Knowledge Transfers over Geographical Distance in Organisations: The Role of Spatial Mobility and Business Networks [1st ed.] 9783658310172, 9783658310189

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Perspektiven der Humangeographie

Vanessa Rebecca Hünnemeyer

Knowledge Transfers over Geographical Distance in Organisations The Role of Spatial Mobility and Business Networks

Perspektiven der Humangeographie Series Editors Sybille Bauriedl, Abteilung für Geographie, University of Flensburg, Flensburg, Germany Veronika Cummings, Geographisches Institut, Johannes Gutenberg-Universität Mainz, Mainz, Germany Martin Doevenspeck, Department of Geography, University of Bayreuth, Bayreuth, Germany Florian Dünckmann, Geographisches Institut, AG Kulturgeographie, Christian-Albrechts-Universität zu Kiel, Kiel, Schleswig-Holstein, Germany Johannes Glückler, Geographisches Institut, Universität Heidelberg, Heidelberg, Baden-Württemberg, Germany Susanne Heeg, Institut für Humangeographie, Goethe Universität Frankfurt am Main, Frankfurt, Hessen, Germany Sebastian Henn, Institut für Geographie, Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena, Jena, Germany Judith Miggelbrink, TU, Dresden, Germany

In der Schriftenreihe werden Forschungsarbeiten aus allen Schwerpunkten der Humangeographie publiziert. Es werden sowohl qualitativ, wie auch quantitativ ausgerichtete Arbeiten zu aktuellen Fragestellungen des Fachbereichs darin veröffentlicht. Die Reihe ist offen für sehr gute wissenschaftliche Arbeiten, womit sie die Vielfalt und Breite des Forschungsgebietes widerspiegeln möchte.

More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/16066

Vanessa Rebecca Hünnemeyer

Knowledge Transfers over Geographical Distance in Organisations The Role of Spatial Mobility and Business Networks

Vanessa Rebecca Hünnemeyer Zwickau, Germany Dissertation zur Erlangung des akademischen Grades doctor rerum naturalium (Dr. rer. nat.) vorgelegt dem Rat der Chemisch-Geowissenschaftlichen Fakultät der ­Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena unter dem Titel „On the Move: About the Relationality and Mobility of Knowledge“ von Vanessa Rebecca Hünnemeyer, M. A., geboren am 22. Februar 1989 in Bad Aibling. Eingereicht am 07.11.2018; verteidigt am 19.02.2019 Erster Gutachter: Prof. Dr. Sebastian Henn Zweiter Gutachter: Jun.-Prof. Dr. Anna Growe

ISSN 2524-3381 ISSN 2524-339X  (electronic) Perspektiven der Humangeographie ISBN 978-3-658-31017-2 ISBN 978-3-658-31018-9  (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-31018-9 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2020 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. Responsible Editor: Carina Reibold This Springer Spektrum imprint is published by the registered company Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH part of Springer Nature. The registered company address is: Abraham-Lincoln-Str. 46, 65189 Wiesbaden, Germany

Acknowledgements

Auch wenn ich unzählige Stunden und Tage in Bibliotheken, meinem Büro und meiner Wohnung allein verbracht habe, so wäre diese Dissertation nicht ohne die Unterstützung vieler fertiggestellt worden. Zunächst gilt mein großer Dank Professor Sebastian Henn, Betreuer und Begleiter meiner wissenschaftlichen Laufbahn seit der ersten Minute nach meinem Studienabschluss, für sein Vertrauen in mich, diese Arbeit zu bewerkstelligen und zu beenden, und insbesondere für die Freiräume, die er mir hierfür in den letzten 1,5 Jahren ermöglicht hat. Für das ehrliche Interesse an meinem Dissertationsthema und die komplikationslose Übernahme des Zweitgutachtens bedanke ich mich bei Frau Junior-Professorin Anna Growe. Jedes sozialempirische Forschungsprojekt steht und fällt mit ihren Interviewpartnern. Daher ist all denjenigen gedankt, die trotz knapp bemessener Zeit, Möglichkeiten geschaffen haben, meinen Fragen Rede und Antwort zu stehen. In dieser Hinsicht gilt besonderer Dank Herrn Florian Frommelt sowie einem anonymen Interviewpartner, die mir Zugang zu ihren Netzwerken gewährt haben. Weiterhin gilt mein fachlicher Dank allen anregenden Gesprächen und richtungsweisende Kritik, die mir im Rahmen von Vorträgen auf Konferenzen, Tagungen und Workshops zuteilwurden. Neben Gesprächen am Lehrstuhl sei den Teilnehmern des Workshops Wissen in Bewegung (April 2018, Jena), der Jahrestagung des AK Industriegeographie (Oktober 2016, Naurod-Niedernhausen), des PhD-Workshops im Rahmen der Jena Lecture Series (Mai 2016, Jena) sowie der Yıldız Teknik Üniversitesi für die Präsentation erster Ideen des Promotionsprojektes (Mai 2016, Istanbul) gedankt. Ein großes Dankeschön gilt ebenso allen Hilfskräften, die mich bei der Interviewtranskription tatkräftig unterstützt haben – Marie, Lisa G., Lisa H., Lina, Maleen, Marieke und Christiane – sowie Tom Maxfield für die Übernahme der Korrektur von Orthographie und Interpunktion

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in der Prüfungsfassung und Margaret-Ann Schellenberg für das Korrektorat in der vorliegenden Fassung. Neben dem fachlichen Austausch, war auch die emotionale Unterstützung von Freunden und Familie wichtig, um nicht die Ausdauer, die so ein Dissertationsprojekt erfordert, zu verlieren. Dankbar bin ich meinen Eltern für ihre Unterstützung in jeglicher Hinsicht. Ob unterstützende Telefonate oder Diskussion meiner Forschungsergebnisse – auf meine Eltern ist immer Verlass. Zu meinem großen Glück habe ich meine wundervolle Schwester Feli, die mir über den ein oder anderen (in Wahrheit ziemlich viele) frustrierten Tag hinweggeholfen hat. Ohne die ansteckende Abenteuerlust meines Freundes Martin säße ich zum jetzigen Zeitpunkt wohl immer noch am Schreibtisch. Danke für alle Abenteuer, die mich während der vielen Monaten des Schreibens kontinuierlich motiviert haben, diese Arbeit (endlich) abzuschließen. Meinen besten und langjährigen Freunden Daniel und Sebastian ist dafür gedankt, dass sie mich über die Jahre mit unzähligen Musiktipps versorgt haben, die mich beim Arbeiten an diesem Projekt regelmäßig begleitet haben. Nicht zu vergessen sind Sophie und Wiebke, die immer ein offenes Ohr hatten und haben. Dass aus Kollegen Freunde werden können beweisen Conny, Patrick und Manu: vielen Dank für die stets unterhaltsamen Mittagspausen! Darüber hinaus sei noch weiteren Personen gedankt, die mich auf die ein oder andere Art und Weise bei der Erstellung meiner Dissertation begleitet haben: Kilian, Gisela, Petra und Sigi – ohne euch würde ich immer noch zwischen Umzugskisten wohnen, sowie Sebastian S. und Anni.

German Summary

Ausgangspunkt der vorliegenden Dissertationsschrift (Titel bei Einreichung und Abgabe „On the Move: About the Relationality and Mobility of Knowledge“), welche im Winter 2015/2016 begonnen und im Herbst 2018 beendet wurde, ist das diametrale Verhältnis gegenwärtiger Unternehmensstrukturen, die auf Internationalisierung und Dezentralisierung basieren, und der Natur ihrer zentralen Unternehmensressource, Wissen, dessen Generierung, Zirkulation und Entstehung auf persönliche Interaktion und somit auf geographische Nähe zwischen Akteuren basiert (competitive knowledge paradox): Obgleich Internationalisierungs- und räumliche Dezentralisierungsbestrebungen von Unternehmensaktivitäten darauf abzielen, (Produktions-)Kosten zu senken und die wirtschaftliche Profitabilität eines Unternehmens zu steigern, ist dies mit nicht zu vernachlässigenden Herausforderungen und somit Kosten für die innerbetriebliche Organisation von unternehmerischen Tätigkeiten verbunden. Neben der Gewährleistung betriebsinterner Transparenz und einheitlicher Qualitätsstandards, stellen insbesondere Informations- und Wissensasymmetrien Quellen unternehmerischer Untersicherheiten dar. Nicht nur deswegen, sondern vor allem vor dem Hintergrund, dass heterogene Wissensbestände Innovationspotentiale bergen und daher von unternehmerischer Relevanz sind, müssen Organisationen Strategien entwickeln, die die kontinuierliche Aneignung, den Austausch und den Transfer von Wissen standortübergreifend ermöglichen. Vor dem Hintergrund, dass Wissen als eine personenbezogene Ressource verstanden wird und so deren Generierung und Verbreitung auf zwischenmenschlicher Interaktion basiert, vollzieht sich dieser dyadische Prozess sowohl zeit- als auch ortsgebunden. Aufgrund dieser dem Wissen genuinen Eigenschaften werden räumliche geographische Nähe und zwischenmenschliche Beziehungen als zentrale Stellschrauben für die Generierung, Zirkulation und den Transfer von (neuem) Wissen betrachtet.

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Geographische Nähe und soziale Beziehungen gehen dabei ein enges Abhängigkeitsverhältnis ein: Während für einmal entstandene vertrauensbasierte Beziehungen die physische Nähe zwischen den involvierten Parteien sowohl für die Aufrechterhaltung dieser Beziehungen als auch für den darin stattfindenden Wissenstransfer von variierender Relevanz ist, ist physische Nähe allein nicht ausreichend für die Entstehung sozialer Beziehungen zwischen zwei Personen. Nur wenn auch ein persönlicher, face-to-face Austausch zwischen mindestens zwei Parteien stattfindet, können vertrauensvolle Beziehungen aufgebaut werden. Im Gegensatz zu dem Transfer von Wissen in außer- und interbetrieblichen Unternehmensnetzwerken und in räumlichen Agglomerationen, wie etwa in der Cluster- oder Milieuforschung, ist die Untersuchung von innerbetrieblichen Wissensdynamiken in globalen Unternehmen in der wirtschaftsgeographischen Forschung bislang weitgehend ungeachtet, obschon diese mit ähnlichen Herausforderungen und Nutzen verbunden sind. So sind Unternehmensstandorte nicht nur in jeweils einzigartige sozial- und wirtschaftsräumliche Kontexte eingebettet, sondern auch das lokal vorhandene und verfügbare Wissenskapital unterscheidet sich substantiell von Unternehmenseinheit zu Unternehmenseinheit. Trotz der übergeordneten organisationalen Zusammengehörigkeit der Unternehmenseinheiten und -standorte ist es jedoch inkorrekt anzunehmen, dass soziale Beziehungen und daraus resultierende Wissensflüsse einem generellen Automatismus unterliegen. Um aus den in einem Unternehmen vorhandenen heterogenen Wissensbeständen wirtschaftlichen Profit zu generieren, sind soziale Beziehungen innerhalb der Belegschaft standortübergreifend notwendig. Für das Zustandekommen und Aufrechterhalten dieser Beziehungen wird (temporäre) physische Nähe zwischen den Individuen als unabdingbar betrachtet. Demnach hängt die Entwicklung der Unternehmensressource Wissen von den Gelegenheiten der Mitarbeiter ab, vertrauensvolle, standortübergreifende soziale Beziehungen und berufliche Netzwerke aufzubauen. Vor dem Hintergrund räumlich dezentraler Unternehmensstrukturen rückt innerbetriebliche Mobilität der Mitarbeiter in global dispers organisierten Unternehmen in das wissenschaftliche Erkenntnisinteresse. Über die Interdependenz von Mitarbeitermobilität als Strategie der innerbetrieblichen, standortübergreifenden Netzwerkbildung und dem Transfer von Wissen über geographische Distanz gibt es bislang wenig empirisch gesicherte Einsichten. Daher zielt die Dissertationsschrift darauf ab, innerbetriebliche Dynamiken des Wissenstransfers vor dem Hintergrund differenter Formen räumlicher Mobilität in Unternehmen und daraus resultierende soziale Beziehungen zu analysieren und zu diskutieren. Dabei werden soziale Netzwerke, die durch

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(temporäre) geographische Nähe zwischen den Individuen entstehen, als Intermediäre für den Transfer von Wissen verstanden und sind daher leitend sowohl für die theoretisch-konzeptionelle Auseinandersetzung als auch für die empirische Datenerhebung. Die Aufarbeitung der erläuterten Forschungsproblematik erfolgt in drei Abschnitten und zehn Kapiteln. Der erste Abschnitt umfasst die Kapitel eins bis fünf und bildet die theoretische-konzeptionelle Grundlage für die empirische Erhebung, die im zweiten Abschnitt, respektive den Kapiteln sechs, sieben und acht, nicht nur in ihrer methodischen Vorgehensweise vorgestellt wird, sondern auch die Datenauswertung und -interpretation beinhaltet. Der finale Abschnitt, Kapitel neun und zehn, reflektiert den Forschungsansatz sowie die erzielten empirischen Ergebnisse kritisch und macht die daraus resultierenden zukünftigen Forschungsbedarfe und -ansätze deutlich. Zur Situierung des aktuellen Forschungsstandes, der empirischen Erhebung und ihrer Analyse basiert die Arbeit auf einem relationalen Wissenschaftsverständnis, um der Bedeutung von Beziehungen und Handlungen von Akteuren unter dem Gesichtspunkt der daraus entstehenden sozialen Netzwerke Rechnung zu tragen. Ein relationales Verständnis betont –   epistemologisch die Grundprinzipien des kritischen Realismus, welcher soziale Phänomene in Abhängigkeit des Gesamtkontextes und des zugrundeliegenden Konzeptverständnisses untersucht. Dabei liegt der Fokus auf der Ableitung eines Verständnisses für das zu untersuchende Phänomen und seiner qualitativen Spezifika. –  einen ontologischen Wandel von abstrakten Untersuchungsobjekten hin zu konkreten sozialen Forschungssubjekten und allen voran ihren Beziehungen untereinander. Dabei bedingen Strukturen der Makroebene soziale Muster auf der Mikroebene und vice versa, sodass eine möglichst umfassende Analyse des Forschungsproblems ermöglicht wird. –  in der Geographie als wissenschaftliche Disziplin, soziale Phänomene und Prozesse in räumlicher Perspektive zu untersuchen im Gegensatz zu Raumkonzepten, die auf einem absoluten oder relativen Raumverständnis basieren und räumliche Strukturen als explanans betrachten. –  die Entwicklung und Anwendung neuer methodischer Herangehensweisen, um der Relationalität der Forschungsprobleme adäquat Rechnung zu tragen. Für die (Wirtschafts-) Geographie und die vorliegende Fragestellung bedeutet dies zum einen zu klären, inwiefern soziale Netzwerke ein genuin (wirtschafts-)geographisches Thema sind, und zum anderen, ein methodisches

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Verfahren zu entwickeln und im Feld anzuwenden, welche die Relationalität des zu untersuchenden Phänomens und dessen räumliche Entfaltung und Wirkung miteinander in Einklang bringt. Die konzeptionelle Verortung des Forschungsproblems in den aktuellen Forschungsstand erfolgt in drei Schritten. Dies geschieht vor dem Hintergrund, dass das Forschungsinteresse zahlreiche Forschungsfelder tangiert, die bislang kaum in ihrer Interdependenz betrachtet wurden, wie der Transfer von Wissen über geographische Distanz innerhalb global organisierter Unternehmen, räumliche Mobilität von Arbeitnehmern in Unternehmen und die Emergenz und die Aufrechterhaltung sozialer Netzwerke. In einem ersten Schritt werden mittels traditioneller und systematischer Literaturrecherchen sowohl wirtschaftsgeographische als auch wirtschaftswissenschaftliche Sichtweisen auf den Transfer von Wissen miteinander verknüpft. Dabei verdeutlicht das in der Wirtschaftsgeographie entwickelte, und etablierte buzz-pipeline-Modell, wie das Zusammenspiel aus räumlicher Nähe und Distanz zwischen Akteuren den Transfer von Wissen beeinflusst. Obgleich das Modell originär der Clusterforschung entstammt, werden entsprechende Prozesse und Mechanismen, die in ihrer ursprünglichen Konzeption interbetriebliche Austauschprozesse auf Mesoebene abbilden, in einen organisationalen Zusammenhang transferiert. Es wird deutlich, dass in global strukturierten Unternehmen ebenso soziale Situation des buzz und betriebliche Arrangements im Sinne von pipelines existieren. Da das ursprüngliche Modell Prozesse auf Mikroebene, das heißt auf Ebene der Individuen, nicht ausreichend berücksichtigt, bieten wirtschaftswissenschaftliche Studien relevante Einblicke in entsprechende Transferprozesse. Obgleich der innerbetriebliche und standortübergreifende Transfer nur einen kleinen Teil der wissenschaftlichen Debatte ausmacht, offenbart diese die organisationale Einbettung entsprechender Fragestellungen in den Kontext des multinationalen Unternehmens. Hierbei wird deutlich, dass auch wirtschaftswissenschaftliche Studien (temporäre) Ko-Präsenz von Akteuren und betriebliche Netzwerke zur Vermittlung von Wissen betonen. Um die für den Wissenstransfer notwendige geographische Nähe herzustellen, ist die räumliche Mobilität betroffener Akteure unausweichlich. Im Zuge der sich räumlich ausdifferenzierenden Organisationsstrukturen, entwickeln Entscheidungs- und Funktionsträger unzählige, sich in Reisedauer und -distanz sowie hinsichtlich ihrer Zielvorgaben und Adressatenkreise unterscheidende innerbetriebliche Mobilitätsformen am Arbeitsplatz. Diese bergen sowohl für die Personen, die mobil sind, als auch für jene, die indirekt von der Mobilität anderer betroffen

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sind, heterogene Möglichkeiten zur Entwicklung und Aufrechterhaltung sozialer Bindungen und entsprechendem Wissensaustausch: –  Die zeitlich kürzeste Mobilitätsform, (erweiterte) Geschäftsreisen, sichern die kurzfristige Herstellung räumlicher Nähe. Üblicherweise sind solche Dienstreisen in ihrem Umfang, Dauer und Frequenz nicht vertraglich geregelt und erfolgen nach Bedarf, etwa um Projektfortschritte in entfernteren Standorten zu diskutieren, an Sitzungen und Entscheidungsgremien teilzunehmen, und ähnliches. Über den Gesamtzeitraum betrachtet, sind betroffene Mitarbeiter in der Lage ein sowohl in quantitativer Hinsicht großes als auch in qualitativer Hinsicht diverses Netzwerk aufzubauen. Da diese Mobilitätsform, anders als die nachfolgend vorgestellten Flexpatriates-Arrangements, weniger auf regelmäßig wiederkehrende Personenkonstellationen basiert, kommen Dienstreisende bei entsprechender Reiseintensität mit einem großen Personenkreis in Kontakt. –   Der Begriff Flexpatriates fasst sogenannte Frequent Flyer-, Pendler- und Rotationsarrangements zusammen. Ihnen ist eine Regelmäßigkeit hinsichtlich der Mobilitätsfrequenz, -dauer und in Teilen auch der Zieldestination gemein, die vertraglich verankert ist. Anders als Entsendungen sind diese jedoch von kürzerer Dauer und beinhalten keine dauerhafte Verlegung des Lebensmittelpunktes. Da betroffene Arbeitnehmer immer zu den gleichen Zieldestinationen reisen und dabei zumeist in die gleichen Teamkonstellationen zurückkehren, ist der mögliche Personenkreis zur Netzwerkbildung zwar kleiner, jedoch haben sie die Möglichkeit, intensivere Kontakte aufzubauen als bei der zuvor erläuterte Form der Geschäftsreise. –   Entsendungen an ausländische Betriebsstandorte sind die längste Form unternehmensbezogener Mobilität. Aufgrund der Komplexität der Aufgabe, die vom entsendeten Mitarbeiter im Ausland wahrgenommen wird, kommt es zu einer vorübergehenden Verlegung des Lebensmittelpunktes. Obgleich der Reiseumfang, abgesehen von der initialen Wohnortverlagerung, prinzipiell geringer ausfällt als etwa bei Geschäftsreisenden, sind entsandte Mitarbeiter in der Lage an peripheren Betriebsstandorten starke soziale Bindungen zu der dortigen Belegschaft aufzubauen, die nicht selten die eigentliche Dauer ihres Aufenthalts übersteht. Die Stärke dieser Beziehungen hat zum einen Auswirkungen auf den Transfer von tazitem Wissen während ihrer Zeit im Ausland, und zum anderen bergen starke persönliche Bindungen Potenziale für zukünftige Austauschprozesse.

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Die kurze Vorstellung ausgewählter Mobilitätsformen verdeutlicht die Interdependenzen zwischen räumlicher Mobilität, Netzwerkbildung sowie Stärke sozialer Bindungen und lässt auch auf Implikationen für den Transfer von Wissen schließen. Wissenschaftliche Erkenntnisse bisheriger Studien deuten darauf hin, dass Personen, die einen engen sozialen Kontakt pflegen, eher geneigt sind komplexes Wissen miteinander zu teilen als Personen in losen sozialen Beziehungen. Aufgrund der Potenziale, die mit der langen Aufenthaltsdauer verbunden sind, rückt die Auslandsentsendung in das weitere Interesse der theoretischen und empirischen Diskussion. Im Verlauf des gesamten Entsendungsprozesses, welcher sich in die Phasen Auswahl, Vorbereitung, Transfer und Rückkehr aufspannt, interagiert der ins Ausland entsandte Mitarbeiter, sogenannte Expatriate, mit unterschiedlichen Unternehmensabteilungen und Personen an unterschiedlichen Standorten. Dabei nimmt der Expatriate eine duale Rolle, welche je nach Phase des Entsendungszyklus variiert, ein: Er ist sowohl Empfänger als auch Sender von Informationen und Wissen. Um den im Rahmen der Entsendung stattfindenden Wissensaustausch aus der gebotenen relationalen Perspektive systematisch aufzuarbeiten und zu verstehen, muss sich zunächst die Entwicklung sozialer Netzwerke im Kontext einer Entsendung idealtypisch vergegenwärtigt werden: Während der Expatriate zu Beginn, das heißt vor Antritt seiner Entsendung, ein lokales berufliches Netzwerk bestehend aus Kollegen am aktuellen Betriebsstandort unterhält, so verlagert sich sein Netzwerk im Zuge des Transfers an den ausländischen Standort. Nur vereinzelt werden soziale Beziehungen mit Kollegen der entsendenden Unternehmenseinheit aufrechterhalten. Nach der Entsendung und Rückkehr in die ursprüngliche Einheit kommt es abermals zu einer Verlagerung beruflicher Kontakte, allerdings in entgegengesetzte Richtung. Bestehende, jedoch ruhende Kontakte werden wieder aufgenommen und ähnlich wie während der Transferphase sind einige Bindungen in die ausländische Unternehmenseinheit stark genug und überdauern die eigentliche Transferphase. Wenn auf die Entsendung weitere langund kurzfristige Mobilitätseinsätze folgen, ist der (ehemalige) Expatriate in der Lage, die geographische Reichweite seines beruflichen Netzwerks signifikant zu festigen bzw. zu erweitern und dieses sowohl räumlich als auch funktional weithin zu diversifizieren. Aufgrund dieser standortübergreifenden beruflichen Netzwerke erfüllt der Expatriate zwei zentrale Funktionen für den innerbetrieblichen, internationalen Transfer von Wissen. Zum einen tritt dieser als boundary spanner in Erscheinung. Als solcher reguliert und koordiniert der Expatriate Wissensflüsse zwischen den

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unterschiedlichen Standorten. Zum anderen hat er eine vermittelnde Funktion als knowledge broker. Innerhalb einer Einheit an einem Standort ist er um die Verbreitung, Aufnahme und Integrationen von Wissen bemüht. Im Gegensatz zu den Tätigkeiten des boundary spanners, wird die Wissensvermittlung als kollektiver, partizipativer und interaktiver Prozess verstanden, der gemäß der Spezifika von Wissen, zur Entstehung von neuem Wissen, sogenanntem brokered knowledge, führt. Hierbei de- und re-kontextualisiert der entsandte Mitarbeiter Wissensbestände, um diese entweder den Mitarbeitern in der ausländischen Unternehmenseinheit zugänglich zu machen, sodass diese von der lokalen Belegschaft genutzt werden können, oder auch um zwischen Unternehmenseinheiten und -standorten zu vermitteln. Bislang besteht ein Konsens darüber, dass Expatriates wichtige Akteure im Prozess des Wissenstransfers sind, jedoch existieren kaum empirische gesicherte Erkenntnisse darüber, wie sie diesen Prozess konkret gestalten. Vor dem Hintergrund, dass soziale Netzwerke als Intermediäre in diesem Prozess wirken und unter Berücksichtigung, dass es in der Geographie keine etablierte Methodologie gibt, um der Relationalität des Wissenstransferprozesses Rechnung zu tragen, wurde eine methodische Vorgehensweise entwickelt, welche Verfahren der qualitativen sozialwissenschaftlichen Forschung und der sozialen Netzwerkanalyse miteinander verbindet und ihre gewonnenen Erkenntnisse in der Datenanalyse und -interpretation trianguliert. Die Datenauswertung fußt auf insgesamt 34 Gesprächen mit ehemaligen und aktuellen Expatriates, Unternehmensvertretern, zum Beispiel Prokuristen, Abteilungsleitern und Personalerverantwortlichen, sowie weiteren Akteuren, wie etwa Anwälte, Versicherer und Wirtschaftsexperten, die wichtiges Hintergrundwissen bereitstellten. Eingebettet in die Arbeitsweise der Grounded Theory kamen bei der Datenerhebung explorative, problemzentrierte und leitfaden-gestützte  Interviews, standardisierte Erhebungen und netzwerkanalytische Verfahren zum Einsatz. Um den unterschiedlichen Eigenschaften der vorliegenden Daten Rechnung zu tragen, wurden diese mittels inhaltsanalytischer Auswertungsmethoden, deskriptiver Statistik, sowie der Berechnung von Parametern zur strukturellen Beschreibung von Netzwerken ausgewertet. Zusätzliche Erkenntnisse über die beruflichen Netzwerke von (ehemaligen) Expatriates lieferten zwei unterschiedliche Visualisierungsmethoden: die Darstellung der erhobenen Netzwerke mittels konzentrischer Kreise verdeutlicht zunächst die geographische Verteilung der sozialen Kontakte. Da jedoch die Abbildung struktureller Netzwerkeigenschaften in dieser Darstellungsvariante erschwert ist, wurden netzwerkbezogene Daten zusätzlich unter Zuhilfenahme der Software UCINET abgebildet.

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Im Zuge dieses iterativ und offen angelegten Forschungsprozess werden drei unterschiedliche Typen von Expatriates identifiziert, die innerhalb eines Typs Ähnlichkeiten hinsichtlich ihrer Netzwerkstrukturen und Netzwerkdynamiken zeigen und vergleichbare Positionen im Wissenstransferprozess besetzen: –  In der metaphorischen Anlehnung an die Charakteristika der Insektenordnung der Libelle, beschreibt der erste Typ (ehemalige) Expatriates mit beruflichen Netzwerken, die von globaler Reichweite sind, verschiedene Erdteile umspannen, und äußerst versatil sind. Um berufliche Netzwerke zu knüpfen werden vielseitige Strategien verfolgt. Diese folgen dem Einfluss formaler Rollen, Prinzipien homophilen Verhaltens und Ideen der Fokustheorie. Sowohl für den Aufbau als auch für die Aufrechterhaltung sozialer Beziehungen wird der persönliche Austausch darüber hinaus als unabdingbar betrachtet, welches sich in ihrem Mobilitätsverhalten entsprechend widerspiegelt. Die generierten Netzwerke sind für den Typ Libelle Ausdruck innerbetrieblicher Machtverhältnisse, da sie enge Beziehungen zu Kollegen in strategischen Top-Managementposition unterhalten, und zudem eine Quelle kollegialer Unterstützung durch den Zugang und die Bereitstellung von Wissen und Informationen. –  Netzwerkstrukturen des zweiten Typs sind im Sinne einer Spinne und des von ihr gewobenen Spinnennetz zu interpretieren. Die sozialen Netzwerke sind in quantitativer Hinsicht als groß zu betrachten; der enge Kreis besteht jedoch aus wenigen Kontakten. Dieser feste Kern besteht meist über Jahre; zusätzliche Personen bewegen sich berufsbedingt nur temporär aus dem eher losen Netzwerk in den inneren Kreis. Der Aufbau eines Netzwerkes erfolgt daher auch primär unter dem Gesichtspunkt der gemeinsamen beruflichen Tätigkeit bzw. gemeinsamer Erlebnisse. Unter räumlichen Gesichtspunkten sind die so geschaffenen Netzwerke eher regional mit nur wenigen selektiven Verbindungen ins Ausland. Weiterhin gemein ist diesem Typ, dass sich ihr Aufgaben- und Tätigkeitsbereich und zumeist auch der Arbeitgeber im Zuge der Entsendung gewandelt haben, sodass ihre Netzwerke durch das Vorhandensein unterschiedlicher, untereinander unverbundener sozialer Gruppen charakterisiert sind. Ihre Reiseintensität ist aufgrund limitierter Ressourcen geringer als bei Vertretern des Typs Libelle, obgleich der persönliche Austausch immer noch einen hohen Stellenwert für die Netzwerkpflege hat. –  Die sozialen Netzwerke von Vertretern des Typs Käfer sind trotz ihrer Tätigkeit im Ausland nur von lokaler bzw. regionaler Reichweite und, gemessen an der Anzahl ihrer genannten Netzwerkmitglieder, etwas kleiner. Funktional betrachtet sind die Netzwerke weniger heterogen aufgestellt, allerdings

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werden die Bindungen als freundschaftlich beschrieben. Soziale Kontakte werden vor allem im Rahmen der gemeinsamen Bearbeitung von Arbeitsaufgaben aufgebaut, bei welchem formale Rollen, da die Interaktion mit Netzwerkpartnern als Gelegenheiten der Wissensaneignung verstanden werden, von Bedeutung sind. Finanzelle Investitionen zur Herstellung geographischer Nähe zum Zweck der Netzwerkpflege können bestenfalls als opportunistisch beschrieben werden. Digitale Kommunikationsmöglichkeiten sind von vergleichsweiser großer Relevanz. Für ihre Rolle und Funktion im Wissenstransferprozess lässt sich daher folgendes festhalten: Vetreter des Typs Libelle sind bestrebt, ihre beruflichen Netzwerke strategisch zu optimieren und (weiter) zu entwickeln, welches sich in der Redundanz der so zugänglichen Wissenspools widerspiegelt, die kurze Wege, schnellen Informationsfluss und hohe Resilienz versprechen. Dies ist eng verbunden mit ihrer Funktion im Wissenstransferprozess, in welchem sie sowohl als knowledge broker und boundary spanner auftreten. Diese Gruppe von Expatriates absorbiert Wissen mit der Intention dieses auch weiter zu geben. Daher benötigen sie zumindest Grundkenntnisse über organisationale Routinen, Arbeitsprozesse und Technologien, vor allem aber suchen sie aktiv nach Gruppen, Unternehmenseinheiten und Einzelpersonen, die entweder spezifisches Wissen bereitstellen können oder suchen. Im Gegensatz hierzu verfolgen Expatriates der Typen Spinnen und Käfer überwiegend das strukturelle Wachstum ihrer Netzwerke. Da Letztere kein oder kaum Wissen in ihr Netzwerk zurückspielen, profitiert dieser Personenkreis von den von Spinnen und Libellen geteilten Wissensbeständen. Spinnen verfolgen strukturelles Wachstum aufgrund ihrer beruflichen Biographien, die von Job- und Tätigkeitswechsel gekennzeichnet sind, sowie den thematischen Diskrepanzen ihrer Aufgabengebieten und Tätigkeitsbereiche vor, während und nach der Entsendung in eine ausländische Einheit. Vertreter des Typs Spinne schätzen den zwischenmenschlichen Austausch, jedoch gehen sie dabei weniger strategisch und systematisch vor als Expatriates des Typs Libelle. Aufgrund der Heterogenität ihrer Tätigkeit(en) überbrücken sie unterschiedliche und nicht immer thematisch verwandte Wissenspools, aber nicht mit der Intention zwischen diesen zu vermitteln. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass die Quantität und Qualität sozialer Bindungen sowohl vom zeitlichen Umfang der gemeinsamen Ko-Präsenz als auch von gemeinsamen Erlebnissen bestimmt werden. Demzufolge wird räumliche Mobilität sowohl als notwendige Bedingung zur Netzwerkbildung als auch ein Mechanismus zur weiteren Entwicklung und qualitativen Ausdifferenzierung sozialer Beziehungen verstanden.

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German Summary

Zusammenfassend ist zu betonen, dass die beruflichen Netzwerke räumlich mobiler Arbeitnehmer und die von ihnen im Wissenstransfer besetzten Positionen von persönlichen, tätigkeits-, wissens- und raumbezogenen Faktoren abhängen. Personen in Unternehmen, die –  zentrale Schnittstellen in strategischer und/oder leitender Funktion besetzen, –  darauf angewiesen sind zentrale Personen im Unternehmen zu kennen, um ihre berufliche Aufgabe adäquat auszufüllen, –  face-to-face-Kommunikation digitalen Kommunikationswegen vorziehen, und –   über die notwendigen Ressourcen verfügen, um geographische Distanzen zwischen sich und ihren Kontakten regelmäßig überwinden zu können, haben bessere Gelegenheiten, berufliche Netzwerke von globaler Reichweite aufzubauen und aktiv standortübergreifende Wissensströme zu entwickeln und zu steuern. Da Vertreter des Typs Käfer in Wissenstransferprozessen nicht aktiv interagieren, und die Netzwerke des Typs Spinne eher extern als intern ausgerichtet sind, nehmen Personen des Typs Libelle eine zentrale Rolle für den innerbetrieblichen, standortübergreifenden Transfer von Wissen ein. Sie tragen wesentlich zur Unternehmensentwicklung bei, indem sie Wissensflüsse innerhalb und zwischen Betriebsstandorten und Unternehmenseinheiten kontrollieren, verwalten, steuern, moderieren und vermitteln. Aus betrieblicher Sicht wird räumliche Mobilität der Arbeitnehmer als Motor unternehmerischer Entwicklung betrachtet, die in unterschiedlichen Kontexten von Bedeutung ist. Neben der Aufrechterhaltung und Entwicklung von Kundenbeziehungen, wird die Erfahrung im Ausland durchaus als Qualifikationsstrategie ihrer Belegschaft eingesetzt, jedoch nur in geringem Umfang von institutionalisieren Verfahren des innerbetrieblichen Wissensmanagements flankiert. Trotz der hohen finanziellen Investition in die Entsendung ihrer Mitarbeiter und des vorhandenen Bewusstseins für das innovative Potenzial, das der Zirkulation von Wissen anhaftet, verlassen sich Unternehmensverantwortliche auf den informellen Austausch innerhalb ihrer Belegschaft. Einzig durch die strategische Besetzung von Schnittstellenpositionen durch Expatriates erfährt die Zirkulation von tazitem Wissen, das aus einer Auslandsentsendung resultiert, ein gewisses Maß an betrieblicher Förderung und Unterstützung. Gegeben, dass dieses Wissen größtenteils durch informelle Kanäle weitergegeben wird, wird Entscheidungsträgern empfohlen, Maßnahmenpakete zu entwickeln, die sich weg von einer reinen Fokussierung auf den Austausch von Wissen hin zu einem Management von innerbetrieblichen, standortübergreifenden Netzwerken wandeln.

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Neben diesen konkreten Einsichten in die sozialen Dynamiken und Prozesse, die den standortübergreifenden Transfer von Wissen in Unternehmen regulieren, ermöglicht die vorliegende Arbeit auch Schlüsse auf einer theoretisch-konzeptionellen Metaebene: Durch den Transfer des geographischen buzz-pipeline-Modells in einen organisationalen Kontext und vor dem Hintergrund, dass sich bisherige auf dieses Modell stützende empirische Arbeiten vor allem der analytischen Ausdifferenzierung des lokalen buzz gewidmet haben und eine dezidierte Auseinandersetzung mit globalen pipelines bislang nur stiefmütterlich erfolgte, leistet die vorliegende Arbeit einen Beitrag für ein besseres Verständnis globaler pipelines. In ihrer originalen Konzeption sichern diese den Zugang zu geographisch weit entfernten Wissensreservoirs in Form strategischer Unternehmenspartnerschaften und Allianzen, die nicht selten auch vertraglich vereinbart sind. Jedoch gibt es kaum tiefergehende oder differenzierte empirische Erkenntnisse, etwa ob und welche unterschiedlichen Formen von pipelines existieren oder wie und zwischen wem sich Wissenstransfer in diesen tatsächlich vollzieht. Auch wenn diese Fragen im Rahmen der vorliegenden Arbeit nicht abschließend geklärt werden können, ist es möglich unterschiedliche Formen von pipelines hinsichtlich ihres Grades der Formalisierung (institutionalisierte vs. informelle pipelines), ihrer räumlichen Reichweite (lokale vs. globale pipelines) und ihrer organisationalen Einbettung (intra- vs. inter-organisationale pipelines) zu differenzieren. Zuletzt markiert die vorliegende Arbeit durch die konsequente konzeptionelle und empirische Verflechtung räumlicher, mobilitätsbezogener und netzwerkanalytischer Sichtweisen den Startpunkt, die „Geographie sozialer Netzwerke“ dezidiert zu analysieren, das heißt wie soziale Netzwerke im Zeitalter eines ständigen „Bewegtseins“ und „in Bewegung seins“ überhaupt gebildet und schlussendlich auch aufrecht gehalten werden. Wie bedingen Mobilität(smuster) soziale Netzwerk(strukturen) und vice versa? Welche Strategien werden entwickelt, um soziale und wirtschaftliche Beziehungen zu unterhalten, wenn alles und jeder konstant in Bewegung ist? Wie werden durch soziale Beziehungen unterschiedliche Orte auf dieser Welt miteinander verknüpft? Weitere theoretisch-konzeptionelle und empirische Auseinandersetzungen müssen daher der multiplen Einbettung sozialer Akteure und der mehrdimensionalen Relationalität ihrer Beziehungen Rechnung tragen. In einer relationalen wissenschaftstheoretischen Perspektive scheint es unstrittig, dass daher zukünftige Forschungsvorhaben Forschungssubjekte auf Mikroebene und ihre Interaktionsmuster in den Blick nehmen und ihre Implikationen für die (Nicht-)Verbindungen, Zentralität bzw. Peripherie, Inklusion und Exklusion, (Nicht-) Vorhandensein von Akteuren, Orten, Praktiken, Beziehungen, Handlungen u. ä. berücksichtigen müssen.

Contents

Part I  State of the Art 1 Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 1.1 Problem Outline: The Competitive Knowledge Paradox. . . . . . . . . . 3 1.2 Structure of Thesis. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 1.3 An Introduction to Relational Thinking – Or: Why Networks Matter. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 1.3.1 From Researching the Individual to Researching the Collective: Relational Thinking at a Glance . . . . . . . . . . 13 1.3.2 Relational Thinking in Economic Geography. . . . . . . . . . . . 17 1.3.3 Studying Relations: Networks and Geography . . . . . . . . . . . 21 1.4 Interim Conclusion I: The Analysis of Knowledge Transfer from a Spatial Network Perspective. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25 2 Knowledge Transfer, Space and Organisations: A Multi-perspective Discussion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27 2.1 Knowledge Transfer: A Social Process . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 2.2 Knowledge and Space: Spatial Approaches Towards the Transfer of Knowledge. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31 2.2.1 Place-based Views on Knowledge Transfer: Local, Global, Virtual Buzz. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33 2.2.2 Overcoming Geographical Distance: Pipelines and Long-Distance Knowledge Transfers. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37 2.2.3 The Buzz-Pipeline Model: Micro-Scale and Intra-Organisational Perspectives as Missing Links . . . . . . . 40

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2.3 Knowledge and Business Organisations: Economic Approaches Towards the Transfer of Knowledge . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42 2.3.1 Tackling Theoretical Fragmentation: Systematic Literature Reviews in the Field of Economics and Business and Management Studies. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 2.3.2 Knowledge Transfer in Economics and Business and Management Studies: An Overview . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45 2.3.3 The Logic of Intra-Firm Knowledge Transfers . . . . . . . . . . . 47 2.4 Interim Conclusion II: Multi-Perspectivity and Spatial Mobility as Genuine Elements of Knowledge Transfer. . . . . . . . . . . 53 3 Being Mobile at Work: Mobility Practices in Organisations and Their Impact on Intra-Firm Networks and Knowledge Transfers. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55 3.1 Business Mobilities: State of the Art. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56 3.2 The Development of Relational and Social Capital in Organisations: The Role of Spatial, Intra-Firm Personnel Mobility. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59 3.3 Spatial Mobility and the Emergence of Social Networks: A Typology of Business Mobilities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66 3.4 Interim Conclusion III: Managing Flows of People, Managing Flows of Knowledge. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77 4 Expatriation: Social Networks and Knowledge Flows . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81 4.1 The Multiplex Roles of Expatriates in Knowledge Transfer Processes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83 4.1.1 Sending Vs. Receiving Knowledge during Expatriation: The Diversity of Knowledge Flows. . . . . . . . . 85 4.1.2 Transferring Knowledge over Distance through Social Networks: The Expatriate as Boundary Spanner and Knowledge Broker. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92 4.1.3 The Formation and Development of Expatriate Networks: Influencing Factors. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98 4.2 Expatriate Knowledge Flows in Space: An Approximation. . . . . . . . 107 4.2.1 Proxy Indicator: Cross-Border Labour Movements. . . . . . . . 108 4.2.2 Proxy Indicator: International Flows of Financial Capital . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110 4.2.3 Proxy Indicator: Scientific Coverage of Expatriate Flows . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113

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4.3 Interim Conclusion IV: The Exposed Position of Expatriates in Intra-Firm, Cross-Border Social Networks. . . . . . . . . 116 5 Situating the Research Question. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119 Part II  Data Collection and Results 6 Studying Social Networks and Knowledge Transfer over Geographical Distance in Organisations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125 6.1 Primary Data Collection in Corporate Settings: A Critical Reflection . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127 6.1.1 Which Data to Collect: Types of Knowledge in Organisations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 128 6.1.2 Who to Ask: Sampling Strategies. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 130 6.1.3 How to Ask: The Particularities of Expert Interviews. . . . . . 131 6.1.4 How to Behave: The Interview Situation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133 6.1.5 The Design of Semi-Structured Expert Interviews: Final Thoughts. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 136 6.2 The Study of Expatriate Networks. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137 6.2.1 Network Theory: Social Mechanisms for the Formation and Development of Social Networks. . . . 137 6.2.2 Form or Meaning? Mixed-Method Approaches in SNA. . . . 152 6.3 The Empirical Research Approach: Structure and Elements of Data Collection and Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157 6.3.1 The Study of Expatriation and Knowledge Transfer: The Business Perspective. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159 6.3.1.1 Sampling Experts in a Business Context. . . . . . . . 159 6.3.1.2 Interview Settings and Guidelines in a Business Context. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 162 6.3.1.3 Interview Analysis. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 164 6.3.2 The Study of Expatriation and Knowledge Transfer: The Expatriate Perspective. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165 6.3.2.1 Remarks on the Collection of Ego Networks. . . . 167 6.3.2.2 The Research Design: A Synopsis of Methods Applied in the Field . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173 6.3.2.3 Identifying Relational Patterns in Space: Iterative Cross-Case Analysis and Typology Building as Analytical Procedures. . . . . . . . . . . . . 181 6.3.2.4 Remarks on Data Collection and Analysis. . . . . . . 185

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6.4 The Sample. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 186 6.4.1 The Business Sample. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 187 6.4.2 The Expatriate Sample. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189 7 The Business Perspective: The Role of Spatial Mobility and Intra-firm Social Ties. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199 7.1 Spatial Mobility as Business Engine: Benefits for Business Development. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199 7.2 Knowledge Management and the Role of Intra-firm Networks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 203 8 The Expatriate Perspective: Spatial Mobility, Social Networks and Flows of Knowledge. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 207 8.1 Types of Expatriate Networks: The Dragonfly, the Spider and the Beetle. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 208 8.2 Social Networks and Knowledge Transfer of Global Scope: The Type Dragonfly. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 209 8.2.1 The Formation and Structure of Global Networks: Multiple Social Mechanisms. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 209 8.2.2 Network Development: The Dual Approach of the Type Dragonfly. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 214 8.2.3 Social Networks as Competitive Advantage . . . . . . . . . . . . . 217 8.2.4 Network Effects: The Expatriate as Boundary Spanner and Knowledge Broker. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 218 8.2.5 Synopsis: Knowledge Flows in Networks of the Type Dragonfly. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 224 8.3 Social Networks and Knowledge Transfer of Global and Regional Scope: The Type Spider. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 226 8.3.1 The Formation and Structure of Dynamic Networks: The Prevalence of Focus Theory . . . . . . . . . . . . . 227 8.3.2 Network Development: Network Growth as Guiding Principle. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 230 8.3.3 Social Networks as Social Support System, Source of Income and Provider of Ideas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233 8.3.4 Network Effects: The Expatriate as Generator of Knowledge Flows . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 234 8.3.5 Synopsis: Knowledge Flows in Networks of the Type Spider . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 236

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8.4 Social Networks and Knowledge Transfer of Local Scope: The Type Beetle. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 237 8.4.1 The Formation and Structure of Local Networks: The Role of Focus Theory and Formal Roles . . . . . . . . . . . . 238 8.4.2 Network Development: The Role of Personal Attachment. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 239 8.4.3 Social Networks as a Source of Friendship and Expertise. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 240 8.4.4 Network Effects: The Expatriate as Beneficiary of Knowledge Flows . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 240 8.4.5 Synopsis: Knowledge Flows in Networks of the Type Beetle. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 241 8.5 Interim Conclusion IV: Social Networks and Knowledge Transfer in the Age of Global Mobility. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 242 8.5.1 Final Cross-Case Comparison of Expatriate Types, Their Networks and Associated Implications for Intra-Firm Transfer of Knowledge. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 242 8.5.2 Being Here and Being There: The Role of Spatial Mobility for the Formation and Development of Social Networks. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 245 8.5.3 Expatriates and Knowledge Transfer: The Role of Social Networks. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 247 Part III  Critical Discussion 9 Discussion of Empirical Findings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 251 9.1 Knowledge Transfer over Distance: Implications for the Extension and Modification of the Buzz-Pipeline Model. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 254 9.2 Researching the Geography of Social Networks. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 255 9.3 The Spatiality of Knowledge Flows in MNCs: A Network Perspective. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 258 9.4 Practical Recommendations: From Knowledge Management to Network Management . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 260 10 Final Conclusion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 265 List of References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 273

Abbreviations

cf. etc. e.g. FDI GREMI GTM HR HRM HQ i.e. IMS MNC SME SNA SON w.p. [ed.] “…” »…«

carried forward et cetera example given foreign direct investment Groupe de Recherche Européen sur les Milieux Innovateurs Grounded Theory Methodology Human Resources Human Resource Management Headquarter id est Instant Messaging Service multinational corporation small- and medium -sized enterprises Social Network Analysis Social Online Networks without page editor’s note used for direct citation from literature used for direct citation from qualitative interviews

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List of Figures

Figure 1.1 Figure 1.2

Structure of thesis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 The epistemology, ontology and methodology of relational research. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 Figure 1.3 Positivism vs. Realism. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 Figure 2.1 The development of publications for “knowledge transfer”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28 Figure 2.2 Knowledge transfer over distance – the buzz-pipeline model. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32 Figure 2.3 A comparative view on different forms of buzz and pipelines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34 Figure 2.4 Pipelines – towards a typology of organisational and individual arrangements. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39 Figure 2.5 The approach of systematic literature review . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44 Figure 2.6 Research about knowledge transfer in Economics and Business and Management Studies. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46 Figure 2.7 Research about knowledge transfer in the context of the multinational firm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49 Figure 2.8 The taxonomy of knowledge transfer processes according to Spraggon & Bodolica (2012) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50 Figure 2.9 Cabrera & Cabrera’s model of knowledge-sharing dynamics (2005) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51 Figure 2.10 Knowledge transfer as an interdisciplinary research object. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54 Figure 3.1 Business mobilities as a field of research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57 Figure 3.2 Julsrud & Gjerdåker‘s typology of personal network strategies in global organisations (2013). . . . . . . . . . 62

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xxviii

Figure 3.3 Figure 3.4 Figure 3.5 Figure 4.1 Figure 4.2 Figure 4.3 Figure 4.4 Figure 4.5 Figure 4.6 Figure 4.7 Figure 4.8 Figure 6.1

Figure 6.2 Figure 6.3 Figure 6.4 Figure 6.5 Figure 6.6 Figure 6.7 Figure 6.8 Figure 6.9 Figure 6.10 Figure 6.11 Figure 6.12 Figure 6.13 Figure 6.14 Figure 6.15 Figure 6.16

List of Figures

The mutual interdependence of space, networks, and knowledge transfer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67 A model of personnel mobility in business organisations. . . . 69 Knowledge transfer in the context of business mobilities –  a multi-level view. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72 The cycle of expatriation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85 Expatriation and knowledge flows. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87 Typology of knowledge transfers during expatriation. . . . . . . 91 A model of expatriate networks. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92 The concepts of boundary spanner and knowledge broker. . . 94 Factors influencing the development of networks in an expatriate context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 100 Flows of FDI. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 112 The study of expatriate assignments from a spatial perspective. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115 The logic of the research approach and interrelated analytical steps for the analysis of knowledge transfer in the context of expatriation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126 Types of knowledge in business organisations . . . . . . . . . . . . 129 Types of expert interviews. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133 Interviewer roles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135 Expert interviews as a form of empirical data collection . . . . 136 A systematic approach towards the study of personal networks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 138 Transitivity. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143 The dual approach of network development. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 146 The weak tie hypothesis (Granovetter 1973). . . . . . . . . . . . . . 148 Burt’s structural hole theory (1992). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149 The logic of information benefits in social networks according to Granovetter (1973) and Burt (1992). . . . . . . . . . 150 Mechanism of network development on the individual and network level. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 152 Formalist vs. structuralist/relationalist approaches in network studies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 154 Methods in SNA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155 The research design. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157 The iterative logic of data analysis for the study of expatriate networks. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 166

List of Figures

xxix

Figure 6.17 The design of SNA in five steps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 168 Figure 6.18 The dimensions of empirical interest and associated modes of data collection and analysis. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 174 Figure 6.19 The analytical phases of typology building. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 182 Figure 6.20 Dimensions of iterative, comparative data analysis. . . . . . . . . 183 Figure 6.21 The method of constant comparative analysis in typology building. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 185 Figure 6.22 Main characteristics of the data set. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 186 Figure 6.23 The global linkages of interviewed business organisations. . . 188 Figure 6.24 The expatriate sample . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 190 Figure 6.25 The sample’s expatriate assignments. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 192 Figure 6.26 Temporal and spatial distribution of expatriate assignments. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 193 Figure 6.27 Selected network indicators at a glance. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195 Figure 6.28 Demographic, spatial and relational attributes of alteri. . . . . . 196 Figure 7.1 The use of spatial mobility of employees in business organisations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 201 Figure 7.2 Knowledge transfer mechanisms in the expatriate context. . . 205 Figure 8.1 The expatriate sample sorted by types. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 209 Figure 8.2 A visual representation of the ego network of X-52m-4. . . . . 213 Figure 8.3 Internal connections in dragonfly networks – the example of X-31m-1. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 215 Figure 8.4 The expatriate as boundary spanner and respective (reverse) knowledge flows. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 219 Figure 8.5 Types of knowledge brokers and respective knowledge flows . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 220 Figure 8.6 Knowledge types involved in knowledge transfers in dragonfly networks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 226 Figure 8.7 External orientation in networks of the type spider – example X-40f-2 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 228 Figure 8.8 The structure of networks of the type spider – the examples of the interviewee X-40f-2 and X-60m-2 . . . . . . . . 229 Figure 8.9 Knowledge flows in spider networks. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 235 Figure 8.10 Knowledge types involved in knowledge transfers in spider networks. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 236 Figure 8.11 The spatial representation of beetle networks – the example X-44m-2 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 238 Figure 8.12 Knowledge transfer in beetle networks.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 241

xxx

List of Figures

Figure 8.13 Knowledge types involved in knowledge transfers in beetle networks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 242 Figure 8.14 A cross-case comparison of qualitative indicators. . . . . . . . . . 244 Figure 8.15 The role of spatial mobility for the generation and development of professional networks. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 245 Figure 9.1 The buzz-pipeline model revisited. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 255

Part I State of the Art

1

Introduction

The work on this presented thesis, entitled “Knowledge Transfers over Geographical Distance in Organisations: The Role of Spatial Mobility and Business Networks”1, began in winter 2015/2016 and was finalised in autumn 2018. It begins with a problem outline and a presentation of the structure, before a fundamental overview is provided clarifying the epistemological, ontological and methodological approaches on which this research is based.

1.1 Problem Outline: The Competitive Knowledge Paradox Today, the access, acquisition and utilisation of knowledge are critical for any firm to thrive and prosper. In the editorial to his edited book Knowledge in Organizations, Prusak (1997: ix) postulates “a firm’s competitive advantage depends more than anything on its knowledge. Or, to be slightly more specific, on what it knows – how it uses what it knows – and how fast it can know something new” (Italics in original). The acquisition and sharing of knowledge has become a central production factor and entrepreneurial strategy. The management of knowledge in firms has even advanced towards an industrial sector of its own with ser-

1On

submission, the title was „On the Move: About the Relationality and Mobility of Knowledge“. As recommended by the editors of the publication series the title was changed. This change was approved by the Faculty of Chemistry and Earth Sciences, Friedrich Schiller University Jena.

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2020 V. R. Hünnemeyer, Knowledge Transfers over Geographical Distance in Organisations, Perspektiven der Humangeographie, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-31018-9_1

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4

1 Introduction

vices and products fostering knowledge creation and knowledge sharing among a variety of stakeholders, such as institutions, companies, and employees. Prusak (1997:xii f.) explains the surge in knowledge in firms by the improved access to knowledge and the increased pace of knowledge creation, which quickly renders existing knowledge obsolete and leads to an even more accelerated pursuit of knowledge. Global markets, vertical and horizontal integration and the geographical dispersion of consumer and producer urge firms to find strategies to share knowledge efficiently and effectively in order to be able to assert themselves in global competition: “(…) the new economy is organized around global networks of capital, management, and information, whose access to technological know-how is at the roots of productivity and competitiveness. Business firms and, increasingly, organizations and institutions are organized in networks of variable geometry whose intertwining supersedes the traditional distinction between corporations and small business, cutting across sectors, and spreading along different geographical clusters of economic units.” (Castells 2000:502) Knowledge is not only dispersed in a spatial sense since “Businesses that were once organized along geographic lines are now reorienting themselves according to markets, or products, or processes – or all of the above in complex matrices” (Prusak 1997:xiii), but also in functional terms. The “unavoidable imperfection of man’s knowledge” (Hayek 1945:530) requires and results in the division of firms in organisational units and work labour in specialised fields. In an economic context, knowledge represents a special form of corporate resource. Due to its intangible character, companies can only tap into it through their available workforce. The embodied character of knowledge leads to the fact that this kind of resource is spatially scattered and dispersed. This functionally and spatially fragmented nature conditions the transition from centralised companies to decentralised and geographically dispersed corporate structures (Brakman & van Marrewijk 2018:27, Torre 2008:876): “Processes of knowledge creation and innovation can rarely be reduced to specific local knowledge pools; they depend on, are constructed by and entangled with knowledge flows and linkages to knowledge pools located elsewhere.” (Bathelt & Cohendet 2014:871) Apart from securing access to different knowledge resources, a geographically dispersed corporate structure also raises numerous challenges for the company as such. These include, for example: increased uncertainties in the company that cause decision-making difficulties at management level; lack of transparency about company activities at the individual locations; problems associated

1.1  Problem Outline: The Competitive Knowledge Paradox

5

with internal information asymmetries; additional resources to bundle dispersed knowledge (Becker 2001:1049 ff.). With the question of the spatial development of companies, decision-makers are increasingly caught in a dilemma that is termed the competitive knowledge paradox. The competitive knowledge paradox describes the current structure of organisations, which is essentially based on geographical dispersion, yet runs counter to the very nature of knowledge and associated logic and dynamics of the generation, acquisition and distribution of knowledge, which relies on physical proximity (Bathelt & Cohendet 2014:871, Torre 2008:873, 875, 879): “(…) knowledge is highly appropriable and difficult to transfer, hence the need for face-to-face interactions and therefore for geographical proximity.” (Torre 2008:873) Since organisations thrive through continuous de- and re-contextualisation of knowledge in order to generate and transfer knowledge, they essentially have to find strategies that allow for efficient knowledge circulation among their locations. Those largely depend on fostering linkages among key players by means of face-to-face interaction, enabled through the establishment of spatial proximity (Torre 2008:879). So far, economic geographers have focused on geographical proximity and associated knowledge flows among firms and by doing so have focused on knowledge pools external to the firm (cf. e.g. Glaister 2018:43, Rantisi 2014:957, Giuliani 2017:360). For instance, empirical studies about clusters or strategic alliances investigate local-global linkages between firms and their impact on innovative processes and development (e.g. Nachum & Keeble 2003, Vang & Chaminade 2007), emphasise inter-firm networks as competitive advantage (e.g. Lechner & Dowling 2003), consider the socio-spatial embeddedness of firms (e.g. Grabher 1993), or debate the interplay between temporary gatherings, permanent co-location and associated knowledge flows (e.g. Bathelt et al. 2004, Bathelt & Schuldt 2008a, Maskell et al. 2004). Up to now, knowledge transfer within business organisations2 has been largely neglected, though knowledge dynamics within spatially dispersed business units are confronted with similar challenges and benefits than single-unit businesses (e.g. SMEs), which access external

2Yeung

(2005:314, 1998:106) distinguishes a) extra-firm networks, i.e. relations among business organisations and other institutions, such as the nation state, b) inter-firm networks, i.e. relations among two business organisations, and c) intra-firm networks, i.e. networks within one business organisation.

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1 Introduction

resources through extra- or inter-firm networks. In spatially dispersed organisations each business unit is not only embedded in unique socio-spatial contexts generating very different knowledge creating dynamics, but also their local expertise is unique (Boh et al. 2007:600 f.). Thus, firms achieve a competitive advantage when they successfully integrate and link spatially dispersed knowledge pools effectively and efficiently. Similar to inter-firm knowledge flows, intra-firm knowledge generation and exchange depends on face-to-face interaction. Expecting that ­face-to-face interactions establish communication and information channels, which take shape in form of intra-firm social networks among the workforce, spatial mobility of employees directly affects corporate knowledge resources. Torre (2008:870 f.) stresses that “the mobility of individuals, which makes it possible to implement this mechanism [ed.: interactive processes among humans to exchange information and knowledge] (…), implies a strong relation to space, but one that differs in nature from (…) traditional approaches.” He further clarifies, “More specifically, the necessity of permanent geographical proximity has lightened for many firms and institutions, so that the constraint of co-location of similar or complementary activities [ed.: activities of knowledge transfer] tends to become less stringent. (…) the need for geographical proximity has changed in nature in two fundamental respects: it has become increasingly more temporary; and its temporary nature can (…) be fulfilled through mobility.” (Torre 2008:879). Yet economic geographers know little about the interdependence of business mobility and intra-firm social networks and their impact on knowledge transfers over geographical distance within organisations. In order to contribute to this desideratum of research, the thesis analyses intra-firm knowledge transfers in corporate contexts which are characterised by both the spatial dispersion of business units and considerable level of spatial employee mobility. Given that expatriates – employees that participate in a distinct form of international workplace rotations – are important actors for intra-firm knowledge exchanges, the thesis asks How do expatriates contribute to intra-firm knowledge transfers? Due to the problem and research setting, further follow-up questions arise: • Which importance do companies attach to expatriates for internal knowledge flows? Do they benefit from expatriate knowledge flows, and if so, how? • How are the professional networks of expatriates organised spatially and relationally, i.e. what is their structure, how do they form and develop their networks?

1.2  Structure of Thesis

7

• What importance do expatriates attach to their networks? • How do expatriates affect intra-firm knowledge transfers? Which role do expatriates play in intra-firm knowledge flows? Though the research is embedded in corporate contexts, the data collection and analysis require a space-sensitive approach. Recalling Torres’ explanations (Torre 2008: 879), spatial proximity among actors is a transitory phenomenon. As a consequence, geographic places with their specific socio-spatial characteristics become relevant for the actions of actors only insofar as they influence their specific actions on an individual micro-level. Therefore, the two basic spatial states of “spatial proximity” and “spatial distance” between actors have a stronger determining effect on interactions than, for example, the particular institutional or socio-economic environment. The spatial perspective of the work therefore results less from particular geographic places, but rather more from the relational positions of the actors in space. These relational positions may or may not be influenced to some extent by corporate contexts, such as hierarchy, functional job roles and associated interactive opportunities.

1.2 Structure of Thesis In order to address the above stated research problem, the present thesis is divided into three sections and ten chapters. The first section covers Chapters 1–5 and places the research interest in the current research debate. The second section discusses the methodological approach and empirical results in Chapters 6, 7 and 8. The last section, Chapters 9 and 10, critically reviews the research approach, its empirical findings and resulting implications for the state of the art and future research (cf. Fig. 1.1). Chapter 1 begins with the underlying scientific problem. Given that knowledge expressed by the firm’s workforce is the most important economic resource, business organisations often do not fulfil the spatial requirements in order to exploit these resources. A decentralisation of the organisation is diametrically opposed to the demands of the resource ‘knowledge’. Since physical proximity and personal encounters among employees benefit the exchange and growth of available knowledge resources, business organisations have to implement strategies focusing on spatial mobility among employees. With the expectation that temporary mobility creates opportunities for personal interaction, resulting social relations within the workforce function as channels of communication

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1 Introduction

and knowledge transfer. Since social relations are understood as the lynchpin of the knowledge transfer process, the conceptual and empirical results are linked to a relational research paradigm with associated ontological and methodological implications. Therefore, Chapter 1 not only introduces the general research context, but discusses whether and how the study of personal networks is linked to Economic Geography. In doing so, the author joins the opinion of the participants of the Economic Geography 2010 Workshop (cf. Aoyama 2011:113 f.) that the study of relations offers new insights into social dynamics with spatial impact. The current state of the art on the subject of interest is organised in three interrelating chapters. To begin with, Chapter 2 thoroughly discusses insights into the transfer of knowledge by means of systematic and traditional literature reviews. In doing so, knowledge is conceptualised along the lines of explicit and tacit dimensions with an embodied character making it inevitably tied to individuals. Further different types of knowledge are identified, such as know-how, ­know-why, know-what, know-when, and know-who. Since this research is interested in the interrelation of space and knowledge and thereby transcends the organisational boundaries of the firm, the analysis necessitates taking into account both spatial as well as organisational approaches to the study of knowledge transfer. Therefore, the geographic buzz-pipeline model is disembedded from its original context, i.e. cluster research, and transferred into an organisational context. Theoretical contributions from Business and Management Studies provide a more nuanced understanding of micro-social processes in firms, which helps to conceptualise a detailed understanding about the transfer of knowledge within and across business organisations. Both views are put in relation to each other to demonstrate that the transfer of knowledge is neither a purely organisational nor spatial nor individual process, but those three dimensions play an equally important role in the successful transfer of knowledge. Both the organisational and the spatial view highlight the importance of physical movements of individuals in space. Therefore, Chapter 3 discusses spatial mobility of employees in business contexts. In line with the resource-based view of the firm, spatial personnel mobility is considered to benefit an organisation’s performance by developing its innovative capabilities as well as its relational and social capital by means of diversification of established teams, face-to-face interactions, formation and maintenance of intra-firm networks. With regard to the latter, the chapter highlights that different forms of corporate mobility – which differentiate along the period of mobility (long- vs. short-term), the geographical distance covered, as well as whether

1.2  Structure of Thesis

9

they target intra- or inter-firm exchanges – have different implications for the formation of personal networks and, consequently, for the transfer of knowledge. The analysis of different corporate mobility forms emphasises that the longer the physical co-location of employees, the stronger the ties are that are being established among local staff and mobile employees and among mobile employees as such. This creates benefits for the transfer of tacit knowledge and is associated with the establishment of (intra-firm) communication channels, which outlast the actual period of physical co-location and secure long-term intra-firm flows of information and knowledge. The capability  of employees to form intra-firm networks and to share knowledge among business units and over geographical distance is discussed in more detail by one long-term form of business mobility, i.e., expatriation. Despite a long-standing history as a form of corporate mobility associated with the efficient transfer of knowledge, actual mechanisms and processes before, during and after expatriation remain a black box. The cyclical nature of expatriation allows first the identification of general knowledge flows associated therewith and second, the conceptualisation and explanation of the role of expatriates as knowledge brokers and boundary spanners. Finally, Chapter 4 emphasises that expatriates can only succeed in the intra-firm transfer of knowledge in case they are able to tie and maintain social relations in the sending and receiving business units. The a) actual character of knowledge, b) the conditions of the mobility arrangement, i.e. duration, tasks, responsibilities, further forms and duration of mobility during the delegation, forms of organisational support, c) cultural-environmental factors, which affect the integration into the local unit, and finally, d) individual personality traits critically influence the expatriates’ capability to bond to other people, establish trust and develop and maintain personal networks. The discussion of the state of the art concludes with a brief interim conclusion in Chapter 5 summarising the main points of Chapters 2 to 4 and leading over to the second section by recalling the research questions. The second section focuses on the collection and analysis of primary data. In order to make the processes of data collection and data analysis transparent, the author discusses the methodological procedure in Chapter 6. Explaining the general research design in the beginning, which follows a dual approach with focusing on actors and companies alike, the chapter reflects upon fieldwork in a business context. This discussion covers the type(s) of knowledge to be expected from so-called experts, identification and sampling strategies of persons of interest, types of qualitative interviews, as well as the impact of latent and blatant role

10

1 Introduction

relations among the interviewer and the interviewee. The following subchapter introduces the reader to SNA as an empirical strategy of data collection and analysis. Subchapters 6.3 and 6.4 explain the applied empirical approach and the resulting sample in detail. In contrast to the study of the employer perspective, which is based on qualitative interviews and content analysis, the empirical survey with regard to mobile employees focuses on the triangulation of different methodological approaches. At the centre of the study are both qualitative interviews, which deal with social strategies of knowledge transfer in situations of spatial presence and absence, and the survey of ego-networks, which specifically reveal the effects of these social strategies on the networks of the individuals interviewed. By means of an open and iterative procedure in accordance with Grounded Theory, the interviews were initially viewed as single cases, revealing individual dynamics and mechanism of network development and associated knowledge flows. In the course of the iterative process of interviewing, transcribing, collecting and processing structural and qualitative network information, similarities and differences between the research objects became apparent. In the course of further analysis, cross-case comparisons allowed the systematisation of the emerging patterns and identification of various types of expatriates. In the beginning of the research these patterns were neither expected nor specifically collected, but arose as a result of the iterative research design. Chapters 7 and 8 present the empirical data and discuss the empirical findings. At first, Chapter 7 focuses on a corporate-centred perspective on spatial mobility, which is collected through qualitative interviews and evaluated by content analysis. Overall, spatial mobility of employees focuses on outward- and inward-oriented business processes. Apart from developing the corporate portfolio in cooperation with and along the lines of current and future customers, ­intra-firm mobility contributes to organisational change and innovation processes. The chapter subsequently analyses strategies to support knowledge transfer within organisations through intra-firm mobility. In this context, expatriation is of importance, since long-term assignments bear specific benefits for the transfer of knowledge, such as trustworthy relations through a comparatively long stay in a foreign unit. As the empirical analysis demonstrates, the companies interviewed do not promote the transfer of knowledge through intra-firm social networks by means of institutionalised practices or strategies. Rather, decision-makers trust informal processes of personal interaction. This lack of institutionalised knowledge management strategies focusing on social networks leaves the knowledge transfer process arbitrary, and conse-

1.2  Structure of Thesis

11

quently marks the starting point for the analysis of the individual expatriate perspective. By means of network analysis, Chapter 8 contributes detailed insights into knowledge transfers in an expatriate context. Contrary to the usual representation of expatriates in the knowledge management literature, expatriates are not a homogeneous group of actors, but the iterative analysis of the primary data allows a more nuanced understanding. Indeed, the role of expatriates for the transfer of knowledge and their respective networks is influenced by job-related, knowledge-related, mobility-related as well as individual factors. Based on these, it is possible to group the interviewed individuals into different types of expatriate with characteristic implications for the transfer of knowledge. In contrast to the spider and beetle types, only individuals with networks of the type dragonfly occupy central interfaces in companies with strategic responsibilities, and act both as boundary spanner and knowledge broker. Their networks possess the greater capacity to influence and structure flows of knowledge over geographical distance within and among different business units. Networks of the type spider, for instance, show a rather external than internal orientation despite disseminating knowledge between geographical places. Contrarily, expatriates of the type beetle only absorb knowledge without disseminating knowledge to their network members on purpose. Chapters 9 and 10 are part of the third and final section. Chapter 9 discusses the empirical insights of Chapters 7 and 8 in light of the latest findings. First, the empirical results allow for a critical review and extension of the buzz-and-pipeline model by differentiating knowledge pipelines according to ­ their level of formality (institutionalised vs. informal pipelines), spatial scope (local vs. global pipelines) and orientation (inter- vs. intra-organisational pipelines). Second, the empirical analysis reveals the great importance of social networks for spatially sensitive processes, such as knowledge transfer. This section, therefore, focuses on epistemological, ontological and methodological implications when researching social networks from a spatial perspective. Further, the chapter clarifies the usefulness of the empirical results for decision-makers in companies. Knowledge management strategies must turn to foster and facilitate network dynamics in order to make the organisation of any business more agile, flexible and efficient. Chapter 10 summarises the entire work and highlights emerging research desiderata.

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1 Introduction Chapter 1 Introduction

Chapter 10 Final conclusion

Chapter 2

Chapter 9

Knowledge transfer, space and organisations

Discussion of findings

Knowledge transfer through social ties implying face-to-face interaction and physical co-location

Need for spatial mobility of individuals

Chapter 3

Chapter 8 The expatriate perspective: Spatial mobility, social networks and flows of knowledge

Mobility practices and their impact on intra-firm networks and knowledge transfers

Expatriates as knowledge transfer agents not a homogeneous group

Different forms of corporate mobility produce different social networks with varying potentials for the transfer of knowledge

Networks of the type dragonfly, spider, and beetle have different implications for the transfer of knowledge over distance

The longer the physical co-location, the stronger the social ties

Chapter 7

Chapter 4 Expatriation: Social networks and knowledge flows

The business perspective: The role of spatial mobility and intra-firm social ties

Expatriates with exposed position for the transfer of knowledge over distance

Spatial mobility and social realations as engine for business development

Mechanisms of knowledge transfer as a black box and social networks as the missing link to understand knowledge transfer by means of expatriation

No adequate strategies to promote knowledge transfer through intra-firm social networks

Chapter 5 Situating the research question

Chapter 6 The research design Dual research approach with focus on the business and expatriate perspective Implementation of mixed-method approach using qualitative interviews and SNA

Figure 1.1   Structure of thesis. Source Visualisation by the author

1.3  An Introduction to Relational Thinking – Or: Why Networks Matter

13

1.3 An Introduction to Relational Thinking – Or: Why Networks Matter Section 1.3 is devoted to the scientific-theoretical positioning of the research project. To this end, the underlying epistemological and ontological basis of the relational research paradigm is discussed more generally in Section 1.3.1. Subsequently, Section 1.3.2 explains how relational thinking is adapted in the discipline of Economic Geography. Based on the theoretical foundation of Sections 1.3.1 and 1.3.2, 1.3.3 clarifies the linkages between the discipline of (Economic) Geography and social networks as a research objective and analytical procedure.

1.3.1 From Researching the Individual to Researching the Collective: Relational Thinking at a Glance Since the 1960s, self-determination and self-actualisation have offset the pursuit of ‘being-an-individual’. This process of individualisation manifests itself, for instance, in specific career choices or lifestyles. Since the 1980s ­‘being-an-individual’ has advanced to become the top priority to self-fulfilment. Striving after individuality has become an end in itself over the past 40 years. On the other hand, it has to be stated that our lives are becoming increasingly networked. Digitalisation, technology, mobility – subsumed under the term information technology paradigm – have altered social behaviour in a way which relies on the rise of a complex, global network of interaction (Castells 2000:500, 506). To put it in Castells’ words “Networks constitute the new social morphology of our societies, and the diffusion of networking logic substantially modifies (…) [ed.: social behaviour]” (Castells 2000:500). Taking the example of economic production, Castells (2000:506) has elaborated the paradox of an ongoing process of individualisation and simultaneously the rise of the network society. Considering individualisation processes on the one hand and tendencies for an inter-connected society on the other, the current social system favours “relational individualism” (Emirbayer 1997:297) emphasising relations to and transactions with others instead of singular actions. Similarly, today’s economy is on the one hand highly individualised, as reflected, e.g., in new and flexible forms of work contracts, such as project based work, freelance arrangements, or highly specialised fields of work, but on the other hand, the economic system as a whole is embedded in a complex web of transnational trade relations, global business networks, i.e. in form of intra-firm alliances, outsourcing or subcontracting.

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1 Introduction

In a reconstructive vein, this dualism of the individual and the collective – or as we shall say the network – leads to a societal “individual collectivism”, which “(…) is produced by an assemblage of practices, of cuttings which seek to extract from experience (…)” (Debaise 2004:2). This struggle between the self and the collective, which is produced by the complex and interdependent relations in which the individual is embedded, is not new as Karl Marx concludes (1978:247 in Emirbayer 1997:288): “(…) society does not consist of individuals, but expresses the sum of interrelations, the relations within which these individuals stand.” The dual, interdependent and interrelated structure of (social) reality has also been discovered elsewhere, such as in physics (relational quantum mechanics: e.g. Rovelli 1996)), organisational studies (e.g. Kyriakidou & Özbilgin 2006), geography (cf. Section 1.3.2) and psychology (relational psychoanalysis: e.g. Greenberg & Mitchell 1983). Regardless of the academic discipline, the interest in and study of “the space between” (Bradbury & Lichtenstein 2000:551 f.) unites relational scientists, rejecting both the individual as such and a wider social structure as adequate starting points for doing social science research (Emirbayer 1997:287). Moreover, the research object “must be thought of as a configuration of relationships” (Bradbury & Lichtenstein 2000:552). These configurations are made up of meanings, realities, actions and stories which are exchanged among actors (Emirbayer 1997:286 ff.). Thus, the scientist looks at “the relationships among, rather than the individual properties of, organizational members” (Bradbury & Lichtenstein 2000:551). In theoretical and empirical studies, structuralist, positivist (Bradbury & Bergmann Lichtenstein 2000:552) and essentialist approaches (Emirbayer 1997:297, 308) proved insufficient by not being able to adequately stress the interdependent and embedded nature of research objects. In turn, the relational approach theorises and explains social phenomena through social relations. Upon closer inspection, four central themes occur repeatedly3: Practices, i.e. the way social entities operate and interact with each other (Debaise 2004:7) Transactions, i.e. the content (meanings, actions) which is being exchanged among each other (Emirbayer 1997:286 f.) Positions, i.e. the embeddedness of social entities within their wider context, which is a product of practices and transactions (Debaise 2004:6)

3This

categorisation has been borrowed from a seminar given by Professor Patrick Thaddeus Jackson (American University) at the IPSA Summer School at the University of Sao Paulo in January 22–26, 2018.

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Processes, i.e. any relation among two or more parties which is subject to shift over time and space (Emirbayer 1997:289, Debaise 2004:6) Notwithstanding, it is worthwhile noticing that any social situation is dynamic and never stable because 1) practices, transactions, positions and processes are interwoven in complex relations and 2) by this means are in a state of fragile condition: “It is this fragile, unstable character (…) which gives a singularity [ed.: one singular event, process, transaction and so forth which effects the relation among two or more parties] the possibility of transforming the equilibrium [ed.: i.e. a specific social configuration]” (Debaise 2004:9). From an epistemological and methodological perspective, the ontological characteristics of research objects – which can be described as multidimensional, embedded, interdependent and highly dynamic  –  cause various challenges to relational research projects as discussed below (cf. Fig. 1.2): Generally, transferability of research findings from one context to another social context is difficult, since each context is made up of very individual relations. For example, the social environment, involved actors, individual behaviours and underlying rationales are always unique, albeit some general circumstances may appear to be similar (e.g. the implementation of supranational legal amendments). Whereas Bradbury & Bergmann Lichtenstein (2000:561) question the transferability of research findings especially for projects based on participatory research, it seems likely that generalisability of insights gained from relational research in general need to be reviewed carefully: “(…) generalizability, once assumed to be the quintessence of scientific value, is deemphasised while other criteria such as the generation of usable knowledge or the facilitation of a better life are offered in its place” (Bradbury & Bergmann Lichtenstein 2000:561). Yet, another concern relates to the question of causality. Due to the complex relations within social configurations, it may be difficult to attribute shifts in social configurations to specific causes. Due to the infinite interdependent influence factors, it is hardly possible to break down cause-and-effect-relationships into singular parameters (Emirbayer 1997:307, Bradbury & Bergmann Lichtenstein 2000:561). As such, relational research projects do not primarily aim at delivering causal explanations, but rather endeavour “(…) an explicit concern for the “situational mechanisms” (Stinchcombe 1991) that actually channel flows of events” (Emirbayer 1997:307). These perspectives on how research objects ought to be and which insights into social reality might be derived under a relational paradigm does not remain without consequences for the methodological nature of research projects. This affects the operationalisation of research questions, the choice of adequate research methods as well as the interpretation and application of scientific ­quality

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1 Introduction

standards. The complexity of reality challenges the researchers to define their objects and to clearly separate the object of interest from other social phenomena (Emirbayer 1997:303, 305). Debaise (2004:5) emphasises that setting boundaries of networks under study a priori may even be impossible, since it is unclear prior to research whether and how changes in the social configuration cause effects for the phenomena studied. Bradbury & Bergmann Lichtenstein (2000:559 f.) provide an extensive review of possible research methods for relational research projects. Based on the distinction of explicit (visible) and tacit (non-visible) interactions as well as the locus of research, which may be multi-, inter- or intrapersonal, they present a six-cell matrix suggesting a wide range of methods, from network analysis to participatory research4. As for qualitative research in general, the usefulness of traditional scientific standards, such as validity and reliability, needs to be revisited (Bradbury & Bergmann Lichtenstein 2000:561) and more adequate indicators to measure the quality of research ought to be identified. Figure 1.2   The epistemology, ontology and methodology of relational research. Source Compilation and visualisation by the author based on Emirbayer 1997:303 ff. and Bradbury & Bergmann Lichtenstein 2000:553 ff.

Besides the aforementioned challenges, which are summarised in Fig. 1.2, the strength of the relational paradigm is the possibility to integrate various (e.g. functional, spatial, societal, technological) scales (Debaise 2004:4) and to

4In

sum, they suggest Network Analysis and Coevolutionary and Complexity Models (multipersonal, explicit mode), Correspondence Analysis and Structurationist Models (multipersonal, tacit mode), Participatory Research and Insider/Outsider Approach (interpersonal, explicit mode), Case Study Methods, Learning History and Action Science (interpersonal, tacit mode), investigation of the Self (intrapersonal, explicit mode), Journalizing and Action Inquiry (intrapersonal, tacit mode) (Bradbury & Bergmann Lichtenstein 2000:560).

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s­imultaneously consider the individuality and plurality of social reality (Emirbayer 1997:288).

1.3.2 Relational Thinking in Economic Geography The ideas of relational thinking were picked up by geographers in the 1990s with increased attention by the turn of the millennium (Yeung 2002:2), when the New Economic Geography described, but failed to explain the growing signs of divergent economic performances across countries, regions and economic sectors (Boggs & Rantisi 2003:110). Vertical disintegration, externalisation and subcontracting, globalisation and rising international interdependence of companies generated the urgent need to rethink previous theoretical approaches to understand economic processes of that time (Faulconbridge 2017:672). At the same time, little ontological, methodological and theoretical exchange occurred across academic (sub-)disciplines (Ettlinger 2001:216), with the consequence that models and theories of economic order as developed by the New Economic Geography emphasised, and according to Bathelt and Glückler (2003:122) overemphasised, spatial conditions as explanatory variable. Yet this had various consequences for the study of economic development within the discipline. First, the influence of other variables, such as the logic and dynamic of cultural, societal or political systems, on economic structures were largely neglected or studied divided from an economic perspective (Ettlinger 2001:216). Second, multi-scalar research providing insights into economic dynamics of the micro and macro level and interchanges between scales was rarely done during the 1980s and 1990s. The local and the global were thought of independently from each other. The disintegration of analytical scales failed to adequately address processes of economic restructuring that resulted from “globalization, shifting global-local relations, the reterritorialization of labor regulation, the apparent crisis of the Keynesian welfare national state and urban-regional restructuring” (Brenner 2001:591). Similarly, spatial scales, commonly focused on ‘the region’ or ‘the city’, were endorsed as independent and self-determined actors in economic processes. Distinctive places were seen both as the primary object of study and causal factor for economic prosperity (Bathelt & Glückler 2002:25). In order to overcome the above-mentioned shortcomings, the relational approach addresses the nature of economic processes as postulated by Bathelt & Glückler (2012: 11 f.):

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1 Introduction

“An important goal of Economic Geography is to understand why economic processes are organized differently in different socio-cultural contexts, why consequently observable and measurable socio-economic differentiations occur in a spatial perspective. This raises the question of how companies are integrated in different ways in local, regional, national or supranational development contexts. (…) Its primary objective should be to describe and explain economic and social processes from a specific spatial perspective and to derive conclusions (…)” (translation by the author) Therefore, it is necessary to reject and overcome disciplinary borders as a researcher (Bathelt & Glückler 2012: 12), as well as to consider the dual relationships of the local and the global, the individual and the collective, the economy and the social, informal agreements and institutionalised routines, space and place. However, a relational approach has further implications for the research process. Based on the academic discourse within geography,5 the following aspects of the relational paradigm are central for research projects within Economic Geography: 1. Epistemologically, the relational approach within Economic Geography follows a realist philosophy. (Critical) Realism is based on two main ideas, i.e. social6 phenomena – in its essence this refers to actions and their effects – are both context- as well as concept-dependent (Sayer 2006). While a positivist empirical study would aim to identify regularities, a realist project explains the circumstances and causal powers which lead from situation α to situation β. From a realist point of view, it would be misleading to expect that “(…) the same cause will always produce the same effects” (Sayer 2006:102). Thus, the same event ε may derive to various outcomes, reflected in situations β, γ or δ in Fig. 1.3.

5See

the conceptual and empirical contributions from leading relational geographers, such as Harald Bathelt, Johannes Glückler, Ash Amin, Nigel Thrift, Henry Wai-chung Yeung and Sebastian Henn. 6Following Bathelt & Glückler’s (2012:12, 2003:126) and Yeung’s (2005:311) understanding, economic phenomena are social phenomena, since economic actions involve social interaction. Thus, the terms ‘economic’ and ‘social’ are used interchangeably throughout this work, if not stated otherwise.

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Figure 1.3   Positivism vs. Realism. Source Visualisation by the author based on Sayer 2006

In contrast to the positivist network studies prior to the qualitative turn, realists are interested in the nature of social phenomena and qualitative differences among them. Thus, realist research enquires the characteristics of objects (e.g. individuals, groups, organisations, firms, institutions) that enable them to act in the way they do. The context7  –  e.g. the time and place as well as actors involved, informal agreements, rules, norms etc. – in which actions are embedded gains in importance for the conceptual and empirical analysis (Sayer 2006, Bathelt & Glückler 2012:47). Closely related is the idea that social phenomena are concept-depended. This aspect highlights the fact that actors act according to the meaning the specific action holds for themselves. Meaning is ambiguous and changes in specific situations. As Sayer (2006:104) puts it: “Does migration indicate the freedom of the powerful or the desperation of the asylum seeker?” The same action – moving from place A to place B – happens due to different needs, i.e. the act of moving is caused by and possesses different meanings for different social groups. Consequently, researchers have to consider the contextual and conceptual parameters of their research object. Further, it is important to notice that acting is considered to be an open, ­never-ending process, since every action provokes a reaction which in itself

7As

a matter of clarification, the research project is not equivalent to the numerous regional studies or research projects in (economic) geography with a fixed spatial reference level. If at all, the individual company sites and associated corporate norms, value systems, modes of interactions etc. are relevant, although the external environment (e.g. housing situation, cultural norms, social institutions) is excluded for both data collection and interpretation. The actual geographic locations of business units are relevant insofar as they mediate the two spatial states of “proximity” and “distance”.

20

1 Introduction

causes new actions. Therefore, realism is not interested in developing deterministic social theories (Bathelt & Glückler 2012:47), but studies “(…) how mechanisms or processes of change work over time and space (…)” (Sayer 2006:105) asking who interacts how with each other and with what effects. 2. As argued throughout this chapter so far, the epistemological foundation of relational research together with disciplinary openness induces ontological specificities. In regard to Economic Geography, this means shifting away from rather abstract entities, such as markets or national economies, towards smaller social units, such as the firm or members of an organisation (Ettlinger 2001:223). In Ettlinger’s view (2001:219 ff.), diversity and difference manifest themselves through the personal characteristics of organisational members and through the characteristics of the organisation itself. Heterogeneity among actors and organisations are considered as drivers of (economic) change (Ettlinger 2001:224). Similarly – although in a broader understanding than Ettlinger’s narrow perspective on the workplace – Yeung emphasises “the ways in which socio-spatial relations of actors are intertwined with processes of economic changes at various geographic scales – global, local and/ or glocal” (Yeung 2002:3) as valuable research object. Yeung (2002), Boggs and Rantisi (2003), Faulconbridge (2917:672 f., 678) as well as Bathelt and Glückler (2003, 2009) postulate a shift from the individual – may it be a region, nation or industrial sector – towards relations among them as central units of analysis. This ontological turn – relations as constituting factors of existence and any economic activity (Yeung 2002:5 f.) – allows researchers to study the mutual nature and interaction of macro-social structures and physical materials (i.e. context), and individual social behaviour and social interaction (Bathelt & Glückler 2003). 3. In contrast to relational scientific approaches outside geography, the conceptualisation of space is central for gaining insights about social phenomena. In contrast to the New Economic Geography, space, however, lost its explanatory power for the analysis of economic activities and its importance as sole research object (Bathelt & Glückler 2012:45, Bathelt & Glückler 2003:123). As put forward by Bathelt & Glückler (2003:124), “we use space as a basis for asking particular questions about economic phenomena but space is not our primary object of knowledge”. The Relational Economic Geography admits that economic action is located in specific places. A spatial perspective uncovers specific economic processes which otherwise – e.g. from a purely economic analytical perspective – might be concealed from the researcher (Bathelt & Glückler 2012:45). However, thinking space as a container, i.e. something which exists independent from other objects, would be misleading

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(Jones 2009b:49); rather the spatial categories space and place are continuously produced through social interaction and thus ever evolving (Faulconbridge 2017:673). Avoiding the idea of space as a container strengthens the argument of relational geographers: analysing the spatial conditions shall not be an end in itself, but rather be used to frame “(…) objects (…) in relation to other objects (…)” (Jones 2009b:491). This implies that space is a concept as open as human actions – it does not possess boundaries a priori for empirical investigations, its notion needs to be kept flexible throughout the research process and is expected to be subject to changes (Jones 2009b:492). 4. Despite a consensus that network methodology provides new insights into economic and spatial phenomena, the discussion of adequate empirical methods to study relations remains rudimentary within geography. Apart from the general agreement to focus on the micro-scale and to make use of qualitative methods (Faulconbridge 2017:672 f.), a dedicated debate on how network theory and associated methods can be integrated in the methodology of Relational Economic Geography is lacking (Ter Wal & Boschma 2009:740 f., Glückler 2007:630 f., Glückler 2013:882). Similarly, Jones (2009b:495 f.) bemoans the lack of conceptualisation of relations and relational properties, leaving the actual object of research in question. Further, it is largely neglected that in fact every object is somehow related with one another leading to infinite possible connections and networks (Jones 2009b:495 f.). By this, the huge advantage of relational research – to study the space in between in an open and flexible manner – may become a trip hazard to empirical investigations. Sunley (2009:3) stresses so far that the lack of a relational specific methodological paradigm poses the risk that a relational view on geographic phenomena may lose its analytical grip8.

1.3.3 Studying Relations: Networks and Geography The study of networks within geography has quite a long history, albeit dedicated linkages between network scientists and relational geographers have only recently

8As

a result of the epistemological and ontological characteristics of a Relational Economic Geography, the work presented aims to deliver and elaborate a research design, which integrates network procedures into qualitative fieldwork to study economic relations. Chapter six provides an extensive discussion of the empirical approach in general and Network Analysis in particular.

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1 Introduction

emerged. To understand the relevance of network studies for doing research in geography now, it is worthwhile to take a closer look at early hallmark events within the discipline. As early as von Thünen’s land use model (1826), Weber’s locational triangle (1909) and Christaller’s rank size rule (1933), network geometries have been used to determine most efficient production networks in space. Based on these traditional location theories, mathematic techniques have been advanced and applied in various research contexts in geography since the 1960s, such as for the explanation of intercity connectivity and production networks or the regulation of transportation infrastructure in order to e.g. improve light rail systems (Derrible & Kennedy 2009, Soh et al. 2010), understand spatial structures of shipping routes (e.g. Ducruet & Notteboom 2012) and investigate inter-corporate collaboration and transnational trade (e.g. Jacobs et al. 2011, Wall & van der Knaap 2011, Taylor et al. 2006) (cf. Glückler et al. 2017:2). Until the 1980s, network analysis was a by-word for quantitative research designs focusing on material linkages in geography. On behalf of the qualitative turn in human geography which took place in the 1980s and 1990s (McLafferty 2010:87, Winchester 2000:15 ff.), qualitative research methods also found their way into network-centred geography. The increased interest in complex explanations and the shift away from normative, singular, inflexible concepts of economic development with limited analytical and explanatory power may be traced back to the post-Fordist body of thought questioning established social and economic systems. Post-Fordism was first introduced as an arising new economic system, which distinguishes flexibility of labour as well as the knowledge and intellectual capabilities of members of firms due to the international deregulation of markets, intensified international competition and the recognition that natural resources will and do become exhausted. To do justice to an economic system which rests on the intellectual capabilities of its workforce, reflected by characterising our social and economic system as knowledge-based, the development and application of qualitative approaches in the field was a logical conclusion for scientists in order to understand rather than describe socio-spatial phenomena (DeLyser et al. 2010:1 f., Winchester 2000:4 ff.). Nonetheless, quantitative methods provide worthy insights into economic dynamics and therefore have never disappeared from the academic arena. For instance, Growe & Blotevogel (2011) use an explicit mathematical approach to identify places of knowledge creation and inter-regional knowledge flows. They intersect data about ­knowledge-intensive professions and inter-firm networks to identify cities of a high level of knowledge-based industries and their connection to other places to further our spatial understanding of knowledge flows. Indeed, the study of the ways and means of how knowledge is created, maintained and shared and which

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effects this may have on economic performances dates back 30 years. While there are various concepts of knowledge currently applied (for an overview cf. Eckert 2009:45 ff.), it is – at this point – fundamental to accept that knowledge is an economic resource with different characteristics than material resources. For one thing, knowledge is an embodied resource; it is inherent in one’s skills and competencies (Nonaka et al. 2000:2). Second, knowledge is not a definite resource, rather through the act of exchanging ideas and sharing knowledge, this resource grows (Bathelt & Glückler 2005:1550). This implies that knowledge is not ubiquitous, but concept- and context-specific, as well as spatially and socially distributed (cf. Section 2.1). Thus, knowledge is relational by nature and business organisations cannot access knowledge when- and wherever they want to. This entails that in geography, network-related research shifted from analysing material or infrastructural linkages to social connections (Glückler et al. 2017:2, Glückler & Doreian 2016:1124). Following Marin & Wellmann (2011:11) and similarly to network scientists, these patterns of social connections among networks members in space constitute the relevant research object for relational geographers. In network research, geography plays only a minor role in understanding and explaining these processes of information exchange, learning and transfer of knowledge until now (Glückler et al. 2017:6). At the same time, the role of social relations and networks are a re-occurring topic within Economic Geography. However, network scientists often treat geography “(…) as a cost function of linear distance rather than as a matter of multifaceted and rich social context” (Glückler et al. 2017:6). In doing so, they underestimate and even neglect the analytical power of space to explain network dynamics. On the other hand, relational geographers seldom apply a dedicated network approach, such as the methods of Social Network Analysis, to investigate social and economic relations in space (Glückler & Doreian 2016:1124). For example, research streams dealing with regional clusters, knowledge spillovers, transnational business relationships, global value chains as well as the spatial mobility of human capital and migrant networks (Glückler 2010:882 ff., Glückler & Doreian 2016:1123) would benefit from including more insights from network theories and applying associated empirical methods in the field. Indeed, social networks and spatial conditions cross-fertilise each other, since any economic relation, activity or element, as e.g. individuals as genuine knowledge producers and distributors, are embedded in socio-spatial relations (Glückler et al. 2017:6 ff., Bathelt & Glückler 2012:11, Torre 2008:874). Associated reciprocal effects among networks and space can be briefly conceptualised as follows (cf. Section 3.3): Co-location and proximity influences the

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1 Introduction

formation of networks, since spatial proximity is considered as a central condition to the formation of networks. The access to knowledge and information, one of the central network benefits in an economic context, is influenced by the property and structure of the network, the individual position of the actor and its ties to other actors. In this regard, efficient ties and a central position can substitute the lack of physical proximity among actors; conversely networks also allow actors to reach knowledge resources that are physically distant to any actor in addition to those who are close by. Networks increasingly contribute to extend one’s geographical reach (Glückler et al. 2017:6 ff., Glückler 2013:886 f.). For that matter, the agency of individuals has enabling and disabling effects on participating in a network by individual capabilities to manage social relation across space, time, organisations, cultures or political systems (Glückler et al. 2017:6 ff.). However, the assumption that these reciprocal relationships are static would be misleading. Not only are socio-spatial conditions subject to continuous processes of negotiation, but also the individuals themselves who configure such networks exhibit spatial movements, which in turn lead to continuous changes in the relationship of network, space and network effects. Spatial mobility drives network changes (Sheller 2011, Sheller & Urry 2006, Urry 2000, Urry 2007, Cresswell 2010), as it “accounts (…) not only [for] the quickening of liquidity within some realms but also the concomitant patterns of concentration that creates zones of connectivity, centrality and empowerment in some cases, and of disconnection, social exclusion and inaudibility in other cases” (Sheller & Urry 2006:210). Consequently, a dynamic view on network formation, development and benefits has to accentuate the role and influence of mobility and movements in space. Applying methods of SNA in studies of relational economic geographies is associated with specific benefits, as Glückler and Doreian demonstrate in their Special Issue on Social Network Analysis and Economic Geography, published in the Journal of Economic Geography in 2016. Besides initiating exchanges between different academic sciences and perspectives on the same research object, methods of SNA represent a promising approach to change the geographer’s perspective on the subject matter, and by this to gain insights which otherwise would have remained concealed (Glückler & Doreian 2016). Especially the combination of traditional, quantitative approaches of SNA with more progressive, qualitative methods may help to enhance our contextual understanding of the diffusion of knowledge in space. On the one hand, formal, quantitative approaches allow “(…) to display elements of ‘descriptive depth’ (such as centrality index scores) to the network, allowing for a measure of the connectivity of people within it. In other words, using a quantitative methodology, SNA is able to display some of the characteristics of the network (in this case study, the degree

1.4  The Analysis of Knowledge Transfer from a Spatial Network Perspective

25

of connectivity of some of the people/nodes in the network) that goes beyond a simple count of connections” (Italics in original, Mould & Joel 2010:290 f.). On the other hand, qualitative approaches promise “(…) to enrich the study of social networks in substantial ways. Among other things, qualitative research methods offer special tools for addressing challenges faced in network research, namely to explicate the problem of agency, linkages between network structure and network actors, as well as questions relating to the constitution and dynamics of social networks” (Hollstein 2011:404). The triangulation of qualitative data and data describing structures of networks via traditional indicators such as centrality and size, allows making “(…) actual statements about social networks (…) and “networks” is not only spoken of in a metaphorical sense” (translation by the author; Hollstein 2010:464) and furthermore to combine “structural and actor-theoretical perspectives” (translation by the author; Hollstein 2010:467). Moreover, new observations may help to further conceptualise what Glückler & Doreian (2016) call the space economy and in doing so contribute to theory building and advancing relational thinking in Economic Geography. From an empirical viewpoint, SNA may produce a richer understanding of how knowledge networks evolve across space and time: “It seems more useful to conceive the role of space in constituting the social context, in which social networks evolve in contingent rather than linearly determined ways.” (Glückler & Doreian 2016:1131)

1.4 Interim Conclusion I: The Analysis of Knowledge Transfer from a Spatial Network Perspective At present, the organisational and functional structure of companies does not match the requirements of their knowledge resources in order to leverage business growth and development. While knowledge resources demand spatial proximity between employees, companies are transnationally organised, which involves the spatial de-centralisation of business units and corporate functions. In this situation, companies rely on various forms of personnel mobility and mobility programmes to compensate for the lack of spatial concentration of skills and competencies. Intra-firm employee mobility secures the access to and growth of corporate knowledge resources. Due to their interface position, expatriates, i.e. individuals temporarily transferred from headquarters to foreign units, act as important knowledge transfer agents initiating and moderating intra-firm flows of knowledge. Nonetheless, the actual mechanisms and dynamics of transferring

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1 Introduction

knowledge over distance remain a black box. Therefore the thesis asks how expatriates contribute to those intra-firm knowledge transfers. Since knowledge transfer is a social process and is based on social relations, the study is rooted in the relational research paradigm. The relational paradigm in Economic Geography emphasises the study of social phenomena from a spatial network perspective. Further, it allows a qualitative/explorative research design, the focus on individual actors rather than abstract entities, and implies that geographic places are not the primary object of study, but space with its states of being absent and present in specific places provides a general analytical level for the study of social processes. Considering space as an analytical level and not as an a priori defined limitation of empirical research enables the inclusion of the methodology of network research. Since network research focuses on social connections and knowledge transfer is based on social connections, the combination of spatial and network-related research methodologies promises new insights into knowledge transfer over geographical distance.

2

Knowledge Transfer, Space and Organisations: A Multi-perspective Discussion

Knowledge is an ambiguous concept which has been subject to increasing academic attention since the breakdown of the Fordist production system (Roberts 2000:430) (cf. Fig. 2.1). Measured by the academic output, i.e. the number of publications listed in the Web of Science Core Collection, knowledge as a research object has experienced a steady increase since the 1990s. In the course of the economic structural change of the 1980s, knowledge is currently considered to be the basic competitive advantage of firms (Nonaka & von Krogh 2009:636, Argote & Ingram 2000). Whereas academic endeavours of the 1980s and early 1990s have produced the foundation of today’s research on knowledge by developing and advancing theoretical concepts of knowledge (cf. Eckert 2009:45), research of the past 20 to 25 years has intensified our understanding of the creation of knowledge (e.g. Nonaka 1991, Inkpen 1996, Nonaka et al. 1996, Bathelt et al. 2004, Nonaka et al. 2006, Nonaka & von Krogh 2009), shed light on practices and dynamics of knowledge sharing (e.g. Zander & Kogut 1995, Lam 1997, Hansen 1999, Joia & Lemos 2010) and discussed possibilities to strategically manage knowledge as an organisational resource (e.g. Lee & Choi 2003, Dhanaraj et al. 2004, Patriotta et al. 2013).

Electronic Supplementary Material The online version of this chapter (https:// doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-31018-9_2) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users. © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2020 V. R. Hünnemeyer, Knowledge Transfers over Geographical Distance in Organisations, Perspektiven der Humangeographie, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-31018-9_2

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2  Knowledge Transfer, Space and Organisations

Figure 2.1   The development of publications for “knowledge transfer”. Source Web of Science Core Collection, Search 11-Dec-2017; Report graphic is derived from Clarivate Web of Science, Copyright Clarivate 2017. All rights reserved

The generation of knowledge and its transfer are debated in disciplines which analyse human interaction, such as psychology (e.g. Perkins & Salomon 2012, Maciejovsky & Budescu 2007). More recently, these processes are addressed in computer studies especially concerning the dynamics of knowledge creation and sharing in virtual environments and communities (e.g. Ye et al. 2015, Faraj et al. 2011, Phang et al. 2009, Chiu et al. 2006, Wasko & Faraj 2005). Traditionally, however, the dynamics of knowledge creation and exchange are subject to economic analyses. Since the 1980s, the consensus that “the analysis of what organizations are should be grounded in the understanding of what they know how to do” (Kogut & Zander 1992:383) has led to an intensive study of processes concerning the creation and dissemination of knowledge within organisations. Today, a firm’s competitive edge is not constituted by its material resources, but by their ability to create and transfer knowledge efficiently (Kogut & Zander 1992:384, Bathelt & Glückler 2005:1547 ff.). Knowledge, as an understanding of the principles, processes and routines required to perform a given task (Garud 1997:83, de Jong & Ferguson-Hessler 1996:106), is acquired in different social and relational contexts (Nonaka et al. 2000:3, 8, Bathelt & Glückler 2005:1549 ff.). For this reason, “the greater the differences in the contexts of the units between which knowhow is being transferred, the more difficult the transfer” (Garud 1997:85). The following chapter therefore discusses means and strategies of how know­ ledge can be transferred effectively among individuals and business units. For this

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purpose, Section 2.1 first specifies characteristics and types of knowledge, before Sections 2.2 and 2.3 debate knowledge transfer from two different disciplinary perspectives. Given context dependency and social situatedness of the knowledge generation and transfer process, the reciprocal interplay of transferring knowledge locally and among geographical distance is explained. Since the research project aims to understand the interplay of spatial proximity and distance in an organisation context, the meso-level spatial sciences are enhanced by insights into knowledge transfer on the micro-level making use of Business and Management Studies.

2.1 Knowledge Transfer: A Social Process Today, research on and about knowledge is characterised by a variety of different concepts and notions1. To understand the social dynamics of knowledge transfer, knowledge is conceptualised as a social process between two or more individuals who interact f­ace-to-face. Through face-to-face interaction, individuals build mutual trust and a social relation in which knowledge is mutually shared. This conceptualisation requires understanding a) the dichotomy of tacit and codified knowledge, b) the difference between data, information and knowledge, c) social characteristics of knowledge and d) different types of knowledge. First, Polany’s dual approach (1962, 1966) demonstrates that society encounters knowledge in a codified form. Visuals, texts or audio tapes, for instance, represent knowledge in an archived and easily transferable form. Generally, codified knowledge is comparatively easy to access, store and transfer, and distribute across time and space. In contrast, there is also knowledge which humans feel it difficult to grasp. This relates specifically to competencies and skills which require personal instruction or intensive training. Thus, this kind of knowledge is primarily transferable through social interaction. Its transfer is a dyadic, personal, socially embedded, interactive and accumulative process (Nonaka & van Krogh 2009:636, Dhanaraj et al 2004:438 f.)2.

1For

a brief historical summary and antecedents for today’s understanding of the term knowledge refer to Gordon (2000:72). 2The categories of “tacit” and “explicit” knowledge should not be regarded as a clearcut dichotomy, but as a continuum (Nonaka & von Krogh 2009:640). Indeed, both forms of knowledge show strong linkages, e.g. tacit knowledge helps to make sense of explicit knowledge (Dhanaraj et al 2004:438) or tacit knowledge can be (to some extent) be transformed into explicit knowledge, e.g. by the act of writing (Nonaka & von Krogh 2009:641).

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Second, knowledge is based on data and information, whereas data, information and knowledge form a hierarchical and mutually interdependent relationship3 (Rowley 2007:163 f.). Data can be considered as the smallest element, e.g. words or numbers. Once this raw material is structured in a meaningful way, data can be considered information—i.e. data with meaning. Next in this hierarchy, the active use of information constitutes knowledge (Roberts 2000:430, Rowley 2007:170 ff.). To clarify the subject matter, one can return to Fig. 2.1. In this case, every single publication meeting the pre-defined criteria resembles one piece of data. Disregarding its semantic content, i.e. that each publication constitutes more than just data in its own right, and emphasising its syntactic aspect, publications are pure data without meaning (cf. Nonaka 1994:16). Ordering each publication along the time axis as in Fig. 2.1 provides information about the development of research dealing with knowledge transfer over time. Interpreting this pattern and linking it to, e.g., economic developments, provides insights on the factors and social circumstances that contributed to the increasing interest in knowledge transfer as field of research. This subtle example reveals central characteristics of knowledge. Through the act of using and applying information, knowledge is genuine to human (inter)action (Nonaka et al. 2000:2 f., Nonaka 1994:15). Human activities are dependent on pursued objectives, individual and collective needs, possibilities (including social, political, spatial, financial and economic) and constraints. In summation, space, time and the respective individuals as well as the collective framework, each equipped with a unique set of data, information and pre-existing knowledge, are relevant factors for the production of knowledge (Nonaka et al. 2000:8 f.). Resulting from this, the creation and transfer of knowledge is inevitably participative, contextual, dynamical and relational in nature (Nonaka et al. 2000:8 f., Bathelt & Glückler 2005:1545 f.). Finally, (tacit) knowledge shared between two or more parties relates to different content. Knowledge about facts and events is referred to as know-what. Its form is explicit, but background information in its implicit form is necessary to make use of it (Gorman 2002:221). Know-how refers to knowledge necessary to understand how, i.e. by means of which manner, a task is performed (Garud 1997:84). Knowwhy targets the underlying understanding of a system and the ability to reflect reasons and motives of any business task (Gorman 2002:225, Garud 1997:84). Further, it is necessary to know under which conditions specific pieces of knowledge need to be applied and put in use. This kind of knowledge is referred to as know-when (Antal 2000:37). A further important component is knowledge about other individuals (know-who): who impacts the success of my main task? Which person might contribute important knowledge or even mitigate the performance? 3For

a critical review of the hierarchical relationship refer to Frické (2009).

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None of these knowledge types exists as a standalone resource, but are tightly interwoven (Antal 2002:37). They all contain both explicit and implicit facets, which can (partly) be made explicit and transformed into codified form through documentation, reports or (formal) education (Garud 1997:88). In particular, as stated by Gorman (2002:229), the tacit-codified dichotomy enables to understand how knowledge is transferred “(…) even in the absence of explicit documentation, and why documentation alone does not suffice for transfer.” According to Nonaka et al. (1996:835 ff.), knowledge transfer and creation rests on an interactive and transformative process of converting and remodelling tacit into explicit knowledge and vice versa. In a corporate context, for example, colleagues share and acquire tacit knowledge through observation, imitation and practice (socialization). Next, the use of this tacit knowledge is reflected upon and expressed verbally. By articulating tacit knowledge, it takes explicit forms (externalization). Once externalised, the creative combination of different bits and pieces of explicit knowledge, as expressed verbally or in written form, leads to new knowledge (combination). Finally, through applying this knowledge and internalising it into everyday practices, formerly explicit knowledge converts back to having a tacit nature (internalization). Due to its specific transfer, the process of knowledge transfer requires face-to-face interaction, and hence the geographical proximity of the actors involved (Torre 2008:873). Considering that knowledge is incontrovertible in humans and is transferred via human interaction, the following subchapters bear insight into spatial and social dynamics, i.e. how space, particularly geographical distance and proximity, create opportunities and constraints for the transfer. Herewith, the initial geographical buzz-pipeline model is translated from its original meaning and field of application onto the understanding of knowledge transfer in MNCs and combined with micro-level insights from Business and Management Studies.

2.2 Knowledge and Space: Spatial Approaches Towards the Transfer of Knowledge Within the discipline of Geography, the perception of knowledge transfer from a spatial perspective is dominated by the buzz-pipeline model4, which was originally developed by Bathelt, Malmberg and Maskell (2004) by merging and 4The

buzz-pipeline models aligns with a relational research approach and knowledge-based theory of the firm. Another research stream, which discusses proximity and innovation from an evolutionary perspective, is the so-called Proximity School (Boschma 2005).

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refining prior conceptions of knowledge transfer. That said, Storper and Venables’ (2004) ideas about buzz in urban economies as well as Owen-Smith and Powell’s (2004) findings about practices of knowledge transfer in and between clusters, which they conceptualised as pipelines, contributed significant impetus for today’s understanding of how and why organisations share knowledge with each other. Generally, these concepts of knowledge transfer arise from studies on cluster research, knowledge spillovers and agglomeration effects. So far, the academic discourse is characterised by a handful of theoretical contributions (cf. Fig. 2.2) and many more case studies. The initial categories of buzz and pipeline as two distinct, yet complementary, mechanisms of knowledge transfer are still valid today. However, the concept of buzz has experienced further conceptual developments. The buzz-pipeline-model rests upon the idea that in order to be economically successful, organisations have to capitalise on their existing knowledge stock within the organisation, but also to react to (potential and future) knowledge deficits by identifying sources of knowledge and developing strategies to access these. Bathelt & Cohendet (2014:877) emphasise that knowledge needs to be both different as well as complementary to the knowledge already existing within organisations in order to avoid lock-in and stagnation and to retain the capacity to innovate and grow. From a spatial perspective, the access to external knowledge is regulated by the co-location of knowledge sources, respectively organisations and individuals: on the one hand, external knowledge is embedded locally through the presence of horizontally and vertically integrated organisations at a distinctive place (buzz). On the other hand, organisations can access knowledge over geographical distance (pipelines) as consequence of globalisation and integration in global production networks.

Figure 2.2   Knowledge transfer over distance – the buzz-pipeline model. Source Compilation of literature and visualisation by the author

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The exploitation of such knowledge sources via so-called pipelines differs significantly from locally embedded knowledge. In the buzz-pipeline-model, space and place steer and govern the exchange of knowledge, insofar as every individual is both embedded in local, physical ties, but also in virtual or physically distant relationships. The presence or absence of actors5 creates different opportunities and implications for the knowledge transfer process, which will be discussed in more detail in the subsequent sections.

2.2.1 Place-based Views on Knowledge Transfer: Local, Global, Virtual Buzz The morning coffee at the local café, the 10 o’clock cigarette or lunch at the business canteen—everybody knows everyday situations and routines like these during office hours and at the workplace in which “news, strategic information, experience, rumors, recommendation, pure data and speculations about an industry or firm” (Schuldt & Bathelt 2011:4) are shared among colleagues. The original concept of buzz emphasises physical co-presence and face-to-face-interaction of economic actors opening up myriad opportunities for knowledge exchanges, which are both spontaneous and free of charge for the parties involved. Spatial proximity is associated with the establishment of interpersonal trust, as a precedent for any collaborative activity (Growe 2018b:3, 7 ff.). Characteristic for knowledge exchanges related to buzz is not only the type of knowledge shared, but also constitutive factors including the co-presence and co-location of actors which allow spontaneous and intense face-to-face-interaction (Bathelt et al. 2004:38). Besides being in one place at the same time, the active participation of individuals and organisations “in the cluster’s various social and economic spheres” (Bathelt et al. 2004:38) is a prerequisite for contributing to local network building and benefitting from local knowledge flows. Other than the time and effort necessary to maintain personal relationships, communication and information is free of further financial investments (Bathelt et al. 2004:38). However, academic discussions of past years show that buzz is not the same in all circumstances and social contexts. Originating from the original conception – which stresses local embeddedness as a constitutive factor similar to GREMI’s

5Due

to the m ­ icro-perspective, the term ‘actors’ refers to individuals and not to other economic stakeholders, such as institutions or firms as such.

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milieu approach (Camagni 1991:1, 3, Crevoisier & Maillat 1991:19, Quevit 1991:64) – and the debate about the relevance of co-location and co-presence of actors for the exchange of knowledge (Maskell et al. 2004:3, Bathelt & Turi 2011:521, Growe 2018b:2, 7 ff.), the notion of buzz has diversified into various subtypes (cf. Fig. 2.3). Whereas the type of knowledge shared remains the same across the identified types of buzz, the communication ecology differs fundamentally with further implications for the process of knowledge creation and knowledge exchange.

Figure 2.3   A comparative view on different forms of buzz and pipelines. Source Visualisation by the author

Whereas local buzz is locally embedded through the permanent co-location of actors creating distinct local institutions, local networks and local frameworks of meaning (Bathelt et al. 2004:38, Bathelt & Turi 2011:522 f., Ferrary & Granovetter 2017), knowledge disseminated via global and virtual buzz travel greater physical distances6. The notion of global buzz is developed in the context of temporary cluster, such as trade fairs, conventions and conferences (Bathelt & Schuldt 2010, Schuldt

6In

early works, buzz and pipelines formed a dichotomous relationship. In this context, buzz was at first always understood as a localised practice in contrast to pipelines, which were conceptualised as a sole mean for the transfer of knowledge over geographical distance. However, more recent contributions make clear that buzz also contributes to knowledge transfer over geographical distance.

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& Bathelt 2011, Bathelt & Schuldt 2008a:12, Bathelt & Henn 2014:1408, Luo & Zhong 2016, Bathelt 2017). Those physical places of social encounters, i.e. convention halls or exhibition grounds, are of a temporary nature. Since the co-location of the actors is only temporary (Bathelt & Schuldt 2010:1960, Bathelt & Schuldt 2008b:864), global buzz requires a common mode of understanding in the form of shared institutions among participating actors which are ­industry-specific and persist over time and space in order to fully exploit knowledge resources, which are only available for a limited period of time (Bathelt & Turi 2011:523). Otherwise, knowledge transfer via face-to-face-interaction, observations and multiplex relationships (cf. Bathelt & Schuldt 2010:1962 ff., Bathelt & Schuldt 2008a:6 ff.) would neither be possible nor counterbalance the investments related to participation. Since network building related to global buzz requires further investments – if not for the sake of a live exhibition stand, then at least for travel costs and entrance fees  – personal meetings with relevant customers, suppliers or competitors are usually planned in advance; after all, temporary gatherings leave room for spontaneous interactions (Bathelt & Schuldt 2010:1962). Empirical research shows that global buzz is created differently and every temporary setting creates its own dynamics of knowledge sharing (Schuldt & Bathelt 2011:18 f.). For example, the use and intensity of face-to-face interaction differs according to the type of exhibitors at trade fairs. This said, exhibitors from manufacturing industries aim for encounters with international buyers and suppliers in order to establish trust and to (re)confirm assignments (Schuldt & Bathelt 2011:11), whereas producers of highly individualised goods participate in order to tap into new markets and increase sales (Schuldt & Bathelt 2011:10 f.). In the case of technology-oriented trade fairs, Luo & Zhong (2016:139) determine the benefits of trade fairs for the acquisition of market-strategic knowledge. Altogether, Bathelt (2017:518 ff.) emphasises that global buzz in the form of market observation, conference discussions and presentations, interaction with users, customers and competitors enhances the innovative and competitive capacity of business organisations. Contrary to local and global buzz, virtual buzz exists independently of location and time (Bathelt & Schuldt 2008a:13, Meijer et al. 2012:23). Place holds a governing function inasmuch as virtual space produces a diversity of platforms for different kinds of interactions. Virtual platforms offer opportunities for interaction among producers and users, as well as among employees of the same or across organisations (Grabher & Ibert 2014:101, Grabher & Ibert 2017:541). For example, a firm’s intranet may contribute to the organisation of information linkages (Stoddart 2001), inter-organisational exchange may happen through public

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or semi-public blogs (Jones et al. 2010) or professional communities (Tamoschus 2012). Interaction in virtual space is not only characterised by its lack of immediate feedback (Faraj et al. 2011:1235, Grabher & Ibert 2017:552) and asynchrony (Meijer et al. 2012:23, Grabher & Ibert 2017:552), but also by its “two-way mass communication—the one interacts directly with the few, and indirectly with the many” (Grabher & Ibert 2014:101) (see also Meijer et al. 2012:23). Since the existing knowledge stock is available at any time, accessing, contributing to and sharing of knowledge occurs both spontaneously and strategically (­ ‘give-and-take principle’). As research on virtual clusters shows, buzz created in virtual environments contributes to innovations and knowledge creation, because any ‘micro-contribution’ (Tamoschus 2012:34) is shared with the community and at the same time archived which results in comprehensive knowledge about a given topic (Meijer et al 2012:23). However, empirical results point to the need for building common institutions (i.e. common understandings, shared beliefs, etc.) in virtual environments to ensure effective communication, which is significantly promoted by a combination of personal encounters and virtual communication (Tamoschus 2012:34). Despite these differences concerning the social contexts and the varying intensity of local embeddedness, the unifying elements across local, global and virtual buzz are the prerequisites for, as well as dimensions and strategies of, knowledge sharing. Apart from the different qualities of places of interaction and nature of co-location, buzz relies on a shared mode of understanding enabling collective learning processes. The presence of economic actors in professional gatherings opens up possibilities for intense discussions, presentation and observation of new developments, as well as to experience the community in order to reduce uncertainties and complexity (Bathelt & Schuldt 2008a:11). The actual mix of activities and strategies for knowledge sourcing and accessing, however, depends on the type of knowledge. Research by Sotarauta et al. (2011) assumes that firms whose innovation processes demand synthetic knowledge rather make use of “sources of documented, codified, engineering-based and other explicitly addressed knowledge” (Sotarauta et al. 2011:1327), while the nature of symbolic knowledge requires a stronger combination of activities which are “local, inductive, creative and conceptual” (Sotarauta et al. 2011:1327). The case studies of heavy machinery in Tampere as well as agrotechnological businesses in South Ostrobothnia demonstrate the relevance of buzz and pipelines on the ­inter-regional, national level; in contrast, digibusinesses in Helsinki rely on a mix of local and virtual buzz, as well as global pipelines (Sotarauta et al. 2011:1325 ff.).

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2.2.2 Overcoming Geographical Distance: Pipelines and Long-Distance Knowledge Transfers In contrast to the notion of buzz, the study of pipelines has not yet achieved a similar level of attention in empirical studies and conceptual contributions (cf. Figs. 2.2 and 2.3) (Henn 2012:498). Whereas buzz emphasises the importance of physical proximity to reach novel knowledge, pipelines refer to strategic partnerships, formalised in contracts and agreements (Maskell 2014:889) and resulting from investments of both time, human resources and financial capital (Bathelt et al. 2004:41, Maskell et al. 2006:998). Overcoming organisational knowledge gaps is linked to dyadic ties among two firms of international and interregional reach (Bathelt et al. 2004:40, Maskell 2014:890), which are also positively associated with reducing transaction costs (Maskell 2014:890) or prejudices (Golinski et al. 2016, Golinski & Henn 2015) and alleviating intercultural understanding (Maskell 2014:890). Places of mutual learning and spaces for negotiations are subject to change. Usually, these occur in the business locations of one of the parties involved, but also meetings in third spaces (Soja 1996) are conceivable (Bathelt & Henn 2014:1411). Thus, the co-location of the actors is usually of a temporary nature, reduced to face-to-face business meetings. Partners make use of virtually aided and computer assisted communication (Bathelt & Henn 2014:1404). Learning and transferring knowledge occurs when both partners interact with each other, for instance during joint projects, training, or as a result of strategic business decisions, such as replacing staff in key functions. Rather than presenting themselves or observing others and experience latent industrial dynamics during professional gatherings, for instance, economic actors engage in the transfer of knowledge much more strongly through discussions, cooperation and joint developments (cf. Fig. 2.3). Apart from these insightful, albeit incomplete, ideas about how knowledge travels over distances by means of partnerships, agreements and contracts, the phenomenon of pipelines remains largely a black box. Existing knowledge gaps refer likewise to conditions of the genesis of pipelines, legal manifestations, implementation and internal dynamics. The subsequent discussion represents a first attempt to conceptualise pipelines further as a mode of knowledge transfer. Formative conditions Generally, pipelines seem to become established under two interrelated conditions: at first, financial capital paves the way for cooperative convergence in the form of legal frameworks which regulate learning processes by determining joint activities or goals and, in a more general sense, questions concerning how intensively both

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partners cooperate and work with each other. The second constitutive important factor relates to trust in the socio-economic configurations7 involved. Types of pipelines Although the term pipeline describes partnerships and alliances at an organisational level, the establishment of pipelines, their levels of productivity and efficiency with regard to the transfer of knowledge stands or falls with the engagement of individuals. Thus, contrary to Bathelt et al.’s (2004) conception, pipelines need not be exclusively, but much more intensively be considered and researched as personal and interactive processes. Nonetheless, the majority of case studies about the formation of pipelines and their effects emphasise organisational contexts (e.g. Scott 2002, Giuliani & Bell 2005, Sotarauta et al. 2011, Tödtling et al. 2006). As pointed out by Maskell (2006:998), international business and marketing studies as well as research on global supply chain management address pipelines in one way or another, e.g. in the context of setting up overseas branches or the organisation of global production relations. Only recently have academics attributed relevance and meaning to individuals as such for the study of pipelines. Not least because of the pioneering work of Saxenian (2007) and further empirical work by Henn (2012) and Henn & Bathelt (2017), the view begins to prevail that pipelines can be formed and maintained by individuals without any organisational context and formal agreements. These contributions demonstrate that pipelines manifest themselves through individual actions because otherwise any agreement between two parties is not worth the paper it is written on. Concerning the legal frameworks which govern exchange processes between parties, it is to be noted that the commitment of involved parties can be of a short- or long-term nature. Considering the poles of embeddedness (individual vs. organisational), as well as the anticipated duration of

7The

concept of trust is hard to grasp due to the multiple definitions found in the literature. In order to keep the current discussion about knowledge transfer over distance manageable, Rousseau et al. (1998) provide a comprehensive introduction towards trust summarising insights from various academic disciplines. Generally, trust is conceptualised as “(…) a psychological state comprising the intention to accept vulnerability based upon positive expectations of the intentions or behavior of another.” (Rousseau et al. 1998:395). Workplaces which are characterised by high levels of trust positively influence workplace behaviour in general (Dirks & Ferrin 2001) and knowledge sharing in particular (Andrews & Delahaye 2000, Levin & Cross 2004, Lin 2007). Since an intensive discussion on how trust mediates the knowledge transfer process is out of scope, it is sufficient to note that trust constitutes the basis for human interaction; without trust no meaningful interaction can be derived.

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commitment (temporary vs. permanent), Fig. 2.4 provides an attempt to classify various types of pipelines. For instance, inter-firm projects and joint cooperative developments terminate as soon as the primary goal is achieved (Maskell et al. 2006:1004). Other forms of pipelines on the organisational level involve longterm commitment due to the investment of financial capital, such as joint ventures ­(Fromhold-Eisebith 1995:34 ff.), or due to the form of the organisation of knowledge, for instance in inter-firm networks (Maskell et al. 2006:1003) or strategic alliances (­ Fromhold-Eisebith 1995:34 ff.). So far, the study on pipeline formation at the individual scale is still in its early stages. Nonetheless, empirical insights into the transfer of knowledge initiated by (re)migrants indicate relevant regional dynamics (Saxenian 2007).

Figure 2.4   Pipelines – towards a typology of organisational and individual arrangements. Source Visualisation by the author

Drivers of inter-firm linkages The formation and dynamics of pipelines are influenced by (1) long- and shortterm commitment as well as by (2) investments, which target individuals of a firm as well as the firm itself. Generally, temporary investments target the individual level. For reasons of temporary co-presence and face-to-face interaction, employees travel back and forth between headquarters and (potential) partners. This occurs for various reasons and during different stages of pipeline formation and maintenance with the aim “to develop a joint cooperative context in order to engage in interactions. (…) To successfully establish a global pipeline therefore requires the

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development of a shared institutional context which enables joint-problem solving, learning and knowledge creation” (Bathelt et al. 2004:43). In contrast to short-term investments targeting individuals or specific groups of individuals, long-term and organisational investments relate to FDIs, for instance (Bathelt & Li 2014).

2.2.3 The Buzz-Pipeline Model: Micro-Scale and ­IntraOrganisational Perspectives as Missing Links The buzz-pipeline model emphasises that learning and knowledge exchange are crucial to firms’ competitiveness and growth. In the context of knowledge transfer, space and place are pivotal to govern those exchange processes. Herewith, the buzz-pipeline model adds space as an influential component and analytical category to the discussion about the creation of new knowledge. Of critical importance seems to be the interplay of local and distant knowledge pools and different means to mobilise knowledge for the purpose of translocal exchanges. Despite the importance of the physical location of knowledge, it is even more surprising that Bathelt et al. (2004:45) do not offer any spatial scale to differentiate between different local knowledge stocks, and even emphasise that shared institutional context, meaning and interaction “can by no means be restricted to any discrete regional scale”. So far it remains unclear whether and how space as such and the distance between firms influence the quality of local buzz. For instance, does buzz differ in the film production industry in Hollywood from a wine producing cluster in Chile? While in Hollywood the five major film production studios and circa 3,500 independent studios are concentrated in one of Los Angeles’ districts (Scott 2002:961 ff.), the Chilean wine cluster in the Colchagua Valley comprises roughly 100 smaller firms spread over a greater distance in an essentially rural environment (Giuliani & Bell 2005:51 f.). On the one hand, from the perspective of relational geography and an assumed relational nature of knowledge, it is comprehensible to reject spatial demarcations in the context of local buzz (cf. Chap. 1). On the other hand, this leads to the neglect of certain social arrangements of knowledge transfers. For example, local strategic partnerships qualify neither as buzz—although locally denser networks may, of course, arise from them—nor as pipeline, since local agreements do not link “the local cluster to the rest of the world” (Bathelt et al. 2004:45 f.). Only recently has Rantisi (2014) approached this conceptual and theoretical gap. Studying partnerships among local stakeholders within the fur garment industry in Montreal, he demonstrated that even alliances on the local level provide external knowledge to each of the stakeholders involved. Moreover, not all firms are located in clusters. If so, how do they access external knowledge? Do they use different strategies to access knowledge in order to compensate for the lack of local buzz? Is it possible, for instance, to substitute local buzz

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fully by temporary or virtual buzz? Concerning the latter, research about the dynamics and differences for the exchange of knowledge in a situation of complete lack of face-to-face interactions has only begun (Grabher & Ibert 2014). Is then, in the case of physical absence, virtual buzz even some sort of buzz, or does it qualify for a third pillar in the b­ uzz-pipeline model? At the heart of the model is the assumption that knowledge acquired through different external sources spreads locally and leads to an overall more dynamic growth of firms within the cluster (Bathelt et al. 2004:46). However, these spillovers are not yet empirically measured in an all-encompassing manner. How do firms capitalise on local buzz? How exactly do organisations receive knowledge through buzz and incorporate it in the firm’s knowledge stock? How does space and place mediate a firm’s absorptive capacity? By which means, actions, and motives do pipelines actually enrich local buzz (see also Henn & Bathelt 2018:451, Aarsted et al. 2016:129)? With their two-region model, Henn and Bathelt (2017) present a first attempt to unravel the complexities related to the mutual reinforcement of buzz and pipelines. Using the diamond industry as an example, the authors illustrate how global pipelines enrich local buzz, which gradually leads to the diversification, professionalisation and internationalisation of an entire industry. Morrison et al. (2013:93) emphasise the importance of local diffusion mechanisms once external knowledge is accessed through individuals. Only if an industry agglomeration possesses the capacity to both spread knowledge locally as well as having the corresponding absorptive capacity do buzz and pipelines mutually reinforce each other. In addition, it is worth questioning why firms should even share their knowledge, which they acquired with great financial investments through pipelines, locally with other firms. Which return on investments do they expect and which actually do occur? Not only is our knowledge about buzz and the interplay of buzz and pipeline incomplete, but our knowledge about pipelines is, too. At first sight, pipelines offer a much more straightforward approach to the transfer of knowledge among firms because of their embeddedness in legal frameworks and their restriction to the exchange of codified knowledge8. However, many questions remain unanswered. Generally, various strategic phases of pipeline formation and delivery can be identified and determined with implications for the exchange of knowledge, beginning with the search and selection of partners, towards making first contact and contract negotiations as well as delivering determined aims involve different groups of actors, intra- and inter-firm communication, strategies of learning and knowledge creation. In that respect, especially an actor-centred approach and the role of the

8According

to Torre (2009:873), the dichotomy of tacit vs. codified knowledge encourages considering tacit knowledge as a type of knowledge which can only be transferred locally, whereas codified knowledge can overcome geographical distance.

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individuals have been hitherto neglected. This refers both to those who interact with the partner firm strategically, such as CEOs or negotiators, and to specialists, managers, skilled workers and the like who deliver joint projects and whose dayto-day operations are directly affected by those strategic partnerships. Although the organisations are dependent on those inter- and intra-firm practices of knowledge creation (Bathelt et al. 2004:34), associated social processes remain a black box. With the spatial expansion of business activities, division of labour and respective fragmentation and specialisation of knowledge along with a general increase in organisational complexity, the question may arise whether the b­ uzz-pipeline model is fully or partly applicable to understand knowledge transfer within ­multi-unit organisations. Since the buzz-pipeline model does not allow any statements about processes of knowledge transfer on the actual dyadic level, insights gained from Business and Management Studies enhance our understanding of knowledge transfers on the micro level.

2.3 Knowledge and Business Organisations: Economic Approaches Towards the Transfer of Knowledge In Economics and Business Studies the approach to the study of knowledge transfer is less straightforward than in spatial sciences due to the lack of a dominant concept or prevailing model. Rather, the study of knowledge and associated social processes follows a research tradition dating back to early works in the field of work organisation and psychology researching the effects of knowing work results for the improvement of performance (Stockbridge & Chambers 1958, Wiener 1963, Brown 1966). Since then, scholars and entrepreneurs alike have shown an increased interest in the dynamics of knowledge creation and its management resulting in a large and diversified body of literature (Tranfield et al. 2003:207 f.). The lack of a dominant concept as well as the interdisciplinary and fragmented state of research caused the need to rethink and remodel the traditional literature review applied in Section 2.2 into an approach of more transparency and with greater systematising power. Aiming to provide a more comprehensive understanding of current perspectives concerning knowledge transfer in Economics as well as Business and Management Studies, a systematic literature review has been chosen. Therefore, Section 2.2.1 reports on the delivery of the systematic review, followed by a discussion of the developed categorical system (Section 2.2.2). In Section 2.2.3, a complementary qualitative analysis (following a more traditional approach towards literature reviews, cf. Jesson et al. 2011:73 ff.) of relevant aspects of intra-firm processes of knowledge transfer are discussed.

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2.3.1 Tackling Theoretical Fragmentation: Systematic Literature Reviews in the Field of Economics and Business and Management Studies The application of systematic literature review, a research approach originating from medical studies (Jesson et al. 2011:107, Tranfield et al. 2003:209), in social sciences in general and Business and Management Studies in particular is not free of biases (Tranfield et al. 2003:214, Curran et al. 2007:304 ff.), albeit systematic reviews claim scientific rigour and transparency for themselves (Dickson et al. 2014:3). The crux of the matter is the specific form of knowledge creation in social science research and associated characteristics, which are described as “(….) ‘soft’ rather than ‘hard’, ‘applied’ rather than ‘pure’, rural’ rather than ‘urban’, and ‘divergent’ rather than ‘convergent’” (Tranfield et al. 2003:212). In social sciences, scientific endeavours are cross-disciplinary in nature (Jesson et al. 2011:106 f.), target various perspectives (Tranfield et al. 2003:211), and answer multiple research questions at once. The variety of ontological and epistemological paradigms applied in the field leads to inconsistent use of key terms over time, place and (sub-)disciplines (Jesson et al. 2011:107, Curran et al. 2007:304 ff.). This hampers data extraction, making the selection of studies both tedious and time-consuming as well as lessening the degree of comparability within research. Nonetheless, systematic reviews offer the opportunity to synthesise initially fragmented fields of studies, as long as the design of the review meets scientific standards. At the same time, the review has to be as flexible and open as possible in order to not restrict “(…) the researchers (sic) capacity to explore, discover and develop ideas” (Tranfield et al. 2003:213). Although systematic reviews penetrate slowly into the methodology of social sciences (Jesson et al. 2011:106), the review process lacks a general consensus on scientific standards concerning data extraction, analysis, quality assessment and reporting (Tranfield et al. 2003:213). Therefore, the presented synthesis is in accordance with approaches as suggested by Dundar & Fleeman (2014:48 ff.) and Jesson et al. (2011:108 ff.) and adjusted to cater to the needs of the review. The review aims to synthesise the fragmented state of research (cf. Tranfield et al. 2003:211) by identifying key themes. In so doing, the review contributes to structuring existing research and at the same time meets the quality criteria of systematic reviews concerning the provision of “(…) collective insights through theoretical synthesis into fields and sub-fields” (Tranfield et al 2003:220). Bearing the discussed methodological specificities in mind, the database Web of Science was used to identify relevant sources. The query included the key terms Transfer and Knowledge combined by the Boolean operator AND, which was applied in the field TITLE for all years and journal articles. The first stage of database query delivered 1,936 relevant titles, which were then filtered by

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the subjects GEOGRAPHY, MANAGEMENT, BUSINESS and ECONOMICS resulting in 795 records. The majority of these were indexed in the field of MANAGEMENT (59.9%), followed by BUSINESS (27.2%). The subjects ECONOMICS and GEOGRAPHY delivered only a very few records, 8.2% and 4.8% respectively. Titles indexed with the subject GEOGRAPHY were assessed for their relevance to the review. All of these records researched the transfer of knowledge in relation to an economic interest, and were thus included in the review9. After removing duplicate records, the body of literature contained 639 titles. During the screening process of all 639 abstracts, a categorisation system was inductively developed in order to identify key themes (cf. Fig. 2.5). Figure 2.5   The approach of systematic literature review. Source Visualisation by the author

9At

first glance, the inclusion of papers indexed with the subject GEOGRAPHY seems to decrease scientific rigour. However, the geographical turn in Economics (Martin 1999) reflects the aforementioned cross-disciplinary nature of social sciences research. The complementarity and diversity of perspectives prove methodological difficulties for the extraction and selection of data. In order to overcome those obstacles, the relevance and quality of each paper was evaluated. Results showed that they either constituted duplicates or covered topics which also make an appearance in one or more of the other subjects.

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2.3.2 Knowledge Transfer in Economics and Business and Management Studies: An Overview Figure 2.6 visualises the category tree developed from the analysis of extracted journal articles, which claims neither exclusiveness, nor unambiguousness, nor completeness. In total, six key themes make a repeated appearance. Empirical and conceptual contributions analyse the transfer of knowledge in dependence on the organisational embeddedness of transfer (Type of Transfer), are concerned with organisational and individual factors mediating the process of knowledge transfer (Mediating Factors). Another major stream relates to the strategies of acquiring, sharing and managing knowledge on various levels (Strategy of Knowledge Acquisition). The access of knowledge targets different organisational and individual strategies of learning and acquiring new knowledge. Concerning the dissemination, the typology differentiates between processes within firms, which are subsumed under the heading Knowledge Management. Studies which analyse inter-organisational, inter- and intra-regional diffusion of knowledge and associated strategies are classified as mechanisms of (regional) Governance. Finally, research about the transfer of knowledge is embedded in various theoretical Approaches and research paradigms, such as network sciences, evolutionary and knowledge-based perspectives. The six key themes (light grey boxes) differentiate further into 16 categories (white boxes). For some of these categories, it has proven helpful to develop sub-categories to comprehensively represent the diversity of existing research.

Figure 2.6   Research about knowledge transfer in Economics and Business and Management Studies. Source Visualisation by the author

46 2  Knowledge Transfer, Space and Organisations

2.3  Knowledge and Organisations

47

2.3.3 The Logic of Intra-Firm Knowledge Transfers As Fig. 2.6 shows, the transfer of knowledge is widely debated from multiple perspectives in the economics literature. Overall, the creation and dissemination of knowledge is discussed both in more depth and breadth in Business and Management Studies than it occurs in spatial sciences. Herewith, the knowledge transfer over distance constitutes only a subfield within the academic debate, nevertheless it bears complementary insights and a more nuanced understanding about the subject matter. Knowledge sharing over physical distances is debated as both an intra- and inter-firm phenomena. Based on the interest at hand, the synthesis of existing research of intra-firm flows of knowledge is presented before forms and the potential of knowledge management strategies are introduced. By means of an inductive analysis of the literature retracted from the database with special focus on those records identified to deal with intra-firm transfer over distance and in accordance with the discussion of the current state of research about the management of knowledge transfer processes in Foss & Pedersen (2004:341 ff.) and Spraggon & Bodolica (2012:1274 f.), it is worthwhile to highlight that the debate around the management of knowledge transfer within firms is embedded in the discussion of the multinational firm (cf. Fig. 2.7). The multinational firm “is a type of multi-unit business organisation, one which has a corporate centre in its home country its business units located in various host countries” (Italics in original; Walsh & Doughty 2009:295). The geographically dispersed sub-units and the resulting multi-unit structure constitute “a k­ nowledge-sharing network whose existence can be understood in terms of its ability to transfer, create, integrate and deploy certain kinds of knowledge (…)” (Foss & Pedersen 2004:341). Particularly in organisations, these activities are facilitated through “organized proximity” (Torre 2008:877). By means of being a member of an organisation and being part of established routines and institutions firms condition “logic of belonging” and “logic of similarity” (Torre 2008:878) which govern interactive processes among their members. Relationships embedded in corporate networks offer multiple benefits for those multinational organisations. First and foremost, corporate, intra-firm networks, i.e. connections among geographically and globally dispersed company sites, departments, sub-units, divisions and individual employees govern flows of information and knowledge (Kogut 2000:422, Ghoshal & Bartlett 1990). Those interactive flows enable business units to specialise and allow local differentiation of business activities (Kogut 2000:407). Out of necessity, collaboration and cooperation across business locations evolve in socially and locally embedded

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ties that govern “the creation and replication of partly tacit, partly explicit organizing principles of work” (Kogut 2000:408). In this sense, corporate networks are not simply knowledge repositories, but contribute to a firm’s economic efficiency through establishing coordinative rules of cooperation and collaboration (Kogut 2000:407, 422 f.). The power and agency of each unit in these i­ntra-firm, inter-unit networks is determined and regulated by the structural form of the firm. Today, multinational organisations operate transnationally10, i.e. their structural form, respective networks and flows are integrative rather than centralised or ­de-centralised to fully benefit from available resources in the organisation (Walsh & Doughty 2009:305 ff.). Ghoshal & Bartlett (1987:47 ff.) emphasise the interdependent nature of business activities within firms, which require multidirectional flows of information, knowledge, goods, capital and resources. Studies on intra-firm knowledge transfer focus on both non-directional and directional flows of knowledge. Traditionally, studies which emphasise the direction of knowledge flows target the analysis of transactions from headquarters to subsidiaries (Ambos et al. 2006:295), but scholars have begun to express interest in the processes and dynamics of reverse knowledge transfers recently, i.e. from subsidiaries to headquarters or among subsidiaries (e.g. Driffield et al. 2016, Najafi-Tavani et al. 2015, Bengoa et al. 2015, Mudambi et al. 2014, McGuiness et al. 2013, Rabbiosi & Santangelo 2013, Rabbiosi 2011, Ambos et al. 2006). Empirical findings demonstrate that the traditional conception of intra-firm processes in which the superior headquarter imposes its knowledge stock onto the foreign subsidiary does not adequately resemble the dynamic, complex and reflective interdependencies of headquarters and foreign subsidiaries. In reality, subsidiaries not only receive knowledge inflows, but generate relevant knowledge in their own right (McGuiness et al. 2013:190, Asmussen et al. 2013:1422 f.). In doing so, they also actively contribute to the overall competitiveness of the firm (Rabbiosi 2011:97). Gupta & Govindarajan (1991:773 ff.) have identified four different types of subsidiaries based on their patterns of knowledge flows, i.e. the direction and intensity: the global innovator (high outflow, low inflow), the integrated player (high outflow, high inflow), the implementer (low outflow, high inflow), and finally the local innovator (low outflow, low inflow).

10Walsh

& Doughty (2009:305 f.) distinguish four different organisational forms (multinational, global, international, transnational) of internationally active business organisations with peculiar dynamics, different interaction patterns among and interdependencies of subsidiaries and headquarters. Whenever this thesis addresses MNCs, it refers to their transnational operating radius.

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Figure 2.7   Research about knowledge transfer in the context of the multinational firm. Source Visualisation by the author

With analysing the mutual benefits of multidirectional flows within multinationals, questions arise related to the organisation and coordination of knowledge flows among sub-units and sub-branches in distant locations. In essence, strategies of knowledge management11 target either the organisational level, employees or the firm’s IT-infrastructure. Under the condition that knowledge is created and transferred through dyadic relationships among individuals, all interventions aspiring to foster knowledge transfer are to some extent people-centred. However, this view is only partially true, since interactions are embedded in the organisational context of the firm. For some exchange mechanisms to establish and unfold their usefulness, the organisational context needs to be adapted to the needs inherent in the knowledge transfer process and associated communication channels. These close-knit interdependencies of organisational aspects and interventions targeting individuals are not easily kept separate. However, Spraggon & Bodolica (2012) have made a useful contribution (cf. Fig. 2.8). Depending on the organisational embeddedness—whether interaction is planned or unplanned, formal or informal (Degree of programmability), the degree of voluntariness to engage in

11Global

knowledge management encompasses three areas, namely a) the generation and acquisition of knowledge, b) the storage and maintenance of knowledge within the organisation and c) the diffusion and transfer of knowledge among actors and entities (Sparrow 2012:117).

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knowledge transfer (Level of discretion), the range of the target audience (Scope of coverage) and, finally, whether knowledge transfer occurs face-to-face or computer-assisted (Process orientation)—four different categories of transfer mechanisms are identified.

Figure 2.8   The taxonomy of knowledge transfer processes according to Spraggon & Bodolica (2012). Source Reprinted from Spraggon & Bodolica 2012:1276 with permission from Elsevier

With their taxonomy Spraggon & Bodolica (2012) indirectly address the importance of the afore- mentioned organisational implications, such as the provision with respective IT-infrastructure (cf. left-hand side of the matrix) or engaging in means of labour mobility in form of business travels (cf. quadrant in the upper right corner). Their taxonomy aligns with existing research emphasising the relevance of (temporary) co-location of employees either physically or virtually as formulated in the spatial sciences (cf. Section 2.2), but introduces a more nuanced micro-foundation of the actual social processes, behavioural mechanisms, strategies and tools. The comparative case study conducted by Lupton & Beamish (2016) delivers similar results. The authors have identified organisational settings which are put in place with the aim to strategically manage and

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foster exchange within multinationals. Among these, formal mechanisms play a central role, such as certification, reporting, and training. Besides adjustments in the organisation of workplaces and work processes, it becomes clear that personal interaction is targeted as well; for instance, through ICT-assisted methods, global meetings or international project teams and assignment (Lupton & Beamish 2016:152). Aligned with Foss et al. (2004:341), another research stream that has been inductively identified deals with organisational, social, and cognitive aspects influencing the exchange of knowledge. In 2005, Cabrera & Cabrera (2005:732) developed a comprehensive framework of knowledge sharing. According to them, managerial practices are at the heart of knowledge transfer. In particular, so-called people management practices possess the power to create organisational environments that seem favourable for knowledge sharing. Among others, trust, identification and social ties at the workplace create a positive attitude towards knowledge sharing and together with the establishment of organisational norms, foster knowledge sharing behaviour at the workplace (cf. Fig. 2.9).

Figure 2.9   Cabrera & Cabrera’s model of knowledge-sharing dynamics (2005). Source Reprinted from Cabrera & Cabrera 2005:732 with permission from Taylor & Francis

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For instance, alongside hierarchy and hierarchical thinking (Zaidmann et al. 2009:317 ff., Disterer 2001:3), organisational complexity, lack of management, coordination and responsibilities hinder knowledge sharing in firms (Patriotta et al. 2013:521). Additionally, a lack of shared institutions slows down and even prevents efficient knowledge transfer in multinational firms. So to speak, social barriers such as language (Welch & Welch 2008, Disterer 2001:3), as well as perceived cultural or institutional distance, impact the quality and directions of knowledge flows (Quin et al. 2017:86, Ford & Chan 2003:23, Disterer 2001:3). Cognitive aspects, above all absorptive capacity – the organisation’s ability to acquire new knowledge by recognising its value, modifying and exploiting it (Cohen & Levinthal 1990:128, 133 ff., Zahra & George 2002:198) – is dependent on the employees’ prior knowledge, competencies and motivation (Minbaeva et al. 2003:589, 597). Besides a central position within industrial and professional networks (Tsai 2001:1002), the transferor (the source) needs to be able and willing to transmit knowledge along with a transferee (the recipient) who is able to evaluate its costs and modify received knowledge in a way to cater the individuals’ or organisational needs (Martin & Salomon 2003:363). Aside from organisational factors, the tacitness of knowledge challenges efficient transfers. Difficulties arise due to its non-codifiable, dynamic nature. It is embodied in individuals and consequently grows through experience (Howells 1996:95 ff., Inkpen & Pien 2006:781). However, firms are not powerless in creating organisational environments which facilitate instead of hinder, accelerate instead of impede knowledge exchange among individuals, departments and divisions. Some of the aforementioned challenges can be addressed by adjusting the organisational setting, for instance through the establishment of appropriate communication channels (Patriotta et al. 2013:525), or by introducing managerial practices, such as providing incentives and rewards for knowledge sharing among employees (Minbaeva 2008:711, Disterer 2001:4, Cabrera & Cabrera 2005:727 f.). In order to tackle the problems related to the nature of knowledge and to increase the firm’s knowledge transfer capacity (cf. Martin & Salomon 2003:363), a variety of scholars promote (temporary) co-presence of actors. For instance, the selection of key people management practices collected and studied by Cabera & Cabrera (2005:731 f.) aim in one way or another to foster social networks and social interactions among employees. They emphasise teamwork and collaboration as the critical factor for disseminating knowledge and creating new knowledge within firms across all identified management fields. They thereby underline the importance of ­face-to-face interactions and consider ICT-related opportunities as complementary, but not as a substitute for personal encounters (Cabera & Cabrera 2005:729). Similarly, Lengnick-Hall & Lengnick-Hall (2003) accentuate the relevance

2.4  Multi-Perspectivity and Spatial Mobility as Elements of Knowledge Transfer

53

of ­ co-location of co-workers, since “(…) bringing employees together under the same roof, increases the frequency of interactions among workers. This not only leads to more chance encounters during which information can be shared, but also increases familiarity, which can result in shared understanding and feelings of community, both of which increase the likelihood of sharing” (Crabera & Cabrera 2005:729). Yet, geographic distance among co-workers harms knowledge transfer insofar as it increases its cost and complexity (Ambos & Ambos 2009:10). Gupta & Govindarajan (2000:488 f.) have provided evidence that knowledge (in) flows in subsidiaries are higher in tightly integrated and close-knit organisational networks. Positive causal linkages were identified both for formal mechanisms of exchange and interpersonal relationships.

2.4 Interim Conclusion II: Multi-Perspectivity and Spatial Mobility as Genuine Elements of Knowledge Transfer In order to comprehensively grasp dynamics, motives and strategies to transfer knowledge from one unit to another, it has proven useful to combine insights from Geography, Economics and Business and Management Studies alike. The analysis of spatial sciences has contributed insights in the knowledge transfer (over distance) from a meso-perspective. The firm can deal with knowledge deficiencies either by building strategic relationships with selected partners or by absorbing knowledge which is considered to be “out there”. This general information ecology is inherent to certain social environments and economic interactions; for instance, locally in industrial clusters, virtually in p­ latform-mediated communication or temporarily in face-to-face professional gatherings. External knowledge provides opportunities for “creative disturbances”. Capitalising on those by absorbing new knowledge, modifying it with the aim to cater to the needs as well as altering organisational routines, practices, or technology, the organisation gains competitiveness (Argote & Ingram 2000, Nonaka et al. 2000:1 f.). Considering these processes on the micro-level, geographic conceptualisations encounter their limits. To countervail these deficits, literature from Economics as well as Business and Management Studies have been consulted. Characteristic for these studies is the underlying notion that knowledge transfer is a process (Szulanski 2000:10) both at the level of the individual and of the organisation (Argote & Ingram 2000:151). With respect to the discussion so far, this has two implications for further research about knowledge transfer:

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1) Multi-perspectivity on knowledge transfer Resulting from the combined study of different disciplinary fields, the insight arises that knowledge transfer is neither a spatial nor an organisational process. Rather, the discussion calls for a more integrated analysis of knowledge transfers. In order to do justice to the contextual nature of characteristics, the study needs to incorporate multiple perspectives leading to completely new social settings which transcend the present dichotomy of spatial vs. organisational and individual vs. organisational perspectives as well as intra- vs. inter-firm and intra- vs. intraregional transfers (cf. Fig. 2.10).

Figure 2.10   Knowledge transfer as an interdisciplinary research object. Source visualisation by the author

2) From managing knowledge transfer towards managing mobility Despite their different perspective, both disciplinary fields ascribe importance to (temporary) co-location and co-presence of individuals for the successful transfer of knowledge. Though individuals constitute only one possible knowledge repository (Argote & Ingram 2000:153), human interaction is considered the most powerful mode to transfer knowledge (Argote & Ingram 2000:157). Contrary to other strategies (for instance the transfer of technology), individuals are capable of transferring both explicit and tacit knowledge and even create further knowledge by adapting knowledge in new contexts (Argote & Ingram 2000:159). Under the condition that knowledge transfer involves personal interaction and relies on physical proximity, enabling and fostering knowledge transfer is largely a question of managing human interactions which inevitable leads to the study of mobility of individuals at the workplace.

3

Being Mobile at Work: Mobility Practices in Organisations and Their Impact on Intra-Firm Networks and Knowledge Transfers

In order to understand the spatiality of today’s globalised economy (Jones 2009a:215) which is characterised by spatial dispersion of corporate units (Beaverstock et al. 2009:194), decentralisation of economic production (Aguilera 2008:1110), integration in global production networks and markets (Aguilera 2008:1110, Jones 2013:60), specific practices of work organisation (high level of specialisation, division of labour and (inter-firm) project teams) (Aguilera 2008:1110) and influenced by the transformed nature of economic production in regard to the absolute and relative importance of knowledge as an economic input factor (Beaverstock et al. 2009:195, Jones 2013:60), patterns and practices of managing personnel mobility move to the fore for academics and practitioners alike. As discussed in Chapter 2, the key to corporate growth and economic profit lies in the efficient and effective generation, acquisition and dissemination of knowledge, which is inseparably linked to the establishment and maintenance of personal networks through temporary physical co-presence and face-to-face interaction among economic actors (Beaverstock et al. 2009:195, Jones 2013:60, Bartlett & Ghoshal 1987:48, Ferrary & Granovetter 2017:339 f.). Indeed, firms act and re-act to the requirements of their global economic integration by developing and applying complex practices and strategies to foster mobility at the workplace (KPMG International 2017:5). For some individuals corporate mobility “(…) is [even] an essential component of their work, such as international sales staff whose jobs comprise a heavy component of international travel, and managers whose jobs entail numerous periodic visits to international operations. (…) [As a consequence] international business travel has evolved to the point of being almost a career” (Welch et al. 2007:174). Thus, in the light of the globalisation

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2020 V. R. Hünnemeyer, Knowledge Transfers over Geographical Distance in Organisations, Perspektiven der Humangeographie, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-31018-9_3

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of the economy as a whole and of firms specifically, mobility has become both a crucial component in the functioning of today’s economy as well as a specific mode of working and work organisation. Different research strands address these issues, which are synthesised in the following section. After a short summary of the current status quo in business mobilities as a field of research in the social sciences, further discussion is centred on the perspective of the firm. The subsequent sections conclude with the central argument of Chapter 2 and provide further insights into corporate strategies in order to gain a competitive advantage through extensive personnel mobility as a means of global knowledge management. Therefore, Section 3.2 discusses how personnel mobility increases corporate resources, followed by a classification and discussion of corporate mobility practices in Section 3.3. Hence, this section broadens and deepens the understanding of the spatiality of business mobilities, the impact on personal networks, as well as the associated corporate mechanisms of knowledge transfer. The analytical categories space and networks are explicitly addressed and correlations among them and implications for the knowledge transfer process are elaborated.

3.1 Business Mobilities: State of the Art Broadly speaking, research captured and summarised by the term ‘business mobilities’ attempts to explain and understand the development and role of the spatial mobility of individuals within a globalised economy (Jones 2013:61). In the current literature, the terms business mobilities and business travel are often used interchangeably, though it is important to notice that the concept of business mobilities divides into much more complex questions of mobility which are linked to the fact that today’s economy is organised in a complex and global web of relations and “(…) flow[s] of intelligence, ideas and knowledge (…)” (Bartlett & Ghoshal 1987:48) (Castells 2000:77 ff.). Research about the spatial mobility of economic actors in post-industrial economies and globally operating firms as part of so-called corporate globalisation (Jones 2013:60) has added insights about the mutual interference of globalisation patterns and changing modes of doing business. In the wake of an increasingly connected economy characterised by translocal social ties, the mobility of personnel has even advanced towards an independent industrial sector (Cranston 2017, Beaverstock et al. 2009:193). To date, the forms, dynamics, and practices of business mobility are addressed from six different perspectives, though the suggested classification is without any doubt not exhaustive (cf. Fig. 3.1).

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3.1  Business Mobilities: State of the Art

Business mobilities

The transportationcentred perspective

The operational perspective

The space-centred perspective

The industry-centred perspective

The spatial perspective

The practice-centred perspective

Studying the transportation sector

Studying mobilityinduced qualitative changes of work

Studying emerging places of work

Studying industryspecific pecularities of mobility practices

Studying regional effects of mobility

Studying the use of mobility to complete tasks at work

Focus: the mode of transportation

Focus: the shifting nature of work and work organisation

Focus: emergence of new spaces of productivity and economic production

Focus: mobility patterns in specific industries and sectors

Focus: linkages between mobility and regional economic development

Focus: the shifting nature of work tasks and coping strategies

Transportation, Planning, Geography

Business & Management Studies

Geography

Geography, Economics

Business & Management Studies

Geography

Figure 3.1   Business mobilities as a field of research. Source Visualisation by the author

From the perspective of Transportation Studies, business mobility is analysed according to the mode of transportation (transportation-centred perspective). For instance, business air travel as a standalone industrial sector is subject to academic debate. Questions relate, for example, to the development of the segment in the course of continuous development and improvement of ICT and digital communication channels (Budd & Vorley 2013, Haynes 2010, Bender & Stephenson 1998). Another stream of research is interested in how mobility influences our mode of working (operational perspective). For example, studies look into how mobile workers use their time during travelling (e.g. Lyons & Urry 2005, Lyons et al. 2013). A questionnaire study conducted by Lyons et al. (2007:119) with rail passengers in Great Britain underpins the assumption that commuters and business travellers productively use their journey time. Laurier (2004:265 ff.) offers similar insights on completing work tasks while driving. As demonstrated by Holley et al. (2008), formal boundaries separating work and non-work related activities and travel time can even create unique opportunities for work (Holley et al. 2008:43). Associated therewith is research on the interrelation of movement in spaces and places of business activities (space-centred perspective). In this line of reasoning, the spatiality of economic production experiences drastic changes with the traditional office losing its pivotal role as an economic production centre. Being on the move more frequently comes with changes in the actual organisation of work. This implies more flexible and mobile ways of working, also giving rise to virtual spaces (Jones 2009a:213 f.). Furthermore, economic activities permeate new material spaces, adding economic relevance to spaces formerly

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used for only either transportation or tourism/leisure purposes. Spaces affected by this new multifunctionality are, for instance, airports (Halpern et al. 2012) or hotels (McNeill 2009). These increasingly function as business meeting spaces or ‘mobile offices’ for mobile workers. An industry-centred perspective highlights the peculiarities of mobility patterns in specific industries. From comparing studies from extractive, manufacturing as well as service firms, it is evident that personnel mobility is positively correlated with an increase in productivity and overall competitiveness. This occurs, for instance, in the form of maintaining productive output and contributing to a positive regional development as Spies (2009:271) demonstrated for long-distance commuting patterns in the oil industry in North Russia. On the level of the firm, Millar & Salt (2008:36, 46) as well as Beaverstock (2004:174) and Faulconbridge (2006:535 f., 2007:933) have linked international mobility to the success and survival of companies in service industries, as well as in extractive and manufacturing industries. Mobility correlated positively with the diffusion of knowledge among subunits, project partners and clients with positive effects on the company’s profitability, market share, and regeneration of corporate assets as well as to the global spread of corporate culture. Wickham and Vecchi (2008:701 ff.) even indicate that high travel intensity compensates for the lack of cluster ecologies. Relating thereto are studies from a spatial perspective. The subject of interest are linkages of spatial mobility of individuals – either embedded as a management practice of the firm or because of individual endeavours – and regional development. Empirical findings are available for, e.g., the Taiwanese/Vietnamese IT sector (Saxenian 2007) or the Indian diamond industry (Henn 2012, Henn & Bathelt 2018). In firms, spatial mobility of employees is pursued in order to: (1) exercise power and control; (2) secure operational processes, such as manufacturing or the delivery of project-based assignments; (3) to manage and disseminate knowledge and enable innovation accordingly. Finally yet importantly, the ­day-to-day-operations of a large share of corporate workforces involve business mobility to manage external relationships, such as in sales or customer services (Welch et al. 2007:174). Hence, individuals are on the move for different purposes. As synthesised by Jones (2013:62 f.), the practice-centred perspective towards business mobility focuses on how mobility is used as a means to reach corporate goals. Thus, it affects all areas of business activities, responsibilities and hierarchical levels. To sum, research about mobility in a globalised economy is embedded in various epistemological rationales and scientific debates, as diverse as relational,

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behavioural, evolutionary and network approaches. Mobility is subject to studies in Transportation and Planning, Human Resource Management and Regional Development. Secondly, the study on the “mobilisation of work” spans all analytical levels. On the micro-level, practices and strategies of individuals to cope with “increasing global connectedness” (Jones 2008:24) are paramount, while studies on the meso-level consider the changing nature of spaces and places of mobile work in a general sense. Associated herewith, the firm provides both a specific research perspective as well as an object of study in its own right, since firms engage in and pursue corporate globalisation through personnel mobility. Macro-level research looks into industrial sectors as a whole, meaning regional dynamics as well as transnational regional connections through spatial mobility of individuals and as an effect of transnational corporations. To analyse the research questions initially expressed, the analytical levels of the individual and the firm both provide added value. The following subchapters stress personal commitment, organisational capacities and mobility arrangements as linchpins for companies to reach a competitive advantage. Therefore, Section 3.2 discusses the benefits of business mobilities for the firm from a ­resource-based perspective before Section 3.3 identifies and explains different mobility arrangements and their potential to establish social networks, which function as communication channels to disseminate knowledge.

3.2 The Development of Relational and Social Capital in Organisations: The Role of Spatial, Intra-Firm Personnel Mobility With reference to the resource-based view of the firm, corporate success results from the firm’s internal resources (Boselie & Paauwe 2010:422, Zhong et al. 2012:436)1. The success depends on the extent which the firm acquires, possesses and develops resources which are valuable, rare, inimitable and non-substitutable (Barney 1991:105 ff). There is a general consensus that human resources in particular, compared to other types of resources, fulfil the named criteria and therefore are of strategic value (Boselie & Paauwe 2010:421, Zhong et al. 2012:437, Colakoglu et al.2010:37). In the first place, through their unique set of knowl-

1For

an introductory treatise concerning the theoretical development and historical origins of the resource-based perspective as well a comprehensive critical discussion, see Boselie & Paauwe (2010:422, 430 ff.).

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edge, abilities, skills and competencies, employees contribute to effective and efficient production. Further, employees with specific qualifications and skillsets of the required quality are not evenly distributed across labour markets and not always available at any given time. Thus, humans are also a scarce resource, who usually cannot be substituted by other resources, especially in knowledge-intensive industries. Considering the tacit nature of knowledge (see Section 2.1), human resources are difficult to imitate by competitors (Colakoglu et al.:2010:37, Boselie & Paauwe 2010:422 f.). This relates not only to the distinct individual capabilities and abilities referred to as human capital, but also to the fact that each individual is embedded in a unique web of social relations with highly individual knowledge repositories, known as relational and social capital2 (Boselie & Paauwee 2010:430, Colakoglu et al. 2010:39 f., Sparrow & Braun 2008:90). Indeed, only the interplay of individual abilities and socio-structural interconnectedness3 account fully for the inimitability of human resources (Colakoglu et al. 2010:40). The second general agreement refers to the conviction that HRM practices positively influence the accumulation of expertise within a firm (Colakoglu et al. 2010:36 ff., Boselie & Paauwe 2010:421, Zhong et al. 2012:437, Bryson & Karsten 2009:43). HRM practices can be classified along the target (people vs. organisational structures), the degree of formalisation (formal vs. informal strategies), the type of capital addressed (human vs. social capital) and finally whether practices are

2Due

to the use of similar terms such as network, exchange, and relationships, relational and social capital is largely seen as the same type of capital, although both concepts have different disciplinary origins. While social capital is conceptually rooted in Sociology and emphasises the actor’s structural position within a network (Maurer et al. 2011:159, Still et al. 2013), relational capital is regarded as a component of intellectual capital (Still et al. 2013). Yee (2015:33) attempts to differentiate between the two according to the scope of networks, i.e. social capital as a concept to understand relationships on the macro level and relational capital for dyadic relationships. Other authors attribute relational capital to the study of inter-firm relationships (Chen et al. 2004:320, Kale et al. 2000:220 f., Sparrow & Braun 2008:90, de Leaniz & del Bosque 2013:264), whereas some underline slightly different perspectives with greater emphasis on the individual level of goodwill and motivation to form social relationships (Sparrow & Braun 2008:91). Overall, the term social capital experiences a greater use than relational capital, as indicated by Still et al. (2013). 3Interconnectedness among the firm’s workforce but also beyond organisational borders is relevant insofar as it enables workers to capitalise on synergies derived from diversity and associated access to non-redundant information (Zhong et al. 2012:438, Burt 1992:20 ff.). This account differs partially from the traditional resource-based perspective, which disregards external connections, contextual factors and the dynamic nature of organisational structure and individual embeddedness (Boselie & Paauwe 2010:421 f., 430).

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oriented inwards or outwards to the organisation. For instance, global mobility as an HRM practice, which includes a variety of strategies such as short-term assignments, expatriation and business trips for various reasons, can be characterised as an inward practice, oriented both to enforce the organisation’s structure and to develop employees’ human and social capital. It can also be oriented outward, when, for instance, targeting sales or lobbying. While global mobility as a practice is formalised, social processes on the individual level range from informal interaction and communication to formal settings, such as business meetings or workshops. Third, there is a growing awareness of the link between a firm’s social capital and its competitive advantage (Lengnick-Hall & Lengnick-Hall 2012:490). Intra-firm networks and interconnectedness among employees reduce costs, mediate social processes of assimilation and diversity within an international firm, provide a source of cooperative support, grant access to information and knowledge and reduce knowledge asymmetries (Lengnick-Hall & Lengnick-Hall 2012:491 ff.). Bozkurt & Mohr demonstrate that intra-firm networks indeed correlate with organisational efficiency and effectiveness. Analysing linkages between mobility and social capital, employees (re)activate social ties originating from former cross-border movements, both of longer and shorter duration, in order to access knowledge, receive support and accomplish tasks at work. Further, business travel correlates with an increase in economic output and innovative business activities. As shown by Hovhannisyan & Keller (2015:91), a 10 % increase in business travels leads to a growth of parenting activities by 0.2 % in the US. Indeed, insufficient interpersonal relationships are one of the most important obstacles to intra-firm knowledge transfer (Szulanski 1996:35 f.). In order to overcome this, mobility is necessary to build strong, sustainable social ties (Bozkurt & Mohr 2011:151, Julsrud & Gjerdåker 2013:38). As agents of knowledge transfers, mobile workers significantly contribute to the dissemination of knowledge they acquired elsewhere, i.e. across organisational units and geographical borders (Welch et al. 2007:181). Networking as the strategic act of developing and maintaining professional networks is pursued by various motives. The model (cf. Fig. 3.2) developed and empirically tested by Julsrud & Gjerdåker (2013) classifies networking strategies into four categories according to the type of ties (strong vs. weak ties) and networking motives (random, explorative approach vs. strategic or goal-oriented development). The exploration of network opportunities is rather connected towards the exploitation of weak ties. Though the acquisition of information and extension of networks can also occur strategically, social bonds are often formed spontaneously and in an unplanned manner. In contrast, the maintenance and development of ties requires concentrated effort (Julsrud & Gjerdåker 2013:33).

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3  Being Mobile at Work Stronger ties (pre-existing) Exploiting network strategy • Strengthening existing ties • Benefitting from strongly developed ties • Motivation: receive knowledge/ideas

Planned meetings

Explore Opportunities

Sustaining network strategy • Maintaining strong relationships • Motivation: strengthen cultures and identities in global organisations

Fulfil Obligations Incidental meetings

Entrepreneurial network strategy • Developing new ties • Benefitting from weakly developed ties • Motivation: acquire information, extend network

Representing network strategy • Representing weak tie relationships • Motivation: represent the company

Weaker ties (latent ties)

Figure 3.2   Julsrud & Gjerdåker‘s typology of personal network strategies in global organisations (2013). Source Reprinted from Julsrud & Gjerdåker (2013:33) with permission from Elsevier; modified by the author

Fourth, cross-border movements in multinational enterprises are necessary in order to cope with the “nature and complexity of the multinational organization” (Ghoshal & Bartlett 1990:604) by setting up and managing transnational organisational networks and channels of communication, collaboration and exchange (Ghoshal & Bartlett 1990:604). Additionally, and even more importantly, mobility is a source of diversity4 and thus offers latent benefits for mobile employees

4Diversity

– broadly defined “as variation based on any attribute people use to tell themselves that another person is different” (Mannix & Neale 2005:33) – can be measured by two approaches. Whereas the proportion-based approach considers ratios of minority to majority members and in doing so tends to overemphasise demographic attributes, a factor approach allows the analysis of multiple aspects of diversity (Mannix & Neale 2005:37 f.). In this line of reasoning, diversity is categorised along visible and non-visible differences (Mannix & Neale 2005:35 f.). In their attempt to refine sources of diversity, Mannix & Neale (2005:36) have identified six categories with regard to social-category differences, personality differences, differences in knowledge or skills, values or beliefs, organisationalor community-status differences as well as social and network ties. These six categories differentiate further into 24 variables, which further determine diversity. For instance, education, training, ideological beliefs, motivational factors, tenure, title, work-related ties are identified as valuable variables.

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themselves, for local teams and firms as such. Diversity requires questioning routine practices (Danowitz & Hanappi-Egger 2012:138) and by implication creating opportunities for learning, improvement and innovations. Personnel mobility as a mechanism to enhance diversity5 functions in several ways. On the individual level, mobility entails the confrontation with unfamiliar cultures and social orientation systems, solving complex problems and overcoming entrenched modes of thinking and reasoning (Tadmor et al. 2012:385). Thus, the mobile worker is equipped with a unique set of experiences, knowledge, mindsets, personality traits and attitudes. Being assigned to foreign departments and units, the mobile worker introduces this global, culturally rich mindset and disrupts established local routines and practices on the collective level. Besides opening up opportunities for organisational development, the mobile worker generally raises cultural awareness and is able to contribute to the development of cross-cultural competence in local teams (Tung 2009:49 ff.). Due to the collaboration with units abroad, not only the work culture6 in the receiving unit is subject to change, but also the mindsets of the mobile workforce are exposed to different ideas, mental models, perceptions, attitudes, beliefs and skills and so forth, which they introduce in future collaborations in other locations (cf. Stahl et al. 2010a:442).

5In

addition to incentives fostering global mobility, global staffing and recruitment practices, as well as mentoring programmes are further strategies to increase diversity in business organisations (Risberg et al. 2012:199 f., 203 ff.). 6Culture is understood as universal orientation system equipping the individual with a framework for action, societal standards, and horizons of expectations in order to make sense of various aspects of social and everyday life (Thomas & Utler 2013:42). In the workplace, this refers, for instance, to specific social manners, processes of problem-solving, division of work or team dynamics. For outsiders or incoming staff, this specific social system is difficult to make use of due to the fact, that “layers” of the different cultural system, such as national or regional conventions, industry- and ­disciplinary-specific manners, occupational specificities as well as corporate practices on various levels (transnational corporation, units, departments, subdivisions) are nested (Jackson & Schuler 2012:299 ff., Lawler et al. 2008:10). During data collection, U-04-P10 explains that companies aim to align working conditions across all locations, i.e. using the same design of offices or multi-site IT systems. This shall facilitate any adjustment processes of mobile workers.

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In cross-cultural teams7, workers overcome their domestic narrow-mindedness (Zhong et al. 2012:438) with multiple benefits for the organisation8. Whereas a detailed review of the linkages between team diversity and performance is out of scope, some empirical insights are highlighted. Beyond the benefits of cultural diversity for the variables of satisfaction at work and communication effectiveness (Stahl et al. 2010a:442 ff.), the culturally rich background of individuals shows a positive correlation for an overall increase in performance related to individual and collective creativity, which is associated with greater innovative capacity and productivity. Based on a meta-analysis of 108 studies, Stahl et al. (2010b) provide a comprehensive overview on the effects of cultural diversity in teams. They provide empirical support for the positive correlation of cultural diversity and creativity (Stahl et al. 2010b:699), however, the influence of the type of diversity (cross-national vs. intra-national) on the level of creativity could not be tested due to data availability (Stahl et al. 2010b:695, 700). This gap is filled by a study conducted by Tadmor et al. in 2012. They have not only empirically demonstrated the positive effect of multiculturalism9 on creativity on the individual level, but also that individual multiculturalism boosts creative performance on the dyadic level. Derived from the study of Asian and Caucasian-born Americans in the US, they conclude that the greater the multicultural experiences of all team members, the greater the overall level of collective creativity (Tadmor et al. 2012:386, 388 f.). Indeed, multinational  corporations strategically make use of culturally mixed R&D teams. In expectation of increasing innovative performance, decision-makers strategically mix individuals of different cultural backgrounds due to anticipated peculiar, albeit complementary ways of thinking and working (Gassmann 2001:93). As compiled by Stahl et al.

7Following Stahl et  al. (2010a:442), cultural differences relate both to so-called surface-level differences (e.g. gender, country-of-origin) and deep-level dissimilarities (e.g. values, mental models, attitudes). The surface-deep-level dichotomy to operationalise diversity and measure its effect stems from the aforementioned factor approach and was initially developed by Harrison et al. (1998) (Mannix & Neale 2005:36, Stahl et al. 2010b:694). 8Contrary to the prevailing opinion on the synergistic effects of diversity on team performance (Mannix & Neale 2005:32), the author is aware of the fact that linkages between team diversity and economic performance are ambiguous and empirical findings have to be interpreted in their specific research contexts and social settings. For a comprehensive discussion refer to Mannix & Neale (2005) and Stahl et al. (2010a). 9Tadmor et al. conceptualise multiculturalism in terms of duration of living abroad from the home country, exposure to foreign cultures, number of foreign languages spoken, parents’ places of birth, number of foreign friends, favourite foreign cuisines and foreign musicians (Tadmor et al. 2012:386 f.).

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(2010a:442), this positive correlation of cultural diversity and creativity results from individual mental and cognitive capacities on the one hand, and on the other derives from social interconnectedness. Indeed, Reagans & Zuckerman (2001) provide evidence for the hypothesis “The greater the network heterogeneity of a team, the higher its productivity” (Reagans & Zuckerman 2001:504). Network heterogeneity is measured in terms of the organisational tenure of the individual leading to the conclusion that heterogeneity in terms of different levels of experiences provides opportunities for learning (Reagans & Zuckerman 2001:512), increases the organisations’ social capital and contributes positively to the overall level of productivity10. Han et al. (2014) provide complementary insights into the mutual linkages of human and social capital and the role of networking activities. At first, both external and internal network density, i.e. ties to individuals internal and external to the organisation, are a source for creativity on the individual level alike and enhance human capital. This knowledge diversity has proven to be beneficial for the development of social capital within teams, as each individual is equipped with unique knowledge and personal networks. Secondly, each individual constitutes a valuable knowledge resource for the team. Consequently, social ties both within an organisation as well as beyond the organisational borders needed to be developed and sustained in order to boost performance (Han et al. 2014:66 f.). In conclusion, cross-border movements expose a vast array of benefits for the organisation which are mainly associated with the advantages of f­ace-to-face interaction (cf. Chapter 2), such as an overall increase in performance and innovative capabilities, the development of organisational capability and human resources (human and social capital). Nonetheless, social scientists point towards the need to develop and apply managerial practices carefully in order to moderate social processes associated with mobility (Maloney & Zellmer-Bruhn 2006:716, Gassmann 2001:93, Han et al. 2014:67, Jackson & Schuler 2012:311)11. In order to reach the full potential of organisations’ mobile workforces and asso-

10The

dependent variable productivity is constructed from a total of 11 task-related items. Since the setting involved R&D teams, output is measured by publications, project proposals, patent applications, developed prototypes etc. (Reagans & Zuckerman 2001:507). 11The role of cultural training, one example of managerial practice to support and moderate mobility-induced cultural diversity, is well researched in the context of l­ong-term assignments and expatriation (e.g. Wurtz 2014, Lenartowicz et al. 2014, Okpara & Kabongo 2011, Shen & Lang 2009, Puck et al. 2008, Lee & Li 2008, Black et al. 1991, Black & Mendenhall 1990, Dowling et al. 2009:139 ff.).

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ciated cross-cultural social settings and work environments, entrepreneurial ­decision-makers are well advised to counteract individuals’ natural desire to work with and surround themselves with individuals they believe to be similar as themselves (cf. Mannix & Neale 2005:39 f.). Homophily and in-group homogeneity threaten the process of creative disruption originating from diverse team configurations.

3.3 Spatial Mobility and the Emergence of Social Networks: A Typology of Business Mobilities The discussion in the preceding section has illustrated that companies actively manage social relationships in order to pursue corporate profit making. Bringing together employees in shared spaces to form networks and leverage the generation and transfer of knowledge is of existential importance. The spatial mobility of individuals mediates the mutual influence of those interdependent variables and by definition determines knowledge flows. The relation among those variables is one of mutual influence, with sharing temporary or permanently the same physical or virtual space as a necessary requirement for the formation of social networks (Glückler et al. 2017:7, Faulconbridge 2006:536). Due to the embeddedness of social relationships, these networks may span several locations, administrative borders, continents, time zones and cultures, especially in the context of high levels of spatial mobility in MNCs. Even in times of virtual communication, geographical space moderates the effects of these relationships on the generation and dissemination of knowledge (Glückler et al. 2017:7). The effects of this socio-spatial link on knowledge generation and exchange is, however, ambiguous. Strong personal relationships and a generally high social connectivity among the parties are able to substitute the (partially) negative effects of geographical distance among the parties (Glückler et al. 2017:8). Finally, close social professional networks and high levels of connectivity among individuals, as put forward by Glückler et al. (2017:8 f.), can even annul all spatial effects on knowledge transfer, challenging the idea of an inseparable connection of space and knowledge for the creation and transfer of knowledge (see 3. in Fig. 3.3).

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Figure 3.3   The mutual interdependence of space, networks, and knowledge transfer. Source Visualisation by the author based on Glückler et al. (2017:7 ff.)

For the organisation of today’s economy and businesses, the mutual interdependence and complex dynamics of space and networks on knowledge generation and dissemination entails that, “New strategic demands make organizational models of simple interunit dependence or independence inappropriate. The reality of today’s worldwide competitive environment demands collaborative information sharing and problem solving, cooperative support and resource sharing, and collective action and implementation. Independent units risk being picked off one-by-one by competitors whose coordinated global approach gives them two important strategic advantages – the ability to integrate research, manufacturing, and other scale-efficient operations, and the opportunity to cross-subsidize the losses from battles in one market with funds generated by profitable operations in home markets or protected environments.” (Bartlett & Ghoshal 1987:47)

In order to both achieve and sustain the efficient interdependence of economic activity at the level of the firm, companies actively pursue, construct and configure what Faulconbridge (2006:529 f., 532 f.) has named global practice-based spaces of learning and global relational spaces of learning. Those spaces of meeting, collaboration and cooperation create opportunities for building social ties and interpersonal networks across units. As Lassen (2009:232) points out, “networks and networking are fundamental tools in (…) organizations (….) [and] represent an informal form of organization (…)”. However, spatial­

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mobility at the workplace as a corporate strategy to ensure intra-firm networks is neither static, i.e. duration, length and destination of movements are subject to continuous change, nor evenly implemented within an organisation. This implies that the intensity of mobility varies across functional roles. Mobility as a corporate strategy is never exercised in isolation from other forms of strategic management (Faulconbridge 2009:298, Millar & Salt 2008:37, Lassen 2009:241). Further, it is not an end in itself, but links to other strategic goals, such as strategic business development or the development of globally experienced staff. Today, companies have established complex and comprehensive mobility strategies to empower and facilitate collective, intra-firm and inter-unit teamwork and communication. These different forms of mobility form a strategic mix, which Faulconbridge et al. (2009:299 ff.) coined mobility ecologies and Millar & Salt (2008) termed mobility portfolios. Generally, mobility arrangements depend on organisational factors, such as the organisation of tasks and different levels of autonomy on employee level (Lassen 2009:241), project- and client-specific needs and respective demands (Torre 2008:882 ff.). Mobility occurs in the interest of HRM in terms of developing globally trained staff (Millar & Salt 2008:36), as well as enforcing business norms and power hierarchies in foreign business units (Lyons 2013:52 f.). Further, individual factors, such as the expertise, skills and competences of personnel (Millar & Salt 2008:36), as well as personal motives, such as influencing decisions, securing status and recognition, socialising with others or the wish to experience unknown places (Lyons 2013:53) influence mobility decisions. In their comparative study on corporate mobility, Miller & Salt (2008) determine four influences, which shape mobility patterns at work: structural dynamics, markets and market development, customers and customer relationships, and product, project and process-related factors. Their empirical findings indicate that mobility in knowledge-intensive sectors is rather customerand product-driven, whereas in extractives market-related factors and structural dynamics prevail, albeit the other factors respectively wield influence on mobility decisions, as well (Miller & Salt 2008:37). Derived from their analysis, Fig. 3.4 represents a visualisation and generalisation of their findings.

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Figure 3.4   A model of personnel mobility in business organisations. Source Visualisation by the author based on Miller & Salt (2008:37 ff.)

The y-axis indicates the intensity of corporate mobility, with high intensity of personal movement on the top and low intensity at the bottom. The x-axis provides qualitative information about the progression of each factor. It does not declare specific points in time; rather each factor is related to a specific ­time-sensitive development, which is reported in an idealised and generalised manner. Overall, it is striking that – apart from market characteristics – all corporate processes demand high levels of labour mobility at their initial stages. In general, mobility in the early phases of international expansion, market development, and (project) planning is linked to trust and relationship building. With further progress, the need for personal movement is context-dependent and s­ ituation-specific. This said, mobility generally declines after its peak in the initial phase. For example, the different phases of a project lifecycle (d) demands varying degrees of mobility, with high volumes of personal movement in the beginning due to high levels of risk and uncertainty, which is followed by mobility related to training, coaching and mentoring demanding lesser individuals to move less frequently. Once organisational procedures within a project are standardised, mobility further decreases. After successful implementation, virtual forms of

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communication can (almost fully) replace personal mobility. The demands for personnel mobility is slightly different for aspects concerned with building and maintaining customer relationships (c). While project acquisition requires high volumes of mobility, the need for movement decreases as the customer relationship and project delivery progresses. However, associated levels of mobility remain relatively high in order to maintain trust and express commitment to the client with the aim to build a long-lasting business relationship. The link between the movement of people and characteristics of markets is linear (b.1) when seen as a dichotomy of closed versus open markets. In open markets, companies are forced to constantly innovate, lobby, observe competitors and build alliances. Structural dynamics and activities related to market development show similar patterns with a mobility climax in the beginning and non-predictable mobility patterns in the later stages. For the latter case (b.2), a phase of increased movement in the beginning of building markets and winning new partners, clients etc. is followed by a phase of movement of people, which occurs on a project-related basis. Therefore, further demands of mobility are ambiguous: mobility can both decrease and increase. Similarly, the process of internationalisation (a) generates high volumes of mobility in the beginning, which decreases promptly as soon as corporate integration of sub-units in the initial organisation is completed. Consolidation of businesses and rationalisation lead to a re-organisation of corporate structures and responsibilities of each sub-unit. Depending on the specific organisational form, different demands for corporate mobility arise. For instance, multinationals, which emphasise the autonomy of each sub-unit and organise activities in responsibility centres, require a different pattern of mobility than those which rely on the traditional model with a central headquarters and subordinated subsidiaries (Millar & Salt 2008:37 ff., Walsh & Doughty 2009:305 ff.). On the bottom line, corporate mobility varies in quantitative (e.g. travel time, geographical distance travelled, frequency and duration) and in qualitative terms (e.g. purpose of movement, workload, tasks and responsibilities). In order to reveal the composition of mobility portfolios within organisations, Fig. 3.5 summarises forms of business mobility, which are most commonly applied by multinationals and are therefore repeatedly the centre of debate (e.g. McNulty et al. 2017, Stahl et al. 2012a, Stahl et al. 2012b)12. At first, mobility at the workplace 12Only

temporary forms of mobility within the context of multinational organisations are considered. Corporate mobility on entry level, such as international trainee- and internships, permanent transfers or non-business related mobility are pursued for different purposes and are characterised by different social and organisational embeddedness and associated dynamics. Thus, they are beyond the scope of this thesis.

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can be distinguished according to the target level (x-axis). Is mobility pursued to handle corporate needs on the intra-firm, inter-unit level, or does it serve the management and coordination of relationships with external actors, such as competitors, clients, or governments? Further relevant dimensions are concerned with time and space (y-axis). With regards to the time being absent from the home organisation and spent with the host organisation or in further economic third spaces13, the duration of the mobility increases from bottom to top on the y-axis. Since the duration of assignment and geographical distance between sending and receiving institutions are not inseparably linked with each other, each quadrant is divided in half according to its geographic scope. Overall, the management of external relationships and the access to the knowledge bases of competitors, suppliers, governmental bodies etc. relies on shorter forms of mobility with listening posts being one exception14. In order to access remote knowledge companies delegate individuals in distant (and possibly future) markets in order to develop networks, observe markets and identify economic opportunities (Maskell 2014:890 f.). For the access of knowledge repositories on the firm level, companies have developed a strategic mix of short- and longer-term assignments of varying geographic scope, which is influenced by the organisations’ business activities and main markets. Besides long-term assignments, such as the traditional expatriation and inpatriation, short-term assignments and more flexible ways of mobility have increased lately (Welch et al. 2007:173, Bozkurt & Mohr 2011:149, Collings et al. 2012:221). This is due to a number of reasons related to developments on the macro level, for instance, improved flight connections or efficient broadband connections in large parts of the world (Mayrhofer et al. 2012:297), but also an increase in political uncertainty and upheavals which lead to reluctant attitudes of candidates towards long-term forms of mobility (Collings et al. 2012:215). On an organisational level, both the supply (e.g. shortages of managers) and demand of qualified personnel (e.g. in emerging markets) increase the need for alternative forms of mobility (Collings et al. 2012:214 f., 218). 13Temporal aspects, i.e. the duration of mobility, refers to the actual time being absent from the home organisation and not to the time spent travelling, i.e. on the journey to and from a destination. The term economic third spaces refers to places outside the office used for doing businesses, such as trade fairs, meeting rooms in government institutions or similar spaces. 14Empirical

examples for inter-firm mobility are as follows: Listening posts are studied by Maskell (2014), state visits by Zademach & Rimkus (2016) as well as Nitsch (2007), and trade missions by Spence & Crick (2001). For a study of conferences refer to, e.g., Henn & Bathelt (2015) and Bathelt & Henn (2014); for a discussion of trade fairs see Bathelt & Schuldt (2010/2008b), Schuldt & Bathelt (2011), Bathelt & Henn (2014), Maskell (2014), and Bathelt & Gibson (2015).

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Figure 3.5   Knowledge transfer in the context of business mobilities – a multi-level view. Source Visualisation by the author

Each type of mobility produces an individual socio-spatial setting, “(…) a socio-technical construction, and not simply (…) pipelines for knowledge flows” (Faulconbridge 2006:522) with varying opportunities for network building and knowledge exchange (Faulconbridge et al. 2009:305, Torre 2008:881). A variety of factors, such as social and behavioural norms, the actual place as well as expectations of participants govern these interactive processes, to name a few. For instance, Growe (2018a:10 f.) relates the choice of (temporary) work spaces to their physical conditions and presumed effects onto work processes. If a company wants to strengthen the creative capacity of its employees, decision-makers rather choose retreat spaces as a source of inspiration. Contrarily, meetings at the workplace support the enforcement of decisions due to the symbolisation of power and strength. In the following, intra-firm types of mobility are discussed in more detail. Comparative dimensions cover (1) the nature of mobility with regards to time, space, and frequency, (2) the nature of work including corporate functions, tasks, roles as well as embeddedness of the individual, as well as (3) the nature of network and social ties generated by each form of mobility. Finally, linkages of mobility types, network formation and knowledge transfer are explored. Lovng-term Assignments: Expatriation & Inpatriation Commonly delegated for up to several years to overseas branches (Bozkurt & Mohr 2011:142), the employee relocates with his/her family to the host country

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for the expatriation assignment (Millar & Salt 2008:33). Once arrived, the further level of mobility, e.g. in form of business travels in the host country or business trips to the sending institution, varies from company to company and from assignment to assignment (Welch & Worm 2006:285). Individuals on expatriate assignments fill strategic positions of high responsibility and high risk (Bozkurt & Mohr 2011:145, Harzing 2001a:153), such as supervising the construction of a new plant. The length of stay has implications both for the integration and embeddedness in the social and organisational structures of the host unit, and for the transfer of knowledge over geographical distance, mainly from headquarters to subsidiaries. Bozkurt & Mohr (2011:145) report that, although the scope of personal networks of individuals on expatriate assignments is comparatively limited to the specific unit, the expatriate commonly develops strong personal ties with local staff, which may even outlast the actual assignment. Of course, this impacts not only knowledge flows during the assignment, but has consequences for the general and future access to knowledge, when personal relationships can be ­re-activated in an uncomplicated manner15. In contrast to expatriation assignments, inpatriation focuses on delegating individuals from foreign subsidiaries to headquarters. The main purpose is to learn about corporate culture, policies and standards, behavioural norms as well as to receive technical training. Returning to the overseas sending institution, the inpatriate functions and acts as a multiplier and pursues the implementation and supervision of corporate standards in the foreign unit (Moeller & Reiche 2017:219 ff., Reiche et al. 2011:522 f., Walsh & Doughty 2009:316, Harvey et al. 1999:54 ff.). Further, inpatriates also share valuable knowledge with staff at headquarters or at least raise cultural awareness, which has the capacity to make corporate activities abroad and coordination between headquarters and subsidiaries more effective (Dowling et al. 2009:316). Though learning and knowledge acquisition is always a dual process during expatriation, expatriates often have a specific focus: either they focus on their own competence building or the transfer of knowledge is paramount to the assignment (Zaragoza-Sáez & Claver-Cortés 2011:300).

15Contrarily,

research shows that expatriates never fully integrate both socially at the workplace due to the specific expatriate status which is associated with financial benefits, power and knowledge asymmetries, as well as in the host culture due to lack of cultural adjustment (e.g. Harvey & Kiessling 2004, Leung et al. 2014, Min Toh & Denisi 2003).

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Short-term Assignments In contrast to long-term assignments, short-term assignments last from three to twelve months and family members do not relocate with the assignee (Mäkelä et al. 2017:282 f., Mayrhofer et al. 2012:304, Collings et al. 2012:222, Millar & Salt 2008:33). Usually, short-term assignments come with greater benefits and expenses packages for the employee than usually associated with travel assignments (Millar & Salt 2008:33). Short-term assignments are used whenever organisations need to handle work, particularly project-based work and associated tasks (e.g. managerial support, knowledge transfer, network building etc.) flexibly (Mäkelä et al. 2017:284), but opt for mid-term solutions. Since short-term assignments do not involve family relocation, they are characterised by shorter lead times and higher flexibility. Tasks and responsibilities involve ­problem-solving, transfer of knowledge, training locals, and the control and coordination of projects (Mayrhofer et al. 2012:304, Collings et al. 2012:222, Bozkurt & Mohr 2011:146). Due to the strategic application and corporate logic of short-term assignments and due to higher turnovers of possible assignments during individual careers, networks tend to incorporate a greater number of partners, spanning different locations and groups of employees than expatriate assignments. Further, dyadic ties are only of intermediate strength (Bozkurt & Mohr 2011:146 f.). Flexpatriates: Frequent Flyer Assignments, Commuter Assignments, Rotational Assignments The term flexpatriate covers a wide range of international assignments (Mayrhofer et al. 2012:304), which are contractually governed for an extended period of time. Mobility in these contexts is characterised by a shorter period spent abroad, but higher travel frequency compared to long- and short-term assignments (Welch et al. 2007:174), since no semi-permanent or permanent relocation is set up abroad. Therefore, sending and receiving units are more likely to be within the reach of 1–3 hours flight time (Collings et al. 2012:223). Mobility arrangements differ according to the regularity of travel and destination. Whereas travel frequency is not contractually stipulated and happens as required during frequent flyer assignments, international commuters travel on weekly or bi-weekly basis and rotational assignments include longer periods at work followed by a period off work (e.g. oil rigs) (Welch & Worm 2006:283, Millar & Salt 2008:33, Collings et al. 2012:224, Mäkelä et al. 2017:277). Commuting and rotating employees always travel to the same operation site abroad, whereas business travel with frequent flyer assignments usually travel to different locations (Millar & Salt 2008:33 f., Mäkelä et al. 2017:277, 280).

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Since destinations and personnel configuration mostly remain the same over the course of time for commuter and rotational assignees, the potential group of people to form networks with is likely to be smaller, but employees with those arrangements have the opportunity to establish stronger ties than individuals with frequent flyer assignments. (Extended) Business Travel The fact that the proposed classification of mobility assignments is not ­clear-cut is demonstrated by the last two types, namely ordinary business travel with a length of stay  up to 30 days and extended business travel up to 90 days (Millar & Salt 2008: 34), which show some similarities to frequent flyer assignments. Similarly, business travel is applied in order to ensure face-to-face communication in geographically dispersed corporate environments (Welch & Worm 2006:284). Its use is mostly project-related whenever deemed necessary, occurs at short notice, is not stipulated by contract and not associated with additional forms of compensation. Purposes cover, for instance, the control and monitoring of progress, troubleshooting, participation in regional and global meetings, establishment and maintenance of personal relationships, delivery of and participation in trainings or workshops (Welch & Worm 2006:284, Welch et al. 2007:175, Collings et al. 2012:223, Mäkelä et al. 2017:276, Millar & Salt 2008:33). Over time, business travellers develop a large network both in quantitative and qualitative terms i.e. in regard to the location and functions of employees (Bozkurt & Mohr 2011:149, Welch et al. 2007:179). Welch et al. (2007:180) emphasise that networks built by business travellers are of strategic importance for the organisation, since “IBTs [ed.: international business travellers] have the capacity to act as powerful knowledge transfer agents in terms of internal interaction between company units (…)”. During their visits and depending on their frequency and length of stay, they acquire and collect information about foreign markets, operations, concerns and developments (Welch et al. 2007:180 f.). Since business travellers are not embedded in fixed teams, contrary to commuter and rotational assignments, they are exposed to a greater variety of different individuals with more opportunities for acquiring and disseminating knowledge. Implications for Professional Networks and the Transfer of Knowledge As laid out, mobility at the workplace generates vast opportunities for network building and associated knowledge exchanges. From the comparative study of mobility forms, some mechanisms between mobility practices and nature of established networks can be determined:

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• The longer the stay abroad, the stronger the established interpersonal ties Bozkurt & Mohr (2011:144 f.) demonstrate that personal relationships built during expatriate assignments are particularly strong, whereas the strength of ties decreases with the declining length of stay. In the context of assignments with both high travel frequency and simultaneously short stays abroad, the number and regularity of visits as well as communication over distance play a crucial role to the strength of ties and can mediate the effects of temporary proximity and distance (Bozkurt & Mohr 2011:146 f.,  150). Strong social ties generally ease knowledge transfers due to a shared mode of understanding, which has positive effects on necessary time and effort devoted by parties in the transfer process (Reagans & McEvily 2003:242, 259, 261 f.). Further, Minbaeva & Michailova (2004:669) have demonstrated that prolonged stays in foreign units have positive implications for the willingness to share knowledge and the expatriates’ disseminative capacity. • The more local responsibilities and tasks of the assignee abroad, the smaller the geographical scope of networks Networks of expatriates tend to be more local than those of assignees on ­short-term or travel arrangements, according to Bozkurt & Mohr (2011:144). This results from differences in the strategic function of those assignees. • The greater the mobility intensity in terms of number of trips, the greater the number of dyadic ties Particularly mobility arrangements depending on high travel intensity in changing team configurations result in more contacts often exceeding those of expatriates, though expatriates have the possibility to bond with more colleagues in a specific business unit (Bozkurt & Mohr 2011:145 f., 149). • The greater the spatial network range, the greater the geographical scope of networks Individuals who are exposed to colleagues in different business units and across organisational boundaries have more opportunities to create transnational social bonds spanning various locations and continents (Bozkurt & Mohr 2011:144, Reagans & McEvily 2003:247 f., 260). • The greater the functional network range, the greater the multidirectionality of ties Research shows that whenever individuals are mobile for various reasons and travel for different purposes, for instance, meetings, trainings, or business negotiations, they come into contact with more diverse individuals and, hence, divergent mindsets (Reagans & McEvily 2003:247 f.). In contrast to expatriate assignments, the type of mobility which is associated mainly with exchanges from the headquarters to the subsidiary, reverse flows are limited

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(Bozkurt & Mohr 2011:146). Here, the assignee acts as a multiplier who is delegated from headquarters and spreads knowledge with local staff abroad. On the other extreme, project-related travel enables flows among different groups of employees of geographical scope, as Bozkurt & Mohr (2011:149) report.

3.4 Interim Conclusion III: Managing Flows of People, Managing Flows of Knowledge The (temporary) physical proximity of individuals is a necessary condition for building partnerships, interpersonal ties and, consequently, acquiring and sharing knowledge through social interaction. The purpose of this chapter is to understand how firms set up, manage and coordinate spaces for social interaction through the spatial mobility of employees. For a comprehensive understanding, the chapter has first introduced the wide-ranging impacts of mobility on day-to-day business activities. Spatial mobility transforms how, where, when and with whom business is being done. Increasingly, economic production occurs in ­fast-paced environments with economic actors being embedded in horizontal and vertical forms of economic integration, interdependencies of geographically dispersed business units and streamlined project settings. To be concise, the spatial mobility of employees is seen as a viable answer towards these challenges, and as a solution to the problem of how competitive advantage can be developed, secured and sustained in globally distributed business activities. Second, business organisations consider the spatial transfer of employees around the globe as a general strategy to cope with local-global interdependencies (Walsh & Doughty 2009:302). The mobility of personnel increases available (human) resources and resulting diversity; social and relational capital provide competitive advantages. In this context of business mobility, the saying Think globally, act locally (cf. Walsh & Doughty 2009:296) includes both strategic decision making in meeting rooms with CEOs and executive boards, but also implies the need to have individuals on the spot in order to implement corporate objectives. Since adequate human resources are not readily available at short notice, the global transfer of employees controls this deplorable state of affairs. Further, the local-global integration of economic production implies that local transformations have global consequences making the economy as a whole volatile and dynamic. Relocating employees upon request means to preserve the firms’ capacity to act in times of up- and downturns in the economy (Bryson & Karsten 2009:38). Under the condition that the firm delegates high potential

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employees with a secured track of success, corporate mobility can be considered as a strategic mechanism to reduce risks and deal with uncertainties (Bryson & Karsten 2009:28). Besides administering external influences i.e. linkages between the firm and the market, the assignment of individual employees serves the strategic management of intra-firm processes and relations. In the course of this, decision-makers can adopt a reactive and proactive approach towards international labour transfers depending upon the needs, requirements and dynamics of the corporate environment, industry specificities and organisational developments (cf. Bryson & Karsten 2009:29). Staying ahead of competitors and continuous progression implies constant stimulation, continuous challenges and regular creative disruptions. A repeated influx of change in the form and as a result of diversity creates opportunities for learning, transformation and the avoidance of lock-in situations (cf. Danowitz & Hanappi-Eger 2012:138). Transformation and change can affect business activities (e.g. adjustment of business activities in form of extension in the production range, improvement or deterioration of public image), intra- and inter-firm relationships (e.g. rationalisation), ways of doing work (e.g. technological standards, communication channels) and changes concerning corporate culture (e.g. norms, values) (Beckhard 1994:84 f., Bryson & Karsten 2009:39). All of the above named examples depend on the exploitation of knowledge within the organisation. Adaptation and managing change involves knowledge on various levels: a) decision-makers on all management levels and the workforce in general need knowledge about which changes are occurring or are expected to occur; b) both skill/task-specific but also strategic knowledge is necessary to develop suitable alternatives and transformative strategies; c) to secure the implementation of changes, knowledge is needed about the necessary requirements and conditions. Since associated repositories and sources of knowledge are dispersed in MNCs both geographically and functionally and are above all of a complex nature, business development involves tapping into those reservoirs of knowledge. By implication, this involves both the establishment of physical co-presence and face-to-face interaction, as well as the mental capability to understand, process and use knowledge. Third, personal networks arise from corporate mobility. As shown in Section 3.3, the nature of corporate social networks depends on the type of mobility. Each type produces unique opportunities for social interaction. The social settings and networks arising from the various types of mobility have specific implications for the transfer of knowledge. Section 3.3 demonstrates the relationship between mobility, the nature of networks and knowledge, which is characterised by following linkages:

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A) Linkages among the composition of networks and knowledge transfer • The greater the number of contacts in different locations and of functional job roles (i.e. the network range), the greater the chance for diversity within one’s network • The greater the diversity of network members, the greater the chances for the individual to be exposed to non-redundant information • The higher level of non-redundant information, the greater chance for meaningful and substantial knowledge transfer B) Linkage among geography and knowledge transfer • The greater the geographical scope of networks, the greater transnational flows of knowledge C) Linkage among tie strength and knowledge transfer • The stronger the tie, the easier the knowledge transfer process Interpersonal networks and connectivity moderate the effects of diversity on knowledge creation as well as function as mediator for the exchange of knowledge. Interpersonal ties enable not only the identification of knowledge sources within the firm, but allow forms of coaching, counselling, mentoring, providing feedback and the like (Stewart 2009:429). In the long run, informal corporate networks are a source of time and cost reduction. Since spatial mobility of employees, network building and global knowledge transfer do not work automatically, the actual process of establishing corporate social networks represents costs and requires financial investments (Reagans & McEvily 2003:242). As soon as the firm intervenes in those processes by a strategic circulation of personnel between their globally dispersed business units, spatial corporate mobility and associated network formation become strategic assets in the context of global knowledge management and constitute intra-firm forms of brain circulation (cf. Clarke et al. 2017:139 f., Myers & Kirk 2009:411). Therefore, questions need to be raised under which conditions spatial mobility and corporate social networks pay off in terms of costs and benefits. Since the establishment of strong ties involve greater investments of time, motivation, personal competences and by implication financial capital, it would be unprofitable to share codified knowledge in those dyadic relationships. The investment in the establishment of strong ties pays off under the condition that strong ties are used to share tacit knowledge, otherwise “the individual would be better off allocating (…) time and effort to a different knowledge transfer relationship, where the time and effort would have more of an impact [ed.: on the transfer of tacit knowledge]” (Reagans & McEvily 2003:262).

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Given that a) individuals are more motivated to share complex knowledge in close social relationships, b) knowledge generally diffuses more quickly in networks with high interpersonal connectivity, and c) knowledge circulating in close networks has the capacity to be fertilised across organisational units (Reagans & McEvily 2003:261 ff.), the following chapter and the empirical data collection focusses on social networks arising from one specific type of corporate mobility, namely expatriation. As it has shown, expatriate assignments are most likely to form close social bonds, which a) transfer tacit knowledge and b) are likely to outlast upon return.

4

Expatriation: Social Networks and Knowledge Flows

Different types and forms of mobility at the workplace possess different temporalities and spatialities which favour the establishment of social ties and networks of various quality and quantity. Furthermore, Chapter 3 has demonstrated that the network creating capacity of mobility is strategically used by MNCs to manage knowledge flows across locations, especially if the corresponding expertise is geographically dispersed across the globe. The global dispersion of competencies and responsibilities imply and necessitate multidirectional flows of knowledge (Sparrow 2012:119). Hence, units are not operating purely autonomously nor are they fully dependent on headquarters, but concentrate unique business activities and serve as repositories of expertise, which ought to be reciprocally exchanged. The network character of transnational organisations emphasises the role of peripheral locations, dependent on the reason and sense the adjective ‘peripheral’ is being used1 (Walsh & Doughty 2009:306, Ghoshal & Bartlett 1990:604 ff., Gupta & Govindarajan 2000:475). In any transnationally structured organisation, knowledge transfers are “a multi-level phenomenon”. Transfers cover explicit and tacit knowledge as well as affect all areas of corporate activities. Further, individuals, departments, project teams or specific locations can both be affected by “incoming”

1‘Peripheral’ can be understood in a geopolitical sense (i.e. Global North-South-Divide), a sales-or production-oriented perspective which is unique to each enterprise, or metrically measured as distance between business locations, usually from headquarters to subsidiaries.

Electronic Supplementary Material The online version of this chapter (https:// doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-31018-9_4) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users. © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2020 V. R. Hünnemeyer, Knowledge Transfers over Geographical Distance in Organisations, Perspektiven der Humangeographie, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-31018-9_4

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knowledge as well as engaging in the generation of (new) knowledge and appear as distributors of knowledge. Therefore, knowledge flows both locally and globally (Sparrow 2012:119 f.). For instance, a new routine is elaborated in department A in location A. After further departments in location A adopt this new, more efficient working routine, it becomes the new standard and is being shared with and implemented in departments in other locations. It is important to note that location A, which initially develops this new corporate standard, does not necessarily have to be the headquarter in a transnational organisation, but can be any business unit. In order to manage these multi-level and multi-directional exchange processes, Chapter 2 and 3 have emphasised the role of temporary co-presence, which decision-makers obtain through mobility programmes. To sum, the previous chapters have established a consensus that mobile workers “(…) are significant actors in knowledge transfer, especially where international borders constitute substantial economic and cultural barriers, and/or where co-presence and corporeal proximity are critical for learning and tacit knowledge transfer” (Williams 2007:362).2 On the basis of this consensus, the rich multicultural experiences provide spatially mobile workers unique cognitive frameworks and social capital as well as equip them with cognitive and rhetoric competences to engage in the knowledge creation and transfer process in changing contexts3 (Williams 2007:367, Nonaka 1996:835 ff., Sparrow 2012:125). In contrast to other forms of labour mobility, expatriation is particularly interesting to study regarding knowledge transfer in MNCs. The comparatively long duration of stays abroad in various business locations puts the expatriate in an exposed position in terms of competences gained, opportunities to create strong bonds (Bozkurt & Mohr 2011:145, Mäkelä 2007:11) and their intermediary positions between various business units (Eckert 2009, Harzing et al. 2016, Williams 2007:367 f., Johnson & Duxbury 2010, Bredenkötter 2018). Having clarified the relevance of expatriates in today’s globalised economic structure, the chapter proceeds with discussing the role of expatriates for the transfer of knowledge. Therefore, Section 4.1.1 explains the actors involved and

2Williams

does not use the term “mobile workers” but “migrants” in the cited text segment. In doing so, Williams attempts to bridge migration and management studies, while he acknowledges conceptual differences of migration and mobility (cf. Williams 2007:371). Throughout his paper, Williams addresses expatriates and mobile workers as one distinct type of international migrants. 3As explained in Section. 2.1 the transfer of (tacit) knowledge is an interactive and transformative process of socialisation, externalisation, combination and internalisation of knowledge (Nonaka et al. 1996:835 ff.). Williams (2007:367) argues that particularly the reflective capacity of mobile individuals is a critical advantage for the process of knowledge conversion.

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direction of knowledge flows before, during and after the transfer to the overseas business location. The discussion highlights the multiplex roles of expatriates; they act both as senders and receivers of knowledge. In Section 4.1.2 this discussion is enhanced by a network perspective: the capacity to actively engage in knowledge flows and to govern those demands strategic positions in intra-firm social networks. Therefore, the concepts of the so-called knowledge broker and boundary spanner are introduced. Finally, Section 4.1.3 presents factors that enable and facilitate the establishment and development of social networks in an expatriate context, since those networks are critical for expatriates to facilitate and manage, engage in and succeed in transferring knowledge. Having devoted much attention to the particular contexts of social networks, knowledge transfer and the roles of expatriates, Section 4.2 attempts to localise expatriate knowledge transfers spatially. Due to the lack of adequate data, this is achieved by application of proxy indicators. In this respect, measuring attempts of supranational bodies (OECD, European Commission) as well as the stock and flows of FDIs and a spatial analysis of academic coverage about expatriation are being considered. Section 4.3 concludes the chapter on expatriation and associated dynamics on knowledge transfers.

4.1 The Multiplex Roles of Expatriates in Knowledge Transfer Processes Looking back on almost 70 years of research into expatriation (McNulty 2017:31), the term “expatriate” has undergone a severe loss of construct clarity resulting in a terminological basin for almost any research endeavour about labour mobility. This is reflected in the great variety of terminology and research settings associated with expatriation and the individual status of being an expatriate (McNulty & Brewster 2017:25 f.). These misconceptions favour terminological dilution, which makes it difficult to actually understand the nature of the research object, their specific situational contexts and their characteristics in order to demarcate these accordingly (McNulty & Brewster 2017:26). Furthermore, research projects about expatriation run the risk of comparing (empirical) findings with each other that are not comparable per se, since they deal with different forms of mobility. Throughout the previous chapters, the understanding of expatriation has been largely implicitly conveyed and demands further clarity in addition to explanations in Section 3.3. With the aim of rendering the empirical analysis feasible and delivering valid empirical insights, expatriation is considered a) the process of an employer initiating temporary cross-border and intra-firm change of work location of any employee in order to accomplish organisational tasks and goals abroad as well as b) the state of being temporarily deployed to foreign units (Edström &

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­ albraith 1977:248 ff., Mitrev & Culpepper ­2012:160).4 Usually, decision-makG ers at headquarters and in subsidiaries initiate this temporary transfer to a business unit. The individual, who is assigned to a business unit abroad, is a so-called expatriate (Li 2016:9). It can be summarised that expatriates assemble some core characteristics: The expatriate moves with more or less specified assignments5 (Mitrev & Culpepper 2012:160). Since its inception, their stay in the foreign unit is temporary, however may last up to several years given the complexity of task (Bonache & Zarraga-Oberty 2008:1, Bozkurt & Mohr 2011:142). This has implications both for the level of (formal) qualification and expertise as well as for the organisation of the private sphere. Usually, the expatriate is an employee with sufficient and sometimes even outstanding expertise in the required field; both managers and specialists at all hierarchical levels can be subject to expatriation (van Bochove & Engbersen 2015:195, Bonache & ­Zarraga-Oberty 2008:1, Harzing 2001a:153). Since assignments abroad are complex and of long-term duration, expatriation involves the geographical re-organisation of the centre of one’s entire life, including the accompanying movement of family members (van Bochove & Engbersen 2015:195, Miller & Salt 2008:33). Since early studies, especially since the millennial turn (Selmer 2017:70), and the rise of the knowledge economy, expatriates are seen as relevant actors and a mechanism for the transfer of knowledge. As stated by Sparrow (2012:125): “Expatriates are clearly an important vehicle for knowledge capture and also for knowledge generation”. Similarly, the business consultancy firm KPMG (KPMG International 2017:5) attests that “(…) companies need to move employees across borders to enable global growth, talent mobility has become a key contributor to an organization’s overall success.” By definition, expatriates work at the interfaces between business units which result in myriad opportunities for knowledge transfer through the creation of interpersonal, intra-firm and cross-locational networks.

4Non-corporate

forms of expatriation e.g. in military services, sports or education, or in other corporate contexts, such as trainee- or internships, are excluded from this working definition (cf. McNulty & Brewster 2017:30). Further, it is acknowledged that employees can express interest for assignments abroad questioning the relationship of those who initiate and those who follow. However, due to the great financial investment, expatriation follows an entrepreneurial logic and is pursued only if necessary from an organisational perspective. 5Assignments can be stipulated by contract or not and can be defined in both a broad or narrow sense.

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4.1.1 Sending Vs. Receiving Knowledge during  Expatriation: The Diversity of Knowledge Flows In general, each cycle of expatriation can be divided into different phases, although no universal consensus exists on the actual delimitation or wording of these. For instance, Walsh & Doughty (2009:317 ff.) distinguish three phases, whereas Mitrev & Culpepper (2012:160 ff.) as well as Eckert (2009:24 ff.) propose more nuanced models of expatriation with five and four different phases respectively.6 A four-stage-model consisting of selection, training, transfer and repatriation seems to balance the need for a nuanced understanding of involved processes, actors, dynamics and events and to keep the analysis of knowledge flows occurring during expatriation to a reasonable level (cf. Fig. 4.1).

Figure 4.1   The cycle of expatriation. Source Visualisation by the author

6No consensus exists on whether selection and training should be treated as one pre-departure phase (cf. Walsh & Doughty 2009:317 f.), or whether the actual transfer abroad and associated processes of performance management should be considered as two different phases (cf. Mitrev & Culpepper 2012:162).

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Traditionally, each expatriation begins with an identified need for expatriate labour force in one of the company’s subsidiaries. The specific “need” may be subject to both objective and subjective perception of the decision-makers as well as to internal and external factors affecting the performance of MNCs (Caligiuri et al. 2009:258). For instance, expatriates are considered strategically important to increase economic output and improve subsidiary performance, enter new markets, develop skills which will be viable in the future, and, to be concise, to enhance and maintain global competitiveness. Reasons to deploy personnel from headquarters to subsidiaries are numerous7, but can be divided into three major fields of action (cf. Edström & Galbraith 1977), focusing on individual, or ­employer-centred motives, as well as organisational rationales. Due to the high financial investment8, it is reasonable that companies pursue more than one goal per expatriation, although some motives come more to the fore than others depending on each assignment (Black & Gregersen 1999:53, 56). The rationale managerial development aims for the development of specific individuals and careers. Focusing on individual employees, expatriation serves the cultivation of global awareness, international and intercultural leadership skills and an increase in knowledge about daily operations in other units (Harzing 2001a:142). Sending expatriates to fill positions becomes necessary whenever qualified staff cannot be recruited locally or when knowledge transfer is an explicit goal. This may occur when managers or specialists abroad need particular training, for example, after the introduction of new work routines, complex software or tools or when R&D activities are high. Harzing (2001a:142) emphasises that expatriates deployed in order to fill specific strategic positions occur particularly when subsidiaries are young, and/or are greenfield establishments. As it becomes evident, organisational and individual goals are tightly interwoven, since the assignment of personnel to leading positions naturally also involves the development of the specific unit abroad or the organisation as a whole. Subsequently, organisation-centred motives involve not only the establishment, maintenance and improvement of communication channels between the headquarters and foreign business unit,

7It

is important to note that transfer of knowledge through the exchange of personnel is not one directional, but as clarified before multidirectional. However, the common mode of assignments still implies sending personnel from headquarters to subsidiaries, so-called inpatriation, is less frequently applied. 8Although international assignments are financially costly, they promise a return on investments in the long run. In order to allow for a definitive statement about the real costs and benefits, these returns should be taken into account (Krell 2005).

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but also the execution of control over subsidiary activities. Notwithstanding, executing control and coordination may involve a substantial amount of knowledge flows between the sending and receiving institutions. This, among other aspects, depends on the type of leaderships, control strategies and MNC-subsidiary relationships and level of interdependence of business units. For instance, Kostova & Roth (2003:302) and Thomas (1991:111) argue that high levels of interdependence among business locations require more exchanges and interactions. This is especially the case for transnational MNCs. Whereas direct surveillance and personal control express a certain level of dominance, other leadership styles work with socialisation and/or network strategies. Both leadership styles create opportunities for different flows of knowledge and information (Harzing 2001b:369). Harzing (2001b:368), remarks that organisational development is not necessarily a goal in itself, but holds higher-level functions: “(…) organization development is not a goal of international transfers as such, but is rather the result of knowledge transfer, management development, and the creation of a common organizational culture and effective informal information network.” In summary, organisational demands exert influence on the intensity, degree of formalisation and quality of knowledge and information flows, both within the host unit as well as between the host and parent unit. Home Unit

Home Unit

Expat

Expat Repatriation

Selection

Transfer

Training

Home Unit

Host Unit

Home Unit

Expat

Expat

External Actors

Direction of knowledge flows

Figure 4.2   Expatriation and knowledge flows. Source Visualisation by the author

Fig. 4.2 generalises the associate flows of knowledge with respect to the identified cycle of expatriation (cf. Fig. 4.1). The pre-expatriation phase, i.e. the phase in which needs and demands for deploying personnel from one unit to another does not yet involve any (future) expatriate, is out of scope.

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Once needs and demands for the role and function abroad are determined, the first phase in the expatriation process includes the identification and recruitment of appropriate candidates (selection) (Eckert 2009:24). Finding adequate candidates is of crucial importance, albeit challenging because assignments demand a very specific set of technical and personal skills, qualifications and competencies (Caligiuri et al. 2009:252). The candidate needs expertise in and knowledge about organisational aspects, such as the responsibilities, structure and corporate hierarchies, besides adequate technical skills and specific personality traits, such as flexibility, openness, socialising, relationship building and strong communication skills (Inkson et al. 1997:351, Cannon 1991:457 ff., cf. Section 4.1.3). Above all, the right candidate has to be willing to move for an extended period of time, which causes a burden to private lives and work-life-balances particularly to those with children and for women (Tharenou 2008, Mäkelä & Suutari 2011, Brown 2008, Haslberger & Brewster 2008, Konopaske et al. 2005)9. In this first phase, the expatriate does not yet actively engage in any flows of knowledge, but takes a passive role as signifier. Information, i.e. knowledge about someone, their skills and personality traits, can take both explicit (e.g. reports and records about previous achievements or qualifications) and tacit forms (e.g. intra-firm reputation or conversations with potential candidates). This information is absorbed and accumulated by d­ ecision-makers of specialist departments as well as human resource departments in both sending and receiving institutions to identify and select potential expatriates. The second phase, training, prepares the candidate and accompanying family members for their stay abroad. On the one hand, the expatriate receives information about the tasks, responsibilities and expectations (Eckert 2009:26). Usually, these are verbalised in negotiations, and finally concretised in written form. Again, the expatriate appears as a receiver of information. On the other hand, pre-departure training exceeds the negotiation of corporate tasks and concentrates on the familiarisation of the expatriate and their family with the host culture before departure. Pre-departure training covers, for instance, language skills and intercultural competence, such as appropriate behaviours, with the aim to ease local adjustment and support expatriate performance (Puck et al. 2008:2183 f.,

9It

needs to be pointed out that accompanying family members are not a burden per se, but indeed are a source of support, emotional stability and resilience with benefits for both the assignee and the company, since successful family adjustment positively affects the assignee’s performance abroad (Lauring & Selmer 2010, Malek et al. 2013, see also Section 4.1.3).

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Chien & McLean 2011:861, 866, Okpara & Kabongo 2011:27 ff.)10. Again, the expatriate is to a great extent only passively involved in information flows. In contrast to the previous phase, in which the employer takes the role of a sender, the expatriate receives information this time. Transfer, i.e. covering the time actually living and working in the host unit abroad, is the phase with intense exchange processes in multiple directions and on multiple levels (Eckert 2009:81 ff.). One can detect knowledge flows between the sending unit and the expatriate and vice versa, as well as between the receiving unit and the expatriate. During the time of transfer, the expatriate actively sends and receives information and knowledge both to and from staff at the host and home unit, but a substantial difference concerning the content and form of transmission can be identified. In the early transfer phase, the expatriate mainly receives and absorbs tacit knowledge in the host unit e.g. about local work ethics/culture, local intra-unit hierarchies and social group process and the local distribution of competencies and responsibilities (Riusala & Suutari 2004:756). In the course of the assignment, the expatriate deepens and broadens their market-specific knowledge (i.e. knowledge about the local system of the host unit and associated local culture), personal skills (i.e. soft skills associated with the cross-cultural experience, e.g. tolerance, self-confidence, or flexibility), ­job-related management skills (i.e. soft skills which improve job performance e.g. conflict or problem solving skills), network knowledge (i.e. know-who), and general management capacity (Fink et al. 2005:33 f.). Apart from receiving knowledge from local staff, the expatriate disseminates knowledge. Hocking et al. (2007:517) summarise that the expatriates’ superior role for knowledge exchanges results from their “(…) access to context-generic [ed.: globally relevant] corporate knowledge, derived from their globally diverse intra-firm sources (…)”. In this regard, the expatriate contributes actively to knowledge transfers by sharing expertise with local staff. The particular content and ways of sharing this knowledge, for instance, technical knowledge, leadership competence and so forth, varies from assignment to assignment (Bender & Fish 2000:131). Independent from the content of knowledge, the transfer of knowledge from the expatriate to local staff follows the transfer model as proposed by Nonaka et al. (1996)11 due to the tacit and sticky nature of knowledge (Riusala & Suutari 2004:757 ff.). Ideally, employees in the receiving unit socialise, observe and

10Section 4.1.3 11Cf.

discusses the effects of pre-departure training. Section 2.1.

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u­ ltimately imitate new behaviour and internalise acquired knowledge into day-today practices. Additionally, an exchange occurs among the expatriate and the sending unit. As Riusala & Suutari (2004:763 f.) point out, “the knowledge transferred from the foreign affiliates to headquarters could be classified into two different groups – knowledge about the local environment and knowledge concerning the operations and success of the affiliate itself.” Deployed personnel report progress status to the home unit in the form of face-to-face interaction or in written reports. Furthermore, the home unit provides feedback, informs about and discusses future goals and provides additional support (Tsang 1999:603). Whereas communication among the expatriate and the home unit is largely task-oriented and of an explicit nature, information and knowledge conveyed in the host unit context involves a greater share of tacit knowledge12. The final phase of any expatriation is the return to the home unit. Repatriation and its potential for knowledge transfer and sharing has not been researched in great detail, according to a meta-study conducted by Ney-Kjerfve & McLean (2012:622). Due to the general consensus that expatriates are vital for knowledge accumulation and sharing in MNCs, it can be assumed that knowledge transfer processes do not grind to a halt with the termination of the assignment. Reasons for this are the strong bonds created to colleagues abroad (Bozkurt & Mohr 2011:145, Mäkelä 2007:116 ff.) as well as the enormous growth of tacit knowledge and personal competencies (Fink et al. 2005:33 f.). Therefore, knowledge flows occur both within the home unit as well to the host unit even upon return (Eckert 2009:79 f.). In reality, however, returning expatriates are an underestimated resource (Fink et al. 2005:30, Ouddou et al. 2009:183, Crowne 2009:143). Sending units do not recognise, value or absorb the knowledge which expatriates acquire during their assignments in a systematic manner (Ouddou et al. 2009:183, Crowne 2009:143). A reason for this might be that the return is not based on a specific need at the headquarters or sending institutions, but rather follows the logic of the temporal frame agreed upon prior to return (Crowne 2009:143). Eckert (2009:150) emphasises that for effective transfer from the expatriate to the home unit, openness and a willingness to learn from expatriate colleagues play a decisive role. The unique challenges and barriers to repatriate knowledge transfer have not yet been adequately addressed in the field of academics and practitioners

12This,

of course, holds especially true for any interaction outside the corporate context; however, specific flows of knowledge with the host culture are out of scope.

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(Ouddou et al. 2009:192 f.). It seems repatriate transfer relies solely on personal commitment (Eckert 2009:153, Bozkurt & Mohr 2011:145). In a longitudinal study, Reiche (2012) studied the development of social capital of deployed personnel during transfer and demonstrated the benefits of interpersonal ties across business locations for both individuals and the organisation as a whole. Those included the access to relevant knowledge and social ties to decision-makers (Reiche 2012:1070 f.). Although Reiche focuses on repatriates, the results carefully indicate potentials for generalisations. Especially given that social ties during transfers permeate over time and geographical distance as well as the work context, job roles and functions continuously change, access is not only granted to the former host unit, but can be transferred to other units as well when respective network members move and change job positions themselves. The previous paragraphs have discussed in detail the expatriate’s role and activities in the knowledge transfer process. Herewith, the expatriate engages both actively and passively, conveys tacit and explicit knowledge. Knowledge flows occur both personally through face-to-face-interaction, especially during transfer in the host unit, as well as in codified form. The frequency and intensity of interaction among the expatriate and actors involved, namely colleagues in the home and host unit, vary according to each stage in the expatriation cycle. Fig. 4.3 summarises the above discussed knowledge transfer processes. Active Role in Phase of the Transfer Expatriation Process I – Selection Home unit

Passive* Role in Function of Expatriate the Transfer Process Potential Signifier of information expatriate and knowledge

II – Training

Home unit, external actors

Expatriate, accompanying family members

III – Transfer Home and host unit, expatriate

Home and host unit, expatriate

IV Repatriation

Home and host unit, expatriate

Home and host unit, expatriate

Direction of Flows Content of Knowledge

Within the home unit; among home and host unit Receiving information and Among home unit, knowledge about the external actors and assignment and local expatriate culture

Actively sending and receiving knowledge to local staff, host unit and home unit Sending and receiving knowledge

Multidirectional

Competences and qualifications of possible candidate(s) Organisational knowledge, task-related and host countryrelated knowledge Task-related, host country-related knowledge

Multidirectional

Task-related, host country-related knowledge *In the given context, “passive“ indicates that the actor does not participate in the transfer process through actions. However, this is not tantamount with being indifferent or uninvolved, rather passiveness relates to (unconscious) cognitive processes of processing input.

Figure 4.3   Typology of knowledge transfers during expatriation. Source Visualisation by the author

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Further, the analysis reveals that the role of expatriates in the knowledge transfer process is not only one of bridging different knowledge repositories, but also spanning complex networks of knowledge flows across the globe, which are discussed in the following section.

4.1.2 Transferring Knowledge over Distance through Social Networks: The Expatriate as Boundary Spanner and Knowledge Broker The expatriate engages in knowledge flows which cross multiple directions and transcend various organisational levels. Regardless of the origin of those flows, i.e. they can result from top-down organisational routines, such as reporting, or from individual efforts through day-to-day operations, expatriates weave complex personal networks. Due to the geographic dispersion of work units, these are of global scope and reach, as displayed in Fig. 4.4. The subsequent paragraphs recall this process of global network building during expatriation.

Figure 4.4   A model of expatriate networks. Source Visualisation by the author

Having in mind the expatriation cycle as discussed in the previous chapter and assuming an ideal-typical course of expatriation, the expatriate is embedded in a more or less localised social network consisting of both business and private contacts before their overseas assignment. Depending on the job role and previous responsibilities, some loose international contacts may be already part of the

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personal network, originating, for instance, from attending trade fairs or business conferences. However, ideal-typically, the scope of network is limited to colleagues in spatial proximity. During transfer, the expatriate primarily engages and interacts with employees in the host unit. The geographical focus of the network shifts to the location of the host unit. However, depending on the actual assignment, the expatriate is confronted with opportunities to create social ties with local business partners and external partners e.g. during participation in network activities (conferences, fairs etc.) which can only be reached from the location of the host unit and which otherwise would not have been accessed. Building business relationships with employees, decision-makers, suppliers, intermediaries, and so forth in the host unit happens to the extent of the ties located in the home unit. The quantity and quality, especially regarding the intensity and frequency, of exchanges with the home unit relatively decreases. Apart from personal ties among colleagues, corporate interactions may be reduced to the purpose of performance management and absorbing/disseminating information and knowledge relevant to the assignment. As an implicit component of the expatriation process, the professional network diversifies and geographically shifts during transfer. Another reverse geographical shift occurs when the expatriate returns to the home unit. Former contacts are being revived and social ties from the host unit persist over time and space only partially. Analogous to the former phase, whether and to what extent the expatriate maintains social ties to the host unit may vary according to the job role and responsibilities. If further long- and short-term forms of mobility follow expatriation, the geographical scope of the network is enhanced and its international dimension diversifies. Further assignments in other geographical and functional areas may enhance the international dimension, whereas e.g. business travel to the host unit, enhances the quality of established ties and helps to maintain networks (see also Spieß 2017:58 f.). Recalling that “(…) knowledge depends for its circulation [ed.: and its creation] on interpersonal networks, and will spread only if these social features are taken into account and barriers are overcome” (Greenhalg et al. 2004:607), the expatriate occupies two decisive roles for intra-firm, intra-unit and inter-unit knowledge transfers in MNCs. First, by linking local subsidiaries and headquarters (Thomas 1991:111), the expatriate takes control over in- and outflows of knowledge (Johnson & Duxbury 2010:34). Negotiating and coordinating knowledge exchanges across organisational, geographical, and cultural boundaries, the expatriate takes the role of a boundary spanner. Second, the expatriate mediates knowledge flows within units. Functioning as a knowledge broker, the deployed employee manages the integration, adaption and circulation of (new) knowledge in the assigned unit. In contrast to boundary spanning, brokering

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knowledge is understood as a collective and interactive process, which leads to the emergence of brokered knowledge. This kind of knowledge is being de- and re-contextualised by the brokering individual and in the end usable by local staff (Meyer 2010:123). In the current debate on the interactive capacities of actors in the knowledge transfer process, the concept of boundary spanning and knowledge brokering are used interchangeably to a great extent (Haas 2015:1029 f.). Conceptual similarities can be traced back to situating boundary spanners and knowledge brokers in similar research contexts, such as MNCs and other research endeavours in need of actor-centred analytical perspectives to understand the dissemination of knowledge, e.g. health care studies (e.g. Thomas 1991, Ramirez & Dickenson 2010, Lomas 2007, Ward et al. 2009). To date, boundary spanning is considered as an integral part and/or sub-concept of the knowledge broker and vice versa. For instance, Kim & Jarvenpaa (2008:2) consider knowledge brokering a specific part of boundary spanning activities, whereas Fernandez & Gould (1989:92 ff.) determine coordinative activities to be inherent to the brokering position. This ambiguous view on the interrelation of both concepts renders a clear-cut distinction problematic, which poses challenges to the discussion of the expatriate’s role for knowledge transfers. In order to delineate both concepts, boundary spanning is understood as an approach to characterise inter-unit flows, whereas the concept of knowledge broker is applied to intra-unit exchanges. Fig. 4.5 provides an overview of the most important differences, which are set out in more detail below.

Figure 4.5   The concepts of boundary spanner and knowledge broker. Source Visualisation by the author

The expatriate as boundary spanner Broadly speaking, boundary spanners are individuals who interact in various social groups and in doing so promote linkages across boundaries and among

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groups which were initially separate (Au & Fukuda 2002:288, Thomas 1991:110, Barner-Rasmussen et al. 2010:1). Boundary spanners are seen to be crucial to mediate knowledge flows and alleviate knowledge asymmetries (Kim & Jarvenpaa 2008, Tushman & Scanlan 1981b, Schotter & Beamish 2011:253), to foster innovative capacity (Hsu et al. 2007), to increase overall performance (Ancona & Caldwell 1992) and to mediate organisational conflicts related to power structures (Schotter & Beamish 2011) or cultural differences (Di Marco & Taylor 2011). In MNCs, sub-groups form and are being formed along various boundaries, such as the distinct geographical location of individuals and administrative affiliation in addition to cultural, functional and disciplinary attributes (Barner-Rasmussen et al. 2010:1, Johri 2008:S2E-7 f., Tushman & Scanlan 1981b:290 f.). Sub-groups can be drawn along various analytical scales, such as temporary project teams, (sub-)divisions, hierarchical levels (e.g. top-management) or single business locations13. Subsequently, boundaries cross all organisational levels. Boundary spanning activities can be subsumed by the keywords (a) transacting, (b) linking, (c) facilitating and (d) intervening. In tangible terms this means that (a) boundary spanners personally engage in exchanges with different units, (b) enable relationships among members of each group that go beyond themselves, (c) mediate those interactions as well as (d) intervene in this process to create organisational benefits14 (Barner-Rasmussen et al. 2010:2). Similarly, Johnson & Duxbury (2010:34) have identified tasks as diverse as building relationships, information and knowledge seeking, or delivering information, among others. Those activities can either be contractually agreed upon and can be officially assigned with the aim to promote intra-firm linkages (nominated boundary spanners) or the position as boundary spanner emerges as the result of gaining a specific network position, which can be achieved strategically, self-motivated or unconsciously (boundary spanner in practice) (Levina & Vaast 2005:342, 353, Tushman & Scanlan 1981a:86, Kim & Jarvenpaa 2008:2, Au & Fukuda 2002:294). The actual execution of boundary spanning activities does not correlate with either formal positions, e.g. general subsidiary manager or ­department

13Apart

from the corporate context, boundaries exist among different business activities (e.g. research vs. implementation) or industries (e.g. business services vs. manufacturing industries). 14Empirical research suggests that transacting is frequently achieved, whereas the other types of activities are more demanding (Barner-Rasmussen et al. 2010:4).

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heads, or corporate assignments (Levina & Vaast 2005:339, Tushman & Scanlan 1981b:292, 296). Rather to be perceived as a boundary spanner by others coincides with perceived level of trustworthiness and competences (Hsu et al. 2007:1142, Tushman & Scanlan 1981b:298, 302, Barner-Rasmussen et al. 2010:5, Schotter & Beamish 2011:255). To achieve the function of a boundary spanner, Levina & Vaast (2005:350 ff.) have identified critical antecedents. At first, an individual needs to develop an interest for another field and produce personal ties to actors in this field. Given the will to exchange ideas, practices, etc. with those actors, joint practices emerge which entails that boundary spanners are flexible enough in their everyday practices and routines to adopt new ways of thinking and getting things done. To succeed in establishing and mediating cross-boundary linkages, which increase the units’ performance, this negotiation process necessitates various personal resources. Kostova & Roth (2003:302) put forward that the quality and quantity of resources in form of social capital needed to execute boundary spanning functions varies with the structural organisation of each MNC, being highest in the case of transnational type of MNCs (cf. Walsh & Doughty 2009:305 f.)15. Relevant social capital targets personal competencies and capacities in terms of relational capital, cultural and linguistic competencies. Especially the latter increases in importance with the rising complexity of boundary spanning activities (Barner-Rasmussen et al. 2014:897). The capacity of expatriates to successfully span boundaries can be traced back to the possession of necessary capital (Schotter & Beamish 2011:253). Particularly noteworthy are their social and relational networks within MNCs. As a consequence of workplace mobility, expatriates are exposed to a variety of contexts of (face-to-face) collaboration in various business units and divisions, which is critical to form personal ties and networks (Barner-Rasmussen 2010:2, Thomas 1991:111, Au & Fukuda 2002:291 f., Manev & Stevenson 2001:296 f.): “A necessary condition for the occurrence of boundary-spanning is that the expatriate connects to people in his or her social network that do not share some type of information.” (Italics in original, Osman-Gani & Rockstuhl 2008:41). An empirical study conducted by Hocking et al. (2007:524 f.) demonstrates that those globally distributed networks are indeed activated for accessing knowledge, sharing information and solving problems. Since expatriates possess the necessary know-who, they are able to access more relevant information and knowledge than

15See

Section 2.3.3.

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their local colleagues, rendering communication and collaboration often more focused and efficient. Since network building requires time and personal effort, Au & Fukuda (2002:295) suggest that boundary spanning activities or at least the capacity for cross-boundary flows increases with the length of stay. With respect to their knowledge transfer activities, boundary spanners show different behaviours in handling information and knowledge. Since they control and coordinate the knowledge in- and out-flows of a given unit, boundary spanners possess the capacity to enhance or reduce available knowledge. Thus, they can act as an ambassador, task coordinator, scout, or guard (Ancona & Caldwell 1992:637 ff.). As ambassadors, individuals function as lobbyists for resources, govern power structures and promote teamwork. Further, one group of boundary spanners, the task coordinators, manage intra-organisational knowledge flows related to product development. Therefore, they focus on spanning boundaries between various functional units and even to external stakeholders. Whenever individuals seek general information about market development or future innovative trends, they act as scouts. In contrast, guards specifically govern the outflows of information and knowledge in order to secure the competitive advantage of a unit or entire firm (Ancona & Caldwell 1992:640 f.). The Expatriate as Knowledge Broker Knowledge brokering occurs whenever knowledge is de- and r­ e-contextualised in order to move it from any given context to another context16. Thus, the knowledge broker is an individual17 who enables the transfer of knowledge by translating and transforming knowledge (Gould & Fernandez 1989:123, Brown & Duguid 1998:100 f., Pawslowski & Robey 2004:646, Meyer 2010:119, 123). This transformative act becomes necessary due to the tacitness of knowledge, reinforced by the fact that parties sending and receiving knowledge lack mutual understanding and do not share any culture of communication or interaction (Ward et al. 2009:2, Cillo 2005:406 f., 411). However, due to the rising complexity of tasks at work and the simultaneous specialisation and geographical distribution of knowledge (Brown & Duguid 1998:102), the performance of employees depends on their access to these knowledge reservoirs. The strategic value of any

16Similarly

to boundary spanning, knowledge is being moved across project teams, division, business locations etc. (Holzmann 2013:8, Pawslowski & Robey 2004:646). 17Brokering functions can also be assigned to institutions (Pemsel & Wiewora 2013, Meyer 2010:119), or I­ T-infrastructure (Kim et al. 2011, Lomas 2007:130).

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broker lies in their capacity to overcome the barriers associated with organisational complexity and the transfer of tacit knowledge (Kim et al. 2011:14647). Brokering practices implicitly comprise the identification of knowledge gaps, localisation of respective knowledge and linking “those who produce (…) [knowledge] and those who use it.” (Ward et al. 2009:2). In this respect, the activities and functions of boundary spanners and knowledge brokers largely overlap. Contrary to boundary spanners, the focus of brokering activities centres upon redistribution of knowledge by rescaling and re-creating it (Brown & Duguid 1998:103, Meyer 2010:123, Boari & Riboldazzi 2014:693), rather than just coordinate flows of knowledge among different parties. At its core, brokering is a transformative act and puts forth “brokered knowledge”, which is robust, accountable and readily usable locally at a given time for any given context due to its de- and re-assembly by the broker (Meyer 2010:123). As emphasised by Meyer (2010:121), Oldham & McLean (w.p.) and Perrin (2013:222 f.), the practices of brokers differ substantially according to the needs and demands of those in need for pieces of information and knowledge as well as to actual content and supporting organisational structures. For instance, brokers act as knowledge managers i.e. manage the creation, diffusion and use of knowledge locally, or emphasise their role as linking agents i.e. mediate “the connection of people who need some specific piece of knowledge with those who possess it” (Kim et al. 2011:14636), as well as capacity builders by providing access to knowledge through training (Ward et al. 2009:2, Lomas 2007:131, Kim et al. 2011:14636, Holzmann 2013:7). Brokering knowledge requires the individual to be on-site. Park & Choi (2014:140) argue that the long-term residence of the expatriate facilitates interand intra-group learning processes. Recalling Nonaka’s model of knowledge transfer, the creation and use of (brokered) knowledge is an interactive and subsequently a local process (Meyer 2010:123, Perrin 2013:216), emphasising the expatriate’s role in the knowledge transfer among organisational units and across distance for which the familiarisation with involved communities is vital (Vance et al. 2009:653 f.).

4.1.3 The Formation and Development of Expatriate Networks: Influencing Factors Personal contacts and efficient personal networks are the linchpin for the scope, effectiveness and quality of knowledge transfer not only in general, but also in an

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expatriate context in particular (cf. Crowne 2009:138). Expatriates can fulfil their roles as boundary spanners and knowledge brokers only under the condition that they are internally, i.e. within and across divisions, business units and business locations, well connected. However, professional networks do not come easy and specific factors render networking activities more straightforward to the assignees than other determinants. Indeed, the expatriate context poses some specific challenges to the individual. First and foremost, the spatial and organisational mobility of the individual creates but at the same time also constrains opportunities to form social bonds (cf. Section 3.3). Further, the overseas deployment creates distinct power relations among the assignee and local employees, which can put a burden on personal relationships (Leung et al. 2014). Finally, the emotional stress felt by assignees due to relocation, cultural shock18 and cross-cultural adjustment19 may be at odds with high expectations in regard to their job performance (Oddou & Mendenhall 2012:240 f.). The dynamics determining networking activities and the development of relationships can be modelled as follows (cf. Fig. 4.6): At first, knowledge-specific characteristics, operational provisions and the specific mobility arrangement provide a general framework for networking opportunities. The structure, content and nature of personal relationships between the expatriate and local employees then is determined by the ability and motivation to interact with the (implicit) intention to send and receive knowledge, but also by cultural-environment factors, such as adjustment to new social norms and behaviour. Each determining factor can be broken down into various variables, which will be discussed below.

18Robertson

et al. (2007:214 ff.) names various forms of cultural shocks, e.g. different awareness of service, unfamiliar and ambiguous bureaucratic procedures, (non-)availability of products, different conception of personal space and physical contact, personal safety, different conception and understanding of time, communication due to lack of language proficiency as well as organisational differences at work. 19Adjustment describes a gradual process of developing familiarity and comfort in foreign cultures (Black & Mendenhall 1990:118, Torbiorn 1982). Three dimensions are distinguished: 1) general adjustment i.e. comfort experienced by the individual with overall living conditions; 2) work adjustment i.e. comfort with work-related aspects (e.g. work requirements, standards, expectations, responsibilities and tasks); and 3) interaction adjustment i.e. comfort with interacting and socialising with locals (Black et al. 1991:304, see also Salamin & Davoine 2015:185, Ramalu et al. 2010:114).

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Figure 4.6   Factors influencing the development of networks in an expatriate context. Source Visualisation by the author

Knowledge-Specific Characteristics The implications and challenges of transferring (tacit) knowledge have already been discussed throughout the previous chapters. Therefore, at this point it shall only be recalled that the tacit and sticky nature, as well as the fact that successful transfer occurs through observation and imitation, by definition necessitate spatial proximity, interpersonal relationships and interaction (Bonache & Zarraga-Oberty 2008:3 f.). Mobility Arrangement The implications of different mobility arrangements have already been discussed in Section 3.3. Briefly, the duration on-site affects the strength of ties and the willingness to engage in knowledge exchanges. Assigned and further mobility originating from the location of the host unit influence the directionality of flows within the network as well as its geographical scope. Overall, expatriates tend to have fewer contacts in their networks than other types of mobile workers, due to the local scope of responsibilities and, broadly speaking, less intensity of spatial mobility and business travel to locations other than the headquarter.

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Operational Support Operational support, understood as certain work arrangements or HR intervention mediating relationship building among the assignee and local employees, can target both dyadic ties as well as ties between the expatriate and the local workforce as such. Besides the target level, the company has the means to set a fertile ground for efficient networks at various phases throughout the expatriate cycle for the purpose of knowledge transfer: There is an abundance of research and continuous improvement in the selection mechanism, especially in regard to personality assessments, to select and deploy only personnel who are capable of meeting the high demands of an overseas assignment (Messmer-Magnus & Viswesvaran 2008:185 ff.). From the perspective of the company, the phase of selecting adequate personnel capable of meeting those demands is most sensitive, since finding the right candidate determines the future success or failure of the whole assignment. At the same time, the selection process is characterised by high levels of uncertainty. Once selected, another important and highly discussed corporate intervention mechanism is pre-departure cultural training. Aiming to ease adjustment processes and reduce emotional stress for the assigned individual, ­pre-departure training focuses on equipping the assignee with knowledge and skills about the host culture necessary to interact with local employees and navigate everyday life (Messmer-Magnus & Viswesvaran 2008:194). A lack of cross-cultural adjustment is the main reason for underperformance and premature termination (Bonache & Zárraga-Oberty 2008:7, Lazarova & Thomas 2012:271 f.). Therefore, pre-departure cultural training covers linguistic skills as well as appropriate local behaviour enhancing familiarity and comfort with future working and living conditions (Messmer-Magnus & Viswesvaran 2008:194). It paves the way for successful interaction with local employees. Clearly, pre-departure preparation through selection and training is only capable of setting the scene for subsequent interaction20, but Caligiuri et al. (2001:366) demonstrate that the more accurate the picture of what to expect abroad, the easier the expatriate adjusts upon arrival. Once deployed, the expatriate is both formally as well as spatially out of reach of the sending institution. Nevertheless, the sending institution is not powerless in promoting personal relationships between the expatriate and colleagues from a distance. The use of mentorships and tandems with local colleagues has

20Messmer-Magnus & Viswesvaran (2008:189 f.) point out that the pre-departure most often is of poor quality or non-existent, since companies often consider training as an expense and not as an investment.

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demonstrated significant effects on creating social bonds to local employees (Toh & DeNisi 2012:249). Personal contact to local staff eases not only adjustment processes by providing emotional, social and informational support, but indeed acts as door opener to initiate cooperative behaviour and collaboration with the local workforce (Toh & DeNisi 2012:249 ff., Varma et al. 2016a:480 f., van Bakel et al. 2014:26, 34 f., Mahajan & De Silva 2012:358, Tsoukas 1996:16, 19). For instance, local mentors provide cultural guidance and by this prevent conflict situations. Due to language proficiency, a local mentor or buddy can mediate communication flows with the general business environment and local colleagues in the sense of encouraging interaction with a foreigner, but also beyond, e.g. to provide information about local institutions or market specificities which have remained concealed from the expatriate. Thus, social relationships with host country nationals provide important reverse knowledge flows, mediate adjustment to local practices and increase expatriate performance (Osman-Gani & Rockstuhl 2008:38, Liu & Shaffer 2005:248). Vance et al. (2009:651 ff.) summarise those liaison roles of local co-workers as cultural interpreter, communication facilitator, information resource broker, talent developer and change partner. Since the success of tandems, buddy systems or mentorships relies on personal commitment and effort (van Bakel et al. 2014:35, Ng et al. 2015:77), actual outcomes and benefits21 are uncertain and difficult to predict. Chances for activating host country nationals as a source of support increase when the expatriate and (parts of the) local workforce share similar worldviews, cultural origins, life styles or religious beliefs (van Bakel et al. 2014:37 ff., Varma et al. 2016a:488, Varma et al. 2016b:615, Varma et al. 2009:210). The quality and nature of expat-local  relationships are mediated by interpersonal similarity, so-called homophily (cf. Section 6.2.1), playing a major role in providing information and support (Mahajan & Toh 2014, Varma et al. 2016b: 615 f., Varma et al. 2009:210, Varma et al. 2011:361). Contrary to the expected directionality of initiatives to interact, usually from the expatriate to the local workforce as a result of the aforementioned power asymmetries, reverse advice-seeking i.e. the expatriate actively engages an interaction towards the host, positively affects general adjustment processes (Mahajan & Toh 2014:483 f.). This emphasises that successful network

21From

an HR perspective it is important to note that buddy or tandem systems not only provide benefits for the incoming colleague, but it is an – often overlooked – opportunity for host country nationals to also gain intercultural competence (van Bakel et al. 2014:35).

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formation is a bi-directional process; its success depends both on commitment from the host and the expatriate. The importance of expatriate-local-tandems or buddy systems increases especially when the expatriate did not receive adequate preparation before deployment22. In practice, resentments and biases do hinder the development of trust, mutual understanding and social relationships among the expatriate and local workforce. Inequality in terms of compensation, further benefits or developmental opportunities among the assignee and local colleagues create tensions and can be a heavy burden (Toh & DeNisi 2012:248). Poor interpersonal relationships have consequences for the performance of the expatriate, decreased work satisfaction and can even cause social isolation, feelings of disappointment and denial. The lack of interpersonal interaction at the workplace is also not conducive for the overall performance of the division. It can even lead to counterproductive work behaviour, ranging from absenteeism, decreased efficiency, slow work, but also withholding important information or even sabotage (Toh & DeNisi 2012:248 ff.). Cultural-Environmental Factors The group of cultural-environmental factors highlights external aspects which influence the expatriate’s ability and motivation to interact and create social bonds with locals. Generally, the recruitment of an expatriate is difficult for business locations in countries with (perceived) higher levels of risk to personal safety. Thus, if the general local socio-political system generates additional feelings of discomfort apart from the general uncertainty involved in international relocation anyway, interpersonal networks across business locations may not get the chance to be established in the first place. Another external factor for the development of meaningful relations is cultural distance i.e. “the degree of difference between any two cultures in fundamental respects such as norms, customs and values” (Wang 2002:330). Culture mediates social behaviour and ways of communicating and interacting with each other. Generally, a great cultural distance is considered to be a barrier for communication (Qin et al. 2008:266) and hence for cross-cultural adjustment, the creation of social relationships and ultimately for the access to knowledge

22Similarly,

intercultural training in the receiving unit can reduce feelings of resentment and increase tolerance of the local workforce for incoming staff.

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and support (Wang 2002:330 f., Quin et al. 2008:269). Expatriates perform better in tacit areas of responsibilities, such as increasing organisational commitment among the local workforce or transferring information across places, when cultural similarity is high (Ramula & Rose 2011:241, 243). One explanation could be that contrary to the completion of technical tasks, those areas highly depend on communicating clearly, developing mutual understanding and complying to or otherwise re-configuring behavioural norms and common interactive behaviour. Given the differences among Western and Chinese ways of working, Qin et al. (2008:269 f.) clarify the burden to work in cross-cultural environments for both parties. Whereas Western companies are characterised by flat hierarchies and dynamic communication, Chinese workers act and communicate differently depending on the hierarchical level of the interlocutor, making it difficult especially for expatriates in superior positions to interact in a meaningful way. This impedes the formation of social bonds across hierarchical and functional levels. A last aspect affecting the development of local ties is the role of accompanying family members. Empirical evidence underlines the significance of spousal adjustment for an expatriate’s satisfaction in regard to work and nonwork factors (Shaffer & Harrison 1998:108). Further, spouses and families are an important source for integration and expatriate adjustment (Shaffer & Harrison 1998:108, Malek et al. 2013:223 f., Caligiuri et al. 1998:610, Black et al. 1991). Malek et al. (2013:224) trace the integrative function of spouses back to the fact that spouses most often lack the workplace as integrative mechanisms and need to interact with locals right from the beginning. Thus, they are not only able to develop social relationships, but also develop cultural awareness faster than their partners. By acting as the ‘liaison’ or the ‘conciliator’ in expatriate and host country nationals’ relationships (Malek et al. 2013:224) and the creation of important spillovers (Caligiuri 1998:601 f.), spouses ease the expatriate adjustment process. This can lead to improved job performance due to increased satisfaction and well-being. In contrast, Kraimer et al. (2001) did not find any evidence for the impact of spousal support for the expatriate’s adjustment. According to the authors, the reasons for this contradictory result is the fact that they asked for perceived spousal support with respect to expatriate adjustment and did not measure the actual extent of spousal and expatriate adjustment (Kraimer et al. 2001:92). Similarly, Briody & Chrisman (1991:276) provide opposing findings and point out that a) spouses mainly interact with peer expatriates, and b) indeed face a prolonged adaption process due to the lack

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of organisational affiliation and social embeddedness at the workplace. Nevertheless, there is an overall consensus that an active social life and vital private contacts with both locals and the expatriate community supplement adjustment processes taking place at the workplace, since business environments and prevailing hierarchies may not prompt necessary feedback (Schlunze & Plattner 2007:70). Personality Factors In the context of selecting of expatriates and evaluating their performance, research focuses on personality traits and their impact on expatriate adjustment, job performance and socialising activities with host country nationals. Personality characteristics play an important role in mitigating the negative consequences associated with an increased level of stress, uncertainty and ambiguity when beginning an overseas transfer (Ramalu et al. 2010:119). One stream of research is rooted in the OCEAN-model (alternative terms: five factor model, big five personality characteristics)23 (cf. Ramalu et al. 2010:114). This concept of evolutionary psychology comprises five personality traits, namely Openness, Conscientiousness, Extroversion, Agreeableness and Neuroticism (Buss 1991:477), which are considered critical to socialise and navigate in unfamiliar contexts (Ramalu et al. 2010:114, Batti et al. 2014:90). Another stream of research investigates the role of personality traits from a less systematic manner. By means of a literature review, Yamazaki & Kayes (2004:368 ff.) identify a total set of 73 different skills and competencies in 32 studies which were used to measure cross-cultural adjustment and learning24. They are as diverse as ‘adopt a listening mode’ (Tung 1998), ‘resolve intermember conflicts’ (Black & Porter 1990), and ‘dealing with communication misunderstandings’ (Dean & Popp 1990). Broadly speaking, there is a consensus that personality traits affect and influence the individual’s capability to adjust (Ramalu et al. 2011:118) and that personality and adjustment mediate expat-local-relationships (Caligiuri 2000a). However, this

23For empirical research based on the big five see, e.g., Caligiuri 2000b, Mol et al. 2005, Batti et al. 2014, Dalton & Wilson 2000. 24Learning is a necessary social and cognitive process for adjustment. Due to its indirect effect on the actual formation of ties, this aspect will only be indirectly dealt with.

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field of research is also one of ambiguity with contradictory empirical findings.25 At a second glance, however, the study of Huang et al. (2005:1666 f.) demonstrates that, broadly speaking, no “better” or “worse” or “necessary” or “unnecessary” personality traits exist which universally facilitate or hinder cross-cultural adjustment the same way across the globe. Moreover, adjustment and subsequent performance is eased when personality characteristics match cultural demands. Analysing the adjustment process of US-Americans in Taiwan, Huang et al. (2005:1667) explain that for each of the examined spheres of adjustment (work, interaction, general living), different personality characteristics play a role. That said, openness eased work adjustment in Taiwan; however, extroversion, conscientiousness and neuroticism were not related to work adjustment. Whereas extroversion and conscientiousness are highly valued personality traits from a Western point of doing business, the Asian attitude guanxi26 provides social support for insecure and neurotic expatriates in a work environment and makes it difficult for extrovert individuals to adjust respectively27. Similarly, the Asian culture mediated interaction adjustment for neurotic foreigners, but first and foremost extroversion and agreeableness played a major role for the establishment of interpersonal ties in the Taiwanese context. Generally, it was easier for extrovert and open-minded individuals to adapt to a Taiwanese lifestyle and living conditions. The need for a space-sensitive approach to interpret quantitatively obtained findings is demonstrated by the study of Johnson et al. (2003), to name one example. The group of authors tested for the role of core self-evaluation28, extraversion and the size of expatriate networks, hypothesising a positive relationship (Johnson et al. 2003:279). They found support for the former, but not for the latter (Johnson

25This

has direct implications in practice leaving the selection process as arbitrary as it is. describes an Asian cultural tradition of distinguishing between in-group and out-group members. Usually, members of social groups are internally well-connected, ­ exchange support and information with each other, share mutual interest and benefit, but seal themselves off from out-group members (Varma et al. 2011:355, 359, Schlunze et al. 2015:49). 27The social norm Mianzi describes the fear of losing face in public. In practice, this means that Asian employees of lower hierarchical status are generally subordinate and reluctant to ask questions. This also impedes reverse knowledge transfer from local employees of lower status to expatriate employees of higher status (Qin et al. 2008:269 f.). 28Core self-evaluation comprises the dimensions self-esteem, self-efficacy, locus of control as well as emotional stability (Johnson et al. 2003:279). 26Guanxi

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et al. 2003:284). All of the survey participants are employed by the same company, however of different nationalities and deployed to over 40 different countries. Only if reviewing the statistical data in respect with their geographic, political, cultural and socio-economic context can meaningful insights of cultural and personal influences be derived. Further, studies find evidence for openness as a decisive factor to establish expat-local relationships. Openness is equally important for host country nationals and expatriates (Ng et al. 2015:77, Caligiuri 2000a). Those intercultural social ties ease adjustment processes (Caligiuri 2000a, Johnson et al. 2003:284 f.). Ramalu et al. (2010:118) even link personality traits (measured in accordance with the big five) to expatriate job performance. The personal capability to adjust to a foreign culture predicted job performance of expatriates in Malaysia.

4.2 Expatriate Knowledge Flows in Space: An Approximation The previous chapters have thoroughly discussed the capacity of expatriates to transfer knowledge over great geographical distance. However, the spatial dimension of those transfers remains a black box. Due to the lack of national and supra-national legal frameworks to collect data from companies concerning delegations and expatriate cross-border movements, it is not possible to assess the volume of expatriates and associated knowledge flows correctly. At the very most, single case studies reveal global interdependences (e.g. Ghoshal & Bartlett 1990), while research from private consulting companies provides general information on global mobility (e.g. BGRS 2016:49, Deloitte 2014:12). Recalling that knowledge transfer is a social process and requires the spatial mobility of individuals in order to facilitate face-to-face interaction, insights into the volume of potential knowledge flows associated with expatriations can only be derived as an approximation from single so-called proxy indicators. The aim of these is not to quantify expatriate movements or knowledge transfer, but rather to explain that knowledge transfers in the context of international business mobility and expatriation are likely to occur worldwide. While expatriates are not statistically collected, labour migration is. Thus, the analysis of cross-border movements of the working population at least provides an understanding for the quantitative volume of business-related movements. Studies from the OECD and the European Union clarify spatial patterns of

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labour-related mobility at the analytical level of nation states. They show which countries host or second skilled workers abroad. Second, expatriates are sent abroad for the development of their respective organisations. This includes the establishment of a foreign unit. While the transfer of personnel from the headquarters to the new foreign unit is not registered, the analysis of FDIs at least allows the spatial analysis of financial flows. Here, not the movement of individuals is of interest, but the transfer of finance, which entails the transfer of competencies in form of employees. Whether and to what extent those transfers of capital induce expatriate mobility and transfer of knowledge actually occurs, has yet to be defined. Neither the study of human nor of financial flows provides insights into actual movements of expatriates. Information on actual expatriate movements, however, are reported in academic journal articles which deal with expatriations. A ­meta-study of already conducted research on expatriates provides information on actual delegations on the dyadic, national level. However, these insights are highly selective. Obviously, the validity and reliability of each proxy indicator is in doubt due to individual methodological pitfalls. Nonetheless, these proxy indicators prove that expatriations as a specific form of labour movement is a global phenomenon. Individuals move around the globe for business reasons. Further, labour movement and thus expatriations is of high economic relevance and not a niche phenomenon of single companies, but affect countries, companies and employees around the world.

4.2.1 Proxy Indicator: Cross-Border Labour Movements As part of a study for OECD countries, the authors Dumont & Lemaître (2005:4, 9) assess labour mobility in a more general sense by measuring the proportion of the foreign-born population. Expatriates are understood as “(…) all foreign-born persons living abroad, regardless of the current or eventual duration of their stay abroad. Obviously, many and perhaps most will never return to their country of birth to live” (Dumont & Lemaître 2005:23). The major problem with this approach is that a) it assumes that the stay abroad is likely not to be temporary and b) it is not possible to distinguish among individuals deployed by their employers, self-initiated temporary migration and permanent migration.

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The equal treatment of expatriates and migrants does not provide reliable statements about expatriate movements specifically. Nonetheless, the study indicates that spatial mobility and migration is selective towards highly skilled migrants and certain countries (Dumont & Lemaître 2005:21). That being said, a strict and selective immigration policy as practiced by Australia and Canada and to a lesser extent the United Kingdom, Ireland, Korea, Norway and New Zealand reports a higher share of highly qualified individuals coming into the respective country than, e.g. into Austria, Portugal, and the Netherlands (Dumont & Lemaître 2005:8). The authors point to the fact that developing countries benefit only indirectly from migratory movements through re-migration, technology transfer and remittances (Dumont & Lemaître 2005:21). The net beneficiaries of the spatial mobility of the highly skilled include the US, Australia, Canada, and Switzerland (Dumont & Lemaître 2005:11). Further, spatial mobility is selective towards certain countries. Whereas Canada, Australia, and New Zealand are considered settlement countries, the largest expatriate groups of OECD countries consists of Mexican born individuals residing in the US (Dumont & Lemaître 2005:9). Further, there are large numbers of Germans and British people residing in other OECD-countries (Dumont & Lemaître 2005:9). Germans are generally geographically dispersed (Dumont & Lemaître 2005:11) and British-born individuals favour Spain (Dumont & Lemaître 2005:10). North Africans tend to settle down in Spain, France and the Netherlands (Dumont & Lemaître 2005:7). The Korean community abroad is the largest in France, whereas Dutch nationals tend to concentrate in Canada (Dumont & Lemaître 2005: 10). Generally, countries with high emigration rates are on the African continent and some countries of Central America (Dumont & Lemaître 2005:16 f.). This overview indicates that spatial mobility per se and of highly skilled individuals is selective, heterogeneous and difficult to measure. Apart from the OECD, the European Union attempts to assess international labour mobility and its extent and effects on supranational and national level. Whereas the working definition of the OECD is misleading for the given research context, the European Commission suggests a more articulate definition to distinguish between temporary and permanent spatial mobility. Speaking of posted workers, the European Commission focuses on “employee[s] who [are] sent by [their] employer to carry out a service in another EU Member State on a temporary basis (….) they remain in the host Member State temporarily and do not integrate in its labour market” (EC 2018). Whereas the definition is relatively

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clear with regard to deployment versus self-initiated mobility, the definition is still fuzzy as it does not specify ‘service’ or indicate any time specification. ­Further, this definition is restricted to labour mobility within the European Union only and neglects transnational links of companies and economies. Statistics provided by the European Commission are based on the PDs A1 issued and received. This legal amendment regulates any movement abroad for employment reasons that last no longer than 24 months. On a weighted average, a posting lasted for 101 days, indicating rather short-term than long-term assignments. The longest durations were registered for Hungarian employees, who were abroad for an average of 431 days (De Wispelaere & Pacolet 2017:31). Further, the data includes movements of both employed and self-employed individuals; however, the latter comprise only 7% (De Wispelaere & Pacolet 2017:26). Considering movements by sector, the majority of postings occurred for construction purposes (45%) and in other industries (24%) (De Wispelaere & Pacolet 2017:27). Taking these three aspects together – short-term duration, inclusion of self-employed as well as high proportions of executing activities – the data provided by the European Commission only partially reflects the current situation of international labour mobility, especially for the expatriation context. Having these limitations in mind, some interesting insights can still be gathered for the volume and spatial dimension of expatriation. Based on the numbers of A1 issued and received for each country, some significant flows can be identified. The most important sending states are Poland, Germany and Slovenia, whereas the main receiving states are Germany, France and Belgium. The most significant flows run from either Poland or Slovenia to Germany, and further from Slovenia to Austria, Italy to Switzerland, Slovakia to Germany, France to Belgium, Germany to Switzerland, Hungary to Germany, Austria to Germany as well as from Poland to France (De Wispelaere & Pacolet 2017:20).

4.2.2 Proxy Indicator: International Flows of Financial Capital In light of the shortcomings associated with cross-border movements, transnational linkages and global knowledge transfer can be estimated based on the exchange of FDIs among national economies. Fig. 4.7 reports the financial flows of FDIs, both from and to OECD-member countries. Lithuania represents a non-OECD member country; no directional data could be extracted from other

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n­ on-OECD member countries. The analysis uses non-SPEs, thus reporting actual investments29. Four patterns of financial flows can be distinguished: first, countries with balanced inward and outward flows, such as the United States. Second, countries such as Lithuania, Latvia, Iceland and New Zealand generally report low levels of investments. Third, other countries show higher outward flows than inward flows. This is the case for economically advanced countries such as Japan, France, Belgium and Germany. Fourth, some countries receive more FDIs than they invest abroad e.g. the Netherlands, Luxembourg, Austria, Poland and Turkey. Transferring this pattern to presumed knowledge flows, it can be hypothesised that countries in the first group actively engage in transnational linkages by both sending and receiving individuals in the context of corporate mobility. National economies of the second group can be analogously characterised as being rather isolated with a national focus, since no significant linkages are reported to other countries. The third group tends to send more people abroad due to their high outward activities and large share of foreign investments. Subsequently, they are active in disseminating knowledge to other countries, whereas processes in countries of the fourth group are the reverse. Apart from the fact that this analysis is rather general and does not discuss any linkages on the dyadic, bi-national level, the use of FDIs as proxy for knowledge transfer is problematic in a number of ways. First, any correlation between flows of investment and flows of knowledge is hypothesised based on the previous literature study (see e.g. Harzing 2001a:142). Second, the complex organisational structure allows MNCs to distort official statistics about FDIs. Initially intended to reduce tax obligations, bypass national administrative burdens and reduce costs, the geographical dispersion of business units allows MNCs also to shift finances internationally and in doing so disfigure statistical numbers (see footnote 29).

29SPEs

are special purpose entities set up to “to channel investments through several countries before reaching their final destinations. The existence of SPEs is one important factor that can distort foreign direct investment (FDI) statistics. First, transactions by SPEs inflate the FDI flows into and out of the country where they are located as investment passes through via SPEs to its ultimate destination. Second, SPEs can distort the geographic distribution of FDI statistics for countries that host a significant number of them because it can appear they are receiving investment from countries whose investors are just passing capital through SPEs. Likewise, it can appear that investors from this country are investing abroad when that investment really reflects the funds that have been passed through.” (OECD. Stat 2018).

Figure 4.7   Flows of FDI. Source Data extracted from OECD.Stat 2018, visualisation by the author

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4.2.3 Proxy Indicator: Scientific Coverage of Expatriate Flows Contrary to the previous two approaches, the third proxy indicator takes into account actual expatriate transfers based on its coverage in academic journals. Respective data concerning sending and receiving nations are extracted from a systematic literature analysis30. Studies have been included which focus on knowledge transfer and in doing so report actual combinations of sending and receiving countries. Data was derived from three sources: first, articles from the database Scopus, extracted as early as 2016 (n = 153)31, were included. Second, the key terms and operators Expat* AND Knowledge were applied for all years and all research areas onto the database Web of Science Core Collection. From the 34 retrieved articles, eight were without any reference to Economics or Geography, and thus suspended from further analyses (n = 26). Third, the academic publication Journal of Global Mobility—The Home of Expatriate Management Research was analysed separately using the database Web of Science (n = 75). After deleting any irrelevant articles, such as book reviews or studies with a different analytical focus, the analysis of Web of Science Core Collection revealed 90 documents in total. After removing duplicates and scanning the papers for the analysis of specific country combinations, 38 articles listed in Scopus and 19 articles listed in Web of Science were considered for detailed analysis (cf. Appendix). Relevant studies mentioned explicit countries and not world regions in their methodological section. Studies which referred to regions and continents were deleted from the sample. Further, each reported linkage was

30Refer

to Section 2.3.1 for a thorough discussion of systematic literature reviews in the social sciences. 31The original query used the terms Expat* AND Knowledge for abstract, title and key words. The results were filtered by subject area and a total of 292 articles were retrieved for the subjects BUSINESS, MANAGEMENT AND ACCOUNTING, SOCIAL SCIENCES, ECONOMICS, ECONOMETRICS AND FINANCE, ARTS AND HUMANITIES as well as EARTH AND PLANETARY SCIENCES. After screening each article, 153 articles were relevant for the analysis.

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treated equally, no further weight was added to each linkage. Thus, a qualitative research design based on 44 semi-structured interviews with Australian expatriates in China (Hutchings 2005) was given as much weight as a quantitative study of 71 subsidiaries of MNCs from six different countries in Taiwan (Tseng & Liao 2009). These combinations of sending and receiving countries were listed manually in Excel-files and imported in the software gephi for analytical purposes. Geocoding each mentioned national economy by capital, the network analysis reveals interesting insights and important streams of expatriate flows (cf. Fig. 4.8). Overall, the United States shows the highest eigenvector centrality, meaning that it is the most important player for sending and receiving expatriate flows – or at least that the US is the most interesting case for the researcher. Further important national economies based on their connections to other countries include China, Brazil, South Korea and Germany. Resulting from the analysis, it is possible to identify four different expatriate flows: first, the United States is an important player due to its high eigenvector centrality. Firms in the US send expatriates to as well as receive them from other countries all over the globe. Linkages between the US and China have been studied most frequently with the majority of reported studies highlighting deployments to and from China and the US. Secondly, countries within Europe are well connected. Overseas linkages of European countries focus in particular on Great Britain-China, Germany-China, Sweden-China and Denmark-China, as well as to the US. Third, continental transfers happen equally in Europe and Asia and their respective countries, including the Asian-Pacific region with Australia. Fourth, some countries and world regions play little or no role in the global web of personnel deployment. This is especially true for the majority of countries on the African continent and other world regions such as the Baltics and the Middle East. To some extent, the linkages are congruent with the insights gained from the analysis of financial flows: the United States plays an important role along with Germany and other Central European countries. Linkages from highly industrialised countries to the emerging BRIC-countries seem to play only a minor role, at least for academic endeavours. China is an exception here. From a western perspective, intercultural differences are perceived highest with Asia, explaining the high volume of research dedicated to the study of linkages between Asia and Europe/the United States.

Figure 4.8   The study of expatriate assignments from a spatial perspective. Source Visualisation by the author using the software gephi

Source: data collected by V. Hünnemeyer Author: V. Hünnemeyer Date: 24. October 2018

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Similar to the aforementioned approaches, this indicator is only a partial reflection of reality. Studies about expatriation and knowledge transfer usually refer to a more or less abstract corporate setting. Studies are either designed as single or comparative case studies i.e. linkages of one or two MNCs are reported, or studies depend on very large samples and focus on MNCs and expatriate movements in specific regions. Either way, the insights are selective. In addition, the lack of a universal definition of expatriation constitutes a further restriction. This refers both to the level of individual researcher(s) conducting research as well as to the individual definition and demarcation used in the corporate context, which may differ significantly. Despite the selectiveness and incompleteness of academic research and given the embeddedness in corporate settings, this approach is, however, the only one which considers actual cross-border expatriate movements and knowledge transfers.

4.3 Interim Conclusion IV: The Exposed Position of Expatriates in Intra-Firm, Cross-Border Social Networks Expatriation as a form of corporate mobility practice aims to develop individual managers and the organisation as such by either filling specific positions and/or improving internal processes. In addition to fulfilling professional and ­management-related tasks, business organisations consider delegated employees to play a special role in the international transfer of knowledge. Indeed, expatriates are in a privileged position to significantly influence the internal transfer of knowledge across business units. The following reasons seem to be critical: 1) Duration of assignments Due to the complexity of tasks, expatriate assignments usually last several years. Being in a foreign unit for three to five years requires integrating in both the host unit and culture. Expatriates have the opportunity to create strong social ties with local employees based on trust and mutual understanding easing the transfer of (tacit) knowledge. 2) Expatriation as a complex process Expatriation as such is a complex corporate process involving a number of business departments and individuals. Being selected for expatriation means encountering a variety of departments, individuals and even external experts. Thus, the expatriate may also make loose intra-firm ties to those who are

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involved with the expatriation process, such as different HR managers and specialist departments, or external experts for training purposes. 3) Expatriate assignments Usually, the expatriate is sent to a foreign unit in order to complete a specific assignment or project. In order to perform successfully, it is presumed that the expatriate is forced to work both with the local and sending unit, pushing the expatriate into an intermediary position. Through their socialisation in different (company) cultures, expatriates can either act as boundary spanners and govern flows among units or as knowledge brokers mediating knowledge in specific units. 4) Supportive conditions Financially, expatriation is a  costly investment for companies. On the one hand, the sending unit has to replace the outgoing staff. On the other hand, expatriates receive additional financial benefits. Therefore, organisations have a specific interest for a successful secondment and support it by (cultural) training and other forms of corporate assistance, such as mentoring or buddy systems in the host unit. Such incentives ease network formation and maintenance for the expatriate.

5

Situating the Research Question

For more than three decades, a consensus has existed not only in academic research, but also among entrepreneurs and economists, that knowledge is now any firm’s most important resource. Business organisations thrive through the development of their knowledge resources. In addition to external knowledge pools, it is above all the knowledge available in any company that plays an important role. In the light of the current organisation of economic activity with the success of MNCs and globally dispersed business locations, the question arises how firms organise the development of their knowledge resources. In three interrelating chapters it has been argued that knowledge is most efficiently and effectively developed and transferred through social relationships. However, social relationships do not exist on their own even in a business context, but, apart from personal commitment, require certain corporate frameworks. In particular, these frameworks include opportunities for getting to know each other. Face-to-face interaction leverages the necessary trust and mutual understanding between parties as a basis for any social relationship. These face-to-face interactions can be limited in time, but require the spatial mobility of employees. Therefore, companies pursue workplace mobility as a managerial strategy to enable cross-unit linkages, leverage flows of information and knowledge and subsequently develop knowledge resources. Herewith, different forms of corporate mobility produce different social ties and different social networks within and across business units. Generally, it can be emphasised that the longer the co-location and co-operation, the stronger the social ties among employees. ­ Therefore, expatriates, i.e. employees who are deployed for several years to foreign units, hold a key role for intra-firm knowledge transfers and the development of ­intra-firm knowledge resources. Being familiar with different business units, © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2020 V. R. Hünnemeyer, Knowledge Transfers over Geographical Distance in Organisations, Perspektiven der Humangeographie, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-31018-9_5

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the expatriate is supposed to both govern knowledge flows, but also to mediate knowledge across and within units. Whereas academics and practitioners agree on relevant knowledge flows in an expatriate context, the actual underlying dynamics of those knowledge transfers remain a black box. Therefore, the empirical part of this research project addresses the following questions: How do expatriates contribute to intra-firm knowledge transfers? To answer this research question, the empirical analysis follows a dual approach. At first, corporate representatives clarify the role of spatial mobility for the development of businesses in general. Further, the analysis of the business perspective discusses whether and how companies use or harness the knowledge of their current and former expatriates in order to enhance intra-firm knowledge resources: • Which importance do companies attach to expatriates for internal knowledge flows? Do they benefit from expatriate knowledge flows, and if so, how? In contrast to spatially anchored regional studies, the underlying spatial analytical perspective is not so much the result of the particular socio-economic and cultural conditions on site – which nevertheless influence social interactions – but is rather dominated by the business environment. The present study emphasises the normative effect of operational processes, corporate norms and cultures instead of “traditional” aspects in geographic research, such as the general institutional or cultural setting in a specific geographic place. As a result, the “region” in the sense of any particular geographical location of companies and individuals recedes into the background for both data collection and analysis. The spatial level of interest is, thus, not the particular “region”, but if at all exists on company level and emphasises the physical state of “being absent” and “being present”. Due to the rather narrowly defined social context and in contrast to the concept of a region, the analysis at the company level offers the possibility to survey both the organisational framework from the perspective of the organisations (see Chapter 7) and to include the perspectives of those who act within the framework (see Chapter 8). For this reason, the present study emphasises the perspective of the individual in the analysis of data and the presentation of results. Their actions, motives, and social relationships are central to the individual transfer capacity of knowledge. Given that social relationships are intermediaries for any knowledge transfer, it is hypothesised that expatriates create strong social bonds to colleagues with spatial and long-term effects on the access to knowledge over

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distance. Up to now, networks have not been directly addressed as the missing link to understand the capacity of expatriates to transfer knowledge across business units. For instance, Spieß et al. (2009) uncover expatriate networks; however, they focus on social support instead of knowledge networks. Eckert (2009) studies knowledge transfer processes during expatriation, but without a clear network approach. Similarly, Hocking et al. (2007) focus on the individual level for knowledge transfer in the context of expatriation, but again do not argue from a network perspective. In order to reconstruct and comprehend the – presumably – exposed position of expatriates for intra-firm knowledge transfers, the following analysis answers further sub-questions concerning expatriate networks and associated knowledge flows: • How are the professional networks of expatriates organised spatially and relationally, i.e. what is their structure, how do they form and develop their networks? • What importance do expatriates attach to their networks? • How do expatriates affect intra-firm knowledge transfers? Which role do expatriates play in intra-firm knowledge flows? To proceed accordingly, Chapter 6 introduces methodological considerations as well as discusses the form and mode of data collection. Chapter 7 discusses corporate contexts in regard to the role of mobile employees for MNCs and associated knowledge management strategies. Chapter 8 is dedicated to the analysis of personal networks of mobile employees. In the process of data analysis, three different types of expatriates are identified and presented in detail. Further, this chapter sheds light on the role of spatial mobility for the emergence and maintenance of social networks. Chapters 9 and 10 conclude the empirical discussion by embedding the empirical results into the current academic debate and summarising the research project.

Part II Data Collection and Results

6

Studying Social Networks and Knowledge Transfer over Geographical Distance in Organisations

In order to comprehend the research approach in general, as well as the analytical procedure for the study of expatriates and knowledge transfer in particular, it is important to recall the epistemological, ontological and methodological specificities of relational research projects as laid out in Section 1.3 (cf. Fig. 6.1). Due to the interest in the mechanisms and dynamics of social reality, the empirical analysis emphasises social practices, transactions, processes, and the associated spatial and relational positions of individuals. With specific individuals (expatriates) as research objects, the epistemology of relational research guarantees a general openness to individual concepts and contexts with regard to the social phenomena studied (i.e. knowledge transfer within/across corporate units under the premise of spatial mobility). Meanwhile, the research interest necessitates a research principle, which is open towards various modes of data collection and interpretation. Ground Theory Methodology with its basic principles of theoretical sensitivity, theoretical sampling procedures, iterative coding and analysis offers the necessary openness towards different forms of data collection and analysis (Straus 2006:493, Truschkat et al. 2011:358). It acknowledges the collection of different types of data – in the present case qualitative interviews and network data – as well as various modes and strategies of iterative data analysis and interpretation, content and network analysis respectively. In its essence, the first analytical step focuses on understanding individual motives and social actions. This step secures a comprehensive understanding of the individual expatriates interviewed. The iterative and case sensitive approach revealed common patterns among the interviewees, which in the further course of analysis leads to the identification and elaboration of different types of expatriates. Electronic Supplementary Material The online version of this chapter (https:// doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-31018-9_6) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users. © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2020 V. R. Hünnemeyer, Knowledge Transfers over Geographical Distance in Organisations, Perspektiven der Humangeographie, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-31018-9_6

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Figure 6.1   The logic of the research approach and interrelated analytical steps for the analysis of knowledge transfer in the context of expatriation. Source Visualisation by the author

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The analysis of knowledge transfer in the context of expatriation is based on 34 interviews with different stakeholders. Since the interviews with external experts, corporate representatives and expatriates occur in organisational settings, Section 6.1 reflects upon the specificities of conducting social science research in business organisations. Which type of knowledge is inherent to organisations? How can the interviewer access these different types of knowledge? Which specificities will the researcher encounter when conducting field research in organisational settings? While the discussion and reflection of the context of collecting empirical data in Section 6.1 holds relevance for all interviews, Section 6.2 deals with theoretical and methodological considerations specifically appropriate for collecting and understanding social network data from expatriates. Since SNA is only an emerging methodology in Economic Geography (Ter Wal & Boschma 2009:746), this section extensively discusses mechanisms of social network formation and development as well as expected network benefits. In contrast to whole network studies, usually based on big data analyses, the empirical approach favours the extensive study of ego networks. For this reason, the empirical analysis of expatriates and associated knowledge transfer processes rests partly upon quantitative network data, as well as partly on qualitative data. Therefore, Section 6.2.2 discusses possibilities to combine quantitative and qualitative strategies of network analysis and elaborates mutual benefits of both approaches. After these theoretical-methodological considerations of Sections 6.1 and 6.2 follows a discussion of the empirical procedure realised. Therefore, Section 6.3 introduces the general research design first. Due to the two different research interests in a) the corporate perspective and b) the individual expatriate perspective, strategies of sampling interviewees, the discussion of interview settings and guidelines and analysis of empirical material occur for each research interest separately. Finally, Section 6.4 presents the samples collected in more detail.

6.1 Primary Data Collection in Corporate Settings: A Critical Reflection Despite differences in the empirical approach to data collection, analysis and interpretation, the actor-centred and company-oriented approach have the fact that they depend on employees in companies for data collection in common. The survey of company representatives, managers and skilled employees alike poses specific challenges to the research process. The pitfalls of doing social science research in corporate settings can be traced back to the fact that

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c­ orporate norms and rules – in particular operational processes, allocation of responsibilities, and social manners – are usually concealed to the researcher. By implication, the lack of knowledge about individual patterns of behaviour as well as corporate rules and norms impedes not only the identification of relevant survey participants, but also the actual collection of data. Conducting a meaningful conversation is even more difficult when corporate social manners are unknown to the researcher. Finally, codes of conduct differ among companies and industrial sectors demanding flexibility and openness before and during interviews from the researcher (Liebig et al. 2017:4 f., Froschauer & Lueger 2009:240). Further, the researcher needs a thorough understanding of the functioning of organisations to situate and embed information and knowledge provided during the interviews and to utilise those data for analysis and interpretation (Pfadenhauer 2009:101, Froschauer & Lueger 2009:243, Neuberger 1995:302 f.). For this reason, Section 6.1 reflects upon social science research in corporate contexts by recalling types of organisational knowledge (6.1.1), the nature of interview partners (6.1.2), different types of interviews (6.1.3) and the impact of role relations among the interviewer and interviewee (6.1.4). Section 6.1.5 summarises the main points of the previous sections and discusses the design of ­interviews.

6.1.1 Which Data to Collect: Types of Knowledge in Organisations Whenever companies, their internal organisation and/or their employees constitute the primary interest of research, the researcher needs to be aware of the fact that organisational knowledge is not distributed evenly within a single entity. On the one hand, this refers to individual employees within an organisation and among departments; on the other hand, the uneven distribution of knowledge can occur spatially depending on relations among headquarters and subsidiaries, for instance. In order to identify and classify possible candidates and to set up interview guidelines, it is necessary to first discuss different types of knowledge inherent in the organisations. With their respective tripartite division of organisational knowledge (cf. Fig. 6.2), both Bogner & Menz (2009) as well as Froschauer & Lueger (2009) offer insights into the nature of organisational knowledge and at the same time provide helpful starting points to compile the empirical sample.

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Figure 6.2   Types of knowledge in business organisations. Source Visualisation by the author based on Bogner & Menz 2009:71, Froschauer & Lueger 2009:244 f., Kruse 2015:176

Bogner & Menz (2009:71) distinguish technical knowledge, process knowledge and interpretational knowledge. The first type includes knowledge about organisational routines, workflows and specialised expertise. According to Kruse (2015:176) this kind of knowledge refers to objective, specialised knowledge. In contrast to technical knowledge, process knowledge does not result from formal qualifications and education, but aims for hands-on-expertise, which the individual only gains through engaging actively in the organisation and his/her field of work. The third and last category of interpretational knowledge describes not a specific type of knowledge ascribed to the interview partner, but an analytical achievement of the researcher. Only through the analysis of data does the researcher become able to reveal individual and organisational latent structures of meaning. Froschauer & Lueger (2009:244 f.) propose another, yet overlapping typology of organisational knowledge. The starting point is the assumption that expertise is largely experience-based and consequently of an implicit nature. As a result, the researcher encounters heterogeneous knowledge patterns in the field. This is because individual knowledge depends on a variety of factors – from education, corporate and personal belief systems to job position and work tasks. Therefore, the first kind of knowledge is called in-field operational expertise (“feldinterne Handlungsexpertise”). Whereas this type emphasises experience and observation of first order, in-field reflection expertise (“feldinterne Reflexionsexpertise”) targets the understanding of the general context of second order. Primary

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experience paired with observations of second order, i.e. observing how others observe, is necessary when individuals hold positions at intra- or inter-corporate interfaces. These individuals are valuable interview partners when organisational perspectives of a more general context are required. Lastly, Froschauer and Lueger (2009:245) include external expertise (‘externe Expertise’) to their classification of organisational knowledge. Individuals of this group have comprehensive knowledge about a specific subject primarily based on the experiences of others and observations of the second order. Their knowledge is characterised by interdisciplinary perspectives and includes a comprehensive knowledge of various organisational contexts. External expertise is acquired outside of specific organisations, meaning that these individuals lack hands-on-experience. Generally, both Bogner & Menz’s as well as Froschauer & Lueger’s classification of organisational knowledge allow us: (a) to understand which type of information might be possibly collected in the field; (b) to structure interviews, (c) to identify eligible interview partners, and last but not least (d) to classify collected information facilitating data analysis and interpretation. Depending on the interview partner – if they are internal or external to an organisation, their job position and function, work tasks and responsibilities – the conversation reveals relevant knowledge about the company and its processes as well as background information (Meuser & Nagel 2009:270 f., Misoch 2014: 121). Finally, it should be emphasised that the combination of individuals possessing various types of knowledge provides comprehensive understanding; relying solely on external experts would probably not reveal an in-depth understanding of the subject matter, whereas only speaking to persons within organisations would fail to grasp the bigger picture.

6.1.2 Who to Ask: Sampling Strategies The required knowledge about the internal functioning of organisations and individual social behaviours in a corporate context distinguishes itself from common, everyday knowledge by the fact that it is not easily accessible to everyone and superior to common knowledge. Tacit knowledge, such as corporate internal knowledge or technical expertise, is expert knowledge requiring critical reflection about the characteristics of the individuals participating in the study. According to the voluntaristic approach, the term ‘expert’ can be universally applied to anyone who possesses specific skills, competencies or information. However, this understanding disguises the identification of eligible interviewees, since it covers any kind of knowledge which the researcher at the point of

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data collection does not possess (Bogner & Menz 2009:67, Kruse 2015:173). The compilation of interviewees under this perspective would rely on pure chance, leaving the selection procedures arbitrary and results questionable. In order to establish a more transparent and reflective approach towards the identification of experts, the constructivist approach reflects meanings ascribed to individuals by the researcher (methodic-relational logic) and society in general (­social-representational logic). In accordance with the former, the identification and selection is led entirely by the actual research interest (Bogner & Menz 2009:68, Kruse 2015:173). Since the researcher’s aim is to access distinct and various types of knowledge (cf  Section 6.1.1), individuals of interest do not necessarily have to be of higher (social, professional, political etc.) status (Bogner & Menz 2009:68), although Bogner & Menz (2009:68) and Kruse (2015:173) remark that researchers rely on indicators, such as formal educational achievements or professional careers, to compile interviewee samples. This is due to the expectations set on individuals: experts ought to analyse and deliver solutions to complex problems, or to assist in situations of information asymmetries (Froschauer & Lueger 2009:243). In contrast to the methodic-rational and social-representational logic, the sociology of knowledge focuses on the nature and structure of knowledge of individuals (Bogner & Menz 2009:69, Kruse 2015:174). In this fashion, eligible experts are those who have obtained knowledge which is different and superior to common knowledge, not accessible to everyone and rooted in theoretical considerations. As such, not only the content, but also its order and structure distinguishes expertise from everyday knowledge (Froschauer & Lueger 2009:243). Kruse (2015:174) has blended considerations of the different types of expert knowledge (cf. Section 6.1.1) with the methodic-relational and sociological rationale to identify and distinguish experts from laypersons in order to deduce different types of experts. This promotes not only expert interviews as a standalone method, but also provides practical advice for sampling. Experts of the first order possess practical, hands-on-expertise, while experts of the second order have abstract, and reflective context knowledge. Nevertheless, individuals can be equipped with various types of knowledge. Hence, differentiation among types remains of a gradual nature.

6.1.3 How to Ask: The Particularities of Expert Interviews Until today, interviewing experts is not accepted universally as a standalone method of data collection (Kruse 2015:186, Bogner & Menz 2009:61 f.). Some

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consider them imprecise (Liebold & Trinczek 2009:32), in methodological regards only marginally reflected (Meuser & Nagel 2010:57) and thus reject any validity as an empirical method (Liebold & Trinczek 2009:32, Trinczek 2009:225 f.). Generally, the object of criticism is the fact that not the method as such is the distinguishing feature, but the targeted sample group (Kruse 2015:186, Liebold & Trinzcek 2009:32). When sampling experts and applying expert interviews in the field, the individual is not necessarily of interest as such, but should provide specific expertise about the phenomena of interest (Kruse 2015:168, Misoch 2014:121, Helffrich 2009:163). Most often, this is realised by ­semi-structured interviews (Liebold & Trinczek 2009:32). Based on the preceding Sections 6.1.1 and 6.1.2, this understanding of interviewing experts as an empirical method is both insufficient and short-sighted. One aim of expert interviews is to obtain different types of knowledge. Indeed, objective general knowledge is one of them, but not the only one. Often, other forms of expert knowledge are neglected by researchers, which partly results from the lack of methodological reflections. Only during the last 15 years have social scientists engaged in the uniqueness of interviewing experts and promoted expert interviews as a standalone method (e.g. Bogner et al. 2009, Gläser & Laudel 2010). Similarly, the established consensus – expert interviews follow the logic of semi-structured interviews – ignores other forms of interviewing individuals with specialised expertise (Liebold & Trinczek 2009:32). In this context, expert interviews are often and vigorously distinguished from narrative interviews (Kruse 2015:168). However, every open conversation contains elements that invite a dialogue between the interviewer and interviewee (Kruse 2015:168). Ascribing meaning to actions in order to understand organisational processes is not absent, rather an established mode of asking in expert interviews (Kruse 2015:187). Both types of interviews generate narrations about the development of processes: expert interviews, realised in organisational environments, focus on economic or organisational processes, whereas narrative interviews, e.g. those conducted in biography studies, focus on personal development (Kruse 2015:187, Nohl 2012:16). Along these lines, the difference in modes of data collection is rather a matter of the specific interview situation and interrogative style in the field. For scientific clarity, Bogner and Menz (2009: 64 ff.) have developed a systematisation of expert interviews (cf. Fig. 6.3). They distinguish explorative expert interviews from systematising and theory-building expert interviews. This classification follows basic reasoning within the wider methodological debate in qualitative social science research. Explorative interviews either with individuals of the actual sample group or external experts approach new research fields

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or help to develop interview guidelines for subsequent surveys, e.g. for systematising or theory-building. Characteristic for explorative interviews is the open conversation and flexible handling of conversation guidelines, if any. In contrast, systematising interviews seek access to the information necessary to answer the identified research questions. Experts deliver information on the logic behind processes, routines, and behaviours. Therefore, the interrogative style is discursive and structured through interview guidelines. Theory building from expert interviews is realised by conversations aiming to unfold subjective (and implicit) behaviours and meanings: “Based on the comparability of their expert statements, which is methodically ensured through the use and application of interview guidelines and empirically through common organisational-institutional settings, the aim is to allow the theoretical, substantial conceptualisation of (implicit) knowledge bases, worldviews and routines, which experts develop through their actions and which are constitutive for the functioning of social systems.” (Translation by the author; Bogner & Menz 2009:66)

Figure 6.3   Types of expert interviews. Sources Compilation and visualisation by the author based on Bogner & Menz 2009:64 ff., Kruse 2015:167 f.

6.1.4 How to Behave: The Interview Situation As Helfferich (2009:165) and Pfadenhauer (2009:99) state, the specific situation of data collection is rather unique when experts are interviewed in corporate contexts:

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“The naïve assumption that an expert delivers objective information is rejected for both expert interviews and for qualitative interviews in general and the need for an intensive methodological reflection is recognised. (…) the interview setting is regarded as a situation of communication and interaction which establishes, supports or restricts the readiness of the interviewees to provide information. Reflexion concerns the arrangement of the interview situation and the role configuration during the interview with its implications for the course of interviews, as well as the readiness to provide information.” (Translation by the author; Helfferich 2009:165) Therefore, it is important to note that each interview, i.e. the respective conversation and interview setting, needs to be adapted to the type of interview and knowledge pursued. By implication, it requires that the researcher is able to make use of “the entire communication spectrum which is specific to the social field of practice of the interviewee that is of interest to the interviewer. Only in doing so will the methodological claim of social science research – the research process defers to the structures and particularities of everyday-communication present in the field – be maintained” (translation by the author; Trinczek 2009:236). Thus, the researcher needs to create an interview setting that is as ordinary1 as possible, especially if corporate knowledge – notwithstanding the specific type of knowledge, i.e. process knowledge or internal reflexion-expertise – is the object of interest. Given the fact that corporate manners and entrepreneurial cultures of communication are concealed to the researcher, this task demands a high degree of flexibility from the researcher. In this context, the different roles of interviewers, a typology developed by Bogner & Menz (2009:77 ff.), proves of value not only during the preparation of interviews, but also as a tool that helps the researcher to reflect on their own role during the conversation. When the interviewer becomes aware of biases or misleading or irrelevant statements in the course of the interview, the interviewer can change their interrogative style and mode of conversation accordingly. Briefly summarised, the interviewer can take the role of a co-expert, expert in another discipline, authority, accomplice, critic or amateur (cf. Fig. 6.4). Generally, Trinczek (1995:65) believes that “the more the interviewer is able to deliver competent appraisals, reasons and counter-arguments during the interview, the more managers are willing to share their knowledge and beliefs, and to disclose

1In

this context, the term ordinary does not refer to jargon or everyday language, but emphasises corporate rules of conversations.

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subjective structures of relevance and orientation patterns without any strategic intent” (translation by the author). Thus, presenting oneself as an expert of equivalent (interviewer as an expert in another discipline) or of similar expertise and competence (co-expert) seems the most promising strategy to collect relevant data. Trinczek (2009:229 ff.) cites that this implies a certain conversational pattern. In the beginning, the interview is structured in an argumentative-discursive manner. During the conversation, the interview situation changes to one of frank dialogue and intensive talk (Pfadenhauer 2009:106, Trinczek 2009:229 ff., Kaiser 2014:79 f., Trinczek 1995:62 ff.). Usually, however, the interview tends not to show a conversation pattern which is based on longer monologues and narrations (as expected in narrative interviews), since this form of conversation is contrary to the manager’s usual behaviour at work (Trinczek 2009:231, Trinczek 1995:63). Other interviewer roles also promise valuable results, e.g. the accomplice may access more sensitive information than the co-expert due to the expected different form of trust, or even the role as amateur can lead to valuable responses (for a more detailed discussion see Bogner & Menz 2009:77 ff.). In conclusion, each interview situation needs careful consideration and handling by the interviewer, since role relations between both parties is one of a gradual, procedural nature. They not only change during each interview, but also among single interviews depending on the specific interview partner and expertise the interviewer has already gained throughout the research process.

Figure 6.4   Interviewer roles. Source Visualisation by the author based on Bogner & Menz 2009:77 ff.

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6.1.5 The Design of Semi-Structured Expert Interviews: Final Thoughts The discussion in the preceding sections about obtainable knowledge, appropriate sampling techniques and forms of interviews, reveals the practical relevance for the design of interview guidelines which structure and systematise the process of data gathering. As Neuberger (1995:302) postulates, interviews in an organisational context “need to fulfil a double duty: the description of the phenomena and the explanation and interpretation of their occurrences”. Hence, the design of expert interviews is associated with a variety of methodological considerations which the researcher needs to clarify beforehand, as compiled in the figure below (Fig. 6.5).

Figure 6.5   Expert interviews as a form of empirical data collection. Source Visualisation by the author

As a general starting point for the actual design of interview guidelines developed for this research, it can be stated that the process of data collection – aims to access various types of knowledge: 1) from gaining relevant background information from experts external to organisations to 2) revealing the logic patterns of individual behaviour with regard to social relations as well as 3) corporate routines in regard to personnel mobility and knowledge transfer in the context of expatriation.

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– draws upon different types of experts: in order to retrieve comprehensive information about the research object, experts of the first and second order need to be approached. – is delivered as open, explorative interviews to retrieve external expertise from experts of the second order as well as semi-structured interviews with corporate representatives, managers and expatriates. The initial interview guidelines were elaborated according to the SPSS-method, developed by Helfferich (2009:182 ff.). The acronym SPSS refers to the different phases of developing interview guidelines: (S) refers to brainstorming possible questions and topics (German: Sammeln) (P) means to check the suitability of each question (German: Prüfen) (S) is concerned with the actual sorting of questions, also in regard to their respective function within the interview and accepted type of data (German: Sortieren) (S) involves the establishment of the final order (German: Subsumieren)

6.2 The Study of Expatriate Networks Whereas Section 6.1 discusses methodological aspects concerning the general challenges when pursuing qualitative fieldwork in business contexts, Section 6.2 focuses specifically on the analysis of social networks. The extensive theoretical discussion on network formation, development and effects sets the ground for developing SNA towards a standard empirical method in spatial sciences (Section 6.2.1). Since the empirical approach combines quantitative and qualitative modes of data collection and analysis, Section 6.2.2 discusses mixed-method approaches in SNA. The combination and triangulation of quantitatively and qualitatively collected data is particularly critical for research designs that do not analyse large networks, but aim to understand individual motives, actions and social processes.

6.2.1 Network Theory: Social Mechanisms for the Formation and Development of Social Networks According to Erikson (2013:221), dyadic ties among actors constitute the fundamental unit for the empirical analysis of social networks. In view of this, a series of questions arise: how and why are networks composed the way they are? How do they change or, respectively, are being changed? Which effects do networks

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imply for individual network members? What happens to the overall network structure when the relationships among actors change? Concisely, which mechanisms are responsible for the formation and development of networks? Whereas a detailed discussion of all exogenous and endogenous mechanisms affecting the properties of any network is out of scope, three basic types of mechanisms are being presented here with selected examples most relevant for this thesis and the following empirical data collection and analysis. Following Fuhse (2016:159 ff.), social mechanisms of interest are involved in the (1) (initial) formation of networks, (2) in the development and differentiation or respectively stabilisation of network structures2 and (3) in the effects of specific network constellations on individuals, society as a whole or specific social phenomena of interest (cf. Fig. 6.6).

Figure 6.6   A systematic approach towards the study of personal networks. Source Visualisation by the author

(1) Network Formation Mechanisms of network formation illustrate how, why and under what circumstances random, initially unconnected individuals bond with each other (Fuhse 2016:161). To explain how social structures influence network configurations, three theories seem relevant for the research interest.

2Fuhse

(2016:167) calls the second phase Network Structuring due to the expectation that any initial unstable social constellation advances towards some sort of network structure. However, the author argues that any relationship – once established – among actors already possesses some sort of initial network structure, which can only further develop in the sense that networks either dissolve because relationships are too weak to last, or initial relationships differentiate into ties of varying intensity and stability which unfold dynamically over time. Figure 6.6 is based on the assumption that the initial ties are strong enough to evolve into a more or less stable network structure.

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At first, Scott Feld’s focus theory (1981) is one viable explanatory approach to expound one’s personal network. The basic condition for building networks are so-called foci i.e. “(…) a social, psychological, legal, or physical entity around which joint activities are organized (…)” (Feld 1981:1016) that relate individuals through interaction to each other, for instance the workplace, a voluntary commitment, a hobby or family (Feld 1981:1016). Central to focus theory is the idea that one can only build ties to another person once they interact with each other and the probability of interaction increases with joint activities and shared foci (Feld 1981:1019, Fuhse 2016:161). However, not all ties arise from foci (Feld 1981:1018), since two people can, for example, work at the same company, but never actually meet since the opportunity or the need to work together never arises. With new technologies and an increase of computer-mediated communication and mobile technologies, virtual meeting spaces have also become an important focus of social interaction (e.g. Grabher & Ibert 2014, Faraj et al. 2011, Ye et al. 2015). In their work Birds of a Feather: Homophily in Social Networks McPherson et al. (2001) demonstrate that individuals are attracted to individuals who are similar to themselves (McPherson et al. 2001:415 f.). Similarity in terms of socio-demographic characteristics, such as age, gender, race, ethnicity as well as education, profession and behaviour, is called status homophily, whereas humans connecting due to shared beliefs and attitudes are conceptualised as value homophily (Lazarsfeld & Merton 1954 in McPherson et al. 2001:419 and in Fuhse 2016:163). It has to be noted that mechanisms of homophily often occur simultaneously to opportunities of interactions arising from shared foci. For example, building networks during higher education could be explained both from the perspective of homophily as well as from focus theory i.e. the attendance of a course unit. Related to homophily theory is the effect of formal roles (Fuhse 2016:165 f.). Here, social roles e.g. between supervisor and staff, hinder or facilitate interaction and, thus, have an effect on networks. Importantly, these different mechanisms often occur simultaneously and overlap. For example, building networks while being on an expatriate assignment is influenced by all of the aspects examined above. First, an expatriate is more likely to make contact to host national employees while staying at the unit abroad than at the home office. Second, an expatriate may more likely bond with other expatriates due to shared beliefs, lifestyles, problems and the like. Third, being deployed as a manager and being equipped with supervisory functions may make it easier to make contact with other employees on the same hierarchical level, but may render it more difficult to create ties to employees of a lower status. In brief, it is obvious that a variety of factors influence the formation of networks,

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interfere with certain relationships and mutually affect each other. For example, van Riemsdijk (2015) illustrates the importance of immigrant organisations for the local incorporation and integration of migrants in Oslo, Norway. Her research demonstrates that network mechanisms at work are manifold: on the one hand, homophily – migrants face similar problems abroad – creates a basis for social exchange among like-minded individuals; on the other hand, organisations provide them virtual and ‘real’ meeting places and generate foci of interaction as hypothesised by Feld. Another empiric example underlines the difficulties of networking. By the means of a two-stage research design including standardised e-mail questionnaires and semi-structured telephone interviews, Camiah & Hollinshead (2003) collected data on the experiences of individuals working in cross-cultural settings. The results show that a lack of homophily and social differences hinder collaborative work in a cross-cultural setting. Most importantly, differences in communication, language and orientation to work affect the social ties of Russian and Western expatriate managers in the Moscow region. (2) Network Development The starting point of the previous passage was the establishment of one edge between two nodes, since a dyadic relationship is the smallest analytical unit within a network. Within relational thinking “(…) relationships are conceived as dynamic, impermanent, and contingent” (Erikson 2013:224). Subsequently, edges i.e. any relation between two actors, are (1) flexible and subject to change and (2) structure the overall network due to micro-macro-linkages. Mechanisms of network development illustrate and explain why and how social configurations stabilise and destabilise, differentiate and homogenise, evolve and dissolve. Newman (2010) differentiates between two types of models involved in the development of networks, namely generative network models (Newman 2010:486) and network optimization models (Newman 2010:541). For generative network models, Newman identifies growth as the main objective and driver for the development of networks (Newman 2010:486, 541). One explanation, which traces the increase of nodes and edges in absolute terms within a network to power-law degree distribution3 (Newman 2010:486 f.), is

3“As nodes joined, they formed ties to existing nodes, particularly to already-popular existing nodes. (…) magnifying popularity gaps and creating networks with power-law distributions. That is, this process of tie formation creates networks where a small number of nodes have huge number of ties, while the vast majority of nodes have only a few.” (Marin & Wellman 2011:16)

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so-called preferential attachment. The phenomenon was first discovered by Price (1976) in the 1970s and received much recognition within the information science community, before the physicists Barabási and Albert (1999) discovered the mechanism in the 1990s themselves (Newman 2010:500). Despite some specificities regarding theoretical assumptions about networks, the models are based on the observation that ties within a network are unevenly distributed among its members and often some very few nodes are more centrally positioned than others4. Simply put, preferential attachment hypothesises that actors preferably make relationships to actors who are already central, increasing their centrality even further. Well-elaborated examples mention scholarly citation networks (Price 1976), but even within the field of Economic Geography the mechanism of preferential attachment can be observed. Kuchiki’s (2004, 2005) analysis of the development of an automotive cluster in Tianjin, China, provides such an example. According to his research, the success of the Tianjin automotive cluster can be traced back to the investment of Toyota as the anchor firm in the region. Toyota was equipped with capital to invest in other regional joint ventures to foster the growth of automotive industries locally and possessed an extensive network of Chinese suppliers, which were encouraged to locate close to Toyota. Since “scale economies are a sufficient conditions for the related firms to join the anchor firm’s cluster” (Kuchiki 2005:196), the automotive cluster experienced substantial growth. Another study examines inter-firm connections through the analysis of buyer and supplier linkages. Therefore, Mizuno et al. (2014) analysed the data of 500,000 Japanese firms. Findings prove that customer linkages are unequally distributed among firms. This is the case because firms which are very visible on the market by means of, e.g. marketing, present themselves as central actors which results in a higher number of customers in contrast to those who do not (Mizuno et al. 2014:4). Despite its effect on the level of individual edges, preferential attachment also provides an explanation for the macro-structure of networks by modelling why and how new nodes connect to others (Newman 2010:541). However, this model alone bears only insufficient insights into the development of networks, since conclusions cannot be drawn on the properties of ties and how these develop over time. In this regard, Social Balance Theories, a set of social processes and mechanisms which explain changes in dyadic and triadic ties by emphasising the attitudes and beliefs among respective nodes (Heider 1946, Hummon & Doreian 2003:18), demonstrate how actions and human cognition influence the establishment of edges

4Cf.

Newman 2010:487 ff. for a comprehensive discussion of both models.

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among nodes (Gouldner 1960:161 f., Hummon & Doreian 2003:18, Kilduff & Tsai 2003:32). In order to understand network development in this given study, reciprocity and transitivity are worth detailed consideration. Simply put, the relation between two actors is symmetric in a reciprocated relationship, i.e. any person A has a relationship with any person B, and this relationship is responded to accordingly regardless of whether the relationship is based on negative or positive affection of both parties (Kilduff & Tsai 2003:135) – or, as written by Polanyi (1957:53) “today’s giving will be recompensed by tomorrow’s taking”. Approaches to theorise reciprocity as a structural mechanism for interpersonal relationships are manifold, which cannot be recounted fully here5. Nevertheless, at this point a reference shall be made to the model of Falk & Fischbacher (2006), who conceptualise the motivations for reciprocity by both in the action as well as in the outcome of this action for both parties (Falk & Fischbacher 2006:309 f.): “According to our theory, a reciprocal action is modeled as the behavioral response to an action that is perceived as either kind or unkind. The central part of the theory is therefore devoted to the question how people evaluate the kindness of an action. Two aspects are essential in our model, (ii) the consequences of an action, and (ii) the actor’s underlying intentions.” (Italics in original, Falk & Fischbacher 2006:294) For empirical data collection and analysis reciprocity is insofar relevant as it is implicitly involved in the interactions studied, since reciprocated relationships directly help build trust, a shared mode of understanding and a common mode of behaviour. All of these aspect affect the relationship between two actors: “Most, if not all economic acts are found to belong to some chain of reciprocal gifts and countergifts, which in the long run balance, benefitting both sides equally. (…) The man who would persistently disobey the rulings of law in his dealings would soon find himself outside the social and economic order (…).” (Malinowski 1926:40) As more recent empirical studies show (e.g. Miesing et al. 2007, Kramer & Wells 2005), reciprocity is to date a fundamental mechanism of social governance, and thus, also inherent to the social process of knowledge transfer. Miesing et al. (2007) demonstrates that a shared notion of reciprocity among organisational units is a prerequisite for successful knowledge transfer in multinationals (Miesing et al. 2007:120). Similarly, Kramer and Wells (2005:434 ff.) explicitly link the establishment of reciprocity as an indispensable step to ensure ­inter-organisational knowledge transfer. Thus, latent reciprocity is a constitutional

5Cf.

Falk & Fischbacher 2006:310.

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feature of the networks studied. Although the transfer of knowledge itself might be unbalanced since actors possess asymmetric information about a given product, market, technology, organisational process or the like, the relationship as a whole needs to be reciprocated in the long run, otherwise the establishment of ­long-term, stable relationships is unlikely (Powell 1987:64): “(…) acts of barter are here [ed. note: where reciprocity rules] usually embedded in long-range relations implying trust and confidence, a situation which tends to obliterate the bilateral character of the transaction. (…) As a rule, he who barters merely enters into a ready-made type of transaction in which both the objects and their equivalent amounts are given.” (Polanyi 1957:64) Reciprocity looks at dyadic relationships, the smallest social structure (Hanneman & Riddle 2011:344). In contrast to reciprocity, transitivity scrutinises triads i.e. any social configuration consisting of three actors. As visualised in Fig. 6.7, network transitivity describes the tendency that if any person A and any person B are each friends with any person C, it is more likely that person A and person B are friends themselves (Heider 1946:109 f., Cartwright & Harray 1956:277, Fuhse 2016:168, Newman 2010:198, Hanneman & Riddle 2011:345). Figure 6.7   Transitivity. Source Visualisation by the author

In economic terms, the concept of transitivity offers the possibility to “(…) study how a single firm interacts with another single firm; how a single firm interacts with multiple firms; and how multiple firms interact with a single firm” (Choi & Wu 2009:20). Hence, Choi & Wu (2009) elaborated a model for various actor configurations in business networks based on Heider’s (1946) and Cartwright & Harray’s (1956) work on social balance. Firms interacting in triads are characterised by various stable or unstable relational structures determining power relations as well as potential fields of both conflict and collaboration (Choi & Wu 2009:12 ff.)6, which are also transferable to any professional arrangements of

6Choi

& Wu determine nine archetypes of collaborative forms among one buyer and two supplier firms. Generally, “(…) a triad tends to gravitate toward a balanced states” (Choi & Wu 2009:15), since conflicts in business relationships are costly for all members in the network and thus to be avoided (Choi & Wu 2009:13).

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individuals. With her work on the Chilean wine cluster, Giuliani (2013:1416) has provided empirical insights in the importance of reciprocity and transitivity for the stability and growth of inter-firm networks. In conclusion, transitivity and reciprocity allow assertions to be made about symmetry, balance, density and cohesion of networks (Hanneman & Riddle 2011:344).7 Preferential attachment, reciprocity and transitivity are strong mechanisms influencing all levels of social ties beginning with the properties of relations between two actors, advancing to three actors and affecting overall network structures. Central to their logic is the idea, that “(…) network structure is determined by the way in which the network grows – how newly added vertices connect to others, where newly added edges get placed, and so forth” (Newman 2010:541). According to Newman (2010:541), the development of networks driven by growth mechanisms happens rather randomly and without noticing large-scale structures. This is unsurprising insofar as the mechanisms displayed above rely largely on cognitive (positive) affection among actors. In contrast, alternative models emphasise mechanisms that “(…) optimizes the network, making it more efficient, and hence more profitable (…)” (Italics in original; Newman 2010:541). Here, networks are strategically managed. This means that actors add new nodes to their networks intentionally and maintain the properties of existing ties. Examples for network optimization models are: (a) transportation networks, such as the hub-and-spoke model to improve traffic routes; and (b) distribution networks (Newman 2010:541). For example, Christaller’s Central Place Theory (1933) – initially intended to find regularities in settlement patterns – is still used to hone and maintain an efficient, nationwide supply with a range of services and goods in German land use planning. In the present study, professional networks account for the type of distribution networks, since exchange is the motive for maintaining and developing one’s own relations to colleagues, supervisors, customers and suppliers (Cropanzano & Mitchell 2005:874, 883). In the workplace, individuals exchange a variety of material and immaterial objects, such as money, support or information (Cropanzano & Mitchell 2005:881). For the present study, the latter resource is the one of interest for the empirical data collection since information and knowledge secures a competitive edge both for the employer and employee. From this point of view, networks are tantamount to an access to otherwise hidden knowledge; economic

7Further,

they explain the formation and identification of cliques and clustering in networks. Though cliques can be identified in ego networks as well, they are only indirectly addressed due to the size(s) of collected networks.

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actors, thus, have a justified interest in managing and maintaining their professional networks accordingly. Two important rationales for strategic networking are (1) to establish the shortest path (Newman 2010:241 ff.) and (2) to secure maximum flow (Newman 2010:148 ff., 333). The associated algorithms are commonly used for the analysis of whole networks, however, the underlying concepts are both transferable to the study of ego-networks as well as their rationales applicable to qualitative research designs. In order to illustrate the benefits of both mechanisms, imagine a project setting with three actors involved in the development and market launch of a new technology. Person A is responsible for the technological advancement, person B elaborates the legal framework necessary for the market launch of the newly developed technology, and finally, person C analyses the global and local market in order to position and advertise the product accordingly. Each area of responsibility is somehow dependent on developments in other areas, e.g. the lawyer needs to know in which part of the world the product is being launched in order to make sure that patents are registered correctly; further, person C needs at least basic knowledge of the technology being realised in the development team in order to identify the relevant segments of the market, and so forth. In order to ensure the efficient, fast and reliable exchange of information among the players involved and respective departments, the paths among the nodes need to be as short as possible. While this is fairly easy to ensure in a triad, the complexity increases with the size of the network. By delegating employees to other sub-branches, firms aim to establish and maintain short paths between their units to save both time and money due to shorter communication channels. Expatriates may benefit insofar as they are able to work more time efficiently, which in the long run secures intra-organisational competitiveness. Taking the above example, the effectiveness of the network is not only dependent on the speed at which information and knowledge is exchanged, but also on the maximum rate of information which can flow through the network. In the given case, the rate of information flow is determined by the knowledge of each actor, their individual capacity to transmit orally or in written form the information needed and vice versa i.e. their absorptive and distributive capacity. Further availability and accessibility of each actor as well as the intensity of contact among those involved impact the rate of information flowing through the network. Summarising the discussion about network development, it is worthwhile to reconcile two basic motivations and rationales: first, individuals expand their networks for the sake of it (generative network models); second, individuals develop their networks strategically to access information and knowledge (network optimization models) (cf. Fig. 6.8). The mechanisms and rationales identified, which

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ought to be relevant for the networks of interest, influence the overall structure of the network (preferential attachment, shortest path, transitivity) as well as impact the characteristics and properties of ties (reciprocity, maximum flow). These rationales occur simultaneously and with varying awareness of the individual.

Figure 6.8   The dual approach of network development. Source Visualisation by the author

(3) Network Effects The individual position within one’s own network, i.e. the nodes and edges one establishes and maintains over time, impacts the possibilities and constraints each individual faces. Fuhse (2016:171) emphasises that being centrally positioned offers advantages for the access to information and exercise of power and coordination. Further, networks – depending on both structural features as well as individual positions within the network – are, for instance, able to exert social pressure onto their members. Although social pressure and adjustment to new (work) cultures during delegations is a well-discussed topic within organisational, management and psychological science (e.g. Kraimer et al. 2001, Li 2016, Subramaniam & Rose 2011), it plays only a latent role for the present research design. Compliance with cultural norms, rules and beliefs is indeed crucial to the individual position within networks, however, for the present research context it is not regarded as an outcome of a specific social arrangement, but rather as tacit variable impacting the properties of ties and overall network structure. Therefore, the following discussion centres on the primary interest of the study and underscores insights into the way networks coordinate flows of knowledge.

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In their essence, social relationships constitute an economic resource, which is subsumed under the term social capital (Coleman 1988:S101). To clarify the nature of social capital, Coleman (1988:S100 f.) notes the following: “Just as physical capital is created by changes in materials to form tools that facilitate production, human capital is created by changes in persons that bring about skills and capabilities that make them able to act in new ways. Social capital, however, comes about through changes in the relations among persons that facilitate action. If physical capital is wholly tangible, being embodied in observable material form, and human capital is less tangible, being embodied in the skills and knowledge acquired by an individual, social capital is less tangible yet, for it exists in the relations among persons. Just as physical capital and human capital facilitate productive activity, social capital does as well.” (Italics in original) Coleman’s explanation backs up the discussion in Section 3.2 on the motives as to why organisations invest in the mobility of their employees and more generally, why networking is important for economic achievement. Despite its tangible nature, networking is not yet a fully randomised process, but positive effects can be strengthened when being aware of (1) one’s own position within the individual network and (2) managing ties more efficiently. But how can positive effects in regard to alleviated access to information and negative effects in form of exclusion to information benefits be controlled? Two theories provide insights into how information and knowledge disseminate within a network. In the following, Granovetter’s weak-tie argument and Burt’s structural hole approach stress the correlation between network position and network benefits. At first, the properties of ties as well as the structure of ego-networks affect the flow of information one receives, since “those to whom we are weakly tied are more likely to move in circles different from our own and will thus have access to information different from that which we receive” (Granovetter 1973:1371). By linking the flow of information to the strength of the tie, Granovetter (1973) demonstrates both on the individual as well as on the group level that weak ties i.e. person or sub-groups, with whom we are only irregularly in touch, are a valuable source of – and in terms of efficiency and productivity – an engine for both receiving as well as distributing knowledge. While homophily helps individuals bond with each other and form strong ties, only the opposite, heterogeneity, allows novel information to travel large social and geographical distances. Possessing a large network of weak ties, the individual runs a higher probability of being exposed to information not accessible elsewhere (Granovetter 1973:1370 ff., 1376 f.). As a result, the individual bridges two

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­otherwise disconnected networks (Granovetter:1364 ff.). In Fig. 6.9, the subgroups A-B-C-D and E-F-G are linked through the weak connection between persons A and E. Yet in the passage on Network Development the concept of transitivity, i.e. the likelihood that two persons sharing the same friend become or are friends themselves, was introduced, which would seem contradictory to Granovetter’s theory. Why are both groups not linked to each other through individual ties? For example, why do ties not  exist between D and E, since both are related to A? Granovetter solves this conflict by understanding transitivity not as a general feature inherent to social relationships, but as a function of the strength of ties, which increases with their strength. Reciprocally, this means that weak ties have a lower probability for transitive network building (Granovetter 1973:1376 f.). Figure 6.9   The weak tie hypothesis (Granovetter 1973). Source Visualisation by the author

In addition to Granovetter’s ideas about the role of weak ties, Burt’s structural hole theory (1992) provides further insights about dissemination of knowledge in dependence of the overall network structure. Considering both networks in the figure below (Fig. 6.10), person A and person X have established networks of the same sizes, respective to the number of nodes (two primary contacts), yet person A is exposed to a higher level of non-redundant information. This is caused by the structure of their network and position: person A is connected to a higher number of persons which otherwise are disconnected from each other providing “(…) network benefits that are (…) additive rather than overlapping” (Burt 1992:18). The secondary contacts of person Z and Y in X’s network are connected to each other, providing a higher probability that X receives redundant information from persons Z and Y. Person A forms a structural hole, since it – in Burt’s terminology – firms “a relationship of nonredundancy between two contacts” (Burt 1992:18) (Burt 1992:18 f.).

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Figure 6.10   Burt’s structural hole theory (1992). Source Visualisation by the author

At first glance, Granovetter’s and Burt’s approach differs only slightly and differences are largely in terminology and focus (Borgatti & Lopez-Kidwell 2011:42). Instead of bridges, Burt speaks of structural holes; whereas Granovetter clearly distinguishes between strong and weak ties, Burt emphasises the (non) redundancy of contacts enabling the access to novel information. At second glance, differences can be identified with regard to the – Definition of the strength of ties and its role in the diffusion of knowledge: Granovetter assesses the strength of the tie according to a combination of the amount of time nodes share together, their emotional intensity, intimacy as well as reciprocity (Granovetter 1973:1361), yet in fact Granovetter collected empirical data to develop his theory only from the first indicator (Granovetter 1973:1371). Burt’s understanding of the strength of ties is less sophisticated and relates to the factors frequency of contact and emotional closeness (Burt 1992:19). – Causality for knowledge and information diffusion: In Burt’s understanding, the diffusion of information and knowledge is not caused by the strength of the tie, but the number of holes an actor spans, i.e. the amount of non-redundant information one receives and is able to disseminate (Burt 1992:17); in Granovetter’s terminology these are termed bridges, however, only weak ties can cause bridges (Granovetter 1973:1364 f.). For a matter of simplification, let’s understand the access to novel information to be dependent on a) the strength of the tie (Granovetter) and b) the number of structural holes (Burt). If we depict both systems of logic mathematically (cf. Fig. 6.11), Granovetter’s rationale can be represented as a descending function. The weaker the personal bond, the more information one receives. Contrarily, Burt’s argument can be represented as an increasing function.

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Information benefits increase with an increase of non-redundant contacts in the form of structural holes8.

Figure 6.11   The logic of information benefits in social networks according to Granovetter (1973) and Burt (1992). Source Visualisation by the author

– The problem of transitivity: Burt addresses the paradox of transitivity only indirectly by introducing a more fluid understanding of how personal networks evolve. Nodes can be connected directly or indirectly through mutual contact or be absent (Burt 1992:19): “Relations deemed strong are only strong relative to others. (…) The mutual contacts responsible for structural equivalence set a stage for the direct connection of cohesion. (…) [Yet,] If two people are connected with the same people in a player’s network (making them redundant by structural equivalence), they can still be connected with different people beyond the network (making them non-redundant). But if they meet frequently and feel close to one another, then they are likely to communicate and probably have contacts in common.” From this perspective, transitivity is rather a process than a necessary state in networks.

8Whereas

the research methodology is largely qualitative, this point shall emphasise differences between the weak-tie and structural-hole argument, ease mathematical modelling, elevate its integrability to quantitative SNA and further empirical work.

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– Application orientation: Last but not least, Burt’s work is more oriented towards its application and transfer of insights onto real-world situations, especially in situations of economic competitiveness, with a strong focus on how the individual network position influences the success, efficiency and effectiveness of economic action (Burt 1992:20 ff.). He argues that for more efficient information flows, the ego needs to minimise redundancy within his/her network and maximise the number of holes by connecting to larger number of people. Second, individual resources to maintain and develop networks shall be more determined by primary contacts of sub-groups minimising redundancy and maximising information benefits by being able to connect to even more primary contacts (Burt 1992:22 ff.). With a literature review spanning the years 1994–2011, Long et al. (2013) provide evidence for the general importance of bridges for the transfer of knowledge. Bridging gaps between sub-groups is crucial for collaborative work settings by exchanging and transferring novel ways of thinking and provoking original ideas. Individuals in bridging positions are able to coordinate the transfer of specialised knowledge among isolated groups and increase co-operation between them through mediating communication and collaboration (Long et al. 2013:11 f.). When looking at expatriate specific studies, Choi and Johanson (2012) demonstrate that expatriates are relevant mediators within the process of knowledge transfer. By surveying 181 expatriates at Korean MNCs, they prove that the capability to develop personal relationships with local partners is crucial for the successful transfer of knowledge from the HQ to foreign subsidiaries (Choi & Johanson 2012:1152, 1155). Concerning this matter, showing respect and appreciation to subsidiary staff by seeking advice from co-workers facilitates the formation of networks (Mahajan & Toh 2014:485). Au and Fukuda’s survey (2002:295) suggests that the duration of delegation as well as the diversity of networks the expatriate is embedded in has positive effects for bridging sub-groups. Yet, studies also point to some limitations and risks. For example, the effectiveness of bridging correlates with the homogeneity of knowledge within a group, which means that bridging becomes less important when the existing knowledge is already diversified. Moreover, the fact that knowledge is tied to individuals also runs some risks. For example, individuals may become gatekeepers to their acquired knowledge (Long et al. 2013:11 f.). Closely related is the risk that communication channels may collapse more easily when “bridgers” leave the organisation. Further, bridging between HQ and the subsidiary can also be the cause for stress for the individual who connects sub-groups due to loyalty conflicts arising (Au & Fukuda 2002:295).

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The empirical examples provided throughout the chapter illustrate ways in which research targets the study of each network mechanism and provide insights into real-world dynamics conjectured from social models and theories. Even more striking, the studies emphasise that the mechanisms of network formation, development and network benefits act collaterally – i.e. some configurations mutually reinforce each other, are conditional factors or prerequisites. Focus theory, homophily, as well as formal roles affect the initial formation of a relationship between two people. Once the smallest social network – a dyad – is established, various concepts exist to reveal how dyads evolve into larger-scale networks. Relevant mechanisms target both the individual level as well the network systemic level (cf. Fig. 6.12).

Figure 6.12   Mechanism of network development on the individual and network level. Source Visualisation by the author

The development of networks is both a more or less randomised and an intentionally driven social process. In combination, these mechanisms produce specific social arrangements. The position, role and function of an individual within a network provide various benefits. The access to knowledge is one of them and is determined by the size of each network, by the number of weak and strong ties and by the non-redundancy of knowledge available.

6.2.2 Form or Meaning? Mixed-Method Approaches in SNA Network analysis introduces new methodological and epistemological perspectives in order to question and enliven academic debates on specific topics, to test existing theories, to study how relational patterns play a role for the phenomena studied and how social networks (e.g. their properties) influence certain phenomena (network effects) (Marin & Wellman 2011:16 f.). To date, the science of networks encompasses a wide, and not even remotely comprehensible array of theories, concepts, ideas and methods (Hollstein 2006:14). At its heart, the

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s­ cience of networks embraces “the collection, management, analysis, interpretation and representation of relational data” (Brandes et al. 2013:2). To date, nevertheless, the study of social networks is considered to be “(…) neither a theory nor a methodology” (Marin & Wellman 2011:22) lacking any all-encompassing theoretical framework and associated methodology. Rather, the study of networks refers to a wide range of singular theories and methodological advancements (Borgatti & Lopez-Kidwell 2011:40, Emirbayer 1997:313, Hollstein 2006:14, Straus 2006:481). The study of ties, both on the individual, network as well as the systemic level thus may be best understood as a general scientific perspective of or research paradigm within relational thinking (cf. Scott 2017:8). Hence, network theory and the analysis of networks is not rooted in one specific academic discipline (Brandes et al. 2013:3, Robins 2015:4, Hollstein 2006:13), but gains in relevance when complex structures – may they be physical, social, virtual, or technological – are understood from a relational perspective (Brandes et al. 2013:3). Two major research paradigms determine the study of those complex structures: formalist and structuralist/relationalist approaches (cf. Fig. 6.13). Formalist studies show an interest in the mathematical form of social networks. Since the interest is solely on the pure mathematical structure of a given network, the content of ties as well as the context in which social relations are embedded are secondary. Structures and processes on the micro-level are considered separately from the macro-level; formalist researchers consider each analytical level largely independently from each other (Erikson 2013:226 ff.). For example, by the means of degree distribution and mathematical modelling, Anderson (2016) studied the position of individuals within collaboration networks. One of her findings emphasised that collaboration becomes more important when individuals possess less skills to solve a given problem. Consequently, the density of the network increases as problems become more complex (Anderson 2016:197). Whereas formalist analyses refer to and may be applied to all kinds of networks, e.g. infrastructural, likewise to neighbourhood support networks, the structuralist/relationalist approach focuses on social relations (Schneider 2015:198). In accordance with Homan (1972), structuralism explains the existence of any person9 through its relations to other humans who are themselves again embedded in a given set of relations. These relations are not meant to be understood in a topographic sense. Territorial properties as structuring and constitutive factors for human actions have been replaced by social networks,

9Homan

does not refer specifically to humans, but to the existence of any element of social behaviour.

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u­nderstood as reciprocal relationships (Sunley 2008:4) with ­ spatio-temporal dynamics (Amin 2002:391, Amin 2007:103). Herewith, relational scientists are interested in “(…) the direct and indirect connections of actors with others – i.e. (sic) how they connect. Social relations in this regard are understood as channels through which particular resources, such as information, friendship, goods, or money flow (…)” (Fuhse & Mützel 2011:1072). In order to understand relational patterns of social processes, i.e. their “intensity, durability, flexibility, heterogeneity, and additivity” (McLean 1998:54), the content, meaning and dynamics of social ties are of fundamental interest. Consequently, networks cannot be comprehensively reconstructed without addressing the (social, economic, political etc.) context (Erikson 2013:229). Contingency, historicity as well as path-development – to remain in the terms of the relational Economic Geography as proposed by Bathelt & Glückler (2012) – take up more room in structuralist/relationalist network debates than in formalist research. In accordance with relational thinking (cf. Chapter 1), micro-macro-linkages in the organisation of societies constitute a further line of interest (Erikson 2013:225, 230 ff.). Often it appears that the relationalist approach of SNA is associated with inductive reasoning (Erikson 2013:235) and qualitative methods. Nonetheless, clear cuts hardly exist and even quantitative forms of data collection and analysis are of use to understand network dynamics. In brief, both research approaches differ as follows: for formalist research form matters, for the relationalist perspective meaning matters.

Figure 6.13   Formalist vs. structuralist/relationalist approaches in network studies. Source Visualisation by the author based on Erikson 2013:225 ff.

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For the study of form and meaning of social networks, Fuhse & Mützel (2011:1074 ff.) identify three relevant methodical approaches (cf. Fig. 6.14). First, formal network analysis encompasses a vast array of network indicators, such as centrality measures or block model analysis. Associated mathematical procedures are amongst the most advanced and most widely applied methods to analyse social networks due to their long history10. Due to the underlying algorithms, they are best suited for the analysis of whole networks, though some measures such as density are computable for ego networks as well, as long as alter-alter-ties are reported (Fuhse & Mützel 2011:1075). The application of statistical analytical methods allows the examination of the network population according to additional information collected in the form of name interpreters. These explain network compositions, embeddedness and positions in accordance with other attributes, such as socio-demographic characteristics of egos and alteri or through the measure of basic indicators such as network density. Third, qualitative methods are adequate to explore and describe network attributes and meaning conveyed in social relationships (Fuhse & Mützel 2011:1074 ff.).

Figure 6.14   Methods in SNA. Source Visualisation by the author based on Fuhse & Mützel 2011:1076 10For

a detailed discussion of formal analysis refer to Jackson 2008 and Newman 2010.

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Whereas procedures of formal network analysis are well elaborated as well as comprehensibly and transparently outlined in textbooks and journal papers, conducting social network analysis qualitatively remains largely a black box. Herz et al. (2015:w.p.) criticise that in practice qualitative approaches are transferred into a combination of network mapping and qualitative interviews, though those do not do justice to the structural perspective network analysis claims for itself. Similarly, Diaz-Bone (2008:337 ff.) blames qualitative network scientists of neglecting the actual structure of networks. Approaches to the methodological integration of formal and qualitative network analyses are growing recently, since the mutual benefits of both research paradigms have been proclaimed for some time, for instance: “Today it is no longer about the question which method is better or more correct, rather the objective is which method can reveal which facet of reality.” (Translation by the author; Strauss 2006:486) In this present research, the integration of both perspectives on social networks and their analyses happens amid a qualitative understanding of the whole research process. This means principles, ideas and logic of the qualitative paradigm in general and GTM in particular are structuring the research design, the process of data collection and its analysis. Considering the aim of the research, i.e. to deepen the understanding of professional networks as knowledge resource and strategy to transfer knowledge, not only the form of the network is relevant, but also the motives, actions and experience of individuals are of interest. Since the combination of formal and qualitative approaches is vital for understanding social processes in the field, the empirical analysis does not target complete, large networks, but focuses on a small number of ego networks and social processes on the individual level. While qualitative ways of collecting data increase the understanding of contextual factors for individual actions (Hollstein 2006:17), the structural perspective alleviates linking network structure and the position of egos to specific network effects i.e. the transfer of knowledge. Thus, making use of standardised methods of network analysis in combination with qualitative forms of data collection and analysis favours the comparison of network across cases (Hollstein 2006:17). The triangulation of both perspectives in the course of research, according to Franke & Wald (2006:172, translation by the author), “(…) becomes necessary whenever not only structures and their effects are analysed, but simultaneously strategies of actors are identified with which network structures, effects and dynamics are more adequately are explained and understood.” In conclusion, insights gained from the previous chapters as well as anticipating the discussion in the following section, the present research outline can be characterised as a mixed-method-approach in a number of ways. First, the research process combines both epistemic interests of both formal and relationalist research streams. Neither purely the form of networks, nor their meanings are sufficient to answer the

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research questions posed. Rather, motives, possibilities and restraints of individuals to build and maintain their networks are of interest, as well as the logic behind actions in relation to network benefits and embeddedness. This interest necessitates that both aspects of network analysis play a vital role, which is also reflected in the modes of data collection. Visualisation, mapping, socio-demographic statistics of ego, name generators, name interpreters as well as semi-structured interviews in addition to a variety of analytical strategies, such as content analysis, statistical measures and network analytical indicators, shall provide insights into network formation, development and effects (cf. Section 6.3). It is expected that the triangulation of data allows for a comprehensive analysis and further enables model building to increase our understanding of transferring knowledge over distance as well as the formation and maintenance of geographically distant networks. Since the research design is based on a variety of empirical methods favouring the individual over the collective perspective on social reality, the empirical research is based on a small number of ego networks, which are extensively studied.

6.3 The Empirical Research Approach: Structure and Elements of Data Collection and Analysis Since the main research question – How do expatriates contribute to intra-firm knowledge transfer? – implicates the analysis of both the corporate and employee perspective, the research design is divided into two research tracks (cf. Fig. 6.15).

Figure 6.15   The research design. Source Visualisation by the author

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As elaborated in Part I, corporate decision-makers promote the transfer of knowledge strategically through specific initiatives and mobility programmes. Therefore, Part A (cf. Fig. 6.15) of the empirical research design elaborates the importance and value of personnel spatial mobility in general and in the context of expatriations in particular from an intra-firm perspective. Thus, first the business perspective is critical in understanding the role of spatial mobility for the performance and development of any organisation. Second, the study of the corporate perspective reveals whether and how companies capitalise on knowledge transfers in the context of expatriate assignments. For the study of the corporate perspective focusing on the questions “Which importance do companies attach to expatriates for internal knowledge flows? Do they, and if so, how do they benefit from expatriate knowledge flows?” both explorative interviews as well as interviews with semi-structured conversation guidelines are applied in the field. Additional corporate data from company representatives has been collected about the organisation and volume of expatriations using a brief standardised survey, which was enhanced by information archived and available in the database AMADEUS. Throughout the State of the Art, the thesis emphasises the importance of social ties for the transfer of knowledge. Thus, the main research questions necessitate not only looking into corporate strategies to enhance knowledge transfer through one specific form of mobility which is associated with the transfer of tacit knowledge and establishment of social ties, but also looking at the level of the individual and their specific interpersonal ties. Despite all corporate efforts to enhance knowledge sharing among employees, existing research suggests that in the end individual motivations, opportunities and efforts are particularly crucial for the exchange of knowledge. For that reason, the expatriate perspective (Part B) applies a mixedmethod research approach based on qualitative interviews and ego networks to understand interpersonal ties and their implications for the transfer of knowledge in more detail. Concisely, methods of data collection and analysis focus on a) according to which mechanisms and social processes interpersonal ties are formed in corporate settings of spatial mobility: How are the professional networks of expatriates organised spatially and relationally, i.e. what is their structure, how do they form and develop their networks? b) the role of social networks for expatriates in order to analyse to what extent social networks are deliberately considered knowledge resources: What importance do expatriates attach to their networks? c) The impact of (spatially distributed) social ties on the intra-firm transfer of knowledge: How do expatriates affect intra-firm knowledge transfers? Which role do expatriates play in intra-firm knowledge flows?

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Using a mixed-method-approach, problem-centred interviews (Witzel 1985) as well as survey methods of SNA – name generators, proxy reports and network visualisation in particular – provides for qualitative and network data enabling qualitative and quantitative analyses alike. Finally, the analysis of the complete empirical material occurs in an interative fashion. While data from explorative, semi-structured and problem-centered interviews are subject to a content analysis, social network data is analysed quantitatively. In order to review the empirical approach and research-related individual decisions in detail, the chapter differentiates further in the business perspective (Section 6.3.1) and expatriate perspective (Section 6.3.2).

6.3.1 The Study of Expatriation and Knowledge Transfer: The Business Perspective The study of expatriation and knowledge transfer from a business perspective focuses on the role of spatial mobility for business performance in general and on the benefits of expatriation and associated knowledge flows in particular. Section 6.3.1 presents the empirical approach with reference to sampling both external stakeholders and corporate representatives providing insights into the role of spatial mobility and expatriation for businesses in general and in their respective companies (Section 6.3.1.1). Further, the actual research situation in the field as well as applied interview guidelines are the centre of discussion in Section 6.3.1.2. Section 6.3.1.3 concludes the discussion of the empirical approach of the business perspective with a review of the analytical procedure.

6.3.1.1 Sampling Experts in a Business Context The logic behind GTM – theoretical sensitivity and theoretical sampling in particular – guide the compilation of relevant data. In order to decide which individuals provide relevant information, theoretical sensitivity ensured a methodical and controlled sampling of individuals (Corbin 2010:72). In the beginning, theoretical sensitivity11 was developed from the study of literature – both with explicit 11For

a discussion on theoretical sensitivity according to the different views of Glaser and Strauss & Corbin, see Truschkat et al. 2011:356 ff. For a qualitative study based on the principles of GTM, the theoretical sensitivity developed beforehand may seem at odds (Wiedemann 1995:443, Morse 2007:235 ff.), however the eligibility criteria are only identified in a very general manner.

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reference to empirical studies focusing on knowledge transfer and expatriation (cf. Chapter 4) and to methodological considerations when pursuing social science research in organisational settings (cf. Section 6.1). To gain relevant insights into the subject matter, not one single type of organisational knowledge is relevant, but the combination of various types of organisational knowledge provide a more comprehensive understanding on the role of spatial mobility, expatriation, and knowledge transfer for the development of businesses. Recalling the discussion in Section 6.1.1, a sampling of individuals occurs to gain – External expertise (cf. Froschauer & Lueger 2009): Since external experts do not represent the perspective on the subject matter of a specific company, they provide information in a neutral form. Their background information on spatial mobility in firms helps the interviewer to grow from amateur to expert, to evaluate survey results and simultaneously to streamline the conversations with those who provide in-field expertise. Relevant stakeholders are, for instance, individuals working in legal counselling and consult expatriates and companies concerning social, tax and labour law or visa matters, or providers of business services, which, for instance, find insurance solutions together with companies sending employees abroad. Finally, regional business development agencies are in close contact with local firms and companies and are well aware of current problems and future challenges and possess general organisational knowledge. All these external stakeholders have in common their external view on the volume of personnel mobility and the role of spatial mobility for organisations in general. To clarify, an employee of a large German insurance company who advises companies on a wide range of insurances related to employee mobility, e.g. overseas health insurance or personal liability insurance, provided an initial overview on expatriation – which type of companies delegate individuals, e.g. concerning the industrial sector, or number of employees? – Technical knowledge (cf. Bogner & Menz 2009) respectively in-field reflection expertise (cf. Froschauer & Lueger 2009): Basically two specific types of interviewees provide technical knowledge. At first, external experts with their discipline-specific, detail-oriented knowledge contribute, for instance, expert knowledge on the contractual arrangement of foreign assignments and can evaluate the associated pros and cons of individual agreements. Further, corporate representatives, for instance HR managers, also provide technical knowledge, however less objectively. Nonetheless, they provide

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information about the administrative process of expatriation or the departments which primarily delegate personnel. – Process knowledge (cf. Bogner & Menz 2009) respectively in-field operational expertise (cf. Froschauer & Lueger 2009): As with technical knowledge, both external experts as well as company workers of specialist departments, such as HR, also possess process knowledge given that they work directly with clients and other departments of the same firm. Further, executive staff in departments which delegate employees, e.g. R&D or product development, can provide information about knowledge transfer processes from their hands-on experience. In order to win external stakeholders and corporate representatives to share the above stated types of knowledge on spatial mobility and knowledge transfer, three different strategies were successful. On the one hand, it was possible to make use of private social contacts. However, it was only possible to sample one external expert by third party referrals. Further, one external expert was employed at a major insurance provider and it was possible to convince this expert through a “cold call” by phone. On the other hand, the participation in education seminars for HR managers provided access to three external experts, including lawyers as well as an employee of a regional business service agency. Corporate representatives, e.g. employees in HR departments, board member staff and executive staff in specialist departments, were exclusively sampled via “cold calls”. Except for one interviewee who answered to a call for participation published in the local business journal, the other 14 corporate representatives were accessed by e-mail and phone providing general information about the research project and including an interview request. To be approached, companies of interest are active in the field of manufacturing as well as services/R & D and need to be present in at least one foreign country with either a production site or another kind of subsidiary. Excluded, however, were companies which are globally active, but only by means of representative offices. In the beginning of sampling and data collection, this criterion was established due to the presupposition that representative offices do not necessarily require the transfer of human capital, but rather rely on local staff. Their work is focused on market analyses and sales, which requires intensive knowledge of local markets and local language proficiency. In an entrepreneurial logic, the employment of locals grants access to this knowledge more efficiently and effectively than by delegating employees. Once eligible companies were identified, the second stage of sampling involves the identification and recruitment of specific experts. Since internal hierarchical and functional structures are rarely communicated to the outside, the selection

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process proved to be difficult. Thus, companies were approached which provide further information about responsibilities and associated communication details of responsible personnel online. Sampling companies were not limited to an a priori defined specific territory, but were accessed nation-wide. More important than the actual physical location of the headquarters was the industrial sector of the company, the type of market activities abroad as well as the willingness to participate due to the general high level of reluctance of personnel. Sampling occurred iteratively and cyclically, as proclaimed by GTM, and allowed the gradual adjustment of the sample in order to include a sufficient and relevant number of external stakeholders and corporate representatives (Holton & Walsh 2017:117). As a result of theoretical sampling and constant comparative analysis, the selection of interview partners was subject to change. Due to new questions arising and respective needs which are also reflected in the adjustment to the interview guidelines, the sample changed according to the function of interview partners. In the beginning, sampling focused on experts from Human Resource departments in the expectation that HR managers inhabit interface positions. Apart from having overall knowledge on expatriate assignments and specific information on the individuals being deployed to foreign unit, aspects of knowledge management and career development may also fall in their jurisdiction. However, this was not always the case, with some lacking particularly profound insights in the aspect of knowledge management. With progressing research and rising empirical insights, individuals in a position to evaluate the performance and influence of expatriation and business mobilities in day-to-day operations and project context gained in importance. Thus, managers of technical departments were addressed to provide a more nuanced understanding of the associated organisational processes concerning ­expatriation.

6.3.1.2 Interview Settings and Guidelines in a Business Context Though the individual interview settings varied greatly, it is possible two distinguish two different approaches. While corporate representatives were interviewed according to a pre-defined interview guideline, external stakeholders were approached in an explorative manner. Since the aim of the interviews with external experts was to enhance the researcher’s background knowledge on the subject matter in order to perform convincingly in front of company representatives, the interviewer appeared in the role of the amateur and listener. This purpose and interviewer role did not require a pre-defined interview guideline. In this sense,

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it was also beneficial that three of the five expert interviews were conducted ­face-to-face, which facilitated an informal conversation. In contrast to explorative expert interviews with external stakeholders (cf. Fig. 6.3), interviews with company representatives followed a pre-defined guideline which changed over the course of field studies as a result of constant comparative analysis. The interview guidelines served the purpose of systematising and theory-building conversations (cf. Fig. 6.3). The aim was to enhance existing knowledge, to derive a systematisation of motives and rationales for spatial mobility and to identify latent arguments. The role of the interviewer changed accordingly into a co-expert enabled through literature studies and background information specified in explorative interviews. The interviews were conducted either face-to-face in their respective business units or by phone. As proposed by Misach (2014:48 ff.), interviews with company representatives consisted of four parts: the introductory phase was to briefly inform the interviewee about the research context. Once trust and familiarity was established by means of introductory questions, the most relevant questions followed. These are subsumed into three thematic blocks: business mobility within the company, expatriation as specific form of business mobility and the effects of expatriation and associated mobility strategies for the management of knowledge. Each thematic block consists of lead questions and follow-ups either to invite a more detailed explanation or to facilitate specific inquiries. The exact formulation of the questions was important for the interviews, as it allowed different dimensions of knowledge to be collected. Narrative invitations serve the purpose of explicating technical knowledge Bitte skizzieren Sie mir doch kurz den Ablauf einer Entsendung. [Please outline the process of expatriation.] and unfolding process knowledge Welche Vorteile haben Entsendungen gegenüber anderen Formen der Mitarbeitermobilität? Gab es in der Vergangenheit konkrete Veränderungen an Ihrem Unternehmenssitz, die auf die Durchführung von Entsendungen zurückzuführen sind? [Which advantages are associated with expatriate missions compared to other forms of business mobility? Have there been any changes in your company, which are a direct consequence of expatriation?] But also Froschauer und Lueger’s understanding of the knowledge (2009:246 ff.) obtainable in expert interviews holds practical relevance. Thus, questions are asked which, to give an example, refer to the corporate processes by sharing in-field operational expertise: Welche Rolle spielt die Mobilität von Mitarbeitern für den Erfolg des Unternehmens? [What role does the mobility of employees play in the success of the company?]

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Secondly, relations among organisational units are subject to the conversation (in-field reflection expertise): In welcher Form ist der Expatriate vor der Entsendung mit dem empfangenden Unternehmen in Kontakt? Inwiefern tragen entsandte Mitarbeiter zum Transfer von Wissen bei? [To what extent are expatriates in contact with the receiving unit beforehand? How do expatriates contribute to the transfer of knowledge?] Both during the development as well as implementation of the interview guideline, attention was paid to keep the interview open and flexible. On the one hand, this refers to the overall structure and composition of thematic blocks and questions. Since according to GTM, the collection of data, in this case qualitative interviewing, is considered as an iterative and cyclical process, questions were re-formulated or added during later stages of the research process. On the other hand, the researcher needs to be mindful for topics arising during the interview. Although pre-formulated questions structure the interview to a certain extent, the interview guideline needs to be handled in a flexible manner and in dependence of the expertise, behaviour and willingness to communication of each individual interview partner12. The interview setting concluded with collecting statistical data about the company and their mobility practice for statistical purposes.

6.3.1.3 Interview Analysis In order to focus on the conversation, all of the conversations were audio-taped. If necessary, an additional postscript is prepared with anomalies in the course of the conversation, questions arising for data evaluation and further data collection. Afterwards, the interviews are transcribed in a comprehensive form with the help of the browser-based transcription software trint. Nonetheless, the software demands a manual check and modification of transcriptions. Data cleansing also includes the anonymisation of the interview protocols. After the data sets are checked and ready to use, the content-related analysis of the transcripts takes place. The analysis of the interviews is performed according to the principles of GTM. Inductive, explorative coding as well as constant comparative analysis across individual data sets lead to the identification of similarities and differences in the relevance of spatial mobility for business performance, the role of expatriation for the transfer of knowledge as well as associated strategies of network and knowledge management. The coding and analysis of interviews is performed with the help of the software MAXQDA.

12For

a discussion on structure and openness in qualitative interviews, see Kruse 2015:208 ff., 224 f.

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Once categories and codings are identified, a cross-case thematic interpretation of the empirical material takes place (Döring & Bortz 2016b:366 f., Döring & Bortz 2016c:583 f., Döring & Bortz 2016d: 599, 603 ff.). Since all interviews are conducted in German, only the referenced parts to emphasise or illustrate specific aspects have been translated into English by the author13.

6.3.2 The Study of Expatriation and Knowledge Transfer: The Expatriate Perspective In contrast to the study of the business perspective, the study of expatriates is less straightforward. In order to understand the transfer of knowledge from an actor-centred perspective, the empirical data collection focuses on the analysis of social ties, as well as patterns of human behaviour and social interactions. While expatriates and their impact on knowledge transfers have already been subject to various studies (e.g. Gonzalez & Chakraborty 2014, Smale & Suutari 2011, Fang et al. 2010, Eckert 2009), the relevance of the actual composition of networks, strategies of network development and associated benefits for the transfer of knowledge has not yet been discussed. The spatial perspective is insofar important as a) actual and subjectively perceived geographical positions influence whether and how individuals interact with one another and b) social interactions have spatial effects. While each individual is located at a specific geographical position at any given time and thus exhibits geographical relations to other individuals, communication technologies allow the individual to be present at several distinct locations simultaneously. Mobile technologies change the way individuals perceive geographical distance. Nonetheless, the importance of being physically in one place and interacting with each other allows individuals to form a deeper social bond due to experiencing gestures, mirroring or tone of voice face to face (Growe 2018b). Moreover, social interactions have spatial effects. For instance, the decision to spatially move from one place to another has distinct effects on the actual and perceived geographical distance between two individuals, qualitatively changing the nature of ties, social mechanisms to form and maintain networks, as well as the way knowledge is being transferred from one to another individual.

13Except

for the specific thematic interests which were inductively identified in the case of the business perspective, the analysis of interviews with expatriates follows this basic procedure.

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The study of the spatial impact on social ties and knowledge transfers necessitates a different approach with multiple modes of data collection and analysis than the corporate perspective. As an embedded, multiple case design each interviewed individual (ego) represents a single case which is analysed with regard to structural features, practices of networking activities, the actual network benefits for information sharing and professional advancement as well as changes over time and space induced by a mobile lifestyle. A final cross-case analysis enables the analytical transfer of single  to collective  cases to build a typology of expatriates’ knowledge networks (Yin 2015:56 ff.) (cf. Fig. 6.16).

Figure 6.16   The iterative logic of data analysis for the study of expatriate networks. Source Visualisation by the author

Each single case is approached by a combination of various modes of data collection and analysis, including: A) Interviews focusing on the meaning of social networks in the context of expatriation and knowledge transfer – Ego reports delivered as standardised survey – Ego reports delivered as semi-structured interviews and based on the logic of problem-centred interviews

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B) Quantitative SNA focusing on the form of social networks in the context of expatriation and knowledge transfer – Collection of ego networks using name generators and proxy reports delivered as standardised survey – Visualisation of networks The analysis of the obtained data is carried out by the following procedures: – – – –

Descriptive statistical analysis Computing network-specific indicators Content analysis Digitalisation of network visualisations

The following discussion of the empirical approach to the study of the expatriate perspective breaks down into a short excursus on the conception and development of ego network studies (cf. Section 6.3.2.1). The implementation of the research approach in the field and all decisions relevant to the research approach follows in Section 6.3.2.2. Whereas Section 6.3.2.3 explains the analytical procedure based on GTM and typology building, the last Section 6.3.2.4 critically reflects the data collection and analysis.

6.3.2.1 Remarks on the Collection of Ego Networks In accordance with the ontological nature of research object and epistemic interest as well as whether form or meaning matters, researchers make several decisions while designing the collection of data: which kind of networks (ego-centred vs. whole networks) are of interest? Is it necessary/recommended to limit the size of networks and type of ties? How can the sample be constructed? Are properties of ties relevant and if so, which modes of data collection are best suited to do so? Fig. 6.17 summarises the most important parameters to design SNA. While the sequential process as visualised below is ideal-typical, the actual decisions are partly overlapping or even mutually influencing. Further, the research design increases in complexity when the collection of network data is combined with other forms of data collection. Some decisions have to be made irrespective of whether a formalist or relationalist approach guides the data collection, though their application in the field might differ and restrict data collection to a degree. For instance, standardised approaches with a focus on network structures are more tied to the design as chosen before the field study than qualitative approaches whose empirical focus may change in the course of the field study.

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Figure 6.17   The design of SNA in five steps. Source Visualisation by the author

Step 1: Choosing a network perspective The researcher has to decide which kind of network delivers the empirical results necessary to answer the research question(s). Whenever network structures of an entire network seem adequate, a whole network study is being conducted (Freeman 2010:44). Here, a complete set of ties among all actors within a defined boundary is being collected and analysed. Surveying all individuals within a network provides an external and full view on structures, dynamics and network properties (Robins 2015:20, 52, Kilduff & Tsai 2003:136, Freeman 2010:44). Whenever the perspective of an individual is of interest, collecting data on ego-centred networks is preferred. This means that information on the social environment from one or several individual viewpoints is collected. By asking for immediate contacts and personal relationships, the researcher receives information on the personal embeddedness of the ego (Wolf 2010:471, Freeman 2010:44, Marin & Hampton 2007:164 f., Schnegg & Lang 2002:12, Fuhse 2016:117, Robins 2015:40, 52, Kilduff & Tsai 2003:136). Ego networks can be derived from whole network samples (Marin & Wellman 2011:20) or collected individually. Regardless of the procedure, it is important to bear mind that “one receives snapshots of small local regions of the network, but in general those regions will not join together to form a complete social network” (Freeman 2010:44) when studying ego networks. In contrast to whole network studies, ego networks provide

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helpful insights into local network properties (Freeman 2010:44 f.). The triangulation of individual network, i.e. structural data as well as qualitative information about social ties, allows for, for example, (qualitative) modelling by delimiting typologies. Step 2: Regulating the size of the collected network Large data sets on social networks are rarely collected due to the enormous effort involved in their gathering. The General Social Survey, a national data program to portray, monitor and explain contemporary society in the United States (GSS 2016), remains exceptional in this regard, since it provides the rare possibility to access network related data from a large sample. In 1985, for instance, questions related to personal networks were included, e.g. “From time to time, most people discuss important matters with other people. Looking back over the last six months – who are the people with whom you discussed matters important to you?” (GSS 1985:53 ff.). The results of 1,531 individuals provided insights in the interpersonal environments of the American population at that time, which were dense, homogeneous, centred on kinship relations and small in size (Marsden 1985). Most of the time, however, the researcher has to limit the size of collected networks. For example, Carrington & Scott (2011:5) indicate 20 alteri per ego network as the maximum for ensuring a reasonable analysis of data, especially when sociograms are part of the empirical process. Limitations on alteri reduce the workload, time and money for both the interviewer and interviewee (Freeman 2010:41). However, in some cases limitations may also be helpful to increase the quality of the mapped network. A restriction on the answers help the interviewee to focus and prevent irrelevant answers (Freeman 2010:41). Nonetheless, restricting the number of answers is a double-edged sword, since important edges and nodes might not be included. In order to derive a reasonable limitation of answers – if the limitation is achieved by restricting the number of possible answers – requires extensive pre-testing. Besides regulating network size by means of limiting response options, other strategies may be more expedient. A limitation can be derived through precisely formulated research questions and cautiously defined research interests. The narrower the interest, the lower the number of alteri that are probably relevant. Data on personal networks are often collected in accordance with a variety of social aspects, e.g. the respondents are asked whom they ask for advice, with whom they socialise in their free time, with whom they collaborate in projects at work, and so forth. In order to restrict the number of answers, the number of social arrangements can also be limited (cf. Step 4). Lastly, the integration of

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time frames is another method to control the size of networks (Marin & Hampton 2007:168, 189). Studies which impose limitations to the number of alteri through numerical counts are called fixed-choice studies, whereas studies which allow naming as many alteri as the interviewee desires are called free-choice studies. Step 3: Determining the direction of ties A further decision made by the researcher is about the characteristics of the edges which are being collected. A relationship between two actors may run only in one direction. For example, when analysing organisational networks and more specifically structures of advice-seeking of employers within a department, ties can be expected to run in specific directions. Due to assumed knowledge asymmetries, the person who seeks advice is not necessarily expected to give advice14. Networks with edges running in particular directions are called directed networks; when ties are symmetrical they are named undirected networks (Freeman 2010:41 f.). Deciding on the direction of ties has implications for the design of questionnaires and for the sampling of alteri. Step 4: Identifying and sampling of egos and alter in ego-centred network studies In order to portray and analyse social networks not only the ego is relevant, but more importantly its immediate contacts. As in every empirical study, sampling needs careful consideration in network studies, too. However, sampling egos and alteri follow different logic15. Sampling egos for ego-centred network studies is described as a random process, following rather practical decisions as long as ego networks are not drawn from whole network studies (Hogan et al. 2007:121, Marsden 2011:371, Robins 2015:51, Fuhse 2016:117). In fact, egos in ego-centred network studies are not connected with each other (Fuhse 2016:117, Robins 2015:51). The identification of relevant social groups, from which egos are drawn as research participants, depends on the individual research interest (Marsden 2011:371). For quantitative network studies, though, sampling designs may be characterised as controlled rather than as an effect from an observation process (Frank 2011:390 ff.). Since 14However,

in a different social configuration the one who receives knowledge in situation A might disseminate knowledge in situation B to different individuals. Therefore, the role of knowledge provider and knowledge taker is a processual, dynamic one. 15As this study is gathering data on ego networks, as explained in the following, sampling techniques for whole network studies are not discussed. For a discussion on sampling whole networks, see, e.g., Marsden 2011, Frank 2011.

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statistical sampling is neither feasible nor desired in the given research context similar to a complete randomised sampling process, the selection of egos follows general standards of qualitative social sciences (Hollstein 2011:410). Once egos are identified, so-called name generators are used to determine network members. A name generator is “(…) an item or series of items that invite respondents to name other with whom they have contact of a specified kind” (Freeman 2010:44). In doing so, they reveal information on dyadic relationships (Marsden 2011:374). Typical name generators are formulated as follows: a) Who do you typically turn to for help in thinking through a new or challenging problem at work? (Cross et al. 2002:42) b) Who do you typically seek (give) work-related information from (to)? (Cross et al. 2002:42) c) Thinking back over the past six months, are there any individuals on whom you have relied as sources for general information on the “goings-on” at [COMPANY NAME] – people who have given you special insight into the goals and strategies of important individuals, divisions, or perhaps even the firm as a whole? (Podolny & Baron 1997:692) d) Are there any individuals who you regard as a mentor – that is, someone who has taken a strong interest in your professional development over the last six months by providing you with opportunities and/or access to facilitate your career advancement? (Podolny & Baron 1997:692) As illustrated by the examples above, name generators display and indicate certain types of relationships (Marsden 2011:374). For example, the first question realises data on individual problem solving networks. In the respective studies questions b) and c) elicit information on (strategic) information networks, whereas the last example generates information about mentorship. Marin & Hampton (2007:166 f.) categorise the study of ego networks in four different approaches and define respective name generators. They identify name generators which either focus on interaction, affection, role relations or exchange, which, however, present various implications for the research process. The application and use of name generators is controversially debated within academia, since they pose specific challenges concerning the reliability and validity of data (Hogan et al. 2007:120 ff., Marin & Hampton 2007:167, Freeman 2010:43). Uncontrolled biases are caused by the use of ambiguous terms in name generators and are encountered in data, which relies on self-reporting of respondents (Freeman 2010:43, Marin & Hampton 2007:167, Marsden 2011:374). Related to this matter, time biases may result in inadequate, in the sense of incomplete or irrelevant,

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sets of alteri (Hogan et al. 2007:120 f., Marin & Hampton 2007:166). Hogan et al. (2007:120 f.) note that the probability to be named is higher for individuals with frequent contact to the ego; infrequent ties, i.e. weak ties, are less likely to be reported, despite their importance to the ego. Concerning the reliability and validity of data, Marin & Hampton (2007:167) recommend approaching personal networks by focusing on exchange due to the mutual, or at least less ambiguous, understanding of the terms related to exchange. A second concern with the use of name generators is related to construct validity (Hampton 2007:168), respectively the number of name generators used for generating comprehensive data sets (Marsden 2011:375). A name generator can consist of one single question or of several ones, which can either depict one sub-network in more detail or elicit multiplex relationships and several types of networks at once. The former is often pursued in the study of social support. Here, researchers pose a variety of questions relating to various forms of social support in order to receive a full set of relevant relationships (Fuhse 2016:119, Wolf 2006:472). Podolny & Baron (1997) apply multiple name generators as well, but in a different manner. Multiple name generators are able to depict different types of networks. Information on the presumed networks is gathered by precisely one question per network. Thus, the generators may be more accurately interpreted as multiple single generators. In contrast, Cross et al. (2002) apply various generators to distinguish various types of networks within organisations, such as among others communication, information and problem-solving networks. Despite the tendency of multiple name generators to increase construct validity, they impose a burden on the researcher and research participants, since both personal and financial resources increase with the number of generators applied (Marin & Hampton 2007:168). When comparing single and various forms of multiple name generators, Marin & Hampton (2007:185) conclude that even stand-alone generators are able to produce strong results, however they admit that “you cannot have it all – strong content validity, a broad set of reliable personal network measures, and a simple, short, easy to administer personal network survey” (Marin & Hampton 2007:187). Multiple name generators are able to provide a more nuanced understanding of networks, whether it be within an organisation or concerning different aspects of specific kinds of networks. However, in order to keep the amount of work to a reasonable level, a choice has to be made by the researcher – either the focus is on a large set of alteri and small number of additional information about the alteri, or a small number of alteri and more comprehensive information about their personal characteristics and their relationship to the ego (Marin & Hampton 2007:187 f.).

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Step 5: Describing the properties of alteri and ties Questions related to characteristics of the alteri identified are called name interpreters. Name interpreters gather content relevant to elicit the social environment surrounding the ego by providing both structural as well as s­ocio-demographic data (Fuhse 2016:126, Marsden 2011:382, Wolf 2010:474). Name interpreters target three aspects: 1) the relationship between ego and alter; 2) the attributes of the alteri; and 3) the relations among the re-called alteri (Marsden 2011:375, Fuhse 2016:122, 125). Name interpreters of the first type examine both the nature of ties (e.g. role relations) and the strength of ties (e.g. frequency of contact, emotional closeness), the second explores personal descriptions of the alter, such as age, sex or income. The last targets relationships among named alteri and may include different aspects from a simple report, e.g. whether connections do or do not exist among alteri, to more elaborate questions concerning the characteristics of alteralter-ties (Freeman 2010:42 f., Fuhse 2016:125, Wolf 2010:474). The choice of relevant name interpreters occurs in compliance with the research question and interest. The process of selecting information on alteri is repetitive and time-consuming (Marsden 2011:376), underlining the importance of limiting the size of networks already through the means discussed previously. It is important to note that reports on alteri present only an approximation of reality, since some attributes, for instance, sex or residency, are more easily recalled than less observable attributes. Therefore, data obtained from name interpreters are also called proxy reports. Tacit attributes show biases in the values and beliefs of the person who provides the proxy report. Indicators, which measure actual behaviour and not emotional content, show a higher reliability. Further, respondents recall personal attributes of their core network more easily than of their loose acquaintances (Wolf 2010:474, Marsden 2011:382 f.). In order to remedy this situation and verify information, cross-checking the data by interviewing those alteri is recommended (Marsden 2011:383).

6.3.2.2 The Research Design: A Synopsis of Methods Applied in the Field Overall, four analytical themes – exploration, meanings, practices, dynamics – which were identified through literature reviews (Hollstein 2011:406 ff.), guide the empirical data collection and analysis of ego networks. Fig. 6.18 illustrates how modes of data collection, empirical data and analytical strategies interrelate: qualitative interviews, proxy reports and network visualisation focus on the Exploration of Networks by analysing structural features of personal networks both quantitatively and qualitatively. Name generators and network visualisations provide information on the form and size of networks, while proxy reports produce

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further insights about network members. Finally, descriptive statistical analysis as well as the inclusion of specific network-related indicators allow statements about the structural embeddedness of the ego. Secondly, proxy reports also prove to be helpful in studying Network Practices. In combination with qualitative interviews, which are analysed by their content (qualitative interviews), and basic statistical analysis (proxy reports), both methods contribute to understanding knowledge sharing behaviour and the associated network activities of the ego. The third field of interest, Network Meaning, makes individually perceived network benefits the subject of discussion. Of specific interest are opportunities for professional progress as a direct benefit of their individual networks, e.g. a specific piece of technological knowledge necessary to complete a task or a job offer being handed to the ego. Relevant data is obtained through qualitative interviewing and content analysis. Finally, the study of expatriate networks is also interested in the impact of hypermobility on network development. Qualitative interviewing as well as specific aspects of those proxy reports provide respective insights for the analysis of Network Dynamics.

Figure 6.18   The dimensions of empirical interest and associated modes of data collection and analysis. Source Visualisation by the author

In order to both comply with standards of good sciences16, as well as to present the research design in a transparent way, the following paragraphs present central aspects of the empirical data collection and analysis:

16For

example, Lincoln & Guba (1985) define four criteria: trustworthiness, credibility, transferability, and dependability. Döring & Bortz (2016a:65 ff.) define five principles: principle of reconstructivity, principle of reflection, principle of circularity, principle of communication, and principle of perspective.

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A) Sampling egos For the sampling of egos, the development of theoretical sensitivity based on literature studies was particularly helpful. In the beginning, it became clear that neither a universal definition nor any formal demarcation system exists to distinguish – quantitatively and qualitatively – between expatriation and other forms of labour migration (cf. Section 3.3 and 4.1). Based on the study of early and more recent accounts of the study of business mobilities and delegations, expatriation is understood as a temporary cross-border change of work location, while the initial company setting is largely retained before, during and after the delegation17. In order to further isolate eligible individuals, six criteria from existing literature were established which individuals needed to fulfil. The interviewees had to be employees holding a management or comparable position. This should secure the exclusion of distinct occupational groups, such as trainees or assembly forces. Second, individuals were delegated with specific assignments in expectation that those delegations include more knowledge exchange between headquarters and foreign subsidiaries than otherwise. Third, company affiliation should remain the same in order to exclude self-initiated expatriates or other forms of cross-border migration. With regard to the latter, assignments needed to involve cross-border movements, i.e. relocations within given national borders are excluded. The stay abroad is temporary, rather longer than shorter18 and may involve family movements (cf. Dutta & Beamish 2013:152, Mitrev & Culpepper 2012:160, Li

17However,

it is to be noted that various contractual arrangements which govern and regulate the process of delegation exist with varying degrees of retention of company affiliation. In legal terms, a typical delegation is given when an additional agreement is added to the employment contract, as SA-10-R1 explains. For pragmatic reasons, individuals were not chosen according to their contractual arrangements, although different contractual arrangement may, but not necessarily have to, be associated with integration of varying intensity in the sending institutions during the time of deployment (SA-10-R1). 18The duration of the stay abroad is often used as the most common indicator to differentiate between expatriation and other forms of business mobilities, such as business trips. In the case of Germany, even the German doctrine is not precise, since the decision depends on the perspective applied. According to tax law, social security law as well as labour law, different views and demarcations exist (SA-10-R1). Therefore, the project does not attach great importance to the duration of the oversea stays and adopts an actor-centred view of the individual companies and employees interviewed. This means, as long as the interviewed actors understand their placement abroad as expatriation, the oversea assignments constitute relevant cases. Thus, the duration of assignments varies greatly among the interviewed actors (cf. Section 6.4.2). However, it is expected that integration in the sending countries and thus knowledge transfer increases with the duration of the stay.

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2016:9, Bonache & Zárraga-Oberty 2008:1, van Bochove & Engbersen 2015:295, Edström & Galbraith 1977:249). The sample was compiled via an e-mail distribution list of intercultural mediators. As these have a high affinity for foreign delegations, a sampling of study participants proved to be effective. In addition, the snowball method increased the number of interviews. Some key contacts provided further interviewees who could be recruited. In one case, the interview request for an interviewee from the HR department led to an interview with a former expatriate. B) Interviews focusing on the meaning of social networks in the context of expatriation and knowledge transfer – Ego reports delivered as standardised survey The ego report is designed to generate information about the ego that is easy to collect, process and analyse. Data collected in this fashion serves the function to a) adequately describe the sample as a whole, b) compile the socio-demographic of interviewees necessary to draw theoretical connections within each case and further to facilitate cross-case analysis, and c) triangulate data in order to draw the theoretical connections needed to elaborate emerging theories. Delivered in standardised form, the survey is divided into two sections. The first part of the survey grants access to personal information by including questions concerning the current place of residence, nationality/ies, age, gender, marital status, number of children (if applicable), highest level of education and current professional status. The second part concentrates on past overseas assignments: the duration of each delegation, the sending and receiving country as well as the function they played in the organisational unit abroad. In order to dismantle resentments about empirical research and to facilitate the building of trust between the researcher and the interviewee, the ego report deliberately dispensed with the indication of specific company names during assignments. – Ego reports delivered as semi-structured interviews and based on the logic of problem-centred interviews The purpose of the interviews is to reconstruct individual networking activities in order to analyse the presence and distribution of knowledge resources as well as to reveal the latent structures of meanings each individual associates with their individual networks (Fuhse 2016:146, Hollstein 2011:411) and associated behaviours to form, develop and maintain networks even in the context of geographical absence.

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The interviews are semi-structured, but the order of questions varies depending on the course of the conversation. Questions are formulated to be open-ended in order to place a greater emphasis on the individual perspectives on the relevance of relationships, strategies of developing and maintaining relationships and network effects (Hollstein 2011:411). The ego report, especially the last part on expatriate assignments, was used as a chat hanger (Witzel 1985:236). Whenever a conversation did not progress from the ego report, the interview was initiated by a description of their current position, responsibilities and tasks. The four themes—exploration of networks, network practices, meanings of networks as well as dynamics in personal networks—were all part of the interview guideline. The first part, exploration of networks, asked about the role of personal ties to perform well at work, whether some individuals are more relevant than others and interviewees were asked to describe their professional network. The second part focused on strategies and practices to maintain and develop professional networks. The role of face-to-face interaction and possible burdens arising from geographical distance were subject to discussion as well. The third part explores the meanings of networks and possible benefits from social ties. Finally, the interviewees reflected upon any changes arising from their spatial mobility and expatriate assignments onto the composition and structure of their network. The design of the interview has been greatly influenced by Hollstein’s (2011) and Feld et al.’s (2007) methodical considerations, but even more decisively by similar network analyses conducted in management studies which examined intra-organisational mobility (Podolny & Baron 1997) and strategic collaboration at the workplace (Cross et al. 2002). The interviews took place in personal form at the workplace of the interview partners, by phone and skype. In contrast to interviews with business representatives, the interview situation with delegated staff was much more relaxed, however, since the interviews took place during normal office hours, the interview partners were acting under time pressure. In some cases this had consequences for answering name generators and proxy reports. Whenever only the qualitative interview could be realised, the interview partner received survey material per e-mail, which were all except four then sent back to the interviewer. For strategies to analyse the qualitative material obtained, refer to Section 6.3.1.3. C) Quantitative SNA focusing on the form of social networks in the context of expatriation and knowledge transfer – Collection of ego networks using name generators and proxy reports delivered as standardised survey

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After the qualitative interview, participants are asked to recall “their most important contacts to exchange information and knowledge relevant to their professional activities”. Delivered as a free-choice study with undirected ties, proxy reports then follow in order to collect additional information about network members. In standardised form, proxy reports address socio-demographic details of the alteri, including age, current place of residence as well as country of origin. Further, proxy reports include a question concerning the international experience of alteri. The second part of proxy reports generates relational data, relevant both for analysing the structure and composition of networks as well as to better understand network practices. Therefore, the survey covers topics such as the type of relationship, the frequency and the manner of contact as well as the circumstances of getting to know each other in the first place. The retrieved data serves to form a detailed characterisation of each network concerning its structure and composition, but due to its collection in quantitative form also allows for descriptive analysis, which facilitates triangulation with qualitatively collected data in the form of interviews and visualisations. – Visualisation of networks The visualisation of networks is a meaningful research technique both for the collection of empirical data as well as for its analysis and interpretation. When applied during the sampling of alteri, it helps to identify alteri (Straus 2006:489, Robins 2015:162), support the communication about ties and in doing so enhance the understanding of the network’s structure (Straus 2006:489, Jütte 2006:206 f., Robins 2015:162) and finally uncover forms of embeddedness (Straus 2006:489, Jütte 2006:206). Despite its benefits for the collection of data, the actual visualisation of network data was conducted by the researcher herself. Pre-testing revealed that mapping with survey participants during the interview is too time-consuming. In the aftermath of the interviews, two different visualisations were created based on the proxy-reports using the software VennMaker and UCINET. The former is based on the use of concentric circles and provides more information about the geographical distribution of network contacts as well as additional information about the compositions, such as experience abroad, role relationships or communication intensities between ego and alter. In order to retrieve those network maps, the ego is placed in the middle while alteri group around the ego. The most inner circle represents the place of residence of the ego, the following circles represent Germany, Europe and the rest of the world. To further specify spatial information, the upper quarter represents everything north of the ego’s residence, the quarter on the right places/countries in the East, the lower

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quarter places in the South and the left quarter individuals located currently in places to the West of the ego’s residency. Using the UCINET program, additional network visualisation was performed to obtain better information about the actual form and structure of the network and to determine network indicators for quantitative description of networks. D) Data analysis – Descriptive statistical analysis Descriptive statistics allow exploring the composition of networks and network practices. The analysis of ego and proxy reports summarises single cases, but also describes the sample as a whole, which facilitates cross-case analyses. – Network-specific indicators The formal analysis of networks relies on a variety of indicators to, for example, analyse the position of individuals. In the present research, the following indicators are used to explore network structure and reveal the ego’s embeddedness: – Network size: The size of any network is indicated by its degree, i.e. the number of alter named from the ego and associated ties from the ego to its alteri (Herz 2012:143). – Density: The density of any network describes its internal connectedness (Herz 2012:144). When calculating the density in ego-centred networks, it must be taken into account that ties between the ego and the alteri are given a priori due to the data collection procedure and thus reaches the value 1 by definition (Scott 2017:84). Therefore, alter-ego ties are usually left out when calculating density and only alter-alter ties are analysed. In doing so, “density then becomes a measure of the connections among ego’s contacts” (Scott 2017:84)19. Density is calculated by the actual number of alter-alter ties divided by the maximum number of possible alter-alter ties (Herz 2012:144, Borgatti et al. 2018:319, 336). A high density value (= 1) means high g­ eneral 19McCarty

& Wutich advise influencing the ego when the impact of the ego in brokering his/her network is of interest. However, the majority of “structural measures will be functionally the same as the case where the ego is excluded” (McCarty & Wutich 2005:88).

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–

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cohesion, i.e. all network members are in contact with each other and can reach each other easily and quickly. Conversely, a low value for density (= 0) indicates that no alter-alter ties exist and that the ego is a focal agent (Herz 2012:144, Scott 2017:84)20. Effective size: The parameter ‘effective size’ is one measure to indicate the presence of structural holes or rather the redundancy in a network (Robins 2015:184). It “can be defined as ego’s degree (i.e., the number of alters ego has) minus the average degree of her alters within the ego network (which can be seen as a measure of their redundancy)” (Borgatti et al. 2018:319). In the case of a lack of alter-alter ties, the effective size would equal ego’s degree; if all alters are connected to one another, the effective size of the network would equal 1 (Borgatti et al. 2018:320). Thus, a value near or equal 1 for effective size means a lot of redundancy in the network, but also a comparatively quick and easy access to resources. Graph centralisation21: Contrary to density, “centralisation describes the extent to which (…) cohesion is organised around particular focal points” (Scott 2017:102). Centralisation measures provide information about the shape or structure of graphs with values ranging from 0 to 1. For complete graphs, centralisation equals 0; for graphs shaped like a star, centralisation values 1 (Scott 2017:102). After testing for all three centralisation measures, degree, betweenness and closeness centralisation (Scott 2017:102), degree centralisation is considered to be sufficient to describe the structure of networks. Based on the local centrality of network members, degree centralisation provides information about the dominance of single network members (Scott 2017:100). The general tendencies of degree centralisation were replicated for betweenness and closeness centralisation22.

20Further

parameters which reveal information about the cohesion of a network are, for instance, constraint, transitivity or the clustering coefficient. However, analysing the empirical data proved that the basic tendencies revealed by density and effective size are supported, leaving them out of detailed mathematical analysis. For a discussion of constraint, transitivity and the clustering coefficient refer to Borgatti et al. 2018: 179 ff., 320. 21Often, centrality and centralisation are confused with one another. Whereas centrality refers to specific points in any given network, centralisation describes the property of a network as such (Scott 2017:101 f.). 22Betweenness centralisation is based on how well the network is internally connected through shortest paths (Robins 2015:183). In contrast to degree centralisation, betweenness focuses on “the ‘chaining’ of points” (Scott 2017:102). Closeness centralisation indicates cohesion by the function of geodesic distances in a network (Scott 2017:103).

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– Homophily: As discussed, homophily describes the level of interpersonal similarity for specific attributes between the ego and alteri. Values between −1 and +1 can be calculated. A value between −1 and −0.5 indicates homophily, respectively values between +0.5 and +1 heterophily (Steinbrink et al. 2013:44). Since these measures depend on the actual size of each network and each interview is a network unto itself, the above described parameters are only partially comparable with each other. – Content analysis The analysis of the qualitative interviews follows the same logic as presented in Section 6.3.1.3.

6.3.2.3 Identifying Relational Patterns in Space: Iterative Cross-Case Analysis and Typology Building as Analytical Procedures Qualitative ways of collecting and analysing empirical data are often confronted with the claim of being an unsystematic way of doing empirical research (Gerhardt 1995:435). However, substantial progress has been made in the social sciences to systematise the process of qualitative reasoning in order to improve its quality, to increase the comparability of results and in doing so contribute to theory-building from qualitative reasoning. A key strategy within qualitative social sciences is the building of typologies (Promberger 2011:8 f.). In general, this method reduces the complexity of social reality, as well as reveals and understands latent structures of meaning (Kluge 2000:w.p., VanLear et al. 2006:91). In order to meet the requirements as a systematic and transparent way of achieving this, the applied analytical approach is explained in the following. Iterative coding and constant comparative analysis of simultaneously quantitative and qualitative data allows identifying similarities and differences among interviewees concerning the composition of their networks, individual motives and strategies to maintain social networks, the individual meanings of those as well as to what extent spatial mobility influence those network dynamics. The constant cross-case analysis based on single-case studies allows identifying most similar and divergent aspects in order to group and describe individual types. Model building reduces the complexity of social life and helps disclose social-spatial-interdependencies.

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However, GTM and typology building are considered two different approaches to the analysis of qualitative data due to their logic of reasoning (Gerhardt 1995:435). Whereas Grounded Theory relies on abductive reasoning (Corbin 2010:72), typology modelling is largely associated with qualitative induction (Bohnsack & Nentwig-Gesemann 2010:164)23. Discussing the general procedure of typology building as elaborated by Kluge’s stage model of empirically based typology building (Kelle & Kluge 2010:91 ff., Kluge 1999:260 ff., Kluge 2000:w.p.), research principles of GTM provide many benefits for the analysis of data, as shown below. The process of reducing complex human behaviour can be divided into four steps of constant comparative analysis with changing thematic focuses and comparisons of increasingly abstract levels (cf. Fig. 6.19).

Figure 6.19   The analytical phases of typology building. Source Visualisation by the author based on Kelle & Kluge 2010:91 ff.

23There

is no consensus among social scientists about the relationship of typology building and GTM as analytical approaches. Some take the view that GTM is considered an overall perspective of the researcher (e.g. Corbin 2010:75); others consider typology building and GTM to be incompatible due to their different strategies of reasoning (e.g. Bohnsack & Nentwig-Gesemann 2010:163 f.).

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The first step of  any typology building marks the foundation of further analysis by identifying and determining comparative dimensions (Kluge 2000:w.p., Kelle & Kluge 2010:94). Following the logic of GTM, the identification of these does not start with the final transcripts, but already in the field. The iterative coding of transcripts and subsequent cross-case comparative analysis of both quantitative and qualitative codes shapes an understanding for the specificities of each case, but also for analytical dimensions which show divergent behaviours or express different meanings (Corbin 2010:72, Glaser & Strauss 1998:53 ff.,107 ff., Strübing 2010:154 ff.). Apart from the empirical material, sensitivity for possible comparative dimensions is derived from the theoretical discussion about the formation and development of networks, as well as on the influence of spatial mobility on social networks as well as on the role of networks on knowledge transfers. Third, methodological reflections of SNA scientists shaped the understanding for underlying social mechanisms and contributed to the identification of general interests of SNA (cf. Fig. 6.20).

Figure 6.20   Dimensions of iterative, comparative data analysis. Source Visualisation by the author

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Since the data analysis does not test the empirical material deductively for the presence and relevance of the above named criteria, the identified dimensions resulting from methodological and theoretical discussions are presuppositions to help identify relevant similarities, differences, interdependencies, structures, behaviours and meanings. Once comparative dimensions have been determined, the level of comparison changes: the newly determined comparative dimensions become starting points for a preliminary grouping of cases. Based on the premise of achieving external heterogeneity among the comparative dimensions, the individual cases are grouped together. In order to exceed the status of ‘thick description’ and to facilitate theory building, the reconstruction of meaning within preliminary types is essential. Therefore, comparison focuses on identifying in-group homogeneity. In doing so, the understanding of each type increases. However, the total number of types may be reduced when some combination of sub-categories are very similar to each other, overlap or are taken out of the analysis. This step requires that not only each type be reviewed in regard to its internal logic, but also across cases in the preliminary identified types and across types. Finally, once external heterogeneity and internal homogeneity is established, the identified types are characterised in-depth and as comprehensively as possible. In order to elaborate on the common characteristics of each type, various approaches exist, such as Gerhardt’s Ideal type or Kuckartz’s Prototype. In reality, however, ‘pure’ cases are rarely observable. Therefore, the last step favours the Kuckartz approach of ideal-typical constructs (2007), as suggested by Kelle & Kluge (2010:106). By means of “emphasising peculiarities and omitting insignificances [the social scientists] create a reference framework in which social reality takes form” (translation by the author, Kuckartz 1988:224). Consequently, the proposed types represent ‘only’ empirical constructs. In conclusion, the proposed procedure (cf. Fig. 6.21) demonstrates the relevant combination of GTM and typology building to both decrease the complexity of social reality and enhance our understanding of the mutual interdependence of social behaviour in space: “Due to the openness of the stage model it is not only possible to compare different methods, but moreover to combine different analysing techniques and hence to overcome the division of different approaches” (Italics in original; translation by the author; Kluge 2000:w.p.)

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Figure 6.21   The method of constant comparative analysis in typology building. Source Visualisation by the author

6.3.2.4 Remarks on Data Collection and Analysis To summarise, the data collection and individual interview sequences unfold as a four-stage procedure, with quantitative and qualitative means of data collection rotating. The interview begins with the ego report, followed by a qualitative interview sequence, whose insights are picked up during the collection of network members by using name generators and proxy reports. Thus, this combination of quantitative and qualitative means of data collection and analysis is delivered as, according to Hollstein (2010:466), Parallel-Design. Although the collection of qualitative and formal information is executed sequentially, it is collected in one session per case. Similarly, the analysis runs step by step, meaning rotating between quantitative and qualitative methods of data analysis. Mixing research strategies aims for “complementarity (results of the analytical strand (e.g. quantitative) are interpreted to enhance, elaborate, illustrate, or clarify findings derived from the other strand (qualitative))” (Onwuegbuzie et al. 2011:363). Therefore, neither qualitative interviews nor structural information about networks are leading the analytical process. Rather, the holistic perspective on each case individually deepens the understanding for individual practices, processes, transactions and positions allowing the later steps of cross-case analysis and typology building.

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Against the background of the complexity of the individual survey sequences and the diversity of the data collected, it is clear that the research design emphasises the perspective of the individual rather than the collective, as would be expected in a large-scale network study. The research design is embedded in the logic of qualitative research. The generalisation of results in the form of types is not to be understood as a pre-defined goal, but as a consequence of the iterative process of data collection, analysis and interpretation.

6.4 The Sample The data set consists of 34 interviews following different systems of logic and rationales of data collection and providing both data in quantitative and qualitative form for the empirical analysis (cf. Fig. 6.22). While external experts and corporate representatives primarily deliver empirical data for the analysis of the business perspective, they contribute to an overall understanding of the subject matter, which influences data collection with expatriates, and vice versa. The subsequent Sections 6.4.1 and 6.4.2 present central characteristics differentiated according to their main research interest and analytical perspective.

Figure 6.22   Main characteristics of the data set. Source Visualisation by the author

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6.4.1 The Business Sample The business sample consists of five interviews with external stakeholders and 15 interviews with corporate representatives. Of the five external stakeholders, two experts each are active in the promotion of regional businesses and legal counselling. The fifth external expert is an insurance provider with a special emphasis on insurances related to international mobility and secondments. Eleven of the 15 company representatives are HR managers. Two interview partners are responsible for project and product management and two further individuals held positions as CEO or authorised officer. All of the interviews were conducted between January 2017 and May 2018. The respective companies of the corporate representatives cover different industries and areas. Based on company information archived in the business database AMADEUS, six companies are classified as companies active in manufacturing/production of goods and three companies provide professional, scientific and technical services. Companies from the trade/maintenance and repair of motor vehicles and other economic services sectors were acquired in equal shares (two companies each). The smallest group with one each are companies from the construction and energy supply sectors. Both large and medium-sized companies participated with a range of employees from 45 to 38,000. The participant companies are dispersed throughout Germany, but are globally active. Taken together, participant companies operate in every major world region (cf. Fig. 6.23). The least integrated world region is Africa, whereas the interviewed companies are present in Asia, Europe and North America, but above all the US and China.

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Figure 6.23   The global linkages of interviewed business organisations. Source Visualisation by the author using ESRI Arc GIS

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Whereas the participant companies need to have issued expatriation assignments in the past, not all of them performed expatriations in the year 2016/1724. The number of expatriates per company range from zero to 120 (N = 12). Generally, women account only for 7% of reported expatriations on average. However, in one exceptional case 25% of expatriates were women. Seven companies have their own departments for processing expatriate issues. Especially larger companies, i.e. more than 300 employees, possess the necessary financial resources to handle (parts of) their expatriations on their own. Nevertheless, five of those companies with their own departments also consult external service providers and one company relies solely on them. External service providers help with administration in preparation of assignments (100% of cases) as well as for the organisation of the repatriation (twelve companies). During the actual expatriation and on return, external services are used less (six companies each). On average, companies consult external providers in more than two stages of expatriation25. The majority takes advantage of legal advice (e.g. tax, employment and residence law) (seven companies). In addition, the preparation of the candidate, for example learning the national language (five companies) or the cultural customs of the country (four companies), is outsourced to external companies. In addition, relocation firms (four companies) and insurance consultants (three companies) are of help. Usually, those companies which benefit from external specialists engage them for more than three different issues to prepare and deliver their assignments.

6.4.2 The Expatriate Sample Expatriates and expatriate assignments The analysis of expatriates is based on 14 interviews which were conducted between the summer of 2017 and spring 2018 (cf. Fig. 6.24). The sample demonstrates a slight bias towards male participants due to the greater participation

24Initially,

the empirical data collection was limited to the year 2017, so it was requested for the reporting year 2016. However, three of the 15 interviews took place in 2018. Therefore, those participants reported on the previous year 2017. 25The questionnaire asked for the use of external service providers during the selection process of candidates (0%), in preparation for the assignment abroad (100%), during the stay abroad (six companies), in preparation for the repatriation (twelve companies), after return (six companies). Companies sought advice in 2.6 stages of the expatriation cycle.

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of male employees in expatriate assignments (cf. Sinangil & Ones 2003:462, BGRS 2016:50). Similar biases can be found, e.g. in the studies from Wang et al. (2014:534) or Li (2016:150). Overall, the interviewees are in the middle stages of their lives, i.e. the majority of the interviewees are in a permanent or married partnership, have children and/or are in advanced careers. The age of interviewees ranges between 31 and 60. With one exception, individuals of German nationality were interviewed, the majority of whom are also currently residing in Germany (71%), however dispersed throughout Germany. All of the (former) expatriates completed university education at a master’s level or equivalent and received their highest academic degree from either Germany (71%), Switzerland (14%), South Africa (7%) or the US26 (7%).

Figure 6.24   The expatriate sample. Source Visualisation by the author

26The

study was completed online.

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Today, two thirds of the interviewees fill strategic job positions with management responsibilities. The data does not indicate whether the current strategic positions held by expatriates are a direct result of their assignments abroad. However, a general causal relationship is doubtful, since each assignment is highly individual concerning the corporate context (e.g. job role and function), career development during and after the assignment, or individual personality traits and other factors, all of which influence professional careers. Some of the interviewees had not had any management responsibility prior to their expatriations and gained it as part of their assignments, which then again influenced their careers after repatriation. Others worked mostly as specialists abroad and did not experience a significant career boost. Yet for others, expatriation has pushed their careers in unpredictable professional directions. In total, the interviewees report 31 expatriate assignments leading to an average number of assignment per person of 2.2 with an average duration of 2.2 years27. Participants have expatriate experience of varying intensity, ranging from one assignment to eight. Apart from their expatriate assignments, the interviewees experienced different levels of additional corporate mobility. The expatriate assignments cover all world regions and are almost equitably distributed among expatriations overseas, including Turkey and Russia, and EU-European countries (incl. Switzerland) (cf. Fig. 6.25). The farthest include Bolivia, South Africa, the US, South Korea, India, Japan and China. Only three individuals experienced so-called chain assignments, which were only shortly interrupted by stays in Germany or other countries of former residencies, if at all.

27With

the exception of two cases, all assignments were already completed at the time of the interview.

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Figure 6.25   The sample’s expatriate assignments. Source Visualisation by the author

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Given the value of 0.572 for Cramer’s V, this sample shows a strong, but not perfect relationship between the duration of assignment and the geographical distance covered by expatriation. Due to the generally better and faster accessibility of the target destination, shorter assignments are preferred in countries which are geographically closer to the sending organisation. As visualised in Fig. 6.26, 70% of secondments to neighbouring European countries do not exceed one year28. Much longer stays, however, are overseas assignments. 85% of these last at least two years29.

Figure 6.26   Temporal and spatial distribution of expatriate assignments. Source Visualisation by the author

Further, the interviews reveal heterogeneous mobility patterns not only in terms of completed assignments, but also in terms of years spent abroad. The majority of individuals completed their university education in Germany and

28On average, expatriations within Europe last 1.82 years with a standard deviation of 1.704. This relatively high diffusion can be explained due to an outlier of an assignment lasting seven years. When grouping those individual durations into classes, as in Fig. 6.24, the distortion is reduced to 0.712. 29In the sample, expatriate missions to countries in more distant parts of the world last three years on average with a standard deviation of 1.71. The distortion of the standard deviation is reduced to 0.616 when analysing respective classifications. Nevertheless, for both types of destinations the standard deviation is rather high indicating no universal mobility patterns.

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experienced an internationalisation of their careers only after entering the job market. The maximum time abroad is 15 years. Relative to the total number of years in the workforce at the time of the interview, in one exceptional case one interview partner spent 71% in subsidiaries abroad30. But also after the foreign assignment, individuals experience different levels of mobility as demonstrated by the factor “residential sedentariness”, which is calculated by the difference in years between their last assignment and the year since they have been living at their current residency, (former) expatriates experience further mobility, which might not be of international scope nor be embedded in formal expatriation assignments, but might be characterised by further mobility assignments, relocations and professional changes. Today’s residencies of (former) expatriates demonstrate varying distances to their respective “homes”31 ranging from roughly 10 to more than 600 km32. However, this has no causal implications for their individual mobility pattern. As X-45m-2 proves, attachment to one’s homeland and internationality are not mutually exclusive. After spending 15 years in various countries, X-45m-2 nevertheless returned to his native region where he grew up and was educated. Expatriate networks In the course of their careers in general and their expatriation assignments in particular, the interviewed individuals built personal networks of varying sizes, structures, dynamics and geographical scopes. The data did not allow identifying a universal network pattern, since both complete and ‘star’ networks as well as forms in between could be identified. Overall, a range of alter of 3 to 22 was collected with an average size of 8.7 alteri per ego network. The total number of ties, i.e. including alter-ego as well as alter-alter ties and given reciprocal relationships, reached its maximum with 38 ties. Depending on their centralisation and density, the shortest path between two nodes is 1.0 for closed networks and can even be 1.7 for less dense networks (cf. Fig. 6.27).

30This

indicator is calculated by the graduation year of their highest academic achievement, their age at the time of the interview as well as accumulated periods of expatriate missions. This means, however, that some individuals demonstrate an even higher share of their working life abroad when they have completed further university studies at later stages of their careers. Those were excluded. 31Due to the lack of data concerning place of birth, the place of university education was used as a proxy to understand long-term mobility patterns. 32On-going expatriation assignments as well as individuals who completed their studies abroad were excluded from this part of the analysis.

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Figure 6.27   Selected network indicators at a glance. Source Calculation and visualisation by the author

The listed network members are predominantly male. This is a consequence of the slightly higher share of male interview partners paired with strong tendencies for homophily for the variable sex. Except for one male ego, all male interview partners tend to tie networks with men, whereas female interview partners do not express any gender preferences. To what extent this is caused by structural factors – e.g. general lack of women in technical/engineering occupations or in ­top-management positions – remains unanswered. In contrast, no tendencies for homophily could be identified for the variable age, although, overall, egos and alter share a similar age range. However, on the individual level, age has no influence on network composition in this sample. The networks include a variety of nationalities and individuals dispersed over the globe with a total of thirteen different nationalities and individuals in fourteen different countries. However, the majority of alteri is based in Germany and of German nationality (cf. Fig. 6.28). Except for two interviewees, egos had already completed their assignments and either are in the process of or have already completed their repatriation.

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Figure 6.28   Demographic, spatial and relational attributes of alteri. Source Calculation and visualisation by the author

Despite their repatriation, quantitative and qualitative data demonstrate that personal ties persist over time and space, since roughly one third of all network members do not currently reside in Germany. Leaving the two ongoing expatriations out of the analysis, some of the highest shares of networks residing in countries other than the ego’s residency range from 60% to 80% (e.g. ­X-31m-1, X-60m-2, X-45m-2). Overall, the current residency of ego and alter does not seem to influence the composition of networks greatly when looking at the spe-

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cific place of living. However, homophily is comparatively high across egos when considering the country of their current residencies i.e. ego and alter do not have to live in the same city, but relative geographical proximity eases inclusion in ego’s network, since it facilitates the maintenance of relationships through face-to-face interaction. With almost every second individual being a current or former expatriate, the egos unite a quite high share of expatriates around themselves, which contributes to the international scope of their networks. However, no general tendency for homophily for the variable expatriate can be identified. The variables residency by world region and mode of communication as well as ­face-to-face communication and contact intensity, face-to-face communication and current colleague correlate with one another indicating that the maintenance of geographically closer contacts, which are embedded in current professional background, is facilitated and those individuals are more likely to be included in the ego’s networks. Taken together, this implies that on the one hand, even geographically closer contacts are not substantially addressed more often. On the other hand, it shows that geographical distance has no effect on contact frequency and thus the potential to create equally strong ties as local ones. The general international scope of networks has further effects for the access to localised knowledge, since alteri themselves possess quite substantial experience and relational capital in various countries around the globe, bearing the potential to extend the ego’s networks geographically significantly. These results reinforce the fact that personal networks are significantly influenced by a myriad of interdependent variables and environmental factors, which in total are out of scope of this project. The statistical analysis of ­socio-demographic factors, expatriate related information and network descriptions indicate further that expatriates are no homogenous group with universal equal potential for knowledge transfer as presented in the academic debate so far.

7

The Business Perspective: The Role of Spatial Mobility and Intra-firm Social Ties

Chapter seven is the first of two chapters devoted to the presentation, discussion and interpretation of the empirically collected data. The first empirical part discusses the spatial mobility of employees for a firm’s performance from the corporate perspective. The analysis reveals that companies attach great importance to the spatial mobility of their workforces, which serves various functions. On the one hand, spatial mobility drives business development to form inter-firm networks, for instance with customers. On the other hand, spatial mobility indeed contributes to the development of corporate resources (cf. Section 7.1). In this context, expatriation is of great value for the internal transfer of knowledge. ­Intra-firm networks arising from expatriation create long-term benefits concerning the companies’ organisational efficiency and circulation of knowledge among and across business units. Although knowledge transfer and the establishment of networks are important aspects of expatriation for the interviewed representatives, the analysis further reveals that knowledge transfer processes based on intra-firm networks are not supported adequately by institutionalised strategies. Moreover, Section 7.2 reports that companies create benefits from spatial mobility by relying on interpersonal and informal processes.

7.1 Spatial Mobility as Business Engine: Benefits for Business Development The surveyed participants unanimously emphasise the importance of the spatial mobility of their employees for their company’s profit and success. However, the reasons for rising mobility are diverse and depend on the organisational set-up © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2020 V. R. Hünnemeyer, Knowledge Transfers over Geographical Distance in Organisations, Perspektiven der Humangeographie, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-31018-9_7

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and sectoral specificities. Integration in the global economy in the form of worldwide commissions and presence in numerous sales markets along with globally dispersed production and development sites lead to an increase in corporate mobility for the purpose of supervision of production, acquisition and negotiations with customers. At the same time, business areas develop dynamically both quantitatively and qualitatively, meaning that corporate activities differentiate, company portfolios become more complex while business fields and market activities increase in number. Subsequently, the level of organisational complexity increases, too. Therefore, spatial mobility at the workplace affects employees regardless of their function, position or responsibility. For example, »[The decision who is mobile] really depends on the local task. We delegate management staff, who really are in management positions overseas, whether it is a commercial director or a director of a local business unit or solely a quality manager, but these could just as well be industrial employees who play a supportive role.« (U-04-P10) »We have business units in nine different countries worldwide, so it is of course necessary for our employees to travel there (…) and to do so across all departments. Not only the sales department is mobile, but also the HR department, IT, technology, parts of the production team (…)Mobility is hierarchically comprehensive, but in terms of frequency it is of course the upper and middle management, but also many clerks are on the move, or even production workers who are at the machine.« (U-04-P3)

The analysis confirms the argument that corporate mobility occurs in alignment with organisational needs. The (local) availability of knowledge is the major motive for sending staff around the globe. Hence, the duration and respective form of mobility »(…) is ultimately defined by the task itself and to what extent you can assess whether you have the knowledge on site, whether you can build up the necessary knowledge there or whether you really need someone who travels from the corporate headquarters to a smaller location and works on the topics there.« (U-04-P2)

The interviewed business representatives attach great importance to the development and exchange of knowledge for sustainable business development. Due to the embodied nature of knowledge, primarily people are the drivers for business development. For business development, both intra- and inter-/extra-firm networks play an equally important role. On the one hand, mobility is crucial to establish inter- and extra-firm networks with (future) customers, and on the other,

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mobility on the intra-firm levels contributes to organisational efficiency by initiating, exchanging and adopting organisational changes (cf. Fig. 7.1).

Figure 7.1   The use of spatial mobility of employees in business organisations. Source Visualisation by the author

Mobility in the context of inter-firm relations targets relations and associated knowledge exchanges with future and current clients. Interaction with (future) clients provides opportunities for innovation and improvements since they can provide information about the quality of the product, about future trends and demands, e.g.: »We are very keen to see the applications at the customer’s site. To see if the product behaves as we thought it would. These results are then evaluated again at home (…)« (U-04-PM1)

In the stage of contract negotiations and customer acquisitions, insights in the demands of the market can also be deepened. Depending on the product, the companies commit themselves to share technological expertise with their customers, e.g. »Sales, purchasing and service managers are mobile and need to train end customer maintenance personnel who use our equipment and they need to tell them that if the error occurs, you need to do this and that.« (U-11-Pr1)

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Contrary to business development through spatial mobility and the development of inter-firm relations, the development of available organisational resources also enhances the performance of any business. In this respect, the mobility of employees on the intra-firm level serves training and HR development. Further, mobility is a source for innovation and incremental improvements. Apart from other mobility practices, great value is attached to expatriation. Primarily, the interviewed companies consider expatriation as a means of personnel development aiming to promote prospective leaders. Being internationally deployed is linked to the expectation that the candidate evolves personally, e.g. »(…) we really have a full extension of many competencies: personality, international capacities, cultural matters.« (U-06-P6)

In some companies, having international experience is even mandatory for middle and top-management positions and thus a necessary qualification step for some. Closely connected to this is the aim to retain the already existing workforce by offering intra-firm career development opportunities which has benefits both for the employee and the company: »Of course it is always an important step for the career planning of the employee to gain experience abroad. It always works both ways. After all, it is not only the company that benefits from this. Ultimately, the employee himself also benefits from what he can contribute from his newly gained experience here, when he comes back.« (U-04-P2)

Based on the newly gained experience and knowledge, the expatriate has the ability to initiate innovations and improvements in addition to organisational changes with regard to company processes and products both in the unit abroad as well as in the sending organisation. Two company representatives explain: »You are likely to get caught up in a certain process that works. Why change? But if you send employees abroad, it doesn’t matter if it is the equipment which is built the other way around, if these are local conditions that are necessary or also climatic conditions that cause the necessary change. At the end of the day, he comes back and learns things. And he’s bringing it back.« (U-04-PM1) »So this is usually a win-win situation for both. The one who comes back has then taken an important development step. So they always come back different, more confident. And because they had to get to know a different culture and get to know the culture, they bring many new ideas with them. They also bring momentum back into the area and that is then also always an enrichment for the remaining ones.« (U-03-P1)

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When staffing for expatriations, the interviewed companies attach value to personality traits and social skills, such as language proficiency, intercultural competence, openness, empathy and the capability of being a good teacher in order to deliver the main goal, i.e. transferring knowledge from one unit to another, and in doing so contributing to corporate performance. In conclusion, mobility indeed provides distinct opportunities for the growth and performance of businesses. While the relational aspect, i.e. the development of professional ties to competitors, customers or suppliers, is well developed in the respective HR departments, the development of relational resources on the intra-firm level is not yet equally important. Nonetheless, expatriation is associated with the development of individuals and their respective knowledge resources. By using this newly gained knowledge, individual expatriates contribute to development of any business.

7.2 Knowledge Management and the Role of  Intra-firm Networks While without any doubt expatriation serves the knowledge resources of the individual, expatriation has a collective effect on the knowledge resources in a business organisation. At first, the delegation of any individual shall enhance knowledge in the receiving unit due to being locally present: »The majority of people we send on assignments is for bringing know-how to the site.« (U-04-P3)

However, the transfer of knowledge across units is not only pursued by simply delegating an individual. Moreover, the knowledge of the expatriate shall disseminate among local staff in the receiving unit. The expatriate shall fulfil the roles of boundary spanners and knowledge brokers, as emphasised in the following: »So you’re going to have to carry that [knowledge] through all the shifts. That means you have to accompany this [knowledge transfer process] for several weeks, so that everyone who has to work with the machine and the new product is in a position to recognize where the necessities of trade are, where limits are, go-no-go patterns, to really be saddle-proof and to say ‘now I really have the same quality, with the same consistency as in the main factory’.« (U-04-PM1)

In particular, business representatives invest in expatriation whenever tacit knowledge needs to be transferred over distance. Due to the embodied nature of

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k­ nowledge, they acknowledge the great importance of face-to-face interaction and personal relationships: »Because you simply don’t have this personal connection when you’re just making phone calls or video conferences. So it’s really about diving into the organisation on site and really working together physically. I’m of the opinion that this is the only way to really exchange knowledge. It’s a different kind of knowledge or know-how than just asking ‘how do you do it?’.« (U-04-P10)

The network aspect of expatriation plays a role on various levels: – for inter-unit transfers »If you have a question or wonder why things work the way they do, then you have easier access to colleagues abroad because there’s a kind of bridge. The contact is better. There is more understanding simply also for the colleagues abroad and certainly specific knowledge is helpful, because some topics are handled differently abroad and it makes sense to question it here [in the German location] again: ‘can we also do this in such a way or not?’« (U-04-P10)

– for intra-unit transfers »In any case, the employee can integrate much better there, I think, the whole cultural topic, but of course he understands the production standards or the local company much better, because he spends more time there and is there longer, of course, he can also offer added value for the local location. And this is, of course, always an advantage for us in that we have one more communication channel, so the employee also acts very strongly as a contact and information provider for us at our location in Germany. (…) On the one hand, there is a very clear goal of knowledge transfer, building local know-how and, of course, intercultural aspects that we would like to contribute accordingly. On the other hand, of course, the employee who is being sent should have a better understanding of how things are going at the location, but the location should also have better contact with the headquarters, so there is still the network idea.« (U-10-P7)

– for long-term benefits »Because once they have gotten to know and supported each other, then of course the phone is picked up quickly and then I call the US and ask my colleagues ‘I have something different here, can you help me with this, too?’ And already a network comes into existence and that is very, very important.« (U-04-PM1)

Intra-firm networks ensure that the exchange of knowledge is not a ­»one-way-street« (U-05-G1) i.e. one unit absorbs and the other unit provides

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information and knowledge, but indeed contribute to an effective circulation of expertise. In order to foster the exchange of expertise among and within business units, additional entrepreneurial strategies support this process by applying a strategic mix of institutionalised corporate routines both during and after expatriation (cf. Fig. 7.2). During expatriation, the expatriate fulfils a disseminative role through training and, of course, through personal interaction with local staff. Further, the headquarters applies a variety of institutionalised processes to secure a knowledge exchange to the home unit while the expatriate is abroad. These include reports and various forms of mobility alike, which again target personal interaction. However, additional forms of spatial mobility depend on the function and job role of the expatriate abroad. Spatial mobility can be substituted by virtual mobility depending on the actual content and mutual trust between the expatriate and the contact person at headquarters. Informally, knowledge exchange is anchored in strategic job positions, which require regular knowledge exchange by definition. After expatriation, reporting systems are applied, but they aim to archive codified rather than tacit knowledge. Strikingly, there is no entrepreneurial strategy to make a profit out of expatriates’ tacit knowledge upon return apart from interaction on the personal level. However, the collective benefits are likely to be very limited and not of long-term.

Figure 7.2   Knowledge transfer mechanisms in the expatriate context. Source Visualisation by the author

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While for companies the transfer of knowledge is a central motive for i­nvestment-intensive foreign assignments, the actual process of transferring tacit knowledge in particular before, during and after expatriation is hardly institutionalised or characterised by innovative approaches. Formal trainings, written reports or the attendance of meetings in the headquarters mark the cornerstones of knowledge transfer during and after expatriation from the perspective of institutionalised business perspectives. Strikingly, interviewees do not report extensive incentives or strategies to foster intra-firm networks in the context of expatriation on either level and phase of the expatriate cycle. To foster networks prior to expatriation, cross-locational ties are only driven by business activities, i.e. specific project settings. Therefore, it is not unlikely that »You have worked on topics together before, so the person who is deployed is usually already known to the team. (…) Often it is also the case that they [prospective expatriates] actually have been on site before. Independently of the look and see trip. Maybe they have been on a business trip there before or the like.« (U-04-P2) Existing ties may ease integration and has positive benefits for the expatriate performance. Further, business organisation consider effective knowledge as »(…) a management task. There, he is capable of applying and sharing his knowledge and experiences, which he acquired internationally« (U-04-P3). Network building and maintenance relies on personal commitment, since »Everything that goes beyond a short travel report ultimately happens on the interpersonal level between the employees themselves.« (U-04-P2) Given that expatriation is financially intensive, it is somehow striking that the network aspect is not adequately accompanied by entrepreneurial strategies. Trusting social processes is highly risky, since not every expatriate experiences professional promotion and receives a management position. Rather, individuals report difficulties finding a position adequate to their skills upon return. Additionally, it can be doubted that the collective workforce benefits from single expatriations, rather individuals in the expatriates’ networks are likely to receive tacit knowledge both during and after expatriation.

8

The Expatriate Perspective: Spatial Mobility, Social Networks and Flows of Knowledge

The corporate analysis in chapter seven reveals that decision-makers trust the informal and interpersonal exchange of knowledge in the expatriate context rather than develop and apply institutionalised strategies to promote intra-firm networks and by this foster intra-firm knowledge exchanges. This raises the question how exactly expatriates contribute to the transfer of knowledge through interpersonal and informal interaction. Therefore, the following sections analyses a) how expatriates organise their professional networks in contexts of spatial distance and proximity, b) what importance they attach to their networks, c) how these networks affect the transfer of knowledge and d) which role expatriates play for the intra-firm knowledge transfer. Result of the empirical data collection and analysis show that expatriates are not homogenous group of individuals with equal roles in the transfer of knowledge. Rather the analysis demonstrates that expatriates develop and maintain very different professional networks regarding geographical scope, means of communication and associated knowledge flows. Section 8.1 provides a general overview on the identified types of expatriates, while Sections 8.2, 8.3 and 8.4 discuss the peculiarities of each type in detail. In particular, formative network conditions, practices of network development, composition and structure of networks, their meanings and effects, as well as

Electronic Supplementary Material The online version of this chapter (https:// doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-31018-9_8) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users. © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2020 V. R. Hünnemeyer, Knowledge Transfers over Geographical Distance in Organisations, Perspektiven der Humangeographie, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-31018-9_8

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k­ nowledge flows and knowledge dynamics are of interest. The chapter concludes with Section 8.5 summarising the main characteristics of each type. Further, it discusses the role of spatial mobility for the emergence and maintenance of social network in an expatriate context.

8.1 Types of Expatriate Networks: The Dragonfly, the Spider and the Beetle Data gathered from individuals who were or are currently on an expatriate assignment clarifies how spatial mobility affects the formation and maintenance of social networks and to what extent these networks leverage intra-firm, cross-unit knowledge transfer. The iterative course of data collection and analysis results in three different types of expatriates and expatriate networks. The networks of dragonfly, spider and beetle differ considerably not only in the structure and composition of networks, but also in strategies to develop and maintain interpersonal ties. These differences cause distinctive network effects affecting the expatriates’ capacity to transfer knowledge over geographical distance. For the purpose of the identification of typologies, quantitative and qualitative data were both analysed (cf. Chapter 6). However, the data analysis revealed partly inconsistent answers from the interviewees. For example, one interviewee described herself as a person without any affinity for networking. However, the interviewee named an above average number of alteri. As expected, the subjective perception of the interviewees diverges from objective data analysis and ­inter-case data comparison. In order to allow the modelling of different types, data analysis switched back and forth between network and qualitative data as well as between single case and cross-case analysis. As a result, some of the interviewees show characteristics of multiple types (cf. Fig. 8.1). The following subchapters discuss the characteristics of networks and associated dynamics for knowledge transfer of each type thoroughly. In order to proceed accordingly, the discussion of each type follows the same analytical argument. First, the analysis addresses the formative conditions and characteristics. Second, processes of network development are elaborated on as well as the meanings attached to their networks. Finally, the typology concludes with the effects of network structures on knowledge transfer. Throughout the discussion, the analysis reflects upon the role of spatial mobility in general, as well as expatriation in particular for the formation, structure of networks as well as its impact on knowledge transfer.

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Figure 8.1   The expatriate sample sorted by types. Source Visualisation by the author

8.2 Social Networks and Knowledge Transfer of Global Scope: The Type Dragonfly The first type of expatriate reflects, metaphorically speaking, the characteristics of dragonflies, which constitute a class within the classifications of insects. These insects have the ability to fly fast and overcome great physical distance quickly. The shape and functioning of their wings secure them exceptional manoeuvrability (Zahradník 1991:14). Analogous to these animals, this type of expatriate has developed interpersonal networks of global scope with strong ties being internationally dispersed in various parts of the world. Including individuals in their networks strategically, who offer redundant information on the one hand, and having contacts to individuals positioned in the top-management on the other, dragonflies have established versatile networks, which enable them to exert influence and to leverage multi-directional knowledge flows within organisations.

8.2.1 The Formation and Structure of Global Networks: Multiple Social Mechanisms To begin with, networks of the type dragonfly are the result of a complex interplay of various formative mechanisms, such as shared foci, formal roles and homophily. At first, the formative impact on social networks of focus theory play

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a role for the establishment of intra-firm networks highlighting a) the importance of expatriation as such and b) joint activities. As one interviewee noted: »There are, of course, a few colleagues I’m very close to, who I’ve known for a long time, who have also worked with me abroad, for example. That, of course, welds us together.«1 (X-48m-1)

In addition, respective proxy reports underline the relevance of expatriation for establishing intra-firm networks. For example, interviewee X-52m-4 reports that 71 % of his alteri stem from former expatriate assignments; X-45m-2 reports 60 %. The relatively high shares of (former) expatriates in their current professional networks highlight the long-term network effects of shared foci. Having the possibility to look back to joint experiences and activities helps build mutual trust and is crucial to form long-lasting ties, which can be revived comparatively easily even after longer periods of non-correspondence: »When you work successfully together, you like to reminisce: ‘Do you remember that time?’ I hadn’t spoken or seen X-t2 for maybe six or eight years, he left the company, but when he returned, it worked well right away.« (X-52m-4)

Apart from shared foci as formative condition, homophily2 and formal roles show great impacts for the structure and composition of their networks. The interviewee X-52m-4, who has filled important strategic positions both abroad during assignments and back in the headquarter today, is internally connected to top-management levels today: »Due to one of my former functions as a customer team leader I know a person in Brazil, who is now the CEO South America (…) Actually, I know all the managing directors as these were still at the same level with the exception of those who have come from outside the company in the last one, two, three years.« (X-52m-4)

1All

interviews were conducted in German. After transcribing, the presented excerpts were translated by the author. 2Despite interviewees expressing strong tendencies toward homophily during the qualitative interview, network data on the individual level provides less empirical evidence. Homophily can only be found for the variable sex.

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The composition of networks also depends on the actual assignment. In contrast to other types of expatriates, fulfilling a strategic management position abroad helps to tie relationships with individuals of respective hierarchical functions, as the following example demonstrates: »First of all, I got to know foreign colleagues from the same company. They were at a similar level, so were executives, too.« (X-48m-1)

Indeed, the areas of responsibilities before, during and after expatriation have a great impact on the underlying rationales to build intra-firm networks, their dynamics as well as their geographical scope. Intra-firm networks of individuals of the type dragonfly are entirely business-driven. Those networks are shaped around and built according to the needs of the company. The act of creating new bonds follows corporate logic. Their job positions require ties to individuals in the top-management of their respective companies. Thus, intra-firm networks span multiple business locations and units. Only when having efficient networks across different business units and locations are these individuals able to succeed: »My main activity is building up a large network of colleagues inside and outside the company. So most of my work is finding solutions to the issues that drive me or that drive the company, and for this purpose I try to find support from other people.« (X-48m-1) »I coordinate our international locations of one product area (…) currently, we have four locations in three countries, and China will be included soon. (…) Coordination is difficult, because I am in the headquarters (…) and everyone wants to do it the way they want to do it.« (X-45m-2)

All of the job descriptions above stem from returned expatriates and relate to their current positions. However, networks have not yet become important for their career upon return, but already during their assignments they filled strategic (network) positions. For example, assignments focused on establishing joint ventures, consolidating market activities abroad and strengthening collaboration between the foreign business unit and the headquarters. This sheds light on the fact that once a network is developed, it is easier to enlarge and consolidate it. The interdependence of job position, existing social ties and network formation becomes clear by the following example: »So it took a relatively long time to get in touch with people on the first assignment. The second time it was relatively easy. On the one hand because X-t1 was there,

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who I knew from Germany and who is English. He had established personal contact with other English people very quickly. On the other hand, through the work on the project. The second time we all worked together on a problem, the first time I was the client’s representative. A mouthpiece, communication, but the client. They wouldn’t let me see everything that went wrong there. So they kept me very much out of it. The second time, in the collaboration and due to X-t1, it was much easier.« (X-60m-2)

Although the rationale of generating and developing professional networks is business-driven, the establishment of intra-firm networks still depends on personal interaction. Neither a common company affiliation nor a specific job position guarantees that internal, intra-firm networks exist per se, but shows that the establishment of these involves cost and effort similar to other types of networks, e.g. inter-firm ones. Dragonflies highly value face-to-face interaction – »Personal contact is irreplaceable and this also applies to internal networks.« (X-52m-4) – and therefore they do not eschew intense spatial mobility. In fact, they actively seek and create opportunities for face-to-face interaction: »If these are important issues that I believe will help us move forward and there is no immediate opportunity, such as a trade fair, then I ask for an appointment. Either at their place or I’ll invite them over. (…) It is rather rare that I send an e-mail than that I meet them personally and exchange ideas. (…) I think after all face-to-face exchange is very important even though skype meetings are becoming better and better. I’m a believer of meeting people in person.« (X-48m-1) »That was one of the reasons why it was important for me to return to Germany. (…) the network I have in the German organisation, I cannot build from the outside. I can only establish it here [in Germany].« (X-52m-4)

Generally, dragonflies show a mix of different communication strategies with more than two different modes of communication per alter. Usually, ­face-to-face interaction is limited to the workplace and due to the geographical distance between the ego and alter, it is paired with digital means of communication. In doing so, dragonflies establish multi-local networks, meaning that they are able and capable of establishing networks in various geographically distant locations simultaneously. For example, the ego network of the interview candidate X-52m-4 spans various locations; 43% of his closer contacts do not reside in the country of his current residency. Respective alteri (71%), X-52m-4-E3m, ­X-52m-4-E4m. X-52m-E5m, result from his overseas assignment (cf. Fig. 8.2).

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Despite the geographical dispersion, his share on face-to-face communication is high (71 %).

Figure 8.2   A visual representation of the ego network of X-52m-4. Source Visualisation by the author using the software VennMaker

However, intra-firm networks are not geographically disembedded, but translocal, since interviewees are fully aware of the fact that networks need physical proximity in order to emerge. Intense spatial mobility is therefore irreplaceable: »(…) I have been to many business locations (…) and so it [i.e. the professional network] arises easily.« (X-52m-4) »(…) personal contact does not only mean the neighbouring office, but we know each other quite well internationally (…) Travelling is very important to us.« (X-45m-2)

The opportunity to travel and to interact with colleagues of different subsidiaries in distant locations is still highly selective. The intensity and frequency of

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mobility and travel partly relates to formal job positions and specific assignments, which provide scope for face-to-face interactions. To summarise, dragonflies have established networks of global scope, which holds true both for occasional, loose contacts as well as for strong ties. The latter are not limited to the immediate area of their current activities, but indeed span different locations. Their networks are characterised by relatively high shares of (former) expatriates or at least individuals in world regions other than their current residency. Overall, their networks emerge due to shared foci, processes of homophily and formal roles. Due to consciously making use of spatial mobility before, during and after expatriation, they succeed in spanning cross-locational, intra-organisational ties.

8.2.2 Network Development: The Dual Approach of the Type Dragonfly Dragonflies aim to grow as well as to optimise their networks in order to get access to information, knowledge and power. Concerning network growth, the empirical data provides evidence that reciprocity, transitivity and to some extent preferential attachment drive the enlargement of one’s network. Dragonflies strategically seek contact to individuals who themselves are internally well connected in order to benefit from those networks. Dragonflies, thus, either connect with individuals who due to their function are able to grant access to information and knowledge, and/or with those who are themselves well connected. Closely related is the so-called process of transitivity, i.e. it is more likely to enlarge one’s own network through other contacts’ contacts. »When I look at sales now, there are 2–3 people who are extremely well networked. I integrate myself into their networks and then expand my own network considerably.« (X-48m-1)

Indeed, the proxy reports demonstrate that they develop networks which are internally well connected. Networks of dragonflies express some of the highest values for density. For example, the network below has a density of 0.93 (cf  Fig. 8.3). As a result, comparatively low values for degree centralisation are reported for networks of the type dragonfly.

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Figure 8.3   Internal connections in dragonfly networks – the example of X-31m-1. Source Visualisation by the author using the software UCINET

Secondly, dragonflies put emphasis on reciprocated relationships. Their intercultural competence equips them to understand different manners and forms of reciprocal behaviour. Thus, they are able to act and react accordingly and as a result are able to develop multi-local networks in the first place and to maintain them in the future. »There are two sides and these are giving and taking and you can’t totally build one side and do nothing on the other. That means, of course, if you always ask him for something, then you have to help him sometimes. So that it’s balanced somewhere. Now there are nationalities, including the Koreans, who, I say, are almost tracking this in a highly professional way and are very calculating in this balance. And then there are other nationalities, like the Brazilians, who say simply based on their emotions, ‘in sum that was good for me and as a consequence he gets something from me’. They do this more intuitively, emotionally and less factually professionally, but you have to keep in mind that I can’t always just ask someone for something and want something. He must have some use out of our relationship, too.« (X-52m-4) »He helped me down there. Without him I would not have made progress and he is grateful to me because he would not have got along without me, either.« (X-52m-4) »We are in constant contact and consider each other sparring partners. When I have to make important decisions, I ask him and he asks me, too.« (X-53f-8)

Furthermore, the networks of dragonflies are extremely versatile, since they intentionally seek to include individuals in their networks who offer redundant

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information. For them, the creation of resilience through redundancy is also a specific network strategy: »I just know many more people [as a result of my mobility]. I do not need to always ask the same colleagues. Therefore, I do not need to overstress my network.« (X-52m-4)

The effective sizes reflect the redundancy of dragonfly networks. For example, the above visualised network is not only densely connected, but also has an effective size of 1.4 representing high levels of redundancy and at the same time granting easy and quick access to knowledge and information. As elaborated in the theoretical and methodological part, network development targets the efficiency of the network i.e. to receive more information and knowledge at a faster rate. Due to e.g. shared foci in the past, such as joint expatriation or a joint project, the ego builds strong ties on which he/she can rely for the acquisition and absorption of information and knowledge. Thus, interpersonal networks allow them to choose the shortest path to retrieve necessary pieces of information and knowledge, and simultaneously to have less need to double check the correctness of information due to mutual trust among their ties: »If I didn’t know him and would have to ask someone based from an organisation chart, then this is one of many e-mails that perhaps is perceived as ‘Again someone from Germany wants something again’ and if I just call X-t2 or write him two lines ‘Listen, I heard something. Do you know that?’ Then I know that I’ll have an answer the next morning due to the time delay.« (X-52m-4)

In this context, the spatial mobility of the ego plays a dual role. At the same time as spatial mobility creates face-to-face meetings and thus the opportunity to form new ties (network formation), mobility is also an important aspect of network development. In particular, the necessity of face-to-face meetings to maintain intra-firm networks becomes clear when looking at the intensity and frequency of mobility to the headquarters during expatriation: »There was a lot of contact with the home country. (…) I was in Munich every two months for an entire week. I was therefore able to exchange views with a lot of new contacts, because in America we were very active in numerous fields. It was not only a special field that we covered, but because we had different topics, I also had a very broad contact circle here in Germany. Even though I was in America, my network within the company has grown considerably.« (X-48m-1)

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»I have always tried to return to the mother house once a quarter, not just for a day but for a week or ten days. When I know I have a board meeting in June, I have to go to Germany anyway, then I hang on for a week and still block myself a day for location A, B and C. And it was always the case that the question came up: ‘Do you still have time? Can we meet sometime?’. And then I have these spare days so I can. Then we spoke for another ten minutes. These are all those staircase and coffee meetings you can’t plan.« (X-52m-4)

While network maintenance with already established contacts is to some extent an automatism and a result of daily routine3, network development is actively pursued even within the company under specific circumstances. Long assignments, irregular interaction with and physical absence from the sending institution for years bear the risk of losing connection with intra-firm networks in the sending institutions. Given the high relevance of efficient and large intra-firm networks across units including within the sending institution for dragonflies, it is important to evaluate one’s network and reflect it constantly in order to not become isolated, especially when large parts of the network retire or leave the company for other reasons. Interviewees agree upon the fact their networks grew considerably with their expatriate assignments. However, they also link those developments to an increase of responsibilities, change of tasks and functional areas: »The network has grown considerably. Probably the job, too. I just have more responsibilities. And I think that goes hand in hand.« (X-48m-1)

8.2.3 Social Networks as Competitive Advantage Personal networks in various business locations and units represent a central success factor for this type of expatriate. This applies both before, during and after the assignment. Being internally well connected is considered a form of personal reputation which secures their standing within the company:

3Due

to occupying central interfaces within the company and holding positions which rely on networks and communication with several departments and business units, there is—to some extent—no need to pursue strategic networking within the company, “because [my professional intra-firm network] has simply resulted from my tasks. I don’t really have to do it [i.e. to network] actively” (X-48m-2).

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»Imagine you have a joint venture in South Africa with 250, 300 employees. And then the big group comes and says you have to do it this way. And then the guys in South Africa sit there with a certain respect for the big organisation and get into a conflict because we still have a local partner who tells them something completely different and then they don’t know what to do. And if you then go down there with a certain standing and network, then it helps to first evaluate a requirement that comes from the headquarters. And to stand up. (…) I might have to go up two hierarchical levels and have to make that phone call.« (X-52m-4)

Apart from being a source of power, intra-firm networks are also a source of professional support. For example, in the beginning of an assignment, colleagues facilitate entries in foreign units or are important interlocutors to discuss corporate matters. Though all network members are embedded in a professional context, dragonflies tend to build strong relations based on friendship and mutual trust. Besides a professional relation, they simultaneously classify those ties as personal relationships. However, individuals not residing in their current country of residence tend to be acquaintances rather than friends, which generally equals lesser frequency of contact. Nevertheless, professional expatriate networks of global scope are an important source of knowledge and information.

8.2.4 Network Effects: The Expatriate as Boundary Spanner and Knowledge Broker Overall, expatriates of the type dragonfly create dynamic intra-firm and ­cross-locational networks, which provide several positive effects both for the company and for the ego. First, those positive effects result from the ego’s relational capital. They have access to nodes which are dispersed across the globe and various business locations. Especially relationships with local employees, made during expatriation, grants long-term access to geographically distant knowledge pools. Moreover, these nodes themselves possess relevant and heterogeneous social capital as an expression of their job position and individual qualifications and experiences. Second, these positive effects, i.e. knowledge acquisitions and dissemination, issue from personal relationships made during spatial, ­intra-organisational mobility in general and expatriation in particular. Knowledge flows in networks of dragonflies are multi-directional, and ­multi-locational, but locally embedded. The intensity of knowledge being disseminated increases with the complexity of tasks. As pointed out by X-48m-1,

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»We have completely restructured the IT system in the US to be more competitive. We have brought new technologies which were developed in Munich to the US and offered them on the market. That was a very intensive exchange. With different specialist departments at different levels.«

Due to the managerial position overseas, X-48m-1 relied on both technical developments delivered by the home unit as well as knowledge about the overseas market in order to be able to complete his expatriate mission, i.e. to expand market activities overseas. Thus, on the one hand knowledge about the developed technical product was transferred from the home unit to the expatriate overseas, which was then disseminated by the expatriate in the host unit. On the other hand, the colleagues overseas shared their knowledge about the overseas market with the expatriate, which then travelled via the expatriate to the sending institution, e.g. for the purpose of adjusting the development of the product according to the market’s needs. Therefore, expatriates of the type dragonfly function as boundary spanners, since they filter information and knowledge, which they (partly) disseminate again (cf. Fig. 8.4).

Figure 8.4   The expatriate as boundary spanner and respective (reverse) knowledge flows. Source Visualisation by the author

Apart from their coordinative and regulative function to govern in- and outflows of information across organisational divisions and locations, the expatriate of the type dragonfly also acts as a knowledge broker. In this respect, the empirical data reveals two types of knowledge brokers (cf. Fig. 8.5), who distinguish themselves with regard to the actors involved (host vs. home unit), the importance of physical proximity as well as the actual time needed to broker knowledge.

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Figure 8.5   Types of knowledge brokers and respective knowledge flows. Source Visualisation by the author

At first, the expatriate brings knowledge and expertise developed in the home unit into the foreign unit (type I). This refers to training local staff and developing local human resources as well as sharing expertise and driving organisational change: »If I understand how a Chinese person behaves, then it is much easier for me to change processes and routines over there. If I get on the plane to go there and show them ‘you have to do it that way’, then everybody agrees, but when I am gone, they carry on as before. (…) For example, I appoint an American expatriate to head supplier development [in the Asian organisation] for three years and at the same time he is given the task of developing and training his successor, who is Chinese who then inherits him.« (X-52m-4)

In this context, interviewees highlight the value and importance of longer forms of mobility. The act of translating (tacit) knowledge, making it available and ready-to-use in the foreign unit increases in complexity with the degree of its tacitness. Further, organisational change always initially provokes resistance and does not come easy. Considering these aspects, organisations need staff who are socialised and trained accordingly to be on-site for prolonged periods.

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Secondly, the expatriate mediates intra-organisational, cross-locational communication through translating locally embedded routines across divisions and increasing intra-organisational understanding (type II): »At that time we had difficulties with our Chinese supplier. The Americans complained about the Chinese and I needed someone who mediates with the Americans and, thus, also someone who was heard over there. Someone who can balance between both parties and return from the emotional to the factual level. And when I have an American sitting in China, he can talk to the people in the US in a very different way than when a Chinese person calls.« (X-52m-4)

Both types of knowledge brokers imply different conditions: whereas brokering activities related to type I generally demand physical proximity and face-to-face interaction in foreign units for the purpose of developing human resources and exchanging knowledge locally, type II-activities involve only the expatriate and a respective alter in the home unit. Ideally, the expatriate and the contact person in the home unit are already known to each other since it eases the communication across distance, which frequently relies on virtual means due to the geographical distance among respective business locations. Resulting from already existent mutual trust and common mode of understanding, knowledge brokering across business locations demands less time and effort than type I-activities. The expatriate’s capacity to broker knowledge and make it accessible to a wide range of audiences results from three inter-related factors. At first, the deployment allows them to broaden their minds, as well as establish an understanding and appreciation of local routines and work processes in foreign units. This mutual respect and understanding is necessary for any future collaboration and exchange. Not only during the overseas assignment, but particularly in the long run, dragonflies benefit from those experiences abroad which contribute to intra-organisational understanding and to the organisation’s performance overall, as explained by X-52m-4: »Someone who never leaves Germany, except perhaps for a business trip, may know people personally in the Shanghai office, where 500 people work, perhaps because he saw them at a conference. He knows the rest from the organisation chart and most of them he doesn’t know at all. But when I have sat in the office and know where they are sitting, then I have a completely different picture. (…) This still helps me today, because I know exactly where I am calling, when I am calling, how people are feeling when I call at 12 noon. Then I know he actually missed his bus an hour ago. And when you have experienced these things, then, I believe, you unconsciously deal with people differently. And they’ll know it. And then more will come back.«

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Secondly, the existence of mutual trust between the foreign unit and the headquarters on behalf of the interpersonal ties which already have been established prior to expatriation turns out to be particularly beneficial for contextualising knowledge and translating issues from one local context to another context. Here, individuals in other units, who themselves work at organisational interfaces or in strategically influential positions, are particularly beneficial due to the corporate power they inherit: »I might have to make a phone call, ‘Listen, X-t3, that’s not possible now. I know you do a lot of things like that, but we have to do it differently for South Africa, because… And I suggest that we do it this way and that way.’ And then, usually, you have an agreement very quickly because it is understood [by the headquarters]. So you also need this network to Germany in order to be able to make a difference abroad and to survive.« (X-52m-4)

Third, the interviews suggest that for both roles, boundary spanner and knowledge broker, spatial mobility and resulting face-to-face interaction are of particular relevance. On the one hand, personal interaction bears the possibility to retrieve information as a necessary antecedent for the fulfilment of these knowledge transfer roles: »I once had a case with a customer where I thought I’d have to go there again. And then you consider taking a 13 hour flight, staying overnight and then back again for one single topic. Do I really have to do this? And while I spent these 2.5 hours with X-t2 at the customer, we learned so many things. So I thought it was worth it that I was there. I would have never known these things otherwise.« (X-52m-4)

On the other hand, personal interaction, even if it was a while ago, facilitates the development of strong ties. These strong ties persist over time and space and are a necessary pre-condition for cross-locational knowledge transfers in the long run: »Personal contact is irreplaceable. And this applies also for internal networks. (…) And those contacts are strong, just as he is helpful to me, it is of course even more important to him when he sits on his Brazilian island and knows he has 20,000 people working here, but he also has three or four docking points here (…)« (X-52m-4) »I would consider the personal relationships [among those with whom I have frequent contact currently and those with whom I do not] as equal. I would not hesitate to call X-t5, who I worked with 15 years ago, and say ‘I have a question’.« ­(X-60m-2)

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To put it concisely, face-to-face interaction, already existing and newly tied interpersonal networks as well as intercultural understanding, which are a direct consequence of expatriate assignments, enable the expatriate of the type dragonfly to perform cross-locational knowledge transfers during and after their assignments. They do this very efficiently and quickly due to their intra-firm networks contributing to and increasing the overall performance of the organisation. Besides these corporate benefits, dragonflies also successfully use their networks for individual career-related reasons, though networks are bound primarily according to the needs of the organisation. First, having a cross-locational, cross-divisional network the ego gains insights into an array of various areas of responsibilities and teams, which allows for understanding complex corporate structures and respective processes, i.e. building a personal knowledge base about the company and its functioning. This tacit, corporate knowledge has distinct economic benefits for the ego, as those networks qualify for strategic management functions both abroad, as reflected in their assignments, as well as in the home unit. »That [having intra-firm networks] certainly played a role because I was deliberately sent to carry out such tasks, because they knew that I had access to various areas and people. Because on the one hand I am highly networked in the hierarchy and on the other hand, because I have worked in different functions, I am also networked in different areas. This was something they very deliberately wanted, especially for Korea and South Africa. If I hadn’t had those networks, I certainly wouldn’t have been asked to take those assignments.« (X-52m-4)

Inasmuch as networks have economic benefits to fulfil specific job positions before, during and after expatriations, interpersonal ties within their home units facilitate the return to the home unit. Dragonflies are more equipped with relational capital in order to manage this last phase of expatriation, the return and re-integration in the home unit, by themselves: »I was lucky to have strong relationships so that I could more or less request this position. Of course, I would have gotten something when I came back which would have fit somehow, financially, responsibility wise. But then I would have been sitting somewhere where my experience, which I bring along, especially worldwide networks and so on would not be usable or only a little. And a position which at some point I would have probably said ‘what do I want in this position?’. And here a managing director said ‘he was on the move for 12 years, now I should make sure that he gets a position which benefits me and which benefits him.’ You are not aware of those opportunities because your networks are not that good that you can see from the outside which dynamics are going on in the organisation, where there’s a

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position becoming free, where there might be a position which I could fill. If I hadn’t been told that the job existed, I wouldn’t have known until it was filled.« (X-52m-4)

8.2.5 Synopsis: Knowledge Flows in Networks of the Type Dragonfly In order to fulfil their function as boundary spanners and knowledge brokers, the expatriate is dependent on know-who. On the one hand dragonflies need to know who is able and capable to provide information and knowledge. Thus, they acquire knowledge about individuals and their skills according to their individual and corporate needs: »I’m looking for specific experts. Who could be a contact person? Who works in this field?« (X-40f-2) »(…) I figure out who are interesting people worth (…) knowing (…)« (X-48m-1)

Gaining knowledge about individuals is driven by both explicit and tacit sources. As the interviewees affirm, organisation charts may help identify respective individuals within the company. However, being acquainted with individuals and their responsibilities eases and accelerates the access to knowledge. Essentially, this kind of knowledge is of tacit nature and results from intra-firm networks: »You know each other; you know who does what where and how.« (X-45m-2)

Once know-who is acquired and the respective individuals are integrated in their networks, the expatriate needs to spend less time searching for relevant individuals and knowledge resources. With growing networks, they are able to increase their efficiency and performance with regards to intra-firm knowledge transfers. On the other hand, dragonflies also need knowledge and information about individuals who are in need of resources, i.e. they not only need to know individuals who act as resources, but also the recipients or, respectively, individuals who request specific resources. Relevant recipients and providers of resources may be determined by their areas of responsibilities, but the task to manage i­ntra-firm knowledge flows rises in complexity once more stakeholders are included, geographical distance between them needs to be overcome and/or knowledge involved itself is highly complex:

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»I have my ear here tuned to the market, with the project managers, to find out where there is a problem or see where things can be better and then try to make the better alternative available with the central departments in order to become more efficient here.« (X-52m-4)

Thus, the access of know-who tells only one part of the story in order to manage intra-firm knowledge flows in a boundary spanner or knowledge broker position. A basic understanding of the wider corporate context and specificities of units and divisions, e.g. the relevant software or technological understanding, is essential to assess the type and value of information and knowledge worthwhile acquiring from and disseminating among colleagues. In this regard, X-52m-4 stresses the importance of having a broad professional background: »If you have (…) worked in many areas, you have also acquired a great wealth of knowledge. Certainly not to the extent that you are familiar with every controlling tool and every purchasing tool here and there, but about how these things work together and are networked.«

Apart from possessing know-what, know-how and know-why, dragonflies need to a) acquire intercultural skills to understand work routines and processes as a necessary antecedent for knowledge transfer and b) develop respective communication strategies to transfer knowledge across geographical distance and associated foreign cultures: »The first time I went to England, I didn’t have much experience with English work philosophy. The biggest problems originate from culture and already the culture within Europe is not homogeneous and this actually caused most of the problems. When you have a technical conversation, you usually have no problems. Technical conversations are factual. The different approaches, how do I get to the solution, caused difficulties. The cube has six areas in England as well as in Germany. The only difference between the English and the Germans is how they build the cube. That’s what the French do differently from the English. And the Germans and Italians do it differently and the Indians do it three times differently.« (X-60m-2) »I can’t or shouldn’t write them [colleagues in the foreign unit possessing relevant information] directly for cultural reasons (…) But I know that with this method I don’t get the information I need because the other one [supervisor] looks over it. (…) That is the system there, you always inform the boss and do not approach the people directly, although I am aware that this way I do not achieve my goal which I have to fulfil here on site. (…) How much do I have to obey this culture (…)?« (X-31m-1)

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To conclude, dragonflies access knowledge via their networks, which can be characterised as know-who; i.e. they look for individuals which offer or need know-how, know-why and/or know-what. In order to fulfil their roles as boundary spanner and knowledge broker, they themselves need a) a basic understanding of technologies, processes, products, operating principles involved and b) familiarity with the wider corporate and local contexts they interact with (cf. Fig. 8.6).

Figure 8.6   Knowledge types involved in knowledge transfers in dragonfly networks. Source Visualisation by the author

8.3 Social Networks and Knowledge Transfer of Global and Regional Scope: The Type Spider Based on the web typically woven by spiders (Bellmann 2010:13), expatriates of the type spider maintain networks that can be characterised quantitatively as rather larger with an average size of 11.7 alter4 and, qualitatively, are based only on a few stable points of contact. The core alter, e.g. the strong ties, are reliable and consistent over time; additional nodes move from their loose networks into the inner circle temporarily, which, metaphorically speaking, reflects the joints of spider legs, which are flexible and elastic with great agility (Bellmann 2010:9). Their networks are primarily regional with some “satellite ties” abroad (cf. yarn flight of spiders (Heimer & Nentwig 1991:20)). Due to having access to heterogeneous knowledge pools, they possess the capacity to act as knowledge bridgers. They request (brokered) knowledge more often than they actively disseminate it.

4Networks of the type dragonfly consist of 5.7 alter on average, those of the type beetle of 4.3 when adjusted for outlier values.

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8.3.1 The Formation and Structure of Dynamic Networks: The Prevalence of Focus Theory Only one mechanism, namely shared foci, determines the initial formation of spider networks. The interviewees emphasise that their ties relate »(…) to a main task to be solved« (X-44m-2). Generally, expatriates of the type spider have in common that the formation of their networks is not influenced by their or the nodes’ formal roles or interpersonal similarity (homophily) except for sharing a professional interest5. During their careers, spiders have experienced major changes. Expatriation initiated either changes in their responsibilities and tasks or a change in employment upon their return. This shift of operational areas and employers as well as shared foci as a main driver for network formation explains the structure and composition of their networks. Though asked for intra-firm alteri during data collection, their networks have a strong external orientation, i.e. their networks are based on individuals, who are not necessarily directly part of their organisation, but include former colleagues, clients or (temporary) project partners: »My network grew because I have had so many occupational changes; I got to know a lot of new people (…)« (X-31f-1) »My work in the US at that time was completely different from what I do today. (…) But I also turn to colleagues abroad with whom I work on these topics. (…) But that simply has nothing to do with any colleagues [from expatriation] because they are not active in this area.« (X-41f-1)

Networks of the expatriate type spider have a strong core of only a few contacts, but an even larger network of weak ties. They refer to these strong nodes frequently and continuously, but overall the stronger ties are subject to shift equally to their operational changes: »There is a strong core of colleagues and befriended business partners who I use, who I consult again and again as a permanent group, but in addition, new people are always being included for topic-specific, customer-specific tasks. (…) And those experts can be added only temporarily, i.e. for a task or for a certain project.« (X-44m-2)

5This

is based on qualitative interviews. When testing network data, no universal pattern of homophily can be identified for a specific variable. In this context, each interviewee expresses different preferences.

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»There are different groups of people because I work on so many different topics, who are then contacts for me.« (X-40f-2)

The interviewee X-40f-2 clarifies the associated dynamics (cf. Fig. 8.7): apart from two unconnected nodes, the interviewee X-40f-2 has social ties to two separate groups, which stem from different occupations during her expatriation and upon her repatriation to Germany. Contacts from her expatriation (X-40f-2-E1m, X-40f-2-E2m, X-40f-E3f) are contacted less frequently and exist due to a personal interest in the respective individuals. Since her repatriation to Germany inhibited an occupational change, professional contacts are located in Germany (X-40f-2-E5m, X-40f-2-E6m, X-40f-2-E7f, X-40f-2-E8f). Due to her recent relocation to the UK, local contacts of relevance have yet to be established. Since her professional contacts in Germany still play a role in her professional activities in the UK, contact frequency to those alteri is rather high.

Figure 8.7   External orientation in networks of the type spider – example X-40f-2. Source Visualisation by the author using the software VennMaker

Generally, the closer contacts of the type spider tend to have a regional focus, although their networks are of global scope due to their vivid careers within their home countries and during their time abroad. As X-44m-2 explains:

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»I have a lot of loose contacts (…) but also some long-term, close relationships, I’d say loyal companions, for years. But this group of people is smaller. (…) My network is Germany-wide and then there are satellites from my time in India.« ­(X-44m-2)

The geographical focus of networks varies according to current job responsibilities and work tasks, since business activities guide their professional networks: »Certainly, those people I work more closely with at the moment are [geographically] closer [to me], because they are more readily available.« (X-60m-2) »With the occupational change I no longer have intensive contact [to expatriate colleagues]. (…) But I have started to have contact again with people I studied with in South Africa. (…) But these contacts have only been revived for professional reasons. These contacts are business driven.« (X-31m-1) »(…) I would say that there are very few long-term contacts that have really lasted for many years. There are very, very few of them. However, they are actually strong over such a long period of time. I have two or three people in Cameroon that I would contact if I need anything from the African side.« (X-40f-2)

Their vivid careers not only have implications for the spatial distribution of alteri, the existence of sub-groups and the general high number of alteri in their networks, but also for the shape of their networks. The degree centralisation for the networks of the interviewees X-40f-2, X-48m-1 and X-60m-2 is above 0.5 and the values for density 0.5 or below demonstrating the above described structure (cf. Fig. 8.8): networks of the type spider have a star-like shape with the ego in their centres and at least one sub-group apart from unconnected nodes. These sub-groups are internally connected, however, separate sub-groups are only linked through the ego’s presence.

Figure 8.8   The structure of networks of the type spider – the examples of the interviewee X-40f-2 and X-60m-2. Source Visualisation by the author using the software UCINET

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8.3.2 Network Development: Network Growth as Guiding Principle Generally, spiders put effort both in the development of dyadic ties as well as in their professional networks as a whole. The development of the latter, i.e. the structural level, is driven by thoughts of growth. Given the versatility of professional careers and changing professional contexts, spiders express the necessity to build relationships to actors and individuals who are important for their current profession. Therefore, preferential attachment plays an important role for the development of their networks, as demonstrated by X-40f-2: »In this third project (…) and I haven’t been in London that long (…) I’m trying to find a circle of experts in this field who are then my contacts for this particular aspect.« (X-40f-2)

The analysis of social processes targeting the qualitative development of dyadic ties reveals that spiders articulate a predominantly personal interest in maintaining and developing loose ties in strong(er) ties. Contrary to dragonflies, which emphasise reciprocal behaviour as an important mechanism in the professional context, expatriates of the type spider maintain dyadic ties due to emotional attachment relying on friendship and affection6, once a tie is created due to a professional need or in the professional context: »It is indeed the case that I keep in touch with my [expatriate] colleagues, who I simply liked, because they are more like friends than colleagues.« (X-31f-1) »Here, business contacts develop into friendships. For example, my very best friend is a former colleague.« (X-53f-8) »(…) whenever he returns to Switzerland (…) we do something together (…) go on ski tours (…) I grew up with this colleague. I have known him for 20, 25 years now.« (X-31m-1)

As a further mechanism of network development, spiders emphasise the role of spatial mobility and physical distance. Interviewees affirm that spatial mobility serves network growth, due to professional shifts associated with expatriation and

6This

great personal interest for the development of ties is reflected in the meaning of their networks i.e. their networks are a great source of emotional support (cf. Section 8.3.3).

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repatriation. Further, the great physical distance forces individuals to extend their networks: »My network has expanded as a result of my stay in the US because I have had the opportunity to switch to another field of expertise.« (X-41f-1) »[My network grew] Bigger, much bigger, especially because we moved so far away (…) we had to completely rebuild everything.« (X-51f-3)

Yet, network growth does not only affect the actual number of nodes, but also the geographical scope. As X-56f-3 explains, »I’d say one contact from each post lasts. The problem is that the people who were in the country at the time I was there are no longer there. Even if I go back, I wouldn’t find them anymore. That means meeting these people means flying across the world. This makes the maintenance of these contacts much more difficult because of the distances, because they come from New Zealand and Mexico and places I don’t go per se.«

Characteristically, spiders develop and pursue strategic networking to a lesser extent than dragonflies. They care for their networks as a result of considering their nodes as friends, but »it [network maintenance] doesn’t follow any strategy, it follows only my heart and gut feeling« (X-44m-2). For them »personal exchange is paramount« (X-44m-2), however, they neither possess sufficient corporate resources nor invest respective personal resources to foster expatriate relationships resulting from their assignments by means of face-to-face interaction. Due to their vivid careers and regular change of work settings, they simply lack  time to maintain contacts which have no direct economic/occupational relevance, or there is no current need to uphold some relationships: »Most of them would be happy to hear from each other again. These people, they probably feel similar to me, have far too little time to network in their current ­day-to-day business.« (X-60m-2) »(…) in my job as a consultant you are constantly working in different industries and on different projects. Of course, most of my customers have stayed in the industry and continue to do their jobs. If I am taken back into the industry as part of a project, i.e. with the supplier or wherever, then the contacts are immediately there again and are immediately active again and it is up and running. While I am not in the industry, it is actually more the personal track that keeps everything up to date and asks how everything is going, etc.« (X-44m-2)

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Whenever individuals of the type spider follow active networking for the purpose of maintenance, they focus predominantly on personal and not professional ties. Interviewees report that »They [i.e. expatriate contacts] are very close friends, who I invited to our wedding. We try to see each other once in a while. I also visited them in the US.« (X-41f-1) »If it works out, I meet them personally, otherwise I maintain contact via internet. For instance, last summer I was invited to a wedding from a former colleague, in Malmö. Then I went there. It is important to me because I like them and I’d be excited to see them again and if the opportunity turns up, I’ll go.« (X-31f-1)

Due to fewer resources available, spiders switch to digital communication channels in order to maintain expatriate ties over time. Skype, WhatsApp, E-Mail and phone calls partially substitute the lack of face-to-face interaction not only concerning stronger and expatriate ties, but also concerning their loose network: »Maintaining my contacts in the US only works due to the technical opportunities you have. Skype, Facebook, WhatsApp and so forth. This actually runs via digital media.« (X-41f-1). »There are many loose contacts, in particular also promoted by the social networks over which one has naturally contact.« (X-44m-2) »I am networked with the rest of my [expatriate] team via linkedin. If there’s a job change, we congratulate each other.« (X-31m-1)

Proxy reports reflect the use of digital technologies and the fact that face-to-face interaction is restricted to personal contacts. For instance, X-40f-2 reports that if face-to-face interaction is to happen, it occurs in her free time. Furthermore, the interviewees X-40f-2 and X-60m-2 also use Instant Messaging Services and Social Online Networks for keeping in touch – a fact not observed in dragonflies. Apart from digital communication, some interviewees demonstrate creativity in maintaining personal contacts over geographical distance, as illustrated by the following example: »I try to balance this [i e. lack of face-to-face interaction] out by sending small gifts or packages and I think that’s better than sending an email.« (X-44m-2)

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8.3.3 Social Networks as Social Support System, Source of Income and Provider of Ideas Expatriates of the type spider attach three different meanings to their personal networks: interpersonal ties are (a) the source of emotional support, especially during time overseas, (b) an important source of income and finally (c) serve the exchange of ideas and advice. The interviewee X-31f-1 highlights that during stressful or difficult times at work her colleagues demonstrated solidarity with each other: »In Malmö, the colleagues were more of a support. We closed the office door and then the one who just got chewed out could just talk about it and the others supported him.« (X-31f-1)

Further, such support can also appear across geographical distance. X-40f-2 points to the impact of one contact located in Germany has had on her overall well-being and success while being stationed in Africa: »X-t4 provided me with a lot of support in applying for the project and above all supported me for the whole three years I’ve been working on it. That was a very nice collaboration. That also motivated me very much, because the job was also very strenuous to do.« (X-40f-2)

Since spiders experienced professional re-orientation during expatriation and after repatriation, e.g. including self-employment and entrepreneurial activities, their networks have direct economic relevance. Generally, relationships to external contacts, such as (former) colleagues, are important for the acquisition of projects both by generating demand, but also indirectly through referrals to third parties: »My contacts play a very, very large role. I get a lot of orders and requests through my network.« (X-53f-80) »What helps [for doing business] is that these projects and personal contacts are considered references. When I acquire new customers, it is easy to have this one common contact person in your network. If you can use this personal reference, then of course it makes it easier to get information, build a basis of trust and ultimately generate and execute the business.« (X-44m-2)

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»There is an employee [in this organisation] (…) she is still an important contact for me. She also quite often conveys cases for mediation to me.« (X-40f-2)

Third, having a network of internal and external colleagues is necessary for being able to deliver projects. This can happen by either exchanging ideas and information or through supporting ones’ business through other means: »Colleagues play a very important role (…) because being on the road alone is of course extremely unpleasant, for the assurance of customer understanding and internally, the colleagues also form a good level of reflection.« (X-44m-2) »Colleagues are enormously important to change perspectives and to catch up with other points of view. I attach great importance to them.« (X-41f-1) »For example, I have now had two interviews arranged for me by a scientist in Cameroon I worked with in Cameroon.« (X-40f-2)

8.3.4 Network Effects: The Expatriate as Generator of Knowledge Flows The characteristics of spider networks as well as the meanings these possess for the individuals do not remain without consequences for the transfer of knowledge. Their vibrant careers with changing professions and occupational areas and their time abroad generate resourceful networks in terms of accessible knowledge and information. As a result, they connect diverse groups of individuals and bridge different, geographically scattered knowledge pools (cf. Fig. 8.8). Their effective sizes are only slightly lower than their network degrees emphasising the general non-redundancy of information in their network despite internally more or less connected sub-groups. One explanation is the general tendency to include a greater number of ties in their network which then are only partially linked to each other. Despite their exposed position, egos do not actively broker knowledge or fulfil a boundary spanning function. Rather, spiders request (brokered) knowledge and in doing so initiate knowledge flows across geographical distance. Due to their business activities, the knowledge eventually flows back to their network members (cf. Fig. 8.9).

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Figure 8.9   Knowledge flows in spider networks. Source Visualisation by the author

The importance of brokered knowledge is demonstrated by the following statement: »For example, I want to sell a train to a customer in India. To learn more about the deployment scenario, how trains are handled there, I search the web. There is a lot of information about it on the internet. But is that really true or not? So I ask my contacts, ‘Is this horrible news we have in Germany about Indian trains true?’ Because what we consider terrible news for our product, they see quite differently, for them it is normal. Our product in the area… we are not used to it. This is our external view about it. And then I validate this view. Because… There are, for example, 25,000 people dying in train accidents. No one cares over there. It would be a disaster if the same percentage of people died here due to train accidents. They hang on the doors outside. You can see it in the pictures. Is that a one off or is that common? Well, those are the questions I ask.« (X-60m-2)

The interviewee X-60m-2 states that his international contacts, tied during expatriation and intense business travel, are relevant when he needs tacit, ­country-specific information. Exchange of such kinds of knowledge unfolds particular relevance for the country-specific product design and development of a sales strategy adapted to the demands of the foreign market. In order to understand the logic of the foreign market, his contacts in these markets need to provide background information and, thus, act as brokers.

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However, brokered knowledge resulting from expatriate ties does not only show relevance after assignments, but also during time abroad, as demonstrated by the following example: »I had to learn a lot in the beginning. Like giving presentations, for example. How do I introduce topics in Germany and how do I introduce them in the US? There are big differences. So I’ve asked to have it pointed out whenever I choose unusual words or an unusual form of presentation that doesn’t appeal to the audience.« (X-41f-1)

8.3.5 Synopsis: Knowledge Flows in Networks of the Type Spider The last two examples of the preceding section further clarify the type of knowledge flowing through spider networks: due to their positions during assignments, which are both operative and strategic, as well as the progress in their careers, they offset flows of knowledge which can be classified as know-how and ­know-what. In order to reach corporate goals or to boost one’s company, spiders access a wide range of different knowledge types to perform a given task at work. The specific kind of knowledge acquired and exchanged through interpersonal relationships varies according to their specific fields of expertise, areas of responsibilities and current tasks. This includes, e.g. knowledge about foreign markets, foreign work routines, societal norms and the functioning of social systems or facts and information about foreign business units. Depending on their scope of tasks, i.e. whether they conduct operational or strategic business, the actual preference for know-how, know-why and know-what varies. Having access to the respective knowledge resources is of crucial importance to their business activities. Therefore, possessing know-who, i.e. knowledge about individuals and their competences, is a central input factor (cf. Fig. 8.10).

Figure 8.10   Knowledge types involved in knowledge transfers in spider networks. Source Visualisation by the author

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The ego benefits from these (brokered) knowledge flows. For example, they make use of other individuals’ competencies and skills whenever their own resources are not sufficient. This requires knowledge of the skills and competencies of potential employees and partners. Similarly, X-31m-1 affirms that »I know who and where the people are that I need the information from.«. The fact that spiders do not primarily and actively seek knowledge of the type know-who is additionally interesting, since one might assume that their business activities also include acquisition and sales and thus knowing key players in their respective industries is crucial for their own entrepreneurial activities. Nonetheless, these have not been addressed in the interviews assuming that they either have already acquired a solid customer base or that, for instance, professional events ­(know-what) are of greater relevance and the actual search for projects represents then a succeeding process during those events. Finally, the high values for effective sizes needs to be considered critically, as they may render the ego highly dependent on individual nodes, and even vulnerable to losses of network members.

8.4 Social Networks and Knowledge Transfer of Local Scope: The Type Beetle Empirical data indicates that expatriates of the type beetle tend to switch back to networks of regional/local scope with a generally lower number of reported ties. They express almost no strategic networking efforts. If at all, these target their immediate radius, both geographically as well as functionally. For processes of knowledge transfers this implies that beetles focus on aspects of learning, i.e. they seek (unbrokered) (technological) knowledge from more experienced colleagues without actively disseminating it. Metaphorically speaking, this type of expatriate resembles the chrysomela rufa or timarcha tenebricosa, representatives of the leaf beetle (Zahradník & Chvála 1991: 367, Chinery 1987:282, 367). These beetles stand on relatively wide feet, and their wings have grown together. Therefore, they are unable to fly and can move only slowly. In the figurative sense, their physical appearance resembles the core characteristics of beetle networks. The low number of ties and the local geographical scope networks results in no or severely hampered access to geographically distant knowledge pools.

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8.4.1 The Formation and Structure of Local Networks: The Role of Focus Theory and Formal Roles Networks of beetles emerge out of joint activities at the workplace, such as project-driven work arrangements. The formation of dyadic ties is oriented ­ towards formal roles of those team members. They seek to have contact with »(…) mostly more experienced colleagues who are involved in the project operationally« (X-46m-2). Due to their operational activities abroad, i.e. providing support as a specialist in foreign units, the beetle experiences a lesser need to build a network which is oriented to external actors or to various different departments within the company. Although the project settings change regularly, these last for a considerable time enabling the formation of strong ties. Therefore, the networks are comparatively small in size, but characterised by »rather fewer contacts, but good contacts« (X-46m-2). Due to their scope of current activities, their networks are oriented on their immediate surrounding both in spatial and functional terms. Usually, only very few, sporadic ties outlast the actual assignment. In this respect, it is noteworthy that the quantitative network analysis reports strong tendencies for homophily in regard to the variable country of residency. The visual network representation highlight the limited geographical scope (cf. Fig. 8.11).

Figure 8.11   The spatial representation of beetle networks – the example X-44m-2. Source Visualisation by the author using the software VennMaker

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While the spatial scope of networks became apparent in the analysis, the overall structure of networks is ambiguous. Across cases, values for density and degree centralisation cover the full range. The internal connection of networks vary. Since network parameters do not show a clear tendency, the analysis of qualitative data is more important for the structural analysis of beetle networks. It stands to reason that network members are likely to know each other, since networks are local and focus on the immediate relevance. However, from the perspective of social processes related to network development and the actual meaning of ties, which is highly selective and driven by personal preferences only, the presumption that ties are not necessarily internally connected is also valid.

8.4.2 Network Development: The Role of Personal Attachment The rationale behind developing and maintaining networks is purely personally motivated and does not occur for professional reasons. While beetles are aware of the importance of professional networks, they neither develop specific networking strategies to enlarge their networks nor develop existent ties systematically e.g. to increase their performance at work: »I personally do not care about a network with the motivation to do something for my job or my career, but I try to maintain personal ties. (…) I do not maintain a professional network.« (X-46m-2) »I like X-t6 (…) I do not stay in contact with X-t6 because I want her help at some point. (…) I am someone who talks to people I sympathize with at events. I don’t look at the homepage with the board members and then talk to them specifically or anything like that.« (X-31f-1) »I don’t do that [strategic networking], but look what comes around and which interesting conversations develop (…) But not in the sense that I have to get to know him or her specifically.« (X-41f-1)

This has also implications for expatriate ties, which are selectively and sporadically maintained: »I have only very little contact left [with people from my assignments]. And that is more valuable to me than knowing people in any position and calling them every now and then, just in case that at some point I might need a contact in the position.« (X-46m-2)

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Personal interest and attachment as well as mutual appreciation seem to be the main driver behind the maintenance of ties. However, professional interest does not seem to matter. Expatriates of the type beetle maintain their ties by communicating via e-mail, as well as by phone and face-to-face meeting. However, overcoming geographical distance is not actively pursued; if at all, spatial mobility comes into effect only if there is a specific need: »If I went there [for other reasons, e.g. vacation], then I would meet up with them.« (X-31f-1)

8.4.3 Social Networks as a Source of Friendship and Expertise For beetles, networks play a dual role: on the one hand, networks tied at work create significant friendships: »Over time, friendships develop.« (X-31f-1) »With professional networks there is usually a professional topic in the foreground. However, personal topics are always added to those relationships over time. This means that the exchange takes place purely on a private level sometimes.« (X-41f-1)

On the other hand, since they result from work arrangements, networks are a source of expertise and knowledge. The collaboration with others generates learning opportunities. Beetles use these temporary project arrangements to increase their level of competence and skills: »They [expatriate colleagues] were a kind of catalyst to help you understand some things better.« (X-46m-2)

8.4.4 Network Effects: The Expatriate as Beneficiary of Knowledge Flows Since professional ties create opportunities to learn and educate themselves, beetles play a comparatively passive role in corporate knowledge transfers. They do not control or regulate intra-firm knowledge flows across geographical distances nor do they actively stimulate exchanges. Furthermore, it is characteristic for beetles that the absorbed knowledge does not flow back into the network in any way.

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Whenever these expatriates initiate knowledge flows, it serves mainly their own interests. They do not disseminate acquired knowledge any further. As represented graphically in Fig. 8.12 and verbalised by one interviewee, knowledge flows are unilateral, benefitting only the individual and his/her level of competence and skills: »X-t7 works on insanely interesting things and one listens gladly and catches and notices a lot. I’ve benefited a lot from him during the time I worked with him [during the overseas assignment], in any case from a technical point of view.« (X-46m-2)

Figure 8.12   Knowledge transfer in beetle networks. Source Visualisation by the author

Though individuals of this type do not report any active dissemination of knowledge, it is likely that they distribute knowledge nonetheless. Through interacting with peers at the workplace, they contribute to the delivery of a given task, the development of specific product, for instance. In the given organisational context, beetles probably share knowledge in an unsystematic manner or are unaware of situation in which knowledge is informally shared with each other.

8.4.5 Synopsis: Knowledge Flows in Networks of the Type Beetle Due to their specific role for the transfer of knowledge, beetles need to possess a basic level of expertise –  know-what, know-how, know-why about their specific fields – in order to be able to deepen their knowledge in the first place (cf. Fig. 8.13). Since they do not look strategically for specific knowledge pools, they do not require know-who. Rather they behave in an opportunistic manner: whenever any of their contacts provide knowledge and information which might be of benefit to them, they absorb it.

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Figure 8.13   Knowledge types involved in knowledge transfers in beetle networks. Source Visualisation by the author

8.5 Interim Conclusion IV: Social Networks and Knowledge Transfer in the Age of Global Mobility So far, this chapter has discussed how expatriates develop professional networks in a context of spatial mobility. Due to their specific structures, expatriates of the type dragonfly, spider and beetle possess the possibility to transfer knowledge over geographical distance. In order to summarise the preceding data analysis, the following Section 8.5.1 synthesises these types and highlights differences and similarities among them. Section 8.5.2 adds a spatial perspective to the ongoing discussion by debating the role and impact of spatial mobility and to what extent proximity, distance and space shapes networks, before a concluding discussion of expatriates’ role for the transfer of knowledge over geographical distance follows in Section 8.5.3.

8.5.1 Final Cross-Case Comparison of Expatriate Types, Their Networks and Associated Implications for Intra-Firm Transfer of Knowledge Fig. 8.14 provides a detailed overview of the comparative dimensions and respective characteristics of each type summarising the previous analysis. To begin with, dragonflies demonstrate extremely versatile strategies to tie professional networks. Homophily, focus theory and formal roles explain their network formation. Contrarily, spiders and beetles follow fewer social and cognitive processes highlighting the overall importance of joint foci. These can likewise relate to a joint task that needs to be solved, the expatriate experience as such or spatial corporate mobility in general. Similarly to the differences in network formation, each type develops and evaluates their networks differently in regards to the provision with and access

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to knowledge. Related to this, each type plays a distinct role in the transfer of knowledge. In contrast to spiders and beetles, dragonflies make efforts to strategically optimise their networks, which is reflected in their generally high level of redundancy in securing maximum flow and the shortest paths. Despite the loss of diversity of knowledge, knowledge resources can be accessed quickly and reliably. Their intention to optimise knowledge flows is closely linked to their function in the knowledge transfer process, in which they act as both boundary spanner and knowledge broker. Dragonflies absorb knowledge in order to disseminate it further. Therefore, they need to possess basic knowledge about routines, technologies and work processes, but more importantly they actively look for groups, individuals or business units that seek and/or provide specific knowledge. In contrast, the type spider predominantly pursue the structural growth of their networks. In the case of spiders, the need for network growth results on the one hand from their professional biographies as well as discrepancies between their areas of responsibilities and/or their employers before, during, and after expatriation. The spider does not so much rely on the knowledge of what, why, and how, but values the possibility to change their own perspective and understanding for certain behaviours and problem solving strategies. They emphasise the exchange of ideas, but without looking strategically and systematically for specific individuals and knowledge repositories as determined for the type dragonfly. Spiders bridge different knowledge pools but without actively brokering knowledge, since those sub-groups are embedded in different (occupational) contexts. Whereas beetles do not feed any information back into their networks, these ensure them the benefits of knowledge sharing activities of dragonflies and spiders. As the beetle absorbs knowledge, those individuals emphasise the possibility to learn from their nodes, i.e. they focus on developing their own skills by deepening their own understanding for technologies, routines and so forth with accessing knowledge in the form of experts in their fields. Therefore, they seek access to know-how, know-why and know-what. The beetles’ role in the transfer can be most likely characterised as one who absorbs knowledge flows. Independently from the role their networks play for the access to knowledge, all types equally agree that professional networks generate support. However, the actual meaning of “support” varies greatly. It ranges from a professional understanding (dragonfly) to emotional support (spider) to an even higher level as reflected in the concept of friendship (beetle). Finally, the analysis reveals that the higher face-to-face interaction is valued by the expatriate and given respective resources, the greater their overall spatial mobility and analogously the greater the geographical scope of networks.

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Figure 8.14   A cross-case comparison of qualitative indicators. Source Visualisation by the author

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8.5.2 Being Here and Being There: The Role of Spatial Mobility for the Formation and Development of Social Networks Across all single cases as well as identified types and their respective networks, a consensus exists that the quality and quantity of social ties is determined by mutually experienced physical proximity. It needs to be emphasised, however, that although physical co-presence contributes to building an intercultural understanding and can indeed influence future cooperation with the respective foreign units both during and after assignments, long-term knowledge transfer can only arise when strong social relationships exists. To develop these, physical proximity needs intensive cooperation and face-to-face interaction among individuals. This implies that not only spatial proximity plays a relevant role for the development of professional networks, but also joint projects and collaboration (shared foci) as such while being on assignment. Taking into account the fact that the identified expatriate types grant different importance to face-to-face interactions for the further development of networks, it can be stated that spatial mobility influences both the formation of networks and the development of ties (cf. Fig. 8.15).

Figure 8.15   The role of spatial mobility for the generation and development of professional networks. Source Visualisation by the author

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At first, spatial mobility can be considered a formative condition. Being in one place – given that the co-presence is based on collaborative activities – enables face-to-face interaction which proves to be beneficial to build trust between two parties efficiently, facilitates mutual socialisation, provides motivation and helps convey knowledge about complex matters (cf. Storper & Venables 2004). Further, spatial mobility implies that while one is over here, the person cannot be over there, i.e. simply the state of being geographically distant to existent ties forces the expatriate to establish new ties in order to access information and knowledge, integrate in the new corporate society and so forth. Secondly, spatial mobility stimulates the development of professional networks in various aspects. First, spatial mobility is considered an important mechanism to strengthen and maintain existent relationships. Face-to-face interaction helps to maintain trust, mutual esteem and secures the access to knowledge. Thus, spatial mobility does not become less important after initial dyadic ties are formed, but unleashes the potential to maintain them in the long run. Considering dynamics on the structural level, it should be noted that on the one hand, individuals report inflows in their networks both in quantitative ways, i.e. an enlargement of their networks with regards to the number of nodes, as well as in spatial ways, i.e. the geographic scope of their networks increases, as results of spatial mobility. This is accompanied by qualitative changes in social networks. On the other hand, the reconfiguration of proximity and distance leads to a shifted contact intensity. As a result of mobility, former regularly accessed contacts transform into inactive ones. As formulated by X-45m-2: »I’d say some glow more than others. Well, you see a kind of Milky Way.« However, the node’s state, i.e. inactive or regularly contacted by the ego, is neither final nor given, but is subject to constant change depending on mobility patterns, thematic focus of current work tasks, the region the ego is currently living in, financial resources and personal motivation, effort and dedication. The dynamic nature of social networks and their respective quality of ties leads further to the conclusion that spatial mobility leads to an enrichment of professional networks and not per se to an enlargement or shrinkage of networks in terms of number of nodes. Rather, diversification of networks concerning cultural heterogeneity, contact frequency, thematic foci/cliques and geographic location occurs. Finally yet importantly, spatial mobility optimises the flow of knowledge between individuals. As explained above, being in the same physical place while collaborating together creates a myriad of opportunities to convey tacit knowledge among nodes and creates trust, which helps these ties outlast the actual assignment.

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8.5.3 Expatriates and Knowledge Transfer: The Role of Social Networks After all, despite technological progress, face-to-face interaction is still central for the transfer of knowledge concerning the transfer of complex issues or sensitive matters, such as contract negotiations, learning and training, delivery of high-tech developments or the establishment of greenfield and brownfield investments, to name but a few. In order to perform well, which is dependent on the success of transferring knowledge among parties, interviewees highlight the benefits of spatial mobility and physical proximity. Interviewees indicate that the more complex the matter, the more benefits can arise from prolonged forms of mobility. This can be traced back to a) the tacit nature of knowledge and b) that the exchange of knowledge and learning process as a sensitive matter requires trust, which is established through joint activities. Thus, overcoming spatial distance for prolonged periods results in shrinking relational distance, which has not only beneficial effects for the time spent abroad, but has positive implications in the long run. The transfer of knowledge across business units via individuals is not restricted to the actual time spent on site and abroad, but temporary spatial proximity allows personal relationships to be formed enabling longer lasting inter-unit, intra-firm knowledge flows. Thus, the transfer of knowledge neither commences with the beginning of an expatriate assignment nor terminates with the return of the expatriate to the sending unit7. Therefore, expatriates are indeed important agents in the knowledge transfer process, especially due to their exposed functional and corporate position to create social bonds. These relationships function as antecedents for any exchange of knowledge, ideas, information and developments. However, it would be misleading to consider expatriates as a homogeneous group with an equal capacity to activate and contribute to any flows among business units in different locations. The analysis demonstrates that expatriate networks and their roles in the knowledge transfer process depend on job-related factors (areas of responsibilities, status and job function), ­knowledge-related factors (type of knowledge) as well as individual factors (motivations for and practices of strategic and systematic networking), and finally, space-related factors (resources for travel intensity, appre-

7In

fact, some expatriates are in contact with the receiving unit beforehand due to previous collaborations and joint projects.

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ciation of face-to-face interaction, use of virtual communication and travel). In summary, individuals who – occupy central interfaces in companies with strategic and/or managerial functions, – rely on know-who, – prefer face-to-face interaction over virtual communication, and – possess resources to overcome geographical distances on a regular basis are more likely to build professional networks of a global scope and reach with the capacity to engage in cross-locational knowledge flows. Since beetles do not actively interact in transfer processes by contributing inflows and networks of spiders are more likely to be oriented to external than internal contacts, the data indicates that only expatriates of the type dragonfly play a central role in intra-firm, cross-locational knowledge flows. They contribute significantly to business performance by controlling, managing, governing, moderating and mediating knowledge flows within and across business units. Nonetheless, it is worthwhile recalling that the in-depth characterisation of the identified types is empirically constructed. This implies the likelihood to encounter individuals in real life who demonstrate aspects of more than one type simultaneously. While in some aspects, e.g. geographical scope of networks, one individual can be classified as a spider, the actual intensity and role of mobility to maintain networks resembles rather the type of dragonflies. Similarly, Section 8.1 discusses the impact of overlapping types for the data analysis. Further, the suggested typology is not a clear-cut classification. Apart from overlapping aspects, individuals are expected to change network strategies, compositions, and meanings throughout their lifetime. Thus, individuals resemble different types at different points in time. An associated factor is the impact of external factors, i.e. job role, on the type. This implies that companies can also contribute to the development of specific types in accordance with the expected outcomes of assignments.

Part III Critical Discussion

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Discussion of Empirical Findings

The theoretical analysis of Chapters 1–5 demonstrates that a) the transfer of (tacit) knowledge requires temporary co-location of actors for opportunities of face-to-face interaction. Face-to-face interactions lead to personal relationships, which constitute the basis for any transfer of knowledge. Therefore, companies invest in the spatial mobility of their employees to create opportunities for network building and exchange. The analysis further highlights that b) different forms of corporate spatial mobility produce distinct social settings. These settings allow different social relationships to be formed which vary in quality, quantity and geographic scope. Due to the tacit nature of knowledge, current studies emphasise that c) expatriates have a specific potential for the transfer of tacit knowledge due to prolonged face-to-face interaction and their understanding for different work cultures and processes. The prolonged stay enables expatriates to form strong bonds based on mutual trust and hence to transfer complex knowledge and information. The empirical analysis extends the understanding of the role of expatriates for the knowledge transfer process by means of a qualitative analysis of qualitative and network data. The empirical analysis rests upon the idea that social relationships are the linchpins for the transfer of knowledge transfer, however this missing link is not systematically researched in the context of expatriation. Hence, the empirical analysis focuses on the effect of spatial mobility on the formation and development of networks. The network structures as well as the qualitative insights on network formation, development and their effects allow the role of expatriates in the knowledge transfer process to be derived in an ­iterative,

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2020 V. R. Hünnemeyer, Knowledge Transfers over Geographical Distance in Organisations, Perspektiven der Humangeographie, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-31018-9_9

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t­riangulated process. The analysis demonstrates that expatriates are indeed important agents for the transfer of knowledge, however, with varying disseminative capacities. Further, the analysis shows that although business organisations are well aware of the networking aspect of knowledge transfer in the expatriation context, they do not address this aspect adequately in their knowledge management strategies. In order to demonstrate the implications of the empirical research results which go beyond the identification of expatriate types and the role of social networks and spatial mobility for the transfer of knowledge in firms and highlight its implication on conceptual level, the aim of this chapter is three-fold: (1) due to the exposed position of certain expatriates for intra-firm knowledge flows over geographical distance and in recourse to the discussion of the ­buzz-pipeline-model, Section  9.1 provides a theoretical-conceptual extension of this model; (2) two interrelated arguments with respect to the geography of social networks in general and the spatiality of knowledge flows in MNCs are being developed in Sections 9.2 and 9.3. As advocated by Glückler et al. (2017:11) “(…) the complex interrelations between networks, space, and knowledge can be solved only if approaches from different disciplines are combined in a multidisciplinary way. Their individual contributions help integrate both network arguments of connectivity and geographical arguments of contiguity and contextuality in a more comprehensive understanding of the ways in which people and organizations are constrained by and make use of space and networks for learning and innovation.” Essentially, this work is grounded in a dedicated geographical perspective on spatially induced organisational constraints and the challenges of multinational enterprises for the transfer of knowledge. Through the study of informal social relations in particular, and to some extent formal arrangements, the author is dedicated to exploring social processes of network formation and development from a spatial perspective as well as associated aspects of knowledge transfer over geographical distance, since the latter are of interpersonal nature by implication (Müller-Prothmann 2010:835). Herewith, the study continues in Business and Management Studies, which declare that “(I)n every formal organization there arise informal organizations. (…) The constituent groups of the organization, like all groups, develop their own

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p­ ractices, values, norms, and social relations as their members live and work together. The roots of these informal systems are embedded in the formal organization itself and nurtured by the very formality of its arrangements.” (Blau & Scott 1962:6). The complexity of the coexistence of the company’s code of conduct and informal social arrangements increases with the spatial dispersion of business units not only because of non-transparent, difficult-to-manage and intricate organisational structures, but also because social networks within firms and business units are spatially and organisationally embedded (Hess 2004:177 f., Blau & Scott 1962:6). As Yeung (2005:311) notes: “The firm is really about organizing social relations in different places and at different spatial scales. Its very constitution is made up of socio-spatial relation that define the core of the firm.” Therefore, Meyer et al. (2011:236) speak of multiple embeddedness of international organisations: MNCs as such face the challenge of integrating units from multiple locations into an overall, functioning corporate entity in order capitalise on their global dispersion. Second, subsidiaries have to balance the demands of their internal embeddedness in the structure of the MNC and the external embeddedness arising out of their specific local, i.e. location-based, contexts. In Economic Geography, particularly this multiplex embeddedness of firms and individuals is both a source as well as a constraint to the transfer of knowledge. Though developed in cluster research, the ideas of buzz and pipelines can be transferred to organisational settings as well, and contribute to our understanding of the management and functioning of intra-organisational knowledge transfers over geographical distance: social relations, informal social systems and external spatial embeddedness generate local buzz in each business unit, which can only be perceived and acquired by “being there”. Through “being connected”, either in formalised work arrangements such as international, cross-locational projects, or as in an embodied form through intra-firm, cross-locational social ties, knowledge is being exchanged in some sort of intra-firm organisational pipeline. By its conceptual and empirical analysis, this study contributes to the question “(…) in which the two modes of being there and being connected are interrelated in the social creation of new ideas and innovation” (Glückler et al. 2017:11). (3) in light of growing awareness for the network aspect in the context of knowledge management, Section 9.4 advocates that knowledge management must necessarily change in order to do justice to the networked nature of knowledge transfers.

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9.1 Knowledge Transfer over Distance: Implications for the Extension and Modification of the ­BuzzPipeline Model The study of expatriates’ knowledge transfers contributes to the understanding of knowledge transfer not only in an organisational context, but also in a more general sense. Recalling the buzz-pipeline-model, which is discussed in Section 2.2, and the associated lack of conceptualisation and differentiation of pipelines, the analytical insights allow for a more enhanced understanding of pipelines and the mutual interplay of buzz and pipeline (cf. Fig. 9.1). Whereas pipelines have so far found their expression in legal frameworks and are usually embedded in them – which also accounts for expatriation, for instance – the empirical analysis confirms that social processes on the microlevel can be attributed a special relevance for the emergence and maintenance of pipelines. In addition, the importance of personal relationships for the transfer of knowledge clarifies that the interactions of at least two people are a genuine component and mechanism not only of buzz, but likewise for pipelines. Similar to the study of Lorenzen & Mudambi (2013:526), the results emphasise the importance of personal relationships for local-global linkages. Since social relations outlast contractual agreements or even arise entirely without them, it is even possible to speak of two different types of pipelines – so-called institutionalised pipelines, whose interaction radii are more or less regulated or fixed by contractual agreements, and so-called informal pipelines, which can be entirely attributed to the commitment of two individuals (see also Lorenzen & Mudambi 2013). Second, the empirical analysis of professional networks with regard to their spatial scope demonstrates that both geographically distant and spatially close knowledge stocks provide novel knowledge. This is shown above all by the connections of the expatriate types spider and dragonfly, who not only receive relevant knowledge from physically distant network members, but also from locally anchored relationships and possess the capacity to share knowledge both locally and globally with the corresponding persons (local vs. global pipelines). Third, pipelines show both an inward and outward orientation. As shown by the empirical analysis, untapped knowledge reservoirs are also found within organisations, but these should not diminish the importance of external knowledge pools (inter- vs. intra-organisational pipelines).

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Figure 9.1   The buzz-pipeline model revisited. Source Visualisation by the author

Since the empirical analysis demonstrates that expatriation indeed contributes to knowledge transfer over geography, the typology of pipelines (cf. Fig. 2.2 in Section 2.2.2) must be extended in the upper left quadrant. Employee mobility in general and expatriation in particular are knowledge pipelines of ­(semi-)temporary nature and target primarily the individual level, however with organisational benefits. Finally, it should be acknowledged that each social interaction, especially on the collective level, provides buzz. For many individuals, the workplace constitutes a fertile ground for local buzz particularly in the light of regular spatial mobility and presence in various business units. Temporary visits to business locations constitute similar dynamics and socio-spatial settings as identified for the more elaborated understandings of global buzz, such as trade fairs, or conferences. This not only confirms Growe’s (2018a:13) empirical findings, i.e. buzz occurs on small scales, but also suggests that the dichotomous understanding of buzz and pipeline is much more closely intertwined in reality.

9.2 Researching the Geography of Social Networks In the wake of relational thinking (cf. Chapter 1), Economic Geographers express an increasing interest in social relations as a constituting factor for the organisation of today’s economy (Glückler et al. 2017:2). In her editorial about Emerging Themes in Economic Geography, Aoyama (2011:113) summarises that “(…) the variety of actors in networks, their ongoing relations with other actors, and the ways in which they exercise power” constitute the current analytical focus to study the dynamics of firms and markets. Similarly, Glückler et al. (2017:4) emphasise: “In a relational perspective the focus is on individual and collective opportunities for action, and these opportunities are thought of as being facilitated

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by the specific context and structure of social relations.” However, they declare that “(…) the social and more formal understanding of relational processes has been neglected until recently” in geographic research (Glückler et al. 2017:3). Through the study of structural conditions, the organisational context, location of network members not only in a relational but also in a spatial perspective, as well as practices and meanings as constituting factors of network structure and network dynamics, the empirical analysis contributes to the growing body of relational geographers who are interested in the mutual interrelation of geography, social networks, and their mutual effects on  knowledge creation and its transfer (e.g. Glückler 2007, Glückler 2013, Doreian & Conti 2012). The empirical findings underscore the achievements of Doreian & Conti (2012:45), who conclude after reviewing the dynamics of different social networks that “(…) network context and spatial structure both condition the formation of social networks.” The present thesis focuses its network context on organisational settings, while highlighting the impact of spatial mobility as a formative condition and development mechanism. However, the study on expatriate networks does not allow for universal laws aiming to identify how social and spatial arrangements impact the emergence of ties due to the great level of heterogeneity across geographic space, social lives and individual personality traits. This diversity of contextual factors and forms of networks suggests that the specific embeddedness of individuals and collective social groups govern the evolution and development of social networks as well as their effects on knowledge sharing. Whereas the recognition of the impact of social relations on economic performance is not new (cf. Granovetter 1985, Polanyi 1957, Uzzi 1997, Uzzi 1996), the present study strives to rethink and reconceptualise the understanding of embeddedness carefully when pursuing qualitative fieldwork. Criticised for its ambiguity and lack of clarity (Uzzi 1996:674 f., Hess 2004:166), a careful consideration of “who is embedded in what” (Hess 2004:170) is crucial to theorise social networks from a spatial perspective. Although neither Granovetter (1985) nor Polanyi (1944), as pioneers of the embeddedness approach, define a priori any spatial or social scale as appropriate unit of analysis1 (Hess 2004:170 f.), the concept of embeddedness has been used widely to study the impact of inter-firm networks on economic performances on the meso- and macro-level in Economic

1Through

the focus of his work The great transformation, Polanyi implicitly refers to rather abstract units of analysis, such as national economies, markets or societies as such (Hess 2004:171). Hess (2004:170 f.) points out the fact that Granovetter neither assigns a specific unit nor scale of analysis.

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Geography (Hess 2004:166), for instance in cluster research (e.g. Bathelt 2005, Bathelt & Li 2014, Balland et al. 2016) or regional innovation systems (e.g. Boschma et al. 2003, Sternberg 2007). For these studies, firms constitute the primary unit of analysis and commonly the region forms the spatial scale (cf. Hess 2004:173). However, the embeddedness of actors must be rethought when the analytical focus shifts towards individuals, whose behaviours and actions are not limited to a specific spatial scale, but transcend various spatial scales: “Actors are not only localized, but also capable of acting in real time in different places, which means that their registers of actions go far beyond their mere location and that they can develop interactions at local and ‘global’ scales (…) at the same time, in real time (…)” (Torre 2008:876). As backed by the empirical study, expatriates shape social actions on the local level and also possess the capacity to influence economic and social processes on the global level. Traditional categorisations of embeddedness may not be sufficient to explain and understand the logic according to which interpersonal ties are developed and particularly maintained when social actions permeate different spatial scales. It is of interest how this constrains or releases network effects. In the presented case these network effects refer to the exchange of knowledge. As Hess (2004:173 f.) declares, the analytical categories of space and place are neglected in the economic conceptualisation of embeddedness, whereas Economic Geographers ‘overterritorialize’ (Hess 2004:174) the impact of space and place on social networks. Epistemological and methodological problems for the study of social networks arise through the persistent and continuous processes of embedding and disembedding individuals from their social and spatial contexts, especially when studying the effects of spatial mobility. By nature, spatial mobility demands and results in continuous processes of (dis)embeddedness for individuals. Related to the continuous circle of embedding, disembedding and re-embedding is the fact that social ties are extremely versatile and dynamic. In fact, this versatility manifests in multiplex networks, i.e. actors attribute more than just one meaning to their dyadic connections (Wassermann & Faust 1994), which ought to differ according to the current setting of embeddedness and the specific social context. Dyadic ties and network structures are insofar dynamic as the actual physical location of actors and mode of communication do not remain the same over the course of time (Ettlinger 2017:37, Torre 2008:876). As a result, the spatial mobility of individuals causes relational turnover, defined by Lazega (2017:120) “(…) as the set of changes observed in actor’s relationships between two moments in time (…)”, such as “(…) the creation or addition of new relationships, the destruction or

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disappearance of previous relationships, and the maintenance of relationships”. Besides the multi-scalar and multiplex nature of social networks, any geography of social networks has to address those spatio-temporal dynamics of nodes and respective ties. In order to cope with the complex concept of embeddedness – both for the conceptualisation of the studied social phenomenon and for the empirical data collection – the decision to neglect actual socio-spatial characteristics of places has proven to be beneficial. While focusing on the two spatial states of “being absent” and “being present” in specific geographic places, the individual embeddedness in multiple spatial scales and contexts could be reduced to a manageable minimum. Nonetheless, the analysis simultaneously discloses the embedded nature of social ties and associated social processes. Whereas the present thesis cannot conclusively clarify the aforementioned epistemological, ontological and emerging methodological challenges to study social networks from a spatial perspective, it attempts to shed light on network formation and maintenance over geographical distance and on different spatial scales. The study furthers our knowledge about the reciprocal effects and mutual conditioning of the actual spatial location of individuals, the dynamics of social ties and network structure as well as their outcomes on network benefits and constraints. In order to do so, the qualitative analysis of a comparatively small sample with regard to their individual motives, actions as well as structures and dynamics of their personal networks discloses knowledge transfer processes on the individual level.

9.3 The Spatiality of Knowledge Flows in MNCs: A Network Perspective The global distribution of corporate activities and the territorial embeddedness of these activities create distinct and various knowledge networks. As demonstrated by the empirical analysis, individuals participating in these networks either manage and maintain networks over geographical distances, or form and develop them in physical proximity to other members of the network. In reality, however, individuals need to combine different strategies, since the nature of networks and ties constantly shift between being local and global, being weak and strong as well as between sparsely and densely knit (Boase & Wellmann 2006:718). Due to the short-term forms of work arrangements (Ettlinger 2007:40), personnel mobility and digital technologies (Ettlinger 2007:37), individuals experience the actual or perceived physical distance among actors differently. Research shows that the

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actual or perceived proximity or distance neither hinders nor leverages the development of social networks at the workplace per se. Rather, some social contexts demand physical proximity, while others do not, or at least not mandatorily. In line with previous insights into the formation of social networks (Glückler 2007:621), physical proximity enables the establishment of networks (Glückler 2013:886), but only by means of actual interaction between at least two actors are ties created. The analysis underscores existing insights that co-location as such is not sufficient to create networks, but that only through interaction are biases reduced and the effect of power relations diminished (Ettlinger 2017:37 f.). The empirical analysis of network benefits with regard to the access to knowledge under the premise of spatial mobility emphasises that “there is a connection between movement and human relationships, for actors switch places in these circuits and change occurs as a consequence, at least in part, in their respective sets of relationships – and by extension, in their relational capital.” (Lazega 2017:121). Expatriates of the type dragonfly, who are equipped with respective mobility opportunities and strong communication skills – two factors which are inevitable to benefit from physical co-location (Glückler 2007:621)  –  demonstrate the resulting relational capital emerging out of spatial mobility in the greatest way. Overseas assignments have not led to temporary dyadic ties which dissolve after their repatriation nor have developed into ties of solely private relevance as it is observed for the expatriates of the type beetle, but significantly enhance the individuals’ relational capital and their access to other resources, such as knowledge. The state of being (temporarily) mobile and be locally embedded in corporate structures results in intra-organisational knowledge sharing activities. For the individual, spatial mobility may help to overcome a general reluctance to share knowledge due to lack of trust and interpersonal, face-to-face interaction (Ettlinger 2017:36). The social mechanism responsible for the formation and future maintenance of intra-firm networks, i.e. reciprocal behaviour and thereby trust, yield traditional economic logic (Uzzi 1996:676 f.). However, it cannot universally be stated that self-interest and self-centredness, as proclaimed by neoclassical economics (Yeung 2005:311) do not play any role for the formation and maintenance of professional networks. To some extent, the role played by expatriates of the type beetle in the knowledge transfer process are influenced by egocentrism. Since these individuals are only absorbing but not redistributing knowledge, they use more opportunities of knowledge sharing than actively produce social contexts of collective knowledge acquisition. Companies which have recognised the importance of intra-firm relational capital as a competitive advantage make use of personnel mobility as a managerial practice. This is particularly important since resources, i. e. not only machinery

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or production goods, but also the necessary social and intellectual capital of any globally operating firm, are spatially dispersed and globally distributed (Ghoshal & Bartlett 1990:610 f.). In line with the discussion in Chapter 3, companies do indeed strategically exploit the advantages of different forms of occupational mobility. Due to their longer presence phase, secondments are of significant importance for the transfer of knowledge. Expatriates, however, have different roles and functions in this process. Regardless of their transfer activities, they are an important link among business units in MNCs. Subsequently, frameworks rooted in relational thinking understand MNCs as “knowledge sharing network whose existence can be understood in terms of its ability to transfer, create, integrate and deploy certain kinds of knowledge more efficiently than markets are capable of” (Foss & Pedersen 2004:341). If so, the sole purpose of the spatial mobility of individuals is then to generate trust, familiarity and a common code of conduct and system of communication on the dyadic and on the collective, network level with the aim to establish and foster means of sharing knowledge. By exploring informal arrangements of knowledge flows in particular, the study enhances our knowledge about “(…) knowledge flows between MNC subsidiaries [rather] than understanding the stratification of knowledge stocks across the MNC” (Italics in original, Foss & Pedersen 2004:342). This can be understood as a “mobility spiral”: spatial mobility is needed to increase existing knowledge. The diffusion of this knowledge becomes possible through further mobility. Through mobility, knowledge as a resource constantly increases and is shared, and thus further increases.

9.4 Practical Recommendations: From Knowledge Management to Network Management Due to the general awareness that intra-firm, cross-locational networks provide substantial benefits for the efficiency and innovative capacity of any business organisation through the exchange of knowledge, aspects of network and networking demand more attention when staffing for overseas assignment and developing corporate initiatives targeting knowledge transfers. The proposed typology contributes to understanding the organisational contexts and individual factors with major impacts on the intra-firm transfer of knowledge. Whenever knowledge transfer is an explicit aim of the overseas assignment, decision-makers need to recruit employees who either already span organisational boundaries and/or actively distribute knowledge or are at least expected to accumulate the necessary relational capital. The personal ability to

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develop and maintain social networks in intercultural settings thus needs more awareness and consideration when staffing for expatriate missions. Nonetheless, the results indicate specific networks and/or roles in the transfer process can be developed through individuals and with organisational efforts. This relates, for instance, to the volume of spatial mobility or interdisciplinarity of tasks and responsibilities spanning various departments. Similarly, the focus of corporate knowledge management strategies must change. The need arises to focus on the management of social interaction and social networks rather than on knowledge itself (Faulconbridge 2017:677). In the context of knowledge management, strategies targeting the development of relational capital pursue similar goals to those known from the general knowledge management literature. Sparrow (2012:117), for example, refers to the tasks of knowledge management, i. e. to generate new knowledge, to keep knowledge within an organisation and to counteract knowledge outflows, as well as to contribute to knowledge exchange between business units. Davenport et al. (1998:44) define similar goals, such as generating and improving access to organisational knowledge pools, an environment that enables knowledge generation and its transfer, and ultimately recognising and promoting knowledge as a competitive advantage. The transfer of these ideas into an approach which focuses on relations among employees, implies the following: 1) Network management strategies need to enable and facilitate the emergence and formation of social ties among the workforce. This affects not only personal relationships within departments, but also across divisions, hierarchical levels and importantly across business locations. 2) Efforts need to focus on the maintenance of social ties. 3) However, promoting intra-firm networks as such is not entirely sufficient, making those interpersonal linkages visible is mandatory to capitalise on investment-intensive expatriation in the long run beyond just task fulfilment and increase the available relational capital company-wide. These thoughts on designing network management processes in companies imply both institutionalised and informal processes within the workforce of a company. In reference to the empirical analysis, it is worth mentioning that relying on informal processes and the commitment of employees is neither insufficient nor misleading per se, but the identified overemphasis of informal exchanges tells only part of the story and leaves potential for the implementation of formalised or semi-formalised strategies to increase network building among the local ­workforce.

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As postulated throughout this thesis, the spatial mobility of employees is mandatory for the transfer of knowledge, since temporary physical proximity is an important precedent for knowledge transfer as it creates trust-based social relations (Growe 2018b:7). Generally, the establishment of opportunities for face-to-face interaction through the geographical proximity of actors must be accompanied by respective multi-dimensional communication systems (Torre 2008:876, Faulconbridge 2017:677, Wood & Reynolds 2012:559). The formation of intra-firm networks can happen on the dyadic, one-on-one level, but also more collective incentives seem reasonable. Networking opportunities can be programmed in order to reach more people at once, e.g. in the form of ­intra-firm fairs, forums, team building incentives or the like. Here, personnel gets the chance to “meet and mingle” (Growe 2018a:3). It should not be overlooked that such activities should also be of a job- and task-related nature, as the analysis of expatriate networks shows. Joint foci, i.e. working on a common problem, create strong social relations. When mobility is paired with the strengthening the intermediary role of certain employees and the use of technological modes of communication, associated costs can be managed carefully. Given the typology of expatriates, the role and function of boundary spanners and knowledge brokers have to be strengthened and the access to resources to maintain intra-firm networks facilitated. Further, companies must invest in “knowledge managers”, i.e. dedicated staff who disclose tacit knowledge of expatriates and externalise it to make it usable for local, incoming and outgoing staff or for other departments alike. In doing so, it is easier for non-mobile colleagues to benefit from the ­expatriates’ knowledge about the division of competencies in the foreign unit and to effectively extend their networks by transitive network mechanisms or at least increase their own efficiency by accelerating intra-firm knowledge flows. Analogous to the requirements for knowledge management strategies as formulated by Davenport & Prusak (2000:ix ff.), any tool, strategy or technology has to be tailor-made in order to blend with existing corporate routines and processes. This guarantees that these measures do not represent an additional burden for employees, but rather an enrichment for the company’s development. That said, (1) respective tools and strategies have to be integrated into the a­ ll-encompassing business strategy of an organisation. The establishment of networks can be embedded in various organisational forms, work processes and relate to a variety of tasks. (2) Similar to traditional knowledge management strategies, the management of networks and social ties, especially the codification of tacit knowledge, must integrate into existing work routines without creating an additional workload, so that employees can concentrate sufficiently on their actual core work. Work routines should not become over-bureaucratised. For example, Davenport &

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Prusak (2000:xii) cite focus group interviews to give employees the opportunity to share networks, and thus increase their opportunities for learning and knowledge exchange. Finally, (3) personal ties are a sensitive topic, even more sensitive than the actual possession of technical knowledge. Thus, a general reluctance of employees to share their relational resources is to be expected. This emphasises the importance of creating corporate environments and communities within firms which must “(…) be fluid, allowing different people to contribute as and when useful and ensuring participation is not exclusive” (Faulconbridge 2017:677).

Final Conclusion

10

Starting with the competitive knowledge paradox which describes the spatial decentralisation of business units and at the same time necessary spatial proximity to the exchange and development of the resource “knowledge”, the thesis argues that social ties are indispensable for the creation and transfer of knowledge among humans even in business contexts. To study social relations and their transformations through the spatial mobility of individuals, the social framework of the company provides an insightful field of research. First, even despite a common affiliation to a specific company, individuals cannot expect the transfer of knowledge as an automatism but have to develop and maintain social ties to receive knowledge. Second, the functional and spatial organisation of companies has experienced structural changes in recent decades because of globalisation and new forms of organisational cooperation. Organisations are no longer localised firms, but function transnationally with spatially dispersed units. Since these are genuinely interconnected, transnational organisation are multi-scalar and multiplex economic entities, which demand knowledge flows across organisational units. This form of organisation, which is based on geographical dispersion aiming to optimise economic production, however, is contrary to the logic of knowledge generation and knowledge transfer, which emphasises spatial proximity between actors. In Chapter 1, this was discussed and coined as the competitive knowledge paradox, which causes far-reaching implications for the social structure of organisations and by implication for working conditions and work processes emphasising the importance for intra-firm networks among workers: “Networks constitute the new social morphology of our societies, and the diffusion of networking logic substantially modifies the operation and outcomes in

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2020 V. R. Hünnemeyer, Knowledge Transfers over Geographical Distance in Organisations, Perspektiven der Humangeographie, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-31018-9_10

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the processes of production, experience, power, and culture. (…) Furthermore, I would argue that this networking logic induces a social determination of a higher level than that of specific social interests expressed through the networks: the power of flows takes precedence over the flows of power. Presence or absence in the network and the dynamics of each network vis-á-vis others are critical (…)” (Castells 2000:500) If networks are constitutive to our social lives and networks govern and manage the realisation of social interests, then the study of knowledge flows needs to focus on social ties, i.e. the networks of individuals. In this context, social proximity between two human beings is considered primarily as an actual physical state, and not metaphorically, since meaningful social ties are built on ­face-to-face interaction and trust. Nonetheless, the state of physical presence is only temporary and may shift towards the physical absence of individuals. In order to understand, how these “spatial aggregate states” influence not only the formation and development of social networks, but also influence the actual flows within this network, organisational contexts provide a useful example. This is due to the fact that decision makers strategically use spatial mobility to satisfy organisational needs, i.e. the transfer of knowledge. However, the actual social dynamics in these settings with regard to the transfer of knowledge remain a black box. Therefore, the research focused on the following concerns: 1) the forms of spatial mobility in business organisations and how spatial mobility creates opportunities for face-to-face interactions; 2) the dynamics of network formation, maintenance and development associated with the spatial mobility of actors; and 3) the contribution of social networks to knowledge flows within business organisation. The empirical research interest is limited to the micro-level, i.e. dyadic relationships within the workforce of companies. These are characterised by the dichotomous relationship between decentralised economic organisation and the necessity of physical proximity. From the theoretical-conceptual discussion of the first research concern, concerns 2 and 3 are analysed using the example of a certain form of mobility, i.e. expatriation. Due to the lack of academic insights into knowledge transfer dynamics under the premise of spatial mobility, the role of social networks is researched using a small sample size, which is, however, researched in great detail. Since processes on the dyadic, interpersonal level are of interest, the research studies social ties in a holistic manner. The focus on ego networks proves to be beneficial to understand, how social ties govern transfer

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processes and how these are influenced by physical presence and absence of the involved actors. Epistemologically the research is embedded in relational ideas. In this fashion, the research’s underlying ontological and methodological understanding emphasises the connectivity and interconnectedness of research objects. By nature, the research objects are connected through interpersonal ties in space, though no spatial scale has been determined a priori. Similarly, the spatial embeddedness of the actors has to be understood relationally; distance and proximity are relative variables since humans do move and are being moved and thus are embedded in varying socio-spatial contexts. The ideas of interconnectedness have also been translated into the methodological approach. The methodological approach connects and combines different types of data, data collection and procedures of its analysis. The general approach is of a qualitative nature led by the central ideas of GTM. Continuous cycles of reflection on and constant comparative analysis of the empirical material allows the integration of both qualitative data derived from interviews as well as network data derived from the collection of ego networks and associated alteri. So far, the debate within Economic Geography about the connectivity of actors and networked forms of economic production has been structured around the level of the firm, emphasising both local and global forms of interconnectedness. By combining the former in the cluster research developed buzz-pipeline-model with micro-level insights originating from Business and Management Studies, the first theoretical chapter stresses the general importance of ­face-to-face interaction and personal relationships for the effective transfer of knowledge within firms. The argument continues with the emphasis of spatial mobility to create opportunities for personal encounters. Physical co-location facilitates the emergence of trust-based personal relationships, which is a necessary condition for the transfer of knowledge. In fact, the reasoning goes so far that human interaction is the most powerful and efficient means of the transfer of knowledge. Subsequently, personnel mobility in firms and across single business locations has significant effects on the available resources of any organisation. An increase of social and relational capital is particularly associated with benefits for individual and collective levels of creativity, innovative capacity and an overall increase in business performance. Apart from quick and easy access to knowledge and information through established social networks, mobile employees are the source of ‘creative disruption’ in receiving units. Given the role and view of an outsider, mobile staff is able to identify potential improvements in the organisation of work more easily. Similarly, outgoing staff can further increase the level of competencies and skills and enrich social capital. Besides

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the ­individual growth of skills, the development of ties among mobile employees and local workforces, the organisation establishes and enhances available social and relational capital. In order to manage personnel mobility, firms develop and apply different forms of mobility. The theoretical discussion has provided clear evidence that mobile employees are able to tie professional networks of varying structure, size and geographical scope dependent on the length of stay, travel frequency, areas of responsibility and functional roles of mobile employees. Out of the variety of mobility forms, expatriation offers the possibility to form strong, long-lasting bonds with benefits especially for the transfer of tacit knowledge. Transfers of tacit knowledge based on the complex, time-intensive cycle of socialisation, externalisation, combination and internalisation occurs not only by being physically on the spot, but even after assignments expatriates are important agents of knowledge transfer. However, expatriates are neither a homogeneous type of worker, nor do all of them occupy the same role in the knowledge transfer process. The empirical data uncovers three types of expatriates with particular structures and composition of professional networks and distinct roles in the knowledge transfer process: 1) Expatriates of the type dragonfly are able to tie multi-local, long lasting social bonds during expatriation, which secure them fast and easy access to geographically distant knowledge pools. Their role in the transfer process is not passive, but an active one. Through their competencies and the composition of their networks, they operate as boundary spanners and knowledge brokers managing knowledge flows both on the local and on the global level. 2) Expatriates of the type spider build flexible networks usually centred around the current place of work with some international ties which are activated from time to time. These networks have a stronger outward orientation due to regular changing work settings. The type spider generates knowledge flows by requesting brokered knowledge. Through business activities such knowledge is being fed back into the cycle. The spatial scope of those flows is oriented towards the spheres of business activities and can hardly be defined universally. 3) Expatriates of the type beetle benefit from largely local ties and associated knowledge inherent to network members. Beetles generally do not play an active part in the transfer of knowledge, but rather they absorb knowledge during and after expatriation. The critical role expatriates and their intra-firm networks play, however, is only marginally appreciated and supported through managerial practices in ­companies.

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Besides tendencies to reduce the volume and the length of overseas assignments, which make the establishment of strong ties difficult, interviewed companies seldom apply institutionalised strategies to specifically promote network building during and after assignments. While decision-makers acknowledge the importance of the spatial mobility of employees and face-to-face interaction, the benefits of relational capital are only minimally recognised. Some companies capitalise on the relational capital acquired during overseas assignments by filling vacancies of strategic importance with expatriates. However, this is not the norm as is the investment in additional knowledge management strategies driven by an explicit network concept. The theoretical and empirical analysis clearly demonstrates that any knowledge management strategy has to be centred on the management of employee mobility. These incentives can target both the dyadic and collective level, can make use of designated intermediaries (e.g. designated expatriates of the type dragonfly) or so-called knowledge managers, who reveal tacit linkages among departments and co-workers. Apart from these practical implications for decision-makers, the presented thesis enhances existing theoretical debates on the one hand and opens up new research questions on the other. First and foremost, the theoretical embeddedness in a relational understanding and in the buzz-pipeline model allows for a more nuanced understanding of the interplay of physical presence and absence, geographical proximity and distance for the transfer of knowledge. Whereas social ties as necessary intermediaries demand geographical proximity to a certain extent, knowledge transfers occur in both circumstances. Though the buzz-pipeline model surmises proximity and distance as two opposing states, they need to be understood in more complementary ways. Therefore, the notion of pipelines has received further attention during the discussion of the empirical results. This enables the classification and identification of pipelines according to their level of formality (institutionalised vs. informal pipelines), spatial scope (local vs. global pipelines) and orientation (inter- vs. intra-organisational pipelines). Second, the research project broadens our understanding of economic processes in a networked and globalised economic system. In this context, the analytical focus on the micro-level and the methodological development of a social network analysis from a spatial perspective requires emphasis. The research project not only expands geographical perspectives on the transfer of knowledge across spatial distances, but also shows how network dynamics at the individual level govern the transfer of knowledge in companies and across company locations. While the present study does not make a sectoral selection of the interviewees and also does not permit industry-specific comparisons due to the

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sample size, future research projects may analyse whether intra-firm networks have a different relevance for different industries. On a company level, the present study opens up points of contact to bring together the economic success of a company with the internal linkage of its workforce. It is examined whether the existence and intensity of internal and cross-location networks actually produce a measurable difference in performance. Similar questions have to be formulated for the significance of spatial mobility: for example, are there certain industry-specific mobility portfolios? Torre (2008:885) assumes that especially SMEs depend on shorter forms of temporary proximity than larger firms due to differences in financial resources. On the level of expatriation as a strategic tool, it is worthwhile putting more effort into the analysis of expatriates and their roles in the knowledge transfer process to further differentiate our understanding of p­ eople-driven transfer processes. For example, do the roles of expatriates for network building and knowledge transfer differ according to industries or industrial sectors? Further, it can be assumed that the identified roles are not static, but evolve dynamically. Thus, are those roles related to different processes in the internationalisation and globalisation process of companies? Beyond that, a more nuanced understanding of the personality traits of each type would have direct practical implications for decision-makers during the selection process. In accordance with objectives, tasks and roles, expatriates can be recruited in a more goal-oriented manner. Third, the network and mobility paradigm are conceptually merged and understood as an interdependent system. Without spatial mobility, meaningful social relationships cannot be established; too much mobility, however, also prevents the establishment of social networks that can develop temporal effects and serve the transfer of (tacit) knowledge. This makes theoretical-conceptual connections possible to research dealing with the interaction of physical and virtual interaction. While the study confirms that co-location and physical proximity are central for the establishment of social relationships, it does not illuminate at what relationship intensity this can be replaced by virtual forms of interaction and what influence this has on network dynamics and knowledge exchange. Further, questions related to power, (un)equal opportunities or gender specific dynamics remain untouched. An additional spatial perspective bears the possibility to understand how social relations are influenced by spatial arrangements of aspects of social life (cf. Larsen 2014:125). As stated in Urry (2007:46): “(…) all social relationships should be seen as involving diverse ‘connections’ that are more or less fast, more or less intense and more or less involving physical movement. Social relations are never only fixed or located in place but are to very varying degrees constituted through ‘circulating entities’ (Latour 1987,

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1993, 1999). There are many such circulating entities that bring about relationality within and between societies at multiple and varied distances.” Furthering our understanding in this respect provides the possibility to understand what was coined in Chapter 9 “the geography of social networks”, which emphasises “(…) all places are tied into at least thin networks of connections that stretch beyond each such place and mean that nowhere can be an ‘island’ (…)” (Sheller & Urry 2006:209). In conclusion and to the best of the author’s knowledge, this thesis provides one of the first examples to study knowledge transfer processes by combining an explicit network perspective and associated methods with a spatial perspective. It enables the sharpening of the epistemological, ontological and methodological research profile of a relational Economic Geography, although the present analysis of social network mechanisms from a spatial perspective constitutes only a small piece in a constantly evolving theoretical research program which is based on understanding social processes from a spatio-relational, network perspective.

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