7. 11.

Book One, Chapter 7 18 19 20 21

22

Because [Izanami-no-mikoto] bore this child, her genitals were burned, and she lay down sick.12 In her vomit there came into existence13 the deity KANA-YAMABIKO-NO-KAM! ; next, ΚΑΝΑ-ΥΑΜΑ-ΒΙΜΕ-ΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ. Next, in her faeces there came into existence the deity PANIYASU-BIKO-NO-KAMI ; next, PANI-YASU-BIME-NO-KAM!.14 Next, in her urine there came into existence the deity MITUPA-NΌ-ΜΕ-Νό-ΚΑΜΪ; next, WAKU-MUSUBI-NO-KAMI. The child of this deity is TOYO-UKE-BIME-NO-KAMI. Thus at last, ΙΖΑΝΑΜΙ-ΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ, because she had borne the firedeity, divinely passed away.15

23

From AME-NO-TORI-PUNE through TOYO-UKE-BIME-NO-KAMI are altogether eight deities.

24

All of the islands borne by the two deities IZANAGI and IZANAMI were fourteen; the deities [borne by them were] thirty-five.

2$

These were born before ΙΖΑΝΑΜΙ-ΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ divinely passed away. However, the island ONOGORO was not born.16 Also the leech-child and the island of APA are not reckoned as their children.1'

See ADDITIONAL NOTE 5. Most manuscripts have 'were born'; the verse has been emended to agree with verses 2off. 14 The deities who came into existence in Izanami's faeces were deities of clay or earth, and Mitu-pa-no-me-no-kam'i, who came into existence in her urine, was a deity con­ nected with water or water-greens. Matsumura (II, 370-72) says that he knows of no other people who have deities born from excreta, and alludes to their importance as fertilizer in Yayoi period agriculture. 16 From Izanami's death, Motoori concludes that even the gods are subject to death and must then descend to the detestable land of Yomi. In his Tama-kushige, he goes on to write: "Everything is an exotic, alien falsehood and deception which esteems the ideas of not rejoicing at what should rejoice us, not sorrowing at what should sorrow us, not being surprised at what should surprise us, and in general not feeling emotion when we should. This is against human nature and a most bothersome matter. Death, in par­ ticular, is one thing about which we cannot help but feel sorrow. Even the great god Izanagi, who formed the land and all things in it and who initiated the Way of this world—did he not, at the death of the goddess, weep and sorrow with all his heart like a little child, and out of his yearning follow after her to the land of Yomi? This is the true, the real human nature, and the people of the world must of necessity be this way." Motoori Norinaga zenshii [Yoshikawa Kobunkan, 1926-28], VI, 11. 16 Cf. 3:3. 17 Cf. 4:11. 12

18

Kojiki

26

At this time IZANAGI-NO-MIKOTO said: "Alas, I have given my beloved spouse in exchange for a mere child!"

27

Then he crawled around her head and around her feet, weeping.

28

At this time in his tears there came into existence the deity who dwells at the foot of the trees in the foothills of Mount

KAGU,

named NAKI-SAPA-ME-NO-KAMI.18 29

Then he buried the departed ΙΖΑΝΑΜΙ-ΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ on Mount PIBA, the border between the land of IDUMO and the land of PAPAKI.19

18 'Weeping-Marsh-Woman Deity' (see GLOSSARY). This account undoubtedly re­ flects the practice of using female lamenters or professional mourners (naki-me, 'weeping woman,' cf. 33:7, 34:3) at funerals. " One important variant in the Nihon shoki relates that Izanami was buried in the village of Arima in Kumano in the land of Κϊ (Minami-muro-gun, Wakayama-ken). "The local people pay worship to the spirit of this deity with flowers during flower-time and also with singing and dancing, using drums, flutes, and banners." [Kotei] Nihon shoki, ed. Takeda Yukichi (Asahi Shimbunsha, 1953-57), hereafter cited Asahi ed., I, 72. Both are probably late glosses and do not form an essential part of the original IzanagiIzanami myth.

Book One, Chapter 8

CHAPTER 8

f

IZANAGI KILLS THE FIRE-DEITY. VARIOUS DEITIES COME INTO EXISTENCE.

ι

Then IZANAGI-NO-MIKOTO unsheathed the sword ten hands long which he was wearing at his side and cut off the head of his child KAGU-TUTI-NO-KAM!.1 2 Hereupon the blood adhering to the tip of the sword gushed forth onto the massed rocks; the deity who came into existence therefrom was IPA-SAKU-N5-KAMI; next, NE-SAKU-ΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ ; next, IPA-TUTU-NO-WO-NO-KAMI. (Three deities) 3 Next, the blood adhering to the sword-guard of the sword also gushed forth onto the massed rocks; the deity who came into existence therefrom was ΜΙΚΑ-ΡΑΥΑ-ΡΙ-ΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ ; next, ΡΪ-ΡΑΥΑΡΐ-Νδ-ΚΑΜΪ; next, TAKE-MIKA-DUTI-NO-WO-NO-KAM!, also named TAKE-PUTU-NO-KAMI, and also named TOYO-PUTU-N5-KAMI. (Three deities)

4

Next, the blood collected at the hilt of the sword dripped through his fingers; the deity who came into existence therefrom was KURA-ΟΚΑΜΙ-ΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ ; next, KURA-MITU-PA-NO-KAML $ The deities in the above section, altogether eight in number from IPA-SAKU-N5-KAMI through KURA-MITU-ΡΑ-ΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ, are deities born by the sword.2

The god whose birth, in 7:17, was the cause of Izanami's sickness and death. Or 'from, by means of' the sword. Tsugita (p. 54) regards this section as a reference to the tempering of a sword. "The three gods Ipa-saku, Ne-saku, and Ipa-tutu-no-wo represent rock; the two gods Mika-paya-pi and Ρϊ-paya-pi represent fire; and the two gods Kura-okami and Kura-mitu-pa represent water. Thus, the necessary steps in making a sword—firing it, shaping it on a rock, and soaking it in water—are the meaning behind this myth. The blood flowing over the surrounding rocks is reminiscent of the sparks which fly out when a sword is being tempered. Also, at the appearance of the dragon-god [Kuraokami-no-kam'i] one imagines the smith seeking out sacred waters in the mountain valleys and soaking the blade in them." Nakajima Etsuji says with regard to this section: 1 2

Kojiki

6

The deity who came into existence in the head of the slain KAGU-TUTI-NO-KAMI was named MA-SAKA-YAMA-TU-MI-NO-KAMI.3

7

Next, the deity who came into existence in his chest was named ODO-YAMA-TU-MI-NO-KAMI.

8

Next, the deity who came into existence in his belly was named OKU-YAMA-TU-ΜΙ-ΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ.

9

Next, the deity who came into existence in his genitals was named KURA-YAMA-TU-MI-NO-KAMI. 10 Next, the deity who came into existence in his left hand was named SIGI-YAMA-TU-MI-NO-KAMI. 11 Next, the deity who came into existence in his right hand was named PA-YAMA-TU-MI-NO-KAM!. 12 Next, the deity who came into existence in his left foot was named PARA-YAMA-TU-MI-NO-KAMI. 13 Next, the deity who came into existence in his right foot was named TO-YAMA-TU-MI-NO-KAMI. 14 From MA-SAKA-YAMA-TU-MI-NO-KAMI through TO-YAMA-TU-MI-NO-KAMI are altogether eight deities.

15

The name of the sword with which [Izanagi-no-mikoto] killed [the fire-deity] was AME-NO-WO-PA-BARI ;4 another name is ITUNO-WO-PA-BARI.

"When the heavenly god Izanagi kills with a sword the fire-god (probably a volcanic fire-god), gods connected with rocks, gods connected with fire, thundergods, and water-gods are born from his blood. Is this not because volcanic explosions were regarded as the fearsome manifestation of a god tempering a sword?" Kojiki hjdshaku (Sankaido, 1930), p. 55. Matsumura (II, 380-81) writes that the violent explosion of Izanagi's emotions, accom­ panied by sword flashes, blood spurting forth, and the slashing into pieces of the body of the fire-god, points to volcanic eruption, which includes not only the destruction of the mountain and the bursting forth of molten rocks but also, frequently, thunder and lightning, rainstorms, and floods. 8 The type of metamorphosis seen in verses 6-13 has already been seen in the account of the dying Izanami (7:19-21) and appears again in 9:7-14 and in 18:4. 4 Cf. 3s:3f.

Book One, Chapter ρ

CHAPTER 9 IZANAGI VISITS IZANAMI IN THE LAND OF YOML BREAKING THE TABOO, HE LOOKS UPON HER CORPSE.

ι

At this time, [Izanagi-no-mikoto], wishing to meet again his spouse IZANAMI-NO-MIKOTO, went after her to the land of YOMI.1 2 When she came forth out of the door2 of the hall to greet him, IZANAGI-NO-MIKOTO said: "O, my beloved spouse, the lands which you and I were making have not yet been completed; you must come back !"3 3 Then IZANAMI-NO-MIKOTO replied, saying : "How I regret that you did not come sooner. I have eaten at the hearth of YOMI.4 But, O my beloved husband, how awesome

1 See ADDITIONAL NOTE 6 for a discussion of the evidence in this chapter regarding the ancient Japanese ideas of death and the afterlife. It has frequently been suggested that the accounts of the visit to Yomii were influenced by the ancient practice of burial in subterranean stone chambers with stone passageways. (For a description of these tombs, similar to the tumuli of ancient Europe, see Kidder's Japan before Buddhism, pp. 145-92.) That some such recollection was at work can be argued from the fact that Izanami's corpse was found in an inner chamber (a 'hall,' cf. 9:4-5), and that the entrance to YomS was a 'pass' closed by a large boulder (10:11). The archeologist Goto Shuichi argues that the Kojiki account of the visit to Yomi' clearly reflected the burial customs of the late Tomb Period—i.e., the sixth, seven, and first half of the eighth centuries. Nihon kodaishi no kokogakuteki kento (Yamaoka Shoten, 1947), pp. 11-21. (See also Tsugita, pp. 57, 65-66, for an eloquent statement of the tumulus theory; and Matsumura, II, 393-407, for a dispassionate evaluation of this theory.) Matsumura (Ibid.) concludes that it is patent that a separate land of the dead was in­ tended here; arguing that the ancient Japanese fundamentally regarded the abode of the dead as being not a subterranean land but a place deep inside caves or far in the moun­ tains, he believes that the suggestions derived from tomb construction were merely secondary elaborations. .2 One ideograph (¾) in this passage is corrupt and cannot be given a suitable trans­ lation. 8 It is interesting that the appeal to return rests on the necessity of resuming the work of land-creating. 4 See ADDITIONAL NOTE 7 for a discussion of this passage.

Kojiki

it is that you have entered here! Therefore I will go and discuss for a while with the gods of YOMI5 my desire to return. Pray do not look upon me!"6 4 Thus saying, she went back into the hall, but her absence was so long that [Izanagi-no-mikoto] could no longer wait. 5 Thereupon he broke off one of the large end-teeth of the comb he was wearing in his left hair-bunch,7 lit [it as] one fire,8 and entered in to see. 6 At this time, maggots were squirming and roaring9 [in the corpse of Izanami-no-mikoto]. 5 The Kojiki is apparently inconsistent about the nature of the rulers of Yomi. Here it seems to say that there are some unnamed 'gods [or god] of Yomi'—the word may be singular or plural—to whom Izanami is subordinate, while in 10:16 Izanami herself is called the 'great deity of Yomi' (Yomo-tu-opo-kam'i). Tsuda writes that this reflects a state of mental confusion about the nature of Yomi on the part of the ancient Japanese. Nihon koten no kenkyii, I, 400-403. In the Nihon shoki and norito, Izanami is depicted as the ruler of the underworld while Izanagi figures as the ruler of the world of men; this idea is also present in the Kojiki in 10:13-14. 6 A similar taboo is found in 45:6. Some scholars have regarded both of these myths as variants of a single 'forbidden chamber' story, and some have connected the taboo related here with taboos against witnessing parturition (Izanami's downfall being con­ nected with her giving birth to the fire-god—see also the variant mythological narrative in the norito for the fire-pacifying festival). Some scholars have thought this a reflection of an actual taboo against looking at a corpse. Matsumura (II, 439-48), on the other hand, supposes that there may have been a practice of going at stated intervals tolook at a corpse in order to see whether it had come back to life, and that this myth is a reflection of such a custom. 7 Mi-midura. The midura [from mimi-dura, 'ear bunch'?] was a man's hair style: the hair was parted in the middle, then tied in bunches on both sides of the head; combs were inserted at the top of each bunch, and the bunches were secured with strings called kadura, often made of vines. The word midura was later corrupted to bizura or binzura, which was in later periods a boy's hair style. 8 Motoori says that, because the ancient custom must have been to kindle two or more fires, here special attention is drawn to the fact that only one fire is kindled. Kojiki-den, in Motoori Norinaga zenshii, Vols. I-IV, hereafter cited as Kojiki-den, I, 282. The Nihon shoki has the following interesting gloss on this passage: "This is the origin of the taboo among the people of the present day against [lighting] a single light at night and against casting down a comb at night." (Asahi ed., 1:74; Aston, I, 24) Motoori (Ioc. cit.) mentions a taboo, in the region of Iwami (modern Shimane-ken), against presenting only one light to a god and against throwing down a comb. According to Β. H. Chamberlain, the superstition still existed in Tokyo (Kojiki, Supp. to TASJ, X [1882], [rep. ed.; Tokyo, 1906], 42). β Some manuscripts have 'oozing.'

Book One, Chapter g

7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

Great-Thunder;10

In her head was In her breast was Fire-Thunder;11 In her belly was Black-Thunder;12 In her genitals was Crack-Thunder;13 In her left hand was Young-Thunder;14 In her right hand was Earth-Thunder;15 In her left foot was Sounding-Thunder;16 In her right foot was Reclining-Thunder.17 Altogether there were eight thunder-deities.18

10 Opo-ikaduti. " Po-no-ikaduti. 12 Kuro-ikaduti. 13 Saku-ikaduti [saku meaning 'to be cracked,' 'to have a crevice']. 14 Waka-ikaduti. 15 Tuti-ikaduti. 16 Nari-ikaduti. 17 Pusi-ikaduti. 18 Ikaduti-gami; cf. 10:6. Ikaduti is written with the ideograph meaning 'thunder' and is so translated. Some scholars, however, have questioned whether ikaduti originally meant 'thunder.' In folk belief thunder is and was closely connected with snakes, which dwell in damp, dark places like those used for burying the dead. Tsuda argues, for instance, that snakes were regarded as the spirits of the dead or as evil spirits residing inside corpses, and interprets ikaduti as 'fearsome spirit' (ika-tu-ti) and as having been originally applied to snakes. Nihon koten no kenkyii, I, 247, 397. For a criticism of this view, see Matsumura, II, 411-14. According to Shiratori Kurakichi, the maggots, which the ancient Japanese equated with the spirits of the dead, were here transformed into snakes. Jindaishi no shinkenkyii (Iwanami Shoten, 1955), pp. 210, 218-20.

Kojiki

CHAPTER ίο IZANAGI FLEES AND ELUDES HIS PURSUERS. IZANAGI AND IZANAMI BREAK THEIR TROTH. Ι

2 3 4

5

6 7 1

Hereupon, IZANAGI-NO-MIKOTO, seeing this, was afraid, and he turned and fled.1 At this time his spouse IZANAMI-NO-MIKOTO said: "He has shamed me!" Thereupon she dispatched the hags of YOMI2 to pursue him. Then IZANAGI-NO-MIKOTO undid the black vine securing his hair3 and flung it down; immediately it bore grapes. While [the hags] were picking and eating [the grapes], he fled.4 When again they pursued him, he next pulled out the comb he was wearing in his right hair-bunch and flung it down; immedi­ ately bamboo shoots sprouted forth. While [the hags] were pulling up and eating [the bamboo shoots], he fled. Later, [Izanami-no-mikoto dispatched] the eight thunder-deities5 and a horde of warriors of YOMI6 to pursue him. Then [Izanagi-no-mikoto] unsheathed the sword ten hands long Cf. 45=7-

2

Yomii-tu-siko-me. The word is written phonetically. Siko-me is literally 'ugly woman' or 'ugly women.' The word siko appears again as an adjective sikomeki (translated as 'unpleasant, horrible') in 11:1, and also as an element in the name Asi-para-siko-wono-kami (Ugly-Male-of-the-Reed-Plains Deity), another name for Opo-kuni-nusiηό-karm (20:19, 23:5, etc.). 3 Kadura; cf. 9:5 and footnote. Much later the word came to mean 'head-band' and 'wig' (Modern Japanese katsura). 4 Similar stories, involving throwing at one's pursuers various objects which change into other things and stop their pursuit, are found in folk tales throughout the world and in later Japanese folk tales. Such tales are called 'magic flight' or 'transformation flight' tales. Matsumura, II, 450. Matsumura (II, 452-58) connects this myth with folk practices designed to prevent the spirits of the dead from coming back to disturb the living. 5 The ikaduti-gaml mentioned in 9:15. 6 Literally, 'the thousand five-hundred YomJ army.'

Book One, Chapter 10

which he was wearing at his side and fled while waving it behind him. 8 The pursuit continued, and when [Izanagi-no-mikoto] had arrived at the foot of [the pass] YOMO-TU-PIRA-SAKA,7 he took three peaches8 which were there and, waiting for [his pursuers], attacked [them with the peaches]. They all turned and fled. 9 Then IZANAGI-NO-MIKOTO said to the peaches: "Just as you9 have saved me, when, in the Central Land of the Reed Plains,10 any of the race of mortal men11 fall into painful straits and suffer in anguish, then do you save them also." 10 He bestowed [upon the peaches] the name OPO-KAMU-DU-MINό-ΜΙΚΟΤό.

11

Finally, his spouse IZANAMI-NO-MIKOTO herself came in pursuit of him. Then he pulled a tremendous boulder12 and closed [the pass] YOMO-TU-PIRA-SAKA with it. 12 They stood facing each other, one on each side of the boulder, and broke their troth.13

' Cf. verse 18 below; also 24:12. 8 Using peaches to dispel demons or evil spirits was a common practice in China from antiquity; this myth is regarded by commentators as the product of an age when Chinese influence was strong. 9 A singular pronoun is used. 10 Asi-para-no-naka-tu-kuni; a mythical expression referring to the islands of Japan. 'Central' may be used to locate the land between the heavenly land of Takama-no-para and the subterranean land of Υόιηϊ. 11 Utusiki au>o-pito-gusa; literally, 'mortal-green-human grass' (cf. 107:16). The human race, thriving in profusion like the countless blades of grass. 12 Ti-biki no ipa; literally, 'thousand-pulling boulder' (i.e., one requiring a thousand persons to pull it); cf. 24:8, 36:3. Oneinterpretationisthatthisboulderistherockused to seal the entrance to an underground burial mound. Matsumura (II, 466-73) doubts whether the long flight described in the chapter could have been thought to have taken place in the relatively short entrance corridor of a tomb. Some scholars, including Matsumura, see in this boulder a type of the Sai-no-kami, a rock-deity worshipped at the outskirts of a village in order to keep evil spirits away. It seems more probable that the rock was used to block physically the passage of Izanami, rather than magically, as the Sai-no-kami is used; the latter is a small road-side idol and does not coincide with the description here. 18 TheJapanese words present some difficulties: they are read either (a) koto-do [wo] watasu, or (b) koto-do wataru. Their literal translations would be (a) 'to hand over a thing-door,' or (b) 'to cross a thing-door.' Both of these are, of course, quite meaning­ less, and some other interpretation independent of the literal meanings of the ideographs must be attempted.

Kojiki

13

At this time Izanami-no-mikoto said: "O my beloved husband, if you do thus, I will each day strangle to death one thousand of the populace14 of your country." 14 To this IzANAGi-NO-MiKOTO said: "O my beloved spouse, if you do thus, I will each day build one thousand five hundred parturition huts."15 15 This is the reason why one thousand people inevitably die and one thousand five hundred people are inevitably born every day.16 16 Ιζαναμι-νο-καμϊ is also called Yomo-tu-opo-kami. Also, because she joined in the pursuit,15 she is called Ti-siki-no-opo17

18

καμϊ.

The Nihon shoki has for this passage ideographs meaning 'made an oath of divorce.' The pronunciation koto-do is indicated in a gloss. The word koto may be a word meaning 'separate' or 'different.' It may also mean 'thing,' 'word,' or the musical instrument koto. The word do, written with the ideograph for 'door,' is unclear, but may mean 'place'; more probably it is a term for any sort of solemn rite or magic ceremony. In this case it is the same as the to in the word norito. See Kaneko Takeo, Engi-shiki norito ko (Musashino Shoin, 1951), pp. 439-45. Although koto-do may have come to mean 'an oath of divorce,' it may earlier have meant some sort of magico-religious ceremony of rejection. Cf. Kaneko, ibid.; Matsumura, II, 473-81. 14 Literally, 'human grass.' 15 Ubu-ya (childbearing-houses). A parturition hut is mentioned also in 45:3 and referred to in 41:16. In ancient Japan childbirth, as well as menstruation, was regarded as pollution, and the pregnant or menstruant woman was required to live in a building apart from the main dwelling and to eat food prepared separately. In many localities, until the Meiji period, pregnant and menstruant women were segregated in separate buildings as a matter of course, and some of these houses may still be seen today. For photographs see Minzokugaku Kenkyujo, comp., Nihon minzoku zuroku (Asahi Shimbunsha, 1955). PP- 32, "4-15· 16The account in verses 13-15 is a mythical explanation for the statistical fact of population increase. Watanabe Yoshimichi sees in this passage the writer's awareness of the rapid population increase accompanying the development of agricultural production after the third and fourth centuries. Kojiki kowa (Hakuyosha, 1936), p. 52. Matsumura (II, 485-90) says that this account reflects also the ancient custom of decid­ ing disputes by verbal battles. However, in such cases the engagements usually took place by means of songs or long harangues, not by brief statements as here. 17 Most manuscripts have Izanami-no-kami'-no-mikoto. 18 'Great Deity of Yomi'.' The metamorphosis of the goddess Izanami from a landcreating goddess to a goddess of death and the underworld is paralleled in other mythol­ ogies, where the Earth-mother (Freya, Persephone, Nerthus, Frigg) becomes a goddess presiding over the abode of the dead. See also Matsumura, II, 161-66, 388-93. 19

Opi-sikisi.

Book One, Chapter 10

ij

The boulder which closed [the pass] YOMO-TU-PIRA-SAKA is called TI-GAPESI-NO-OPO-KAMI; it is also called SAYARI-MASU-YOMIDO-N 0-ΟΡΟ-ΚΑΜΪ.

18

The so-called YOMO-TU-PIRA-SAKA is now called the pass20 IPUYA-ZAKA in the land of IDUMO.21

Or 'is now said to be the pass.' Why is the entrance to the land of Yomi located in the land of Idumo? Tsugita (p. 66) writes that Ipuya-zaka was the main route between Idumo and Yamato, and the mythical account of its being closed was a reflection of a historical rupture between the two regions. This viewpoint is unconvincing, and it is now obvious that the passage was a late gloss which did not exist in the original version of the myth. 20

21

Kojiki

CHAPTER I I IZANAGI PURIFIES HIMSELF, GIVING BIRTH TO MANY DEITIES INCLUDING AMA-TERASUΟΡΟ-ΜΙ-ΚΑΜΙ AND SuSA-NO-WO.

.

χ

Hereupon, IZANAGI-NO-OPO-KAMI said: "I have been to a most unpleasant land, a horrible, unclean land. Therefore I shall purify myself."1 2 Arriving at [the plain] APAKI-PARA by the river-mouth of TATIBANA in PIMUKA in TUKUSI, he purified and exorcised himself.2 3 When he flung down his stick, there came into existence a deity named TUKI-TATU-PUNA-TO-NO-KAMI. 4 Next, when he flung down his sash, there came into existence a deity named MITI-NO-NAGA-TI-PA-NO-KAMI. 5 Next, when he flung down his bag,3 there came into existence a deity named TOKI-PAKASI-NO-KAMI. 1 Literally, 'therefore I shall work my body's purification.' The word used implies purification by ablution. Motoori, rejecting a spiritualizing interpretation, insists that pollution of the body, not of the soul, was meant: "Exorcism and purification are for the purpose of cleansing the pollutions of the body. To say that they are for exorcising and cleansing the spirit is a concept completely alien to Japanese antiquity." Kojiki-dett, I, 317. It is questionable whether the ancient Japanese distinguished between physical and mental pollution. Matsumura, II, 504-506. s The practice of purification by ablution had a very early origin in Japan. The account of Japan in the History of the Kingdom of Wei (Wei Chih.) says this of Japanese funeral customs: "When there is a death, they mourn for ten days, during which period they do not eat meat. The chief mourners wail and weep, and the others sing, dance, and drink liquor. After the burial, the whole family goes into the water to bathe, like the Chinese sackcloth-ablutions." Wada Sei and Ishihara Michihiro, eds., Gishi wajinden (Iwanami Shoten, 1951), p. 45; see also Tsunoda et al., Sources of fapanese Tradition, pp. 6-7. Even today, purification by washing is a common element in Japanese folk religion. The propensity for bathing of the ancient Japanese probably reflected, not an inordinate wish for bodily cleanliness, but a desire to rid themselves by magical practices of evils and ritual impurity originating in contact with death. • Some manuscripts have 'skirt.'

Book One, Chapter 11

6

7 8 9

10

11

12

13

14 ι$

16

17

Next, when he flung down his cloak, there came into existence a deity named WADURAPI-NO-USI-NO-KAMI. Next, when he flung down his trousers, there came into exist­ ence a deity named ΤΙ-ΜΑΤΑ-ΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ. Next, when he flung down his headgear, there came into exis­ tence a deity named AKI-GUPI-NO-USI-NO-KAMI. Next, when he flung down the arm-bands of his left arm, there came into existence a deity named OKI-ZAKARU-NO-KAMI; next, OKI-TU-NAGISA-BIKO-NO-KAMI ; next, OKI-TU-KAPI-BERA-NO-KAMI. Next, when he flung down the arm-bands of his right arm, there came into existence a deity named PE-ZAKARU-NO-KAMI ; next, PE-TU-NAGISA-BIKO-NO-KAMI; next, PE-TU-KAPI-BERA-NO-KAML The twelve deities in the above section, from PUNA-DO-NOΚΑΜΪ through PE-TU-KAPI-BERA-NO-KAMI, all were born from his taking off the articles worn on his body. Then he said: "The current of the upper stream is 4a current5 too swift; the current of the lower stream is 4a current5 too weak." Then, when he went down and dived into the middle stream and bathed, there came into existence a deity named YASO-MAGAτυ-Ρΐ-Νό-κΑΜΪ; next, OPO-MAGA-TU-PI-N5-KAML These two deities came into existence from the pollution which he took on when he went to that unclean land. Next, in order to rectify6 these evils,7 there came into existence the deity KAMU-ΝΑΡΟΒΙ-ΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ ; next, ΟΡΟ-ΝΑΡΟΒΙ-ΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ; next, IDU-ΝΟ-ΜΕ-ΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ. (Altogether three deities) Next, when he bathed at the bottom8 of the water, there came into existence the deity named SOKO-TU-WATA-TU-MI-NO-KAM! ; next, S0K0-DUTU-NΔ-WO-NO-MIKOTΌ. When he bathed in the middle9 [of the water], there came into

Omitted in certain manuscripts. Naposu. 7 Maga. 8 Soko. * Naka. 4-5 6

Kojiki

Ι8

19 20

21

22 23 24 25

existence the deity named NAKA-TU-WATA-TU-MI-NO-KAMI; next, NAKA-DUTU-NO-WO-NO-MIKOTO. When he bathed on the surface10 of the water, there came into existence the deity named UPA-TU-WATA-TU-MI-N5-MIKOTO ; next, UPA-DUTU-NO-WO-NO-MIKOTO.11 These three WATA-TU-MI deities are the deities worshipped by the MURAZI of the ADUMI as their ancestral deities.12 The MURAZI of the ADUMI are the descendants of UTUSI-PI-GANA-SAKU-NOΜΐκότό, the child of these WATA-TU-MI deities. The three deities SOKO-DUTU-NO-WO-NO-MIKOTO, NAKA-DUTUNO-WO-NO-MIKOTO, and UPA-DUTU-NO-WO-NO-MIKOTO are the three great deities of SUMI-NO-YE. Then when he washed his left eye, there came into existence a deity named AMA-TERASU-ΟΡΟ-ΜΙ-ΚΑΜΪ. Next, when he washed his right eye, there came into existence a deity named TUKU-YOMI-NO-MIKOTO.13 Next, when he washed his nose, there came into existence a deity named TAKE-PAYA-SUSA-NO-WO-NO-MIKOTO.14 The fourteen15 deities in the above section, from YA-SO-MAGATU-ΡΙ-ΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ through PAYA-SUSA-NO-WO-NO-MIKOTO, are deities bom16 from bathing his body.

Upe. Compare the account in verses 16-18 with the performance of Saruta-biko-nokam'i in 40:4. Matsumura (II, 511-12) is of the opinion that both these accounts reflect an ancient practice of the Ama people involving ablution in three steps. 12 Oya-gami. This verse is the first of the Kojiki's many ancestral glosses, in which the ancestors claimed by various powerful families are fitted into the official national my­ thology. The formulation of a "correct" genealogy relating all the aristocratic families to the Yamato ruling family was one of the primary objects of ancient Japanese historical compilation. 18 Tsuda connects these accounts with the Chinese legend of P'an Ku, who in dying gave birth to the universe, and with another legend linking the sun with the left eye and the moon with the right eye. Nihon koteti no kenkyii, I, 380-81. 14 See ADDITIONAL NOTE 8 for a discussion of the nature and manner of birth of Susa-no-wo. 15 All manuscripts read 'ten'; emended. 16 One manuscript has 'who came into existence.' 10

11

Book One, Chapter 12

CHAPTER 12 IZANAGI ENTRUSTS THEIR MISSIONS TO THE THREE NOBLE CHILDREN. At this time IZANAGI-NO-MIKOTO, rejoicing greatly, said: "I have borne child after child, and finally in the last bearing I have obtained three noble children." 2 Then he removed his necklace, shaking the beads on the string so that they jingled,1 and, giving it to AMA-TERASU-OPO-MI-KAMI, he entrusted her with her mission, saying: "You shall rule2 TAKAMA-NO-PARA." 3 The name of this necklace is MI-KURA-TANA-NO-KAML 4 Next he said to TUKU-YOMI-NO-MIKOTO, entrusting him with his mission: "You shall rule the realms of the night." 5 Next he said to TAKE-PAYA-SUSA-NO-WO-NO-MIKOTO, entrusting him with his mission: "You shall rule the ocean."3 Ι

1 Cf. 15:3, 5. Hirata says that Izanagi ceded all of his spiritual power to Ama-terasuopo-mi-kami', and as a symbol of this, and in order to pray for her longevity, gave her the necklace. He connects the shaking of the beads with the ancient ceremonies of chinkon, or spirit-pacification, which included waving or agitating fetishes. It must be remembered that the word for 'bead,' 'jewel' and the word for 'soul,' 'spirit' were both pronounced tama. Hirata Atsutane zenshu (Itchid5 Shoten, 1911), I, 365. At any rate, the necklace was, like the Three Divine Treasures of 39:2, a symbol of delegated power. 2 In ancient Japanese, the word for 'to rule' was siru, sirasu [later sirosimesu], meaning 'to know.' The ideograph here is the one meaning 'to know.' 3 Perhaps because Susa-no-wo, as a windstorm-deity, was connected mentally with the ocean. In some of the Nihon shoki versions, his assignment is to rule Ne-no-kuni, the underworld realm to which he is later banished in the Kojiki.

Kojiki

CHAPTER 13 SUSA-NO-WO DISOBEYS HIS DIVINE TRUST AND IS EXPELLED BY IZANAGI.

ι

While [the other deities] ruled [their realms] in obedience to the commands entrusted to them, PAYA-SUSA-NO-WO-NO-MIKOTO did 2 not rule the land entrusted to him. [Instead], he wept and howled [even] until his beard eight hands long extended down over his chest.1 3 His weeping was such that it caused the verdant mountains to 4 wither and all the rivers and seas to dry up. At this, the cries of malevolent deities were everywhere abundant like summer flies; and all sorts of calamities arose in all things.2 5 Then IZANAGI-NO-OPO-ΜΙ-ΚΑΜΪ said to PAYA-SUSA-NO-WO-NOΜΐκότδ:

6

"Why is it you do not rule the land entrusted to you, but [instead] weep and howl?" Then [Paya-susa-no-wo-no-mikoto] replied:

1 Susa-no-wo's conduct has been interpreted in various ways. Similar conduct is recorded in the Kojiki (73:2), and twice in the Izumo Judoki, which reads: "Adi-suki-taka-piko-no-mikoto, the son of the great deity who created the lands under the heavens [Opo-namoti-no-mikoto], cried exceedingly day and night. A high building was made for him . . . and they constructed a ladder on which they went up and down as they raised him." Fudoki, ed. Takeda Yukichi (Iwanami Shoten,

1939), P- 144· "Adi-suki-taka-piko-no-mikoto, the son of the great god Opo-namoti-no-mikoto, cried day and night until his beard grew eight hands long, and his words were not comprehensible." Ibid., p. 151. Matsumura (II, 611-16) supposes that there was an ancient magico-religious rite to summon down the deities by crying and howling. This rite, which had by then been forgotten, was reflected in these accounts. In verse 3, the actions seem to be those of a ravaging nature-deity such as Susa-no-wo was often supposed to be. For further notes on the aggressive behavior of Susa-no-wo see Chapter 16. 2 Cf. 17:3.

Book One, Chapter 13

"I wish to go to the land of my mother, Ne-no-kata-su-kuni. That is why I weep."3 7 Then IzANAGi-N6-ορο-μι-καμϊ, greatly enraged, said: "In that case, you may not live in this land!" 8 Thus [saying], he expelled him with a divine expulsion.4 9 This Izanagi-no-opo-kami is enshrined in Taga of Apumi. 5

See ADDITIONAL NOTE 9 for a discussion of this verse. Cf. 17:25. 5 This verse is a gloss, inserted here at the end of Izanagi's career. Instead of the words 'Taga in Apumi,' the Ise manuscript has 'Taga in Apadi.' Apadi also figures in the Nihon shoki account, which says: "After this, Izanagi-no-mikoto, his divine mission being completed, passed on in the spirit. Then he provided himself with a hidden shrine on the island of Apadi, and abode there eternally in peaceful seclusion. Also, it is said: Izanagi-no-mikoto, his merit reaching its supreme limits and his virtue also being at its greatest, at this point ascended to Heaven and reported the accomplishment of his mission. Thus he re­ mained abiding in the Younger Palace of the Sun." Asahi ed., I, 89; see also Aston, I, 3

4

33-34·

In any case, the verse is a gloss of late origin, and there is no need to attach great importance to it. Tsuda argues that Taga in Apumi is a place which has no connection with the god Izanagi, and that the passage is a fabrication of a period when various shrines sought to enhance their importance by creating mythical sanctions. Nihoti koten no kenkyii, I, 351.

Kojiki

CHAPTER 14

SUSA-NO-WO ASCENDS TO TAKE HIS LEAVE OF AMA-TERASU-OPO-MI-KAMI. Ι

At this time, PAYA-SUSA-NO-WO-NO-MIKOTO said: "In that case, before I go I will take my leave of AMA-TERASUΟΡΟ-ΜΙ-ΚΑΜΪ."

2 3

4

5 6

When he ascended to the heavens, the mountains and rivers all roared,1 and the lands all shook. Then AMA-TERASU-OPO-MI-KAMI heard this and was startled, saying: "It is certainly not with any good intentions that my brother is coming up. He must wish to usurp my lands." Then, undoing her hair, she wrapped it in hair-bunches.2 In the hair-bunches on the left and right [sides of her head], on the vine securing her hair, as well as on her left and right arms, she wrapped long strings of myriad MAGA-TAMA beads. On her back she bore a thousand-arrow quiver; 3on the side of her chest4 she attached a five-hundred-arrow quiver. Also she put on an awesome high arm-guard;5 and, shaking the

Literally, 'moved.' Midura; cf. 9:5. That is, she assumed the masculine hair-dress. The preparations of Ama-terasu-opo-mi-kami in verse 4-6 are described in singularly masculine terms. This has led some scholars, notably Tsuda, to question whether Ama-terasu-opo-mi-kami' was not, after all, a male deity. Tsuda regards Ama-terasu-opo-mi-kami as a masculine emperor-figure and finds the reaction to Susa-no-wo's ascent (for instance, verse 3) essentially political. Nihon koten no kenkyu, I, 615-26. Other scholars see in her actions a reflection of the shamanistic performance of a priestess of the sun. The female priestess would be possessed by the spirit of the deity and would naturally behave in the manner of the deity. The sun-deity was, according to these scholars, originally a male deity served by female shamans; but, as so often hap­ pens, the deity came to be confused with his servants and was eventually regarded as a female deity. See Saig5 Nobutsuna, Kojiki (Nihon Hyoronsha, 1947), pp. 31 -32. At any rate, the description in verses 4-6 obviously derives from oral tradition and is an excellent example of archaic heroic diction. 3-4 Omitted by Motoori. 1 2

Book One, Chapter 14

7 8

9

10

upper tip of her bow, stamping her legs up to her very thighs into the hard earth, and kicking [the earth] about as if it were light snow, she shouted with an awesome fury, she shouted stamping her feet. Thus waiting for him, she asked him: "Why have you come?" Then PAYA-SUSA-NO-WO-NO-MIKOTO replied: "I have no evil intentions. It is merely that the Great Deity6 divinely inquired about my weeping and howling. I said that I was weeping because I wished to go to the land of my mother. Then the Great Deity said: 'You may not live in this land,' and expelled me with a divine expulsion. Whereupon I came up intend­ ing to take leave upon my departure. I have no other7 intentions." Then AMA-TERASU-OPO-MI-KAMI said: "If that is so, how am I to know that your intentions are pure and bright?" Then PAYA-SUSA-NO-WO-NO-MIKOTO replied: "Let us swear oaths8 and bear children."

5 Itu no taka-tomo. Tomo were small lump-shaped leather arm-guards strapped onto the left arm when shooting a bow and arrow. They protected the arm when the bowstring snapped back, and were much prized for their resounding snap. See Takeda Yukichi, Manydshii zenchushaku (Kadokawa Shoten, 1956-57), III, 289-90. 6 Izanagi; cf. 13: sff. 7 Or 'strange.' 8 Ukepi. That is, "let us judge who is in the right by producing offspring. The issue will be decided by the nature of the resulting children." Ukepi, translated by the word 'oath,' is, in principle, a ceremony for learning the divine will and is thus like divination (uranapi). Divination, however, is a technique for discovering some unknown, whereas ukepi is a rite in which one 'swears' in the divine presence that one is just and asks for a divine judgment to that effect. It is performed before a deity or a large group of people, and one is judged correct if the expected sign results. Tsugita, p. 94. This explanation may be somewhat over-simplified—since it would seemingly not apply to the ukepi of Opo-yama-tu-mi-no-kami in 41:10. Other examples of ukepi and similar practices in the Kojiki are 41:15-17, 73:14-18, and 96:3-5. I would also regard 33:16 and 41:15 as ukepi. Tsuda defines ukepi as "pronouncing in some set formula magic words having blessing or cursing power" (Nihon koten no kenkyii, I, 437). However, the ideographs used to write ukepi are in almost every case those meaning 'to swear an oath.' It is a necessary part of the procedure to specify in advance what sign will decide the outcome of the contest. The omission of this detail in this passage is one of the flaws in the Kojiki account; we do not learn until afterwards (in 16:1) that the production of female offspring was the prerequisite for victory.

Kojiki

CHAPTER 15 AMA-TERASU-ΟΡΟ-ΜΙ-ΚΑΜΪ AND SUSA-NO-WO BEAR OFFSPRING TO TEST THE SINCERITY OF THE LATTER'S MOTIVES. HE IS VICTORIOUS. ι

Whereupon they each stood on opposite sides of [the river] AME-NO-YASU-NO-KAPA and swore their oaths.1 2 At this time, AMA-TERASU-ΟΡΟ-ΜΙ-ΚΑΜΪ first asked for the sword ten hands long which TAKE-PAYA-SUSA-NO-WO-NO-MIKOTO wore 3 at his side. Breaking the sword in three pieces, she rinsed them, 2 the jewels making a jingling sound,3 in [the heavenly well] AMENO-MANA-WI, chewed them to pieces, and spat them out. 4 In the misty spray there came into existence a deity named TAKIRI-BIME-NO-MIKOTO, also named OKI-TU-SIMA-PIME-NOΜίκοτδ; next, IKITI-SIMA-PIME-NO-MIKOTO, also named SA-YORIΒΙΜΕ-ΝΌ-ΜΙΚΟΤΌ; and next, TAKITU-PIME-NO-MIKOTO. (Three deities)4

5

PAYA-SUSA-NO-WO-NO-MIKOTO, asking for the long string of

1 Ukepu. During the Edo period Confucianist scholars apparently attacked Shintoism on the basis of this episode, saying that Ama-terasu-opo-mi-kami' and Susa-no-wo com­ mitted incest by bearing children. The Shintoists of the period replied, according to Ando Masatsugu, that the text clearly stated that the two deities stood on opposite sides of the river and were therefore above reproach. See Kato, pp. 116-20. 2-s These words do not seem appropriate in this context and may be an anticipation of the same words in verse 5; cf. also 12:2. On the other hand, Matsumura (III, 28-29) says that three steps were necessary in the magic process of bearing children: (1) shaking the articles 'making a jingling sound,' (2) rinsing them in the well Ame-no-mana-wi, and (3) blowing a misty spray. Shaking the articles with a jingling sound was, he says, to induce the latent spiritual forces in them to awake and go into action. Rinsing them in a sacred well was to impart to them the generative powers latent in the waters, and blowing a misty spray reflected a belief in the life-giving powers of breath. 4 These three deities (the three goddesses of Munakata—cf. verses 17-20) were born from the possessions of Susa-no-wo and were considered to be his children (cf. verse 15). Because he bore these three female children, he was judged victorious in the contest (cf. 16:1). Takm-bime-no-mikoto later married Opo-kuni-nusi-no-kam'i (cf. 29:1).

Book One, Chapter 15

myriad MAGA-TAMA beads wrapped on the left hair-bunch of AMATERASU-OPO-MI-KAMI, rinsed them, the jewels making a jingling sound, in [the heavenly well] AME-NO-MANA-WI, chewed them to pieces, and spat them out. 6 In the misty spray there came into existence a deity named MASA-KATU-A-KATU-KATI-PAYA-PI-AME-NO-OSI-PO-MIMI-NOMIKOTO.5

7

Again, he asked for the beads wrapped on her right hair-bunch, chewed them to pieces, and spat them out. 8 In the misty spray there came into existence a deity named AME-NO-PO-PI-NO-MIKOTO.0

9

Again, he asked for the beads wrapped on the vine securing her hair, chewed them to pieces, and spat them out. 10 In the misty spray there came into existence a deity named AMA-TU-PIKONE-NO-MIKOTO.

Again, he asked for the beads wrapped on her left arm, chewed them to pieces, and spat them out. 12 In the misty spray there came into existence a deity named Ικυ-Τυ-ΡΙΚΟΝΕ-ΝΟ-ΜΙΚ0Τδ. 13 Again, he asked for the beads wrapped on her right arm, chewed them to pieces, and spat them out. ΙΙ

5 The five male deities born in verses 6-14 were born from the possessions of Amaterasu-opo-mi-kami' and were considered to be her offspring (cf. verse 15). The deity in verse 6 is the 'heir apparent' of Ama-terasu-opo-mi-kami and the ancestor of the imperial line (cf. 32:1, 38:1). Tsuda argues convincingly that in the original form of this myth the male children were borne by Susa-no-wo, and that the birth of male children must have been the original criterion for victory; thus the name of the child in verse 6, the first part of which probably means 'Verily Winning I Have-won Victorious Vigorous-Force' (cf. GLOSSARY), must have had some relation to Susa-no-wo's victory and his subsequent turbulent ragings. Nihon koten no kenkyii, I, 441. This deity's close affinity with Susa-no-wo is clear when we recall that the other male deities—Ame-nopo-pi-no-mikoto, Kumano-kusubi-no-mikoto, etc.—were Idumo deities, like Susa-nowo himself. Perhaps the substitution of female children for male children as the sign of victory came as the result of a desire to make the deity in verse 6, already known to be the "heir apparent" of Ama-terasu-opo-mi-kaim, her offspring. If he were the offspring of the Idumo god Susa-no-wo, serious theological difficulties would arise; the Kojiki has therefore resorted to alterations of this section which inevitably make the narrative confused. 6 The ancestor of the rulers of Idumo (cf. verse 21). His later failure is recounted in 32:9-10.

114

14

Kojiki

In the misty spray there came into existence a deity named KUMANO-KUSUBI-NO-MIKOTO.

15

A t this time AMA-TERASU-OPO-MI-KAMI said to PAYA-SUSA-NOWO-NO-MIKOTO :

16 17

"The latter-born five male children came into existence from my possessions and are therefore naturally my children. The firstborn three female children came into existence from your possessions, and are therefore your children." Thus saying, she distinguished7 [the offspring]. The first-born deity, TAKIRI-BIME-NO-MIKOTO, is enshrined in the OKI-TU-MIYA o f MUNAKATA.

18

N e x t , ITIKI-SIMA-PIME-N6-MIKOT6 is enshrined in the NAKA-TUMIYA o f M U N A K A T A .

19

N e x t , TAKITU-PIME-NO-MIKOTO is enshrined in the PE-TU-MIYA o f MUNAKATA.

20

These three deities are the three great deities worshipped by the KIMI o f M U N A K A T A .

21

Among the latter-born five deities, the child of AME-NO-POP I - N O - M I K O T O , T A K E - P I R A - T O R I - N 6 - M I K 6 T 6 is the ancestor of the KUNINO-MIYATUKO o f IDUMO, o f t h e KUNI-NO-MIYATUKO o f M U Z A S I , o f t h e KUNI-NOMIYATUKO o f K A M I - T U - U N A K A M I , o f t h e KUNI-NO-MIYATUKO o f

SlMO-TU-UNA-

KAMI, o f t h e KUNI-NO-MIYATUKO o f l Z I M U , o f t h e AGATA-NO-ATAPE o f T u - S I M A , a n d o f t h e KUNI-NO-MIYATUKO o f TOPO-TU-APUMI.

Next,

22

A M A - T U - P I K O N E - N 6 - M I K O T 6 is t h e a n c e s t o r o f t h e KUNI-NO-MIYA-

TUKO o f OPUSI-KAPUTI, o f t h e MURAZI o f t h e N U K A T A - B E - N O - Y U W E , o f t h e KUNINO-MIYATUKO o f U B A R A K I , o f t h e ATAPE o f T A N A K A i n Y A M A T O , o f t h e KUNI-NOMIYATUKO o f YAMASIKO, o f t h e KUNI-NO-MIYATUKO o f U M A K U D A , o f t h e KUNI-NOMIYATUKO o f K I P E i n MRRI-NO-snd, o f t h e KUNI-NO-MIYATUKO o f SUPAU, o f

the

MIYATUKO o f A M U T I i n Y A M A T O , o f t h e AGATA-NUSI o f TAKETI, o f t h e INAKI o f K A M A P U , a n d o f t h e MIYATUKO o f t h e SAKIKUSA-BE. 8

' Or 'divided.' Verses 2 1 - 2 2 include some of the many genealogical glosses which occur in the Kojiki. The intention is clear: by relating the ancestors of all of these powerful families directly to Ama-terasu-opo-mi-kami', the Kojiki hoped to secure their loyalty to the Yamato ruling family, which claimed descent from the elder brother of Ame-no-popi-no-mikoto and Ama-tu-pikone-no-mikoto. 8

Book One, Chapter 16

CHAPTER 16 SUSA-NO-WO RAGES WITH VICTORY. Ι

2

3 4 5

Then PAYA-SUSA-NO-WO-NO-MIKOTO said to AMA-TERASU-OPOΜΙ-ΚΑΜΪ : "It was because my intentions were pure and bright that in the children I begot I obtained graceful maidens. By this it is obvious that I have won."1 Thus saying, he raged with victory,2 breaking down the ridges between the rice paddies of AMA-TERASU-OPO-MI-KAMI and covering up the ditches. Also he defecated and strewed the faeces about in the hall where the first fruits were tasted.3 Even though he did this, AMA-TERASU-OPO-MI-KAMI did not re­ prove him, but said: "That which appears to be faeces must be what my brother has vomited and strewn about while drunk. Also his breaking down the ridges of the paddies and covering up their ditches—my brother must have done this because he thought it was wasteful to use the land thus."

1 In the Kojiki Susa-no-wo's victory is due to his production of female children, whereas in the Nihon shoki it is because his offspring are males. Takeda suggests that this show of respect for women might indicate that the Kojiki was transmitted by women and may be adduced as an argument that Piyeda no Are was a woman. Kojiki (Kadokawa Shoten, 1956), pp. 25-26. Although it is not impossible to regard the Kojiki account as a reminiscence of an earlier matrilinear social system, it is generally agreed that, of the two, the Nihon shoki accounts are the older. Tsuda argues persuasively that Susa-no-wo's children were originally male, and that the statement that female children were a proof of innocence of heart is a later alteration. Nilion koten no kenkyii, I, 441-42. Cf. note on 15:6. 2 For a discussion of Susa-no-wo's destructive behavior in this chapter, see ADDI­ TIONAL NOTE 10. 8 Or 'where she tasted the first fruits.' The Hall of the First Fruits was the palace where the harvest festival was celebrated; cf. also 133:31.

Kojiki

Even though she thus spoke with good intention,4 his misdeeds did not cease, but became even more flagrant. 7 When Ama-terasu-ορο-μι-καμϊ was inside the sacred weaving hall5 seeing to the weaving of the divine garments,6 he* opened a hole in the roof of the sacred weaving hall and dropped down into it the heavenly dappled pony7 which he had skinned with a back­ wards skinning.8 8 The heavenly weaving maiden,9 seeing this, was alarmed and struck her genitals against the shuttle and died.

6

4 Nori-naposi; to speak good words correctively in an optimistic attempt to improve the situation. Perhaps this is evidence of an ancient belief that one could turn evil into good by speaking well of it. Japanese scholars love to dwell on the koto-dama, or 'wordspirit,' the magic power dwelling in words or in certain verbal formulae, which were believed to have the power to bring about the announced results. 6 Imi-pata-ya. Matsumura (II, 560-63) suggests that this section is reminiscent of the sun-priestesses whose duty it must have been to weave ceremonial garments to be used in the worship of the sun-deity. This sacred duty is projected into the mythical role of Ama-terasu-opo-mi-karm, who is confused with these priestesses in the Kojiki. The deity, in other words, has assumed the characteristics of the priestesses, and become a glorified sun priestess. Tsuda, on the other hand, sees a political significance in Ama-terasu-opo-mi-kamii's roles: the goddess is an emperor-symbol against whom Susa-no-wo rebels in a manner symbolizing the unsuccessful revolts of the enemies of the Yamato Court. Nihon koten no kenkyii, I, 432. 6 Kamu-mi-so; garments to be presented to a deity, or 'sacred garments.' 7 Ame noputi-koma; or 'heavenly piebald colt.' Aston says: "Indian myth has a piebald or spotted deer or cow among celestial objects. The idea is probably suggested by the appearance of the stars." Nihongi, I, 40. 8 Saka-pagi. "Backwards skinning," evidently flaying a live animal from the tail up, is mentioned together with "skinning alive" in the norito as one of the heavenly sins (ama-tu-tumi). Perhaps skinning a Uve animal was some sort of black magic practice. " The heavenly weaving maiden is evidently a subordinate priestess belonging to the entourage of Ama-terasu-opo-mi-kamii. The Nihon shoki has accounts in which it is Ama-terasu-opo-mi-kam'i herself who is alarmed and injured. Matsumura (III, 43-45) is of the opinion that the latter is the original version, and that the Kojiki's account is a later revision making a subordinate suffer the direct effects of the indignity.

Book One, Chapter 17

CHAPTER 17 AMA-TERASU-OPO-MI-KAMI CONCEALS HERSELF. THE OTHER DEITIES LURE HER OUT. SUSA-NO-WO IS EXPELLED. At this time, AMA-TERASU-ΟΡΟ-ΜΙ-ΚΑΜΪ, seeing this, was afraid, and opening the heavenly rock-cave door,1 went in and shut her­ self inside. 2 Then TAKAMA-NO-PARA was completely dark, and the Central Land of the Reed Plains2 was entirely dark. 3 Because of this, constant night reigned,3 and the cries of the myriad deities were everywhere abundant, Hke summer flies; and all manner of calamities arose.4 Ι

1 Ame no ipa-ya-to. Motoori says that ipa-ya (lit., 'rock-house') does not necessarily mean 'cave,' since ipa is often used attributively to impart the sense of 'firm,' 'solid' to the noun following; thus, the writer could be referring to an ordinary building. Kojikiden, II, 407-408. There is also a theory that the concealment of the sun-goddess was a symbolic death; the ipa-ya is the stone tomb into which she enters, and the ensuing rites are performed to summon her back to life. In various poems in the Manyoshu the words 'to shut oneself inside the rock-door' mean 'to die and be concealed within the rocky tomb.' 2 Asi-para-no-naka-tu-kuni; cf. note on 10:9. 3 Ama-terasu-opo-mi-kami, who had figured largely as the ruler of Takama-no-para, now appears to assume more clearly the attributes of the sun-deity. When she conceals herself, constant darkness and night reign everywhere. A similar myth exists among the Ainu: the sun-goddess was taken captive, and all the deities and human beings died from excessive sleep. Kindaichi Kyosuke, Ainu seiten (Sekai Bunko Kankokai, 1923), p. 113. The concealment of Ama-terasu-opo-mi-kami' has been explained as representing an eclipse, the death of the sun-goddess, her anger, etc. The ensuing rites are regarded as magico-religious rites to bring the sun back to life, to bring it out of eclipse, or to propitiate the anger of the sun-goddess. Matsumura (III, 46ff.) states that the myth had its origin in a magico-religious rite performed every winter, when the sun's rays are weakest, in order to renew the sun's power; the rite had elements of chinkon (or tama-furi —spirit pacification) and of ritual laughter. Matsumura (III, 67) also insists, incidentally, that the rages of Susa-no-wo, the conceal­ ment of Ama-terasu-opo-mi-kami', and the expulsion of Susa-no-wo were originally independent myths, welded together later into a connected story. 1Cf. 13:4.

Kojiki

Then the eight-hundred myriad deities5 assembled in a divine assembly in the river-bed of the AME-NO-YASU-NO-KAPA.® 5 They caused the child of TAKA-MI-MUSUBI-NO-KAMI, OMOPIΚΑΝΕ-ΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ, to ponder.7 6 They gathered together the long-crying birds of TOKO-YO and caused them to cry.8 7 They took the heavenly hard rock9 from the upper stream of the river AME-NO-YASU-NO-KAPA; they took iron from [the moun8 tain] AME-NO-KANA-YAMA. They sought the smith AMA-TU-MARA and commissioned ISI-KORI-DOME-NO-MIKOTO to make a mirror. 9 They commissioned TAMA-NO-YA-NO-MIKOTO to make long strings of myriad MAGA-TAMA beads. io They summoned AME-NO-KO-YANE-NO-MIKOTO and PUTOTAMA-NO-MIKOTO to remove the whole shoulder-bone of a male deer of the mountain AME-NO-KAGU-YAMA, and take heavenly 4

8 Ya-po-ydrddu no kamt; the ideographs, translated into Modern Japanese, mean 'eight million gods.' The word γα, written 'eight,' is a sacred number often meaning 'many'; and yorodu, written 'ten-thousand,' is an indefinite term best translated by the word 'myriad.' 6 Another divine assembly is described in identical terms in 32:5. The ethnologist Torii Ryuzo compares these meetings of the gods with the Mongolian meeting of clans called Kuriltai. Jinruigaku-jo yori mitaru waga jodai no bunka (Sobunkaku, 1925), pp. 5765. Tsuda says that the assembly of the gods reflects an ancient custom of holding Kuriltai-]ike meetings of powerful clans to confer and cooperate in deciding important questions on behalf of the ruling family. Nihon koten no kenkyii, I, 433. Most authorities agree that this convocation reflects not a primitive democratic town-meeting but a confabulation among the powerful ruling families connected with the Yamato court. ' Omopu; or 'to think,' 'to devise,' 'to lay a wise plan.' This deity, evidently a god of wisdom or counsel (see GLOSSARY), is always called upon to devise a plan whenever there is a convocation of the gods; cf. Chapters 32, 33. 8 The 'long-crying birds' (naga-naki-dori) are cocks. Toko-yo (see GLOSSARY) is clearly the land of Toko-yo, the mythical 'eternal world.' The word was formerly mistakenly translated as 'eternal night,' on the understanding that 'eternal night' (toko-yo) was phonemically equivalent to Toko-yo. Actually, the final elements of the two words are phonemically distinct. Evidently, cocks were made to crow in order to summon the sun at dawn; the crowing of cocks is a feature of funerals among various peoples because of its association with dawn, early morning, resurrection of the dead, and banishment of evil spirits. There is a myth among the Miao tribes of southern China in which the sun concealed itself but came out again on hearing the cock's crowing. Matsumura, III, 71-73· 9 Evidently, the hard rock was used as a rock anvil on which to temper the iron.

Book One, Chapter 17

PAPAKA wood from the mountain AME-NO-KAGU-YAMA, and [with these] perform a divination.10 11 They uprooted by the very roots the flourishing MA-SAKAKI11 trees of the mountain AME-NO-KAGU-YAMA; to the upper branches they affixed long strings of myriad MAGA-TAMA beads; in the mid­ dle branches they hung a large-dimensioned mirror ;12 in the lower branches they suspended white NIKITE cloth and blue NIKITE cloth.13 12 These various objects were held in his hands by PUTO-TAMAΝό-Μίκδτδ as solemn offerings,14 and AME-NO-KO-YANE-NOΜΐκότό intoned a solemn liturgy.15 10 Uranapi; cf. the notes on 5:2 in regard to divination by firing the shoulder-bones of deer, called puto-mani. The deities playing important roles in this chapter—Ame-no-uzume-no-mikoto, Ame-no-ko-yane-no-mikoto, Puto-tama-no-mikoto, Isi-kori-dome-no-mikoto, Tamano-ya-no-mikoto, Omopi-kane-no-kami', and Ta-dikara-wo-no-kami'—appear again in the myth of the descent from the heavens (Chapter 39). There was evidently a close con­ nection between the two myths; Matsumura (III, 31) even calls the retirement of the sungoddess a "prelude" to the descent from the heavens. The rites in this chapter seem to be based on accounts emanating from the Nakatomi (descendants of Ame-no-ko-yane-no-mikoto), the Imube (descendants of Puto-tamano-mikoto), and the Sarume (descendants of Ame-no-uzume-no-mikoto) clans, all priestly families connected with the Yamato court. In this composite version, the Sarume influence seems to be the strongest, since the actions of Ame-no-uzume-no-mikoto form the central part of the ceremonies. In some versions in the Nihon shoki the coming forth of the sun-goddess is the direct result of the practices of the ancestors of the Imube or of the Nakatomi; such accounts do not mention the dance of Ame-no-uzume-no-mikoto, which is central in the Kojiki. 11 Ipo-tu-ma-sakaki; cf. yutu-ma-tubaki in 112:21. 12 Ya-ata kagami; the use of this mirror, which is evidently the one made in verse 8 by Isi-kori-dome-no-mikoto, is described in verse 20. The myriad maga-tama beads and "the mirror which had been used to lure" are later (39:2) given, together with the sword Kusa-nagi (first mentioned in 19:22), as the three items of the sacred regalia to Piko-po-no-ninigi-no-mikoto on his descent from the heavens. 13 Hanging mirrors and cloth offerings on branches of uprooted trees was a common practice in ancient Japanese worship; undoubtedly, the tree thus decked became the temporary abode of the spirit of the deity. 14 Puto-mi-te-gura. These were probably not offerings in the strict sense, but implements held in the hands of the shaman in order to induce possession by the spirit of the deity. ls Puto-norito-goto; any solemn words having magic power. The preliminary cer­ emonies in verses 7-12 were probably ritual preparations common to all religious ceremonies; the central part of the rite recorded in the Kojiki is the performance recorded in verses 14-16. According to Matsumura (III, 66), the fundamental magic power which was able to soften the heart of the deity and summon her forth was in Ame-no-uzume's comic dance.

Kojiki 13 AME-NO-TA-DIKARA-WO-NO-KAMI stood concealed beside the 14 door,16 while AME-NO-UZUME-NO-MIKOTO bound up her sleeves with a cord of heavenly PI-KAGE vine, tied around her head a head-band of the heavenly MA-SAKI vine, bound together bundles of SASA leaves to hold in her hands, and overturning a bucket

before the heavenly rock-cave door, stamped resoundingly upon it.17 Then she became divinely possessed,18 exposed her breasts, and pushed her skirt-band down to her genitals.19 16 Then TAKAMA-N5-PARA shook as the eight-hundred myriad de­ ities laughed at once.20 16 In

order to pull the sun-goddess out, as he does in verse 22. Note the various preparations of Ame-no-uzume-no-mikoto for shamanistic pos­ session. A parallel to the stamping of the overturned bucket is found in the ceremonies of the chinkon-sai (spirit-pacification ceremony) of the imperial court, in which a wooden bucket (or some sort of tub or wooden container) is pounded with the staff of a long spear while the emperor's garments are shaken or waved in a magic rite to increase his longevity. Matsumura, III, 75-76. Some scholars have held that all the rites in this chapter were the same as those of the chinkon-sai ceremony, in which indeed the women of the Sarume clan played an im­ portant r61e. The chinkon (or tama-furi) rite was a ceremony attempting to prevent the spirit from leaving the body, or to summon it back into a dead body—or, according to one interpretation, to attach additional spiritual forces to a person's soul, and thus to increase his vitality and longevity. Matsumura (III, 76-91) claims that chinkon rites must have been performed for the sun when it lost its force during the winter. 18 Kamu-gakari; god-possession. The widespread popularity of shamanistic spiritpossession among the ancient Japanese is amply attested to in documentary sources; it was widely practiced until the Meiji period and is still practiced in the Ryukyu islands and among the Ainu, Koreans, and other continental peoples. Torii asserts that shaman­ ism was the native religion of the Japanese, that the sun-goddess and the deities sur­ rounding her in Takama-no-para were shamans, and that the whole setting for the concealment myth is shamanistic. Jinruigaku-j5, pp. 50-53. 19 Motoori attributes Uzume's exhibitionism to derangement, i.e., to a state of pos­ session. The same actions are performed in her encounter with Saruta-biko, as recorded in the Nihon shoki (see note on 38:11). Exposure of the genitals is believed among many peoples to have magic power to drive away evil spirits. Chiri Mashiho records such a custom, called hoparata, among the Ainu. Bunrui Ainu-go jiten (Nihon Jominbunka Kenkyiijo, 1954), III, 66-67. Matsumura (III, 91-107) gives a number of accounts from various peoples which reveal that this type of exhibitionism was used in religious rites, not only to drive away unde­ sirable influences, but also to amuse, entertain, and impart vitality to the deities. He likens Ame-no-uzume's dance to the one performed by Iambe before Demeter in the Homeric hymns and to that performed by Baubo before Demeter in the Protrepticus of Clement of Alexandria. 40 Matsumura (III, 91-98) says that ritual laughter was used magically to propitiate the anger of the gods or to increase their vitality. The Kojiki narrative, of course, records the laughter merely as a device to arouse the curiosity of the sun-goddess. 17

Book One, Chapter 17

Then AMA-TERASU-ΟΡΟ-ΜΙ-ΚΑΜΪ, thinking this strange, opened a crack in the heavenly rock-cave door, and said from within: 18 "Because I have shut myself in, I thought that TAKAMA-NOPARA would be dark, and that the Central Land of the Reed Plains would be completely dark. But why is it that AME-NO-UZUME sings and dances,21 and all the eight-hundred myriad deities laugh?" 19 Then AME-NO-UZUME said: "We rejoice and dance because there is here a deity superior to you." 20 While she was saying this, AME-NO-KO-YANE-NO-MIKOTO and PUTO-TAMA-NO-MIKOTO brought out the mirror and showed it to 17

AMA-TERASU-ΟΡΟ-ΜΙ-ΚΑΜΪ.

21

Then AMA-TERASU-ΟΡΟ-ΜΙ-ΚΑΜΪ, thinking this more and more strange,22 gradually came out of the door and approached [the mirror.] 22 Then the hidden AME-NO-TA-DIKARA-WO-NO-KAMI took her 23 hand and pulled her out. Immediately PUTO-TAMA-NO-MIKOTO ex­ tended a SIRI-KUME rope behind her, and said: "You may go back no further than this !"23 24 When AMA-TERASU-ΟΡΟ-ΜΙ-ΚΑΜΪ came forth, TAKAMA-NO-PARA and the Central Land of the Reed Plains of themselves24 became light. 25 At this time the eight-hundred myriad deities deliberated to­ gether, imposed upon PAYA-SUSA-NO-WO-NO-MIKOTO a fine of a thousand tables of restitutive gifts, and also, cutting off his beard

21 Asobi. The word is written with the ideograph meaning 'pleasure' or 'music.' In ArchaicJapanese it was read asobi ('singing and dancing') or uta-mapi ('song and dance'). 22 Either she saw her reflection in the mirror and thought that the reflected image was another deity; or seeing the mirror, a symbol of the sun-deity, she thought that there was another sun-deity besides herself. 23 Evidently the two elements—extending the rope behind her back and reciting a magic formula—made it impossible for the sun-goddess to re-enter the cave. 24 I.e., by themselves, naturally, as a matter of course. The magic rites had been suc­ cessful in restoring light to the universe.

Kojiki

and the nails of his hands and feet,25 26had him exorcised27 and expelled him with a divine expulsion.28

25 The deities had Susa-no-wo's beard, fingernails, and toenails cut off to punish him or, rather, in order to exorcise him and thus remove the sins and pollution adhering to him. 26-27 Some manuscripts substitute an ideograph meaning 'pull out' or 'remove' for the one translated 'exorcism'; thus the passage may read: "cutting off his beard and causing the nails of his hands and feet to be extracted, expelled him. . . ." 28 Here Susa-no-wo is again expelled (cf. 13:8) from the society of the heavenly deities and, branded as a transgressor, is sent wandering throughout the world. Susa-no-wo was regarded as a wandering outcast for some time after his expulsion. The Nihon shoki, which records versions in which he went to Korea after having been driven out of heaven, gives this interesting variant: "After being exorcised, the various deities expelled him with these words: 'Because your conduct has been exceedingly outrageous, you may not remain in the heavens, nor may you dwell in the Central Land of the Reed Plains. Be gone with you quickly to the lowest Ne-no-kuni!' "Since there was a rainstorm then, Susa-no-wo bound up grass and made a braided hat and straw coat and went around asking for shelter of the various deities, who answered that they would not provide shelter for one who was exiled for his evil doings. "In spite of the fierce wind and rain, he was unable to find anywhere to shelter him­ self and rest, and he descended in great pain. "From this time on, there has been a taboo against entering the house of another wearing a braided hat and straw coat, and against entering another's house carrying grass bound in sheaves. If anyone breaks this taboo, he is fined and subjected to ex­ orcism." Asahi ed., I, 108 (condensed).

Book One, Chapter iS

CHAPTER 18 OPO-GE-TU-PIME PRODUCES FOOD AND IS

KILLED BY SUSA-NO-WO. Again, [Susa-no-wo-no-mikoto] asked food of OPO-GE-TU-

Ι

PIME-N 0-ΚΑΜΪ.1

Then OPO-GE-TU-PIME took various viands out of her nose, her mouth, and her rectum, prepared them in various ways, and pre­ sented them to him. 3 Thereupon PAYA-SUSA-NO-WO-NO-MIKOTO, who had been watch­ ing her actions, thought that she was polluting the food before offering it to him and killed OPO-GE-TU-PIME-NO-KAMI. 4 In the corpse of the slain deity there grew [various] things: in her head there grew silkworms; in her two eyes there grew rice seeds; in her two ears there grew millet; in her nose there grew red beans; in her genitals there grew wheat; and in her rectum there grew soy beans. 5 Then KAMI-MUSUBI-MI-OYA-NO-MIKOTO had these taken and used as seeds. 2

1

A food-goddess. See ADDITIONAL NOTE II for a discussion of this chapter.

87

Kojiki

CHAPTER 191 SUSA-NO-WO SLAYS THE EIGHT-TAILED DRAGON.

ι 2

3 4 5 6

7 8 1

[Susa-no-wo-no-mikoto] was expelled and descended to the upper reaches of the Pi river in the land of IDUMO, to a place called TORI-KAMI. At that time a chopstick came floating down the river. Thinking therefore that there were people upstream, SUSA-NOWO-NO-MIKOTO set out in search of them. [He found] an old man and an old woman, with a maiden be­ tween them, crying. He asked them: "Who are you?" The old man replied: "I am a child of the earthly deity2 OPO-YAMA-TU-MI-NO-KAMI.3 My name is ASI-NA-DUTI; my wife's name is TE-NA-DUTI. Our daughter's name is KUSI-NADA-PIME." He asked further: "Why are you crying?" He replied: "We originally had eight daughters.4 But the eight-tailed dragon

For a discussion of the interpretation of this chapter see ADDITIONAL NOTE 12. Kuni-tu-kami. The 'earthly deities' parallel the 'heavenly deities' (ama-tu-kami), the gods of Takama-no-para. It is possible that the 'heavenly deities' were those worshipped chiefly by the Yamato nobility, and the 'earthly deities' those worshipped by the other inhabitants of Japan. In many places in the Kojiki, the word kuni-tu-kami appears to mean 'god of the land,' that is, a regional deity or a deity dwelling in and ruling a certain geographical region. 3 This sentence may also read: "I am an earthly deity, a child of Opo-yama-tu-mi-nokami." * Matsumura (III, 197-98), who believes that Kusi-nada-pime was originally con­ sidered a priestess, quotes several sources to the effect that it was an ancient custom for eight priestesses (ya-wotome) to serve in religious ceremonies. He thinks that the original idea of the eight daughters of Asi-na-duti and Te-na-duti was that of "a troupe of eight priestesses who welcomed and worshipped the deity." 2

Book One, Chapter 19 of Kosi has come every year and eaten them. We are crying because it is now time for him to come [again]." He asked: "What is his appearance?" He replied: "His eyes are Hke red ground cherries;6 his one body has eight heads and eight tails. On his body grow moss and cypress7 and cryptomeria8 trees. His length is such that he spans eight valleys and eight mountain peaks. If you look at his belly, you see that blood is oozing out all over it." Then PAYA-SUSA-NO-WO-NO-MIKOTO said to the old man: "Will you give me your daughter?" He answered: "Awed as I am, I do not know your name." Then he replied: "I am the brother of AMA-TERASU-ΟΡΟ-ΜΙ-ΚΑΜΪ and have just descended from the heavens." Then ASI-NA-DUTI and TE-NA-DUTI said: "If that is so, we will with fearful reverence present her to you." Then PAYA-SUSA-NO-WO-NO-MIKOTO transformed the maiden into a hair-comb, which he inserted into his hair-bunch.9 He said to ASI-NA-DUTI and TE-NA-DUTI-NO-KAMI: "Distill thick wine of eight-fold brewings;10 build a fence, and 5

9 10

11 12 13

14 Ι$

16

5 Kosi no ya-mata no woroti. The number γα may, as usual, mean 'eight' or 'many'; mata, here translated as 'tail,' is written with an ideograph meaning 'fork.' Kosi may be either the village of Kosi in Idumo or a vague geographical term for northwestern Honshu (see GLOSSARY). 6 Aka-kagati or popoduki; Modern Japanese hdzuki, 'ground cherry,' 'winter cherry,' 'strawberry tomato.' 7 Pi. 8 Sugi'. 9 The transformation of the maiden into some other object is a standard feature of this type of tale in world folk literature. Matsumura, III, 226-35. In similar cases in Ainu epic poetry, the maiden is often transformed into a bead or a sword-stud and borne on the hero's person while he fights the enemy. This is done not only to hide the maiden but also to give the hero, by her presence, some additional, mystic power. Cf. Kindaichi, Ainu seiten, p. 55, and Ainu jojishi Yiikara shu, I: "Pon Oina" (Sanseido, 1959), 184, 295-

97· 10 Ya-sipo-wori no sake; cf. 70:6. The offering of specially brewed wine was an im­ portant part of religious worship in Japan; some such custom is expressed here, with wine being offered to a woroti, or snake-deity.

Kojiki

make eight doors in the fence. At each door, tie together eight platforms, and on each of these platforms place a wine barrel. Fill each barrel with the thick wine of eight-fold brewings, and wait." 17

They made the preparations as he had instructed, and as they waited, the eight-tailed dragon came indeed, as [the old man] had said.

18

Putting one head into each of the barrels, he drank the wine; then, becoming drunk, he lay down and slept.

19

Then PAYA-SUSA-NO-WO-NO-MIKOTO unsheathed the sword ten hands long which he was wearing at his side, and hacked the dragon to pieces, so that the P! river ran with blood.

20

When he cut [the dragon's] middle tail, the blade of his sword broke. Thinking this strange, he thrust deeper with the stub of his sword, until a great sharp sword appeared.11

21

He took this sword out and, thinking it an extraordinary thing, reported [the matter] and presented [the sword] to AMA-TERASU-

ΟΡΟ-ΜΙ-ΚΑΜΪ.12 22

This is the sword Kusa-nagi.13

11 Tumugari no tati; the exact meaning is not clear. A Japanese folk belief equates the tail of a dragon to a sword. Matsumura, III, 240-41. Idumo is said to have been the chief source of iron in Japanese antiquity, and is known to have produced good swords. Steel production is thought to have been most highly developed in the upper reaches of the Ρϊ river. Ibid., 237. 12 It seems strange that, after having been expelled with such finality from Takama-nopara, Susa-no-wo should now suddenly decide to present the sword to Ama-terasuopo-mi-kam'i. Apparently this account is from a different source than the accounts in Chapters 14-16. Verses 21-22 may be later additions. 18 This is the celebrated sword Kusa-nagi, 'grass-mower,' 'grass-pacifier,' which was later (39:2) given by Ama-terasu-opo-mi-kami, as one of the three regalia, to Piko-pon0-ninigi-n6-mik0t6 upon his descent from Takama-no-para. At another point (82:6) Kusa-nagi is given by Yamato-pime-no-mikoto, the high priestess of Ise, to her nephew Yamato-takeru-no-mikoto, who leaves it with Miyazu-pime, the ancestress of the governors of the land of Wopari (85:33).

Book One, Chapter 20

CHAPTER 20 SUSA-N5-WO DWELLS IN THE PALACE OF SUGA AND MARRIES KuSI-NADA-PIME. Ι

2 3 5 6 7 8 9 10 1

Hereupon PAYA-SUSA-NO-WO-NO-MIKOTO sought for a place in the land of IDUMO to build his palace.1 Arriving at SUGA, he said: "Coming here, my heart is refreshed."2 In that place he built his palace and dwelt there.3 Therefore that place is still called SUGA.4 When this great deity first built the palace of SUGA, clouds rose from that place. He made a song, which said: The many-fenced palace of IDUMO Of the many clouds rising— To dwell there with my spouse Do I build a many-fenced palace: Ah, that many-fenced palace !5

Miya; his wedding palace. Suga-sugasi: 'refreshed,' 'pure.' Motoori comments that, with the killing of the dragon and the discovery of the sword, the past pollutions adhering to Susa-no-wo were absolved, and he could now exclaim that his heart was 'refreshed' or 'pure.' Kojiki-den, II, 478-79. 3 Cf. 23 :i, which states that Susa-no-wo dwells in Ne-no-kata-su-kuni. On this point, Motoori comments that Susa-no-wo's spirit dwelt in the shrine of Kumano—which he identifies with Suga—while his mortal body was in Ne-no-kuni. Ibid., 480. 4 One of the Kojiki's many folk etymologies explaining the origins of place names. Because Susa-no-wo said, "My heart is suga-sugasi" there, the place was called Suga. 5 This song, the first song in both the Kojiki and the Nihon shoki, has traditionally been regarded as the oldest Japanese poem. Although this is quite out of the question, the song is admittedly old and may originally have been a ritual blessing for a new house. Takeda considers it to be a song handed down by persons connected with the worship of the shrine of Suga. Kiki kayoshii zenko, p. 28. The words ya-kumo tatu, 'many clouds rise,' are a conventional epithet for the placename Idumo. The word ya-pe-gaki, literally 'many-layered fence,' 'many-layered par­ titions,' is understood to mean 'a building of many partitions,' 'a building surrounded by many fences,' therefore, 'a magnificent palace.' For another translation, see Brower and Miner, Japanese Court Poetry, p. 58. 2

114

Kojiki

11 12

Then he summoned ASI-NA-DUTI-NO-KAMI and said : " B e the headman6 of my palace!" He also bestowed upon him the name INADA-NO-MIYA-NUSISUGA-NO-YATU-MIMI-NO-KAMI.

13

Then taking KUSI-NADA-PIME he commenced procreation,7 and there was born a deity named YA-SIMA-ZINUMI-NO-KAMI.

14

Again, he took as wife KAMU-OPO-ITI-PIME, the daughter of OPO-YAMA-TU-MI-NO-KAM!, and there was born a child named OPO-TOSI-NO-KAMI ; 8 next, U K A - N 6 - M I - T A M A - N 6 - K A M I . (TWO deities)

15

T h e eldest son YA-SIMA-ZINUMI-NO-KAMI took as w i f e KO-NOPANA-TIRU-PIME, t h e d a u g h t e r o f O P O - Y A M A - T U - M I - N O - K A M I , a n d

16

there was born [the child] PUPA-NO-MODI-KUNUSUNU-NO-KAMI. This deity9 took as wife PI-KAPA-PIME, the daughter of OKAMINO-KAMI,10 and there was born [the child] PUKA-BUTI-NO-MIDUYARE-PANA-NO-KAMI.

x7 18

This deity took as wife AME-NO-TUDOPE-TINE-NO-KAMI and there was born [the child] OMIDU-NU-NO-KAMI. This deity took as wife PUTE-MIMI-NO-KAM!, the daughter of PUNODUNO-NO-KAMI, and there was born [the child] AME-NOPUYU-KINU-NO-KAMI.

19

This deity took as wife SASI-KUNI-WAKA-PIME, the daughter of SASI-KUNI-OPO-NO-KAMI, and there was born [the child] OPOKUNI-NUSI-NO-KAMI,11 also named OPO-NAMUDI-NO-KAMI, also named ASI-PARA-SIKO-WO-NO-KAMI, also named YA-TI-POKO-NOKAMI, and also named UTUSI-KUNI-TAMA-NO-KAMI. Altogether he

has five names. 6

Obito. Cf. 4 : 1 1 . 8 The descendants of this deity are listed in Chapter 31. " Pupa-no-modi-kunusunu-no-kami. Some commentators think that the words 'this deity' in verses 16-19 refer to Susa-no-wo. 10 Cf. 8:4. 11 If the words 'this deity' refer to different deities, Opo-kuni-nusi-no-kaml is the sixth-generation descendant of Susa-no-wo. In the main text of the Nihon shoki, he is the son of Susa-no-wo, but the Nihon shoki includes also the account recorded here. Cf. also 24:14, 29:1 in which Opo-kuni-nusi-no-kami is made to marry two of Susa-nowo's daughters. 7

Book One, Chapter 21

CHAPTER 21 OPO-KUNI-NUSI CURES THE RABBIT AND WINS YA-GAMI-PIME. Ι

2

3 4

5

6

7

8

This OPO-KUNI-NUSI-NO-KAM! had eighty1 brothers; but these eighty deities all ceded their lands to OPO-KUNI-NUSI-NO-KAMI. The reason for their doing so was [as follows] :a All of the eighty deities wished to marry YA-GAMI-PIME of INABA. When they went together to INABA, they had OPO-NAMUDIΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ carry their bags and took him along as an attendant.3 When they arrived at the Cape of KETA, there was a naked4 rabbit lying [by the way]. The eighty deities said to the rabbit: "What you should do is this: bathe in this salt water, then lie down on the ridge of a high mountain peak where the wind will blow on you." The rabbit, doing as the eighty deities had told him, lay down. As the salt dried, the skin of his whole body cracked when the wind blew on it. As he lay there crying in pain, OPO-NAMUDI-NO-KAM!, who came along last, saw the rabbit and said: "Why are you lying here crying?" The rabbit answered :5 "I was on the island of OKI and, though I wanted to cross over to this land, there was no way to cross over. "Then I deceived a crocodile6 of the sea, saying:

Or 'many.' The narrative explaining this "reason" continues until 24:15. There is no account in the culminating chapter of the deities' ceding lands to Opo-kuni-nusi. 8 I.e., they treated him as a lowly servant; cf. verse 14 below. 4 I.e., a rabbit with no fur. 5 See ADDITIONAL NOTE 13 for a discussion of the provenance of the tale of the rabbit and the crocodiles. ' Wani, see ADDITIONAL NOTE 13. 1 2

Kojiki

9

10

11

12

7

" 'Let us, you and me, see who has the most relatives. You bring as many relatives as you have and have them he in a straight line from this island as far as the Cape of KETA ; then I will run over them and count them as I run across. Then we will know whether they are more numerous than my relatives.' "When they, deceived by what I had said, lay there in a line, I ran over them and counted them as I ran across. As I was about to get on land I said: " 'You7 have been deceived by me!' "Just as I finished saying this, the crocodile lying at the end of the line seized me and skinned off all my clothes. As I was crying and lamenting because of this, the eighty deities who went ahead commanded me, instructing me to bathe in salt water and to lie down where the wind would blow on me. When I did as they told me, my whole body became blistered." Then OPO-NAMUDI-NO-KAMI instructed the rabbit: "Go quickly to this river-mouth and wash your body with its water. Then take the pollen of the kama grass of the river-mouth, sprinkle it around, and roll on it. If you do this, your skin will certainly heal as before." When he did as he was told, his body became as it was before.8

Singular in the original. Undoubtedly, this tale is introduced in order to illustrate the healing powers of Opo-namudi (Opo-kuni-nusi), about whom the Nihon shoki says: "Opo-ana-muti-no-mikoto and Sukuna-biko-na-no-mikoto united their powers and made their hearts one, and constructed the universe; they also determined the method of curing illnesses for the race of mortal men and for animals; they also determined magical methods for doing away with calamities from birds, beasts, and creeping things." Asahi ed., 1:122; Aston, I, 59. Motoori, himself a doctor, disparaged Chinese medicine and recommended the in­ vocation of Opo-kuni-nusi to heal illness, Kojiki-den, II, 507. From his appearance in this section as a sort of medicine man or magic healer, modern commentators often see Opo-namudi as an archetype of the ancient shamanistic practi­ tioners. Matsumoto concludes: ". . . the myths of Opo-kuni-nusi appear to have orig­ inated among a corporation of magicians in Idumo, who, being the religious rulers, had political power." Nihon shinwa no kenkyii, pp. 148-50. Matsumura (III, 282-84) agrees with this; he regards Opo-kuni-nusi as a personifica­ tion of the activities carried on by such a group of magician-rulers. 8

Book One, Chapter 21 13 14

15

INABA;9

This is called the white rabbit of nowadays it is called 10 the rabbit-deity. This rabbit said to OPO-NAMUDI-NO-KAM! : "These eighty deities will certainly never gain YA-GAMI-PIME. Although you carry their bags, you shall gain her." At this time YA-GAMI-PIME replied to the eighty deities: "I will not accept your offers. I will wed OPO-NAMUDI-NOKAMI.

9

11

Inaba no siro-usagi; or 'the furless rabbit of Inaba.' Usagi-gami. An interesting occurrence of primitive animal-worship. This verse is a gloss, interrupting the progress of the narrative. 11 Motoori attributes Ya-gami-pime's sudden willingness to marry Opo-namudi to the spiritual workings of the rabbit. Kojiki-den, II, 509. The marriage was unsuccessful because of Ya-gami-pime's fear of the chief wife, Suseri-bime (cf. 24:17). Some commentators see Opo-kuni-nusi's marriage to Ya-gamipime (the princess of a place called Ya-gami in Inaba) as a mythological reflection of a historical process by which Idumo consolidated its control over Inaba by means of 'diplomatic marriages' with the women of local chieftains. Matsumura, III, 270. See also note to 25:1. 10

Kojiki

CHAPTER 22 OPO-KUNI-NUSI IS KILLED BY HIS EVIL BROTHERS AND REVIVED TWICE.

HE

IS SENT AWAY

TO SAVE HIS LIFE.

1 2 3

4 5

6 7

Hereupon the eighty deities were angered and plotted together to kill OPO-NAMUDI-NO-KAMI.1 When they arrived at the foot of Mount TEMA in the land of PAPAKI, they said to him: "There is a red boar on this mountain. We will drive it down,2 while you wait here and catch it. If you do not wait and catch it, it3 will surely kill you." Thus saying, [they took] a large rock which resembled a boar, heated it in a fire, and rolled it down [the mountain]. They pushed it down, and when he caught it, he was burned to death by the rock.4 Then his mother,6 crying and lamenting, ascended to the heavens and pleaded with KAMI-MUSUBI-NO-MIKOTO. Then KISA-GAPI-PIME6 and UMUGI-PIME7 were dispatched to re­ store him to life.

1 Here begins a long series of ordeals, recorded in Chapters 22-24, in which Opokuni-nusi-no-karm is repeatedly killed or exposed to deadly trials. In each instance he emerges victorious, and finally, like the biblical Joseph, gains the victory over his elder brothers. 2 Or 'we will all together drive it down.' 8 Or 'we.' 4 Similar stories are told by the aborigines of Taiwan. Matsumura (III, 299-320) thinks that the story of Opo-kuni-nusi's trials originated in primitive initiation customs. Among some peoples initiation rites involve simulated death and resurrection similar to the de­ scription in these chapters. 5 Lit., 'his honorable ancestor.' Throughout the Kojiki this term refers to the maternal parent. Motoori explains this in terms of matrilocal marriage: ". . . the child, growing up in the mother's house, feels closer to her than to the father. Because he is in the same house with her, in everyday speech the term 'parent' or 'ancestor' is applied first to the mother." Kojiki-den, II, 512. • 'Ark-shell Princess.' 7 'Clam Princess.'

Book One, Chapter 22

8

9 10 11

12 13

14 ι$

KISA-GAPI-PIME shaved [her shell] and collected [the shavings];

and UMUGI-PIME 8brought water and rubbed this on him9 as mother's milk. He then changed into a beautiful young man and went walking out. Then the eighty deities, seeing this, once more deceived him and led him into the mountains. They cut down a large tree, drove a wedge into the tree, and put him inside. Then they removed the wedge and crushed him to death.10 Again his mother in tears went searching for him. When she found him, she bent the tree, took him out, and revived him. She said to her child: "If you remain here, you will eventually be destroyed by the eighty deities." Therefore she sent him away hurriedly11 to the place where ΟΡΟ-ΥΑ-ΒΙΚΟ-ΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ dwelt in the land of Κϊ. But the eighty deities pursued him and caught up with him. As they were fixing their arrows, he slipped through the fork of a tree and escaped.12

8 -· Some manuscripts have 'waited to receive this.' Although there are textual diffi­ culties at this point, the general meaning is clear. No doubt the application of mother's milk, or of shaved shells diluted with mother's milk or the juice of the animal in the shell, was an ancient folk remedy for burns. Matsumura (III, 282) regards this as a magic heal­ ing; the use of magic remedies occurs frequently in connection with Opo-kuni-nusi. 10 Matsumura (III, 321) argues, rather unconvincingly, that this story originated in the magico-religious practice of hanging the dead in trees. 11 Or 'by another road,' 'by a separate route.' 12 Another reading for this sentence is: "As they fixed their arrows and demanded [Opo-kuni-nusi-no-kami, Opo-ya-biko-no-kam'i] allowed him to escape by slipping through the fork of a tree."

Kojiki

CHAPTER 23 OPO-KUNI-NUSI ARRIVES AT THE LAND OF SUSA-NO-WO AND IS PROTECTED BY SuSERIBIME.

A

MOUSE SAVES HIM FROM THE FIRE ON THE PLAIN.

ι

2 3

4 5

6

[ ] said:1 "You must go to NE-NO-KATA-SU-KUNI, where SUSA-NO-WOΝό-Μίκοτδ dwells.2 This great deity will surely counsel you."3 In accordance with these words, he went to the place where SUSA-NO-WO-NO-MIKOTO dwelt. On his arrival there, his4 daughter SUSERI-BIME came forth and saw him; they looked [at each other] lovingly and became man and wife. She went back inside and told her father: "A most beautiful deity has come." Then the great deity went out to see and said: "This is [the one] called ASI-PARA-SIKO-WO."5 Then he invited him in and made him sleep in a chamber of snakes.6

1 There seems to be a lacuna in the text here; the speaker is either the mother of Opokuni-nusi (as in 22:13) or Opo-ya-biko-no-kami (cf. 22:14). s Cf. 13:6, in which Susa-no-wo expressed a desire to go there. * Far from giving counsel, the great deity made continuous attempts on the life of Ορο-kuni-nusi. For the motivation of these attacks see the note on verse 6. 1 Susa-no-wo's. 6 This name, one of Opo-kuni-nusi's five names (cf. 20:19), means Uterally 'Ugly Male of the Reed Plains'; Susa-no-wo may have used it to disparage Opo-kuni-nusi before Suseri-bime and to cancel out her words of praise in verse 5. Derogatory intent is evident by the omission of the words kami or mikoto after the name. On the other hand, derogatory names are sometimes given in primitive societies, not to insult the bearer, but to keep evil spirits away from him. Matsumura (III, 324-28) says that Susa-no-wo calls Opo-kuni-nusi by this new name because he has symbolically died and been resur­ rected in the 'initiation ceremony,' at which time the old name is discarded. 6 Pemi-no-muro; perhaps an underground grotto or tomb infested with snakes. Moto-

Book One, Chapter 23

7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

Then his7 spouse SUSERI-BIME-NO-MIKOTO gave her husband a snake[-repelling] scarf,8 saying: "When the snakes are about to bite, drive them away by waving this scarf three times." He did as he was told, and the snakes became calm of their own accord. Thus, he slept peacefully and came forth [unharmed]. Once more the next night, SUSA-NO-WO-NO-MIKOTO put him in a chamber of centipedes and bees. Again [Suseri-bime] gave him a scarf [to repel] the centipedes and bees, and told him to do as before. Then he came forth unharmed. Again, SUSA-NO-WO-NO-MIKOTO shot a humming arrow9 into a large plain and made him go and fetch the arrow. When OPO-KUNI-NUSI-NO-MIKOTO had gone into the plain, SUSA-NO-WO-NO-MIKOTO set fire all around the edges of the plain. When OPO-KUNI-NUSI-NO-MIK5TO could not find any way out, a mouse came and said: "The inside is hollow-hollow;10 the outside is narrow-narrow."11

ori comments: "These various trials were not, like those imposed by the eighty deities, intended to do him actual harm. They were to test his bravery or cowardice, his wisdom or foolishness." Kojiki-den, II, 531. Watanabe (pp. 238-40, 285) regards the story of the ordeals as a reflection of the practice of giving responsible positions only to those who successfully pass through various ordeals. There are numerous stories throughout the world in which the father of the bride subjects her suitor to many trials before allowing them to marry. Matsumura, III, 288-93. ' Opo-kuni-nusi's. 8 Pemi-no-pire. See ADDITIONAL NOTE 14 on fetishes. * Nari-kabura. This type of arrow, also mentioned in 31:4, 51:3, and 131:2, makes a humming or whirring sound as it flies. Attached to it is a round, hollow knob made of wood or horn, with several holes; air blowing through the holes produces the noise. Such arrows were shot to frighten the enemy and are believed to be of continental Asiatic origin. They are found in Japan in archeological remains from about the fifth century and are also preserved at Horyuji and the Shosoin. See Zukai kokogaku jiten (Tokyo Sogensha, 1959) p. 754. 10 Pora-pora: i.e., cavernous. 11 Subu-subu; i.e., the entrance is narrow and contracted. By these words the mouse informs Opo-kuni-nusi of the existence of an underground cavern with a small opening. Matsumura (III, 304) disagrees with Orikuchi Shinobu's theory that this was a formula imparted to youths at an initiation ceremony in order to provide information about the female sex organs; he cites other examples in folk literature of animals giving informa­ tion to save persons in trouble.

Kojiki

16

I j

Because [the mouse] had said this, he stamped his feet at that place and fell into [a hole in the ground]; while he was hidden there, the fire passed over. Then the mouse came out bearing the humming arrow in its mouth and presented it to him. The feathers on the arrow had all been chewed up by the mouse's children.12

12 It has been suggested that this tale came originally from southern Asia, where stories of animals escaping from danger by burrowing underground are common. However, a foreign origin is not mandatory, since in native Japanese folk belief mice were regarded as mysterious beings. Matsumura, ΙΠ, 334-37. The tale bears unmistak­ able signs of folk origin; the final sentence, one of the Kojiki's delightful touches, in particular, has the ring of authentic folk literature.

IOO

Book One, Chapter 24

CHAPTER 24 OPO-KUNI-NUSI RETURNS THE ARROW. OUTWITTING SUSA-NO-WO, HE ESCAPES WITH SUSERI-BIME. SUSA-NO-WO FOLLOWS AND GIVES THEM A BLESSING. OPO-KUNI-NUSI SUBDUES HIS EIGHTY BROTHERS. Ι

At this time, his1 spouse SUSERI-BIME came along in tears, carry­ ing funeral implements.2 2 Her father the great deity, thinking that [Opo-kuni-nusi-nomikoto] had died, went out onto the plain.3 3 Then, when [Opo-kuni-nusi-no-mikoto] brought the arrow and presented it to him, he led him inside the house, summoned him into a spacious hall, and had him pick the lice from his head.4 4 When [Opo-kuni-nusi-no-mikoto] looked at his head, there were many centipedes on it. 5 At this time his spouse5 gave to her husband nuts of the MUKU 6 tree and red clay. He bit open the nuts, put the red clay in his mouth, and spat out [the mixture]. 1

Opo-kuni-nusi's. Papuri-tu-mono; what they consisted of is not clear. The verb papuru seems to have meant 'to throw away,' 'to abandon,' and is the root from which are derived Modern Japanese homuru, 'to bury,' and hdru, 'to throw [out, aside, etc.].' The word may reflect an ancient custom of leaving corpses unburied; funeral customs involving the exposure of wooden coffins above the ground are found in Okinawa and among the Oroks and Gilyaks of Sakhalin. See Nihon minzoku zuroku, pp. 134-35, and Takabeya Fukuhei, Hoppdken no ie (Shokokusha, 1943), pp. 11-12. 3 Motoori holds that Susa-no-wo had merely tried to test Opo-kuni-nusi's mettle and that he now came out onto the plain to search lovingly for the body. Kojiki-den, II, 5344 Takagi Toshio comments that the Susa-no-wo of this chapter, with lice and centi­ pedes in his hair, resembles a lion or some other animal; he cites similar stories in which a youth outwits a lion or a demon by tying his hair to the rafters as Opo-kuni-nusi does in verse 8. Nihon shinwa densetsu no kenkyii (Oka Shoin, 1925), pp. 194-96. 6 Suseri-bime. 2

IOI

Kojiki

7

8

9

10 11

12

13

14

Then the great deity, thinking that [Opo-kuni-nusi-no-mikoto] was biting open and spitting out the centipedes, thought lovingly in his heart [of him] and went to sleep. Thereupon, [Opo-kuni-nusi-no-mikoto] took the hair of the great deity and tied [strands of it] to each of the rafters of the chamber. He took a huge boulder6 and blocked the door of the chamber. Carrying his spouse SUSERI-BIME on his back, he took away the great deity's sword of life and bow-and-arrow of Ufe,7 as well as his heavenly speaking cither.8 As he fled, the heavenly speaking cither brushed against a tree, and [its sound] reverberated along the ground. Then the sleeping deity, hearing this, was alarmed and pulled down the hall. However, while he was disentangling his hair which had been tied to the rafters, they had escaped far away. Then [Susa-no-wo-no-mikoto] pursued them as far as the pass YOMO-TU-PIRA-SAKA9 and, looking far into the distance, called out after OPO-NAMUDI-NO-KAM!, saying: "Using the sword of life and the bow-and-arrow of Ufe which you are holding, pursue and subdue your half-brothers10 on the side of the hill; and pursue and sweep them down at the rapids of the river. Then, becoming OPO-KUNI-NUSI-NO-KAMI, and becom­ ing UTUSI-KUNI-TAMA-NO-KAM!,11 make my daughter SUSERI-BIME your chief wife. Dwell at the foot of Mount UKA,12 root the posts

8 Ipo-biki no ipa; literally, 'five-hundred-pulling boulder' (i.e., one requiring 500 people to pull it); cf. 10:11; 36:3. 7 8

Iku-tati, iku-yumi-ya. Ame no nori-goto; in some manuscripts ame no nu-goto, whjch might mean 'heavenly

jeweled cither.' For a discussion of the significance of these articles, see ADDITIONAL NOTE 15. 9 Cf. 10:8; this incident resembles that of Izanagi's visit to Yomi (Chapters 9-10). Tsugita (p. 152), who sees recollections of the tumuli in both episodes, calls this pass the rock-lined entrance to a tomb. However, in both instances plants and trees seem to grow along the way. 10 The eighty deities of Chapters 21-22. 11 I.e., becoming the ruler of the land, the divine spirit of the land of mortals. 18 The region around the foot of Mount Uka, where the Great Shrine of Izumo is located today, was evidently an early social and political center of the Idumo region.

Book One, Chapter 24

ι$

16 17

18

of your palace firmly in the bed-rock below, and raise high the crossbeams unto TAKAMA-NO-PARA itself,13 you scoundrel!"14 When he pursued the eighty deities using the sword and bow, he pursued and subdued them on the side of each hill, and pursued and swept them down at the rapids of each river. Then he began the creation of the land.15 YA-GAMI-PIME, in accordance with their previous betrothal,16 shared the conjugal bed. Although he brought YA-GAMI-PIME [to his palace], she feared the chief wife SUSERI-BIME and went back [to her home], leaving the child she had borne wedged in the fork of a tree.17 Therefore, this child was named ΚΪ-ΝΟ-ΜΑΤΑ-ΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ and was also named MI-WI-NO-KAML

13 This phrase, appearing also in 37:3 and 39:18, was originally a realistic description of ancient architecture, but later became a conventional formula praising a shrine or palace. It appears regularly in the norito prayers. The pigi (crossbeams) are the modern chigi, the protruding beams jutting up on the roof of shrine buildings. 14 The use of derogatory diction in this passage suggests that Susa-no-wo imparted his blessing grudgingly or that he was overcome by a stronger magic and was acting, like Balaam, entirely against his own will. 16 Compare this verse with 3:1, 9:2, and 30:5. See also the passage from the Nihon shoki quoted in the note to 21:12. In Idumo mythology, Opo-namudi-no-kam'i (to­ gether with Sukuna-biko-na-no-kami), rather than Izanagi and Izanami, created the land. The commentators have traditionally held that Opo-namudi resumed the work of creation which had been interrupted at Izanami's death (cf. 9:2). A more correct inter­ pretation, however, may be the existence of two separate creation myths. Originally Opo-namudi and Sukuna-biko-na belonged to the Idumo mythological world, and Izanagi and Izanami to the separate pantheon of Yamato mythology. The former were incorporated into the dominant Yamato mythology, with which they had no connection, as a concession to the pride of the Idumo people. Thus, the Kojiki incorporates two land-creation accounts, which occasionally do not coincide. 16 Cf. 21:15. 17 Kl no mata. Cf. 22:11, in which Opo-kuni-nusi was wedged in a tree, and 22:15, in which he escaped through the fork of a tree.

Kojiki

CHAPTER 25 OPO-KUNI-NUSI WOOS NUNAKAPA-PIME IN

SONG. YA-TI-POKO-NO-KAM!1 went forth to woo NUNAKAPA-PIME2 of

Ι

2

the land of Kosi. When he arrived at the house of NUNAKAPA-PIME, he sang:

3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16

Unable to find a wife In the land of the eight islands,4 Hearing that In the far-away Land of Kosi There was a wise maiden, Hearing that There was a fair maiden, Set out To woo her, Went out To win her.

17 18

Not even untying® The cord of my sword,

1 One

The god YA-TI-POKO,3

of the names of Opo-kuni-nusi; cf. 20:19. * Nunakapa-pime was a noble maiden of a place called Nunakapa or Nunokapa in the land of Kosi (modern Niigata prefecture). Some commentators view this account as a mythological recollection of the diplomatic marriages between Idumo leaders and women rulers of Kosi, occasioned by Idumo's attempt to consolidate its control of the Hokuriku area. Matsumura, III, 270-71. See also the note to 21:15. 3 The entire first section of the song, lines 3-16, is in the third person. The second sec­ tion, lines 17-26, shifts abruptly to the first person. (The transliterated texts of all the Kojiki songs may be found in APPENDIX B.) 4 Ya-sima kuni; cf. 6:17. This may refer to an actual place called Ya-sima in Idumo. 5 Verses 17-26 have first-person pronouns. Some of the verbs, oddly enough, have

Book One, Chapter 25 19 20 21 22

23 24

25 20

Not even untying My cloak, I stood there And pushed and shook, I stood there And pulled and shoved On the wooden door Where the maiden slept.

30 31 32

Then, on the verdant mountains, The NUYE bird sang. The bird of the field, The pheasant resounded. The bird of the yard, The cock crowed.

33 34 35 36

Ah how hateful These birds for crying! WoiJd that I could make them Stop their accursed singing!

37 38

These are6 The words, The words handed down By the isitapu ya AMA messenger clan.8

27 28

29

39 40

41

1

honorific suffixes, so that it seems as though the speaker were using honorific expressions about himself. Probably this is merely a case of the reciters using these expressions to show respect to the personage whose lines they are reciting. 6 Verses 37-41 are a refrain and a formula used by reciters to close Kamu-gatari and Ama-gatari-uta (see the GLOSSARY). The same words occur in 26:14-18, and in abbreviated form in 26:39-41, 27:48-50, 133:63-65, 133:84-86, and 133:100-102. 7 We do not know the meaning of these words; perhaps i-sitapu γα: 'yearning—oh!' They seem to be an epithet modifying the words Ama-pase-dukapi in the following line. 8 Ama-pase-dukapi. Another interpretation is: 'sky-flying messengers.' In ancient Japan there was a professional corporation called the Pase-dukapi-be, whose duty was to serve as messengers or porters. Those members who also belonged to the Ama corporation of seafarers were undoubtedly called Ama-pase-dukapi-be or Ama-pase-dukapi. Verses 37-41 may have been a sort of copyright or trade-mark identifying the song as the property of a branch of the Ama corporation. See Aiso Teizo, Kiki kayo shinkai (Koseikaku, 1939), pp. 38-41. For further notes on the songs in Chapters25-28 see ADDITIONAL NOTE 16; for another translation, see Brower and Miner, pp. 62-64.

Kojiki

CHAPTER 26 NUNAKAPA-PIME REPLIES IN SONG. Ι

Then NUNAKAPA-PIME, without yet opening the door, sang from within:

2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

O deity YA-TI-poko ! Since I am but a woman, Supple like the pliant grass, My heart is fluttering Like the birds of the seashore.1 Although now I may be A free, selfish bird of my own ;2 Later, I shall be yours, A bird ready to submit to your will.3

12

Therefore, my lord, be patient;

13

Do not perish with yearning.

14

These are

15

The words,

16

The words handed down

17

By the isitapu γα

18

AMA messenger clan.4

19

As soon as the sun

20

Hides behind the verdant mountains,

Literally, 'my heart is a bird of the seashore.' 2 This translation follows the manuscripts that read wa-dori, thought to mean 'my bird.' The other reading, followed by Motoori, is ti-dori, meaning 'plover.' 3 Na-dori, 'your bird.' The translation of these lines is necessarily a free one, following the majority of modern commentators. 4 The refrain (cf. 25:37-41) marks the end of Nunakapa-pime's first song. Although the text continues without a break, lines 2-18 and 19-41 must be regarded as different songs, since both end in the formula-refrain, and each is an entity with a distinctive style and content. 1

Book One, Chapter 26

21 22

Then jet-black Night will come. 5

23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37

Smiling radiantly Like the morning sun, With your arms6 White as a rope of TAKU fibers, Y o u will embrace M y breast, alive with youth, Soft as the light snow; W e shall embrace and entwine our bodies.7 Your jewel-like hands Will entwine with mine, And, your legs outstretched, Y o u will lie and sleep. Therefore, my lord, D o not yearn. O deity

38

YA-TI-POKO!

39 40 41 42

These are The words, The words handed down. They were not united that night, but were conjugally united the following night.

5

Or 'In the jet black night, come!' Lines 2 5 - 3 4 a r e almost identical, except in their order, with 2 8 : 2 5 - 3 4 . They were, evidently, conventional formulas used in songs of this type. 7 Tataki-managari; the meaning is disputed. In keeping with the atmosphere of the song, I have interpreted tataki as 'to embrace with the hands' and managaru as being close in meaning to matagu, matagaru, 'to mount,' 'to extend over.' 6

107

Kojiki

CHAPTER 27 OPO-KUNI-NUSI BIDS FAREWELL TO HIS JEALOUS WIFE, SuSERI-BIME, IN SONG.

Again, the deity's1 chief queen, SUSERI-BIME-NO-MIKOTO, was 2 extremely jealous.2 Her husband, highly distressed on this account, was about to leave IDUMO and go up to the land of YAMATO. 3 When he had completed dressing and was about to depart, he put one hand on the saddle of his horse and one foot in the stirrup, singing :3 Ι

4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

All dressed up In my jet-black clothes, When I look down at my breast, Like a bird of the sea, Flapping its wings, This garment will not do; I throw it off By the wave-swept beach.4

12 13 14 ι$

All dressed up In my blue clothes, Blue like the kingfisher,5 When I look down at my breast,

Opo-kuni-nusi. Jealousy, an understandable result of the polygamous marriage system, is a frequent topic of the Kojiki narratives. Suseri-bime's jealousy has already been referred to, in­ directly, in 24:17. Another famous story of jealousy begins in Chapter 111. s The vividness of this description makes one feel that the account was written by someone who had actually witnessed the performance of such actions. The song also sounds like an accompaniment for certain actions, as if it were an element in an opera or dance-drama. 4 Opo-kuni-nusi changes his clothing three times during the song. Is this in order to pique his wife and induce her to relent, or was the song an accompaniment for a dance requiring frequent change of costume? 5 Soni-ddri. 1 2

Book One, Chapter 27

16 17 18 19 20

Like a bird of the sea, Flapping its wings, This garment will not do; I throw it off By the wave-swept beach.

21 22

All dressed up In my clothes dyed With the juice Of pounded ATANE plants Grown in the mountain fields, Now when I look down at my breast, Like a bird of the sea, Flapping its wings, This garment will do.

23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30

31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47

Beloved wife of mine, When I go off With my men Flocking like flocking birds; When I go off With my men Accompanied like birds of a company; Although you may say That you will not weep— Your head drooping, Like the lone reed of SUSUKI grass On the mountain side, You will weep; And your weeping will rise Just as the morning rain Rises into a mist. O my young wife Like the young grass !6

6 Waka-kusa no: 'of the young grass,' 'as the young grass,' a conventional epithet applied to tuma, 'spouse.'

Kojiki

48 49 50

These are The words, The words handed down.

no

Book

One,

Chapter

28

CHAPTER 28 S U S E R I - B I M E REPLIES I N S O N G A N D

DISSUADES

O P O - K U N I - N U S I FROM LEAVING.

1 2

Then his queen 1 brought [the deity's] great wine-cup and, approaching, offered it to him, singing: O deity

3

YA-TI-POKO !

4

O m y OPO-KUNI-NUSI !

5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

Since you Are a man, On all the islands Y o u row around, On each and every promontory Y o u go around, Y o u must have wives Like the young grass.

13 14 15 16 17 18

But I, Being a woman, Have no man Besides you, Have no husband Besides you.

19 20

Under silken curtains, The fluffy ones,

21 22 23 24

Under covers of MUSI fibers, The soft ones, Under covers of TAKU fibers, The rustling ones,

1

Suseri-bime. ILL

Kojiki

25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34

My breast, alive with youth,2 Soft as the light snow, You will embrace With your arms White as a rope of TAKU fibers. We shall embrace and entwine our bodies; Your jewel-like hands Will entwine with mine. With your legs outstretched, O come, my lord, and sleep!

35 36

Partake, O my lord, Of the abundant wine I3

37

38

Thus singing, they pledged each other with their wine-cups and, embracing each other around the neck, remain enshrined until the present day.4 This is called KAMU-GATARI.5

2 Lines

25-34 are almost identical with 26:25-34. The reciters' refrain is lacking in this song. 4 They are still enshrined as man-and-wife deities in certain areas. Tachibana Moribe (1781-1849) explains this passage in an interesting manner: "Judging from this, there must have been in antiquity an image of the two deities embracing, which was commonly known and seen. . . . There was a profound reason why Susa-no-wo-no-mikoto gave this goddess [his daughter, Suseri-bime] to Opokuni-nusi-n6-mik0t6: by means of this divine plan the work of [completing] the land came to fulfillment, and evidently in commemoration of this divine blessing the image of these two deities was worshipped in all localities. These two songs [in Chapters 28-29] are based on the divine images thus worshipped. Fromaninitialstate of jealous quarreling their hearts are united, and in their embrace is intended an ad­ monition towards harmonious marital relations; with such intent were the songs composed for court dancing. Today such divine images are found in great numbers in the mountains west of Yamada county in the land of KSzuke [Gumma prefecture] —I know not about other regions—.... They are in sizes and shapes too numerous to enumerate. Many of them are shown holding wine-cups; clearly this is derived from tradition." Itsu-no-kotowaki (Fuzambo, 1941), p. 41. The editors have included a quaint illustration of one of these images, two figures crouching with their arms around each other's shoulders. 5 That is, the songs in the song sequence of Chapters 25-28 are called kamu-gatari. 8

Book One, Chapter

35

CHAPTER 29 GENEALOGY OF THE DESCENDANTS OF OPO-KUNI-NUSI.

1

This OPO-KUNI-NUSI-NO-KAMI took as wife the deity who dwells i n the OKI-TU-MIYA o f M U N A K A T A , TAKIRI-BIME-NO-MIKOTO,1 a n d

there was born [the child] ADI-SIKI-TAKA-PIKONE-NO-KAM! ; next a younger sister TAKA-PIME-NO-MIKOTO, also named SITA-TERUPIME-N6-MIKOT6.2

2 3

This ADI-SIKI-TAKA-PIKONE-NO-KAMI is the deity called today "the great deity of KAMO."3 OPO-KUNI-NUSI-NO-KAM! also took as w i f e KAMU-YA-TATEPIME-NO-MIK6TO and there was born [the child] KOTO-SIRO-NUSINO-KAM!.4

4

He also took as wife TORI-MIMI-NO-KAMI, the daughter of Y A SIMA-MUDI-NO-KAMI, and there was born [the child] TORI-NARUMI-NO-KAMI.

5

This deity took as wife PINA-TERI-NUKATA-BITI-WO-IKOTINI-NOKAMI and there was born [the child] KUNI-OSI-TOMI-NO-KAMI.

6

This deity took as wife ASI-NADAKA-NO-KAMI, also named Y A GAPA-YE-PIME, and there was born [the child] PAYA-MIKA-NO-TAKESAPAYADI-NUMI-NO-KAMI.

7

This deity took as wife SAKI-TAMA-PIME, the daughter of AMENO-MIKA-NUSI-NO-KAMI, and there was born [the child] MIKANUSI-PIKO-NO-KAMI.

8

This deity took as wife PI-NARASI-BIME, the daughter of OKAMINO-KAMI,S and there was born [the child] TAPIRIKI-SIMARUMI-NOKAMI.

! C f . 15:172 Cf. 33:4.34=158 Kamo no opo-mi-kami. This deity appears again in Chapter 34. 4 The deity is referred to in later chapters (35-37) as Ya-pe-Koto-siro-nusi-no-kami. 6 Evidently, Kura-okami-no-kami (8:4).

129

Kojiki

9

This deity took as wife IKU-TAMA-SAKI-TAMA-PIME-NO-KAMI, the daughter of PIPIRAG!-N6-S6N6-PANA-MADUMI-N6-KAMI, and there was born [the child] MIRO-NAMI-NO-KAMI.

10

This deity took as wife AWO-NUMA-NU-OSI-PIME, the daughter of SIKI-YAMA-NUSI-NO-KAMI, and there was born [the child] NUNOOSI-TOMI-TORI-NARU-MI-NO-KAMI.

11

This deity took as wife WAKA-PIRU-ME-NO-KAMI and there was born [the child] AME-NO-PI-BARA-OPO-SINA-DOMI-NO-KAMI.

12

This deity took as wife TOPO-TU-MATI-NE-NO-KAMI, the daughter of AME-NO-SA-GIRI-NO-KAMI,6 and there was born [the child] TOPO-TU-YAMA-ZAKI-TARASI-N6-KAMI.

13

In the above section, [the deities] from YA-SIMA-ZINUMI-NOKAMI7 through TOPO-TU-YAMA-ZAKI-TARASI-NO-KAMI are called the

deities of seventeen generations.8

• Cf. 7 : 1 3 . ' Cf. 20:13. 8 There are actually only fifteen. The excessively large number of generations of Susa-no-wo's descendants (Chapters 20-29) in comparison with the five generations of Ama-terasu-opo-mi-kami's descendants, their supposed contemporaries (from Masakatu-a-katu-kati-paya-pi-Ame-no-osi-po-mimi-no-mikoto through Ama-tu-piko-Pikonagisa-take-U-gaya-puki-apezu-no-mikoto), shows that each group of deities originated from an entirely different myth system.

114

Book One, Chapter 30

CHAPTER 30 THE DEITY SUKUNA-BIKO-NA APPEARS AND ASSISTS IN CREATING THE LAND. AFTER HIS DEPARTURE, THE DEITY OF MOUNT ML-MORO APPEARS. When OPO-KUNI-NUSI-NO-KAMI1 was at the Cape of MIPO in IDUMO, a deity came riding on the crest of the waves in a heavenly KAGAMI boat,2 wearing as clothing the skin of a wagtail3 which had been completely flayed. 2 Although he4 asked him his name, he would not reply. And although he4 asked his attendant deities, they all said that they did not know. 3 At this point the toad5 said: Ι

1 In this chapter the names Opo-kuni-nusi-no-kami, Asi-para-siko-wo-no-mikoto, and Opo-namudi are used interchangeably to refer to the same deity. 2 Ame-no-kagami-bune. A tiny boat made of the pod of the kagami plant (see GLOSSARY). 8 Sazaki. There is much controversy over this word, which is written with the ideograph for 'goose.' Since a goose is a large bird and its skin would be too roomy for a tiny person, scholars suggest such alternative readings as 'moth,' 'silk-worm moth,' and 'wagtail.' The Nihon shoki uses 'wagtail' in one of its versions, and this seems the most probable interpretation. Aston suggests that this narrative is a reflection of historical intercourse between the people of Idumo and the peoples of northern Asia, who are known to have used the skins of birds for clothing. Shinto, the Way of the Gods (London: Longmans, Green, 1905), p. 108. A similar theory was proposed by Matsuoka Shizuo (Matsumura, III, 370). However, the point of this narrative is not Sukuna-biko-na's place of origin or his cloth­ ing, but his diminutive size; one can see in this narrative elements of folk tales about elves or midgets. Ibid., 369-71. 4 Opo-kuni-nusi. 5 Tani-guku. The ancient Japanese must have thought that the toad was a mysterious being which traveled everywhere and was therefore well informed. The norito have the following passage: . . . in each of the myriad islands In which you hold sway, As far as the toad [tani-guku] can crawl, And as far as the briny bubbles can reach. Such expressions, found also in the Manyoshu, mean 'to the utmost limits of the land.'

Kojiki

"This is something which KUYE-BIKO6 will certainly know." 4 Then when he7 summoned KUYE-BIKO and asked him, he replied: "This is the child of KAMI-MUSUBI-NO-KAMI, SUKUNA-BIKO-NAΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ."

Then when he7 reported [the matter] to KAMI-MUSUBI-MI-OYAΝΟ-Μίκδτδ, he replied: "This is truly my child. He is the one of my children who slipped8 through my fingers. Therefore, ASI-PARA-SIKO-WO-NOMIKOTO, become brothers with him, and together create and solid­ ify the land."9 6 Then after that, the two deities OPO-NAMUDI and SUKUNABIKO-NA jointly created and solidified the land.10 7 Later, however, SUKUNA-BIKO-NA-NO-KAMI passed over to Τόκό-γδ.11 8 The KUYE-BIKO who revealed [the identity of] SUKUNA-BIKONA-NO-KAMI is now called the scarecrow12 of the mountain paddies. 5

• Kuye-biko is revealed in verse 8 to be a scarecrow. ' Opo-kuni-nusi. 8 Or 'dripped.' • In one version of the story in the Nihon shoki, the parent is Taka-mi-musubi-nomik6t6, who identifies Sukuna-biko with these words: "I have fathered altogether 1,500 children. Among them there was one who was extremely naughty, would not obey my instructions, and slipped through my fingers and fell—this must be he. Rear him lov­ ingly !" Asahi ed., I, 124. 10 See also the Nihon shoki passage quoted in the note to 21:12. According to Idumo mythology, these two deities, not Izanagi and Izanami, created and solidified the land. Some scholars have suggested that Opo-namudi and Sukuna-biko-na, whose names are somewhat similar (Opo-na and Suku-na), are really one deity or two aspects of the same deity. Matsumura, III, 370-93. However, irrespective of what they were considered to be in primitive belief or in later times, the two were regarded as separate entities in the Kojiki and other documents. Ibid., 358-5911 Cf. 46:2. The Nihon shoki has this variant: "Another version says that when he went to the island of Apa and climbed up a millet stalk, he was flipped off and crossed over to the land of Toko-yo." Asahi ed., I, 123; see also Aston, I, 60. 12 Some commentators have suggested that Kuye-biko was a god of the rice paddies or a wisdom deity, who later became confused with a scarecrow. See Matsumura, III, 401-404. Matsumura himself suggests that Kuye-biko was originally a magic protector of private property and also a yori-shiro of the rice-paddy god, or the thing to which the spirit of the rice-paddy god was expected to attach itself. Ibid., 410-18. Watanabe (pp. 269-71) says that the scarecrow was a magic figure adopted to protect the crops; grad­ ually its powers were enhanced to the point where it was regarded as omniscient.

Book One, Chapter 30 This deity, although his feet do not walk, is a deity who knows all things under the heavens. 9 At this time OPO-KUNI-NUSI-NO-KAMI lamented and said: "How can I create this land by myself? What deity can Ijoin with that we might be able to create this land together?" 10 At this time there was a deity who came, lighting up the sea.13 This deity said: 11 "If you worship well before me,14 I will create together with you. But if you do not, it will be difficult for the land to be formed." 12 Then OPO-KUNI-NUSI-NO-ΚΑΜΪ said: "In that case, in what manner should I worship you?" 13 He replied, saying: "Worship me on the eastern mountain of the verdant fence of YAMATO."15

14

This is the deity who dwells on Mount MI-MORO.16

Cf. 74:8. I.e., fulfill all the requirements of my cult. 15 I.e., the easternmost of the verdant mountains surrounding Yamato like a fence. 16 Mount Miwa in Yamato (see GLOSSARY). This may have been a center of worship for clans who moved from Idumo to Yamato. In a variant version in the Nihon shoki, the deity who appears later and demands to be worshipped on Mount Mi-moro is the 'fortune-spirit and wonder-spirit' (saki-mi-tama kusi-mi-tama) of Opo-namudi himself. (Asahi ed., I, 123-24.) In the "Divine Congratulatory Words of the Kuni-no-miyatuko of Idumo" in the norito of the Engi-shiki, the deity of Opo-miwa was the 'peaceful spirit' (nigi-tama) of Opo-namudi, and was named Yamato-no-opo-mono-nusi-Kusimika-tama-no-mikoto. At any rate, the deity of Mount Miwa was an alter ego of Oponamudi, or a deity closely connected with him. 13

14

Kojiki

CHAPTER 31 GENEALOGY OF THE DESCENDANTS OF OPO-TOSI-NO-KAMI.

OPO-TOSI-NO-KAMI1 took as w i f e INO-PIME, the daughter o f

1

KAMU-IKU-SUBI-NO-KAMI, and there was born [the child] OPO-KUNIMI-TAMA-NO-KAMI; next, KARA-NO-KAM!; next, S6PORI-NO-KAMI;

next, S L R A - P I - N O - K A M I ; next, P l Z I R I - N O - K A M I . (Five deities) Again, he took as wife KAGAYO-PIME2 and there was born [the

2

child] OPO-KAGA-YAMA-TO-OMI-NO-KAMI; next, MI-TOSI-NO-KAMI. (Two deities)

Next he took as wife AME-TIKARU-MIDU-PIME3 and there was

3

born [the child] OKI-TU-PIKO-NO-KAMI ; next, OKI-TU-PIME-NO-

MIKOTO, also named OPO-BE-PIME-NO-KAMI. This is the hearth-deity worshipped by all the people.4 Next [there was born the child] OPO-YAMA-GUPI-NO-KAMI, also named YAMA-SUWE-NO-OPO-NUSI-NO-KAMI. This deity dwells on

4

M o u n t PIYE in the land o f TIKA-TU-APUMI and also dwells at MATU-

NO-WO in KADUNO. He is the deity who holds the humming arrow. 5 1

Cf. 20:14. This chapter is directly related to the genealogical sections of Chapter 20. Opo-tosi-no-kami' is a deity of grain. Tsugita (pp. 184-85) says that the deities in this chapter are merely a collection of various widely worshipped land-protecting deities, agricultural deities, and gods of the home and hearth, and that they are not necessarily related to each other. According to Watanabe (p. 278), gods of lesser importance worshipped in various localities and whom it was desirable to fit into the official mythology may have been given places here in the Idumo pantheon—even though they may not have been Idumo deities. 2

Or Kayo-pime. Or Ame-wakaru-midu-pime; Ame-siru-karu-midu-pime. 4 There are records of hearth-deities or kitchen-deities being worshipped at court, and this statement makes it clear that there was also widespread popular worship. Today this worship is widely performed under the name kamado-matsuri; the deity is called o-kama-sama or kojin-sama. Kojiki taisei, VI, 143. 5 Nari-kabura; cf. 23 :i3. The last sentence might also mean 'who uses the humming arrow,' or 'in respect to whom humming arrows are used,' i.e., arrows were presented to him in worship. Motoori favors changing the word 'holds' into one meaning 'be8

118

Book One, Chapter 31 5

Next [there was born the child] NIPA-TU-PI-NÖ-KAM! ; next, ASUPA-NO-KAMI; next, PAPIKI-NO-KAMI ; next, KAGA-YAMA-TO-OMI-

NO-KAMI; next, PA-YAMA-TO-NO-KAMI ; next, NIPA-TAKA-TU-PI-NO-

KAM!; next, OPO-TUTI-NO-KAMI, also named TUTI-NO-MI-OYA-NOKAMI. (Nine deities)6 6

The children of OPO-TOSI-NO-KAMI in the above section, from OPO-KUNI-MI-TAMA-NO-KAMI t h r o u g h OPO-TUTI-NO-KAMI, are al-

together sixteen deities. 7

PA-YAMA-TO-NO-KAMI took as w i f e

OPO-GE-TU-PIME-NO-KAMI

and there was born [the child] WAKA-YAMA-GUPI-NO-KAMI; next, WAKA-TOSI-NO-KAMI; next, a younger sister WAKA-SANA-ME-NOKAMI; next,

MIDU-MAKI-NÖ-KAMI;

next,

NATU-TAKA-TU-PI-NO-

KAMI, also named NATU-NO-ME-NO-KAM! ; next, AKI-BIME-NO-KAMI; next, KUKU-TOSI-NO-KAMI; next, KUKU-KI-WAKA-MURO-TUNA-NENO-KAMI.

8

The children of PA-YAMA-TO-NO-KAMI in the above section, from WAKA-YAMA-GUPI-NO-KAMI

through

WAKA-MURO-TUNA-NE-NO-

KAMI, are altogether eight deities.

came,' 'was transformed into,' or into one meaning 'red.' Thus, the meaning could be either that the deity changed into a humming arrow or that the deity was a red humming arrow. He identifies this deity with Po-no-ikaduti-no-mikoto, a deity enshrined in Otokuni county, Yamasiro, who transformed himself into a red painted arrow and married a maiden called Tama-yori-pime. Kojiki-den, II, 645-47. The deity is mentioned in a fragment from the Yamashirofudoki; see Fudoki, p. 267. 6 Actually there were ten. Oki-tu-piko-no-kami and Oki-tu-pime-no-mikoto may have been counted as one deity.

119

Kojiki

CHAPTER 321 AME-NO-OSI-PO-MIMI-NO-MIKOTO IS SENT TO RULE THE LAND, BUT REPORTS THAT UNRULY EARTH-DEITIES ARE RAMPANT. AME-NO-PO-PIΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ IS SENT TO SUBDUE THE LAND, BUT DOES NOT RETURN FOR THREE YEARS.

Ι

2

3

AMA-TERASU-ΟΡΟ-ΜΙ-ΚΑΜΪ commanded: "TOYO-ASI-PARA-NO-TI-AKI-NO-NAGA-IPO-AKI-NO-MIDU-PO-NOKUNI2 is the land to be ruled by my child MASA-KATU-A-KATUKATI-PAYA-PI-AME-NO-OSI-PO-MIMI-NO-MIKOTO.''3 Thus entrusting the mission to him, she caused him to descend from the heavens. At this time AME-NO-OSI-PO-MIMI-NO-MIKOTO stood on the Heavenly Floating Bridge4 and said:

1 Chapters 32-37 deal with the process by which Japan was ceded to the offspring of the heavenly deities. Their descent from Takama-no-para is the central point and the climax of the mythological sections of the Kojiki. The land-ceding process had three stages. First, Ama-terasu sent Ame-no-po-pi-nokami', but he did not return (Chapter 32). Second, Ame-no-waka-piko was dispatched but also did not carry out his mission (Chapter 33). Finally, when Take-mika-duti-nokami and Ame-no-tori-pune-no-kami descended, the negotiations for the land-cession were successfully concluded (Chapters 35-37). Most of the commentators hold that these chapters reflect the Yamato kingdom's gradual absorption of the Idumo region. Or perhaps Idumo was one of the final areas assimilated and therefore became representative of all the territories which had been attached to the Yamato possessions. 2 'The land of the plentiful reed plains, of the thousand-autumn and long-five hundredautumn fresh rice-ears.' Cf. 38:7. 3 One of the five male children borne by Ama-terasu-opo-mi-kaim in her contest with Susa-no-wo (15:6). Although he does not actually descend to earth, he sends his child Piko-no-ninigi-no-mikoto (38:1-4). The divine mandate is repeated on his behalf (38:7)4 Ame no uki-pasi; cf. 3:3.

Book One, Chapter 32

"Τ Δ YO-ASI-P ARA-NO-TI-AKI-N5-NAGA-IPO-AKI-NO-MID U-PO-NOKUNI is in an uproar."5

4

Thus saying, he ascended [to Takama-no-para] and reported to AMA-TERASU-ΟΡΟ-ΜΙ-ΚΑΜΪ.

5

Then, by command of TAKA-MI-MUSUBI-NO-KAMI and AMATERASU-OPO-MI-KAMI,® the eight-hundred myriad deities assembled

in a divine assembly in the river-bed of the AME-NO-YASU-NOKAPA.7

They8 caused ΟΜΟΡΙ-ΚΑΝΕ-ΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ to ponder,9 and said: "This Central Land of the Reed Plains10 is the land entrusted to my child as the land to be ruled by him. He thinks11 that there are many unruly earthly deities12 in this land. Which deity shall we dispatch to subdue them?" 8 Then ΟΜΟΡΙ-ΚΑΝΕ-ΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ and the eight-hundred myriad deities deliberated and said: 9 "ΑΜΕ-Ν5-ΡΟ-ΡΙ-ΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ13 should be dispatched." 6 7

Cf. 49:8. The Nihon shoki describes the situation thus: ". . . in that land there were many deities who shone like the lights of fireflies and evil deities buzzing like flies. Also there were plants and trees all of which were able to speak." Asahi ed., I, 128. See also Aston, I, 64. In the "Divine Congratulatory "Words of the Kuni-no-miyatuko of Idumo" in the Engi-shiki norito, the conditions are described in similar terms: The Land of the Plentiful Reed Plains and of the Fresh Rice-ears During the day seethes as with summer flies, And during the night is overrun with gods who shine as sparks of fire. The very rocks, the stumps of trees, The bubbles of water all speak, And it is truly an unruly land. 6 In the descent sections, the divine mandate is repeatedly given by these two deities, who appear to be sharing authority in Takama-no-para. See note on 33 :13. 7 Cf. 17:4. 8 Taka-mi-musubi and Ama-terasu. 9 Omopu; or 'to think,' 'to devise,' 'to lay a wise plan,' cf. 17:5. 10 Asi-para-no-naka-tu-kuni. 11 Or Ί think'; 'it is thought.' The grammatical subject is unclear. 12 Kuni-tu-kami; cf. note on 19:6. ls Another of the five male deities borne by Ama-terasu-opo-mi-kami (15:8). He was the ancestor of the rulers of Idumo (15:21) and, as becomes clear in verse 10, was re­ garded by the Kojiki writer as an unreliable emissary. In contrast to this account, there is an Idumo-oriented version of the same myth in the "Divine Congratulatory Words of the Kuni-no-miyatuko of Idumo" in the Engi-shiki norito, in which the role of Ame-no-po-pi-no-mikoto is that of a loyal scout who engineered and made possible s

Kojiki

ΊΟ

Then, they dispatched ΑΜΕ-ΝΟ-ΡΟ-ΡΙ-ΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ, but he soon be­ gan to curry favor with OPO-KUNI-NUSI-NO-KAMI, and for three years did not return and report [on his mission].14

the entire descent from Takama-no-para. Naturally, the Idumo rulers wished to exalt the role of their ancestor in the official mythology, and the Yamato writer of the Kojiki wanted to belittle him. 14 Cf. 33:5. The account does not mention any punishment of Ame-no-po-pi-nomikoto.

Book One, Chapter

CHAPTER

26

33

A M E - N O - W A K A - P I K O IS DISPATCHED BUT DOES NOT RETURN. H E SHOOTS THE PHEASANT SENT TO INQUIRE AFTER HIM AND DIES FROM THE THE SAME ARROW.

1

A t this time TAKA-MI-MUSUBI-NO-KAMI and AMA-TERASU-OPO-

MI-KAM! again asked all of the deities: "AME-NO-PO-PI-NO-KAMI, who was dispatched to the Central Land of the Reed Plains, 1 has not returned and reported [on his mission] for a long time; which deity should we send next?" 2

Then OMOPI-KANE-NO-KAMI replied: " T h e child o f AMA-TU-KUNI-TAMA-NO-KAMI, AME-NO-WAKA-

3

4

PIKO, should be dispatched." Then they bestowed upon AME-NO-WAKA-PIKO the heavenly deer [-slaying] bow and the heavenly feathered arrows, 2 and dispatched him. Then AME-NO-WAKA-PIKO descended to the land and soon took as w i f e the daughter o f OPO-KUNI-NUSI-NO-KAMI, SITA-TERU-PIME.3

5

He also plotted to gain the land [for himself] and for eight years did not return and report [on his mission].4

6

T h e n AMA-TERASU-OPO-MI-KAMI and TAKA-MI-MUSUBI-NO-KAMI

again asked all of the deities: "AME-NO-WAKA-PIKO has not returned and reported [on his mission] for a long time. Which deity should we dispatch next to inquire why AME-NO-WAKA-PIKO has remained so long?" 1

Asi-para-nd-naka-tu-kuni. Ame no makako-yumi, ame no papa-ya. O f the three emissaries, only Ame-no-wakapiko was given a special bow and arrow and was punished for his disobedience (33 : i 6 17), although Ame-no-po-pi-no-kami seems to us equally guilty. This account may have been a later addition to the original narrative of Chapters 32-37. Matsumura, III, 4 3 1 - 3 2 . s Cf. 29:1. 4 Cf. 32:10. 2

123

Kojiki

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

Then all of the deities, as well as ΟΜΟΡΙ-ΚΑΝΕ-ΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ, replied: "The pheasant,5 whose name is NAKI-ME,6 should be dispatched." Then they commanded her: "Go and ask of AME-NO-WAKA-PIKO this question: 'You were sent to the Central Land of the Reed Plains to subdue and pacify the unruly deities in that land. Why have you not returned and reported [on your mission] for eight years?' " Then NAKI-ME descended from the heavens and, perched upon the luxuriant KATURA tree7 by AMA-NO-WAKA-PIKO'S door, spoke exactly in accordance with the command of the heavenly deities. Then AMA-NO-SAGU-ME, hearing the words of this bird, reported them to AME-NO-WAKA-PIKO, saying: "This bird's cry is ominous.8 It must be shot to death." As soon as [she thus] advised him, AME-NO-WAKA-PIKO took the bow of PAZI wood and the deer [-slaying] arrows9 bestowed upon him by the heavenly deities and shot the pheasant to death. Then the arrow, passing through the pheasant's breast, shot up backwards and came to rest where AMA-TERASU-OPO-MI-KAM! and ΤΑΚΑ-ΚΪ-ΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ were, by the river-bed of the AME-NO-YASUN5-KAPA. This ΤΑΚΑ-ΚΪ-ΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ is another name for TAKA-MI-MUSUBIΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ.10

5 Kigisi. Matsumura (III, 447) sees the influence of Chinese ideas in the choice of a pheasant as messenger. 6 Literally, 'Weeping-woman'; cf. 7:28, 34:3. 7 Yutu-katura; or 'sacred katura tree'; cf. 43:9. 8 Literally, 'extremely bad.' 9 Pazi-yumi, kaku-ya. The names of the bow and arrows in verse 11 differ from those in verse 3. This, together with the use of the name Taka-ki-no-kami in verse 12, shows that a different source was used at this point of the narrative. 10 Gloss. Undoubtedly the sections containing the name Taka-la-no-kamii rely on a different source from those using Taka-mi-musubi-no-kam'i. Cf. Kojiki-den, II, 683. Taka-mi-musubi-no-kam'i here seems more important than Ama-terasu-opo-mi-kami (cf. also 38:5). Matsumura (II, 39) says that Taka-ki-no-kami', a tree-deity, was the deity worshipped by the North Asiatic elements of the Japanese as the chief deity of Takamano-para. Watanabe (p. 319) explains this deity's importance in Takama-no-para by the fact that the Opo-tomo clan, who claimed descent from him, was at the height of its influence in the fifth and sixth centuries, when these accounts were first compiled. The ancestor deity's importance in the mythology was determined by the influence of his descendants in Japanese politics at the time the myths were compiled. However, the

Book One, Chapter 33

14 15

When ΤΑΚΑ-ΚΪ-ΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ picked up the arrow and looked at it, there was blood on its feathers. Then ΤΑΚΑ-ΚΪ-ΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ said: "This is the arrow which was bestowed upon AME-NO-WAKAPIKO."

16

Then, showing it to all the deities, he said: "If AME-NO-WAKA-PIKO has not failed his trust, and if [this] arrow be one which was shot at the evil deities, then let it not strike AME-NO-WAKA-PIKO ! But if he has a treacherous heart, then let him be cursed in this arrow !"u 17 Thus saying, he took the arrow and thrust it back down through the arrow-hole;12 then it hit AME-NO-WAKA-PIKO in the chest as he lay in his bed in the morning, and he died.13 18

19 20

This is the origin of [the saying:] "the returning arrow."14

Also, the pheasant never returned. Therefore even today there is a saying:15 "The one-way errand of the pheasant."16

Opo-tomo clan is identified in the Kojiki as being descended from Ame-no-osi-pi-nomikoto (cf. 39:15). It is possible that Taka-ki'-no-kami was an old Supreme Deity who by this time was being superseded by Ama-terasu-opo-mi-kami', a sun-deity of later origin. For parallels in other religions, see Mircea Eliade, Patterns in Comparative Religion (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1958), pp. 38-111. 11 Although not identified as such, Taka-ki-no-kami's words are a good example of a formula spoken as an ukepi (cf. note on 14:10). 12 The hole made in the heavens by the arrow when it came up. 13 This tale of the 'returning arrow' may be related to the Middle Eastern tales of Nimrod's arrow and to similar Indian and Chinese tales, in which retribution in kind meets persons who dare to shoot an arrow against the heavens. Matsumura (III, 448-49) assigns a foreign origin to the story. 14 Probably part of the saying is missing; the Nihon shoki has here: "Beware of the returning arrow." Undoubtedly this is what was intended. 15 Koto-waza, in ModernJapanese simply 'saying,' 'proverb.' In antiquity short, pithy statements were probably thought to have a magical effect and many were said to be of divine origin—one reason why the Kojiki includes so many myths accounting for their origins. Motoori explains koto-waza as oracular revelations which gods put in the mouths of men. Kojiki-den, II, 687-88. 16 Kigisi no pita-dukapi; evidently said when nothing was heard of someone for a long time.

Kojiki

CHAPTER 34 AT THE FUNERAL OF AME-NO-WAKA-PIKO, ADI-SIKI-TAKA-PIKONE IS ENRAGED WHEN HE IS MISTAKEN FOR THE DEAD GOD. HlS YOUNGER SISTER SINGS A SONG OF PRAISE FOR HIM. Ι

At that time, the sound of the weeping of SITA-TERU-PIME, AMENO-WAKA-PIKO'S wife, was carried by the wind and sounded again and again in the heavens. 2 Then the father in the heavens of AME-NO-WAKA-PIKO, AMATU-KUNI-TAMA-NO-KAMI, as well as his wife and children, heard [this] and, descending, wept and lamented. 3 Immediately in that place they built a funeral house.1 They made a wild goose of the river2 the bearer of the burial offerings;3 a heron4 the broom-bearer;5 a kingfisher8 the bearer of the food offerings;7 a sparrow8 the grinding woman;9 and a pheasant10 the weeping-woman.11

1 Mo-ya; or 'mourning house.' A building where the corpse was kept and the funeral conducted. 2 Kapa-gari. 3 Kisari-moti; the meaning is not clear. 4 Sagi. 5 Papaki-moti. 6 Soni-dori. 7 Mi-ke-bito. 8 Suzume. 8 Usu-me. 10 Kigisi. 11 Naki-me', cf. 33:7. The mourners must have dressed as birds. The soul of the dead person was believed to assume the form of a bird (cf. 88:8). Compare this with the bird-like costumes worn by the Siberian shamans of today. These are said to be indis­ pensable for flight to the other world. Eliade, Le chamanisme et Ies techniques archalques de I'extase (Paris: Payot, 1951), pp. 149-51.

Book One, Chapter 34

4 5 6 7 8 9 10

11

12

13 14 15

Having thus determined the roles [of each], they sang and danced12 for eight days and eight nights. At this time, ADI-SIKI-TAKA-PIKONE-NO-KAMI arrived to partic­ ipate in the mourning for AME-NO-WAKA-PIKO. Then AME-NO-WAKA-PIKO'S father, and his wife who had de­ scended from the heavens, wept and said: "My child is not dead after all!" "My lord has not died after all!" Thus saying, they clung to his hands and feet and wept and lamented. The reason for their mistake was that the appearance of these two deities was extremely similar; for this reason they mistook him. Then ADI-SIKI-TAKA-PIKONE-NO-KAMI was greatly enraged and said: "I have come to mourn him because I am his beloved friend; why do you liken me to an unclean corpse?"13 Thus saying, he unsheathed the sword ten hands long which he was wearing at his side, and cut down that funeral house and with his foot kicked it away. This is the mountain MO-YAMA14 in the upper reaches of the AWIMI river in the land of MINO. The sword which he used to cut it down was named OPOPAKAEI ; it was also named KAMU-DO-NO-TURUGI. When ADI-SIKI-TAKA-PIKONE-NO-KAMI, enraged, flew away, his younger sister, TAKA-PIME-NO-MIKOTO,15 wishing to reveal16 his name, sang:

12 Asobu; cf. note to 17:18. The purpose of these festivities at the funeral house— feasting, singing, and dancing—may have been to summon the departed soul back into the body, or to assist it in its journey to the other world. Eight is, of course, the sacred number and may also mean simply 'many.' 13 The ancient Japanese regarded corpses as unclean; to be compared with or mistaken for a dead person was evidently the highest insult. 14 Literally, 'Mourning-Mountain.' 15 Cf. 29:1, 33:4. 16 Or 'praise.'

Kojiki 16 17 18 19 20

Ah, the large jewel 1 7 Strung on the cord of beads Worn around the neck O f the heavenly Young weaving maiden ! 1 8

21

Like this is he

22 23

W h o crosses T w o valleys at once,

24

T h e g o d ADI-SIKI-

25

TAKA-PIKONE !19

26

This song is PINA-BURI.20

17 Literally, ana-dama, i.e., 'hole-jewel'; probably a precious stone in which a hole had been pierced. In the song in 45 : i 3 - i 7 another personage is compared to a jewel. 18 Takeda denies that this weaving maiden is the Chih Nii, the Chinese "weaving damsel" representing the star Vega, so popular in the poetry of the Manyoshu. Kiki kayoshii zenko, p. 54. 18 Adi-sikl-taka-pikone was a thunder god. 20 For the derivation of this song-name, see GLOSSARY.

128

Book One, Chapter 35

CHAPTER 35 T A K E - M I K A - D U T I - N Ö - K A M I IS D I S P A T C H E D T O CONSTRAIN O P O - K U N I - N U S I TO SURRENDER T H E L A N D . O N E OF O P O - K U N I - N U S L ' s S O N S AGREES TO SURRENDER IT.

1

Then AMA-TERASU-OPO-MI-KAMI said: "Which deity should we dispatch next?"

2 3

Hereupon OMOPI-KANE-NO-KAM! and all the other deities said: "The deity named ITU-NO-WO-PA-BARI-NO-KAMI,1 who dwells in the Heavenly Rock-cave 2 in the upper reaches of the river AMENO-YASU-NO-KAPA, should be dispatched. And if not this deity, then his son, TAKE-MIKA-DUTI-NO-WO-NO-KAMI, should be dispatched. Since AME-NO-WO-PA-BARI-NO-KAMP has dammed up the waters of the river AME-NÖ-YASU-NO-KAPA and closed up the way [thither], other deities are unable to go [there]. Therefore, AMENO-KAKU-NO-KAMI4 should be especially dispatched to inquire."

4

Then, when AME-NO-KAKU-NO-KAMI had been dispatched to inquire of AME-NO-WO-PA-BARI-NO-KAMI, he replied, saying: "With awe do I comply. However, my son TAKE-MIKA-DUTINO-KAM! should be dispatched on this journey." 5 He immediately presented him. Then AME-NO-TORI-PUNE-NO-KAMI6 was caused to accompany TAKE-MIKA-DUTI-NO-KAMI, and they were dispatched. Thereupon, these two deities descended to the beach of INASA

5 6 7 8 1

Cf. 8:15. Ame no ipa-ya; cf. 17:1. 3 Another name for Itu-no-wo-pa-bari-no-kami. 4 Probably a deer-deity (see GLOSSARY) . 5 Literally, 'road.' 6 Cf. 7:15. Evidently Ame-no-tori-pune-no-kami, the 'heavenly bird-boat deity,' represented the vehicle in which Take-mika-duti-no-kami rode on his descent from the heavens, rather than an independent deity sent to accompany him. Matsumura, III, 457-582

129

Kojiki

9

10

11

12 13

in the land of IDUMO, unsheathed a sword ten hands long and stood it upside down upon the crest of the waves; then, sitting cross-legged atop the point of the sword,7 they inquired of the deity OPO-KUNI-NUSI-NO-KAMI, saying: "We have been dispatched by the command of AMA-TERASUΟΡΟ-ΜΙ-ΚΑΜΪ and ΤΑΚΑ-ΚΪ-ΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ to inquire: 'the Central Land of the Reed Plains,8 over which you hold sway,9 is a land entrusted to the rule of my10 offspring; what is your intention with regard to this?' " Then he replied: "I cannot say.My son YA-PE-KOTO-SIRO-NUSI-NO-KAMI willsay.11 However, he has gone out to amuse himself [hunting for] birds and fishing at the Cape of MIPO, and has not yet returned." Hereupon AME-NO-TORI-PUNE-NO-KAMI was dispatched to sum­ mon YA-PE-KOTO-SIRO-NUSI-NO-KAMI, who, when inquiry was made of him, spoke to his father the great deity, saying: "With fearful reverence let us present this land to the offspring of the heavenly deities." Then he stamped his feet and overturned the boat; and by

7 Several explanations can be given for this curious posture: it may have revealed their supernatural powers; Take-mika-duti-no-kami was a lightning deity, and folk belief related lightning and swords; there are many instances in ancient folk religion of a deity descending to an upturned sword. Ibid., 459-64. 8

9

Asi-para-no-naka-tu-kuni.

Here it is plainly stated that the islands of Japan were ruled by Opo-kuni-nusi from Idumo before the advent of the offspring of the heavenly deities. Many scholars have seen in this passage an indication of Idumo's widespread political hegemony before the islands were unified tinder the Yamato court. However, it is improbable that the Japanese islands could be ruled very sucessfully from such an isolated region as Idumo. Shiratori, P- 393· 10 I.e., 'Ama-terasu-opo-mi-kamiY; or 'our.' 11 Cf. 41:6. Commentators have given various explanations for the fact that Opokuni-nusi, although he was the ruler of the land, insisted on first consulting his son. Motoori, for instance, says that Opo-kuni-nusi was old by this time and had delegated most of his powers to his son; therefore he could not, on his own authority, answer Taki-mika-duti-no-kamii. According to Matsumura (III, 466-71), Koto-siro-nusi, who may be a deity of words or of verbal expression of the divine will, was a priestly figure able to make oracular pronouncements; thus Opo-kuni-nusi was naturally eager to consult him.

Book One, Chapter 35

clapping his hands with a heavenly reverse clapping,12 he trans­ formed it into a green twig fence,13 and concealed himself.14

12 Ama no saka-te; clapping the hands with the palms turned outward, or clapping them with the hands held horizontally instead of vertically. Kojiki-den, II, 729. Obvi­ ously, such clapping had a magical effect. 18 Awo-pusi-gaki. Fences made of bamboo branches or twigs were regarded in ancient times as sacred enclosures in which deities would dwell, and the earliest shrines were built for that purpose. Thus, the enclosure here was both the place where Koto-siro-nusi concealed himself and the site of his appearance. Matsumura, III, 494-99. 14 In Motoori's view, Koto-siro-nusi disappeared into the land of Yom'i (Kojiki-den, II, 750). That he did not do so is evident in 37:4, where the text speaks of him as serving and protecting the heavenly deities. Rather, he seems to have transformed himself with a clap of his hands from a visible deity into an invisible one and, as such, remained en­ shrined within a sacred grove.

Kojiki

CHAPTER 36 OPO-KUNI-NUSI'S SECOND SON IS DEFEATED

IN A CONTEST OF STRENGTH AND PROMISES OBEDIENCE. ι

Then they inquired of the deity OPO-KUNI-NUSI-NO-KAM! : "Just now your son KOTO-SIRO-NUSI-NO-KAMI has spoken thus.1 Do you have any other sons who ought to speak?"2 2 Then he said again: "I have one other son, TAKE-MI-NA-KATA-NO-KAML Besides him, I have none."3 3 As he was saying this, this same ΤΑΚΕ-ΜΙ-ΝΑ-ΚΑΤΑ-ΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ came bearing a tremendous boulder4 on his finger-tips,5 and said: 4 "Who is it who has come to our land and is talking so furtively? Come, let us test our strength; I will first take your arm."6 I.e., has said such-and-such a thing. I.e., who ought to express an opinion. 8 I.e., who ought to be consulted. No such son is mentioned in Chapter 29, which Usts in some detail the offspring of Opo-kuni-nusi. The episode concerning Take-mi-nakata-no-kami is not included in the Nihon shoki. Many commentators think that the incidents recorded in Chapter 36 are late additions to the land-ceding myth, inserted into the Kojiki at this point to explain the origin of the shrine of Supa (see GLOSSARY under Take-mi-na-kata-no-kami and Supa). Tsuda suspects that the figure of the fierce, bellicose Take-mi-na-kata was invented to give contrast to the submissive brother Koto-siro-nusi and to add interest to the story. Nihon koten no kenkyft, I, 507. Matsumura (III, 439-40) regards the contest between Take-mi-na-kata and Take-mikaduti as a reflection of a struggle between the Idumo original inhabitants, who claimed descent from Take-mi-na-kata, and the Yamato immigrants of the Opo clan, who wor­ shipped Take-mika-duti, for control of the Supa region. Later the two groups were amalgamated. 4 Ti-biki no ipa; lit., 'thousand-pulling boulder'; cf. 10:11, 24:8. 5 A display of strength to intimidate the heavenly messengers. This action reveals his rebellious intentions. Kojiki-den, II, 734. 6 Such a contest of strength must have been a kind of litigation in which disputes were settled by divine will—as in the ukepi. Sumapi—the modern sumo—was in ancient Japan a ritual performed to discover the divine will, as were similar contests in primitive societies everywhere. Matsumura, III, 440, 472-85. 1 2

Book One, Chapter 36

5 When he allowed him to take his arm, he changed it into a 6 column of ice,8 then again changed it into a sword blade. At this, he9 was afraid and drew back. 7 Then [Take-mika-duti-no-kami], in his turn, demanded [the right] to take hold of the arm of ΤΑΚΕ-ΜΙ-ΝΑ-ΚΑΤΑ-ΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ. 8 When he took it, it was like taking hold of a young reed; he grasped it and crushed it, throwing it aside. Immediately he10 ran away. 9 They pursued him, and caught up with him by the lake of SUPA in the land of SINANO;11 as they were about to kill him, ΤΑΚΕ-ΜΙΝΑ-ΚΑΤΑ-ΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ said: 10 "Pray do not kill me. I will go to no other place. Also I will not disobey the commands of my father OPO-KUNI-NUSI-NO-KAMI, and will not disobey the words of YA-PE-KOTO-SIRO-NUSI-NO-KAMI. I will yield12 this Central Land of the Reed Plains in accordance with the commands of the offspring of the heavenly deities." 7

7 Take-mi-na-kata grasped the arm of Take-mika-duti, who changed his arm mag­ ically into an icicle and a sword-blade. 8 Tati-pi, meaning 'a standing [not hanging] icicle.' 8 Take-mi-na-kata. 10 Take-mi-na-kata. 11 Take-mi-na-kata-no-kaim is the deity worshipped in the Upper Shrine of Suwa (ancient Supa) in modern Nagano prefecture. The primary source of this chapter appears to be an account of the origins of the shrine. 12 Or 'present.'

Kojiki

CHAPTER 37 OPO-KUNI-NUSI SURRENDERS HIS LAND. HE IS WORSHIPPED AT HIS SHRINE IN lDUMO. TAKE-MIKA-DUTI REPORTS THE SUCCESS OF HIS MISSION OF PACIFICATION.

Ι

Then they once again returned and inquired of OPO-KUNI-NUSIΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ :

"Your sons KOTO-SIRO-NUSI-NO-ΚΑΜΪ and TAKE-MI-NA-KATAΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ have both said that they will not disobey the commands of the offspring of the heavenly deities. What is your intention with regard to this?"1 2 Then he replied, saying: "In accordance with what my sons have said, I also will not disobey. I will yield this Central Land of the Reed Plains in ac­ cordance with your commands. 3 "Only, if you will worship me, making my dwelling-place like the plentiful heavenly dwelling2 where rules the heavenly sunlineage3 of the offspring of the heavenly deities,4 firmly rooting the posts of the palace in the bedrock below, and raising high the crossbeams unto TAKAMA-NO-PARA itself,5 then I will conceal my­ self and wait [upon you] in the less-than-one-hundred6 eighty road-bendings.7 1

Cf. 35 =9Todaru ame no mi-su; the meaning is disputed. Todaru, also appearing in verse n, may also mean 'sun-lit.' Mi-su may also mean 'lattice,' the lattice-work smoke-vent under the gables of a roof. 3 Ama-tu-pi-tugi; the imperial line. 4 Cf. 73:9. Opo-kuni-nusi demands a shrine equal in splendor to the palace of the emperors. 5 Cf. 24:14, 39:18. 6 Momo-tarazu, a literary epithet for yaso, 'eighty.' 7 Yaso-kumade; i.e., a far removed place. Motoori holds that Opo-kuni-nusi concealed himself in the land of Yomi. Kojiki-den, II, 750. Other pre-modern commentators say 2

Book One, Chapter 37 4

5 6

7

8

9 10 11 12

"Besides this, if of my children the one-hundred-and-eighty de­ ities, YA-PE-KOTO-SIRO-NUSI-NO-KAMI8 becomes the rear and the vanguard of the deities and serves them respectfully, there will be no rebellious deities."9 Thus saying, he built a heavenly temple10 at the beach of T AGISI in the land of IDUMO. The grandson of the deity of the sea-straits,11 K USI-YA-TAMANO-KAMI, became the food-server,12 and when he presented the heavenly viands, he pronounced the words of blessing. KU SI-YA-TAMA-N0-ΚΑΜΪ turned into a cormorant and, diving to the bottom of the sea, brought up clay from the bottom in his mouth; [with this he] made a number of heavenly flat vessels.13 Cutting the stems of the seaweed, he made a fire-drilling mortar; with stems of the gulfweed14 he made a fire-drilling pestle;15 and [with these he] drilled a fire, saying: This fire which I drill— May it burn upwards Until in the plentiful heavenly new dwelling16 Of K AMI-MUSUBI-MI-OYA-NO-MIKOTO

that the shrine of Idumo was meant here. Matsumura, III, 492-93. Probably Opo-kuninusi merely retires to the unseen world of the spirit. 8 The diction is confused in this passage. 9 For a discussion of the implications of Opo-kuni-nusi's surrender, see ADDITIONAL NOTE 17. 10 Ame no mi-araka; this entire section appears to be an account of the origins of the Great Shrine of Idumo. 11 Cf. 7:2. 12 Kasipa-de (see GLOSSARY). 13 Cf. 65:10. 11 This sea-plant (usually read komo) has been identified as the modern hondawara (gulfweed, sea-lentil, sea-grape, sargassum, Sargassum bacciferum) or the modern kobul kombu (sea tangle, kelp, Laminaria). Like the preceding "seaweed" it is unclear whether this term refers to a general type of sea-plant or to a particular species. 15 The "mortar" was probably a wooden board in which holes had been drilled; the "pestle" would then have been the fire drill, a piece of wood inserted into one of the holes and revolved quickly between the palms to produce fire. Such a method is still followed for the ritual fires at the Great Shrine of Idumo. See Watanabe, pp. 34.2-46. Seaweed and gulfweed were hardly the real materials from which fire-drilling imple­ ments could be made. 16 Todaru ame no nipi-su; or 'heavenly new lattice'; cf. verse 3 above.

Kojiki 13 14

15 16

17 18 19 20

21 22 23 24

17

In TAKAMA-NO-PARA The soot hangs down eight hands long; And until, under the ground, The bottom bedrock is burned solid. The fishermen fishing spread out the TAKU ropes, The thousand-fathom ropes; And, with a rustling, rustling sound, Draw hither and raise up the wide-mouthed, broad-finned perch. [Thus I] will present the heavenly sea-food viands Until the [very trays of] split bamboo Bend down under the weight!" TAKE-MIKA-DUTI-NO-KAMI ascended [to Takama-no-para] once more and reported on his mission, how he had subdued and pac­ ified the Central Land of the Reed Plains.18

This may be a fragment of a norito prayer used at the Great Shrine of Idumo. This is the conclusion of the Idumo sequence (Chapters 19-37) in the Kojiki mythol­ ogy. From Chapter 38 on, the deities of the Takama-no-para pantheon again assume the principal roles. 18

Book One, Chapter

C H A P T E R

26

38

P I K O - P O - N 6 - N I N I G I - N Ö - M I K O T Ö IS C O M M A N D E D TO DESCEND FROM THE HEAVENS A N D RULE THE L A N D . S A R U T A - B I K O MEETS H I M T O S E R V E AS HIS G U I D E . 1

Then

AMA-TERASU-OPO-MI-KAM! a n d T A K A - K I - N O - K A M !

com-

m a n d e d the heir apparent MASA-KATU-A-KATU-KATI-PAYA-PI-AMËNO-OSI-PO-MIMI-NO-MIKOTO, 1 s a y i n g : 2

" N o w it is r e p o r t e d t h a t t h e p a c i f i c a t i o n o f t h e C e n t r a l L a n d o f t h e R e e d P l a i n s h a s b e e n f i n i s h e d . T h e r e f o r e , d e s c e n d a n d r u l e it, as y o u h a v e b e e n e n t r u s t e d w i t h i t . " 2

3

T h e n the heir apparent MASA-KATU-A-KATU-KATI-PAYA-PI-AMEN6-OSI-PO-MIMI-N6-MIKOT6 replied, s a y i n g :

4

" A s I w a s p r e p a r i n g t o d e s c e n d , a c h i l d w a s b o r n ; his n a m e is AMË-NIGISI-KUNI-NIGISI-AMA-TU-PIKO-PIKO-PO-NO-NINIGI-NOMIKOTO. T h i s c h i l d s h o u l d d e s c e n d . " 3

5

T h i s c h i l d w a s b o r n o f his u n i o n w i t h the d a u g h t e r o f T A K A KI-NO-KAMI,4 who

bore

Y6RODU-PATA-TOY6-AKI-TU-SI-PIME-N6-MIK6T6,

AME-NO-PO-AKARI-NO-MIKOTO ;

next,

PIKO-PO-NO-

NINIGI-NO-MIKOTO. (TWO deities) 6

W h e r e u p o n , i n a c c o r d a n c e w i t h his w o r d s , t h e y i m p o s e d t h e c o m m a n d u p o n PIKO-PO-NO-NINIGI-N6-MIKOT6 :

7

"TOYO-ASI-PARA-NO-MIDU-PO-NO-KUNI5

1

has been entrusted

to

Cf. 1 5 : 6 , 3 2 : 1 . Cf. 32:1, 78 A similar instance of a son acting as his father's substitute in an important mission is recorded in 35:5. * Another indication of the extreme importance of this deity in the Kojiki mythology. The deity who descended from the heavens and became the founder of the imperial house was the grandson of both Ama-terasu-opo-mi-kami and Taka-ki-nS-kam'i. Cf. note on 33:13. 6 'The Land of the Plentiful Reed Plains and of the Fresh Rice-ears'; cf. 32:1. Mishina Akihide, quoting Korean parallels, suggests that Piko-po-no-ninigi-no-mikoto's 2

137

Kojiki

8

9 10

11

you as the land you are to rule. In accordance with the command, descend from the heavens!" Then, as PIKO-PO-NO-NINIGI-NO-MIKOTO was about to descend from the heavens, there appeared in the myriad heavenly cross­ roads6 a deity whose radiance shone above through TAKAMA-NOPARA and below through the Central Land of the Reed Plains.7 Then AMA-TERASU-ΟΡΟ-ΜΙ-ΚΑΜΪ and ΤΑΚΑ-ΚΪ-ΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ com­ manded AME-NO-UZUME-NO-KAMI, saying: "Although you are a graceful maiden,8 you are [the type of] deity who can face and overwhelm [others].9 Therefore go alone and inquire: 'Who is here on the path of my offspring descending from the heavens?' " When she inquired, the reply was: "I am an earthly deity10 named SARUTA-BIKO-NO-KAMI. I have come out because I have heard that the offspring of the heavenly deities is to descend from the heavens, and I have come forth to wait that I might serve as his guide."11

assumption of rule over the Land of the Reed Plains was related to the appearance of a grain-spirit to fructify the grain; his name may be translated as 'Lad of the rice-ears which are peaceful [or ruddy] Deity.' A primary role of the emperors, the descendants of this deity, was to officiate in the harvest festival and other agricultural rituals. Kojiki taisei, V, 96. 6 Ame no ya-timata; literally, 'heavenly eight crossroads.' Because of this reference, some commentators have connected this deity with the roadside phallic deity of later times, the Sai-no-kami. 7 The Nihon shoki passage gives a more vivid description of Saruta-biko: "As they were about to descend, the forerunner returned and said: " 'There is a deity in the myriad heavenly crossroads, whose nose is seven hands long and who is over seven feet tall. . . . Also the corners of his mouth [or: his mouth and his posterior] are brightly lit up, and his eyes resemble huge mirrors, shining brilliantly like red ground-cherries.' " Asahi ed., 1, 142. See also Aston, I, 77. 8 Ta-waya-me; cf. 16:1. 9 Or 'who can overwhelm the opposing deities.' Matsumura (III, 567-70) cites a number of examples of female shamans being sent ahead to meet the enemy and to gain the advantage by their superior magic powers. 10 Kuni-tu-kaml; cf. note on 19:6. 11 Although the Kojiki version of this episode is without drama, in the Nihon shoki Saruta-biko appears clearly as a hostile figure who intended to oppose the descent of the heavenly deities. See Aston, I, 77-78. Matsumura (III, 559-84) shows that Saruta-biko was a priestly figure of the earthly deities performing a magic rite to keep the heavenly deities out; Ame-no-uzume-nomik0t0 was a priestly figure (a female shaman) of the heavenly deities who performed a counter-rite, a spell against his evil influence.

Book One, Chapter 39

CHAPTER 39

PLKO-PO-NO-NINIGI-NO-MIKOTO DES CEND S FROM THE HEAVENS BEARING THE THREE ITEMS OF THE SACRED REGALIA AND ACCOMPANIED BY VARIOUS DEITIES. HE ESTABLISHES HIS PALACE AT TAKA-TI-po.1 Ι

2

Then assigning [their respective] roles to AME-NO-KO-YANE-NOΜίκδτδ, Ρυτο-ΤΑΜΑ-ΝΔ-Μικότό, AME-NO-UZUME-NO-MIKOTO, ISI-KORI-DOME-NO-MIKOTO, and TAMA-NO-YA-NO-MIKOTO, al­ together five clan heads, they2 had them descend from the heavens.3 Hereupon, she4 imparted [unto him5] the myriad MAGA-TAMA beads and the mirror which had been used to lure,6 as well as the sword Kusa-nagif and also [sent along] TOKO-YO-NO-OMOPI-KANE-

1 This chapter is the central point of the first book of the Kojiki, the climax to which the preceding narratives have been leading, and the antecedent for the narratives to come. Matsumura (III, 510-17), quoting many Korean sources, concludes that the myth of the heavenly descent is a very old myth of North Asiatic (Tungusic?) origin. The com­ mon elements of all these myths—Korean as well as Japanese—are the deities' or rulers' descent from heaven to a mountain-top, a divine mandate, and certain sacred regalia. 2 Ama-terasu and Taka-ki-no-kam'i. s The five clan heads (itu tomo-nd-wo) were the ancestors of the families who were involved in the religious observances of the imperial family. They first appeared in Chapter 17, where they played the chief roles in the rites to lure the sun-goddess out of her place of concealment (cf. note on 17:10). Mishina quotes similar Korean desent myths to prove that the clan heads were originally those who performed the rites neces­ sary to induce Piki-po-no-ninigi-no-mikoto—the grain-deity—to descend and who greeted him on his descent, rather than descending with him. In Korea the Heavenly Being always descends alone, and is met by priestly figures. Kojiki taisei, V, 92-93. 1 Ama-terasu-opo-mi-kami. 5 Piko-po-no-ninigi-no-mikoto. e T o lure Ama-terasu-opo-mi-kami' out of the rock-cave; cf. 17:11. The passage seems to include the beads as well. ' Cf. 19:20-22, 82:6, 85:33. The beads, the mirror, and the sword are the famous "Three Sacred Articles" regarded as the Japanese regalia. They were either symbols of divinely-given authority or magic fetishes. Similar symbols were stolen by Opo-kuninusi from Susa-no-wo in 24:9.

Kojiki ΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ, TA-DIKARA-WO-NO-KAMI, and AME-NO-IPA-TO-WAKEΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ;8 and said:

3

4 5 6

7 8

"This mirror—have [it with you] as my spirit,9 and worship it just as you would worship in my very presence. Next, let OMOPIΚΑΝΕ-ΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ take the responsibility for the affairs of the pres­ ence10 and carry on the government."11 These two deities12 are worshipped at the shrine of Isuzu of the bell-bracelets.13 Next [was] TOYU-UKE-NO-KAMI; this is the deity who dwells in WATARAPI, the Outer Shrine.14 Next [was] AME-NO-IPA-TO-WAKE-NO-KAMI, also named KusiIPA-MADO-NO-KAMI, also named TOYO-IPA-MADO-NO-KAMI. This deity is the deity of the Gate.15 Next, TA-DIKARA-WO-NO-KAMI dwells in SANANAGATA. AME-NO-KO-YANE-NO-MIKOTO is

the ancestor of the MURAZI of the

NA-

KATOMI.

9

10 11

Ρυτο-ΤΑΜΑ-ΝΔ-Μίκδτδ

is the ancestor of the ΟΒΪΤΟ of the IMUBE. AME-N0-UZUME-N0-MIK5T0 is the ancestor of the KLMI of the SARUME. Isi-KORI-DOME-NO-MIKOTO is the ancestor of the MURAZI of the KAGAMI-

TUKURI.

8 The first two of these deities figure in Chapter 17; Ame-no-ipa-to-wake-no-kami (meaning 'Heavenly-Rock-Door-Youth Deity,' a name in harmony with the events in Chapter 17—see GLOSSARY) appears only in this chapter. Motoori says: "These three deities did not descend from the heavens in their material visible bodies (their visible bodies remained in Takama-no-para to serve Ama-terasu-opo-mi-kami). Their spiritsubstitutes [mi-tama-siro, an article to which the spirit of a deity is expected to become attached] were sent down. For this reason they are not enumerated in the same place as the five clan heads [39:1] but are named after the three treasures." Kojiki-den, II, 799. 9 Mi-tama. Motoori comments that the sun-goddess attached her very spirit to the mirror, which was thus endowed with all of her spiritual attributes; at the same time, her material body which remained in Takama-no-para was not in the least deprived of its spiritual force. Ibid., 800. 10 Or 'my presence'; 'their presence.' 11 The ideograph for 'politics,' 'government' is read maturi-goto, which means both 'religious worship' and 'government.' Probably this deity took charge of the ritual aspects of government. 12 It is not clear which two deities are meant: the mirror and Omopi-kane-no-kami? ls Saku-kusiro; an epithet for Isuzu. The Grand Shrine of Ise is located at Isuzu. 14 Td-tu-miya; the Outer Shrine (Gekti) of Ise. 15 Mi-kado.

Book One, Chapter 12

26

T A M A - N 5 - Y A - N 6 - M I K O T O is the ancestor of the MURAZI of the TAMA-NOYA.

13

Then AMA-TU-PIKO-PO-NÖ-NINIGI-N6-MIKÖTÖ was commanded to leave the Heavenly Rock-Seat. Pushing through the myriad layers of the heavens' trailing clouds, pushing his way with an awesome pushing, he stood on a flat floating island16 by the Heavenly Floating Bridge, 1 7 and descended from the heavens to the peak

KUZI-PURU-TAKE

of

Mount

TAKA-TI-PO o f

PIMUKA

in

TUKUSI.18

14

T h e n the t w o deities AME-N6-OSI-PI-N6-MIKOTO and AMA-TU-

KUME-NÖ-MIKOTO took on their backs heavenly stone-quivers, wore at their sides mallet-headed swords, 19 took up heavenly bows of PAZI wood, 20 held heavenly deer [-slaying] arrows, 21 and standing in front of him served him. 15

A M E - N O - O S I - P I - N O - M I K O T O — t h i s is the ancestor of the MURAZI of the OPO-TOMO.

16

A M A - T U - K U M E - N O - M I K O T O — t h i s is the ancestor of the ATAPE of the KUME.

17

At this time he 22 said: "This place is opposite the land of KARA; [it is a place to which one] comes directly through the Cape of KASASA,24 a land where the morning sun shines directly, a land where the rays of the evening sun are brilliant.25 This is a most excellent place." Thus saying, he26 rooted his palace-posts firmly in the bedrock below, raised high the crossbeams unto TAKAMA-NO-PARA itself, and dwelt [there].27 23

18

16 17 18

Uki-zimari sori tatasite; the meaning of this phonetically written phrase is unclear. Ante no uki-pasi; cf. 3:3, 32:3. See ADDITIONAL NOTE 1 8 .

19

Kubu-tuti no tati; kabu-tuti no tati; ancient swords with knob-headed handles. Archeologists have found swords of this description in late tomb period sites. 20 Ante no pazi-yumi. 21 Ame no makako-ya. 22 Piko-po-no-ninigi-no-mikoto; or, possibly, 'they,' i.e., the two deities mentioned in verse 14. 28-24 The passage is probably textually corrupt; cf. Kojiki taisei, VII, 106. 26 Cf. 1 3 3 : 1 9 - 2 2 . Bright, sunny places were regarded as desirable sites for palaces or shrines. 26 Piko-po-no-ninigi-no-mikoto; or, perhaps, 'they,' as in verse 17. 27 Cf. 24:14, 37:3.

141

Kojiki

CHAPTER 40 SARUTA-BIKO RETURNS AND IS CAUGHT BY A SHELLFISH. AME-NO-UZUME PUNISHES THE SEA-SLUG FOR FAILING TO SWEAR LOYALTY.1 At this time he2 said to AME-NO-UZUME-NO-MIKOTO : "Since you were the only one to make clear the identity of SARUTA-BIKO-NO-OPO-KAM!,3 who served us as our guide, accom­ pany him on his return.4 Also, in serving me, assume the name of this deity." 2 This is why the KIMI of the SARUME bear the name of the male deity SARUTA-BIKO5 and why women are the KIMI of the SARUME. 3 When SARUTA-BIKO-NO-KAMI was in ΑΖΑΚΑ, he went fishing; he got his hand caught in the shell of a PIRABU and sank into the sea.6 4 When he had sunk to the bottom,7 his name was SOK5-DOKUMI-TAMA; when the frothy bubbles appeared8 on the surface of the sea, his name was TUBU-TATU-MI-TAMA; when the foam gushed forth,9 his name was AWA-SAKU-MI-TAMA.10 Ι

1 Lacking any real connection with the surrounding accounts, this chapter seems most closely related to 38:8-11; both are undoubtedly part of the tradition of die Sarume clan. The two tales in the chapter (verses 1-4, 5—13) are located in Ise (modern Mie prefecture) and deal with the sea and fishing. Matsumura (III, 584-96) believes that they reflect the seafarers' magico-religious rites for an abundant catch. 2 Piko-po-no-ninigi-no-mikoto. 8 Cf. 39:10-11. 1 Many commentators, including Hirata, have concluded that Ame-no-uzume and Saruta-biko became man and wife. Matsumura (III, 567) disagrees with this conclusion. 5 Omitting, with Tanaka, the two redundant ideographs after the name in the original. Kojiki taisei, VII, 107. 6 Minakata concluded that Saruta-biko was a monkey-god since monkeys often go out at low tide to capture shell-fish. Minakata Kumakusu zenshu, II, 97, 102-103, quoted in Matsumura, III, 584. ' Soko. 9 Tubu tatu. • Awa saku: or 'the foam burst.' 10 The three deities in this passage are, according to Motoori, the three spirits of

Book One, Chapter 40

5

6 7

8 9 10

11 12

13

Then, after accompanying SARUTA-BIKO-NO-KAMI on Iiis return, [Ame-n5-uzume-no-mik5to] returned; and, chasing together all the wide-finned and the narrow-finned [fish],11 she inquired: "Are you12 willing to serve the offspring of the heavenly deities?"13 Then all of the fish said as one: "We will serve." Among [them, only] the sea-slug14 did not say anything. Then AME-NO-UZUME-NO-MIKOTO said to the sea-slug: "This mouth, a mouth which does not reply!" Using a dagger, she slit15 its mouth. For this reason, even today the mouth of the sea-slug is slit. Because of this, when the first-fruits are presented to the court from [the region of] SIMA, they are distributed [also] to the KIMI of the SARUME.16

Saruta-biko-no-kami worshipped at Azaka Shrine. Kojiki-den, II, 862-63; see also GLOSSARY. Today there are two shrines, one in Ko-azaka-cho and the other in O-azakacho, in Matsuzaka-shi, Mie prefecture. Saruta-biko-no-kaim's actions could be some sort of ritual-dramatic pantomime, per­ haps a fishermen's rite to ensure an abundant catch. Matsumura, III, 584-90. Compare this verse with 11:16-20 and 44:24-26. 11 Like 'the soft-furred and the coarse-furred' [game animals], this is the conventional epithet for fish in the norito prayers; cf. 42:1. 12 A singular pronoun is used. 13 "By this, she asked them whether or not they were willing to become the viands of the repasts of the Heavenly Grandchild." Kojiki-den, II, 864. 14 Ko: ModernJapanese namako; also beche-de-mer; sea cucumber. 15 Emended; the manuscripts use a similar ideograph meaning 'bent.' Kojiki taisei, VII, 108. 16 Sima customarily presented sea food to the Yamato court. The Manydshu (VI, 1033; XIII, 3234) refers to both Sima and Ise as "mi-ke-tu-kuni" (land of the [imperial] viands). The apportionment of part of the Sima tribute to the Sarume clan is not recorded in any other document.

Kojiki

CHAPTER 41 PIKO-PO-NO-NINIGI MARRIES KO-N5-PANA-NOSAKU-YA-BIME BUT REJECTS HER ELDER SISTER IPA-NAGA-PIME. THEIR FATHER CURSES HIM WITH A MORTAL LIFE. K5-NO-PANA-NO-SAKUYA-BIME BEARS TRIPLET SONS IN A FIERY ORDEAL TO PROVE HER INNOCENCE. ι

Thereupon, AMA-TU-PIKO-PIKO-PO-NO-NINIGI-NO-MIKOTO met a lovely maiden at the Cape of KASASA. He asked: "Whose daughter [are you]?" 2 She replied: "[I am] the daughter of OPO-YAMA-TU-MI-NO-KAMI, and my name is KAMU-ATA-TU-PIME. [I am] also called KO-NO-PANA-NOSAKU-YA-BIME."

3 4 5 6 7

1

Again he asked: "Do you have any brothers and sisters?"1 She replied: "I have an elder sister, IPA-NAGA-PIME." Then he said: "I wish to marry you. What is your wish?"2 She replied: "I cannot say. My father OPO-YAMA-TU-MI-NO-KAMI will say."3 When he sent to her father OPO-YAMA-TU-MI-NO-KAMI for per­ mission, [her father] rejoiced greatly, and gave in addition the elder sister IPA-NAGA-PIME,4 and had hundreds of tables laden with gifts and taken and presented to him.®

Or 'sisters.' Or 'how is this?' 3 Cf. 35:10. 4 Matsumura (III, 623-26) sees evidence in this episode of an ancient custom of giving sisters as brides to the same husband. See also Chapter 75. 5 Cf. 43:27. Evidently a reflection of ancient dowry customs. 2

Book One, Chapter 41

8

9 10

11

12 13

When he saw the elder sister, he was afraid, because of her exceeding ugliness, and sent her back;6 he kept only the younger sister KO-NO-PANA-NO-SAKU-YA-BIME and had conjugal intercourse with her for one night. Then OPO-YAMA-TU-MI-NO-KAMI, shamed because IPA-NAGAPIME had been sent back, sent word: "The reason why I offered both of my daughters together was this: I presented them swearing an oath7 that, if he should employ IPA-NAGA-PIME, the life8 of the child of the heavenly deities, even though the snow should fall and the wind should blow, should be ever like a rock,9 and should continue eternally, firmly, without being moved; and also that, if he should employ, KO-NO-PANANO-SAKU-YA-BIME, he should flourish,10 just as the blossoms of the trees11 flourish. However, now that he has returned IPA-NAGAPIME and kept only KO-NO-PANA-NO-SAKU-YA-BIME, the life of the child of the heavenly deities shall continue only for the interval of the blossoming of the trees."12 For this reason, until this day the emperors have not been longlived.13 Later, KO-NO-PANA-NO-SAKU-YA-BIME came forth and said: "I am with child, and now the time of my delivery is near. I say this because it would not be fitting for the child of the heavenly

6 Cf. 75:2. ' Ukepi; cf. note on 14:10. Here, it might perhaps be better translated as 'praying that. . ..' 'in the prayer that. . . .' 8 Or 'longevity.' β Ipa. 10 Or 'be radiant,' 'be exquisite.' 11 Ko-no-pana. 12 Or 'shall be delicate as the blossoms of the trees.' This curse is a mythical explana­ tion of the mortality of the emperors, despite their heavenly ancestry. In the Nihon shoki, the same story is given to account for the shortness of human life. 18 Undoubtedly, this myth was handed down as a popular tale before becoming a part of the court mythology. It can be separated into two elements, each of independent provenance: the marriage of Ninigi-no-mikoto with Kamu-ata-tu-pime (probably a female chieftain of Ata in southern Kyushu); and the myth explaining the brevity of human life, an old tale not originally connected with Ninigi-no-mikoto. Similar myths are found in the central Celebes, where the transitory concept is represented by a Banana-Maiden and the durable by a Rock-Maiden. Matsumura, III, 613-21.

Kojiki

deities to be born in secret."14 14 Then he said: "Can SAKU-YA-BIME have become pregnant after only one night?16 This is not my child; surely it must be the child of an earthly deity."16 15 Then she replied: "If the child I bear be the child of an earthly deity, then it shall not be born safely; if it be the child of the heavenly deities, then it shall be safe."17 16 Then she built a palace many yards long18 without a door; entering into this palace, she spread clay to close it up; and when she was about to deliver the child, she set fire to the palace and [then] gave birth.19 14

Or 'privately,' cf. 45:2. verse 8. 16 Kuni-tu-kam'i. The Nihon shoki records a similar doubt on the part of Emperor Yuryaku when his concubine became pregnant after only one night. Aston, I, 337. Ninigi-no-mikoto's suspicion about the legitimacy of the child may be explained by the ancient marriage customs of the Japanese, according to which the husband visited his wife, who remained at her parents' home. Probably it was considered strange for pregnancy to result after only one visit, and there was always the possibility that the woman might have had relations with another man during the husband's absence. Matsumura, III, 631-33. Other less satisfactory explanations are that nobles were believed to give birth to children in some mysterious way, unlike ordinary mortals; and that Ko-no-pana-nosaku-ya-bime was a female shaman—it was believed that a deity would come and wed a female shaman for one night. Ibid., 634-39. 17 This statement may be regarded as an example of an ukepi formula in the strict sense; cf. note on 14:10. 18 Ya-piro-ddno. Beheving that childbirth was a pollution, the ancient Japanese built separate parturition huts into which the women would enter for the period of child bearing (see note on 10:14). Since the hut was a "forbidden chamber," it was made without apertures. Compare this account with the tale of Toyo-tama-bime (45:1-7). Matsumura, 639-41. " The child of Empress Sapo-bime was also born in a burning building (cf. 72:2). Her action in setting fire to the building was an ukepi to prove by ordeal the legitimacy of her children and her own faithfulness. Tsugita (p. 239) theorizes that these may be reminiscences of some ancient custom of burning down the parturition hut after child­ birth. In southern Kyushu and the RyiikyCis, according to Matsumura (III, 642-43), it was the practice to light fires around the parturition hut for several days after childbirth, in order to repel the evil spirits. A less acceptable theory is that this narrative reflects a religious ceremony in which divinity is imparted to a new-born child by means of fire. Matsumura (III, 648-51) 16 Cf.

119

17

Book One, Chapter 41 20

The child born as the flames were burning furiously was named PO-DERI-NO-MIKOTO.

18

19 20

This is the ancestor of the KIMI of ATA of the PAYA-PITO.

The child born next was named PO-SUSERI-NO-MIKOTO. The child born next was named PO-WORI-NO-MIKOTO ; also named A M A - T U - P I K O - P L K O - P O - P O - D E - M I - N O - M I K O T O . (Three deities)

compares this story with a similar account in the is used to prove the legitimacy of children. 20 Po (or pi).

Ramayana,

in which an ordeal by fire

Kojiki

CHAPTER 421 PO-WORI

LOSES HIS ELDER BROTHER

Ρθ-DERl's

FISHING HOOK. HE TRIES TO MAKE COMPENSATION, BUT

Ρθ-DERI INSISTS

ON

HAVING THE ORIGINAL HOOK.

Ι

PO-DERI-Nο-Μΐκότό, as UMI-SATI-BIKO,2 took the wide-finned

and the narrow-finned [fish];3 and PO-WORI-NO-MIKOTO, as YAMASATI-BIKO,4 took the coarse-furred and the soft-furred [game]. 2 Then PO-WORI-NO-MIKOTO said to his elder brother PO-DERIN0-MIKOTό:

"Let us exchange our lucks5 and try them out." 3 Although he repeated this request three times, [his elder brother] always refused. Finally, however, he was able to [obtain his grudg­ ing consent to] the exchange. 4 Then, when PO-WORI-NO-MIKOTO was fishing with the luck of the sea,6 he was unable to catch even a single fish, and he lost the fishhook in the sea. 1 The tale in Chapters 42-44 is of the greatest literary value, and also presents interesting problems in comparative literature. Strikingly similar tales have been found in Indonesia, in the Caroline Islands, and among the American Indians of the Pacific Northwest. The Paya-pito (cf. 41:18) may have been racially and culturally related to the Indonesians. Matsumura, III, 676-99; Matsumoto, Nihon shinwa no kenkyii, pp. 41-100. 2 'Luck-of-the-Sea Lad,' i.e., a fisherman. 8 Cf. 40:5. 4 'Luck-of-the-Mountains Lad,' i.e., a hunter. It is well to remember that Po-deri, the first-born of the three sons, was the ancestor of the rulers of the Paya-pito of Ata (cf. 41:18), and that Po-wori, the youngest of the three sons, was the grandfather of the first emperor, EmperorJimmu (46:1). For the significance of this fact, see the end of Chapter 44. 6 Saii; or 'hunting implements.' The meaning of the word sati in this chapter is vital. Even today the word shachi, a divine blessing or a magic power, is used among hunters to refer to luck in the hunt. This 'luck' can be gained and imparted by certain magic practices, and the magic is thought to dwell in the hunting implements—for the modern hunter, in the rifle bullets, which are called shachi-dama ('luck-balls'). In this story the lost fish-hook is a lucky implement of magic power. Matsumura, III, 714-18. 6 Umi-sati; the fishing implements.

Book One, Chapter 42

5

6

7

8

9 10

7

Then his elder brother PO-DERI-NO-MIKOTO asked to have the fishhook back, saying: "The luck of the mountains7 is one's own luck-luck;8 the luck of the sea6 is one's own luck-luck.8 Now let us give back each other's lucks." Then the younger brother PO-WORI-NO-MIKOTO replied: "When I fished with your fishhook, I caught not a single fish, and I finally lost it in the sea." However, his elder brother still stubbornly insisted. Even when the younger brother broke up the sword ten hands long which he was wearing at his side and made it into five hun­ dred hooks as a compensation, he would not accept them. Again, when he made a thousand hooks as a compensation, he would not rcceive them, and said: "I still must have the original hook."9

Yama-sati. Ono ga sati-sati. The meaning of this primitively phrased saying must be: "Both the luck of the mountains and the luck of the sea are inherent only in the original possessor." The magic powers giving success in economic activities are not transferable. The attempt of the two brothers to exchange magic powers which were essentially unexchangeable was the cause of their tragedy. • The stubborn refusal of the elder brother to accept any but the original hook did not necessarily stem from perversity. His success was dependent on his possession of the magic hook-fetish; separation from the hook might mean a complete loss of luck and economic ruin; also, if the hook came into an enemy's hands, it gave the enemy an opportunity to curse him. This is precisely what happened; a curse intended to divest the hook of its magic is given in 44:11. Matsumura, III, 719-20. 8

Kojiki

CHAPTER 43 FOLLOWING THE ADVICE OF SIPO-TUTI-N5ΚΑΜΪ, PO-WORI GOES TO THE PALACE OF THE SEA-DEITY, IS WARMLY WELCOMED, AND MARRIES T5Y5-TAMA-BIME, THE SEA-DEITY'S DAUGHTER. ι 2

3 4 5 6 7

8

9

io

Then when the younger brother was weeping and lamenting by the seashore, SIPO-TUTI-NO-ΚΑΜΪ came and asked: "SORA-TU-PIKO, why are you weeping and lamenting?" He replied: "My elder brother and I exchanged fishhooks, and I lost his hook. Since he asked for his hook, I have repaid him with many hooks, but he will not receive them, saying that he must still have the original hook. That is why I am crying and lamenting." Then SIPO-TUTI-NO-ΚΑΜΪ said: "I will give you good counsel." [Thus saying, he] made a small boat of closely woven bamboo stalks,1 and put him in this boat, instructing him: "When I push this boat free, continue to sail for a Httle while. Then there will be a very good tideway. If you continue going along this way, [you will come to] a palace made as if with the scales of fish. This is the palace of WATA-TU-MI-NO-KAMI. When you reach the gate of this deity, there will be a luxuriant KATURA tree2 next to the well at the side. If you climb to the top of this tree, the daughter of the sea-deity will see you and will counsel [with you]." He went a Uttle way as he was instructed, and everything was exactly as he had been told.

1 Ma-nasi katuma (or katama); the meaning is disputed. Believed to be related to the "basket-boats" of Vietnam, which are woven from bamboo and then covered with lacquer. Matsumoto, Nihon no shinwa, pp. 53-55. 2 Yutu-katura; or 'sacred katura tree'; cf. 33:9.

Book One, Chapter 43 11 12

13 14 ι$ 16 17

18 19 20

21 22 23 24 25 26

He climbed up the KATURA tree and waited. Then the serving maiden of TOYO-TAMA-BIME, the daughter of the sea-deity, brought out jeweled vessels to draw water; then she noticed a brightness3 in the well and, looking up, saw a lovely young man. She thought this exceedingly strange. Hereupon PO-WORI-NO-MIKOTO, seeing the serving maiden, asked her to give him some water. The serving maiden drew water, put it into a jeweled vessel, and offered it to him. Then, instead of drinking the water, he loosened a jewel from his neck, put it into his mouth, and spat it into the jeweled vessel.4 Thereupon the jewel stuck fast to the vessel, and the serving girl was unable to remove it. Therefore she presented it to TOYOTAMA-BIME-Nΰ-Μΐκότό with the jewel adhering to it. Seeing this jewel, she asked the serving girl: "Is there perhaps someone outside the gate?" She replied: "There is someone in the KATURA tree next to the well. He is an exceedingly lovely young man, much nobler than our master. He asked for water, and when I offered water to him, he did not drink, but spat this jewel into [the vessel]. Since I was unable to remove it, I brought it in with the jewel adhering to it to present to you." Then TOYO-TAMA-BIME-NO-MIKOTO, thinking this strange, went out to see [for herself]. They looked [at each other] lovingly and became man and wife.5 She said to her father: "There is a lovely person by our gate." Then the sea-deity went out himself to see, and said: "This is SORA-TU-PIKO, the son of AMA-TU-PIKO." Then he brought him inside, spread out many layers of sealskin carpets,6 then spread out many layers of silk carpets above them,

Or 'a shadow.' The act of putting the jewel in the water must have had some magical significance (as the rinsing in 15:3, 5). Matsumura, III, 744-48. 5 Cf. 23 :3. 6 Cf. 84:4. 3 4

Kojiki

and had him sit on top of these. 27 He set out hundreds of tables laden with gifts,7 prepared a feast for him, and gave him his daughter TOYO-TAMA-BIME as his wife.8 28 He lived for three years in this land.

7

Cf. 129:8.

8

Cf. 41:7.

Book One, Chapter 44

CHAPTER 44 PO-WORI TELLS THE SEA-DEITY OF HIS QUARREL WITH HIS ELDER BROTHER. THE SEA-DEITY GIVES HIM THE MEANS TO SUBDUE HIS ELDER BROTHER AND SENDS HIM HOME ON THE BACK OF A CROCODILE. HE BRINGS HIS ELDER BROTHER TO ABJECT SUBMISSION.

Ι 2 3 4

$

6 7

8

9

1

At this time PO-WORI-NO-MIKOTO remembered the things of before,1 and gave a long sigh. TOY5-TAMA-BIME-NO-MIKOTO heard this sigh and spoke to her father, saying: "For three years he has lived here; yet he has never sighed. Last night he gave a long sigh; what can the reason be?" Then her father the great deity asked his son-in-law, saying: "According to what my daughter said this morning, for the three years that you have lived here, you have never sighed; but last night you gave a long sigh. What is the reason? Also, what is the reason for your coming here?" Then he told the great deity in detail about how his elder brother demanded the fishhook which had been lost. Hereupon the sea-deity summoned together all the large and small fish of the sea and asked them whether any fish had taken this fishhook. Then all the fish said: "Recently the sea-bream has complained that a bone is caught in its throat and that it cannot eat anything. Certainly this [is the one who] has taken it." At this time they looked in the sea-bream's throat and found Or 'the first things'; 'the things of the past.'

Kojiki

ίο the fishhook.2 When they took it out, washed it, and presented it to PO-WORI-NO-MIKOT0, WATA-TU-ΜΙ-ΝΟ-ΟΡΟ-ΚΑΜΪ instructed him, saying: 11 "When you give this hook to your elder brother, you must say this: " 'This hook is a gloomy hook,3 an uneasy hook,4 a poor hook,5 a dull hook.' "6 "[Thus] saying, give [it to him] from behind your back."7 12 "Then, if your elder brother makes a high rice paddy,8 make a low paddy.9 If your elder brother makes a low rice paddy, make a high paddy. Thus, since I control the water, within three years 13 your elder brother will be poverty-stricken. Ifhe becomes bitter and angry and attacks you, take the tide-raising jewel10 and cause him to drown. If he pleads [with you] in anguish, take the tideebbing jewel11 and cause him to live: doing this, cause him anguish and suffering." 14 [Thus] saying, he gave him two [jewels], the tide-raising jewel and the tide-ebbing jewel. 15 Then he summoned together all the crocodiles and asked: 16 "Now SORA-TU-PIKO, the son of AMA-TU-PIKO, is about to jour­ ney to the upper lands;12 which one [of you] will escort [him there] in how many days, and will [then] return to report [on his safe arrival]?" 2 The Ainus believe that animals find their happiness in being killed and eaten by humans, and that if they escape, only a human being can remove the hunting weapons from them and relieve the pain. Matsumura, III, 682-87. a Obo-ti. 4 Susu-ti. 5 Madi-ti. 6 Uru-ti. By pronouncing this formula, Po-wori-no-mikoto could put a curse on the hook, and it would bring gloom, uneasiness, poverty, etc., to its bearer. For another curse, see 107:18-26. 7 Or 'back-handed.' 8 A paddy on elevated ground. 9 A paddy on low ground. 10 Sipo-mitu-tama. 11 Sipo-puru-tama; both jewels were fetishes to control the tide. 12 Upa-tu-kuni.

Book One, Chapter 44

17 18 19

20 21

22

Then they each answered, numbering the days in accordance with their length.13 Among them, the one-length crocodile14 said: "I will escort him in one day and then will return." Then he said to this one-length crocodile: "In that case, escort him. While you are crossing the sea, do not frighten him." Thus, he put him on the neck of the crocodile and sent him off. As he had promised, he escorted him in one day. When the crocodile was about to start back, he removed the dagger which he was wearing by his side and, fastening it around his neck, sent him back. This one-length crocodile is [what is] called today SAPI-MOTIΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ.

23

Thereupon, he did exactly as he was instructed by the sea-deity, giving the fishhook [to his elder brother]. From that time onward, [his elder brother] became poorer and poorer; his disposition be­ came more violent, and he came to attack him. 24 Whenever he attacked, [the younger brother] took out the tide-raising jewel and caused him to drown. Then when he pleaded in anguish, he took out the tide-ebbing jewel and saved him. Doing this, he caused him anguish and suffering. 25 Then he pleaded abjectly: "From now on, I will serve you as your guard day and night." 26 Thus, the various postures of his drowning motions have been presented until today.15

18 11 15

Piro. Pito-pird-wani; for want see ADDITIONAL NOTE 13. See ADDITIONAL NOTE 19.

Kojiki

CHAPTER 45 TOYO-TAMA-BIME EMERGES FROM THE SEA TO GIVE BIRTH TO HER CHILD. HER HUSBAND

PO-WORI,

BREAKING THE TABOO, LOOKS UPON

HER DURING THE DELIVERY AND SEES HER TRANSFORMED INTO A CROCODILE. SHAMED, SHE RETURNS TO THE SEA. SHE EXCHANGES SONGS OF YEARNING WITH HER HUSBAND.

At this time, the daughter of the sea-deity, TOYO-TAMA-BIMEcame forth1 and said: 2 "I have been with child for some time, and now the time of my delivery is near. I thought that it would not be fitting for the child of the heavenly deities to be born in the ocean. Therefore I have come forth."2 3 Then, by the edge of the beach, a parturition hut3 was built, thatched with cormorant feathers.4 4 But before the parturition hut had been completely thatched,5 the urgency of her womb became unendurable, and she entered into the parturition hut. 5 As she was about to be delivered of her child, she said to her husband: 6 "All persons of other lands, when they bear young, revert to the form of their original land and give birth. Therefore, I too Ι

Νδ-Μΐκότό,

I.e., came out of the sea onto dry land. Cf. 41:13. Matsumoto says that this story, continuing the narrative of the marriage of the offspring of the heavenly deities with the daughter of the sea-deity, was designed to show that the imperial family, descended on its paternal side from the sun-deity, was also maternally related to the sea-deity. Such a myth would seem natural to an agricultural people relying on sun and water for rice cultivation. Nihon no shinwa, p. 97. 3 Ubu-ya; cf. note on 10:14. 4 U-ηό-ρα wo kaya ni site. 5 Puki-apenu ni. 1 2

Book One, Chapter 45

am going to revert to my original form and give birth. Pray do not look upon me !"6 7 Then, thinking her words strange, he watched in secret as she was about to give birth; she turned into a giant crocodile7 and went crawling and slithering around.8 Seeing this, he was astonished and ran away.9 8 Then TOYO-TAMA-BIME-NO-MIKOTO, learning that he had been watching, felt extremely shamed and, leaving behind the child she had borne, said: 9 "I had always intended to go back and forth across the path­ ways of the sea; however, now that my form has been seen, I am exceedingly shamed." 10 Then, closing the sea-border,10 she went back into [the sea]. 11 For this reason, the child whom she bore is called AMA-TUPIKO-NAGISA-TAKE-U-GAYA-PUKI-APEZU-NO-MIKOTO.11

12

13 14 15 16 6

Nevertheless, later, although she was bitter at him for having looked at her, she was still unable to subdue her yearning, and sent her younger sister TAMA-YORI-BIME to nurse the child, entrusting her also with a song, which said: Beautiful are red12 jewels; Even their cord seems to sparkle. But I prefer pearls13 For the awesome beauty

Cf. also 9:3. No doubt there was some ancient taboo against witnessing a delivery. Ya-piro-wani. About the troublesome word wani, see ADDITIONAL NOTE 13. 8 Somewhat similar to 74:6. Matsumura (IV, 761-74,788), adducing similar tales from China, Korea, and Europe, calls the Toyo-tama-bime tale a variety of a world-wide "Forbidden Chamber" type. He further suggests that totemistic ritual—in which the woman adorns herself in imitation of a totem animal before delivery of her child—may be the key to its interpretation. Like those in Chapters 42-44, this tale may have a com­ mon origin with similar Indonesian ones. ' Cf. 10:1. 10 Una-saka; the barrier or pass forming the border between this land and the under­ water regions, just as Yomo-tu-pira-saka forms the boundary between this land and the land of Yomi. This myth explains why there is no way to enter the realms of the sea. 11 'Heavenly-Lad Valiant-Lad-of-the-Shore Cormorant-Thatch-IncompletelyThatched Lord' (cf. GLOSSARY)—from the situation described in verses 3-4. 12 Or 'bright.' 18 Or 'white jewels.' 7

119

Kojiki

17 18

O f your pearl-like form. Then her husband replied with the song:

19

As long as I have life,

20 21 22 23

I shall never forget M y beloved, with whom I slept On an island where wild ducks, Birds of the offing, came to land.

24

25

14

PIKO-PO-PO-DE-MI-NO-MIKOTO14 dwelt in the palace o f TAKA-TI-

PO for five hundred and eighty years. His tomb is west of Mount TAKA-TI-PO.

Po-wori-no-mikoto; cf. 41:20.

Book One, Chapter 46

CHAPTER 46 OFFSPRING OF U-GAYA-PUKI-APEZU-N5-MIKOTO. AMA-TU-PIKO-PIKO-NAGISA-TAKE-U-GAYA-PUKI-APEZU-NOΜίκδτδ took as his wife his aunt1 TAMA-YORI-BIME-NO-MIKOTO and there was born a child named ITU-SE-NO-MIKOTO ; next, INA-PI-NOMIKOTO; next, MI-KE-NU-NO-MIKOTO; next, WAKA-MI-KE-NU-NOMIKOTO, also named TOYO-MI-KE-NU-NO-MIKOTO, also named KAMU-YAMATO-IPARE-BIKO-NO-MIKOTO.2 2 MI-KE-NU-NO-MIKOTO, treading the crest of the waves, crossed over to the land of Τδκό-γό.3 3 INA-PI-NO-MIKOTO entered the ocean, the land of his mother.4 Ι

1 The fact that the ancient Japanese apparently approved of consanguinous marriages was used against the Shintoist scholars by Confucianists in the Edo period. Motoori replied with nationalistic bravado: "There are those who hold, I know not why, that it is improper to marry one's aunt. In the books of antiquity, which are [infallibly] correct, we find no statement that this is improper. What is the basis of such a position? Is it perhaps the rules of China? [If so], it is a most grave fallacy. Why should we adhere so slavishly to the rules of an alien land that we presume to judge thereby the actions of the Visible Gods [i.e., the emperors] of our own empire? How fearsome!" Kojiki-den, III, 961. 2 This was the first emperor (Jimmu). It is interesting that here and in many other places in the Kojiki, modes of succession other than primogeniture occur. ' Like Sukuna-biko-na in 30:7. 4 Like Susa-no-wo in 13:6.

Kojiki Book Two

Book Two, Chapter 47

CHAPTER 471 EMPERORJIMMU DECIDES TO MOVE EASTWARD. SAWO-NE-TU-PIKO AGREES TO SERVE HIM. KAMU-YAMATO-IPARE-BIKO-NO-MIKOTO,2 dwelling with his elder brother ITU-SE-NO-MIKOTO in the palace of TAKA-TI-PO, consulted him and said: 2 "Where [would it be best] to dwell in order to carry on the government of the kingdom3 peacefully? I am thinking of going eastward."4 3 Thus, departing from PIMUKA, he journeyed to TUKUSI. 4 When he arrived at USA in [the land of] T OYO-KUNI, two natives named USA-TU-PIKO and USA-TU-PIME built a 6palace which could be entered with one stride6 and offered him a grand feast. Ι

1 This chapter is the beginning of the second book of the Kojiki and of that part of its contents called 'The Age of Men,' the official pseudo-history beginning with the reign of Emperor Jimmu. 2 Emperor Jimmu. 8 Ame no sita; literally, the 'Under-Heaven'; evidently a term borrowed from the Chinese. 4 Chapters 47-52 relate in detail Jimmu's eastward migration, which ended when he established his palace in Kasi-para in the land of Yamato. Japanese geography is thought of in terms of west and east; thus, a movement from Kyushu to Yamato—actually in a northeasterly direction—is spoken of as a movement eastward. The early emperors attached much importance to the location of their palace and, until the Nara period, the court moved to a new palace at the beginning of each reign. Jimmu's concern is to find a good site for ruling the land in peace. Scholars continue to argue whether Jimmu's eastward march reflects a historical migration of the Yamato ruling family. Some scholars believe that the»Yamato rulers originated in Yamato and deny the authenticity of this account, while others admit that the Yamato rulers may have moved to Yamato from Kyushu. 5-6 A conjectural translation. The original is ideographic and seems to mean literally 'a one-foot-rising palace.' According to one theory, the floor of the palace was near the ground, so that one could step up onto it in one stride (one 'foot'). The Nihon shoki uses in this account an ideograph meaning a 'one-pillar-rising palace,' and adds a gloss giving the pronunciation asi-pitdtu-agari no [miya]. This is probably the Kojiki pronunciation also. Aston (I, 112) translates the phrase as "a palace raised on one pillar" and says: "Possibly there is here a reminiscence of a nomadic tent life." He quotes

Kojiki 5 6 7 8

9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17

From there he moved to the palace of WOKADA in TUKUSI, [where he] dwelt for one year. From that land he journeyed upward7 and dwelt seven years in the palace of TAKERI in the land of AKI. From that land he moved and journeyed upward and dwelt eight years in the palace of TAKASIMA in KIB!. As he was journeying upwards from that land, he met in the straits of PAYA-SUPI a person riding on a tortoise's back, fishing and flapping his wings as he came.8 Calling him closer, he asked: "Who are you?" He answered: "I am an earthly deity."9 Again he asked: "Do you know the sea-lanes?" He answered: "I know them well." Again he asked: "Will you serve as my attendant?" He answered: "I will serve." Then he stretched out a pole10 and drew him into the boat. He bestowed [upon him] the name SAWO-NE-TU-PIKO. This is the ancestor of the KUNI-NO-MIYATUKO of YAMATO.

an Irish legend of an island called One-foot "because it was supported by a single pillar in the middle." The ideograph used in the Nihon shoki seems to indicate a simple struc­ ture with a single pillar. At any rate we can be sure that it was a mark of the highest respect to build a separate building for a guest and to entertain him with a large feast. ' I.e., towards the (as yet to be established) capital at Yamato. Even today the direction toward the capital is "up" and the direction away from it is "down." 8 Several explanations are possible: (a) that this was a bird deity, like the crow in Chapter 50, sent to guide them across the sea; see verse 15 below; (b) that this was adeity in human form whose movements resembled a bird flapping its wings (cf. 27:6-8®); he was either engaged in some sort of vigorous exercise or waved his sleeves to show his recognition of the travelers; (c) the word 'wings' may really mean 'sails.' There may be geographical inconsistencies in this section. See GLOSSARY under Paya-supi. * Kuni-tu-kami; or 'the deity of this land'; cf. note on 19:6. In the Nihon shoki version, he answers that his name is Udu-piko, and agrees to serve as his guide. 10 Sawo. The personage was brought into the boat on, or by means of, a pole; this may indicate that he was a bird.

Book Two, Chapter 48

CHAPTER 48 ITU-SE-NO-MIK5TO, EMPEROR JIMMU'S ELDER BROTHER, IS WOUNDED AND DIES AFTER A BATTLE WITH NAGA-SUNE-BIKO. Ι

2 3 4 5 6

7 8

As they1 journeyed upward from that land,2 they passed the crossing of NAMI-PAYA and anchored at the cove of SIRA-KATA of the bluish clouds.3 At this time, NAGA-SUNE-BIKO of TOMI raised an army and, lying in wait, engaged them in battle. Then they1 took the shields4 which they had put in the boat and alighted. Therefore that place was named TATE-TU.5 It is what is called today TADE-TU6 of KUSAKA. Then, while fighting with TOMI-BIKO, ITU-SE-NO-MIKOTO re­ ceived a deep wound in his hand from TOMI-BIKO'S arrow. Then [Itu-se-no-mikoto] said: "It is not right for me, the child of the sun-deity, to fight facing the sun.7 This is why I have been wounded by such a lowly wretch. Now let us go around to where the sun will be at our backs and attack." Thus agreeing, they went around from the south. When they arrived at the sea of TINU, he washed the blood8 off his hand; this is why it is called the sea of TINU.9

1

Or 'he.' Evidently KibL 3 Awo-kumo no; evidently a conventional epithet for Sira-kata. 2

4

5

Tate.

Lit., 'Shield Cove.' 6 Lit., 'Smartweed Cove.' 7 Another indication of the existence of a complex of taboos and traditions about facing (or not facing) the sun. Cf. 128:13. See also ADDITIONAL NOTE 18. 8 Ti. 9 Lit., 'Blood Marsh.' Verses 8 and 12 give the usual Kojiki-type folk etymologies of place names.

Kojiki

9

From this place they journeyed on and, arriving at the rivermouth of Wo10 in the land of Κϊ, [Itu-se-no-mikoto] said: 10 "Oh, to have to die from the wounds [inflicted by such] a lowly wretch!" 11 Thus shouting manfully,11 he died.12 12 Therefore that river-mouth is called the river-mouth of Wo.10 13 His tomb is at KAMA-YAMA in the land of ΚΪ.

Wo-no-minato; lit., 'River-Mouth of Man.' Wo-takebi. la The ideograph for "he died" is the one used to refer to the death of an emperor. Motoori holds that Itu-se-no-mikoto was the "emperor" before Jimmu. 10

11

Book Two, Chapter 49

CHAPTER 49 EMPEROR JIMMU AND HIS TROOPS SINK INTO A MYSTERIOUS SLUMBER.

As TAKA-KURAZI,

OBEYING A DREAM, PRESENTS A SWORD TO EMPEROR JIMMU, THE UNRULY DEITIES OF KUMANO ARE MAGICALLY QUELLED.

Ι

2 3

4

5

6

When KAMU-Y AMAT O-IPARE-BIKO-N O-MIKOT Ο journey ed around from that place and arrived in the village of KUMANO, a large bear1 [could be seen] faintly2 moving around ;3 then it disappeared. Then KAMU-YAMATO-IPARE-BIKO-NO-MIKOTO suddenly felt faint;4 his troops also felt faint and lay down. At this time [a person called] TAKA-KURAZI of KUMANO came bringing a sword to the place where the child of the heavenly deities5 was lying. As he presented it, the child of the heavenly deities woke up and rose, saying: "Ah, what a long time I have slept!" At the very time that he received that sword, all of the unruly deities in the KUMANO mountains were of themselves cut down ;6 and the troops, who had been lying in a faint,7 all woke up and rose. When the child of the heavenly deities asked how he had ob­ tained this sword, TAKA-KURAZI replied:

1 Kuma. Evidently the unruly deities of the Kumano mountains appeared in the form of a bear, casting a spell over Jimmu and his men. 2 The text is corrupt and has been restored. 8 Lit., 'going in and out.' See verse 12 of the Preface. 4 Or 'lost consciousness.' 5 A title applied to the Yamato emperors. 6 I.e., the magic power of the heavenly sword was in itself sufficient to vanquish im­ mediately all the unruly deities. The name of this celebrated sword and its location at the shrine of Iso-no-kami are recorded in the gloss in verse 10. 7 Or 'unconscious.'

114 Kojiki

7

" I dreamt that the two deities AMA-TERASU-OPO-MI-KAMI and TAKA-KI-NO-KAMI s u m m o n e d and c o m m a n d e d TAKE-MIKA-DUTINO-KAMI, saying:

8

" 'The Central Land of the Reed Plains8 is in an uproar.9 Our offspring seem to be in difficulties. Since this Central Land of the Reed Plains is the land which you alone subdued, you, TAKEMIKA-DUTI-NO-KAMI, ought to descend.' 10

9

"Then he replied: " 'Even if I do not descend, here is the sword with which I pacified that land—send it down!

10

The name of this sword is SAZI-PUTU-NO-KAMI; another name is MKA-PUTUNO-KAMI; and another name is PUTU-NO-MI-TAMA. This sword dwells 11 in the shrine12 of ISO-NO-KAMI.18

11

" 'The way to send it down is to open a hole in the roof of the storehouse of TAKA-KURAZI and drop it in through there.' "Then [I was told in the dream]: " 'When you wake up in the morning, take [the sword] and present it to the child of the heavenly deities.' "When I looked in my storehouse in the morning, as I had been instructed in the dream, a sword was really there. This is the sword which I have presented to you."

12

13

8

Asi-para-no-naka-tu-kuni.

• Cf. 32:3. 10 Cf. 37:2411 O r 'is enshrined.' 12

18

Kami-no-miya.

The gloss identifying the sword was inserted in the original text at this point, interrupting the words spoken by Taka-kurazi. Iso-no-kami Shrine appears again in 69:12, also in connection with swords.

Book Two, Chapter 50

CHAPTER 50 ON THE WAY FROM KUMANO TO YAMATO EMPERORJIMMU IS GUIDED BY A GIANT CROW. THE LOCAL EARTHLY DEITIES COME TO GREET HIM. At this time once again ΤΑΚΑ-ΚΪ-ΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ commanded, giving these instructions: "O child of the heavenly deities, do not proceed further into the interior than this I1 The unruly deities are extremely numerous. 2 "From heaven we will now dispatch a giant crow;2 this giant crow will lead the way. Follow after it and continue your journey." 3 As they proceeded, in accordance with these instructions, fol­ lowing the giant crow, they arrived at the lower reaches3 of the YESINO river. 4 There a man was catching fish in a bamboo trap.4 5 Then the child of the heavenly deities asked: "Who are you?" 6 He replied: "I am an earthly deity,5 and my name is NIPE-MOTI-NO-KO."6 Ι

7

This is the ancestor of the U-KAPI of ADA.7

1 Or 'do not allow the child of the heavenly deities to proceed further into the interior than this!' 2 Yata-garasu. Cf. verse 13 of the Preface. Yata is doubtless from ya-ata, 'eight-lengths,' (cf. 17:11) and is a modifier referring to the large size of the crow. Crows may have been regarded in early Japan as messengers of the sun-deity or as sacred birds sent to guide travelers. Such a folk belief exists today in Wakayama prefecture, where there is a taboo against driving crows away. Tsugita, p. 275. 8 Kapa-ziri. Apparently a geographical inconsistency due to the oral nature of these traditions; they should be now at the upper reaches of the river. 4 Ideographic; read upe or yana. • Kuni-tu-kamS; or 'a deity of this land.' ' Or Nipe-motu-no-ko. 7 Or Ata; cf. S2:S4-

Kojiki

As they journeyed on from there, a man with a tail8 came forth from a well.9 There was a bright light10 in the well. 9 He asked him: "Who are you?" 10 He replied: "I am an earthly deity, and my name is WI-PIKA." 8

11

This is the ancestor of the OBITO of YESINO.

12

Then when they entered into these mountains, they met another man with a tail. This man came forth pushing aside11 the boulders.12 13 They asked him: "Who are you?" 14 He replied: "I am an earthly deity, and my name is IPA-OSI-WAKU-NO-KO.13 I have just heard that the child of the heavenly deities has come, and I have come out to meet him." 15

This is the ancestor of the Kuzu of YESINO.

16 17

From here they pierced14 their way across and came to UdA. That is why it is called UDA NO UKATI.15

8 Some commentators suppose that this refers to his costume, which may have had a tail-like appendage. Others say that the early Japanese believed that men who lived in the mountains were animal-like, because of their low state of culture, and thus spoke of them as having tails. Still another theory is that the man referred to was a miner coming out of an underground mine and that his "tail" was some kind of lighting apparatus. (For the latter theory see Matsumoto, Nihon no shinwa, pp. 171-76.) See verse 13 of the Preface: "Men with tails blocked the road." There is no account any­ where of them blocking the road. » Wi. 10 Pikari. 11 Osi-wake. 12 Ipapo. 13 Or 'Ipa-osi-wake-no-ko.' 14 Ukati, or ugati. " Or 'XJgati.' Another folk etymology for a place name.

Book Two, Chapter 51

CHAPTER 51 EMPEROR JIMMU LEARNS OF THE TREACHEROUS DESIGNS OF YE-UKASI, WHO IS DESTROYED IN HIS OWN TRAP. THE EMPEROR COMPOSES A SONG AT THE VICTORY FEAST. 1

At this time in UDA there were two [brothers named] YEUKASI and OTO-UKASI.1

2

They first dispatched the giant crow to ask them, saying: "The child of the heavenly deities has now arrived. Are you willing to serve him?" Then YE-UKASI, lying in wait for this messenger, turned him back by shooting a humming arrow2 [at him]. This is why the place where this humming arrow came to rest is called KABURA-ZAKI. Intending to ambush them, [Ye-ukasi began to] assemble troops; but being unable to do so, he deceitfully promised to serve [the child of the heavenly deities], and built a large hall. Inside this hall, he built a trap and waited. At this time OTO-UKASI came forth and, making obeisance, said: "My elder brother YE-UKASI shot at and forced back the mes­ senger of the child of the heavenly deities; intending to ambush you, he [tried to] assemble troops, but was unable to do so. "Therefore he built a hall, in which he constructed a trap in which to entrap you. "Therefore I have come before you to reveal this." Then MITI-N5-OMI-NO-MIKOTO, the ancestor of the MURAZI of

3 4 5

6 7 8

9 10 11

1 The word ye, meaning 'elder,' is written with the ideograph for 'elder brother,' and the word oto, meaning 'younger' with the ideograph for 'younger brother.' As in the case of Ye-sild and Oto-siki (cf. 52:47), the meaning may simply be: 'Elder Chief of Ukasi' (perhaps the same place as Ukati in 50:17) and 'Younger Chief of Ukasi.' 2 Nari-kabura; cf. 23:13; cf. also 33:11 in which another arrow is shot at a bird messenger.

Kojiki

the

OPO-TOMO,

and OPO-KUME-NO-MIKOTO, the ancestor of the ATAPE of the KUME, summoned YE-UKASI and reviled him, saying: 12 "You will go first into the great hall which you have built and reveal the manner in which you intend to serve."3 13 Then, grasping their sword-hilts, readying their spears, and fix­ ing their arrows, they drove him inside. 14 Then he was caught by the very trap he had made and died. 15 Then they pulled him out and hacked him to bits. 16 For this reason that place is called the Bloody Plain4 of UDA. 17 All of the viands which were offered by OTO-UKASI were given to the troops. 18 At this time, he® sang: On the high place6 Of UDA We set a snipe-net; We waited, But no snipe were caught. Instead, a dauntless fine7 Whale8 was caught.9

19 20 21 22 23 24 25

If the old wife10 Asks for some to eat, Shce off and give her

26

27 28 3

Or 'prove that you intend to serve.'

4 Ti-para. 5

Emperor Jimmu. Taka-kl; or, perhaps 'high stronghold.' 7 A conjectural translation of isukupasi, the meaning of which is unclear. It appears to be a conventional epithet for kudira in the next line, and kupasi seems to be the adjec­ tive meaning 'fair,' 'fine.' 8 Kudira. Some authorities translate the word as 'hawk,' on the rather slim evidence of an old Korean word for 'hawk' with a similar pronunciation. • The first seven lines of the song have seemingly little connection with the rest of it and are evidently a song of joy at capturing an unexpectedly large prey. 10 Konami; the oldest wife in the polygamous family. The rest of the song is hu­ morous. In the polygamous family, the good parts of the meat are given to the new wife, and the bad parts are portioned out stingily to the old wife, now out of favor. Evidently this is a primitive song-dance sequence which originated in a victory feast and was handed down by the court musicians. 6

Book One, Chapter

29

Only a little, like the berries

30

O f the TATI-SOBA.11

31

If the new wife 1 2

32 33 34

Asks for some to eat, Slice off and give her Plenty, like the berries

35

O f the ITI-SAKA-KI.13

36 37 38 39

Ee si ya ko si ya! This is to deride. 14 Aa si ya ko si ya! This is to laugh to scorn. 15

40

This

26

O T O - U K A S I — h e is the ancestor of the MOPI-TORI of UDA.

11

Or ' A slice with little meat, / Like the tati-soba.' Upanari; the wife married at a more recent date. 18 Or ' A slice with much meat, / Like the iti-saka-kl.' 14 Lines 37 and 39 are not part of the song text, but seem to be glosses explaining the significance of the exclamations in lines 36 and 38. 16 For further notes on this song, see ADDITIONAL NOTE 20. 12

173

Kojiki

CHAPTER 52 EMPEROR JIMMU CONQUERS OTHER ENEMIES AND, COMPLETING HIS WORK OF PACIFICATION, DWELLS AT THE PALACE OF KASI-PARA IN YAMATO. Ι

2 3 4 5

6 7 8 9 10 11 12

When [Kamu-yamato-ipare-biko-no-mikoto] arrived at the great pit dwelling1 of OSAKA, there were eighty2 mighty men3 with tails, of the TUTI-GUMO, waiting inside the pit dwelling with great clamor. Then the child of the heavenly deities commanded that a ban­ quet be given the eighty mighty men. To serve the eighty mighty men he assigned eighty2 foodservers,4 and had each of them wear a sword. He instructed the food-servers, saying : "When you hear the song, then cut [them down] !"5 The song which was a signal for smiting the TUTI-GUMO was: Many people Are in the large Pit dwelling Of OSAKA. Even though many people Are there, The gallant6

1 Muro, a dwelling hollowed out of the ground, typical of prehistoric Japan; cf. 80:1. The Tuti-gumo must have been pit-dwellers. See Aston, I, 71-72. The Ainus of the Kurile islands still lived in pit-dwellings in the early twentieth century, according to Torii RyuzS (Les Ainous des lies Kouriles [Tokyo University, 1919], pp. 235-43). 2 Or 'numerous.' 3 Takeru; or 'warriors.' As in the proper names (actually titles) Kumaso-takeru, Yamato-takeru, and Idumo-takeru in Chapters 79-81. 4 Kasipa-de. s Cf. verse 14 of the Preface. ' Mitu-mitusi; an adjective, probably a conventional epithet for the word Kume in the songs in this chapter.

Book Two, Chapter 52

13 14 15 16

Lads of the KUME,7 With their mallet-headed swords,8 With their stone mallets9 Will smite them relentlessly!

17 18 19 20 21

The gallant Lads of the KUME, With their mallet-headed swords, With their stone mallets— Now is the time to smite them!10

22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34

As this song was sung, they drew their swords and smote them to death all at once. Later, as he11 was about to smite TOMI-BIKO,12 he sang: In the millet fields Of the gallant Lads of the KUME : A single smelling leek13— Up with it by its roots, With all the buds on its roots: Thus will we smite them relentlessly! Again he sang: Beneath the fence Of the gallant Lads of the KUME,

7 These songs were handed down by the Kume clan, and are called Kume-uta, 'songs of the Kume,' in the Nihott shoki (see ADDITIONAL NOTE 20). 8 Kubu-tutu. Kubu means 'knob'; tutu or tuti means 'hammer,' 'mallet.' These could be the mallet-headed swords (kubu-tuti no tati or kabu-tuti no tati) held by the mythical ancestors of the Opo-toino and Kume clans in 39:14. 9 Isi-tutu; either a weapon like a tomahawk or a sword with a knob-shaped head of stone. 10 Lines 17-21, missing in the Nihon shoki version, can be detached from the rest of the song and taken independently. These final lines are in what was later called the tanka form; this section has been called a forerunner of the hanka, an envoy in tanka form frequently attached to long poems in the Manyoshii. 11 Emperor Jimmu. 12 Cf. Chapter 48. 13 Kamira.

Kojiki

35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 14

Grows a pepper plant14— It burns the mouth; Like this sting, I will not forget, But will smite them relentlessly! Again he sang: On the large rocks Of the sea of ISE Of the divine wind15 There are crawling around Shellfish16— Like these, we will crawl around them And smite them relentlessly I17 Again, when he was attacking YE-SIKI and OTO-SIKI,18 his troops were momentarily exhausted, and he sang: Watching the enemy While going through the woods

Pazikami; or, 'ginger.' A conventional epithet for Ise. 16 Sitadami; probably equivalent to the Modern Japanese kisago, kishago, or the English periwinkle. 17 The Nihon shoki (Asahi ed., II, 27) has a version which preserves more accurately the actual style in which the song was sung. In the transcription below, the indented lines are unessential elements; the italicized words are refrains or exclamations, and the unitalicized indented portions are repetitions: Kamu-kaze no Ise no umi no Opo-isi ni ya I-papi motoporu Sitadami no Sitadami no Ago yo ago yo Sitadami no I-papi motopori Utite si yamamu Utite si yamamu The seven essential lines in the Nihon shoki version are practically identical with the Kojiki version, which has been shorn of its unessential elements. Most of the song texts recorded in ancient documents may have been thus reduced. See also Aston, I, 122 and Takeda, Kiki kayoshu zenkd, pp. 67-69, 231-32. 18 The Elder Chief and the Younger Chief of the Siki district (cf. 51:1). 15

Book Two, Chapter 32

50

51 52 53 54 55 56

Of Mount INASA Of the lined-up shields,19 We fought, But now we are starving. O U-KAPI—you keepers Of the cormorants of the isles20— Come quickly to our aid!

57

At this time NIGI-PAYA-PI-NO-MIKOTO came and said to the child of the heavenly deities: 58 "Having heard that the child of the heavenly deities had de­ scended from the heavens, I too descended after him." 59 Thus [saying], he presented the heavenly emblems21 and served him. 60 NIGI-PAYA-PI-NO-MIKOTO took as wife TOMI-YA-BIME, the younger sister of TOMI-BIKO and gave birth to a child UMASIMADL-NO-MIKOTO. 61

This is the ancestor of the MUKAZI of the MONO-NO-BE, the OMI of the PODUMI, and the OMI of the UNEBE.

62

Having thus subdued and pacified the unruly deities and having swept away the defiant people, he dwelt in the palace of KASIPARA at UNEBI and ruled the kingdom.

19 A conventional epithet for words beginning with i (here, Inasa) because of analogy with iru, 'to shoot.' 20 Or Ό Birds of the Isles, / O U-kapi company.' U-kapi appeared in 50:7 as the name of a corporation of cormorant-keepers. 21 Ama-tu-sirusi. In the Nihon shoki, in which the emblems are presented under much more complicated circumstances (see Aston, Nihongi, I, 127-28), they consist of a heavenly feathered arrow (ame no papa-ya—as in Kojiki 33:3) and a type of quiver. The importance of the Μδηδ-ηδ-be in contemporary politics is reflected in the Nihott shoki account, in which Nigi-paya-pi's descent from the heavens precedes the arrival of Emperor Jimmu.

Kojiki

CHAPTER 53 OPO-KUME-N5-MIKOTO TELLS EMPEROR JIMMU WHY ISUKE-YORI-PIME WAS SAID TO BE THE CHILD OF A DEITY.

ι

When [Kamu-yamato-ipare-biko-no-mikoto] was in [the land of] PIMUKA, he took as wife APIRA-PIME, the younger sister of the KIMI of WOBASI in ATA. The children born were two: TAGISIMIMI-NO-MIKOTO1 ; next, KISU-MIMI-NO-MIKOTO. However, when he sought further for a maiden to become his chief empress,2 OPO-KUME-NO-MIKOTO said: "There is here3 a maiden of whom it is said [that she is] the child of a deity. The reason why she is said to be the child of a deity is [this]: "The daughter of MIZO-KUPI of MISIMA, whose name was SEYATATARA-PIME, was beautiful. [The deity] OPO-MONO-NUSI-NO-KAMI of MIWA4 saw her and admired her. "When the maiden was defecating, he transformed himself into a red painted arrow and, floating down the ditch where she was defecating, struck the maiden's genitals. Then the maiden was alarmed, and ran away in great confusion.5 "Then she took the arrow and placed it by her bed.6 "Immediately it turned into a lovely young man, who took the maiden as wife, and there was born a child named POTO-TATARA-

2 3

4

5

6 7

1

For the later events in which this prince was involved, see Chapter 55.

2

Opo-kisaki.

I.e., in Yamato. 4 See note to 30:14. This deity, believed to appear in serpentine form, was notorious in early literature for his liking for beautiful women. See ADDITIONAL NOTE 21 for a discussion of the variant versions of this account and of other similar old tales. 8

5

Isusukiki.

6

Cf. io6:i2ff.

119

Book Two, Chapter 53 ISUSUKI-PIME-NÖ-MIKOTO.

Another name was

PIME-TATARA-ISUKE-

YORI-PIME. 8

The name was later changed to this because of dislike for the word poto

9

"For this reason she is said to be the child of a deity."

' 'Genitals.'

Kojiki

CHAPTER 54 EMPEROR JIMMU WOOS AND MARRIES ISUKE-Y5RI-PIME, WHO BEARS HIM THREE PRINCES. 1

At this time there were seven maidens playing on [the plain] of TAKA-SAZI-NO. ISUKE-YORI-PIME was among them. 2 OPO-KUME-NO-MIKOTO, seeing ISUKE-YORI-PIME, said to the em­ peror in a song: 3 4 5 6 7

Seven maidens Walking along The plain TAKA-SAZI-NO In YAMATO— Which of them will [you] wed?1

8

At the time ISUKE-YORI-PIME was standing out in front of those maidens. 9 Then the emperor, looking upon the maidens, knew in his heart that it was ISUKE-YORI-PIME standing out in front, and replied in a song: 10 11 12 13

The eldest maiden Standing slightly out in front, Her will I wed.2 Then, when OPO-KUME-NO-MIKOTO announced the emperor's

1 The verb maku, here translated 'wed,' has various meanings: to wrap, to wrap the arms around, to embrace, to pillow oneself against, to sleep with, to seek. The original meaning of line 7 may have been, "Which of them shall [I] wed?" The lack of honorific expressions seems odd in addressing an emperor. a The reply, as well as the question and answer songs in 14-16 and 18-20, are in the kata-uta metrical form. It was primarily used, as here, for question and answer songs and may have originated in oracular questions and answers.

Book Two, Chapter 34

will to ISUKE-YORI-PIME, she saw the tattooing around the eyes3 of OPO-KUME-NO-MIKOTO ; thinking it strange, she sang: 14

i Ame-Mu

15

Tidori masi toto 5 —

16

Why the tattooed eyes?3

17 18 19 20

Then OPO-KUME-NO-MIKOTO sang in reply: The better to meet Maidens face to face Are my tattooed eyes.6

21 22

Then the maiden promised to serve [the emperor]. The home of ISUKE-YORI-PIME-NO-MIKOTO was by7 the river SAWI. The Emperor journeyed to ISUKE-YORI-PIME'S home and slept there one night.

23

The river is called the SAWI River because there are many mountain lilies by the river. The name of the mountain lilies was taken, and [the river] called SAWI River. The old name of the mountain lily was sawi.

24

Later, when ISUKE-YORI-PIME entered the palace, the Emperor sang:

25 26 27 28 29

In a humble8 little house Nestling in a reed-plain, Spreading out the clean Rustling sedge-mats, The two of us slept.

8 Sakeru to-me; literally, 'pierced sharp eyes.' There was an ancient custom, probably of southern Asiatic origin, of tattooing the corners of the eyes in order to accentuate the fierce appearance of the face. The Nihon shoki mentions eye-tattooing as a punish­ ment and also asan identification of certain castes (cf. note to 126:13). Evidently the custom was common only among certain groups. 4·5 The meaning of lines 14-15 is not clear. Some commentators say that the words are all names of birds; they may also be nonsense. 6 The final line of the reply is couched in almost the same terms as the question in line 16. By replying in the same metrical form and using the same terms, he proved his skill at impromptu versifying; this exchange of repartee in verse is immediately followed by the maiden's agreement to obey (verse 21). 7 Literally 'up.' 8 Some commentators insist that the word sikesiki here means 'dirty,' 'tumble-down.' Such an interpretation would be entirely out of harmony with the rest of the song.

114 Kojiki

30

Thus the children born were named PIKO-YA-WI-NO-MIKÖTÖ ; next,

KAMU-YA-WI-MIMI-NO-MIKOTO;

M I M I - N O - M I K 6 T 6 . 9 (Three children)

• Emperor Suisei; cf. 56:1.

next,

KAMU-NUNAKAPA-

Book Ttvol Chapter 55

CHAPTER 55 THE EMPRESS ISUKE-YORI-PIME WARNS HER SONS IN A SONG OF TAGISI-MIML's PLOT AGAINST THEM. THE YOUNGEST SON KILLS TAGISI-MIMI AND IS GIVEN HIS OLDER BROTHER'S BIRTHRIGHT. THE DESCENDANTS OF THE THREE PRINCES. Ι

After the emperor's death, the elder half-brother TAGISI-MIMIΝό-Μίκδτδ1 took as wife ISUKE-YORI-PIME,2 the empress, and

plotted to kill the three younger brothers.3 2

At this time their mother ISUKE-YORI-PIME, suffering in anguish, warned her sons [of the danger] in a song. The song said :

3

Clouds are rising

4

From the SAWI River ;4

$

On UNEBI Mountain5

6

The leaves of the trees are rustling;

7

The wind is about to blow.

8 9

Again she sang: On UNEBI Mountain

10

During the day the clouds shift restlessly;

11

Now it is night,

12

And as if to warn that the wind is about to blow,

13

The leaves of the trees are rustling.6

1 Cf. 53 :i. A son of Emperor Jimmu by a concubine, he was the elder half-brother of the princes in 54:30. 2 I.e., he married his own stepmother. Motoori's attempt to interpret the passage to mean that he "debauched" the empress is incorrect. The ideograph means marry. 3 The sons of Emperor Jimmu and Isuke-yori-pime. 4 Cf. 54:22-23. 5 Cf. 52:62, 55:25. BothoftheseplaceswerecloselyconnectedwithEmperorJimmu. 6 Taken out of context the songs seem like simple nature verses—an extremely rare

I83

Kojiki

14

15 16 17

18 19

20

21

Then her sons, hearing and understanding, took alarm. As they were about to kill TAGISI-MIMI, KAMU-NUNAKAPA-MIMI-NO-MIKOTO said to his elder brother KAMU-YA-WI-MIMI-NO-MIKOTO : "My brother, take the weapons and go in and kill TAGISI-MIMI." When he took the weapons and went in and was about to kill him, his hands and feet shook so that he was unable to kill him. Then the younger brother KAMU-NUNAKAPA-MIMI-NO-MIKOTO asked to have the weapons borne by his elder brother and went in and killed TAGISI-MIMI. Therefore they also called him TAKE-NUNAKAPA-MIMI-NOMIKOTO to praise his name. At this time KAMU-YA-WI-MIMI-NO-MIKOTO ceded [his birth­ right] to his younger brother TAKE-NUNAKAPA-MIMI-NO-MIKOTO, saying: "I was unable to kill the enemy, and [it was] you [who] finally killed him. Therefore, even though I am the older brother, it is not right for me to be the first.7 For this reason, be the first and rule the kingdom. I will help you and will serve as a priest."8 PlKO-YA-WI-NO-MIKOTO9

is the ancestor of the MURAZI of MAMUTA and

the MURAZI of TESIMA. 22

KAMU-YA-WI-MIMI-NO-MIKOTO is the ancestor of the OML of OPO, the MURAZI of the TIPIS AKO-BE, the MURAZI of the SAKAPI-BE, the KIMI of Ρϊ, the KIMI of OPOKIDA, the KIMI of Aso, the MURAZI of the MIYAKE of TUKUSI, the OMI of the SAZAKI-BE, the MIYATUKO of the SAZAKI-BE, the MIYATUKO of the WO-PATUSE, the ATAPH of TUKE, the KUNI-NO-MIYATUKO of IYO, the KUNI-NO-MIYATUKO of SINANO1

genre in this early period. In context, however, the natural images heighten the feeling of mystery and danger. ' There is much evidence that in the most ancient times, ultimogeniture—or at least some other system than primogeniture—was prevalent. This account may be an attempt to provide a logical explanation for ultimogeniture, written at a time when it had gone into disuse. See Tsugita, p. 302. See also note 2 to 46:1. 8 Ipapi-bito; one whose duty was to remain in a state of ritual purity and perform rites and ceremonies, a r61e vital to the government of ancient Japan. • Verses 21-25 taken from a genealogical source document and seem to follow directly after 54:30. 55:1-20 is taken from an entirely different anecdotal source. Verses 21-23 account for the sons of Emperor Jimmu; verses 24-25 give the final data on his reign before the narrative goes on to the next reign.

119

Book Two, Chapter 55 the KUNI-NO-MIYATUKO o f IPAKI in MLTINOKU, the KUNI-NO-MIYATUKO o f N A K A in PLTATI,

10

t h e KUNI-NO-MIYATUKO o f N A G A S A , 1 1 the ATAPE o f P U N A K I o f ISE, the

OMI o f N I P A in W O P A R I , a n d the OMI o f SIMADA.

23 24

KAMU-NUNAKAPA-MIMI-NO-MIK6TO ruled the kingdom. The years of Emperor KAMU-YAMATO-IPARE-BIKO were one hundred and thirty-seven. His tomb is to the north of Mount UNEBI, atop the oak ridge. 12

25

10-11

12

L a c k i n g in the S h i m p u k u - j i m a n u s c r i p t .

Kasi-nd-wo.

Kojiki

CHAPTER 56 REIGN OF EMPEROR SUISEI. Ι

2

KAMU-NUNAKAPA-MIMI-NO-MIKOTO1 dwelt in the palace of TAKAWOKA in KADURAKI and ruled the kingdom. The emperor took as wife KAPA-MATA-BIME, the ancestor of the AGATA-NUSI of SiKi,2 and there was born the child SIKI-TU-PIKOTAMA-DE-MI-NO-MIKOTO. (One child)

3 4

The years of the emperor were forty-five. His tomb is on [the hill] TUKIDA-NO-WOKA.

1 Emperor Suisei. The Kojiki includes no anecdotal material about the eight emperors whose reigns are recorded in Chapters 56-63. The chapters consist almost entirely of genealogy, whose authenticity scholars have questioned. Kanda, in a valuable study, has proposed that the genealogies in Chapters 56-63 are not necessarily chronologically consecutive reigns, but may be a composite of four unrelated, roughly contemporary groups (Southern Kaduraki' group—Kosho and Koan; Wani group—Kaika; heavenly descendants group—Korei; Ikoma group—the empresses of K6gen and Kaika; and Siki group—the aboriginal inhabitants of the Unebi' region) which fought among themselves for supremacy over the Yamato region. Finally, after the victory of the invaders claiming descent from the heavenly deities (represented by Emperor K6rei), the diverse elements were artificially welded into one genealogy. Kojiki no kdzo, pp. 167-84. At any rate, although they lack any literary interest, these chapters are basic materials for any reconstruction of the early history of the Yamato court. 2 The Siki element is prominent in the name of the child (Emperor Annei—cf. 57:1), and also in 58:2.

119

Book Two, Chapters 56 and 57

C H A P T E R

R E I G N OF E M P E R O R

57

ANNEI.

1

SIKI-TU-PIKO-TAMA-DE-MI-NO-MIKOTO dwelt in the palace of KATA-SIPO-NO-UKI-ANA and ruled the kingdom.

2

This emperor took as wife AKUTO-PIME,1 the daughter of the AGATA-NUSI PAYE, the elder brother of KAPA-MATA-BIME, and there was born the child T6K6-NE-TU-PIKO-IRÖNE-N6-MIKÖTÖ; next, OPO-YAMAT6-PIKO-SUKI-TÖMO-NÖ-MIKÖTÖ;

2

and next,

SIKI-TU-

PIKO-NO-MIKOTO.

3

From among the three children of this emperor, OPO-YAMATOPIKO-SUKI-TOMO-NÖ-MIKOTO ruled the kingdom. 3 Next, SIKI-TU-PIKO-NO-MIKOTO had two children.

4

O n e child 4 w a s the ancestor o f the INAKI o f S U T I in IGA, o f the INAKI o f N A B A R I .

5

a n d o f the INAKI o f M I N E .

6

The other child, WATITUMI-NO-MIKOTO, dwelt in the palace of M I - W I in APADI.

7 8

This prince had two daughters. The elder daughter was named PAPE-IRONE; another name was OPO-YAMATO-KUNI-ARE-PIME-NO-MIKOTO.5

9 10

The younger daughter was named PAPE-IRODO.6 The years o f t h e emperor were forty-nine.

11

His t o m b is at MI-POTO at M o u n t UNEBI.

1

His first cousin. She was the daughter of his mother's elder brother; cf. 56:2. Lacking in the Maeda manuscript. Oddly, no name is given for this child. Cf. 61:4. Cf. 61:5.

2-3 4 s 6

Kojiki

CHAPTER

69

REIGN OF EMPEROR SUININ. 1

OPO-YAMATO-PIKO-SUKI-TOMO-NO-MIKOTO dwelt in the palace o f SAKAPI-WOKA i n K A R U a n d r u l e d t h e k i n g d o m .

2

This emperor took as wife PUTO-MA-WAKA-PIME-NO-MIKOTO, the a n c e s t o r o f t h e AGATA-NUSI o f SIKI; a n o t h e r n a m e w a s IPI-PI-PIMENO-MIKOTO.

3

There was born the child MIMATU-PIKO-KAWESI-NE-NO-MIKOTO; n e x t , T A G I S I - P I K O - N O - M I K O T O . (TWO children)

4 5

MIMATU-PIKO-KAWESI-NE-NO-MIKOTO rtaled the kingdom. 1 Next,

TAGISI-PIKO-NO-MIKOTO

is the ancestor o f the WAKE of TINU, the

WAKE o f T A K E i n TADIMA, a n d t h e INAKI o f ASI-WI.

6

T h e years o f the emperor were forty-five.

7

H i s t o m b is b y 2 t h e v a l l e y o f M A N A G O at M o u n t U N E B I .

1 For the first time in the Kojiki narrative, an eldest son assumes the throne. Siki-tupiko-tama-de-mi, w h o reigned as Emperor Annei, was an only child (56:2). 2 Literally 'on.'

188

Book Two,

CHAPTER

Chapters 38 and 59

59

REIGN OF EMPEROR KOSHO. 1

MIMATU-PIKO-KAWESI-NE-NO-MIKOTO dwelt in the palace

of

WAKIGAMI in KADURAKI a n d ruled the k i n g d o m .

2

This emperor took as wife Y6S6-TAPO-BIME-N6-MIKOT6, the younger sister o f OKI-TU-YOSO, the ancestor o f the MURAZI o f WOPARI.

3

There was born the child AME-OSI-TARASI-PIKO-NO-MIKOTO ; next, OPO-YAMATO-TARASI-PIKO-KUNI-OSI-BITO-NO-MIKOTO.

(TWO

children)

4

The

younger

brother

TARASI-PIKO-KUNI-OSI-BITO-NO-MIKOTO

ruled the kingdom. 5

T h e elder brother AME-OSI-TARASI-PIKO-NO-MIKOTO

is the ancestor

of the OMI of KASUGA, the OMI of O P O - Y A K E , the OMI of A P A T A , the OMI of W O - N O , the OMI ofKAKi-NO-MOTO, the OMI of ITIPIWI, the OMI of OPO-SAKA, the OMI o f A N A , the OMI of T A K I , the OMI of PAGURI, the OMI of T I T A , the OMI of M U Z A , the OMI o f T U N O - Y A M A , the KIMI of IPI-TAKA in ISE, the KIMI of ITISI, and the KUNI-NO-MIYATUKO of TIKA-TU-APUMI.

6

T h e years o f the emperor were ninety-three.

7

H i s t o m b is o n M o u n t P A K A T A i n W A K I G A M I .

189

Kojiki

C H A P T E R 69

R E I G N OF E M P E R O R

1

SUININ.

OPO-YAMAT6-TARASI-PIKO-KUNI-OSI-BIT6-N5-MIK6TO

dwelt

t h e p a l a c e o f AKI-DU-SIMA at M U R O i n K A D U R A K I a n d r u l e d

in the

kingdom. 2

T h i s e m p e r o r t o o k as w i f e h i s n i e c e , OSIKA-PIME-NO-MIKOTO, a n d t h e r e w a s b o r n t h e c h i l d OPO-KIBI-NO-MORO-SUSU-NO-MIKOTO ; n e x t ,

3

0P0-YAMAT6-NEK0-PIK0-PUT0-NI-N0-MIK0T6.

(TWO children)

OPO-YAMAT6-NEKO-PIKO-PUTO-NI-N6-MIKOT6

the

ruled

king-

dom. 4

T h e years o f the emperor w e r e one hundred and

5

H i s t o m b is o n [the hill] T A M A D E - N O - W O K A .

190

twenty-three.

Book

CHAPTER

Two,

Chapters

60 and 61

61

REIGN OF EMPEROR K5REI. PACIFICATION OF THE LAND OF KlBI. 1

OPO-YAMATO-NEKO-PIKO-PUTO-NI-NO-MIKOTO d w e l t i n the p a l a c e o f IPODO a t K U R O D A a n d r u l e d t h e k i n g d o m .

2

This emperor took as wife KUPASI-PIME-NO-MIKOTO, the daught e r o f O P O - M E , t h e a n c e s t o r o f t h e AGATA-NUSI o f T O W O T I ;

and

there was born the child OPO-YAMATO-NEKO-PIKO-KUNI-KURU-NOMIKOTO. (One child)

3

Again he took as wife TITI-PAYA-MA-WAKA-PIME o f KASUGA and there was born the child TITI-PAYA-PIME-N6-MIKOT6. (One child)

4

Again he took as wife OPO-YAMATO-KUNI-ARE-PIME-NO-MIKOTO1 and there was born the child YAMATO-TO-MÖMÖ-SÖ-BIME-NOMIKOTO;

next,

PIKO-SASI-KATA-WAKE-N6-MIKOT6 ;

ISASERI-BIKO-NO-MIKOTO, MIKOTO;

and

next,

also

named

next,

PIKO-

OPO-KIBI-TU-PIKO-NO-

YAMATÖ-TOBI-PAYA-WAKA-YA-PIME-N6-

MIKOTO. (Four children)

5

Again, he took as wife the younger sister o f ARE-PIME-NOMIKOTO, PAPE-IRODO, 2 a n d t h e r e w a s b o r n t h e c h i l d P I K O - S A M E MA-NO-MIK6TO ; n e x t , WAKA-PIKO-TAKE-KIBI-TU-PIKO-NO-MIKOTO. ( T w o children)

6

This emperor had altogether eight children. (Five princes and three princesses)

7

OPO-YAMATO-NEKO-PIKO-KUNI-KURU-NO-MIKOTO

ruled

the

kingdom. 8

OPO-KIBI-TU-PIKO-NO-MIKOTO,

together

with

WAKA-[PIKO]-

TAKE-KIBI-TU-PIKO-NO-MIKOTO,3 placed ceremonial jars 4 before the 1

Cf. 57:8-

2Cf.

57:9. The second element is missing in the manuscripts and has been supplied. 4 Ipapi-be; cf. 67:20. The early Japanese used to mark borders by rooting jars in the ground and performing rites of worship there. They may have put offerings of wine 8

191

Kojiki

PI river in PARIMA ; and making PARIMA their starting point, 5 they subdued and pacified the land o f KIBI. 9

This

OPO-KIBI-TU-PIKO-NO-MIKOTO

is the ancestor of the OMI of the

KAMI-TU-MTTI o f KIBI.

10

N e x t , W A K A - P I K O - T A K E - K I B I - T U - P I K O - N 6 - M I K 6 T 6 is the ancestor of t h e OMI o f t h e SIMO-TU-MITI o f KIBI a n d t h e OMI o f K A S A .

11

Next, PlKO-SAME-MA-NO-MIKOTO is the ancestor of the

OMI

of USIKA

i n PARIMA.

12

Next,

PIKO-SASI-KATA-WAKE-NO-MIKOTO

is the ancestor of the OMI

o f T O N A M I i n KOSI, t h e OMI o f KUNISAKI i n T O Y O - K U N I , t h e KIMI o f IPOBAHA, a n d t h e ATAPE o f t h e A M A o f T U N U G A .

13

The years o f the emperor were one hundred and six.

14

H i s t o m b is a t U M A - S A K A a t K A T A W O K A .

in the jars or they may have regarded the jars as the sacred dwelling-places of the spirits guarding the borders. Kidder (p. 196) has suggested that the haniwa, the earliest forms of which were long cylindrical tubes with jar-like openings, were substitutes for these jars "forming a protective barrier or symbolic fence that marks the precincts of the tomb." 6 Miti no kuti; literally 'mouth of the road.' 192

Book Two,

C H A P T E R

Chapter 106

62

R E I G N OF E M P E R O R K O G E N . D E S C E N D A N T S OF TAKESI-UTI-NO-SUKUNE.

1

OPO-YAMAT6-NEKO-PIKO-KUNI-KURU-NO-MIKOT6

d w e l t in

the

p a l a c e o f SAKAPI-BARA at K A R U a n d r u l e d t h e k i n g d o m .

2

This emperor

took

as wife

UTU-SIK6-ME-N6-MIKOT6,

the

younger sister o f UTU-SIKO-WO-NO-MIKOTO, the ancestor o f the OMI o f PODUMI, a n d MIKOTO

j1

there w a s

born

the child

OPO-BIKO-NO-

n e x t , SUKUNA-BIKO-TAKE-WI-GOK6R6-N6-MIK6T6 ; n e x t ,

W A K A - Y A M A T 6 - N E K O - P I K O - O P O - B I B I - N 6 - M I K O T 6 . (Three children)

3

Again he took as wife IKAGA-SIKO-ME-NO-MIKOTO,8 the daughter o f UTU-SIKO-WO-NO-MIKOTO, a n d there w a s b o r n the c h i l d PIKOPUTU-OSI-NO-MAKOTO-NO-MIKOTO.

4

Again he took as wife PANI-YASU-BIME, the daughter o f A w o TAMA o f K A P U T I , a n d t h e r e w a s b o r n t h e c h i l d T A K E - P A N I - Y A S U B I K O - N 6 - M I K O T 6 . 3 (One child)

5

This emperor had altogether five children.

6

WAKA-YAMAT6-NEKO-PIKO-OPO-BIBI-N6-MIKOTO

ruled

the

kingdom. 7

T h e c h i l d o f t h e eldest b r o t h e r OPO-BIKO-NO-MIKOTO,

TAKE-

N U N A K A P A - W A K E - N O - M I K 6 T 6 4 is the ancestor of the OMI o f ABE. 8

Next,

PIKO-INA-KOZI-WAKE-MIKOTO

is the ancestor of the OMI of the

KASIPADE.

9

PIKO-PUTU-OSI-N6-MAKOT6-N6-MIKOTO

took

as

wife

TAKA-

TINA-BIME o f K A D U R A K I , t h e y o u n g e r sister o f O P O - N A B I , t h e a n c e s t o r o f t h e MURAZI o f W O P A R I , a n d t h e r e w a s b o r n t h e c h i l d UMASI-UTI-NO-SUKUNE. This is the ancestor o f the OMI o f U n in YAMASIRO. 1

Cf. Chapter 67. 63:3. Cf. Chapter 67. Cf. 67:1.

aCf. 3 4

193

Kojiki

10

Again he took as wife YAMA-SITA-KAGE-PIME, the younger sister o f UDU-PIKO, t h e a n c e s t o r o f t h e KUNI-NO-MIYATUKO o f K I , a n d

there was born the child TAKESI-UTI-NO-SUKUNE.5 11

This TAKESI-UTI-NO-SUKUNE had

altogether

nine

children.

(Seven boys and t w o girls) 12

P A T A - N O - Y A S I R O - N O - S U K U N E is the ancestor o f the OMI of PATA, the OMI of PAYASI, the OMI of PAMI, the OMI of POSIKAPA, the OMI of APUMI, and the KIMI of the PATUSE-BE.

13

N e x t , K6SE-N6-WOKARA-NO-SUKUNE

is the ancestor of the OMI of

KOSE, the OMI of the SAZAKI-BE, and the OMI of the KARU-BE. 14

15

N e x t , SOGA-NO-ISIKAPA-NO-SUKUNE is the ancestor of the OMI of SOGA, the OMI of KAPA-BE, the OMI of TANAKA, the OMI o f TAKAMUKU, the OMI of WOP ARID A, the OMI of SAKURAWI, and the OMI of KISIDA. Next,

PEGURI-NO-TUKU-NO-SUKUNE

is the ancestor of the OMI of

PEGURI, the OMI of SAWARA, and the MURAZI of the UMA-MIKUPI. 16

N e x t , K I - N O - T U N O - N O - S U K U N E is the ancestor of the OMI of Ki, the OMI of TUNU, and the OMI of SAKAMOTO.

17

Next,

18

N e x t , NO-NO-IRO-PIME.

19

Next,

KUME-NO-MAITO-PIME.

KADURAKI-NO-NAGAYE-NO-SOTU-BIKO

is the ancestor of the

OMI of TAMADE, the OMI of IKUPA, the OMI of IKUYE, and the OMI of AGINA. 20

Also, W A K U G O - N O - S U K U N E is the ancestor of the OMI of YENOMA.

21

The years o f this emperor were fifty-seven.

22

His tomb is on the middle hill 6 at [the pond] TURUGI-NO-IKE.

6

A sort of Japanese Methuselah w h o figures in historical anecdotes in Chapters 92-

93. 97-98, 102, 104, and 116. His descendants are recorded in detail in verses 11-20. The Soga clan, in particular, had great political influence, at one time threatening even the imperial house. 6 Naka no woka. 194

Book Two,

C H A P T E R

Chapter 106

63

R E I G N OF E M P E R O R K A I K A . D E S C E N D A N T S OF PLKO-IM ASU-NO-MIKO.

1

WAKA-YAMATO-NEKO-PIKO-OPO-BIBI-NO-MIKOTO

dwelt

in

the

p a l a c e o f IZA-KAPA i n K A S U G A a n d r u l e d t h e k i n g d o m . 2

This

emperor

took

as w i f e

TAKANO-PIME, t h e

daughter

of

Y U G O R I , t h e OPO-AGATA-NUSI o f T A N I P A , a n d t h e r e w a s b o r n t h e c h i l d PlKO-YU-MUSU-MI-NÖ-MIKÖTÖ. (One child) 3

A g a i n h e t o o k as w i f e his s t e p m o t h e r IKAGA-SIKO-ME-NO-MIKOTO, 1 a n d t h e r e w a s b o r n t h e c h i l d MIMAKI-IRI-BIKO-INIWE-NO-MIKOTO ; n e x t , M I M A T U - P I M E - N 6 - M I K O T 6 . (TWO children)

4

A g a i n h e t o o k as w i f e OKE-TU-PIME-NO-MIKOTO, t h e y o u n g e r sister o f PIKO-KUNI-OKE-TU-NO-MIKOTO, t h e a n c e s t o r o f t h e OMI o f W A N I , and there w a s b o r n the child (One child)

5

PIKO-IMASU-NO-MIKO. 2

A g a i n h e t o o k as w i f e W A S I - P I M E , t h e d a u g h t e r o f T A R U M I - N O SUKUNE o f K A D U R A K I , a n d t h e r e w a s b o r n t h e c h i l d T A K E - T O Y O PADURA-WAKE-NO-MIKO. 3 (One child)

6

This emperor had altogether five children. princess)

(Four princes and one

7

MIMAKI-IRI-BIKO-INIWE-NO-MIKOTO r u l e d t h e k i n g d o m .

8

T h e c h i l d r e n o f his elder b r o t h e r were

PIKO-YU-MUSU-MI-NO-MIKO

OPO-TUTUKI-TARI-NE-NO-MIKO ; n e x t ,

SANUKI-TARI-NE-NO-

MIKO. ( T w o children) 9 10

These t w o princes had five daughters. N e x t , PIKO-IMASU-NO-MIKO t o o k as w i f e Y A M A S I R O - N O - E N A T U PIME, a l s o n a m e d KARI-PATA-TOBE, a n d t h e r e w a s b o r n t h e c h i l d OPO-MATA-NO-MIKO ; n e x t ,

WO-MATA-NO-MIKO ; next,

NO-SUKUNE-NO-MIKO. (Three children) 1 2 8

Cf. 62:3. Cf. 67:2. Cf. verse 33. 195

SIBUMI-

Kojiki

11

Again he took as wife SAPO-NO-OPO-KURA-MI-TOME, the daughter o f TAKE-KUNI-KATU-TOME o f KASUGA, a n d there w a s b o r n the c h i l d SAPO-BIKO-NO-MIKO ; n e x t , W O - Z A P O - N O - M I K O ; n e x t , SAPOB I M E - N 6 - M I K O T Ö , a l s o n a m e d SAPADI-PIME; This SAPO-BIME-NO-MIKOTO became the empress o f Emperor IKUME.4 n e x t , M U R O - B I K O - N O - M I K O . (Four children)

12

Again he took as wife OKINAGA-NO-MIDU-YOBI-PIME, the daughter o f [the deity] AME-NO-MI-KAGE-NO-KAMI, w h o is worshipped by the priests5 o f MI-KAMI o f TIKA-TU-APUMI; and there was born the child TANIPA-NO-PIKO-TATASU-MITI-NO-USI-NO-MIKO; MIDU-PO-NO-MA-WAKA-NO-MIKO

;7

next,

n e x t , KAMU-OPO-NE-NO-MIKO,8

also named YATURI-NO-IRI-BIKO-NO-MIKO ; next, MIDU-PO-NOIPO-YORI-PIME; n e x t , M I - W I - T U - P I M E . (Five children)

13

Again he took as wife WOKE-TU-PIME-NO-MIKOTO, the younger sister o f his mother, and there was born the child YAMASIRO-NOOPO-TUTUKI-NO-MA-WAKA-NO-MIKO ;9

next,

PIKO-OSU-NO-MIKO ;

n e x t , IRINE-NO-MIKO. (Three children)

14 15

PIKO-IMASU-NO-MIKO had altogether eleven 10 children. The children o f the elder brother OPO-MATA-NO-MIKO were A K E - T A T U - N O - M I K O ; 1 1 n e x t , U N A K A M I - N 6 - M I K O . ( T w o children)

16

This A K E - T A T U - N O - M I K O is the ancestor of the KIMI of the POMUDI-BE of ISB and of the MXYATUKO of SANA in ISE.

17 18

Next, U N A K A M I - N O - M I K O is the ancestor of the KIMI of PIMEDA. N e x t , W O - M A T A - N O - M I K O is the ancestor of the KIMI o f MAGARI in TAGIMA.

19 20

N e x t , SlBUMI-NO-SUKUNE-NO-MIKO is the ancestor o f the KIMI of SASA. N e x t , S A P O - B I K O - N O - M I K O is the ancestor o f the MURAZI o f the KUSAKABE and o f the KUNI-NO-MIYATUKO of KAPI. 12

Cf. 69:2, Chapters 70-72. Papuri, cf. GLOSSARY. 6 Cf. verse 23. ' Cf. verse 25. 8 Cf. verse 26. * Cf. verse 27. 10 Actually fifteen. 1 1 C f . 73 :i3ff. 18 It is odd, in view o f his later history as a rebel, that his offspring should be recorded (cf. Chapters 70-72). 4

6

196

Book Two,

21

Next, W O - Z A P O - N O - M I K O is the ancestor of the

Chapter 106

WAKE of K A D U N O , and

o f t h e WAKE o f K A N O i n T I K A - T U - A P U M I .

22

Next, M U R O - B I K O - N O - M I K O is the ancestor of the WAKE o f M I M I in

WA-

KASA.

23

M I T I - N O - U S I - N O - M I K O 1 3 t o o k as w i f e

KAPAKAMI-N6-MASU-NO-

IRATUME o f T A N I P A , a n d t h e r e w a s b o r n t h e c h i l d PIBASU-PIME-NOMIKOTO;14 n e x t , MATO-NO-PIME-NO-MIKOTÖ;15 N6-MIKOTÖ

24

;16

next,

OTO-PIME-

n e x t , M I K A D O - W A K E - N O - M I K O . (Four children)

This M I K A D O - W A K E - N O - M I K O is the ancestor of the

WAKE of Po in MI-

KAPA.

25

The younger brother o f this MITI-NO-USI-NO-MIKO, MIDU-PONO-MA-WAKA-NÖ-MIKO

is t h e a n c e s t o r o f t h e ATAPE o f Y A S U i n T I K A - T U -

APUMI.

26

Next, K-AMU-OPO-NE-NO-MIKO is the ancestor of the

KUNI-NO-MIYA-

TUKO o f M O T O S U i n t h e l a n d o f M I N O a n d o f t h e MURAZI o f t h e NAGA-PATA-BE.

27

Next, YAMASIR6-N6-OPO-TUTUKI-N6-MA-WAKA-NO-MIKO17 took as wife TANIPA-NO-ADI-SAPA-BIME, the daughter o f his younger brother IRINE-NO-MIKO,18 and there was born the child KANIMEIKADUTI-NO-MIKO.

28

This prince took as wife TAKA-KI-PIME, the daughter o f TOPOTU-OMI o f T A N I P A , a n d t h e r e w a s b o r n t h e c h i l d

OKINAGA-NO-

SUKUNE-NO-MIKO.

29

This prince took as wife KADURAKI-NO-TAKANUKA-PIME,19 and there was born the child OKINAGA-TARASI-PIME-NO-MIKOTO ;20 next, SORA-TU-PIME-NO-MIKOTO;

and

next,

OKINAGA-PIKO-NO-MIKO.

(Three children) 30

This prince is the ancestor of the KIMI of POMUDI in KIBI and the KIMI of A s o in PARIMA.

31

Again, OKINAGA-NO-SUKUNE-NO-MIKO took as wife KAPA-MATA-

13 Cf. verse 12. The daughters of this prince appear again in 69:3-5, 72:7, and 75:1, but there are discrepancies in their names and numbers. 14 Cf. 69:3, 75:1-2. In 72:7 it is evidently she w h o is identified as Ye-pime. 15 Cf. Chapter 75. 16 Cf. 72:7, 75:1-2. 17 Cf. verse 13. 18 Cf. verse 13. " Cf. 106:26. 20 Empress Jingu; cf. 91:3.

197

Kojiki

NO-INA-YORI-BIME, and there was born the child OPO-TAMU-SAKANO-MIKO. 32

33

T h i s is t h e a n c e s t o r o f t h e KUNI-NO-MIYATUKO o f T A D I M A .

The above-mentioned TAKE-TOYO-PADURA-WAKE-NO-MIKO21 is the ancestor o f t h e OMI o f t h e TI-MOJRI, t h e MIYATUKO o f t h e OSINUMI-BE, t h e MIYATUKO o f t h e MINABE, t h e OSINUMI-BE o f INABA, t h e WAKE o f T A K A N O i n TANIPA, a n d t h e ABIKO o f YOSAMI.

34

The years o f this emperor were sixty-three.

35

His tomb is on the hill o f IZA-KAPA.

21

Cf. verse 5. 198

Book

CHAPTER

Two,

Chapter

64

64

REIGN OF EMPEROR SUJIN. 1

MIMAKI-IRI-BIKO-INIWE-NO-MIKOTO d w e l t i n t h e p a l a c e o f M I D U GAKI a t SIKI a n d r u l e d t h e k i n g d o m .

2

This emperor took as wife TOPO-TU-AYU-ME-MA-KUPASI-PIME, d a u g h t e r o f ARA-KAPA-TOBE, t h e KUNI-NO-MIYATUKO o f K I ,

and

there was born the child TOYO-KI-IRI-BIKO-NO-MIKOTO ; next, TOYO-SUKI-IRI-PIME-NO-MIKOTO. (TWO children)

3

Again, he took as wife OPO-AMA-PIME, the ancestor o f the MURAZI o f W O P A R I , a n d t h e r e w a s b o r n t h e c h i l d O P O - I R I K I - N O MIKOTO; n e x t , YA-SAKA-NO-IRI-BIKO-NO-MIKOTO ; n e x t , NO-IRI-BIME-NO-MIKOTO ; n e x t ,

NUNAKI-

TOWOTI-N6-IRI-BIME-N6-MIKOT6.

(Four children)

4

Again, he took as wife MIMATU-PIME-NO-MIKOTO, the daughter o f OPO-BIICO-NO-MIKOTO, and there was born the child IKUMEIRI-BIKO-ISATI-NO-MIKOTO; 1

next, IZA-N6-MA-WAKA-NÖ-MIKOTÖ ;

n e x t , KUNI-KATA-PIME-N6-MIKOTÖ ; PIME-N6-MIKOXÖ ;

next,

next,

TITI-TUKU-YAMATO-

IGA-PIME-N6-MIKOTO ; n e x t ,

YAMATO-

PIKO-NO-MIKOTO. (Six children)

5

This emperor had altogether twelve children. (Seven princes and five princesses)

6 7

IKUME-IRI-BIKO-ISATI-N6-MIKOT6 ruled the kingdom. Next,

TOYO-KI-IRI-BIKO-NO-MIKOTO

is the ancestor of the KIMI of

K A M I - T U - K E N O a n d o f SIMO-TU-KENO.

8

The younger sister TOYO-SUKI-PIME-NO-MIKOTO2 performed the worship at the shrine of the Great Deity of ISE.3

The future emperor Suinin; cf. verse 6, 69:1. A n abbreviation of Toyo-sukl-iri-pime-no-mikoto (verse 2). 3 Cf. 69:15, 142:13; that is, she became the high priestess of Ama-terasu-opo-mikami', w h o was later worshipped at the Great Shrine o f Ise. The Nihon shoki says that Toyo-sukl-iri-pime-no-mikoto performed her worship in a village called Kasanupi in Yamato (cf. Aston, 1,151-52). Later the worship o f Ama-terasu-opo-mi-kam'i was taken from her and entrusted to Yamato-pime-no-mikoto, w h o took the goddess to Ise and founded the Great Shrine there. Ibid., 176-77. 1

2

199

Kojiki 9 10

N e x t , OPO-IRIKI-NO-MIKOTO is the ancestor of the OMI of NOTO. N e x t , YAMAT6-PIKO-N6-MIKOT6—at the time of this prince they first made a human fence4 at a tomb.

1

Pitci-gaki; see ADDITIONAL NOTE 22. 200

Book Two, Chapter 65

CHAPTER 65 IN RESPONSE TO A DREAM, EMPEROR SUJIN CAUSES OPO-TATA-NEKO TO WORSHIP THE DEITY OF ML-MORO AND THUS AVERTS DIVINE WRATH. ι

2

3

4 5 6 7

1

During the reign of this emperor, many epidemics occurred, and [so many] people died [that the whole population seemed to be] on the verge of extinction. The emperor sorrowed and grieved, and at night, while he was upon the divine bed,1 OPO-MONO-NUSI-NO-OPO-KAM! appeared to him in a dream2 and said: "This is my will.3 But if OPO-TATA-NEKO is made to worship before me, then the divine wrath will be averted, and the land will be peaceful and at ease." Because of this, messengers were sent out urgently in all direc­ tions to look for someone named OPO-TATA-NEKO. Then in the village of MINO in KAPUTI, the man was found and presented [to the Emperor]. Hereupon the emperor asked him: "Whose child are you?" He answered: "OPO-MONO-NUSI-NO-OPO-KAMI took as wife IKU-TAMA-YOKIBIME, the daughter of SUWE-TU-MIMI-N5-MIKOTO, and there was born a child named KUSI-MI-KATA-NO-MIKOTO ; [whose] child was IPI-KATA-SU-MI-NO-MIKOTO ; [whose] child was TAKE-MIKA-DUTI-

Kamu-doko; perhaps a place where one retired in a state of ritual purity in order to receive divine revelations. Or the word 'divine bed' may merely mean 'the emperor's bed.' Cf. 124:1. 2 Cf. verse 15 of the Preface. The prominence here of this deity, an Idumo deity, may reflect early Idumo pressure on the Yamato kingdom. 3 I.e., "It is I who have caused the pestilence."

Kojiki

ΝΟ-Μίκδτό; [whose] child am I, OPO-TATA-NEKO."4

8

Hereupon the emperor rejoiced greatly and said: "The kingdom will be peaceful, and the people will flourish."5 9 Then OPO-TATA-NEKO-NO-MIKOTO became a priest6 and wor­ shipped before [the deity] OPO-MIWA-NO-OPO-KAMI at Mount 10

MI-MORO. Again, IKAGA-SIKO-WO-NO-MIKOTO was commanded to make a

number of heavenly flat vessels,7 and the shrines of the heavenly deities and of the earthly deities were designated.8 11 Also, red-colored shields and spears were offered to [the deity] SUMI-SAKA-NO-KAMI of UDA, and black-colored shields and spears were offered to the deity of OPO-SAKA.9 12 Besides, from the deities on the hillsides to the deities in the river rapids,10 he presented ceremonial offerings11 to all [of the deities] without any omissions. 13 Because of this, the divine wrath ceased completely, and the nation was peaceful and at ease.

4 In this version, Opo-mono-nusi was his great-great-grandfather (but see 66:1, 14). In the Nihoti shoki, Opo-tata-neko is the son of Opo-mono-nusi. Aston, I, 53. 5 A similar expression, suspiciously continental in sentiment, is found in 68:5. 6 Kamu-nusi. ' Ame no yaso-biraka; cf. 37:7. 8 'Shrine' here is yasiro. For 'heavenly deities' and 'earthly deities' see note on 19:6. Emperor Sujin is credited with establishing some systematic organization of shrine administration; perhaps at this point some compromise was worked out between the groups worshipping the 'heavenly deities' and those worshipping the 'earthly deities.' " Weapons were evidently offered to shrines and preserved there to obtain protection from enemy intrusions. Cf. also 69:12. 10 Cf. the expression in 24:13, 15. 11 Mi-te-gura.

Book Two, Chapter 66

CHAPTER 66 THE GOD OF MOUNT MIWA BECOMES THE HUSBAND OF IKU-TAMA-YORI-BIME, WHO BECOMES PREGNANT. THE GOD'S IDENTITY IS DISCOVERED. Ι 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

9 10 11 12

The reason why the man called OPO-TATA-NEKO was known to be the child of a deity was [this] :1 The IKU-TAMA-YORI-BIME mentioned above2 was beautiful in appearance. There was a young man, whose form and dignity were without parallel at the time,3 who suddenly came at midnight. They loved each other and became man and wife. After they had been married a short time, the maiden became pregnant. Then her father and mother, thinking it strange that she was pregnant, asked their daughter: "You have become pregnant all by yourself. How did you come to be pregnant without a husband?" She replied: "There is a lovely young man, whose name I do not know, who comes every night. During our married life, I naturally became pregnant." At this, her father and mother, desiring to know [who] this man [was], instructed their daughter: "Scatter red clay by the bed. Thread hemp yarn to a needle, and sew it onto the hem of his garment." She did as instructed. The next morning, when they looked, the yarn attached to the

For parallels of this tale in other ancient documents see ADDITIONAL NOTE ai. Cf. 65:7. 8 Or 'in the world.'

1 2

Kojiki

needle passed through the keyhole of the door4 and went outside. There were only three rolls5 of the yarn left. At this they discovered the manner of his departure through the keyhole. 13 When they followed the yarn, the path went to Mount MIWA and left off at the shrine of the deity. 14 This is how it was known [that he was] the child of a deity.6 15 Because there were three rolls of yarn left over, the name of the place is MIWA. 16

4

This OPO-TATA-NEKO-NO-MIK5TO is the ancestor of the KIMI of MIWA and the KIMI of KAN0.

No doubt an-indication that this deity assumed the form of a snake. Mi-wa. 6 See note on 65:7. In the Nihon shoki Opo-tata-neko is the son of Opo-mono-nusi and Iku-tama-yori-bime. This verse completes the story begun in verse 1; verses 1516 are glosses. 5

Book Two, Chapter 67

CHAPTER 67 AN ORACLE WARNS OF TREACHERY, AND THE REBELLIOUS TAKE-PANI-YASU IS SUBDUED. Also during this reign, OPO-BIKO-NO-MIKOTO1 was dispatched to the Kosi region;2 and his son TAKE-NUNAKAPA-WAKE-NOMIKOTO3 was dispatched to the twelve regions2 of the East,4 in order to pacify the disobedient people there. 2 Also PIKO-IMASU-NO-MIKOS was dispatched to the land of TANIPA to kill KUGA-MIMI-NO-MI-KASA. 3 When OPO-BIKO-NO-MIKOTO had started out for the land of Kosi,6 a young girl wearing a waist-skirt7 was standing on [the pass] PERA-ZAKA in YAMASIRO and singing: Ι

4 5 6 7 8 9 IO II

Alas, MIMAKI-IRI-BIKO !8 Alas, MIMAKI-IRI-BIKO ! Little do you know That they are plotting in stealth to take your life,1 Going around From the back door, Going around From the front door,

A son of Emperor Kogen and uncle of Emperor Sujin; cf. 62:2. Miti; literally, 'way.' 8 Cf. 62:7. 4 Believed to correspond to the later TokaidS and Tozando districts. 8 Cf. 63:4, 10-14. 8 Many manuscripts have 'Tadima.' 7 Kosi-mo. It is not clear why this garment should be sufficiently unusual to be specially mentioned. 8 Emperor Sujin's name; cf. 64:1. The three dubious ideographs at the beginning of the song have been omitted, following most modern authorities. * Literally, 'That they are plotting to kill by stealth your life.' The word translated 'Ufe' is wo, which apparently means 'cord,' i.e., the cord on which beads [tama—mean­ ing both 'bead' and 'soul'] are strung. 1 2

Kojiki

12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19

20

21

10

Looking in at you— Alas, MIMAKI-IRI-BIKO I10 Then OPO-BIKO-NO-MIKOTO thought this strange and, turning his horse around, asked the young girl : "What are these words that you have said?" Then the young girl replied : "I did not say anything. I was merely singing a song." Then she disappeared suddenly, no one knows where.11 OPO-BIKO-NO-MIKOTO went back and reported this to the emperor. Then the emperor said in reply: "This is, I think, an omen that my elder half-brother in the land of YAMASIRO, TAKE-PANI-YASU-NO-MIKO,12 has devised some evil plans. My uncle, raise an army and go." When he dispatched him, in company with PIKO-KUNI-BUKUΝδ-Μΐκότδ, the ancestor of the OMI of WANI, they placed cere­ monial jars13 on [the pass] WANI-ZAKA and departed. At this time, when they arrived at the river WAKARA in YAMA­ SIRO, TAKE-PANI-YASU-NO-MIKO had raised an army and, waiting for them, blocked the road.

The Nihon shoki (Asahi ed., II, 82) records the song in two different versions: Mimaki-iri-biko ya pa Alas, Mimaki-iri-biko! Ono ga wo wo Little knowing Sisemu to That they are plotting In stealth to take your life, Nusumaku sirani You disport yourself with women! Pime-nasobi su mo B. Opoki to yori Little knowing Ukakapite That they are looking in Korosamu to Through the great door Suraku wo sirani In an attempt to kill you, You disport yourself with women! Pime-nasobi su mo See also Aston, I, 156 and Takeda, Kiki kayoshii zenkd, pp. 77-80, 239-41. 11 The song was regarded as an oracle appearing mysteriously in the maiden's mouth. The Nihon shoki includes a number of songs called waza-uta, popular ditties which suddenly appeared and spread quickly among the masses; the compilers of the official histories superstitiously regarded these songs as prophecies of future events. 12 Elsewhere (62:4), he is said to be the half-brother of Opo-biko-no-mikoto, and therefore the uncle of Emperor Sujin. 18 Ipapi-be; cf. 61:8.

Book Two, Chapter 6j

22

Each on an opposite side of the river, they stood facing each other and challenged14 each other.

23

That is why the name of that place is IDOMI.15 NOW it is called IDUMI.

24

Then PIKO-KUNI-BUKU-NO-MIKOTΔ said: "Let your side first shoot the ceremonial arrow."16

25

Although TAKE-PANI-YASU-NO-MIKO shot, he could not make a hit.

26

Then the arrow shot by KUNI-BUKU-NO-MIKOTO immediately hit TAKE-PANI-YASU-NO-MIKO, and he died.

27 28

Then his army was completely defeated and fled in confusion. Pursuing after the fleeing

army, they arrived at the ford of

KUSUBA. They were all so sorely pressed that they evacuated faeces,17 which adhered to their trousers.18 29

That is why the name of that place is KUSO-BAKAMA. NOW it is called KUSUBA.

30

Again, when they blocked the path of the fleeing army and cut them down, they floated in the river19 like cormorants.20

31

That is why the name of that river is U-KAPA.

32

Also because of the cutting down and slaughtering21 of the warriors, the name of that place is PAPURI-SONO.

33

Thus finishing

the pacification, they went up and reported [on

their mission].

14

Idomiki.

15

Verses 23, 29, 31, and 32 give folk etymologies of place names.

Ipapi-ya; a sacred arrow shot ceremonially at the beginning of a battle. 17 Kuso. 18 Pakama. " Kapa. a0 U. 21 Papuri. 16

Kojiki

CHAPTER 68 PACIFICATION OF THE KINGDOM IS COMPLETED UNDER EMPEROR SUJIN. HIS DEATH. Ι 2

3 4 5 6

7 1

Then OPO-BIKO-NO-MIKOTO, in accordance with the previous command,1 set out for the land of Kosi. Thereupon, TAKE-NUNA-KAPA-WAKE, who was dispatched through the East,2 and his father OPO-BIKO happened to come to­ gether3 at APIDU. That is why that place is called APIDU.4 Hereupon they pacified the governments of the lands to which they were dispatched and [returned to] report [on their missions]. Thus the kingdom was peaceful, and the people were wealthy and flourishing.5 At this time the men were made to present tribute from their bows and the women from their fingertips.6 In praise, this reign was called [that of] Emperor MIMAKI who first ruled the land.7

Cf. 67:1. Cf. 67:1. 8 Yuki-apiki. 4 A folk etymology of a place name. 5 A similar Chinese-style expression is recorded in 65:8. β I.e., tribute from the men's hunting and the women's handicrafts. Emperor Sujin is credited with initiating the tribute system. ' This seems to be a title signifying that he was the first emperor. The Nihon shoki applies an almost identical title to EmperorJimmu (cf. Aston, I, 133). Because of the many accounts of Emperor Sujin as the initiator of various political and social systems, and because of the lack of narratives about the eight previous reigns (Chapters 56-63), some scholars have asserted that the original form of these pseudo-historical narratives began with Sujin; and that EmperorJimmu and the eight reigns between Jimmu and Sujin were either later fabrications to give an illusion of great antiquity to the dynasty or derivations from different source documents. There may be some support for this theory in the fact that the Kojiki begins to record the death dates of the emperors from Emperor Sujin (see note to verse 9). If, as is supposed, Sujin's death was 258 or 318 A.D., he lived at the very beginning of the tomb period, when the so-called tomb culture was beginning in Yamato. 2

Book Two, Chapter 68

8

It was also during this reign that the pond of YOSAMI8 was made and that the pond of SAKA-WORI in KARU was also made.9 9 The years of the emperor were one hundred and sixty-eight.10 He died in the twelfth month of the 5th year of the Tiger.11

10

His tomb is on [the hill] MAGARI-NO-WOKA on the road at YAMA-NO-BE.12

8

But see also 109:16. Suinin (69:11) and Emperor Ojin (104:2, 4) are also credited with the construction of ponds. Rice-paddy cultivation was predominant, and these ponds may have been storage reservoirs for water needed in rice cultivation; see Goto Shuichi in Kojiki taisei, IV, 280. 10 The Nihon shoki records his age as 120 at his death (Aston, 1,164). Kanda(pp. 185210) has a striking theory that Yasumaro, in compiling the Kojiki from earlier sources, mistook the characters as "years" whereas they really meant "rice harvest." Thus, originally, he says, such numbers as 168 were not years of age, but the numbers of units of rice harvested from the plantations under the emperor's direct ownership. They were indexes of the emperor's privately owned farm land. 11 1¾¾- Read tsuchinoto tora. The fifteenth year of each sixty-year cycle. This is the first of fifteen death-date glosses appearing in the Kojiki. The dates are recorded in the Chinese-style sixty-year cycles. In most cases the dates differ from those recorded in the Nihon shoki; for instance, the date given for the death of Sujin in the Nihon shoki is the sixty-eighth year of his reign, which is traditionally said to be 30 B.C. The fifth year of the Tiger, the Kojiki date, occurs in early history in the years 43 B.C., 18 A.D., 78, 138, 198, 258, and 318. Kanda (pp. 222-23) argues that the date 258 is most prob­ able, while Suematsu Yasukazu (in Kojiki taisei, IV, 240) prefers 318. Andre Wedemeyer also accepts 258 (Japanische Friihgeschichte [Tokyo: Deutsche Gesellschaft fiir Natur- und Volkerkunde Ostasiens, 1930] p. 20). The Kojiki death dates of the early emperors, whether "historical" or not, are of great interest to the historian. The dates are obviously contradictory to, and derived from different sources than, the enumerations of their "years" (Kanda, p. 154). Kanda (p. 165) supposes that these death dates were taken from old records handed down by continental immigrants, and shows that these dates are more reliable than the obviously contrived dates found in the Nihon shoki. The same general conclusions were reached by Wedemeyer (op. cit.). 12 Cf. 89:20. 8Emperor

Kojiki

CHAPTER

69

REIGN OF EMPEROR SUININ. 1

IKUME-IKI-BIKO-ISATI-NO-MIKOTO 1 d w e l t i n t h e p a l a c e o f T A M A GAKI a t SIKI a n d r u l e d t h e k i n g d o m .

2

This

emperor

took

as wife

SAPADI-PIME-NO-MIKOTO,2

the

younger sister o f SAPO-BIKO-NÖ-MIKOTÖ, and there was bornthe 3

Again he took as wife PIBASU-PIME-NO-MIKOTO,4 the daughter o f TANIPA-NO-PIKO-TATASU-MITI-NO-USI-NO-MIKO, a n d there w a s

born the child INISIKI-NO-IRI-BIKO-NO-MIKOTO ; next, OPO-TARASIPIKO-OSIRO-WAKE-NÖ-MIKOTO;

next,

OPO-NAKA-TU-PIKO-NO-

MIKOTO ; n e x t , Y A M A T O - P I M E - N O - M I K O T O ; n e x t , W A K A - K I - N O - I R I BIKO-NO-MIKOTO. (Five children)

4

Again he took as wife NUPATA-NO-IRI-BIME-NO-MIKOTO, the younger sister o f PIBASU-PIME-NO-MIKOTO,5 and there was born the

child

NU-TARASI-WAKE-N6-MIKOTO ; n e x t ,

IGA-TARASI-PIKO-

NO-MIKOTO. ( T w o children)

5

Again he took as wife AZAMI-NO-IRI-BIME-NO-MIKOTO, the younger sister o f NUPATA-NO-IRI-BIME-NO-MIKOTO,6 and there was born the child IK6BAYA-WAKE-NO-MIKOT6 ; next, AZAMI-TU-PIMEN 6 - M I K O T 6 . ( T w o children)

6

Again he took as wife KAGU-YA-PIME-NO-MIKOTO, the daughter o f OPO-TUTUKI-TARI-NE-NO-MIKO, and there was born the child W O Z A B E - N O - M I K O . (One child)

7 •

Again he took as wife KARI-PATA-TOBE, the daughter o f PUTI o f

Cf. 64:4. Also called Sapo-bime; cf. 63:11. She is Suinin's cousin; for her later history see Chapters 70-72. 8 Called Po-muti-wake-no-miko in 72:2. 4 Cf. 63:23, 75:1-2. Evidently she is the Ye-pime of 72:7. 5 N o such younger sister is mentioned in 63:23 or 75:1. 6 N o such younger sister is mentioned in 63 .-23 or 75 :i. 1

2

210

Book

Two,

Chapter 106

OPO-KUNI i n YAMASIRO, a n d there w a s b o r n the c h i l d O T I - W A K E N O - M I K O ; n e x t , IKA-TARASI-PIKO-NO-MIKO ; n e x t , I T O S I - W A K E - N O MIKO. (Three children)

8

Again he took as wife OTO-KARI-PATA-TOBE, the daughter o f PUTI o f OPO-KUNI, a n d t h e r e w a s b o r n the c h i l d NO-MIKO ;

next,8

7IPA-TUKU-WAKE-

IPA-TUKU-BIME-NO-MIKOTO, a l s o n a m e d P U T A D I -

N 6 - I R I - B I M E - N 6 - M I K O T 6 . 9 (TWO children)

9

This e m p e r o r had sixteen children. (Thirteen princes and three princesses)

10

OPO-TARASI-PIKO-OSIRO-WAKE-N6-MIKOT610 ruled the kingdom. His height was one rod 1 1 and t w o inches. 12 The length of his legs was four feet 13 and one inch. 12

11

Next, INISIKI-NO-IRI-BIKO-NO-MIKOTO made the pond o f TINU, 14 and

also made the pond o f SAYAMA,15 and also made the pond o f

TAKATU in KUSAKA.

12

He also dwelt in the palace of KAPAKAMI in TOTORI and had a thousand swords made; then he presented them to the shrine16 o f ISO-NO-KAMI.17

13 14

Then, dwelling in that palace, 18 he established the KAPAKAMI-BE. Next,

OPO-NAKA-TU-PIKO-NO-MIKOTO

is the ancestor of the WAKE

o f Y A M A - N O - B E , t h e WAKE o f S A K K U S A , t h e WAKE o f INAKI, t h e WAKE o f A D A , t h e WAKE of M I N O in the land of W O P A R I , the WAKE of IPANASI in KIBI, the WAKE of

KOROMO, t h e WAKE o f T A K A S U K A , t h e KIMI o f A S U K A , a n d t h e WAKE o f M U R E .

'"8 Lacking in the manuscripts; added on the authority of verse 21. 9 C f . verse 22 and 89:1. 10 Emperor Keiko; cf. 77:1. 11 Tuwe; literally, 'staff.' There is a similar record in 120:2-3 of the height and dental peculiarities o f Emperor Hanzei. Emperor Keiko's height and leg-length must have been remarkable to merit recording in a historical account. Unfortunately, w e no longer understand the significance of these measures. 12 Ki; or 'notches.' 13 Saka. 1 4 - 1 5 Lacking in the Shimpuku-ji manuscript. 16 Kami-nd-miya. " Cf. 49:10. Another presentation o f weapons to shrines occurs in 65:11. In later periods many presentations were made to Iso-no-kami Shrine, so that the shrine treasury came to resemble a sort o f arsenal. Zukai kokogaku jiten (Tokyo SSgensha, 1959), p. 52. One o f the famous swords preserved there is the seven-pronged sword discussed in the note to 104:7. 18 I.e., at Kapakami. The Nihon shoki portrays Inisiki-no-iri-biko as being in charge o f the treasury of Iso-no-kami shrine. See Aston, I, 183-84. See also GLOSSARY under Inisiki-no-iri-biko. 211

Kojiki 15

N e x t , Y A M A T 6 - P I M E - N 6 - M I K O T 6 performed the worship at the shrine o f the Great Deity o f ISE."

16

Next, IKOBAYA-WAKE-NO-MIKO is the ancestor of the

WAKE

of the

ANAPO-BE o f SAPO.

17

Next,

AZAMI-TU-PIME-NO-MIKOTO

became the wife of INASE-BIKO-

NO-MKO. 18

N e x t , O T I - W A K E - N O - M I K O is the ancestor o f the YAMA-NO-KIMI of W o TUKI a n d t h e KIMI o f K O R O M O i n M I K A P A .

19

Next, IKA-TARASI-PIKO-NO-MIKO is the ancestor of the

YAMA-NO-KIMI

o f K A S U G A , t h e KIMI o f DCE i n K o s i , a n d t h e KIMI o f t h e KASUGA-BE.

20

Next, ITOSI-WAKE-NO-MIKO—because he was childless, the

ITO-BE

was

e s t a b l i s h e d as his MI-KO-SIBO. 20

21

N e x t , IPA-TUKU-WAKE-NO-MIKO is the ancestor of the KIMI of PAKUPI and the KIMI of Mrwo. 2 1

22

N e x t , PUTADI-NO-IRI-BIME-NO-MIKOTO became the wife of YAMATOTAKBRU-NO-MIKOTO. 88

" Cf. 64:8, 82:3-4, 6. 80 The first record in the Kojiki of this type o f social organization; for a definition see GLOSSARY. 81 88

But compare 142:2. Cf. 89:1. 212

Book Two, Chapter 70

CHAPTER 70 SAPO-BIKO PLOTS TO HAVE HIS SISTER, THE EMPRESS SAPO-BIME, KILL THE EMPEROR. UNABLE TO DO SO, SHE CONFESSES THE CONSPIRACY, THEN FLEES AFTER HER BROTHER. 1

2 3 4 5 6 7 8

9

10 11

When this emperor made SAPO-BIME his empress, SAPO-BIKONO-MIKO, the elder brother of SAPO-BIME-NO-MIKOTO, asked his younger sister: "Which do you love more, your husband or your elder brother?" She answered: "I love my elder brother more."1 Then SAPO-BIKO-NO-MIKO plotted, saying: "If you truly love me, then you and I will rule the kingdom." Then he made a dagger of eight-fold temperings2 and gave it to his younger sister, saying: "Take this dagger and stab the emperor to death in his sleep." The emperor, unaware of this plot, was asleep with his head on the empress' knee. Then the empress took the dagger in order to stab the emperor in the throat. She raised it three times but, overcome with grief, could not bring herself to stab him in the throat; she wept, her tears drop­ ping upon his face. At this, the emperor awoke with a start and asked the empress: "I saw a strange dream: from the direction of SAPO, a fierce rainstorm came and suddenly moistened my face. Also, a little

1 Although Sapo-bime claims, in verse 13, to have made this answer under some sort of duress, her later actions (cf. verse 17 and 72:8) reveal clearly the strength of her attachment to her brother. Although brothers and sisters born of different mothers were free to marry in ancient Japan, there was a strict taboo against relations between siblings born of the same mother. Another story of brother-sister incest is that of Prince Karu in Chapter 122. 2 Ya-sipo-wori no pimo-gatana; cf. 19:16. Perhaps 'a dagger with a deeply dyed cord.'

Kojiki snake of many colors wrapped itself around my throat. What omen does such a dream carry?" 12 Then the empress, thinking it useless to deny it, told the emperor: 13 "My elder brother SAPO-BIKO-NO-MIKO asked me: 'Which do you love more, your husband or your elder brother?' Since he asked me face to face, there was nothing to do but to reply, Ί love my elder brother more.' Then he bade me, saying: 'You and I together will rule the kingdom. Therefore, kill the emperor.' 14 [Thus] saying, he made a dagger of eight-fold temperings and gave it to me. Intending to stab you in the throat with it, I raised it three times, but immediately grief welled up [within me] and, unable to stab you in the throat, I wept. The tears dropped and moistened your face. Surely this is the omen." 15 Then the emperor said: "I was nearly deceived!"3 16 Then he raised an army to attack SAPO-BIKO-NO-MIKO. There­ upon the prince4 built a rice-stronghold,5 and waited there for the attack. 17 At this time, SAPO-BIME-NO-MIKOTO, hopelessly yearning for6 her elder brother, fled [the palace by] the rear gate and entered that rice-stronghold. At the time, the empress was pregnant.

3 The emperor is, curiously, never embittered against Empress Sapo-bime (cf. 71:4), but seeks vengeance only against her brother. In Chapter 71 he even seeks to regain Sapo-bime after she has rim away to be with her brother. 4 Miko; i.e., Sapo-biko-no-miko. 5 Inaki; a granary? Perhaps a house fortified by sheaves of rice stalks piled around it; at any rate, some sort of stronghold. The word is also used in the Nihott shoki: Aston translates it as 'rice-castle' (II, 364) and 'rice-fort' (II, 113). 6 Or 'unable to endure [the thought] of her elder brother. . . .'

Book Two, Chapter 71

CHAPTER 71 THE EMPRESS BEARS A CHILD IN HIDINC. SHE PRESENTS THE CHILD TO THE EMPEROR, BUT AN ATTEMPT TO SEIZE THE EMPRESS HERSELF IS OUTWITTED. Ι

2

3 4

5 6 7

8

1

Thereupon the emperor, yearning for the empress now preg­ nant, and [recalling that] he had loved her for three years, caused the army to go around1 and did not attack at once. While there was thus a lull,2 the child which she was carrying was born. Then she placed the child outside the rice-stronghold and sent word to the emperor: "If you deign to regard this child as your son, then take him to you." Then the emperor said: "Although I bitterly hate your elder brother, I cannot over­ come my love for my empress." And he thus determined to get the empress back. Therefore he selected from his warriors men of strength who were fast and agile and said to them: "When you take the child, then3 carry off [also] the princess his mother. Whether it be by the hair or by the hand, by whatever part you are able to catch hold of, grasp her and pull her forth." The empress, foreseeing his intentions, shaved off all her hair and then covered her head with the hair. Also she rotted a string of beads and bound them in three layers around her hands. Also, she rotted her garments with wine and wore them as if [they were] perfect.

Either to surround [the stronghold] or to mark time. Or 'while nothing was being done.' 3 Some manuscripts have 'skillfully.'

2

Kojiki

9 10 11

12 13

14 15

After making these preparations, she carried the child in her arms and put him outside the stronghold. Then the men of strength took 4the child and also grabbed for5 the mother. When they grabbed her hair, her hair came off by itself. When they grabbed her hand, the strings of beads broke. When they grabbed her garments, the garments immediately tore. Therefore, although they were able to take the child, they could not take the mother. The warriors returned and said: "Her hair came off by itself, her garments tore easily, and the strings of beads which she wore wrapped around her hands broke immediately; therefore we did not get the mother, but were able to take the child." Then the emperor, full of regret and rancor, hated the people who made the beads and confiscated all their lands. Therefore the saying6 says: "The landless bead-makers."7

Lacking in the Shimpuku-ji manuscript. Kotd-waza. 7 Tokoro enu tama-tukuri; literally, 'The bead makers who do not gain land.' Motoori suggests that the saying was used when a person expected praise but received blame instead. Kojiki-den, ΠΙ, 1395. 4-6

6

Book Two, Chapter 72

CHAPTER 72 EMPRESS SAPO-BIME NAMES THE PRINCE AND GIVES INSTRUCTIONS FOR HIS UPBRINGING, BUT FINALLY DIES WITH HER REBEL BROTHER S APO-BIKO.

ι 2

Again the emperor said1 to his empress: "It is usual for the names of children to be given by the mother.2 What name shall be given to this child?" She replied: "Since he was born amid the flames3 just as the rice-stronghold was burning, his name should be PO-MUTI-WAKE-NO-MIKO."4 Againtheemperorsaid:1 "How shall he be reared?" She replied: "Employ a wet-nurse, and assign senior and junior bathing women;5 thus should he be reared." Thus he was reared in accordance with what the empress said. Again he inquired of the empress, saying: "Who is to loosen the auspicious Uttle cord which you have made fast?"6 She replied:

2

3 4

5 6

7

Or, with Motoori, 'sent word.' Another indication of strong maternal rights in a society in which the children were reared in the mother's home. 8 Po-naka. Another example of a child born in a burning building—also in a case of strained marital relations; cf. 41:16. Perhaps Sapo-bime also desired to prove her in­ nocence by ukepi. The Kojiki nowhere else states that the stronghold went up in flames. 4 But he is called Po-mutu-wake-no-mikoto in 69:2 and in the Nihon shoki. 5 Opo-yuwe, waka-yuu>e; cf. 74:12. The bathing of infants of illustrious birth was basically a magic rite and was accompanied by much pomp and ritual; thus the "bathing women" were primarily special court functionaries charged with a vital ritual role rather than children's nurses. • I.e., 'Who is to take your place as my consort'? The custom of a wife or lover tying a cord on a man's garment is frequently mentioned in the Manyoshii. 1 2

Kojiki "The

two

princesses

YE-PIME 7

and

OTO-PIME,8

TANIPA-NO-PIKO-TATASU-MITI-NO-USI-NO-MIKO,9

are

daughters pure

of

sub-

jects; 10 therefore employ them." 8

Thus, finally SAPO-BIKO-NO-MIKO was killed, and his younger sister also followed him. 1 1

Evidently the Pibasu-pime of 63:23, 69:3, and 75:I. C f . 63:23 and 75 :i-2. This name is not mentioned in Chapter 69. 9 Miti-no-usi-no-miko was a half-brother o f Sapo-bime (cf. 63:11-12). 10 Variously interpreted as 'subjects of noble birth'; 'unsullied, pure subjects'; 'faithful and goodly subjects.' 11 I.e., she joined him in death, evidently by suicide. 7

8

218

Book Two, Chapter 73

CHAPTER 73 PRINCE PO-MUTI-WAKE IS UNABLE TO SPEAK. IT IS LEARNED THAT THIS WAS CAUSED BY THE WRATH OF THE DEITY OPO-KUNI-NUSI OF IDUMO . THE PRINCE IS SENT TO WORSHIP AT THE SHRINE OF THIS DEITY IN LDUMO. Ι

The manner in which the prince was entertained is this: a forked cryptomeria tree from APIDU in WOPARI was made into a little forked boat, which was brought up and sailed on the pond of

ITISI and the pond of KARU in YAMATO ; the prince was taken [there] and entertained. 2

However, this prince, [even when his] beard eight hands long extended down over his chest, was unable to speak.1

3

But once when he heard the cry of a high-flying swan,2 he uttered childish babblings3 for the first time.

4

Then OPO-ΤΑΚΑ of YAMA-NO-BE was dispatched to capture the bird.

5

Thereupon this man followed after the swan from the land of

KI to the land of PARIMA ; then he pursued it across the land of INABA, and arriving in the land of TANIPA and the land of TADIMA, pursued it around the eastern regions and arrived at the land of

TIKA-TU-APUMI. 1 See note on 13 :2. It is interesting to speculate on the similarities in the behavior of Susa-no-wo and this prince, and the reasons for their childish, retarded mental state. In both cases mental infancy was prolonged abnormally: in the first, there is prolonged crying and destructive tantrum-like behavior; here there is an inability to speak until near adulthood. In the first case, the result was banishment by the father; but in this case the power of speech is gained miraculously. It is striking that in both cases the children are born into abnormal family situations; Susa-no-wo after the separation of Izanagi and Izanami; and Po-muti-wake in a burning building and soon abandoned by his mother. There may be a connection between the prince's "curse" of speechlessness and his mother's infidelity. 2 Or, according to some commentators, 'crane.' 3 Perhaps, 'he opened and shut his mouth like a fish.'

Kojiki

6

7

8 9

10 11

Then he crossed the land of MINO, and passing through the land of WOPARI, pursued it across the land of SINANO, and finally caught up with it in the land of Kosi.4 [There], at the river-mouth of WANAMI, he spread a net and captured the bird and brought it up and presented it. That is why that river-mouth is called WANAMI.5 Again, when [the prince] saw the bird, he wanted to say some­ thing, but could not speak as he desired.® Hereupon the emperor was grieved, and as he slept he was told in a dream: "If my shrine7 is built like the emperor's palace,8 then the prince will surely speak."9 Being told thus, he divined with a grand divination10 to dis­ cover which deity's will [this was]. The curse11 [was discovered to be] the will of the great deity of IDUMO.12

12

4

Then, as he was about to dispatch the prince to worship at the shrine of the great deity, [he sought] an auspicious person to send along [with him].

Some manuscripts have 'Tadima.' Another frantic chase after a bird is recorded in 88:8-31. Perhaps in this case also the bird is thought to be the external soul or soulsubstitute of the prince, and its capture to make it possible to restore the prince's power of speech. In the Nihon shoki version, the prince did in fact learn to speak after the bird had been captured and brought to him (Aston, I, 175). Tsuda remarks that the names of the lands in this section date from the Taika Reform (645 A.D.), when the lands and counties were reorganized. Thus, there is evidence of late redaction of this section. Nihon koten no kenkyii, I, 253. 6 I.e., wana-ami, 'trap-net.' 6 Or 'Again, when [the prince] saw the bird, [the emperor] thought that he would say something, but he did not speak as he had thought. ' Miya. 8 Mi-araka; literally, 'temple.' In early Japanese, the words for shrine and palace were almost always interchangeable. β The same deity made a similar demand in 37:3. Perhaps the Kojiki compiler wishes us to understand that at this time there had been a decline in the fortunes of Idumo, which was no longer kept in splendor equal to that of the imperial palaces. 10 Puto-mani; cf. 5:2. 11 Tatari; i.e., that the prince was mute. 12 Like 65:3, an indication of the Yamato court's preoccupation with Idumo and its deity.

Book Two, Chapter 73 13

14

15 16 17 18 19 20

Then AKE-TATU-NO-MIKO was chosen by divination. Then he commanded AKE-TATU-NO-MIKO to swear oaths:14 "If worshipping this great deity be really efficacious, may the heron15 living in the tree by the pond of SAGISU be stricken by my oath." When he said this, the heron fell to the ground and died. Again he spoke: "Live by my oath!" Then it came back to life. Again he caused the wide-leaved great oak by the Point of AMA-KASI to wither by oath and brought it back to life by oath. Thus AKE-TATU-NO-MIKO was granted the name YAMATO-PA13

SIKI-TOMI-TOYO-ASAKURA-NO-AKE-TATU-NO-MIKO. Then when the two princes AKE-TATU-NO-MIKO and UNAKAMINO-MIKO were dispatched along with the prince, they divined [and

were informed]: "If [you leave] by the NARA road,16 you will meet the crippled and the blind. If [you leave] by the OPO-SAKA road, you will meet the crippled and the blind. Only the Ki road is an auspicious road, like an armrest."17 22 [After thus divining], they went out, and everywhere they went they established POMUDI-BE [corporations]. 21

13 14 15

Cf. 63:15-16. Ukepi; see 14:10. Sagi.

Literally, 'door.' 17 Cf. 134:18. Another interpretation is, 'a roundabout road, an auspicious road.' It must have been unlucky to meet crippled or blind persons on the road. 16

Kojiki

CHAPTER 74 PRINCE PO-MUTI-WAKE SPEAKS AT LAST. HE IS PLAGUED BY ΡΪ-NAGA-PIME, A SNAKE IN WOMAN'S FORM. THE EMPEROR REJOICES AT HIS RECOVERY. Ι

2

3

4

5

After going to IDUMO and worshipping the great deity, when they were on their way back, in the midst of the ΡΪ river they built a pontoon bridge and erected a temporary palace [for him to] dwell [in]. Thereupon KIPISA-TU-MI, the ancestor of the KUNI-NO-MIYATUKO of IDUMO, made a mountain of green leaves1 as a decoration and set it up down the river. When they were about to present his food, the prince spoke: "That down river which is like a mountain of green leaves, looks like a mountain but is not a mountain. Could it be the cer­ emonial place2 of the priests3 who worship ASI-PARA-SIKO-WO-NOΟΡΟ-ΚΑΜΪ4 in the shrine5 of S5 at IPAKUMA in IDUMO?" [Thus] he inquired. Then the princes, his attendants, heard and rejoiced, saw and were glad, and causing the prince to remain in [the palace] ADIMASA-NO-NAGA-PO-NO-MIYA, they sent urgent messengers [to the emperor], Then the prince wedded P!-NAGA-PIME6 for one night.

1 Awo-ba-yama; perhaps a green arch or enclosure like the awo-pusi-gaki in 35:13. As is evident from the next verse, such "mountains" were not uncommon as sacred arenas. 2 Opo-nipa; literally, 'great plaza.' 3 Papuri. 4 Cf. 20:19, 23:5. 5 Miya. 6 Since verses 5-9 have no connection with the narrative, they must have been inserted here—and not too skillfully—from some other documentary source. The story of Pinaga-pime, of which we are given only this outline, seems to be a prototype of the familiar Dojoji tale involving Kiyohime, a snake-maiden, and the priest Anchin.

Book Two,

Chapter

74

6

W h e n he stole a glance at the maiden, she was a snake.7

7

Seeing this, he was afraid and ran away. 8

8

Then PI-NAGA-PIME grieved and, lighting up the ocean, 9 came in pursuit in a boat.

9

Then [the prince], more and more afraid, fled up the mountain pass carrying his boat. 10

10

A t this time they reported [on their mission], saying: "Because he worshipped the great deity, the great prince is n o w able to speak. For this reason w e have come up."

11

Then the emperor rejoiced, and sent back UNAKAMI-NO-MIKO and had him construct a shrine. 11

12

A t this time the emperor, on account o f the prince, established t h e T O T O R I - B E , t h e TORI-KAPI-BE, a n d t h e P O M U D I - B E [as w e l l as]

the senior and junior bathing women. 1 2

' Cf. 45:7. Similar words are found in 10:1 and 45:7. • Cf. 30:10. 10 Ancient boats were small canoe-like vessels which could easily be carried on land. Tsugita, p. 363. 11 Kami-ttd-miya. 12 Opo-yutve, waka-yuwe; cf. 72:4. 8

223

Kojiki

CHAPTER 75 EMPEROR SUININ TAKES AS WIVES THE DAUGHTERS OF MLTI-USI-NO-MIKO. ONE OF THE DAUGHTERS COMMITS SUICIDE WHEN SHE IS SENT BACK BECAUSE OF HER UGLINESS. ι

Again, [the emperor], in accordance with the words of the em­ press, summoned the daughters of MITI-NO-USI-NO-MIKO, altogether four maidens:1 PIBASU-PIME-NO-MIKOTO,2 next OT5-PIME-NOΜΐκότό,3 next UTA-GORI-PIME-NO-MIKOTO,4 and next MATO-NOPIME-NO-MIKOTO.5

However, he retained [only] two, PIBASU-PIME-NO-MIKOTO and Οτδ-ΡΐΜΕ-Νΰ-Μΐκδτό, and returned the two younger princesses to their homeland because they were extremely ugly.7 3 At this time MATO-NO-PIME said in shame: "To be sent back from among my own sisters because of my ugliness—oh, the exceeding shame of having this known in the nearby villages!" 4 Thus saying, when she arrived at SAGARAKA in the land of YAMASIRO, she attempted to hang herself8 from the branch of a tree. Therefore the name of that place is SAGARI-K!.9 Now it is called 2

β

SAGARAKA. 1 In

63:23 Miti-no-usi-no-miko is recorded as having four children, including one boy. In 69:3-5 Emperor Suinin is said to have married Pibasu-pime-no-mikoto and Azami-no-iri-bime-no-mikoto. The "words of the empress" Sapo-bime in 72:7 men­ tioned only two sisters: Ye-pime and Oto-pime. a Cf. 63:23, 69:3. Evidently she is the Ye-pime of 72:7. 3 Cf. 63:23, 72:7. 1 This is the only reference to her. 5 Cf. 63:23. 6 This conflicts with 69:3-5, in which he takes three of the sisters. ' There is a similar rejection of an ugly sister in 41:8. 8

Tori-sagari.

' 'Hanging tree'; a folk etymology.

Book Two, Chapter 75 Then when she arrived at OTO-KUNI, she at last fell10 into a deep

5

pool and died. Therefore the name of that place is OTI-KUNI.11 Now it is called OTO-KUNI.

10

Otite.

11 'Fall-Land';

another folk etymology.

Kojiki

CHAPTER 76

TADIMΑ-MORI is SENT TO GET THE FRUIT OF THE "SEASONLESS FRAGRANT TREE"; BUT BEFORE HE RETURNS EMPEROR SuiNIN DIES.

ι

2 3 4

5

6 7 8

Also the emperor dispatched TADIMA-MORI,1 the ancestor of the MURAZI of the MIYAKE, to the land of TOKO-YO2 to seek the fruit of the seasonless fragrant tree.3 Then TADIMA-MORI at last arrived in that country and plucked the fruit of the tree, eight leafy branches and eight leafless branches.4 But as he was bringing them, the emperor died. Dividing [the branches], TADIMA-MORI presented four leafy branches and four leafless branches to the empress and four leafy branches and four leafless branches at5 the tomb of the emperor. Holding up the fruit [in his hands], he shouted and wept, saying: "I have brought the fruit of the seasonless fragrant tree from the land of TOKO-YO !" At last, while shouting and weeping, he died. The seasonless fragrant tree is the TATIBANA of today. The years of this emperor were one hundred and fifty-three.6

1 In 106:24 he is identified as the great-great-grandson of Ame-no-pi-poko, the deity who came from Korea to Japan. 2 Here, a land far across the sea. Tsuda sees influences in this section of Chinese beliefs in supernatural beings (hsien) who live in a sort of fairyland—sometimes an island in the sea (Hdrai). He equates the Toko-yo of this passage with a Chinese-type fairyland. Nihon koten no kenkyu, I, 253-55. 8 Tokiziku no kaku no kl; a tree giving fruit out of season. The Manydshu (XVIII, 4111-12) includes a song by Otomo no Yakamochi celebrating the wild orange tree, in which the same term is used and the legend of Tadima-mori is repeated. 4 Following Motoori's interpretation. Literally, 'garlands eight garlands, spears eight spears.' The word 'garlands,' here translated as 'leafy branches,' may have been wreaths of fruit meant to be worn around the head. 'Spears' almost certainly refers to branches bearing fruit. 6 Literally, 'at the door of.' ' The Nihon shoki makes him 140 years old at his death; the Kojiki does not record his death date.

Book Two,

9

10

Chapter

76

His t o m b is o n [the plain] MI-TATI-NO at SUGAPARA.

Also at the time o f [the death of] his empress PIBASU-PIME-NOMIKOTO, the ISIKI-TUKURI [ c o r p o r a t i o n ] a n d the PANISI-BE [ c o r p o r a -

tion] were established. 11

This empress was buried in the tomb o f TERAMA at SAKI.

227

Kojiki

CHAPTER

77

OFFSPRING OF EMPEROR KEIK6. 1

Emperor OPO-TARASI-PIKO-OSIRO-WAKE dwelt in the palace o f PISIRO at M A K I M U K U a n d r u l e d t h e k i n g d o m .

2

This emperor took as wife INABI-NO-OPO-IRATUME o f PARIMA, the daughter o f WAKA-[PIKO]-TAKE-KIBI-TU-PIKO,1 ancestor o f the OMI o f KIBI, and there was born the child KUSI-TUNO-WAKE-NOMIKO;

n e x t , OPO-USU-NO-MIKÖTÖ ; n e x t ,

WO-USU-NO-MIKOTO,

also named YAMATO-WOGUNA-N6-MIKOTÖ ; next, YAMATO-NEKON 6 - M I K O T O ; n e x t , KAMU-KUSI-NO-MIKO. (Five children)

3

Again he took as wife YA-SAKA-NO-IRI-BIME-NO-MIKOTO, the daughter o f YA-SAKA-NÖ-IRI-BIKO-NÖ-MIKOTÖ,2 and there was born the child WAKA-TARASI-PIKO-NO-MIKOTO ; 3 next, IPOKI-NOIRI-BIKO-NO-MIKOTO; 4 n e x t , O S I - W A K E - N 6 - M I K O T 6 ; n e x t ,

IPOKI-

N6-IRI-BIME-N6-MIK6TO.

4

The children o f another concubine were TOYO-TO-WAKE-NOMIKO; n e x t , NUNA-SIRO-NO-IRATUME.

5

The children o f another concubine were NUNAKI-NO-IRATUME; n e x t , KAGA-YORI-PIME-NO-MIKOTO ; n e x t ,

WAKA-KI-NÖ-IRI-BIKO-

NO-MIKO; n e x t , K I B ! - N O - Y E - P I K O - N 6 - M I K O ; n e x t ,

TAKA-KI-PIME-

N O - M I K 6 T O ; n e x t , OTO-PIME-NO-MIKOTO.

6

Again, he took as wife MI-PAKASI-BIME o f PIMUKA,5 and there was born a child T6YO-KUNI-WAKE-N6-MIKO.

7

Again he took as wife INABI-NO-WAKA-IRATUME, the younger

1 The element piko is missing in the manuscript and has been supplied on the authority of 61:5, 61:10. 2 Cf. 64:3. 8 Emperor Seimu. 4 C f . 99:2-3. 6 W o m e n from Kyushu were seldom made imperial concubines at this period. The Nihon shoki includes one account in which this marriage took place when the emperor was in Kyushu. Aston, I, 196.

228

Book Two, Chapter 77

8

9

10

11 12

sister of INABI-NO-OPO-IRATUME, and there was born a child MAWAKA-NO-MIKO ; next, PIKO-PITO-NO-OPO-YE-NO-MIKO. Again he took as wife KAGURO-PIME,6 the daughter of SUMEIRO-OPO-NAKA-TU-PIKO-NO-MIKO, the great-grandson7 of YAMATOTAKERU-NO-MIKOTO,8 and there was born a child OPO-YE-NO-MIKO. Of all the children of this emperor OPO-TARASI-PIKO, twentyone are recorded and fifty-nine are not, making a total of eighty children. Among them, the three princes WAKA-TARASI-PIKO-NO-MIKOTO, YAMATO-TAKERU-NO-MIKOTO, and IPOK'I-NO-IRI-BIKO-NO-MIKOTO bore the title of heir apparent,9 and the remaining seventy-seven princes were assigned as the KUNI-NO-MIYATUKO,10 the WAKE, the INAKI, and the AGATA-NUSI of the various lands. WAKA-TARASI-PIKO11 ruled the kingdom. WO-USU-NO-MIKOTO pacified the unruly deities and the unsub­ missive people of the east and west.

6

Another Kaguro-pime is mentioned as a consort of Emperor Qjin in 99:12. Actually the grandson. Perhaps: 'Again he took as wife the'great-grandchild of Yamato-takeru-no-mikoto, the daughter of Sume-iro-opo-naka-tu-piko-no-miko, whose name was Kaguro-pime.' 8 Yamato-takeru-no-mikoto is another name used here and in verse 10 for Wo-usuno-mikoto (verse 2). It is strange that this name is used, while only one other name, Yamato-woguna-no-mikoto, is given in verse 2. This marriage, recorded also in 89:16, is perhaps the most fantastic of all the marriages in the Kojiki: if we are to believe the Kojiki's own genealogy, Emperor Keiko is marrying his own great-great-grand­ daughter. Keik5 [Opo-tarasi-piko] 7

I

Yamato-takeru [77:2]

i

Waka-takeru [89:2]

I

Sume-iro-opo-naka-tu-piko [89:14] Kaguro-pime [89:15] The passage may reveal an ancient custom of appointing more than one successor. It is strange that we hear nothing more of Ipo-ki-no-iri-piko-no-mikoto. For the rela­ tions between Waka-tarasi-piko (Emperor Seimu) and Yamato-takeru, see Kanda's hypothesis in the note to 89:8. 10 This and the following three titles were hereditary titles given to local rulers. Since the local regions were actually ruled by old families unrelated to the imperial family, the validity of this account is highly questionable. See Tsuda, Nilion koten no kenkyii, I. 235-38. 11 Emperor Seimu; cf. 90:1. 9

Kojiki

13

Next, K U S I - T U N O - W A K E - N O - M I K O is the ancestor of the lower MURAZI of MAMUTA.

14

Next, O P O - U S U - N O - M I K O T O is the ancestor of the KIMI of MORI, the KIMI of OPOTA, and the KIMI of SIMADA.

15

Next, K A M U - K U S I - N O - M I K O is the ancestor of the ABIKO of the SAKABE of the land of K i and of the SAKABE of UDA.

16

Next,

TOYO-KUNI-WAKE-NO-MIKO

MIYATUKO of PLMUKA.

t

230

is the ancestor of the KUNI-NO-

Book Two, Chapter j8

CHAPTER 78 PBINCE OPO-USU MARRIES TWO SISTERS HE WAS COMMANDED TO BRING FOR HIS FATHER, EMPEROR KEIKO . At this time, the emperor heard that YE-PIME and OTO-PIME, the daughters of OPO-NE-NO-MIKO, the ancestor of the KUNI-NOMIYATUKO of MINO, were beautiful, and he dispatched his son OPOUSU-NO-MIKOTO to summon them. 2 But OPO-USU-NO-MIKOTO, who was dispatched, instead of sum­ moning them, made the two maidens his wives. 3 Further, he sought for other women and, deceptively calling them the maidens, presented [them to the emperor], 4 The emperor learned that they were other women, stared fixedly at them,1 and kept them without marrying them, thus causing them agony. 5 OPO-USU-NO-MIKOTO took YE-PIME as wife, and there was born a child OSI-KURO-N O-YE-PIKO-NO-MIKO. Ι

This is the ancestor of the WAKE of UNESU in MINO.

6

Again, he took OTO-PIME as wife, and there was born [the child] OSL-KURO-NO-OTO-PIKO-NO-MIKO. This is the ancestor of the KIMI of MUGETU.

During this reign, the TA-BE was established; also the bay2 of APA in ADUMA was constructed; the KASIPADE-NO-OPO-TOMO-BE was established; and also the MIYAKE of YAMATO was established. Also the pond of SAKATE was made and bamboo planted on its bank.

7

8

1 2

Or 'caused them to wait a long time.' Minato; perhaps 'sea-strait.'

Kojiki

CHAPTER 79 PRINCE WO-USU KILLS HIS ELDER BROTHER AND IS SENT BY EMPEROR KEIKO TO CONQUER THE TWO BROTHERS KUMAS5-TAKERU. Ι

2 3

4 5 6

7 8

The emperor said to WO-USU-NO-MIKOTO : "Why does your elder brother not come to the morning and evening meals?1 Take it upon yourself to teach and admonish him." After this had been said, five days passed, but he still did not come. The emperor then asked WO-USU-NO-MIKOTO: "Why has your elder brother not come for such a long time? Is it perhaps that you have not yet admonished him?" He replied: "I have already entreated him." Then he said: "In what manner did you entreat him?" He replied: "Early in the morning when he went into the privy, I waited and captured him, grasped him and crushed him, then pulled off his limbs, and wrapping them in a straw mat, threw them away."2 At this, the emperor was terrified at the fearless, wild disposition of this prince and said: "Toward the west, there are two [mighty men called] KUMASO-

1 Evidently Opo-usu-no-mikoto, the elder brother, had absented himself from his father's presence because of the embarrassing incident involving the two sisters in 78:1-4. The sons' presence at their father's table signified that they harbored no rebellious intentions. Kurano, Kojiki hyokai, p. 131. 2 Such a display of brutality must have been recorded to show the great strength of the boy-hero. Takagi Ichinosuke sees Yamato-takeru-no-mikoto's actions as an indica­ tion of his "romantic spirit." Yoshino no ayu (Iwanami Shoten, 1941), pp. 29-44. See also ADDITIONAL NOTE 23.

Book Two, Chapter 79

TAKERU. They are unsubmissive, disrespectful people. Therefore go and kill3 them." 9 10

[Thus saying], he dispatched him. At this time, he was still [a youth] wearing his hair up on his forehead.4

11

Then WO-USU-NO-MIKOTO received from his aunt YAMATOPIME-NO-MIKOTO5 an upper garment and a skirt and, with a small6 sword in his bosom, set out.7

3

Literally, 'take.' The Nihon shoki says that he was sixteen years old. Aston, I, 200. Here we are clearly in the realm of the folk tale of the boy-hero who single-handedly vanquishes many enemies. Kurano, Kojiki hydkai, pp. 132-33. 5 The high priestess of Ise; his father's younger sister; cf. 69:3, 15. She gave him women's clothing, which he later put to good use (80:4). Motoori says that he received the garments of the priestess in order to attach to himself the spirit of the deity of Ise. Kojiki-den, IV, 1507. 6 The word 'small' is lacking in some manuscripts. ' The ideographs used are those applied to the journey of an emperor. Here and elesewhere the Kojiki speaks of Yamato-takeru-no-mikoto as if he were an emperor; the Hitachi Fudoki also refers to him some twelve times as "Emperor Yamato-takeru." On this point see the note to 89:8. 4

Kojiki

CHAPTER 80 WO-USU-NO-MIKOTO, DISGUISED AS A WOMAN, VANQUISHES THE BROTHERS KUMASO-TAKERU.

HE Ι

2

3 4

5

6

7

8

9

IS GIVEN THE TITLE YAMATO-TAKERU.

When he arrived at the house of the KUMAS5-TAKERU, he found that the house was surrounded by three rows of warriors, and that they were building a pit dwelling1 and were inside it. At the time there was a great deal of noise about the coming feast [celebrating] the new pit dwelling, and food was being prepared. Walking around the vicinity, he waited for the day of the feast. When the day of the feast arrived, he combed his hair down in the manner of a young girl's and put on the upper garment and the skirt of his aunt. Thus, completely taking on a young girl's appearance, he mingled with the women and went into the pit dwelling. Then the two KUMASO-TAKERU, the elder and the younger, looked with admiration at this maiden and had her sit between them as the festivities continued. Then, when [the feast] was at its height, [Wo-usu-no-mikoto] took his sword from his bosom and, seizing the KUMASO'S2 collar, stabbed him clear through the chest. Then the younger TAKERU, seeing this, was afraid and ran out. Pursuing him to the foot of the stairs leading out of the pit dwelling, he seized him by the back, took the sword, and stabbed him clear through from the rear.3 Then KUMASO-TAKERU said: "Do not move the sword. I have something to say."

Muro; cf. 52:1. I.e., the elder brother. 3 Or 'rectum.'

1

2

Book Two, Chapter 80

10 11

Then holding him down, he allowed it for a while. Then he said: "Who are you, my lord?" 12 Whereupon he said: "I am the son of Emperor OPO-TARASI-PIKO-OSIRO-WAKE, who dwells in the palace of PISIRO and rules OPO-YA-SIMA-GUNI;4 and my name is YAMATO-WOGUNA-NO-MIKO. Hearing that you KUMASO-TAKERU were unsubmissive and disrespectful, he dis­ patched me to kill you." 13 Then KUMASO-TAKERU said: "Indeed this must be true. For in the west there are no brave,5 mighty men besides us. But in the land of OPO-YAMATO there is a man exceeding the two of us in bravery !5 Because of this I will present you with a name. May you be known from now on as YAMATO-TAKERU-NO-MIKO !"

14 15

16

4

After he had finished saying this, [Wo-usu-no-mikoto] killed him, slicing him up like a ripe melon. From that time, he was called YAMATO-TAKERU-NO-MIKOTO to praise his name. Then as he returned, he subdued and pacified all of the moun­ tain deities, river deities, and deities of the sea-straits.8

Cf. 6:11. Takeki; related etymologically to the word takeru. 6 Anato. Here we learn that Yamato-takeru's mission was also a religious one. In this sense, like EmperorJimmu (52:62), he lived in a world of myth in which one could subjugate the deities by subjugating their worshippers. 5

Kojiki

CHAPTER 81 YAMATO-TAKERU-NO-MIKOTO KILLS IDUMOTAKERU BY DECEIT. ι

At that time [Yamato-takeru-no-mikoto] entered the land of IDUMO.

2

3 4

5 6 7

8 9

Intending to kill IDUMO-TAKERU,1 he pledged friendship with him on his arrival. Then he secretly made an imitation sword of ITIPI wood, which he wore at his side. They bathed together in the ΡΪ River. At this time, YAMATO-TAKERU-NO-MIKOTO came out of the river first and put on the sword which IDUMO-TAKERU had worn, saying: "Let us exchange swords!" Then IDUMO-TAKERU came out of the river and put on the imita­ tion sword which YAMATO-TAKERU-NO-MIKOTO had worn. Whereupon YAMATO-TAKERU-NO-MIKOTO invited him saying: "Come, let us cross swords Γ'2 As they were unsheathing their swords, IDUMO-TAKERU was un­ able to unsheathe the imitation sword. Then YAMATO-TAKERU-NOMIKOTO, unsheathing his sword, struck and killed IDUMO-TAKERU. Then he made a song, saying: The many-clouds-rising3

10

IDUMO-TAKERU

11

Wears a sword

1 As above in the words Kumaso-takeru and Yamato-takeru, this is the takeru or 'brave hero' of Idumo. 2 Or 'compare our swords.' 8 The words yatume sasu appear to be a corruption of ya-kumo tatu, the standard literary epithet applied to Idumo, as in 20:6-7. The Nihon shoki version of this song has ya-kumo tatu. In any case, the first line is merely an epithet introducing the word Idumo and probably has no semantic importance itself.

Book Two, Chapter 81

12 13 14

With many vines wrapped around it, But no blade inside, alas I4 Thus, having swept away and pacified [his foes], he went up and reported [on his mission].

4 The Nihon shoki connects this narrative and song with entirely different persons (cf. Aston, 1,162-63). As in many cases, the narrative was probably handed down independ­ ently and was only secondarily related to these particular historic personages.

Kojiki

CHAPTER 82 YAMATO-TAKERU-NO-MIKOTO IS SENT TO SUBDUE THE EAST. ON THE WAY HE VISITS HIS AUNT YAMAT5-PIME AND PROMISES TO MARRY MIYAZU-PIME. Ι

Then the emperor once again commanded YAMATO-TAKERUNO-MIKOTO:

2

3

4

5 6 1

"Subdue and pacify the unruly deities and the unsubmissive people of the twelve regions1 to the East!" He dispatched together with him the ancestor of the OMI of KIB!, whose name was MI-SUKI-TOMO-MIMI-TAKE-PIKO, and be­ stowed upon him a giant spear of PIPIRAG! wood.2 Thus, when he received the command and set out, he went to the shrine3 of the Great Deity of ISE and worshipped at the court4 of the Deity. Then he said to his aunt YAMATO-PIME-NO-MIKOTO:5 "Is it because the emperor wishes me to die soon? Why did he dispatch me to attack the evil people of the West? Then when I came back up, why did he dispatch me once more after only a short while, without giving me troops, to subdue the evil people of the twelve regions to the East? In view of all this, he must wish me to die soon." [Thus saying], he lamented and cried. On his departure, YAMATO-PIME-NO-MIKOTO gave him the sword Kusa-nagi.6 She also gave him a bag and said:

Miti; literally, 'way.' Ptpiragi no ya-piro-poko; a symbol of delegated authority or a magic implement. ' Miya. 4 Mi-kado; the word is usually applied to the palace or court of an emperor. Here it means the shrine where the deity dwells. 6 She was the high priestess of the shrine; cf. 69:3, 15. ' Cf. 19:22, 39:2, 85:33. Like the garments in 79:11, the sword and the bag were given him to provide supernatural protection. 2

Book Two, Chapter 82

"Should there be an emergency, open this bag." 7 Thereupon, he arrived in the land of WOPABI and went into the house of MIYAZU-PIME, the ancestress of the KUNI-NO-MIYATUKO of WOPARI. 8 Although he desired to marry her, he decided to marry her on his return. 9 Thus promising, he proceeded to the eastern lands, and subdued and pacified all the unruly deities and unsubmissive people of the mountains and rivers.7

7

As in 80:16, part of his mission is the subjugation of deities.

Kojiki

CHAPTER 83 YAMATO-TAKERU-N0-MIKOTO IS SAVED FROM

A PLAIN-HRE SET BY THE TREACHEROUS RULER OF SAGAMU. Ι

2 3

4

5

1 1 3

At that time, when he arrived in the land of SAGAMU, the KUNINO-MIYATUKO of that land deceived him, saying: "In this plain there is a great pond. In the pond there Hves a deity who is an extremely unruly deity." Then when he went into the plain in order to see that deity, the KUNI-NO-MIYATUKO set fire to the plain.1 ReaHzing that he had been deceived, he opened the bag given him by his aunt YAMATO-PIME-NO-MIKOTO,2 looked inside and found a fire-striking implement.3 Then, first, he mowed away the grass with his sword;4 then he Ht a fire with the fire-striking implement and set a counter-fire to keep the fire away. Then he went back out and killed the KUNI-NO-MIYATUKO and all of his clan. Then he set fire to them and burned5 them. Today [the place] is therefore called YAKI-DU.6

Cf. 23:14. Cf. 82:6. Pt-uti.

4

The name of the sword was Kusa-nagi, or 'Grass-mower'; cf. 19:22.

5

Yaki.

6

Literally, 'Burning Ford.'

Book Two, Chapters 83 and 84

CHAPTER 84 OTO-TATIBANA-PIME SACRIFICES HER LIFE TO APPEASE THE GOD OF THE SEA CROSSING. YAM ATO-T AKERU-NO-MIKOTO UNWITTINGLY SLAYS THE SACRED DEER AND REWARDS AN OLD MAN FOR CLEVERLY REPLYING TO HIS QUERY IN VERSE. Ι

2 3

4

5 6 7 8

From there he proceeded to cross the sea of PASIRI-MIDU. Just then the deity of the crossing stirred up the waves, so that the boat went adrift and could not move forward. Then his empress,1 whose name was OTO-TATIBANA-PIME-NOMIKOTO, said: "I will go into the sea in your stead, O prince. You, O prince, must complete the mission2 entrusted [to you] and return to report [on it]." When she was about to go into the sea, they took many layers of sedge-mats, many layers of skin-carpets, and many layers of silk carpets and spread them out on top of the waves, and she went down onto them.3 At this time the rough waves of themselves became calm, and the boat was able to move forward. Then the empress sang this song: O you, my lord, alas— You who once, standing among the flames

1 The word is usually applied only to the consorts of ruling emperors (cf. note to 79:11). Tsuda thinks that the sudden appearance of Oto-tatibana-pime proves that this story is a later addition. Nihon koten no kenkyii, I, 197. 2 Maturi-goto; the word is also used in this sense in 95:1. 3 The same types of carpets were used in the palace of the sea-deity as a mark of respect (cf. 43:26).

Kojiki

9

IO II

12 13 14

15 16

17 18 19 20 21

22 23 24 25

Of the burning fire, spoke my name4 On the mountain-surrounded5 Plain of SAGAMU ! Seven days later, the empress' comb was washed ashore. Taking this comb, they made her tomb and placed [it within]. From there he proceeded and subdued all of the unruly EMISI and pacified the unruly deities of the mountains and rivers. Then on his way back [to the capital], he arrived at the foot of the pass of ASI-GARA, and just as he was eating his travel rations, the deity of the pass, assuming the form of a white deer, came and stood there. Then he took a piece of PIRU6 left over from his meal and struck [the deer]. It hit [the deer's] eye and killed him.7 Then he climbed up the pass and, grieving, sighed three times: "My wife, alas !"8 Therefore the name of the land is ADUMA. Then he proceeded overland from that land to ΚΑΡΪ. While he was there at the palace of SAKA-WORI, he sang this song: How many nights have we slept Since passing NIPI-BARI And TUKUBA ? Then the old man tending the fire sang this song to continue his song: The number of days is, altogether, Of nights, nine, And of days, ten.

4 Literally, 'asked'; perhaps better translated 'spoke to me'; 'inquired for my safety.' Originally this song may have been connected with the custom of spring field-burning. 6 Sane sasi: a literary epithet of doubtful significance. The translation follows Takeda (Kiki kayoshu zenkd, p. 83). 8 A plant of the onion or garlic family. See GLOSSARY. ' Perhaps this, together with a similar encounter with a mountain deity in Chapter 86, contributed to the downfall of Yamato-takeru-no-mikoto, which begins in Chapter

8

Aduma pa ya.

Book Two, Chapter 84

26

Then he rewarded the old man9 and made him the KUNI-NOMIYATUKO of the land of ADUMA.10

" For his versatility in impromptu verse-making: the old man had skillfully replied in the same metrical form as the question-song, the kata-uta form (cf. Chapters 54 and 137). The art of composing renga, a form of linked verse popular in the Edo period, has sometimes been called Tsukuba no michi ("the Way of Tsukuba"), alluding to the Tukuba of this chapter. 10 In reality, Aduma was far too large a region to have been ruled by a single kuniηό-miyatuko; the account is plainly fictitious.

Kojiki

CHAPTER 85 YAMATO-TAKERU-N5-MIKOTO RETURNS TO MARRY MiYAZU-PIME.

χ

2 3 4 5

THEY

EXCHANGE SONGS.

From that land he crossed over to the land of SINANO. There he subdued the deity of the SINANO pass1 and returned to the land of WOPARI. He entered the dwelling of MIYAZU-PIME, with whom he had previously made a promise [of marriage].2 Thereupon, when presenting his food, MIYAZU-PIME brought the great wine-cup and presented it to him. However, MIYAZU-PIME had menstrual blood adhering to the hem of her cloak. Noticing the menstrual blood, he sang this song:

6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

1

Across the heavenly KAGU Mountain Flies like a sharp sickle The long-necked swan.3 Your arm slender and delicate Like the bird's neck— Although I wish to clasp It in my embrace;4 Although I desire To sleep with you,

Sinano no saka no kam 'i. 82:7-8. * Following Takeda, who interprets kubi as 'swan.' Kiki kayoshu zenko, pp. 87-88. 4 Or 'Although I wish to sleep / With it as my pillow.' aIn

Book Two, Chapter 85 16

On the hem

17

Of the cloak you are wearing

18

The moon has risen.5

19 20

Then

MIYAZU-PIME sang this song in reply:

O high-shining

21

Sun-Prince,

22

O my great lord

23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30

Ruling in peace !6 As the years one by one Pass by, The moons also one by one Elapse. It is no wonder that While waiting in vain for you, On the cloak

31

I am wearing

32

The moon should rise.7

33

Then they were conjugally united; and he, leaving his sword Kusa-nagi8 at

MIYAZU-PIME'S dwelling, went to take the deity of

Mount IBUKI.

5 I.e., the menses have appeared; a euphemism. Women may have been considered polluted during the menstrual period, as in later centuries in Japan; or they may have been considered sacred to the gods and therefore unapproachable during this time. In the latter case, menstrual blood, far from being a defilement, would be a sign of reli­ gious consecration, and this song merely a light and roundabout expression of dis­ appointment that ritual considerations prevent immediate sexual union. See Orikuchi Shinobu, Nihon bungakushi ndto (ChCiokoronsha, 1957), I, 102-113. 6 Yasumisisi / wa ga opo-kimi. A conventional epithet for an emperor. There is no ac­ cepted interpretation of its meaning: 'ruling in peace' is one of the many possible render­ ings. Another example of the imperial treatment accorded to Yamato-takeru-no-mikoto in the Kojiki. 7 I.e., menses should appear. The reply is a good example of feminine repartee by means of song: the princess adroitly shifts the blame to the man. Variants of the songs in this chapter are treated in ADDITIONAL NOTE 24. 8 Cf. 19:22, 39:2, 82:6, and 87:23-27. According to tradition, the sword is enshrined at Atsuta Shrine in Owari (Wopari), modern Nagoya.

Kojiki

CHAPTER 86

YAMAT5-TAKERU-NO-MIKOT5 IS BESTED IN AN ENCOUNTER WITH THE WHITE BOAR, THE DEITY OF MOUNT LBUKI. EXTREMELY FATIGUED, HE CONTINUES ON HIS JOURNEY. ι

At this time he said: "I will take the deity of this mountain with my bare hands." [Thus saying], he went up the mountain. 2 Then on the mountain he met a white boar the size of a cow.1 3 Thereupon he spoke out2 and said: "This is the deity's messenger, which is here transformed into a white boar. I will not kill it now, but will kill it when I come back." [Thus saying], he went up. 4 At this time, [the deity of the mountain] caused a violent hail storm and dazed3 YAMATO-TAKERU-NO-MIKOTO. 5

It was not the deity's messenger which had been transformed into the white boar, but the deity himself. He was dazed because he had spoken out [to it].

6

Then he came back down [the mountain]; his mind4 awoke somewhat® as he rested at the spring of TAMA-KURA-BE. 7 For that reason that spring is called the spring WI-SAME. 8 From there he set out and, arriving on the plain of TAGI, he said: 1

Cf. 84:14 in which the deity of Asi-gara Pass appeared as a deer. In the Nihon shoki account, the deity of this mountain is a large snake. 2 Koto-age site; literally, 'raised up words'; i.e., spoke up boldly. Tsugita (p. 403) de­ fines koto-age as "to proclaim one's own will in opposition to a god's will." There was ev­ idently a taboo against speaking in a certain manner to divine beings. To do so was as reprehensible as to rebel against a revelation of the divine will expressed in an oracle, divination, dream, or ukepi, and was sure to incur divine wrath. 8 Or 'misled,' 'confused,' 'caused to lose consciousness'; cf. 49:2. 4 Mi-kokoro. s Same-masiki.

Book Two, Chapter 86

9 10 11 12

13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24

25

"I had always thought in my heart of flying6 through the skies, but now my legs cannot walk; they have become wobbly."7 For this reason that place is called TAGI. From there he proceeded a little further and because of his ex­ treme fatigue walked along slowly, using a staff.8 For this reason that place is called TUWE-TUKI Pass. When he arrived at the foot of the single pine on the Cape of WOTU, [he found that] a sword which he had left behind when he had eaten there had not disappeared but was still there. Then he sang this song: Directly across From WOPARI, On the Cape of WOTU you stand, O lone pine —O my brother!9— O lone pine, Were you a man, I would give you a sword to wear, I would dress you with clothes, O lone pine —O my brother!10— Proceeding from there, when he arrived at the village of MIPE, he again said: "My legs are like a threefold curve11 and I am extremely tired." For this reason that place is called MIPE.

6 This passage may mean either Ί had always wished to fly . . .,' or Ί had always thought that I was flying. . . .' ' Tagi-tagisiku, which Motoori interprets as "they have become like rudders [tagisi]." 8 Mi-tuwe wo tukite. " A refrain not necessarily semantically connected with the rest of the song; it is used again in 134:20. 10 Recorded also in the Nihon shoki, this song is thought to have been a folk song. 11 Mi-pe no magari. Motoori suggests the image of a twisted rice cake (magari-mochi). Kojiki-den, IV, 1608-09. Kurano prefers to think of it as a three-fold bend in the road. Kojiki hyokai, p. 144.

Kojiki

CHAPTER 87 YAMATO-TAKERU-NO-MIKOTO DIES IN THE PLAIN OF NOBO. Ι

2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

12 13 14 15 1

From there he proceeded to the plain of NOBO, where he sang this song recalling his homeland :1 YAMATO is The highest part of the land;2 The mountains are green partitions Lying layer upon layer. Nestled among the mountains, How beautiful is YAMATO !

Again he sang: Let those whose life Is secure Take from the PEGURI Mountains (Of the rush matting)3 Leaves of the great oak And wear them in their hair4 —O my lads!—

Kuni wo sinopite; cf. verse 16. The Yamato of the song is the central part of the land of Yamato, present-day Nara prefecture. In the Nihon shoki, this and the following two songs are given in a different order and attributed to Emperor Keiko during a sojourn in Kyushu. Aston, 1,197. No doubt they were originally connected with some ancient rite of land-praising or land-surveying. See Aiso, p. 127. ' Tatami-komo is a conventional epithet applied to words beginning with the syllable pe— like Peguri— perhaps because of a phonetic association with the wordpe, meaning 'layer,' or with the word pedate, 'separation,' since matting separates one from the bare floor. Takeda, Kiki kayoshu zenkd, p. 95. The same words appear again in 128:20-21. 4 Takeda explains the song as one of nostalgic yearning; wearing oak leaves in the hair was the custom at religious festivals in the home village. Ibid., p. 96. Tsuchihashi thinks the song was a folk song in which an aged person admonishes the young to enjoy themselves while they are still young. Tsuchihashi Yutaka and Konishi Jin'ichi, eds., Nihon koten bungaku taikei, III: Kodai kayoshu (Iwanami Shoten, 1957), 57. 2

Book Two, Chapter 87 is5

KUNI-SINOPI-UTA.6

16 17

This song Again he sang:

18 19 20 21 -

From the direction Of my beloved home The clouds are rising. This is a KATA-UTA.7

22

23 24 25 26 27 28 29

6

By this time his illness had become most critical. Then he sang this song: Next to the maiden's Sleeping-place I left The sabre, the sword— Alas, that sword I8 Immediately after he had sung the songs, he died.9 Then couriers were sent [to the emperor].

Or 'these songs are'; it is unclear whether one or both are meant. 'Land-recalling song'; cf. verse 1. ' Perhaps the kata-uta completing the series of three kuni-sinopi-uta; see Takeda, Kiki kayoshu zenko, p. 96. For other kata-uta see Chapters 54 and 84. 8 Out of context the song may be one of regret or praise for a sword left by a maiden's bed. It has been inserted here to refer to the sword Kusa-nagi which Yamato-takeru left with Miyazu-pime. " The ideograph here is the one applied to the death of an emperor. 6

Kojiki

CHAPTER 88 THE BEREAVED WIVES AND CHILDREN OF YAMAT0-TAKERU-NO-MIK5TO PURSUE THE GIANT WHITE BIRD. Ι

At this time his empresses and children who were in YAMATO1 came down [to the plain of Nobo] and constructed his tomb. 2 Then, crawling around the neighboring rice paddies,2 they sang while weeping: 3 4 5 6 7 8

The vines of the TOKORO Crawl around Among the rice stems, The rice stems in the rice paddies Bordering on [the tomb].3 At this time he was transformed into a giant white bird4 and, soaring through the skies, flew away towards the beach.

Their names are given in Chapter 89. Naduki-ta. The meaning of this term, which appears also at the beginning of the next song, is unclear; it is said to mean 'the bordering or neighboring rice paddies.' 3 This line (corresponding to the line Naduki no in the original) is unclear. The explicit meaning of the song is simply that vines grow among the rice stems; undoubtedly the compiler of the Kojiki intended it to represent the grief of the mourners. Tachibana Moribe, as well as Motoori, believed that the text was incomplete. Moribe (Itsu no koto-waki [Fuzambo, 1941], p. 122) proposed adding the following five lines: Si ga tura no Like these vines, I-papi motopori Which crawl around, Motoporite Do we go around Ne naki topedomo Weeping aloud, but in vain, Koto mo norasanu For there is no reply. Although it has been suggested that the song was originally a folk song of love (see notes under verse 25), I am inclined to agree instead with Takeda, that it was originally a funeral song. Kiki kayoshu zenkd, p. 99. 4 Ya-piro siro-ti-dori; ti-dori may mean 'plover,' but this is unlikely. There was evidently a belief that the souls of the dead were transformed into white birds and flew off. Com­ pare this with the account of the bird-chase in Chapter 73 and with the funeral rites recounted in 34:3-4. 1 2

Book Two, Chapter 88

9

10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 5

Then the wives and children, though their feet were cut by the stumps of the bamboo reeds, forgot5 the pain and ran after [the bird], weeping. At this time they sang this song: Moving with difficulty, up to our waists In the field of low bamboo stalks, We cannot go through the skies— But, alas, must go by foot !e Again, when they waded into the sea and moved [through the waves] with difficulty, they sang: Going by sea, waist-deep in the water, We move forward with difficulty; [Like] plants growing By a large river, [We] drift aimlessly In the ocean currents. Again, when [the bird] had flown to the rocky shores, they sang: The plover of the beach Does not go by the beaches, But follows along the rocky shores.7

Some manuscripts have 'endured.' Compare the idea of this song with Yamato-takeru's complaint in 86:8. The song, in its touching expression of the tragedy of finite, earth-bound man, has an almost philosophical quality. 7 Therefore, it is hard for us to follow in its path. Takeda interprets: "Like the plover of the beach, we do not go along the beaches. . . ." Kiki kayoshu zenko, p. 101. Tsuchihashi suggests that this may be a riddle song asking why the bird called the "beachplover," which one would expect to go along the beaches, instead goes along the rocks. Tsuchihashi and Konishi, p. 58. Some scholars, notably Takagi, have suggested that the four songs in this chapter may originally have been folk songs unrelated to funerals. Takagi thinks that they were children's songs attached secondarily to the narrative. Yoshino no ayu, pp. 187-202. Tsuchihashi suggests that the first song (3-7) was a folk song about love, alluding to embracing, that the second (11-14) was a folk song about the difficulties of following "love's trail," that the third (16-21) was a narrative song expressing the impatience of a person chasing a bird, and that the fourth (23-25) may have been a riddle song. Tsuchihashi and Konishi, pp. 58-59. 6

Kojiki 26

These four songs were sung at his funeral.

27

For this reason, even today these songs are sung at the funeral of an emperor.8

28

From that land [the bird] flew away and stopped at SIKI in the land of KAPUTI.

29

For this reason they built his tomb at that place and enshrined him there. This tomb is called the White Bird Tomb.9

30

However, from that place [the bird] again soared through the heavens and flew away.

31

During the entire time that YAMATO-TAKERU-NO-MIKOTO went about subduing the country, the ancestor of the ATAPE of the KUME, whose name was NANA-TUKA-PAGI, served in his company as his food-server.10

The most convincing explanation is that of Aiso (p.144), who regards the wild chase as a ritual drama similar to the performances of the Paya-pito (cf. ADDITIONAL NOTE 19 and note to 40:4). Referring to the funeral in 34:3-4, he thinks it undeniable that mourners, dressed as birds, sang and danced at funerals. Here the soul of the dead was transformed into a bird; thus, to masquerade as birds and perform bird-like songs and dances was a magic rite designed to summon back the soul of the dead. Whether such a ritual was intended to summon back the dead, or rather to assist the soul in its ascent to the higher regions is debatable, but in any case these songs seem appropriate accompaniments to the performances given for eight days and nights at ancient funerals (cf. 34:4). 8 These same four songs have been revived in recent years as part of the gagaku repertory of the Imperial Household Agency's music department; it is said that they are performed at funerals of members of the imperial family. They are known in the music department under the coEective name ruika, 'mourning songs.' Nippon HSso Kyokai, Tdyogagakugoi (1954), pp. 30, 86. * Sira-tori no mi-paka. 10 Kasipade (see GLOSSARY).

Book Two, Chapter 89

CHAPTER 89 DESCENDANTS OF YAMATO-TAKERU-NO-

Μίκδτό. DEMISE OF EMPEROR KEIKO. Ι

This YAMATO-TAKERU-NO-MIKOTO took as wife PUTADI-NO-IRIBIME-NO-MIKOTO,1 the daughter of Emperor IKUME,2 and there was born the child TARASI-NAKA-TU-PIKO-NO-MIKOTO. (One child) Again he took as wife OTO-TATIBANA-PIME-NO-MIKOTO,4 who entered the sea, and there was born the child WAKA-TAKERU-NOMIKO. (One child) Again he took as wife PUTADI-PIME, the daughter of OPO-TAMUWAKE, ancestor of the KUNI-NO-MIYATUKO of YASU in TIKA-TUAPUMI, and there was born the child INA-YORI-WAKE-NO-MIKO. 3

2

3

(One child)

4

5 6 7 8

Again he took as wife ΟΡΟ-ΚΙΒΪ-ΤΑΚΕ-ΡΙΜΕ, the younger sister of TAKE-PIKO,5 the OMI of ΚΙΒΪ, and there was born the child TAKE-KAPI-KO-NO-MIKO. (One child) Again he took as wife KUKUMA-MORI-PIME of YAMASIRO, and there was born the child ASI-KAGAMI-WAKE-NO-MIKO. (One child) Again [there was] a child of another wife, OKINAGA-TA-WAKENO-MIKO. This YAMATO-TAKERU-NO-MIKOTO had altogether six children. TARASI-NAKA-TU-PIKO-NO-MIKOTO ruled the kingdom.6

Cf. 69:8, 22. Emperor Suinin; cf. 69:1. 3 Emperor Chuai; cf. note to verse 8. 4 Cf. 84:3. The Kojiki does not tell us anything about her ancestry. 5 Cf. 82:2. 6 This was Emperor Chuai (cf. 91 :i), who became emperor after Seimu, Chiiai's uncle and Yamato-takeru's half-brother. Since the usual manner of succession was from father to son, such succession from uncle to nephew is highly suspect. From time to time we have noted indications in the Kojiki that Yamato-takeru was treated as an emperor. Kanda (pp. 227-43) proposes that after Keiko's death, the kingdom was split, Seimu ruling in one part (perhaps in Mino) and his brother Yamato-takeru in another (perhaps in Kibi). After they died, the kingdom was reunited under Chuai, who suc­ ceeded his father Yamato-takeru in the regular pattern of succession. 1 2

Kojiki

9

Next, I N A - Y O R I - W A K E - N 6 - M I K O is the ancestor of the

KIMI of INUKAMI

a n d t h e KIMI o f t h e TAKEBE.

10

Next, T A K E - K A P I - K O - N O - M I K O is the ancestor of the

KIMI of A Y A

of

SANUKI, the WAKE o f ISE,' the WAKE o f T o w o , the OBITO o f MASA, and the WAKE o f MIYADI.

11

ASI-KAGAMI-WAKË-NO-MIKO

is the ancestor of the WAKE of KAMAKURA,

[the k i m i o f ] W O T U , the WAKE o f IPASIRO, and the WAKE o f PUKITA.

12

N e x t , the child o f OKINAGA-TA-WAKE-NO-MIKO w a s KUPI-MATANAGA-PIKO-NO-MIKO.

13

This prince [had] a child IPI-NO-MA-KURO-PIME-N5-MIKOTO ; next,

O K I N A G A - M A - W A K A - N A K A - T U - P I M E ;8 a n d n e x t ,

OTO-PIME.9

(Three children)

14

The above-mentioned WAKA-TAKERU-NO-MIKO took as wife IPI-NO-MA-KURO-PIME10 and there was born the child SUME-IROOPO-NAKA-TU-PIKO-NO-MIKO.

15

This prince took as wife SIBA-NO-PIME, the daughter of SIBANO-IRIKI o f A P U M I a n d t h e r e w a s b o r n t h e c h i l d K A G U R O - P I M E - N O MIKOTO.

16

Emperor OPO-TARASI-PIKO took as wife KAGURO-PIME-NOMIKOTO11 and there was born the child OPO-YE-NO-MIKO. (One child)

17

This prince took as wife his half-sister SIROKANE-NO-MIKO and there was born the child OPO-NA-KATA-NO-MIKO ; next, OPON A K A - T U - P I M E - N Ö - M I K O T O . ( T w o children)

18

T h i s OPO-NAKA-TU-PIME-NO-MIKOTO w a s the m o t h e r o f K A G O SAKA-NO-MIKO a n d

19 20

OSI-KUMA-NO-MIKO.12

The years o f Emperor OPO-TARASI-PIKO were one hundred and thirty-seven. 13 His tomb is on the road at YAMA-NO-BE.14

' The text is imperfect; see GLOSSARY under Ise. 8 Cf. 99:9. 9 Cf. 108:1. 10 His grandniece; i.e., the granddaughter of his half-brother Okinaga-ta-wake-nomiko. 1 1 Cf. 77:8. Another Kaguro-pime appears in 99:12. 12 Cf. 91:2. These t w o princes rebelled against Empress Jingu (cf. 96:3fF). 13 The Kojiki gives us no death-date for this emperor, w h o is quite overshadowed by Yamato-takeru-no-mikoto in the narrative. Nakajima (pp. 353, 356-57) suggests that Yamato-takeru and Emperor KeikS were one but came to be thought of as t w o individuals. For Kanda's theory see above, note 6. 14 Cf. 68:10. 254

Book Two, Chapter go

CHAPTER 90 REIGN OF EMPEROR SEIMU. Emperor WAKA-TARASI-PIKO 1 dwelt in the palace of T AKA-ANAPO at SIGA in TIKA-TU-APUMI2 and ruled the kingdom. This emperor took as wife OTO-TAKARA-NO-IRATUME, the daugh­ ter of TAKE-OSI-YAMA-TARI-NE, ancestor of the OMI ofPODUMi, and there was born the child W AKA-NU-KE-NO-MIKO. 3 (One child)

Ι

2

Making TAKESI-UTI-NO-SUKUNE 4 the OPO-OMI, he established the KUNI-NO-MIYATUKO of the various lands, large and small. 5 He also established the boundaries of the various lands and the AGATA-NUSI of the various AGATA, large and small. The years of the emperor were ninety-five.

3 4. 5

He died on the fifteenth day of the third month of the second year of the Hare. 6

His tomb is at TATANAMI in SAK L

6

1

Emperor Seimu was a son of Emperor Keiko (cf. 77:3) and a half-brother of Yamato-

takeru-no-mikoto. It is strange that he was succeeded, not by his own son, but by Yamato-takeru's son (cf. note to 89:8). 2

The Nifioii shoki does not mention Emperor Seimu's palace but tells us that Emperor

Keiko lived in this palace in the later years of his reign and that he died there. Thus, Sennu ruled in the palace of his father. Aston, I, 214. See also note to 121:1. 3

The Nihott shoki does not give the name of this son, and nothing further is recorded

of Emperor Seimu's descendants in the Kojiki or Nthort shoki. His line was completely replaced by Yamato-takeru's descendants. 1 5

Cf. 62:10. These activities are mentioned in verse 17 of the Preface, and the Nihon shoki re­

counts them in more detail, (Aston, 1,21 S-16). IfEmperor Seimu existed, he would have reigned in the first half of the fourth century, when the Japanese islands became a unified state ruled from Yainato. Thus these accounts are not improbable. 6

ZiiW Read kinoto ushi, the fifty-second

year in each sixty-year cycle. This year

occurred in 175, 235, 295, 355, etc. The Nihon shoki records Emperor Seimu's death date as 190, but 355 is the most probable date.

Kojiki

CHAPTER 91 DESCENDANTS OF EMPEROR CHUAI. Ι

2

3 4

Emperor TARASI-NAKA-TU-PIKO1 dwelt in the palace of TOYORA in ANATO and in the palace of KASIPI in TUKUSI2 and ruled the kingdom. This emperor took as wife OPO-NAKA-TU-PIME-NO-MIKOTO,3 the daughter of OPO-YE-NO-MIKO, and there were born the children KAGO-SAKA-NO-MIKO and Osi-KUMA-NO-MIKO.4 (TWO children) Again, he took as wife OKINAGA-TARASI-PIME-NO-MIKOTO.5 This empress gave birth to POMUYA-WAKE-NO-MIKOTO ; next, to OPO-TOMO-WAKE-NO-MIKOTO, also named POMUDA-WAKE-NOMIKOTO.6 (Two children)

The reason why this crown prince was given the name OPOTOMO-WAKE-NO-MIKOTO [is this] : 6 When he was newly born, there was a piece of flesh on his arm which resembled an arm-guard.7 For this reason he was given this name. 7 Thus it was known that, even while in the womb, he ruled the land.8 8 During this reign, the MIYAKE of APADI was established. 5

1 Cf. 89:1, 8. Emperor Chuai probably reigned about the middle of the fourth century. At this time Japan began to extend its influence on the Korean peninsula. 2 A clear indication that Kyushu belonged to the Yamato kingdom by the middle of the fourth century. With Kyushii as base, the Yamato forces invaded Korea in 369. Suematsu Yasukazu, Mimana koboshi (Oyashima Shuppan, 1949), pp. 56-58. 3 Cf. 89:17-18. 4 Cf. 96:3 ff. 5 Empress Jingfl. After Chuai's death, she acted as regent for her son Ojin. For her ancestry see 63 :29 and 106:26. β Emperor Ojin (99:1). 7 Tomd ; cf. 14:6. 8 I.e., there were early signs that he was destined to rule the kingdom; cf. 93:4-7. The "land" may be a reference to Korea and its conquest.

Book Τινο, Chapters 91 and 92

CHAPTER 92 EMPEROR CHUAI DIES AFTER DENYING A DIVINE ORACLE GIVING HIM THE LAND TO THE WEST. Ι

2

3 4

5

6 7

In those days the Empress OKINAGA-TARASI-PIME-NO-MIKOTO often became divinely possessed.1 [It was] at the time when the emperor dwelt at the palace of KASIPI in TUKUSI and was about to attack the land of the KUMASO. 2 The emperor was playing the cither, 3 and the OPO-OMI TAKESIUTI-Nΰ-sUKUNE abode in the ceremonial place4 in order to seek the divine will.5 Then the empress became divinely possessed and spoke these words of instruction: "There is a land to the west. Gold and silver, as well as all sorts of eye-dazzling precious treasures, abound in this country.6 I will now give this country [into your hands]." Hereupon the emperor replied: "When one climbs to a high place and looks toward the west, no land is visible. There is only the ocean." Saying [that this was] a deceiving deity, he pushed away the cither and sat silent without playing it. Then the deity, greatly enraged, said:

Literally, 'to summon deities.' We are told in Chapter 80 that the Kumaso had already been subdued under Em­ peror Keiko. 8 Koto; cf. 24:9; see also ADDITIONAL NOTE 15. 4 Sanipa; or perhaps, 'served as the sanipa [interpreter of the words of the deities].' 5 Or 'to receive the words of the deity.' ' The early Japanese thought Korea a land of fabulous wealth. 1 2

Kojiki

8 9 io

"You arc not to rule this kingdom. 7 Go straight m one direc­ tion!" 8 At this time, the OPO-OMI TAKESI-UTI-NO-SUKUNE said: "This is a dreadful thing. My lord, continue to play the cither!" Finally, then, he drew the cither to him and began to play reluctantly. After a while, the sound of the cither stopped. When they raised the lights, they saw that he was dead. 9

' Literally, 'This under-heaven is not the land you are to rule.' In other words, your lack of faith reveals that you are unfit to rule this kingdom, let alone a fabulously rich overseas empire. 8 Evidently a divine curse condemning him to death. Similar in spirit to certain parts of the Hebrew Scriptures, this dramatic incident illustrates the immediacy of divine retribution for a lack of belief in a divine revelation. The emperor's statement in verse 5 may be an example of koto-age (cf. 86:3). ' His death date may be 362; cf. 98:32.

Book Two, Chapter 93

CHAPTER 93 A GREAT EXORCISM IS HELD. ORACULAR INSTRUCTIONS ARE GIVEN FOR CROSSING THE OCEAN.

ι

Then, astonished and frightened, they moved him to a mortuary

2

Besides, great offerings 2 were assembled from [throughout] the land; 3 and a thorough search was made for such sins 4 as skinning alive, skinning backwards, 5 breaking down the ridges, covering up the ditches, 6 defecation, 7 incest, 8 and sexual relations with

1 Araki no miya; compare with the funeral house (ino-ya) of 34:3. Both were buildings in which the dead person lay in state during the funeral ceremonies. According to the Xihon shoki, Emperor Chuai's death was concealcd, and his funeral, involving the laborious construction of a burial mound, had to be postponed. Aston, I, 222-23. 2 Opo-misa; the expiatory offerings collected before a regional grand exorcism. In the Heian period these offerings were formalized in the following terms: "Whenever the various lands are to conduct a Great Exorcism, let each county produce one sword, one [animal] hide, one hoe, and miscellaneous offerings: one amount of hemp from each household; and let the kuni-no-miyatuko of the land produce one horse." Jingi Ryo. 3 The commentators state that this exorcism was local, involving only Tukusi. In the early Heian period, a national Great Exorcism was customarily held twice a year, at the end of the sixth and twelfth months. 4 Tumi. The sins mentioned correspond to those enumerated in the norito for the Great Exorcism of the Last Day of the Sixth Month in the Engi-shiki. The first five are mentioned there as "heavenly sins" (ama-tu-tumi). Most of these sins have to do with agriculture and some with black magic, and all of them were perpetrated by Susa-nowo during his ravages in Takama-no-para. The other sins listed correspond to the "earthly sins" (kuni-tu-tumi), which in the Engi-shiki include both sex offenses and such pollutions as skin diseases and impurities emanating from insects, as well as witchcraft. 5 Cf. 16:7. 6 Cf. 16:2. 7 Cf. 16:3. 8 Literally, 'upper and lower adulterous marriages'; believed to refer to illicit rela­ tions between children and parents. The norito mentioned above is more specific: "The sin of violating one's own mother, the sin of violating one's own child, the sin of violat­ ing a mother and her child, the sin of violating a child and her mother. . . ."

Kojiki

3 4 5 6

7 8

9

horses, cows, chickens, and dogs;9 then a great exorcism10 of the [entire] land was held. Then again TAKESI-UTI-NO-SUKUNE abode in the ceremonial place11 in order to seek the divine will. The instructions given then were exactly as [those given] previ­ ously, [namely]: "This land is the land to be ruled by the child who is inside your12 womb." Then TAKESI-UTI-NO-SUKUNE said: "O awesome great deity, what is the child who is inside the womb of the deity?'13 The answer was: "[It is] a boy-child." Then he inquired specifically: "I should like to know the name of the great deity who is now giving such instructions." The answer was: "This is the will of AMA-TERASU-ΟΡΟ-ΜΙ-ΚΑΜΪ, also of the three great deities SOKO-DUTU-NO-WO, NAKA-DUTU-NO-WO, and UPADUTU-NO-WO.14

10

It was at this time that the names of these three great deities were revealed.15

11

"If at this time you truly wish to seek that land, then present offerings to all the heavenly deities and the earthly deities, as well as to all the deities of the mountains and of the rivers and seas.

• The norito uses only a general term, "the sin of transgression with animals." 10 Opo-parape. In addition to their customary semi-annual performance, these exor­ cisms were held whenever a pollution occurred or, evidently, when the divine wrath was incurred. In this case, it was promptly held when it was learned that the death of the emperor was caused by a divine curse. 11 Sanipa; cf. 92:2. 12 I.e., Empress Okinaga-tarasi-pime. ls Okinaga-tarasi-pime, who was serving as the spirit medium for the deity. One can easily understand how the medium in whom the deity was residing might have been regarded as an incarnation of the deity. 14 The three deities of Sumi-no-ye, first mentioned in 11:16-21. These are the deities of the Adumi family, who may have played an important part in the fourth-century Yamato expeditions to Korea. See Adumi in GLOSSARY, and also 94:7. 15 At this time the local deities of Sumi-no-ye in Kyushu became known to the Yamato court? Cf. 132:18.

Book Two, Chapter 93

12

spirit16

"Enshrine our at the top of the ship, and put wood17 ashes into a gourd; make many chopsticks and flat plates18 and cast all of them out to float on the ocean,19 then cross over!"

16 Or 'my spirit'; probably the spirit(s) of the three gods of Sumi-no-ye, who were sea-deities and gave protection in ocean travel. 17 Ma-ki, literally, 'true wood'; what species of wood is unclear. 18 Pirade; flat vessels made of several layers of large leaves sewn together; used to bear food offerings. 18

Some sort of magic to ensure a safe ocean crossing.

Kojiki

CHAPTER 94 EMPRESS JINGU CONQUERS THE KINGDOMS OF KOREA. Then, exactly in accordance with these instructions, they put their army m order and marshalled many ships. As they were crossing [the sea], all the fish of the sea, the small as well as the large, bore the ships across on their backs. Then a favorable wind began to blow strongly, and the ships moved along with the waves. These waves washed the ships ashore in the land of S IRAGI, [and they came to rest] halfway across the country. At this time the king of the country, struck with awe, said: "From now on I will obey the will of the emperor 1 and will be­ come your royal stable-groom. 2 Every year I will arrange the many ships in line, without giving their bottoms time to dry, and without letting their oars and rudders dry; 3 together with heaven and earth, unceasing 4 will I serve." In accordance with this, the land of S IRAGI was designated as the

Ι

2 3 4 5

6 1

Or empress? Mi-ma-kapi; a lowly position. 3 That is, he will continually send tribute ships to Japan. Tribute from the kingdoms of Paekche [Kudara] and Silla [Siragi] was one of the most important objects in Japan's intervention in the Korean peninsula; even after the loss of the Japanese colony in southern Korea in 562 and after the entire peninsula had been unified under Silla, this tribute to the Japanese court continued but gradually changed into the usual patterns of commercial exchanges between two states. See Suematsu, pp. 252-57. The expressions used bear an unmistakable resemblance to a passage from the norito for the Grain-Petitioning Festival in the Engi-shiki: On the blue ocean As far as the prows of the ship can reach Without stopping to dry their oars, On the great ocean the ships teem continuously . . . 4 The two ideographs translated 'unceasing' above are a term associated with Buddhist writings. 2

26a

Book Tu>o, Chapter 94 royal stable-groom, and the land of KUDARA was designated as the overseas MIYAKE. 5 7

Then she6 stood her staff at the gate of the king of SIRAGI 7 and worshipped the rough spirit 8 of the great deities of SUMI-NO-YE, 9 whom she made the tutelary deities of the land. Then she crossed back over [the sea.]10

5 Watari no miyake; i.e., an overseas direct possession of the court in which there was a government office to collect taxes and tributes, etc. This claim of direct dominion was strictly true only of the Japanese colony of Mimana, which from about 370 until it was taken in 562, was under the direct rule of the Yamato state. The kingdoms of Paekche and Silla were indirectly controlled by Yamato, to which they were obliged to present tribute. Suematsu, pp. 253-54. 6 Empress Okinaga-tarasi-pime. 7 To implant one's staff anywhere was to claim ownership. Thus she asserted her rights of dominion over Silla. 8 Ara-mi-tama; the active, dynamic aspect of a deity, as opposed to nigi-mi-tama, his passive, "soft" aspect. 9 Cf. II :16-21, 93 :9. 10 The accounts of Empress Jingfi's expedition to Korea are extremely anecdotal; they are not confirmed by any Korean or Chinese records, and their inadmissibility as historical fact has been ably argued by Tsuda (Nihon koten no kenkyu, I, 87-137). For modern reconstructions of the history of early Korean-Japanese relations, see Tsuda (op. cit.) and Suematsu, Mimana koboshi. Wedemeyer's pre-war Japanische Frtihgeschichtc contains sections on early Korean-Japanese relations but is now somewhat dated. The reader should remember that the Kojiki and Nihon shoki were written after Japan had lost its position in Korea. The Nihon shoki abounds in accounts of Korean affairs, many quoted from Korean sources, but the Kojiki includes only highly dubious anecdotal material.

Kojiki

CHAPTER 95 UPON HER RETURN TO TUKUSI, EMPRESS JINGU GIVES BIRTH TO HER CHILD. Ι 2 3 4 5 6 7

8

Before the completion of this mission,1 [the child which she] was carrying was about to be bom. In order to delay the birth,2 she took stones3 and attached them to her skirt around the waist.4 After she had crossed over to the land of TUKUSI,5 the child6 was born. The name of the place where the child was born is UMI.7 Also, the stones which she attached to her skirt are in the village of ITO in the land of TUKUSI.8 Again, when she reached the hamlet of TAMA-SIMA in the AGATA of MATURA in TUKUSI, she ate a meal by the river. At the time, it was the early part of the fourth month. She went out on the rocks in the midst of the river, unraveled some threads from her skirt, and using grains of cooked rice as bait, fished for the trout9 in the river.

9

The name of this river is WO-GAPA, and the name of this rock is KATI-DO-PIME.

Maturi-goto; cf. 84:3. * Literally, 'to pacify her august womb.' She did not wish to give birth to the child during the Korean expedition. 3 Or 'a stone'; but it appears from the sources quoted in ADDITIONAL NOTE 25 that there were two stones. 4 This may have been an ancient magic practice to postpone birth. E I .e., after her triumphal return from Korea. " Pomuda-wake-no-mikoto (Emperor Ojin). 7 This can mean 'birth.' 8 These stones were very famous in their time; see ADDITIONAL NOTE 25. 1

' Ayu.

Book Two, Chapter 95

10

For this reason, in the early part of the fourth month, the custom of women unraveling threads from their skirts and fishing for trout with rice grains as bait has continued until today.10

10 The Nihon shoki confirms this custom and adds that men may also fish at that time, but are never able to catch anything (Aston, I, 227). The Manyoshu (V, 869) includes a poem on the subject by Yamanoue no Okura: Who has seen the stone Tarasi-pime Where stood Kami no mikoto no The divine ruler Na turasu to Tarasi-pime [Empress Jingfi] [or: Ayu turu to] AngKng for fish? Mitatasi serisi [or: AngHng for trout?] Isi wo tare miki There is also a series of nine songs [V, 855-863] in the Manyoshu about the local girls fishing for trout in the Matura River. One of them, by Otomo no Tabibito, says: At Matura River, Matura-gapa The rapids of the stream sparkle Kapa no se pikari As you, dear maiden, stand there Ayu turu to Angling for trout, Tataseru imo ga Your skirt-hem moistened by the waters. Mo no suso nurenu [V, 855] Kati-do-pime rock was known locally until it was buried under water in a flood in 1620. The tradition that only women could obtain a good catch continued until recent times. Tsugita, p. 432.

Kojiki

CHAPTER 96 PRINCE OSI-KUMA ATTACKS THE FORCES OF EMPRESS JINGU ON HER RETURN AND IS DEFEATED BY HER GENERAL PURU-KUMA. Ι

2 3

4

5

6 7

8

At this time, as OKINAGA-TARASI-PIME-NO-MIKOTO was returning to YAMATO , she prepared a funeral ship and put her son in this funeral ship, because there was doubt about the popular mind. First of all, she caused rumors to be spread to the effect that the prince had already died. 1 As she thus proceeded up [to Yamat5], KAGO-SAKA-NO-MIKO and O SI-KUMA-NO-MIKO, 2 hearing of this, plotted to wait and take them; they went out on the TOGA plain and were divining by hunting. 3 Then KAGO-SAKA-NO-MIKO climbed up a KUNUGI tree and looked out; 4 whereupon a huge, enraged boar came and uprooted the KUNUGI tree and ate up KAGO-SAKA-NO-MIKO. His younger brother OSI-KUMA-NO-MIKO , not afraid even after this, raised an army and waited for them. Then he approached the funeral ship and was about to attack [this supposedly] empty ship. But troops descended from the funeral ship and engaged him in battle. At this time OSI-KUMA-NO-MIKO'S commanding general was ISAPI-NO-SUKUNE , the ancestor of the KISIBE of NANIPA.

1 The ideograph is the one used for the death of a reigning emperor. All this was done as a ruse because the empress doubted the loyalty of the populace. 2 Children of another consort of Emperor Chuai: cf. 91:2. The events of this chapter represent a succession struggle, as is apparent from the much more detailed NiIwn shoki account (cf. Aston, I, 236-41). 3 Ukepi-gari; literally, oath-hunting. For ttkepi see 14:10. They sought to discover the divine will by success or failure in hunting. The result is, of course, disaster, but Osikuma-no-miko decides his own fate by willfully disregarding this omen. 4 Following Motoori {Kojiki-den, IV, 1764).

Book Two,

9

The crown

prince's 5

Chapter 106

commanding general was NANIPA-NEKO-

T A K E - P U R U - K U M A - N O - M I K O T O , t h e a n c e s t o r o f t h e OMI o f W A N I .

10

W h e n they had pushed them back 6 as far as YAMASIRO, they ordered their ranks, and both sides engaged in battle without further retreating.

11

Then, using cunning, TAKE-PURU-KUMA-NO-MIKOTO caused it to be said that OKINAGA-TARASI-PIME-NO-MIKOTO was dead and that there was no use in fighting further.

12

Then, cutting his bowstring, he pretended to surrender.

13

A t this time, the [opposing] general, 7 entirely believing this deception, unstrung his bows and put away his weapons.

14

Then [the empress' troops] took extra bowstrings 8 from their topknots, restrung their bows, and attacked again.

15

They fled in retreat as far as [the pass] APU-SAKA, where they again faced each other in battle.

16

Having pursued them and defeated them at SASANAMI, they completely slaughtered their army.

17

A t this time, OSI-KUMA-NO-MIKO, together with ISAPI-NOSUKUNE, was hard pressed in pursuit and went by ship across the lake. 9 He sang this song:

18

Come, my lads,10

19

Rather than receive the wounds

20

21

Inflicted b y PURU-KUMA,

Come, like the NIPO birds, 11

22

Let us dive into the waters

23

O f the l a k e o f APUMI !

24

Then, entering the lake, they died together.

Pomuda-wake-no-mikoto (91:4); during his youth, while his mother Empress Jingu acted as regent, he was called the crown prince. 0 That is, the crown prince's forces had pursued the rebel forces. " I.e., Isapi-no-sukune. 8 After the ideographs there is a gloss which says, "Another name is [phonetic] usayuduru." Evidently the latter word also meant "extra bowstring," "spare bowstring." This gloss is lacking in the Shimpuku-ji manuscript. 9 Lake B i w a (the lake of Apumi). 10 Interpreting the word agi as 'my child,' 'my lad'; may be related to Modern Korean agi, also meaning 'child.' 11 Birds which are known to dive into the water; the same as the mipo birds m 101 -22. 5

267

Kojiki

CHAPTER 97 THE DEITY ΚΕΡΙ-ΝΟ-ΟΡΟ-ΚΑΜΪ OF TUNUGA WISHES TO EXCHANGE NAMES WITH THE CROWN PRINCE. Then TAKESI-UTI-NO-SUKUNE took the crown prince to perform a purification;1 when they were passing through the lands of APUMI and WAKASA, they built a temporary palace2 at TUNUGA in the nearer province of Kosi3 and abode there. 2 Then the deity IZASA-WAKE-NO-OPO-KAMI-NO-MIKOTO, who dwelt in that place, appeared at night in a dream and said: "I would like to change my name to the name of the prince."4 3 Then he5 spoke words of blessing6 and said: "With awe, we will effect the change in accordance with your command." 4 Again the deity spoke "Tomorrow morning let him go out upon the beach. I will present the offerings for the name-change." 5 That morning, when he went out on the beach, there were dol­ phins7 with broken snouts lying all over the shore. 6 At this time the prince had these words spoken to the deity: Ι

1 Misiigi; cf. n :l. Evidently, in order to rid the crown prince of the pollutions occa­ sioned by the bloodshed of the battle with Osi-kuma-no-miko, Takesi-uti-no-sukune took him to the seashore to perform ritual purificatory ablutions. 2 Kari-miya. 3 Kosi no miti-nii-kuti; later called Echizen. 4 Kurano interprets the passage as "I desire to exchange my name for that of the prince" (Kurano and Takeda, Kojiki norito,p. 235). It is unclear whether the deity wishes to assume the prince's name or give his name to the prince. See the Nihon shoki account, which makes the exchange mutual (Aston, I, 254-55). 5 Takesi-uti-no-sukune in behalf of the young prince? 6 Koto-pogi. 7

Iruka.

Book Two, Chapter P7

"You have given me fish from [your own august] food!"8 Also, the name [of the deity] was praised and called MI-KE-TUΟΡΟ-ΚΑΜΪ. This is now called ΚΕΡΙ-ΝΟ-ΟΡΟ-ΚΑΜΪ. Also, the blood9 in the snouts of the dolphins smelled strongly; for this reason, that shore10 was called TI-URA. It is now called TUNUGA.

Mi-ke no na; that is, the sacred viands of the deity. Ti. > Ura.

Kojiki

CHAPTER 98 DRINKING SONGS OF EMPRESS JINGU AND TAKESI-UTI-NO-SUKUNE. Ι

2 3 4 5

6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13

At this time, when he1 went back [to the capital], his mother OKINAGA-TARASI-PIME-NO-MIKOTO brewed wine auguring [his safe return]2 and presented it to him. Then his mother sang this song: This wine Is not my wine.3 The ruler of wine,4 He who dwells in TOKO-YO,5 The rock-standing6 Deity SUKUNA Divinely blessed, Blessed with fury, Abundantly blessed, Blessed going around,7 And presented

Crown prince Pomuda-wake-no-mikoto. Mati-zake; literally, 'waiting wine'; wine made while awaiting the return of a loved one, to be drunk after his arrival. The wine may have been brewed to divine whether the person was safe. * This is a religious song of wine-praising, making use of the convention of denying human agency and affirming divine responsibility for the successful brewing. The process of fermentation must have been considered miraculous in antiquity. * Kusi no kami. Kusi, related to the words kusuri, 'medicine,' kususi, 'wondrous,' and kusibi, 'wondrous working,' appears also in the words kotona-gusi and we-gusi in the song in 104:15-20. The word kami, phonemically distinct from kami, 'god,' may mean 'lord,' 'ruler,' 'governor,' or perhaps 'brewing.' In the latter case kusi no kami would mean 'a wondrous brewing.' * Cf. 30:7. " There were evidently stone images of this deity. See Takeda, Kiki kayoshu zenko, p. 105. ' These lines may reflect an ancient custom of dancing around the place where the wine was being brewed, to assist its fermentation. 1 2

Book Two, Chapter 98

15

16 17 18 19 20

21 22

23

24 25

26 27

28 29

30

31 32

This wine: Drink deeply! —Sa sa! a —

Thus singing, she presented the great wine. Then TAKESI-UTI-NO-SUKUNE on behalf of the prince sang this song in response: Whoever it was Who brewed this wine Must have brewed it Turning his drum9 On one side for a mortar, While singing songs; He must have brewed it While dancing. That must be why this wine, This wine Is so extraordinarily enjoyable! —Sa sa!—

These are SAKA-KURA NO UTA.10 The years of Emperor TARASI-NAKA-TU-PIKO were altogether He died on the eleventh day of the sixth month of the ninth year of the Dog.11

33

His tomb is at NAGAYE in WEGA in KAPUTI. The empress died at the age of one hundred and was interred at the tomb of TATANAMI in SAK!.12

8 This exclamation is either an invitation to drink or a sacred formula having ritualistic properties. ' Tudumi; corresponds to the modern tsuzumi, a hand-drum shaped like an hourglass with the thick ends hollowed out. Here, the drum was stood on end and wine made in the hollow end. Drums played an important part in Japanese religious ceremonies. 10 Or saka-pokapi-uta, 'wine-blessing songs.' Takeda's reading is saka-kura, which would mean 'wine-feast' (Kiki kaydshii zenkd, p. 107). Variants of both these songs are recorded in the Nihon shoki and the Kinkafu, an early Heian collection of court songs. The latter indicates that the songs were sung on the T5ka no sechie, a celebration held on the sixteenth day of the first month of the year (Ibid., pp. 387-89). 11 Slic tnizunoe inu, the fifty-ninth year of each cycle. The correct date was probably 362. See Wedemeyer, p. 17; Kanda, p. 161. The Nihon shoki has the year 200. The Kojiki year could also be 182, 242, 302, etc. 12 The location of her tomb corresponds exactly to that of Emperor Seimu's (90:6). Motoori was convinced that this fragment was a later gloss relying on the Nihon shoki. Cf. Kojikt-den, IV, 1802-1803.

Kojiki

CHAPTER

99

DESCENDANTS OF EMPEROR OJIN. 1

POMUDA-WAKE-NO-MIKOTO

dwelt

i n t h e p a l a c e o f AKIRA

at

KARU-SIMA and ruled the kingdom. 2

This emperor took as wives three princesses, daughters o f POMUDA-NO-MA-WAKA-NO-MIKO.1 The name o f one [of them was] TAKA-KI-NO-IRI-BIME-NO-MIKOTO ; t h e n e x t

was

NAKA-TU-PIME-

N6-MIKOTÖ ; t h e n e x t w a s OTO-PIME-NO-MIKOTÖ. 3

The father of these princesses, POMUDA-NO-MA-WAKA-NO-MIKO, was the child of IPOKI-NO-IRI-BIKO-NO-MIKOTO2 and his wife SIRITU-KI-TOME, the daughter of TAKE-INADA-NO-SUKUNE, t h e a n c e s t o r o f t h e MURAZI o f WOPARI.

4

T h e c h i l d r e n o f TAKA-KI-NO-IRI-BIME-N6-MIKOT6 w e r e N U K A T A NO-OPO-NAKA-TU-PIKO-NO-MIKOTO;

MIKOTO;3 daughters

next,

OPO-YAMA-MORI-NO-

next, IZA-NO-MA-WAKA-NO-MIK6TO ; 4 next, the younger OPO-PARA-NO-IRATUME

and

TAKAMUKU-NO-IRATUME.

(Five children) 5

T h e c h i l d r e n o f NAKA-TU-PIME-NO-MIKOTO w e r e K I - N O - A R A T A NO-IRATUME; n e x t , O P O - S A Z A K I - N O - M I K O T O ; 5 n e x t ,

NE-TORI-NO-

MIKOTO. (Three children)

6

The children o f OT6-PIME-NO-MIKOTÖ were ABE-NO-IRATUME; next,

APADI 6 -NO-MI-PARA-NO-IRATUME ;

IRATUME; n e x t , MINO-NO-IRATUME. (Five

7

next,

KI-NO-UNO-NO-

children)7

Again, he took as wife MIYA-NUSI-YA-GAPA-YE-PIME, the daught e r o f t h e OPOMI PIPURE o f W A N I , a n d t h e r e w a s b o r n t h e c h i l d

UDI-NO-WAKI-IRATUKO ;8 next, the younger sisters YATA-NO-WAKJThere is a Ma-waka-no-miko among the offspring of Emperor Keiko (cf. 77:7). A child of Emperor Keiko (77:3). * The story of his rebellion is told in Chapter 105. * Cf. verse 13. s Emperor Nintoku (cf. 109:1). 6 The manuscripts have 'Aguti'; emended to 'Apadi'; cf. 108:3. ' Only four children are listed. 8 Emperor Ojin's favorite son and his chosen successor (see 100:2, 6, Chapter 105). 1

2

272

Book Two, Chapter pp IRATUME 9 a n d M E - D O R I - N O - M I K O . 1 0 (Three children)

8

Again he took as wife the younger sister of YA-GAPA-YE-PIME, WO-NABE-NO-IRATUME, a n d there w a s b o m

the child

UDI-NO-

WAKI-IRATUME. 1 1 (One child)

0

Again he took as wife OKINAGA-MA-WAKA-NAKA-TU-PIME,12 the daughter of KUPI-MATA-NAGA-PIKO-NO-MIKO, and there was born t h e c h i l d W A K A - N U - K E - P U T A - M A T A - N O - M I K O . 1 3 (One child)

io

Again, he took as wife ITO-WI-PIME, the daughter o f SIMA-TARINE, t h e a n c e s t o r o f t h e MURAZI o f t h e T A - B E o f SAKURAWI, a n d

there was born the child PAYA-BUSA-WAKE-NO-MIKOTO.14 (One child) JI

A g a i n , he took as w i f e NAGA-PIME o f IDUMI in PIMUKA and there

was born the child OPO-PAYE-NO-MIKO ; next, WO-PAYE-NO-MIKO ; n e x t , PATABI-NO-WAKI-IRATUME. (Three children)

12

Again, he took as wife KAGURO-PIME,15 and there was born the child KAPARA-DA-NO-IRATUME ; next, TAMA-NO-IRATUME; next, O S A K A - N O - O P O - N A K A - T U - P I M E ; n e x t , TOPOSI-NO-IRATUME;

next,

K A T A D I - N O - M I K O . (Five children)

13

Again, he took as wife KADURAKI-N6-NO-N6-IROME, and there was born the child IZA-NO-MA-WAKA-NO-MIKO.16 (One child)

14

This emperor had altogether twenty-six children. 17

(Eleven

princes and fifteen princesses)

15

A m o n g them, OPO-SAZAKI-NO-MIKOTO ruled the kingdom.

Cf. 109:4, 112:2, Chapter 114. Cf. Chapter 115. 11 Cf. 109:5. 12 Cf. 89:13. 13 His descendants are recorded in 108:1. 14 Cf. Chapter 115. 15 Cf. 77:8, 89:15-16. 16 A child of the same name is listed in verse 4 above. There are a number of such discrepancies in this chapter's genealogies. " The listed children actually total 27; there were 12, not 11, male children. 9

10

273

Kojiki

CHAPTER ΙΟΟ EMPEROR OJIN NAMES UDI-NO-WAKI-IRATUKO

AS HEIR APPARENT.

ι

At this time, the emperor asked OPO-YAMA-MORI-NO-MIKOTO and OPO-SAZAKI-NO-MIKOTO this question: "Which do you think is more loveable, an older brother or a younger brother?"1

2

The emperor asked this question because [he had] a mind to have UDI-NOWAKI-IRATUKO rule the kingdom.

At this, OPO-YAMA-MORI-NO-MIKOTO said: "An older brother is more loveable."2 4 Next, OPO-SAZAKI-NO-MIKOTO, realizing the intention with which the emperor had asked his question, said: "An older brother is already grown up and has nothing to worry about, but a younger brother has not yet grown up and is the more loveable." 5 Hereupon the emperor said: "Your words, SAZAKI my lad, are like my thoughts." 6 Then he spoke, assigning [them their tasks] :3 "OPO-YAMA-MORI-NO-MIK5TO is to be in charge of the govern­ ment4 of the mountains and seas. OPO-SAZAKI-NO-MIKOTO is to take charge of the government4 of the kingdom5 and report thereon.6 3

1 Or 'Whom do you [or would you] love more—an elder brother or a younger brother?' See also 70:2. 2 Opo-yama-mori was evidently the oldest of the three brothers (cf. 99:4). 3 I.e., 'speaking separately,' 'addressing each of them distinctly,' 'making distinctions between them,' etc. 1 Maturi-goto. The 'government of the mountains and seas' may mean the rule of the sea and mountain corporations: the Ama-be, the Yama-be, and the Yama-mori-be; the last is reminiscent of the name Opo-yama-mori-no-mikoto. 5 Wosu-kuni. Β I.e., to be responsible, as prime minister or regent, to the Emperor Udi-no-wakiiratuko.

Book Two,

Chapter

100

UDI-NO-WAKI-IRATUKO is to assume the heavenly sun-lineage." 7 7

OPO-SAZAKI-NO-MIKOTO did not disobey the emperor's command. 8

' Ama-tu-pi-tugi. The youngest o f the three sons is chosen as the heir apparent; for ultimogeniture, see 46:1. 8 But cf. Chapter 105.

275

Kojiki

CHAPTER ι ο ί EMPEKOR OJIN'S ROMANCE WITH YA-GAPA-YEPIME, MOTHER OF UDI-NO-WAKI-IRATUKO. Ι

2 3 4 5

6 7

8

Once when the emperor was proceeding across the land of TIKATU-APUMI, he stopped on the plain of UDI and, looking out over [the plain] KADUNO, sang this song: When I view The plain KADUNO Of the myriad leaves, The flourishing villages1 are visible; The highest part of the land2 is visible. As he came to the village of KOPATA, he met a beautiful maiden at a fork in the road. Hereupon the Emperor asked the maiden: "Whose daughter are you?"3 She replied: "I am the daughter of the OPOMI PIPURE of WANI ; my name is MIYA-NUSI-Y A-GAPA-YE-PIME."4

The emperor then said to the maiden: "On my return tomorrow, I will stop at your house." 10 YA-GAPA-YE-PIME told all this to her father. At this her father replied: "This was indeed the emperor! How awesome a thing! My child, serve him!" 11 Thus saying, he decorated his house magnificently and waited; the next day [the emperor] stopped there. 9

Or 'houses,' 'yards.' Kuni no po; cf. 87:2. A land-viewing (kuni-mi) song, blessing the land and praising its plenty and abundance. The Nihon shoki includes an identical song. 3 Cf. 41 :1. A question about a maiden's identity signified a proposal of marriage, and possibly, by revealing her name, the maiden gave her consent. * Cf. 99-71 2

Book Two, Chapter 101

12

13

When he entertained him with a grand feast, he had his daugh­ ter YA-GAPA-YE-PIME-NO-MIKOTO take the great wine-cup and pre­ sent it to him. At this time the emperor, taking5 the great wine-cup, sang this song:

14 15 16 17 18 19

This crab6— Where is he from? He is a crab From far-away TUNUGA. Moving along sideways. Where is he going?

20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29

Arriving at ITIDISIMA. Arriving at MISIMA, Like the MIPO birds,7 Diving into the water, panting, As I went ahead8 With rapid strides, Along the way to SASANAMI Of the many terraces, I met a maiden On the KOPATA road.

30 31

Viewed from the back, Her form was straight as a shield;

5

Or 'having her hold.' The speaker puts himself in the place of the crab. Perhaps crab was served at the feast; salted crab and venison were the delicacies of an ancient feast, and crabs and deer often figure in antique songs and dances. Takeda, Kiki kaydshu zenkd, p. 112. See the delightful crab and deer songs that were sung by traveling performers, in the Manyoshii (XVI, 3885-86). ' See 96:21. Mipo and nipo may be the same bird. 8 Here the diction shifts from the third to the first person, and honorific forms are used in reference to the speaker, as in the song in Chapter 25 (cf. note to 25:17). An interesting parallel is found in Ainu epic poetry, where the speakers normally use honorific verb forms to refer to themselves; the reciters feel that they must use respectful forms to refer to divine beings, even when they are ostensibly speaking of themselves. See Kindaichi, Ainu-go kenkyu (Sanseido, i960), p. 232. Some similar reasoning may explain the auto-honorific diction in these ancient Japanese verses. 6

Kojiki

32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39

40 41

42 43 44 45

46 47

48 49 50 51 52 53

54

9

Her teeth were white Like SIPI acorns, like water-chestnuts. Her eyebrows were painted, Painted down thickly With clay from ITIPIWI9— In the vicinity of WANI— Not with the top-clay, Which was too reddish, Nor with the lower layers of clay, Which were too black, But with the very best clay, The clay from the middle layers,10 Which was prepared Without exposing it to the scorching fire. This was the young woman I met! And the girl whom I saw And wished this about, The girl whom I saw And wished that about— Is now, much to my delight, Here opposite me, Is here close by my side.11 Thus they were conjugally united, and there was born the child UDI-NO-WAKI-IRATUKO.

The Shimpuku-ji manuscript has 'Itiwi.' In the original text the word naka, 'middle,' is modified by mitu-guri no ('as three chestnuts')—a conventional epithet probably used because there are three nuts at the center of the chestnut pod. 11 This is the longest song in the Kojiki, and may have been used to accompany dancing at feasts. For another translation, see Brower and Miner, pp. 59-60. 10

Book Two, Chapter 102

CHAPTER 102 EMPEROR OJIN GIVES THE MAIDEN KAMINAGA-PIME TO HIS SON PRINCE OPO-SAZAKI. Ι

The emperor, hearing that the daughter of the KIMI of MURAGATA in the land of PIMUKA, whose name was KAMI-NAGA-PIME,

was beautiful, summoned her that he might employ her. At that time, Prince OPO-SAZAKI-NO-MIKOTO saw the maiden as [her boat] came to shore at the port of NANIPA, and was struck by her beauty. 3 Then he requested of the OPO-OMI TAKESI-UTI-NO-SUKUNE: "This KAMI-NAGA-PIME, who has been summoned from PIMUKA —intercede for me with the emperor so that she will be given to me!I" 4 Then, when the OPO-OMI TAKESI-UTI-NO-SUKUNE sought [the emperor's] will, the emperor gave KAMI-NAGA-PIME to his son.1 The manner of his giving [her was this]: 5 On the day when the emperor was celebrating a state banquet,2 he had KAMI-NAGA-PIME take the oak [-leaf3 cup containing] the great wine and give it to the crown prince. Then he sang this song : 2

6 7

Come, my lads, To pick wild PIRU plants,

1 Prince Opo-usu also desired maidens destined for his father (78:1-2), but the out­ come was quite different in that case. 2 Τόγό-ηό-akari; c f. 112:1, 115:38, 116:1, 118:3, 119:15, 133:11. Toyo is a frequently used word probably meaning 'abundant.' Akari may be connected with the word for 'red' or 'ruddy'; that is, the emperor's face became flushed with the wine drinking at a state banquet. The term was applied, in particular, to the state banquet held at the annual Harvest Festival. 3 Kasipa, 'oak.' It appears that oak leaves were folded or sewn together and used as wine-cups at ancient wine banquets. In 112:1 the empress makes a trip to the land of Κϊ expressly to gather such leaves for a state banquet. Originally, the word kasipade, 'food-server,' meant 'oak-leaf bearer.'

Kojiki 8 9 10 11

To pick PIRU plants; As we go along the road, There is a fragrant Flowering TATIBANA tree.

12 13 14 15

Its upper branches Are withered by the birds' nesting; Its lower branches Are withered by the people's plucking.

16 17 18 19 20 21

But the three-chestnut4 Middle branches— Like these best branches5 Is the ruddy maiden— Ah come now Andtakeher!6

22

Again he sang this song:

23 24 2$ 26 27 28 29 30 4

Not knowing that the one Who stakes out dam-posts Had set out a post in the pond of YOSAMI7 Where the waters had gathered; Not knowing that the NUNAPA Had extended its stems thus far8— Ah my heart, How foolish it has been;

See note to 101:43. Cf. also 133 :35fF and 133 :76s. Takeda (Kiki kaydshu zenko, p. 118) in the interpretation of potumori. Another theory is that potumori means the ruddy fruit hidden among the branches. 6 This song is composed of loosely connected associations of ideas, and was almost certainly originally independent of the narrative. Takeda (Ibid.) interprets the final two lines as, "Ah come now / And put her as an ornament in your hair." Although this interpretation may be linguistically correct, the verb sasu which is used here may be more logically understood to mean 'to stake out one's claim on,' 'to assume as one's property,' 'to take as one's own'—as in line 24 of the following song. 7 Cf. 68:8. 8 The nunapa is an edible water plant, in ModernJapanese the junsai. Takeda interprets these two Unes as, "Not knowing that you had pulled in the nunapa, / Stretching forth your hands." Kiki kaydshii zenko, pp. 119-20. 5 Following

Book Two, Chapter 102

31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44

Now I am filled with regret !

9

Thus singing, he gave her to him. After having been given the maiden, the crown prince sang this song: The maiden of KOPADA Of the faraway country, Whose fame rumbled afar Like the thunder10— Now lies by my side.11 Again he sang this song: I think lovingly Of the maiden of KOPADA Of the faraway country Who slept with me Unresisting.

* The Nihon shoki records all the songs in this chapter in the same narrative context, except for this one song, which it has Prince Opo-sazaki sing upon hearing his father's previous song. Since the song is one of self-derision for one's own obtuseness, the Kojiki account is more credible. 10 Or 'like a deity.' 11 Literally, 'shares the same pillow.'

Kojiki

CHAPTER 103 TWO SONGS SUNG BY THE KUZU OF YESINO.

Ι

2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

12 1

Once again, the Kuzu of YESINO, seeing the sword worn by OPO-SAZAKI-NO-MIKOTO, sang this song: The sun prince1 Of POMUDA,2 OPO-SAZAKI, OPO-SAZAKI—

The sword which you wear At the hilt is a sharp saber, But the tip is wondrous,3 Like a small shrub by the straight trunk4 Of a winter tree— —Sayasaya/ 5 —

Again, they made a long, slender mortar8 from the oak trees in

Pi no miko. Usually attributed to Emperor Ojin, Pomuda-wake-no-mikoto. It may also be a place name; thus, Όρο-sazaki from Pomuda.' 3 These two lines are extremely difficult. I have followed Takeda's interpretation, which depends on the assumption that puyu means 'spiritual working' (Kiki kaySshu zettko, p. 123). Puyu may, however, be a verb (like puru) meaning 'to shake,' thus giving 'But the tip is shaking.' Still another possible translation is 'to freeze.' In this context, puyu appears to be an introductory element, because of phonetic association, for puyu-ki (winter tree?) which follows it in the original. 4 Or perhaps, 'leafless trunk.' • An exclamation appearing also in 117:16. It may characterize the plant's waving motion or rustling sound, or it may be related to the adjective for 'pure,' 'clean.' "A verse praising the purity of the sword," says Takeda (Ibid.). Although lines 7-8 are hopelessly obscure and 9-10 not entirely clear, this seems, essentially, to be a song prais­ ing a sword and, indirectly, its possessor. Takeda believes that it was transmitted as an accompaniment for a sword dance. Another interesting theory is that songs of this type were sung by subordinate peoples or tribes to express their fealty to the Yamato court. See Aiso, p. 180. The Nihon shoki records the next song, but not this one. * Yokusu. The usual mortar for brewing wine was tall with a round opening at the top; this mortar would have been long, with an elongated opening. 1

Book Two, Chapter 103

YESINO and brewed the great wine; when they presented this great wine, they made clacking noises7 and sang this song while per­ forming certain movements:

13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20

Where the oak trees are growing, We made a long slender mortar, And in this long slender mortar We brewed this great wine; Partake of it With pleasure, Omyfather!8 This song is sung even today whenever the Kuzu present their local produce.9

7 Literally, 'they struck their mouth-drums,' i.e., made percussive noises with their mouths. 8 The final verse may be a refrain which is not an integral part of the lyrics. The Nihon shoki notes that whenever the Kuzu presented their local produce to the court, they sang this song, made clacking noises, and laughed. Aston, I, 264 • Cf. 105:49. The Nihon shoki records that they presented such produce as chestnuts, mushrooms, and trout [ayu). Aston, I, 264. In the Heian period, the Kuzu came to court to perform songs and flute music at the annual Harvest Festival and at the ceremony held on the third day of the eleventh month. The song in lines 13-19, probably in a recent reconstruction, is still in the repertory of the imperial court musicians; it is performed in the Daijoe ceremony at the time of an emperor's accession.

Kojiki

CHAPTER 104 CONTINENTAL IMMIGRATION DURING THE REIGN OF EMPEROR OJIN. Ι

During this reign, the AMA-BE, the YAMA-BE, the YAMA-MORIBE, and the ISE-BE were established.

2 3 4

5

Also [the pond] TURUGI-NO-IKE was made.1 Also there came immigrants from SIRAGI. Therefore TAKESI-UTI-NO-SUKUNE-NO-MIKOTO took command of them and conscripted them to make2 embankments and ponds, thus making [the pond] KUDARA-NO-IKE.3 Also the king of the land of KUDARA, King SEUKO,4 presented one stalhon and one mare, which he sent accompanied by ATIKISI.5

6

This ATI-KISI is the ancestor of the

7

Also, he presented a sword and a large mirror.6

PUMI-BITO of ATIKI.

But cf. 62:22. Following Motoori's emendation of the text. According to the manuscripts this would read, 'and brought them across to.' If this is accepted, the next two words 'embankments [and] ponds' become a proper name, Tutumi-no-ike. 3 The Nihon shoki attributes this immigration to the seventh year of Ojin's reign. Aston, I, 257. Many historians question the historicity of the mass immigrations attrib­ uted to this period. 4 A king of Paekche who died in 375 A.D. after a reign of some 30 years. Tsuda holds that relations between Paekche and the Yamato court were begun, and that writing was introduced to Yamato by Paekche Koreans during this reign. Nihon koten no kenkyd, I, 24-27. It was also during the reigns of Seuko and Qjin that Japan began to put military pressure on Silla. Ibid., 108. On Paekche-Yamato relations during the years 366-76, see Suematsu, pp. 56—59. 5 According to the Nihon shoki, Ati-kisi came to Japan in the fifteenth year of Ojin's reign and became the tutor of Udi-no-waki-iratuko, the heir apparent. Aston, I, 261-62. * This sword and mirror are said to correspond to the "seven-branched sword" (nana-saya no tati) and mirror mentioned in the Nihon shoki as a Paekche gift to Empress Jingu (cf. Aston, I, 251). The Iso-no-kami Shrine has a seven-pronged sword which is believed to be this sword. It is 75 cm. long and has six prongs, three on each side, besides its point, thus making the "seven branches." Its inscription says that it was made in Paekche in 369 A.D. and presented to Japan—which corresponds perfectly to what we know of the chronology of the reigns of Qjin and EmpressJingii and appears to confirm 1 2

Book Two, Chapter 104

Again [the emperor] commanded the land of KUDARA : "If there be a wise man, present him!" 9 Therefore, in response to this command, he presented a man named WANI-KISI. 10 The Confucian Analects, ten volumes, and the ThousandCharacter Classic,7 one volume, altogether eleven volumes, he presented along with this man. 8

11

12 13

This WANI-KISI is the ancestor of the OBITO of PUMI.

Again he presented two artisans: a smith of KARA named TAKUSO and SAISO, a weaver of KURE.8 Again there immigrated the ancestor of the MIYATUKO of the PATA, the ancestor of the ATAPE of the AYA,9 and a man who knew how to brew wine, whose name was NIPO ; he was also named SUSUKORI.

14

15 16 17 18 19

This SUSUKORI brewed the great wine and presented it to this emperor, who greatly rejoiced in the great wine10 which he had presented and sang this song: I have become drunk On the wine brewed By SUSUKORI; I have become drunk On this wine of peace,11

the veracity of these accounts. See Tsugita, p. 468; Zukai kokogaku jiten, pp. 410-11; Nishida Nagao, Nihon koten no shiteki kenkyu (Risosha, 1956), pp. 1-38. 7 The Thousand-Character Classic as we know it today became current at a later period; probably some other compilation was known by this name, or the later work was assigned an erroneously early provenance. 8 For the weavers of Kure (Wu), see the differing account in Aston, I, 269-70. 9 For the ancestor of the Pata (the "Lord of Yutsuki") and of the Aya, see Aston, I, 261, 264-65. We are told that the ancestor of the Aya and his son brought with them "a company of their people of seventeen districts." Ibid., p. 265. Tsuda denies that the early immigrants could have come in such great numbers. Nihon koten no kenkyii, II, 232-33. See also 118:6. 10 Cf. 118:4. 11 Kotona-gusi; kotona is interpreted as koto (event) na (from nasi, not), thus, 'un­ eventful,' 'peaceful,' 'untroubled'; gusi is kusi, the word for wine in 98:5.

Kojiki 2θ 21

On this wine of smiles.12 As he walked along singing this, he struck with his staff a large rock in the middle of the OPO-SAKA road, upon which the rock ran away.

22

Thus the saying goes: "Even a solid rock avoids a drunkard."

12 We-gusi; we is supposedly from the verb wemu, 'to smile.' The metrical form of this song coincides in general with the pattern of the later sedoka form, which is typically 577577· In the original text the third and sixth lines are identical.

Book Two, Chapter 105

CHAPTER 105 UDI-NO-WAKI-IRATUKO OUTWITS HIS TREACHEROUS BROTHER OPO-YAMA-MORI, WHO IS DROWNED IN THE RIVER. THE TWO REMAINING BROTHERS YIELD THE THRONE TO EACH OTHER UNTIL UDI-N5-WAKI-IRATUKO DIES AND OPO-SAZAKI ASSUMES THE THRONE.

Ι

After the death of the emperor, OPO-SAZAKI-NO-MIKOTO, fol­ lowing the command of the emperor,1 ceded the kingdom to UDI-NO-WAKI-IRATUKO.

2

3

4

5 6 7

At this time, OPO-YAMA-MORI-NO-MIKOTO, still wishing to gain the kingdom for himself, defied the command of the emperor and, with the intention of killing his younger brother,2 secretly gath­ ered weapons and prepared to attack. Then OPO-SAZAKI-NO-MIKOTO, hearing that his elder brother had procured weapons, immediately dispatched a messenger and had UDI-NO-WAKI-IRATUKO informed. Astonished at this news, he concealed troops by the river, and stretched curtains of rough silk and raised a tent on top of the mountain. Taking an attendant,3 he had him masquerade as the prince and sit in full view on a dais. The manner in which the officials respectfully went in and out was exactly as if they were in the presence of a prince. Again, in preparation for when his elder brother would come across the river, he made ready and decorated the boat and oars; grinding roots of the SANA-KADURA, he took their slime and rubbed

1 The command in 99:6. Opo-sazaki's filial obedience is emphasized both here and in 99:7. 2 I.e., Udi-no-waki-iratuko. 3

Totteri.

Kojiki

8

9

10

11 12

13 14

15

16

17

18 19 20 21

it on the slatwork inside the boat, fixing it so that anyone would fall when he stepped there. The prince himself dressed in clothes of cloth4 and, assuming the exact appearance of a lowly person, stood in the boat holding the oar. At this time the elder brother, having concealed his soldiers, and wearing armor under his clothing, came to the river. As he was about to board the boat, he looked up and saw the magnificently decorated place and assumed that it was his younger brother sitting on the dais there. Little did he know that he was standing in the boat holding the oar. Then he inquired of the one holding the oar: "I hear that on this mountain there is a huge enraged boar. I want to take this boar; will I perhaps be able to take the boar?"5 Then the one holding the oar replied: "You will not be able to." Again he inquired : "Why is this?" He replied: "At various times and occasions attempts have been made to take him, but with no success. That is why I say you will not be able to." When they had reached the middle of the river, he tilted the boat and plunged him into the river.6 Then he floated to the surface and was swept down by the current. As he floated down, he sang this song : At the ford Of the river UDI Of the raging billows, Someone quick to take the rudder—

* I.e., cloth like hemp from vegetable fibers, not fine silk cloth. 5 The word translated 'take' may also mean 'kill.' He asks this perhaps not only for information but also for a sign in the reply by which to divine the success or failure of his venture. 6 Udi-no-waki-iratuko plunged Opo-yama-mori into the water.

Book Two, Chapter 103 22 23

O come to my aid

!7

At this time the waiting troops conccaled by the river all at once sprang up in this place and that and, fixing their arrows, let him be swept down. 8

24 25

Then reaching the point of KAWARA, he sank. Using hooks, they searched the place where he had sunk; as they hooked the armor under his clothes, there was a clanking 9 noise.

26 27

For this reason, the name of the place is KAWARA Point. When they fished out his corpse, the younger brother sang this song:

28

The ADUSA tree, the MAYUMI tree 10

29

Standing by the shallow ford,

30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37

ThefordofUDi Of the raging men: 11 Although I wish in my heart To cut them down, Although I wish in my heart To take them, At the lower part of the trees I recall my lord; 12

38

At the tips of the branches

39

Irecallmybeloved; 13

7 The final line is difficult. Takeda supposes that this song and the narrative about Opo-yama-mori's death were transmitted by his descendants, who are especially men­ tioned in verse 47; he draws attention to similar modern folk tales in which a monkey sings a song while floating down a river. Kiki kayoshu zenko, p. 127. The song appears also in the Nihon shoki. 8 I.e., they did not shoot at him, but drove him down the river, preventing him from climbing out. * Kawara; an onomatopoeia. 10 Both these trees were widely used as materials for bows. 11 Ti-paya-pito, a literary epithet. In the preceding song it is ti-paya-buru, 'of the raging billows.' 12 In the narrative context, his father, Emperor Ojin. 13 In context, someone beloved by Opo-yama-mori. In other words, Udi-no-wakiiiratuko, remembering their father and the wife or sister of his brother, was prevented from taking the life ('cutting down') of his brother. Of course, the song probably had an independent origin.

Kojiki 40 41 42

43 44 45

46 47

Impatiently I think of this, Lovingly, I think of that— And come back without cutting down The ADUSA tree, the MAYUMI tree.14 He buried OPO-YAMA-MORI-NO-MIKOTO at NARA Mountain. This OPO-YAMA-MORI-NO-MIKOTO is the ancestor of the KIMI of PIDIKATA, the KIMI of PEKI1 and the KIMI of PARI-PARA.

At this time OPO-SAZAKI-NO-MIKOTO and UDI-NO-WAKI-IRATUKO ceded the kingdom to each other. 49 During this period, the AMA presented their local produce. 50 The elder brother refused [the produce] and had them present it to the younger brother, and the younger brother refused it and had them present it to the elder brother. 51 Many days passed while they thus deferred to each other; as their mutual cedings continued for more than a few times, the AMA finally wearied of going back and forth and burst into tears. 52 This is why the saying says: "The AMA weep because of their own things."15 53 However, UDI-NO-WAKI-IRATUKO died soon.16 $4 Then OPO-SAZAKI-NO-MIKOTO ruled the kingdom. 48

14 Both for its mood and its stylistic quality Tachibana Moribe held this poem to be one of the three or four great songs in the Kojiki and Nihoti shoki. Itsu no koto-waki, p. 219; see also Aston, I, 275-76. 16 Perhaps, 'they weep because their things [their produce, i.e., fish] are apt to spoil soon.' Or perhaps, 'Most people weep because they are unable to acquire things, but the Ama weep because they cannot get rid of theirs.' 16 The ideograph used is the one applied to the deaths of ruling emperors. The Nihon shoki tells us that he committed suicide in order to solve the moral stalemate between himself and his equally self-effacing brother. Kanda (pp. 29-30) suggests that Udi-nowaki-iratuko did not die a natural death or commit suicide, but was killed by Oposazaki in a violent struggle for power, and that this pious story was added as a camou­ flage. The story of two brothers stubbornly yielding to each other appears again in 13 7: 42-44. This type of narrative, unmistakably influenced by Chinese ideology, seems to have appealed strongly to the Kojiki compiler.

Book Two, Chapter 106

CHAPTER 106 AME-NO-PI-POKO CROSSES FROM KOREA TO JAPAN IN PURSUIT OF HIS WIFE, BORN MIRACULOUSLY FROM A RED JEWEL.

ι

2

3 4 5

In ancient times,1 there was a son of the king of the land of SIRAGI, whose name was AME-NO-PI-POKO.2 This man came [to Japan]. The reason why he came [was this]: In the land of SIRAGI there was a swamp3 named AGU-NUMA. By this swamp a woman of lowly station was taking a noonday nap. Then the rays of the sun shone upon her genitals like a rainbow.4 There was also a man of lowly station, who thought this a strange matter; he constantly observed the behavior of this woman. This woman became pregnant from the time of her noonday nap, and she gave birth to a red jewel.5

1 That is, long before the reign of Emperor Ojin. The Nihon shoki dates the arrival of this legendary prince to the third year of the reign of Emperor Suinin. Because his great-great-grandson Tadima-mori (see verse 24) served Emperor Suinin (Chapter 76), the events of this chapter could not, at any rate, have taken place during Ojin's reign. On the fruitless question of the chronology of Ame-no-pi-poko's arrival see Mishina Akihide, Nissen shinwa densetsu no kenkyii (Osaka: Yanagihara Shoten, 1943), pp. 207-49. 2 Why does this Korean prince have a Japanese name? For a variant of this story see Aston, I, 166-270; there are scattered references to it also in the Harima fudoki. 3 Numa; or 'lagoon'? 4 The type of myth in which a woman becomes pregnant by receiving the sun's rays was widespread among the Mongols, Manchus, and Kokuryo Koreans of antiquity. Mishina is undoubtedly correct in ascribing Manchu-MongoUan influence to this ac­ count (Shinwa to bunka kyoiki [Daiyasu Shuppansha, 1948], pp. 217-61, esp. 236-37). Sunpregnancy myths occur nowhere else in early Japanese literature, and this account was probably brought to Japan by early continental immigrants. See Mishina in Kojiki taisei, V, 80. 5 Aka-dama. Although the account explicitly states that it was a 'jewel' (tama can sometimes mean a stone), there is little doubt that this story is related to the widespread myth in which the primal ancestor is bom from an egg. This particular type of account is found in Asia in an arc from India through Tibet, Assam, Burma, Indochina, the Philippines, Hainan, Taiwan, and Korea. Mishina believes that such oviparous elements

Kojiki

6

7

8

9

10 11 12 13 14 15 16

Then the lowly man who had been watching her asked for and received this jewel, which he wrapped up and wore constantly about his waist. Since this man had rice paddies in the mountain valleys, he loaded a cow with food and drink for the workers in the paddies and went into the mountain valleys. [Then he] met the son of the king, AME-NO-PI-POKO, who asked the man, saying: "Why are you going into the mountain valleys with a cow laden with food and drink? You must surely be going to kill the cow and eat it!" Then he arrested the man and was about to put him in prison, when the man answered, saying: "I am not going to kill the cow. I am simply taking food to the workers in the paddies." But he still did not release him. Then he untied the jewel from his waist and offered it to the king's son. Then he released the lowly man, took the jewel away, and placed it by his bed.6 Immediately it was transformed into a beautiful maiden. He married her and made her his chief wife. This maiden always prepared various kinds of delicious foods and presented them to her husband. The king's son becamc arrogant at heart and reviled his wife. The woman said: "I am not the kind of woman you deserve for a wife.71 will go to my ancestral land."8

do not occur in the ancestral myths proper to the races living in the interior of continen­ tal Asia and that the Koreans received their egg-birth myths from the south and then transmitted them to the Japanese. For a comprehensive analysis of these egg myths see his Shinwa to butika kyoiki, pp. 12-94. It will be remembered that the stones used by EmpressJingu in 95:2 were egg-shaped (see ADDITIONAL NOTE 25). 6 Similar to 53:6ff. 7 Literally, Ί am not a woman who ought to be your wife'; that is, Ί am too good a wife for such as you.' 8 'The land of my parents' or 'the land of my mother.' EvidentlyJapan was her home because it was the "land of the sun." Cf. the Korean myth given in ADDITIONAL NOTE 26.

Book

17

Two,

Chapter

106

Then she secretly boarded a small boat and escaped [to Japan], a r r i v i n g at N A N I P A .

18

This is the deity called AKARU-PIME, enshrined at the shrine of PIME-GOSO at NANIPA.

19 20 21

A t this time, AME-NO-PI-POKO, hearing of his wife's flight, came in pursuit of her. As he was about to reach NANIPA, the deity o f the crossing blocked the way and prevented his entry. 9 Then he went back again and landed in the land of TADIMA. Then he remained in that land and took as wife MAPE-TU-MI, the daughter o f MATA-WO of TADIMA, and there was born the child TADIMA-MORO-SUKU.

22 23 24

The latter's child was TADIMA-PINE. The latter's child was TADIMA-PINARAKI. The latter's children were TADIMA-MORI;10 next, TADIMA-PIT A K A ; a n d n e x t , K L Y O - P I K O . (Three children)

2$ 26

This KIYO-PIKO took as wife TAGIMA-NO-ME-PI, and there was born the child SUGA-NO-MORO-WO ; next, SUGA-KAMA-YURA-DOMI. The above-mentioned TADIMA-PI-TAKA took as wife his niece 11 YURA-DOMI, and there was born the child KADURAKI-NO-TAKANUKA-PIME-NO-MIKOTO .

27

28

29

This is the ancestor12 of OKINAGA-TARASI-PIME-NO-MIKOTO.

This AME-NO-PI-POKO brought across with him these things: the so-called jewel-treasures, 13 t w o strings o f beads; as well as the wave-raising scarf,14 the wave-cutting scarf, 15 the wind-raising scarf, 16 the wind-cutting scarf; 17 as well as the mirror o f the offing 18 and the mirror o f the shore; 19 altogether there were eight articles. These are the eight great deities of IDUSI.20

Cf. 84:2. The hero of Chapter 76. 11 Mepi. 12 I.e., mother; on this cf. 63 129. 13 Tama-tu-takara. 14 Nami-puru-pire; cf. the fetishes in 23:7; see also ADDITIONAL NOTES 14-15 for a discussion of fetishes. 15 Nami-kiru-pire. 16 Kaze-puru-pire. 17 Kaze-kiru-pire. 19 Oki-tu-kagami; these mirrors may have been fetishes for safe voyages; cf. 44:13. is Pe-tu-kagami. 20 I.e., the eight fetishes were the objects of worship at Idusi Shrine. For later information about these articles, see Aston, I, 185—86. 9

10

293

Kojiki

CHAPTER 107 PARU-YAMA-NO-KASUMI-WOTOKO SUCCEEDS IN MARRYING THE DESIRABLE IDUSI-WOTOME. HIS ELDER BROTHER, JEALOUS AT HIS SUCCESS, REFUSES TO PAY HIS WAGER AND IS CURSED FOR EIGHT YEARS BY THEIR MOTHER.

Ι

These deities1 had a daughter whose name was IDUSI-WOTOMEΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ.

2 3

Although the myriad deities2 desired to gain this IDUSI-WOTOME, none of them was able to marry her. At this time there were two deities; the cider brother was named AKI-YAMA-NO-SITABI-WOTOKO;3 the younger brother was named PARU-YAMA-NO-KASUMI-WOTOKO.4

4

5 6

The elder brother said to the younger brother: "Although I have pursued IDUSI-WOTOME, I have been unable to marry her. Would you be able to win this maiden?" He answered, saying: "I can win her easily." Then the elder brother said: "I will make a wager5 with you: if you ever win this maiden, I will give [you my] upper and lower garments ;61 will brew wine in vessels as tall as you are; and also I will provide and prepare all of the products of the mountains and rivers and give [them to you].

1 Or 'this deity'; evidently the deities of 107:29. Perhaps there was a supernatural marriage like that in Chapter 53. 2 Yaso-gami, or 'eighty deities.' Opo-kum-nusi's eighty brothers also vied for the hand of Ya-gami-pime in 21:2. This type of tale appears also in the Taketori monogatari. 3 A personification of autumn. 4 A personification of spring. For the significance of these names, see GLOSSARY. 5 Ureduku. 6 The jacket and trousers.

Book Two, Chapter 107

7 8

9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16

17 7

Then the younger brother told his mother everything, exactly as his elder brother had said. His mother took wisteria vines and, m one night, wove them into stockings and shoes as well as a jacket and trousers. She also made a bow and arrows. Dressing him in this jacket and trousers, she had him take the bow and arrows and go to the maiden's house. Whereupon the clothes and the bow and arrows turned into wisteria blossoms. At this time PARU-YAMA-NO-KASUMI-WOTOKO hung up his bow and arrows in the maiden's privy.7 Then IDUSI-WOTOME, thinking these blossoms strange, took [them with her]. Then he followed the maiden into the house and immediately they had conjugal relations.8 A child was born. Then he said to his elder brother: "I have won IDUSI-WOTOME." At this his elder brother, incensed that his younger brother had married, did not pay him the wager. Then when he9 was disturbed by this and told his mother, his ancestor10 replied: "In this world,11 our actions should conform to the divine pat­ tern;12 but is it because he has conformed to the world of mortal men13 that he does not pay what he owes?"14 She was bitter about her elder son.

Cf. 53:3. Evidently this is a variant, like that of Chapter $3, of the supernatural marriage tale. 8 Paru-yama-no-kasumi-wotoko, the younger brother. 10 I.e., mother. 11 Wa ga mi-γο no koto; perhaps also, 'As long as I am alive,' 'While we arc alive.' 1 2 Yoku koso katni-narapame; or 'let us imitate the gods.' 1 3 Utusiki awo-pito-gusa; cf. 10:9. 1 4 This statement contains a rudimentary moral philosophy unusual in the Kojiki. The Hagoromo story also emphasizes the innocence and purity of the heavenly maiden and the selfishness of human beings. In one version in a fragment of the Tango fudoki, the heavenly maiden says: "The feelings of the heavenly beings arc based on trust. Why do you, full of distrust, refuse me my garment?" To this the human being replies: "It is the way of this world to be full of distrust and to lack trust. It was in this frame of mind that I decided to refuse." Fudoki, p. 306. 8

Kojiki

18

19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30

Thus she took bamboo knots 15 from an island in the IDUSI River and made a coarse basket with many openings; 16 taking stones from the river and mixing them with salt, she wrapped them in the bamboo leaves and cursed 17 him [with the] words: "As these bamboo leaves are green, "As these bamboo leaves wither, "Be green and wither! "Also, as this salt 18 flows and ebbs, "Flow and ebb! "And as these stones sink, "Sink down and Iie!" Thus she cursed him and put [the magic articles] above the hearth. 19 Because of this, the elder brother bccamc dried up and withered and was ravaged with sickness for eight years. Then when the elder brother wept in anguish and pleaded with his ancestor, 20 she had the magic articles removed. 21 At this time his body became as before, and he was well and at ease. This is the origin of the expression, "A divine wager." 22

15 Pito-yo-dake; literally, 'one-jointed bamboo.' There are textual variations here, and the interpretation is uncertain. 16 Ya-me no ara-ko [or yatu-me no ara-ko]; or, perhaps, 'a coarse basket with eight openings.' This may be connected with the 'eight years' in verse 27. 17 Since a causative construction is used in the original text, some commentators believe that the meaning is, 'she caused the younger brother to curse him.' Probably the meaning is simply 'she caused him to be cursed.' The curse itself is an excellent example of sympathetic magic. For a similar curse, see 44:11. 18 Or 'brine,' 'sea-water.' 19 So that the heat would quickly wither the leaves and dry up the salt? The ideograph for 'hearth' is the one meaning 'smoke.' 20 I.e., mother. 21 Or 'reversed the magic curse.' 22 Kami no ureduku; an expression of the belief that wagers were somehow regulated or solemnized by the gods.

Book

CHAPTER

Two,

Chapter

108

108

WAKA-NU-KE-PUTA-M AT A-NO-MIKO ' s DESCENDANTS. DEATH OF EMPEROR OJIN. 1

Also the son o f this Emperor POMUDA, WAKA-NU-KE-PUTA-MATANO-MIKO,1 took as wife the younger sister o f his mother, MOMOSIKI-IROBE, a l s o n a m e d O T O - P I M E - M A - W A K A - P I M E - N O - M I K O T O , 2 a n d

there was born the child OPO-IRATUKO, also named OPO-PODO-NOMIKO;3

next,

OSAKA-NO-OPO-NAKA-TU-PIME-N6-MIK6T6;4

next,

TAWI-NO-NAKA-TU-PIME ; next, TA-MIYA-NO-NAKA-TU-PIME ; n e x t , PUDIPARA-N6-KOT6-PUSI-NO-IRATUME ; n e x t , TORI-ME-NO-MIKO ; n e x t , S A N E - N O - M I K O . (Seven children) 2

OPO-PODO-NO-MIKO

is the ancestor of the KIMI of MKUNI, the KIMI of

P A T A , t h e KIMI o f OKINAGA, the KIMI o f t h e SAKA-BITO o f SAKATA, t h e KIMI o f

Y A M A D I , t h e KIMI o f META in TUKUSI, a n d t h e KIMI o f PUSE. 5

3

Also, NE-TORI-NO-MIKO6 took as wife his half-sister7 MI-PARANO-IRATUME,8 and there was born the child NAKA-TU-PIKO-NOM I K O ; n e x t , I W A - S I M A - N O - M I K O . (TWO children)

4

A l s o , KUNU-NO-MIKO w a s the child o f KATASIPA-NO-MIKO.9

Cf. 99:9. This genealogy is of great importance because, after Emperor Buretsu died childless (141:4), a great-great-grandson of this Waka-nu-ke-puta-mata-no-miko came to the throne as Emperor Keitai. W i t h Emperor Buretsu the line of Emperor Nintoku came to an end, and this prince's descendants subsequently formed a new dynasty (see notes to Chapter 141). 1

2

cf. 89:13,99:9-

The great-grandfather of Emperor Keitai; cf. 141:5. 4 She became the wife of Emperor Ingyo and the mother of Emperors Anko and Yuryaku (121:2). Another princess with the same name is recorded among Emperor Ojin's children (99:12). 6 The text is corrupt and the manuscripts differ somewhat on the names in this verse. I have followed Motoori's text which reads, "Okinaga no kimi, Sakata no Saka-bito no kimi," but the Shimpuku-ji manuscript, for example, has, " N a g a saka [no] kimi, Saka-bito [no] kimi." 3

8

Cf. 99:5-

Mama-imo. Cf. 99:6. 9 This is the only reference to this prince in the Kojiki; he may have been included here by mistake. 7

8

297

Kojiki

5

Altogether, the years of this Emperor POMUDA were one hundred and thirty. He died on the ninth day of the ninth month of the first year of the Horse. 10

6

His grave is on MO-PUSI Hill at WEGA in KAPUTI.

10 kinoe uma. The thirty-first year of the sixty-year cycle. The most reason­ able equivalent is 394 A.D. The Nihon shoki gives Qjin's death date as 310.

Kojiki Book Three

Book Three, Chapter log

CHAPTER

109

THE DESCENDANTS OF EMPEROR NINTOKU AND THE ACCOMPLISHMENTS OF HIS REIGN. 1

OPO-SAZAKI-NO-MIKOTO dwelt in the palace of TAKATU at NANIPA and ruled the kingdom.

2

This emperor took as wife IPA-N6-PIME-NO-MIKOT6—the empress1 —the daughter of KADURAKI-NO-SOTU-BIKO,2 and there was born the child OPO-YE-NO-IZA-PO-WAKE ; next, SUMI-NO-YE-NO-NAKATU-MIKO;

next,

TADIPI-NO-MIDU-PA-WAKE-NO-MIKOTO;

WO-ASADUMA-WAKUGO-NO-SUKUNE-NO-MIKOTO.

3

next,

(Four children)

Again he took as wife the above-mentioned KAMI-NAGA-PIME,3 t h e d a u g h t e r o f U S I - M O R O , t h e KIMI o f M U R A G A T A i n P I M U K A , a n d

there was born the child PATABI-NO-OPO-IRATUKO, also named OPO-KUSAKA-NO-MIKO ; next, PATABI-NO-WAKI-IRATUME, also named NAGA-PI-PIME-NO-MIKOTO, also named WAKA-KUSAKA-BENO-MIKOTO. (TWO children)

4

Again he took as wife his half-sister4 YATA-NO-WAKI-IRATUME.

5

Again he took as wife his half-sister4 UDI-NO-WAKI-IRATUME.

6

Both of these wives were childless.5

7

Emperor O P O - S A Z A K I and one princess)

had, altogether, six children. (Five princes

8 9

IZA-PO-WAKE-NO-MIKOTO ruled the kingdom. 6 Next, TADIPI-NO-MIDU-PA-WAKE-NO-MIKOTO also ruled the kingdom. 7

1 She is considered the first woman of a non-royal family to receive this title. See Motoori's long note on this in Kojiki-den, V , 1991-92. 2 A son of Takesi-uti-no-sukune (cf. 62:19). 8 The woman who figures in 102:1 if. 4 Mama-imo. The births of these sisters are recorded in 99:7-8. 5 This line is a gloss in the Shimpuku-ji manuscript. 6 Emperor Richu (118:1). ' Emperor Hanzei (120:1).

301

Kojiki 10

Next, WO-ASADUMA-WAKUGO-NO-SUKUNE-NO-MIKOTO also ruled the kingdom. 8

11

During the reign of this emperor, the KADURAKI-BE was established as a MI-NA-SIRO f o r the Empress IPA-N6-PIME-NÖ-MIKOTO.

12

Also the MIBU-BE was established as a MI-NA-SIRO for the crown prince IZA-PO-WAKE-NO-MIKOTO.

13

A l s o the TADIPI-BE was established as a MI-NA-SIRO f o r MIDUPA-WAKE-NO-MIKOTO.

14

A l s o the OPO-KUSAKA-BE was established as a MI-NA-SIRO f o r O P O - K U S A K A - N O - M I K O , a n d t h e W A K A - K U S A K A - B E as a MI-NA-SIRO

15

f o r WAKA-KUSAKA-BE-NO-MIKO.

Also the PATA people 9 were conscripted to build the MAMUTA e m b a n k m e n t a n d t h e MIYAKE o f M A M U T A .

16

Also the WANI pond and the YOSAMI pond 1 0 were built, and the NANIPA canal was dug to connect with the sea.

17

Also the WOBASI canal was dug, and the port o f SUMI-NO-YE

was established.

8

Emperor Ingyo (121 :i). » Cf. 104:13. 10 But see also the conflicting statement in 68:8.

302

Book Three, Chapter no

CHAPTER no SEEING THE POVERTY OF THE PEOPLE, EMPEROR NINTOKU REMITS TAXES AND CONSCRIPTION FOR THREE YEARS. ι

At this time the emperor climbed up a high mountain and, view­ ing the lands of the four quarters,1 said: 2 "There is no smoke rising2 in the land. The entire land is im­ poverished. For a period of three years the people are released from all taxes and conscription."3 3 For this reason, the palace became dilapidated; although the rain leaked in everywhere, no repairs were made. The dripping rain was caught in vessels,4 and the inhabitants moved around to places where it did not leak. 4 Later, when he viewed the land [again], the entire land was filled with smoke.5 1 A probable instance of the ancient custom of land-viewing (kuni-mi), a ritual cer­ emony in which the emperor climbed a hill or mountain and surveyed the state of the land. Its original purpose may have been to determine which lands were to be cultivated each spring; later the ceremony became a mere outing to enjoy the scenery. The songs in 101:2-6 and 111:16-24 may be connected with this custom. 2 I.e., smoke from the fireplaces. The people lacked sufficient food. 3 It is not entirely impossible that such drastic measures were necessary to relieve the poverty of the populace during this reign. The Kojiki account is, perhaps, an example of making a virtue of necessity. See below, note on verse 7. 4 The manuscripts have various ideographs, interpreted as pipes, tubs, vessels, etc. 5 A sign of increased prosperity. The account is reminiscent of a Manyoshu landpraising song attributed to Emperor Jomei (593-641):

Among the many mountains In Yamato Especially imposing Is the heavenly Mount Kagu; As I climb it And view the land,

On the broad expanses of the land, Smoke rises continually, On the expanses of the sea, The sea-gulls fly up continually. It is a goodly land indeed— Aki-du-sima, This land of Yamato!

[ManySshii, I, 2]

Kojiki 5

Therefore, realizing that the people were now rich, he reinstated taxes and conscription. 6 For this reason, the common people flourished and did not suffer from his conscription. 7 Thus his reign is praised as being the reign of a saintly ruler.0

6 Cf. verse 16 of the Preface. The expression is a typical Chinese epithet for virtuous sovereigns; in fact, the entire chapter is strongly influenced by Confucian ideology.

Book Three, Chapter ill

CHAPTER HI KURO-PIME IS DRIVEN FROM THE PALACE BY THE JEALOUS EMPRESS IPA-NO-PIME. EMPEROR NINTOKU SECRETLY GOES TO VISIT HER IN HER HOMELAND, ΚΐΒΪ. ι 2 3 4

5 6

The Empress IPA-NO-PIME-NO-MIKOTO was extremely jealous.1 Thus the ladies2 employed by the emperor could not be present in the palace. Should they act in any way out of the ordinary,3 she would rage4 with jealousy. Then the emperor, hearing of the beauty of KURO-PIME, the daughter of the ATAPE of the AMA-BE of ΚΙΒΪ, summoned her and employed her. However, fearing the jealousy of the empress, she fled back to her native land. The emperor looked out from a high tower as KURO-PIME'S boat set out from shore5 and sang this song:

7 8

In the offing The small boats are stretched out in a row;

9 10 11 12

In one of them, MASADUKO6 my beloved Goes down to her native land. Then the empress, hearing this song, was greatly enraged, and sent people down to the bay7 and had them chase her out of the boat and make her proceed on foot.

Cf. Chapters 27-28. Or 'concubines,' 'handmaidens.' 3 Literally, 'should anything in particular be said.' 4 The text here is partially phonetic, [> see it. 41 From the great palace he went up and entered the house of 14 Mono tnawosu; literally, 'saying something,' i.e., pronouncing words expected of him on a particular occasion. 15 Miya; thus called because the empress was staying there. 16 Or 'It is my elder brother, the omi Kuti-ko.' 17 This word is written with various ideographs in the manuscripts, but undoubtedly 'cocoon' is meant. 18 Following the Shimpuku-ji manuscript; the ideographs in the other manuscripts mean 'a non-insect' or a species of insect. Although the strange insect which changes from a worm to a cocoon and then to a moth is clearly the silkworm, it can hardly have been as unusual as the writer would have us believe. It is true to pattern that silkworms should be raised by a continental immigrant, but silkworms had already attained a place in the mythology (cf. 18:4) and the History of the Kingdom of Wei (Wei Chih) (ca. 297 A.D.) mentions that the Japanese raised silkworms.

Kojiki

42

43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52

NURINOMI ; then NURIN5MI presented to the empress these three­ fold insects which he had raised. The emperor stood at the door of the hall where the empress was, and sang this song: ThemaidenofYAMASiRO

Of the connected mountain peaks Digs up OPO-NE roots With a wooden hoe19 With a noisy sound20— Since you have spoken so noisily,21 Like luxuriantly flourishing trees22 Viewed from afar, We have entered, we have come! These six songs23 sung by the emperor and empress are SITU-UTA NO UTAPI-KAPESI.24

19 Up to this point the song is identical with the song in verses 17-20; the rest of the song is somewhat hard to interpret. 20 Sawa sawa ni—possibly used with two meanings, 'pure and refreshing' (as in sawayaka) and 'noisy' (as in sawaku, sau/agu). 21 Or na ga ipese kosd may mean, as Kamei Takashi suggests, 'Your husband,' (as quoted in Kurano and Takeda, p. 275) 22 Following Takeda's interpretation of yagapaye as 'trees growing luxuriantly.' Ac­ cording to this theory, this simile denotes the manner in which the singer has "come in": 'we (or, I?) have come in—in a thick flock—like the luxuriantly growing trees.' There is no subject in the final line, which means merely 'have entered, have come.' Thus the meaning of the song seems to be: 'Reluctantly, we have come in great num­ bers in response to your strident summons.' It is probably a variation of the song in verses 17-24 and is rather crude in comparison with it. Takeda, Kiki kaydshu zenkd, pp. 149-50. 23 There are actually seven songs in Chapters 112-113, including Kuti-pime's song (113:32-36). 24 Some manuscripts have situ-uta no kapesi-uta. For information on the name, see GLOSSARY. The same name is given to the song in Chapter 117 (cf. 117:17), four songs in Chapter 129, and one in Chapter 134 (cf. 134:21), making a total of twelve Kojiki songs called either situ-uta or situ-uta no utapi-kapesi.

Book Three, Chapter 114

CHAPTER 114 EMPEROR NINTOKU AND YATA-NO-WAKI-

IRATUME EXCHANGE SONGS. Ι

2 3 4

$ 6 7

8 9 10

11 12 13 14

15 16

The emperor, yearning for YATA-NO-WAKI-IRATUME, sent her a song which said: The lone sedge1 OfYATA Has no offspring;2 Must it wither as it stands? Alas, poor sedge-grove! Although I speak Of sedge-groves, I really mean:3 Alas, pure4 maiden! At that YATA-NO-WAKI-IRATUME replied with this song: The lone sedge OfYATAcaresnot Though she be alone. Ifherlord Think it good, she cares not Though she be alone.5

A similar image is used in 27:40. Ko may mean 'child' or 'bud,' 'sprout.' Yata-no-waki-iratume was childless (cf. 109:6). According to the Nihon shoki, she became the empress after Ipa-no-pime died. Aston, I, 289. 3 These two Hnes are like two lines in the song of 122:69-76. The latter, called pinaburi no kata-orosi, also has a similar metrical structure: a tanka-like five lines followed by three lines close in form to a kata-uta. 4 Sugasi; similar in sound to suge, suga, 'sedge.' 5 In metrical form, this song is almost identical to the later sedoka form, which con­ sists of two kata-uta: 577 577. Lines 13 and 16 are identical. This is the sole example of the sedoka form in the Kojiki. The words 'cares not' are not expressed in the original. 1 2

Kojiki 17

Therefore the YATA-BE was established as a MI-NA-SIRO for YATANO-WAKI-IRATUME.6

6

This mi-na-siro is not among those listed in 1 0 9 : 1 1 - 1 4 .

316

Book Three, Chapter 115

CHAPTER 115 EMPEROR NINTOKU DISCOVERS THE INTRIGUE BETWEEN PRINCESS ME-DORI AND PRINCE PAYA-BUSA-WAKE. THEY ARE OVERTAKEN AND KILLED. THE GENERAL WHO COMMANDED THE EXPEDITION AGAINST THEM IS CONDEMNED TO DEATH FOR STEALING PRINCESS MEDORL's BRACELET. ι

Again, the emperor, using his younger brother PAYA-BUSAWAKE-NO-MIKO as intermediary, asked for his half-sister1 ME-DORINO-MIKO.

At this ME-DORI-NO-MIKO spoke to PAYA-BUSA-WAKE-NO-MIKO, saying: "Because he fears the arrogance of the empress, he does not even favor YATΑ-NO-WAKI-IRATUME. Therefore I do not intend to serve him. I will become your wife." 3 Then they became man and wife. 4 For this reason, PAYA-BUSA-WAKE-NO-MIKO did not report back [to the emperor]. 5 Then the emperor went directly to the place where ME-DORINO-MIKO was and stood on the doorsill of the hall; at this time ME-DORI-NO-MIKO was sitting at the loom weaving a garment. 6 Then the emperor sang this song:

2

7 8

For whom is intended The garment being woven

1 Both Emperor Nintoku and Paya-busa-wake-no-miko were Me-dori-no-miko's half-brothers (cf. 99:5, 7, 10). All the characters in this narrative have names reminiscent of birds: Emperor Nintoku's name is Opo-sazaki ('Great Wagtail'); Paya-busa-wake means 'Falcon-Lad'; and Me-dori means 'Woman-Bird.' These names are used allu­ sively in the following songs.

Kojiki

9 10 11 12 13 14

By my lady ME-DORI? ME-DORI-NO-MiKO sang this song in reply: It is cloth for a coat For the high-flying falcon, PAYA-BUSA-WAKE !

15

Then the emperor understood her heart and returned to the palace.

16

About this time, when her husband PAYA-BUSA-WAKE-NO-MIKO arrived, ME-DORI-NO-MIKO sang this song:

17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24

The lark2 Soars through the sky: O high-flying falcon, PAYA-BUSA-WAKE, Seize the wagtail !3 The emperor, hearing this song, immediately raised an army and sought to kill them. Then PAYA-BUSA-WAKE-NO-MIKO and ME-DORI-NO-MIKO fled to­ gether and climbed up Mount KURAPASI. At this time PAYA-BUSA-WAKE-NO-MIKO sang this song :

26

The slopes of ladder-steep4 Mount KURAPASI

27 28 29

Being rugged, Losing hold of the rocks, Ah, she takes my hand !5

25

30

Again, he sang this song:

* Pibari. 3 Sazaki; 'Even a small lark soars freely in the sky; you, O high-flying falcon, can easily overcome the wagtail (Emperor Nintoku)! Seize him, then!' By this song Medori-no-miko incites Paya-busa-wake to rebel against the emperor. 4 Pasi-tate no is a conventional epithet for kura, 'storehouse' (and here, for words beginning with the element kura)—probably because ancient storehouses had ladders. 5 For the history of this song, see ADDITIONAL NOTE 27.

Book Three, Chapter us

31 32

33 34 35 36 37

38 39 40

41 42

43

Though ladder-steep Mount KURAPASI Be rugged, Now that I climb it with my beloved, It seems not steep at all.6 Then they fled from there, and when they arrived at SONI in UDA, the army overtook and killed them. The general OPO-TATE,7 the MURAZI of the YAMA-BE, took the jeweled bracelet which ME-DORI-NO-MIKO was wearing on her arm and gave it to his own wife. On a later occasion, when there was to be a state banquet,8 the women of the various families9 came to the court. The wife of the MURAZI OPO-TATE came wearing the [dead] princess' jeweled bracelet on her arm. At this time, the empress IPA-NO-PIME-NO-MIKOTO herself took the leaf cups of the great wine and gave them to the women of the various families. Then the empress saw and recognized the jeweled bracelet; she refused to give her the leaf cup of wine and walked out. Summoning the husband, the MURAZI OPO-TATE, she10 said: "Those nobles11 were driven out12 because of their lack of proper respect. There is nothing at all strange in this. But you, scoundrel, took the jeweled bracelet worn on the arm of your own superior13 while her flesh was still warm, and brought it and gave it to your own wife!" Then he was condemned to death.14

6 The Nihon shoki has, "The ladder-steep / Rugged mountain— / Now that I cross it I Together with my beloved, / Is as a soft carpet." Asahi ed., Ill, 71; Aston, I, 292. 7 Another murazi of the Yama-be, named Wo-date, is mentioned in 136:1. 8 Τόγύ-ηό-akari; cf. note to 102:5, etc. * Udi-udi. 10 The empress Ipa-no-pime; but perhaps 'he,' i.e., the emperor. 11 Me-dori-no-miko and Paya-busa-wake-no-miko. 12 I.e., punished. 18 Literally, 'lord.' Princess Me-dori. 14 See another version of this story in Aston, I, 292-93. There the stolen jewels are discovered by Yata-no-waki'-iratume, the full sister of Me-dori-no-miko (cf. 99:7) and

empress after the death of Ipa-no-pime.

Kojiki

CHAPTER 116 EMPEROR NINTOKU AND TAKESI-UTI-NOSUKUNE EXCHANGE CONGRATULATORY SONGS ON THE AUSPICIOUS OMEN OF A WILD GOOSE LAYING AN EGG WITHIN THE BORDERS OF JAPAN.

Once again, the emperor proceeded to [the island] of PIME-ZIMA1 in order to hold a state banquet.2 2 At the time, a wild goose laid an egg on that island.3 3 At that he summoned TAKESI-UTI-NO-SUKUNE-NO-MIKOTO and, by means of a song, asked him about the manner in which the wild goose had laid the egg. The song said: Ι

4 5

6 7 8 9 1

O lord4 of UTI Of the jewel cutting®— You are the most venerable man Of this age.6 Have you ever heard Of a wild goose laying an egg

Cf. 6:15. Τόγο-ηό-akari; cf. 102:5, etc3 The account in the Nihott shoki differs somewhat (see Aston, 1,294-95), but the songs —except for the last one—are essentially the same. Since these birds (kari) nest in the summer in northern Asia and North America and come to Japan in late autumn, it is quite unusual for them to lay eggs in Japan. This was therefore regarded as a favorable omen. 4 Aso. 6 Tama kiparu; in the Manydshii this literary epithet modifies the place name Uti (the ancient seat of a corporation of jewel makers, the Tama-tukuri-be), and secondarily the words utu ('real,' 'reality') and inoti ('life'). Sometimes the Manyoshii writes it with the ideographs for 'jewel-cutting' or 'spirit-cutting.' See Takeda, Kiki kaySshu zenkd, pp. 158-59. 6 Or 'world'; or 'you are a person of a long life-span.' According to the Nihon shoki he was 290 years old at this time. It was of course customary to query venerable, elderly men about strange and unusual happenings. a

Book Three, Chapter 116

10 11

12 13 14

15 16

17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 7

In the sky-filled land of YAMATO ? 7

At this TAKESI-UTI-NO-SUKUNE spoke by means of song, saying: O high-shining Sun-prince— Well it is That you have inquired of me; Right it is That you have inquired of me; I am the most venerable man Of this age. I have never heard Of a wild goose laying an egg In the sky-filled Land of YAMAT5. After saying this, he was presented with a cither8 and sang this song: As a sign that my lord9 Should rule with long life10— The wild goose, it seems, has laid an egg.11 This is POKI-UTA NO KATA-UTA.12

Sora mitu; a conventional epithet for Yamato. The etymology is unknown; 'skyfilled' is one possible interpretation. 8 Mi-koto; cf. 24:9, 92:2. 9 Naga miko; literally, 'your prince' or 'you, O prince'; possibly, 'your offspring.' 10 A difficult line. I have interpreted tubi ni as though it were tupi ni, 'finally,' thus, 'until the end.' According to another theory, this song prophesies that naga miko (either 'you' or 'your son') will 'finally' rule the land—at a time when that person is not occupy­ ing the throne. Takeda assumes that tubi ni is related to tubusa ni, 'in detail,' and inter­ prets the line as, 'should know minutely.' Kiki kayoshu zenkd, p. 161. The verb siru means both 'to know' and 'to rule.' 11 This song does not appear in the Nihon shoki. 12 It seems strange that only the final song should be identified while the first two receive no names. Probably the first two were poki-uta (blessing songs), and the final one was poki-uta no kata-uta. Why were these songs thought to be blessings? One answer is suggested by Aiso (p. 244), who first draws attention to such accounts as the transfor­ mation into a bird of Yamato-takeru-no-mikoto's spirit (Chapter 88) and that in which the dumb prince was affected when a 'high-flying swan' cried overhead (Chapter 73). He thinks these accounts reflect an ancient belief that when a bird came flying, its spirit entered the human body and revitalized the person. When a wild goose came from Toko-yo and laid an egg, it was believed that such an event had extraordinary potency in revivifying the spirit. Therefore these songs, which praised the emperor and blessed him with longevity, were named poki-uta.

Kojiki

CHAPTER 117 THE REMAINS OF THE SHIP KARANO ARE MADE INTO A CITHER. THE DEATH OF EMPEROR NINTOKU. During this reign, there was a tall tree on the west [bank] of the UKI1 River. 2 The shade of this tree, when the morning sun shone on it, reached the island of APADI ; when the evening sun shone on it, it crossed TAKAYASU mountain.2 3 This tree was cut down and made into a ship, a ship which moved with great speed. At the time the ship was named KARANO.3 4 This ship was used morning and evening to bring water drawn from the cold springs of the island of APADI for the imperial table. 5 When this boat became dilapidated, it was burnt for salt.4 6 The parts left over from the burning were taken and made into a cither,5 the sound of which reverberated for seven leagues.6 At the time [there was] a song [which] said:7 Ι

7

KARANO was

8

Burnt for salt, And the remaining wood Made into a cither.

9

io

1 The first ideograph is obviously corrupt; other possible readings are 'Tonoki,' 'Tuki.' * Kurano lists and analyzes similar descriptions of huge trees in ancient documents. Kojiki no shinkenkyii, pp. 217-27. ' The Nihon shoki records that a ship named Karano was made in Idu in the fifth year of the reign of Emperor Ojin. Aston, I, 256-57. 4 I.e., used as firewood to boil thick sea brine down to salt. Cf. Aston, I, 268-69. 5 It is said that the wood used to make a sd-no-koto was first burnt, the charred parts scraped off, and the piece polished. 6 Or, perhaps, 'through seven villages.' 7 The Nihon shoki attributes the identical song to Emperor Ojin. See Aston, I, 269.

Book Three, Chapter 117 11

When its strings were plucked—

12

It was like the brine-soaked plants

13

Growing on the underwater rocks

14

In the YURA Channel

15

Which sway slowly— — S a ya sayas—

16

T h i s is a SITU-UTA NO UTAPI-KAPESI.9

17

18

The years of this emperor were eighty-three. He died on the fifteenth day of the eighth month o f the fourth year o f the Hare. 1 0

19

8

His tomb is at MIMI-PARA in M o z u . 1 1

T h e same words occur in the song in 103 : n — b o t h songs also have the same general

structure. T h e words saya saya seem to express a languid waving motion, a rustling sound, or cleanliness and purity. Here, they may refer to both the motion o f the underwater plants and the pure tones of the cither. Such a double meaning can be found also in the sawa sawa of 1 1 3 147. For another translation of this song see B r o w e r and Miner, P- 758 See 1 1 3 : 5 2 . 10 11

T ^ P Read hinoto u. 4 2 7 A.D. T h e Nihon shoki gives his death date as 399. M o z u is also the location o f other t o m b s ; cf. 1 1 9 : 2 9 , 1 2 0 : 8 .

323

Kojiki

CHAPTER 118 EMPEROR RICHU TAKES THE THRONE AND FLEES FROM THE REBELLION OF HIS BROTHER SUMI-NO-YE-NO-NAKA-TU-MIKO. Ι

2

3 4 5 6

7

His son,1 IZA-PO-WAKE-NΌ-ΜΐΚΌΤΌ, dwelt in the palace of WAKA-SAKURA in IPARE and ruled the kingdom. This emperor took as wife KURO-PIME-NO-MIKOTO, the daughter of ASIDA-NO-SUKUNE, son of KADURAKI-NO-SOTU-BIKO,2 and there was born the child ITI-NO-BE-NO-OSI-PA-NO-MIKO ; next, MIMANO-MIKO; next, a younger daughter AWOMI-NO-IRATUME, also named IPI-TOYO-NO-IRATUME. (Three children) When he was first dwelling in the palace of NANIPA,3 he cel­ ebrated the [festival of the] first-fruits4 and held a state banquet. At the time, he rejoiced greatly in the great wine5 and went to sleep. Then his younger brother SUMI-NO-YE-NO-NAKA-TU-MIKO,6 seeking to kill7 the emperor, set fire to the great hall.8 At this time, the ancestor of the ATAPE of the AYA9 of YAMATO, the ATAPE Ατι, spirited him out, put him on horseback, and took him to YAMATO. When they had arrived at the plain of TADIPI, he awoke and said:

1 I .e., Nintoku's son (cf. 109:2). Some manuscripts lack the ideograph translated as 'his son.' 2 Cf. 62:19, 109:2. 3 His father's palace of Takatu at Nanipa (cf. 109:1). 4 Opo-nipe; the autumn harvest festival. s Cf. 104:14. 6 His full brother; cf. 109:2. 7 Literally, 'take.' 8 The Nihon shoki gives a detailed account of the brothers' quarrel—they were rivals for Kuro-pime—but includes only the last of the songs (lines 25-29). Aston, 1,301-302. • Cf. 104:13.

Book Three, Chapter 118 8

9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 Ι8

19 20 21

"What place is this?" Then the ATAPE ATI said: ' SUMI-NO-YE-NO-NAKA-TU-MIKO set fire to the great hall, and I am helping you escape to YAMATO." Then the emperor sang this song:

IfI had known that I would sleep On the plain of TADIPI, I would have brought A matting windbreak10— If I had known that I would sleep.11 When they reached the pass of PANIPU, he looked out toward the palace of NANIPA, and the flames were still bright. Then the emperor again sang this song: On the pass of PANIPU When I stood and looked, The group of houses was burning In shimmering flames— Where my wife's house stood.12

22

When they had reached the entrance of Mount OPO-SAKA, they met a woman. 23 This woman said: "Many men carrying weapons are blocking this mountain. You ought to go around by the TAGIMA road to cross over." 24 Then the emperor sang this song: 25 26 10

On Mount OPO-SAKA I met a maiden;

Literally, 'a standing rush mat'; any coarse matting set up as a partition or STvning. In this song, as in the songs in HI :40-44 and 122:19-23, the fifth line of the original is a repetition of the second (the first line in the translation). 12 Kagiropi may be the same as the modern word kagerd, 'heat haze,' 'shimmering of heated air.' Kagiropi no is usually understood as a conventional epithet modifying the verb moyuru; thus the meaning of the phrase would be, 'to burn like the shimmers of a heat haze.' The song may, however, originally have been a love-song describing a flaming sunset or morning sun shining on a beloved's dwelling. In this case, the two lines might mean: 'the group of houses where the heat haze was burning.' 11

Kojiki

27 28 29 30

When I asked her the way, She said not to go straight ahead, But to take the TAGIMA road.13 Thus he went up and dwelt at the shrine of ISO-NO-KAMI.

13 The woman's appearance was thought extremely mysterious, and her instructions, like those of the maiden who appeared and sang a song in Chapter 67, were regarded as an oracle. Of the songs in this chapter, only this one appears in the Nihon shoki.

Book Three, Chapter

C H A P T E R

117

119

M I D U - P A WAKE-NO-MIKOTO MURDERS

SUMI-

N O - Y E - N O - N A K A - T U - M I K O A N D GAINS THE C O N F I D E N C E OF E M P E R O R R L C H U . T H E D E A T H OF E M P E R O R

1

RICHU.

A t this time, his younger brother MIDU-PA-WAKE-NO-MIKOTO1 came 2 and requested an audience.

2

Then the emperor sent w o r d : " I suspect that y o u m a y be in sympathy with SUMI-NO-YE-NONAKA-TU-MIKO and w i l l not speak with y o u . "

3

He answered, saying: " I have no unclean intentions, and I am not in league with SUMI-NO-YE-NO-NAKA-TU-MIKO."

4

Again, he sent w o r d : " I f this is so, g o d o w n and kill SUMI-NO-YE-NO-NAKA-TU-MIKO; then come back. A t that time I w i l l certainly speak with y o u . "

5

T h e n he went back to NANIPA and deceived a PAYA-PITO named SOBAKARI,

a

close

servant

of

SUMI-NO-YE-NO-NAKA-TU-MIKO,

saying: 6

" I f y o u obey m y words, I shall make y o u the OPO-OMI when I become emperor, and w e shall rule the k i n g d o m . H o w w o u l d this b e ? "

7

SOBAKARI replied, saying: "Whatever you command."

8

Then he rewarded the PAYA-PITO richly and said: " I n that case, kill y o u r p r i n c e ! " 3

'Emperor Richu's brother (cf. 109:2); he became Emperor Hanzei after Ricbu's death (cf. 120:1). 2 To Iso-no-kami Shrine, where Richu was staying. 3 Or, perhaps, 'your lord.'

327

Kojiki

9 10 11

12

13 14 15 16 17 18

19 4

At this time, SOBAKARI waited concealed until his prince went into the privy, then killed him with a spear. Then when he4 was accompanying SOBAKARI up to YAMATO, as they arrived at the entrance to mount OPO-SAKA, he thought: "Although SOBAKARI has performed services of great merit on my behalf, he has killed his own master—an unrighteous act. If I fail to reward his meritorious service, my failure will be counted as a breach of faith. If I carry out my obligation to him, then I must fear his mentality.5 Thus, while rewarding him for his merits, I will destroy his mortal body."6 For this reason, he said to SOBAKARI : "Today we will stop here and give you the rank of OPO-OMI; then tomorrow we will go up." They stopped at the mountain entrance and immediately built a temporary palace and hurriedly held a state banquet. Thus he gave the rank of OPO-OMI to this PAYA-PITO and had the various officials give him obeisance. The PAYA-PITO rejoiced, thinking that he had achieved his desires. Then he said to the PAYA-PITO : "Today I will drink wine with the OPO-OMI from the same cup." As they drank together, he poured the wine he was to offer him into a bowl so large that it hid [the drinker's] face. At this time, the prince drank first, and the PAYA-PITO drank afterwards. When the PAYA-PIT5 drank, the large bowl concealed his face,

Midu-pa-wake-no-mikoto. He was a half-savage, uneducated man, not the type to be made the opo-omi. Also, what if Emperor Richu were to learn of the promise made in line 6? 6 As Motoori says: "Here, the words 'unrighteous act,' 'lack of faith,' and the like, have a Chinese ring about them in both diction and sense. No doubt the mentality of the Chinese books had by this time begun to take root, and this type of argument had come into being [in the Japanese mind]. It is not consonant with the straightforward ancient mind to make such fine distinctions and judgments on the principles of things." Kojiki-den, V, 2130. But Tsugita (p. 536) quite seriously tells us: "Midu-pa-wake-nomikoto's actions in rewarding and then killing Sobakan were to show plainly the great distinction between superior and subject; by this we can understand that the moral views of those times had already progressed considerably." 5

Book Three, Chapter 119

20 21 22

23 24

25 26 27

28

and [the prince] took out a sword he had put under his mat and stabbed the PAYA-PITO in the neck. Thus he went up on the next day.7 Because of this, the name of this place is TIKA-TU-ASUKA.8 Arriving in YAMATO, he said: "Today we will stop here and perform exorcism and purifica­ tion.9 Tomorrow we will go and worship at the shrine."10 Because of this, the name of this place is TOPO-TU-ASUKA. Then he went to the shrine of ISO-NO-KAMI and sent word to the emperor: "The mission of pacification has been completed, and I have come up to wait [upon you]." Then [the emperor] summoned him and spoke with him. The emperor at this time appointed the ATAPE ATI11 head of the treasury12 and also gave him lands. Also during this reign, the OMI of the WAKA-SAKURA-BE were given the name of WAKA-SAKURA-BE; also the KIMI of the PIMEDA13 were given the name of KIMI of the PIMEDA ; also the IPARE-BE was established. The years of the emperor were sixty-four.14 He died on the third day of the first month of the ninth year of the Monkey.15

29

His tomb is in Mozu.16

' Asu. 8 Verses 21 and 23 are folk etymologies of place names. 9 In order to remove the pollution he had brought on himself by k i l l i n g Sobakari. 10 The shrine of Iso-no-kami. 11 Who had saved his life (118:6). 18 Kura no tukasa. The Nihon shoki records the establishment of a treasury under Emperor Richii. See text and notes in Aston, I, 309. Clearly, there were important developments in the organization of the imperial finances and appointments of literate continental immigrants to treasury posts during this reign. 13 First noted in 63 :17. 14 According to the Nihon shoki, he died at the age of 70. 15 EE Φ Read mizunoe saru. The ninth year of the cycle. 432 A.D. The Nihon shoki has 405. " Cf. 117:19, 120:8.

Kojiki

CHAPTER 120 REIGN OF EMPEROR HANZEI. MIDU-PA-WAKE-NO-MIKOTO1 dwelt in the palace of SIBA-KAKI at TADIPI and ruled the kingdom. 2 The height of this emperor was nine feet,2 two and one-half inches.3 3 His teeth were one inch long and two parts4 wide; his upper and lower [teeth] were all alike and were exactly like beads strung on a cord.5 4 The emperor took as wife TUNO-IRATUME, the daughter of KOGOTO, the OMI of WANI, and there was born the child ΚΑΡΪ-ΝΟIRATUME; next, TUBURA-NO-IRATUME. 5 Again, he took as wife OTO-PIME, the daughter of the same OMI, and there was born the child TAKARA-NO-MIKO; next, TAKABE-NOΙ

IRATUME.

6 7

Altogether there were four children. The years of the emperor were sixty. He died in the seventh month of the fourth year of the Ox.6

8

His tomb is in the plain of Mozu.7

1 The Shimpuku-ji manuscript has one ideograph meaning 'the younger brother' preceeding the name. Midu-pa-wake-no-mikoto was Emperor Richu's younger brother (cf. 109:2). Neither the Kojiki nor the Nihon shoki includes any anecdotes about this emperor. 2 Saka. 3 Or 'notches.' Compare a similar account of the height of Emperor Keiko in 69:10. 4 Kida; ten kida made one notch. 5 Another reference to unusual teeth is found in 138:5. 6 "Γ5 Read hinoto ushi. The fourteenth year of the cycle. 437 A.D. ThcNihon shoki has 410. 7 Cf. 117:19, 119:29.

Book Three, Chapters 120 and 121

C H A P T E R

121

R E I G N OF E M P E R O R

1

INGYO.

WO-ASADUMA-WAKUGO-NO-SUKUNE-NO-MIKOTO1

dwelt

in

the

2

palace o f TOPO-TU-ASUKA and ruled the kingdom. 2

This emperor took as w i f e OSAKA-NO-OPO-NAKA-TU-PIME-NOMIKOTO,3 the younger sister o f OPO-PODO-NO-MIKO, and there was born the child KI-NASI-NO-KARU-NO-MIKO ; next, NAGATA-NOOPO-IRATUME;

next,

SAKAPI-NO-KURO-PIKO-NO-MIKO ;

next,

ANAPO-NO-MIKOTÖ ; next, KARU-NO-OPO-IRATUME, also named S o TOPOSI-NO-IRATUME; She was named SO-TOPOSI-NO-MIKO because the radiance of her body shone through4 her garments.5 next,

YATURI-NO-SIRO-PIKO-NO-MIKO ;

MIKOTO;

next,

next,

TATIBANA-NO-OPO-IRATUME ;

OPO-PATUSE-NÖnext,

SAKAMI-NO-

IRATUME. (Nine children)

3

T h e Emperor had nine children in all. (Five princes and four princesses)

4

Among

these nine children,

ANAPO-NO-MIKOTO6 ruled the

kingdom. 5

N e x t , OPO-PATUSE-NO-MIKOTO7 ruled the kingdom.

1 The Shimpuku-ji manuscript precedes the name with the ideograph for 'younger brother.' Ingyo was the younger brother of the two preceding emperors Richu and Hanzei (cf. 109:2); all three were sons of Emperor Nintoku and his famous empress Ipa-no-pime of the Kaduraki family. The influence of their mother's family may account for their undisputed accessions to the throne. 2 The Nihon shoki does not mention the location of his palace, nor that of Emperor Seimu (cf. note to 90:1)—strange omissions since both are mentioned specifically in the Kojiki Preface (verses 17,18). 3 This princess and her brother were the children of "Waka-nu-ke-puta-mata-nomiko, a son of Emperor Ojin (cf. 108:1). Another princess with the same name is listed in 99:12. 4 Toposi, topori. 5 Mi-so. 6 Emperor Ank5 (cf. 123 :i). 7 Emperor Yuryaku (cf. 127:1).

331

Kojiki 6 7 8 9 10

11

12 13

14 15

When the emperor was about to assume the heavenly sunlineage, he declined, saying: "I have long had a certain illness and am unable to assume the sun-lineage." However, since the empress8 as well as all the courtiers insisted, he ruled the kingdom.9 At this time the king of the land of SIRAGI presented eighty-one ships of tribute. The chief envoy [who presented] the tribute was named KOMU PATIMU-KAMUK! MU ; this man was deeply versed in medical lore, and cured the emperor's illness. At this time the emperor, deploring that the families,10 and titles11 of the various families,10 and names12 of the people of the kingdom had become confused, placed Uukabeiz before [the deity] KOTO-YASO-MAGA-TU-PI of AMA-KASI, and established the families and ranks of the myriad corporation-heads14 of the kingdom.15 Also the KARU-BE was estabhshed as a MI-NA-SIRO for the crown prince KI-NASI-NO-KARU. The OSAKA-BE was estabhshed as a MI-NA-SIRO for the empress. The KAPA-BE was established as a MI-NA-SIRO for TAWI-NONAKA-TU-PIME, the younger sister of the empress. The years of the emperor were seventy-eight. He died on the fifteenth day of the first month of the first year of the Horse.16

16 8

His tomb is at NAGAYE in WEGA in KAPUTI.

Osaka-nd-opo-naka-tu-pime; undoubtedly this insistence came also from the em­ press' relatives. The "external relatives," the families of the emperors' consorts, had already achieved some influence in public affairs—or rather, consorts were chosen from powerful families, who then took care to see that their sons-in-law came to the throne. • The Nihon shoki tells this episode with more dramatic detail. See Aston, I, 312-14. 10 Udi. 11 Kabane. 12 Na; this may refer to the be, the corporations of professional artisans, etc. 13 Kukabe were evidently pots used in divination, perhaps the cauldrons in which the water was heated for the ordeal. Be means 'jar,' 'pot,' and kuka is probably related to kukatati, a kind of ordeal in which the hand is plunged into hot water or made to grasp a red-hot axe. The Nihon shoki records that Emperor Ingyo tested the authenticity of names by subjecting their claimants to hot-water ordeals. Aston, I, 316-17. 14 Yaso-tomo-no-wo. 15 This is mentioned in verse 18 of the Preface. 18 ? Re»d kinoe uma. The thirty-first year of the cycle. 454 A.D. The Nihon shoki has 453-

Book Three, Chapter 122

CHAPTER 122 THE ILLICIT ROMANCE BETWEEN THE CROWN PRINCE K'I'-NASI-NO-KARU-NO-MIKO AND HIS SISTER KARU-NO-IRATUME ENDS IN THEIR DEATH. Ι

2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 II 12 13 14 1

After the death of the emperor, the crown prince ΚΪ-NASI-NOKARU was to have assumed the sun-lineage;1 but before he as­ cended the throne, he seduced his younger sister2 KARU-NO-OPOIRATUME, singing this song: Making a mountain paddy, Because the mountain is high, An irrigation pipe is run Underneath the ground, secretly— My beloved, whom I have visited With secret visits; My spouse, for whom I have wept With a secret weeping3— Tonight at last I caress her body with ease.4 This is SIRAGE-UTA. Also he sang these songs: The hail beats down

Pi-tugi. Iromo; a full sister; both were the offspring of Emperor Ingyo and Osaka-no-oponaka-tu-pime-no-mikoto (cf. 121:2). 3 Or 'My spouse / Who is secretly weeping.' 4 Evidently this song was of wide distribution; it is also recorded, in slightly differing versions, in the Nihon shoki and the Kittkafu. The latter identifies it as Sirage-uta, as the Kojiki does. In addition, it quotes a lost book, the Kokashd (Selection of Old Songs), which attributes the song to Emperor Ingyo. 2

Kojiki 15

16 17

18 19

20 21

22 23 24 25

On the bamboo grass Sounding tasi-dasi5— After sleeping with her to the full, Then, even if she leaves me6 . . . With each other as beloved, If only we sleep together, Then, even if we are separated Like threshed reeds, let us be separated7— If only we sleep together.8 These are PINA-BURI NO AGE-UTA.9 For this reason the various officials as well as all the people in the kingdom turned against Prince KARU and adhered to ANAPOΝ0-ΜΙΚ0.10

26

Then Prince KARU took fright and fled into the house of the OPO-OMI OPO-MAPE-WO-MAPE-NO-SUKUNE, [where he] armed

himself. 27

The arrows made at that time had copper arrowheads;11 therefore these arrows were called fearw-arrows.

5 Tasi-dasi ni is both an onomatopoeia expressing the sound of the hail beating down on the bamboo grass and an adverb related to tasika ni meaning 'to the full,' 'well,' 'to a satisfactory degree,' 'certainly,' 'definitely,' etc.; here it is used as a pivot-word. 8 Aiso (p. 262) interprets the line as, 'Then, even if people try to separate us... .' Earher commentators read the line as pito pakayu to mo, literally, 'even if people plot. . , .' Pito may refer not to the beloved ('she'), but to the 'various officials' and 'all the people in the kingdom' as in verse 25; in that case, the line would have to be rendered, 'Then, even if they turn against me. . . .' After this line one must understand some expression such as, "I do not care," "It does not matter to me." The texts of this and the following song are written together in the manuscripts as if they were a single song. Some early commentators actually regarded them as one; Motoori was the first to view them separately. It is possible that they were originally independent songs which came to be sung together and were thus written as one song in the Kojiki. For another translation, see Brower and Miner, p. 72. 7 Midaru, ordinarily 'to become disheveled,' 'to become disorganized,' etc. 8 As in other ancient songs, the fifth line is a repetition of the second (cf. 111:40-44, 118:10-14). • The songs in 34:16-25 and in Unes 69-76 below are also pina-buri. 10 A full brother of Prince Karu (cf. 121:2) and the future Emperor AnkS (cf. 123 :i). Both Karu and Anapo are place names; Takeda surmises that the struggle between the two princes was an expression of some antagonism between the populaces of the two localities. Kiki kayoshii zenkd, p. 173. 11 Literally, 'copper arrow-insides.' Copper arrowheads were evidently called karu-ya,

Book Three, Chapter 122

28 29

30 31

ANAPO-NO-MIKO also armed himself. The arrows made by this prince were the arrows of today.12 They are called αηαρο-ζττονα.

At this time ANAPO-NO-MIKO raised an army and surrounded the house of OPO-MAPE-WO-MAPE-NO-SUKUNE. When he arrived at the gate, there was a violent hail storm,13 and he sang this song: Come thus under the shelter Ofthegate Of OPO-MAPEWo-MAPE-SUKUNE And wait for the rain to cease.14

32 33 34

35 36 37

Then OPO-MAPE-WO-MAPE-NO-SUKUNE, lifting up his arms and hitting his thighs, came out dancing and singing.15 His song said:

38 39 40 41 42

Because the little bell On the garter16 of the noble17 Has fallen off,18 The nobles17 are all astir. You commoners also, take care!

'light arrows,' because they were lighter in weight than the usual iron arrows, and this karu came to be associated secondarily with the name of Prince Karu. Copper arrow­ heads were used in Japan in the Yayoi and the early and middle tomb periods; they had disappeared by the late tomb period (about the sixth century). See Goto Shuichi in Kojiki taisei, IV, 288-89. 12 Evidently arrows with iron arrowheads. 13 Cf. 86:4. 14 Literally, '[We] will stand and cause the rain to cease.' Perhaps there was some warning in the song, admonishing Opo-mape-wo-mape-no-sukune to make plans while the attacking forces were resting. The song appears also in the Nihott shoki. 16 We may suppose that the following song accompanied certain types of dancing. 16 Ayupi; a cord to tie up the trousers around the knees. Takeda, Kiki kaydshii zenkd,

P- 174-7517 Miya-pitii; a courtier, noble, or member of the privileged classes; sometimes also a priest. The name of the song, miya-pito-buri, is derived from this word, which appears first in the original text. 18 Takeda suggests that the "noble's" clothing had become disheveled, probably as a result of his intimacies with a woman. Thus line 4.1 signifies the jealous tumult of the other nobles, and 42 contains a warning to the commoners to "watch their step." He believes that the song was a light, carefree song sung at an uta-gaki fest. Kiki kaydshii

Kojiki 43

This song is MIYA-PITO-BURI. 44 Thus singing, he came near and said: "O my prince the emperor,19 do not take arms against your elder brother. If you do take up arms, people will surely laugh. I will capture him and present him to you." 45 Then he disbanded his troops and went off. 46 Hereupon OPO-MAPE-WO-MAPE-NO-SUKUNE captured Prince KARU, led him out, and presented him. 47 When he was captured, the crown prince sang this song: 48 49 50

51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59

O sky-flying20 KARU maiden— Should I cry loudly, People would know. Like the pigeons On PASA Mountain, I cry secretly. Again he sang: O sky-flying KARU maiden: Come hither secretly,21 Sleep here and then go your way,

zenko, p. 175. Or perhaps it satirizes the nobles for being so excited over a trifle and admonishes the commoners to keep their heads. Kurano, who identifies this and the preceding song as waza-uta (cf. note to 67:17), suggests that the meaning is, Ά noble has seduced a commoner woman—therefore, commoners, take care!' Kurano and Takeda, p. 294. 19 Or 'son of our emperor'; Opo-mape-wo-mape-no-sukune is addressing Prince Anapo, who later became Emperor Anko. 20 Ama-damu (probably from ama tdbu, as in line 62). This is a conventional epithet for kari (wild goose) and the similar sounding place name Karu. Takeda, Kiki kaySshti zenko, p. 176. The song name amada-buri (verse 67) is taken from this first word. In the narrative context, the 'Karu maiden' refers to the prince's beloved, Karu-no-opoiratsume, but as an independent folk song, it may refer to the maidens of the Karu area. The song is recorded also in the Nihon shoki. 21 Sitata ni mo. Interpreting this as 'secretly,' 'in stealth' (assuming it to be an abbrevia­ tion of sita-sita ni mo) seems more appropriate in context than the other current inter­ pretation, 'to the full,' 'heartily' (as in sitataka ni).

Book Three, Chapter 122

60 61 62 63 64 65

O KARU maiden I

22

Prince KARU was exiled to the hot springs of IYO. 23 When about to go into exile he sang this song:

66

The sky-flying24 Birdsarealsomessengers:25 When you hear The cry of the crane, Ask my name of it.26

67 68

These three songs are AMADA-BURI. Again he sang this song:

69 70 71 72 73

If the great lord27 Is exiled28 to an island, There are ships29 By which I may return.30 Leave my sitting-mat alone !31

22 The final line is a repetition of the second line with the addition of the plural particle domo. The song is a romantic invitation to the "girls of Karu" and clearly does not fit the narrative. It is not given in the Nihoti shoki, probably because of its inappropriateness to the narrative. Takeda suggests that it may have been sung at uta-gaki when men ap­ proached the "girls of Karu" and that the term "girls of Karu" may have referred to prostitutes. Kiki kaydshu zenko, p. 177. 23 In the Nihon shoki version of the story, Karu-no-opo-iratume is exiled to Iyo. Prince Karu commits suicide in the house of "Opo-mape-no-sukune." Aston, 1,325,329. The Kojiki account is highly dramatized, depending for its effect largely upon the songs included. If there is any historical truth in the prince's exile, the reason was probably a succession struggle rather than disapproval of his incestuous relations with his sister. 24 Here, ama tobu; the two preceding songs began with ama-damu. 25 For the role of birds in early Japanese belief, see note to 116:28. 26 Or 'ask it for news of me.' A song of parting. 27 Opo-kimi. This must refer to the speaker, Prince Karu himself. Later the diction shifts to the first person. 28 The verb papuru means 'to cast away,' 'to bury,' and perhaps also, 'to drive into exile.' See note to 24.:1. 29 Puna amari. Puna, from pune, means 'ship,' 'boat,' and sometimes 'burial casket.' Amari, from the verb amaru, means 'to be in excess,' 'to extend farther than.' Other inter­ pretations of these lines may be, Ί will return, / in the returning ships.' 'Beyond the casket, / I will return [from beyond the grave].' Puna-amari is most probably a conven­ tional epithet modifying kaperi, 'return.' 30 Or 'he.' No subject is explicitly expressed. 31 Wa ga tatami yutne. Yume is apparently an imperative meaning 'take care of,'

Kojiki

74 75 76

Although I speak Of sitting-mats, I really mean:32 Leave my wife alone I33

77 78

This song is PINA-BURI NO KATA-OROSI.34 SO-TOPOSI-NO-MIKO35 presented a song; the song said:

79 80 81 82 83

Oh, do not go, lest you tread On the oyster shells On the beach of APINE36 Of the summer grass— Spend the night and return in the morning I3'

84 85 86 87 88 89 90

Then later, overwhelmed by her feeling, she went after him. At the time she sang this song: Since you have set out, Many days have passed. Like the YAMA-TADU tree,38 I will go in search of you; I can no longer wait.39 The YAMA-TADU mentioned here is what is now [called] the MIYATUKO-GI.

'leave as is,' 'beware of.' The sitting mats of travelers were carefully kept at home and preserved from pollution during their absence in order to ensure their safe return. 82 These two lines are similar in form to 114:7-8. 83 Or 'My wife, take care!' The song is rather difficult to interpret, but is, at any rate, an expression of anxiety by an absent person (either dead or in exile) for his wife. It appears also in the Nihon shoki. 81 Songs named pina-buri appear also in 34:16-25 and in lines 19-23 above. 85 I.e., Karu-no-opo-iratume; cf. 121:2. 36 The place name Apine may also mean 'sleep together.' 'Of the summer grass' is a conventional epithet modifying Apine. 87 The song cannot possibly be connected with the narrative and is most probably a folk song from a fishing village. 88 Yama-tadu no; a conventional epithet for the word mukape, 'go after,' 'go in search of.' In the Manydshu version of this song (II, 85), this line is yama tadune, 'seeking through the mountains.' Here, as in many other cases, a slight phonological difference can change the entire meaning of a passage. 8" A song sung by a woman going in search of her lover, or a song of yearning sung as an elegy by a mourner. The Manyoshu's version is attributed to Ipa-no-pime who sang it in her yearning for Emperor Nintoku; the Manyoshii also quotes the Kojiki nar­ rative and song. As it was transmitted orally, there was obviously considerable variation among the different versions of this song.

Book Three, Chapter 122 91

92 93 94 95 96 97

When she caught up with him, he had been waiting and yearn­ ing for her, and he sang this song: On Mount PATUSE Of the hidden country,40 On the large ridges Are erected banners, On the small ridges Are erected banners.41

98 99 100

As upon a large ridge, Do you rely upon our troth,42 Ah, my beloved spouse.

ιοί 102 103 104

Like a τυκϊ bow43 Reclining, Like an ADUSA bow44 Standing up—

105 106

Later, I shall hold you close,45 Ah, my beloved spouse!46

107 108 109

Again he sang this song: On the river of PATUSE Of the hidden country,

40 Komoriku no, a conventional epithet for the place name Patuse. Aiso (pp. 292-94) raises the interesting question whether komoru, 'to conceal oneself,' 'to remain hidden,' might be interpreted here as 'to hide within the tomb.' Patuse is known as an ancient burial place. 41 Banners were set up in religious ceremonies and funerals. 42 Naka sadameru; meaning unclear. Sadameru would ordinarily mean 'to fix,' 'to determine,' 'to establish,' and naka, 'relationship.' Perhaps naka is na ga, 'you [as sub­ ject].' The preceding line, opo-wo yosi (or opo-u>o ni si) is also somewhat unclear. Besides the translation given, it might mean 'with the correct proportion of the large and the small.' 43 A conventional epithet for 'reclining.' 44 A conventional epithet for 'standing up.' 45 Or 'Later I shall watch over you,' i.e., shall protect you when asleep and when awake; or 'Later I shall meet you again.' The literal wording is, 'Later [I] shall take and see.' 46 Line 100 is repeated. The final lines are similar to 128:32-33. The song is full of obscure passages and seems lacking in internal unity.

Kojiki In the upper shallows

no HI

A sacred post47 was staked,

112

In the lower shallows

113

A true post was staked.

114

Onthesacredpost

χ 15

Was hung a mirror,

116

On the true post

117

Washungajewel.48

118

My beloved,

119

Who is to me as a mirror,

120

My spouse,

121

Who is to me as a jewel—

122

OnlyifIhear

123

That she is there,49

124

Do I wish to go home, Do I yearn for my country.50

125 126

Thus singing, they committed suicide together.51

127

These two songs are YOMI-UTA.

47 1-kupi;

a consecrated stake or post used in religious rites. The mirror and jewel were hung on sacred posts or trees in order to summon the divine spirits. 48 I.e., only if she were there; according to the passage, she is not there. Takeda is prob­ ably right in calling the song an elegy. The rites at the river are, he says, rites to rid oneself of the pollution of death, i.e., funeral rites. Kiki kaydshii zenko, p. 185. 50 Although Aiso (p. 298) regards the preceding song as a dirge, he believes that this one was originally a prayer for safety during a journey. This song is found in the Manyoshii (XIII, 3263), but neither it nor the preceding one occurs in the Nihon shoki. 51 This is the earliest documentary evidence of the double suicides which so enlivened the stage during the Edo period. In fact, the theater-conscious commentator Nakajima (p. 487) even claims that this chapter reflects a rudimentary dramatic performance. 48

Book Three, Chapter 123

CHAPTER 123 THE REIGN OF EMPEROR ANK5. OPO-KUSAKANO-MIKO IS KILLED AS THE RESULT OP NE-NOOML's SLANDER. χ

His son1 ANAPO-NO-MIKO dwelt in the palace of ANAPO at IsoN0-KAMI and ruled the kingdom. 2 The emperor, on behalf of his younger brother OPO-PATUSENO-MIK Ο,2 dispatched NE-NO-OMI, the ancestor of the OMI of SAKA­ MOTO,3 to OPO-KUSAKA-NO-MIKO4 and had him say: 3 "I wish to have your younger sister, WAKA-KUSAKA-NO-MIKO,5 marry OPO-PATUSE-NO-MIKO ; therefore, present her!" 4 Then OPO-KUSAKA-NO-MIKO did obeisance four times and said: 5 "Since I had suspected that there might be such a command, I have kept her and not sent her elsewhere [as a bride]. With fearful reverence, I will present her in accordance with your command." 6 However, thinking it would be discourteous to [acquiesce to the emperor's command merely] with words, he sent, on behalf of his younger sister, a jeweled crown of pressed wood6 to be pre1 The son of the preceding Emperor IngyS. These words are lacking in most man­ uscripts, but are found in the Shimpuku-ji manuscript. 2 His full brother (121:2), later Emperor YCiryaku (127:1). 3 Cf. 62:16. 4 Emperor Nintoku's son (109:3) and the uncle of Anapo-no-miko. 5 Cf. 109:3, 127:2. 8 Osi-ki no tama-kadura. Tama-kadura means 'jeweled crown,' but osi-kt, written 'pressed wood,' is unclear; it may mean 'great tree.' (For the possible meanings of the troublesome element osi, see GLOSSARY under Osi-kuma-no-miko.) The crown is be­ lieved to have been a Korean style crown of gold or gilt bronze with tall vertical pieces in the shape of tree branches. Kidder (pp. 178-79) says in regard to the prevalence ofsuch crowns in protohistorical archeological sites: "Korean immigrants brought with them ornamental headgear and may have been responsible for developing an awareness among the native people of its attractions— attractions that are testified to by the haniwa and tomb remains. . . . Tall vertical crowns are found in Gumma, Fukui, Chiba, Shiga, Ehime and elsewhere, and one fine example is composed of three-armed tree-like formations, and all may bear small

Kojiki

sen ted as a token of reverence.7 7 NE-NO-OMI then stole the jeweled crown, [meant as] a token of reverence, and slandered OPO-KUSAKA-NO-MIKO, saying: 8 "OPO-KUSAKA-NO-MIKO would not receive the imperial com­ mand and said: 9 " 'Is my younger sister to be the sleeping mat for [one of] an equally ranking clan?' 10 "[Thus speaking], he grasped the sword-guard of his sword and was angry." 11 Then the emperor was greatly enraged and killed OPO-KUSAKANO-MIKO; taking the chief wife of this prince, NAGATA-NO-OPOIRATUME,8 he made her his empress.

dangling magatama or discs suspended by gold wires, quite comparable to those of Mimana and Silla and implying that the connection these have with Korea is very direct." The Nihott shoki relates that Ne-no-omi's downfall came about when he wore the crown in public, and it was recognized by Yuryaku's empress. See Aston, I, 363-64. 7

Wiya-ziro.

8

A full sister of Anapo-no-miko with this name is mentioned in 121:2.

Book Three, Chapter 124

CHAPTER 124 MAYOWA-NO-MIKO, HEARING THAT EMPEROR ANKO KILLED HIS FATHER OPO-KUSAKA-NOMIKO, MURDERS THE EMPEROR AND FLEES. ι

Sometime after this, the emperor was upon the divine bed1 taking a noontime nap. 2 Then he spoke to his empress and said: "Do you have any worries?" 3 She replied, saying: "Since I am enveloped in the profound favors of [my lord] the emperor, what worries should I have?" 4 At this time, the empress' previous child2 MAYOWA-NO-MIKO, who was seven years of age, was playing underneath the hall. 5 The emperor, unaware that the young prince was playing under­ neath the hall, said to the empress: 6 "I have something which worries me constantly. That is: when your son MAYOWA-NO-MIKO grows up, should he learn that I killed the prince his father, will he not have an evil heart [towards me]? 7 At this time, MAYOWA-NO-MIKO, who had been playing under­ neath the hall, overheard these words. 8 Thereupon, waiting concealed until the emperor slept, he took the sword at his side and cut the emperor's throat, then fled into the house of TUBURA-OPOMI. 9 The years of the emperor were fifty-six.3 10 His tomb is on the hill of PUSIMI at SUGAPARA. 1 Kamu-dokd; see 65:2. If this were a place where one retired to receive revelations, it seems odd that the emperor should have used it to take a nap. More probably, katnu

is a eulogistic prefix equivalent to 'imperial.' See the use of the word 2

kami in

130:6.

I.e., child of her former husband, Opo-kusaka-no-miko. There must have been

some special interest in the fact that this Japanese Hamlet was only seven years old when he accomplished his revenge. His later fate is recounted in Chapter 125. a The Nihon shoki does not record Anko's age at his death.

Kojiki

CHAPTER 125 OPO-PATUSE-NO-MIKO KILLS HIS TWO ELDER BROTHERS AND BESIEGES THE HOUSE OF TUBURA-OPOMI. MAYOWA-NO-MIKO DIES. Then OPO-PATUSE-NO-MIKO, who was then still a youth,1 heard of [the murder] and was embittered and enraged. 2 Going to his elder brother KURO-PIKO-NO-MIKO,2 he said: "Someone has killed3 the emperor. What is to be done?" 3 However, KURO-PIKO-NO-MIKO was not alarmed and was of an indifferent mind. 4 At this time OPO-PATUSE-NO-MIKO scolded his elder brother, saying: "How can you be so lazy that on hearing that the emperor, [your own] brother as well, has been killed, you remain uncon­ cerned and are not even surprised?" 5 Then grasping his collar, he pulled him out and, unsheathing his sword, killed him. 6 Again, he went to his elder brother SIRO-PIKO-NO-MIKO,4 and told him the situation as before. 7 He was as unconcerned as KURO-PIKO-NO-MIKO. 8 Then he grasped his collar and pulled him out to WOPARIDA, [where he] dug a hole and buried him as he stood; when he was buried up to the waist, both his eyes burst out and he died. Ι

1 In view of what we are told in 123 :2-3, this seems unlikely, but evidently one of the story requirements was that the vendetta hero be a youth. The Wunderknabe element is present also in the story of Yamato-takeru-no-mikoto (Chapter 79) and of Mayowaηδ-miko (Chapterl24). 2 Cf. 121:2. 3 Literally, 'taken.' 4 Cf. 121:2. These two princes may have been regarded as Mayowa-no-miko's ac­ complices. In the Nihon shoki, Kuro-piko-no-miko flees with Mayowa-no-miko and is burnt to death with him when Tubura-opomi's house is burned. Aston, I, 334-35.

Book Three, Chapter 125

9

Again, he raised an army and surrounded the house of TUBURAOMI.5

10

He also had raised an army and fought back; the arrows he shot forth were like the falling of reed [blossoms]. 11 At this time, OPO-PATUSE-NO-MIKO, using a spear as a staff,6 looked inside and said: "Is the maiden with whom I have spoken7 in this house?" 12 Then hearing this command, TUBURA-OMI came out himself, took off the weapons he was wearing at his side, and bowing eight times, said: 13 "My daughter KARA-PIME,8 of whom you inquired9 recently, will serve you. I will also present [with her] five MIYAKE.10 Those five MIYAKE are today the SONO-BITO of the five villages of KADURAKI.

"However, the reason she herself does not come out is this: 14 "Although, from antiquity, it has been known that an OMI or MURAZI might hide in the palace of a prince, a prince's hiding in the house of a vassal is unheard of.11 15 "For this reason I think that even though I, a lowly OPOMI, fight with all my strength, I can never possibly win. Nevertheless, even in death I will not abandon the prince who has, trusting me, come into my humble house."12 16 Thus saying, he took up his weapons again, went back in, and continued to fight. 17 Finally, his strength failing and his supply of arrows exhausted, he said to the prince: 5

Tubura-opomi (124:8). A conventional description of a valorous warrior. 7 I.e., the maiden with whom I have exchanged promises. 8 Cf. 127:3. 9 Or perhaps, 'the maiden whom you visited.' 10 It is strange that miyake, which were official granaries or government offices at­ tached to imperially owned plantations, should be "presented" to the emperor. Probably the diction is retroactive; what were later known as the five miyake of Kadurak'i were presented to the imperial house by Tubura-no-opomi, the owner. 11 However, see 122:26, where Prince Karu sought protection in the residence of Opo-mape-wo-mape-no-sukune. 12 His attitude differs entirely from that of Opo-mape-wo-mape-no-sukune in 122:4446. The word translated as 'humble' is corrupt in many manuscripts. 8

Kojiki 18

"I am wounded everywhere, and the supply of arrows is ex­ hausted. The fight cannot be continued any longer. What is to be done?" 19 The prince replied, saying : "In that case, there is nothing else to be done. Now, kill me!" 20 Thus, he stabbed the prince to death with a sword and cut his own throat and died.

Book Three, Chapter 126

CHAPTER 126

OPO-PATUSE-N5-MIKO KILLS OSI-PA-NO-MIKO, WHOSE SONS FLEE INTO HIDING. Ι

2

3 4 5

Sometime after this, KARA-BUKURO, the ancestor of the YAMANO-KIMI of SASAKI in APUMI, said:1 "In [the plain] of KAYA-NO at KUTAWATA in APUMI there is an abundance of game.2 [As they] stand, their legs are like a field of SUSUKI grass; their upraised horns are like leafless trees."3 At this time he4 took ITI-NO-BE-NO-OSI-PA-NO-MIKO5 and went to APUMI. When they arrived at the plain, each of them made a separate temporary palace and lodged [there]. The following morning before sunrise, OSI-PA-NO-MIKO, with a tranquil mind,6 came on horseback and stood by OPO-PATUSENO-MIKO'S temporary palace and said to the attendants of OPOPATUSE-Νΰ-ΜΙΚΟ :

"Has he not yet awakened? Tell him quickly. It is already morning. He ought to come out to the hunt." 7 Then, urging his horse on, he went off. 8 Then the people who waited upon OPO-PATUSE-NO-MIKO said: "This prince speaks most strangely; you must take care. Also you ought to arm yourself."7

6

To Opo-patuse-no-miko. Literally, 'boar and deer.' 3 The Shimpuku-ji manuscript has 'leafless pines.' 4 I.e., Opo-patuse-no-miko. 3 A son of Emperor Richii (113:2), therefore Opo-patuse-no-miko's cousin. 6 I.e., meaning no harm, innocently. 7 Opo-patuse-no-miko's servants slandered Osi-pa-no-miko. While the Kojiki makes Osi-pa-no-miko's murder the result of malicious slander, thus exonerating Opo-patuseno-miko from guilt, the Nihon shoki states clearly that Opo-patuse-no-miko murdered Osi-pa-no-miko because the latter had been chosen by Emperor Anko as successor to the throne. Aston, I, 336. 1 2

Kojiki

9 10 11 12 13

14 15 16 17

Then he put on armor under his clothes, took his bow and arrows, and went out on horseback. For a moment their horses came side by side, and he took an arrow and shot down OSI-PA-NO-MIKO. Then he cut up his body, put it in the horses' feed-pails, and buried it on a level with the ground.8 At this, ITI-NO-BE-NO-MIKO'S sons, OKE-NO-MIKO9 and WOKENO-MIKO10—two children—heard of this upheaval and fled. When they arrived at KARIPA-WI in YAMASIRO, as they were eating their provisions, an old man with a tattooed face11 came along and seized their provisions. The two princes said: "We do not regret the provisions, but who are you?" He answered, saying : "I am Wi-KAPI12 of YAMASIRO." Then they fled across the KUSUBA13 River and came to the land of PARIMA. Entering the house of a man of that land named SIZIMU, they hid themselves and were employed as keepers of the horses and cattle.14

Opo-patuse-no-miko became Emperor Yuryaku after he had murdered almost all the other eligible candidates; only the two princes Oke and Woke escaped and survived to assume the throne after Yuryaku's death. The Nihon shoki records that Yuryaku was censured as "the greatly wicked Emperor." Ibid., 340. 8 I.e., without leaving any mound to mark the place where he was buried. Osi-paηό-miko's remains are rediscovered in Chapter 138. • The future Emperor Ninken (140:1). 10 The future Emperor Kenzo (138:1). 11 Tattooing or branding was a punishment in early times; we also read of tattooing as an identifying mark applied to members of certain castes, such as the Uma-kapi-be. See Aston, I, 305, 307. See also 54:13. 12 The name means 'keeper of swine (or boars).' He is punished in 138:28-32. la Cf. 67:28-29. 14 That is, they assumed work of the lowest order. The princes' story is resumed in Chapters 136-139.

Book Three, Chapter 127

CHAPTER 127 REIGN OF EMPEROR YURYAKU. OPO-PATUSE-NO-WAKA-TAKE-NO-MIKOTO dwelt in the palace of

Ι

ASAKURA at PATUSE and ruled the kingdom.

2

The emperor took as wife WAKA-KUSAKA-BE-NO-MIKO,1 the younger sister of OPO-KUSAKA-NO-MIKO. (There were no children) Again, he took as wife KARA-PIME,2 the daughter of TUBURAOPOMI, and there was born the child SIRA-GA-NO-MIKOTO;3 and next, a younger daughter WAKA-TARASI-PIME-NO-MIKOTO. (TWO

3

children)

4

The SIRA-GA-BE was established as a MI-NA-SIRO for the crown prince SIRA-GA.4 Also the TONERI of the PATUSE-BE were established, and the TONERI of KAPASE were established. At this time there immigrated people of KURE.5 These people of KURE were settled at KURE-PARA. For this reason, the name of that place is KURE-PARA.

5 6 7

Cf. 109:3, 123:3. Cf. 125:13. a The future Emperor Seinei (135:1). 4 The same information is given again in 135:3. s A name given to the state of Wu in southern China. The Nihon shoki gives a much more detailed account of this immigration. See Aston, I, 351, 362-63. 1 2

Kojiki

CHAPTER 128 EMPEROR YURYAKU GOES TO WED WAKAKUSAKA-BE-NO-MIKO IN KAPUTI. ON THE WAY HE IS PRESENTED WITH A WHITE DOG, WHICH HE SENDS AS A BETROTHAL GIFT TO HER. SHE PROMISES TO FOLLOW HIM TO THE PALACE, WHEREUPON HE SINGS A SONG LOOKING FORWARD TO THEIR UNION. Ι 2 3 4 5

At the first, when the empress1 dwelt in KUSAKA, [the emperor] was proceeding to KAPUTI over the TADA-GOYE Road of KUSAKA. As he climbed to the top of the mountain and surveyed the land,2 [he saw] a house built with raised logs3 on its roof. The emperor had inquiries made about the house, saying: "Whose house is this, built with raised logs?" They replied, saying: "It is the house of the OPO-AGATA-NUSI of SIK!." Then the emperor said: "The scoundrel! He has built his own house like the palace4 of the emperor!"

Waka-kusaka-be-no-miko. Another example of the practice of ritual land-viewing described in the note to 110:1. 8 Katuwo. The modern katsuogi, round wooden logs placed at equal intervals on the ridge of a shrine roof; they were probably designed originally to hold the ridge in place with their weight. In haniwa they are found solely on pieces thought to represent the main building of a dwelling. The etymology of katuwo is unclear. See Zukai kokogaku iiten, pp. 164-65. 4 Mi-araka. The passage implies that the use of such architectural features was restricted to the imperial palace; perhaps they were regarded as a symbol of imperial authority. On the other hand, it is clear that some kind of raised log construction was used generally on all types of dwelling. Perhaps the culprit had constructed his house in a particular style restricted to the imperial palace. The emperor's anger may have resulted, not simply from the roof question, but also from the affluence of the opo-agata-nusi, which may have rivaled that of the imperial family. 1 2

Book Three, Chapter 128 6 7

8 9 10 11

12 13

14

15 16 17 18 19 20

21 22 23

6

Hereupon he dispatched people to burn the house. Then the OPO-AGATA-NUSI, stricken with fear and awe, bowed to the ground and said: "Being a subordinate, I built it by mistake, not realizing my insubordination. I am overwhelmed with dread." Then he presented an offering of entreaty, a white dog tied up with a cloth and with a bell attached. He had one of his own relations, named KOSI-PAKI, hold the dog's leash and present it. Hereupon he5 abandoned the idea of setting fire [to the house]. Then he went on to WAKA-KUSAKA-BE-NO-MIKO and gave her the dog, sending word: "This is something unusual, which I gained on the road today." Therefore, calling it a betrothal gift,6 he presented it to her. At this time, WAKA-KUSAKA-BE-NO-MIKO sent word to the emperor: "It is an awesome thing that you should deign to come with the sun at your back.7 Rather let me go up directly [to the capital] and serve you." For this reason, he went back to the palace. On the way, he stood at the top of the pass over the mountain and sang this song: In the valleys Here and there Between the mountains this side Of KUSAKA-BE And the PEGUEI mountains (Of the rush matting)8 There stand flourishing Wide-leaved great oak trees.

The emperor.

* Tuma-dopi no mono.

' Cf. 48:6. 8 Cf. 37:11—12.

Kojiki 24

25 26

27 28 29 30

31 32 33 34

At their foot Grows entwined bamboo;9 At their tips Grows luxuriant bamboo.10 Entwined bamboo: We did not sleep entwined; Luxuriant bamboo: We did not sleep luxuriously.11 But later we will sleep entwined— Ah, that beloved spouse of mine!12 Then he sent a messenger back with this song.13

* Ikumi-dake. I is a meaningless prefix; kumi is from the verb kumu, here meaning 'to entwine,' 'to grow close together,' or perhaps 'to be concealed.' It is repeated in line 28 to introduce the image 'sleep entwined.' 10 Tasimi-dake. Probably ta is a meaningless prefix, and simi means 'densely growing,' 'luxuriant.' It is repeated in line 30 to introduce the word tasi ni. If, as Takeda thinks, tasimi is related to the word tasi ni, it may mean 'satisfactory,' 'goodly.' Kiki kaydshu zenko, p. 188. There is also a verb tasimu, 'to like,' 'to fancy.' 11 Tasi ni pa wi-nezu. Probably, 'we did not sleep to the full' (as in 122:16). I have substituted 'luxurious' to preserve the play of words between tasimi-dake and tasi ni. 12 Like the songs in 112:10-26 and 122:108-24, this song introduces first two sets of images (in this case, the oak trees, then the bamboo), then relates the second image to the real subject of the song (here, sexual union). Its final Unes resemble 122:105-06. The song does not appear in the Nihon shoki. 18 I.e., to Waka-kusaka-be-no-miko.

Book Three, Chapter 129

CHAPTER 129 THE OLD WOMAN AKA-WI-KO COMES BEFORE EMPEROR YURYAKU TO PROVE HER FAITHFULNESS TO A COMMAND HE HAD GIVEN HER MANY YEARS BEFORE. THEY EXCHANGE SONGS. s

2 3 4 5 6 7

8

Also on another occasion, the emperor was making a journey.1 When he reached the MIWA River, there was a maiden by the river washing clothes. She was extremely beautiful. The emperor asked the maiden: "Whose child are you?" She replied, saying: "My name is AKA-WI-KO of the PIKETA-BE." Then he commanded: "Do not marry; I will soon summon you." [Thus saying,] he returned to his palace. Thus this AKA-WI-KO waited respectfully for the command of the emperor until eighty years had passed. At this time AKA-WI-KO thought: "Many years have passed while I looked forward to his com­ mand. Now my body has become decrepit and withered, and there is no longer any hope. However, unless I reveal the faithful­ ness with which I waited, I will be unable to overcome my melancholy." [Thus thinking,] she had hundreds of tables laden with gifts2 brought, and she came forth and presented them.

1 Or 'was taking a walk.' Tachibana Moribe held that this account was related to the first song in the Manyoshu, which is attributed to Emperor Yuryaku and in which the emperor approaches a maiden picking greens on a hill and asks her name. To ask a girl her name signified a proposal of marriage. For a translation of the song, see Brower and Miner, pp. 48-49. 2 Cf. 43:27; dowry presents?

Kojiki

9

At this, the emperor, who had completely forgotten what he had previously commanded her, asked this AKA-WI-KO, saying: 10 "What old woman are you? Why have you come?" 11 Then AKA-WI-KO replied, saying: "In such a year and in such a month I received the emperor's command, and [ever since] for a period of eighty years I have been waiting respectfully. Now my appearance has become old, and there is no longer any hope. Nevertheless, I have come forth to declare my constancy." 12 At this, the emperor was greatly surprised and said: "I had quite forgotten that incident of long ago. But you, re­ maining constant in heart, have waited for my command and wasted away the prime of your life. This is most pitiable." 13 In his heart he wished to wed her but, out of consideration for her extreme age, he was not able to consummate marriage with her, and gave her a song. The song said: 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24

Under the oaks, The sacred oaks Of MIMOEO : How awesome— O oak-forest maiden !3 Again he sang this song: The field of PIKETA4 Where young chestnut trees grow When she5 was young Would that I had slept with her— But now she5 is old.

8 Or 'maidens.' Takeda regards the song as distinct from the narrative, and takes it as a religious song of the sacred mountain Miwa (Mimoro) referring to the oak-forest priestesses who were forbidden to ordinary mortals. Kiki kayoshu zetiko, p. 191. Tsuchihashi suggests that it may be an uta-gaki song taunting the maidens for being as distant and unapproachable as the sacred oaks. Tsuchihashi and Konishi, p. 93. 4 The place name makes the song particularly applicable to Aka-wi-ko, a member of the Piketa corporation. 6 Or Ί.' There is no subject expressed in the original. Wlien the song is divorced from the narrative, T may be preferable.

Book Three, Chapter 129 25

Then AKA-WI-KO cried, and her tears soaked the sleeves of the red-dyed [garment]6 she was wearing. 26 In reply to the emperor's song, she sang this song:

27 28 29 30 31 32 33

34 35 36 37 6

At MIMORO They built a jeweled fence,7 But left part unfinished :8 On whom will you rely, Courtier of the deity?9 Again she sang this song: In the bay of KUSAKA10 Grow lotuses of the bay, Flowering lotuses: Ah those in their prime— HowIenvythem!11

Ni-zuri; dyed by pressing or rubbing the cloth with dyes made of red clay or plants. Tatna-kaki. The prefix tama, 'jewel,' is eulogistic; the fence itself was made of stone or wood, or was merely a grove of trees marking the boundaries of the sacred precincts. 8 Tuki-amasi. Difficult to interpret. 'In building, left part unfinished' (Takeda, Kiki kaydshu zenko, pp. 192-93). '[I am like] the left-over material in building the fence' (Aiso, p. 310). Ί have passed my prime in the worship of the god' (Tsuchihashi and Konishi, p. 94). 'The building was flimsy' (Nakajima, p. 510). 9 Kami no miya-pito; for miya-pito see 122:39. Perhaps in the plural, 'ye servants of the deity.' In the above translation the verb tuku (and its inflected form, tuki) has been inter­ preted as 'to build.' If it is understood as 'to worship,' we get this translation: 'At Mimoro / I worshipped before the sacred grove, / I worshipped only too long, / And now on whom am I to rely, / Poor servant of the deity?' See Tsugita, pp. 582-83. This song is also given in the Kinkafu, which calls it situ-uta and quotes the Kojiki narrative. The Kinkafu author goes on to comment that the narrative does not conform to the song and gives a different account which attributes it to Emperor Sujin. Takeda concludes that it was a religious song woven secondarily into the narrative. Kiki kaydshu zenko, p. 193. The song's meaning is unclear, but it appears to be the lamentof someone who has been passed over or left out in some way. 10 Yuryaku's empress was named Waka-kusaka-be-no-miko (127:2). If Kusaka is used as Piketa was used in line 20, this is a song of envy of the young empress. If divorced from the narrative, it is merely the song of an aged person envying youth. 11 In all four songs in this chapter, the third line repeats an element from the second line. Aiso (p. 314) pairs the songs as follows: (a) the song about Mimoro sung in 14-18 by the emperor and its reply, the old woman's song about Mimoro in lines 27-31; (b) the song about the chestnuts of Piketa sung by the emperor in lines 20-24 anc^ the old 7

Kojiki

38 39

Then he rewarded the old woman richly and sent her back [to her home.] These four songs are SITU-UTA.

woman's reply about the lotuses of Kusaka in 33-37. In spite of the consistency of such a grouping, the songs were probably independent songs originally. Tsuchihashi thinks that all of them were uta-gaki songs. Tsuchihashi and Konishi, pp. 93-95.

Book Three, Chapter 130

CHAPTER 130 EMPEROR Y URYAKU EMPLOYS A MAIDEN OF Y ESINO . A DRAGONFLY EATS A HORSEFLY ON

HIS ARM.

ι

At a time when the emperor was making a royal visit to the palace of YESINO,1 there was a beautiful maiden on the bank of the YESINO River. He wedded this maiden and then returned to the palace.2 2 Once again later, when he made another royal visit to YESINO, he stopped at the spot where he had met the maiden. 3 At this place he set up his royal dais and, sitting on this dais, he played the cither and had the girl dance. 4 Then, because the girl danced so well, he made a song, which said: 5 6 7 8 9

The divine hands Of the one seated on the dais3 Pluck the cither To which dances the maiden: Would that this were Τόκό-γδ !4

1 The existence of a "detached palace" in Yesino (Yosino) is first recorded in the Nihott shoki under the reign of Ojin. Aston, I, 264. The palace was frequently visited by later rulers, and is known to have existed as late as the reign of Emperor Shomu (724-

749)· 2

The palace of Asakura in Patuse (cf. 127:1). The original reads, 'by means of the hands of the deity (kami) / Seated on the dais.' The reference to the emperor as a kami may be explained by assuming that an emperor was divine, or that musicians participating in sacred rites were divine. Probably, how­ ever, the song was originally an independent ritual song which accompanied a sacred dance performed for a deity and was not sung by the musician himself. The use of the cither to accompany shamanistic performances is clear from Chapter 92, and it is entirely possible that the early Japanese believed that the divine spirit assumed control of the player during a trance and actually played the instrument. 4 I.e., 'Would that this would last eternally !' 3

Kojiki

ΊΟ

11 12

Then he proceeded to the plain of AKIDU, and as he was hunting there, the emperor was seated on his dais. Then a horsefly bit his arm. Immediately a dragonfly5 came and devoured the horsefly, then flew away. At this time he made a song, which

13 14 15 l6 17 l8 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27

Someone reported To the emperor The news that game were lying On the peak of WOMURO Of MI-YESINO : As our great lord Ruling in peace6 Awaited the game Seated upon his dais, A horsefly landed On his forearm, Clad in a sleeve Of white TAPE cloth. This horsefly A dragonfly quickly devoured.

28 29

Thus, in order to perpetuate The memory of this event, Is the sky-filled7 Land of YAMATO called The Dragonfly Island.8

30 31 32

33

Thus from that time forward, that plain has been called the plain of AKIDU.

5 Akidu. ' Yasumisisi / waga opo-kimi no; cf. 85:22-23. Since this term is used by others to refer to the emperor, it is out of place in a song supposedly sung by the emperor himself. The same incongruity occurs in 131:7-8. 7 Sora rnitu; cf. 116:10. 8 Aki-du-sima; an appellation for Japan. It appears first in verse 11 of the Kojiki preface. For its etymology, see the GLOSSARY; here, of course, we have merely a folk etymology of the usual type. In the Nihon shoki version of this song, the conclusion is the moral that even such insects as the dragonfly faithfully serve the emperor.

Book Three, Chapter 131

CHAPTER 131 EMPEROR YURYAKU SHOOTS A WILD BOAR

AND CLIMBS A TREE WHEN IT CHARGES HIM. ι

On another occasion the emperor ascended to the top of Mount KADURAKI. Thereupon a huge boar appeared.

2

3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

Immediately the emperor shot the boar with a humming arrow;1 then the boar became enraged and came charging with a snorting noise. Thus the emperor, fearing its snorting, climbed up a black alder tree,2 then sang this song: Fearing the snorting Of the beast, The wounded beast Shot by our great lord Ruling in peace,3 I ran away and climbed up A branch of the black alder tree On this hill I4

Nari-kabura; cf. 23:13. Pari-no-kt. 3 See the note to 130:19. 4 Compare the account in the Nihon shoki, where the emperor's attendant (Aston makes it 'attendants') loses his head when the boar charges and climbs a tree, leaving the emperor to shoot the boar himself. The cowardly attendant sings this song as he is about to be executed, and is saved from death by the intervention of the empress. Aston, I, 344-45. The Kojiki account, attributing the song to the emperor, is much less satisfac­ tory than that in the Nihon shoki. The song is most likely one expressing servile adulation of the emperor. 1

2

Kojiki

CHAPTER 132 EMPEROR YURYAKU MEETS THE DEITY

Ριτδ-

KOTO-NUSI ON MOUNT KADURAKI IN MYSTERIOUS CIRCUMSTANCES. Ι

2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

1

On another occasion, when the emperor was ascending Mount KADURAKI, all of his many attendants were dressed in dyed blue garments to which red cords were attached.1 At the time people who were exactly like the emperor's entou­ rage were climbing the mountain from the opposite side. Both the appearance of their garments and the people themselves were so much alike as to be indistinguishable. Then the emperor, seeing this, inquired, saying: "There is no other king in this land of Y AMATO. Who is this who comes in this manner?" The style of the reply was also the same as the emperor's own words.2 At this time, the emperor was greatly enraged and fixed his arrow. His many attendants also all fixed their arrows. Then the other people also all fixed their arrows. Hereupon the emperor again inquired, saying: "In that case, say your names. We will all say our names and then shoot our arrows." This time, the reply was: "Since I have been asked first, I will say my name first: good

Cf. 113:30. Tsugita (p. 592) suggests that the account is reminiscent of such phenomena as mirages and echoes. It is also possible that the emperor encountered a procession of local rulers or priests; we have noted before (cf. 128:5) that local ruling families lived on a scale comparable to that of the imperial court. See Nakajima, pp. 518-19. Inoue Mitsusada suggests a political significance: the downfall of the Kaduraki family and the seizure of its ritual privileges by the imperial family. Kojiki taisei, IV, 192. 2

Book Three, Chapter 132

word,3

fortune with one bad fortune with one word,3 the worddeciding deity4 PITO-KOTO-NUSI-NO-OPO-KAMI of KADURAK! ami!" 13 At this, the emperor was afraid and said: 14 "I am struck with awe, O my great deity! I did not know that you had a corporeal form." 15 Thus saying, beginning with his own great sword and bow and arrows, he had his many attendants take off the garments they were wearing and reverentially5 presented them. 16 Then this PITO-KOTO-NUSI-NO-OPO-KAMI, clapping his hands,6 accepted these offerings. 17 Thus, on the emperor's return, from the mountain7 top to the entrance of Mount PATUSE, this great deity escorted him back. 18 It was at this time that this PITO-KOTO-NUSI-NO-OPO-KAMI was [first] revealed.8

3

Pito-koto. Koto-saka no kami; or perhaps, ipi-panatu katni. This deity, by one word, could decide the fortunes of men; perhaps a deity of oracles or divination. 5 Or 'worshipping.' They presented their garments as expiatory offerings for their disrespect. 8 Evidently to express delight and to impart a blessing. 7 One ideograph appears to be corrupt in the original and has been disregarded in translation. 8 Cf. 93 :10. That is, this deity first became known officially to the Yamato court at this time. The Nihon shoki gives a somewhat different version of this curious theophany. See Aston, I, 341-42 1

36I

Kojiki

CHAPTER 133 A MAIDEN HIDES FROM EMPEROR YURYAKU. AN UNEME FROM MlPE OF ISE SAVES HER LIFE BY SINGING A SONG. ι

2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

12 13

Again, the emperor journeyed to KASUGA in order to wed WODO-PIME, the daughter of the OMI SATUKI of WANI. At the time, the maiden1 met him on the road. Then, seeing his approach, she fled and hid on the hill.2 For this reason he made a song: The hill Where the maiden is hiding— Oh for five hundred Metalhoes:3 How I would dig it up! Thus that hill is called KANA-SUKI Hill.4 Again, when the emperor was celebrating a state banquet under a luxuriant5 τυκϊ [tree] at PATUSE, an UNEME from MIPE of the land of ISE had lifted up the great wine-cup to present it. Then a leaf fell from the luxuriant τυκϊ tree and floated in the great wine-cup. The UNEME, unaware that a leaf was floating in the wine-cup, presented the great wine.

Or 'a maiden.' The Harimafudoki records the custom by which a girl, on receiving a proposal of marriage, would run away and hide. The suitor would seek her out and then marry her. It is said that a similar custom existed in recent years in the Yaeyama Islands of the Ryiikyiis. See also Aston, I, 190. 3 Kana-suki. 4 'Metal Hoe Hill.' A folk etymology. The story of Wodo-pime is continued in Chapter 134. 5 Literally, 'hundred-leaf.' 1 2

Book Three, Chapter 133

14 15

16 17

The emperor, noticing the leaf floating in the wine-cup, held the UNEME down and pressed a sword against her neck. As he was about to cut [her throat], the UNEME addressed the emperor, saying: "Do not kill me! I have something to say." Then she sang this song:

19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28

The palace of PISIRO At MAKIMUKU6 Is a palace where shines The morning sun, A palace where gleams The evening sun,7 Is a palace where the roots Of the bamboo are plentiful, A palace where the roots Of the trees are long and extended, Is a palace built On firmly pounded soil.8

29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38

A hall of wood Of excellent PI trees Is the Hall of the First Fruits,9 By which is growing A luxuriant TuKitree: Its upper branches10 Spread out over the heavens; Its middle branches Spread out over the eastern lands;11

18

6 The palace of Pisiro at Makimuku was Emperor Keiko's palace (cf. 77:1). This conflicts with the narrative (verse 11), which states that the emperor was at Patuse. The song was probably woven into the narrative secondarily. 7 Cf. 39:17. The palace is praised because of its location in the sun. 8 These lines praise the palace for the firmness of its foundation. This entire section of the song is in the nature of a palace-blessing. 9 Nipi-nape-ya; cf. 16:3. The hall where the autumn harvest festival was celebrated. 10 Compare the branch and leafimagery here with that in 102:12-17 and 117:2. 11 Aduma; see its folk etymology in 84:16.

Kojiki

40

Its lower branches Spread out over the rural regions.12

41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 $5 56 57 58 59 60 61 62

The leaves at the tip Of the upper branches Touch down On the middle branches; The leaves at the tip Of the middle branches Touch down On the lower branches; The leaves at the tip Of the lower branches Drop, as floating oil,13 Into the beautiful jeweled cup Presented By the girl of MIPE Of the silken garments14— And falling into the liquid, The waters churning, Churning around:15 This, too— How awesome, O high-shining Sun-prince!

63 64 65

These are The words, The words handed down.16

39

12

Pina. Both Aduma and pina are used to refer vaguely to distant places. Cf. ι :2. The next several lines allude to the creation myth. 11 Ari-kinu no; a conventional epithet for Mipe. The etymology is not entirely clear, but ari appears to be the noun which now means 'ant,' but which may have meant 'worm'; thus, 'silk-worm cloth.' 15 An allusion to 3 :4. By alluding to the felicitous creation myth, the uneme succeeds in creating an atmosphere in which the leaf-in-the-cup episode is regarded as a good omen rather than as a crime. 16 This refrain, appearing at the end of the three ama-gatari-uta in this chapter, is the same as that found in the kamu-gatari songs in Chapters 25-27. The similarity in diction 13

Book Three, Chapter 133

66

67

Thus, when she presented this song, he forgave her crime. Then the empress17 sang a song, which said:

68 69 70 71 72 73 74 7$ 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83

In this high place Of YAMATO, In the gently elevated Meeting place, By the Hall of the First Fruits There is growing18 A wide-leaved Sacred camellia tree. Like its leaves, Wide and calm, Like its flowers, Shining brilliantly Are y Kanu-tu-ke > Kauduke > Kozuke], corresponding to modern Gumma-ken. Ruled by a family of kimi claiming descent from Toyo-ki'-iri-biko-no-mikoto. In ancient Japan both Kami-tukeno ('upper Keno') and Simo-tu-keno ('lower Keno') formed a single land of Keno. KAMI-TU-MITI [Kami-tsu-michi, Kamu-tsu-nuchi] 61:9. A region in Kibi (nowjoto-gun, Okayama-ken) ruled by an ο mi claiming descent from Opo-kib'i-tu-piko-no-mikoto. Id., 'upper road.' Relatedto Simo-tunnti, 'lower road.' KAMI-TU-UNAKAMI [Kami-tsu-Unakami] 15:21. 'Upper Unakami,' a region on the Chiba Peninsula, 111 antiquity ruled by a family of kunino-nnyatuko claiming descent from Ame-no-po-pi-no-mikoto. The kum-no-miyatuko of Simo-tu-Unakami, q.v., appear to be a branch of this family. After the Taika Reform, Kami-tu-Unakami became a county (Unakami county) in the province of Kazusa and now corresponds to the area around Anesaki-machi, Ichihara-gun, Chiba-ken. KAMO [Kamo] 29:2; 66:16. A PN found in various places in Japan. The Kamo in Kadurak'i in Yamato appears to be the original base from which group members moved out to different localities. Probably the place known today as Kamogami, Gose-shi, Nara-ken, was the seat of this group and the location of the shrine where Adi-siki'-taka-pikone-no486

Glossary kami, "the great god of Kamo," was enshrined. The Kamo no kimi family, like the Miwa no kimi, claim descent from Opo-tata-neko-nomikoto. K A M U - A T A - T U - P I M E [Kamu-ata-tsu-hime] 41:2. A name of Ko-nopana-saku-ya-bime. K A M U , id., 'deity,' a form of kami; ATA, phon., PN, probably Ata in Satuma (now in Kimbo-cho, Hioki-gun, Kagoshima-ken). "Divine Ata Princess." Perhaps a female chieftain ruling the Paya-pito of Ata. K A M U - D O - N Ö - T U R U G I [Kamu-do-no-tsurugi] 3 4 : 1 4 . Another name for the sword Opo-pakari used by Adi-siki-taka-pikone-no-kami. K A M U , id., 'deity'; DO, phon., unclear; T U R U G I , id., 'sword'; K A M U - D O may be a PN. K A M U - G A T A R I [Kamu-gatari] 28:38. Name of a song, id., 'divine narrative,' applied to the songs in Chapters 25-28. May be an abbreviation of Kamu-gatari-uta. Similar in style and diction to the Ama-gatariuta and, together with them, may have been part of the repertoire of performers belonging to the Ama-be. Incorrectly read Kamu-goto, 'divine words.' K A M U - I K U - S U B I - N Ö - K A M I [Kami-iku-subi-no-kami] 3 1 : 1 . The unidentified father of Ino-pime. K A M U , id., 'deity'; I K U , id., 'live'; SUBI, phon., perhaps related to K U S U B I in Kumano-kusubi-no-mikoto and M U S U B I in Kami-musubi-no-kami. Matsuoka (I, 460) divides it as: I (meaningless prefix)- 1 K U S U B I ('wondrous working'). K A M U - K U S I - N O - M I K O [Kamu-kushi-no-miko] 77:2, 15. A son of Emperor Keiko by Inabi-no-opo-iratume of Parima. K A M U , id., 'deity,' 'divine'; K U S I , id., 'comb,' but preferably wondrous,' 'medicine,' etc. "Divine Wondrous Prince"? K A M U - N A P O B I - N O - K A M I [Kamu-naobi-no-kami] 1 1 : 1 5 . One of the 'rectifying deities' who camc into existence, together with Oponapobi-no-kami, during Izanagi's ablutions. K A M U , id., 'deity,' 'divine'; N A P O B I , explained as 'corrective working' (related to naposu, 'to correct, rectify'); BI is the element PI/BI evident in Maga-tu-pi, Taka-tu-pi, Paya-pi, etc. (see Opo-maga-tu-pi-nd-kami). "Divine Corrective Deity." K A M U - N U N A K A P A - M I M I - N O - M I K O T O [Kamu-nunakawa-mimino-mikoto] 54:30; 55:14, 17, 23; 56:1. Emperor Suisei, a son of Emperor Jimmu by Isuke-yori-pime. K A M U , id., 'deity,' 'divine'; N U N A K A P A , P N , q.v.\

M I M I , id., 'ear,' an h o n o r i f i c appellation a p -

487

Kojiki pended to a name or to a P N to indicate the ruler of the locality. Ota, Nihon jodai shakai soshiki no kenkyu, p. 379. "Divine Nunakapa Ruler Lord." Also called Take-nunakapa-mimi-no-mikoto. Other examples of the element M I M I are: Kisu-mimi-no-mikoto, Masa-katu-a-katukati-paya-pi-Ame-no-osi-po-mimi-no-mikoto, Mi-suki-tomo-mimiTake-piko, Pute-mimi-no-kami, Suwe-tu-mimi-no-mikoto, Tori-mimino-kaml. K A M U - O P O - I T I - P I M E [Kamu-5-ichi-hime] 20:14. A daughter of Opoyama-tu-mi-no-kami, consort of Susa-no-wo, and mother of Opo-tosin o - k a m i and U k a - n o - a m i - t a m a - n o - k a m i . K A M U , id., 'deity'; OPO-ITI, id., 'great marketplace,' probably one of the numerous places called Opo-iti, Opoti, or Oputi. "Divine Opo-iti Princess," i.e., a goddess enshrined at a place called Opo-iti. K A M U - O P O - N E - N O - M I K O [Kamu-5-ne-no-miko] 63:12, 26. A son of Piko-imasu-no-miko by Okinaga-no-midu-yori-pime. Also called Yaturi-no-iri-biko-no-miko. K A M U , id., 'deity'; O P O - N E , id., 'great root,' q.v. "Divine Great-Root Prince." Probably the same person as Opo-ne-no-miko, q.v. K A M U - Y A - T A T E - P I M E - N O - M I K O T O [Kamu-ya-tate-hime-nomikoto] 29:3. An unidentified consort of Opo-kuni-nusi-no-kam'i and mother of Koto-siro-nusi-no-kaml. K A M U , id., 'deity'; Y A , id., 'house,' perhaps 'eight,' 'numerous'; T A T E , id., 'shield,' perhaps 'erect.' Perhaps "Divine Eight-Shields-Princess Goddess" or "Divine House-Erection-Princess Goddess." Y A - T A T E is not an identifiable P N . K A M U - Y A - W I - M I M I - N O - M I K O T O [Kamu-ya-i-mimi-no-mikoto] 54:30; 55:14, 19, 22. A son of Emperor Jimmu by Isuke-yori-pime. K A M U , id., 'deity'; Y A - W I , id., 'eight wells,' perhaps a P N , also present in the name of his brother Piko-ya-wi-no-mikoto; MIMI, see Kamu-nunakapa-mimi-no-mikoto. "Divine Ya-wi Ruler Lord"? K A M U - Y A M A T O [Kamu-yamato], Emperor. Pref. 1 1 . See Kamuyamato-ipare-biko-no-mikoto. K A M U - Y A M A T O - I P A R E - B I K O - [ N O - M I K O T O ] Pref. 65; 46:1; 4 7 : 1 ; 4 9 : 1 - 2 ; 55:24. Emperor Jimmu, the legendary first emperor of the Yamato line. Son of Ama-tu-piko-Piko-nagisa-take-U-gaya-pukiapezu-no-mikoto by Tama-yori-bime-no-mikoto. Also called Wakami-ke-nu-no-mikoto and Toyo-mi-ke-nu-no-mikoto. K A M U , id., 'deity'; Y A M A T O , P N , q.v.; IPARE, phon., P N , q.v. "DivineYamato Ipare-Lad Lord." Since neither the Kojiki nor NS give any 488

Glossary information connecting Jimmu with the place Ipare, the prominence of this geographical element in his name has not been satisfactorily explained. See Tsuda, Nihon koten no kenkyu, I, 267-68. K A M U - Z A K I - N O - I R A T U M E [Kamu-zaki-no-iratsume] 1 4 2 : 6 . A daughter of Emperor Keitai by Kuro-pime. K A M U - Z A K I , id., 'deity presence,' probably a P N , perhaps the Kamuzaki in Apumi (now Kanzakigun, Shiga-ken). "Lady of Kamu-zaki." K A N A M U R A [Kanamura] 1 4 2 : 1 5 . The murazi of the Opo-tomo who was dispatched during the reign of Emperor Keitai to subdue the Ipawi rebellion in Kyushu. Active at the end of the fifth and the first half of the sixth centuries. Served as opo-murazi during the reigns of Emperors Buretsu through Kimmei. The Opo-tomo family declined temporarily after the failure of Kanamura's Korean policies. K A N A P A S I [Kanahashi] 1 4 3 : 1 . A place at Magari in Yamato (Magarigawa, Kashiwara-shi, Nara-ken), site of the palace of Emperor Ankan. Id., 'metal chopstick'; written elsewhere: 'metal bridge.' K A N A - S U K I [Kana-suki] 133 :io. An unidentified hill in Kasuga, said to be the same as Wani-zaka. Id., 'metal hoe.' K A N A - Y A M A - B I K O - N Ö - K A M I [Kana-yama-biko-no-kami] 7:19. A deity born, together with his female counterpart Kana-yama-bime-nokami', from the vomit of Izanagi-no-kaml. K A N A - Y A M A , id., 'metal mountain,' usually interpreted as referring to 'mines.' "Metal-Mountain Lad Deity." K A N A - Y A M A - B I M E - N O - K A M I [Kana-yama-bime-no-kami] 7 : 1 9 . The female counterpart of the preceding deity. "Metal-Mountain Princess Deity." K A N I M E - I K A D U T I - N O - M I K O [Kanime-ikazuchi-no-miko] 63:27. Son of Yamasiro-no-opo-tutuk'i-no-ma-waka-nS-miko and father of Okinaga-no-sukune-n5-miko. K A N I M E , phon., E N C , 'crab eyes'? I K A D U T I , id., 'thunder'; M I K O , id., 'prince.' K A N O [Kano] 63:21. A place in Tika-tu-Apumi (now Kami-kano and Shimo-kano, Hatash5-cho, Echi-gun, Shiga-ken), seat of a family of wake claiming descent from Wo-zapo-no-miko. K A P A - B E [Kawa-be] 1 2 1 : 1 4 . A corporation, evidently of river-dwellers (analogous to the Yama-be and Ama-be), established during the reign of Emperor Ingy5 as a mi-na-siro for Tawi-no-naka-tu-pime. Id., 'river corporation.' W e also know of a corporation called Kapa-bito-be, id., 'river-people corporation.' 489

Kojiki K A P A - M A T A - B I M E [Kawa-mata-bime] 56:2; 57:2. A consort of Emperor Suisei, mother of Emperor Annei, and the "ancestor of the agatanusi of Siki." K A P A - M A T A , id., 'river fork,' perhaps an ancient place of that name in Kaputi (formerly in Naka-kawachi-gun, Osaka-fu). "Princess of Kapa-mata." K A P A - M A T A - N O - I N A - Y O R I - B I M E [Kawa-mata-no-ina-yori-bime] 63:31. Consort of Okinaga-no-sukune-no-miko. KAPA-MATA, id., 'river fork,' perhaps the place in Kaputi; I N A , id., 'rice,' 'ricestalk' ; Y O R I - B I M E , See Ame-no-sade-yori-pime. K A P A B E [Kawabe] 62:14. Also read Kapa-no-be. A family of omi rank claiming descent from Soga-no-isikapa-nd-sukune and a branch of the powerful Soga clan. Kapabe is probably a P N , either the Kapabe in old Towoti county in Yamato or Kapabe county in Settsu (now Kawabegun, Hyogo-ken). K A P A K A M I [Kawakami] 69:12. A place in Totori (now the vicinity of Higashi-Tottori-mura, Sennan-gun, Osaka-fu), location of the palace of Inisiki-no-iri-biko-no-mikoto. K A P A K A M I - B E [Kawakami-be] 69:13. A mi-na-siro established in commemoration of Inisiki-no-iri-biko-no-mikoto, whose palace was located at Kapakami. K A P A K A M I - N O - M A S U - N O - I R A T U M E [Kawakami-no-masu-noiratsume] 63:23. A consort of Tanipa-no-piko-tatasu-Miti-no-usi-nomiko. K A P A K A M I , a PN, perhaps the Kapakami in Kumano county in the old province of Tango (now Kumano-gun, Kyoto-fu); MASU, phon., E N C , perhaps a PN. K A P A R A - D A - N O - I R A T U M E [Kawara-da-no-iratsume] 9 9 : 1 2 . A daughter of Emperor Ojin by Kaguro-pime. K A P A R A - D A , id., 'riverbed rice-paddy,' probably a PN. "Lady of Kapara-da." K A P A S E [Kawase] 127:5. A group of toneri established during the reign of Emperor Yuryaku, probably somewhere in Apumi. Ota suggests they may have been a type of mi-na-siro. Seishi kakei daijiten, I, 1647. They were ruled by a miyatuko (murazi after 683). The NS records their establishment in the eleventh year of the reign of Emperor Yuryaku: "The county of Kurita of the land of Apumi reported that there was a white cormorant on the beach of Tanakami. For this reason, the emperor commanded the establishment of the Kapase no toneri." K A P I [Kai] 63:20; 84:17. A kuni, later a province, corresponding to the 490

Glossary modern Yamanashi-ken. In the Kojiki, ruled by a family of kuni-nomiyatuko claiming descent from Sapo-biko-no-miko. KAPI-DAKO-NO-MIKO [Kai-dako-no-miko] 146:2. Another name for Sidu-kapi-no-miko, a daughter of Emperor Bitatsu. Id., 'shelloctopus princess,' perhaps after a type of octopus. KAPI-NO-IRATUME [Kai-no-iratsume] 120:4. AdaughterofEmperor Hanzei by Tuno-iratume. "Lady of Kapi'." KAPUTI [Kochi, Kawachi] 62:4; 65:5; 88:28; 98:33; 108:6; 121:16; 128:1; 134:23; 143:3; 146:11. The old province of Kawachi, also called OpusiKaputi, q.v. Id., 'river within' [Kapa-uti>Kaputi]; the river is the present Yodo-gawa. Includes the modern Minami-Kawachi-gun, NakaKawachi-gun, and Kita-Kawachi-gun, Osaka and adjacent areas. K APUTI-NO-W AKUGO-PIME [Kochi-no-wakugo-hime] 144:3. A consort of Emperor Senka. KAPUTI, PN; WAKUGO, id.,'young child,' q.v. "Youthful Princess of Kaputi." KARA [Kara] 39:17; 104:12; 112:39. Originally, the name of a small kingdom in South Korea (Kara/Kaya); used in the Kojiki and elsewhere as a name for all of Korea and later to refer to China as well. Written consistently in the Kojiki with the ideograph kati ^ used today for Korea. KARA-BUKURO [Kara-bukuro] 126:1; 138:8. Ancestor of the yamaηό-kimi of Sasaki in Apumi. Id., 'Korean bag.' Perhaps a place Pukuro in Kara. KARA-NO-KAMI [Kara-no-kami] 31:1. A deity which the Kojiki iden­ tifies as an offspring of Opo-tosi-no-kam'i by Ino-pime. Id., 'Korean deity.' The Engi-shiki lists a deity of this name as one of the three deities worshipped within the imperial palace. The name appears also in the Kagura-uta. There was at one time a practice of sacrificing cattle to a deity of this name. The Nippon ryoiki records a tale in the reign of Emperor Shomu (reigned 724-49) about a wealthy householder who killed a cow every year for seven years in worship of the deity. This practice ceased in 791 when Emperor Kammu issued an edict forbidding the inhabitants of Ise, Wopari, Apumi, Mino, Wakasa, Echizen, Kii, and other regions to kill cattle as sacrifices to the god. Shoku Nihongi, Kammu 10.9.17. KARA-PIME [Kara-hime] 125:13; 127:3. A consort of Emperor Yuryaku and mother of Emperor Seinei; a daughter of Tubura-opomi. "Prin­ cess of Kara."

Kojiki KARANO [Karano] 117:3, 7. Nintoku.

A ship used during the reign of Emperor

Id., 'withered plain'; perhaps a PN.

According to the

NS, a ship of the same name was built in Idu during the reign of Ojin; perhaps Karano is a corruption of Karuno, a place in Idu (now Kita-Kanomura, Naka-Kano-mura, Kami-Kano-murainTagata-gun, Shizuoka-ken). KARI-PATA-TOBE [Kari-hata-tobe] 63:10.

Another name for Yama-

siro-no-enatu-no-pime, a consort of Piko-imasu-no-miko.

KARI-

PATA, id., 'Reap Banner,' probably equivalent to a place in old Sagaraka county, Yamasiro, called Kanipata or Kamupata (today Kabata, Yamashiro-cho, S5raku-gun, Kyoto-fu);

TOBE, phon., see Ara-kapa-tobe.

"Woman Chieftain of Kari-pata" ? KARI-P AT A-TOBE [Kari-hata-tobe] 69:7.

A consort of Emperor Suinin

and daughter of Puti of Opo-kuni in Yamasiro. Kari-pata."

"Woman Chieftain of

Evidently a title rather than a personal name.

See also

Oto-kari-pata-tobe. KARIPA-WI [Kariha-i] 126:13. well.'

A place in Yamasiro.

Often identified with

Id., 'reap feather

Kamupata (see Kari-pata-tobe);

the

name Kanipa-no-tawi occurs in the Manyoshu (XX, 4456) and there is an old place called Kanipa-wi in what is now Tsuzuki-gun, Ky5to. KARU [Karu] 58:1; 62:1; 68:8; 73:1; 122:49, 57, 60. A region in old Towoti in YamatS (now in Kashiwara-shi, Nara-ken, the region south of Mt. Unebi).

The site of the palaces of Emperors Itoku [58:1], Kogen

[62:1], and Qjin [99:1]. KARU, Prince. 122:25-26, 46, 61.

See Ki-nasi-no-Karu-no-miko.

KARU-BE [Karu-be] 62:13 ; 121:12.

A mi-na-siro established during the

reign of Emperor Ingyo in commemoration of K'i-nasi-no-Karu-no-miko. Members of the group lived in various places.

The omi of the Karu-be,

claiming descent from Kose-no-wakara-no-sukune and belonging to the Soga clan, was its ruling family. In 685 the omi was given the title of asomi. KARU-NO-OPO-IRATUME [Karu-no-o-iratsume] 121:2; 122:1. A name for Princess So-toposi-no-iratume, the daughter of Emperor Ingyo, who was involved in incestuous relations with her full brother Ki-nasi-noKaru-no-miko. "Great Lady of Karu." KARU-SIMA [Karu-shima] 99:1.

A place name, equivalent to Karu.

SIMA, id., 'island,' see Aki-du-sima. The palace of Emperor Ojin was located here, according to the Kojiki. KASA [Kasa] 61:10. A place in Kibi', formerly a kuni ruled by a kuni-nomiyatuko of the rank of omi (asomi after 684) claiming descent from 492

Glossary Waka-piko-take-kibi'-tu-piko-no-mikoto. Supposed to be the equiv­ alent of modern Kasaoka-shi, Okayama-ken. KAS ANUPI-NO-MIKO [Kasanui-no-miko] 145:2. A daughter of Em­ peror Kimmei by Isi-pime-no-mikoto. KASANUPI, id., 'bonnet sewer,' preferably 'canopy maker,' originally a professional corporation whose name is preserved in various place names, e.g., the village of Kasanupi in Yamato. "Princess of Kasanupi." KASANUPI-NO-MIKO [Kasanui-no-miko] 146:9. A daughter [?] of Osaka-no-Piko-pito by Sakurawi-no-Yumipari-no-miko. "Princess of Kasanupi." KASASA [Kasasa] 39:17; 41:1. A cape somewhere in Kyushu, perhaps Cape Noma in Kasasa-machi, Kawanabe-gun, Kagoshima-ken. KASIPADE [Kashiwade] 62:8. A family bearing the rank of omi (asomi after 684) claiming descent from Piko-ina-kozi-wake-no-mikoto, and in charge of the imperial kitchen. Under its rule were the Kasipade-be, or Kasipade-no-opo-tomo-bc, q.v., local corporations of common people who supplied food for the imperial larder and servants to handle it. Oak leaves (MJ kashiwa) were used as drinking cups in ancient ceremonial banquets [cf. 102:5; 112:1]; thus, kasipade, 'oak-leaf bearer,' came to mean a butler or food-server, perhaps a cook or pantryman [cf. 37:6; 8 8 : 3 I J·

KASIP ADE-NO-OPO-TOMO-BE [Kashiwade-no-o-tomo-be] 78:7. Apparently a corporation of common people established in various local­ ities under the rule of the Kasipade no omi, who supplied the labor and materials for the imperial kitchens. KASIPADE, id., 'food,' perhaps a PN? OPO-TOMO, id., 'great company,' probably not connected with the Opo-tomo family, but 'large corporation' (tomo being a native word with almost the same meaning as be)·, BE, id., 'corporation.' KASIPARA [Kashiwara] 52:62. The palace of Emperor Jimmu at Unebi in Yamato. KashiwaraJingii is a Shinto shrine built in 1889 on the spot where Emperor Jimmu's palace was supposed to have stood. Now in Kashiwara-shi, Nara-ken. KASIPI [Kashii] 91:i; 92:2. A place in Tukusi (now Kashii, Fukuoka-shi, Fukuoka-ken), site of the palace of Emperor Chtiai. KASUGA [Kasuga] 59:5; 61:3; 63:i, 11; 69:19; 133:1; 134:1; 145:4The Kasuga region in modern Nara, Nara-ken, around Kasuga mountain, Kasuga Shrine, and Nara Park. According to Ota, Kasuga was originally an agata ruled by a family of agata-nusi who supplied a consort for Em-

Kojiki peror Korei [61:3]. Emperor Kaika established his palace at Iza-kapa in Kasuga [63:1], and his younger son Piko-imasu-no-miko married into this family [63:11] and begot Sapo-biko-no-miko, who may have lived at Kasuga. But at the rebellion of Sapo-biko-no-miko, the agata-nusi family of Kasuga appears to have been deprived of its holdings and re­ placed by a branch of the Wani family, who thereafter supplied the omi (asomi after 684) of Kasuga (claiming descent from Ame-osi-tarasi-pikono-mikoto, 59:5), and by the yama-no-kimi of Kasuga (claiming descent from Ika-tarasi-piko-no-miko, 69:19). Ota argues that the pre-Nara Kasuga Shrine, in ancient times the shrine of the Kasuga-be, originally enshrined Emperor Kaika, and that its original site had been the palace of Iza-kapa (Seishi kakei daijiten, I, 1482-95). The present Kasuga Shrine was built during the Nara period and became the family shrine of the Fujiwara family. KASUGA-BE [Kasuga-be] 69:19. An ancient corporation, traces of which are found in widely scattered place names throughoutJapan. The Kojiki records the existence of a kimi of the Kasuga-be who claimed descent from Ika-tarasi-piko-no-miko, a son of Emperor Suinin. Ota asserts that the Kasuga-be originated as a mi-na-siro, either for Kasuga-no-opo-iratume [140:2] or for Emperor Kaika, who ruled from a palace in Kasuga [cf. 63:1]. However, it may have been a corporation bearing a local geo­ graphical name, such as the Ise-be, Ipare-be, etc. After the rebellion of Sapo-biko-no-miko, the ownership of the Kasuga-be passed from the old agata-nusi family of Kasuga into the hands of several groups: the omi of Kasuga, a branch of the Wani family [59:5]; the yama-no-kimi of Kasuga [69:19]; and the kimi of the Kasuga-be. See Ota, Seishi kakei daijiten, I, 1492-95. KASUGA-NO-MIKO [Kasuga-no-miko] 146:5. SonofEmperorBitatsu by Omina-ko-no-iratume, a daughter of Kasuga-no-naka-tu-wakugo. "Prince of Kasuga," no doubt because of the Kasuga origins of his mother. KASUGA-NO-NAKA-TU-WAKUGO [Kasuga-no-naka-tsu-wakugo] 146:5. Father of Omina-ko-no-iratume, a consort of Emperor Bitatsu. Evidently a member of the Kasuga family. Id., 'Middle Young Lad of Kasuga.' KASUGA-NO-OPO-IRATUME [Kasuga-no-o-iratsume] 140:2. The empress of Emperor Ninken and mother of Emperor Buretsu and of Tasira-ga-no-iratume. Described in 140:2 as a daughter of Emperor Yuryaku, but not mentioned in 127:3 among his offspring. In the NS,

Glossary described as a daughter of Emperor Yuryaku by a daughter of Pukame, the onii of Wani.

Cf. Aston, I, 337, 394.

KASUGA-NO-WOD A-NO-IRATUME 140:3.

Id.,'Great Lady of Kasuga.' [Kasuga-no-oda-no-iratsume]

A daughter of Emperor Ninken by Nuka-no-wakugo-n5-

iratume of the Kasuga branch of the Wani family. of Kasuga'; Woda is an unidentified PN.

Id., 'Lady of Woda

There is probably confusion

with 145:4. KASUGA-NO-YAMADA-NO-IRATUME [Kasuga-no-yamada-noiratsume] 145:4.

A daughter of Emperor Kimmei by Nuka-ko-no-

iratume of the Kasuga branch of the Wani family. Kasuga."

"Lady of Yamada of

Probably confused with 140:3.

KATA-SIPO-NO-UKI-ANA [Kata-shio-no-Uki-ana] 57 :1. of Emperor Annei.

The palace

Its location has been identified with faintly similar

names in Kaputi, but since we are told that Annei's name is Siki-tu-piko and that his tomb is at Uneb'i, it is more likely that a Yamato location (we read of an Uki-ana village in Kita-katsuragi-gun, Nara-ken) was intended. KATA-UTA [kata-uta] 87:21.

The shortest metrical form in Japanese

verse, which consists typically of three verses of 5-7-7 syllables.

Fre­

quently used in question and answer songs and in displays of impromptu versification.

Examples of kata-uta in the Kojiki are 5 4 : 1 0 - 1 2 , 1 4 - 1 6 ,

18-20; 84:19-21, 23-25; 87:18-20; 116:25-27; 137:5-7, 10-12.

KATABU [Katabu] 142:7.

A kimi of Miwo.

Phon., ENC.

Several

people with this name appear in the NS. KATADI-NO-MIKO [Kataji-no-miko] 9 9 : 1 2 . by Kaguro-pime.

KATADI, phon., ENC.;

A son of Emperor Ojin MIKO1 id., 'prince.'

KATASIPA-NO-MIKO [Katashiwa-no-miko] 108:4.

An unidentified

prince mentioned among the offspring of Waka-nu-ke-puta-mata-nomiko.

KATASIPA, id., 'hard stone,' PN?

MIKO, id., 'prince.'

KATAWOKA [Kataoka] 6 1 : 1 4 ; I39 :I 7; 141:3· A region in Kaduraki in Yamato (now part of Kita-kazuraki-gun and Yamato-takada-shi in Naraken). Site of the tombs of Emperors Korei (at Uma-saka), KenzS and Buretsu (both at Ipatuki). KATI-DO-PIME [Kachi-do-hime] 9 5 : 9 . The rock in the Wo-gapa River where Empress Jingii fished on her return from Korea. Id., 'Victory Door Princess.' KATURA [katsura] 3 3 :9; 43 :9, 11,1 9 . A variety of tree, perhaps a general term for various types of fragrant evergreens. Written with an ideo­ graph which in MJ means 'maple' (read kaede) and with two ideographs 49 S

Kojiki for 'fragrant tree.' In MJ the word katsura refers to the Ceridiphyllum japonicum (Koshimizu, p. 39). KAWARA [Kawara] 105:24, 26. A point somewhere by the Udi River. Identified by some commentators as Kawara, Tanabe-cho, Tsuzuki-gun, Kyoto. KAYA-NO [Kaya-no] 126:2; 138:7. A plain in Kutawata in Apumi where Iti-no-be-no-Osi-pa-no-miko was killed by Emperor Yuryaku. Its location is not known, but it is sometimes identified with modern Kami-Kano and Shimo-Kano, Hatasho-cho, Echi-gun, Shiga-ken. Id., 'mosquito house plain,' probably for homonymous 'miscanthus plain.' The modern places called Kano are also written 'mosquito plain.' KAYA-NO-PIME-NO-KAMI [Kaya-no-hime-no-kami] 7:10. A deity of the plains born of Izanagi and Izanami. Another, not specifically feminine, name is No-duti-nS-karm. KAYA-NO, 'miscanthus plains' or 'grass plains.' "Grassy Plains Princess Deity." KAZA-MOTU-WAKE-NO-OSI-WO-NO-KAMI [Kaza-motsu-wakeno-oshi-o-no-kami] 7:2. A deity born of Izanagi and Izanami. ΚΑΖΑ, id., 'wind'; MOTU, phon., perhaps 'to protect [from]'; WAKE, q.v.; OSI, id., 'stealthy,' q.v.; WO, id.,'male.' Evidently a deity who protected dwellings from the wind. KEIKO, Emperor. See Opo-tarasi-piko-osiro-wake-no-mikoto. ΚΕΙΤΑΙ, Emperor. See Wo-podo-no-mikoto. KEPI-NO-OPO-KAMI [Kehi-no-6-kami] 97:7. The deity enshrined in Kepi shrine (now Kehi Jingu in Tsuruga-shi, Fukui-ken), also identified in the Kojiki under the names Izasa-wake-no-opo-kam'i-no-mikoto and Mi-ke-tu-opo-kami. KETA [Keta] 21:3, 8. A cape in Inaba. Keta is identified with modern Ketaka-gun, Tottori-ken. ΚΪ [Ki] 22:14; 48:9, 13; 62:10, 16; 64:2; 73:5, 21; 77:15; 112:1. The pro­ vince of Kii (modern Wakayama-ken), which used to center around what is today Wakayama-shi and Naga-gun. Seat of a kuni-no-miyatuko, two of whose ancestors are recorded as Udu-piko [62:16] and Ara-kapatobe [64:2]. The latter appears to be a woman. Also seat of an omi (asomi after 684) claiming descent from K'i-no-tuno-no-sukune. The Ki' road [73:21], K'f-do, id., 'Κϊ-entrance,' goes by Matsuchi-yama along the Wakayama railroad line from Gojo-shi, Nara-ken, to Wakayama-shi, W akayama-ken. ΚΪ-ΝASI-NO-KARU-NO-MIKO [Ki-nashi-no-Karu-no-miko] 121:2, 12; 496

Glossary 122:1.

A son of Emperor Ingyo by Osaka-no-opo-naka-tu-pime-no-

mikoto; he should have succeeded his father but was prevented from assuming the throne when popular favor shifted to his brother Anapo-nomikoto [Emperor Anko; cf. 122:25], ostensibly because of Prince Karu's incestuous relationship with his sister Karu-no-opo-iratume [i22:iff.]. ΚΪ-NASI, id., 'tree pear,' probably a PN, unclear; referred to in the translation as Prince Karu.

KARU, q.v.

Also

"Prince of Karu of Ki-

nasi." ΚΪ-NO-ARATA-NO-IRATUME [Ki-no-arata-no-iratsume] 99:5. daughter of Emperor Ojin by Naka-tu-pime-no-mikoto. ARATA, id., 'wild plain,' probably a PN in Κϊ.

A

KI, q.v.;

The Engi-shiki lists an

Arata Shrine in Naga-gun, Kii. ΚΪ-ΝΟ-ΜΑΤΑ-ΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ [Ki-no-mata-no-kami] 24:18. 'Tree-Fork Deity'; also called Mi-wi-no-kam'i.

A deity, id.,

In the Kojiki, a child

of Opo-kuni-nusi-no-kami' by Ya-gami-pime; abandoned in the fork of a tree. KI-NO-TUNO-NO-SUKUNE [Ki-no-tsuno-no-sukune] 62:16.

A son

of Takesi-uti-no-sukune and the ancestor of omi families of Κϊ, Tunu, and Sakamoto.

ΚΪ, q.v.\

TUNO (sometimes TUNU), id., 'horn [of an

animal],' probably a PN 1 unclear where. Ki-NO-UNO-NO-IRATUME [Ki-no-uno-no-iratsume] 99:6. daughter of Emperor Ojin by Oto-pime-no-mikoto.

ΚΪ, q.v.;

said to be a PN in what is now Ito-gun, Wakayama-ken.

A

UNO,

"Lady of Uno

of Κϊ." KIBI [Kibi] 47:7; 61:8-10; 63:30; 69:14; 77:2; 82:2; 89:4, 111:4, 25, 30; 112:3.

An ancient region in south-western Honshu later divided into

the three provinces of Bizen, Bitchu, and Bingo (now parts of Okayamaken and Hiroshima-ken).

Ruled by regional ruling families including

the omi of Simo-tu-miti, q.v. (also called the omi of Kibi in 77:2, 82:2, and 89:4), the omi of Kami-tu-miti, q.v., and the omi of Kasa, q.v. In the Kojiki, the seat also of the kimi of Pomudi, the wake of Ipanasi, and the atape of the Ama-be of KibL ΚΙΒΪ-ΝO-KOZIMA [Kibi-no-kojima] 6:12, 18. Izanagi and Izanami.

ΚΙΒΪ, q.v.;

An 'island' borne by

KOZIMA, id., 'infant island';

identified with modern Kojima-gun and Kojima-shi, Okayama-ken, which form a peninsula, not an island.

See also Kozima.

ΚΙΒΪ-ΝΟ-ΥΕ-ΡΙΚΟ-ΝΟ-ΜΙΚΟ [Kibi-no-e-hiko-no-miko] 77:5. of Emperor Keik5.

Id., 'Elder Sun-child Prince of Kibi.'

Ason

Kojiki KIMI [kimi] One of the ancient hereditary titles (kahane) for heads of local ruling families. Originally it meant 'lord,' and was applied primarily to the families descended from emperors after Emperor Kaika. See Ota, Nihon jodai shakai soshiki no kenkyii, p. 430-31. The Kojiki records the following 48 families with this title: Aso no kimi 55:22 Asuka no kimi 69:14 Ata no Wobasi no kimi 53:1 Inukami no kimi 8919 Ipobara no kimi 6 1 : 1 2 Ise no Ipi-taka no kimi 59:5 Ise no Pomudi-be no kimi 63 :i6 Itisi no kimi 59:5 Kami-tu-Keno no kimi 64:7 Kamo no kimi 66:16 Kasuga-be no kimi 69:19 Kibi no Pomudi no kimi 63 :30 Kose no Ike no kimi 69:19 Mikapa no Koromo no kimi 69:18 Mikuni no kimi 108:2 Miwa no kimi 66:16 M i w o no kimi 69:21; 142:2; 142:7 Mori no kimi 77:14 Mugetu no kimi 78:6 Munakata no kimi 15:20 Muragata no kimi 1 0 2 : 1 ; 109:3 Opokida no kimi 55:22 Opota no kimi 77:14 Pakupi no kimi 69:21 Pari-para n5 kimi 105:47 Parima no Aso no kimi 63 :30 Pata no kimi 108:2 Patuse-be no kimi 62:12 Paya-pito Ata no kimi 4 1 : 1 8 Peki no kimi 105:47 PI no kimi 55:22 Pidi-kata no kimi 105:47 Pimeda no kimi 63 :i6; 1 1 9 : 2 7 498

Glossary Puse no kimi 108:2 Sakata no Saka-bito no kimi 108:2 Sanuki no Aya no kimi 89:10 Sarume no kimi 39:10; 40:2; 40:13 Sasa no kimi 63 :19 Simada no kimi 77:14 Simo-tu-keno no kimi 64:7 Sipida no kimi 144:5 Tadipi no kimi 144:6 Tagima no Magari no kimi 63:18 Takcbe ηό kimi 89:9 Tukusi no kimi 142:14 Tukusi no Meta no kimi 108:2 Wina no kimi 144:6 Yamadi ηό kimi 108:2

See Amc-kuni-osi-paruki-piro-nipa-no-mikoto.

KIMMEI, Emperor. KIPE [Kie] 15:22.

An ancient kuni in Miti-no-siri, or northern Honshu,

ruled by a kuni-no-miyatuko claiming descent from Ama-tu-pikone-nomikoto.

Identified with the region around what is now Okuma-machi,

Futaba-gun, Fukushima-ken.

Phon., probably 'rampart,' 'stockade.'

There was also another Kipe in Miti-no-kuti, somewhere in the vicinity of modern Taga-gun, Ibaraki-ken. KIPIS A-TU-MI [Kiisa-tsu-mi] 74:2.

One of the ancestors of the kuni-no-

miyatuko of Idumo during the reign of Emperor Suinin.

KIPISA,

phon., a PN in Idumo; the Izumo fudoki mentions several places and shrines of this name;

TU, phon., connective particle;

MI, phon.,

'spirit' or 'lord,' perhaps the same word as in Opo-yama-tu-mi-no-kami', etc. KISA-GAPI-PIME [Kisa-gai-hime] 22:7-8.

The shell-fish goddess who,

together with Umugi-pime, restored Opo-kuni-nusi-no-karm to life. KISA-GAPI, id., a kind of shell-fish believed to be the modern aka-gai, the ark-shell, Area inflata. KISIBE [Kishibe] 96:8.

A corporation of continental immigrants claiming

descent from Isapi-no-sukune. Their main base was Nanipa. Kisi is an old Korean title (as in the names Ad-kisi and Wani-kisi), and Kisibe may be either the Kisi family or the corporation of commoners belonging to it. The whole corporation seems to have been ruled by the Abe family. See Ota, Mihon jodai skakai soshiki no kenkyii, pp. 539—44.

Kojiki KISIDA [Kishida] 62:14. A village in what is now Yamabe-gun, Naraken, seat of a family of the Soga clan called Kisida no omi (asomi after 783), claiming descent from Soga-no-isikapa-no-sukune. K I S U - M I M I - N O - M I K O T O [Kisu-mimi-no-mikoto] 5 3 : 1 . A son of Emperor Jimmu by Apira-pime; younger brother of Tagisi-mimi-nomikoto. The Kojiki makes no further mention of him, and his name does not occur in the NS. K I S U , phon., perhaps a shortened form of Tagisi; MIMI, phon., see Kamu-nunakapa-mimi-no-mikoto. K I T A S I - P I M E - [ N O - M I K O T O ] [Kitashi-hime-no-mikoto] 145:5-6. A consort of Emperor Kimmei and mother of Emperor Yomei and Empress Suiko. Identified as a daughter of Soga-no-Iname-no-sukune. KITASI, phon., may be related to a P N Katasipo, Katasipa. "Princess of Kitasi"? K I Y O - P I K O [Kiyo-hiko] 106:24-25. A son of Tadima-pinaraki. Id., 'pure sun-child,' i.e., 'pure lad.' K I Y O M I P A R A [Kiyomihara] Pref. 21, 33. The palace of Emperor Temmu in Asuka. Its location is said to be in the vicinity of what is now J 5 g o , Asuka-mura, Takaichi-gun, Nara-ken. Id., 'pure plain.' KO-NO-PANA-NO-SAKU-YA-BIME [Ko-no-hana-no-Saku-ya-bime] 41:2, 8, 1 0 - 1 1 , 13. Also known as Kamu-ata-tu-pime and Saku-yabime. Consort of Ama-tu-piko-Piko-po-no-ninigi-no-mikoto; mother of Po-deri-no-mikoto, Po-suseri-no-mikoto, and Po-wori-nomikoto, and a daughter of Opo-yama-tu-mi-no-kami'. KO-NOP A N A , id., 'blossoms of the trees'; S A K U , phon., 'to bloom'; YA, phon., an interjection used also in such names as Kagu-ya-pime-nomikoto, Tomi-ya-bime, Yamato-tobi-paya-waka-ya-pime-no-mikoto, etc.; B I M E , phon., 'princess.' "Blossoms-of-the-Trees BloomingPrincess." K O - N O - P A N A - T I R U - P I M E [Ko-no-hana-chiru-hime] 20:15. Or perhaps, Ko-no-pana-no-tiru-pime. A consort of Ya-sima-zinumi-nokaml and a daughter of Opo-yama-tu-mi-no-kami. KO-NO-PANA, id., 'blossoms of the trees'; T I R U , phon., 'to fall.' "Blossoms-of-theTrees Falling-Princess." K O A N , Emperor. See Opo-yamato-Tarasi-piko-kuni-osi-bito-nomikoto. K O G E N , Emperor. See Opo-yamato-neko-piko-kuni-kuru-no-mikoto. K O G O T O [Kogoto] 120:4. An omi of Wani and father of Tuno-iratume, a consort of Emperor Hanzei. Phon., E N C . 500

Glossary KOMU PATIMU-KAMUKI MU [Komu Hachimu-kamuki Mu] 121:10. A Korean, the chief envoy from the king of Silla to Emperor Ingyo. KOMU, id., 'gold,' surname; PATIMU-KAMUKI, phon., believed to be titles of nobility. MU, id., 'valor,' evidently the given name. KOPADA [Kohada] 102:34, 41. An unidentified PN in the songs of Prince Opo-sazaki. KOPATA [Kohata, Kowata] 101:7, 29A village in Udi county, Yamasiro, on the road from Yamato to Apumi. Identified as modern Kowata, Uji-shi, Kyoto-fu. KOREI, Emperor. See Opo-yamato-neko-piko-puto-ni-no-mikoto. KOROMO [Koromo] 69:14, 18. A region in Mikapa (identified as modern Koromo-shi, Aichi-ken), listed by the Kojiki as the seat of a wake claiming descent from Opo-naka-tu-piko-no-mikoto and of a kimi claiming descent from his brother Oti-wake-no-miko. Ota assumes that this is one place, not two. Seishi kakei daijiten, II, 2425. KOSE [Kose] 62:13. A powerful old family claiming descent from Koseno-wokara-no-sukune; it held the rank of omi and belonged to the Soga clan. Believed to have originated m a village called Kose in the vicinity of what is now Takaichi-gun, Nara-ken. KOSE-NO-WOKARA-NO-SUKUNE [Kose-no-okara-no-sukune] 62:13. A son of Takesi-uti-no-sukune and ancestor of the families of the omi of Kose, of the Sazaki-be, and of the Karu-be. KOSE, PN; W OKARA, id., 'little handle,' perhaps 'flax stem,' his given name. KOSI [Koshi] 19:8; 25:1, 9; 61:2; 67:1, 3; 68:1; 69:19; 73:6; 97:1. A vague geographical term for parts of northwestern and central Honshu. Generally equivalent to Echizen (Fukui-ken, cf. 97:1), Etchu (Toyamaken), and Echigo (Niigata-ken). The Kosi in 19:8, 25:1, and 25:9 may be this larger geographical region or a village of this name which is known to have existed in Idumo (in what is now Hinokawa-gun, Shimaneken). There is a theory that Kosi was originally the name of a people, perhaps of Tungusic extraction, who migrated to Japan in prehistoric times. See Mizuno Υΰ, Nihon minzoku no genryu (Yuzankaku, i960), pp. 297-301. The Kojiki records that Opo-biko-no-mikoto conquered the territory during the reign of Emperor Suijin. KOSI-PAKI [Koshi-haki] 128:9. A relative of the opo-agata-nusi of Siki'. Id., 'loins-girded,' ENC. KOTO-SIRO-NUSI-NO-KAMI [Koto-shiro-nushi-no-kami] 29:3; 36:1; 37:1. See Ya-pe-Kot6-siro-nusi-n5-kami. 501

Kojiki KOTO-YASO-MAGA-TU-PI [Koto-yaso-maga-tsu-hi] 121:11. Adcity enshrined at Ama-kasi, before whom ceremonies were held to rectify names and titles. KOTO, id., 'word'; YASO-MAGA-TU-PI, q.v. KOZIMA [Kojima] 112:3. A county in Kibi, modern Kojima-gun and Kojima-shi, Okayama-ken. See also Kib'i-no-Kozima. KUDARA [Kudara] 94:6; 104:5, 8. The Korean kingdom of Paekche. In the first half of the fourth century it unified the south-west portion of the Korean peninsula and continued in existence some 300 years until it was conquered by Silla and T'ang China in 660. Paekche was the chief route for the importation of continental culture into Japan. Through­ out most of its history it relied on Japan for protection against its neighbors Kokuryo and Silla [Siragi]. After its downfall, many Kudara Koreans migrated to Japan. KUDARA-NO-IKE [Kudara-no-ike] 104:4. A pond constructed by im­ migrants from Siragi during the reign of Emperor Ojin. Kudara was probably a place where immigrants from Paekche settled (today there is a Kudara, Koryo-cho, Kita-Katsuragi-gun, Nara-ken), and the pond was named 'Pond of Kudara' after its geographic location rather than because it was constructed by Koreans. KUGA-MIMI-NO-MI-KASA [Kuga-mimi-no-mi-kasa] 67:2. A rebel chieftain of Tanipa during the reign of Emperor Sujm. KUGA, phon., probably a PN in Tanipa; MIMI, id., 'ear,' probably 'lord' as in Kamununakapa-mimi-no-mikoto; MI-KASA, id., 'august bonnet,' the per­ sonal name. "Mi-kasa, Lord of Kuga"? KUKU-KI-WAKA-MURO-TUNA-NE-NO-KΑΜΪ [Kuku-ki-Wakamuro-tsuna-ne-no-kami] 31:7. A deity born of Pa-yama-to-no-kami' and Opo-ge-tu-pime-no-kam'i. KUKU, phon., perhaps from kuki, 'stem,' 'shoot'; ΚΪ, phon., perhaps 'tree'; KUKU-KI may mean 'tendrils'; WAKA-MURO-TUNA-NE, id., 'youthful pit-dwelling vines root,' i.e., the vines used as rope to secure parts of a house. Ev­ idently a deification of building materials. "Tendrils YouthfulDwelling-Vines Deity"? KUKU-NO-TI-NO-KAMI [Kuku-no-chi-no-kami] 7:8. The tree deity, born of Izanagi and Izanami. KUKU, phon., as above; Tl, phon., perhaps 'spirit' as m Ame-no-sa-duti-no-kami. "Stem Spirit Deity"? KUKU-TOSI-NO-KAMI [Kuku-toshi-no-kami] 31:7· A deity born of Pa-yama-to-no-kam'i and Opo-ge-tu-pime-no-kami. KUKU, phon.,

Glossary as above; TOSI, id., 'year,' also used for 'harvest,' 'grain,' as in Opotosi-no-kam'i, etc. "Stem Harvest Deity"? KUKUMA-MORI-PIME [Kukuma-mori-hime] 89:5. A woman from Yamasiro, a consort of Yamato-takeru-no-mikoto. KUKUMA, phon., probably a PN in Yamasiro; MORI, phon., probably 'protector,' 'local ruler.' "Ruler-of-Kukuma Princess"? KUMANO [Kumano] 49:1, 3, 5. A kuni corresponding to what is now Nishi-muro-gun and Higashi-muro-gun in Wakayama-ken. Similar place names in Idumo suggest a historical connection between the Κϊ peninsula and Idumo. Id., 'bear plain.' KUMANO-KUSUBI-NO-KAMI [Kumano-kusubi-no-kami] 15:14. One of the five male deities who came into existence during the contest between Ama-terasu-opo-mi-kam'i and Susa-no-wo-no-mikoto. KUMANO, the PN in Κϊ and Idumo; KUSUBI, phon., same as KUSIBI, 'wondrous working.' "Wondrous-working Kumano Deity." In ancient times there was a Kumano Shrine in what is now Yatsuka-gun, Shimane-ken. KUMASO [Kumaso] 6:6; 80:6; 92:2. A region m south-central Kyushu (including modern Kagoshima-ken and possibly also Miyazaki-ken and other neighboring regions) and its inhabitants. Sometimes Kuma and So are identified as separate regions and/or groups of people. The re­ lation of the Kumaso to the Paya-pito is not clear, but they were regarded as an alien race by the inhabitants of other regions. The Kojiki attributes the conquest of this region to Yamato-takeru-no-mikoto and to Emperor Chuai. KUMASO-TAKERU [Kumaso-takeru] 79:8; 80:1, 5,9, 12-13. A cogno­ men applied to two brave warriors of the Kumaso who were defeated by Yamato-takeru-no-mikoto. TAKERU, 'brave,' 'intrepid,' is related to the adjective takesi [cf. 80:13] and appears also in the names Idumo-takeru, Yamato-takeru-no-mikoto, and Waka-takeru-no-mikoto. "Brave Man of Kumaso," "Mighty Warrior of Kumaso." KUME [Kume] 39:16; 51:11; 52:13; 18, 26, 34; 88:31. An ancient family claiming descent from the heavenly deity Ama-tu-kume-no-mikoto and bearing the title of atape. Apparently operated under the rule of the Opo-tomo (despite the fact that the Kojiki treats the Kume and Opo-tomo as equal in status) and commanded as their subordinates the Kume-be, who did military and punitive work. The word Kume, written pho­ netically, may originally have been a PN (Kume, Kashiwara-shi, Nara-

Kojiki ken), where this family had its seat. are: (i) kume=kumi,

Other explanations of its etymology

'group, body [of troops]'; (2) feuweCChinese chtin

[Karlgren:

'army'; (3) kume=kuma of Kumaso.

K U M E - N O - M A I T O - P I M E [Kume-no-maito-hime] 62:17. of Takesi-uti-no-sukune.

Phon. K U M E , the P N ;

K U M E - N O - M I K O [Kume-no-miko] 147:3. by Pasipito-no-anapo-be-no-miko.

A daughter

MAITO, ENC.

A son of Emperor Yomei

K U M E , phon., from the P N , or

perhaps because he was nurtured by the Kumc.

"Prince of K u m e . "

K U N I - B U K U - N O - M I K Ö T Ö [Kuni-buku-no-mikoto] 67 :i6.

See Piko-

kuni-buku-no-mikoto. KUNI-KATA-PIME-NO-MIKOTO

[Kum-kata-hime-no-mikoto]

A daughter of Emperor Sujin by Mimatu-pime-no-mikoto.

64:4. KUNI-

KATA, PN? KUNI-NO-KUPIZA-MOTI-NO-KAMI kami] 7:5.

[Kum-no-kuhiza-mochi-no-

One of the eight water deities born of Paya-aki-tu-piko and

Paya-aki-tu-pime.

Counterpart of Ame-no-kupiza-moti-no-kami', q.v.

"Earthly Dipper-Holder Deity"? K U N I - N O - K U R A - D O - N O - K A M I [Kum-no-kura-do-no-kami] 7 : 1 3 . One of the eight deities born of Opo-yama-tu-mi-no-kami and Kaya-nopime-no-kam'i.

Counterpart of Ame-no-kura-do-no-kami'.

Id.,

'Earthly Dark-Door Deity.' KUNI-NO-MI-KUMARI-NO-KAMI 7:5.

[Kuni-no-mi-kumari-no-kami]

One of the eight water deities born of Paya-aki-tu-piko and Paya-

aki-tu-pime.

C o u n t e r p a r t of A m e - n o - m i - k u m a r i - n o - k a m i ,

'Earthly Water-Partings Deity.' KUNI-NO-MIYATUKO

q.v.

Probably a deity of irrigation.

[Kuni-no-miyatsuko] 7 7 : 1 0 ; 8 3 : 1 - 2 , 5; 90:3.

The official title (a title of office like 'governor,' etc.) borne by local governors who were appointed on a hereditary basis by the Yamato court when it was consolidating its power.

The office was abolished in the

administrative reforms of the Taika period (645-649). The territory ruled by a kuni-no-miyatuko was a kuni (id., 'land'); agata, q.v., may have been a subordinate unit under the kuni.

The

system was replaced after 645 by a system of kuni and kopori (koku-gun), and many kuni-no-miyatuko were absorbed into the new system as gunji, 'county governors.' The origin of the kuni-agata system is not known, but the Kojiki attributes its final establishment to Emperor Seimu (first half of the fourth century); [cf. 90:3-4].

It was probably established gradually, as Yamato 504

Glossary consolidated its control over outlying districts, using peculiar local con­ ditions and sometimes preserving local ruling families in power under the names of kuni-no-miyatuko and agata-nusi. Atape was the usual hered­ itary title (kabane) of a family appointed kuni-no-miyatuko, but in special cases some of them were omi, kimi, murazi, etc. KUNI, id., 'land,' perhaps derived from the Chinese chun [Karlgren: *g'iw3n/g'iu3n-/kiin]; see Wedemeyer, pp. 236-41. The kuni of the Kojiki era were probably smaller than the post-Taika kuni, 'provinces,' and in many cases they corresponded to later counties (gunjkopori). MIYATUKO, id., 'to create.' Applied also as an independent title {q.v.) and used in the term tomo-no-miyatuko, the title given to ruling families of a tomo, or be, q.v. For etymology, see Miyatuko. The Kojiki mentions the following 28 kuni-no-miyatuko: Aduma no kuni-no-miyatuko 84:26 Idumo no kuni-no-miyatuko 15:21; 74:2 Iyo no kuni-no-miyatuko 55:22 Izimu no kuni-no-miyatuko 15:21 Kami-tu-Unakami no kuni-no-miyatuko 15:21 Kap'i no kuni-no-miyatuko 63 :20 Κϊ no kuni-no-miyatuko 62:10; 64:2 Mino no kuni-no-miyatuko 78:1 Mino no kuni no Motosu no kuni-no-miyatuko 63 :26 Miti-no-siri ηό Kipe no kuni-no-miyatuko 15:22 Mitinoku no Ipaki no kuni-no-miyatuko 55:22 Muzasi no kuni-no-miyatuko 15:21 Nagasa no kuni-no-miyatuko 55:22 Opusi-Kaputi no kuni-no-miyatuko 15:22 Pimuka no kuni-no-miyatuko 77:16 Pitati no Naka ηδ kuni-no-miyatuko 55:22 Simo-tu-Unakami no kuni-no-miyatuko 15:21 Sinano no kuni-no-miyatuko 55:22 Supau no kuni-no-miyatuko 15 :22 Tadima ηδ kimi-no-miyatuko 63 :32 Tika-tu-Apumi no kuni-no-miyatuko 59:5 Tika-tu-Apumi no Yasu no kum-no-miyatuko 89:3 Τδρο-tu-Apumi no kuni-no-miyatuko 15:21 Ubaraki no kuni-no-miyatuko 15:22 Umakuda no kuni-n5-miyatuko 15:22

Kojiki Wopari no kuni-no-miyatuko 82:7 Yamasiro n5 kuni-no-miyatuko 1 5 : 2 2 Yamato no kuni-no-miyatuko 4 7 : 1 7 K U N I - N O - S A - D U T I - N O - K A M I [Kuni-no-sa-zuchi-no-kami] 7 : 1 3 . One of the eight deities born of Opo-yama-tu-mi-no-kami and Kaya-nopime-no-kami.

Counterpart

of

N O , 'of the earth,' 'earthly.'

Ame-no-sa-duti-no-kami.

KUNI-

S A - D U T I - N O - K A M I , see Ame-no-sa-

duti-no-kami. K U N I - N O - S A - G I R I - N O - K A M I [Kuni-no-sa-giri-no-kami] 7 : 1 3 .

One

of the eight deities born of Opo-yama-tu-mi-no-kami and Kaya-no-pimeno-kami.

Counterpart

of

Ame-no-sa-giri-no-kami,

q.v.

"Earthly

Mist Deity." KUNI-NO-TOKO-T ATI-NO-KAMI 2 : 1 , 3.

[Kuni-no-toko-tachi-no-kami]

A deity emerging at the beginning of the seven generations of

the Age of the Gods, but in the NS at the very beginning of the creation myths.

Id., 'Earth Eternal Standing Deity.'

Corresponds linguistically

to the deity Ame-no-toko-tati-no-kami. K U N I - O S I - T O M I - N O - K A M I [Kuni-oshi-tomi-no-kami] 29:5.

A deity

among the descendants of Opo-kuni-nusi.

K U N I , id., 'land';

id., 'stealthy,' q. v.;

A deification of the wealth

T O M I , id., 'wealth.'

OSI,

of the land? KUNI-SINOPI-UTA

[Kum-shinobi-uta]

87:16.

The songs sung

Yamato-takeru-no-mikoto "recalling his homeland." song,' i.e., 'land-recalling song.'

by

Id., 'land-thinking

Takeda applies the name to the three

songs in 87:2-7, 9 - 1 5 , and 18-20, the final one being a 'kuni-sinopi no kata-uta,' or kata-uta completing the series of three songs. K U N I S A K I [Kunisaki] 61 :i2.

A kuni within Toyo-kuni in Kyushu ruled

by a kuni-no-miyatuko of omi rank claiming descent from Piko-sasi-katawake-no-mikoto.

Corresponds to later Kunisaki county in Bungo (now

Nishi-kunisaki-gun and Higashi-kunisaki-gun, Oita-ken). K U N U - N O - M I K O [Kunu-no-miko] 108:4. Katasipa-no-miko. mistake.

A son of the unidentified

Believed to have been included in the Kojiki

K U N U , phon., P N ?

K U N U G I [kunugi] 96:4.

by

"Prince of Kunu."

A variety of tree.

In M J a type of oak tree,

Quercus serrata. K U P A S I - P I M E - N O - M I K O T O [Kuwashi-hime-no-mikoto] 61:2. sort of Emperor Korei and mother of Emperor Kogen. Opo-me, the ancestor of the agata-nusi of Tdwoti. 506

Con-

Daughter of

K U P A S I , id., 'fine,'

Glossary 'delicate,' probably meaning simply 'beautiful.'

"Beauteous Princess

Lady." K U P A T A - N Ö - M I K O [Kuwata-no-miko] 146:5. Bitatsu by Omina-ko-no-iratume.

A daughter of Emperor

K U P A T A , id., 'mulberry field,'

probably a P N (cf. modern Minami-Kuwata-gun and Kita-Kuwata-gun in Ky5to).

"Princess of Kupata."

K U P A T A - N O - M I K O [Kuwata-no-miko] 146:8. no-Piko-pito by Opo-mata-no-miko. KUPI-MATA-NAGA-PIKO-NÖ-MIKO 89:12; 99:9.

A daughter of Osaka-

Id., same as above. [Kui-mata-naga-hiko-no-miko]

Son of Okinaga-ta-wake-no-miko and father of Okinaga-

ma-waka-naka-tu-pime.

K U P I - M A T A , id., 'post fork,' perhaps a P N

(cf. Kumata in old Sumiyoshi county, Settsu, now in Higashinari-ku, Osaka);

N A G A - P I K O , id., 'long sun-child.'

"Long Lad of Kupi-

mata Prince"? KURA-MITU-PA-NO-KAMI

[Kura-mitsu-ha-no-kami]

8:4.

One of

the deities who came into existence when Izanagi killed the fire-god. K U R A , id., 'darkness,' may mean 'valley,' 'ravine';

M I T U - P A , phon.,

perhaps 'water-greens,' see Mitu-pa-no-me-no-kam'i.

"Valley Water-

greens Deity"? K U R A - N O - O B I T O [kura-no-obito] 147:4.

A n appellation, id., 'head-

man of a granary,' applied in the Kojiki to Piro, the "kura-no-obito of Tagima.''

His family undoubtedly administered the granaries in Tagima

in Kaduraki. K U R A - N O - W A K A - Y E - N O - M I K O [Kura-no-waka-e-no-miko] 144:2. A daughter [?] of Emperor Senka by Tatibana-no-naka-tu-pime.

KURA,

id., 'granary,' probably a P N in old Hirose county, Yamat5 (now KitaKatsuragi-gun, Nara-ken);

W A K A - Y E , id., 'young inlet,' possibly a

subordinate P N within Kura. KURA-OKAMI-NO-KAMI

"Princess of Waka-ye in K u r a " ?

[Kura-okami-no-kami]

8:4.

One of the

deities w h o came into existence w h e n Izanagi killed the fire-god. K U R A , id., 'darkness,' said to mean 'valley,' 'ravine';

O K A M I , phon.,

E N C , believed to be a word for a dragon-deity worshipped as a rainmaker (cf. Manyoshu, II, 104); phonemically distinct from kaml, 'god.' Evidently the same as Okami-no-kami, q.v. K U R A - Y A M A - T U - M I - N O - K A M I [Kura-yama-tsu-mi-no-kami] 8:9. One of the eight mountain deities who came into existence in the corpse of the slain fire-deity.

K U R A , id., 'darkness,' perhaps 'valley,' 'ravine';

Y A M A - T U - M I , ' m o u n t a i n - s p i r i t , ' see 507

Opo-yama-tu-mi-nd-kami'.

Kojiki "Darkness Mountain-Spirit Deity" or "Valley Mountain-Spirit Deity." KURAPASI [Kurahashi] 115:23, 26; 148:1-2. A place in Towoti county of Yamato, doubtless the region around present Kurahashi, Sakurai-shi, Nara-ken. The location of the palace of Emperor Sushun. The hill and mountain of Kurapasi, located between Asuka and Uda, are now called Otowa-yama. KURE [Kure] 104:12; 127:6. A Japanese term, id., 'Wu,' referring to South China and sometimes to China in general. The immigrations from Kure which the Kojiki records during the reigns of Emperors Ojin and Yuryaku probably took place via Korea. KURE-PARA [Kure-hara] 127:6-7. A place in Taketi in Yamato (modern Kurihara, Asuka-mura, Takaichi-gun, Nara-ken), said to be inhabited by immigrants from Kure. Id., 'Wu plain.' KURO-PIKO-NO-MIKO [Kuro-hiko-no-miko] 125:2-3, 7. See Sakapin6-Kuro-piko-n6-miko. KURO-PIME [Kuro-hime] 111:4, 6, 13, 26, 33. A daughter of the atape of the Ama-be of Kibi involved romantically with Emperor Nintoku. "Black Princess." Probably "black" because of the color of the hair [kaguroyamato-Tarashi-hiko-kuni-oshi-bito-no-mikoto] 59:3; 60:1. Emperor Koan. A son of Emperor Kosh5 by Y6s6-tapo-bime-n6-mikot6. O P O - Y A M A T O , id., 'great Yamato'; T A R A S I , q.v.; K U N I , id., 'land'; OSI, id., 'press,' q.v.; B I T O , id.,'man.' Also called Tarasipiko-kuni-osi-bito-no-mikoto. "Great Yamato Tarasi-Lad Land-Ruler Lord"? O P O - Y A M A T O - T O Y O - A K I - T U - S I M A [O-yamato-toyo-aki-tsushima] 6:10. A eulogistic name for the island of Honshu. OPO553

Kojiki Y A M A T O , id., 'great Yamat5';

T O Y O , id., 'abundant';

S I M A , id., 'autumn island,' (cf. Aki-du-sima). sora-Toyo-aki-tu-ne-wake.

AKI-TU-

Also called Ama-tu-mi-

" G r e a t Y a m a t o A b u n d a n t Autumn-

Island"? O P O - Y E - N O - I Z A - P O - W A K E - N O - M I K O T O [O-e-no-Iza-ho-wake-nomikoto] 109:2.

Emperor Richu.

no-pime-no-mikoto. 427-432.

A son of Emperor Nintoku by Ipa-

Reigned, according to the Kojiki chronology, ca.

O P O - Y E , id., 'great inlet,' probably a graphic substitute for

'great elder-brother';

.IZA-PO,

phon., E N C , P N ?

More frequently

referred to as Iza-po-wake-no-mikoto. O P O - Y E - N O - M I K O [O-e-no-miko] 77:8; 89:16; 9 1 : 2 . peror Keiko by Kaguro-pime. O P O K A [Oka] 146:3.

A son of Em-

"Great Elder-brother Prince."

A place in Ise (perhaps in present Age-gun, Mie-

ken), seat of a family of obito which was the family of Wo-kuma-ko-noiratume, consort of Emperor Bitatsu. O P O K I D A [Okida] 55:22.

Later Opoita, Oita.

A kum in northeastern

Kyushu (corresponding roughly to what is n o w Oita-gun and Oita-shi in Oita-ken) ruled by a family of kuni-no-miyatuko bearing the title of kimi; a sub-family of the Opo clan, they claimed descent from Kamuya-wi-mimi-no-mikoto. O P O M I [omi] 99:7; 1 0 1 : 8 . O P O S I [Oshi] 142:3.

See Opo-omi.

Or Opusi?

A murazi of Wopari, father of Meko-

no-iratume, a consort of Emperor Keitai.

O P O S I , id., 'all,' 'common,'

etc., evidently connected with the adjective oposi, 'great.' O P O T A [Ota] 77:14.

A place, believed to be in Mino, seat of a family of

kimi (later sukune) descended from Opo-usu-no-mikoto.

The exact

location is not clear, but villages of this name did exist in what is now Ambachi-gun and Ibi-gun, Gifu-ken. OPUSI-KAPUTI

[Oshi-K5chi]

15:22.

Or

Oposi-Kaputi.

An

name for Kaputi (which now includes Minami-Kawachi-gun, Kawachi-gun, and Kita-Kawachi-gun in Osaka). miyatuko

family claiming descent from

Id., 'great Kaputi.'

old

Naka-

Ruled by a kuni-no-

Ama-tu-pikone-no-mikoto.

See also Kaputi.

O P U W O [Oo?] 137:2.

A daughter of the obito of Uda for w h o m Prince

W o k e and Sibi competed.

Id., 'great fish,' perhaps a fictitious name sug-

gested by the song in 1 3 7 : 3 3 - 3 7 . O S A K A [Osaka] 5 2 : 1 , 9. shi, Nara-ken).

A place in Siki in Yamato (now Ossaka, Sakurai-

Also called Osi-saka; the same OSI as in Osi-kuma554

Glossary ηδ-miko, perhaps meaning 'great'; thus, "Great Pass." The place is on the way to Uda. OSAKA-BE [Osaka-be] 121:13. A corporation ruled by a miyatuko (murazi after 684) from the Μδηδ-ηο-be family. Its original center was probably the village of Osaka in Yamato, but branches were gradually established in various sites, giving rise to the many places named Osakabe. The corporation was established as a mi-na-siro for Empress Osakano-opo-naka-tu-pime-no-mikoto during the reign of Emperor Ingyo. Id., 'punishment corporation.' It may have provided the central gov­ ernment with police, guards, jailers, executioners, etc. OSAKA-NO-OPO-NAKA-TU-PIME [Osaka-no-o-naka-tsu-hime] 99:12. A daughter of Emperor Ojin by Kaguro-pime. OSAKA, the PN. "Great Middle Princess of Osaka." OS AKA-NO-OPO-NAKA-TU-PIME-NO-MIKOTO [Osaka-no-0-nakatsu-hime-no-mikoto] 108:1; 121:2. The empress of Emperor Ingy5; a daughter of Waka-nu-ke-puta-mata-no-miko; mother of Emperors Anko and Yuryaku. OSAKA, the PN. "Great Middle Princess of Osaka." OSAKA-NO-PIKO-PITO [Osaka-no-Hiko-hito] 146:4. A son of Em­ peror Bitatsu by Piro-pime-no-mikoto. Identified as "the crown prince," possibly because he was the father of Emperor Jomei. OSAKA, PN; PIKO, id., 'sun-child,' preferably 'prince, 'lad'; PITO, id., 'man.' OSI-KUMA-NO-MIKO [Oshi-kuma-no-miko] 89:18; 91:2; 96:3, 5, 8, 17. A son of Emperor Chuai by Opo-naka-tu-pime-no-mikoto. His rebel­ lion against Empress Jingu was put down. OSI-KUMA, id., 'stealthy bear,' identified as a place near modern Shika-no-hata, Ikoma-cho, Ikomagun, Nara-ken, the location also of Kago-saka, which appears as an element in the name of Osi-kuma-no-miko's brother Kago-saka-no-miko. The element OSI, written with the ideograph meaning 'to move stealthily' or the one meaning 'to press' (both derived from the homon­ ymous verbs osu), occurs frequently in proper names in the Kojiki. It has been variously interpreted as deriving from the adjective oposi, 'great'; the verb osu, 'to press,' thus 'suppressor,' 'subjugator,' and finally 'lord'; the verb osu, 'to press,' thus 'strong'; or the noun usi, 'possessor,' 'ruler,' 'lord.' The names in the Kojiki in which this element appears non-initially are Ame-kuni-osi-paruki-piro-nipa-no-mikoto, Ame-no-osi-koro-wake,

Kojiki A m e - n o - o s i - p i - n o - m i k o t S , A m e - n o - o s i - w o , Ame-osi-tarasi-piko-nomikoto, Awo-numa-nu-osi-pime, Iti-no-be-no-Osi-pa-no-miko, Kuniosi-tomi-no-kam'i, no-mikoto,

Masa-katu-a-katu-kati-paya-pi-Ame-no-osi-po-mimi-

Opo-koto-osi-wo-no-kam'i,

Opo-yamato-tarasi-piko-kuni-

osi-bito-no-mikoto, Piko-putu-osi-no-makoto-no-mikoto, Piro-kuni-ositake-kana-pi-no-mikoto, Take-osi-yama-tari-ne, and Take-wo-piro-kuniosi-tate-no-mikoto. OSI-KURO-NO -OTO-PIKO-NO-MIKO miko] 78:6.

[Oshi-kuro-no-oto-hiko-no-

A son of Opo-usu-no-mikoto.

O S I - K U R O , id., 'press

black,' significance not known, perhaps a P N (because of a phonetic similarity, it has been linked with the O S I - K O R O in Ame-no-osi-korowake);

O T O , id., 'younger brother';

O T O - P I K O , 'younger prince.'

" Y o u n g e r Prince of Osi-kuro"? OSI-KURO-NO-YE-PIKO-NO-MIKO 78:5.

[Oshi-kuro-no-e-hiko-no-miko]

A son of Opo-usu-no-mikoto.

Y E - P I K O , 'elder-brother prince.' OSI-PA-NO-MIKO

O S I - K U R O , same as above;

"Elder Prince of Osi-kuro"?

[Oshi-ha-no-miko]

126:5,

10.

See

Iti-no-be-no-

Osi-pa-no-miko. OSI-WAKE-NO-MIKOTO

[Oshi-wake-no-mikoto]

77:3.

Emperor Keiko by Ya-saka-no-iri-bime-no-mikoto.

A son

of

E N C . id., 'press

divide,' perhaps connected with the O S I R O - W A K E in Opo-tarasi-pikoosiro-wake (Emperor Keiko).

Also called Osi-no-wake-no-mikoto.

O S I K A - P I M E - N O - M I K O T O [Oshika-hime-no-mikoto] 60:2. and empress of Emperor K5an. O S I N U M I [Oshinumi] 135:6. katsuragi-gun, Nara-ken).

The niece

ENC. A place in Kadurak'i (now Oshimi, Kita-

Ipi-toyo-no-miko (also called Osinumi-n5-

iratume) ruled the kingdom from the palace of Tunosasi at Osinumi during the interregnum following the death of Emperor Seinei. O S I N U M I - B E [Oshinumi-be] 63:33.

A corporation bearing the name

of its place of origin, Osinumi in Kadurak'i.

Ruled by a family of

miyatuko (murazi after 682) rank claiming descent from Take-toyopadura-wake-no-miko, a son of Emperor Kaika.

There were branches

of the Osinumi-be in various localities. OSINUMI-NO-IRATUME

[Oshinumi-no-iratsume]

135:6.

Another

name for Ipi-toyo-no-iratume, the daughter of Emperor Richu who assumed the government at the palace of Tunosasi at Osinumi during the i n t e r r e g n u m f o l l o w i n g the death o f E m p e r o r Seinei. Osinumi." 556

"Lady of

Glossary O T I - K U N I [Ochi-kuni] 75:5. given in a folk etymology.

Id., 'fall land.'

A variant of Oto-kuni

O T I - W A K E - N O - M I K O [Ochi-wake-no-miko] 69:7, 18. A son of E m peror Suinin; the ancestor of the yama-no-kimi of Wotuki and of the kimi of Koromo in Mikapa. OTI, id., 'fall,' probably derivatively; WAKE,q.v.; M I K O , id., 'prince.' O T O - K A R I - P A T A - T O B E [Oto-kari-hata-tobe] 69:8. A consort of E m peror Suinin; a daughter of Puti of Opo-kuni in Yamasiro, thus a younger sister of Kari-pata-tobe, q.v. O T O , id., 'younger sibling.' O T O - K U N I [Oto-kuni] 75:5. (now Otokuni-gun, Kyoto).

A region, later a county, in Yamasiro

O T O - P I M E [Oto-hime] 7 8 : 1 , 6. The younger of the two sisters, daughters of Opo-ne-no-miko of Mino, w h o m Opo-usu-no-mikoto married illicitly. "Younger-sister Princess." O T O - P I M E [Oto-hime] 89:13. The youngest of the three daughters of Kupi-mata-naga-piko-no-miko. Perhaps the Oto-pime-ma-wakapime-no-mikoto mentioned in 108:3 as a consort of Waka-nu-ke-putamata-no-miko. "Younger-sister Princess." O T O - P I M E [Oto-hime] 120:5. A consort of Emperor Hanzei; a younger daughter of Kogoto, the omi of Wani. "Younger-sister Princess." O T O - P I M E - M A - W A K A - P I M E - N O - M I K O T O . [Oto-hime-ma-wakahime-no-mikoto] 1 0 8 : 1 . A consort of Waka-nu-ke-puta-mata-nomiko. Also named Momo-sik'i-irobe. Since she is identified as the younger sister of Okinaga-ma-waka-naka-tu-pime [99:9], she is probably the Oto-pime of 89:13. O T O - P I M E , younger-sister princess'; MAW A K A - P I M E , 'true-young princess,' q.v. O T O - P I M E - N O - M I K O T O [Oto-hime-no-mikoto] 77:5. Emperor Keiko. "Younger-sister Princess Lady."

A daughter of

O T O - P I M E - N O - M I K O T O [Oto-hime-no-mikoto] 99 :z, 6. The youngest of Pomuda-no-Ma-waka-no-miko's three daughters, w h o were taken as consorts by Emperor Ojin. O T O - P I M E - [ N O - M I K O T O ] 63 .-23; 7 2 : 7 ; 7 5 : 1 - 2 . One of the daughters of Tanipa-no-piko-tatasu-Miti-no-usi-no-miko w h o were taken as consorts by Emperor Suinin. O T O - S I K I [Oto-shiki] 52147. The younger chief of the Sik'i region encountered in battle by Emperor Jimmu. Id., 'younger-brother Siki'; SIKI, P N , q.v. See also Ye-siki. 557

Kojiki OTO-TAKARA-NO-IRATUME

[Oto-takara-no-iratsume] 90:2.

The

empress of Emperor Seimu; daughter of Take-osi-yama-tari-ne, ancestor of the omi of Podumi.

O T O , id., 'younger sibling';

id., 'wealth,' preferably 'treasure.'

" Y o u n g e r Treasure L a d y " ?

OTO-TATIBANA-PIME-NO-MIKOTO mikoto] 84:3; 89:2.

TAKARA,

[Oto-tachibana-hime-no-

A consort of Yamato-takeru-no-mikoto;

the

Kojiki does not give any account of her ancestry.

O T O , id., 'younger

sibling';

"Younger

TATIBANA,

the citrus

tree, q.v.

Tatibana

Princess." O T O - U K A S I [Oto-ukashi] 5 1 : 1 , 7, 40.

The Younger Chief of Ukasi in

Uda, encountered in battle by Emperor Jimmu. Ukasi';

Id., 'younger-brother

U K A S I , phon., probably the " U d a no Ukati" in 50:17.

See

also Ye-ukasi. P A - Y A M A - T O - N O - K A M I [Ha-yama-to-no-kami] 3 1 : 5 , 7-8. A deity among the offspring of Opo-tosi-no-kami. P A , id., 'feather'; Y A M A , id., 'mountain' ( P A - Y A M A may mean 'mountain foothills' or 'accessible mountains' in contrast to O K U - Y A M A , 'inner mountains'); T O , id.,'door,''entrance'; K A M I , id.,'deity.' "Deity of the Mountain Foothill Entrances"? P A - Y A M A - T U - M I - N O - K A M I [Ha-yama-tsu-mi-no-kami] 8 : i r . One of the eight mountain deities w h o came into existence in the corpse of the slain fire-deity. P A - Y A M A , id., 'feather mountain,' preferably 'foothills'; Y A M A - T U - M I , 'mountain spirit,' see Opo-yama-tu-mi-nokami. "Foothill Mountain-Spirit Deity." P A G U R I [Haguri] 59:5. A place name in ancient Wopari (modern Haguri-gun, Aichi-ken) and in ancient Yamasiro (Kuse-gun, Kyoto); one of these was the seat of a family of omi rank claiming descent from Ame-osi-tarasi-piko-no-mikoto. P A K A T A [Hakata] 59:7. A mountain in Wakigami, site of the tomb of Emperor KoshS. It is in the vicinity of modern Mimuro, Gose-shi, Nara-ken. P A K U P I [Hakui] 69:21. An early kuni on the Noto Peninsula (now Hakui-gun, Ishikawa-ken), seat of a family of kuni-no-miyatuko of omi rank claiming descent from Ipa-tuku-wake-no-miko. P A M I [Hami] 62:12. A place in Apumi (in what is now Ika-gun, Shigaken), seat of a family of omi rank (asomi after 685) related to the Soga clan. 558

Glossary PANI-YASU-ΒΙΚΟ-ΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ [Hani-yasu-biko-no-kami] 7:20. A deity who, together with his female counterpart Pani-yasu-bime-no-kami', came into existence in Izanami's faeces after she had borne the fire-deity. PANI-YASU, phon., a place at Kagu-yama in YamatS (now Shimoyatsuri, Kashiwara-shi, Nara-ken): PANI, 'clay'; YASU, 'ease,' 'com­ fort,' but also sometimes interpreted as neyasu, 'to make sticky,' 'to knead,' etc.; also appears in proper names like Pani-yasu-bime, Take-pani-yasubiko-no-mikoto, etc. This pair of deities must have been deities of clay or perhaps of fertilizer. "Pani-yasu Lad Deity"? PANI-YASU-BIME [Hani-yasu-bime] 62:4. Consort of Emperor Kogen, daughter of Awo-tama of Kaputi, and mother of Takepani-yasu-biko-no-mikoto. PANI-YASU, phon., PN. "Pani-yasu Princess." PANI-YASU-BIME-NO-KAMI [Hani-yasu-bime-no-kami] 7:20. The female counterpart of Pani-yasu-biko-no-kam'i in the Izanami myth. "Pani-yasu Princess Deity"? PANIPU [Haniu?] 118:15, 17. A pass across the mountains from YamatS into Kaputi; also called the Tadipi Pass. Although its exact location is not known, commentators have placed it within Minami-Kawachi-gun, Osaka. PANISI-BE [Hanishi-be, Haji-be] 76:10. A professional corporation of potters, ruled by the family of Panisi ηδ murazi (later, asomi and sukune) claiming descent from Nomi-no-sukune. According to the Kojiki the be was established during the reign of Emperor Suinin, at the death of Em­ press Pibasu-pime-no-mikoto; cf. the account in NS (Aston, I, 180-81). PANI, id., 'earth,' preferably 'clay'; Si, id., 'master,' perhaps a Chinese loan-word meaning 'artisan'; BE, id., 'corporation,' q.v. "Potters' Corporation." PAPAKA [hahaka] 17:10. In the Takama-no-para myth sequence, a type of tree used in divination. Various commentators have identified it as different varieties of cherry and birch trees. PAPAKI [H6ki] 7:29; 22:2. An ancient kuni and later a province in south-western Honshu, between Idumo and Inaba. Today, together with Inaba, it forms Tottori-ken. PAPE-IRODO [Hae-irodo] 57:9; 61:5. The younger daughter of Watitumi-no-mikoto and a consort of Emperor Korei. P APE, id., 'fly [the insect],' probably a graphic substitute for some homonym; IRODO, phon., 'younger full sister.'

Kojiki P A P E - I R O N E [Hae-irone] 57:8.

A consort of Emperor Korei [61:4] and

the elder daughter of Watitumi-no-mikoto; kuni-Are-pime-no-mikoto.

also called Opo-yamato-

P A P E , id., 'fly';

I R O N E , phon., 'elder

full sibling' (also in Toko-ne-tu-piko-irone-no-mikoto). P A P I K I - N O - K A M I [Hahiki-no-kami] 3 1 : 5 . the offspring of Opo-tosi-no-kami.

One of the deities among

PAPIKI, phon., E N C .

Men-

tioned in the Manyoshii ( X X , 4350) and in the Engi-shiki norito as w o r shipped, together with Asupa-n5-kami, by the priestesses of Wigasuri. P A P U R I [hafuri/h5ri] 6 3 : i 2 .

A n old word for priest [as in 74:3], derived

from the verb papuru, 'to throw away,' [cf. note to 24:1] but connected with the verb ipapu, 'to bless.'

Most of the priestly families had hered-

itary titles, but a few, such as the papuri of Mi-kami in Tika-tu-Apumi, used the word papuri as their hereditary title.

See Ota, Nihon jodai

shakai soshiki no kenkyu, pp. 547-50. PAPURI-SONO

[Hafuri-sono] 67:32.

Phon.

A place in Yamasiro

(now Hosono, Seika-ch5, Soraku-gun, Kyoto), for which the Kojiki gives the fanciful etymology 'garden of slaughter.'

The word papuri is usually

written with the ideograph for 'priest,' and the correct etymology is undoubtedly 'priests' garden.' P A R A - Y A M A - T U - M I - N O - K A M I [Hara-yama-tsu-mi-no-kami] 8:12. One of the eight mountain deities w h o came into existence in the corpse of the slain fire-deity.

P A R A , id., 'field,' 'plain';

'mountain spirit,' see Opo-yama-tu-mi-no-kami.

YAMA-TU-MI, "Mountain-Plateau

Spirit D e i t y " ? P A R I - P A R A [Harihara/Haihara] 105:47.

P N , identified as Haibara-gun,

Shizuoka-ken; there is also a place of the same name in Tampa.

Seat

of a family of kimi rank claiming descent from Opo-yama-mori-nomikoto. P A R I M A [Harima] 61:8, n ; 63:30; 7 3 : 5 ; 7 7 : 2 ; 1 2 6 : 1 6 ; 1 3 6 : 1 ; 137:43. A n ancient kuni and province which is now part of modern Hyogo-ken. P A R U - Y A M A - N O - K A S U M I - W O T O K O [Haru-yama-no-kasumiotoko] 107:3, 1 1 . One of the two brothers in the Idusi-wotome myth. Id., 'mist youth of the spring mountains.' A personification of spring, he wins out over his elder brother Aki-yama-no-sitabi-wotoko, a personification of autumn. P A S A [Hasa] 122:53.

A mountain mentioned in a song by Prince Karu.

Its exact location is not known; perhaps in the vicinity of Karu? 560

Glossary PASIPITO-NO-ANAPO-BE-NO-MIKO [Hashibito-no-anaho-be-nomiko] 145:6; 147:3. A daughter of Emperor Kimmei by Wo-ye-pime, consort of her half-brother Emperor Yomei, and mother of Shdtoku Taishi. PASIPITO, id., 'interval man,' preferably 'potter' (from pazi-pito); ANAPO-BE, q.v.; MIKO, id., 'princess.' PASIRI-MIDU [Hashiri-mizu] 84:1. The Uraga Straits between Miura Peninsula, Kanagawa-ken, and Boso Peninsula, Chiba-ken. Id., 'run­ ning water.' The name still exists (Hashiri-mizu, Yokosuka-shi, Kanagawa-ken). PATA [Hata] 104:13; 109:15. An extremely large family of continental immigrants, ruled by a miyatuko who is said to have immigrated during the reign of Emperor Ojin. The NS identifies the "ancestor" of the miyatuko by the name Yutuki'. See Aston, I, 261, 263-64, 364-65; II, 38-39; see also Ota, Seishi kakei daijiten, III, 4710-29. PATA [Hata] 62:12, 108:2. A common PN in early Japan; the village of Pata in Taketi in Yamato (now Hata, Asuka-mura, Takaichi-gun, Naraken) was the best known place of this name. The Kojiki records two families of this name, one an omi (asomi after 685) claiming descent from Pata-no-yasiro-no-sukune, the other a kimi claiming descent from Opopodo-no-miko. PATA-NO-YASIRO-NO-SUKUNE [Hata-no-yashiro-no-sukune] 62:12. One of the sons of Takesi-uti-no-sukune; ancestor of the omi of Pata and other families of local rulers. PATA, phon., the PN in Taketi; YASIRO, either a PN or the word for 'shrine.' PATABI-NO-OPO-IRATUKO [Hatabi-no-o-iratsuko] 109:3. Another name for Opo-kusaka-no-miko, Emperor Nintoku's son who was assas­ sinated by Emperor Anko. PATABI, phon., ENC. "Great Lad of Patabi." PATABI-NO-WAKI-IRATUME [Hatabi-no-waki-iratsume] 99:11. A daughter of Emperor Ojin by Naga-pime. PATABI, id., 'banner sun,' ENC. "Young Lady of Patabi." PATABI-NO-WAKI-IRATUME [Hatabi-no-waki-iratsume] 109:3. An­ other name for Waka-kusaka-be-no-miko, the daughter of Emperor Nintoku who became Emperor Yuryaku's empress [127:2]. PATABI, phon., ENC. "Young Lady of Patabi." PATUSE [Hatsuse/Hase] 122:92, 108; 127:1; 132:17; 133:11; 141:1. The mountainous region along the Patuse River in Yamato (now Hase-ch5, 56i

Kojiki Shiki-gun, Nara-ken, the location of Hasedera, the famous Buddhist temple). The site of the palaces of Emperors Yuryaku (the palace of Asakura at Patuse, 127:1) and Buretsu (the palace of Nami-k'i at Patuse, 141:1); the place name Patuse appears in the names of both these emperors: Opo-patuse-no-mikoto and Wo-patuse-no-waka-sazaki-nomikoto. PATUSE-BE [Hatsuse-be, Hasebe] 62:12; 127:5. A corporation of com­ moners organized originally at Patuse in Yamato; later, branches were established in other localities. Ruled by a family of kimi rank claiming descent from Pata-no-yasiro-no-sukune. The toneri, q.v., of the Patusebe were established during the reign of Emperor YOryaku [127:5]. PATUSE-BE-NO-WAKA-SAZAKI-[NO-MIKOTO] [Hatsuse-be-nowaka-sazaki-no-mikoto] 145:6, 11; 148:1. Emperor Sushun; a son of Emperor Kimmei by Wo-ye-pime. Reigned ca. 587-592. Hewas murdered by Soga no Umako. Cf. Aston, II, 119-20. PAYA-AKI-TU-PIKO-NO-KAMI [Haya-aki-tsu-hiko-no-kami] 7:2. The "deity of the sea-straits" born of Izanagi and Izanami. PAYA, id., 'rapid,' sometimes 'intrepid'; AKI, id., 'autumn,' perhaps connected with the verb aku, sometimes 'completion of purification'; TU, con­ nective particle; PIKO, id., 'sun-child,' preferably 'lad,' 'prince.' "Rapid Autumn [?] Lad Deity." Some scholars have connected his name with purification by ablution in rapid waters. See Tsugita, p. 42. PAYA-AKI-TU-PIME-NO-KAMi [Haya-aki-tsu-hime-no-kami] 7:2-3. The spouse of the preceding deity. The norito for the Great Exorcism (O-harae) mentions a goddess of this name as the deity within the ocean who swallows with a gulp all the sins which have been cast into the sea. "Rapid Autumn [?] Princess Deity." PAYA-B US A-WAKE-[NO-MIKO] / PAYA-BUSA-WAKE-NOMIKOTO [Haya-busa-wake-no-miko, -mikoto] 99:10; 115:1-2, 4, 14, 16,20,23-24,36. A son of Emperor Ojin by Ito-wi-pime. Killedby Emperor Nintoku, his half-brother, in a quarrel over Princess Me-doriηό-miko. PAYA-BUSA, id., 'rapid fringe,' preferably 'falcon.' "Falcon-Lad Prince." PAYA-MIKA-NO-TAKE-SAPAYADI-NUMI-NO-KAMI [Haya-mikano-take-sawayaji-numi-no-kami] 29:6. One of the deities among the descendants of Opo-kuni-nusi. PAYA, id., 'rapid'; MIKA, id., 'jar,' q.v.·, TAKE, phon., perhaps 'bamboo'; SAPAYADI, phon., ENC; NUMI, phon., ENC, perhaps the NUMI in Ya-sima-zinumi-no-karm. 562

Glossary P A Y A - P I T O [Haya-hito, Hayato] 4 1 : 1 8 ;

1 1 9 : 5 , 8, 1 4 - 1 6 , 1 8 - 1 9 .

A

people w h o lived in southern Kyushu, primarily in what is now Kagoshima-ken; they may have been the Kumaso.

It is unclear whether

they were an alien race, perhaps of southern origin, or a group of Japanese who were absorbed by Yamato at a relatively late date and w h o rebelled frequently against the central government. were put down as late as 702 and 720.

Rebellions of the Paya-pito P A Y A , id., 'falcon,' preferably

the adjective 'rapid,' 'intrepid'; Matsuoka (I, 1036) derives the word from P A Y E , which he defines as 'south.' P A Y A - S U P I [Haya-sui] 47:8. peror Jimmu's expedition.

A strait mentioned in the account of E m Id., 'rapid suck.'

Identified as the modern

H 5 y o Strait separating Oita-ken in Kyushu from Cape Sada in NishiUwa-gun, Ehime-ken, Shikoku.

If the identification is correct, the

Kojiki's reference to it as lying between Kib'f and Nanipa is incorrect. PAYA-SUSA-NO-WO-NO-MIKOTO.

See Take-paya-susa-n5-wo-

no-mikoto. P A Y A S I [Hayashi] 62:12. 'woods,' 'forest.'

A P N which occurs throughout Japan.

Id.,

The family of the omi of Payasi, claiming descent from

Pata-no-yasiro-no-sukune, originated in the Payasi in Sik'i county, Kaputi (Hayashi, D5my5ji-ch6, Minami-Kawachi-gun, Osaka). P A Y E [Hae] 57:2. peror Annei.

The agata-nusi of Sik'i whose daughter married E m P A Y E , phon., perhaps a P N (cf. the P A Y A of Paya-pito).

Appears also in Abe-no-paye-pime, Opo-paye-no-miko, Wo-paye-nomiko. P A Z I [haji] 3 3 : 1 1 . bows.

A type of tree, the wood of which was used to make

Said to be the M J haze, the w a x tree or sumac, Rhus succedanea.

P E - T U - K A P I - B E R A - N O - K A M I [He-tsu-kai-bera-no-kami]

11:10-11.

One of the sea deities w h o came into existence during Izanagi's purification; the counterpart of Oki-tu-kapi-bera-no-kami. ity,' preferably 'shore.'

PE, id., 'vicin-

"Shore Space D e i t y " ?

P E - T U - M I Y A [He-tsu-miya] 1 5 : 1 9 .

The "onshore shrine" of Munakata

at which Takitu-pime-n5-mikoto is enshrined.

Located today at Ta-

shima, Genkai-machi, Munakata-gun, Fukuoka-ken. PE-TU-NAGISA-BIKO-NO-KAMI

[He-tsu-nagisa-biko-no-kami]

11:9.

One of the sea deities w h o came into existence during Izanagi's purification; the counterpart

of Oki-tu-nagisa-biko-no-kami",

q.v.

"Shore

Surf Lad Deity." P E - Z A K A R U - N O - K A M I [He-zakaru-no-kami] 1 1 : 1 0 . 563

One of the sea

Kojiki deities who came into existence during Izanagi's purification; counterpart of Oki-tu-zakaru-no-kamL "Shore Distant Deity."

the

PEGURI [Heguri] 62:15; 87:11; 128:20; 137:1. A mountainous region in Yamato including what is now Heguri-mura, Ikoma-gun, Nara-ken. The Peguri Mountains are the foothills of the Ikoma Range to the west. This was the seat of the family of the omi (asomi after 685) of Peguri, claiming descent from Peguri-no-tuku-no-sukune. The family was ex­ tremely influential in the early period and attained the rank of opo-omi; at the time of Sibi, q.v., it lost its position at court and declined. PEGURI-NO-TUKU-NO-SUKUNE [Heguri-no-tsuku-no-sukune] 62:15. A son of Takesi-uti-n6-sukune; ancestor of the omi of Peguri, the omi of Sawara, and the murazi of the Umamikupi. TUKU, phon., 'owl' (see the etymology given in Aston, I, 277-78); SUKUNE, see Asidan5-sukune. PEKI [Heki] 105:47. The Peki-be was established in many places through­ out the country and was ruled by the Peki ηό kimi family claiming descent from Opo-yama-mori-no-mikoto. The etymology of the word (here phon., sometimes written id., 'sun-put') is unclear, as is its geographical origin and the location of the seat of its rulers. PERA-ZAKA [Hera-zaka] 67:3. An unidentified pass said to be in Yamasir0; more or less synonymous with the "Nara Road." PERA, phon., ENC, perhaps PIRA, 'level'; ZAKA, id., 'pass.' PI [hi] 133:30. A type of tree, the wood of which was used to build the palace in the song of the uneme from Mipe. Undoubtedly the modern hinoki (pi-no-kt, 'pi tree'), the Japanese cypress, used widely in architecture. PI [Hi] 61:8. A river in Parima. Said to be the present Kako River (in Kakogawa-shi, Hyogo-ken). ΡΪ [Hi] 19:1, 19; 74:1; 81:3. A river in Idumo (modern Shimane-ken), called today the Hii-kawa. Originating on Mount Sentsu (the ancient Tori-yama), it flows down into the plains area and empties into Lake Shinji. ΡΪ [Hi] 6:6; 55:22. An ancient kuni in Tukusi, corresponding to the provinces of Hizen and Higo (modern Saga-ken, Nagasaki-ken, and Kumamoto-ken), ruled by a kuni-no-miyatuko of kimi rank claiming descent from Kamu-ya-wi-mimi-n8-mikot0. PI-KAGE [hi-kage] 17:14. A type of vine used in the Takama-no-para myth sequence to bind up the sleeves of Ame-no-uzume-no-mikSto.

Glossary Koshimizu (p. 133) identifies it as Lycopodium clavatum var. nipponicum Nakai. PI-KAPA-PIME [Hi-kawa-hime] 20:16.

A daughter of Okami-no-kami

who married one of the descendants of Susa-no-wo.

PI-KAPA, id.,

'sun river,' probably the PN in the province of Musasi where the famous Hikawa Shrine (now in Omiya-shi, Saitama-ken) is located; phon., 'princess,' etc.

PIME,

"Pi-kapa Princess."

PI-NAGA-PIME [Hi-naga-hime] 74:5, 8. A legendary maiden who mar­ ried Prince Po-muti-wake and astonished him by turning into a snake. ΡΪ, the PN in Idumo?;

NAGA, id., 'long,' perhaps connected with

snakes. See Matsuoka, I, 1046.

"Long Princess of Ρϊ" ?

PI-NARASI-BIME [Hi-narashi-bime] 29:8.

A daughter of Okami-no-

kam'i who married one of the descendants of Opo-kuni-nusi.

Phon.,

ENC; as the meaning of the name is unclear, its proper word division is also unknown: Pi-narasi or Pina-rasi. PI-NO-KAGA-BIKO-NO-KAMI [Hi-no-kaga-biko-no-kami] 7:17. One of the names of the fire-deity borne by Izanami. Ρϊ, id., 'fire,' may also be PO;

KAGA, id., 'radiant,' cf. Kaga-yama-to-omi-no-kam'f;

ΒΙΚΟ, phon., 'lad,' etc.

"Shining-Lad-of-the-Fire Deity."

PI-NO-KAGU-TUTI-NO-KAMI [Hi-no-kagu-tsuchi-no-kami] 7:17. One of the names of the fire-deity borne by Izanami.

PI, id., 'fire';

KAGU, phon., like KAGA, 'shining,' 'radiant';

TUTI, id., 'earth,'

preferably 'spirit,' cf. Amc-no-sa-duti-no-kami'.

"Fire-Shining-Spirit

Deity."

Also called Kagu-tuti-no-kam'i.

ΡΪ-ΝΟ-ΥAGI-PAYA-WO-NO-KAMI [Hi-no-yagi-haya-o-no-kami] 7:17. One of the names of the fire-deity borne by Izanami. YAGI, phon., perhaps from the verb yaku, 'to burn';

PI, id., 'fire'; PAYA, id.,

'rapid,' 'intrepid'; WO, id., 'male,' "Fire Burning-Fast-Male Deity." ΡΪ-ΡAYA-PI-NO-KAMI [Hi-haya-hi-no-kami] 8:3. One of the deities who came into existence when Izanagi killed the fire-deity. ΡΪ, id., 'sluice,' 'irrigation pipe,' preferably 'fire'; PAYA-PI, id., 'rapid sun,' preferably 'vigorous force' as in Mika-paya-pi-no-kam'i, q.v. "Fire Vigorous-Force Deity." Perhaps connected with lightning. PIBA [Hiba] 7:29. A mountain forming "the border between the land of Idumo and the land of Papaki," where Izanagi buried his deceased spouse Izanami. Location unknown. PIBASU-PIME-NO-MIKOTO [Hibasu-hime-no-mikoto] 63:23; 69:3-4; 75:1-2; 76:10. The empress of Emperor Suinin; one of the daughters

Kojiki of Tanipa-no-piko-tatasu-Miti-no-usi-no-miko and mother of Emperor Keiko.

P I B A S U , phon., E N C ;

P I D I - K A T A [Hiji-kata] 105147.

PIME, phon., 'princess,' etc. A place in Topo-tu-Apumi (now Hiji-

kata, Kit5-mura, Ogasa-gun, Shizuoka-ken), seat of a little-known family of kimi claiming descent from Opo-yama-mori-no-mikoto. P I K E T A [Hiketa] 129:20.

A place in Patuse in Yamato (identified today

near Shiraga, Hase-cho, Shiki-gun, Nara-ken), seat of a family of kimi (later asomi) who were closely related to the M i w a family. P I K E T A - B E [Hiketa-be] 129:3.

A corporation of commoners located at

Piketa and ruled by the kimi of Piketa. P I K O - I M A S U - N O - M I K O [Hiko-imasu-no-miko] 63 -.4, 10, 14; 67:2.

A

son of Emperor Kaika, sent by Emperor Sujin to pacify the land of Tanipa. His sons and daughters are listed in detail in 63 : 1 0 - 1 3 . child,' preferably 'prince,' 'lad';

P I K O , id., 'sun

I M A S U , id., 'abide,' 'sit';

therefore,

" L a d Sitting Prince"; compare the P I K O - T A T A S U , 'lad standing,' in his son's name, Tanipa-no-piko-tatasu-Miti-no-usi-no-miko, and the name of another son Piko-osu-no-miko. PIKO-INA-KOZI-WAKE-NO-MIKOTO mikoto] 62:8.

A son of Opo-biko-no-mikoto, identified as the ancestor

of the omi of the Kasipade. K O Z I , phon., E N C ;

P I K O , phon., 'prince,' 'lad';

A son of Emperor Korei by

[Hiko-isaseri-biko-no-mikoto] Opo-yamato-kuni-Are-pime-no-

mikoto; also called Opo-kibi-tu-piko-no-mikoto. 'prince';

INA-

W A K E , q.v.

PIKO-ISASERI-BIKO-NO-MIKOTO 61:4.

[Hiko-ina-koji-wake-no-

P I K O , phon., 'lad,'

ISASERI, phon., E N C , similar in sound to the S U S E R I in

Suseri-bime. P I K O - K U N I - B U K U - N O - M I K O T O [Hiko-kuni-buku-no-mikoto] 67:20, 24.

The ancestor of the omi of Wani, sent by Emperor Sujin to subdue

the rebellious Take-pani-yasu-no-miko. ably 'lad,' 'prince';

K U N I , id., 'land';

P I K O , id., 'sun-child,' preferB U K U , phon., in NS id., 'to

thatch,' but E N C . PIKO-KUNI-OKE-TU-NO-MIKOTO 63:4.

[Hiko-kuni-oke-tsu-no-mikoto]

The ancestor of the omi of Wani; elder brother of Oke-tu-

pime-no-mikoto, a consort of Emperor Kaika. preferably 'prince,' 'lad';

P I K O , id., 'sun-child,'

K U N I , id., 'land' (the element P I K O - K U N I

must have been a compound common to members of the family of the omi of Wani);

O K E - T U , phon., E N C , q.v.

P I K O - N A G I S A - T A K E - U - G A Y A - P U K I - A P E Z U - N O - M I K O T O [Hiko566

Glossary nagisa-take-U-gaya-fuki-aezu-no-mikoto] Pref. 64.

See Ama-tu-piko-

Piko-nagisa-take-U-gaya-puki-apezu-no-mikoto. PIKO-OSU-NO-MIKO imasu-no-miko.

[Hiko-osu-no-miko] 6 3 : 1 3 .

P I K O , phon., 'lad,' 'prince';

A son of Piko-

O S U , phon., perhaps

the verb 'to press' (cf. entries beginning with OSI). Prince"?

" L a d Pressing

The structure of the name is identical with that of his father

Piko-imasu-no-miko, q.v. P I K O - P I T O [Hiko-hito] 146:7.

See Osaka-no-Piko-pito.

PIKO-PITO-NO-OPO-YE-NO-MIKO 77:7.

A son of Emperor Keiko.

'prince,' 'lad';

P I T O , id., 'man';

[Hiko-hito-no-o-e-no-miko]

P I K O , id., 'sun child,' preferably O P O - Y E , id., 'great elder-brother';

M I K O , id., 'prince.' PIKO-PO-NO-NINIGI-NO-MIKOTO 38:5-6,8.

[Hiko-ho-no-ninigi-no-mikoto]

See Ame-nigisi-kuni-nigisi-Ama-tu-piko-Piko-po-no-ninigi-

no-mikoto. PIKO-PO-PO-DE-MI-NO-MIKOTO 45:24.

[Hiko-ho-ho-de-mi-no-mikoto]

See Ama-tu-piko-Piko-po-po-de-mi-no-mikoto.

PIKO-PUTU-OSI-NO-MAKOTO-NO-MIKOTO makoto-no-mikoto] 62:3, 9. me-no-mikoto; sukune.

[Hiko-futsu-oshi-no-

A son of Emperor K5gen by Ikaga-siko-

father of Umasi-uti-no-sukune

P I K O , phon., 'lad,' 'prince';

P U T O , 'fat,' 'solid,' etc.;

and

Takesi-uti-no-

P U T U , phon., perhaps from

OSI, id., 'press,' q.v.\

M A K O T O , id.,

'belief,' perhaps 'sincerity,' 'honesty.' PIKO-SAME-MA-NO-MIKOTO A son of Emperor K5rei.

[Hiko-same-ma-no-mikoto] 6 1 : 5 ,

P I K O , 'lad,' 'prince';

11.

S A M E - M A , id.,

'waking interval.' P I K O - S A S I - K A T A - W A K E - N O - M I K O T O [Hiko-sashi-kata-wake-nomikoto] 61:4, 12. A son of Emperor K5rei. P I K O , 'lad,' 'prince'; S A S I - K A T A , id., 'pierce shoulder,' E N C , P N ? ; W A K E , q.v. P I K O - Y A - W I - N O - M I K O T O [Hiko-ya-i-no-mikoto] 54:30; 55:21A son of Emperor J i m m u by Isuke-yori-pime. P I K O , 'lad,' 'prince'; Y A - W I , id., 'eight wells,' perhaps a P N , occurs also in the name of his brother Kamu-ya-wi-mimi-no-mikoto. " L a d Lord of Y a - w i " ? PIKO-YU-MUSU-MI-NO-MIKO / PIKO-YU-MUSU-MI-NOM I K O T O [Hiko-yu-musu-mi-no-miko, -mikoto] 63:2, 8. A son of Emperor Kaika; father of Opo-tutuki-tari-ne-no-miko and Sanukitari-ne-no-miko. P I K O , phon., 'lad,' 'prince'; Y U , phon., perhaps 567

Kojiki 'hot water,' 'hot spring';

MUSU-MI, phon., ENC, perhaps MUSUBI,

'generative force,' as in Kam'i-musubi-no-kam'i, etc. PIME-GOSO [Hime-goso] 106:18.

A shrine at Nanipa, which enshrined

Akaru-pime, worshipped for safety at sea.

The site of the shrine is be­

lieved to be Higashinari-ku, Osaka. PIME-T ATARA-IS UKE-YORI-PIME [Hime-tatara-isuke-yori-hime] 53 :7. Another name for Isuke-yon-pime, the empress of Emperor Jimmu. PIME, phon., 'princess';

TATARA, phon., probably 'bellows';

ISUKE-YORI-PIME, q.v. PIME-ZIMA [Hime-jima] 6:15; 116 :1. islands.

The name of a number of small

Mentioned in the Izanagi-Izanami myth as one of the islands

born of their union, and later as an island to which Emperor Nintoku went to hold a state banquet.

The island of the myth has been identified

as Hime-shima in Oita-ken (Himeshima-mura, Higashi-Kunisaki-gun, Oita-ken).

The island visited by Emperor Nintoku was undoubtedly

somewhere in Osaka Bay; there is a Himejima-cho (in Nishi-yodogawaku, Osaka-shi) which may have been an island at one time.

"Maiden

Island." PIMEDA [Himeda] 63:17; 119:27.

An unidentified place, the seat of a

little-known family of kimi rank which is mentioned in no document but the Kojiki.

On the strength of a Pimeda Shrine in Ikako county,

Apumi (now Ika-gun, Shiga-ken) in the Engi-shiki, scholars propose that its location was Apumi.

The family claimed descent from Unakam i-no-

miko and received its title during the reign of Emperor Richu [119:27]. PIMUKA [Hyuga] 11:2; 39:13; 47:3; 53 :i; 77:6, 16; 99 :11; 102 :1, 3; 109:3. An ancient kuni in eastern Kyushu ruled by a kuni-no-miyatuko descended from Toyo-kuni-wake-no-miko [77:16].

In earliest times it included

the lands of Satsuma and Osumi, which were later detached and are now Kagoshima-ken.

The province of Hyuga corresponded to what is now

Miyazaki-ken. PINA-BURI [Hina-buri] 34:26.

The name given to Taka-pime-no-

mikoto's song in praise of her brother, the god Adi-siki-taka-pikone-nokam'i. ΡΙΝΑ, id., 'barbarian,' preferably 'rustic regions,' 'country areas'; the song name would thus mean 'country air,' 'rustic air.' The word BURI, 'air,' is usually affixed to the names of songs which derive their appellations from the words of the song (cf. Amada-buri, Miya-pito-buri). Although the Kojiki song does not include the word pitta, as would be expected, the NS gives two songs at this point, both identified as pina-buri, 568

Glossary the second of which begins with the words: Ama-zakaru

The far-away

Pina-tu-me no . . .

Rustic maidens . . .

It is therefore almost certain that the second song in the NS was the original song from which the pina-huri song title was taken.

Kiki kayoshii zenko, p.

See Takeda,

55.

PINA-BURI NO AGE-UTA [Hina-buri no age-uta] 122:24. song of pina-buri.'

Id., 'rising

Evidently a variant of the pina-buri melody, perhaps

one which rises in pitch or in feeling. PINA-BURI NO KATA-OROSI [Hina-buri no kata-oroshi] 122:77. variant of the pina-buri melody.

A

KATA-OROSI, which appears also as

an independent song name, means literally 'half descending' and must refer to performance style.

The song with this title in Chapter 122 is identical

in graphic form with the unnamed song in 114:2-9. PINA-TERI-NUKATA-BITI-WO-IKOTINI-NO-KAMI [Hina-terinukata-bichi-o-ikochini-no-kami] 29:5.

A goddess who married Tori-

naru-mi-n5-kami', one of the descendants of Opo-kuni-nusi. phon., probably 'rustic regions'; NUKATA, a common PN; IKOTINI, phon., ENC;

ΡΙΝΑ,

TERI, id., 'to shine,' etc.;

BITI, phon., ENC;

WO, id., 'male';

KAMI, id., 'deity.'

PINOKUMA [Hinokuma] 144 :1; 145:2.

A place in Yamato (now Hino-

kuma, Asuka-mura, Takaichi-gun, Nara-ken), where Emperor Senka's palace of Iporino was located. PIPIRAGI [hiiragi] 82:2.

The holly tree, Osmanthus aquifolius.

PIP IRA GI-NO-SONO-P ANA-MADUMI-NO-KAMI [Hiiragi-no-sonohana-mazumi-no-kami] 29:9.

The father of the goddess Iku-tama-Saki-

tama-pime-n5-kam'i, who married one of the descendants of Opo-kuninusi. PIPIRAGI, phon., the tree; SONO-PANA, id., 'its flowers' or 'those flowers'; MADUMI, phon., unclear but interpreted by Motoori as 'rare to see.' "Deity of the Holly Whose Flowers Are Rarely Seen"? PIPURE [Hifure] 99:7, 101:8. An opomi of Wani, father of Miya-nusiYa-gapa-ye-pime and Wo-nabe-no-iratume, consorts of Emperor Ojin. Phon., ENC. PIRABU [hirabu] 40:3. A type of shell-fish which appears in the Sarutabiko myth. The word is often used as a personal name in the NS. Motoori identified it as something the fisherfolk of the Shima region called the jitsugetsu-kai ('sun-and-moon shell-fish'), but its modern equivalent is unknown.

Kojiki PIRO [Hiro] 147:4. The kura-no-obito of Tagima, father of Ipi-no-ko, a consort of Emperor Yomei. Phon., probably 'wide.' PIRO-KUNI-OSI-TAKE-K AN A-PI-N O-MIKOTO [Hiro-kuni-oshitake-kana-hi-no-mikoto] 142:3, 11; 143:1. Emperor Ankan; son of Emperor Keitai by Meko-no-iratume. PIRO, id., 'wide'; KUNI, id., 'land'; OSI, id., 'press,' q.v.; PIRO-KUNI-OSI also appears in the name of his younger brother Take-wo-piro-kuni-osi-tate-no-mikoto and may be a single element meaning 'wide land ruler'; TAKE, 'valiant'; KANA-PI, id., 'gold sun,' ENC. PIRO-PIME-NO-MIKOTO [Hiro-hime-no-mikoto] 146:4. Consort of Emperor Bitatsu; daughter of Okinaga-no-mate-no-miko. PIROPIME, phon., 'wide princess.' "Wide Princess Lady." PIROTAKA [Hirotaka] 140:1. The palace of Emperor Ninken at Isoηό-kami (in Tenri-shi, Nara-ken). Id., 'wide high.' PIRU [hiru] 84:15; 102:7-8. An edible wild plant of the onion-garlic family; Allium nipponicum Franch. & Sav. (Koshimizu, p. 137). PISIRO [Hishiro] 77:1; 80:12; 133:17. The palace of Emperor Keiko at Makimuku (now Omiwa-cho, Shiki-gun, Nara-ken). Id., 'sun sub­ stitute,' perhaps related to the use of the mirror in 39:3 as a 'spirit sub­ stitute' (tama-siro). PITATI [Hitachi] 55:22. A province established at the Taika Reform; before 646 it was a geographical area which included the kuni of Nipi-bari, Tukuba, Ibaraki, Naka, Kuzi, and Taka. Corresponds to modern Ibaraki-ken. PITO-KOTO-NUSI-NO-OPO-KAMI [Hito-koto-nushi-no-0-kami] 132:12, 16, 18. A deity, evidently of oracles or divination, enshrined in Kaduraki (the shrine of the deity is located today at Moriwaki, Gose-shi, Nara-ken). Id., 'single word lord great deity,' perhaps because the oracles consisted of one word each [see 132:12]. PITUMA [Hitsuma] 140:3; 145:4. An omi of Wani (i.e., of Kasuga), father of a girl called both Nuka-no-wakugo-no-iratume (identified in 140:3 as a consort of Emperor Ninken) and Nuka-ko-no-iratume (iden­ tified in 145:4 as a consort of Emperor Kimmei). Id., 'sun fingernail,' ENC. PIYE [Hie] 31:4. A mountain in Tika-tu-Apumi (now Mount Hiei, Shiga-ken) where Opo-yama-gupi-no-kami' is enshrined. Mount Hiei is known today as the center of Tendai Buddhism. The shrine men­ tioned in the Kojiki is now Hie Jinja, located near the mountain in Saka570

Glossary moto, Otsu-shi, Shiga-ken.

Under Buddhist influence, the deity of the

shrine came to be known as Sanno and was worshipped by DengyS Daishi, the founder of the Tendai sect. PIYEDA [Hieda] Pref. 43.

A family related to the Sarume family.

Its

name may have been derived from the village of Piyeda in Yamato (modern Hieda-machi, Yamato-k6riyama-shi, Nara-ken). PIYEDA NO ARE [Hieda no Are] Pref. 55.

The name of a toneri, q.v.,

in the service of Emperor Temmu who was commanded to learn the Sumera-mikoto no pi-tugi and the Saki-no-yo no puru-goto [Pref. 46]. Piyeda was the surname, Are the personal name.

The element ARE

appears also in the name Opo-yamato-kuni-Are-pime-no-mikoto. There has been some speculation about the sex of this person; a num­ ber of scholars believe that Are was a woman. PIZIRI-NO-KAMI [Hijiri-no-kami] 31:1. offspring of Opo-tosi-no-karm.

One of the deities among the

PIZIRI, id., 'saint,' 'sage.'

Etymol-

ogically the word may be 'sun-ruler' (i.e., ruler of the heavenly sunlineage; emperor) or 'day-knower' (i.e., one familiar with the days for planting and harvesting).

The Engi-shiki lists a shrine of this name in

Idumi county in the province of Idumi (now on Shinoda-yama in Shinodamura, Senboku-gun, Osaka). PO [Ho] 63:24.

An ancient kuni in Mikapa (now Hoi-gun, Aichi-ken),

ruled by a kuni-no-miyatuko with the title of wake, claiming descent from Mikado-wake-no-miko. PO-DERI-NO-MIKOTO [Ho-deri-no-mikoto] 41:17; 42:1-2, 5.

A son

of Ama-tu-piko-Piko-po-no-nmigi-no-mikoto by Ko-no-pana-no-Sakuya-bime; elder brother of Po-wori-no-mikoto; the ancestor of the kimi of Ata of the Paya-pito.

Id., 'fire radiant lord.'

Also known as Umi-

sati-biko. PO-MUTU-WAKfi-NO-MIKOTO / PO-MUTI-WAKE-NO-MIKO [Ho-mutsu-wake-no-mikoto / Ho-muchi-wake-no-miko] 69:2; 72:2. A son of Emperor Suinin by Sapo-bime-no-mikotS.

Born in a flaming

building [cf. 72:2], he was mute until he was taken to worship at Idumo [Chapters 73-74]. Pomudi;

PO-MUTI, phon., perhaps related to the PN

PO can mean 'fire,' 'flame,' as well as 'rice stalk.'

"Pomuti

Lad Lord"? PO-NO-NINIGI-NO-MIKOTO [Ho-no-ninigi-no-mikoto] Pref. 11. See

Ame-nigisi-kuni-nigisi-Ama-tu-piko-Piko-po-no-ninigi-no-mikoto.

PO-NO-PO-NO-MIKO [Ho-no-ho-no-miko] 144:3, 5.

A son of Em-

Kojiki peror Senka by Kaputi-no-wakugo-pime; the ancestor of the kimi of Sipida.

P O - N O - P O , id., 'fire rice-stalk,' perhaps the word 'flame'

(MJ hand).

"Flames Prince"?

P O - S U S E R I - N O - M I K O T O [Ho-suseri-no-mikoto] 4 1 : 1 9 .

One of the

sons of Ama-tu-piko-Piko-po-no-ninigi-no-mikotS by Ko-no-pana-noSaku-ya-bime; the brother mikoto.

of Po-deri-no-mikoto and

P O , id., 'fire,' 'flame';

Po-wori-no-

S U S E R I , phon., like S U S E R I in

Suseri-bime, from a verb meaning 'to be forcible, vigorous, energetic.' "Fire Raging L o r d " ? P O - W O R I - N O - M I K O T O [Ho-ori-no-mikoto] 4 1 : 2 0 ; 4 2 : 1 - 2 , 4, 6, 1 3 ; 44:1, 10.

The last-born of the three sons of Ama-tu-piko-Piko-po-no-

n i n i g i - n o - m i k 5 t o by K o - n o - p a n a - n o - S a k u - y a - b i m e ; brother of Po-deri-no-mikoto. po-de-mi-no-mikoto,

the

younger

Also known as Ama-tu-piko-Piko-po-

Sora-tu-piko, and Yama-sati-biko.

Father

Ama-tu-piko-Piko-nagisa-take-U-gaya-puki-apezu-n5-mikot6. id., 'fire,' 'flame'; bend.

of

PO,

W O R I , phon., probably from the verb worn, 'to

"Fire-Bending L o r d " ?

P O D U M I [Hozumi] 5 2 : 6 1 ; 62:2; 90:2.

A large family of omi (asomi

after 685) rank, claiming descent from Nigi-paya-pi-no-mikoto through Umasi-madi-n6-mikot5, the ancestor of the Mono-no-be.

The name

Podumi was evidently taken from a Podumi village somewhere in Y a m a to, the original seat of the family. P O K I - U T A N O K A T A - U T A [Hoki-uta no kata-uta] 116:28. the three-verse song in 1 1 6 : 2 5 - 2 7 .

Title of

P O K I , phon., from the verb poku,

'to bless,' thus P O K I - U T A is 'blessing song.'

The term may also refer

to the preceding songs, in 1 1 6 : 4 - 1 0 and 1 1 6 : 1 2 - 2 3 . P O M U D A [Homuda, Honda] Pref. 65; 1 0 3 : 3 ; 1 0 8 : 1 , 5; 1 4 1 : 5 .

Refers to

Emperor Ojin; see Pomuda-wake-no-mikoto. POMUDA-NO-MA-WAKA-N6-MIKO miko] 99:2-3.

[Homuda-no-Ma-waka-no-

A son of Ipoki-n5-iri-biko-n6-mik6to; father of three

consorts of Emperor Ojin.

POMUDA,

see the following

entry;

M A - W A K A - N O - M I K O , id., 'true young prince,' q.v., perhaps confused with the Ma-waka-no-miko mentioned as a son of Emperor Keik5 in 77-7 • P O M U D A - W A K E - N O - M I K O T O [Homuda-wake-no-mikoto] 9 1 : 4 ; 99:1. Emperor Ojin. Reigned, according to the Kojiki dates, ca. 362394. A son of Emperor Chuai by Empress Jingu. During his reign the Yamato kingdom increased its suzerainty in the Korean peninsula and 572

Glossary began to absorb continental culture. Some historians identify Ojin as the King San (Tsan, 'praise,' perhaps frompomu, 'to praise,' in POMUDA) who sent emissaries to Sung China in 421 and 425; see also Opo-sazakino-mikoto. His palace was at Karu in Yamato, but his tomb was in Kaputi (see Mo-pusi). POMUDA, a place in Kaputi (now Konda near Furuichi, Minami-Osaka-cho, Minami-Kawachi-gun, Osaka). "PomudaLad." Also called Opo-tomo-wake-no-mikoto. POMUDI [Homuji, Honji] 63 :30. An ancient kuni in Kib'i, probably an expansion of the territory of the Pomudi-be; ruled by a kuni-nomiyatuko of kimi rank claiming descent from Okinaga-piko-no-miko. Later it became Honchi county in the province of Bingo (now a part of Ashina-gun, Hiroshima-ken). POMUDI-BE [Homuji-be] 63:16; 73 :22; 74:12. A wide-spread corpora­ tion of imperially owned commoners. Established as a mi-ko-siro for Prince Po-mutu-wake-no-mikoto during the reign of Emperor Suinin. The Pomudi-be of Ise was ruled by a family of kimi rank claiming descent from Ake-tatu-no-miko [63:16], the prince who accompanied Po-mutuwake-no-mikoto on his journey to Idumo [73:20-22]. POMUYA-WAKE-NO-MIKOTO [Homuya-wake-no-mikoto] 91:4. A son of Emperor Chuai by Okinaga-tarasi-pime-no-mik5to; elder brother of Emperor Ojin, Pomuda-wake-no-mikoto. ENC. POSIKAPA [Hoshikawa] 62:12. A place in Yamato (now in the vicinity of Yamabe-gun, Nara-ken), seat of a family of omi (asorni after 685) claiming descent from Pata-no-yasiro-no-sukune. POTO-TATAR A-IS US UKI-PIME-NO-MIKOT O [Hoto-tatara-isusukihime-no-mikoto] 53:7. Another name for Isukc-yori-pime, the empress of Emperor Jimmu. POTO, phon., 'female genitalia'; TATARA, phon., 'bellows'; ISUSUKI, phon., from a verb meaning 'to be in confusion,' 'to panic' [see the story in 53:5]; PIME, phon., 'princess,'etc. "Genitals Bellows Panicky Princess Lady." Thisname was later changed to the less crude Pime-tatara-Isuke-yori-pime [53:8]. PUDIP ARA-NO-KOTO-PUSI-NO-IRATUME [Fujiwara-no-kotofushi-no-iratsume] 108:1. A daughter of Waka-nu-ke-puta-mata-nomiko. PUDIPARA, id., 'Wisteria plain,' a PN in or near present Takaichi-gun, Nara-ken; KOTO-PUSI, id., 'cither segment,' prob­ ably a PN in Pudipara but may be a corruption of SO-TOPOSI, as in the name So-toposi-no-iratume. PUKA-BUTI-NO-MIDU-YARE-PΑΝΑ-ΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ [Fuka-buchi-no-

Kojiki mizu-yare-hana-no-kami] 20:16. One of the descendants of Susa-nowo. PUKA-BUTI, id., 'deep pool,' 'abyss,' a PN in Tosa (Fukabuchi, Noichi-cho, Kami-gun, Kochi-kcn); MIDU, id., 'water,' perhaps mitu, 'awesome'; YARE, phon., perhaps the imperative of yarn, 'to sprinkle'; PANA, id., 'flowers,' 'blossoms.' "Deity Sprinkle-Water-on-theFlowers of Pukabuti"? PUKITA [Fukita] 89:11. An unidentified place, seat of a family of wake claiming descent from Asi-kagami-wake-no-miko. The reading Pukita is Motoori's; the text seems to be corrupt. PUMI [Fumi] 104:11. The name of two families of immigrant scribes. The first family lived in Kaputi and was ruled by an obito (after 685 a murazi) claiming descent from Wani-kisi. The other lived in Yamato and was ruled by an atape (later a murazi and then an imiki). PUMI-BITO [fumi-bito, fubito] 104:6. Id., 'scribe.' Originally, the name of a profession; later a hereditary title assumed by some—but not all—families of scribes, such as the pumi-bito of Atiki. PUNAKI [Funaki] 55:22. A common place name, which designated originally the settlements of the Punaki-be, evidently a corporation of persons who supplied lumber for ships (punaki is id., 'ship-tree' or 'shipwood'). Their ruling family, either on the national or local level, was the atape of Punaki in Ise. PUNODUNO-NO-ΚΑΜΪ [Funozuno-no-kami] 20:18. The father of Pute-mimi-no-kam'i, a goddess who married one of the descendants of Susa-no-wo. Phon., ENC. PUPA-NO-MODI-KUNUSUNU-NO-KAMI [Fuha-no-moji-kunusununo-kami] 20:15. A deity among the descendants of Susa-no-wo. Phon., ENC. The name is unintelligible and does not resemble Japanese. PURU-KUMA [Furu-kuma] 96:20. See Nanipa-neko-Take-puru-kumano-mikoto. PURUTI [Furuchi] 143:3. A place in Kaputi (now Furuichi, MinamiOsaka-cho, Minami-Kawachi-gun, Osaka). PUSE [Fuse] 108:2. A common place name; believed to be derived from the common noun puse-ya, 'rest-house,' lodgings for travelers which the government established along the roads. The kimi of Puse, claiming descent from Opo-podo-no-miko, was the local ruler of one of these localities. PUSIMI [Fushimi] 124:10. A hill at Sugapara (Sugawara-cho, Nara-shi, near Amagatsuji) where the tomb of Emperor Anko is located.

Glossary PUTA-GO-NO-SIMA

[Futa-go-no-shima] 6 : 1 7 .

Id., 'twin islands,' a

pair of small islands born in the land-creation myth.

Sometimes iden-

tified as Ojima and Mejima, a group of small islands south of the Got5 archipelago in Nagasaki-ken.

These islands, which are omitted on

most modern maps, may have been known to ancient seafarers. P U T ADI-N O-IRI-BIME-N O - M I K O T O 69:8, 22; 89:1.

[Futaji-no-iri-bime-no-mikoto]

A consort of Yamato-takeru-no-mikoto and mother of

Emperor Chuai; the daughter of Emperor Suinin by Oto-kari-patatobe.

P U T A D I , phon., probably a P N ;

no-iri-bime-no-mikoto.

IRI-BIME, phon., see Azami-

Also called Ipa-tuku-bime-no-mikoto.

P U T A D I - P I M E [Futaji-hime] 89:3.

A consort of Yamato-takeru-no-

mikoto; a daughter of Opo-tamu-wake of Apumi. PN?

P U T A D I , phon.,

"Princess of Putadi."

P U T E - M I M I - N O - K A M I [Fute-mimi-no-kami] 20:18. married one of the descendants of Susa-no-wo. perhaps from P U T O , 'fat,' 'great,' etc.;

A goddess w h o

P U T E , phon., E N C ,

M I M I , id., 'ear' (see Kamu-

nunakapa-mimi-no-mikoto). P U T I [Fuchi] 69:7-8.

A local ruler of Opo-kuni in Yamasiro; father of

Kari-pata-tobe and Oto-kari-pata-tobe, both consorts of Emperor Suinin. Id., 'abyss,' 'deep pool.' P U T O - P I M E - N O - M I K O T O [Futo-hime-no-mikoto] 146:3. ter of Emperor Bitatsu by Wo-kuma-ko-no-iratume. probably 'fat,' 'great,' etc.;

A daugh-

P U T O , phon.,

P I M E , phon., 'princess,' etc.

P U T O - T A M A - N O - M I K O T O [Futo-tama-no-mikoto] 1 7 : 1 0 , 12, 20, 23; 39:1, 9. A heavenly deity said to be the ancestor of the obito of the Imube. In the Takama-no-para myth sequence, he played an important role in the rites before the Heavenly Rock-cave; later, he descended from the heavens as one of the five corporation rulers. P U T O , phon., 'fat,' also 'grand,' 'solemn,' etc.; T A M A , id., 'jewel,' 'bead,' perhaps also 'soul,' 'spirit.' Since puto-tama-gusi is an old term for 'solemn offerings,' Motoori suggests that the deity's name was an abbreviation of this term and that the deity's role was to present such offerings. Kojiki-den, II, 417. P U T O - M A - W A K A - P I M E - N O - M I K O T O [Futo-ma-waka-hime-nomikoto] 58:2. The empress of Emperor Itoku and mother of Emperor Kosho; from the family of the agata-nusi of Siki. P U T O , phon., unclear, the iVS has the ideograph 'fat,' usually read puto, not puto; 575

Kojiki MA-WAKA, phon., probably 'true young' as in Ma-waka-no-miko. Also named Ipi-pi-pime-no-mikoto. PUTU-NO-MI-TAMA [Futsu-no-mi-tama] 49:10. the sword enshrined at Iso-no-kami Shrine.

One of the names of

PUTU, phon., an onomato­

poeic word, interpreted as "the sound of cutting" (cf. MJ futtsuri, buttsuri): it was probably supposed to convey the idea of a clean thrust, a "deadly swish," etc. (also in the compounds Mika-putu-no-kami, Sazi-putuno-kanu, Take-putu-no-kami, and Toyo-putu-no-kam'i); id., 'honorable spirit.'

MI-TAMA,

"Deadly-swish Spirit."

SA-YORI-BIME-NO-MIKOTO [Sa-yori-bime-no-mikoto] 15:4.

An­

other name for Itiki-sima-pime-no-mikoto, one of the three goddesses of Munakata.

SA, id., 'narrow,' meaning unclear;

YORI-BIME,

see Ame-no-sade-yori-pime. SADO [Sado] 6:9. Niigata-ken.

An island off the coast of Niigata; today a part of

Sado is the only one of the eight main islands born of

Izanagi and Izanami to which the Kojiki does not assign an alternate name; emendations of the text have been proposed, SAGAMU [Sagamu/Sagami] 83:1; 84:11.

An ancient kuni in central

Honshu; today part of Kanagawa-ken. SAGARAKA [Sagaraka, Sagara] 75:4.

A region in Yamasiro, later a

county, corresponding to present Soraku-gun, Kyoto. SAGARI-ΚΪ [Sagari-ki] 75:4.

Id., 'hanging tree,' a folk etymology for

Sagaraka. SAGISU [Sagisu] 73:14. Nara-ken.

A pond near what is now Shibu, Kashiwara-shi,

Id., 'heron's nest.'

SAISO [Saiso] 104:12.

A weaver of Kure presented to Yamato by the

kingdom of Kudara. SAKA-BITO [Saka-bito] 108:2.

Id., 'wine-man.'

A family of kimi

(mapito after 685) who ruled the corporations of professional wine-makers (Saka-bito-be or Sakabe). An important branch of this family lived in Sakata in Apumi and claimed descent from Opo-podo-no-miko. See Ota, Seishi kakei daijiten, II, 2524-25. SAKA-KURA NO UTA [saka-kura no uta] 98:31. The drinking songs exchanged between Empress Jingu and Takesi-uti-no-sukune. Id., 'wine-feast song,' 'wine-pleasure song.'

May also be read saka-pokapi-

uta (MJ saka-hokai-uta), 'wine-blessing song.' is Takeda's (see Kiki kaydshii zenko, p. 107). 576

The reading saka-kura

Glossary SAKA-NOBORI-NO-MIKO [Saka-nobori-no-miko] 146:4. ter of Emperor Bitatsu by Piro-pime-no-mikoto.

A daugh­

SAKA-NOBORI,

id., 'climbing the hill,' an unidentified PN in Yamato.

"Princess of

Saka-nobori." SAKA-WORI [Saka-ori] 68:8. the reign of Emperor Ojin.

A pond at Karu which was dug during Identified as the pond of Karu mentioned

in 73:1. SAKA-WORI [Saka-ori] 84:18. A palace in Kapi connected in legend with Yamato-takeru-no-mikoto. Identified as Sakaori Hachiman Shrine at Sakaori-machi, Kofu-shi, Yamanashi-ken. SAKABE [Sakabe] 77:15. wine-makers.

A widely scattered professional corporation of

The Kojiki mentions the Sakabe of Κϊ, ruled locally by

an abiko (kimi after the Taika Reform), and the Sakabe of Uda in Yamato; both claimed descent from Kamu-kusi-no-miko, a son of Emperor Keiko. SAKAMI-NO-IRATUME [Sakami-no-iratsume] 121:2.

A daughter of

Emperor Ingyo by Osaka-no-opo-naka-tu-pime-no-mikoto. id., 'wine see,' a PN in Parima.

SAKAMI,

"Lady of Sakami."

SAKAMOTO [Sakamoto] 62:16; 123 :2.

A place in the old province of

Idumi (Sakamoto, Izumi-shi, Osaka), seat of a family of omi (asomi after 685) claiming descent from Κϊ-no-tuno-no-sukune [62:16] and from Neηδ-omi, the slanderous court attendant under Emperor Anko [123 :2]. See the NS account of the origin of the omi of SakamotS (Aston, I, 36264). SAKAPI-BARA [Sakai-bara] 62:1.

The palace of Emperor Kogen at

Karu, evidently near Ogaru, Kashiwara-shi, Nara-ken. plain.'

Id., 'border

Probably located near Emperor Itoku's palace of Sakapi-woka.

SAKAPI-BE [Sakai-be] 55:22.

Probably a corporation of imperially

owned commoners (a corruption of Saka-pito-be/Saka-bito-be?) ruled, according to the Kojiki, by a family of murazi claiming descent from Kamu-ya-wi-mimi-no-mikoto, the ancestor of the Opo family. The name may come from the place where they originated; there were a number of places named Sakapi in early Japan. Ota accepts the view that the corpo­ ration was set up to establish boundaries. Seishi kakei daijiten, II, 2526. SAKAPI-N O-KURO-PIKO-N O-MIKO [Sakai-no-Kuro-hiko-no-miko] 121:2.

A son of Emperor Ingyo by Osaka-no-opo-naka-tu-pime-n5-

mikoto; a full brother of Emperor Anko and of Emperor Yuryaku. He and his brother Yaturi-no-Siro-piko-no-miko were murdered by Yuryaku. SAKAPI, id., 'border,' probably a PN in Yamato, perhaps

Kojiki the Sakapi of Sakapi-bara;

KURO-PIKO, 'black lad,' corresponding

to the Siro-piko in his brother's name. S AK API-WOK A [Sakai-oka] 58 :1.

"Prince Black-Lad of Sakapi."

The palace of Emperor Itoku at Karu,

evidently near Ogaru, Kashiwara-shi, Nara-ken, probably quite near Em­ peror K5gen's palace of Sakapi-bara.

Id., 'border hill.'

SAKATA [Sakata] 108:2.

A region, later a county, in Apumi (modern

Sakata-gun, Shiga-ken).

It is clear from other sources that a Saka-bito

family lived in Sakata.

The reading Sakata is based on Motoori's re­

construction of the corrupt text in 108:2; cf. Saka-bito.

Other docu­

ments say that Sakata was the seat of families of kimi (later mapiro and sukune) rank.

See Ota, Seishi kakei daijiten, II, 2 5 0 6 .

SAKATA-NO-OPO-MATA-NO-MIKO [Sakata-no-o-mata-no-miko] 142:6.

The father of a Kuro-pime who was taken as consort by Emperor

Keitai.

SAKATA, no doubt the PN in Apumi;

'great fork,' also appears independently. SAKATE [Sakate] 7 8 : 8 .

ΟΡΟ-MAT A, id.,

"Great-Fork Prince of Sakata."

The site of an ancient pond in Yamato.

Now

Sakate, Tawaramoto-cho, Shiki-gun, Nara-ken. SAKE-TU-SIMA [Sake-tsu-shima] 111:24. song attributed to Emperor Nintoku.

An island mentioned in a

Since the song also mentions the

islands of Apa, Onogoro, and Adimasa, it must be located in the Inland Sea.

Reading Sa-ke-tu-sima ('Food-island'), Takeda identifies it as

Awaji (Kiki kayoshil zenko, p. 134).

Kurano prefers Sake-tu-sima ('re­

moved island') and interprets it as a common noun meaning 'the remote islands' ( Kojiki norito, pp. 2 6 8 - 6 9 ) . SAKI [Saki] 7 6 :11; 9 0 : 6 ; 9 8 : 3 3 .

The site in Yamato (now Saki, Nara-shi^

Nara-ken, near Saidaiji station) of the tombs of Pibasu-pime (Terama)j Emperor Seimu, and EmpressJingu (at Tatanami at Saki).

See the de­

tailed map in Kidder, p. 151. SAKI-TAMA-PIME [Saki-tama-hime] 2 9 : 7 . A daughter of Ame-nomika-nusi-no-kam'i who married one of the descendants of Opo-kuninusi.

SAKI, id., 'fore,' 'front,' but preferably 'lucky';

TAMA, id.,

'bead,' but possibly 'spirit'; SAKI-TAMA, also an element in the name Iku-tama-Saki-tama-pime-no-kam'i, may mean 'good-luck spirit,' or 'lucky jewel,' or may be a PN (cf. modern Saitama-ken, in ancient times Sakitama).

"Lucky Spirit Princess" or "Princess of Sakitama"?

SAKIKUSA [sakikusa, saigusa] 1 3 8 : 5 . flowers; in MJ, mitsumata.

A type of lily with three-pronged

Identified as the Edgeworthia papyrifera

Glossary Sieb. & Zucc. (Koshimizu, p. 61). Id., 'three branches,' preferably from saki-kusa, 'lucky plant.' SAKIKUSA [Sakikusa, Saigusa] 69:14. A family name, perhaps derived from a PN. The family was of wake rank and claimed descent from Opo-naka-tu-piko-no-mikoto, a son of Emperor Suinin; it probably ruled the Sakikusa-be. SAKIKUSA-BE [Sakikusa-be, Saigusa-be] 15:22. A corporation estab­ lished, according to the NS, in the third year of the reign of Emperor Κεηζδ, which is given as 487 (see Aston, I, 392). The corporation was ruled by a family of miyatuko (murazi after 684) claiming descent from the heavenly deity Ama-tu-pikone-no-mikoto. The Shinsen shojiroku records that the name was given the family because someone found a sakikusa flower within the palace during the reign of Emperor Kenz6; Ota proposes, more credibly, that the Sakikusa-be was a mi-na-siro for Em­ peror Kenz5 and was so named because of the shape of his father's teeth [see 138:5]. Seishi kakei daijiten, II, 2443. S AKIKUS A-BE-NO-AN APO-BE-NO-MIKO [Sakikusa-be-no-anahobe-no-miko] 145 :6. A son of Emperor Kimmei by Wo-ye-pime. The Sakikusa-be and the Anapo-be were corporations of commoners. SAKU-YA-BIME [Saku-ya-bime] 41:14. See Ko-no-pana-no-Saku-yabime. SAKURAWI [Sakurai] 62:14, 99:10. A common PN in early Japan: best known are the Sakurawi in Kaputi (in modern Osaka) and the Sakurawi in Yamato (now Sakurai-shi, Nara-ken). Id., 'cherry spring.' Ota sug­ gests that the omi (asomi after 685) of Sakurawi claiming descent from Soga-no-isikapa-no-sukune lived in the Sakurawi of Kaputi and that the murazi of the Tabe of Sakurawi were the rulers of the corporation of Tabe employed at the miyake at Sakurawi in Kaputi. Seishi kakei daijiten, II, 2558, 2564.

SAKURAWI-NO-YUMIPARI-NO-MIKO [Sakurai-no-Yumihari-nomiko] 145:5. A daughter of Emperor Kimmei by Kitasi-pime. SAKURAWI, the PN; YUMIPARI, 'bow-string'; MIKO, id., 'princess.' SAKURAWI-NO-YUMIPARI-NO-MIKO [Sakurai-no-Yumihari-nomiko] 146:2. A daughter of Emperor Bitatsu by Empress Suiko. Married her half-brother Osaka-no-Piko-pito. Also called Yumipariηδ-miko. SANA [Sana] 63 :16.

An ancient agata in Ise (in modern Taki-gun, Mie-

Kojiki ken), site of a shrine to the god Ta-dikara-wo-no-kanu and the seat of a family of agata-nusi of miyatuko rank claiming descent from Ake-tatu-nomiko.

Also Sananagata.

SANA-KADURA [sana-kazura] 105:7.

A shrub-like vine.

The seeds

are used as a tonic, and the stem and leaves contain a sticky fluid used as a paste and hair-oil.

Identified by Koshimizu (p. 64) as Kadsura japonica

Dun; may be the Schizandra chinensis. SANANAGATA [Sananagata] 39:7.

The agata of Sana, q.v.

From

Sana-no-agata. SANE-NO-MIKO [Sane-no-miko] 108:1. mata-no-miko.

A son of Waka-nu-ke-puta-

SANE, phon., ENC;

SANUKI [Sanuki] 6:3.

MIKO, id., 'prince.'

An ancient kuni and later province on the island

of Shikoku; modern Kagawa-ken. SANUKI-TARI-NE-NO-MIKO [Sanuki-tari-ne-no-miko] 63:8. of Piko-yu-musu-mi-no-miko.

SANUKI, the PN;

A son

TARI-NE, id.,

'hanging root,' a term meaning some kind of succession (cf. Asida-nosukune); also in Opo-tutuk'i-tari-ne-no-miko, etc. SAPADI-PIME / SAPADI-PIME-NO-MIKOTO [Sawaji-hime, -nomikoto] 63:11; 69:2.

Another name for Sapo-bime-no-mikoto. Phon.,

ENC. SAPI-MOTI-NO-KAMI [Sai-mochi-no-kami] 44:22.

The "one-length

crocodile" who escorted Po-wori-no-mikotS from the kingdom of the sea-deity; when they parted, Po-wori fastened a dagger around his neck.

SAPI, phon., 'sword,' 'blade';

therefore, "Sword-holder Deity."

MOTI, id., 'possessor,' 'holder'; Identified by commentators as a

deification of the shark (for its sharp teeth).

The NS gives an entirely

different account of a deity of this name (Aston, I, 114). SAPO [Sao] 69:16.

A region in Yamato, somewhere in the vicinity of

Horenji, Nara-shi, Nara-ken. SAPO-BIKO-NO-MIKO [Sao-biko-no-miko] 63:11, 20; 69:2; 70:1, 4, 13, 16; 72:8.

A son of Piko-imasu-no-miko by Sapo-n5-opo-kura-mi-

tome; the ancestor of the murazi of the Kusaka-be and the kuni-nomiyatuko of Kap'i.

SAPO, the PN;

"Sapo-Lad Prince."

Cf. the name of his younger brother, Wo-zapo-

ΒΙΚΟ, phon., 'lad,' 'prince.'

ηό-miko. SAPO-BIME-[NO-MIKOTO] [Sao-bime-no-mikoto] 63:11; 70:1, 17.

A

sister of Sapo-biko-no-miko who became the empress of Emperor Suinin and died tragically with her rebel brother. 580

"Sapo Princess."

Glossary SAPO-NO-OPO-KURA-MI-TOME [Sao-no-o-kura-mi-tome] 63:11. A daughter of Take-kuni-katu-tome of Kasuga; consort of Piko-imasuηδ-miko. SAPO, PN; OPO-KURA-MI, id., 'great darkness see,' ENC; TOME, phon., probably identical with the TOBE in Ara-kapatobe. SARUME [Sarume] 39:10; 40:2, 13. An ancient family ruled by women kimi claiming descent from the goddess Ame-no-uzume-no-mikoto. Id., 'monkey woman.' SARU may be an old word meaning 'mimicry' or 'comedy' (cf. MJ share, 'jest,' 'joke'; chari, 'comic relief,' 'joke,' 'buf­ foonery'; and saru-gaku, a form of theatrical performance), or may really mean 'monkey'—although there is another old Japanese word for 'mon­ key,' tnasi (later masira). At any rate, the members of this family served as participants in ritual dance performances at court. There is documen­ tary evidence that they were still serving at court as late as 955. The Piyeda family was a branch of the Sarume. Sarume may be from a conjectural Saru-be, 'corporation of mimics,' whose services were required in the dances performed at court. SARUTA-BIKO-[NO-KAM'i] / SARUTA-BIKO-NO-OPO-KAMI [Saruta-biko-no-kami, -ό-kami] 3 8:11; 40:1-3, 5. An earthly deity who appeared during the heavenly descent sequence. SARUTA, id., 'mon­ key field,' may also be read saruda; perhaps a PN; sometimes iden­ tified as the Okinawan verb sadaru, 'to lead the way,' 'to guide'; may also be related to saru, 'actor,' 'mime'?; ΒΙΚΟ, phon., 'lad,' 'prince,' usually following place names. "Saruta-Lad Deity"? SASA [sasa] 17:14. Bamboo grass. Id.,'little bamboo.' Sasanipponica Makino & Shibata (Koshimizu, p. 63). SASA [Sasa] 63:19. Believed to be a place in what is now Ayama-gun, Mie-ken; seat of a family of kimi claiming descent from Sibumi-nosukune-no-miko. SASAGE-NO-IRATUME [Sasage-no-iratsume] 142:5, 13. Adaughterof Emperor Keitai who served as the high priestess at Ise. SASAGE, phon., possibly 'string bean,' or a PN; IRATUME, id., 'lady.' SASAKI [Sasaki] 126:1. A place in Apumi (present location unidentified), seat of a powerful family called the yama-no-kimi of Sasaki. Modern Gamo-gun and Kanzaki-gun, Shiga-ken were their lands. According to the Kojiki, the family was descended from Kara-bukuro, who was impli­ cated in the murder of Iti-no-bc-no-Osi-pa-no-miko; the Kojiki says that his "children" had the care of the latter's tomb [138:8]. Cf. the NS 581

Kojiki account (Aston, I, 388).

Perhaps Sasaki is related to the w o r d for ' t o m b '

(MJ misasagi). S A S A N A M I [Sasanami] 96:16; 101:26.

A region in A p u m i , n o w in the

general vicinity o f Otsu-shi, Shiga-ken (Sazanami-cho, Otsu-shi). SASI-KUNI-OPO-NO-KAMI

[Sashi-kuni-o-no-kami] 20:19.

An

earthly deity, father o f Sasi-kuni-waka-pime and grandfather o f O p o - k u n i nusi-no-kami.

SASI-KUNI,

id., 'pierce land' [read

SASU-KUNI?],

identified b y M o t o o r i as Sase in I d u m o (now Kami-zase, Ohara-gun,

Shimane-ken);

OPO,

id., 'great.'

Shimo-zase,

Evidently

the text

intends the O P O - N O - K A M I reading rather than the m o r e obvious N O OPO-KAMI. S A S I - K U N I - W A K A - P I M E [Sashi-kuni-waka-hime] 20:19. of

Opo-kuni-nusi.

SASI-KUNI,

ENC;

T h e mother

WAKA-PIME,

'young

princess.' S A S I B U [sashibu] 1 1 2 : 1 6 - 1 7 . pime.

A type o f tree figuring in a song b y Ipa-no-

A tree o f this name has been identified as a shrub o f the r h o d o d e n -

dron f a m i l y (MJ shashambo). S A T U K I [Satsuki] 133 :i.

T a k e d a , Kiki kaydshu zenko, p. 140.

A n onii o f W a n i , w h o s e daughter W o d o - p i m e

was courted b y E m p e r o r Y u r y a k u . SAWARA

[Sawara] 62:15.

Phon., E N C .

A place, evidently in Kaputi (later, Sarara

c o u n t y ; n o w part o f K i t a - K a w a c h i - g u n , Osaka), w h i c h was the seat o f a family o f o m i claiming descent f r o m Peguri-no-tuku-no-sukune. S A W I [Sai] 54:22-23; 55 -.4. w h e r e in Y a m a t o .

A river (more probably a small brook) s o m e -

T a k e d a identifies it as the old course o f the A s u k a

River (Kiki kayoshii zenko,

p. 74).

T h e e t y m o l o g y o f S a w i is g i v e n in

54:23 as an old w o r d for mountain lily. S A W O - N E - T U - P I K O [Sao-ne-tsu-hiko] 47:16. ancestor o f the k u n i - n o - m i y a t u k o N E , id., ' r o o t ' ;

TU,

connective particle;

preferably 'lad,' 'prince.'

"Pole-root Lad"?

SAYAMA

[Sayama]

69:11.

A

A bird-like earthly deity,

of Yamato.

place

in

SAWO, P I K O , id.,

Kaputi

(now

id.,

'pole';

'sun child,' Sayama-ch5,

M i n a m i - K a w a c h i - g u n , Osaka), site o f a large p o n d , called today S a y a m a no-ike. SAYARI-MASU-YOMI-DO-NO-OPO-KAMI n o - o - k a m i ] 10:17.

[Sayari-masu-yomi-do-

T h e boulder w h i c h b l o c k e d the pass Y o m o - t u - p i r a -

saka.

S A Y A R I , id., 'to b l o c k ' ;

q.v.;

DO,

id., 'door,' 'entrance'; 582

M A S U , id., 'to abide'; OPO-KAMI,

id., 'great

YOMI, deity.'

Glossary " G r e a t D e i t y o f the Entrance to Yom'i w h o B l o c k s , " i.e., great deity b l o c k i n g the entrance to Y o m i . S A Z A K I [Sazaki] 100:5. SAZAKI-BE

See O p o - s a z a k i - n o - n n k o t o .

[Sazaki-be] 55:22; 62:13.

A corporation o f c o m m o n e r s ,

probably a mi-na-siro named m h o n o r o f E m p e r o r N i n t o k u (Opo-sazakino-mikoto).

Id., 'wagtail

corporation.'

The

Kojiki

is

particularly

confusing m its account o f the rulers o f this g r o u p , listing an o m i o f the Sazaki-be descended f r o m K a m u - y a - w i - m i m i - n o - m i k o t o ; also descended f r o m K a m u - y a - w i - m i m i - n o - m i k o t o ;

a nnyatuko,

and an o m i

de-

scended f r o m K o s e - n o - w o k a r a - n o - s u k u n e . SAZI-PUTU-NO-KAMI shrined

at Iso-no-kami

Putu-no-mi-tama.

[Saji-futsu-no-kami] Shrine; also

49:10.

called

S A Z I , phon., E N C ;

The

sword

Mika-putu-no-kam'i

enand

P U T U , phon., an o n o m a t o -

poeia, cf. Putu-no-mi-tama. S E I M U , Emperor.

See W a k a - t a r a s i - p i k o - n o - m i k o t o .

SEINEI, Emperor.

See Sira-ga-no-mikoto.

S E N K A , Emperor.

See T a k e - w o - p i r o - k u n i - o s i - t a t e - n o - m i k o t o .

S E U K O [Shoko] 104:5.

A king o f Paekche (Kudara) w h o reigned about

346-375S E Y A - T A T A R A - P I M E [Seya-tatara-hime] 53 -.4. yori-pime-no-mikoto;

T h e mother o f Isuke-

a daughter o f M i z o - k u p i o f Misima.

phon., perhaps a P N

(Seya, S a n g 5 - m u r a ,

SEYA,

Ikoma-gun,Nara-ken);

T A T A R A , phon., probably 'bellows ' S I B A - K A K I [Shiba-kaki] 120:1; 148:1.

T h e palaces o f E m p e r o r Hanzei

at Tadipi (located near U e d a - c h o , Matsubara-shi, Osaka) and o f E m p e r o r Sushun

at Kurapasi

(Kurahashi,

Sakurai-shi,

Nara-ken).

Id.,

'twig

fence.' S I B A - N O - I R I K I [Shiba-no-iriki] 89:15. Siba-no-pime,

the

consort

of

A person o f A p u m i ;

father o f

Sume-iro-opo-naka-tu-piko-no-miko.

S I B A - N O , id., ' f i r e w o o d plain,' a P N ? ;

IRIKI, E N C , also in O p o -

i r i k i - n o - m i k o t o ; perhaps related to the IRI o f the element I R I - B I K O , as in Ikume-iri-biko-isati-no-mikoto, etc. S I B A - N O - P I M E [Shiba-no-hime] 89:15. tu-piko-no-miko.

SIBA-NO, PN?

SIBI [Shibi] 1 3 7 : 1 , 4, 13, 25, 37, 40-41.

Consort o f Sume-iro-opo-naka"Princess o f S i b a - n o . " A n o m i o f Peguri w h o quarreled

w i t h E m p e r o r K e n z o and was defeated. In the NS,

Phon., p r o b a b l y 'tuna-fish.'

Sibi quarrels w i t h E m p e r o r Buretsu (Aston, I, 399-404). 583

Kojiki These accounts reflect the historical fact of the downfall of the Peguri family. SIBUMI-NO-SUKUNE-NO-MIKO [Shibumi-no-sukune-no-miko] 63:10, 19. A son of Piko-imasu-n5-miko and the ancestor of the kimi of Sasa. SIBUMI, phon., probably a PN in what is now Age-gun, Mie-ken. SIDU-K API-NO-MIKO [Shizu-kai-no-miko] 146:2. A daughter of Em­ peror Bitatsu and Empress Suiko. Id., 'quiet shell-fish princess.' SIGA [Shiga] 90:1. A place in Apumi, probably what is now Shiga-cho, Shiga-gun, Shiga-ken. SIGI-YAMA-TU-MI-NO-KAMI [Shigi-yama-tsu-mi-no-kami] 8:10. One of the eight mountain deities who came into existence in the corpse of the slain fire-deity. SIGI, phon., said to be related to SIGE, 'thick,' 'abundant,' or to SIKI, 'in layers'; YAMA-TU-MI, 'mountain spirit,' sec Opo-yama-tu-mi-no-kam'i. "Thick Mountain-Spirit Deity"? SIKI [Shiki] 56:2, 58:2, 64:1, 69:1. An agata in Yamato (modern Shikigun, Nara-ken) ruled by a family of agata-nusi claiming descent from Otosik'i. The consorts of Emperors Suisei and Itoku were members of this family. The palace of Midu-gaki of Emperor Sujm, the palace of Tamagaki of Emperor Suinin, and the palace of Sik'i-sima of Emperor Kimmei were located at Sik'i. Obviously the region was closely connected with the Yamato ruling family. SIKI [Shiki] 88:28, 128:4. A place in Kaputi (former Shiki county in what is now Osaka), seat of a family of opo-agata-nusi said to be descended from Kamu-ya-wi-mimi-no-mikoto. SIKii-SIMA [Shiki-shima] 145:1. The palace of Emperor Kimmei, be­ lieved to have been located in the general area of Emperor Sujin's palace, in what is now Kanaya, Omiwa-ch5, Shiki-gun, Nara-ken. Id., 'Sikiisland': the element SIMA evidently signified any sort of subdivision. Sik'i-sima is, incidentally, a conventional epithet for Yamato; the reign of Kimmei at the "great palace of Siki-sima" may have been remembered as some sort of glorious epoch. SIKI-TU-PIKO-NO-MIKOTO [Shiki-tsu-hiko-no-mikoto] 57:2, 4. A son of Emperor Annei by Akuto-pime. SIKI, the PN; TU, connec­ tive particle; PIKO, id., 'sun-child,' a title of respect added to names of nobles; in this case, 'noble of Siki,' 'prince of Siki'.' SIKI-TU-PIKO-TAMA-DE-MI-NO-MIKOTO [Shiki-tsu-hiko-tama-demi-no-mikoto] 56:2; 57:1. EmperorAnnei; a son of Emperor Suisei 584

Glossary

by Kapa-mata-bime. as above;

SIKI-TU-PIKO, 'noble of Siki,' 'prince of Siki'

TAMA, id., 'jewel';

DE-MI, ENC, id., 'hand see,' also

appears in Ama-tu-piko-Piko-po-po-de-mi-no-mikoto. SIKI-YAMA-NUSI-NO-KAMi [Shiki-yama-nushi-no-kami] 29:10.

An

earthly deity, father of Awo-numa-nu-osi-pime, who married one of the descendants of Opo-kuni-nusi. 'mountain';

SIKI, id., 'in layers';

NUSI, id.,'lord.'

SIMA [Shima] 40:13.

YAMA, id.,

"Layered-Mountain-Lord Deity."

A region ruled by a kuni-no-miyatuko family,

which was later absorbed into the province of Ise.

Today it includes

Shima-gun and Toba-shi, Mie-ken. SIMA-TARI-NE [Shima-tari-ne] 99:10.

The ancestor of the Tabe of

Sakurawi and father of Ito-wi-pime, who became a consort of Emperor Ojin.

SIMA, id., 'island,' perhaps the PN;

TARI-NE, id., 'hanging

root,' a term for some kind of succession (see Asida-no-sukune).

Also

occurs m Opo-tutuk'i-tari-ne-no-miko and Sanuki-tari-ne-no-miko. SIMADA [Shimada] 55:22; 77:14.

A common PN in early Japan.

The

omi of Simada claiming descent from Kamu-ya-wi-mimi-no-mikoto are thought to have lived in a Simada in Wopari (now in the vicinity of Amagun, Aichi-ken); this family was later given the title of asomi.

The loca­

tion of the seat of the family of kimi of Simada claiming to be the descend­ ants of Opo-usu-no-mikoto is unclear. SIMESU [Shimesu] 138:31.

A place name, perhaps in Yamasiro.

Loca­

tion unknown. SIMO-TU-KENO [Shimo-tsu-Keno] 64:7. [Simo-tu-Keno>Simo-tuke]; Keno.'

The province of Shimotsuke

modern Tochigi-ken.

Id., 'lower

Ruled by a family of kimi claiming descent from Toyo-ki'-iri-

biko-no-mikoto.

In ancient times it formed, with Kami-tu-Keno, the

land of Keno. SIMO-TU-MITI [Shimo-tsu-michi] 61:10.

A region in Kibi (now near

Kibi-gun, Okayama-ken) ruled by an omi claiming descent from Wakapiko-take-kibi'-tu-piko-no-mikoto.

Id.,

'lower

road.'

Related

to

Kami-tu-miti, 'upper road,' q.v. SIMO-TU-UNAKAMI [Shimo-tsu-Unakami] 15:21.

'LowerUnakami,'

a region in Honshu near the Chiba Peninsula, in antiquity ruled by a family of kuni-no-miyatuko claiming descent from Ame-no-po-pi-nomikoto.

The family appears to be a branch of the family of the kuni-

ηδ-miyatuko of Kami-tu-Unakami.

The region corresponds to present

Kaijo-gun, Chiba-ken, and may have included adjacent areas in Katori-

Kojiki g u n and Sosa-gun, etc.

A f t e r the T a i k a R e f o r m it became a county in

the province o f Shimofusa ( U n a k a m i county). SINA-TU-PIKO-NO-KAMI

[Shina-tsu-hiko-no-kami]

deity born o f Izanagi and Izanami.

7-7•

A

wind-

S I N A , phon., E N C , perhaps ' w i n d . '

" W i n d Lad D e i t y " ? S I N A G A [Shinaga] 1 4 6 : 1 1 , 147:5, 149:2.

A region in Kaputi ( n o w T a i s h i -

ch5, M i n a m i - K a w a c h i - g u n , Osaka), the site o f the tombs o f Emperors Bitatsu and Y 5 m e i and o f Empress Suiko. SINANO

[Shin ano] 36:9; 73:6; 85:1.

A n ancient kuni and province

(now N a g a n o - k e n ) in the mountains o f central Honshu, ruled in ancient times b y a k u n i - n o - m i y a t u k o claiming descent f r o m K a m u - y a - w i - m i m i no-mikoto.

T h e " S i n a n o Pass" o f 85 :i is believed to be m o d e r n Misaka

Pass (Shimo-ina-gun, N a g a n o - k e n ) . SIPI [shii] 101:33.

A kind o f acorn-bearing tree.

T h e MJ shii is defined

as Pasania cuspidata. S I P I D A [Shiida] 144:5.

A place in Settsu (in or near w h a t is n o w K a w a b e -

gun, H y o g o - k e n ) , the seat o f a family o f kimi rank claiming descent f r o m P o - n o - p o - n o - n u k o , a son o f E m p e r o r Senka. SIPO-TUTI-NO-KAMI

[Shio-tsuchi-no-kami]

43:1, 6.

A

deity

who

gave wise counsel to P o - w o r i - n o - m i k o t o ; probably some sort o f seadeity.

S I P O , id., 'salt,' but preferably 'brine,' 'salt w a t e r ' ;

TUTI,

i d . , ' m a l l e t , ' p r e f e r a b l y ' s p i r i t ' as in A m e - n o - s a - d u t i - n o - k a m ' f , etc. "Brine-Spirit D e i t y . " S I R A - G A - B E [Shira-ga-be] 127:4; 135:3. (later written Sira-kabe, ' w h i t e wall').

M a y also be read Sira-ka-be A corporation established as a

mi-na-siro for Emperor Seinei. S I R A - G A - [ N O - M I K O T O ] [Shira-ga-no-mikoto] 127:3-4. nei; the only son o f Emperor Y u r y a k u .

Emperor Sei-

S I R A - G A , id., ' w h i t e hairs.'

A l s o called S i r a - g a - n 6 - o p o - y a m a t 6 - n e k o - n 5 - m i k o t 6 . SIRA-GA-NO-OPO-YAMATO-NEKO-NO-MIKOTO y a m a t o - n e k o - n o - m i k o t o ] 135 : i .

Emperor Seinei.

[Shira-ga-no-5OPO-YAMATO-

N E K O , q.v, a title meaning 'ruler o f great Y a m a t o . ' S I R A - K A T A [Shira-kata] 48:1. Kusaka.

A c o v e located, according to the NS,

at

Id., ' w h i t e shoulder.'

S I R A - P I - N O - K A M I [Shira-hi-no-kami] 3 1 : 1 . Opo-tosi-no-kami.

SIRA,

id.,

'white';

O n e o f the offspring o f PI,

id.,

emended the first character so that the name read M u k a p i was a P N .

"Deity of Mukapi." 586

'sun.'

Motoori

Mukapi-no-kami;

Glossary SIRA-PI-WAKE [Shira-hi-wake] 6:6. Another name for the land of Tukusi. Id., 'white sun lad.' Motoori suggests that Sira-pi is a mistake for Mukapi or Muka-tu-pi, 'facing,' 'opposite.' There may be a connection with the word siranupi (written in two ways: sirami-pi, 'unknown sun,' and sira-nupi, 'white sewing'; and later siranu-ρϊ, 'un­ known fire'), a conventional epithet for Tukusi. Similar to Take-piwake, another name for Kumaso, and to Toyo-pi-wake, another name for Toyo-kuni. SIRA-SAKA-NO-IKU-PIKO-NO-IRATUME [Shira-saka-no-iku-hikono-iratsume] 142:6. A daughter of Emperor Keitai by Kuro-pime. SIRA-SAKA, id., 'white pass,' perhaps the SIRA connected with Silla [Siragi], the Korean kingdom; IKU-PIKO, 'living prince.' "Lady Living-Prince of Sira-saka"? SIRAGE-UTA [Shirage-uta] 122:12. The song attributed to Prince Κϊnasi-no-Karu. Both the NS and the Kinkafu record the song, and the latter identifies it as sirage-uta. SIRAGE, phon., according to Motoori a syncopated form of siri-age, 'lifting up the end,' i.e., a song in which the pitch or the voice was raised at the end. Tsuchida Kyoson devotes many pages of his Jodai no kayo (Kokubutigaku no tetsugakuteki kenkyii, III [Daiichi Shobo, 1929], 43-281) to the theory that sirage-uta means 'song of Siragi,' i.e., a song in the style of music of Silla, the Korean kingdom. SIRAGI [Shiragi] 94:4, 6-7; 104:3; 106:1-2; 121:9. TheJapanesename for the Korean kingdom of Silla, which, after a period of wars with Paekche and Koguryo, unified the Korean peninsula in 668. Its final defeat came in 935 when the entire peninsula fell into the hands of the Koryo dynasty. At the time of the compilation of the Kojiki, Silla was of course the most important force on the peninsula, a fact which accounts for its prominence in the accounts [Chapter 94] of Empress Jingu's Korean campaign. SIRI-KUME [shiri-kume] 17:23. A rope used in the Takama-no-para myth sequence to prevent Ama-terasu-opo-mi-kam'i from retreating into the Heavenly Rock-cave. It undoubtedly corresponds to the shime-nawa or sacred straw rope of modern Shintoism. SIRI, id., 'rear,' 'end'; KUME, phon., perhaps 'insert,' 'attach'; thus perhaps 'end-attached' rope, a kind of rope with connected ends used to encircle something. SIRI-TU-Ki-TOME [Shiri-tsu-ki-tome] 99:3. A daughter of Take-inadaπό-sukune; wife of Ipoki-no-iri-biko-no-mikoto and mother of Pomuda-no-Ma-waka-no-miko. SIRI-TU-ΚΪ, phon., identified as

Kojiki Shitsuki

county

in Bitchu

(modern Shitsuki-gun, Okayama-ken);

TOME, phon., probably the same as the TOBE in Ara-kapa-tobe, q.v. SIRO-PIKO-NO-MIKO [Shiro-hiko-no-miko] 1 2 5 : 6 .

See Yaturi-no-

Siro-piko-no-miko. SIROKANE-NO-MIKO [Shirokane-no-nnko] 8 9 : 1 7 .

A daughter of

Emperor Keiko and the consort of her half-brother Opo-ye-no-miko. Id., 'silver princess.' SITA-TERU-PIME-[N0-MIKOTO] [Shita-teru-hime-no-mikoto] 2 9 :1; 33:4; 34 :1.

A daughter of Opo-kuni-nusi, also called Taka-pime-ηΰ-

mikoto, who married Ame-no-waka-piko.

Id., 'lower radiant princess,'

perhaps denoting an inner radiance. SITU-UTA [Shitsu-uta] 1 2 9 : 3 9 ; 1 3 4 : 2 1 .

Kojiki.

The title of five songs in the

SITU, phon., perhaps 'quiet,' 'serene' (cf. MJ shizuka).

There

is also the possibility that situ-uta was used originally in spirit-pacification rites (tama-shizume) or that the word situ means 'rustic' (as in situ-pata, 'rustic textiles') and situ-uta is simply 'rustic song.' SITU-UTA NO UTAPI-KAPESI [Shitsu-uta no utai-kaeshi] 1 1 3 : 5 2 ; 117:17.

The title of seven songs in the Kojiki.

of the situ-uta.

Evidently a variation

UTAPI-KAPESI, id., 'singing back,' perhaps some sort

of repetition with variations or transposition. SIZIMU [Shijimu] 1 2 6 : 1 7 ; 1 3 6 : 2 ; 1 3 7 : 4 2 .

In the Kojiki, a man of Parima

in whose home Princes Oke and Woke concealed themselves.

The NS,

however, identifies him as "the Obito of the Shijimi granaries" (Aston, I, 379)·

The miyake of Sizimi was located in what is now Akashi-shi,

Hyogo-ken, and it is quite possible that the place name was confused with the individual's name in the Kojiki. SO [So] 7 4 : 3 .

A shrine at Ipakuma in Idumo; perhaps another name

for the Great Shrine of Idumo or an old shrine called Namesa, now located in Jinzai-higashibun, Izumo-shi, Shimane-ken. SO-TOPOSI-NO-IRATUME / SO-TOPOSI-NO-MIKO [So-toshi-noiratsume, -miko] 121:2; 122:78. Another name for Karu-no-opoiratume.

Id., 'clothing penetrating-through lady,' because her body's

radiance came through her garments [121:2]. The pronunciation of SO-TOPOSI is close to that of KOTO-PUSI, as in Pudipara-no-kotopusi-n5-iratume. SOBAKARI [Sobakari] 1 1 9 : 5 , 7 , 9 - 1 2 .

A Paya-pito who was bribed to

murder his master Sumi-no-ye-no-naka-tu-miko. Phon., ENC. SOGA [Soga] 6 2 : 1 4 . An extremely powerful family of omi claiming 588

Glossary descent from Soga-no-isikapa-no-sukune, a son of Takesi-uti-no-sukune. Groups of commoners belonging to the family and known as Soga-be were established in various localities. Their seat is thought to have been a place called Soga which is now in Kashiwara-shi, Nara-ken. SOGA-NO-INAME-NO-SUKUNE [Soga-no-Iname-no-sukune] 145:5. An opo-omi of the powerful Soga family; the father of Umako, of Kitasi-pime, who became the consort of Emperor Kimmei and mother of Emperor Yomei and Empress Suiko, and of Opo-gitasi-pime, who became a consort of Emperor Yomei, her nephew. SOGA-NO-ISIKAPA-NO-SUKUNE [Soga-no-ishikawa-no-sukune] 62:14. A son of Takesi-uti-no-sukune and the ancestor of the omi of Soga and other families. ISIKAPA, id., 'rocky river,' evidently a place in Kaputi (old Ishikawa county, now in Minami-Kawachi-gun, Osaka); SUKUNE, see Asida-no-sukune. SOGA-NO-KURA-NO-MIKO [Soga-no-kura-no-miko] 145:4. A son of Emperor Kimmei by Kitasi-pime. SOGA, probably the PN; KURA, id., 'granary,' 'storehouse,' probably also a PN (see Kura-no-wakaye-n6-miko). SOKO-DOKU-MI-TAMA [Soko-doku-mi-tama] 40:4. Another name for Saruta-biko-no-kam'i when "he had sunk to the bottom" of the sea. SOKO, id., 'bottom'; DOKU, phon., probably the verb tuku, 'to touch,' 'to reach'; MI-TAMA, id., 'august spirit.' "Bottomtouching Spirit." S OKU-DUTU-NO-W0-[NO-MIKOTO] [Soko-zutsu-no-o-no-mikoto] 11:16, 21; 93 :9. One of the three deities of Sumi-no-ye; the others are Naka-dutu-no-wo-n0-mikot5 and Upa-dutu-no-wo-no-mikoto. SOKO, id., 'bottom'; DUTU, id., 'tube,' probably a word for 'spirit' related to TUTI/DUTI as in Ame-no-sa-duti-no-kam'i, etc.; WO, id., 'male.' "Bottom Spirit Male Lord"? SOKO-TU-WATA-TU-MI-NO-KAMI [Soko-tsu-wata-tsu-mi-no-kami] Ii :16. One of the three sea deities "worshipped by the murazi of the Adumi as their ancestral deities"; the others are Naka-tu-wata-tu-mino-kam'i and Upa-tu-wata-tu-mi-no-kami'. SOKO, id., 'bottom'; WATA-TU-MI, 'sea spirit,' q.v. "Bottom Sea-Spirit Deity." SONI [Soni] 115:36. A mountainous district in Uda in Yamato; now Soni-mura, Uda-gun, Nara-ken. SONO-BITO [sono-bito] 125 :13. Id.,'gardeners.' A professional cor­ poration of gardeners attached to the imperial court; same as Sono-be. 589

Kojiki The present location of the five villages of Kaduraki in which the SSnobit0 lived is unclear. SOPORI-NO-ΚΑΜΪ [Sohori-no-kami] 31:1.

A deity, probably of for­

eign origin, mentioned as a son of Opo-tosi-no-kam'i.

SOPORI, phon.,

ENC, often identified with Korean words; Sopori is the name of the mountain where the heavenly descent took place in one variant in the NS.

"God of Sopori."

SORA-TU-PIKO [Sora-tsu-hiko] 43:2, 25; 44:16. Po-wori-no-mikoto.

SORA, id., 'void,' 'sky.'

Another name for "Sky-Lad."

SORA-TU-PIME-NO-MIKOTO [Sora-tsu-hime-no-mikoto] 63:29.

A

daughter of Okinaga-no-sukune-no-miko by Kadurak'i-no-Takanukapime.

SORA, id., 'void,' 'sky.'

"Sky-Princess Lady."

SU-PIDI-NI-NO-KAMI [Su-hiji-ni-no-kann] 2:2.

A goddess, the female

counterpart of U-pidi-ni-no-kam'i in the third of the seven generations of the Age of the Gods.

SU, phon., perhaps 'sand' (cf. sana)\

phon., perhaps 'dirt,' 'mud';

Ni, phon., perhaps 'clay.'

PIDI,

Apparently

a deification of earth or mud. SUGA [Suga] 20:2, 4-5.

A place in Idumo; modern Suga, Daito-cho,

Ohara-gun, Shimane-ken. SUGA-KAMA-YURA-DOMI [Suga-kama-Yura-domi] 106:25. daughter of Kiyo-piko, a descendant of Ame-no-pi-poko.

A

SUGA-

KAMA, id., 'sedge furnace,' may also be read SUGAMA, probably a PN; YURA, phon., also probably a PN;

DOMI, phon., evidently an ending

in women's names, cf. Ame-no-pi-bara-opo-sina-domi-no-kam'i. SUGA-NO-MORO-WO [Suga-no-moro-o] 106:25.

A son of Kiyo-

piko; an elder brother of Suga-kama-Yura-domi. probably a PN;

SUGA, phon.,

MORO-WO, id., 'double male,' 'both males,' ENC.

SUGAPARA [Sugawara] 76:9; 124:10.

A place in Yamato; modern

Sugawara-ch6, Nara-shi, in the vicinity of Amagatsuji. SUGASIROKO-NO-IRATUME [Sugashiroko-no-iratsume] 147:4. daughter of Emperor Yomei by Ipi-no-ko. SUININ, Emperor. SUISEI, Emperor. SUJIN, Emperor.

A

Phon., ENC.

See Ikume-iri-biko-isati-no-mikoto. See Kamu-nunakapa-mimi-no-mikoto. See Mimaki'-iri-biko-iniwe-no-mikoto.

SUKUNA [Sukuna] 98:8.

See Sukuna-biko-na-no-kam'i.

SUKUNA-BIKO-NA-[NO-KAMI] [Sukuna-biko-na-no-kami] 30:4, 6-8. A small deity, identified as the "child of Kam'i-musubi-no-kam'i," who, with Opo-kuni-nusi-no-kam'i, created and solidified the land. 590

Variously

Glossary interpreted as a rain god, a deity worshipped by the Ainu, a deity of generation, etc.

See Matsumura, III, 363-68.

Takeda suggests that he

was a tutelary deity worshipped by the midgets used as court entertainers. Kojiki setsuwagun no kenkyu, pp. 39-40.

Matsumura (III, 373-93) theo­

rizes that this was a deity of Toko-yo renowned for his superior wisdom and mentioned in connection with his contributions to land-building and cultural innovations.

Also, noting the frequent references to Opo-kuni-

nusi and Sukuna-biko-na's close cooperation, Matsumura concludes that they were actually two manifestations of the same deity.

He mentions

many instances in which the spirit is regarded as a separate small being which sometimes leaves the body.

SUKUNA, id., 'diminutive name'

('name' may be simply a phonetic element);

BIKO-NA, phon., ENC;

'little lad deity,' or there may be some etymological connection between Sukuna (i.e., Suku-na) and Opo-namudi (i.e., Opo-na-muti). S UKUN A-BIKO-TAKE-WI-GOKORO-N O-MIKOT O take-i-gokoro-no-mikoto] 62:2. siko-me-no-mikoto.

[Sukuna-biko-

A son of Emperor Kogen by Utu-

SUKUNA, id., diminutive name,' perhaps related

to the SUKUNE in Asida-n5-sukune, q.v.; TAKE, id.,,'valiant';

WI, id.,'wild boar';

ΒΙΚΟ, 'lad,' 'prince'; GOKORO, id.,'heart.'

"Sukuna-biko Valiant-Boar-Heart Lord." S UME-IRO-OPO-N AK A-TU-PIKO-NO-MIKO [Sume-iro-o-naka-tsuhiko-no-miko] 77:8; 89:14.

A son of Waka-takeru-no-miko.

SUME,

phon., an encomium probably meaning 'holy' applied to many deities and emperors (cf. the words sume-gami, sume-mi-oya, sumera-mikoto, sumemima, etc.); often written with the ideograph for 'imperial' and there­ fore translated as 'sovereign';

IRO, phon., some sort of term of rela­

tionship, as in the elements IRODO, IRONE, etc.;

ΟΡΟ, id., 'great';

ΝΑΚΑ, id., 'middle.' SUME-IRODO [Sume-irodo] 145:6.

Another name for Sakikusa-be-no-

anapo-be-no-miko, a son of Emperor Kimmei by Wo-ye-pime. phon., see above;

SUME,

IRODO, phon., 'younger full-brother.'

SUMI-NO-YE [Sumi-no-e] 11:21; 94:7; 109:17.

A section of the coast­

line at Nanipa where a port was established (in the reign of Nintoku, cf. 109:17); the site of a shrine to the sea-faring deities SSko-dutu-no-wo, Naka-dutu-no-wo, and Upa-dutu-n6-wo, the "three great deities of Sumi-n5-ye."

Later, the coastline receded, and the area was called

Sumiyoshi; cf. modern Sumi-no-e-cho, Sumiyoshi-ku, Osaka. shrine is now called Sumiyoshi Jinja.

The

Other ancient Sumi-no-ye shrines

Kojiki existed in Chikuzen, Nagato, and elsewhere throughout the country. Some scholars hold that the original Sumi-no-ye was in Tukusi (Chikuzen). SUMI-NO-YE-NO-NAKA-TU-MIKO 109:2; 118:5, 8; 119:2-5.

[Sumi-no-e-no-naka-tsu-miko]

A son of Emperor Nintoku by Empress Ipa-

ηδ-pime. Rebelled against his full brother Emperor Richu and was killed by the Paya-pito attendant Sobakari.

"Middle Prince of Sumi-

ηδ-ye." SUMI-SAKA-NO-KAMI [Sumi-saka-no-kami] 65:11.

A deity wor­

shipped in Uda, at a place identified as modern Haibara-cho, Uda-gun, Nara-ken.

Id., 'god of Sumi-saka': SUMI-SAKA, id., 'ink pass.'

SUPA [Suwa] 36:9.

A region in the old kuni and province of Sinano

(from 721 to 731 a separate province), corresponding to present Suwa-gun and Suwa-shi, Nagano-ken.

Famous for its large lake and its two old

shrines, the Upper Shrine at Kami-Suwa, Suwa-shi (enshrining Take-mina-kata-no-kam'i), and the Lower Shrine at Shimo-Suwa-machi, Suwagun (enshrining his consort). SUPAU [Suo] 15:22.

An ancient kuni and province corresponding to

what is now eastern Yamaguchi-ken.

It was ruled by a family of kuni-

ηδ-miyatuko related to the kuni-n5-miyatuko of Opusi-Kaputi, both claiming descent from Ama-tu-pikone-no-mikot5. SUSA-N0-WO-NO-MIK0TO [Susa-no-o-no-mikoto] 19:3; 23:1-2, 10, 13-14.

See Take-paya-susa-no-wo-no-mikoto.

SUSERI-BIME-[N0-MIK0TO] [Suseri-bime-no-mikoto] 23:3, 7; 24:1, 9, 14, 17; 27:1.

Daughter of Susa-no-wo; married Opo-kuni-nusi after

saving him from the trials imposed by her father. jealous.

She was extremely

SUSERI, phon., ENC, probably as in the name Po-suseri-no-

mikoto, from a verb meaning 'to be forceful, vigorous, energetic.' SUSUKI [susuki] 27:40; 126:2.

A variety of grass; Japanese pampas

grass, Miscanthus sinensis. SUSUKORI [Susukori] 104:13, 17.

A Korean immigrant, also called

Nipo, who arrived during the reign of Emperor Ojin and was skilled at making wine.

Phon., ENC.

SUTI [Suchi] 57:5.

A place in Iga (identified as an old site in Nabari

county; present location in Mie-ken unclear), seat of a family of inaki claiming descent from Sik'i-tu-piko-no-mikoto.

Little is known about

this family. SUWE-TU-MIMI-N0-MIKOT0 [Sue-tsu-mimi-no-mikoto] 65:7.

The

father of Iku-tama-yori-bime, who became the bride of the god Opo592

Glossary mond-nusi. SUWE, id., 'kiln,' 'pottery,' probably a place (called, until recently, Sue-mura) in what is now Izumi-ga-oka-cho, Semboku-gun, Osaka; MIMI, id., 'ear,' a title applied to names of rulers of localities, see Kamu-nunakapa-mimi-no-mikoto. "Lord Ruler of Suwe." TA-DIK ARA-WO-NO-KAMI [Ta-jikara-o-no-kami] 39:2, 7. See Ameno-Ta-dikara-wo-no-kam'i. TA-MIYA-NO-NAKA-TU-PIME [Ta-miya-no-naka-tsu-hime] 108:1. A daughter of Waka-nu-ke-puta-mata-no-miko. TA-MIYA, id., 'field palace,' a PN in Kaputi. "Middle Princess of Ta-miya." TA-NO-IRATUME [Ta-no-iratsume] 142:6. A daughter of Emperor Keitai by Kuro-pime. TA, id., 'field,' 'paddy,' unclear whether a proper or common noun; IRATUME, id., 'lady.' TA-SIRA-GA-NO-IRATUME / TA-SIRA-GA-NO-MIKOTO [Ta-shiraga-no-iratsume,-mikoto] 140:2; 141:5; 142:4. AdaughterofEmperor Nintoku who became the empress of Emperor Keitai and the mother of Emperor Kimmei. TA-SIRA-GA, id., 'hand white hair,' probably a phonetic substitution for tasiraka, 'pitcher.' See also Sira-ga-no-mikoto. TABE [Tabe] 78:7, 99:10. Corporations of peasants who, before the Taika Reform, belonged to the imperially owned miyake and tilled the public fields. Id., 'fields corporation.' The Kojiki records their estab­ lishment during the reign of Emperor Keiko. Clearly, as the govern­ ment reclaimed lands and established its system of miyake, groups of im­ migrants or peasants who had belonged to local kuni-no-miyatuko were settled in villages, and made to work the land and pay taxes in the manner of the peasantry under the post-Taika ritsu-τγδ system. After the Taika Reform the Tabe were abolished. TADA-GOYE [Tada-goe] 128:1. The name for the shortest road from Yamato to Kaputi. Id., 'straight crossing.' This ancient thoroughfare led from what is now Ikoma-gun, Nara-ken across Kuragari-t6ge and through what is now Hiraoka-shi, Osaka towards ancient Nanipa. TADE-TU [Tade-tsu] 48:4. A place in Kusaka, identified as the 'Bay of Kusaka'; impossible to locate today because of changes in the coastline. Id., 'smartweed cove' or 'smartweed bay.' Also called Tate-tu. TADIMA [Tajima] 58:5; 63:32; 73:5; 106:21. An ancient kuni and prov­ ince on the Japan Sea; part of modern Hyogo-ken. Ruled by a kunino-miyatuko claiming descent from Opo-tamu-saka-no-miko [63:32]. TADIMA-MORI [Tajima-mori] 76:1-2, 4; 106:24. A great-great-grand-

Kojiki son o f A m e - n o - p i - p o k o w h o served E m p e r o r Suinin; the ancestor o f the murazi o f the M i y a k e .

T A D I M A , the P N ;

M O R I , phon., be-

lieved to be a primitive title o f office applied to local rulers. jodai shakai soshiki no kenkyii, p. 382. TADIMA-MORO-SUKU Ame-no-pi-pok5.

O t a , Nihon

"Ruler o f Tadima."

[Tajima-moro-suku] 106:21.

T A D I M A , the P N ;

T h e son o f

MORO-SUKU,

phon.,

ENC. T A D I M A - P I - T A K A [Tajima-hi-taka] 106:24, 26. son o f A m e - n o - p i - p o k o .

TADIMA,

phon.,

A

great-great-grand-

the P N ;

PI-TAKA,

phon., E N C , perhaps 'sun h i g h ' ? TADIMA-PINARAKI

[Tajima-hinaraki] 106:23.

Ame-no-pi-poko.

T A D I M A , phon., the P N ;

A

great-grandson

PINARAKI,

of

phon.,

ENC. T A D I M A - P I N E [Tajima-hine] 106:22. T A D I M A , phon., the P N ; TADIPI

[Tajihi] 118:7,

11

;

A grandson o f A m e - n o - p i - p o k o .

P I N E , phon., E N C . 120:1; 134:23; 144:6.

A large region in

Kaputi, later organized as a c o u n t y in w h a t is n o w M i n a m i - K a w a c h i - g u n , Osaka and nearby Matsubara-shi, etc.

T a d i p i was the location o f the

Siba-kaki palace o f E m p e r o r Hanzei and o f E m p e r o r Y u r y a k u ' s t o m b at Takawasi.

T h e Kojiki

mentions a family o f k i m i rank (mapito after

685) w h o claimed descent f r o m W e p a - n o - m i k o , a son o f E m p e r o r Senka. T h e ancient w o r d tadipi referred to a plant (MJ itadori, 'the giant k n o t w e e d ' ) and to a reptile (MJ mamushi, 'viper,' 'asp'). T A D I P I - B E [Tajihi-be] 109:13.

A corporation o f c o m m o n e r s established

during the reign o f E m p e r o r N i n t o k u as a mi-na-siro for E m p e r o r Hanzei (Tadipi-no-Midu-pa-wake-no-mikoto).

It

was

probably

originally

located in Tadipi in Kaputi. TADIPI-NO-MIDU-PA-WAKE-NO-MIKOTO w a k e - n o - m i k o t o ] 109:2, 9. the Kojiki, pime.

E m p e r o r Hanzei;

f r o m ca. 432 to 437.

[Tajihi-no-Mizu-hareigned, according to

A son o f E m p e r o r N i n t o k u b y Ipa-no-

T A D I P I , id., ' v i p e r ' ; but the location o f his palace was T a d i p i

in K a p u t i ;

M I D U - P A , id., ' w a t e r tooth,' perhaps 'auspicious teeth'

[see 120:3], but cf. O S I - P A in I t i - n 5 - b e - n 6 - O s i - p a - n o - m i k o ; f r o m midu-ipa,

'auspicious r o c k ' ?

(Aston, I, 310). T A G A [Taga] 13:9.

See the NS

perhaps

account o f this name

A l s o k n o w n as M i d u - p a - w a k e - n o - m i k o t o . A place in A p u m i (modern T a g a - c h 5 , Inukami-gun,

Shiga-ken), the site o f a shrine to Izanagi. 594

T h e Ise manuscript has ' T a g a

Glossary in Apadi,' evidently what is n o w Taga, Ichinomiya-cho, Tsuna-gun, Hyogo-ken. T A G I [Tagi] 86:8-9.

A plain in Mino, probably located in what is n o w

Y5r5-gun, Gifu-ken. T A G I M A [Tagima, Taima] 63 :18; 118:23, 29; 147 -.4. A place in Kaduraki, Yamato, corresponding to m o d e m Taima-mura, Nara-ken.

Kita-katsuragi-gun,

The seat o f a family o f kura-no-obito.

The

"Tagima

Road" ran south o f Mount Futagami between Tagima and Kaputi, across the pass k n o w n today as Takenouchi-t5ge. T A G I M A - N O - M E - P I [Tagima-no-me-hi] 106:25.

The consort o f K i y o -

piko, one o f the descendants o f Ame-no-pi-poko.

T A G I M A , the P N ;

ME-P'f, phon., E N C . T A G I M A - N O - M I K O [Tagima-no-miko] 147:4. mei by Ipi-no-ko. T A G I S I [Tagishi] 37:5. Opo-kuni-nusi.

A son o f Emperor Y o -

"Prince o f Tagima." A beach in Idumo, the site of the shrine built for

It has been variously identified as a number o f places

in Idumo, some o f them remote from the present Great Shrine; none o f the proposed locations can be accepted with certainty.

T A G I S I , phon.,

may mean 'rudder' [cf. 86:8]. TAGISI-MIMI-[NO-MIKOTO] 14-15, 17.

[Tagishi-mimi-no-mikoto]

53:1;

55:1,

A son o f Emperor Jimmu by Apira-pime who, after Jim-

mu's death, married Isuke-yori-pime and plotted against her three sons. T A G I S I , phon., probably a P N ; mimi-no-mikoto.

MIMI, phon., see Kamu-nunakapa-

"Tagisi Ruler Lord."

T A G I S I - P I K O - N O - M I K O T O [Tagishi-hiko-no-mikoto] 58:3, 5. o f Emperor Itoku by Puto-ma-waka-pime-no-mikoto. probably a P N .

A son

T A G I S I , phon.,

"Tagisi-Lad Lord."

T A K A - A N A P O [Taka-anaho] 90:1.

The palace o f Emperor Seimu at

Siga in Tika-tu-Apumi, located somewhere in modern Shiga-gun, Shigaken.

T A K A , id.,'high';

A N A P O , q.v.

T A K A - K I [Taka-ki, Takagi] 135:6.

Id., 'high tree,' evidently a P N in

Osinumi where the palace o f Tunosasi was located.

M a y be taka-ki

meaning 'mountain fastness,' 'high fortification,' 'elevated stronghold,' or taka-ki meaning simply 'slightly elevated place,' 'hill,' 'vantage point,' etc. T A K A - K I - N O - I R A T U M E [Taka-ki-no-iratsume] 140:2. Emperor Ninken by Kasuga-no-opo-iratume. tree,' probably a P N ;

I R A T U M E , id., 'lady.'

TAKA-KI-NO-IRI-BIME-NO-MIKOTO 595

A daughter o f

T A K A - K I , id., 'high "Lady o f Taka-ki."

[Taka-ki-no-iri-bime-no-

Kojiki m i k o t o ] 99:2, 4.

O n e o f the three daughters o f P o m u d a - n o - M a - w a k a -

n o - m i k o married b y E m p e r o r O j i n . ably a P N ;

T A K A - K I , id., ' h i g h tree,' p r o b -

I R I - B I M E , see A z a m i - n o - i r i - b i m e - n o - m i k o t o .

T A K A - K I - N O - K A M I [Taka-ki-no-kami] 3 3 : 1 2 - 1 5 ; 35:9; 38:1, 5, 9; 49:7; 50:1.

Another name for Taka-mi-musubi-no-kami.

deity.'

Id., 'high tree

U n d o u b t e d l y connected w i t h trees, perhaps a remnant o f an-

cient tree-worship.

T h e connection o f this name w i t h T a k a - m i - m u s u b i -

n o - k a m i , a deity o f generation, is interesting in that generative force was often s y m b o l i z e d b y trees or posts in Siberian shamanism. Le chamanisme. . . , pp. 244ff.

See Eliade,

O n e must not o v e r l o o k the fact also that

T A K A - K I m a y have been a P N , thus " D e i t y o f T a k a - k i . " T A K A - K I - P I M E [Taka-ki-hime] 63128.

A daughter o f T o p o - t u - o m i o f

Tanipa w h o married K a n i m e - i k a d u t i - n o - m i k o and became the mother o f Okinaga-no-sukune-no-miko.

T A K A , id., ' h i g h ' ;

KI, id., 'material,'

reading uncertain. TAKA-KI-PIME-NO-MIKOTO daughter o f Emperor K e i k S . PN.

[Taka-ki-hime-no-mikoto] 77:5.

A

T A K A - K I , id., 'high tree,' probably a

" T a k a - k i Princess."

T A K A - K U R A [Taka-kura] Pref. 1 1 .

See Taka-kurazi.

T A K A - K U R A Z I [Taka-kuraji] 49:3, 6, 1 1 . presented a s w o r d to E m p e r o r J i m m u .

A person in K u m a n o w h o

In the interesting variant f o u n d

in the f i f t h b o o k o f the Kujiki T a k a - k u r a z i is g i v e n as another n a m e f o r A m e - n o - k a g o - y a m a - n o - m i k o t o , a son o f N i g i - p a y a - p i - n o - m i k o t o , w h o was the ancestor o f the M o n o - n o - b e .

T A K A - K U R A , id.,'high g r a n a r y ' ;

the Z I , written w i t h the ideograph f o r ' b e l o w , ' 'under,' m a y be f r o m NUSI

(as in aruzi,

murazi,

etc.),

'lord,'

thus

"Ruler

o f the

High

Granary." TAKA-MI-MUSUBI-NO-KAMI 32:5; 33:1, 6, 13.

[Taka-mi-musubi-no-kami]

1:1;

17:5;

O n e o f the pair o f musubi deities w h o came into e x -

istence in T a k a m a - n 5 - p a r a in the c o s m o g o n y m y t h (Kami'-musubi-nok a m i was the other).

A l t h o u g h called a "single d e i t y " [1 :i], he is m e n -

tioned as the father o f O m o p i - k a n e - n o - k a m ' i [17:5] and o f Y o r o d u - p a t a toyo-aki-tu-si-pime id., ' h i g h ' ;

[38:5].

A l s o called

M I , honorific particle;

force,' 'vital force.'

Taka-ki'-no-kami.

TAKA,

M U S U B I , probably 'generative

" H i g h Generative-Force D e i t y . "

TAKA-PIME-NO-MIKOTO

[Taka-hime-no-mikoto]

29:1;

34:15.

A

daughter o f O p o - k u n i - n u s i b y T a k ' i r i - b i m e - n o - m i k o t o ; y o u n g e r sister of Adi-sik'i-taka-pikone-no-kami. 596

A l s o called Sita-teru-pime-no-

Glossary mikoto. TAKA, id., 'high.' "High Princess Lady." The name corresponds with the element TAKA-PIKONE m the name Adi-sik'itaka-pikone-no-kami. TAKA-SAZI-NO [Taka-saji-no] 54:1, 5. A plain (location unknown) somewhere in Yamato. TAKA, id., 'high'; SAZI, phon., ENC; NO, id., 'plain.' TAKA-TI-PO [Taka-chi-ho, Taka-chio] Pref. 11; 39:13; 45:24-25; 47:1. A mountain in Pimuka to which the offspring of the heavenly deities descended from heaven and where they lived in their palace. TAKA, id., 'high'; Tl, id., 'thousand'; PO, id., 'rice stalks,' 'rice ears,' but preferably the po meaning 'peak,' 'acme.' There is today a Mount Takachiho in Takachiho-cho, Nishi-usuki-gun, Miyazaki-ken; but it is hardly feasible to seek definite locations for mythological places such as this. TAKA-TINA-BIME [Taka-chma-bimc] 62:9. A woman of Kadurak'i, identified as "the younger sister of Opo-nabi, the ancestor of the murazi of Wopari." Married Piko-putu-osi-no-makoto-no-mikoto and be­ came the mother of Umasi-uti-no-sukune. TAKA, id.,'high'; TINA, phon., ENC; BIME, phon., 'princess,' etc. TAKA-WOKA [Takaoka] 56:1. The palace of Emperor Suisei in Kaduraki. The exact location cannot be identified. Id., 'high hill.' TAKABE-NO-IRATUME [Takabe-no-iratsume] 120:5. A daughter of Emperor Hanzei by Oto-pime. TAKABE, phon., perhaps the name of a kind of bird; IRATUME, id., 'lady.' TAKAMA-NO-PARA [Takama-no-hara] 1:i; 12:2; 17:2,16, 18, 24; 24:14; 37:3, 13; 38:8; 39:18. An upper world, home of the heavenly deities (ama-tu-kamt) and distinct from the central land where men live (the home of the 'earthly deities,' or kuni-tu-kami) and the subterranean land of YomL The Kojiki depicts this heavenly world as a place with mountains and rivers, but it is clearly a mytho-religious location rather than an actual place in the real world. Matsumura (IV, 334-39) connected Takama-nopara with the North-Asiatic culture complex, which regarded the gods as beings who lived in a heavenly world and periodically descended to mountain-tops. TAKAMA, id., 'high heaven' (from taka+ama)·, PARA, id., 'plain,' an element used for various wide expanses (unabara, 'ocean,' asi-para, 'reed plains,' kapara, 'river-bed,' kuni-bara, 'expanse of the land,' etc.). "The Plain of High Heaven," "The Expanse of High Heaven."

Kojiki TAKAMIYA [Takamiya] 112:37. A place in Kaduraki', in the vicinity of what is now Moriwaki, Gose-shi, Nara-ken. "High Palace." TAKAMUKU [Takamuku] 62:14. A common place name in such local­ ities as Echizen, Ise, and Kaputi. Sometimes read Takamuko. The Kojiki mentions a family of omi rank claiming descent from Soga-noisikapa-n0-sukune; the location of the seat of this family is unclear. TAKAMUKU-NO-IRATUME [Takamuku-no-iratsume] 99:4. A daughter of Emperor Ojin by Taka-ki-no-iri-bime-no-mikoto. "Lady of Takamuku." TAKANO [Takano] 63:33. A place in Tanipa (modern Takeno-gun, Ky5to), seat of a family of wake claiming descent from Take-toy0padura-wake-no-miko. Id., 'bamboo plain.' Also read Takeno. TAKANO-PIME [Takano-hime] 63 :2. A daughter of Yugori, the opoagata-nusi of Tanipa, who became a consort of Emperor Kaika and the mother of Piko-yu-musu-mi-no-mikoto. TAKANO, id., 'bamboo plain,' a PN. "Takano Princess." TAKARA-NO-IRATUME [Takara-no-iratsume] 140:2. A daughter of Emperor Ninken by Kasuga-no-opo-iratume. TAKARA, id., 'wealth,' preferably 'treasure'; IRATUME, id., 'lady.' TAKARA-NO-MIKO [Takara-no-miko] 120:5. AdaughterofEmperor Hanzei by Oto-pime. TAKARA, id., 'wealth,' preferably 'treasure'; MIKO, id., 'princess.' "Treasure Princess." TAKARA-NO-MIKO [Takara-no-miko] 146:3. AdaughterofEmperor Bitatsu by Wo-kuma-ko-no-iratume, wife of Osaka-no-Piko-pito, and mother of Emperor Jomei. Also named Nukade-pime-no-miko and Tamura-no-miko. TAKARA, id., 'treasure'; MIKO, id., 'princess.' "Treasure Princess." TAKASIMA [Takashima] 47:7. A palace of Emperor Jimmu in Kibi; its location has not been identified. Id., 'high island.' TAKASUKA [Takasuka] 69:14. An unidentified place, seat of a family of wake claiming descent from Opo-naka-tu-piko-no-mikoto, a son of Emperor Suinin. TAKATU [Takatsu] 69:11. A pond in Kusaka made by Inisiki-no-iribiko-no-mikoto during the reign of Emperor Suinin. Its location has been identified at Takaishi-cho, Semboku-gun, Osaka. TAKATU [Takatsu] 109:1. The palace of Emperor Nintoku at Nanipa. Believed to have been located south of Osaka Castle in Higashi-ku, Osakashi. See the article "Nintoku Tenno Takatsu no Miya no kenkyu," by

Glossary Y a m a n e T o k u t a r o , in Osaka Shiritsu D a i g a k u N a n i w a n o M i y a - a t o K e n k y u k a i , ed., Kenkytl yosatsu hokoku, II: Naniwa miya-ato no kenkyu (1956), 1-27. T A K A W A S I [Takawashi] 134:23.

A place near Shima-izumi, M i n a m i -

Osaka-cho, M i n a m i - K a w a c h i - g u n , Osaka, site o f the t o m b o f E m p e r o r Yuryaku.

Id., ' h i g h h a w k . '

T A K A Y A [Takaya] 143:3. tomb

o f Emperor

See m a p in Kidder, p. 135.

A village at Puruti in Kaputi, the site o f the

Ankan.

Now

M i n a m i - K a w a c h i - g u n , Osaka. T A K A Y A S U [Takayasu] 1 1 7 : 2 . today.

at

Furuichi,

Mmami-Osaka-cho,

See m a p in Kidder, p. 153. A mountain, still k n o w n b y this name

Located on the border b e t w e e n Yao-shi, Osaka and I k o m a - g u n ,

Nara-ken. T A K E [Take] 58:5.

A n unidentified place in T a d i m a , seat o f a family o f

w a k e claiming descent f r o m T a g i s i - p i k o - n o - m i k o t o . TAKE-INADA-NO-SUKUNE

Id., ' b a m b o o . '

[Take-inada-no-sukune] 99:3.

T h e an-

cestor o f the murazi o f W o p a r i ; father o f a maiden called Siri-tu-k'itome.

T A K E , id.,'valiant';

I N A D A , phon., P N ? ;

S U K U N E , see

Asida-no-sukune. TAKE-KAPI-KO-NO-MIKO

[Take-kai-ko-no-miko]

89:4, 10.

A

son

o f Yamato-takeru-no-mikoto by Opo-kibi-take-pime;

the ancestor o f

five families o f local rulers.

K A P I - K O , id.,

T A K E , id., 'valiant';

'shellfish child,' but perhaps ' c o c o o n , ' ' e g g . ' T A K E - K U N I - K A T U - T O M E [Take-kuni-katsu-tome] 63 :11.

A woman

o f Kasuga, mother o f S a p o - n o - o p o - k u r a - m i - t o m e , taken as a consort b y Piko-imasu-no-miko. KATU

TAKE,

id.,

'valiant';

KUNI,

[or K A T I ] , id., ' w i n , ' 'victorious,' ' v i c t o r y ' ;

p r o b a b l y the same as T O B E in Ara-kapa-tobe.

id.,

'land';

TOME,

phon.,

"Valiant Land-Victori-

ous W o m a n - C h i e f t a i n " ? T A K E - M I - N A - K A T A - N O - K A M I [Take-mi-na-kata-no-kami] 36:2-3, 7, 9; 37:1.

O n e o f the sons o f Opo-kuni-nusi-no-kam'i w h o

against the representatives o f the heavenly deities. shrine o f

Suwa

in

Nagano-ken.

TAKE,

id.,

rebelled

Enshrined in the 'valiant';

MI-NA-

K A T A , id., 'honorable-name-direction,' but perhaps related to Munakata, q.v.

" V a l i a n t Mi-na-kata D e i t y . "

TAKE-MIKA-DUTI-NO-MIKOTO T h e father o f O p o - t a t a - n e k o .

[Take-mika-zuchi-no-mikoto]

T A K E , id., 'valiant';

probably ' a w e s o m e ' (see Mika-nusi-piko-no-kam'i); 599

65

M I K A , id., 'jar,' D U T I , id., 'mallet,'

Kojiki probably the D U T I / T U T I

described under

Ame-no-sa-duti-no-kami.

"Valiant Awesome-Spirit L o r d " ? TAKE-MIKA-DUTI-NO-WO-NO-KAMI kami] 8:3.

[Take-mika-zuchi-no-o-no-

One o f the deities w h o came into existence at the slaying o f

the fire-god by Izanagi. putu-no-kami. lightning'

Also named Take-putu-no-kami and T o y o -

TAKE,

id.,

'valiant';

(i.e., M I - i - I K A D U T I ) ,

MIKA-DUTI,

but preferably M I K A ,

D U T I / T U T I (as m Ame-no-sa-duti-no-kami, etc.).

id.,

'august

'awesome,'

"Valiant A w e s o m e -

Spirit Male D e i t y " or "Valiant Lightning Male D e i t y . " TAKE-MIKA-D UTI-[NO-WO]-NO-K AMI kami] 35:3, 5, 7; 37:24; 49:7-8.

[Take-mika-zuchi-no-o-no-

A heavenly deity, son o f Itu-no-wo-

pa-bari-no-kami, w h o was responsible for the pacification o f the land prior to the descent of the offspring o f the heavenly deities. lightning male deity.'

TAKE-NUNAKAPA-MIMI-NO-MIKOTO mikoto]

55:18-19.

mikoto, q.v.

Id., 'valiant

A sword or lightning deity. Another

name

[Take-nunakawa-mimi-no-

for

Kamu-nunakapa-mimi-no-

T A K E , id., 'valiant.'

TAKE-NUNAKAPA-\VAKE-[NO-MIKOTO] no-mikoto] 62:7; 6 7 : 1 ; 68:2.

[Take-nunakawa-wake-

A son o f O p o - b i k o - n o - m i k o t o

who,

during the reign o f Emperor Sujin, was dispatched to subdue the East. T A K E , id., 'valiant';

N U N A K A P A , P N , q.v.

"Valiant Nunakapa

Lad L o r d . " T A K E - O S I - Y A M A - T A R I - N E [ T a k e - o s h i - y a m a - t a r i - n e ] 90:2.

The

father o f Oto-takara-no-iratume, a consort o f Emperor Seimu, and ancestor o f the omi o f Podumi.

T A K E , id., 'valiant';

O S I - Y A M A , id.,

'stealthy mountain' (for O S I see Osi-kuma-no-miko), believed to be a PN;

T A R I - N E , id., 'hanging root,' a term for some type o f succession

(see Opo-tutuki'-tari-ne-no-miko). TAKE-PANI-YASU-BIKO-NO-MIKOTO

/ TAKE-PANI-YASU-NO-

M I K O [Take-hani-yasu-biko-no-mikoto, Take-hani-yasu-no-miko] 62:4; 67:19,

2 i , 25-26.

A

son o f Emperor

K o g e n by

Pani-yasu-bime.

Rebelled against Emperor Sujin, his nephew [but cf. 67:19], and was subdued by O p o - b i k o - n o - m i k o t o , his half-brother. P A N I - Y A S U , the P N , q.v.

T A K E , id., 'valiant';

"Valiant Pani-yasu Lad L o r d , " "Valiant

Pani-yasu Prince." TAKE-PAYA-SUSA-NO-WO-NO-MIKOTO mikoto] 11:24; 12:5; 15:2.

[Take-haya-susa-no-o-no-

A n extremely complex deity appearing in

both the Takama-no-para and the Idumo m y t h sequences. 600

T A K E , id.,

Glossary 'valiant';

P A Y A , id., 'rapid,' also perhaps 'intrepid,' etc.;

SUSA,

phon., either f r o m the v e r b susabu, 'to rage,' or a P N (Susa) in I d u m o ; WO,

id., 'male.'

Either "Valiant Intrepid M a l e o f Susa L o r d "

"Valiant Intrepid R a g i n g M a l e L o r d . "

or

Also called P a y a - s u s a - n 5 - w o -

n o - m i k o t 5 and S u s a - n o - w o - n o - m i k o t o . T A K E - P I - K A T A - W A K E [Take-hi-kata-wake] 6:12. Kibi'-no-Kozima 'valiant';

in the land

creation

P I - K A T A , id.,'sun-direction,'ENC;

TAKE-PI-MUKAPI-TOYO-KUZI-PI-NE-WAKE kuji-hi-ne-wake] 6:6. creation m y t h

A n o t h e r name for

m y t h sequence.

TAKE,

id.,

W A K E , q.v. [Take-hi-mukai-toyo-

A n o t h e r name for the land o f Pi in the land

sequence.

The

manuscripts

are corrupt here;

have P A Y A as the first element instead o f T A K E .

some

S o m e manuscripts

read: "[the land o f ] Pi is named P a y a - p i - w a k e ; the land o f P i m u k a is named T o y o - k u z i - p i - n e - w a k e . "

T h e textual uncertainties m a k e inter-

pretation o f the name difficult.

T A K E , id., 'valiant';

id., 'sun-facing-sun,' p r o b a b l y 'sun-facing';

PI-MUKAPI,

T O Y O , id., 'abundant';

K U Z I - P I - N E , phon., E N C , perhaps connected w i t h kusibi,

'wondrous

working.' TAKE-PI-WAKE Kumaso.

[Take-hi-wake] 6:6.

Id., 'valiant sun lad.'

A n o t h e r name for the land o f

Similar to Sira-pi-wake, the alternate

name f o r the land o f Tukusi, and to T o y o - p i - w a k e , the alternate name for the land o f T o y o - k u n i . T A K E - P I K O [Take-hiko] 89:4.

See M i - s u k i - t o m o - m i m i - T a k e - p i k o .

TAKE-PIRA-TORI-NO-MIKOTO

[Take-hira-tori-no-mikoto]

T h e son o f A m e - n o - p o - p i - n o - m i k o t o ;

15:21.

ancestor o f a n u m b e r o f local

r u l i n g f a m i l i e s i n c l u d i n g that o f the k u n i - n o - m i y a t u k o o f Idumo. T A K E , id., 'valiant';

P I R A , phon., ordinarily 'flat,' 'level,' but in

other documents P I N A , id., 'rustic regions';

T O R I , id., 'bird';

some-

times P I R A - T O R I is interpreted as a corruption o f P I N A - T E R I , 'shining o n the rustic regions.' TAKE-PURU-KUMA-NO-MIKOTO 96:11.

[Take-furu-kuma-no-mikoto]

See N a n i p a - n e k o - T a k e - p u r u - k u m a - n o - m i k o t o .

T A K E - P U T U - N O - K A M I [Take-futsu-no-kami] 8:3. Take-mika-duti-no-wo-no-kami.

A n o t h e r name for

T A K E , id., ' v a l i a n t . ' ;

PUTU,

phon., 'deadly swish,' etc., as in P u t u - n o - m i - t a m a , q.v., and other c o m pounds.

"Valiant D e a d l y - s w i s h D e i t y . "

TAKE-TO YO-PADURA-WAKE-NO-MIKO n o - m i k o ] 63:5, 33.

[Take-toyo-hazura-wake-

A son o f E m p e r o r Kaika b y W a s i - p i m e and the 601

Kojiki ancestor o f a n u m b e r o f families. 'abundant';

T A K E , id., 'valiant';

P A D U R A , phon., E N C ;

TAKE-WO-PIRO-KUNI-OSI-TATE-NO-MIKOTO oshi-tate-no-mikoto] 142:3, 12; 144:1. cording to NS,

ca. 535-539).

T O Y O , id.,

W A K E , phon., q.v. [Take-o-hiro-kuni-

E m p e r o r Senka (reigned, ac-

A son o f E m p e r o r Keitai b y M e k o - n o -

iratume; y o u n g e r brother o f E m p e r o r A n k a n , w h o s e n a m e was Pirokuni-osi-take-kana-pi-no-mikoto. 'little'; q.v.-,

P I R O , id., ' w i d e ' ;

TAKE,

id.,

'valiant';

K U N I , id., 'land';

WO,

id.,

O S I , id., 'press,'

P I R O - K U N I - O S I m a y be a single element meaning ' w i d e land

ruler';

TATE,

id.,

'shield.'

"Valiant

Little-Piro-kum-osi

Shield

Lord"? T A K E - Y O R I - W A K E [ T a k e - y o r i - w a k e ] 6:3. o f Tosa.

id., 'rapid,' 'intrepid'); pime, q.v.\ TAKEBE

A n o t h e r name for the land

T A K E , id., 'valiant' (in some manuscripts appears as P A Y A , Y O R I , id., 'to draw hither,' as in A m e - n o - y o r i -

W A K E , q.v.

[Takebe]

89:9.

A

corporation o f c o m m o n e r s in numerous

localities t h r o u g h o u t the country, established during the reign o f E m p e r o r K e i k o as a mi-na-siro for Y a m a t o - t a k e r u - n o - m i k o t o .

T h e Kojiki records

a k i m i o f the T a k e b e , claiming descent f r o m I n a - y o r i - w a k e - n o - m i k o , a son o f Y a m a t o - t a k e r u - n o - m i k o . T A K E D A - N O - M I K O [Takeda-no-miko] 146:2. tatsu b y Empress Suiko. PN;

A son o f E m p e r o r B i -

T A K E D A , id., ' b a m b o o field,' probably a

M I K O , id., 'prince.'

"Prince o f Takeda."

Also called W o -

kapi-nd-miko. T A K E R I [Takeri] 47:6. years in the land o f A k i . T A K E R U [Takeru] 80:7.

A palace w h e r e E m p e r o r J i m m u lived for seven Phon., location unidentified. A c o m m o n n o u n related to the adjective takesi,

'brave,' 'valiant,' often f o u n d in the c o g n o m e n s o f brave warriors o f certain regions, such as Kumaso-takeru, Idumo-takeru, and Y a m a t o - t a k e r u no-mikoto. TAKESI-UTI-NO-SUKUNE-[NO-MIKOTO]

[Takeshi-uchi-no-sukune]

6 2 : 1 0 - 1 1 ; 90:3; 92:2, 8; 93:3, 6; 9 7 : 1 ; 98:18; 102:3-4; 104:4; 116:3, T h e son o f P i k o - p u t u - o s i - n o - m a k o t o - n o - m i k o t o and grandson o f E m peror K 5 g e n .

His children w e r e the ancestors o f a n u m b e r o f influential

old families, the Pata, Kose, Soga, Kaduraki, Peguri, etc.

The

Kojiki

records his appointment as the first o p o - o m i under E m p e r o r Seimu [90:3], his role in the conquest o f K o r e a under Empress Jingu [Chapters 92-98], and his service under Emperors O j i n and N i n t o k u . 602

T h e NS reckons his

Glossary period of official service under five emperors (Keiko, Seimu, Chiiai, Ojin, and Nintoku) as more than of Emperor Seimu as

355

240

years.

As the Kojiki records the death

and that of Emperor Ojin as

sukune probably served the court

39

years or more.

394,

Takesi-uti-no-

By Nintoku's time,

however, his remarkable longevity had become the subject of songs [116:4-7].

TAKESI, id., 'valiant' (the adjectival form which occurs also

in the name of his elder brother Umasi-uti-no-sukune);

UTI, id.,

'mside,' the PN in YamatS (now Uchi-gun, Nara-ken), which was evi­ dently his home (see also the song in

116:4-5);

SUKUNE, an element

which denoted direct descent ( see Asida-no-sukune). TAKETI [Takechi] 15 : 2 2 .

A region in Yamato (now Takaichi-gun, Nara-

ken) which was long the site of the palaces of the Yamato emperors.

The

Kojiki mentions a family of agata-nusi of Taketi claiming descent from Ama-tu-pikone-no-mikoto and related to the kuni-no-miyatuko of Opusi-Kaputi. TAKI [Taki] 5 9 : 5 . A place, probably in Tanipa, corresponding to the present Taki-gun, Hyogo-ken. Seat of a family of omi related to the Kasuga family and claiming descent from Ame-osi-tarasi-piko-no-mikoto. TAKIRI-BIME-NO-MIKOTO [Takiri-bime-no-mikoto]

17;

15:4,

2 9 :1.

The first of the three goddesses of Munakata, enshrined in the Oki-tumiya.

Taken as wife by Opo-kuni-nusi.

pime-no-mikoto.

Also called Oki-tu-sima-

TAKIRI, phon., possibly ta, a meaningless prefix -7-

kiri, 'mist' (cf. sa-giri, 'misty spray,' in "Mist-Princess Goddess"?

15:4);

BIME, phon., princess.'

TAKITU-PIME-NO-MIKOTO [Takitsu-hime-no-mikoto]

15:4, 19.

The last of the three goddesses of Munakata, enshrined in the Pe-tu-miya. TAKITU, phon., perhaps the verb 'to seethe' (of waters).

"Seethmg-

waters-Princess Goddess"? TAKU [taku] 2 6 : 2 6 ; 2 8 : 2 3 , 2 9'> 37 :I 7· The paper mulberry (MJ kozo). Koshimizu (p. 80) identifies it as Broussonetia Kazinoki Sieb. The fibers from the bark of this tree were bleached in the sun to give them a glossy sheen and were used to make ropes, covers, etc. TAKUSO [Takuso]

104:12.

The (Korean) name of a smith of Kara pre­

sented by the king of Kudara to Emperor Ojin.

ENC.

TAMA-KURA-BE [Tama-kura-be] 86:6. A spring connected with a leg­ endary account of Yamato-takeru-no-mikoto. Id., 'jewel-storehouse corporation.' Has been variously identified as a place in Imasu, Sekigahara-cho, Fuwa-gun, Gifu-ken and as Samegai (similar to Wi-samc), 603

Kojiki Maibara-cho, Sakata-gun, Shiga-ken.

Also called Wi-same.

TAMA-NO-IRATUME [Tama-no-iratsume] 99:12. peror Ojin by Kaguro-pime.

A daughter of Em­

Id., 'jewel lady.'

TAMA-NO-YA [Tama-no-ya] 39:12.

The murazi of the Tama-no-ya,

claiming descent from the heavenly deity Tama-no-ya-no-mikoto, who ruled the Tama-tukuri-be, an old corporation of jewel-makers. 'jewel ancestor.'

Id.,

In 685 the family was given the title of sukune.

TAMA-NO-YA-NO-MIKOTO [Tama-no-ya-no-mikoto] 17:9; 39:1, 12. A heavenly deity commissioned to make "long strings of myriad Diagatama beads" in the Heavenly Rock-cave myth sequence.

cestor deity.'

Id., 'jewel an­

He descended from heaven as one of the five clan heads.

Identified as the ancestor of the murazi of the Tama-no-ya. TAMA-SIMA [Tama-shima] 9s :6. press Jingu fished for trout.

A hamlet near the river where Em­

Id., 'jewel island.'

Identified as present-

day Tama-shima, Hamazaki Tamashima-machi, Higashi-Matsuura-gun, Saga-ken.

The river is now called the Tamashima-gawa.

TAMA-YORI-BIME-[NO-MIKOTO] [Tama-yori-bime-no-mikoto] 45:12; 46:1. kami.

The younger daughter of the sea-deity Wata-tu-mi-no-

After her elder sister Toyo-tama-bime had returned to the sea,

Tama-yori-bime was sent to nurse the son whom Toyo-tama-bime had borne to Po-wori-no-mikoto, Ama-tu-piko-Piko-nagisa-take-U-gayapuki-apezu-no-mikoto.

She later married the latter and gave birth to

Itu-se-no-nnkoto, Ina-pi-no-mikoto, Mi-ke-nu-no-mikoto, and Karauyamato-ipare-biko-no-mikoto.

TAMA, id., 'jewel,' possibly 'spirit';

YORI, id., 'to draw hither,' etc.;

BIME, phon.;

YORI-BIME see Ame-no-sade-yon-pime.

for the element

It has been suggested that

TAMA-YORI means 'spirit-possession,' 'mediumism,' and that the name indicates that she was a shamanistic spirit-medium. also in the name Iku-tama-yori-bime. TAMADE [Tamade] 62:19.

The element appears

"Spirit-Medium Princess"?

A place in Yamato (Tamade, Gose-shi, Nara-

ken) and Kaputi (location not identified).

The Kojiki mentions an omi

of Tamade claiming descent from Kaduraki'-no-Nagaye-no-sotu-biko. TAMADE-NO-WOKA [Tamade-no-oka] 60:5. of Emperor Koan.

A hill, site of the tomb

Identified as Tamade, Gose-shi, Nara-ken.

TAMAGAKI [Tamagaki] 69:1.

The palace of Emperor Suinin at Sik'f,

according to the NS at Makimuku in Siki'.

Id., jeweled fence.'

Said

to be in the vicinity of Anashi, Omiwa-cho, Shiki-gun, Nara-ken. TAMAPO [Tamaho] 142:1.

The palace of Emperor Keitai at Ipare. 604

Glossary Id., jeweled rice-stalk.' Said to be in the vicinity of Ikenouchi, Sakuraishi, Nara-ken. TAME-NO-MIKO [Tame-no-miko] 146:2. A daughter of Emperor Bitatsu by Empress Suiko. TAME, phon., from the corporation of Tame-be; MIKO, id.,'princess.' "Princess of Tame." TAME-NO-MIKO [Tame-no-miko] 147:2. A daughter of Emperor Yomei by Opo-gitasi-pime. Graphically identical with the above. TAMURA-NO-MIKO [Tamura-no-miko] 146:7. Another name for Takara-no-iniko or Nukade-pime-no-miko, a daughter of Emperor Bitatsu by Wo-kuma-ko-no-iratume; the wife of Osaka-no-Piko-pito and mother of Emperor Jomei. TAMURA, id., 'paddy village,' PN. "Princess of Tamura." TANAKA [Tanaka] 15:22; 62:14. An extremely common PN in early Japan. Id., 'paddy-center,' 'in the paddy.' The Kojiki records a fam­ ily of omi of Tanaka, claiming descent from Soga-no-isikapa-no-sukune, and an atape of Tanaka in Yamato claiming descent from Ama-tu-pikoneno-mikoto. Ota locates both families in a Tanaka in Taketi county in Yamato. Seishi kakei daijiten, II, 3537-38. TANIPA [Tamba] 63 :2, 23, 28, 33 ; 67:2; 73:5. An ancient region which included the provinces of Tamba and Tango (the latter established as a separate province in 713); it now belongs to Kyoto and extends into Hyogo-keti. The seat of a family of opo-agata-nusi and of a kuni-nomiyatuko related to the Wopari family. TANIPA-NO-ADI-SAPA-BIME [Tamba-no-aji-sawa-bime] 63:27. The daughter of Irine-no-miko and the consort of Yamasiro-no-opo-tutukino-ma-waka-n0-miko. Y amasiro-no-opo-tutuk'i-no-ma-waka-nomiko was her paternal uncle. TANIPA, the PN; ADI-SAPA, phon., perhaps 'marsh [of the] adi [wild ducks],' a PN? "Adi-sapa Princess of Tanipa." TANIPA-NO-PIKO-TATASU-MITI-NO-USI-NO-MIKO [Tamba-nohiko-tatasu-Michi-no-ushi-no-miko] 63 :12; 69:3 ; 72:7. A son of Pikoimasu-no-miko by Okinaga-no-midu-yori-pime. His daughters became the consorts of Emperor Suinin. TANIPA, the PN; PIKO, phon., 'prince,' 'lad'; TATASU, phon., evidently from the verb tatu, 'to stand' (cf. Piko-imasu-no-miko and Piko-osu-no-miko); MITI, phon., evidently the word 'road,' also 'circuit,' 'district'; NO-USI, phon., evidently 'lord of' (frequently contracted to NUSI). Also called Mitino-usi-no-miko. "Lad Sitting of Tanipa, Circuit-Lord Prince"? 605

Kojiki T A P E [tae] 130:24.

A general term for fabric w o v e n f r o m h e m p or paper

mulberry fibers. TAPIRIKI-SIMARUMI-NO-KAM'i

[Tahinki-shimarumi-no-kami]

O n e o f the descendants o f Opo-kuni-nusi. TARA-NO-MIKO

[Tara-no-miko]

pito b y T a m u r a - n o - m i k o ; phon., P N ?

146:7.

29:8.

Phon., E N C . A

son o f

Osaka-no-Piko-

full brother o f E m p e r o r Jomei.

TARA,

"Prince o f T a r a . "

TARASI-NAKA-TU-PIKO-[NO-MIKOTO] mikoto] 89:1, 8; 9 1 : 1 ; 98:32. to the Kojiki

chronology,

ca.

[Tarashi-naka-tsu-hiko-no-

Emperor Chuai; 355-62.

m i k o t o b y Putadi-no-iri-bime-no-mikoto.

Son

of

reigned,

according

Yamato-takeru-no-

T A R A S I , id., 'belt,' a fre-

quent c o m p o n e n t in names o f members o f the imperial f a m i l y , probably derived f r o m the v e r b taru, 'to be abundant,' 'to suffice' (non-initial occurrences are Ame-osi-tarasi-piko-no-mikoto,

Nu-tarasi-wake-no-imkoto,

Okinaga-tarasi-pime-n5-mikoto, O p o - t a r a s i - p i k o - o s i r o - w a k e - n o - n n k o t o , Opo-yamato-tarasi-piko-kuni-osi-bito-nB-mikoto, tarasi-no-kami, mikoto);

Waka-tarasi-piko-no-nnkoto,

Topo-tu-yama-zakiWaka-tarasi-pime-no-

N A K A - T U - P I K O , 'middle prince,' a title often given to the

second son. TARASI-PIKO-KUNI-OSI-BITO-NO-MIKOTO o s h i - b i t o - n o - n n k o t o ] 59:4.

See

[Tarashi-hiko-kum-

Opo-yamato-Tarasi-piko-kuni-osi-

bito-no-mikoto. T A R U M I - N O - S U K U N E [Tarumi-no-sukune] 63 :5. raki.

A person o f K a d u -

Father o f W a s i - p i m e , a consort o f E m p e r o r Kaika.

TARUMI,

PN? T A T A N A M I [Tatanami] 90:6; 98:33.

A place at Sak'i in Y a m a t o w h e r e

the tombs o f Emperor Seimu and o f Empress Jingu are located; today, Misasagi-cho near Saki in Nara-shi, N a r a - k c n (see map in Kidder, p. 151). Perhaps f r o m T A T E - j - N A M I , ' r o w o f shields,' but phonetically similar to Sasanami, a place in A p u m i . TATE-TU

[Tate-tsu]

'shield bay.'

48:4.

A

place in Kusaka.

Id.,

'shield

cove,'

A l s o called Tade-tu, 'smartweed c o v e , ' 'smartweed bay.'

Present location cannot be determined because o f changes in the coastline. T A T I - S O B A [tachi-soba] 51:30.

A tree bearing small berries.

phon., a prefix f r o m the v e r b tatu, 'to stand';

TATI,

S O B A , phon., E N C .

T h e Wamydsho equates the Chinese name for Euonymus alata (MJ nishikigi) w i t h the Japanese soba-nd-ki. T A T I B A N A [tachibana] 76:7; 102:11. 606

A citrus tree bearing small oranges

Glossary s o m e w h a t similar to the tangerine called mikan in Japan today.

The

m o d e r n dictionaries define the tree as the mandarin orange, or uobilis; K o s h i m i z u (p. 82) identifies the ancient tree as Citrus

Citrus

Aurantium

var. tachibana M a k i n o . TATIBANA

[Tachibana]

11:2.

T h e m o u t h o f a river s o m e w h e r e in

P i m u k a in T u k u s i w h e r e Izanagi p e r f o r m e d his ablutions. tree.'

Id., 'tatibana

T h e intended location is unclear.

TATIBANA-MOTO-NO-WAKUGO-NO-MIKO w a k u g o - n o - m i k o ] 145:5.

[Tachibana-moto-no-

A son o f Emperor K i m m e i b y Kitasi-pime.

T A T I B A N A - M O T O , id., 'foot o f the tatibana,' perhaps 'the vicinity o f the village o f Tatibana' (now Tachibana, Asuka-mura, Nara-ken);

W A K U G O , id., ' y o u n g child';

Takaichi-gun,

M I K O , id., 'prince.'

T A T I B A N A - N O - N A K A - T U - P I M E [Tachibana-no-naka-tsu-hime] 144:2. A daughter o f E m p e r o r N i n k e n w h o became the consort o f E m p e r o r Senka.

TATIBANA,

id.,

'tatibana

tree';

NAKA,

id.,

'middle.'

" M i d d l e Princess o f Tatibana." TATIBANA-NO-OPO-IRATUME A daughter o f E m p e r o r I n g y o b y T A T I B A N A , id., 'tatibana tree';

[Tachibana-no-o-iratsume]

121:2.

Osaka-no-naka-tu-pime-no-mikoto. O P O - I R A T U M E , id., 'great lady.'

" G r e a t L a d y o f Tatibana." TATIBANA-NO-TOYO-PI-NO-MIKOTO mikoto] 145:5, 9; 1 4 7 : 1 .

[Tachibana-no-toyo-hi-no-

E m p e r o r Y o m e i ; reigned ca. 584-87.

The

son o f E m p e r o r K i m m e i b y Kitasi-pime o f the Soga family, and a halfbrother o f Emperors Bitatsu and Sushun as w e l l as a full brother o f E m press Suiko.

T A T I B A N A , id., 'tatibana tree';

T O Y O - P I , id.,'abun-

dant sun,' E N C . T A W I - N O - N A K A - T U - P I M E [Tai-no-naka-tsu-hime] 1 0 8 : i ; 121 :i4. daughter o f W a k a - n u - k e - p u t a - m a t a - n o - m i k o .

T h e Kojiki

A

records the

establishment o f the K a p a - b e as her mi-na-siro during the reign o f E m peror

Ingyo.

TAWI,

id.,

'field-well,'

probably

a PN.

"Middle

Princess o f T a w i . " TE-NA-DUTI-[NO-KAMI]

[Te-na-zuchi-no-kami]

19:6, 14, 16.

The

w i f e o f Asi-na-duti, w h o s e daughter Kusi-nada-pime was saved b y Susano-wo.

T E , id., 'hand';

N A , id., ' n a m e ' ;

D U T I , id., ' h a m m e r . '

P r o b a b l y as in Asi-na-duti, " H a n d - S t r o k i n g Elder."

See F. J. Daniels,

" T h e N a m e s 'Asinaduti' and 'Tenaduti' in the Japanese Serpent-slaying and Sacred-marriage M y t h , " Asia Major, VII, Pts. I—II, 52-58. TEMA

[Tema]

22:2.

A

mountain in the land o f Papaki; 607

probably

Kojiki somewhere near what is now Temman, Aimi-cho, Saihaku-gun, Tottoriken. TERAMA [Terama] 76:11. A place at Saki' where the tomb of Pibasupime-no-mikoto, the empress of Emperor Suinin, was located. Today at Misasagi-cho near Saki in Nara-shi, Nara-ken (see map in Kidder, p. 151). Id., 'temple space' (tera, the word for a Buddhist temple, said to be derived from Korean; cf. Modern Korean chol). TESIMA [Teshima] 55:21. A place in Settsu, corresponding to the later county of Tesima or Tosima (written Toyo-sima, id., 'abundant island'), now presumably in or near Toyono-gun, Osaka. Seat of a family of murazi claiming descent from Piko-ya-wi-no-mikoto. TI-GAPESI-NO-OPO-KAMI [Chi-gaeshi-no-5-kami] 10:17. One of the names of the tremendous boulder with which Izanagi closed the pass Yomo-tu-pira-saka as he fled from the land of Yomi'. Tl, id., 'road (cf. miti)\ GAPESI, id., 'to drive back,' 'to cause to return'; OPOΚΑΜΪ, id., 'great deity.' "Road Driving-Back Great Deity," evidently because the boulder turned Izanami back and prevented her from catching Izanagi. Also called Sayari-masu-yorm-do-no-opo-kam'i, q.v. TI-MATA-NO-KAMI [Chi-mata-no-kami] 11:7. A deity who came into existence during Izanagi's purification when he flung down his trousers. TI-MATA, id., 'road-fork,' also possibly 'street,' 'thorough­ fare'; thus, "Road-Fork Deity" or "Deity of the Thoroughfares." Deities named Ya-ti-mata-piko and Ya-ti-mata-pime are mentioned in the Engi-shiki norito for the Miti-ape-no-maturi, a festival to bless the roads. Another road-deity is the Miti-no-naga-ti-pa-no-kami mentioned in 11:4. TI-MORI [Chi-mori] 63 :33. A family of omi rank claiming descent from Take-toyo-padura-wake-no-miko. Id., 'road guardian.' The loca­ tion of the family seat is not clear. TI-SIKI-NO-OPO-KAMI [Chi-shiki-no-o-kami] 10:16. Another name for Izanami "because she engaged in the pursuit" (opi-sikisi). Tl, id., 'road'; SIKI, id., 'spread out,' but preferably from homonymous siku, 'to pursue'; also possibly 'to hold sway over.' "Road-Pursuing Great Deity." TI-URA [Chi-ura] 97:8. An old name for what is "now" Tunuga, q.v. Id., 'blood cove.' TIKA-NO-SIMA [Chika-no-shima] 6:16. Evidently a collective name for the GotS archipelago, lying west of Nagasaki. In ancient times ships going between Japan and China used to stop there; it was of great 608

Glossary importance in Japan's foreign intercourse, as it was the first part of Japan reached by foreign travelers. TIKA, phon. TIKA-TU-APUMI [Chikatsu-Omi] Pref. 17; 31:4; 59:5; 63:12, 21, 25; 73:5; 89:3; 90:1; 101:1; 141:5. 'Near Apumi' (modern Shiga-ken), thus named to distinguish it from Topo-tu-Apumi ('far Apumi,' today a part of Shizuoka-ken). The Kojiki mentions a kuni-no-miyatuko of Tika-tu-Apumi claiming descent from Ame-osi-tarasi-piko-n5-mik5to, related to the Kasuga family. TIKA-TU-ASUKA [Chika-tsu-Asuka] 119:21; 138:1. The Asuka of old Asukabe county, Kaputi (now Asuka, Taishi-cho, Minami-Kawachi-gun, Osaka) was termed 'near Asuka' to distinguish it from Topo-tuAsuka, 'far Asuka,' in Yamato (also called Asuka). Evidently the 'near— far' designation was relative to the palace of Nanipa, 'near' Asuka being located in Kaputi and 'far' in Yamato. TINU [Chinu] 48:8; 58:5; 69:11. An old name for what was later the province of Idumi [Izumi]; in ancient times a part of Kaputi. Now corresponds to southern Osaka near Wakayama-ken. The sea of Tinu must refer to the Idumi coastline along Osaka Bay. The pond of Tinu, made by Inisiki-no-iri-biko-no-mikoto during the reign of Emperor Suinin, has been identified as a pond known today as Nuno-ike, at Kaminogo, Izumi-Sano-shi, Osaka. The Kojiki mentions a wake of Tinu claiming descent from Tagisi-piko-no-mikoto. TINU-NO-MIKO [Chinu-no-miko] 146:8. A son of Osaka-no-Pikopito by Opo-mata-no-miko. "Prince of Tinu." TIPISAKOBE [Chiisakobe] 55:22. Sometimes read Waka-ko-be or Waku-ko-be. Id., 'little child corporation.' The nature of this oddlynamed corporation is unclear. It may have been a corporation of chil­ dren serving as pages at court. Ota says that it was a corporation of dwarfs used as entertainers. Seishi kakei daijiten, II, 3701. See the humorous anecdote with regard to the origin of the name in the NS (Aston, I, 347). The corporation was ruled by a family of murazi claim­ ing descent from Kamu-ya-wi-mimi-no-mikoto and related to the Ορο. TITA [Chita] 59:5. A peninsula in Wopari, corresponding to modern Chita-gun, Aichi-ken; seat of a family ofomi claiming descent from Ameosi-tarasi-piko-no-mikoto and related to the Kasuga family. TITI-PAYA-MA-WAKA-PIME [Chichi-haya-ma-waka-hime] 61:3. A woman of the Kasuga family who became a consort of Emperor K6rei. TITI, phon., perhaps the same as Tl, 'spirit'?; PAYA, id., 'rapid' (cf. 609

Kojiki ti-paya-buru, a conventional epithet applied to kam'i, 'deity,' and other words); MA-WAKA-PIME, 'true-young-princess.' TITI-PAYA-PIME-NO-MIKOTO [Chichi-haya-hime-no-mikoto] 61:3. A daughter of Emperor Korei by Titi-paya-ma-waka-pime. Named after her mother. TITI, phon., as above; PAYA, id., 'rapid'; PIME, phon., 'princess,' etc. TITI-TUKU-Y AMATO-PIME-NO-MIKOTO [Chichi-tsuku-yamatohime-no-mikoto] 64:4. A daughter of Emperor Sujin by Mimatupime-no-mikoto. TITI-TUKU, phon., perhaps 'spirit-worship' (Tl, 'spirit'; TUKU from ituku, 'to worship'). Yamato-pime-no-mikotci is the name of the daughter of Emperor Suinin who becamc a priestess [69:3, 69:15]. TO-YAMA-TU-MI-NO-KAMI [To-yama-tsu-mi-no-kami] 8:13-14. One of the eight mountain deities who came into existence in the corpse of the slain fire-deity. TO, id., 'door,' 'external,' perhaps in contrast to the OKU of Oku-yama-tu-mi-no-kam'f; YAMA-TU-MI, 'mountain spirit,' see Opo-yama-tu-mi-no-kami. "Outer Mountain-Spirit Deity." TOGA [Toga] 96:3. A plain, evidently in what is now Kobe-shi, Hyogoken. TOKI-PAKASI-N0-ΚΑΜΪ [Toki-hakashi-no-kami] 11:5. A deity who came into existence during Izanagi's purification when he flung down his bag. TOKI, id., 'time,' also possibly a graphic substitute for toki from the verb toku, 'to loosen,' 'to undo'; PAKASI, id., 'measurer': some manuscripts have OKASI from the verb oku, 'to put,' ENC. T0KO-NE-TU-PIKO-IRONE-NO-MIKOTO [Toko-ne-tsu-hiko-ironeno-mikoto] 57:2. A son of Emperor Annei by Akuto-pime. TOKONE, id., 'eternal root,' perhaps 'bottom root' (toko is sometimes inter­ changeable with sokb)·, TU-PIKO, 'prince of'; IRONE, phon., 'elder full-sibling' (also in Pape-irone). "Eternal-Root Prince ElderBrother Lord"? TOKO-YO [Toko-yo] 17:6; 30:7; 46:2; 76:1, 5; 98:6; 130:9. A land of everlasting life, thought to be across the seas. Id., 'eternal world.' Later it became confused with the fairyland of the Chinese immortals and is used in that sense in Chapter 76. Matsumura (IV, 396-429) calls it a sort of ancient Japanese Elysium, the land of unlimited wish fulfillment that is frequently found in world mythology. In the past most commentators confused the YO of Toko-yo with the phonemically distinct word YO, 'night'; and thus the erroneous etymology 'eternal night,' with all its 610

Glossary lugubrious connotations, has attained a certain popularity. But con­ textual evidence suggests that Toko-yo, far from being a land of darkness and death, was a land of eternal life and uninterrupted happiness. Where­ as Takama-n0-para seems to be closely connected with the system of heavenly deities (ama-tu-kami), Toko-yo seems to be the abode of earthly deities (kuni-tu-kamt). TOKO-YO-NO-OMOPI-KANE-NO-KAMI [Toko-yo-no-omoi-kaneno-kami] 39:2. Another name for Omopi-kane-no-kamL TOKOYO, id., 'eternal world.' TOKORO [tokoro] 88:3. A kind of yam, identified as the MJ yama-noimo, yama-imo, oni-dokoro, etc. It has long clinging vines. Koshimizu (p. 107) identifies it as Dioscorea tokoro Makino. TOMI [Tomi] 48:2. A place in the northern part ofYamato, said to corre­ spond to modern Tomio, Nara-shi, Nara-ken. TOMI-BIKO [Tomi-biko] 48:5; 52:23, 60. An adversary of Emperor Jimmu whose seat was Tomi in Yamato. Also called Naga-sune-biko. Phon., "Lad of Tomi." TOMI-YA-BIME [Tomi-ya-bime] 52:60. Younger sister of Tomi-biko. Married Nigi-paya-pi-no-mikoto and was the mother of Umasi-madi-noTOMI, phon., mikoto, the ancestor of the murazi of the Μδηδ-ηδ-be. the PN; YA, phon., ENC, perhaps the interjection used also in Κό-ηόpana-n6-saku-ya-bime and Kagu-ya-pime-no-mikoto; BIME, phon., 'princess.' "Princess of Tomi." TONAMI [Tonami] 61:12. A region in Kosi, corresponding with modern Higashi-Tonami-gun and Nishi-Tonami-gun, Toyama-ken. Seat of a family of omi claiming descent from Piko-sasi-kata-wake-no-mikoto. TONERI [toneri] 127:5. A male court attendant of low rank who served the person of the emperor or princes of the blood. The word is used in this sense in Pref. 43; 105:5; 113:1, etc. Corporations of commoners who provided these toneri were called toneri-be; probably the toneri of the Patuse-be and of the Kapase, established under Emperor Yuryaku, were examples of the latter. They may have been the same type of corporation as the mi-na-sir6. TOPO-TU-APUMI [Totomi] 15:21. A kuni in central Honshu, later a province. Included part of what is now Shizuoka-ken. Id., 'far Apumi,' to distinguish it from Apumi or Tika-tu-Apumi ('near Apumi') where Lake Biwa is located. Lake Hamana is in Τόρο-tu-Apumi, and Apumi must have originally meant some sort of lake. The Kojiki records 611

Kojiki a family of kuni-no-miyatuko of Τδρο-tu-Apumi claiming descent from Ama-tu-pikone-no-mikoto. TOPO-TU-ASUKA Asuka.'

[Τδ-tsu-Asuka] Pref. 18;

119:23;

121:1.

'Far

The Asuka of Taketi county, Yamat5 (now Asuka-mura,

Takaichi-gun, Nara-ken) was so named to distinguish it from Tika-tuAsuka, 'near Asuka,' a place in Kaputi.

The near—far distinction was

relative to the palace in Nanipa. T OPO-TU-A YU-ME-M A-KUP ASI-PIME hime] 64:2.

[Totsu-ayu-me-ma-kuwashi-

A daughter of Ara-kapa-tobe, the kuni-no-miyatuko of

Κϊ; a consort of Emperor Sujin.

TOPO, id., 'far';

perhaps the connective particle tu; 'trout school';

TU, id., 'cove,'

AYU-ME, id., 'trout eyes,' perhaps

MA, or ME, also 'eyes';

KUPASI, id., 'fine,' 'delicate.'

"Princess with Beautiful Eyes like the Trout in the Distant Coves"? TOPO-TU-MATI-NE-NO-KAMI [Τό-tsu-machi-ne-no-kami] 29:12. A goddess who married one of the descendants of Opo-kuni-nusi. TOPO-TU, id., 'distant cove,' perhaps 'distant';

ENC.

MATI-NE, id., 'wait

root,' perhaps to be divided MA-TINE (TINE as in Ame-no-tudope-tineηδ-kami). TOPO-TU-OMI [Τό-tsu-omi] 63:28.

A person of Tanipa, identified as

the father of Taka-ki-pime, consort of Kanime-ikaduti-no-miko. TOPO-TU, id.,'far cove,'PN?;

OMI, id.,'courtier,''noble.'

"No­

ble of Topo-tu"? TOPO-TU-YAMA-ZAKI-TARASI-NO-KAMI [Τό-tsu-yama-zakitarashi-no-kami] 29:12-13. kuni-nusi.

A deity, one of the descendants of Opo-

TOPO-TU, id., 'far cove,' as above;

id., 'mountain promontory,' perhaps a PN;

YAMA-ZAKI,

TARASI, phon., probably

the element found in Tarasi-naka-tu-piko-no-mikotS, etc. TOPOSI-NO-IRATUME [Toshi-no-iratsume] 99:12. Emperor Ojin by Kaguro-pime.

A daughter of

TOPOSI, phon., ENC, similar to

So-toposi-nS-iratume; IRATUME, id., 'lady.' TORI-KAMI [Tori-kami] 19:1. A place in Idumo in the upper reaches of the Ρϊ River. Identified as the region around the mountain which is now called Sentsil (in ancient times, Tori-kami-yama) in Nita-gun, Shimane-ken.

Id., 'bird hair.'

TORI-KAPI-BE [Tori-kai-be] 74:12. A corporation of commoners who served the imperial court by tending its fowl. We read of corporations of Inu-kapi-be ("Corporation of Dog Keepers"), Uma-kapi-be ("Corpo­ ration of Horse Keepers"), Taka-kapi-be ("Corporation of Hawk Keep612

Glossary ers"), and U-kapi-be ("Corporation of Cormorant Keepers"); see also Wi-kapi. TORI, id., 'bird'; KAPI, phon., from the verb kapu, 'to raise'; BE, id., 'corporation.' TORI-ME-NO-MIKO [Tori-me-no-miko] 108:1. A daughter [?] of Waka-nu-ke-puta-mata-no-miko by Momo-siki'-irobe. TORI, id., 'to take,' etc., ENC; ME, phon., perhaps 'woman'; MIKO, id., prince[ss].' TORI-MIMI-NO-KAMI [Tori-mimi-no-kami] 29:4. A daughter of the earthly deity Ya-sima-mudi-no-kami; married Opo-kuni-nusi-no-kam'i and was the mother of Tori-naru-mi-no-kam'i. TORI, id., 'bird'; MIMI, id., 'ear,' but some manuscripts have TORI, id., 'to take'; TORI-MIMI, 'bird-ear,' could mean 'ruler of Tori' (see Kamu-nunakapamimi-no-mikoto); TORI-TORI, id., 'bird-taker,' would be pro­ nounced TOTORI, q.v.; KAMI, id., 'deity.' TORI-NARU-MI-N O-KAMI [Tori-naru-mi-no-kami] 29:4. An earthly deity, born of Opo-kuni-nusi and Tori-mimi-no-kamL ENC: TORI, id., 'bird,' perhaps a PN; NARU-MI, id., 'sounding ocean,' perhaps a PN. TORI-NO-IPA-KUSU-PUNE-NO-KAMI [Tori-no-iwa-kusu-fune-nokami] 7:15. A name given to Ame-no-tori-pune-no-kamL TORI­ NO, id., '[being] a bird' or 'bird-like'; IPA, id., 'rock,' often denoting 'hard,' 'solid'; KUSU, id.,'camphor tree,''camphor wood'; PUNE, id., 'boat'; KAMI, id., 'deity.' "Bird-shaped [Bird-like?] Rock-hard Camphor-wood-Boat Deity"? Archeologists have found a number of camphor-wood boats, dating from the Yayoi and tomb periods. A fragment of the Harima fudoki quoted in the Shaku nihongi says that during the reign of Emperor Nintoku a giant camphor tree was cut down and made into a marvelously fast boat, called Paya-tori ('fast bird'). The boat was used to bring water in the morning and evening from the spring of Komate at Akasi for the emperor's meals at the palace in Nanipa. One day when the boat did not arrive on time, this song was sung: Sumi-no-ye no Opo-kura mukite Tobaba koso Paya-tori to ipame Nani no paya-tori

Only if it flies Toward the imperial treasury Of Sumi-no-ye Is it to be called "Fast Bird"— What kind of a fast bird is this?

Kojiki See Kidder, pp. 164-66, for a discussion o f the meaning o f the birdboats depicted in the early t o m b murals. TORI-YAMA

[Tori-yama] 1 1 3 : 1 , 3.

A toneri sent as a messenger b y

E m p e r o r N i n t o k u to Empress Ipa-no-pime. TOSA

[Tosa] 6:3.

Id., 'bird mountain.'

O n e o f the f o u r kuni in S h i k o k u ; m o d e r n K o c h i -

ken. T O T O R I [Tottori] 69:12.

A place in the old province o f Idumi ( n o w in

the vicinity o f Higasi-Tottori-mura, Sennan-gun, Osaka), site o f the palace o f Kapakami. T O T O R I - B E [Tottori-be] 74:12.

A corporation o f c o m m o n e r s , ruled b y

a family o f m i y a t u k o , w h o s e duty was evidently to trap birds for the imperial family.

Id., 'Bird-takers C o r p o r a t i o n . '

T h e y w e r e located

t h r o u g h o u t Japan, as witnessed b y the m a n y places n a m e d

Tottori;

m o d e r n T o t t o r i - k e n is the ancient Inaba and Papaki. T O W O [To] 89:10. fied.

Evidently a P N , but its location has not been identi-

Seat o f a family o f w a k e claiming descent f r o m T a k e - k a p i - k o - n o -

miko. T O W O T I [Tochi] 61:2. in Sakurai-shi, Nara-ken.

A region in Y a m a t o , w h i c h n o w appears to be T h e location o f the agata o f T o w o t i , one o f

the six imperial agata in the Y a m a t o area.

R u l e d b y an agata-nusi

apparently related to the agata-nusi o f Sik'i.

T h e Kojiki

records that

K u p a s i - p i m e - n o - m i k o t o , a consort o f Emperor K o r e i and m o t h e r o f E m peror K 5 g e n , came f r o m this family. TOWOTI-NO-IRI-BIME-NO-MIKOTO 64:3.

[Tochi-no-iri-bime-no-mikoto]

A daughter o f E m p e r o r Sujin b y O p o - a m a - p i m e .

T I , the P N ;

TOYO-ASI-PARA-NO-MIDU-PO-NO-KUNI m i z u - h o - n o - k u n i ] 38:7. A S I , id., 'reeds';

[Toyo-ashi-hara-no-

A shortened f o r m o f Toyo-asi-para-no-ti-aki-

no-naga-ipo-aki-n5-midu-po-no-kuni. tiful' ;

TOWO-

I R I - B I M E , see A z a m i - n o - i r i - b i m e - n o - m i k o t o .

T O Y O , id., 'abundant,' 'plen-

P A R A , id., 'field,' can be applied to any w i d e

expanse, e.g., Takama-no-para, or to a place w h e r e something (cf. MJ matsu-bara, 'pine-forest'); picious,'

'fresh';

PO,

id.,

grows

M I D U , id., 'water,' preferably 'aus-

'stalk,'

'rice

ear';

KUNI,

id.,

'land.'

" L a n d o f the Plentiful R e e d Plains and o f the Fresh Rice-ears." TOYO-ASI-PARA-NO-TI-AKI-NO-NAGA-IPO-AKI-NO-MIDU-PONO-K UNI kuni] 32:1, 3. islands.

[Toyo-ashi-hara-no-chi-aki-no-naga-io-aki-no-mizu-ho-noT h e l o w e r lands in m y t h sequences, i.e., the Japanese

T O Y O - A S I - P A R A , id., 'abundant reed plain'; 614

T I - A K I , id.,

Glossary 'thousand

autumns';

NAGA-IPO-AKI,

id.,

'long

five

hundred

autumns'; M I D U - P O , id., 'water stalks,' preferably 'auspicious rice ears' or 'fresh rice-ears';

K U N I , id., 'land.'

T h e name is a religious term

for the Japanese islands, representing a prayer for everlasting prosperity in agricultural production.

"Land o f the Plentiful Reed Plains, o f the

Thousand-Autumn and Long-Five-Hundred-Autumn Fresh Rice-ears." T O Y O - I P A - M A D O - N O - K A M I [Toyo-iwa-mado-no-kami] 39:6. other name for the gate-deity Ame-no-ipa-to-wake-no-kami. id.,

'abundant';

IPA-MADO,

id.,

'rock-window,'

AnTOYO,

'rock-entrance.'

"Abundant R o c k - W i n d o w Deity." T O Y O - K I - I R I - B I K O - N O - M I K O T O [Toyo-ki-iri-biko-no-mikoto] 64:2, 7.

A

son o f Emperor

Sujin by

Topo-tu-ayu-mc-ma-kupasi-pime;

the a n c e s t o r o f t h e k i m i o f K a m i - t u - K e n o and o f

Simo-tu-keno.

T O Y O - K I , id., 'abundant tree,' perhaps a proper noun;

IRI-BIKO,

see Ikumc-iri-biko-isati-no-mikoto. TOYO-KUMO-NO-NO-KAMI

[Toyo-kumo-no-no-kami]

2:1.

One

o f the single deities w h o emerged in the seven generations o f the A g e o f the Gods.

Id., 'abundant clouds field deity.'

various ways in the NS.

T h e name is written in

Has been identified as a deification o f the pro-

cess o f congealing in the creation myth, a grain-spirit, a deity o f the plains, etc. T O Y O - K U N I [Toyo-kuni] 6:6; 47:4; 61 :i2.

A region in K y u s h u w h i c h

was later divided into the t w o provinces o f Buzen and B u n g o . all o f modern Oita-ken and part o f Fukuoka-ken. TOYO-KUNI-WAKE-NO-MIKO

Included

Id., 'abundant land.'

[Toyo-kuni-wake-no-miko] 77:6, 16.

A son o f Emperor K e i k o b y Mi-pakasi-bime o f Pimuka; the ancestor o f the kuni-no-miyatuko o f Pimuka. the P N ;

WAKE,

q.v.;

T O Y O - K U N I , id., 'abundant land,'

MIKO,

id.,

'prince.'

"Toyo-kuni

Lad

Prince." TOYO-MI-KE-NU-NO-MIKOTO Another name for Emperor Jimmu.

[Toyo-mi-ke-nu-no-mikoto]

46:1.

Id., 'abundant august hair swamp

lord'; for a possible meaning, see Mi-ke-nu-no-mikoto. TOYO-MIKE-KASIGIYA-PIME-NO-MIKOTO hime-no-mikoto] 145:5, 10; 146:2; 149:1. 628).

[Toyo-mike-kashigiya-

Empress Suiko (reigned 592-

A daughter o f Emperor K i m m e i by Kitasi-pime o f the Soga fam-

ily and the empress o f Emperor Bitatsu.

T O Y O - M I K E , id., 'abundant

[imperial] viands,' a term for f o o d presented to a deity or to a ruling e m 615

Kojiki peror;

K A S I G I Y A , id., 'kitchen,' 'cooking house';

'princess.'

PIME, phon.,

"Abundant-Viands-Kitchen Princess L a d y . "

T O Y O - P I - W A K E [Toyo-hi-wake] 6:6. in the land creation myth.

Another name for T o y o - k u n i

Id., 'abundant sun lad.'

Similar to Sira-

pi-wake, another name for Tukusi, and to Take-pi-wake, the land o f Kumaso. TOYO-PUTU-NO-KAMI

[Toyo-futsu-no-kami] 8:3.

for Take-mika-duti-n5-wo-no-kami.

Another

T O Y O , id.,

name

'abundant';

P U T U , phon., 'deadly swish,' etc., see Putu-no-mi-tama.

"Abundant

Deadly-swish D e i t y . " T O YO-S UKI-IRI-BIME-NO-MIKOTO 64:2.

[Toyo-suki-iri-bime-no-mikoto]

A daughter o f Emperor Sujin w h o was a high priestess at Ise.

T O Y O , id., 'abundant';

S U K I , id., 'plough';

no-iri-bime-no-mikoto.

Also called Toyo-suk'i-pime-no-mikoto.

T O YO-S UKI-PIME-NO-MIKOTO

IRI-BIME, see A z a m i -

[Toyo-suki-hime-no-mikoto]

64:8.

A shortened f o r m o f Toyo-suki-iri-bimc-no-mikoto. TOYO-TAMA-BIME-[NO-MIKOTO] 43:12, 17, 21, 27; 44:2; 45:1, 8.

[Toyo-tama-bime-no-mikoto]

T h e daughter o f the sea-deity W a t a - t u -

mi-no-kaml w h o married P o - w o r i - n o - m i k o t o and gave birth to A m a - t u piko-Piko-nagisa-take-U-gaya-puki-apezu-no-mikoto. 'abundant';

TOYO,

T A M A , id., 'jewel,' perhaps 'soul,' 'spirit.'

Jewel Princess."

" A b u n d a n t Spirit Princess."

T O Y O - T O - W A K E - N O - M I K O [Toyo-to-wake-no-miko] 77:4. o f Emperor Keiko. trance';

T O Y O , id., 'abundant';

W A K E , q.p.

A son

T O , id., 'door,' 'en-

ENC.

T O Y O - U K E - B I M E - N O - K A M I [Toyo-uke-bime-no-kami] 7:21, 23. food-goddess described as the child o f Waku-musubi-no-kam'i. id., 'abundant';

A

TOYO,

U K E , phon., 'food' (the element K E / G E / K A in a n u m -

ber o f names means ' f o o d ' ; cf. Opo-ge-tu-pime-no-kamii); phon., 'princess.'

id.,

"Abundant

" A b u n d a n t Food-princess D e i t y . "

BIME,

Probably iden-

tical w i t h Toyu-uke-no-kamii, the food-goddess worshipped at the Outer Shrine o f Ise. TOYORA

[Toyora] 9 1 : 1 .

T h e palace o f Emperor Chuai in Anato.

Id., 'abundant bay' (from T O Y O + U R A ) .

C f . modern T o y o u r a - g u n ,

Yamaguchi-ken. T O Y U - U K E - N O - K A M ' f [Toyu-uke-no-kami] 39:5.

T h e food-goddess

w h o descended f r o m the heavens and was enshrined at Watarapi, the outer shrine o f the Grand Shrines o f Ise.

T O Y U , phon., a corruption o f toyo, 616

Glossary

'abundant';

UKE,

KAMI, id., 'deity.' TU-SIMA [Tsu-shima]

phon.,

'food'

(see

Opo-ge-tu-pime-no-kami');

"Abundant Food Deity." 6:8;

15 : 2 1 .

The island of Tsushima lying between

Kyushu and Korea; today part of Nagasaki-ken. 'harbor island.'

Id., 'cove island,'

Ruled by a family of agata-no-atape claiming descent

from Ame-no-po-pi-no-mikoto. TUBU-TATU-MI-TAMA [Tsubu-tatsu-mi-tama]

40:4.

Another name

for Saruta-biko-no-kami' "when the frothy bubbles appeared [tubu tatu] on the surface of the sea."

TUBU, phon., 'frothy bubbles';

TATU,

phon., 'to rise,' 'to appear';

MI-TAMA, id., 'august spirit.'

"Frothy-

bubbles-Appear Spirit." TUBURA-NO-IRATUME [Tsubura-no-iratsume] of Emperor Hanzei by Tuno-iratume.

A daughter

120:4.

TUBURA, phon., apparently

a word denoting something small and round (cf. tubu, 'bubble,' 'grain'); IRATUME, id., 'lady.' TUBURA-NO-IRATUME [Tsubura-no-iratsume] Emperor Keitai by Abe-no-paye-pime. above;

142:8.

IRATUME, id., 'lady.'

TUBURA-OPOMI / TUBURA-OMI [Tsubura-omi, -omi] 12; 127:3.

A daughter of

TUBURA, phon., same as

124:8; 125:9,

A powerful court noble of the Kadurak'i family.

He per­

ished defending Prince Mayowa-no-miko against Emperor Yuryaku, but was the father of Kara-pime, who became the Emperor's consort and the mother of Emperor Seinei.

TUBURA, phon., as above;

OPOMI,

OMI, q.v., titles of powerful court nobles. TUKE [Tsuke, Tsuge]

55:22.

Yamabe-gun, Nara-ken.

A region in Yamato, now Tsuge-mura,

Identified as the seat of a family of atape (else­

where called inaki, kuni-no-miyatuko) claiming descent from Kamu-yawi-mimi-n6-mik6t0 and related to the Opo family. TUKI [tsuki] 1 2 2 : 1 0 1 ; 1 3 3 :11 - 1 2 , 3 4 . A type of tree which has been iden­ tified as the zelkova (MJ t s u k i , t s u k i - n o - k i , o r k e y a k i ) . Koshimizu (p. 9 1 ) has Zelkowa serrata Makino. Apparently used to make bows. TUKI-TATU-PUNA-TO-NO-KAMI [Tsuki-tatsu-funa-to-no-kami] 11 :3. A deity who came into existence during Izanagi's purification when he flung down his stick. TUKI-TATU, id., 'stand erect'; PUNA-TO, id., 'boat door,' probably a single word, perhaps one mean­ ing 'road-turning,' 'fork in the road' (related to the deity Kunato men­ tioned i n t h e norito f o r the miti-ape n o maturi [Philippi, Norito, p. 5 3 ] ) . 617

Kojiki Frequently identified with a road-deity named Sape-no-kam'i or Dosojin. The latter deity has phallic associations. TUKIDA-NO-WOKA [Tsukida-no-oka] 56:4. A hill somewhere in Yamato, identified as the site of the tomb of Emperor Suisei. Said to be in the vicinity of Emperor Jimmu's tomb. TUKU-Y OMI-NO-MIKOTO [Tsuku-yomi-no-mikoto] 11:23; 12:4. The moon deity who came into existence during Izanagi's ablutions. TUKU, id., 'moon'; YOMI, id., 'to read,' preferably 'to count'; TUKU-YOMI, 'moon-counting,' may have some connection with the calendar or may be derived from some word like TUKU-YAMI, 'moondarkness.' Other interpretations relating it to TUKU-YO-MI, 'moonlight-night—spirit,' are phonologically inaccurate. "Moon Counting Lord"? TUKUBA [Tsukuba] 84:21. Tsukuba-gun, Ibaraki-ken. the vicinity.

A region in Pitati, corresponding to modern Mount Tsukuba is a famous mountain in

TUKUSI [Tsukushi] 6:5-6; 11:2; 39:13; 47:3, 5; 55:22; 91:1; 92:2; 95:3, 5-6; 108:2; 142:14. Used in two senses: the island of Kyushu, described in the land-bearing myth as consisting of four "countenances," i.e., the four lands of Tukusi, Toyo-kuni, Ρϊ, and KumasS; and the land of Tukusi, later divided into the two provinces of Chikuzen and Chikugo which correspond to most of modern Fukuoka-ken. The ancient family of kuni-no-miyatuko of Tukusi held the title of kimi. Ipawi, "the kimi of Tukusi" [142:14], rebelled against the Yamato court during the reign of Emperor Keitai. TUNO-GUPI-NO-ΚΑΜΪ [Tsuno-gui-no-kami] 2:2. One of the deities of the seven generations of the Age of the Gods; male counterpart of Iku-gupi-no-kami. Id., 'horn-post deity.' Some commentators see phallic significance in the terms tuno-gupi (perhaps 'horn-like pillar'), ikngupi ('living-pillar'). See also Opo-yama-gupi-no-kam'i, Aki-gupi-nousi-n0-kamL TUNO-IRATUME [Tsuno-iratsume] 120:4. A daughter of Kogoto, the ο mi of Wani, who became a consort of Emperor Hanzei. TUNO, phon., perhaps 'horn [of an animal],' as in Κϊ-no-tuno-no-sukune, Kusituno-wake-no-miko; IRATUME, id., 'lady.' TUNO-YAMA [Tsuno-yama] 59:5. The Kojiki mentions an unidentified family called the omi of Tuno-yama, claiming descent from Ame-osi618

Glossary tarasi-piko-no-mikoto. TUNO, phon., ENC; Y AM A, id.,'mountain.' TUNOSASI [Tsunosashi] 135:6. The palace of Osinumi (now Oshimi, Kita-Katsuragi-gun, Nara-ken) in Kadurak'i where Ipi-toyo-no-miko (also called Osinumi-no-iratume) took charge of the government during the interregnum after the death of Emperor Seinei. TUNOSASI, id., 'horn-pierce,' ENC. TUNU [Tsunu] 62:16. An ancient kuni corresponding to modern Tsunogun, Yamaguchi-ken. Ruled by a kuni-no-miyatuko with the title of omi, claiming descent from K'i-no-tuno-no-sukune, a son of Takesi-utin0-sukune. TUNUGA [Tsunuga] 61:12; 97:1, 8; 101:17. A place in the old province of Echizen, corresponding to modern Tsuruga-shi, Fukui-ken. TURA-NAGI-NO-KAMI [Tsura-nagi-no-kami] 7:5. One of the eight water deities born of Paya-aki-tu-piko and Paya-aki-tu-pime. Male counterpart of Tura-nami-no-kami. TURA, id., 'face,' perhaps 'sur­ face' ; NAGI, phon., evidently a masculine ending as in Izanagi, Awanagi-no-kamL "Surface Male Deity"? TURA-NAMI-NO-KAMI [Tsura-nami-no-kami] 7:5. Female counter­ part of Tura-nagi-no-kam'i. TURA, id., 'face'; NAMI, phon., ev­ idently a feminine ending as in Izanami, Awa-nami-no-kam'i. "Surface Female Deity"? TURUGI-NO-IKE [Tsurugi-no-ike] 62:22; 104:2. A pond in YamatS constructed during the reign of Emperor Ojin; but also the location of the tomb of Emperor KSgen. Id., 'sword pond.' Identified in the vicinity of Ishikawa, Kashiwara-shi, Nara-ken. TUTI-GUMO [Tsuchi-gumo] 52:1, 5. An almost legendary people con­ sidered by the compilers of the Kojiki and NS as aborigines of a lower cul­ tural level possessed of remarkable physical peculiarities, such as tails [52:1]. Id., 'earth cloud,' preferably 'earth-spiders.' For recent summaries of the speculation about their identity sec Matsumoto Yoshio, Nihon no minzoku (Keio Tsushin, 1954), pp. 137-60 and Mizuno, pp. 285-91. TUTI-NO-MI-OYA-NO-KAMI [Tsuchi-no-mi-oya-no-kami] 31:5. Another name for Opo-tuti-no-kami, probably a deity of the soil. Id., 'august ancestral deity of the soil,' probably "Earth-Mother Deity." TUTUKI [Tsutsuki] 112:39; 113:35. A place in Yamasiro (cf. modern Tsuzuki-gun, Kyoto). The home of Nurinomi, where Empress Ipa-nopime concealed herself, is said to have been in the vicinity of modern Fukenji, Tsuzuki-gun, Kyoto.

Kojiki TUWE-TUKI [Tsue-tsuki] 86:11. A pass in Ise, in the vicinity of Unemecho, Yokkaichi-shi, Mie-ken. Id., 'walking with a staff.' U-KAPA [U-kawa] 67:31. the Yodo-gawa in Kaputi.

An unidentified river, probably a branch of Id., 'cormorant river.'

U-KAPI [U-kai] 50:7; 52:54. Shortened form of U-kapi-be, id., 'Corpo­ ration of Cormorant Keepers.' Its members raised cormorants for the imperial court. The Kojiki records the U-kapi of Ada, who claimed to be descendants of Nipe-moti-no-ko. U-PIDI-ΝΙ-ΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ [U-hiji-ni-no-kami] 2:2. One of the deities of the seven generations of the Age of the Gods. Male counterpart of Supidi-ni-no-kami. U, phon., ENC; PIDI, phon., perhaps 'dirt,' 'mud'; Ni, phon., perhaps 'clay.' Apparently a deification of earth or mud in the cosmogony myth-sequence. UBARAKI [Ubaraki] 15:22. An ancient kuni corresponding to the later county of Ibaraki in Pitati (modern Hitachi). Today corresponds to Higashi-Ibaraki-gun, Nishi-Ibaraki-gun, Ibaraki-ken. Ruled by a kuniηό-miyatuko claiming descent from Ama-tu-pikone-no-mikoto. UDA [Uda] 50:16; 51:1, 16, 20, 40; 65:11; 77:15; 115:36; 137:2. The mountainous area east of Yamato; now Uda-gun, Nara-ken. The Kojiki mentions an obito of Uda, who is perhaps the agata-nusi of Uda mentioned in the NS. UDA NO UKATI [Uda no Ukachi] 50:17. A village in Uda, said to correspond to present Ukashi, Utano-cho, Uda-gun, Nara-ken. UDI [Uji] 101:1; 105:19, 30. what is now Uji-shi, Kyoto.

A region in Yamasiro, corresponding to The river is now called the Uji-gawa.

UDI-NO-MIKO [Uji-no-miko] 146:4. A daughter of Emperor Bitatsu by Piro-pime-no-mikoto. UDI, phon., the PN; MIKO, id., 'prin­ cess.' "Princess of Udi." UDI-NO-WAKI-IRATUKO [Uji-no-waki-iratsuko] 99:7; 100:2, 6; 101:54; 105:τ, 3, 48, 53. A son of Emperor Ojin by Miya-nusi-Yagapa-ye-pime of the Wani family. He was the favorite son of his father and his chosen successor. After the death of Ojin, Opo-yama-mori-nomikoto's rebellion was suppressed, and Udi-no-waki-iratuko and his halfbrother Opo-sazaki-no-mikoto (Emperor Nintoku) stubbornly ceded the throne to each other until the former's timely death [105:53], after which Opo-sazaki took the throne. UDI, phon., the PN; WAKI, phon., an 620

Glossary element probably derived from the adjective for 'young'; IRATUKO, id., 'lord,' 'princeling.' "Young-Princeling of Udi." UDI-NO-WAKI-IRATUME [Uji-no-waki-iratsume] 99:8; 109:5. A daughter of Emperor Ojin by Wo-nabe-no-iratume. Became a consort of Emperor Nintoku, her half-brother. UDI, phon., the PN; WAKI, id., 'young'; IRATUME, id., 'lady.' "Young Lady of Udi." UDU-PIKO [Uzu-hiko] 62:10. The ancestor of the kuni-no-miyatuko of Κϊ, elder brother of Yama-sita-kage-pime, a consort of Piko-putu-osi-nomak 01δ-ηδ-mi kδ15. UDU, phon., ENC; PIKO, phon., 'lad,' etc. UKA [Uka] 24:14. A mountain, modern Misaki-yama, northeast of the Great Shrine of Izumo in Taisha-machi, Hinokawa-gun, Shimane-ken. UKA-NO-MI-TAMA-NO-ΚΑΜΪ [Uka-no-mi-tama-no-kami] 20:14. A food or grain deity born of Susa-no-wo and Kamu-opo-iti-pime. UKA, phon., 'food' (cognate with the elements UKE, KE/GE, MIKE; cf. Opoge-tu-pime-no-kami'); MI-TΑΜΑ, id., 'august spirit.' "Food Spirit Deity." UKATI [Ukachi] 50:17. See Uda no ukati. UKI [Uki] 117:1. A river, evidently in Kaputi. The text is corrupt, and the reading is unclear; other possible readings are Tonoki and Tuki. UKI-UTA [Uki-uta] 134:10. A drinking song attributed in the Kojiki to Emperor Yuryaku. The same song is also recorded with this name in the Kinkafu. UKI, phon., 'wine-cup'; UTA, id., 'song.' "Winecup Song." UMA-Ki-NO-MIKO [Uma-ki-no-miko] 145:6. A son of Emperor Kimmei by Wo-ye-pime. UMA-ΚΪ, id., 'horse tree,' probably a PN; MIKO, id., 'prince.' "Prince of Uma-k'i." UMA-SAKA [Uma-saka] 61:14. A place in Katawoka in Yamato where the tomb of Emperor Korei is located. Said to be at Oji, Oji-chS, KitaKatsuragi-gun, Nara-ken. Id., 'horse pass.' UMAKUDA [Umakuda] 15:22. An ancient kuni on the Chiba Peninsula near what is now Kisarazu-shi, Chiba-ken. Ruled by a kuni-nomiyatuko claiming descent from Ama-tu-pikone-no-mikoto. UMAMIKUPI [Umamikui] 62:15. The murazi of the Umamikupi, a family claiming descent from Peguri-no-tuku-no-sukune, may have been the rulers of a corporation manufacturing horse trappings. Ota, Seishi kakei daijiten, I, 738. Id., 'horse august-post,' perhaps 'horse trappings.' UMASI-ASI-KABI-PIKO-DI-NO-KAMI [Umashi-ashi-kabi-hiko-ji-nokami] 1:2. A deity in the cosmogony sequence who came into existence 621

Kojiki from something which sprouted forth like reed-shoots (asi-kabi). UMASI, phon., an adjective meaning 'excellent,' 'good,' 'delicious'; ASI-KABI, phon., 'reed-shoots,' 'reed-sprouts';

PIKO-DI, plion., 'male

spirit'? (DI/TI may be the same as the Tl, 'spirit,' in Ame-no-sa-dutiηδ-karm, etc.); Deity"?

KAMI, id., 'deity.'

"Excellent Reed-shoots Male

Apparently a deification of the vital forces embodied in the

sprouting reed-shoots. UMASI-MADI-NO-MIKOTO [Umashi-maji-no-mikoto] 52:60.

Ason

of the deity Nigi-paya-pi-no-mikoto by Tomi-ya-bime, a younger sister of Tomi-biko; the ancestor of the murazi of the Μδηο-ηδ-be and other families.

UMASI, phon., 'excellent,' 'good,' 'delicious';

MADI,

phon., ENC (in the NS: MATE, id., 'true-hand,' an ideographic approx­ imation). UMASI-UTI-NO-SUKUNE [Umashi-uchi-no-sukune] 62:9.

A son of

Piko-putu-osi-no-makoto-no-mikoto and half-brother of the celebrated Takesi-uti-n5-sukune.

The ancestor of the omi of Uti in Yamasiro.

UMASI, id., 'delicious master,' probably merely the adjective UMASI, 'excellent,' 'good,' 'delicious';

UTI, id., 'inside,' the PN in Yamato;

SUKUNE, an element in names indicating direct descent (see Asida-ηδsukune). UMI [Umi] 95:4. A place in Tukusi (now Umi, Umi-machi, Kasuya-gun, Fukuoka-ken) associated in legend with the birth of Emperor Ojin. Phon., can mean 'birth,' 'giving birth,' from the verb umu, 'to bear.' UMI-S ATI-ΒΙΚΟ [Umi-sachi-biko] 42:1. mikoto, a fisherman.

A name given to Po-deri-no-

His younger brother Po-wori-no-mikoto was

called Yama-sati-biko and was a hunter. phon., 'luck,' derivatively 'game,' 'catch,' etc. and fishing.

UMI, id., 'sea';

SATI,

Applies to both hunting

Compare also such words as satu-ya ('hunting arrow' ?) in

the Manyoshii (e.g. I, 61).

A recent, somewhat doubtful theory is that

this satujsati is related to the Korean word sal, 'arrow.'

Takagi Ichino-

suke et al., eds., Nihon koten bungaku taikei, IV: Manydshii (Iwanami Shoten, 1957), 337. ΒΙΚΟ, phon., 'lad,' etc. UMORI-NO-MIKO [Umori-no-miko] 146:2. Bitatsu by Empress Suiko.

"Sea-Luck Lad." A daughter of Emperor

UMORI, phon., ENC;

'princess.' UMUGI-PIME [Umugi-hime] 22:7-8.

The clam-goddess who, together

with Kisa-gapi-pime, restored Opo-kuni-nusi to life. 'clam' (MJ hamaguri).

"Clam Princess." 622

MIKO, id.,

UMUGI, id.,

Glossary UNAKAMI-NO-MIKO A

[Unakami-no-miko]

63:15,

17;

73:20;

74:11.

son o f O p o - m a t a - n 5 - m i k o ; the ancestor o f the k i m i o f Pimeda.

UNAKAMI,

the P N

M I K O , id., 'prince.'

(as in

Kami-tu-Unakami,

Simo-tu-Unakami);

"Prince o f U n a k a m i . "

U N E B E [Unebe] 52:61.

Or UNEME-BE.

port o f the uneme, or court ladies.

A corporation f o r the sup-

T h e o m i (asomi after 685) o f the

U n e b e , a family said to be descended f r o m U m a s i - m a d i - n o - m i k o t o , w e r e evidently concerned w i t h the supervision o f the uneme o f the Y a m a t o court. U N E B I [Unebi] 52:62; 55:5, 9, 25; 5 7 : 1 1 ; 58:7.

A place in Y a m a t o ( n o w

U n e b i , Kashiwara-shi, N a r a - k e n ) ; the site o f the Kasipara palace

of

E m p e r o r J i m m u , the t o m b o f E m p e r o r J i m m u (said to be at Kashiwara Jingu, Kashiwara-shi), the t o m b o f E m p e r o r A n n e i at M i - p o t o , and the t o m b o f E m p e r o r Itoku b y the valley o f M a n a g o .

M o u n t Uneb'i is in

Kashiwara-shi. U N E M E [uneme] 1 3 3 : 1 1 , 1 3 - 1 5 , 104.

A court lady.

T h e uneme w e r e

girls chosen for their beauty f r o m the local noble families and sent to the court as attendants to the emperor.

T h e y w e r e the female equivalents

o f the toneri. U N E S U [Unesu] 7815.

A n unidentified place in M i n o , seat o f a family o f

w a k e claiming descent f r o m O s i - k u r o - n o - y e - p i k o - n o - m i k o . UPA-DUTU-NO-WO-[NO-MIKOTO]

Phon.

[Uwa-zutsu-no-o-no-mikoto]

1 1 : 1 8 , 2 1 ; 93:9.

O n e o f the three deities o f S u m i - n o - y e .

'above,' ' u p p e r ' ;

D U T U , id., 'tube,' perhaps 'spirit,' as in S o k o - d u t u -

n o - w o - n o - m i k o t o , q.v.

" U p p e r Spirit M a l e L o r d " ?

UPA-TU-WATA-TU-MI-NO-KAMl 11:18.

U P A , id.,

[Uwa-tsu-wata-tsu-mi-no-kami]

O n e o f the three sea deities " w o r s h i p p e d b y the murazi o f the

A d u m i as their ancestral deities." T U - M I , 'sea-spirit,' q.v.

U P A, id.,'above,''upper';

WATA-

" U p p e r Sea-Spirit D e i t y . "

UPE-NO-MIYA-NO-UMAYADO-NO-TOYO-TO-MIMI-NOMIKOTO 147:3.

[Ue-no-miya-no-Umayado-no-toyo-to-mimi-no-mikoto]

A son o f E m p e r o r Y 5 m e i b y

Pasipito-n5-anapo-be-no-miko.

T h e f a m o u s S b o t o k u Taishi, the early patron o f B u d d h i s m and regent f o r his aunt Empress Suiko.

U P E - N O - M I Y A , id., ' U p p e r Palace,' the name

o f the palace w h e r e the prince lived (also read K a m i - t u - m i y a ) ;

UMA-

Y A D O , id., 'stable d o o r ' (for the origin o f this appellation see Aston, II, 122-23);

TOYO,

id.,

'abundant';

TO-MIMI,

id.,

'sharp

" U p p e r Palace Prince Abundant-Sharp-Ears o f the Stable D o o r . " 623

ears.'

Kojiki USA [Usa] 47:4.

A place in Toyo-kuni, now Usa-gun, Oita-ken.

USA-TU-PIKO [Usa-tsu-hiko] 47:4. Emperor Jimmu. particle;

PIKO, phon.,'lad,'etc.

USA-TU-PIME [Usa-tsu-hime] 47:4. piko.

Phon.

A chieftain of Usa who greeted

USA, phon., the PN;

TU, phon., the connective

"Lad of Usa." The female counterpart of Usa-tu-

"Princess of Usa."

USI-MORO [Ushi-moro] 109:3.

A kimi of Muragata in Pimuka, whose

daughter Kami-naga-pime married Emperor Nintoku.

USI, id., 'cow,'

more probably 'lord' as in Tanipa-no-piko-tatasu-Miti-no-usi-no-miko; MORO, id., 'various,' probably a graphic substitute (i.e., Muragata may be from Moro+agata). USIKA [Ushika] 61:11.

A place in Parima, said to be in what is now

Shikama-gun, Hyogo-ken.

Seat of a family of omi claiming descent

from Piko-same-ma-no-mikoto. UTA-GAKI [uta-gaki] 137:1, 3.

An early Japanese song-fest, in which

young men participated in singing and dancing.

Apparently it was

customary at these gatherings to engage in repartee by means of song. Id., 'song-fence,' 'song-partition,' perhaps because the participants lined up in two opposing 'fences.' UTA-GORI-PIME-NO-MIKOTO [Uta-gori-hime-no-mikoto] 75:1. One of the daughters of Tanipa-no-piko-tatasu-Miti-no-usi-no-miko. Rejected as a consort by Emperor Suinin. id., 'congeal,' ENC; UTI [Uchi] 62:9; 116:4.

UTA, id., 'song';

GORI,

PIME, phon., 'princess,' etc. A place in Yamato (now in the vicinity of Gojo-

shi, Nara-ken) which was the seat of a powerful old family, the Uti no omi (or Uti ηδ aso, cf. 116:4).

A Yamasiro branch of this family, de­

scended from Umasi-uti-no-sukune, lived at a place called Uti in what is now Tsuzuki-gun, Kyoto.

The PN Uti appears in the names Takesi-

uti-no-sukune and Umasi-uti-no-sukune. UTU-SIK 0-ME-NO-MIK OTO

[Utsu-shiko-me-no-mikoto]

62:2.

A

woman from the family of the omi of Podumi who became the consort of Emperor KSgen and mother of Emperor Kaika. 'inside,' ENC;

UTU, id., 'inner,'

SIK O, phon., 'ugly,' 'dirty' (see Asi-para-siko-wo, etc.);

ME, phon., 'woman.' UTU-SIKO-WO-NO-MIKOTO [Utsu-shiko-o-no-mikoto] 62:2-3. The "ancestor of the omi of Podumi," whose younger sister Utu-sikome-no-mikoto and daughter Ikaga-siko-me-no-mikoto married Emperor Kogen.

UTU, id., 'inner,' 'inside,' ENC; 624

SIKO, phon., 'ugly,'

Glossary 'dirty' (see Asi-para-siko-wo, etc.); WO, id., 'male.' UTUSI-KUNI-TAMA-NO-KAMI [Utsushi-kuni-tama-no-kami] 20:19; 24:14. Another name for Opo-kuni-nusi-no-kam'i. UTUSI, phon., 'visible,' 'actual,' 'mortal'; UTUSI-KUNI is 'the land of mortal men,' 'the visible land'; KUNI-TAMA, id., 'Iandjewel,' but preferably 'landspirit,' as in Ama-tu-kuni-tama-n5-kam'i, Opo-kuni-nii-tama-no-kami"; KAMI, id., 'deity.' "Land-Spirit Deity of the Visible Land." UTUSI-PI-GANA-SAKU-NO-MIKOTO [Utsushi-hi-gana-saku-nomikoto] 11:20. The ancestor of the murazi of Adumi. The child of the sea deities Soko-tu-wata-tu-mi-no-kami', Naka-tu-wata-tu-mi-nokami, and Upa-tu-wata-tu-mi-no-kam'f. ENC; UTUSI, phon., 'visible,' 'actual,' 'mortal'; PI, id., 'sun'; GANA, id., 'metal'; SAKU, id., 'to split' (as in Ipa-saku-no-kami, etc.) WADURAPI-NO-USI-NO-KAMI [Wazurai-no-ushi-no-kami] 11:6. A deity who came into existence during Izanagi's purification when he flung down his cloak. WADURAPI, phon., 'misfortune'; USI, phon., 'ruler,' 'master,' as in Aki-gupi-no-usi-no-kamL "Lord-of-Misfortune Deity." Perhaps a deity of ill fortune. WAKA-KI-NO-IRI-BIKO-NO-MIKO [Waka-ki-no-iri-biko-no-miko] 77:5. AsonofEmperorKeiko. WAKA-KI, id., 'young tree'; IRIBIKO, see Ikume-iri-biko-isati-no-mikoto. WAKA-KI-NO-IRI-BIKO-NO-MIKOTO [Waka-ki-no-iri-biko-nomikoto] 69:3. A son of Emperor Suinin by Pibasu-pime-no-mikoto. WAKA-KI, id., 'young tree'; IRI-BIKO, see Ikume-iri-biko-isati-nomikotci. WAKA-KUSAKA-BE [Waka-kusaka-be] 109:14. A corporation of im­ perially owned commoners, part of the Kusaka-be, established during the reign of Emperor Nintoku as a mi-na-siro for Waka-kusaka-no-miko. Id., 'young Kusaka corporation.' It is doubtful, however, that this was anything more than a subdivision of the Kusaka-be. See also Opokusaka-be. WAKA-KUSAKA-BE-NO-MIKO / WAKA-KUSAKA-BE-NOMIKOTO [Waka-kusaka-be-no-miko,-mikoto] 109:3,14; 127:2; 128:11, 13. A daughter of Emperor Nintoku by Kami-naga-pime. Became the empress of Emperor Yuryaku. Also called Waka-kusaka-no-miko, Patabi-no-waki-iratume, and Naga-pi-pime-no-mikoto. "Young Kusaka-be Princess."

Kojiki W A K A - K U S A K A - N O - M I K O [Waka-kusaka-no-miko] 123:3.

See

Waka-kusaka-be-no-miko. WAKA-MI-KE-NU-NO-MIKOTO

[Waka-mi-ke-nu-no-mikoto]

A n o t h e r name for E m p e r o r J i m m u .

46:1.

Id., ' y o u n g august hair s w a m p

l o r d ' ; for the possible meaning, see M i - k e - n u - n 6 - m i k o t 5 . WAKA-MURO-TUNA-NE-NO-KAMI 31:8.

[Waka-muro-tsuna-ne-no-kami]

See K u k u - k ' i - W a k a - m u r o - t u n a - n e - n o - k a m i .

WAKA-NU-KE-NO-MIKO

[Waka-nu-ke-no-miko]

90:2.

child o f E m p e r o r Seimu b y Oto-takara-no-iratume. evidently'young';

N U - K E , phon., E N C ;

WAKA-NU-KE-PUTA-MATA-NO-MIKO n o - m i k o ] 99:9; 108:1. naka-tu-pime.

only

M I K O , id., 'prince.' [Waka-nu-ke-futa-mata-

A son o f E m p e r o r O j i n b y O k i n a g a - m a - w a k a -

H e was the great-great-grandfather o f E m p e r o r Keitai.

W A K A , id., ' y o u n g ' ; NO)

The

W A K A , phon.,

[108:1];

N U , id., ' s w a m p ' [99:9] and 'field' (usually read

PUTA-MATA,

id.,

'double

f o r k , ' i.e.,

'fork';

M I K O , id., 'prince.' WAKA-PIKO-TAKE-KIBI-TU-PIKO-NO-MIKOTO kibi-tsu-hiko-no-mikoto] 6 1 : 5 , 8, 10; 77:2. b y Pape-irodo.

W A K A , id., ' y o u n g ' ;

[Waka-hiko-take-

A son o f E m p e r o r K o r e i P I K O , id., 'sun-child,' i.e.,

'lad,' 'prince,' etc. (the element P I K O is missing in 6 1 : 8 ; 77 :z.); id., 'valiant';

K I B I , phon., the P N ;

P I K O , id., 'sun-child; mikoto.

K I B I - T U - P I K O , see also Opo-kibii-tu-piko-no-

" Y o u n g - l a d Valiant-Kib'i-Lad L o r d . "

W A K A - P I M E [ W a k a - h i m e ] 142:2. a consort o f Emperor Keitai. 'princess.'

TAKE,

T U , the connective particle;

T h e "ancestor o f the k i m i o f M i w o , " W A K A , id., ' y o u n g ' ;

P I M E , phon.,

" Y o u n g Princess."

W A K A - P I R U - M E - N O - K A M I [Waka-hiru-me-no-kami] 29:11. dess w h o married a descendant o f Opo-kuni-nusi.

A god-

W A K A , id., ' y o u n g ' ;

P I R U , id., 'daytime,' perhaps 'sun' (some manuscripts have T U K U S I , id., 'exhaust,' 'finish,' perhaps a substitute for the P N T u k u s i ) ; 'woman';

K A M I , id., 'deity.'

M E , id.,

T h e name m a y be connected w i t h

Ama-terasu-opo-mi-kamii, w h o had similar names ( O p o - p i r u - m e , 'great sun w o m a n , ' etc.). W A K A - S A K U R A [Waka-sakura] 1 1 8 : 1 . at Ipare.

T h e palace o f E m p e r o r Richu

Said to be located in w h a t is n o w A b e , Sakurai-shi, Nara-ken.

Id., ' y o u n g cherry-tree.' W A K A - S A K U R A - B E [Waka-sakura-be] 119:27.

Evidently a corpora-

tion o f attendants o f E m p e r o r Richu or o f c o m m o n e r s p r o v i d i n g the 626

Glossary support for his palace o f Waka-sakura.

Ruled by a family o f omi

(asomi after 685) rank w h i c h had b e l o n g e d to the Kasipade family.

Id.,

' y o u n g cherry-tree corporation.' W A K A - S A N A - M E - N O - K A M I [Waka-sana-me-no-kami] 31:7.

A god-

dess, one o f the offspring o f P a - y a m a - t o - n o - k a m i and O p o - g e - t u - p i m e no-kami. planting

W A K A , id., ' y o u n g ' ; maiden'

(cf. sa-wotomc,

S A N A - M E , phon., perhaps 'ricesa-tuki,

etc.);

KAMI,

id.,

'deity.'

" Y o u n g Rice-planting-Maiden D e i t y " ? W A K A - T A K E R U - N O - M I K O [ W a k a - t a k e r u - n o - m i k o ] 89:2, 14. of

Yamato-takeru-no-miko

W A K A , id., ' y o u n g ' ;

Yamato-takeru-no-mikoto,

Idumo-takeru;

" Y o u n g B r a v e Prince."

WAKA-TARASI-PIKO-[NO-MIKOTO] 77:3, t o - i i ; 90:1.

A son

Oto-tatibana-pime-no-mikoto.

T A K E R U , id., ' m i g h t y warrior,' 'brave man,'

as i n K u m a s o - t a k e r u , M I K O , id., 'prince.'

by

[Waka-tarashi-hiko-no-mikoto]

Emperor Seimu, w h o succeeded E m p e r o r K e i k o ,

and died probably in 355.

H e was a son o f E m p e r o r K e i k 5 b y Ya-saka-

n o - i r i - b i m e - n o - m i k o t o and a half-brother o f Y a m a t o - t a k e r u - n o - m i k o t o . W A K A , id., ' y o u n g ' ;

T A R A S I , id., 'belt,' the same element occurs in

Tarasi-naka-tu-piko-no-mikoto, etc.;

P I K O , id., 'sun-child,' preferably

'lad,' 'prince,' etc. WAKA-TARASI-PIME-NO-MIKOTO 127:3.

id., ' y o u n g ' ; etc.;

[Waka-tarashi-hime-no-mikoto]

A daughter o f E m p e r o r Y u r y a k u b y Kara-pime.

WAKA,

T A R A S I , id., 'belt,' as in Tarasi-naka-tu-piko-no-mikoto,

P I M E , phon., 'maiden,' 'princess,' etc.

W A K A - T O S I - N O - K A M I [Waka-toshi-no-kami] 31:7. the offspring o f P a - y a m a - t o - n o - k a m i

and

Similar in name to the harvest deity O p o - t o s i - n o - k a m i . 'young'; id., 'deity.'

A deity, one o f

Opo-ge-tu-pime-no-kami. W A K A , id.,

T O S I , id., 'year,' probably 'grain' or 'harvest';

KAMI,

" Y o u n g Harvest D e i t y . "

W A K A - Y A M A - G U P I - N O - K A M I [ W a k a - y a m a - g u i - n o - k a m i ] 31:7.

A

deity, one o f the offspring o f P a - y a m a - t o - n o - k a m i and O p o - g e - t u - p i m e no-kami. id.,'young';

Similar in name to O p o - y a m a - g u p i - n o - k a m i . Y A M A , id.,'mountain';

WAKA,

G U P I , id., 'eat' (kupu), p r o b -

ably 'post,' 'stake,' as in I k u - g u p i - n o - k a m i , T u n u - g u p i - n o - k a m i ,

etc.

" Y o u n g M o u n t a i n Stake D e i t y . " WAKA-YAMATO-NEKO-PIKO-OPO-BIBI-NO-MIKOTO yamato-neko-hiko-o-bibi-no-mikoto]

62:2, 6; 63:1.

A son o f E m p e r o r K 5 g e n b y U t u - s i k o - m e - n o - m i k o t o . 627

[Waka-

E m p e r o r Kaika. W A K A , id.,

Kojiki 'young';

Y A M A T O , the P N ;

N E K O , i d . , ' r o o t c h i l d , ' t h e element

f o u n d in names o f hereditary rulers (cf. N a n i p a - n e k o - T a k e - p u r u - k u m a no-mikoto, Opo-tata-neko, mikoto,

Opo-yamato-neko-piko-kuni-kuru-no-

Sira-ga-no-opo-yamato-neko-no-mikoto);

child,' preferably 'lad,' 'prince';

OPO,

PIKO,

id., 'great';

id.,

BIBI,

'sunphon.,

E N C , perhaps related to the M I M I in such names as K a m u - n u n a k a p a mimi-no-mikoto. W A K A R A [Wakara] 6 7 : 2 1 .

A n old n a m e for the river in Y a m a s i r o n o w

called K i z u - g a w a , in S 5 r a k u - g u n , K y o t o . W A K A S A [Wakasa] 63:22; 9 7 : 1 .

A n early province, comprising three

counties (today, M i k a t a - g u n , O n y u - g u n , O i - g u n ) in w h a t is n o w Fukuiken. W A K A Y A - N O - I R A T U M E [Wakaya-no-iratsume] o f E m p e r o r Keitai b y A b e - n o - p a y e - p i m e .

142:8.

WAKAYA,

house,' p r o b a b l y a name f r o m the adjective ' y o u n g ' ;

A id.,

daughter 'young

I R A T U M E , id.,

'lady.' W A K E [wake] 77:10.

A hereditary title (kabane) in the p r e - T e m m u period

held b y certain families o f local rulers, primarily those claiming descent f r o m members o f the imperial family before E m p e r o r O j i n .

Believed

to be e t y m o l o g i c a l l y related to the adjective waka j wakasi / wak'i, ' y o u n g , ' but

also written

with

also be read wake).

the ideograph

meaning

T h e element W A K E ,

'divide'

(which

probably meaning

can 'lad,'

' y o u t h , ' etc., also occurs in the personal names o f m a n y imperial princes and emperors, such as O p o - t a r a s i - p i k o - o s i r o - w a k e - n o - m i k o t o , Piko-sasik a t a - w a k e - n 5 - m i k o t 5 , P o m u d a - w a k e - n o - m i k o t o , etc.

T h e Kojiki m e n -

tions the f o l l o w i n g t w e n t y - f o u r families o f local rulers w i t h this title: A d a n o w a k e 69:14 Inaki n o w a k e 69:14 Ipasiro n 5 w a k e 89:11 Ise n o w a k e 89:10 K a d u n o n o w a k e 63 :2i K a m a k u r a n o w a k e 89:11 Kib'i n o Ipanasi n o w a k e 69:14 K o r o m o n o w a k e 69:14 M i k a p a n o P o n o w a k e 63 124 M i n o no Unesu n o w a k e 78:5 M i y a d i n o w a k e 89:10 M u r e n o w a k e 69:14 628

Glossary Pukita no wake 89:11 Sakikusa no wake 69:14 Sapo no Anapo-be no wake 69:16 Tadima ηδ Take no wake 58:5 Takasuka no wake 69:14 Tanipa no Takano no wake 63 :33 Tika-tu-Apumi no Kano no wake 63 :21 Tinu ηδ wake 58:5 Towo no wake 89:10 Wakasa ηδ Mimi ηδ wake 63 :22 Wopari ηδ kuni no Mino ηδ wake 69:14 Yamabe ηδ wake 69:14 WAKIGAMI [Wakigami] 59:1, 7. Nara-ken).

A region in Kaduraki' (now Gose-shi,

Emperor Kosho's Wakigami palace was located at what is

now Ikenouchi, Gose-shi, and his tomb at Mount Pakata near Mimuro, Gose-shi. WAKU-MUSUBI-NO-KAMI [Waku-musubi-no-kami] 7:21.

A deity

who came into existence in the urine of Izanami after she bore the firedeity.

WAKU, phon., probably connected with WAKA, 'young,' or

with the verb WAKU, 'to bubble forth,' 'to seethe';

MUSUBI,

'generative force,' 'vital force,' as in Kam'i-musubi-n6-kam'i, Taka-mimusubi-no-kam'i;

KAMI, id., 'deity.'

Evidently a deity of generation.

WAKUGO-NO-SUKUNE [Wakugo-no-sukune] 6 2 : 2 0 .

One of the

sons of Takesi-uti-no-sukune; the ancestor of the omi of Yenoma. WAKUGO, id., 'young child'; WANAMI

[Wanami]

73:7.

SUKUNE, see Asida-no-sukune.

An

unidentified

river-mouth

in

Kosi.

Phon., derived from WANA+AMI, 'trap-net.' WANI [Wani] 63:4; 67:20; 96:9; 99:7; 101:8, 37; 109:16; 113:7; 120:4; 133 :i; 140:3.

The Wani region in Yamato corresponds to the southern

part of Nara-shi, Nara-ken, and part of Tenri-shi (see Wani, Tenri-shi, Nara-ken on contemporary maps).

The Wani pond, dug during the

reign of Emperor Nintoku, is located at Ikeda-cho m the southern part of Nara-shi.

The family of the omi (opomi) of Wani was the same family

as that of the omi of Kasuga and claimed to be descended ultimately from Ame-osi-tarasi-piko-no-mikoto.

The members of this family mentioned

in the Kojiki are Piko-kuni-oke-tu-no-mik6t0 [63 :4], Piko-kuni-buku-nomik6t0 [67:20], Nanipa-neko-Take-puru-kuma-no-miketo [96:9], Pipure [99:75101::8], Kuti-ko [113:7], Kogoto [120:4], Satuk'i [133:1], and 629

Kojiki Pituma [140:3]. family.

A n u m b e r o f the w o m e n married into the imperial

T h e family was widespread and o w n e d a corporation called

the W a n i - b e located at various places t h r o u g h o u t Japan. W A N I - K I S I [Wani-kishi] 104:9, 11.

T h e ancestor o f the obito o f P u m i ;

an i m m i g r a n t f r o m Kudara w h o came during the reign o f E m p e r o r O j i n , bringing C o n f u c i a n classics.

W A N I , phon., his name, E N C ;

KISI,

an old K o r e a n title, as in Ati-kisi. W A N I - Z A K A [Wani-zaka] 67:20.

A pass in the W a n i region in Y a m a t o ,

p r o b a b l y in the vicinity o f W a n i , Tenri-shi, Nara-ken. W A S I - P I M E [Washi-hime] 63:5.

A daughter o f T a r u m i - n o - s u k u n e o f

K a d u r a k i ; a consort o f E m p e r o r K a i k a and the mother o f T a k e - t o y o padura-wake-no-miko. etc.

WASI, id.,'hawk';

P I M E , phon.,'princess,'

" H a w k Princess."

W A T A - T U - M I [Wata-tsu-mi] 1 1 : 1 9 . deities (Wata-tu-mi-no-opo-kam'i,

A n element in the names o f seaOpo-wata-tu-mi-no-kami,

Soko-tu-

wata-tu-mi-no-kamii, N a k a - t u - w a t a - t u - m i - n o - k a m i , U p a - t u - w a t a - t u - m i no-kami).

WATA,

id., 'cotton,' preferably an old w o r d f o r 'sea';

T U , connective particle;

M I , id., 'see,' probably the w o r d 'spirit' ap-

pearing in O p o - y a m a - t u - m i - n o - k a m ' i ,

M a p e - t u - m i , Kipisa-tu-mi,

etc.

"Sea-spirit." W A T A - T U - M I - N O - [ O P O ] - K A M i [Wata-tsu-mi-no-o-kami] 43

44:10.

T h e sea deity in the P o - w o r i - n o - m i k o t o story; the father o f T o y o - t a m a bime.

"Sea-Spirit [Great- ] D e i t y . "

W A T A R A P I [Watarai] 39:5.

A region in Ise corresponding to w h a t is

n o w W a t a r a i - g u n and Ise-shi, M i e - k e n .

T h e outer shrine, enshrining

T o y u - u k e - n o - k a m ' i , is today the O u t e r Shrine (Geku) o f the G r a n d Shrine o f Ise in Ise-shi (formerly U j i - Y a m a d a ) , M i e - k e n . WATITUMI-NO-MIKOTO

[ W a c h i t s u m i - n o - m i k o t o ] 57:6.

A son o f

Sik'i-tu-piko-no-mikoto and the father o f t w o daughters, Pape-irone (or O p o - y a m a t o - k u n i - A r e - p i m e - n o - m i k o t o ) and Pape-irodo.

WATI-

T U M I , phon., E N C , connected w i t h W a t a - t u - m i ? W E G A [Ega] 98:33; 108:6; 1 2 1 : 1 6 . K a w a c h i - g u n , Osaka.

A place in Kaputi, n o w in M i n a m i -

It was famous in ancient times as a market place.

T h e Kojiki locates in this area the t o m b s o f Emperors C h u a i (at N a g a y e in W e g a in Kaputi, 98:33), O j i n (on the hill o f M o - p u s i in W e g a in Kaputi, 108:6), and I n g y o (at N a g a y e in W e g a in Kaputi, 121 :i6).

T h e present

sites o f these tombs are indicated o n the map m Kidder, p. 153. W E K U R I - N O - M I K O [Ekuri-no-miko] 147:3. 630

A son o f E m p e r o r Y 5 m e i

Glossary by

Pasipito-no-anapo-be-no-miko.

WEKURI,

a PN.

"Prince

of

Wekuri." WEPA-NO-MIKO

[Eha-no-miko] 144:3, 6.

by Kaputi-no-wakugo-pime; k i m i o f Tadipi.

A son o f E m p e r o r Senka

the ancestor o f the k i m i o f W i n a and the

W E P A , phon., P N ?

W I - K A P I [I-kai] 1 2 6 : 1 5 ; 138:27.

"Prince o f W e p a . "

A n old m a n o f Y a m a s i r o w h o t o o k

a w a y the provisions o f the princes O k e and W o k e and was punished m a n y years later.

W I , id., 'boar,' thus ' s w i n e ' ;

kapi-be, U - k a p i - b e , etc.

K A P I , 'keeper,' as in T o r i -

Thus, " k e e p e r o f swine [or boars]."

There

was a corporation called the W i - k a p i - b e ; see O t a , Seishi kakei daijiten, I, 268-69. W I - P I K A [I-hika] 50:10.

A n earthly deity, identified as the ancestor o f

the obito o f Yesino, w h o came forth to greet E m p e r o r J i m m u .

H e had

a tail, and came out o f a w e l l in w h i c h was a bright light.

W I , id.,

'well,' 'spring,' etc.;

P I K A , phon., probably connected w i t h

pikaru,

'to shine.' W I - S A M E [I-same] 86:7.

A n o t h e r name f o r the spring o f T a m a - k u r a - b e ,

q.v., connected w i t h Y a m a t o - t a k e r u - n o - m i k o t o . W I N A [Ina] 144:6.

Id., 'abide awake.'

A place in ancient Settsu ( n o w Inagawa-cho, K a w a b e -

gun, H y o g o - k e n ) , seat o f a f a m i l y o f k i m i (mapito after 685) rank descended f r o m W e p a - n o - m i k o . W O [O] 48:9, 12. died.

Id., 'male.'

T h e m o u t h o f a river in KI, w h e r e Itu-se-no-mikoto Sometimes identified as the m o u t h o f the m o d e r n K i

R i v e r in W a k a y a m a - s h i , W a k a y a m a - k e n , and also as O n o s a t o , Sennanch5, Sennan-gun, Osaka, w h i c h is at the m o u t h o f the O n o s a t o River. T h e latter is in Idumi, but m a y at one time have b e l o n g e d to K i , w h i c h is adjacent territory. WO-ASADUMA-WAKUGO-NO-SUKUNE-NO-MIKOTO asazuma-wakugo-no-sukune-no-mikoto] I n g y o (reigned, according to the Kojiki,

109:2,

10;

ca. 437-54).

121:1.

[O-

Emperor

T h e son o f E m -

peror N i n t o k u b y Empress I p a - n o - p i m e - n 6 - m i k 6 t 5 , and a full brother o f Emperors Richu and Hanzei.

WO,

id., 'male,' also perhaps 'little';

A S A D U M A , a place in Y a m a t o ( n o w Asazuma, Gose-shi, N a r a - k e n ) ; W A K U G O , id., ' y o u n g child'; W O - D A T E [O-date] 136:1, 29.

S U K U N E , see Asida-no-sukune. A murazi o f the Y a m a - b e w h o was ap-

pointed as g o v e r n o r o f Parima and discovered the princes O k e and W o k e . W O , id.,'little'; D A T E / T A T E , id., 'shield.' See also O P O - D A T E . W O - G A P A [ O - g a w a ] 95 :g>. T h e river at T a m a - s i m a in M a t u r a in T u k u s i 631

Kojiki

w h e r e Empress J m g u fished for trout. the

Tamashima

River

at

Id., 'little river.'

Tamashima,

Hamazaki

T o d a y called

Tamashima-machi,

Higashi-Matsuura-gun, Saga-ken. WO-ISI-PIME-NO-MIKOTO

[O-ishi-hime-no-mikoto]

144:2;

A daughter o f Emperor Senka b y Tatibana-no-naka-tu-pime; o f Emperor K i m m e i .

Id., 'little rock princess lady.'

145:3.

a consort

Also read K o -

lsi-pime-no-mikoto. WO-KAPI-NO-MIKO

[O-kai-no-miko]

146:2.

Another

name

T a k e d a - n o - n n k o , a son o f E m p e r o r Bitatsu b y Empress Suiko.

for Id.,

'little shellfish prince.' WO-KUMA-KO-NO-IRATUME

[O-kuma-ko-no-iratsume] 146:3.

daughter o f the obito o f O p o k a in Ise; consort o f E m p e r o r Id., 'little bear-cub lady.'

A

Bitatsu.

W o - k u m a m a y be a P N .

W O - K U M I - N O - I R A T U M E [O-kumi-no-iratsume] 142:5.

A daughter

o f O k m a g a - n o - m a t e - n o - m i k o ; consort o f E m p e r o r Keitai.

Id., 'flax-

braiding lady.' WO-MATA-NO-MIKO

[ O - m a t a - n o - m i k o ] 63:10, 18.

A son o f P i k o -

l m a s u - n o - m i k o and the ancestor o f the k i m i o f M a g a r i in T a g i m a . 'little-fork prince.'

Id.,

His elder brother was O p o - m a t a - n o - m i k o , 'great-

fork prince.' W O - N A B E - N O - I R A T U M E [O-nabe-no-iratsume] 99:8.

A daughter o f

the o p o i m Pipure o f W a n i ; consort o f Emperor O j i n and the mother of Udi-no-waki-iratume. W O - N O [O110] 59:5.

W O - N A B E , phon., E N C .

T h e o m i o f W o - n o , a family claiming descent f r o m

A m e - o s i - t a r a s i - p i k o - n o - m i k o t o and related to the Kasuga f a m i l y , believed to have derived its name f r o m the place W o - n o in A p u m i ( n o w O n o , Shiga-ch5, Shiga-gun, Shiga-ken). W O - P A T U S E [O-hatsuse] 55:22.

Id., 'little plain.' T h e family o f m i y a t u k o (murazi after

684) o f the W o - p a t u s e , claiming descent f r o m

Kamu-ya-wi-mimi-no-

m i k o t o ; a branch o f the O p o family w h i c h ruled the W o - p a t u s e - b e ; established as a mi-ko-siro for E m p e r o r Buretsu. W O - P A T U S E - B E [O-hatsuse-be] 141:2.

A mi-ko-siro established o n b e -

half o f E m p e r o r Buretsu, w h o died childless.

A l s o read W o - p a s e - b e .

Branches o f this corporation w e r e located in various parts o f the country, and the corporation as a w h o l e was ruled b y a family called the m i y a t u k o (murazi after 684) o f the W o - p a t u s e .

"Little Patuse C o r p o r a t i o n . "

WO-PATUSE-NO-WAKA-SAZAKI-NO-MIKOTO waka-sazaki-no-mikoto]

140:2, 5; 1 4 1 : 1 . 632

[O-hatsuse-no-

E m p e r o r Buretsu

(reigned

Glossary 498-506 according to the NS). A son of Emperor Ninken by Kasugaηδ-ορο-iratume. He was childless and was succeeded by Emperor Keitai, who founded a new dynasty. WO, id., 'little'; PATUSE, PN (the reign-name of Emperor Yuryaku was Opo-patuse-no-waka-take-nomikSto); WAKA, id., 'young'; SAZAKI, id., 'wagtail' (the name of Emperor Nintoku was Opo-sazaki-no-mikoto). "Little-Patuse Young-Wagtail Lord." The name is reminiscent of the names of Em­ perors Yuryaku and Nintoku. Since this emperor seems to overlap with Emperor Yuryaku in many ways, Yuryaku and Buretsu may pos­ sibly have been the same person. WO-PAYE-NO-MIKO [O-hae-no-miko] 99:11. A son ot Emperor Ojin by Naga-pime. His elder brother was Opo-paye-no-miko. WO, id., 'little'; PAYE, ENC, perhaps connected with the PAYA of Payapito, etc. WO-PODO-NO-MIKOTO [O-hodo-no-mikoto] 141:5; 142:1. Em­ peror Keitai (who died, according to the Kojiki, in 527 at the age of 43). A fifth generation descendant of Emperor Ojin, he succeeded the childless Emperor Buretsu. WO, phon., probably 'little'; PODO, phon., ENC, also in Opo-podo-no-miko. WO-USU-NO-MIKOTO [O-usu-no-mikoto] 77:2, 12; 79:1, 3, 11. Yamato-takeru-no-mikoto, also called Yamato-woguna-no-mikoto. A son of Emperor Keiko by Inabi-no-opo-iratume of Parima; the younger brother of Opo-usu-no-rnikoto, whom he killed [79:1-6]. He was the father of Emperor Chuai, and the Kojiki and other documents often refer to him as if he had been a ruling emperor himself. WO, id., 'little'; USU, id., 'pestle,' preferably 'mortar.' For the origin of the names Opo-usu and Wo-usu see Aston, I, 188-89. WO-YE-PIME [O-e-hime] 145:6. An aunt of Kitasi-pime-no-mikoto, consort of Emperor Kimmei, and mother of Emperor Sushun. WOYE, id., 'little elder-sibling'; PIME, phon., 'princess,' etc. WO-ZAPO-NO-MIKO [O-zao-no-miko] 63:11, 21. A son of Pikoimasu-no-miko by Sapo-no-opo-kura-mi-tome; younger brother of Sapo-biko-no-miko; the ancestor of the wake of Kaduno and of the wake of Kano in Tika-tu-Apumi. WO, phon., probably 'little'; ZAPO, from the PN Sapo. 'Little-Sapo Prince." WOBASI [Obashi] 53 :i. AnunidentifiedplaceinAtainKyushu. Id., 'little chair,' preferably 'little bridge.' EmperorJimmu married Apirapime, the younger sister of the kimi of Wobasi in Ata.

Kojiki W O B A S I [Obashi] 109:17. Emperor Nintoku.

A canal built at Nanipa during the reign o f

M a y correspond to Obase

(Obase-higashinocho,

Obase-motomachi, Obase-teramachi) in Tennoji-ku, Osaka.

The

NS

makes it a bridge rather than a canal; see Aston, I, 282. WODO-PIME

[Odo-hime] 133:1; 134:1, 11.

Satuk'f o f W a n i . phon., E N C ;

A daughter o f the omi

Evidently married by Emperor Y u r y a k u .

WODO,

PIME, phon., 'princess,' etc.

W O K A D A [Okada] 47:5.

A palace o f Emperor Jimmu in Tukusi.

Its

present location is Ashiya-machi, Onga-gun, Fukuoka-ken. W O K A M 0 T O [Okamoto] 146:7.

T h e palace o f Emperor Jomei (reigned

629-41), located in the vicinity o f Ikatsuchi, Asuka-mura, Takaichi-gun, Nara-ken, the same area as the palace o f Woparida, q.v.

Id., 'foot o f

the hill.' WOKE-NO-IPA-SU-WAKE-NO-MIKOTO mikoto] 138:1.

[Oke-no-iwa-su-wake-no-

T h e full name o f W o k e - n o - m i k o , i.e., Emperor Kenzo.

W O K E , phon., E N C (but probably analogous to O k e , as in W o - u s u , Opo-usu);

I P A - S U , i d . , ' r o c k n e s t , ' see

Ipa-su-pime-no-kam'i;

W A K E , q.v. WOKE-NO-MIKO

/ WOKE-NO-MIKOTO

126:12; 137:1, 3, 9, 39. 43-44mikoto.

[Oke-no-miko, -mikoto]

Also called Woke-no-ipa-su-wake-no-

Emperor Kenzo (reigned, according to the NS, 485-87).

A

son o f Iti-no-be-no-Osi-pa-no-miko, he went into hiding w i t h his elder brother O k e - n o - m i k o and was discovered after the death o f Emperor Y u r y a k u [Chapter 136].

W O K E , phon., E N C , but probably analogous

to O K E , as in W o - u s u , Opo-usu, etc. W O K E - T U - P I M E - N O - M I K O T O [Oke-tsu-hime-no-mikoto] 63 : i 3 .

A

younger sister o f Oke-tu-pime-no-mikoto, o f the family o f the omi o f Wani.

Married

her

nephew

Piko-imasu-no-miko.

WOKE-TU,

phon., corresponds to O K E - T U in Oke-tu-pime-no-mikoto and P i k o kuni-oke-tu-no-mikoto. WOMURO

ENC.

[Omuro] 130:14.

Yesino mountains.

A n unidentified mountain peak in the

Phon.

W O P A R I [Owari] 55:22; 59:2; 62:9; 64:3; 69:14; 73:1, 6; 82:7; 85:1; 86:14; 99 : 3; 142:3-

A n ancient kuni w h i c h is n o w part o f Aichi-ken.

W o p a r i was ruled by a powerful old family o f kuni-no-miyatuko holding the rank o f murazi (sukune after 685), whose seat was at Atuta (modern Atsuta-ku, Nagoya-shi, Aichi-ken), the site o f the famous shrine Atsuta Jingu, where the sword Kusanagi is said to be enshrined. 634

T h e kuni-no-

Glossary miyatuko of Wopari, who appear to be related to the Μδηδ-ηδ-be, claimed to be descended from Ame-n5-kagu-yama, a heavenly deity and son of Ame-no-po-akari-no-mikoto (see NS, Asahi ed., I, 160). The Kojiki mentions a number of "ancestors" of the murazi of Wopari: Okitu-yciso, Ορο-nabi, Opo-ama-pime, Miyazu-pime, Take-inada-no-sukune, and Oposi. Ota, on the basis of the genealogies in the Kojiki, concludes that the Wopari family lived in Kadurak'i until it moved to Wopari during the reign of Sujin or Suinin; see Seishi kakei daijiten, I, 1042-44. WOPARI-NO-MIKO [Owari-no-miko] 146:2. A son of Emperor Bitatsu by Empress Suiko. "Prince of Wopari." WOPARIDA [Owarida] Pref. 63, 66; 62:14; 125:8; 149:1. A place in Yamato, in the vicinity of what is today Ikatsuchi, Asuka-mura, Takaichigun, Nara-ken. Seat of a family ofomi (asomi after 685) of Woparida, claiming descent from Soga-no-isikapa-no-sukune and related to the Soga family. Woparida was the site of the palaces of Empress Suiko and EmperorJomei (see Wokamoto). WOPARIDA-NO-MIKO [Owarida-no-miko] 146:2. A daughter of Emperor Bitatsu by Empress Suiko. "Princess of Woparida." WOSADA [Osada] 146:1. A place in Yamato, the site of the palace of Emperor Bitatsu. Identified as either Ota, Omiwa-cho, Shiki-gun, Nara-ken or Kaij u, Sakurai-shi, Nara-ken. WOTU [Otsu] 86:12, 15; 89:11. A place in Kuwana county in Ise, now identified in the vicinity of Tado-cho, Kuwana-gun, Mie-ken. The "cape of Wotu" opposite Wopari, mentioned in Yamato-takeru-nomikoto's song, was probably a prominent area at the foot of the mountains, rather than a cape jutting out into the ocean. The PN Wotu in 89:11 is inexplicable unless we supply the word kimi\ the Kujiki lists a kimi of Wotu descended from a son of Yamato-takeru (see Ota, Seishi kakei dai­ jiten, I, 991). WOTUKI [Otsuki] 69:18. A place in ancient Apumi, located in what is now Kurita-gun, Shiga-ken. Seat of a family of yama-no-kimi claiming descent from Oti-wake-no-miko, a son of Emperor Suinin. WOZABE-NO-MIKO [Ozabe-no-miko] 69:6. A son of Emperor Sui­ nin by Kagu-ya-pimc-no-mikoto. WOZABE, phon., ENC. YA-GAMI-PIME [Ya-gami-hime] 21:2, 14-15, 17. A woman of Inaba who married Opo-kuni-nusi. Later, because she was afraid of Suseribime, she returned to her home, leaving her child K'i-no-rnata-no-kam'i

Kojiki w e d g e d in the fork o f a tree.

Y A - G A M I , id., 'eight-upper,' p r o b a b l y

a P N in Inaba corresponding to m o d e r n Y a z u - g u n , Tottori-ken. cess o f Y a - g a m i . "

"Prin-

Supposed to be a w o m a n o f the local ruling family o f

Ya-gami. YA-GAPA-YE-PIME

[ Y a - g a w a - e - h i m e ] 29:6.

A n o t h e r n a m e for Asi-

nadaka-no-kam'i, w h o married one o f the descendants o f Opo-kuni-nusi. Y A , id., 'eight,' derivatively ' m a n y , ' ' n u m e r o u s ' ;

G A P A , id., 'river';

Y A - G A P A I Y A - K A P A m a y be a P N (cf. Y a k a w a , H i g a m i - c h 5 , N i t a gun, Shimane-ken);

Y E , id., 'inlet,' perhaps 'elder sibling';

phon., 'princess,' etc.;

YA-GAPA-YE,

PIME,

' m a n y river inlets,' has also

been interpreted as Y A - G A - P A Y E , 'ever m o r e

flourishing';

see T a k e d a ,

Kiki kayoshu zenko, p. 110. YA-GAPA-YE-PIME-[NO-MIKOTO] 99:8; 101:10, 12.

[Ya-gawa-e-hime-no-mikoto]

See M i y a - n u s i - Y a - g a p a - y e - p i m e .

YA-PE-KOTO-SIRO-NUSI-NO-KAMI kami]

35:10-11;

earthly mikoto.

deity,

36:10;

37:4.

Also

[Ya-e-Koto-shiro-nushi-no Koto-siro-nusi-no-kami.

the son o f O p o - k u n i - n u s i

by

Kamu-ya-tate-pime-no-

Y A - P E , id., 'eight layers,' derivatively

'numerous depths,' etc.;

An

'many

thicknesses,'

K O T O , id., 'thing,' but also can be a graphic

substitute for h o m o n y m s meaning ' w o r d ' (cf. MJ kotoba) or the musical instrument koto (the cither, MJ koto); ziro,

tama-siro—a

S I R O , id., 'substitute' (as in iya-

sign, representation, or s y m b o l o f something, or an

article to w h i c h something is expected to adhere), sometimes explained as the v e r b siru, 'to k n o w , ' 'to rule';

N U S I , id., 'lord,' 'ruler,' 'possessor.'

T h e significance o f the n a m e is unclear, but it is often interpreted as an appellation for a deity o f words, o f speech, o f the verbal expression o f the divine will in oracular f o r m , etc. YA-SAKA-NO-IRI-BIKO-NO-MIKOTO

[Ya-saka-no-iri-biko-no-

mikoto] 64:3; 77:3.

A son o f E m p e r o r Sujin b y O p o - a m a - p i m e o f the

Wopari

daughter

f a m i l y ; his

Ya-saka-no-iri-bime-no-mikoto

consort o f E m p e r o r K e i k o and m o t h e r o f Emperor Seimu. probably a P N ; 77:3.

A

[Ya-saka-no-iri-bime-no-

daughter o f Y a - s a k a - n o - i r i - b i k o - n o - m i k o t o ;

sort o f Emperor K e i k o and mother o f E m p e r o r Seimu. PN;

a

I R I - B I K O , see I k u m e - i n - b i k o - i s a t i - n o - m i k o t o .

YA-SAKA-NO-IRI-BIME-NO-MIKOTO mikoto]

was

YA-SAKA,

con-

YA-SAKA,

I R I - B I M E , see A z a m i - n o - i r i - b i m e - n o - m i k o t o .

Y A - S I M A - M U D I - N O - K A M l [ Y a - s h i m a - m u j i - n o - k a m i ] 29:4.

An

earthly deity w h o s e daughter Tori-mimi-no-kam'f married Y a - p e - K o t o 636

Glossary siro-nusi-no-kam'i. YA-SIMA, id., 'eight islands,' perhaps 'many is­ lands,' a PN?; MUDI, phon., perhaps the MUDI/MUTI/MOTI in Opo-namudi-no-kami ('revered one,' 'noble'?); KAMI, id., 'deity.' YA-SIMA-ZINUMI-NO-KAMi [Ya-shima-jinumi-no-kami] 20:13, 15; 29:13. The first-born son of Susa-no-wo by Kusi-nada-pime. YASIMA, id., 'eight islands,' 'numerous islands,' etc.; ZINUMI, phon., ENC; KAMI, id., 'deity.' ΥΑ-ΤΙ-ΡΟΚΟ-[ΝΟ-ΚΑΜΪ] [Ya-chi-hoko-no-kami] 20:19; 25:I> 4; 26:3, 38; 28:3. Another name for Opo-kuni-nusi-no-kam'f. Id., 'eightthousand-spears deity.' YAKI-DU [Yaki-zu, Yaizu] 83 :5. A place in Suruga, now Yaizu-shi, Shizuoka-ken. Id., 'burning ford.' YAMA-BE [Yama-be] 104:1; 115:37; 136:2. A large corporation of com­ moners which was apparently concerned with hunting in the mountains, as the Ama-be was concerned with fishing. We are told that it was "established," i.e. organized in the be fashion, under Emperor Ojin. The Kojiki mentions two murazi of the Yama-be, Opo-tate and Wo-date. See the NS account which relates the ruling family to that of the Kumebe (Aston, I, 388). The family was raised to the rank of sukune in 685, but the corporation seems to have ceased being a distinct entity at an early period. YAMA-NO-BE [Yama-no-be] 68:10; 69:14; 73:4; 89:20. A region in Siki (later read Yamabe), now in Tenri-shi, Nara-ken, in the vicinity of Yanagimoto and Shibutani. The Kojiki identifies this area as the site of the tombs of Emperors Sujin and Keiko. It also mentions a wake of Yama-no-be claiming descent from Opo-naka-tu-piko-no-mikoto. YAMA-NO-KIMI [yama-no-kimi] 69:18-19; 126:1. A hereditary title (kabane) evidently held by rulers of local corporations of mountaineers. Id., 'mountain-lord.' The Kojiki mentions three: the yama-no-kimi of Wotuki, the yama-no-kimi of Kasuga, and the yama-no-kimi of Sasaki' in Apumi. YAMA-SATI-ΒΙΚΟ [Yama-sachi-biko] 42:1. A name for Po-wori-nomikoto, a hunter. His elder brother Po-deri-no-mikoto was similarly called Umi-sati-biko and was a fisherman. YAMA, id., 'mountain'; SATI, 'luck,' see Umi-sati-biko; ΒΙΚΟ, 'lad,' etc. "Mountain-Luck Lad." YΑΜΑ-SITA-KAGE-PIME [Yama-shita-kage-hime] 62:10. Younger sister of Udu-piko of Κϊ who married Piko-putu-osi-no-makoto-no-

Kojiki m i k o t o and was the m o t h e r o f Takesi-uti-no-sukune. id., 'under the m o u n t a i n ' ; 'princess,' etc.

PIME,

" U n d e r - t h e - M o u n t a i n Shade-Princess."

YAMA-SUWE-NO-OPO-NUSI-NO-K AMI kami] 31:4.

YAMA-SITA,

K A G E , id., 'shade,' 'shadow,' ' r a y ' ;

[Yama-sue-no-5-nushi-no-

A n o t h e r name for O p o - y a m a - g u p i - n o - k a m ' i .

S U W E , id., 'mountain-tip,' i.e., ' m o u n t a i n - f o o t ' ? ; 'great lord,' etc.

id.,

" G r e a t L o r d o f the Mountain-tips D e i t y . "

Y A M A - T A D U [yama-tazu] 122:87, 90. called miyatuko-gl,

YAMA-

OPO-NUSI,

q.v.

YAMA,

T h e old name f o r a tree later

id., ' m o u n t a i n ' ;

TADU,

phon.,

ENC. YAMADI

[Yamaji] 108:2.

T h e Kojiki

mentions a family o f k i m i

Y a m a d i claiming descent f r o m O p o - p o d o - n o - m i k o . road.'

Id.,

of

'mountain

It was later g i v e n the title o f mapito, but its place o f origin is n o t

certain.

O t a suppose it m a y h a v e originated in Echizen (Seishi kakei

daijiten, III, 6320). Y A M A M O R I - B E [ Y a m a m o r i - b e ] 104:1.

A corporation o f some sort o f

professional mountaineers established during the reign o f E m p e r o r O j i n simultaneously w i t h the Y a m a - b e , A m a - b e , and Ise-be. keepers' corporation.' YAMASIRO

Id., ' m o u n t a i n -

See the NS account in Aston, I, 388.

[Yamashiro] 15:22; 62:9; 67:3, 19, 2 1 ; 69:7; 7 5 : 4 ; 89:5;

96:10; 112:8, 12, 27, 30; 1 1 3 : 1 - 2 , 17, 36; 126:13, 15later a p r o v i n c e ; today part o f K y 5 t o . m o d e r n Y o d o River.

The

Kojiki

A n ancient kuni,

T h e Y a m a s i r o R i v e r is the

mentions a k u n i - n o - m i y a t u k o

of

Y a m a s i r o claiming descent f r o m A m a - t u - p i k o n e - n o - m i k o t o . YAMASIRO-NO-ENATU-PIME

[ Y a m a s h i r o - n o - e n a t s u - h i m e ] 63:10.

A w o m a n , also named Kari-pata-tobe, w h o married P i k o - i m a s u - n o - m i k o . Y A M A S I R O , the P N ; cess,' etc.

E N A T U , phon., E N C ;

PIME, phon.,'prin-

"Princess Enatu o f Y a m a s i r o . "

YAMASIRO-NO-MIKO

[Yamashiro-no-miko]

peror K i m m e i b y Kitasi-pime.

145:5.

Y A M A S I R O - N O - M I K O [Yamashiro-no-miko] 146:9. no-Piko-pito

by

his

A son o f E m -

"Prince o f Yamasiro."

half-sister

A son o f Osaka-

Sakurawi-no-Yumipari-no-miko.

"Prince o f Yamasiro." YAMASIRO-NO-OPO-TUTUKI-NO-MA-WAKA-NO-MIKO shiro-no-o-tsutsuki-no-ma-waka-no-miko] 63:13, 27. i m a s u - n o - m i k o by W o k e - t u - p i m e - n o - m i k o t o .

[Yama-

A son o f P i k o -

H e married Tanipa-no-

adi-sapa-bime, his niece, and was the father o f K a n i m e - i k a d u t i - n o - m i k o . Y A M A S I R O , the P N ;

O P O , id., 'great'; 638

T U T U K I , id., 'pipe-tree,'

Glossary the P N

in Y a m a s i r o (see under O p o - t u t u k i - t a r i - n e - n o - m i k o ) ;

W A K A , id., 'true y o u n g . '

MA-

" T r u e - Y o u n g Prince o f Great-Tutuki' in

Yamasiro." Y A M A T O [Yamato] 15:22; 2 7 : 2 ; 30:13; 4 7 : 1 7 ; 54:6; 7 3 : 1 ; 7 8 : 7 ; 87:2, 7 ; 88:1; 9 6 : 1 ; 1 1 1 : 3 4 , 4 1 ; 1 1 2 : 3 4 ; 1 1 6 : 1 0 , 23; 118:6, 8; 1 1 9 : 1 0 , 22; 1 3 0 : 3 1 ; 1 3 2 : 5 ; 133:69; 138:30.

O r i g i n a l l y , one o f the f i v e h o m e provinces in

central Honshu, corresponding to m o d e r n N a r a - k e n .

This region was

the center o f the ancient Y a m a t o k i n g d o m w h i c h gradually unified the Japanese islands under its rule; Y a m a t o was also at times used to refer to all o f Japan. Kojiki

Also called O P O - Y A M A T O , 'great Y a m a t o . '

mentions a f a m i l y o f k u n i - n o - m i y a t u k o o f Y a m a t o ,

f r o m S a w o - n e - t u - p i k o [47:17].

The

descended

T h e f a m i l y seat was O p o - y a m a t o in

Y a m a - n o - b e c o u n t y , and the f a m i l y provided, in later centuries, the priests o f the O p o - y a m a t o Shrine.

T h e establishment o f a m i y a k e o f Y a m a t o

is recorded during the reign o f E m p e r o r K e i k o [78:7]. YAMATO-NEKO-NO-MIKOTO

[ Y a m a t o - n e k o - n o - m i k o t o ] 77:2.

son o f E m p e r o r K e i k o b y Inabi-n5-opo-iratume o f Parima. the P N ;

A

YAMATO,

N E K O , id., 'root child,' understood as a title in the names o f

hereditary rulers o f places (see O p o - y a m a t o - n e k o - p i k o - k u n i - n o - m i k o t o , etc.)

"Yamato-Ruler Lord"?

YAMATO-PA-SIKI-TOMI-TOYO-ASAKURA-NO-AKE-TATU-NOMIKO

[Yamato-wa-shiki-tomi-toyo-asakura-no-Ake-tatsu-no-miko]

73:19.

A

eulogistic name, or title, a w a r d e d to

Y A M A T O , the P N ;

P A , the grammatical particle denoting the subject

o f the statement (Yamato pa—'as SIKI, phon., the P N ;

f o r Y a m a t o , ' 'in Y a m a t o it i s . . . ,' etc.);

T O M I , phon., the P N ;

an initial eulogism f o r the f o l l o w i n g w o r d ; granary,' the P N .

Ake-tatu-no-miko.

T O Y O , id., 'abundant,' A S A K U R A , id., ' m o r n i n g

" A s - f o r - Y a m a t o [it is] Siki T o m i A b u n d a n t - A s a k u r a

Prince A k e - t a t u " ? Y A M A T O - P I K O - N O - M I K O T O [ Y a m a t o - h i k o - n o - m i k o t o ] 64:4, xo. son o f E m p e r o r Sujin b y M i m a t u - p i m e - n o - m i k o t o . PN;

A

Y A M A T O , the

P I K O , id., 'sun-child,' but preferably a title g i v e n t o local rulers

or members o f old noble groups. Y A M A T O - P I M E [ Y a m a t o - h i m e ] 142 the

kimi

'princess.'

of Miwo;

a consort

T h e y o u n g e r sister o f Katabu,

o f Emperor

Keitai.

PIME,

phon.,

" Y a m a t o Princess."

YAMATO-PIME-NO-MIKOTO 7 9 : 1 1 ; 82:4, 6; 83:3.

[Yamato-hime-no-mikoto]

69:3, 1 5 ;

A daughter o f E m p e r o r Suinin b y Pibasu-pime639

Kojiki no-mikoto.

S h e b e c a m e a p r i e s t e s s o f t h e " G r e a t D e i t y o f Ise."

Y A M A T O , the P N ;

P I M E , phon., 'princess,' etc.

" Y a m a t o Prin-

cess L a d y . " YAMATO-TAKERU-NO-MIKO

/

YAMATO-TAKERU-NO-MIKO-

T O [ Y a m a t o - t a k e r u - n o - m i k o , - m i k o t o ] 69:22; 77:8, 10; 80:13, 1 5 ; 8 1 : 4 7 ; 8 2 : 1 ; 86:4; 88:31; 89:1, 7.

A eulogistic n a m e g i v e n to W o - u s u - n o -

m i k o t o , the heroic f i g u r e credited w i t h the pacification o f the o u t l y i n g regions. pears

Y A M A T O , the P N ;

also

mikoto.

in

Idumo-takeru,

T A K E R U , id., 'brave,' 'intrepid,' apKumaso-takeru,

and

Waka-takeru-no-

"Brave Man of Yamato," "Mighty Warrior of Yamat5."

YAMATO-TO-MOMO-SO-BIME-NÖ-MIKOTO s o - b i m e - n o - m i k o t o ] 61 -.4..

A

[Yamato-to-momo-

daughter o f E m p e r o r K 5 r e i b y

yamato-kuni-Are-pime-no-mikoto.

Opo-

See the NS accounts o f the role o f

this princess as a prophetess during the reign o f E m p e r o r Sujin (Aston, I, 152, 158-59).

M o d e r n historians have sometimes identified her as the

Q u e e n P i m i k o mentioned in the History of the Kingdom Chili),

of Wei

(Wei

a shamanistic queen o f a k i n g d o m called Y a m a d a i (i.e., Y a m a t o )

reigning about 238-247.

See T s u n o d a and G o o d r i c h , Japan in the

nese Dynastic Histories, pp. 1 4 - 1 6 .

Y A M A T O , phon., the P N ;

ChiTO-

M O M O - S O - B I M E , phon., unclear, perhaps something like 'princess o f the m y r i a d [lit., ten-hundred] robes.' YAMATO-TOBI-PAYA-WAKA-YA-PIME-NO-MIKOTO tobi-haya-waka-ya-hime-no-mikoto] Korei

by

the P N ;

61:4.

A

daughter

Opo-yamato-kuni-Are-pime-no-mikotö. T O B I , id., ' f l y ' ;

of

[YamatoEmperor

YAMATO,

id.,

P A Y A , id., 'feathered a r r o w , ' perhaps a

substitute f o r P A Y A , 'fast';

W A K A , id., ' y o u n g ' ;

Y A , id., 'house,'

perhaps for the interjection as in K o - n o - p a n a - n o - s a k u - y a - b i m e ,

etc.;

P I M E , phon., 'princess,' etc. YAMATO-WOGUNA-NO-MIKOTO

/

YAMATO-WOGUNA-NO-

M I K O [ Y a m a t o - o g u n a - n o - m i k o t o , - m i k o ] 7 7 : 2 ; 80:12. for Y a m a t o - t a k e r u - n o - m i k o t o .

Y A M A T O , the P N ;

Another name WOGUNA,

evidently a n o u n meaning ' y o u n g man,' ' y o u t h , ' 'lad,' as opposed to O K I N A , 'old man,' 'elder.'

"Yamato-Youth Lord," "Yamato-Youth

Prince." YASO-MAGA-TU-PI-NO-KAM'f

[Yaso-maga-tsu-hi-no-kami]

A deity w h o came into existence during Izanagi's purification. id.,

'eighty,'

derivatively

'abundant,' 640

'numerous';

11:13. YASO,

MAGA-TU-PI,

Glossary 'misfortune-working force.'

See Opo-maga-tu-pi-no-kami.

"Abun-

dant Misfortune-Working-Force D e i t y . " YASU

[Yasu] 63:25; 89:3.

A n ancient kuni in Tika-tu-Apumi

(now

Yasu-gun, Shiga-ken), ruled b y a family o f kuni-no-miyatuko w h i c h held the title o f atape and claimed descent f r o m Midu-po-no-ma-waka-nomiko, a son o f Piko-imasu-no-miko.

Putadi-pime, a consort o f Y a m a t o -

takeru-no-mikoto, was the daughter o f O p o - t a m u - w a k e , an ancestor o f this family. Y A S U [Yasu] Pref. 10.

See Ame-no-Yasu-no-kapa.

Y A S U M A R O [Yasumaro] Pref. 1, 55, 68. Y A T A [Yata] 114:3, 12.

See O p o no Yasumaro.

A place in Y a m a t o corresponding to present-day

Y a d a in Yamato-Koriyama-shi, Nara-ken. Y A T A - B E [Yata-be] 114:17.

A corporation o f commoners established

during the reign o f Emperor N i n t o k u as a mi-na-siro for Yata-no-wakiiratume. Y A T A - N O - M I K O [Yata-no-miko] 145:2. b y Isi-pime-no-mikoto.

A son o f Emperor K i m m e i

"Prince o f Y a t a . "

YATA-NO-WAKI-IRATUME

[Yata-no-waki-iratsume]

112:2, 4; 114:1, 10, 1 7 ; 115:2.

99:7;

109:4;

A daughter o f Emperor O j i n by M i y a -

nusi-Ya-gapa-ye-pime o f W a n i ; a consort o f her half-brother Emperor Nintoku. 'lady.'

Y A T A , the P N ;

W A K I , id., ' y o u n g ' ;

YATURI-NO-IRI-BIKO-NO-MIKO 63:12.

I R A T U M E , id.,

" Y o u n g Lady o f Y a t a . " [Yatsuri-no-iri-biko-no-miko]

Another name for Kamu-opo-ne-no-miko,

imasu-no-miko. Yatsutsuri,

a son o f P i k o -

Y A T U R I , id., 'eight melons,' a P N in Y a m a t o , n o w

Asuka-mura,

Takaichi-gun,

Nara-ken;

IRI-BIKO,

see

Ikume-iri-biko-isati-n5-mikot6. YATURI-NO-SIRO-PIKO-NO-MIKO 121:2.

Also Siro-piko-no-miko.

no-opo-naka-tu-pime-no-mikoto.

[Yatsuri-no-Shiro-hiko-no-miko]

A son o f Emperor Ingyo by OsakaA full brother o f Ki-nasi-no-Karu-

no-miko, Sakapi-no-Kuro-piko-no-miko, Anko), and Opo-patuse-no-mikoto

Anapo-no-mikoto

(Emperor Yuryaku).

[Emperor A f t e r the

murder o f Emperor A n k 5 , he was murdered together w i t h Sakapi-noKuro-piko-no-miko b y Y u r y a k u .

Y A T U R I , the P N ;

SIRO-PIKO,

'white lad,' corresponding to the K u r o - p i k o o f his brother's name. "Prince W h i t e - L a d o f Yaturi." Y E - P I M E [E-hime] 72:7. A daughter o f Tanipa-no-piko-tatasu-Miti-nousi-no-miko; probably the Pibasu-pime w h o was the empress o f E m 641

Kojiki peror

Suinin.

YE,

id.,

'elder-sibling';

PIME,

phon.,

'princess.'

"Elder Princess." YE-PIME [E-hime] 78:1, 5.

One of the two daughters of Opo-ne-no-

miko of Mino who were married by Opo-usu-no-mikoto. mother

of Osi-kuro-no-ye-piko-no-miko.

She was the

YE, id., 'elder

sibling.'

"Elder Princess." YE-SIKI [E—shiki] 52:47. brother Siki.'

The elder brother of Oto-siki, q.v.

SIKI, q.v.

YE-UKASI [E-ukashi] 51:1, 3, 8, 11. q.v. trap.

Id., 'elder-

The elder brother of Oto-ukasi,

He rebelled against EmperorJimmu and was destroyed in his own Id., 'elder-brother Ukasi.'

UKASI, phon., probably the place

Uda no Ukati in 50:17. YENOMA [Enoma] 62:20.

The reading of this element is uncertain.

Modern scholars accept Motoori's reading of Yenoma, which is supposed to be a mistake for Yenuma, an ancient kuni and later county in Kaga (now Enuma-gun, Ishikawa-ken).

The Kojiki mentions an omi of

Yenoma claiming descent from Wakugo-no-sukune, a son of Takesi-utin5-sukune. YESINO [Eshino] Pref. 13; 50:3, 11, 15; 103:1, 12; 130:1-2. yesino, Yosino (modern Yoshino).

The mountainous region in southern

Nara-ken, today called Yoshino-gun, Nara-ken. now the Yoshino River.

Also Mi-

The Yesino River is

The Kojiki mentions the Kuzu of Yesino

[50:15; 103:1], as well as a family of obito (murazi after 684) of Yesino claiming descent from Wi-pika [50:11]. ΥΟΜΪ [Yomi] 9:1, 3; 10:3, 6.

TheJapanese Hades or Sheol, a subterra­

nean land of the dead which Izanagi visits in his search for his deceased wife Izanami.

See ADDITIONAL NOTE 6.

YOMI is consistently written

with the ideographs 'yellow spring,' a Chinese expression for the land beyond the grave; it appears in compounds in an alternate form YOMO (yomo-tu-siko-me, Yomo-tu-pira-saka, Yomo-tu-opo-kam'i).

Motoori

has the following interpretation of Yom'f: It "is the land where men go to live when they die; . . . it appears to be a place of darkness; . . . it is a land in the nether regions. . . . The body becomes a lifeless corpse and plainly remains in the visible world, but the soul goes to the land of Yomi'. . . . The noble, the common, the good and the bad when they die all go to this land of Υδηιϊ." Kojiki-den, I, 274-75. YOMI-UTA [Yomi-uta] 122:127. and 122:108-125.

The title of two songs in 122:92-106

Id., 'reading song.' 642

Takeda suggests that the title

Glossary was derived f r o m the manner in w h i c h the songs were performed; that is, in a reading or reciting manner, with f e w melodic inflections (Kiki kayoshu zenko,

p. 186).

A song with this name appears also in the

Kinkafu. Y O M O - T U - O P O - K A M I [Yomo-tsu-5-kami] 10:16.

Another name for

Izanami-n5-kami in her role as goddess o f the underworld. id., 'yellow spring,' i.e. Hades; K A M I , id., 'great deity.' YOMO-TU-PIRA-SAKA

YOMO,

T U , connective particle;

OPO-

"Great Deity o f Yom'i." [Yomo-tsu-hira-saka] 10:8, u ,

1 7 - 1 8 ; 24:12.

T h e mountain pass connecting the land o f Yom'i w i t h the human w o r l d . Identified in the Kojiki as the Ipuya-zaka pass in Idumo [10:18]. id., 'yellow spring'; etc.;

YOMO,

P I R A , phon., probably 'flat,' 'gently-sloping,'

S A K A , id., 'pass,' 'hill.'

"Flat [?] Pass o f Y o m i . "

YORODU-PATA-TOYO-AKI-TU-SI-PIME-NO-MIKOTO hata-toyo-aki-tsu-shi-hime-no-mikoto]

38:5.

A

[Yorozu-

heavenly

goddess,

daughter o f Taka-ki-no-kam'i, w h o married Masa-katu-a-katu-kati-payapi-Ame-no-osi-po-mimi-no-mikoto and was the mother o f A m e - n o - p o akari-no-mikoto

and

ninigi-no-mikoto. tively 'myriad'; ' w o v e n fabric';

Ame-nigisi-kuni-nigisi-Ama-tu-piko-Piko-po-no-

ENC;

YÖRODU,

id., 'ten thousand,'

deriva-

P A T A , id., 'banner,' also perhaps 'loom,'

'cloth,'

A K I , id., 'autumn';

perhaps the connective particle; Aki-du-sima, q.v.; YOSAMI

T U , id., 'port,' 'harbor,' etc.,

A K I - T U / A K I D U may be as in

SI, id., 'master';

PIME, phon., 'princess,' etc.

[Yosami] 63:33; 68:8; 102:25; 109:16.

A place in ancient

Kaputi (now somewhere in Osaka) where there was a miyake ruled b y a family o f abiko (sukune after 750) claiming descent f r o m T a k e - t o y o padura-wake-no-miko, a son o f Emperor Kaika.

T h e Kojiki

records

that the pond o f Y o s a m i was dug during the reigns o f Emperors Sujin and Nintoku. YOSO-TAPO-BIME-NO-MIKOTO

[Yoso-taho-bime-no-mikoto]

59:2.

T h e younger sister o f Oki-tu-yos5, the ancestor o f the murazi o f W o p a r i . She became the empress o f Emperor Kosho and was the mother o f E m peror Koan. tu-yoso);

Y O S O , phon., E N C , perhaps a P N (occurs also in O k i T A P O , phon., E N C ;

Y U G O R I [Yugori] 63:2.

B I M E , phon., 'princess,' etc.

T h e opo-agata-nusi o f Tanipa, father o f Takano-

pime, w h o became a consort o f Emperor Kaika. Y U M I P A R I - N O - M I K O [Yumihari-no-miko] 146:9. Yumipari-no-miko.

643

Phon., E N C . See Sakurawi-no-

Kojiki YURA [Yura] 117:14. The sea-channel between Wakayama (Κϊ) and Awaji (Apadi). Yura is still a PN on the island of Awaji, in Sumotoshi, Hy0go-ken. YURA-DOMI [Yura-domi] 106:26. See Suga-kama-Yura-domi. YURYAKU, Emperor. See Opo-patuse-no-mikoto.

Bibliography & Index

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Nihon koten bungaku taikei. Iwanami Shoten, 1958. Matsumoto Nobuhiro

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Bibliography Miller, R o y A n d r e w . The Japanese Language. C h i c a g o : University o f Chicago Press, 1967. Minzokugaku Kenkyujo

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[Zentei] Nihon jodai shakai soshiki no kenkyu Kunimitsu Shobo, 1955.

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3 vols. 1st ed., Seishi Kakei Dai-

jiten KankSkai, 1934-36; 2nd ed., K a d o k a w a Shoten, 1963. O u w e h a n d , Cornelius. " S o m e notes on the g o d Susa-no-o," Monumenta Nipponica, X I V , N o . 3-4 (1958-59), 138-161. Philippi, Donald L. Norito, a new translation of the ancient Japanese ritual prayers. T o k y o : T h e Institute for Japanese Culture and Classics (Nihon Bunka Kenkyusho), K o k u g a k u i n University, 1959. Saigo Nobutsuna Saito Tadashi

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nami Shoten, 1955. Shoku Nihongi

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Itsu no kotowaki

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Jun'ichi. Fuzambo, 1941. Takabeya Fukuhei

Hoppoken no ie

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651

Index Ainu, I I , 81, 84, 89, 154, 174, 277 Aiso Teiz5, 105, 248, 252, 311, 321, 339,

Eliade, Mircea, 125, 126 Exorcism, 86, 259, 260

A n d o Masatsugu, 12, 76 Arai Hakuseki, 31 Arisaka Hideyo, 21 Aston, W i l l i a m George, 115, 163-4 Atsuta Shrine, 245, 419

Fetishes, 293, 407-9 "Forbidden C h a m b e r " tales, 157 Fujitani Mitsue, 32 Funayama burial mound, 26 Funeral house, 126

340, 355

Bathing w o m e n , 217, 223 Brower, Robert and Earl Miner, 4, 91, 105, 278, 323, 334, 353, 365

Gagaku, 252 Gemmei, Empress, 7, 37, 42 Genealogical glosses, 70, 78 G o t o Shuichi, 61, 209, 335 Gulfweed, 135

Bussokuseki, 375 Chamberlain, Basil Hall, 62

Chinkon, 81, 84, 309, 422 Chinkon-sai, 84, 408

Hagoromo story, 295

Chiri Mashiho, 84 Cithers, 102, 257, 258, 322, 357, 408-9, 424 Confucian Analects, 285 Consanguinous marriages, 159 C o s m o g o n y , 47, 48, 397-8 Crocodiles, 93-4, 155, 157, 406-7 C r o w n s , 341-2 Crows, 169

Hashimoto Shinkichi, 21, 33 Hattori ShirS, 20 Hearth-deities, 118 Hirata Atsutane, 11, 32, 71, 142, 398, 399-400, 403

Haniwa, 129, 341, 350, 409, 417 Hanka, 1 7 J

Hoparata, 84 Imperial Household A g e n c y , 252 Incest, 213, 333 Inoue Mitsusada, 360 Ipapi-be [iwai-be] jars, 191-2 Ise manuscript, 30

Divination, 52, 75, 83, 266, 332 Dojoji tale, 222 D o k a manuscript, 30 Dolphins, 268 Dosho manuscript, 30 Double suicides, 340 D o w r y , 144 Dragon, 88-90 Dragonfly, 358

Jealousy, 108, 305 Jito, Empress, 7, 17 Jomei, Emperor, 303, 390 Jomon culture, 377

653

Index 124, 125, 129, 130, 132, 135, 138, 139, 142, 144, 145, 146, 148, 149, 151, 154,

Kada no Azumamaro, 31 Kambun, 26-8 Kamei Takashi, 314 K a m o no Mabuchi, 31 Kanda Hideo, 47, 53, 186, 209, 229, 271, 290 Kan'ei Kojiki, 30 Kaneko Takeo, 66 Katari-be, 12 Kata-uta, 180, 243, 249, 311, 321, 373 Katsuogi, 350 Katuwo, 350 Keitai, Emperor, 5 Ken'yu, 30 Kidder, J. Edward, 4, 61, 192, 341-2,

157. 397. 398, 400, 401. 402. 404. 405,

406, 409, 412, 413 Matsuoka Shizuo, 115 Menstrual blood, 244, 245 Michi-yuki, 310 Miller, Roy Andrew, 4, 20 Mimana, 263, 342 Minakata Kumakusu, 142 Mishina Akihide, 137, 139, 291-2 M o m m u , Emperor, 7 Mortuary palace, 259 Motoori Norinaga, n , 18, 31, 57, 62, 68, 81, 84, 91, 94, 95, 96, 98-9, 101, 106, 125, 131, 134, 140, 159, 166, 183, 247, 271, 301, 328, 334, 398, 401, 402, 403

381. 417 Kimmei, Emperor, 5 Kindaichi Kyosuke, 81, 89, 277 Kishibe Shigeo, 409 Kitchen-deities, 118 Kobun, Emperor, 39, 419 Koguryo, 502, 587 Kojiki-den, 31 Kojiki Gakkai, 33 Kojiki nempo, 33 Kojiki taisei, 31, 33 Konjaku monogatari, 406 Korea, 256, 257, 262 Korean language, 20 K o r y o , 587 Kotd-waza, 125, 216 Kukabe pots, 332 Kukatati, 332 Kunkogaku, 29

Nakajima Etsuji, 59, 254, 340, 360 Naka-tu-opo-ye, Prince, 5 Nara, 7 Nishida Nagao, 285, 399 Norito, 42, 103, 115, 117, 121, 136, 143, 259, 262, 403-4 Okada Masayuki, 12 Okinawan language, 20 O n o Susumu, 21 O p o no Yasumaro, 5, 7, 11 Opo-tomo, Prince, 39 Ordeals, 332 Orikuchi Shinobu, 33, 99, 245 Ota Akira, 448 Ouwehand, Cornelius, 406

Kurano Kenji, 33, 38, 232, 233, 247, 336 Kuriltai, 82 Kusa-ttagi, 90, 138, 240, 245, 249

Paekche, 26, 262, 263, 284, 502, 587 P'an Ku, 70, 405 Parturition huts, 66, 146, 156 Pheasant, 124-5 Pit dwellings, 174, 234, 370 Pitd-gaki, 200, 416-8 Piyeda no Are, 6, 7, 11, 12, 33 Polygamy, 108, 172, 414 Priests, 184, 202, 560 Primogeniture, departures from, 159, 184

Leech-child, 51, 399 Maeda manuscript, 30 Manyogana, 26-7 Martin, Samuel E., 20 Matsumoto Nobuhiro, 94, 148, 150, 156, 170, 398, 407, 409 Matsumura Takeo, 33, 49, 55, 57, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 68, 70, 72, 76, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 88, 89, 90, 94, 95, 96, 97. 98, 99, 100, 104, 115, 116, 123,

Pune-no-pubito Wesaka, 5 Purification by ablution, 68, 268 654

Index Puto-mani, 52, 83

Teeth deformation, 377 Teisei kokun Kojiki, 31 Temmu, Emperor, 5, 6, 7, 15, 16, 39, 40,

Ramayana, 147 Regalia, 90, 138, 408 Reischauer, Robert Karl, 4 Renga, 243 Ruika, 252

391, 419

Tenchi, Emperor, 5, 7, 40, 391, 419 Thousand-Character Classic, 285 Toad, 115 Toneri, 6, 41, 287 Torii Ryuzo, 82, 84, 174 Totemism, 157 Tsuchihashi Yutaka, 248, 251, 354, 356 Tsuda Sokichi, 32, 52, 53, 55, 62, 63, 70, 73, 74, 75, 77, 79, 80, 82, 132, 220, 229, 241, 263, 397, 401, 405, 413 Tsugita Uruu, 33, 55, 59, 61, 67, 75, 102, 118, 146, 169, 246, 328, 360, 407

Saigo Nobutsuna, 74, 406 Sai-no-kami, 65 Sanipa, 257, 260 Sansom, George B., 4 Scapulamancy, 52 Scarecrow, 116 Scarves, 99, 293, 366, 407 Sedoka, 286, 315 Shamanism, 84, 357, 407 Shamans, 74, 83, 94, 126, 138, 146, 407 Shimpuku-ji manuscript, 18, 30 Shinsen shojiroku, 10, 11 Shiratori Kurakichi, 63, 130 Shotoku, Prince, 5, 392 Shun'yu manuscript, 30 Silkworms, 313 Silla, 262, 263, 342, 423, 502, 587 Sima no opo-omi, 5 Soga no U m a k o , 5 Suematsu Yasukazu, 209, 256, 263, 284 Suzuki Shigetane, 398

Uji shui monogatari, 406 Ukepi, 75, 76, 132, 145, 146, 217, 221, 246, 266, 403 Ultimogeniture, 184, 275 Urabe family, 30 Uta-qaki, 335, 337, 354, 356, 373, 424, 624 Vega (star), 128 Volcanic eruption, 60, 400 Watanabe Yoshimichi, 66, 99, 116, 118,

" 4 , 135

Tachibana Moribe, 32, 112, 250, 290,

Watarai Nobuyoshi, 30 Watsuji Tetsuro, 32 Waza-uta, 206, 336 Wedemeyer, Andre, 209, 263, 271 Weeping-woman, 58, 124, 126

353, 365

Takagi Ichinosuke, 232, 251, 418-9 Takagi Toshio, 101, 400 Takeda Yukichi, 9, 11, 33, 79, 91, 128, 248, 250, 251, 271, 280, 282, 314, 334,

335, 337, 354, 355, 426

Yamada Yoshio, 39 Yanagita Kunio, 33 Yayoi culture, 13 Yuhan-bon, 30

Taketori monogatari, 294 Tanaka Yoritsune, 31 Tattooing, 181, 348

655