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DISTINGUISHED ENGLISH
IN
translation by
Jeremy duQuesnay Adams
from the best-selling French edition, Regine
Pernoud and Marie-Veronique Arc: Her Story appears for the edition for an
Clin's
first
As
a
young
time in an
American audience. The
Joan of Arc has fascinated readers girl in rural France,
Joan of
story of
for centuries:
Joan heard the
voices of Saints Catherine, Margaret, and Michael
dauphin was God's choice
telling her that the
for the throne of France. left
Unquestioningly, Joan
her family to lead the
army of the dauphin
against the English and defeated them, thereby
putting Charles VII on the throne. of an obscure French peasant girl
From
the image
who led
the
army
of the dauphin, to the icon of a saint burned at the stake by an English-controlled church, Joan has
been a blank
slate
on which thousands have writ-
ten their obsessions, their fears, and their hopes.
In Adams's magisterial translation, Pernoud and
Clin clear away the myths, allowing modern readers to see Joan as she was.
Adams
has added
a great deal of material not in the original French
edition, including a
new
entries to the glossary,
preface and additional
which provides
portraits
of the important historical figures that affected
Joan
as well as
synopses of the historical occur-
rences and interpretations of Joan through the
agts.Joan of Arc: Her Story absolutely thrilling
life
of a
is
an affecting and
woman who
influ-
ences us even to this day.
For a note on the authors and
trar,>
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,
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No 23-221
JOAN OF ARC
JOAN OF ARC HER STORY
Regine Pemoud
Marie Veronique Clin
Translated and Revised by Jeremy duQuesnay Edited by Bonnie Wheeler
St.
Martin's Press
New York
^
Adams
Joan of Arc: Her Story Copyright
© for this translation and revision, Jeremy duQuesnay Adams,
reserved. Printed in the United States of America.
reproduced
in
No
1998. All rights
book may be used or
part of this
any manner whatsoever without written permission except
brief quotations
embodied
in critical articles or reviews.
Martin's Press, 175 Fifth Avenue,
New
in the case of
For information, address
St.
York, N.Y. 10010.
Originally published as Jeanne d'Arc, Regine
Pemoud and M.-V.
Clin (Paris: Librairie
Artheme Fayard, 1986).
ISBN 0-312-21442-1
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Pemoud, Regine, 1909[Jean d'Arc. Enghsh]
Joan of Arc
:
her story
/
by Regine
Pemoud and Marie-Veronique
Clin
Jeremy duQuesnay Adams, cm.
p.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-312-21442-1 1.
Joan, of Arc, Saint, 1412-1431. 2. Christian
-France— Biography. I.
3.
women
saints-
France— History—Charles VII, 1422-1451.
Clin, Marie-Veronique.
II.
Title.
DC103.P378131999 944'.026'092—dc21 98-45059
[B]
CIP
Design by
Acme
First edition:
Art Inc.
Febmary, 1998
1098765432
1
;
translated
by
This revised translation is
dedicated with abiding respect to
Regine Pernoud (June 17, 1909-April22, 1998)
for her generation and more the
grande dame
of French historical writing on the Middle Ages
.
CONTENTS Foreword, by Regine Preface, by Jeremy
Pemoud
xi
duQuesnay Adams
xv
Acknowledgments, by Jeremy duQuesnay Adams Prelude, by Jeremy
xxiii
duQuesnay Adams
PART
1
I:
THE DRAMA 1
Her Story Begins
2.
Joan Meets Her Dauphin
15
3.
Joan and the Victory
33
4.
Her Dauphin Anointed King
5.
Intrigue, Frustration,
6.
Joan the Prisoner
7.
Joan's Trial and Execution at
8.
The Verdict of Rouen
9.
Joan as
9
at
Orleans at
Reims
53
and Capture
69 89
Rouen
103
139
Nullified
Memory
159
PART
II:
THE CAST OF PRINCIPAL CHARACTERS (In
Three Alphabetical Lists)
THE THREE NOBLE PRINCES 1.
Charles VII, King of France
167
2.
Henry VI, King of England (and of France?)
168
3.
Philip the
Good, Duke of Burgundy
170
.
JOAN OF ARC
VIII
THEIR SUBJECTS 4.
John,
Duke
5.
Rene
the
6.
John IV, Count of Armagnac
174
7.
Robert de Baudricourt
174 175
172
Good, Duke of Anjou
173
8.
Henry Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester
9.
John of Lancaster, Duke of Bedford
176
10.
Jacques Boucher
177
Duke
of Bourbon
1 1
Charles
12.
Jean de Brosse
177
13.
Regnault of Chartres, Archbishop of Reims
178
14.
Guillaume Desjardins
178
15.
Bertrand
Du
179
16.
John, Count of Dunois, Bastard of Orleans
180
17.
Robert de Flocques
181
Raoul de Gaucourt
183
1
I
of Alen^on
8.
I,
Guesclin
177
19.
Jacques Gelu
20.
Jean
21.
Perrinet Gressart
185
22.
"La Hire," Etienne de Vignolles
187
23.
Isabeau of Bavaria, Queen of France
188
24.
Isabelle of Portugal,
25.
Georges de La Tremoille
le
183
Charlier de Gerson
Duchess of Burgundy
1
84
189
190
Duke of Lorraine
26.
Charles
27.
Joan of Luxembourg
191
28.
II
(or
I)
the Bold,
191
John of Luxembourg
191
29.
Louis of Luxembourg
192
30.
Jean de Metz
193
31.
Charles,
32.
Christine de Pisan
197
33.
Bertrand de Poulengy
197
34.
Gilles de Laval,
35.
Friar Richard
36.
Arthur de Richemont
198
37.
Catherine de
200
38.
Thomas de Montacute,
39.
Thomas de
40.
John Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury
202
41.
William de
203
42.
Lionel, Bastard of
,r;-^M
Duke of Orleans
Baron de Rais
193
198 198
la
Rochelle Earl of Salisbury
200 201
Scales
la Pole, Earl
of Suffolk
Wandomme
205
.
CONTENTS
IX
43.
Richard Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick
205
44.
Poton de Xaintrailles
206
HER JUDGES AT ROUEN 45.
Jean Alespee
207
46.
William of Alnwick
207
47.
Jean Beaupere
207
48.
Boisguillaume
208
49.
Pierre
Cauchon
208
50.
Thomas de Courcelles
210
5
Guillaume Erard
211
52.
Jean d'Estivet
212
53.
Jean Graverent
212
54.
William Haiton
213
55.
Robert Jolivet
213
56.
Guillaume de La Chambre
213
57.
Martin Ladvenu
213
58.
Jean de La Fontaine
213
59.
Jean Lemaitre
214
60.
Nicolas Loiseleur
214
61.
Jean de Mailly
215
62.
Guillaume Manchon
215
63.
Jean Massieu
215
64.
Pierre
65.
Nicolas
66.
Pierre
67.
Jean de Rinel
216
68.
Raoul Roussel
217
69.
Nicolas de Venderes
217
1
Maurice
216
Midy
216 216
Miget
PART ISSUES
III:
AND IMAGES
Name
1.
Joan's
2.
Joan's Family
220 221
3.
Joan as Royal Bastard
4.
The Language of Joan of Arc and Her Contemporaries
5.
Joan's
6.
Joan's Swords
7.
Orleans
8.
The Siege of Orleans
Armor
at the
222 .
.
.
222 224 225
Time of the Siege
226 228
X
JOAN OF ARC The Tax Exemption for the of Domremy and Greux
9.
Inhabitants
230
Compiegne
10.
Joan's Capture
11.
The Abjuration Cedula
233
12.
Joan Imposters
233
13.
Trial Transcripts:
at
231
The "Book of Poitiers" and the Date of the Latin Edition of the Condemnation Trial 235
Transcript
Theater and Opera
14.
Joan of Arc
15.
Toward an Iconography of Joan of Arc
in
The
237
240
16.
Joan of Arc
17.
Beatification and Canonization
245
18.
Select Filmography
245
in Folklore:
Orleans Festivals
243
APPENDICES I.
The
II.
Chronology and
m.
Maps and
Letters of Joan of
247
Arc
265
Itinerary
275
Plans:
France around 1430
275
Vaucouleurs
276
The Route from Vaucouleurs
to
Chinon
277
Orleans during the Siege
278
From
280
the Coronation to the Defeat at Paris
Compiegne
at
the
Time of Joan's Capture
282
Joan's Itinerar\- as Prisoner
The Castle of Bouvreuil
at
281
Rouen
283
Topical Bibliography
284
Bibliography
286
Index
295
8 pages of illustrations appear
between pages 164 and
165.
FOREWORD Jeanne d'Arc
in English!
possibility only a
Witticisms in dubious taste were uttered about this
hundred years ago, when serious books about her
in
any
language numbered only a few dozen. Yet by then the Joan of Arc Chapel had been dedicated in London's
Westminster Cathedral. Joan was soon recognized across the Atlantic official capacity:
told of
that country I
When I made my
no fewer than twenty-eight
— my hosts assumed
was French, even though
truthfully)
my
I
first visit to
Roman
was
Catholic parishes dedicated to her in
that this information
made
1
an
would please me because
a point in those days of declaring (quite
indifference to Joan of Arc.
But soon
after that
documents of her
moment,
nullification trial
was imprudent enough
I
and
closing them. Since then Joan has led
made
the United States, in 1950,
in
I
me
found myself to
new
to
open the
incapable of
literally
horizons and fresh interests,
possible in part by the publication of several scholarly editions, beginning
with those of Pere Doncoeur and
of the
Yvonne Lanhers, and including the new edition
documents by Pierre Tisset and Pierre Duparc, published by the
trial
The new
Societe de I'Histoire de France.
editions of relevant
documents now
in
progress reflect refined editorial practices and techniques, combined with a
continuous desire for more exact knowledge of Joan and her contexts.
We
hope
Madeleine, and
that this I
work, on which Marie- Veronique Clin,
worked so long
which Professor Adams has competence, short
life.
may
allow
at the
Centre Jeanne d'Arc
translated, revised,
new audiences
at
my
sister
Orleans, and
and amended with expert
to gain better
understanding of Joan's
She defines the shaping significance of the subject
in history:
Her elan
reversed the course of historical events and gave a downtrodden people rekindled
hope for
their lost liberty.
This book presents what fascinating Joan of Arc.
questions at
at
every step
is
known with relative certainty about the
The
historian
in the narrative
age nineteen. Even her name
was known
to herself
and
is
to her
is
caught up
in hesitations,
dilemmas, and
recounting the deeds of this
problematic.
The person we
contemporaries as Jeanne
la
inexhaustibly
girl
call
who died
Joan of Arc
Pucelle (Joan the
lOAN OF ARC
XII
Maid). This biography
is
organized in three sections:
the narrative of her
first,
who
second, biographical information about contemporaries
life;
and
relation to her life;
third,
bore some
brief treatments of current historiographic
questions and disputes. Readers are therefore provided with precise data about places, dates, identities, difficult questions of interpretation as well as counter-
arguments
that
Part
can be resolved only with recourse to documentary evidence.
known
presents the story of one of the most surprising lives
I
from the perspective of documentary evidence. Words
history
to
"myth,"
like
"legend," and "folklore" dominate writings about Joan, though historians do not generally use such terms. If any person from the past subject
—
that
is,
one with a verifiable
founded on documents rigorously
by the most demanding historical methods
sifted
She surprised her contemporaries chronicle or
memoir from her time and
Parlement of Paris. Above
contemporary
trials
that person
is
all,
Joan of Arc. is
scarcely a
place that does not mention her. She
is
and on the pages of the register of
letters,
she underwent, the
call the nullification trial)
—
just as she surprises us; there
amply evident in public and private the
history,
an apt historical
is
we
possess the texts of two of the
first
during her
life,
the other (which
we
only decades after her death, represented in each case
No
by three authentic manuscripts bearing the signatures of notaries.
historian
legitimately uses the term "legend" in connection with such heavily attested
life
records, but since her life continued to interest succeeding ages, "legends"
developed about Joan, and her fame
—
a mixture of history
and myth
— now
extends across the globe.
This death.
We
is
not a conventional biography that
tells
documented
chose instead to write the
life
time. Staying as close as possible to the historical
are being reedited, but
on microfiche
at the
all
of which
a
life
story
of Joan as
from it
birth to
unfolded in
documents (many of which
are available for scholars to consult today
Centre Jeanne d'Arc
at
Orleans) allowed us to grasp each
event according to the best-situated witnesses and to perceive Joan in a sequence
of historically attested moments. History does not exist until told.
Our narrative
in the
thus begins with the
year 1429; from thence
we
we chose
we pose
childhood and youth
whom
is
Who was
the historical
record sustained knowledge of
condemna-
to interrogate the people of Domremy-
Joan had spent her early years. This book follows the
movement of recorded
trial.
What
until the investigation that nullified her
tion—when ecclesiastical delegates went Greux among
another:
life.
not to evoke her childhood or her youth
until the narrative's end, since history did not
that
recorded or
rumor that spread about Joan of Arc
follow her footsteps into public
Joan of Arc? To answer that question record of Joan? Therefore,
first
it is
history rather than the chronological sequence of a
life.
This structure allows our readers to focus on Joan's imprisonment and Her brilliant and brief career is a diptych: one year of combat, one year of
FOREWORD prison. Historians have not
military heroine, Joan
is
always made
XIII
this fact clear:
Prototype of the glorious
also prototype of the political prisoner, of the hostage,
and of the victim of oppression. The panel of her victories faces the equally important panel of her pain, as an isolated
ideology and murderous fanaticism. victims in our world today
—
the
list
We
human being
facing suffocating
do not add here the names of such
would be too long and
they endure are every day replaced by others yet
more
the sufferings that
horrific.
Regine Pemoud Paris,
January 1998
.
PREFACE JEREMY DUQUESNAY ADAMS
[T]he biographical shape of her book
more straightforward kind of
is
Gallic in style, as opposed to being the
among American
profile familiar
or British
writers.
The French approach demands a distinctive
point of view, an interpretation
rather than a reproduction of the life under scrutiny, in
which the biographer
must be clearly perceived as mediator between the reader and the figure portrayed.
.
.
.
Her book
is
in
essence an exegetical work.
.
.
—Jonathan Keates, in his
Casanova: The
{The
New
All attempts to account rationally for Joan of Arc's
which
try to
shape
it
to
fit
review of Lydia Flem's
Man Who Really Loved Women York Times
life
Book Review)
end no better than those
some fantastic theory. She is unique, she is
and as you read about her and think about her
life,
beyond which she eludes you, you cannot cross
you are
led
up
a mystery,
to a threshold
it."
—Katherine Anne in her
Foreword
to
Porter,
Regine Pernoud,
The Retrial of Joan of Arc
One need not be
a patriotic French nationalist, or a Christian, or a feminist to find
Joan of Arc fascinating and her treatment by the several male establishments of
command of an army at age seventeen (which War deserter Mark Twain) and was burned alive at nineteen; that she
her time an outrage. That she took
awed
Civil
was probably
illiterate
intelligentsia at
won;
that she
yet held a
massed battery of the male professional
bay for four months,
finally frustrating
was not only young and female, but
them even though they
also a peasant,
from the
far
frontier of the country she set out to save; that thanks to transcripts of her trials
JOAN OF ARC
XVI
we know more details of her short life than we do of any other human being before her time (including Plato, or Alexander of Macedon, or Julius Caesar, or Jesus Christ)
and for several centuries
abashed to confess too beautiful"
Thus,
that
—and it
is
thereafter, is extraordinary. This translator is not
he agrees with Regine
terrible
—
Pemoud in finding Joan's
story "all
to ignore.
a particular pleasure to offer the English reader a revision of
Regine Pemoud and Marie- Veronique Clin's Jeanne d'Arc. Translation always a modesty-reinforcing experience. into
my
I
soon gave up any hope of rendering
English the distinctive and famous style of Regine Pernoud that
long admired and enjoyed. Her
gift for
is
I
have
heightening the objective through the
emotive, endowing historical precision with dramatic coloration, while adhering
with ruthless fidelity to the sense of documentary evidence expected of a distinguished graduate of the Ecole des Chartes has
Pernoudian sentence
— shaped by
made her prose famous. The
the latinity of her studious Provencal child-
hood, by the deceptively casual sonorities of Dickens (which she absorbed both in
the original and in nineteenth-century French translation) and by the
conventions of French literary conversation, at once colloquial and classic
—
is
here shortened, decolorized, blunted. Abandoning any sustained effort to convey the repertory of nuances this grande
dame
of French letters
wields the slim blade of irony with particular deftness),
I
commands
(she
have been content to
transmit with occasional revisions and amplifications the historical argument of this
book, along with the extremely useful battery of data
the serious student of Joan's historical to all readers; part
II,
Images" (focusing on life,
and
I,
some of
two authors
"The Drama,"
"The Cast of Principal Characters,"
part
III,
and the Appendices (Joan's
chronological idnerary) will interest not only the general reader
go deeper
in
directed
"Issues and
letters
who
American
readers.
the seasoned historian will find a fresh approach in part
I.
The authors
structure the narrative according to the sequence of Joan's appearance
documentary record rather than the sequence of her
Most previous biographers of
Jeanne d'Arc par elle-meme Herself and Her Witnesses,
1
later
have added a short prelude sketching the larger
I
historical context for the convenience of
record.
and a
wishes to
any given direction but also the committed student of the
European Middle Ages.
Even
is
offer
the vexing questions that arise concerning her
later interpretations),
its
moment. Part
its
et ses
life
Joan, including
as reconstructed
Regine Pemoud
in the
from
temoins (1962; translated as Joan of Arc:
966), have followed the
that
herself in
By
norms of historical biography,
which the author tracks the subject chronologically from birth to death, rendering seamless the modalities of private and public identity. Here instead it is history
in
itself— as accumulation of written record— that
is
tracked. This retelling of the tale
of Joan of Arc reports her historia as contemporary inscription rather than as a reconstituted narrative, a purported chain of events.
PREFACE
XVII
This narrative strategy does not, however, register the elements of Joan's
which they were recorded
story only in the order in
Although we read Joan's history as retrospective.
We
it
in written
documents.
unfolds, our views are inescapably
read with the knowledge of her horrible death and in the
context of the nullification
trial,
a parade in
which those who knew her provide
cross-checked testimony about the ordinary quality of Joan's childhood and about the extraordinary character of her later speech and deeds. Chapter part
I
opens, for example, with an account of the
way
1
of
which the rumor of
in
Joan's mission, swiftly followed by Joan herself, reached the dauphin's court at
Chinon. The most extended report of that story
is
given through the recollections
of the duke of Alen^on, as recorded in the transcript of Joan's nullification in 1456.
trial
Such retrospective evidence must of course be regarded with suspicion.
Pernoud and Clin are inevitably
weigh
aware of
fully
their
and frequently indicate
that
documents. Alengon's account they
that historians
credit, as recalling
with basic veracity what the duke and his immediate entourage had said and
done about
rumor of Joan's mission twenty-seven years before.
that
words, Pernoud and Clin statements,
retell
some of which were
In other
Joan's story as a series of contemporary
written
down
shortly after utterance,
some later.
Partly to free this inscribed narrative from visual distraction, the authors
followed the French tradition of avoiding footnotes in part is
not self-evidently either the condemnation
trial
of 1456,
I
trial
Unless the source
of 1431 or the nullification
have taken the liberty of indicating
some other documentary
I.
it,
as
I
have
in the
case of
sources.
Regine Pemoud's discursive strategy
in this
work obviates some of
the
charges of partisanship leveled against her massive earlier work on Joan by some reviewers
who alleged that she invents a national heroine tritely Catholic in piety
and Gaullist
made
in politics.
I
for
one find such criticisms
superficial.
As she has
clear in her autobiographical memoir. Villa Paradis (1992),
evinced
little
interest in
Joan of Arc before the 1950s;
if
Pernoud
anything, she found the
subject distasteful, a sad case of the exploitive deformation of a historical figure
by
political
and religious
propaganda. In an interview
interests at
concerned primarily with recruitment
her Paris apartment on August
3,
1995, Pernoud
recalled her active dislike even as a child of processions in honor of Joan
organized either by the rightist Action Frangaise or by the Communist Party.
Pemoud's conversion
(it
does not seem too strong a word) to Joan of Arc
occurred on Christmas Eve,
1
952, in the French Archives Nationales. Her friend
Marcel Thiebault, editor of the Revue de Paris, had been pressing her for some time to write an article on Joan's nullification
him repeatedly
that her specialty
was
trial.
She had refused, reminding
the twelfth century, not the fifteenth;
occasionally, she had ventured a bit forward in time, but only in conjunction
with her work on urban statutes and the history of the bourgeoisie. Finally, as a
lOAN OF ARC
XVI
counesy
to her
good friend Thiebault, Pemoud interrupted her schedule during went
a busy holiday season and
empty Archives Nationales on
to the nearly
December 24 just to glance through Jules Quicherat's nineteenth-century edition of the nullification
trial.
Hours
later, still
perched high on a ladder
in the stacks,
she heard the janitor insist politely but firmly that he had to close the library;
everyone else had
hours ago. Clutching
left
volumes of Quicherat's
all five
cornerstone edition, she descended the ladder and called Thiebault.
Pemoud Joan's second
him
told
Vie et
too beautiful; this
trial: *it is all
began work on January
would do not an
that she
8,
article but a
whole book on
an extraordinary person." She
is
1953; by the end of the year, Hachette published her
mort de Jeanne d 'Arc
temoignages du Proces de rehabilitation, 1450-
(les
1456), which later appeared as a paperback and was last reedited in I
own
pressed her on the subject of her
answered
had never had any
that she
active, not
political
982.
1
views and potential
political sensibility, never
When
bias, she
been politically
even on the fnnge of the Resistance during World War
II
— she was
then in straitened circumstances, nursing a dying mother and a sister in poor health,
and moonlighting
the while as a substitute teacher.
all
the Centre Jeanne d'Arc at Orleans, but
So why her
As
for Gaullism,
(whom she respected as a writer) for founding
she was grateful to Andre Malraux
beyond
prolific dedication to the
that
.
.
memory
.
of Joan over the
last
four
decades? Regine Pernoud sees herself as simply another voice among the many
commitment who have been drawn
readers of diverse temperament and
compelling personality
who
burst
has recruited more partisans in the
Joan of Arc
is
upon European consciousness
in
modem
time.
world than
in her
own
to that
1429 and
not for most of us what she was, for instance, in the
nineteenth century for Jules Michelet and later for Charles Peguy. For Michelet
(1798-1874), the freethinking prophet of socialism, Joan both incarnated and in a
sense gave birth to the Patrie.
Jeanne d' Arc, which
first
He concluded
appeared
in
the introduction to his popular
1833 as part of
his
mu Iti volume ///^ro/re
de France and was published separately twenty years
later,
with
affirmation:
She loved France so much!
One can
see
it
from
.
.
.
And France,
the first
people forgot the danger facing for the first time, seized
the walls,
it
unfurled
its
touched by that love, began
it:
this ravishing
imagination and led
its flag, it
to love her.
day she appeared before Orleans. The whole
it
marched beneath
image of
the Fatherland, seen
sortied bravely
from
the eyes of the English,
who
away;
it
did not dare leave their fortifications.
Let us
remember always,
the heart of a
woman, from
she shed for us.
O
Frenchmen,
that
our Fatherland was
bom
in
her tenderness and her tears, from her blood which
this
PREFACE This effusion of high Romantic patriotism
is set
whom
commentary on Joan's judge Cauchon, the devil than of the English.
XIX by Michelet's
in sharp relief
he sees finally as an agent more of
But most astonishing
is
Michelet's excursus on the
English, a "great people" distinguished by "good and solid qualities," yet vitiated
by
"From Shakespeare
their persistent vice of pride.
Byron, their beautiful and simple
literature
to Milton,
from Milton
to
remains skeptical. Judaic, Satanic."
Peguy (1873-1914), a working-class boy from Orleans who dropped out of the Ecole Normale Superieure and published an opinionated fortnightly journal in Paris, died with a
Mame. Joan
Roman
bullet in his forehead at the Battle of the
of Arc joined Mother Eve in inspiring the pinnacles of his poetry.
A passionate the
German
socialist
who
first
rejected and then passionately reconciled with
Catholic church, Peguy saw in Joan everything good about the soul
of France. In later adaptations of these public visions, French fascism tried to enlist
Joan
in the
cause of anti-Semitism, and the Vichy government appealed to her
execution as a rallying point for resistance to the English and their
allies:
"They
Always Return to the Scene of Their Crimes," declared a poster showing Joan at the stake
surrounded by Rouen in flames, with British bombers flying
overhead. Ethnocentric nationalism, like that of Jean-Marie
Le Pen's movement,
has frequently exploited her image.
For many, Joan the Maid has other and sometimes new meanings. She
embodies
for
some
has so often limited
the fierce resistance to oppression of a working class that itself to reactive passivity,
even when savaged by bloody
anarchy serving not even some coherent exploitive interest but simply (as
in
France during the ghastly Hundred Years War) the opportunism of patriarchal violence. For others, she embodies the political prisoner,
remarks here
in her preface
—
who
—has always been with us but whose
with special sharpness in the twentieth century.
How
as
Pemoud
plight
is
seen
could Joan have had the
courage to do what she did? Where could she have found
it?
—and
there lies the
ultimate question, the final mystere of Joan of Arc.
For Regine Pernoud, Joan
Thanks
to a superbly
is
not mysterious, though she
explained as a person formed by her circumstances. Not
This translator
is
exceptional.
all
readers will agree.
not sure that he does.
Three explanations are
and monetary
is
documented dossier of authentic sources, Joan can be
in order,
regarding changes in this revision,
name forms,
units.
Limitations of space and the need to adapt this very French book have required several additions to Pernoud and Clin's original, and I
have rearranged parts of the
text, especially part II,
Characters." Several biographical sketches
—among
some omissions.
"The Cast of Principal them Philip the Good,
XX
jOAN OF ARC
Du
Arthur de Richemont, Georges de La Tremoille, Bertrand
many proponents of
Christine de Pisan, and
the English cause
added, along with elements of other sketches. Several items
dropped and several of them substantively revised. appearing
in part
I is
discussed further in parts
indicated by ^.ccoss reference at the character's
or
II
research in
titles
have been
If a historical character III,
a reduced basic bibliography of French and English
English-language
— have been
in part III
that later treatment is
appearance.
first
Guesclin,
I
have provided
including several
titles,
published since the Pernoud-Clin original. Readers with
mind should seek out
ample analytical sampling of the
the original bibliography, last
which contains an
two centuries' worth of books,
articles,
pamphlets, colloquium papers, and occasional newspaper pieces on Joan.
It is
an indispensable tool for serious research on Joan and her context.
names of non-English Europeans presents
Translating the
We
problem. of a
are quite used to reading that
a curious
Usamah ibn-Munqidh was
Muslim Syrian nobleman who wrote about contemporary
the
name
crusaders,
although scholars of Islamic studies will argue about the placement of accents
and other conventions of
transliteration.
When we move
closer in culture,
however, disagreement multiplies. Should the Byzantine emperor
who
quered Constantinople from the Franks be Michael VIII Palaiologos rendering) or Palaeologus
(the
English, alas, has reached no such consensus.
St.
One
in a
French-language
now
solution,
text;
obsolete,
was
every foreign name, so that Louis IX of France became
Lewis, and his biographer, John of Joinville. In an absolute and opposite
Shaw rendered French names and some
reaction, Margaret R. B.
standard
Modem
Comte Guillaume de
Flandre,
my
Comte
Pierre de Bretagne,
lord Imbert de Beaujeu,
of France, the good knight Baudouin d'Ibelin and his brother
Penguin translation. Chronicles of the Crusades, British
and American publishers prefer
rather than Philippe
III; it
p. 250).
would be unusual
to read
names
in
the original
Guy"
(in her
1
II
articles
III
of Spain,
as Frederick the Great.
anglicize the
names of
social rank, while leaving lesser persons'
language: thus, the Garland Medieval France:
Encyclopedia (1995) has
963
son as Philip
of King Felipe
we are just as likely to encounter Kaiser Wilhelm One current English publishing convention prefers to and other persons of top
High Constable
Most contemporary
to render St. Louis's
yet
kings, dukes,
titles in their
French forms, with the result that "Jean, Lord of Joinville"
shared a galley bound for Damietta with "the worthy the
(a purist
more usual English form)? Francophone
convention agrees that he should be Paleologue
to anglicize resolutely
recon-
on King John
II
An
and Duke John the Fearless
of Burgundy, on Jean Gerson and Jean de Joinville. This translation has striven to follow that
model, with a few exceptions that seemed inevitable. In these
pages the duke of Alengon and the bastard prince of the blood royal
who became
count of Dunois both appear as John, whereas the steward of Joan of Arc
is
Jean
PREFACE d'Aulon and is
widely read intellectual statesman
that
Jean Gerson.
was tempted
I
to call this
rather than Jeanne d' Arc; but the that using
XXI
who
wrote
in her
defense
book's peasant heroine Jeanne Dare
American public knows her
as Joan of Arc, so
any other name form seems merely eccentric. That
led,
however, to
the complicated incongruity of "Joan's" extended encounter with "the three
Jeannes"
—Jeanne de Luxembourg, Jeanne de Bethune, and Jeanne de Bar —
during her imprisonment all
at
Beaurevoir; the best solution seemed to be calling
four of them Joan.
The same general guidelines have been followed for surnames. Regnault (not Reginald) "of Chartres"
major
is
so called because he happened to
come from that
whereas Xaintrailles was the extremely obscure
city,
site
of the
bom
redoubtable Poton's origin; more important, whether Poton actually was
had already become a toponymic designation of Was Jean "de Nouillonpont" just from that minor place, or some sense his family's? In either case, that name form sounded right
there or not, "de Xaintrailles" his noble lineage.
was
it
in
to this translator's eyes
and
one envies the polyvalent neutrality of the
ears;
French de. I
offices.
also have I
am
more than
a
made compromises
medieval French
in translating
titles
and
well aware that any bailli of the Valois administration was vastly
modern American or
British bailiff, but
could serve as a translation? 'Governor,' perhaps?
I
modem
what
English
title
concluded that 'Receiver
General' rendered Receveur General better than 'Chief Tax Collector' could.
can only hope that most such institutional evolution,
titles
and language
in recognizable shape.
In addition, responding to shifts in contextual nuance, both Clin
Pernoud occasionally differed French.
I
I
crossed the inevitable gaps of time,
in their translation
have attempted to preserve the
spirit
and
of the original Latin and Old
of their quotes, and
it
is
for this
reason that some slight discrepancies in translation appear throughout the work.
Monetary kept in French.
pound (French
units other than the
When the text makes
livre circulating in
medieval France
a distinction
—
livre)
among
as in livres toumois,
of which were worth four pounds of Paris),
I
have generally been
the varieties of pound/
pounds of Tours
(five
have retained the original.
Calculations in anything like modern terms of the values of any of these units
of monetary exchange are hopelessly misleading, but some of the following descriptions
was
may
be of use to the reader. The medieval libra (Latin)/livre/pound
traditionally divided into twenty solidi or scuti/sous or ecus/shillings,
and
each of those into twelve denarii/deniers/pennies. The exchange value of the sou varied widely: Practically every province minted metal, or
supposed
one
some to
its
own
sou, in silver, base
alloy thereof In the fifteenth century, twenty sous toumois
be worth one
livre parisis.
livre tournois, but
were
twenty-four were required to equal
lOAN OF ARC
XXII
The gros toumois, monetary reform, was transactions.
The
a gold coin first
to equal
franc, a gold coin first
money of
in
1
266
as part of Saint Louis's
one standard ecu toumois
King John the Good (then a prisoner livre tournois in
minted
in
account.
minted
in
1360
in official
to
accounting
pay the ransom of
England), was supposed to be worth one
The
salut,
minted
first in
France under
Charles VI and then in England as well as France under Henry VI, was a gold coin of varying exchange value with an image of the Virgin receiving the salutation of the angel Gabriel.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS JEREMY DUQUESNAY ADAMS
I
am
deeply grateful for the astuteness of
Wheeler,
who had
with her usual energy seen edition at least as gifts
my
editor and dear spouse
the idea for this translated and revised edition, and
Bonnie
who
has
through to completion. She has in fact revised this
it
much as I have. I am grateful also for the preternatural editorial
of Gary Kuris and Charles T. Wood. Professor Wood's high expertise in
all
aspects of Joan's history, the constitutional and military histories of the French
and English monarchies, of
political religion,
and indeed of the whole context
of the European fifteenth century, has been of incalculable assistance to this project.
Whatever
Many
My
remain are entirely
infelicities
generous people have made
thanks go
of
first
all to
my
doing.
this translation
the authors,
who,
and revision possible.
after the initial kindness of
agreeing to this translation and then approving
its
substance, have been
unfailingly gracious in revising and adding key sections to the text as well as in providing
project
me with supplementary documentation.
Secretarial support for the
was provided by Helen Hunt and the Sisterfund Foundation. Judy Bland
worked long hours
speed (and despite her assurances,
at great
have been great inconvenience) to incorporate
ably and gallantly assisted thereafter by Gabriela Boldea, Franklin, and Xiaodi Zhang.
I
am
grateful to
my
University, notably William
what must
Amy Dahm,
Matthew Ervin has immeasurably aided
polishing of the text and contributed research.
at
my revisions in the growing text,
much
in the
way of
Olivia
the final
basic and sustained
colleagues in French at Southern Methodist
Beauchamp, Martine
Prieto,
and Zoe Urbanek.
Michael Flamini, Alan Bradshaw, and Jennifer Simington of St. Martin's Press, along with their collaborators, have seen this book through to publication with dispatch and finesse.
It is
finally a pleasure to
acknowledge the sound counsel
on many points of the Comte de Saulieu, a scientifically rigorous expert on historical
genealogy and an unfailingly kind friend.
PRELUDE JEREMY DUQUESNAY ADAMS Readers may hnd useful historical
a rapid sketch of
two great
shaped Joan's
crises that
moment, the Hundred Years War and the Great Schism of the Western
church.
THE HUNDRED YEARS WAR A
series of destructive
wars between France and England occurred between
1337 and 1453. The conflict began with a long-standing dispute about the proper relationship
between the crown of France and several rich feudal
within that kingdom's territory. the
principalities
The problem was compounded by
the fact that
two mightiest feudal princes, the dukes of Aquitaine and Burgundy, were
also lords of territories
beyond the kingdom's boundaries, which often made
money and
them
richer in
king.
The duke of Aquitaine was
monarchy
in
military
power than
their royal suzerain, the
also king of England, the
most
French
efficient
Western Europe; the duke of Burgundy was also count of Flanders
and of a cluster of neighboring
states in the
Low
Countries and the Rhineland,
scene of some of the most vigorous and profitable activity of nascent capitalism.
Yet more serious was a succession related dynasties of France, England,
crisis that
embroiled the closely
and Burgundy. In 1328, the steady
to-son succession that had blessed the French
father-
monarchy since 996 came
to
an
JOAN OF ARC end. Charles IV, the last of three royal sons of Philip
IV (1285-1314). died
without surviving sons; thus, he ended the eldest male line of the Capetian
Upon
family.
his death,
Philip of Valois. eldest
of Valois,
who
two
nephew of Philip IV.
was able
thus
to
III
of England, whose mother was Isabella,
IV 's daughter.
would have considered Edward
Inheritance law of both countries
most
the son of that king's brother Charles
claim unbroken descent in the male line from
former Capetian kings; and Edward Philip
crown of France:
assertive cousins claimed the
direct heir to his grandfather Philip
IV
—
that
is,
had the inheritance
kingdom of France, then
question been anything other than the
the
the
in
most
populous, largest, and richest realm in Christendom. The equivalent of a French
Supreme Court decided Philip of Valois. by then
Modem War. In the
Smashing
and rejected the claims of
in favor of the Valois line
Edward's Plantagenet dynasty. Nine years
King Philip VI,
later, in
to a trial
Edward challenged
1337,
by combat.
historians generally discern four phases in the
first
phase, 1337 to 1360, the Plantagenet party
victories at sea (at Sluis. 1340)
and on land
(at
Poitiers in 1356) led to the captivity of the Valois king
Hundred Years
was triumphant.
Crecy
John
in
II
1346 and
at
(from 1350 to
1364) and the Treaty of Bretigny (1360). which awarded Aquitaine and two counties in northern France to
John's ransom
a
at
sum designed
many Frenchmen
surprisingly,
Edward to
in outright sovereignty
and
set
King
bankrupt the French treasury. Not
outside those conquered territories began to
establish links with the English king; they evolved into a Plantagenet faction
French
soil.
V
King Charles
(1364-1380). known thereafter as Charles the Wise,
began the second phase of the war, from 1360
to 1413,
concessions of the Peace of Bretigny; he recovered father
had
lost.
He
by chipping away
much
at the
of the territory his
also had to reestablish order within France, badly torn by
massive peasant uprisings that the nobility bloodily repressed. His right hand these efforts
was
the Breton knight Bertrand
tactics as well as the
assisted
by the
Du
more conventional forms of warfare. Charles
fact that the eldest
acceded
to the
son of Edward
III
—
its
own
thereafter
succession
King Henry
Wise was
the Black Prince II
—died
(1377-1399)
the outbreak after the
initiated
Wise King's death of a
the Fearless of
IV,
as the Plantagenet family
crisis.
The Valois recovery of control
Duke John
the
English throne. Richard was eventually deposed by his cousin
Henry of Lancaster, generated
in
Guesclin, a master of guerrilla
before his father, and consequently the unfortunate Richard
of
on
Burgundy and
of Orleans, a younger son of Charles
V
by Charles
fierce rivalry
V
was weakened by
between the faction
that of his first cousin
Duke Louis
and thus brother of King Charles VI
(1380-1422). In 1407, Louis of Orleans was assassinated by an agent of John
PRELUDE The royaUst Valois faction that sought revenge for his unchivalrous murder was led by Count Bernard VII of Armagnac; it took the name 'Armagnacs' from him. (The county of Armagnac lay on the border between the Fearless.
Plantagenet Aquitaine and loyalist France deep in the southern part of the
kingdom.) All
this time,
Charles VI seemed to vacillate between sanity and
madness; eventually he became known as Charles the Mad.
The
third
phase of the Hundred Years War, 1413 to 1428, lasted from the
accession of the second Lancastrian king, Henry V, to the siege of Orleans.
Henry
V
invaded France,
won an overwhelming
victory at Agincourt (1415),
and dictated the terms of the Treaty of Troyes (1420), which awarded him Charles VI's daughter Catherine and declared that their future son (Henry VI,
1422-1471; see
II,
2)
would be king of the dual monarchy of England and
France. That provision disinherited the dauphin Charles, fifth son of Charles the
Mad
and the only one
left alive in
1422
(II, 1).
The dauphin
control were badly shaken in 1419,
when John the
emissary of the dauphin on a bridge to
at
Fearless
in
some form of
was murdered by an
Montereau, where they were supposed
Some Armagnacs saw
be in a parley under truce.
Bourges
fled to
the geographical center of France. His fumbling efforts to retain
an appropriate act
that as
of revenge, but most historians believe that the dauphin later became obsessed
by
laws of chivalry.
guilt for this violation of the
The dynamic Henry (II, 9),
with
V died in
1422, but his brother, the duke of Bedford
prosecuted the war in a vigorous manner, greatly assisted by his alliance
Duke
Philip the
Good
of Burgundy
(II, 3),
with whose cry for vengeance
many of the French felt sympathy. In 1428 Bedford laid siege to Orleans to clear the way for an all-out attack on the dauphin's position at Bourges. By the late spring of 1429, English victory
At
that
moment, Joan
seemed close
the
if
not inevitable.
Maid appeared on
the scene.
To universal
astonishment, she inspired the deliverance of Orleans and led the dauphin
Charles to Reims for his anointing and coronation, which weakened decisively the claims of the boy-king
Henry VI. Even though leaders of
Burgundian alliance engineered Joan's death
at the stake in
the Anglo-
Rouen on May
30,
1431, they proved incapable of reversing the French military recovery she had started.
Four years
later the
Treaty of Arras (1435) put an end to the
Armagnac-
Burgundian feud. This fourth phase of the Hundred Years War ended with nearly complete expulsion of the English from French
How
responsible was the
Maid
soil in 1453.
for this unlikely victory?
An
old debate
continues on this point, with most professional historians (such as Edouard Perroy,
Bernard Guenee, Christopher Allmand, and Philippe Contamine)
conceding her a minor role
at best.
commanders
like
(II,
disposal were
more decisive. Most professional historians would agree that Joan
Dunois
For such historians, the military expertise of
16) and the artillery he eventually
had
at his
JOAN OF ARC
-4:
catalyzed popular support for the Valois cause, which by then had issue of national patriotism.
was
far
more decisive than
Some
that of a
role of popular resistance to the It is
As
mere
how
Joan entered the
story.
had appeared
be the ideal Christian
to
catalyst;
Vietnam War tend
important to recognize
become an
students of the period feel that Joan's role
Americans mindful of the
to this
judgment.
badly France had suffered by the time
recently as a century before, the state. Its
under an unbroken dynasty of kings
who
kingdom of France
prosperity and internal peace
dispensed justice rather than
many
oppression (as those values were generally understood) seemed to
a sign
of divine approval for the constitution and mores of the French. Yet almost the fighting of the
Hundred Years War had taken place
all
and the vast
in France,
majority of the casualties were French civilians. The ferocity of the conflict
banished the restraints of chivalric warfare, which for several centuries had sought profitable prisoners rather than mere bloodshed. Between major
campaigns, companies of mercenary soldiers made an easy and pleasurable living
had
from pillage, rapine, and the indiscriminate slaughter of a population
lost the habit
had not been so savaged since the time of the Vikings the devastation spread
five centuries before,
beyond the kingdom's borders
Germany. Those who have seen Joan of Arc conviction that
that
of self-defense under the long Capetian peace. "Fair France"
God had
into Spain, Italy,
and and
as an improbable saint, given her
sent her to lead the armies of one "Christian" nation
against another, generally have not taken into account the dimensions of the
misery suffered by the
common
people of France and some neighboring
countries because of that endless and pitiless war. For populist temper, Joan's mission
some of
a radically
now seems entirely valid in larger spiritual terms
and something of a model for
modem movements
of popular resistance to
colonial imperialism.
THE GREAT SCHISM The
other great crisis of European civilization against which Joan's
staged
drama was
was the Great Schism of the Roman Cathohc church. Between 1378 and 1417
church leadership was claimed by two popes, one residing
at
Rome and the other at
Avignon. From 1409 to 1415, there was also a third claimant. But the roots of the
problem and
its
consequences for behevers such as Joan the Maid stretched farther
backward and forward
One
in time than those dates
might suggest.
of the victories of King Philip IV of France was the humiliation of
the papacy in the person of
Pope Boniface VIII (1294-1303), who died
escaping from a detachment of French troops
after
come to arrest him in Italy. who took the name Clement
Boniface's successor, an archbishop of Bordeaux
PRELUDE V, seconded Philip's major religious policies:
offensive acts,
He
annulled his predecessor's
confirmed Philip's destruction of the Knights Templar, and in
1309 moved the permanent residence of the pope from Rome to Avignon, a papal city in
on the Rhone River directly opposite the kingdom of France. Public opinion
much
of the rest of Europe was so consistently distressed, sometimes
outraged, by that surrender of the papacy's ancient role and symbolic seat that
Rome
the papacy returned to
Two
in
1376 amid general rejoicing, even
in France.
years after the return, however, a disputed election split the papacy
once more. One
line of
popes claiming exclusive legitimacy remained
thereafter; another line claiming the
same legitimacy returned
to
in
Rome
Avignon. In
1409, a church council meeting at Pisa succeeded in producing a third claimant.
This stubborn scandal was resolved only in 1415 thanks to a major alteration in the constitution of the church, the recognition of a broadly representative
General Council as finally superior to the office of pope. The restored papacy, headed by a native
committed
itself to
Roman
of ancient lineage, Martin
V
Roman
(1417-1431),
undercutting this innovation at every turn.
During the years of the schism, the Enghsh king and Parliament had supported the
Roman pope,
because the French kings supported the
at least partly
Avignonese pope. Since Scotland was determined to remain independent of Enghsh pressure, the Scots supported the Avignonese claimant; parallel situations arose
throughout Christendom. The Avignonese and Roman popes excommunicated their rivals
and
their rivals' supporters, thus
church. But
how
sacraments?
One
that
denying them the sacraments of the true
could one be sure which pope was the vaHd dispenser of the apocalyptic preacher even claimed to have been
no one had entered heaven since the Great Schism began.
Some committed
whole
of the best minds and most idealistic spirits of European society
their
hope for the reform of
to the institution of the
this
scandal and of the church as a
General Council. One such council, attended
by thousands of clerics and laymen from every province and Christendom, met
at the city
interest
group
in
of Constance on the upper Rhine between 1414
and 1417,andasecondmetatthenearby
The
shown in a vision
city of Basel
intellectual leadership of the University of Paris
between 1431 and 1437.
was overwhelmingly
in
favor of conciliar reform. Not surprisingly, the majority of that university's faculty also supported the Plantagenet claimant to the
monarch would be
likely to
on the parliamentary the
way by
have his hands so
institutions of the
crown of France:
full that
A dual
he would need to rely
two kingdoms. Edward
III
had shown
his cultivation of the English Parliament during his long
and
popular reign (1327-77); his young and insecure great-great-grandson Henry
VI
clearly
would have
to
go even further
in ruling his
the Estates-General, an institution that tended (for
Valois kings nervous.
French kingdom through
good reason)
to
make
the
JOAN OF ARC
Modem admirers democracy may
of Joan
Paris intelligentsia against the tuals, but
it is
who
also revere the tradition of representative
feel a certain conflict
easy to see
how
Maid
is
on
that score.
The merciless
fury of the
disturbing, especially to liberal intellec-
she must have represented for them a mindless
regression to the inept tyranny of monarchic absolutism, whether royal or papal.
This ambivalence makes the reactions of Jacques Gelu of Jean Gerson
(II,
20), a
consummate
General Council and the Valois cause,
all
intellectual
the
(II,
who
19) and especially
supported both the
more important
to understand.
PART
THE DRAMA ONE
CHAPTER ONE
HER STORY BEGINS The
city
of Orleans, the bridge between northern and southern France, was
sorely besieged by a large English force from October 12, 1428, to the following
May.
Its ruler,
Duke Charles of Orleans
(see Part
prisoner in England since the Battle ofAgincourt
commanded by ofDunois; to the aid
II,
his half-brother John, the
16).
had been a
Section 31),
The
city
's
defense was
Bastard of Orleans (later
to
be count
Over those seven months, reinforcements came sporadically
of both the besieged French and the besieging English. Inconclusive
skirmishing failed to English.
II,
in 1415.
By March
mask
1429, Orleans seemed ready to fall at the next serious push.
Then, in early March, eastern frontier restore his
the steady tipping of the balance in favor of the
had ridden
kingdom
to
came
the
rumor
that a
maid from
meet the Dauphin Charles
to
(II,
the kingdom's
1),
promising
to
him by saving Orleans and by working other wonders.
Joan of Arc enters the historical record; her story begins.
"They say that a maid passed by the city of Gien, a maid who presented herself to the noble dauphin to raise the siege of Orleans and to lead the dauphin to
Reims so
first
that
appearance
These
he might be anointed." This "they say" in February 1429 in the historical record
lines
scenes of Joan's drama, the Bastard, better
of the
woman we now
call
were written by one of the principal characters
known by
Joan's nullification
trial
man
title,
it:
opening
John the
the count ofDunois. His testimony
continues: "Since
I
was
the
Joan of Arc.
in the
best situated to be informed about
his later
is
from
the guardian of the city of
Orleans, being lieutenant-general once the war began,
I
sent to the king's court
10
PART
the sire de Villars,
was
later
bailiff
who was
I:
THE DRAMA
seneschal of Beaucaire, and Jamet du
Tillet,
who
of the Vermandois, for fuller information concerning this
maiden."
On key
hung
the fate of Orleans
to the south of France.
was
It
that of the entire
the key to Bourges, the stronghold of the
dauphin Charles, known contemptuously Bourges."
It
was
kingdom. Orleans was the
the key to Auxerre,
to his
opponents as "the king of
where Burgundian troops were
ready to take up arms in what might well be the final
move
stationed,
checkmate the
to
dauphin. Past Bourges ran the road to Guyenne, where the English were
where they did not need
to
behave
at
Guyenne was
like conquerors, since
home,
the core
of the fief of Aquitaine, the legacy of Eleanor of Aquitaine, and so had belonged to the kings of England, her descendants, for
more than 300
The Bastard of Orleans was defending Charles, duke of Orleans
somewhere beyond
(II,
31),
who was
the city of his half brother,
at that
Ume
being held as a prisoner
The Bastard was recovering with
the English Channel.
from the wound he had received
difficulty
in the ill-fated attack against an
English convoy bringing reinforcements to the besiegers arbalest hit
him
in the foot
were barely able
to free
almost
companions remained on the d' Albret,
—
the shaft of an
beginning of the attack; two archers
at the
him and put him back on
engagement proved disastrous
years.
his horse, after
most
for the French. Several of his battlefield
which the
—Louis de Rochechouart, Guillame
and the valiant Scotsman John Stuart of Damley, who was responsible
for the rout, because he
began the attack without waiting for the
rearguard cavalry reinforcements. This
move
arrival of French
against the handful of
enemy taunted the French for this "Day of the Herrings"
(see
III,
7)
—
the convoy
consisted mostly of herring pickled in brine desdned for the English
Lenten season. In Orleans, the defenders' morale sank
men
The English
escorting the English relief convoy collapsed in total confusion.
that
effective
further.
army
in
The count
of Clermont's reputafion had already been compromised by his delay in arriving
on the he
left
field of the Battle of the
Herrings on the pivotal twelfth of February 1429;
Orleans leading his troops in serious disorder. Several captains imitated
him, including, despite his constant readiness for better
known The
reverse the
it,
as
"La Hire"
fate of
22).
now seemed
sealed.
The Bastard, powerless
recalled the fine days of the siege of Montargis
two years
earlier.
to
With
same La Hire, he had swiftly dislodged the English, who, under the command
of their captain, Salisbury 5,
(II,
Orleans
Etienne de Vignolles,
battle,
(II,
38),
had begun
to
surround the
city.
On September
men were forced to abandon the field. Desiring come one year later to besiege Orleans, where sequence, before each of the city's gates, like so many
1427, Salisbury and his
vengeance, the same captain had
he installed in orderly bolts,
his
fortified
bastides
—temporary
fortificaUons,
usually of
wooden
HER STORY BEGINS
11
up
to block a defensive structure,
construction, connected with earthworks, set
such as a tower or gateway. They could be as small as blockhouses or grow to
have turrets and gates of their own.
Some
of the larger bastides could house
sizable garrisons of troops.
Distrust of the defender of Orleans increased.
so far as to send an embassy to the duke of Burgundy the city since
its
lord
was a
The
inhabitants had gone
(II, 3),
asking him to spare
what survived of
prisoner. This appeal to
chivalric
sentiments was their last hope; in the age of chivalry, one would never have
besieged a castle or a city whose "natural lord" was a prisoner. This popular appeal to the
enemy was
yet one further humiliation for John the Bastard,
who
substituted for his brother as defender.
At to reflect
this critical juncture in
upon
his situation.
encircled city, with
all
February 1429, John the Bastard had leisure
Immobilized by his wound, he found himself in an
but one of its exits closed up.
The
inhabitants'
immediate
concern was food. Relating the events of those days, the Journal of the Siege of Orleans records hardly anything other than the arrival of fresh provisions:
was "seven horses loaded with herring and other
day, that
foodstuffs";
One
two days
later,
nine horses came, also loaded with foodstuffs, entering by the Burgundy
Gate
at the east
end of the
city
—
Everyone remembered
cut off.
the only gate that the English besiegers
Rouen
stories of the siege of
had not
ten years before,
during which inhabitants had been reduced to eating horses, dogs, cats, and rats before finally opening the city's gates to the victors.
The
siege strategy at Orleans
English applied
powerful
allies
it
was the same
as
it
had been for Rouen. The
knew
slowly and methodically since they
—famine and discouragement—were
to
that their
be found inside the
most city.
Shortly after his arrival at the head of the English forces, Salisbury, an
experienced
man
of war, attacked the "Tourelles," those fortifications that
defended the approach
to the bridge
on the
two towers allowed whoever held them
left
bank of the Loire
River.
to close off the southern
Those
end of the
imposing, nineteen-arch stone bridge that rested on one of the midpoint islands of the
river.
The city of Orleans was itself a bridge across which the two Frances,
the north and the south,
communicated.
The people of Orleans were subject
when
to offensive
the English occupied the small villages of the
acdon from July 1428,
Beauce one
including Angerville, Toury, Janville, Artenay, and Patay.
by one of Salisbury's companions, John de
army
as
La Poule
(III,
4)
—on October
la
Pole
7, the
(II,
41)
Once Olivet was taken
—known
to the
French
people of Orleans acted on their
acceptance of the inevitable. They began to destroy their left
after the other,
own
buildings on the
bank of the Loire: the Portereau, along with the church and convent of the
Augustinians. Such self-destruction had disaster of Agincourt in 1415 the
become
practically routine. Since the
populadon of Orleans had been
living in a state
—
12 of
PART
The
alert.
this
is,
spies
become
—
often
and
a part of daily
women);
fortress testify to the
its
life:
way
that
the dispatching of messengers
coming and going of horsemen who surveyed
the
movements of mercenary
the
THE DRAMA
financial registers of the city
condition had
(that
1:
Etampes and Sully-
troops, especially toward
sur-Loire; the strengthening of the watch on the city's walls; the purchasing
of arbalest shafts and defensive yet to come.
The
old
artillery (paid for
remembered
that
it
by a
rise in taxes).
had been necessary
and English troops. This ancient collegial church had
newly
Christianity. All relics
St.
Aignan,
the city against the attacks of Attila the
who
to destroy
between French
roots in the region's
its
installed bishops of Orleans visited
of their great predecessor,
1359
in
the venerable church of Saint- Aignan, site of an early skirmish
Worse was
it
to venerate the
in earlier times
Hun. The basihca was
had defended
rebuilt in
1376
only on the orders of the wise King Charles V, well after the Peace of Bretigny,
which ended the Public
first
phase of the Hundred Years War.
memory remained
equally sensitive to attacks and alerts, some-
fimes caused by bands of mercenary troops, sometimes by the raids of English captains.
Based
in the
surrounding
territory,
they
fell like
eagles on their prey:
on Olivet, on the abbey of Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire, or on Orleans day of the "Great Fear"
commence,
in 1418,
for the English
when all were certain that the
came my way,"
siege
were then attacking both Rouen and
The English defeat at Montargis in 1427 that
itself,
—"the
the dauphin Charles had cried
gave Orleans some fleeting hope. Yet
it
first
from
moment
would soon
Paris.
his refuge at
city,
and
Bourges
to destroy the
to
make
Very quickly, inside Orleans
powered
itself,
other
that the English attacked the
Tourelles, they destroyed the twelve water mills that the city used to flour.
on the
moment of happiness
soon became necessary
suburbs once again, to accommodate refugees within the preparations for siege. At the very
as
make
its
people organized the eleven horse-
mills that replenished the city's food supply.
Hostilities
bombards
recommenced on October
that the English
had just installed
17,
1428.
One
of the three
at Saint- Jean-le-Blanc,
near the
Augustinian convent that had earlier been abandoned, caused some damage in
the city and killed "a
Chesneau." Five days
The
later,
woman named
Belle near the postern gate of
the watchtower bell sounded the alarm once more.
citizens of Orleans destroyed
one of the arches of the bridge and
the islet of Belle-Croix, on which the bridge rested.
defend the
fort of the Tourelles, to
which they
fortified
They would no longer
set fire.
The
siege progressed
with English basddes methodically set up on the principal highways: the bastide called
named Saint-Laurent near
"London" and "Paris" on
bastide,
the route to Blois; those that the English
the routes to
Chateaudun and
Paris.
Another
"Rouen," served as a connection between those two. The bastide of
Saint-Loup blocked the way to Gien
at its
crossroads with the route to
13
HER STORY BEGINS Pithiviers
—but on
blockade would never become
that side, to the east, the
complete, despite the invaders' best efforts.
Such was the
situation that the Bastard of Orleans discovered
October 25, 1428, when he arrived
He had some
buildings outside of the ramparts destroyed Saint-Gervais, Saint-Marc
came
reinforcements
his
— and had
way with
He
at his half brother's city.
undertook new strategic arrangements.
of the churches and
— Saint-Loup,
Saint-Euverte,
Some
key points.
artillery installed at
the arrival of Louis de Culant, at the head
of 200 fighting men, and Charles de Bourbon, count of Clermont
January 30. The Scotsman John Stuart came on February
"Day
on
quickly
8,
(II,
1
1),
on
but the disastrous
of the Herrings," on February 12, put an end to his hopes.
The
citizens
of Orleans sent a delegation to the duke of Burgundy. Poton de Xaintrailles (II,
44) and Pierre d'Orgui proposed to
neutrality
—
making an appeal
Good
Philip the
3) that he
(II,
the condition of guaranteeing
its
development for the Bastard but understandable on
a humiliating
the part of the inhabitants, all,
Duke
command on
take the city under his
who
felt
themselves abandoned; they were, after
to a representative of the royal
house of France, the
cousin of their natural protector, the duke of Orleans.
The negotiations
failed.
The duke of Burgundy would have been
delighted to acquire Orleans without striking a blow, but his ally Bedford, the
English regent
mighty angry birds his
(II, 9),
to cut
opposed such an acquisition vehemently:
down
the bushes so that
from the branches!" At
men fighting
alongside the English besiegers.
to little
else could get the
little
duke reestablished contact with some of
least, the
Burgundian garrison make, or what have amounted
someone
would be
"I
relief
might
How much difference did this its
departure produce?
more than a few men-at-arms
enlisted
among
It
may
the troops
paid by English captains.
The
fate
of Orleans would surely be settled in a few days, perhaps a few
hours, since a decisive offensive could be launched at any minute.
Under these circumstances, increasingly urgent reports of an unexpected rescue sent from heaven and conveyed by an
"Joan the Maid" were particularly said,
could save the
feeling that seized
city.
attractive:
unknown
The people of Orleans would
them once
the
rumor about
the
the Journal of the Siege of Orleans remarks: "It
sent by
God
to raise the siege of the city.
The
hard-pressed by necessity due to the enemies not
know whom
to
beg for remedy,
if
not
girl said to
Only divine
come
later
Maid began
was
said
.
be called
intervention, people
.
.
to explain the
to circulate.
that she
As
had been
inhabitants found themselves so
who
besieged them that they did
God Himself"
This report did not comfort the Bastard, an experienced warrior. Even the arrival of Scottish,
two contingents of reinforcement, one French and the other
had not brought him relief He
testified later that
he remained skeptical
14
PART
I:
THE DRAMA
of this purportedly heaven-sent relief until months
later,
when he
actually
met
Joan the Maid. But, because he was a pious man, he sent two trustworthy
companions
to
check on
this
unusual rumor. Since the king was
at
Chinon, the
Bastard sent Archambaut de Villars and Jamet du Tillet there, where they were also likely to
gone
to
fmd Raoul de Gaucourt
Chinon
to
(II,
18),
inform the dauphin of the
governor of Orleans,
Bastard's two envoys soon returned to Orleans to report.
about that conversation in Joan's nullification
The Bastard
all
who yearned
the people in Orleans
maiden's
arrival, that
it
testified
to learn the truth
in the
presence
concerning
this
they had seen the aforesaid maid arrive at the king's court
in the city of Chinon themselves. to receive her;
The
trial:
They returned from the king's presence, reporting publicly to me, of
who had
city's desperate condition.
They
said that the king himself had not
was deemed appropriate
she should be permitted to
come
maid wait two days before
into the king's presence, even though she
came
said again and again that she
that this
wished
to raise the siege of
had
Orleans and to lead the
noble dauphin to Reims, so that he could be anointed king, demanding constantly that she be given men, horses, and arms.
whom we
Joan of Arc (for a discussion of her name, see
Jeanne
la Pucelle,
III, 1),
here makes her entry into history.
call
CHAPTER TWO
JOAN MEETS
HER DAUPHIN This chapter tracks Joan's improbable quest from native
Domremy
in the
its
her
visible beginnings in
spring of 1428 to her enlisting the reluctant support of
Robert of Baudricourt, the captain of neighboring Vaucouleurs (see Part Section
7),
who gave her a small escort of armed men and sent her to the dauphin 's
court on February 22, 1429
(II,
1 ).
crossed hostile territory; five days
Chinon
II,
in the
Loire valley.
Two days
For
six days, that troupe
of seven gingerly
they reached the dauphin
later,
later, the
Joan farther
court at
dauphin received Joan. Moved by
the conviction she evinced for her mission to save him, his crown, the dauphin sent
's
west, to Poitiers, to
and France,
undergo an examination by a
panel of learned clergymen. Within the fortnight, she had won their approval and returned to join the dauphin 5 court.
However great
had already restored an amazing degree of hope
When
my
I
arrived at the
king; then
I
went
French cause.
town of Sainte-Catherine-de-Fierbois,
to the
town of Chinon, where
about the hour of noon and found lodging
my
I
sent [a letter] to
king was;
I
arrived there
at a hostelry.
—Joan's testimonv The letter that Joan sent from
Joan
the doubts about her,
to the
at
her
Rouen
trial
Sainte-Catherine-de-Fierbois, the last stage
of her journey to Chinon, has not survived. Since her arrival on territory obedient to the dauphin, she
had no task more important than laying claim
to
what she
16
PART
I:
THE DRAMA
At Fierbois, aware
called her "mission."
that she
was no more than half a day's
journey from the dauphin's residence, she dictated a "small
company
was a royal
that escorted" her
letter to
him.
Among
the
courier, Colet de Vienne, "in
constant readiness" to deliver messages. Colet had guided his companions
through the highways and byways and had shown them where to ford the
His present assignment was to put spurs to
this last stage
of Joan's journey.
Sainte-Catherine-de-Fierbois was a historic and well-known
became important
to
Joan of Arc's
story.
The chapel
rivers.
site that
dates from the eighth
century, indeed earlier than that; Charles Martel, the bellicose grandfather of
Charlemagne, had left a sword there as a trophy of his victory over the Muslims
The rectory
in 732.
in
which Joan probably lodged was constructed around
1400 by Marshal Boucicaut, the hero of the disastrous crusade
to Nicopolis.
After his stay in Constantinople, where he assisted in the defense of the
Byzantine capital from the Turks, the marshal had gone on a pilgrimage to Mt.
tomb of St. Catherine. He brought back relics preserved in a
Sinai to the
reliquary, the only relics of that saint in France.
the chapel
Not long
was reconstructed: Helie de Bourdeilles, the
Tours, donated funds to build a
silver
after Joan's death,
saintly archbishop of
new Flamboyant Gothic church
that survives
today. Before his promotion to the archbishopric of Tours, while
still
of Perigueux, Bourdeilles was asked to provide an analysis of the
bishop
trial that
condemned Joan of Arc. March
The day
after Joan's arrival at Fierbois (perhaps, as tradition declares,
4, 1428),
her
company entered
little
crossroads of the Grand-Carroi.
come from? This
girl
desire to be received as these arose
Who
who seemed
by the dauphin
at
the
town of Chinon and reached the
were these strangers? Where did they
ease in men's clothes and expressed her
—from where did she come? Questions such
from the moment they dismounted onto the rim of a well
comer of the square
(a spot to this
day pointed out
There was already quite a story
to
tell.
at the
to tourists).
Of Joan
herself,
it
was
said that
she came "from the marches of Lorraine," which conveyed the notion of a frontier.
distance great
Her companions had met her not in her
away
known
in a place
shadow of Jean de
friend of St. Louis.
village of
as Vaucouleurs,
Joinville, seneschal of
Two hundred
Domremy but a short
whose name
still
evokes the
Champagne, companion and
years earlier Joinville had granted the town a
charter of municipal freedom.
The
fortress of
Vaucouleurs
(II,
7) had been
much on
the English and the French. This well-fortified strongpoint
the
on
minds of both
the banks of the
Meuse in the district of Toul, on the border between Champagne and the Barrois, allegiance to the dauphin even though
maintained
its
Burgundian
territory. In
his
nephew
the
it
was surrounded by
1428 the duke of Bedford, regent of France
young Henry VI of England
(II, 2),
(II,
9) for
decided, at the urging of his
JOAN MEETS HER DAUPHIN
17
chief captains, to rid himself of this pocket of resistance in a region where Anglo-
Burgundian garrisons had been circulating the governor of
Champagne, received
Vergy had
at his
freely.
On June 22 Antoine de Vergy,
instructions to besiege Vaucouleurs.
disposal a contingent
whose numbers we know
exactly:
796 men. The squires and auxiliary troops who would have accompanied those men-at-arms would bring the force
to a total of
2,500 combatants, reinforced by
the troops of Pierre de Trie, captain of Beauvais,
John, count of Freiburg and Neuchatel, the county of
Burgundy
The countrymen
(the
nicknamed
Patrouillart,
and by
who had come from what was known
as
Franche-Comte). of the meandering river Meuse, crowded
in the valley
with men-at-arms, were agitated. The peasants of such villages as
Domremy,
Greux, Coussey, and Burey abandoned their homes and, driving their
cattle
before them, sought refuge behind the walls of Neufchateau, the only fortified city close by;
distance.
from the ramparts, they soon saw
their harvest burning in the
At Vaucouleurs, the royal captain. Robert de Baudricourt, stubbornly
He regrouped
maintained his allegiance to the dauphin.
his
garrison and
reinforced his fortress, which had powerful defenses: probably twenty-three
towers rising from the
Meuse
to the plateau
whose escarpment served
as the
base of the fortified complex. These operations lasted most of July. Everyone
waited for Baudricourt to surrender, as four years earlier Etienne de Vignolles,
La Hire wake
(II,
had surrendered
22),
at
Vitry
—
a surrender that had brought in
its
Champagne, such
as
the capitulation of several small strongholds in
Blanzy, Larzicourt, and Heilz-L'Eveque. The surrender of Vitry-en-Perthois was
accepted by the
man who had
negotiated the Treaty of Troyes, Pierre
49);
the
kingdom, which the English
it
Yet nothing decisive happened the
Cauchon
had been a powerful signal for these fortresses of the eastern part of
(II,
rulers
at
had come
Vaucouleurs.
to
count on as a reliable shield.
A compromise was reached near
end of July. Baudricourt did not surrender, and the attackers withdrew when
he promised that he would forgo military action against the Burgundians. Thus neutralized, Vaucouleurs stayed free.
These events weighed on the minds of the
little
troupe that arrived
Grand-Carroi. They had lived through them the previous little
peasant
girl in
a red surcoat had
The
come to the attention of Baudricourt's Day (which in 1428 had fallen on May
she strode along the high walls of Vaucouleurs, asking
the lord Robert
at the
1428.
first
fellow townspeople around Ascension 13), as
summer of
was and when he would be willing
all
to receive her.
she met where
This image of
memory of Bertrand de Poulengy (II, 33), one of the two lords who soon took charge of escorting her as far as Chinon. Bertrand recounted that
her animated the
he had seen her speak to Robert de Baudricourt, the captain of Vaucouleurs; she
had said
that she
to stand fast
came
and not
to
to
him from her Lord so
make war upon
that he
would
his enemies, for the
tell
the dauphin
Lord would bring
18
PART
him help before
the next mid-Lent.
she provoked. Joan said that the
I:
THE DRAMA
Unperturbed by the laughter and the jeering
kingdom belonged
become
Lord, that his Lord wished the dauphin to the
kingdom
lead
him
be anointed. At the side of
to
man whom
sheepishly, a
king, and that he
whether his enemies wished
as a fief,
this
not to the dauphin but to his
would hold
or not. She herself
it
peasant
girl stood,
she called her uncle (actually, her
would
somewhat
first
cousin's
husband), a certain Durand Laxart. from Burey-le-Petit. Robert had advised him
home with a Two months later, in
to take the girl
slap or
two
Neufchateau with her parents,
little sister,
had shared
the lot of refugees
crowded
La Rousse
(the
Redhead),
end her impertinence.
to
July 1428. Joan
was on
the road, hastening toward
and three brothers. For some time she an inn belonging to a
in
whom Joan helped
from time
to
woman named
time with the dishes
and the cooking, along with her good friend Hauviette. Hauviette was Joan's longtime friend: her family had fled
The red surcoat of course of that winter, in 1429. the first
February
13).
the peasant girl of
at the
Domremy was
seen again in the
beginning of Lent (which began early that year; locally as Russet Sunday, fell
Robert de Baudricourt threw her out a second time.
Le Royer who with to
as well.
Sunday of Lent, known
Joan had found lodging
continued
home
at
Vaucouleurs.
at the
it
then
house of the wheelwright Henri
had become her supporter. Joan
his wife. Catherine,
proclaim that
By
on
was necessary
that she
speak
to the
dauphin
before mid-Lent, because she was bringing him help from heaven, help he
would not
get
from anyone
else.
'Time wore on
for her as for a
woman
great
with child." in the familiar metaphor from the Psalms. The pressure was so great that she took to the road one
morning with the devoted Durand Laxart
and a resident of Vaucouleurs named Jacques Alain: they purchased her a horse for twelve francs.
But they did not get
far.
Arriving
at
Saint-Nicolas-de-Sept-
Fonts. on the route to Sauvroy. Joan realized that she had been precipitous to it
was "not
castle's chapel, called
Our Lady
leave without achieving Baudricourt's approval: she declared that thus that they should depart."' and they returned to Vaucouleurs.
Early ever\' morning, this of the Vaults.
'"I
went to the
frequently saw Joan the
piety: there, she heard I
girl
Maid come
morning mass and stayed
to this
church with great
a long time afterward to pray.
saw her under the vault of this church kneeling before the statue of the blessed
Virgin, with her face said Jean le like
sometimes downcast and sometimes gazing upright." So
Fumeux. then
a
young canon of Notre-Dame-de-Vaucouleurs. who
everyone else regarded the comings and goings of
Domremy
this little
peasant of
with amazement.
One day.
a
messenger of the duke of Lorraine presented himself canning
a safe-conduct for Joan. his castle at
Duke Charles
II (II.
26) had heard rumors about her in
Nancy and wished to see her. Charles
II,
who had been hardly better
)OAN MEETS HER DAUPHIN
19
than a highwayman, had grown old and sick. Perhaps he hoped to encounter
some holy person through whom he could be
accompanied as
healed. Joan,
always by Laxart, took the road armed with the duke's safe-conduct. She was
me
brought before him: "He questioned said that
I
knew nothing about that.
I
about the recovery of his health, and
said very
but did say nonetheless that he should give for France
and
that
She was not abandoned
his wife,
would pray
I
to
God
afraid to deliver a
little
me
and some men-at-arms
his son
for the restoration of his health."
few admonitions about
Margaret of Bavaria, for a
girl
his conduct.
he had sired five bastards. In Neufchateau, which had lodged a
in fact his son-in-law,
Rene of Anjou
— a journey II,
him
(H, 5), the dauphin's brother-in-law.
a part of this trip to
that she converted into a pilgrimage, visiting shrines as
known
distant as Saint-Nicolas-du-Port. Jean de Nouillonpont (also
Metz;
suit against
The "son" Joan mentioned
Someone must have accompanied Joan during Nancy
He had
named Alison Dumay, by whom
before the Parlement of Paris, such stories were common.
was
my mission
duke about
to the
I
as Jean
de
30) accompanied her at least as far as Toul. Nouillonpont, a squire in
how at first he teased the He had confronted her near the military headquarters, asking
the household of Robert de Baudricourt, later recalled girl in the
red dress.
ironically:
"Honey, what are you doing here? Shouldn't the dauphin be thrown
out and
of us
I
all
came here
become English?" The Maid had answered, calmly to the king's
chamber
[that
is,
into royal territory] to
de Baudricourt so that he would either bring but he pays no attention to I
be
until
at the king's side
my
feet are
me
or to
my
me
or have
to
my
knees; there
is
speak to Robert
me brought to the king,
words; nevertheless,
before mid-Lent arrives, even
worn down
if it
in fact
it is
means
important that I
no one
have
recover the kingdom of France, and he will have no help,
for this
is
wills that
He
asked, "But
not I
I
would prefer
to stay
home and
I
when
walk
who can
not through me,
my
poor mother,
my proper station, but I must go and I must do it, because my Lord
do
so.
who
is
your Lord?"
And
the
Maid answered, "God."
And so I promised the Maid, by placing my hands that
if
spin wool with
to
else, neither a
king nor a duke nor the daughter of the king of Scotland, nor any other
even though
as always:
would with God's
in hers as a sign
aid lead her to the king; and
I
of good
begged her
faith,
to tell
me
she wanted to leave; she said "Better today than tomorrow, better
tomorrow than later"
A pracdcal man, the squire asked her if she expected to depart in the clothes she was wearing. She answered
that she
would prefer
to
wear men's
clothes.
He
20
PART
I:
THE DRAMA
found among his servant's clothes something hat.
Once she got back
that the
to the
to dress her in: hose, jacket,
Le Royer house, Joan would
good folk of Vaucouleurs, now sympathetic
specifically for her:
men's
suits,
hose, and
all that
and
find other apparel
had made
to her cause,
was necessary, plus
a horse
worth about sixteen francs. It
was upon her
return
from Nancy
war and astonished by the enthusiasm
that
that
Robert de Baudricourt, tired of
Joan the Maid
resigned himself to giving her permission to go to the dauphin escort had already been formed. Jean de
Metz was
to
her wake,
left in
at
Chinon. Her
accompany
her, as
was
Bertrand de Poulengy, each with a servant: Julien for Bertrand de Poulengy and a certain Jean de
Honnecourt for Jean de Metz.
Baudricourt added to their number the royal messenger Colet de Vienne,
who knew
the roads and could discern
which men-at-arms and garrisons were
loyal to the dauphin; a certain Richard Larcher
went along as well, making a
men along with this girl who already rode like a man-at-arms. (Joan's ability is not surprising: The horse was then the primary mode of
party of six riding
transport,
As
and more than once she rode her
Le Royers
a precaution, Robert de Baudricourt had visited the
accompanied by the parish his stole,
father's plowhorses.)
priest of Vaucouleurs, Jean Fournier,
who,
attired in
pronounced an exorcism over Joan. Joan may well have been busy
spinning with Catherine Le Royer (who later testified that she spun very well indeed) and quickly went up to the priest, throwing herself on her knees before
him. But Joan later told Catherine that the parish priest had done already heard her confession and
knew
perfectly well that she
ill:
was
He had a
good
Christian and did not need any exorcism. This (for Joan) pointless, indeed ridiculous scene probably took place before her first departure and bears witness to the uncertainties of the captain of Vaucouleurs, lest
the
a
took public precautions
he be dealing with a sorceress. In the end, Robert himself traveled part of
way with
little
after
the
little
group,
all
the
way up
to the
Gate of France one evening,
Russet Sunday.
What were far
who
the feelings of these travelers
who went
to
Chinon from so
away, after a journey of eleven days? Joan never stopped encouraging her
companions. They passed
their first night in the
Joinville, but after that they traveled as
much
abbey of Saint-Urbain-les-
as they could at night, in order to
avoid roaming bands of hostile Englishmen or Burgundians. Joan wanted to go
— "We would do well we could hear mass," she was saying — but would have been too nodceable. Only
to
mass
if
later
quoted as
in the friendly territory
that
of Auxerre and Sainte-Catherine-de-Fierbois were they able to hear mass, twice in those eleven days. In the
course of that journey, the young
men who
rode
at
her side (Jean de Metz was thirty-one, Bertrand de Poulengy thirty-seven), later declared that Joan had slept alongside them
at
every stop, keeping both her
21
)OAN MEETS HER DAUPHIN doublet and her hose closed and bound: they never
toward I
her.
"Her words put
me on
fire,
inspiring in
felt
me
any "carnal impulse"
a love for her that was,
believe, divine."
The curious clustered around her
at
Chinon, as they had
at
Vaucouleurs.
Joan had never stopped declaring to her companions that the "dauphin" (as she then called him) would receive her.
them, and her companions,
Now messengers and sergeants buzzed about
who had been
so intent
upon
had undergone a convincing
anxiety. For them, Joan
some
their goal, felt
test:
During
their eleven
days together, they had found her without fault or weakness, exemplary in piety
and
charity, inflexible in resolve. Nonetheless, the final test
lay ahead:
still
Did
her words and her predictions correspond to any reality ahead?
Despite destruction in the seventeenth century, in the Revolution, and also under the Empire, the castle of city at its feet still rises
above the
Chinon with the pointed roofs of the
city like a cliff
little
dominating the valley of the
Vienne. During the long hours that stretched between the arrival of Joan and her escort toward noon until the evening of the following day, finally admitted to the presence of the
dauphin
constant comings and goings along the precipitous road today rue Jeanne-d'Arc. "She
when
she was
in the castle itself, there
known
were
as the
was much questioned," declared Jean de Metz.
According to Bertrand de Poulengy, she was questioned by the dauphin's noble counselors,
whose perplexity was evident
if
Joan and her companions said
nothing more about their origins and their goals than what Baudricourt's squire
Nouillonpont reported will
have no help
At the
if
earlier,
including that disconcerting affirmation,
"He
not through me."
nullification trial,
Simon
Charles, a
man
of great stature and
president of the royal treasury, clearly recalled the unfolding of the subsequent events.
He may
not have been present at Chinon
returned "to the court in the to Venice,
to
arrived, but having
month of March" from his embassy
for the dauphin
he discovered what had happened. Jean de Metz told him that the
dauphin had sent his agents to question Joan
come
when Joan
in her hostelry:
do and what did she want?" Joan had
hesitated.
"What had she
She had no intention
of divulging the specifics of her mission except to the dauphin, but finally she
had answered first to raise
crown and
that hers
was a double mandate from
the
King of Heaven. She had
the siege of Orleans, then to lead Charles to
Reims
to receive his
his anointing.
The dauphin's counselors were divided
as they returned to him.
One
group, believing that the girl was mad, urged the dauphin to dismiss her without delay; the other thought that he should at the very least listen to her. that Charles until
was not convinced and did not agree
to
It is
likely
admit her to his presence
such time as he had received the message sent by Robert de Baudricourt
shortly after the
little
escort had departed; his letter confirmed the report of Joan
—
22
PART
and her companions. Without
l:
THE DRAMA
reassurance from a captain of tested loyalty,
this
the dauphin, a suspicious and mistrustful
received Joan.
He must have
reflected
upon
across an "occupied zone," fording rivers past garrisons and
enemy
man, most
still
likely
their long
would never have
and perilous journey
swollen with the melting snows,
contingents that they had carefully avoided.
The
confirmation of these difficulties by the captain of a distant and sorely tried
him
stronghold no doubt convinced interview.
One can understand
couleurs, declaring "It solicitation of
is
then
not thus
Joan should
that
be given an
at least
why Joan had earlier returned to Vauthat we should depart." Her stubborn
Robert de Baudricourt was justified because his support was
essential to her mission. "It
was
a high hour"
March then came
at six-thirty or
been seven or seven-thirty likely a
— an evening
in the
hour. Nightfall in the
thereabouts
days of
could have
in the steep access
road to the
which the Maid's name has since been given. "There were more than
three hundred knights and fifty torches," she
evening.
it
evening when Joan, her companions, and most
messenger of the dauphin came together
castle to
first
so
at that latitude,
would
later say, recalling that
The count of Vendome had been charged with introducing her to those
gathered in the castle's great
hall.
The
"three hundred knights"
may
well be an
exaggeration produced by the effect of such a spectacle on the peasant
brought for the
first
time in her
life into
girl
a vast hall where a multitude of torches
and candelabra flared, illuminating the unfamiliar forms of great lords and noble ladies.
Raoul de Gaucourt
(II,
18) expresses the contrast
between the thronging
assembly, gathered perhaps with a slight purpose of intimidation, and Joan,
whom
he called the "shepherdess"
—not a
surprising term, since
all
peasant
women were then more or less considered shepherdesses in the eyes of the great: I
was myself present
and
I
at the castle
and the
city of
saw her when she presented herself to
Chinon when the Maid
his royal majesty; she
humility and simplicity of manner, this poor
little
This
is
have been sent from
God
to bring aid to
you and
a concise statement of the contrast
message. The testimony of
later trials
showed
shepherdess. ...
say the following words to the king: "Very noble lord dauphin, I
to the
I
arrived,
I
great
heard her
have come and
kingdom."
between Joan's person and her
and other reports amplify
as does, for example, the Chronicle of Jean Chartier,
who was
that contrast in
some senses
the official historian of the court:
Then Joan, having come before customarily are
made
to a
the king,
made
the curtsies and reverences that
king as though she had been nourished
at the
and, her greeting having been delivered, said in addressing the king,
court
"God
give
23
jOAN MEETS HER DAUPHIN you
life,
know him and had
gentle King," even though she did not
many pompous
him, and there were
lords there
the king. Wherefore he replied to Joan:
"In God's name, gentle Prince,
Simon
Charles,
who
"When
the king
knew
is
is
was going
the crowd; Joan nonetheless recognized
if I
am
the king."
you and none
Chinon a
arrived at that she
it
more opulently dressed than was
"What
Pointing to one of the lords, he said: "There
little
not the king, Joan?"
To which she answered,
other."
while afterward, says simply:
come, he withdrew
to
never seen
slightly
him and made her reverence
from
to him,
speaking with him for some time. After hearing her, the king seemed radiant." Finally, the report
made by Joan
herself to Friar Jean Pasquerel, her confessor,
eliminates accessory details but recalls her
When
saw
[the king]
dauphin,
I
am
her,
own
words:
he asked Joan her name and she answered: "Gentle
Joan the Maid, and the King of Heaven commands that through
me you be anointed and crowned in the city of Reims as a lieutenant of the King of Heaven,
who
is
king, Joan said to
king of France."
him anew:
And
"I say to you,
on behalf of the Lord,
the true heir of France, and a king's son, and to
Reims, so
it."
that
the
was not
that
me to you
you are
to lead if
you
you wish
knew
in her. All
or could
know except God; and that
is
why he
of that I learned from the mouth of Joan, because
present.
thing seems
first
sent
This being understood, the king said to his courtiers that Joan had told him
had great confidence
One
He has
you can receive your coronation and consecration
a certain secret that no one
I
asked by the
after further questions
beyond doubt. Whatever circumstances caused the legend of
encounter between dauphin and maid to swell into a theatrical set piece,
Joan did not allow herself to be disconcerted by the intimidating spectacle of this great hall rustling
brightness to which she
with the whispers of high society and ablaze with a
was unaccustomed. She went
straight to the
dauphin
and calmly delivered the message for which she had crossed half the country. That message must have made a strong impression on the received
it.
Charles of Ponthieu,
whom Joan called the dauphin,
exile since the English entered Paris in 141 8.
He was now
man who
had lived as an
twenty-six. For seven
years after the death of his father, Charles VI, in 1422, he had awaited the
anointing that would
make him
king.
the dauphin Louis, died; that death
When
he was twelve, his eldest brother,
was followed two years
later
by the death of
the second dauphin, Jean, shortly after the Battle of Agincourt (October 25,
1415), which had cut huge holes in the French royal entourage.
exaggerate legitimacy
when
they say that his
—a rumor
own mother had
circulated by his enemies
Some
historians
given rise to doubts of his
—but Charles had been removed
24
PART
from succession ratified
by both
to the throne in
I:
THE DRAMA
1420 by the Treaty of Troyes, which had been
parties, including his mother.
Yet despite his youth and a series
of deceptions, defeats, and obstacles, he had never abandoned his claim. Charles,
on becoming surviving son and thus dauphin, declared himself regent of France, but he did not use this
title
The worst of them was
or act personally without the most dire consequences.
outcome of
the fateful
that conversation
on the bridge
of Montereau, where John the Fearless, duke of Burgundy, had been assassinated
by his own escort under a veil of mysterious circumstances. Ten years had passed since then, but that day, September 14, 1419,
still
weighed heavily
in the
He would have no relief from that concern until the horror memory had been erased by formal reconciliation with his cousin, the duke
dauphin's decisions.
of its
of Burgundy.
What
did Joan
tell
Charles?
not
It is
known
exactly, but the chronicle of
Pierre Sala records that Guillaume Gouffier, the dauphin's chamberlain, alleged that:
The king
.
.
.
went one morning alone
silent request in prayer to
devoutly that
if it
into his oratory
Our Lord within
were true
that
he was His
and there made a humble,
his heart, in
heir,
which he begged him
descendant of the noble House
of France, and that the kingdom should in justice belong to him, might
God
and defend him, or
to protect
at the
him
very worst, allow
it
please
the grace of
escaping alive and free from imprisonment so that he might find solace in Spain or in Scotland, which were from times long past brothers-in-arms and allies of the kings of France.
If
Joan did indeed repeat to him anything
like that prayer, "a sure secret that
one knew or could know except God," as Jean Pasquerel would
no
later declare,
the impact on Charles must have been enormous. This episode resounds with significance:
It
has a place in Joan's story and in history
not seem out of proportion to anyone that can
change
life
most
who
understands that
commentators ever since
sister (III, 3), for
a place that does
it is
the small event
radically.
The speculations of contemporaries, of salacious revelation:
itself,
historians,
and of amateur
generally have involved some more dramatic
"proof
that
Joan was,
or
in fact, Charles's illegitimate half
example, or some password from a major
field
leader of a court faction; perhaps even the knowledge of
commander or
some
private vice
Charles had hoped was secret. The silent prayer that Pasquerel cited seems more plausible in that context, even though the rational
it
poses a greater credibility problem for
modern mind.
In any case, this encounter produced in Charles an immediate decision.
He
would keep Joan in the castle and would entrust her to the wife of Guillaume Bellier,
25
)OAN MEETS HER DAUPHIN
who had authority over the personnel of the royal household. The Maid would move into royal quarters, the tower of Couldray. This castle to the the bailiff of Troyes,
west of the "middle castle," the principal building of the royal
keep
built
two centuries
earlier, the
Templar imprisoned there in grim
St.
Martin.
From
he would
to
the
moment Joan took up
residence in the royal
fifteen or sixteen,
A lodging was assigned to her in the castle of Couldray, and
the to
at night,
she had
was assigned
to her
become her page:
officially
tower with Joan. All the time that she was there, during the day;
Whether that
Fair.
Joan or not, she preferred the nearby chapel
young boy of
quarters, Louis de Coutes, a service; a bit later,
lower parts of which had housed the Knights
308 on the order of King Philip the
was reported
historical event
dedicated to
1
was a superb
fortress,
women
with her;
I
lived there in that
I
was with her continually
I
remember well
that
from
moment she was in this tower of Couldray men of high rank frequently came
converse with Joan; what they did or said
saw such men
arrive,
I
went away, and
I
I
when
did not know, for always,
I
do not know who they were.
This recollection from a timid boy, just then learning the craft of arms as a
member struck
of the contingent of Raoul de Gaucourt,
him
as significant: "At that time,
saw her on her knees praying,
often
as
when it
I
completed by a
is
was with Joan
seemed
to
detail that
in that tower, I
me; nevertheless,
I
could
never hear what she was saying, even though sometimes she wept." Joan's stay in the tower of Couldray
may have been by
from whence she came and what
where
prelates, theologians,
who had remained
sort of
faithful to
Messengers went
to
person she was.
He
as the king
to
him
—were gathered.
determine
sent her to Poitiers,
and masters of the University of Paris
intellectual capital of the "king of
road.
was brief Overwhelmed
had given him, he needed
the "sign" that Joan
Poitiers
—
had become the
Bourges." The royal household took to the
Vaucouleurs and throughout that region to investigate
the authenticity of this peasant
girl.
For Joan the Maid, the moment to ride abroad had arrived. She never before
left
the countryside around her village
great part of France.
the few
She was
now
to cover over 3,000 miles
who had
prepared to ride across a
on horseback; the
last
phase
of that long journey she would ride bound hand and foot to Rouen. But she
knew
nothing about that yet; she declared,
upon
knew only
that her career
arriving at Chinon, "I shall last
For the moment, Joan delighted
one
would be
year, hardly
short.
Had
she not
more"?
in riding across friendly territory.
It
was
but a day's journey (thirty-one or thirty-seven miles, depending on the route taken) from Chinon to Poitiers, the capital city of the dukes of Aquitaine, the
preferred residence of
Queen Eleanor some 300 years
in the past, the city of
Queen Radegund
at the turn
earlier, and,
even farther
of the sixth and seventh
26
PART
amval
centuries; that
THE DRAMA
I:
with belltowers must have
at nightfall to a city bristling
been both solemn and joyous. Before her visit
from John, the duke of Alen^on
(the modifier 'fair'
would say
was much
in
Joan came
use then: one said
to find the king,
of Saint-Florent [near Saumur].
messenger came
to tell
me
had
up
to them,
was
I
God
is
first
of Chinon and
to
at the
meeting:
I
king's
in the city
who
said.
I
why
is
the next
day
I
went
to the
When I came
was. and the king answered that
"You
gathered together, the bener
The young duke of Alencon deserved
coun who
chase out the English and raise the
found Joan speaking with the king.
Joan immediately asked
blood of France
nephew" almost as we
was out on a walk hunting quail when a
duke of Alencon. Then Joan
the
cit\'
maiden had arrived
around Orleans; that
set
king in the city of Chinon.
'fair
recounted their
he was in the I
that a
later
declared herself to have been sent b\ siege the English
whom she would call "'my fair duke"
(II. 4).
nephew" j. He himself
'dear
When
Chinon. Joan had received an important
trip to Poitiers, at
are \er\-
welcome; the more
I
the
shall be."
it
the confidence the king placed in
bom
him. Close to Charles by blood, he was also close to him
in age:
he was three years younger than the dauphin. Above
he had only recently
all.
in 1406,
returned from England, where he had been a prisoner: At twent\ -three, he had
been
in captivity for five years.
been found battle at
alive
Vemeuil
by the British among the heaped-up corpses on the in 1424.
his strong constitution
Able
to
He had been imprisoned
had permitted him. against
pay only a part of the high ransom
release, he
paid in
His comrades thought he was dead, but he had
swore an oath not
full.
He was
that
to fight against the
thus a prisoner of his
in the all
field of
town of Crotoy. where
expectations, to recover.
had been a condition of
English until the
word of honor.
We
his
sum had been
can imagine that
he covered the distance that separates Saint-Florent-les-Saumur from Chinon with particular haste, once he heard word of the astonishing promise this
unknown
had made. Joan"s
girl
first
response to him must have startled the duke,
who remembered it sharply twenty-seven been
ease from that point, but she
at
still
years
had
later. In fact,
Joan seems to have
to explain herself to the dauphin,
as the next section of the duke's report testifies:
The next
bowed
came
to the king's
mass, and when she saw the king, she
deeply; and he led Joan into a chamber.
Tremoille retire.
day, Joan
[II,
And
give his
251,
and myself with him, saying
then Joan
kingdom
made
to the
The king kept
to ever>'one else that they
several requests of the king,
King of Heaven, and
of Heaven would do to him as
He had done
the lord of
among
could
others that he
that after that donation the
to his
La
King
predecessors and would bring
27
JOAN MEETS HER DAUPHIN it
back
to its original condition;
said until
it
was time
many
for dinner;
and
other things that
do not remember were
I
after dinner, the king
went
the fields, and there Joan ran about charging with a lance, and
behave
like this, carrying
walk
in
seeing Joan
I,
and running with the lance, gave her the
The duke was dazzled. Joan already had acquired
for a
gift
of a horse.
weapons
the ease with
necessary for a warrior; she clearly deserved that horse. This passage also allows us to understand for the rest of his
how
the duke of as
life,
Alengon remained struck by Joan's presence
were so many
The king concluded
others. His recollection continues:
Joan should be examined by churchmen;
that
to this task
were assigned the bishop of Castres, the king's confessor [Gerard Machet], the bishop of Senlis [Simon Bonnet,
would become so
who
in fact
in time], the bishops of
Hugues de Cambarel], Master
was not
Maguelonne and
This precious piece of evidence
Poitiers.
As
the
They asked Joan the king?
my
in
presence that she
why
told
I
formal
a
held in
trial like that
come and who made
she had
who
told her
do not remember. Joan herself
her
come
what she had
ate dinner with
to
that
to do,
me and
me that she had been thoroughly examined, and that she both knew and also
could say more than she had chosen to
The duke of Alengon concluded: "The those
not a
had come from the King of Heaven and
she had heard voices and a source of advice that
was
there
that if
clear:
She answered
and other things
Meaux, and
do not remember.
I
shows
Chinon conducted by churchmen, duke made
Poitiers [the latter,
Pierre of Versailles, later bishop of
Master Jean Morin; and many others whose names
interrogation at
yet bishop of that city but
who had been
Joan go to the
tell to
those
who
interrogated her.
king, once he had heard the report of
delegated to examine her, wished even more strongly that
city of Poitiers to
be examined once more; but
I
was not present
at the Poitiers investigation."
The duke of Alen^on's testimony sial "Poitiers Trial,"
especially since
development.
its
Many
which
is
the subject of contentious scholarly dispute,
transcript has citations to
the full transcript. See
III,
13.)
reveals the character of this controver-
been
lost.
(This in itself
and quotations from
it
a surprising
is
have survived, but not
The ever-cautious dauphin wished
to increase
both the number and the quality of those responsible for her interrogation; Poitiers,
such
men were
at
readily available.
Joan was lodged there of the Parlement of Paris,
in the
house of Master Jean Rabateau, an advocate
who had joined
the dauphin
two years
earlier.
While
28
PART
women
certain
I:
secretly kept an eye
THE DRAMA on Joan's behavior, prelates were called
together to form a tribunal of experts responsible for her interrogation. Francois Garivel, counselor of the king on the matter of feudal revenues, added several
names
to those provided
by the duke of Alen^on: Guillaume Aymeri, a
theologian of the Dominican order; Guillaume Le Marie, bachelor in theology
and canon of Poitiers; Pierre Seguin, described as a "specialist in holy scripture"; Jean Lambert, a Carmelite
friar;
Mathieu Mesnage; and, most of
all,
the
Dominican who would become dean of the Faculty of Poitiers, Seguin Seguin. Garivel
made
clear at a later date that Joan
it
had been interrogated on several
occasions and that her examination had taken about three weeks.
had asked answered
her:
"Why
would not
that she
consecrated
at
He
himself
She
did she call the king 'dauphin' and not 'king'?" call
him "king"
Reims, where she intended
until
he had been crowned and
to bring him. Garivel
had been struck
by the piety of this simple "shepherdess."
The deposition of Seguin Seguin The
instructive.
Poitiers investigation
at
the nullification
must have been
trial
is
most
lively, for Joan, interro-
gated by well-intentioned judges, probably answered freely and forthrightly. Friar Seguin,
when he recalled these moments, was an old man of around seventy
years, yet he remembered certain of her answers vividly and transmitted clearly
made upon him. He named master Regnault of Chartres, archbishop of Reims and chancellor of France (II, 13), as the cleric who presided
the impression Joan
over the king's council in this matter.
University of Paris, also in exile in Poitiers,
asked Joan
why
member of the Master Jean Lombard, who had
He named
another
she had come. "She responded in great style," said Seguin.
Joan's language always provoked admiration: "This girl spoke terribly well,"
Albert d'Ourches from the region of Vaucouleurs had said of her, adding "I
would
really like to
At
Poitiers,
have had so fine a daughter."
we
find for the first time the statement of
what one might
call Joan's "vocation," the calling that she always maintained she
As Seguin
had answered.
reports:
When she was watching over the animals, a voice revealed itself to her, which said that
God had
great pity
France [from her
on the people of France, and
home on
the frontier].
Upon
that she, Joan,
had
to
go
into
hearing that message, she began to
weep, and then the voice bade her go to Vaucouleurs, where she should find a captain
who would
bring her safely into France unto the king and that she should
have no uncertainty.
What
And
followed, according to Friar Seguin's report, has the tone of a formal
interrogation. Witness her that
so she did, going to the king's court without delay.
answer
to
Master Guillaume Aymeri: "You have said
your voice told you: 'God wishes to liberate the people of France from the
29
)OAN MEETS HER DAUPHIN calamities in which
it
now
finds
itself.' If
He wishes
to free
there
it,
is
no need
to have soldiers, and then Joan answered: 'In God's name, the soldiers will give
and
battle
God
will give the victory.'"
"Master Guillaume was quite content with
this response," Friar
Seguin
comments. Expertly trained theologians could hardly have given a better account of the delicate distinction between the action of grace and Friar Seguin
was not afraid to report that he was
in a small
its
temporal means.
way a victim of Joan's
humor, which was always sharp:
I
asked her what language her voice spoke. She answered, "Better than yours." Me,
I
spoke the dialect of Limoges; and then
answered, "Yes, better than you."
And
us to believe in her unless something
I
I
asked her
she believed in God; she
if
then said to her that
made
us think that
we
God
wouldn't want
should do
so.
I
could
not advise the king simply on her assertion that he should entrust men-at-arms to
her so that she might lead them into
something
further.
And
she answered, "In God's name,
produce signs." [This answer,
to
unless she could at least
peril,
like the
I
did not
come
me to Orleans, and I will show you the
she was given men-at-arms in such
number
sign for which
seemed good
as
then she predicted to
him and
others
who were
would happen. They did indeed happen thereafter. would be driven away and thus would be
lifted
and
to Poitiers
I
was
sent."
Then
in four points:
present four things that
First,
she said that the English
had
laid to the city of Orleans
would be
free of the English but first
the siege they
that the city of Orleans
own words.]
to her.
Then follows an exposition of Joan's mission, summarized And
him
one she gave above to Guillaume Aymeri,
Seguin reports in French rather than Latin, having remembered Joan's
"But lead
tell
she would send them an invitation to surrender. Next, she said that the king
would then be consecrated
at
Reims. Third, she said that the city of Paris would
return to the king's obedience, and [fourth] that the duke of Orleans
from England. All these things have come
Joan had persuaded the reported
all
first
to pass.
tribunal appointed to
of this to the royal council, and
would return
we
examine
her:
"We have
are of the opinion that given the
pressing necessity and peril in which the city of Orleans stands, the king might
accept her aid and send her to Orleans." The decisive step was taken. Until her arrival at Poitiers,
obscure origin
Joan had been nothing more than a surprising peasant
who had amazed
had received permission
An
the dauphin; by the
end of her stay
girl
of
there, she
to act.
advocate of the Parlement, Jean Barbin, summarized in greater detail
the impression Joan
had produced on these
clerics
and
prelates:
30
PART From
l:
THE DRAMA
same doctors who had examined her and who had asked her
the
of questions.
I
heard
it
all sorts
reported that she had answered very pnidently, as though
she had been a good clerk [the temi "clerk"' then implied educated literacy], to the point that they marveled at her responses and believed that there
something of the divine therein, given the account of her and
finally,
it
was concluded by
investigation that there faith:
and
found themselves
—
the clerks after their interrogations and their
was nothing
that given the great
nothing contrary to the Catholic
evil in her,
need
in
which both the king and the kingdom
since the king and his subjects were at that
despair and had no other hope of aid
make use
was
and her behavior;
life
if it
came
not from
God
—
moment
in
the king should
of her assistance.
This advocate then began to evoke certain older prophecies in connection
with Joan associated with the famous visionary Marie,
known
as
La Gasque
d' Avignon:
A
certain Master Erault, professor in theology,
another time from a certain Marie of Avignon, earlier, that the
mentioned
who had come to
kingdom of France would have a
would undergo numerous
She said
calamities.
suits
he had heard
at
the king's court
great deal to suffer and that
that she
concerning the desolation of the kingdom of France.
saw many
that
it
had had many visions
Among
these visions, she
of armor that had been presented to her, and Marie, frightened,
feared being ordered to put on the suits of armor, but she was told that she should
not fear because she should not bear these arms but that a maid would after her
who would carry the same arms and would free
from
enemies; and he believed firmly that this Joan was she of
its
the
come
kingdom of France
whom Marie
of Avignon had spoken.
So much for popular rumor. The official reads as follows: "In her, Joan,
decision, the conclusions of the doctors,
we fmd no evil but only good,
devorion, honesty, and simplicity."
Her
humility, virginity,
Rabateau and
hosts, Jean
his wife,
confirmed that every day after dinner and also during the night Joan prayed on her knees for a long time and that she often went into a
little
chapel in the house,
praying there for a long time.
was concluded. Jean Pasquerel,
Finally, another kind of investigarion
Joan's confessor, gives us an echo of
I
heard
women
it
to
said that Joan,
when
know what was
a virgin or corrupted.
Those who
she
it:
came
in her, if she
She was found
to
to the king's court,
was
a
man
or a
was examined by
woman, and
if
she was
be a woman, and a virgin, and a maid.
visited her for this purpose were,
from what
I
heard, the lady of
JOAN MEETS HER DAUPHIN
31
Gaucourt [Jeanne de Preuilly] and the lady of Treves [Jeanne de Mortemer, wife of Robert Le Ma9on].
Both of these Sicily,
ladies
belonged to the household of the queen of Anjou and of
Yolanda of Aragon, the mother of the king's wife, Marie of Anjou. This
of virginity has often been misunderstood.
test
interested in the history of witchcraft than
a test designed to verify that she
was Joan of Arc's
was not a
Our
age, has seen in
who
Maid" — —would have been
called herself "Joan the
was designated during her life
(III, 1)
the only
is
it
were
sorceress, since sorceresses
always suspected of having had intercourse with the devil. The reality Joan,
more
era,
simpler:
name by which she
discredited immediately
examination had shown or claimed that she was not a virgin.
A
har, she
if
the
would
have been sent home; her mission with its claims of authority and integrity would
have ended. The time, those
showed
men and women who
autonomous,
it
of virginity was above
all
a proof of sincerity. In Joan's
consecrated themselves completely to
their acceptance of the divine call
and body, without division of
Joan would have been convinced of
this
had dedicated herself to God from the moment
was an angel's voice addressing
her.
God
by remaining virgin and hence
totally at the Lord's service in heart
responsibility. that she
test
premise. She declared
that she
had understood
There was never any question of devil
worship or sorcery, nor did suspicion that she might have been involved
in
witchcraft gain currency until the twentieth century.
After she
left Poitiers,
the eyes of the French pubhc.
devotion.
It
Joan the Maid appeared to be exactly
that,
a maid, in
The initial astonishment that greeted her changed into
was expected that she would be put to the
— —
test
demanded, the hberation of Orleans by military action surrounded by a kind of respectful aura. She had
come
the test that she herself
but akeady she
was
to personify hope, the type
of hope that (according to the witnesses of her time) the distressed kingdom no longer maintained
Some
—
that
is,
the
hope of divine
assistance.
years earlier the poet Alain Chartier,
who remained faithful
to the
dauphin as his legitimate king, had composed a work mixing prose and verse, entitled
Hope. For someone with his loyalties
the year in
crown
to
speak of hope in the year 1420,
which the Treaty of Troyes deprived the dauphin of his
in favor
rights to the
of the English king, was most provocative. "This Lady Hope,"
he had written, "had a smiling and joyous face; she held her head high, her speech was indeed pleasant." For
seemed
to
embody
many
of the dauphin's supporters, Joan
Chartier's optimistic prediction.
now
CHAPTER THREE
JOAN AND THE VICTORY AT ORLEANS The
of Joan 's mission was raising the siege of Orleans, which she
first test
accomplished besieged
in
nine days
city with the
of Alengon
(II,
4),
and
the
way
her rendezvous at the
to
Bastard of Orleans (see Part II, Section 16} and Duke John
a close relative of the dauphin and one of her staunchest
partisans thereafter, Joan
was equipped on the dauphin 's orders with afull-fledged
military household, heralds, banners,
Joan
On
ten nights.
and a full
suit
On May
of armor.
a delirious Orleans for the next stage of her mission, her next
left
9,
1429,
test.
Jesus-Maria,
King of England, and you, duke of Bedford the
kingdom of France, you, William de
Suffolk;
who
II,
call
41], Sir
John Talbot
[II,
la
[II,
9],
who
call yourself regent
Poule [William de
40], and you, Sir
la Pole, earl
Thomas of Scales
God, the King of Heaven, the keys and violated
in France.
to all of the
good
She has come here from God
make
who
is
cities that
to
sent here
proclaim the blood royal.
is
her,
provided that you give up France and pay for having occupied
entirely ready to
among
peace,
if
you
to
are willing to settle accounts with her.
you, archers, companions-at-arms, gentlemen, and others
before the city of Orleans, go back to your
do not do
so, wait for the
your great damage.
If
own
countries, for
word of the Maid who will come
you do not do
so,
I
from
you have taken
She
if you
39],
yourself lieutenant of the aforesaid duke of Bedford, render your
account to the King of Heaven. Surrender to the Maid,
those
[II,
of
of
am commander
And
who
are
God's sake. And visit
you briefly,
of the armies, and
34
PART in
whate\er place
whether they wish I
am
for
sent
I
THE DRAMA
I:
meet your French
shall
to or not:
and
if
from God. the King of Heaven,
body [every
last
one of you]
And
.
allies,
to chase
the true heir, will hold
have them
leave
it,
all killed.
shall
I
have mercy
never hold the kingdom of
shall
St.
Man, but King Charles :
God. the King of Heaven, wishes
for
it;
make them
you out of all of France, body
France from God. the King of Heaven, the son of 1].
shall
I
they wish to obey,
if
on them. And have no other opinion, for you
[II.
shall
I
they will not obey.
it
so and
has revealed this through the Maid, and he will enter Paris with a goodly
company.
you do not w ish to beheve
If
then wherever
we fmd you we
greater than any
terms.
made
message from God through
this
will strike
you
than you will ever
France for a thousand years,
in
know how
to achieve
w ith
all
if
you do not come
to
send the Maid more force
will
of your assaults on her and on
her good men-at-arms; and in the exchange of blows right
and make a great uproar
there,
And believe firmly that the King of Heaven
the Maid,
we
shall see
who has better
from the King of Heaven. You, duke of Bedford, the Maid prays you and
requests that you cause no
more
destruction. If
you
will settle
your account, you
can come to join her company, in which the French will achieve the finest feat ever accomplished in Christendom. in the city of Orleans;
and
if
And give
answer,
indeed you do not do
if
so,
you wish
to
make peace
be mindful soon of your
great damages.
—Written on Tuesdav of Holv Week This letter, in which Joan reveals the dynamic of her vocation, not only by the final reference to
who saw
also by a witness in
which Joan dictated
her in Poitiers and that
is
dated exactly
Tuesday (March 22) of Holy Week, 1429, but
letter.
who
reported the circumstances
This royal esquire,
Gobert Thibault,
accompanied Pierre of Versailles and Jean Erault when they arrived of Master Jean Rabateau to
fmd
at the
house
Joan:
When we arrived there. Joan came before us, and she clapped me on the shoulder, saying that she would very
much
like to
have more
men
like
me
with her.
And
then Pierre of Versailles said to Jean that they had been sent to her by the king; she answered. "I believe that you have been sent to ask said.
"Me.
I
don't
know
come; and she answered,
either "I
A
or B."
come from
And
the
me more questions," and
then he asked her
King of Heaven
why
she had
to raise the siege of
Orleans and to lead the king to Reims for his coronation and his anointing." she asked us I
shall say:
Pole],
I
if
we had paper and
ink, saying to
And
Master Jean Erault, "Write what
You, Suffort, Classidas. and La Poule [Suffolk, Glasdale. William
summon
you, by the King of Heaven, go
time, Versailles and Erault did nothing else that at Poitiers as
long as the king
made her do
so.
I
away
to
England."
And
at that
can remember, and Joan stayed
35
jOAN AND THE VICTORY AT ORLEANS Gobert Thibault was,
everyone
like
else, curious to
and what she wanted; he asked Jean de Metz (II,
33) and conveys to us the admiration of
(II,
all
know who Joan was
30) and Bertrand de Poulengy
of these
men by
describing
how
they had crossed the country west of Vaucouleurs "without any obstacles" even
though
was under Burgundian control
it
—
a practical test that Joan had passed
whom
without flinching. This Gobert Thibault,
one imagines to have been a
solid man, was one of those people with a simple view of things
who admired
He analyzed the attitude of the soldiery toward Joan, women in the army were camp followers:
the purity of Joan's bearing.
time
at a
when
all
other
In the army, she
was always with
the soldiers;
heard
I
say that they had never had any desire for her; that
is to say,
certain carnal urge but never dared to let themselves that
it
was not possible
to desire her; often
many of those
go with
when
closest to her
they sometimes her,
felt
a
and they believed
they were speaking
among
themselves of the sin of the flesh and were saying things that might arouse desire, they saw her or
if
came near
her, they
were not able
suddenly their carnal impulses ceased.
sometimes
slept the night in Joan's
have, adding that they had never
felt
I
to continue
such speech and
have questioned several of those
company about
this,
any carnal desu-e when they saw
Like the members of Joan's escort from Vaucouleurs to Chinon,
by her
purity.
who
and they answered as
I
her.
all
were struck
For them, as for the general public, the clergy, and the prelates
who had examined her, Joan seemed to embody the virginal "Lady Hope." Some historians have thought that the "Letter to the EngUsh" coincided with the
end of the three-week 'Trial of Poitiers." But in Gobert Thibault's account, Joan
speaks like someone assured of success yet answers the Poitiers interrogators as she
is
speaking to strangers. She came to
of interrogation. Their
visit
stretched out in several phases. at
other times, they report, she
where
larger
spent Holy
know them well enough
was probably
Easter
weeks
part of an interrogatory process that
Sometimes they surprised her where she was hving;
was summoned
to the
house of a certain La Macee,
numbers of her questioners probably gathered.
Week and
after three
Day
It is
likely that
Joan
at Poitiers.
That very week was marked by an unusual event. In 1429 Good Friday
on the same day major
feast
if
as the feast of the Annunciation,
fell
March 25. The coincidence of two
days was the traditional occasion for a pilgrimage to Notre
Dame at Le-
Puy-en-Velay, a long-revered sanctuary. (In the nineteenth century, the eminent editor-historian, Jules Quicherat, refused to believe the records since that
some
Le Puy
copyist's error
must explain the
as villa Aniciensi\ he decided that
it
citation in the
he was certain
manuscript of the city of
must be a misspelling of the Latin name
for the city of Nancy in Lorraine.) Several of Joan's
companions went there: perhaps
the royal messenger, Colet de Vienne, or Jean de Metz, or perhaps his valet, Jean de
36
PART
l:
THE DRAMA
We do not know exactly which of the six men who came with her from
Honnecourt.
Vaucouleurs to Chinon went on that pilgrimage, but what does seem certain at least
two of them
would have been
did.
Perhaps
was Bertrand and
it
messenger
quite natural for the royal
and also happened
to
know
is that
his servant, Julien, since
who knew the routes
the lector of the Augustinian convent at Tours, Jean
Pasquerel, to join the group of pilgrims from Lorraine. Joan's mother, Isabelle, also
among them;
Romee
her surname,
completed a pilgrimage
The road from
—shows
—awarded
that she
the banks of the
to those
been much longer or much more Poitiers,
who had
who had
was
successfully
had experience of such sacred journeys.
Meuse
all
the
was long and arduous. The journey from Lorraine from
it
so well
difficult,
way to
to
Le-Puy-en-Velay
Le Puy must not have
however, than that of the pilgrims
winding route through the mountains of
to take a
Auvergne, following the valley of the Allien Medieval people readily and steadily undertook such journeys.
Even though
the sheer
number of pilgrims
had declined considerably by the fourteenth century because of recurrent warfare,
it
continued to be significant. In any case, some of these pilgrims of
1429, including Isabelle, were in contact with the Franciscan friar Jean Pasquerel.
They knew
king often stayed;
that he
was attached
to the
they recommended him
convent of Tours, where the
to Joan,
and he became her
who must have been intensely pious, had transmitted daughter; in a sense, she also chose the man who would
confessor. Joan's mother,
"her belief to her
watch over her daughter's Joan
now
spiritual life during her incredible adventure.
entered the active phase of her public drama. After returning to
Chinon from Poitiers, she was then brought for her "a harness that fitted her
Plate armor,
III, 5.)
years,
had
to
be
which
body"
that
fitted exactly to protect its
in the
is,
where the king commissioned
a suit of armor to her measure. (See
had been
in Joan's time
At Tours, Joan was lodged are
—
to Tours,
in use for less than a
hundred
wearer without restricting movement.
house of Jean Dupuy;
in that city, tourists
shown the shop of the master armorer who cut and assembled her "harness."
still
For the date of May Usts the
sum
10, 1429, the
account book of the royal treasurer Hemon Raguier
paid for that work: a hundred livres toumois. Joan herself ordered a
standard and another banner for which the account books record the payment of
twenty-four livres toumois to the painter Hauves Poulnoir. This standard was to play
an active role in the Battle of Orleans; Joan "took the standard in her hand
went
to the assault, so as to avoid
having to
kill
when
anyone." Jean Pasquerel
is
she
our
witness that in designing the standard, Joan followed an order that she said she had received from her "voices," from her "counsel":
She had asked the messengers of her
lord, that
is,
God, who appeared
to her,
what she should do, and they had told Joan to take up the standard of her Lord; and for
that reason, she
had made for herself a standard on which was painted
37
jOAN AND THE VICTORY AT ORLEANS image of Our Savior,
the
was
sitting in
judgment
in the
clouds of heaven, and there
also painted an angel, holding in his hands a fleur-de-lys blessed by the
image of the Lord.
Joan ordered yet another banner, to be carried by the priests
who accompanied
image of the crucified Lord, served
the army. This banner, bearing the
as the
which Joan would summon the fighting men.
rallying point for the prayers to
Pasquerel remembered that priestly squad with approval:
Twice a day,
Once
evening and morning, Joan made
at
and she did not wish any soldiers confession, and she exhorted
When
come
to this gathering,
those
who wished
came
the time
and
to
at the
Rouen on February
five crosses
engraved on
to
behind the it.
gathering
all
sword
it
altar;
a
it,"
was
fmd
the priests were ready to hear
at
to
all
the aforesaid
if
that just after the
to
fmd
she was asked
knew that this sword,
later, in
her
"rusted, with
answered:
sword for
there, her,
and she had never seen the
and she wrote
to the
men
of
hoped it would please them that she should have
to her.
she did not know
who went
(III, 6),
startling wish:
Sainte-Catherine-de-Fierbois,
When
sword was
that this
it
she
there, she
good rubbing, and thereupon
of Tours
how
27, 1431,
and they sent
She said again
had not gone
any combatant, Joan expressed a
the church of that place that she that sword,
Mary. Joan was with them,
to join the priests if they
fetch her
She knew from her voices
man who went
the priests.
the soldiers to confess themselves in order to
where she had stopped on the road to Chinon. trial at
all
complete her military equipment with a sword
someone go
that
all
St.
assemble
to confess themselves.
that instrument indispensable to
She asked
hymns to
gathered, they sang antiphons and
me
It
was not very deeply buried underground,
it
would be exactly before the altar or behind
sword was found the men of that church gave
the rust fell off without effort;
it
was an armorer
it.
Joan already had a sword that Robert de Baudricourt
(II,
7)
had given her when she
departed for Chinon. Later, she would have a third sword, a prize of war taken from a Burgundian. Joan
declaring that
"it
would express a connoisseur's appreciation for this
was a good war sword, made
for giving
and taking
last
weapon,
good blows."
For her second sword, that of Sainte-Catherine-de-Fierbois, the clergy of Tours offered her
two
sheaths,
one of vermeil velvet and the other of cloth-of-gold; she
herself ordered a sheath for
it
made of "good
strong leather."
At Tours she was allocated the military entourage necessary for any
commander. Her steward, Jean d'Aulon,
is
our chief source:
"I
was assigned
38
PART guard and lead
that post, to
her.
THE DRAMA
1:
by our lord the
king.""
he wrote. She had two
named Raymond. She
pages, Louis de Coutes (mentioned above) and another
was assigned two
heralds. Ambleville and
wearing a livery by which they could be
Guyenne. Heralds, messengers
identified, exercised an official function.
They bore messages and delivered challenges importance
from
—
The king was beginning
attack.
commanders
kings, princes, or major
to treat
with serious personal responsibihties.
was used simply
a fetish to
as
accompanied, but the
official
for designated persons
It
Joan
— and
of
enjoyed immunity high rank
like a warrior of
has sometimes been asserted that she
give courage to the
whom
soldiers
she
assignment of two heralds by the king himself
challenges that interpretation. She also had the use of several horses and later
would declare
that she
were more than that
seven.""
had had
who
five coursers, "not counting the trotters,
Coursers were war-horses, also called destriers (horses
were controlled with the
right hand); trotters served for the ever\'day
coming
and going of her entourage. This entourage would soon include her two brothers,
who seem
Pierre and Jean,
to
have joined her
at
Tours.
All the eyewitnesses report that Joan took great care in the spiritual
men
preparation of the army. She exhorted her awa}' the ribaudes (the prostitutes
who
to confess themselves: she
followed the soldiers;. She forbade pillage,
oaths, and blasphemy. The duke of Alencon related
when well,
she heard the soldiers swear and she
who would swear an
\
still
less
b\-
the French, whereas upri\er the
explains: "In the city of Blois,
many
grain and
Maid took
to the
was
many
I
\
er}
angry
like Blois.
official chronicler
my
on the Loire
was
bank of
right
restrained
a fortress
in a region
the Loire
was
of the reign of Charles
supply w agons and carts were
oxen, sheep, cows. pigs, and other edible animals.
filled
And
with
Joan the
road along with the captains straight toward Orleans from the side
of the Sologne"" (that It
at Blois.
halfway between Tours and Orleans. Tours,
controlled
"Joan became
When I saw her,
oath from time to time.
blocked by the Enghsh. Jean Chartier, the
Vn,
that
ehemently chided them, and myself as
swearing." The royal troops must have assembled
more or
drove
at
is.
along the south bank of the Loire).
Blois that Joan's banner
describes the livestock loaded onto the
was acmally
finished. Jean Chartier
wagons to supply the needs of both the people
of Orleans and the troops coming to free them. Joan"s confessor. Pasquerel. was
aware of the religious character of the army
When
Joan
left
that
was then put
Blois to go to Orleans, she had
standard, and the priests went before the army. the
Sologne assembled
many
antiphons, and they
as well.
up
in that fashion; they
On
camped
all
motion:
the priests gather around the
They marched out on
the side of
sang Veni creator spiritus along with
in the fields that night
the third day. they arrived near Orieans.
their siege along the
in
and the following day
where the English had
bank of the Loire. And the king's soldiers
came
set
so close
JOAN AND THE VICTORY AT ORLEANS
39
Englishmen and Frenchmen could see one another within
to the English that
easy reach, and the soldiers of the king brought the food supplies there.
The duke of Alen9on took an
active part in these preparations.
At the
dauphin's request, he had visited the dauphin's mother-in-law, Yolanda, the
queen of Sicily, who seems
The Bastard of Orleans The king
to
have financed
this
new campaign against Orleans.
gives us a detailed description:
sent Joan in the
company of the
Chartres, at that time chancellor of France;
master of the king's household
[II,
lord archbishop of II,
13]
and the lord of Gaucourt, grand
18], to the city
been leading the convoy of victuals had come
—
of Blois, where those
to wit, the lord Gilles
34] and the lord of Boussac, marshal of France, with
[Louis de Graville, admiral of France], fortune;
and Ambroise de Lore,
22],
II,
La Hire
Reims [Regnault of
This long detour,
to the
made
whom were the lord of Culant
later provost
of Paris
banks of the Loire on the Sologne
to avoid the
[II,
[Etienne de Vignolles, soldier of
—who
with the soldiers escorted the convoy of victuals; and Joan the
army well arrayed up
who had
de Rais
all
together
Maid came
in
an
side.
English positions close to Orleans, was
chosen without Joan's knowledge. Impatient
to
engage the enemy, apparently
she was surprised to learn, as they approached the Loire, that they had in fact
bypassed Orleans; hence there would be a stormy exchange between her and the Bastard, of which he preserved a vivid recollection. This
girl,
on whose account
he had sent his companions to gather information a mere two months
was now approaching, so he went
army on
the heights of
strategist, the
Checy
to
swiftly to
earlier,
meet her and the vanguard of the
which she was leading her
troops.
A cunning
Bastard had already sent a few of his troops to cause a diversion
around one of the bastides that encircled the
city.
The Journal of the Siege of
Orleans, a priceless source of information on the rich events of these days,
comments on
"The French made a
that ruse:
sortie in great
numbers and
skirmished with the English before Saint-Loup-d' Orleans and pressed the
many were killed, wounded, and taken prisoner one place much so that the French brought back to their city one of the standards. As soon as this skirmish was over, the victuals and the that the Maid had brought all the way up to Checy entered the city."
English so hard that or the other, so
English artillery
On the bluffs
overlooking that village dominated by a handsome Gothic
church one can stand and paint anew the scene of Joan's arrival lost
no time. As the Bastard vividly remembered, she asked:
"Are you the Bastard of Orleans?" "Yes,
I
am, and
I
rejoice in your
coming."
at
Orleans. She
40
PART
THE DRAMA
you the one who gave orders
'"Are
river, so that I
I:
I
for
me
that
I
and others, including the wisest it
here,
on
this side of the
is
wiser and safer than yours. You thought that you
could fool me. and instead you fool yourself:
you from any
men around me. had given
best and safest; then Joan said to me: "In God's name,
Lord God
the counsel of Our
to
come
could not go directly to Talbot and the English?"
answered
this advice, believing
came
to
soldier to any city:
This help comes not for love of
me
It is
but from
bring you better help than ever
I
the help of the
God
Himself,
King of Heaven.
who
He
Louis and of St. Charlemagne has had pity on the city of Orleans.
St.
wanted the enemy
to
prayer of
at the
have both the body of the lord of Orleans and his
has not city."
Whatever annoyance the Bastard may have felt would soon be dispelled by what
He was worried about
was about
to
downriver
at Blois. for
happen.
it
would have
the
to sail
convoy of supplies, which was
up the Loire against the
Worse, the wind had been blowing steadily from the
east.
Dunois
"All of a sudden, and as though at that very moment, the wind
(11,
current.
16j reports:
— which had been
contrary and which had absolutely prevented the ships in which were the food supplies for the city of Orleans from favorable.
From
that
Dunois had the the river
coming upriver
moment I had good hope sails
on
—changed and became
more than ever
in her,
his ships raised swiftly
and begged Joan
from the French-controlled south bank and come
city of Orleans,
"where they deeply desired
surrounding her were ready for
battle.
her.""
before." to cross
with him into the
Joan hesitated; the soldiers
She knew them well, they had confessed
themselves, they had prayed with her; she hesitated to separate herself from
them. Meanwhile, Dunois went to fmd her chief captains:
demanded
that
on behalf of the king they would
agree that
"T
begged and
Joan herself enter
the city of Orleans, while the captains themselves with their companies to Blois,
where they could cross the Loire so
as to
come
no closer ford could be found. The captains granted
to
went
Orleans because
this request
and agreed
to cross the river at Blois."
Joan's epic at Orleans began that Friday evening, April 29, 1429.
Dunois recalled the
tale
decades
later:
As
"Joan came with me, carrying her banner,
which was white and on which was the image of Our Lord, holding
the fleur-
de-lys in his hand. [Contemporary descriptions of this banner disagree on details.]
With me and La Hire, she crossed the
river Loire,
and together we
entered into the city of Orleans."
The Journal of
the Siege gives a
more
enthusiastic descripdon of this
entrance:
And
so she entered Orleans, with the Bastard of Orieans at her
armed and mounted: afterward came other noble and
left,
ven, richly
valiant lords, squires,
jOAN AND THE VICTORY AT ORLEANS captains, and men-at-arms, as well as
of Orleans
who had gone ahead
some from
of her.
From
the garrison and bourgeoisie
the city, other men-at-arms
to receive her, along with bourgeois of Orleans, carrying
making such joy
as if they
41
many
came
torches and
had seen God Himself descend among them; and not
without reason, for they had endured not being rescued and of losing
much
all their
difficulty, labor, pain,
bodies and goods. But they
and fear of felt
already
comforted, as though freed of the siege by the divine virtue that they were told resided in that simple Maid,
much to
as
women and
little
whom they regarded with And
children.
there
was
strong affection,
men
as
crowd pressing
a marvelous
touch her or the horse on which she rode.
This encounter with the crowd signals Joan's vocation just as
placed in her by the inhabitants of the long-besieged as in a vise for seven months.
heaven. With Joan
city,
it
evokes the hope
which had been caught
Here was someone who promised help from
among them, they felt already freed from the siege. Joan must
have been sure she could achieve
this feat.
She remained calm and, according
to all appearances, entirely self-possessed.
One
of those bearing torches
spurred her horse, turning
came
him
so close that her standard caught
great marvel, as did the citizens of Orleans,
to the
making great joy, and with
Renard Gate,
who accompanied
a great deal of
to the residence of
captive duke. There she
her throughout
honor they conducted her up
Jacques Boucher, then treasurer of the
who had come
with her from the Barrois.
In Orleans today, Joan's path can be followed from the at the east
of the city
all
the
way to the
Maison de Jeanne d'Arc on
The house was reconstructed
quarter
was
Boucher
(II,
close to the
toward
Notre-Dame-de-
Renard Gate and the residence of Jacques
10).
Joan spent her filled
after
city,
now known as Place Charles de World War II, during which this
leveled, with only the choir of the church of left intact,
Burgundy Gate
other end of what was the old
the square
Gaulle.
Recouvrance
fire
this a
was joyously received with her two brothers and two
other gentlemen and their valets,
the
so she
gently toward the pennant. She put out the
had long war expertise; the men-at-arms considered
as easily as if she
the city,
fire,
first
night in Orleans at Boucher's home.
The
city
was
with rumors and unfamiliar comings and goings. There followed a period
of nine days during which events transpired with improbable speed, although the days
seemed
quite long to Joan.
She had arrived quivering with seventeen years. Her
life
up
all
the ardor of her youthful sixteen or
to this point
had been a
series of tiresome
preliminaries: interminable interrogations, the fitting of armor, and assembling
42
PART
her army.
Now
she had to wait again.
day."
On
Saturday, April 30, she presented
As Louis de Coutes
herself to the Bastard of Orleans. return, she
THE DRAMA
I:
reports
was very angry because they had decided not
The Bastard, who
unwilling to engage the
to try
it,
"Upon her
an assault that
vividly recalled the defeat of the "Herrings,"
enemy
until the reinforcements
was
marshaled by the king
reached Orleans. Joan went out to survey the English positions, which
at several
places were within easy hearing distance of the city's defenders. At one such point, perhaps at the ramparts near her lodgings overlooking the
Renard Gate,
Joan indulged in a flare-up. Her page reports:
She spoke with the English on the opposite embankment,
away
in
God's name, otherwise she would drive them
out.
telling
them
go
to
One of them, named
the Bastard of Granville [from the French point of view, a "renegade" Norman],
traded insults with Joan, asking her
woman; he
called the
if
they really wanted them to surrender to a
Frenchmen who were with Joan "worthless mackerels"
[a
sexual insult].
That evening Joan confronted more of the English on the bridge of Orleans
where
it
joined the fortifications on the island of Belle-Croix. Beyond that point,
two arches had been demolished. The rampart of the Tourelles, which prevented entrance into the city by
From
there, she
way of the
was
bridge,
solidly entrenched:
spoke to Classidas [Glasdale] and to the other English in the
Tourelles and told them that they should surrender for God's sake and that their lives
would then be saved. But Glasdale and those of his company answered
in
a very ugly way, insulting her and calling her "cowherd," loudly shouting that
they would
bum her if they
ever got hold of her.
A promise which would be kept. The next
day, IVlay
did not stay home.
1
,
was a Sunday. Joan observed the Sunday
The Journal of the Siege
truce, but
records:
The people of Orleans had such great desire to see Joan the Maid that they almost broke
down
the gate of her lodging in order to see her; therefore that day she
rode on horseback throughout the squires; there
were so many
was scarcely able
of seeing her.
It
seemed a
people
city
riding that she
since her youth.
in the streets
to pass, for the
great marvel to
horseback as elegantly as she did. in every regard as if she
accompanied by many knights and
city,
And
had known how
all
that she could
in truth,
to
through which she was
people could not have their
fill
keep her seat on
she comported herself as well
be a man-at-arms following the wars
43
JOAN AND THE VICTORY AT ORLEANS Meanwhile, the Bastard of Orleans had gone
meet the reinforcements,
to
and since he was commander of the defense, Joan did him the courtesy of undertaking no military action until his return.
and Tuesday, there
was
May
2 and
Two more days
on Tuesday, according
3;
to the city
May
Wednesday,
present." Finally, on
account books,
Maid and
a great procession in the city, "with Joan the
commanders
Monday
passed,
other military
of John the
4, the arrival
Bastard was announced. Joan hastened to meet him, accompanied by Jean
who reported that, army, commanded by
after they dined, the Bastard told her
d'Aulon, her steward, that a
new English
been sent
the
toward Orleans and was already
famous captain John
as close as Janville.
Fastolf,
had
Her steward then
added her reaction:
At these words, the Maid seemed
to
me
full
of joy, and she said to
Dunois these words or others like them: "Bastard, order you, as soon as you
should pass by without cut off!"
The
score, for he
lord of
know
my knowing it,
let
to act
that she should
I
will
it,
I
for if he
have your head
have no doubts on that
fearful of being kept in the dark. Yet the
was closer than she foresaw.
which the combatants returned
lord of
her know.
Provoked by the delays, Joan was
moment
me know
let
promise you that
I
my
Bastard, in God's name,
of Fastolf 's coming, to
Dunois answered
would indeed
O
A
short skirmish occurred, after
to their quarters to rest.
But not for long. Jean
d'Aulon continues:
Suddenly, the
Maid
got up from her bed, and noisily
woke me
her what she wanted she answered me, "In God's name, that
I
must go against the English, and
fortifications or Fastolf,
who
is
coming
I
don't
know
to resupply
my if I
up.
When I asked
advice has told
me
should attack their
them."
After awaking her steward and her hostess, she proceeded to heap abuse on her
page Louis de Coutes: 'Ah, awful boy! You did not
tell
me
that the
blood of
France had already been spilled!" Jacques Boucher's wife and daughter rushed to help it
arm Joan, while Louis de Coutes went
to the gate of the
he then passed direction of the
to saddle her horse.
He
brought
Boucher home; Joan ordered him to bring her standard, which
to her
through the window; she wasted no time, "running in the
Burgundy Gate." Around
the outer entry to that gate the day's
events would unfold. Louis de Coutes summarizes the opening action:
There was then an attack in that attack the
encountered
—
a skirmish
—on
the side of the Saint-Loup Gate,
and
opposing embankment was taken, and on the way there Joan
many wounded Frenchmen, which saddened her. The English were
44
PART
THE DRAMA
I:
readying themselves for an active defense when Joan suddenly arrived before
them, and as soon as the French saw Joan they began
shout and took
to raise a
the bastide and fortress.
was her
This
of war
act
first
— not
significant
terribly
nonetheless a major vitalizing victory. Joan knew
but
how important it was to reverse
had overcome the French
the discouragement that
territorially,
Her promise of
soldiery.
renewal was found in her capture of the bastide of Saint-Loup. on the old
Roman
road to which the Burgundy Gate gave access next to the church of Saint-Loup. right first
on the Loire River
to the east of the city. This event also
encounter with the cruelty of war. Her confessor, Jean Pasquerel, witnessed
who
her experience, as did her page,
wept
men who
for the
then exhorted to
God
'all
reported: ''Joan grieved mightily ... she
died without confession. She went to confession herself,
the soldiers to confess their sins publicly and to give thanks
He had
for the victory that
granted."*'
The next day was Ascension Thursday. Joan declared not
marked Joan's
make war and would
would
that "she
not even put on her armor out of respect for the feast
day, and on that day she wished to confess herself and receive the sacrament
of the Eucharist, which she did." But she took advantage of this enforced leisure to send the English her final
summons. She
sent three successive letters
we possess texts only of the first and may simply have repeated the text of the first
of demand, as was the custom, although third letters.
The second
one sent from
Poitiers.
letter
The
third letter of
Ascension Thursday
is
more
compact:
You.
O Enghsh. who have no right to this kingdom of France, the King of Heaven
orders and
commands you through me. Joan
and return
to
your countn.. and
if
the Maid, to leave your fortresses
you do not so
I
that will be perpetually
remembered. Behold what
final time; I shall write
you no
shall I
make
a
hahay [uproar]
write you for the third and
further.
Signed.
Jesus-Maria.
Joan the Maid.
Then follows
I
a postscript that
have sent you
you have kept and
I
my
is
not without wit:
letters honestly, but
you have detained
my herald named Guyenne
will send
all
dead.
messengers, for
with you. Please send him back to
you some of your men who were taken
Loup, for they are not
my
me
in the fortress of Saint-
45
JOAN AND THE VICTORY AT ORLEANS
Perhaps Joan's heralds Guyenne and Ambleville had been sent to bring the second
summons.
In defiance of the laws of
war
that protected heralds,
of them had been kept prisoner. So Joan used an untraditional method her third
letter.
As Pasquerel
She took an arrow and
tells
tied the letter with a thread to the
news!" The English received the arrow with the
read
it
end of the arrow, and
lines, crying,
letter
"Read
and read
it,
calling the
and
to sigh
to
here
and having
weep abundant
King of Heaven to her aid. Later she was comforted, she
said,
she had received news from her Lord. That evening after dinner, she to get
up
earlier the next
morning than
me early
because she wished to confess to
The Friday
it,
they began to raise a great shout: "Here's news from the whore of the
Armagnacs!" At these words, Joan began
me
one
send
it:
ordered an archer to shoot that arrow to the English is
to
after the
and forbade her
to
morning, which she did.
Ascension was a day of surprises. Joan went
make
a sortie.
who was keeping
Why? The
because
commanded
had on the day of the Ascension,
I
in the
heard mass, then, as she was getting ready for combat, she
governor of Orleans, Raoul de Gaucourt,
tears,
to confession,
bumped
his eye
into the
on the gate
captains had decided not to
make
an assault that day, but Joan "was of the opinion that the soldiers should make a sortie with the
men of the city and attack the bastide of the Augustinians. Many
of the men-at-arms and the people of the city were of the same opinion." Joan
you wish
told the lord of Gaucourt: "whether
it
or not, the men-at-arms will
come and gain what they gained the other day." Joan's steward reports the events in detail; the victory
was
clearly the result of her initiative.
Joan made a sortie with her
men
"in
good array" and crossed the Loire,
always on the side of the Burgundy Gate, where, since the bastide of Saint-Loup
had been taken, there was no reason
to fear counterattack.
the left bank, toward the quarter that
is still
She led her troops
to
called Saint- Jean-le-Blanc. There
the English had erected another bastide, anchored on another small island in the Loire, the Ile-aux-Toiles.
The French troops made
and found the bastide deserted:
much
Its
a bridge of boats, crossed
it,
defenders had retired upriver, toward the
stronger bastide they had set up in the ruins of the old convent of the
Augustinians
at the
south end of the fortified bridge called the Tourelles. This
simple operation, an English withdrawal to regroup, put the French in a
dangerous position. The retreat was under way, as Jean d'Aulon reports:
As soon as the French began to return to the bastide of Saint- Jean-le-Blanc to enter the
He
[aux-Toiles], the
Maid and La Hire went to the other side of that island, with
a horse and a boat each, and
with a lance in hand.
mounted
And when
their horses as
soon as they had landed, each
they perceived that the
enemy was coming
out of
46
PART
THE DRAMA
I:
upon them,
the bastide of the Augustinians to rush
always
in front of their
led the attack
upon
the
the enem\' in such a
and
men
to protect them,
that they constrained
to return to the bastide of the Augustinians.
and those
that day.
aU
from
all
them by sheer force .
.
Ver\' bitterly
.
who
could save themselves
The
v^
w as
that night, along with the
Joan's determination had
won
taken,
to strike
withdraw
and with great it
and
killed or captured,
ithdrew to the bastide of the Tourelles
The Maid and her company won
great bastide
to
directions so that they seized
by assault quickly. The greater pan of the enem\- were
It
the bridge's foot.
it
Maid and La Hire, who were
enemy. Even one followed them, and they began
manner
diligence, they assailed that bastide
took
the
immediately couched their lances and
a great victorv' over the
and the lords and
their
at
enemy
men remained before
Maid.
an unexpected
victor)': In
covering the French
she provoked an assault and achieved the capture of an important
retreat,
fortification.
advisors
—
Once
again, however, the dauphin's longtime
the party of inertia
—reverted
commanders and
behavior. Pasquerel
to their usual
reports this development with a surprising, perhaps intentional, trace of amnesia that
manages
to avoid placing
blame on Raoul de Gaucourt or perhaps the
Bastard himself:
After dinner, a \aliant and outstanding knight whose
He
told Joan that the captains
they obser\ ed that they
\^
name
ere too fe\^ in
comparison
to the
it
furious?
Was
came
to Joan.
well fortified with
cit\' is
well while waiting for help from the king.
appropriate to the council that the soldiers
Was Joan
forget
Enghsh and that God had
granted a great fa\or alread>. adding: "Considering that the food, v,e can guard
I
and soldiers of the king had held council together and
make another
sortie
It
does not seem
tomorrow."
she simply contemptuous of this council?
The records
allow us to say only that she saw her early success as simply a step on the road to ultimate victory
and
that she cared little for the counsel of the captains.
Without delay, she gave her chaplain Pasquerel new instructions:
Get up tomorrow very early the best
than
I
you can; keep close
in the
to
morning, earlier than you did today, and do
me, for tomorrow
I
will
have
have ever done before; and tomorrow blood will leave
much
to do,
more
my body above my
breast.
Although he did not Saturday,
May 7.
fight,
Jean Pasquerel was also busy that following day,
Victory seemed close; during
had crossed the Loire
in boats to bring "bread,
all
that night, citizens of Orleans
wine, and other victuals" to the
men-at-arms holding the bastide of the Augustinians. The following morning
—
47
JOAN AND THE VICTORY AT ORLEANS at
dawn, Pasquerel celebrated mass.
Tourelles, "lasted
An
was made on
assault
the fortress of the
which had been blocking the bridge since the previous October:
from morning
Convinced
sunset."
until
decisive, Pasquerel declared, "That very day,
God's name, tonight we will enter the
city
I
day would prove
that the
heard
men
It
say to the Maid: 'In
by the bridge,'" which meant
communication between the two banks of the Loire, interrupted
that
for seven
months, would finally be reestablished.
Joan moved energetically and swiftly, showing just do, but near or shortly after
above her breast, as she had foreseen. Weeping with
from the
fight,
how much
frustration, she
withdrew
and the arrow, which could not have penetrated very deeply, was
removed. Someone suggested she "apply a charm to
it,"
which she strenuously
refused to do: "I would prefer to die rather than to do something sin,
she could
midday she was wounded, apparently by an arrow
I
know
to
be a
or against the will of God." Instead, she received the usual treatment of an
application of olive oil and bacon fat to protect the
wound. She quickly returned
to the assault.
The English defense of the
fortress of the Tourelles
was
fierce
and well
organized, so the French decided to isolate the bastide by collapsing one of the
arches of the bridge on which that this decision
amount paid
it
relied for support.
was undertaken
at
The city's account book hints
Joan's suggestion:
"to a certain Jean Poitevin, a fisherman
by
was
set afire
gives the precise
who grounded
trade,
bum them
barge that was sent under the bridge of the Tourelles to
might be taken." This barge, which must have been
It
filled
a
so that they
with fagots and
tar,
beneath the arch.
Toward evening
the combatants
grew discouraged once more. The
Bastard of Orleans told Joan that he was going to give the order for the army to
withdraw into the
city.
Joan had an alternative, sensible reaction
stood better than experienced strategists what these men, since morning, needed: "Rest yourself a
little bit,
eat
who had been fighting
and drink," she advised
an instance of medieval women's mastery of the domain of food,
and serving. She urged the Bastard
was seen mounting her horse and from the mass of the men, and
to delay the
— she under-
withdrawal a
its
little
preparation longer.
retiring alone "to a vineyard a little bit
in that
She
away
vineyard she remained in prayer for the
space of a quarter of an hour," Dunois remembered.
Then came squire
the decisive episode. Joan
to the foot of the ditch.
who
carried
strength, she
when
had handed her standard over
named Le Basque. Jean d'Aulon ordered him
it
himself and Joan
ditch,
and grabbed
it.
Pulling with
all
of her
the standard in such a manner," said Jean d'Aulon, "that
she did so the others thought that she was giving them
short, all those in the
to a
Joan caught sight of her standard, saw that the squire
had entered the
"waved
to follow
army of
the
Maid rushed
some
signal. In
together and rallied themselves
48
PART
anew and with
I:
THE DRAMA
great ferocity assailed the breastwork, and shortly after this
breastwork and the bastide were taken by them and abandoned by their enemies;
and the French crossed the bridge and entered the
To report simply
enough news
that the Tourelles
city of Orleans.
had been taken would have been monumental
But the fervor of Joan's soldiers had brought the
for the day.
greatest goal: total victory and liberation of the city of Orleans.
With planks they improvised a bridge over the arches destroyed; over
it
who had
passed some of the defenders
Communication was
reestablished; the objective
had been
that
stayed in Orleans.
was won. The Journal of the
Siege reports that everyone
felt great
joy and praised Our Lord for His
they should have done so, for sunrise to sunset, feats of
arms
was so
it
gift
was said
greatly fought
that this assault,
on both sides
been performed.
that has ever
of this great victory.
that
it
which
indeed
lasted
was one of the
... All the clergy
Orleans devoutly sang Te
Deum laudamus
for this glorious divine consolation.
all
from
fairest
and the people of
humbly thanking Our Lord
and rang
And
the city bells, very
They expressed
joy in every way, giving wondrous praise to their valiant defenders, and above others to Joan the Maid. She spent that night, with the lords, captains, and
all
men-at-arms with
her, in the fields,
Tourelles, and to learn to aid or to
avenge
if
both to guard the valiantly conquered
the English on the side of Saint-Laurent
their companions. But they did not attempt
Joan was saddened because the English commander Glasdale, Classidas,
"armed from head
moved by
pity,
drowned
tljere,
wept and
to toe, fell into the Loire
for the soul of this Classidas
that
day
all
the English
would
sortie
it.
whom
she called
and was drowned. Joan,
and of the many others who
who were on
the other side of the
bridge were taken or killed." Later Joan was brought back to her lodgings to rest her wound. She ate roast beef soaked in 8,
wine
to restore her strength.
The next day was Sunday, May
a day that ranks high in the annals of Orleans and later in those of
all
France.
The Journal of the Siege of Orleans continues: The morning of
the following day, a
same year 1429,
the English
organized themselves
in battle
Sunday and
abandoned formation.
force of valiant men-of-war and citizens
the eighth day of
their bastides .
.
.
May
Therefore, the
Maid and
made a sortie from Orleans and
themselves for battle before the English, and
of this
and raising the siege
in that condition the
a great
arrayed
French and
the English were very close one to the other for the space of an entire hour
without touching.
49
JOAN AND THE VICTORY AT ORLEANS
That hour when the French and the EngHsh were face to face beneath the ramparts of Orleans
This time
it
was
one of the great moments of the two national
is
the French
who were
histories.
impatient to give battle. Galvanized by
the extraordinary victories of May 6 and 7, the French had difficulty controlling their high spirits. Joan,
"The French chafed under
the Siege:
She forbade them English;
however, again intervened. According to the Journal of
if
.
.
their
obedience to the Maid on one point.
because of the honor of the holy Sunday ... to attack the
.
the English assaulted them, they could defend themselves as strongly
and bravely as they wished and they should have no fear: They would be the masters of that field."
Joan was firmly committed the time within
to the old rules of chivalry,
which
restricted
which warfare was allowed, imposing truce on Sundays and feast
days. She had difficulty achieving even this limited time-frame. At a time the organization of armies and practices of warfare
when
were swiftly changing,
Joan's point of view about honor and chivalry, in which the sword of the strong
was yoked
to the service
The Journal of
of the weak, was profoundly conservative.
the Siege continues:
"Once an hour had passed,
the
English betook themselves to the road and went away in good order toward
Meung-sur-Loire. They raised and totally abandoned the siege that they had laid to Orleans
from the twelfth day of October 1428 up
to this day."
Orleans had been liberated. The city was shaken by the shivers of joy, of
and of astonishment
exultation,
mark every
that
individual or collective
liberation.
The Maid and
the other lords and men-at-arms reentered Orleans to the great
rejoicing of the clergy and the people,
Our Lord along with well-deserved that
He had
kingdom.
.
.
who
together rendered humble thanks to
praise for the very great aid and victories
given and sent them against the English, ancient enemies of the .
That same day and the following one, the
men of the church made
a great and solemn procession along with the lords, captains, men-at-arms, and
bourgeois
who normally
lived in Orleans,
and they
all visited
the churches with
great devotion.
The compiler of
the Journal noted one reconciliation that took place that day.
The bourgeois and other citizens of Orleans had always feared the men-at-arms. Everyone knew the misdeeds of which armed men were capable when confronted with an unarmed population; these troops, mostly mercenaries recruited by captains
who did not always
in times of
in
much
peace as
maintain discipline, were as menacing
wartime. Their use by the kings and great lords caused
of the horror of what would later be called the Hundred Years War, a
conflict that
had
little
in
common
with the chivalric warfare of the twelfth and
50
PART
thirteenth centuries.
who
feared those their city
Now.
general joy. the bourgeois of Orleans no longer
in the
had been
in principle
had seemed rather
THE DRAMA
I:
their defenders but
worm
of a
like that
of the Maid, even warfare had briefly changed
Messengers swiftly took
where only a few weeks
earlier
Under
in the fruit.
the
command
to the castle of
Chinon.
Joan had exhorted the dauphin. At Orleans proof
God
could be seen of what she had affirmed: that she had been sent by reestablish the
"good
kingdom of France. The dauphin
cities." a letter to
in
face back to a world of honor.
its
highway en route
to the
whose presence
which he had
dictated a letter to
to
of his
all
add a new paragraph twice before he
to
finished because fresh messengers kept arriving:
From
the king.
Dear and well-beloved
aware of the continuous effons the
cit>'
of Orleans, for a long time
enemies of our kingdom
.
.
.
subjects,
we have made
now
we
believe that
you have been
to give ever\- possible relief to
besieged by the English, the ancient
and since we know
that
you cannot ha\ e greater
joy and consolation as loyal subjects than to hear us announce good news,
inform you that by the mercy of Our Lord, from whence
we have just newly resuppUed the in full
city of
all
referring to the
the city by the Loire, the
first
two
relief
convoys
that
May
4.
"one of the most powerful
Saint-Loup/^ had been taken. But then a
While
this letter
was being composed,
midnight a herald,
who
declared upon his
came
of the Augustinians. and aforesaid bastide.
v\
hich
And
that the
on
that also
that
commanded
hundred English fighting men
same
reach
how on
the previous
enemy,
that of
about one hour after
Fnday our men crossed
the river into Orleans by boats and besieged from the left
bastide at the end of the bridge.
to
arrived:
to us here
life that last
our action.
the second under that
fortresses of the
new messenger
there
to resist
had been able
command and
under Joan's
of the Bastard of Orleans. Charles then went on to report
Wednesday.
good things come.
Orleans powerfully twice in one week.
view and knowledge of the enemy, who were unable
The dauphin was
we
bank of
the river the
day, they gained the bastide
Saturday they attacked the rest of the
the bridge,
where there were a good
six
under two banners and the standard of Chandos
[perhaps a textual error for Classidas/Glasdale].
And
that finally, thanks to their
great prowess and valor in arms, with recognition of the grace of Our Lord, they
captured
all
of the aforesaid bastide, and
either killed or taken prisoner.
correspondents
who was at the
tol
.
.
.
all
of the English
who were
in
it
were
[The dauphin continued, exhorting his
honor the virtuous deeds and wondrous things
present reponed to us, and also the Maid,
achievement of all of these deeds.
who was
that this herald
present in person
JOAN AND THE VICTORY AT ORLEANS But
that
was not
And once
51
all:
again, before the completion of this letter, there have arrived before
who have
us two gentlemen in the greatest haste, in fuller detail than
had the herald.
and discomfited the bastide
themselves so swiftly that they
.
.
staying there,
left
certified
and confirmed
men had
After our
end of the bridge,
at the
who had been
day, the English,
.
at
last
dawn on
decamped and
it all,
Saturday taken the following
set
out to save
behind their bombards, cannons, and
artillery
and the greater part of their food supplies and baggage.
This missive, completed
at
Chinon on the night of May 9-10, 1429,
testifies to
the messengers' breathless flurry of activity as they conveyed the story of Joan's
victory to her dauphin.
On May
10, the
news from Orleans
also reached Paris,
where the Anglo-
Burgundian party held sway. The recording clerk of the Parlement, Clement de
Fauquembergue, was required by register; in addition,
his office to record all judicial cases in his
he had grown accustomed to recording daily events that he
He made
considered relevant to the concerns of Parlement.
On Tuesday,
the tenth day of
on the previous Sunday,
May,
after
it
many
the following note:
was reported and publicly
said in Paris that
skirmishes continually undertaken by force
of arms, a large number of the dauphin's
men
entered the bastide that William
Glasdale and other captains with English men-at-arms held on the [English] king's behalf, along with the tower at the end of the bridge of Orleans [the Tourelles],
from the other side of the Loire. And on
that day, the other captains
and men-at-arms who had been maintaining the siege raised their siege to
alone
was
who
combat the enemy, who had
held her banner between the two
.
.
.
in their
enemy
left
companies a maid
said.
little
of whom everyone was speaking on both sides of the Loire,
Though he had not seen her, he drew her in profile, His sketch emphasized her sword as to
all
what
forces, according to
This imaginative clerk drew in the margin of his page a
seem
these bastides and
much
sketch of that maid
at Paris as at
in a dress
as her standard.
Chinon.
and with long
Those two
details
have astonished him: a simple maid armed among men-at-arms,
distinguished herself by a standard
in sharp relief the impact of the extraordinary event that left
who
marked with the double name of Jesus-Maria.
These two contemporary testimonies, written from opposing Meanwhile, the Maid
hair.
sides, set
had just taken place.
Orleans and the residence of Jacques Boucher. Joan
of Arc was on the road again.
CHAPTER FOUR
HER DAUPHIN ANOINTED KING AT REIMS Between
May
9 and. July 21, 1429, Joan
won a pitched field
18, she
battle at
won
several kinds of victories.
On June
Patay against a significant English force;
French
the English estimated their casualties at two thousand, while the
lost
miraculously few. Joan then persuaded the reluctant dauphin to march deep within
enemy
territory to
Reims
in
order to be crowned and anointed properly.
This daring feat required a high degree of military July 17, Charles the dauphin Section
1).
reproached later for doing
hard
so,
to achieve this victory,
Joan and John, chronicler: girl
bowed
rise.
From
it
(see Part
armor and holding her banner; when
she answered that since her banner had worked
deserved some of the honor.
lifted.
"She took her banner
in
(II,
16),
According
to
hand and rode
as deeply as she could before him,
went a to
Loches
to
meet the
well-informed
German
to
meet the king. The young
and the king promptly made her
the joy he expressed, one thought that he might have the Thursday before Pentecost, and she stayed near
the third day of June."
II,
entirely unconventional role in that
in full
the Bastard of Orleans
king after the siege was
They met
her king
to
On
ingenuity:
became King Charles VII of France
Joan played a major and
ceremony, standing close
and diplomatic
hugged
him
her.
until after
54
PART
The
worn
May
Nor had
to the
would
11, 1429.
She had wasted no time
the people of Orleans
a helmet and
detail that
THE DRAMA
date reported for this event and confirmed by her escort, the
Bastard, was victory.
I:
come
know
to
in Orleans savoring her
her well, since she had
armor during more than half of her brief stay with them
later
(a
prove important, when impostors presented themselves
people of Orleans).
Her deed generated an instantaneous reputation throughout Europe. Eberhard von Windecken, treasurer of the Holy
was
German
the author of the
showing a
lively interest in Joan's exploits,
The
Roman Emperor
chronicle just cited.
swiftest transmitters of the
Sigismund,
The emperor, evidently
had been sure
to
keep informed.
news of Joan's victory
Orleans were
at
probably agents representing great Italian merchant houses with branches in the
most important international markets, especially Flanders and Avignon. journal, the Venetian Antonio Morosini kept a record of
by
all
the
his firm's overseas agents. Since their business consisted in large
sales of arms
and other military equipment, these
interest in the state of the
from Bruges
letter sent
Italian
In his
news reported measure of
merchants had a vested
wars in France. One of the many exchanges was a
in the
month of May
that tells
how
a
maiden
bom on the
frontiers of Lorraine:
went
to the dauphin.
told
him
that
She wished
speak to him alone, excluding
to
all
others ... she
he should wage war vigorously, supply and stock Orleans, and
challenge the English to battle; they would certainly be victorious and the siege before the town would be raised. ...
An EngUshman named Lawrence
honest and distinguished person, seeing what so said and reported
entirely in
good
Trent, an
many pious and honorable men had wrote that "this has driven
faith in their letters,
me mad." As an eyewitness, he notes that many of the barons hold her in high esteem, as well as
many of the commoners
Her uncontested
with the masters of theology makes her seem another to
walk the
earth.
Many
knights, hearing her argue
things day after day, say that there
A httle later the same Morosini
is
some
victory ... in conversations
St.
Catherine [of Siena]
come
and discuss so many admirable
great miracle to be found here.
mentions another
letter that
he received
from his Avignon correspondent: 'This maiden said to Messire should go to Reims to bind about his head the crown of
all
le
in
Dauphin
France.
Venice that
We know
he
that
everything that she has said has come to pass, that her words are always confirmed
—she has
by the event
in truth
There was much
Bona
come
interest in
to achieve great things in this world."
Joan throughout
Visconti, wrote to Joan, insisting that the
Visconti's
own
Italy.
The duchess of Milan,
Maid come
to take
command
of
duchy. Another important personage, the royal counselor
Perceval de Boulainvilliers, a French nobleman
who had
married the daughter
55
HER DAUPHIN ANOINTED KING AT REIMS of the governor of Asti, wrote a dithyrambic
Maria Visconti. According
letter to the
duke of Milan, Filippo-
to this poet, at Joan's birth at
Domremy on the night
of the Epiphany, "the sixth of January," the cocks began to crow, awakening the entire village "like heralds of a
new joy." Joan never
sheep when
lost a single
she was keeping the flocks during her childhood; for the entire period of six
days and six nights within the
last year,
she had been able to rest completely
armed, astonishing everyone with the ease by which she could support plate
armor and other heavy equipment. The poet Antonino d'Asti translated into verse modeled on the antique Latin eulogy this
which resonates with
letter,
echoes of folklore arising around Joan's exploits. Joan's achievements
became exaggerated
as
her reputation spread
Europe- wide among both partisans and enemies of the king of France. Close to the center of rumor diffusion, the Journal of the Bourgeois of Paris, the day-by-
day record of a clerk of the University of
Paris, amplifies Joan's
deeds with
mystic additions. In her earliest girlhood, as she kept the sheep, "the birds of the forests and of the fields responded to her call to eat their bread nestled in
her bosom as though they were tame." Partisan contempt for the English soldiery
emerges when the author notes siege of Orleans,
that during "that time, the
whence they chased away
the death of an English captain:
"And
the battle." This suggests that there
it
the English,"
was
Armagnacs
raised the
and the Maid foretold
he was drowned the day of
so, for
was general discussion of
the death of
Glasdale during the attack on the Tourelles. The word had flown abroad: Joan
had predicted
that
he would die "without bleeding."
These reports
attest to the extraordinary
emotional impact that the breaking
of the siege of Orleans produced. The French, universally judged to be utterly defeated,
had risen and countered the greatest miUtary
throwing them into the Loire or seventeen. She miracle.
The
was an
—and
this feat
inspired virgin
was
from
effort
of their conquerors by
credited to a
whom
young
and they wrote
to her explaining their financial difficulties. at that
of sixteen
one could expect almost any
capitouls (municipal counselors) of Toulouse soon
Montpelher, local legend declares that
girl
As
time the boulevard
hoped
for her aid,
far to the south as still
called
Bonne-
Nouvelle (Good News) was so named because of the Uberation of Orleans. The south of France was then adamantly loyalist; the sole surviving copy of the thrilling letter
the
Charles the dauphin
news of Orleans
one that kept the
is
(II, 1)
sent to
all
the
"good
cities"
of the kingdom with
from the archives of Narbonne. That "good city" was the only
original, although several other municipalities
made mention of its
arrival in their registers.
The supporters of "Armagnac"
for
the Valois claimant to the French
good reason: The dauphin was supported most
Guyenne was an
exception. That area lived under
its
crown were named solidly in the south.
famihar feudal law, whereas
the occupied zone of the northern half of France found itself under English
dominion
56 by
PART
right of conquest
with Bordeaux as
—two very
its
I:
THE DRAMA
different
modes of political dependency. Guyenne,
head, held for the king of England, since he was
its
legitimate
hereditary lord. Behind this loyalty lay the economic agenda of Bordeaux's wine
growers today.
at
a time
when
By contrast,
in
the English drank
Normandy and
more wine per
capita than
true
is
even
Enghsh conquerors had
the Ile-de-France the
already aroused resistance that can be best compared to the French resistance against
German occupation
No
in the twentieth century.
one gives a better idea of the public rumor growing up around Joan's
exploits than her chaplain, Jean Pasquerel: as
we have
"Never has anyone seen such a thing
seen in your deeds; in no book can one read of comparable feats."
Joan returned to the dauphin's company with
aura of victory. Freeing
this
Orleans as she had promised fulfilled the "sign" demanded of
manner was not triumphant, mission lay ahead of the
combat?
"I
was
end of the bridge
her.
the at
for she believed that the
How much
first to
her.
But her
most important part of her
depended on her personal contribution
to
put the scaling ladder against the bastide on the
Orleans," she later declared. She triumphed then by
courageously and emblematically exposing herself to danger, and she so
exposed herself again. Three times her personal victory at Orleans. At Loches,
it
initiative
had been the same:
It
was decisive
in the
was she who won
the
dauphin's assent to her mission.
How
should the French have exploited the liberation of Orleans?
a strategic point of view, an offensive in the direction of Chartres,
and even Paris seemed
to
make most
From
Normandy,
sense, especially with the ascendant spirit
and high morale of the French troops. The duke of Brittany sent Joan a message that, since
he could not come himself because he was "in a great
infirmity," he
was sending
his son with reinforcements.
said of her men-at-arms: "There
were an awful
lot
state of
Gobert Thibault
later
of them, for everyone
followed her." Joan's victories had galvanized the country.
The Bastard of Orleans expressed himself unequivocally:
I
remember that
after the victories of
which
blood and the captains wished the king
I
to
spoke [Orleans], the lords of royal
march
Reims; but Joan was always of the opinion consecrate the king. She argued that
that
into
Normandy and
we should go
to
not to
Reims
to
once the king was properly crowned and
consecrated the power of his adversaries would continuously diminish, and that they would finally be rendered harmless both to him and to the kingdom.
Everyone was persuaded by
That "everyone" did not include
had
to insist
describes the
on
her.
all
the king's
most intimate counselors, for Joan
this point quite forcefully in the royal council.
moment
in the
The Bastard
dauphin's chamber in the castle of Loches
when
—
57
HER DAUPHIN ANOINTED KING AT REIMS
the dauphin held council with his advisors Christophe d'Harcourt, Gerard
Machet, bishop of Castres, and Robert Le Magon, chancellor of France: "The
Maid, before entering the chamber, knocked on the door and as soon as she entered she dropped to her knees and embraced the legs of the king, saying these
words or others but
come
like
them: 'Do not hold a council meeting for such a long time,
Reims
as quickly as possible to
worthy crown.'"
to receive a
At that point, Christophe d'Harcourt interrogated her. Joan intrigued him; he did not doubt that she had been led there by divine inspiration, but he was perplexed:
How
could one follow the mysterious "counsel" to which she
continuously referred?
The dauphin then posed the same question. Joan blushed
awkward confidence:
but answered with
Whenever something did not go and accede
to
well, because people
were unwilling
what she had been told by God, she would withdraw a
Him
begin to pray to God, complaining to did not easily believe her; and
when
whom
that those to
she had
made
this
to
Whenever she heard
remain always
from her voices
this
.
.
.
and
she had spoken
I
will
that voice, she again felt a great joy
in that condition
little
prayer to God, she heard
a voice that said to her: '"Fille-De [child of God], go, go, go; aid, go."
to accept
be
at
your
and desired
and when she would repeat the message
way, she exulted in a wondrous fashion, raising her eyes
toward heaven.
Joan
won the
argument, probably during those days
movements immediately campaign. Just
after
thereafter related
May
went
23, she
The duke
Saint-Florent-les-Saumur.
had been paid. His duchess was
to
at the castle
the
of Loches. Her
launching of her
meet the duke of Alengon
to
finally
had his hands
free; his
(II,
new 4) at
huge ransom
fearful of the repercussions of his political
reengagement, and she begged her husband not to fight any more. "Jeannette" little
to
Joan
you
in
—however, reassured
good health and
With
that
in better
have no
shape than he
is
fear;
I
shall bring
him back
now!"
comforting promise, the duke and duchess of Alen^on
separated once more. Joan also
her: "Lady,
is
next cited
at
Selles-en-Berry, where the duke had
gone "with a very great company." After the duke played a game with Guy
de Laval (a young lord who, with his brother Andre, had joined the royal army),
Guy wrote his mother a letter that conveys the excitement of this moment: "They say here that six
my lord the constable is coming with six hundred men-at-arms and
hundred archers and
that Jean
de La Roche
the king has never had such a great
army
is
also coming, and they say that
as the
one expected here; and never
has there been stronger will for the task that they undertake here."
This enthusiastic youth goes on to to see the dauphin's son, the future
tell
how he went to the castle at Loches
Louis XI: "He
is
a very
handsome and
58
PART
gracious lord; very well
built,
THE DRAMA
l:
very agile, and clever for a seven-year-old." Joan
also
must have seen Louis during her stay
that
childhood encounter with Joan
For
Guy de
all
there.
The prince kept the memory of
his life.
Laval, too, the encounter with Joan the
Maid was
special.
She had sent his grandmother Anne de Laval, who had been the wife of Bertrand
Du
Guesclin
modest a
15),
(II,
gift,
who had been
"a tiny ring of gold," even though she
felt that
was too
it
given the fame of that illustrious lady and of the valiant warrior
Guy
her spouse.
describes their conversation with an admiration
close to fervor:
The Maid gave armor except to Selles,
my
brother and myself a very good welcome. She was in full
and held a lance
for her head,
visited her at her lodging.
I
would soon make
me
and the chance for
drink
me
to see
white except for her head, a charger,
it
which reared up
in Paris.
and
little
tied.
She then turned
way
seemed
to hear her. ...
I
saw her dressed
him
to the cross" before the
entirely in
church down
as though he
she had come, saying, "Carry
it
before, carry
it
And then
she returned
before," speaking of her little
ax in her hand,
and her brother [Pierre or Jean?] who had come just eight days before, all
armed
was
written.
at this point
left
with
in white.
Everything was already under letter
had been
church door, which was very close: "You priests and
a procession and pray to God."
unfurled standard, which a gracious page bore; she had her
her
that she
and would not allow
fiercely at the gate of her lodging
to the
and said
entirely divine: her feats,
mounted him without any resistance,
men of the church, make the
It all
we had gone down
in
ax in her hand, mount her horse, a great black
her to mount; and so she said, "Take the street. There she
in her hand. After
She had wine brought
way on Wednesday, June
8,
the day Guy's
Joan and her brother led them along the road toward Romorantin;
her Loire campaign began.
their entrenched positions
Its
objective
was to dislodge the enemy from
on the banks of the Loire River and
north, in order to protect the rear of the
army when
it
in the plains to the
departed for Reims.
Andre de Laval were so eager to perform their first feats of arms
that they
Guy and could not
hide their impatience. Their mother (driven from Laval, she had retired to the castle
of Vitre in Brittany) had sent
letters
begging that her young sons not take part in
combat so soon. Guy registered his humiliation and distress in a letter home:
know what kind of a
letter
as a result the king has
my cousin of La Tremoille [11, 25], but of keeping me with him. Thus the Maid will
you have sent
made
a point
"I don't
to
be in front of all the English positions around Orleans, where we are going to besiege them, and the bother the I
shall
artillery
has already been provided for that purpose; this does not
Maid at all, and she says that when the king takes
go with him."
the road toward Reims,
.
59
HER DAUPHIN ANOINTED KING AT REIMS Events went quickly act.
—
do whenever Joan had
as they tended to
She had already moved swiftly
liberty to
and Romorantin and then returned
to Selles
to Orleans.
Having been driven from Orleans, the remnants of the English army,
under the
command
of the earl of Suffolk
41), retreated to Jargeau.
(II,
Elsewhere, Suffolk hastened to assemble a reinforcement of troops under the
command
of John Fastolf
The dauphin entrusted
He
Alen9on.
allotted
the
600 knights
command
—
of the Loire campaign to the duke of
close to 2,000
men in total
—
which
to the army,
he sent against Jargeau first. Their number was doubled the following day when they
were joined by the companies of the Bastard of Orleans and of Rorent
dTlliers, the
captain of Chateaudun. Predictably, the captains debated whether to attack Jargeau, since they
assumed
told
them
As AIen9on recalled,
God would be leading
God was
was
"Joan, seeing that there
again,
dissent,
being outnumbered nor worry about attacking
that they should not fear
the Enghsh, for
sure that
Enghsh within were numerous. Joan was, once
that the
forced to provoke action.
that action.
directing this business, she
sheep than to expose herself to such
She said
that,
had she not been
would have preferred
watch the
to
peril."
And so they marched toward Jargeau, intending to march into the suburbs and camp there overnight, as the duke of Alen9on
Aware of this, the king's
the English
men. Seeing
came
this,
to
meet them and
They did so well
soldiers lodged in the suburbs of Jargeau.
was no posting of
from the town, the king's
Once again on
in the first encounter drove
back
Joan seized her standard, rode into the fray and found
the soldiers displaying great courage.
for that night there
later said:
soldiers
I
think
God
that
by
nightfall the king's
did indeed direct this matter,
the guard. If the English
would have been
had made a
sortie
in great peril.
the following morning, rather than letting the council run on
inconclusively,
Joan herself said premature to
me to
hour that pleases it:
"Act and
Do you
not
God know
me, "Forward, gentle duke,
to
start the attack
God
is at
that
I
She said
to
me
promised your wife
The duke of Alen9on reckoned
that
It
seemed
so rapidly, but Joan said, "Have no doubt, the
hand." She said that
will act!"
to the assault!"
later,
we must
act
when God wished
"Are you afraid, gentle duke?
to bring
you back
Joan had saved his
life
safe and
sound?"
during the attack on
Jargeau:
At one retire
point,
from
when
I
that place,
was attempting because
if I
to hold a certain position,
did not, "that machine"
Joan told
me
to
—and she showed me
—
60
PART a machine that the very spot
was
was
in the city
—
I:
THE DRAMA
"will kill you."
withdrew, and a
I
little later at
from which I had withdrawn, someone name Monseigneur du Lude
killed; that struck great fear in
me, and
after these events
I
marveled greatly
anything Joan said.
at
Alen^on then recounts Suffolk's unsuccessful effort to obtain a truce in the midst of combat.
It
was June
12, 1429. Suffolk
ended, but not before Joan
was
down
cast
—on a
by a stone
to earth
She swiftly stood up and cried has condemned the English,
was taken
prisoner.
The
assault finally
scaling ladder with her standard in her
hand
broke apart on her helmet (chapeline).
that
to the soldiers:
"Up, up
my
friends!
Our Lord
very hour they are ours; take courage!"
at this
The French immediately moved on quickly took the town of Beaugency
when
to
Meung and Beaugency. They
the English retreated into the castle.
The duke of Alengon received unexpected reinforcements commanded by constable Arthur de Richemont
(II,
36),
who was
the
then in disgrace. Richemont
had enjoyed influence with the dauphin Charles but had found himself displaced in favor
by
his
own former
ally,
now enemy, La
TremoTlle.
Was
the
campaign
going to be disrupted by these power struggles? Alengon told Joan "that
if
the
Constable came, [he] would go away." To which she remarked "that he had need of help." They had in fact just learned that "the English army was approaching,
and in its company was the lord Talbot," of whose
name must have calmed
The duke of Alengon negotiated granted
the discords in the French
camp
for a time.
Beaugency and
garrison safe-conduct. "As soon as the English had withdrawn,
its
someone from and
On
40) a seasoned warrior, the mention
the surrender of the castle of
the
company of La Hire
the king's captain, that the English to-face,
(II,
that they
came
me. He said, as did we would soon be face-
to see
that
were about one thousand men-at-arms."
June 17, the
two armies came swiftly within view of each
de Wavrin, known as the Bastard, fighting
From
22]
[II,
were coming,
in the
other.
Jean
English ranks, recalled:
every direction across the wide and ample Beauce, you could see the
English riding in handsome array. They then merged one league away from
Meung, six
fairly close to
Beaugency. The French, alerted to
their arrival,
had about
thousand combatants whose commanders were Joan the Maid, the duke of
Alen9on, the Bastard of Orleans, the marshal of La Fayette, La Hire, Poton 44],
and others; they
fell into
formation and positioned themselves on a
[II,
little
hillock, in order to disconcert the English.
The English was
halted their
march and arranged themselves
their custom, the archers
formed
in battle formation.
As
the first lines, "their stakes in front of
them." These pikes fixed in the earth were designed to hinder any cavalry charge.
HER DAUPHIN ANOINTED KING AT REIMS The English
sent
two heralds
to the
French to say that
was up
it
descend and join combat. "An answer was given them by the
*Go fmd yourselves lodging, for the pleasure of
it is
61
men
to
them
to
of the Maid:
already late in the day, and tomorrow, at
God and Our Lady, we
will take a closer look at
The night of June 17-18 passed with
that challenge
one another.'"
still
in effect
and
with positions maintained. The English were in Meung, the French in
Beaugency, which was disquieted by the knowledge that English reinforce-
ments were
in the field.
The Bastard of Orleans reported that an uncertain duke
of Alen9on consulted Joan: "She answered him in a loud voice, saying,
^Everyone be sure to have good spurs!' Hearing
'What do you mean? Are we going 'No,
the English
is
it
who
to turn our
this,
those present asked Joan,
backs on them?' Joan answered,
will not defend themselves
and who will be
conquered. You will have need of good spurs as you chase after them.'
was
so, for they
many dead
won
it
we took more
it
than four thousand of them, as
as captive."
June
If the
took flight and
And
1
in the
8
was
open
to
be the greatest victory Joan would ever achieve, and she
field.
The
Battle of Patay
October 25, 1415 victory of Henry
of the Hundred Years
Patay reversed
its
participant, Jean
War
was
image of Agincourt.
a mirror
V at Agincourt decided the third phase
in favor of the Plantagenet party, then the victory of
results for the fourth
phase in favor of the Armagnacs. One
de Wavrin, described that extraordinary
vanguard, the main body of English troops was
Behind the
feat.
commanded by
Fastolf, Talbot,
and one Thomas Rameston.
A
series of accidents shattered the English array.
The vanguard gave
warning of the French approach and then assumed its position among the support
wagons and
artillery "all
along the hedges that were near Patay." Talbot then
posted himself where he thought the French would pass, "guessing that he would
be able to hold that passage
was wrong,
as
their enemies, until
whom
The
It
in front
jumped
tight formation
saw a
stag leap
know
and pursued
their positions,
from the woods and take the
into the English formation,
whereupon
it
uttered
The French had not known that their enemies were so close to them." scouts ran to inform their companies.
The engagement began before
come
together, even in a disorderly
the major units of the English force could fashion.
of troop reinforcements." But he
they could not yet see, nor did they
by luck the scouts
road toward Patay. a great cry.
until the arrival
Wavrin remarked: "The French held
The men of the vanguard saw Captain Fastolf arrive in haste and thought
"that everything
was
lost,
and
that their divisions
were
in flight. Believing this,
the captain of the vanguard took flight with his white standard and the hedge." Fastolf and his
men were
also seized by panic. "It
was
abandoned said in
my
presence," Wavrin declares, "that he should take care of himself, for the battle
was
lost." In
another unit of troops, Talbot had just been taken prisoner:
62
PART
THE DRAMA
I:
confusion had led to a rout. The Bastard of Wavrin shared the fled in the direction of
On
men were
concluded: 'Thus the French gained victory spent the night, thanking
dead; on the English side, the
Our Lord
at the
The unexpected outcome of
at
two thousand. Wavrin
place called Patay, where they
for their fine adventure.
Day
location, that battle will forever be called 'The
As soon
who
Etampes and Corbeil.
the French side, three
Burgundian chroniclers estimated the casualties
to Paris.
of Fastolf,
lot
this
as they heard about
.
.
Because of
.
its
of Patay.'"
encounter provoked panic
all
the
way
"The Day of Patay" the Parisians became
convinced (according to the Journal of the Siege of Orleans) that "the
Armagnacs were coming began
to
make
But
to assail
preparations to fortify the city defensively."
was not against
it
them, and so they reinforced the watch and
which, assembled
at
Paris that Joan intended to direct the royal army,
may have amounted
Gien,
to
some 12,000 combatants.
He
the aftermath of combat, the dauphin agreed to head for Reims. letter
of convocation to the
lay and ecclesiastical,
cities in his
who were
a letter, unfortunately lost, inviting
It is
him
remained
it
to
swear fealty
in the archives until
She proudly announced that: "by my baton,
and his company
safely,
According
I
it
these,
the
duke
to the king of France.
Toumai
was destroyed
to
in
Reims
for
World War
shall lead the gentle lord Charles
and he will be consecrated
to Perceval
Among
known that Joan herself sent
letter that she dictated invited the inhabitants of
the coronation; II.
the peers of France, both
to participate in his coronation.
of course, was the duke of Burgundy.
Another
kingdom and to
In
sent a formal
at
Reims."
de Cagny, the chronicler of the duke of Alengon,
Joan was vexed by the delay of eight days between the victory of Patay and the departure from Gien.
The dauphin did
29. "In her impatience, the
for
Maid
left
not, in fact, begin the
to
Reims was
led deep into territory under Burgundian control.
It
Auxerre, the end
until
June
her lodgings in town, staying in the fields
two days before the king departed." The march
absurdity:
march
On
a strategic
June 20,
at
of the first stage of the journey, the dauphin's party ran into a
Burgundian garrison. Delegations went back and forth between the king and the bourgeois of the town,
who
finally
provided the army with food and publicly
declared that they would give "the king such obedience as would the cities of Troyes, Chalons, and Reims." It
was
at
Troyes that Henry
V
of England had been declared regent of
France; his marriage to Catherine of France
made him
unfortunate Charles VI and of Isabeau of Bavaria
were promised the crown of France. Phal, a
little
more than
letter to the inhabitants;
as did Joan:
On
fifteen miles
(II,
the son-in-law of the
23),
and
his descendants
July 4 the French forces reached Saint-
from Troyes. Joan prudently addressed a
Charles did likewise.
He promised complete
amnesty,
63
HER DAUPHIN ANOINTED KING AT REIMS Loyal Frenchmen, come before your lord Charles. Since there fault,
have no fear for your bodies, nor your goods,
not do so,
I
promise you on your
lives that
we
if
you
to
to
come
against us
—we
God; may He guard you
if
In response to these stem words, the
anxious to learn sent
back and
how
make
reputation for sanctity. Joan
water around; and
Friar Richard
would
later
and
if
you do
—no
swift reply
is
who
matter
solid peace.
I
commend
expected.
like those of Auxerre, felt.
were
Messengers were
(II,
35), a Franciscan with a
remember
his arrival with a certain
sign of the cross and tossed holy
said 'Be brave and approach,
I
becoming accustomed
The army's
good
A
men of Troyes,
"When he came toward me, he made the
irony:
a
please Him.
and
aid,
people in Reims and other places
among them
forth,
shall
it
so;
shall take all of the cities that
should belong to his holy kingdom with God's
presumes
you do
no question of
is
I
won't
fly
away!'" She was
to the rituals of exorcism.
situation
was
critical.
Their food supplies were exhausted, a
strong Burgundian garrison held the center of the city, and, as always, the French
The Bastard of
captains were divided about their preferred course of action.
Orleans
tells
And
us
how Joan
so the
intervened once again:
Maid went and entered
or nearly so: "Noble dauphin, city of Troyes,
command your
and do not waste more time
within three days either
the council of the king, saying these
way with
I
shall lead
you
come and
people to
in long councils, for in
words
besiege the
God's name,
by love or by force and
into the city of Troyes,
courage: Burgundy will be stupefied by
it."
Joan posted troops along the ditches outside the wall and strengthened them with
artillery;
"and she worked so well that night and the next day that the bishop
and townspeople, shaking and trembling, made
Simon that
their
obedience to the king."
Charles, another eyewitness to these events, adds the important detail
Joan took her standard on
this
maneuver:
A large number of foot soldiers followed her, and she ordered them to make bundles of sticks to
fill
the ditches.
They made many, and
the next
day Joan issued a
call
for the assault, giving the order to put the bundles in the ditches. Seeing this, the
inhabitants of Troyes, fearing an assault, sent to the king to negotiate their surrender.
The king reached an agreement with
the inhabitants and he entered Troyes with
great ceremony, and Joan carried her standard near him.
This processional entry into Troyes took place on Sunday, July 12, the
The
army resumed
its
march; two days
later
it
10.
On Tuesday, July
stood before Chalons-sur-Mame.
royal herald Montjoie announced himself with the dauphin's
letter,
which as
64
PART
I:
THE DRAMA
elsewhere promised amnesty. The bishop, Jean of MontbeUard, imitating his colleague Jean Leguise, bishop of Troyes, promptly presented the keys of the city to
the dauphin.
by
Little
forces approached Reims,
as the dauphin's
Uttle,
negotiations grew less lengthy and the French army's progress
The army's stop dauphin had decided anointing to
at
self-assured.
Chalons was marked by a significant event. The
inform his subjects that he was going to receive his
to
Reims by
more
inviting
them
He
to attend.
ordered the public criers to
repeat this invitation in any region that had remained faithful to him.
The people
responded, as they traditionally had, by setting out on the road to Reims: The
Though solemn,
coronation of a king was a popular celebration.
the ritual
was
not yet the closed official ceremony of later centuries.
Joan met several people on the road
them
villagers
from Domremy, for
whom
who
among
called her "Jeannette,"
the coronation held special signifi-
One of these was her cousin Jean Moreau, who would later emotionally recount that when they met Joan made him the gift of "a red dress that she was cance.
carrying." (Although dressed in male
women's five
clothes along with her as well.) Jean
men from Domremy who
Joan seems to have brought
attire,
Moreau was one of
traveled together.
a group of
To them, Joan confided,
as
Gerardin d'Epinal recalled, "that she feared nothing except treason." Joan's father
and mother, Jacques d'Arc and Isabelle Romee, were also present
coronation. (See
On
July 16, at the castle of Sept-Saulx, Charles the dauphin received a
deputation of the bourgeois of Reims,
obedience. This was the
Burgundian
territory
first
Cauchon
who had (II,
Reims
49),
to cries raised
full
and complete
that
same
number of
day, a
collaborated with the English
left
the city.
University of Paris, a native of
who had been one
of the Treaty of Troyes. That evening, Charles city of
him
offered
time that loyalty to the dauphin from a city in
Among them was the former rector of the Pierre
who
was so openly expressed. On
"renegade Frenchmen"
named
at the
III, 1.)
Reims
of the principal negotiators
made
his formal entry into the
by the general populace of "Noel [Christmas],
Noel!" for Christmas had been associated with coronations ever since Charle-
magne was crowned The following
in
Rome
on Christmas Day of the year 800.
day, Sunday, July 17, 1429, after swift preparations, Charles
VII was anointed according to traditional
rites.
Although most of the
coronation regalia seems to have been in the cathedral of Notre
was used France"
later
—only
(the saint
there
oil,
that
traditional elements
was kept
in the
abbey of Saint-Remi
(Reims as the place;
its
bishop as the
dauphin became the king of France, consecrated with the sacred
about his legitimate
title
were put
to rest
among
his adherents.
—and
crowned "king of
the dauphin Charles's coronation invoked the irreducible
ampoule, or holy
and the most
The
when England's young king Henry was
Dame
traditional
in Paris
in
symbol Reims)
officiant).
oil.
Doubts
65
HER DAUPHIN ANOINTED KING AT REIMS Little is
changed
little
the actual ceremony. Since the
over time, this coronation
Louis in 1226.
argument
known about
On
the Turks at
Damietta
another king.
The man
would not
to "pray to
God and
to
him king
In the
until
he was crowned and anointed
— "she
Reims,
at
keep the
vigil
the cathedral on the previous evening,
while praying as
much
seemed
as
right to
compelled him."
morning the four knights known
to the
might have followed an ordo Louis was held as a prisoner by
him," according to the royal counselor Francois
to lead
as his devotion
way
St.
Egypt; the French feared they might need to crown
—had probably appeared before
him and
their
in
when
whom Joan up to this point had called the dauphin
call
where she had decided Garivel
well have resembled that of St.
historians (see Richard Jackson's
in Vive le roi) think that this ritual
probably composed during the 1250s,
said she
may
some
the other hand,
Ordo coronationis
abbey of Saint-Remi
as Guardians of the
Holy Vial made
to take possession of the precious flask of oil.
Legend affirmed that angels brought it on the occasion of the baptism of Clovis,
king of the Franks, traditionally dated 496. Custom required that a drop of it be
first
mixed with the Holy Chrism used to anoint the new king.
was
It
seems
that the
to Paris.
The four Guardians were
Culant, the lord of Graville, and
This
last figure, a rich
than military valor.
—
Holy Vial
had not removed
the only traditional coronation item that the English forces
from Reims
the
the
the marshal de Boussac, the admiral
to increase his visibiUty
—GiUes de Rais
34).
(11,
nobleman from Brittany, was not yet known for anything other
He had
taken part in the raising of the siege of Orleans and in
campaign of the Loire. Two months
Archives Nationales), Charles
VQ
later (in a charter still
preserved in the
granted
him
the right to carry the fleurs-de-lys
Holy
Vial,
which the abbot Jean Canard had
on the bordure of his coat of arms.
At
their return, escorting the
put in their charge, the four Guardians encountered a long procession of canons, bishops, and prelates surrounding the king,
who had
spent the night
at the
archbishop's palace before entering the church to the singing of psalms. The
main door of the cathedral had been thrown open;
the clatter of resounding
hooves mixed with the shouts of the crowd that had gathered cathedral, for the four knights
who
in
and around the
escorted the Holy Vial entered the church
on horseback.
The ceremony of coronation included king, the singing of the Te
Deum, and
the oath of loyalty required by the
the benediction of the royal insignia:
crown, golden spurs, scepter, and (since the beginning of the fourteenth century) the
was
"hand of justice," a second scepter sculpted
in ivory.
At the core of the
the anointing itself, the essential element considered
comparable
rite
to a
sacrament like confirmation or holy orders. The king prostrated himself on the steps of the altar, while litanies of the saints
had prostrated himself
at the
king's side,
were chanted. The archbishop, who
marked
the king with holy oil
on the
66
PART
THE DRAMA
1:
head, chest, shoulders, elbows, and wrists.
only in his shoes and a loose
shirt,
The
king, dressed until that point
then put on a tunic and a coat of
silk.
Once
anointed afresh on his hands, he pulled on gloves; the ring that was the symbol of the union between the king and his people was slipped on his finger. The
crown was taken from the
altar
and placed on the new king's head, but not before
the ten of the twelve peers of France
and
up
five ecclesiastics
to the dais
—had held
it
who were
on which was placed the throne.
the seals of the time, the
actually present
—
laymen
five
above his head as he was led from the
new king appeared
was then
It
that, as
depicted on
Three gentlemen
in royal majesty.
from Anjou who were charged with reporting the ceremony
altar
to the
queen, Marie
of Anjou, and her mother, record the scene:
And
hour that the king was consecrated and also when they had placed
at the
crown on
the
that
it
his head, every
seemed
as
man cried out:
Noel\
And the
trumpets sounded so
though the walls of the church should have crumbled. During
the aforesaid mystery, the
standard in her hand.
It
Maid was always
was fme
but also of the Maid, and
at the king's side,
to see the elegant
God knows
that
holding his
manners not only of the king
you would have wished them
well.
After the archbishop and the peers pledged homage, Joan went to kneel before the king.
The
chronicler of the Siege of Orleans captured the general emotion
of this moment: "And she evoked great pity in the
new
all
who
beheld her." Embracing
king's legs, she wept and said:
Gentle king, from
this
moment
to raise the siege of Orleans
anointing,
which shows
the pleasure of
and bring you
that
you
God
are the true king
He wished me
executed.
is
to the city of
Reims
to receive
and the one
to
your
whom
the
kingdom should belong.
Some
felt that
it
would have been more appropriate
other captains, even though this event.
all
Her enemies would
to place
Joan among the
recognized the essential part she had played in later
ask this question:
"Why was
your standard
carried to the anointing of the king in the church of Reims, rather than the
standards of the other captains?" To which she then responded: "That standard
had gone
to great pains;
it
was
fair that
it
should share the honor."
Anointing was the paramount symbol of a sovereign's capacity to unify his subjects
ceremony
at
around his body, his person. The
Reims
is
therefore quite instructive.
was Charles's wife, Marie of Anjou. Charles was
at
When
list
of those absent from the
Paramount among those absent
the
army
set off for
Reims, and
Gien, he sent her instructions to return to Bourges, since the
operation he was launching was a dangerous one. In addition, Marie was not at
67
HER DAUPHIN ANOINTED KING AT REIMS Reims because
the royal entourage judged that
it
was
the king alone
whose
coronation then mattered. Lesser importance was attached to her coronation as
queen, a ceremony that took place later
The time of such formidable
at Paris.
queens as Eleanor of Aquitaine and Blanche of Castile was over. The role of the
queen continued
to diminish until
French queen
be crowned
to
even coronation
at all
rites
were eliminated: the
would be Marie de Medicis
last
in 1610.
Another notable figure who was absent from the coronation was the
He
constable Arthur de Richemont.
should by custom have had the honor of
carrying the ceremonial sword after the benediction, but the lord of Albret was
appointed to hold
it
The chronicle of Guillaume Gruel, one of the
in his place.
constable's friends, reports that Richemont,
who had
wanted intensely
the brilliant victory of Patay,
to
so recently taken part in
accompany
the king to Reims,
"who was very
but the king had adamantly refused, despite the urging of Joan,
displeased about
it."
Guillaume adds
my
never be crowned than have
that the king declared that
lord [Arthur] in attendance."
influence on Charles VII of Richemont's
enemy La Tremoille
The powerful
is
discernible in
The dauphin's insecure court was long dominated by
this action.
rivalries
"he would rather
among such overmighty
sway of
the
factions.
There were two other noteworthy absences: Pierre Cauchon, the bishop of Beauvais, one of the six ecclesiastical peers, whose absence
Anglo-Burgundian
his longtime devotion to the
duke of Burgundy the
(II, 3),
Sunday morning of
one of the
faction,
six lay peers.
is
explained by
and Phihp the Good,
Joan had written the duke on
the coronation, July 17; her letter
is
preserved in the
archives of Lille:
Jesus Maria. High and dread prince, duke of Burgundy, the
by the King of Heaven,
my
rightful
and sovereign Lord,
lasting peace with the king of France.
wage
it
to
make
a firm and
You two must pardon one another
with a sincere heart, as loyal Christians should; and war, go and
Maid calls upon you
if it
on the Saracens. Prince of Burgundy,
I
pleases you to
fully
make
pray you, supplicate,
and humbly request rather than require you, make war no more on the holy
kingdom of France. Withdraw in certain places
once and swiftly those of your men
who
are
and fortresses of the aforesaid holy kingdom. As for the gentle
king of France, he to
at
is
ready to
do with you alone. And
I
make peace with you, saving
must make known
to
his honor, if
it
has
you from the King of Heaven,
my rightful and sovereign Lord, for your good and for your honor and upon your life,
that
you
will
win no more
who wage war against the King
And
Jesus, I
battles against loyal
aforesaid holy
King of Heaven and of all the
Frenchmen and
kingdom of France earth,
that all those
are warring against
my rightful and sovereign Lord.
pray you and call upon you with hands joined not to seek any battle nor
war against
us, neither
you nor your men nor
subjects,
and believe firmly
that
68
PART
I:
THE DRAMA
no number of men
that
pity for the battle
and the bloodshed there of those who come against
three
it is
weeks since
which today, Sunday in the city of
news of
Him; and I pray God
I
will win,
wrote that you should be
the seventeenth day of this
Reims:
that herald.
you bring against us
to I
which
I
He
at the
to
month of
And
July, is taking place I
ever heard any
God; may He guard you,
will establish a
us.
anointing of the king,
have had no reply, nor have
commend you
that
and that there will be great
good peace. Written
if
it
pleases
in the aforesaid
place of Reims, on the aforesaid seventeenth day of July.
This
letter
mentality
evokes the grandeur of Joan's Christian, martial, and chivalric
at the
qualities to her
of her king and
same time
that
it
masks the increasing irrelevance of these
world and moment. The
kingdom
to
letter reveals that
Joan expected the fate
be determined by submission or by
battle.
She was
not of her king's council. She was ignorant of the swarming diplomauc activity
then under
way among French.
English, and Burgundian diplomats.
CHAPTER
FIVE
INTRIGUE, FRUSTRATION,
AND CAPTURE From mid- July 1429
to
May
23,
Charles Vll at Reims (see Part
1430—from
the days following the coronation of
Section 1) to her capture by a
II,
Burgundian force
—Joan experienced nearly constant waves ofdisillusionment. She had
at Compiegne
made Charles
king but
was forced
which Joan was naturally
accept the consequences: evasive and
to
and negotiation
suspicious, Charles preferred delay inclined.
Her
to the swift, decisive action to
loyal partisans (such as
Duke John of
Alengon; II, 4) shared her desire to make the most ofthe wave ofpatriotic enthusiasm that her triumphs
had aroused, but
the king,
murder of the duke of Burgundy 's father, Tremoille
(II,
25)
and
after the royal army in central
listened to counselors like
the archbishop of
September 1429, she was ordered
to
probably obsessed by his guilt for the
Reims
abandon
(II,
13),
who
Georges de La
resented Joan. In
the effort to take Paris; in October,
was disbanded, Joan was sent to deal with a minor bandit chief
France; after a frustrating winter, she was allowed
to lead only
mercenary band against the English and Burgundians northeast of Paris. 23, while retreating to the supposedly pro- French
outside a suddenly closed gate
a small
On May
town of Compiegne, she was
left
and promptly captured by some Burgundians
scarcely able to credit their luck: an accident or an act of treason?
Although the coronation at Reims was hastily organized,
it
undertaken with customary pomp. So that he could perform the traditional
was ritual
—
70
PART
at the
THE DRAMA
I:
nearby abbey of Saint-Marcoul-de-Corbeny of "touching for scrofula"
exercising the healing
Charles
(II, 1)
power believed to be granted the king by his coronation
did not leave the city until July 21.
The coronation produced an extraordinary perception of Joan of Arc France and beyond. Even before
Joan had taken place.
Two pamphlets had appeared at Paris
written by Jacques Gelu the opening salvo of Paris.
The
(II,
He
lost,
was
probably came from the pen of
20), a respected authority on legal and rehgious matters. Gerson,
previously the university's chancellor, well.
now
on Joan by members of the University of
assaults
other, a defense against this attack,
Jean Gerson
(as well as a treatise
19] in her favor); the first, an attack
[11.
many
in
the king's consecration, a verbal duel about
knew the reigning academic temperament
himself had been expelled from the corporation of the university
because of his pro-Valois sentiments. From July university
was recorded on
its
6,
1418, his absence from the
while attending the Council of
registers. In fact,
Constance, he learned that Paris had fallen into the hands of the Anglo-
Burgundians and refused
to return. After living for
some time
in Austria,
he
joined one of his brothers, a friar at the Celestine convent in Lyons. The pamphlet in defense of Joan,
which he probably composed
work; he died on July
his last
When
days before the anointing
the side of his old ally, Christine de Pisan
(11,3) earlier
had asked
to
compose
at
Reims.
known
(II,
whom Duke
public personality, a poet, and a historian
of Burgundy
June 1429, might have been
he supported Joan's cause, Gerson could not have
was once more on
known
12, five
in
32).
that
he
A well-
Philip the
Bold
the history of his brother "the
wise king, Charles V," Christine de Pisan never ceased to champion peace and to
defend women. Gerson had joined her in those
first
efforts.
entered Paris, Christine de Pisan retired from the
When the English had city,
convent of Poissy, where her daughter was a nun. She kept years, ceasing to write except for
some poems
all
even for any man: Her famous d'Arc, comprises
448
poem
at the
of fifty-six strophes, the Ditie de Jehanne
lines sketching Joan's story.
siege of Orleans.
Above
all,
She reminds her readers how
how
she had given proof of her
she speaks with awe about the anointing
and coronation. The cry that she had raised
at the
news of these events
known: In the year one thousand four hundred twenty and nine
the sun began to shine again.
Behold
this
woman,
.
.
to celebrate this girl
would have been considered impossible
Joan had been examined by the prelates and claim
eleven
of a sudden, she beheld an
unexpected dawn. In July 1429 she took up her pen again just achieved victories that
silent for
that are really prayers. Christine
de Pisan was then dazzled by Joan's exploits;
who had
probably to the
.
a simple shepherdess.
is
well
INTRIGUE. FRUSTRATION. more
valiant than
was ever any man
at
AND CAPTURE
Rome.
.
.
71
.
During the siege of Orleans her force
appeared.
first
.
.
.
With great triumph and power Charles was crowned
we
never have
at
Reims
.
.
.
heard
speak of so great a marvel.
poem, her
In this
as historian
final
work, Christine de Pisan once more balanced her roles
and poet. In July 1429, the writer Alain Chartier also exalted Joan
in poetic prose:
Behold her
there, she
who does
not seem to have
come from any
place in the
world, but to have been sent from heaven to raise up the head and the shoulders
of a Gaul beaten of
all
down into the
praises, of divine honors,
the light of the
lily,
French, but also of
you
all
These poets were quick
O singular virgin, worthy of all glories,
earth
you
are the greatness of the
are the brilliance,
you are the
kingdom, you are
glory, not only of the
Christians.
to praise the
contemporary historical documents
in
No
contradictory, opinions of Joan.
Maid's exploits. Commentaries and
many
genres provide multiple, often
assessments are less guarded or more
enthusiastic than these poetic voices as they record Joan's victories and
Charles's coronation as events, in Christine's words, "above
marveled
others to be
all
at."
Despite the difficult situation in which events had placed him, one
man was
methodically setting things in order to counter the disastrous effects of Joan's victories
—John, duke of Bedford, regent of France
captains,
John Talbot
John of Alen^on
at
(II,
Patay
having fled in that same his unit of troops.
arms, as
many
on July
1.
40),
had
(II, 4).
battle,
just
The
One
of his best
been made prisoner by Joan and Duke
other,
John Fastolf, suffered reproach for
although his retreat had permitted him to save
Bedford also knew
that
of them horsemen as archers,
They were an army
(II, 9).
he had
at his disposal
350 men-at-
who had just disembarked at Calais
recruited by Cardinal
Henry Beaufort
(II, 8),
bishop of Winchester and the natural uncle of the duke of Bedford (he was a bastard son of Bedford's grandfather John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster), to fight the Hussites in
Bohemia. The recruitment and supply of
this
army had been
financed by special dthes raised with papal authorization and supplemented by papal finances; uncle and nephew had decided with one mind to deflect this force from
its
intended target.
On July
15 the troops left Calais for Paris,
where
72
PART
I:
THE DRAMA
they arrived ten days later as a fresh body of reinforcements for the struggle
crowned King Charles VII of France.
against the newly
Not content with diverting for personal profit a military force that the English people beUeved had been raised for the good of Christianity, Bedford was also carrying on a wide-ranging diplomatic offensive. His brother, Henry V, had been a warrior, but
Bedford was an administrator. He had married Anne of Burgundy, Duke
Phihp's sister and (in the words of the Bourgeois of Paris) "the most agreeable lady
who was
then in France, being beautiful, young, and good." Bedford relied on this
family connection to obtain, from an ally
whom he did not always find reliable, the
guarantees that were indispensable in his effort to avert these
new
Enghsh conquest. Cleverly, he had invited the duke of Burgundy days in
Paris.
Between July 10 and
a series of festivals and spectacular
15,
demonstrations of support, with a general procession and a sermon resulted in a
threats to the
spend several
to
promise from the people of Paris that
''all
at
Notre Dame,
would be good and
loyal to
duke of Burgundy."
the regent and to the
Christine de Pisan protested:
O Paris
very
ill
advised!
Foolish and untrustworthy citizens!
The duke of Burgundy returned to with Bedford for a returned to
him
sum
at the
which he
his territory without his jewels,
of 20,000 livres and a promise that the
end of the month,
in return for
gift
left
would be
which Bedford had
promised to recruit an army. Through the agency of his herald Jarretiere (the Garter Herald), Bedford pressed the city of
London
to
send him a subsidy,
emphasizing that without the Burgundian alliance English power in France could disappear "at a single blow."
A more serious aspect of this diplomatic game involved the negotiations that
Georges de La Tremoille
25) had begun on June 30 with the court of
(II,
Burgundy. These had gone so well that the Burgundian Jean de Vimeu
left
Dijon
for Arras on July 16 in order to report the progress of these negotiations to Philip the
Good when he
arrived at
returned from Paris.
Reims while
the king
was
Anjou and her mother, Yolanda of
An embassy
led by
David de Brimeu
there; a letter bringing
Sicily,
news about
Queen Marie of
the coronation
expressed the hope that the king would conclude "a good treaty leaves."
The same
will bring Paris
letter
made
a reference to Joan:
.
.
.
ceremony before he
"She leaves no doubt
that she
under her control."
Joan was preoccupied with following up a
fruitful military offensive, the
king with negotiating. Instead of achieving a "good treaty," Charles concluded a truce of fifteen days. After just one triumphal day at Reims, the French party
found
itself in a state
of mutual misunderstanding.
INTRIGUE, FRUSTRATION,
As she had
already said, Joan feared only treason.
determine whether, exactly why, or by 10.)
III,
Some
AND CAPTURE
whom
73 It
is
difficult to
Joan was finally betrayed. (See
surmise an early shadow of treachery during the coronation
banquet. Thereafter,
all
her initiatives would have to deal with insecure or
inadequate support. At the very
Durand Laxart were returning
moment when
to
her father, mother, and "uncle"
Domremy overwhelmed
with the unexpected
glory of their "Jeannette," a time of uncertainty, of reversals, and even of final
torment was beginning for
her.
The Bastard of Orleans
sorrowful exclamation on the road between
"May
Valois:
my
serve
it
please
and
father
God my
my
creator that
my brother, who would be
so happy to see
"which
every step went before her."
The changing mood swift
La Ferte-Melon and Crepy-en-
now withdraw from
is
my
sister
to Paris. This funereal
atypically
the possibility of treason,
to cover the ninety miles
from
pace must have been torture for any warrior,
who expected to enhance the elan that the French troops
especially Joan,
and
reflected in the king's itinerary. In contrast to the
march to Reims, he now took thirty-six days
Reims
arms, and so
me again!" This remark is
how disarmed Joan was by
it
at
16) reported Joan's
mother by taking care of the flocks with
poignant;
resonates
I
(II,
shared.
"One Frenchman could have defeated ten Englishmen then," Jean Chartier wrote in his Chronicle.
Impelled toward the conquest of Paris, Joan did not
know
Charles VII already had committed himself to avoiding a battle for the
must have at
by
felt
some hope during
the
first
him
and many loved him and desired his
a true king, and the cities
Coulommiers
—
She
stages of the advance, at Vailly, then
Soissons: "The king went to Soissons, where he all,
city.
that
—Laon,
was received with
arrival."
great joy
The coronation had made
Chateau-Thierry, Crepy, Provins,
expressed their joy and their wish to recognize him.
Crepy-en-Valois he sent his envoy to Compiegne, demanding that
its
From
inhabitants
"place themselves in his obedience," to which they responded that they "were
very willing to do so." Even the city of Beauvais, whose bishop was Pierre
Cauchon
(II,
49), sang a Te
During
Deum
for the king of France.
his stay at Chateau-Thierry,
on July 31, Charles VII
request exempted in perpetuity the inhabitants of taxation. This
up
at
Joan's
Domremy and Greux from
was the Maid's only such request; the exemption was maintained
to the reign of
Louis
XVI
(III, 9).
Bedford the regent profited from Charles's unexpected delay and reinforced the defenses of Paris. Leaving the city on August 4 at the head of a
powerful army, he marched up the sent the king of France a challenge
left
bank of the Seine. Three days
later
he
from Montereau: "You seduce and abuse the
ignorant and rely upon the assistance of the superstitious and reprobate, and
even of that deranged and infamous
and
is
woman who
goes about
in
men's clothes
of dissolute conduct." Bedford proposed to take up positions in the Brie
74
PART
THE DRAMA
I:
and Ile-de-France. The English army
set out in the direction
of Senlis and halted
on August 14 near the village of Montepilloy. During these maneuvers, Bedford
named
the
duke of Burgundy governor of
Paris, so that a prince of the
blood
royal could be said to exercise political authority over the capital of France.
seemed
It
Montepilloy.
would take place
for a while that a decisive battle
The peaceful course of
crisscrosses the countryside,
Nonnette,
the
a
little
at
stream that
had become a base for Bedford's army, now
reinforced by 700 Picards sent by the duke of Burgundy.
came from Crepy-en-Valois were divided
The French troops
into "battles," of
which the
that
first,
commanded by the lord of Albret, included Joan herself, the Bastard of Orleans, and La Hire (II, 22). It was a moment of high suspense. An entire day, August 15, was spent in dust clouds
"that
under a burning sun ("such great powder," says Perceval de Cagny,
one could recognize neither French nor English"). Each side was expecting
an engagement that might prove decisive. The English in their usual fashion entrenched themselves behind rows of sharpened stakes and wagons that served
duke of Bourbon
as a rampart. Charles VII rode about the battlefield with the (II,
11) and
August
La Tremoille; Bedford
16, the
did not
show himself On
the afternoon of
English began retreating toward Paris. The Berry Herald, an
eyewitness, wrote that
they stood one facing the other, without
"all the day,
hedges or bushes, as close as the shot of a culverine, and they did not
on the evening, the king went away
to
fight.
And
Crepy and the duke of Bedford went
to
SenUs." Meanwhile, on that same August 16, Philip the Good, duke of
Burgundy, had reason
to feel in control of the situation.
by Regnault of Chartres, archbishop of Reims notables,
among them Raoul de Gaucourt (II,
duke of the west,"
as
1
8),
(II,
A French embassy
13),
came
led
and including many
as beggars to "the grand
one witness remarked, presenting him with "greater offers
of reparation than the royal majesty actually possessed." In reparation for the assassination of John the Fearless at Montereau, the king asked the duke to
accept every possible guarantee "by hostages, corporal punishments,
or
pecuniary penalties, obligation and submission to the church and to secular courts, as strongly as can be devised." All this
for
Burgundy's neutrality
in the conflict
was offered simply
in
exchange
between the French and the English.
At Arras, the English negotiated through Hugues de Lannoy, the Burgundian diplomat
who was
Burgundy
let
it
also a
member
of the royal council of England. The duke of
be understood that he would participate
in a
peace conference
proposed by Amadeus VIII of Savoy.
With the departure of the king of France, the bourgeois of Reims found themselves isolated in Burgundian
territory,
and impinging troop movements
gave them cause for worry. They appealed to Joan, disquieted
letter:
who responded
in a
AND CAPTURE
INTRIGUE, FRUSTRATION. promise and certify that
I
days.
and
I
.
.
.
However many
do not know
and date of this
to
as long as
shall live.
I
truces
may
be
made
hold to them. But
if I will
in this fashion,
if I
do hold
to
I
lasting fifteen
am
them,
And
it
not content,
be only
will
honor of the king.
to maintain the
She urged Reims
abandon you
made a truce with the duke of Burgundy,
true that the king has
it is
shall never
I
75
"keep good watch and guard the king's good city." The place
letter are significant: "written
on Friday, the
fifth
day of August,
near Provins, from a residence in the fields, on the road to Paris." This
one she sent
like the it
to the
letter,
duke of Burgundy, does not bear her signature, but
does bear the mark of Joan's personahty and intentions:
"On the road to Paris"
a challenge.
is itself
The atmosphere of misunderstanding
persisted. Joan thought only of
from the general enthusiasm and the strong army
profiting
that
had now
assembled; the king had nothing in his head but negotiations and truces.
August 17 the keys of Compiegne were brought retired.
The following
day, he
made
On August 2 1 (II,
28). After a
was signed,
this
,
whom the
Crepy, where he had
including Guillaume de Flavy,
city,
(III, 10).
embassy arrived led by John of Luxembourg
laborious negotiations, another truce of four months
time applying to
from Nogent-sur-Seine
at
defense of Compiegne depended
a Burgundian
week of
him
his formal entry through the Pierrefonds
Gate and was received by the notables of the a mercenary captain on
to
On
all
the territory
to Honfleur.
France would be allowed to take the
During
on the
right
bank of the Seine
that period, neither
cities situated
Burgundy nor
within those defined areas
nor to receive their obedience. Firmer guarantees were given orally by Charles VII,
who was engaged
in returning to the
duke of Burgundy important
cities
along the river Oise: Compiegne, Pont-Sainte-Maxence, Creil, Senlis. Bedford
could be content, having returned to Paris with an intact army, and the duke of
Burgundy was more than ever master of
the situation.
About this same time, Hugues de Lannoy drafted two memoirs Anglo-Burgundian Christmas armies,"
—
strategy.
a strong
Before the expiration of the truces
Enghsh army, "a good and
would be brought
into France.
great
More
—
outlining the
that
is,
before
power of men-at-arms and of
than ever before,
it
would be
indispensable for the English to cultivate their aUiance with the duke of Burgundy,
because without him "no good, durable exploit can proceed." After January
when
the truce ended, England
he would pay, requiring
in return
the English understood that
him
great
it
to provide the
On
2,0(X)
1
men, for
whatever would be necessary to defend
and notable authority" as well as the
maintaining alliances.
duke with
,
1430,
whom
Paris.
But
would be necessary to compensate the duke, "granting
two points would be observed at
was
to the letter
by
gift
the
of "some great lordship." These
duke of Bedford, who was expert
October 13 Philip the
Good would be
granted the
76
PART
An
THE DRAMA
on January
lieutenant generalcy of France;
counties of
I:
English gave him the
12, 1430, the
Champagne and of Brie. English alliance with the duke of Brittany was ensured by the offer
of the county of Poitou: The constable Arthur de Richemont
(II,
36) was courted
by the offer of appointment to constable in the king of England's name and by the promise of Touraine, Saintonge, Aunis,
France to
suit
now once more
offensive against Berry, retreat.
6)
Troops were sent into Guyenne
and Foix,
necessity
and La Rochelle. The partition of
English interests progressed steadily. Plans were
allies
for an
the king of France's favorite zone of
to contain the counts of
of the king. Every effort was
made
now in France" and to reverse recent French
proposed along with a
made
series of later truces that
Armagnac
(II,
to relieve "the very great
successes. All of this
were useful exercises
was
in the
implementation of the grand plan. Hugues de Lannoy, the Burgundian courtier
and chronicler, advised and Portugal, allies in
to the
that
embassies be sent to the kings of Castile, Aragon,
duke of Milan,
to Lorraine,
and above
which the enemies have great hope, and among
all to
Scotland, "the
whom they
boast that
they are very strong."
While the scaffolding for these projects was being erected in the shadows,
"When
Joan's impatience mounted, according to Perceval de Cagny:
found himself extend his
Compiegne, the Maid was deeply grieved
at
stay.
to him,
By my
banner,
men and
those of the other captains.
go see Paris from closer than the English side,
have ever seen
I
Bedford
left
the king
he wished to
She called on the duke of Alen^on and said
duke, equip your
On
that
'My
fair
want
I
to
it.'"
Senlis for Rouen.
The news he heard
from Normandy was alarming, for the province was being scoured by "partisans," (resistance fighters).
As
the chronicler tells us:
"On
the Friday
following the 26th day of August, the Maid, the duke of Alen9on, and their
company were lodged
in the city
of Saint-Denis.
And when
the king
they were lodged in the city of Saint-Denis, with great regret he the city of Senlis.
And
it
seemed
that he
Maid, of the duke of Alen^on, and of
The days
that followed
were spent
ramparts of Paris, where the population was its
came
was counseled against the
their
knew
that
as far as
will of the
company." in skirmishes. in a state
Joan examined the
of high anxiety, organizing
defense under the orders of the Burgundian Louis of Luxembourg
(II,
29),
bishop of Therouanne and chancellor of France for the English crown. The duke of Alen9on shuttled between Saint-Denis and the king, at
Compiegne: "And there
was no one of any
estate
first at
who
put the king in Paris, so long as he has nothing to do with
An
attack
was
finally
Chapelle to the north of the
it.'"
made on Thursday, September
city,
Joan, Marshal Gilles de Rais
lord of Gaucourt attacked the Saint-Honore Gate.
Senlis and then
did not say 'She will
8. (II,
Leaving La 34),
and the
The king, who had arrived the
AND CAPTURE
NTRIGUE, FRUSTRATION,
77
previous evening, was impressed by the enthusiasm of his entourage, but, as
subsequent events demonstrated, did nothing.
Clement de Fauquembergue, the clerk of the Parlement of Paris who, four months earlier, had recorded the liberation of Orleans, noted these recent activities in his register:
Thursday, the eighth day of September, feast of the Nativity of the Mother of
God. The men-at-arms of my lord Charles of Valois assembled
in great
numbers
near the wall of Paris, toward the Saint-Honore Gate, hoping to grieve and
damage
the inhabitants of the city of Paris,
by power and force of arms, and
make
a
show of attacking
Paris confused
at
Paris,
the people than
about two hours in the afternoon began to
the city of Paris
.
.
and corrupted men who raised
on both sides of the bridges, crying
were inside
more by upsetting
.
and
at that
hour there were in
their voice in all parts of the city
that everything
was
the enemies
lost, that
and that everyone should withdraw and make every
effort to
save himself.
A significant portion of the population must have hoped that the king of France would enter the
city; these
movements of panic
reveal the Parisians' indecision.
Between the Saint-Honore Gate and the Saint-Denis Gate, in a lively fashion, according to
The Maid took her standard
the attack
Cagny:
in
hand and with the
first
troops entered the ditches
toward the swine market. The assault was hard and long, and to hear the noise
inside the city fired against those outside, that they
the hour of
midday
Maid was
hit
it
was wondrous
and the explosion of the cannons and the culverines
abundance
was pressed
and
all
manner of blows
in
that those
such great
were beyond being counted. The assault lasted from about until
about the hour of nightfall. After the sun had
by a crossbow bolt
in her thigh. After she
had been
hit,
set,
the
she insisted
even more strenuously that everyone should approach the walls so that the place
would be taken; but because
it
was night and she was wounded and
arms were weary from the day-long
came
to the
Maid and
assault, the lord of
the men-at-
Gaucourt and others
against her will carried her out of the ditch, and so the
assault ended.
They took Joan
to the
camp of La
part of the previous night. find the
Chapelle, where she had prayed and rested
The following
day, despite her
wound, she went
to
duke of Alen9on, but "the duke of Bar and the duke of Clermont arrived
from the king" with the royal order
to retreat.
The duke of Alengon had
bridge in hopes of resuming the offensive; the king forced
during the night.
him
built a
to destroy
it
78
PART Then, staying
at
I:
THE DRAMA
Saint-Denis until Tuesday, September 13, Charles gave the
order to "return to the banks of the Loire, to the great displeasure of the Maid."
than ever, according to Poton de Xaintrailles the court
(II,
More
44), those "sitting in the council of
had won out over those performing exploits
in the field."
Before withdrawing, Joan went to the basilica of Saint-Denis, where as a votive offering she
hung "an
at-arms, with a sword
won
entire suit of white armor, of the sort for a
before the city of Paris"
Joan had captured in the assault
—
the
man-
sword of a prisoner
(III, 6).
Joan "feared nothing but treason," and treason was everywhere in the aftermath of the coronation. The Berry Herald reports that during her stay
Compiegne, even before
the attack
on
at
king had received John of
Paris, the
Luxembourg, "who made many promises of peace between the king and
the
duke of Burgundy, about which he did nothing besides deceive the king." Duke Philip the
message
Good
sent Charles-Pierre de Bauffremont, of
to the king "that
to Paris to
.
.
.
and
that
to
convey the
he would come
speak to his partisans; for that reason, he needed a safe-conduct.
the aforesaid duke
up
he would give him Paris
Chamy,
to Paris, the
was granted
a safe-conduct
And
from the king, but when he came
duke of Bedford and he made a stronger alliance than the one
he had made previously with the king."
Even before Charles VII returned to Gien on September 2 1 Joan realized ,
that the great apart.
army of the coronation,
The very moment of triumph
—
the anointing at
inversion of the political situation: Charles, to direct his
common
unified by a
now
hope, was drifting
Reims
—marked
an
established as king, intended
own policy. This policy slighted "exploits in the field" and remained
fixed on possible reconciliation with the duke of Burgundy, no doubt in an effort to efface the
Perceval de
memory
of Montereau, where John the Fearless had died.
Cagny judged, "He was content
had given him, without the need
at that
hour with the grace that
to undertake anything else." Yet
As
God
an awareness
now won
that Charles could be perceived as deceiving the
mass of his
to his cause, penetrates the circular letter sent out
from the royal chancery under
the date of
September
that has survived.
13.
The copy
The king
subjects,
sent to the citizens of Reims
tried to reassure his subjects.
is
the only one
He was going to "make
an inspection tour beyond the banks of the Seine," but only because a truce had
been concluded with the duke of Burgundy, and he was preparing the peace; he leads his army away, he says
it is
because leaving the army longer
if
in the field
"would have caused the total destruction of our country on this side of the Loire."
The king wished
his subjects to
be reassured:
If the
duke of Burgundy does not
hold to his promises, the king will return "with a great army."
What was
then possible? The Berry Herald writes: "With the king at
Gien, the duke of Alen^on wished to bring the
Normandy, but the
lord of
La Tremoille did not
Maid and agree."
the men-at-arms to
The chronicler of
the
AND CAPTURE
NTRIGUE, FRUSTRATION,
79
duke of Alengon adds: "And the Maid remained much annoyed leaving." Joan
would
at the
king for
never see her "fair duke" again: "[the counselors] never
wished to agree," says Perceval de Cagny, "nor to allow the Maid and the duke to
be together, and thereafter he never regained her company." Charles VII was well described by the Burgundian chronicler Georges
who
Chastellain,
time: all,
And he
envy."
his person, for
even
sketched unforgettable portraits of the principal figures of his
To Charles, he
to the
and at the
it
attributed three vices: "changeability, defiance,
added: "There were frequent and diverse changes
was
his habit
summit of
first
.
.
.
and above all
around
when one had been raised high in his company
the wheel, that then he began to be
annoyed with him,
occasion that could provide some sort of justification, he willfully
reversed that person from high to low."
This was the experience of
who were
all
public that rebellions seethed around him.
close to Charles VII;
The duke of Alengon,
it
was so
whom
he
separated from Joan for fear of what their joint enthusiasm might produce, would
one day come 16)
to ally himself with the English.
would join one of the
later revolts
The wise and faithful Dunois
(II,
of the nobility. The king's conduct even
toward his own son was capricious: Every time that the dauphin Louis (the future Louis XI)
won a victory, Charles would recall him to court immediately in order
to neutralize his power.
For the moment, Charles went in rapid succession to Selles-en-Berry and then to Montargis, savoring his victories and receiving the subjects; settling
he did the same
at
homage of
his
Loches, Vierzon, Jargeau, and Issoudun before
down around November
15 in one of his favorite residences, the castle
of Mehun-sur-Yevre. Joan, in the meantime, had been entrusted to the lord of Albret, the half
brother of La Tremoille, lieutenant general of the king in Berry. first
of
all to
Bourges, where she rested for three weeks
at the
He brought her
house of Rene de
Bouligny, the king's general counselor for finance. His wife. Marguerite
La
Touroulde, later recalled Joan's stay and her conversations, and even her bursts of laughter
when
she was asked to hallow rosaries or other devotional objects:
"Touch them yourselves," she said
good
to Marguerite;
as mine!" Marguerite attested not only to Joan's piety
than once with her to mass and to matins in general.
rooms;
at
The two women
night they shared a bed.
Friar Richard
(II,
—but
much
— she had gone more
also to her purity and her behavior
often went together to the baths and to the sweating
a "clairvoyant," Catherine de
same
"your touch will do as
35)
A
before her departure, Joan met with
little
La Rochelle
whom
(II,
37),
who had been
sent by the
Joan had met during the siege of Troyes.
Catherine claimed that every night a White Lady covered in gold appeared to her ordering her to go to the king to treasures, thanks to
tell
him
that she
would discover hidden
which he could afford armed men for
his future combats.
80
PART
Joan received
some
quiers),
Montfaucon-en-Berry
this visionary at
renamed
(later
Ville-
distance from Bourges, near Baugy. She kept vigil with Catherine
two nights
for
THE DRAMA
I:
row without seeing
in a
the
White Lady. Joan then advised
Catherine "to return to her husband, to run her household, and to nourish her children" and wrote to the king that she thought "the business of this Catherine is
nothing but folly."
One
La Tremoi'lle's, was advanced
idea, probably
to
keep Joan usefully
occupied but removed from any possible interference with royal negotiations.
had been able
In that era of insecurity, bandit chieftains in castles or donjons,
terror
among
to establish
themselves
holding merchant and warrior alike for ransom and sowing
the populace.
One
of them, Perrinet Gressart
La
(II,
21),
was already
famous
in the center of France. Installed at
services
now to the duke to Burgundy, now to Bedford, who knew how to control
Perrinet by showering
him with
Charite-sur-Loire, he sold his
favors and money.
La Tremoille was held
prisoner by Perrinet and freed himself only by paying a heavy ransom of 14,000
ecus "of good weight." Increasingly committed to act as an agent of the Enghsh cause, Perrinet proceeded to fortify
La
new
strongholds in the Nivemais. Besides
Charite, he held Saint-Pierre-le-Moutier, Dompierre-sur-Besbre, and La-
Motte-Josserand, of which he called himself seigneur. His position eventually
made him
a source of concern to the Burgundians as well as to the French.
Although attacking such a person was not what Joan considered her mission
— she would have preferred
to pursue the invaders in the direction of the
Ile-de-France or Normandy, so as to dislodge them for good lesser assignment.
— she accepted
this
She was accompanied by her steward Jean d'Aulon and by
men-at-arms granted to her by the court. Following the advice of the royal council, she prepared to invade the stronghold of Saint-Pierre-le-Moutier;
halfway between Nevers and Moulins,
become
a dangerous
difficult.
way
station.
The
The expedition was under
hands of mercenaries,
in the
it
had
siege of Saint-Pierre-le-Moutier proved the
command
of Albret, with Marshal
Boussac and the count of Montpensier; the royal army's assault was repulsed.
The
retreat
was already under way when Jean d'Aulon saw
surrounded by a very small group of her her,
he asked what she was doing alone and
others.
She removed her
that she
her
At
men
sallet [flat-topped
was not alone and
that she
still
why
a
few
Maid
others. Riding
toward
she did not withdraw like the
helmet] from her head and answered
had
in her
company
fifty
thousand of
and that she would not depart from there until she had taken the
that time, despite
five
men and
the
men.
...
I
what she
said, she did not
city.
have with her more than four or
said to her directly that she should leave and retire as the others
had done; and then she said that I should bring some bundles of sticks and wicker hurdles to
make
a bridge over the
town moat so
that they could
approach
better.
AND CAPTURE
INTRIGUE. FRUSTRATION. Having
just given
me
that instruction, she cried out in a loud voice:
bundles and the hurdles, everybody, swiftly and then accomplished. at
once by her
headed north Loire. Winter
munitions cities
I
was
make
the bridge!"
entirely
came
much
city
was taken
all
resistance.
The town was taken and Joan's troops
1429.
to attempt the siege
"To the
—which was prepared
amazed, for the
assault, without finding therein very
November of
This occurred in
81
of Perrinet Gressart's capital, La Charite-sur-
early that year, and the small force
Joan sent two
at Saint-Pierre-le-Moutier.
had nearly exhausted
letters
from Moulins
to the
of Clermont and Riom, demanding their assistance in obtaining "the
necessities of war," such as powder, saltpeter, sulfur,
addressed to the citizens of Clermont
which hastened
register of the town,
is
to
A letter
and crossbow bolts.
known only from
its
mention
in the
respond with two quintals of saltpeter
and two cases of bolts. The people of Riom sent money, which arrived too however, they preserved the original of Joan's
any previous
this
letters,
awkward fashion is
(five
letter,
dated
to
late;
November 9. Unlike
one carried the signature Jehanne, written
downstrokes instead of four
plausible evidence that Joan had learned to sign her
and
its
form the double
in
n).
name and perhaps
an
This
to read
to write.
The
La
siege of
Charite,
begun on November
the hardest part of winter and with
few men
at
14,
La Charite
was unsuccessful. "In to besiege
it
.
.
.
[after]
about one month they had to Uft the siege shamefully, even without any relief
having come to the aid of the besieged, and they even lost their bombards and artillery," the
Berry Herald wrote. Another witness, Perceval de Cagny, added
an important comment: "Because the king did not raise funds to send her either supplies or
withdraw
money
to
maintain her company, [Joan] had to raise the siege and
in great displeasure."
Joan, at Jargeau for Christmas, letters
was not
likely to find consolation in the
conferring nobility that the king sent her at the end of
December
at
Mehun-sur-Yevre:
Wishing that
to give thanks for the multiple
and striking benefits of divine grandeur
have been accorded us through the agency of the Maid, Jeanne d'Ay de
Domremy
.
.
.
considering also the praiseworthy, graceful, and useful services
already rendered by the aforesaid Joan the
kingdom, which we hope
The king proceeded
to
to
Maid
pursue in the future.
in every .
.
way, to us and to our
.
ennoble her parents and her brothers; he went so far as
to grant the special favor that, for
Joan and her family, nobility would be
transmitted not only in the male line, which
King Philip the Fair (1285-1314), but
in the
was customary since
female line as well
the reign of
(III, 2).
Charles
82
PART
I:
THE DRAMA
VII, baring his administrative soul, acted like a minister of state granting a
decoration to a functionary he
is
about to send into retirement.
A somber winter was setting in for Joan. part of
She probably spent the greater
Sully-sur-Loire, in the castle belonging to the family of
at
it
La
On January 19, she was invited to a banquet by the city council of Among the guests was the man into whose house she had been
Tremoille.
Orleans.
welcomed
Poitiers, Jean Rabateau,
at
treasury, the
the procurer general of the royal
Chambre des Comptes. The municipal
one of Joan's brothers, who had been with her on invited also.
Another event during
of her campaigns, was
all
was the marriage of the daughter
that winter
who had made
of Hauves Poulnoir the painter,
registers attest that at least
Joan's standard. At the end of
January 1430, Joan wrote to the treasurer of the city of Tours, requesting the
sum of 100 ecus
to
permit the bride-to-be to buy her trousseau. The city
council, however, offered only to pay for the
which amounted
to
Good,
on January
8,
party's bread and wine,
4 livres and 10 sous.
Another wedding, but one Philip the
wedding
at the
peak of
in
high pomp, was celebrated
at
Bruges.
his glory, married Isabelle of Portugal
Duke
(II,
24)
1430. In the midst of these festivities marked by extreme luxury,
he created the Order of the Golden Fleece, a chivalric order for the Burgundian nobility,
and thus gathered knights around him on the model of the Arthurian
Round Table. campaign
Philip
that
named Hugues de Lannoy,
the
man who prepared a military
would soon be launched against the king of France,
as his
negotiator during the truces concluded with Charles VII.
On
February 15 Charles VII
where Joan rejoined him
at the
left
Mehun-sur-Yevre for Sully-sur-Loire,
beginning of March. The optimism with which
the king concluded the truces crushed the elan of the royal army, which began to
show
signs of discontent.
provocative.
He
The
attitude of the
consistently postponed the
duke of Burgundy was more than
commencement
conference that was supposed to be the goal of the truces,
demanding
that the cities of the Oise,
over without delay; in
Champagne. Yet
at the
same
of the peace all
the while
promised him as a guarantee, be handed
time, he did not hesitate to launch an offensive
the activity of royalist "partisans"
was seen everywhere.
Popular uprisings chased the Burgundian garrison from Saint-Denis and the English troops from Melun. In Paris a broad-based conspiracy of popular
bourgeois factions plotted during March: Clerks, artisans, and merchants, led
by a certain Jacques
Perdriel,
were assisted by the monks of the Carmelite
convent, where they assembled disguised as plowmen. Friar d'Allee, aborted the uprising. plotters.
There were more than 150
Under arrests
torture,
arrest of one of them,
he gave the names of fellow
and 6 public executions
April 8; others were thrown into the Seine, and
by paying a ransom.
The
some managed
in Paris
on
to avoid death
INTRIGUE. FRUSTRATION,
The
resistance
was more
lively in
83
AND CAPTURE
Compiegne. In executing the
the count of Clermont had arrived with the king's
demand
truces,
that the inhabitants
surrender to the duke of Burgundy because their city was part, along with Creil
and Pont-Sainte-Maxence, of the truce guarantees. But the people of Compiegne vehemently refused
to obey; the captain of the
French garrison, Guillaume de
Bourbon was able
Flavy, put the fortifications in a state of readiness. Charles de
only to protest to the duke of Burgundy that he could not force the city to obey.
The
inhabitants had
made
and were "resolute
their choice
and
for themselves, their children,
undergo every risk
to
be exposed to the
their infants, rather than
mercy of the duke." Joan used the month of March 1430 to prepare for war. She knew, as she
had declared
to Catherine
from the enemy "except
de La Rochelle, that there would be no
at
the inhabitants of Reims,
letters to
sensed their increasing danger: "Very dear and
well beloved friends
whom
received your
which mention
letters,
reckoning
March she wrote two
lance point." During
who
fair
wish greatly to see again, Joan the Maid has
I
that
you
fear that
you
be besieged."
will
"Know If they come
Without naming the enemies everyone had clearly in mind, she added: well that you should not be at near, shut
your gates, for
make them
all
distressed if I can confront them.
will be very direct with you: if they
fasten their spurs so fast that they will not
and get out of
there,
and very quickly
at that. I will
good and
pray
present, but pray remain
This
I
letter,
very
much
loyal. I
God
eighth, Joan dictated another.
Between those two
learned that a plot was developing in
know how
to put
to
16.
On
citizens
you are well
had
who wanted
reported to the king that in the good city of Reims there are also
faithful to him: "Believe that
and
if
it
to
has been
many wicked
the great majority of
in his grace,
at
the twenty-
dates, the king's court
Reims among
knew
more
keep you safe."
surrender to the duke of Burgundy: "Very dear and good friends,
people," but she said that the king
will
I
them on
write you nothing
March
in her style, is dated
come there,
Reims were
you have
to fight,
he would assist you in the event of any siege; and he knows very well that you
would have much
to suffer
because of the hardships that these treasonous
Burgundian adversaries have imposed on you." Both of these signature; on the originals,
handsome and firmly There letter
is,
her
now
written.
addressed to the Hussites of Bohemia in Joan's I,
letter
that Charles
16).
This
letter,
name by her chaplain, Jean
in Latin, is in line
with the
VII was working toward with the German emperor
Sigismund and with Frederick
IV,
Hussites were part of a religious the
is
however, no signature on the text of another recently discovered
Pasquerel (appendix
rapprochement
letters carry
which have been preserved, her signature
emperor had been trying
duke of Austria. Disciples of Jan Hus, the
movement with
to control
political repercussions,
which
by force for ten years. He had sought
84
PART
THE DRAMA
I:
papal approval for a crusade against them; troops raised in England, thanks to the subsidies approved for that crusade, had been deflected once they arrived at
Calais by Cardinal Henry Beaufort, the bishop of Winchester
now
king was
Good was
In contrast, Philip the
On
offensive. a
not content with a merely diplomatic
available troops. His vanguard
all
of John of Luxembourg.
By
"with his entire force."
On
Westminster on November
6,
1429.
was
men who
"a
The duke of Bedford encoun-
On two
occasions, as he claimed
this
Anglo-Burgundian operation had been carefully
Good wanted above
all to
commanded the crossings of the river Oise,
take possession of the cities
especially those that had refused
dominion, such as Creil and Compiegne. Bedford supported this goal
to protect the Ile-de-France and,
most
specifically, Paris, "heart
head of the kingdom." The duke of Burgundy began operations sixth he
at
refused to go to France "through fear of the devices of the Maid."
The planning of
his
Calais awaiting the arrival
he delivered personal threats and sent instructions drafting
coordinated. Philip the that
at
2),
tered difficulties in recruiting this contingent. letters,
the
who had been crowned Henry soon landed with 200 men and (II,
great supply of livestock and other foodstuffs."
one of his
marched under
the twenty-second, the duke himself left
April 23 Bedford
of the young English King Henry VI
in
The French
April 4, 1430, he was at Peronne, where he had given orders for
rendezvous with
command
(II, 8).
trying to shore up alliances to the east.
was
at
Noyon;
the fortress of
Goumey-sur-Aronde,
in order
and principal
in
May. By
the
to the north of
Compiegne, had surrendered without a blow. He then attacked Choisy-au-Bac, which commanded an important passage across the Aisne; he personally accomplished It
that the following day.
was not
until
May
6 that Charles VII acknowledged his error and
admitted that he had been duped by his cousin of Burgundy. The chancellor,
Regnault of Chartres,
relates: "After
he [the duke of Burgundy] had amused
himself and deceived us for a certain time through truces and otherwise, under the pretense of
peace for the
good
relief of
faith, for
he affirmed that he wished to come and to make
our poor people, who, to the displeasure of our heart, have
now suffer every day the fact of war ... he set himself with make war against us, our country, and our loyal subjects."
already suffered and certain forces to
But while the duke of Burgundy was
setting in
motion a carefully
conceived battle plan and could count on the reinforcement of the English army, Charles VII had prepared nothing. His greatest resource was Joan the Maid,
whom
he had deprived of any effective means of action.
that the
It is
news of her activity spread rapidly, producing panic
"There was a great voice and a great noise
at Paris
nevertheless true
in the Ile-de-France:
and other places hostile
to
the king about her coming," writes Perceval de Cagny. According to Perceval, at the
end of March or early
in April
Joan
left
Sully-sur-Loire with a small
company of
volunteers
Baretta as well as
composed of
85
AND CAPTURE
INTRIGUE. FRUSTRATION,
the troops of the mercenary Barthelemy
some 200 men from
The chronicler
the Italian Piedmont.
maintains that they departed without the king's knowledge and that Joan,
without taking his leave, intended to "go disport herself
war and, without
at
returning to Reims, proceeded to Lagny-sur-Marne.
This implausible scenario exaggerations, since
own
Joan take her military
it
may be one
seems more
risks
of Perceval de Cagny's habitual let
now. In the Battle of Orleans she had been a major
commander, but now
at
commanded
her departure from Sully she
Her steward Jean d'Aulon and her brother
a small band.
but she no longer had a military household, pages,
her,
and his counselors
likely that the king
or,
Pierre
above
only
accompanied
all,
the heralds
who in some sense made a mission official. She was more of a captain, like many who recruited paid troops. Joan headed for the Ile-de-France. She was
own
testimony, during Easter, which
The
city
fell that
must have been sympathetic
the English garrison.
From
to her:
that "the
against the English of Paris and elsewhere"
Geoffroy de Saint- Aubin, and "Canede,"
Melun, according
year during the
to her
week of April
22.
She had just recently driven away
went
there Joan
Enguerrand de Monstrelet affirms
at
to
men
Lagny. In his Chronicle,
of that place waged good war
—along with captains Jean Foucault,
Hugh Kennedy,
a Scotsman.
She then clashed with a band of Anglo-Burgundians commanded by a
famous mercenary, Franquet
d' Arras,
whose companions were put
to flight;
He was claimed by the bailiff of Senlis, him for what we would now call war crimes against
Franquet himself was taken prisoner.
who
intended to prosecute
humanity. Instead Joan wanted to keep him and possibly exchange him for her partisan, Jacquet Guillaume, at Paris
—which shows
who had been captured in the plot recently hatched
that she
was kept up-to-date on
of the Armagnacs in the capital.
Guillaume, his
who
When
probably was condemned and executed along with the rest of
companions, she surrendered Franquet
trial
the acts and intentions
she learned of the death of Jacquet
d' Arras to justice in Senlis.
After a
of fifteen days, he met an end appropriate, in the public's eyes, for such a
mercenary:
He was
sentenced to death as "a murderer, a
One day in Lagny a who had not
point of death
three days; "he
with the
girls
was
on
suddenly awoke.
thief,
and a
traitor."
family begged Joan to aid a newborn baby on the yet been baptized.
as black as
my
The
child had
seemed dead
coat of mail," Joan later declared. "I
for
was
my
knees before Our Lady to pray," she said, when the infant He yawned three times, received baptism, died, and was buried
in Christian earth.
Every inch of Joan's journey can be tracked up arrived
on April 24. The record goes blank
authorities
until
to Senlis,
where she
May 14, when the city Two other important
of Compiegne offered her a reception.
86
PART
THE DRAMA
I:
individuals also attended: Regnault of Chartres, the archbishop of Reims, and
Louis de Bourbon, the count of Vendome. Joan took part to assist
Choisy-au-Bac. which was under the
who was
brother of Guillaume de Flavy,
the
lord,
command
Jean de Brimeu, to
maneuver designed
of Louis de Flavy, the
defender of Compiegne. Later, a
was rebuffed due
surprise attack on Pont-l'Eveque
Burgundian
in a
to the intervention of a
whom the duke of Burgundy had entrusted
command of the city of Noyon. Some days
Brimeu was taken prisoner by Poton de
later, in
the course of an ambush,
Xaintrailles.
The troops
at
Choisy
nevertheless were forced to surrender to the powerful artillery of the duke of
On May
Burgundy.
16,
Louis de Flavy and his
men abandoned Choisy and took
refuge in Compiegne.
Two Vendome,
days
left
later,
Joan, with Regnault of Chartres and the count of
Compiegne heading toward Soissons
in
an attempt to cross the
Aisne River and surprise the Burgundians from the rear on the heights of Choisy.
Although the captain of Soissons, Guichard Boumel, allowed the Maid and the
two great
lords to enter his city, he refused entry to her men-at-arms, alleging
that the inhabitants
had no wish
to entertain soldiers.
The following
the Berry Herald, "the aforesaid lords left Senlis and the aforesaid to
Compiegne, and, unhappy
the city to the duke of
that they
Burgundy and put
she returned to
Maid went
had abandoned Soissons, Guichard sold it
Luxembourg: which he did foully and against
When
day, says
hand of
in the
my
lord John of
his honor."
Compiegne from Crepy-en-Valois, Joan and
reduced force that then accompanied her
— 300
to
400 combatants
the
—traveled
through the night across the forest and entered the city by the Pierrefonds Gate "at a secret
hour of the morning."
On
the following day she prepared a surprise
operation with Guillaume de Flavy against one of the Burgundian posts called
Margny, which was installed along the valley of Oise
to the north of the city
and
commanded by Baudot de Noyelles. The Burgundian chronicler Chastellain, who was not present at those events but who was nonetheless well informed about them, describes Joan
at that point
and provides the
final
image of her as
wamor: She mounted her horse armed
as
would
a
man, adorned with a doublet of
rich
cloth-of-gold over her breastplate; she rode a very handsome, very proud gray
courser and displayed herself in her armor and her bearing as a captain would
have done
.
.
.
and
in that array,
with her standard raised high and fluttering in
the wind, and well-accompanied by city,
The attack failed to attain but
many noble men,
she sallied forth from the
about four hours past midday.
managed
its
to reassemble,
objective.
At Margny, the defenders were dispersed
though not without losses, while John of Luxem-
INTRIGUE. FRUSTRATION,
who were
bourg and the lord of Crequi,
87
AND CAPTURE
riding about to inspect the terrain, took
warning from the tumuU and alerted their troops,
who were
lying in
Clairoix; "by force of spurs" they reached the scene of battle.
ambush
"The noise
arose
all
about and the great din of the voices crying out caused
from
all
sides and
men
at
that
to gather
assistance flowed toward the Burgundians than they
more
needed." The alarm was sounded as near as Venette, where English troops had
come to reinforce those with the duke of Burgundy, and as far as Coudun, where the duke himself then
Joan declared
and
had a
that she
marched toward Margny. had twice driven the enemy from
later that she
third time forced
them
into the
their positions
middle of the
battlefield.
Nevertheless, seeing the reinforcements arriving from Venette and Clairoix, the
French began to withdraw toward Compiegne. Fearing that they would be
overwhelmed, many of them rushed onto the bridge of boats that Guillaume de Flavy
had strung out across the Oise, and Joan, who never withdrew without protected their retreat. Perceval
events as the battle at the foot of the bridge
During
regret,
de Cagny attempted to explain the strange turn of
became
furious:
that time, the captain of the place, seeing the great multitude of
Burgundians and Englishmen ready to get on the bridge, out of fear that he would lose his position, raised the drawbridge of the city
Maid remained
outside and only a few of her
and closed the
men were
gate.
So the
with her.
Other details are etched in Chastellain's description of Joan fighting with her
back
to the wall:
The Maid, going beyond took
much
like the
the nature of
pain to save her
most
valiant
womankind, performed a great
company from
member
loss, staying
of the flock. ...
An
and
like a chief
and
behind
feat
archer, a stiff
and very harsh
man, angry that a woman of whom one had heard so much should have surpassed so
many
valiant
men
.
.
.
laid
hold of her from the side by her cloth-of-gold
doublet and pulled her from her horse
This version of the events the
main gate of the
was not
vital to the
combatants'
at
city that
flat
Compiegne
is
upon
the ground.
suspicious
had been closed but a gate
(III, 10),
since
it
was not
in the curtain wall,
which
defense of the city proper and which prematurely cut off the
retreat.
This
is
why
—though reasonable skepticism
believe that Joan's fear of betrayal
was
Chastellain's report replicates
persists
—some
fulfilled.
what Jean Glenisson has called "the
ritual
who pressed me and tender
of surrender in fifteenth-century warfare." In the midst of enemies her and demanded, each competing with the others, "Surrender to faith" (give
me your promise),
Joan cried out,
"I
have sworn and tendered
faith
88
PART
to another than you,
and
shall
I
THE DRAMA
I:
keep
my
oath."
The archer who pulled her by
her doublet threw her to the earth just as Lionel, the Bastard of Wandomme 42), presented himself to receive her "faith."
John of Luxembourg, whose prisoner she not the only one
who
joyous," Monstrelet
The Bastard was
officially
became.
(II,
a lieutenant of
Wandomme was
hastened to witness her capture: "The Bastard, more
tells us,
"than
if
he had held a king within his hand, swiftly
brought her to Margny and kept her under guard until the end of the
engagement." Not
far
from
there, at
Coudun, was Philip the Good, who hurried,
having been alerted by the "great cries and lively noise caused by the capture of the Maid." [to]
The Burgundian
remember very
chronicler Enguerrand de Monstrelet claimed "not
well, although [he]
actually said to Joan, or
was present there" what Philip the Good
what she said
Monstrelet, chronicler of the
to
him
at this
memorable moment.
House of Luxembourg, frequently
glides over
matters that might not reflect glory on that famous family. There are
some
notable gaps in his account. Not only does he not mention the sale of Joan to the English, but he also suppresses references to her trial, although he does quote
the king of England's letter to prelates and princes announcing the sentence of guilt
and Joan's execution. Monstrelet ends
his often sharply detailed recollec-
tion with this curious spurt of amnesia:
The Burgundian and English
partisans
were very joyous, more than
if
they had
taken five hundred combatants, for they did not fear or dread either captains or
any other war chief as
went
much
they had up to that day this maid.
to see her in the residence
.
.
.
The duke
where she was held and said some words
do not remember very well, although
I
was present
there.
Joan was to be a prisoner for the remaining year of her
life.
that
I
CHAPTER
SIX
JOAN THE PRISONER May 23,
Taken prisoner at Compiegne on place appointed for her
until
trial,
1430, Joan did not reach Rouen, the
Christmas Eve of that year. The seven
intervening months were filled with negotiations concerning her ransom, which
turned into a sale price
—anything but a ransom—of
1 0,000
pounds paid by
the
English crown. The primary agent of that negotiation was Pierre Cauchon,
formerly rector of the University of Paris and bishop of Beauvais (see Part Section 49) 1).
—and hence an
Single-minded and
chiefjudge of Joan
exile,
tireless,
since Beauvais
Cauchon arranged
ecclesiastical
's
trial.
hesitated to
28),
(II,
and his
hand Joan over
influence of three ladies in the
lord, to the
Duke
to
Charles VII
or free Joan. Hostile as they must have been
Luxembourg
have himself appointed
made no
to her,
III,
24])
with
may account for the
week had just passed when
voices, that
is
(II, 3),
whom Joan
thereat but that
I
St.
I
it
to
have
delay.
Joan
Duchess Isabelle of
tried several times to escape
efforts.
found myself in the moat
John's Day, that
should take
seem
spent over three months
at
the voices of Sts. Catherine and Margaret, told
be captured before
ransom
English and the Paris university faction: the
named Joan
but was chided by her 'voices' for those
Easter
effort to
her captor, John of
Philip of Burgundy
fortress of Beaurevoir (and perhaps also that of the
Burgundy
II,
had welcomed Charles VII (II,
it
had to be
so, that
favorably and that
I
Melun, and
me
that
I
my
would
should not be amazed
God would
aid me.
90
PART
Between April before
St.
revelation
and
17
John's
Day
THE DRAMA
1:
would become a prisoner
22, 1430, Joan learned she
From
(June 24).
was about and how much
it
we know what
the trial records,
that
cost her to accept what "her voices told
her":
"From
that place at
Melun, was
it
not said to you by your voices that you would
be taken?" "Yes, often and almost every day, and taken, that
not I
I
me
my
voices
it
times to
know
I
that
it
when
[if,
my
and
in prison,
was necessary
had known the hour,
if I
many
voices
I
be so; but they did
would not have gone
the hour of
was
voices said
my
there.
capture, but they
me."
tell
had ordered you
"If your voices that
well and that
the hour, and
had asked
would not
all
it
my
asked
might die quickly], without long torment
I
should take
tell
I
from Compiegne,
to sally forth
telling
you
you would be captured, what would you have done?" "If
gone
I
had known the hour and
willingly. Just the same,
I
that
I
should be captured,
would have obeyed
the
I
would not have
command
of the voices,
whatever was to happen."
"When you leave and
make
"I did not
to
make
become
left
Compiegne, had you received a voice or a revelation
to
that sortie?"
know
that
the sortie, but
I
it
would be taken that day, and I had no other command
was always
said to
me
that
it
was necessary
that
I
a prisoner."
What Joan's capture represented for her contemporaries is shown in three letters.
The
first,
his exultation
in a circular letter
from the duke of Burgundy
announcing Joan's capture
theme he developed
in a
message
to the
to the
"good
(II, 3),
cities"
expressed
of his realm, a
duke of Savoy:
By the pleasure of our blessed Creator, the woman called the Maid has been taken; and from her capture
will
be recognized the error and
mad
became
sympathetic and favorable to the deeds of this
you
news hoping
this
render
homage
conduct the
that
you
will
to our Creator,
rest of
have joy and consolation
who
who
belief of all those
woman in
it
... and
and
that
we
write
you
will
through His blessed pleasure has wished to
our enterprises on behalf of our lord the king of England and of
France and for the comfort of his good and loyal subjects.
Another
letter
—composed on May
26, three days after Joan's capture,
took place about six-thirty in the evening
—came from
which
the University of Paris,
which probably had learned the news from criers in the streets of the capital only on the twenty-fifth, the day
it
was recorded on
the register of Parlement.
—
91
JOAN THE PRISONER
No
time had been
in the
lost.
name of Jean
The
university wrote the letter to the
Graverent, the Inquisitor of France
(II,
duke of Burgundy
53), urging that Joan
be surrendered to him:
Since
all
loyal Christian princes
of extirpating
among
all
and
errors against the Faith
the simple Christian folk,
diverse errors have been
other places of this adversaries of this affection, you,
other true Catholics are held to the duty
all
and the scandal
and since
it is
sown and published
kingdom by
kingdom
.
.
in
many
cities,
woman named
a certain
such errors
good towns, and Joan,
whom
the
Maid, ... we beseech you with good
call the
most mighty prince
that follows
a matter of common repute that
.
that as
soon as
it
can be done safely and
conveniently, the aforesaid Joan be brought under our jurisdiction as a prisoner since she
strongly suspected of various crimes smacking of heresy, so as to
is
appear before us and a procurator of the Holy Inquisition.
These agents of the University of Paris, leaders of the
no time
to reflect
on the merits of
As
this case.
intellectual elite,
early as
May
needed
1429, they had
smelled heresy in Joan's victories. Once captive, she was thought guiltier than ever of
"many crimes smacking of heresy." During
year of public
life,
the
whole of Joan's second
they would be the zealous and effective instruments of a
vengeance whose bitterness outstripped even
that of the
duke of Burgundy.
A third message, from Regnault of Chartres, the archbishop of Reims (II, 13), to its inhabitants,
explained that Joan had been taken prisoner at Compiegne
because "she did not wish to pay attention to any counsel and did everything her
own pleasure." He retrospectively found faults
in her:
"She had become
at
full
of pride due to the rich garments she had begun to wear. She had not been doing
what God had conmianded her but her own
will."
already sought out, as Joan's replacement, "a
young shepherd of the mountains
whom
of the Gevaudan, this
The archbishop had
in fact
he said to be neither more nor less than the Maid"
was an unfortunate shepherd named Guillaume who believed himself to be
inspired and
would soon pay
Once more
by being drowned
in the Seine.
the voice of the "council of the court" triumphed over those
performing "exploits of the
Joan during May;
for that illusion
it
field."
was with
Regnault of Chartres had spent time with
his aid
and
that of the count of
Vendome, Louis
de Bourbon, that they had made the move toward Soissons that was checked by the treason of Guichard
Boumel. But these two great
lords
had withdrawn when
they learned of the surrender of Choisy-au-Bac. They had decided to return to the valley of the
Mame,
while Joan had, with her small troop of mercenaries
from the Piedmont, turned back toward Compiegne inhabitants and to prevent an to
imminent
siege.
dominate the entourage of Charles VII
The
(II, 1).
in
an effort to comfort
its
party of prudence continued
92
PART
I:
THE DRAMA
Now a prisoner of John of Luxembourg (II, 28), Joan was taken, with her brother Pierre, her steward Jean d' Aulon, and his brother Poton the Burgundian, to the fortress of Clairoix. Pierre Rocolle, author of
the departure
May
from Clairoix on
Jeanne prisonniere, places
26, since
May
On May
26th,
Ascension and therefore a day of truce.
25 was the feast of the
new
positions were taken
by the Burgundians around Compiegne: Philip the Good
set
up
his headquarters at
to
Margny. He had decided
to sequester his prisoner, for
he expected a heavy ransom, in the castle of Beaulieu-les-Fontaines,
which he had taken early
in 1430; its castellan
was
to
Beaulieu, to the north of Noyon. Tradition has
of that twenty-five-mile route Elincourt,
it
Wandomme
be Lionel de
42). Joan, with Jean d' Aulon and her brother Pierre,
(II,
wanted
3)
abbey of Saint-Comeille. John of Luxembourg
establish his headquarters at the
whom
(II,
was
transferred to
that she stopped in the course
of Beauvoir, near the village of
at the castle
where there was a priory dedicated
to St. Margaret; while there, she
received permission to go and kneel in veneration of the one
whose voice she
said she heard.
Today
at
Beaulieu, visitors can see the underground rooms that in the
fifteenth century constituted the
was
briefly lodged.
Isabelle of Portugal
On June (II,
into the presence of the
24),
basement quarters of the tower
6, Philip the
Good
arrived at
in
the
duke and duchess
in the elegant setting of the episcopal
survives, Pierre Rocolle argues that Isabelle
possible that the
It is
(II,
had
was sympathetic
to
young duchess influenced the choice of a more
suitable residence for the prisoner, the castle of Beaurevoir, a larger
inhabited site rather than a mere fortress
by the comings and goings of
The
61),
Burgundian cause. Although no report of the exchange between
two women
Joan.
his wife,
who had asked to see the prisoner. Joan was brought
palace near the cathedral. The bishop of Noyon, Jean de Mailly rallied to the
which Joan
Noyon with
and more
made especially dangerous for a woman
soldiers.
stay at Beaulieu-les-Fontaines
was marked by Joan's
first
attempt to
escape. This probably took place after she had returned from Noyon; the prisoner
learned that she was going to be transferred to a
much more distant site and also
separated from her steward and her brother. At her
"between two pieces of wood" I
shut
my
guard
is
in the tower; if
me!" She may have hoped
mentioned. She
trial,
said: "I
an attempted escape
was
only the porter had not seen
to liberate her
in the castle
me and
and
stopped
two companions once her guard was
shut up in the tower, but the effort failed, and her transfer to Beaurevoir probably
took place in the
No
first
fortnight of June 1430.
contemporary chronicler has
left
an account of the second meeting
Noyon between Joan and the duke of Burgundy, accompanied by the duchess, although it is known that John of Luxembourg and his wife, Joan of Bethune, at
were there as
well.
On
June 22, the University of Paris wrote once again to the
93
jOAN THE PRISONER duke of Burgundy
to
demand
he deHver the prisoner into
that
This time the university was represented by someone
who would become (II, 49), who was
known
to Joan: the bishop of Beauvais, Pierre Cauchon
in exile
from
his diocese since
Pierre
Cauchon was
at
jurisdiction.
its
well
then
Beauvais had gone over to the side of the French. Calais on
May
news of Joan's
26, the day the
capture arrived. Since he was one of the counselors and intimates of the duke
of Bedford
plans were doubtless afoot for the prisoner to be handed over
(II, 9),
as quickly as possible both to the English and the
Philip the
Good was
in
no hurry
with the joy that he had shown It
may be
two
that the
to
accede to
members of the university, but
ladies with
him
at
His attitude contrasts
this request.
when Joan was brought
Noyon
him
to
him
influenced
showing clemency. Later, Joan herself would bear witness wife of John of Luxembourg had shown her
after her capture:
when
to the
to consider
sympathy the
they met again at the castle
of Beaurevoir.
The
stages of Joan's thirty-seven-mile journey
some
Fontaines to Beaurevoir can be reconstructed with that she
paused
the future
at the castle
Napoleon
may
Quentin and
of Ham (where
would be
III,
well have seen
held).
its
from Beaulieu-lesprecision.
It is
likely
much later another famous prisoner,
She must then have passed by Saint-
admirable collegial church.
Nothing remains of the castle of Beaurevoir aside from one tower and fragments of
its
walls. In Joan's time
it
was a mighty
the domains of the family of Luxembourg since 1270,
fortress that
had belonged
to
when Joan of Beaurevoir had
married Waleran I of Luxembourg and thus founded that famous lineage. The greatgreat-grandson of Waleran
Joan of Luxembourg
(II,
I,
Guy of Luxembourg, had four children, one of whom,
27),
bom in
Joan of Arc. Her brother, John
II,
1363, played a role in the remaining story of
had three children,
ni of Luxembourg, who held Joan as his of Bethune,
who by
a
first
marriage had a daughter
was Robert of Bar, who had been
Joan of Arc was imprisoned
of the John on
own
evidently
in the
29),
and John
—her
named Joan of Bar
father
and Joan of Luxembourg, aunt
whom the prisoner's fortune depended.
She was
there, according to
The hardship of her
was
captivity
somewhat alleviated by these three other Joans. As her trial testimony later
allowed that:
queen."
(II,
tower of the keep of Beaurevoir, where
testimony, for about four months.
affirms, they offered her
of these
Louis
John IE had married Joan
killed at Agincourt.
lived three other Joans: Joan of Bar, Joan of Bethune,
her
Peter,
official prisoner.
"I
women's
clothes or the material to
make some, and Joan
would have dressed in women's clothes more willingly at the request
women than of any other woman who might be in France, except On a graver matter, she said: "The lady of Luxembourg asked my
Luxembourg
The
that
I
for
my
lord of
not be delivered to the English."
attitude of the "three Joans,"
much more
than that of John of
Luxembourg, was dictated by a careful recognition of the issues
that
were
94
PART
THE DRAMA
I:
them to choose between the conqueror and their conquered country. John
forcing
of Luxembourg was a vassal of Phihp the Good, duke of Burgundy, and his
conduct was dictated by his fealty to his
lord. Philip
had showered honors upon
him, awarding him one of the original twenty-four collars the Order of the
Golden Fleece on June
and could expect
reprisals should
who had
1430. John had sworn fealty to Philip
7,
he not conform. The ladies of Beaurevoir had
the luxury of freer judgment. John's wife
knights
was
the
VII
(II, 1)
widow of one of those French
Agincourt fighting Henry V. His aunt was a lady-in-
fallen at
waiting to Isabeau of Bavaria, queen of France to Charles
foundation of
at the
when he was bom
(II,
23),
and stood as a godmother
in 1403.
John of Luxembourg might well have found himself indecision during the
month of August 1430: He had
neither his lord nor his aunt.
solid reasons to displease
While Joan of Arc was imprisoned
—by then "very went view (she was sixty-seven) — the lady of Luxembourg
at
Beaurevoir,
ancient," in Enguerrand de Monstrelet's
herself
nephew
in a state of
who had
Philip of Brabant,
to receive the inheritance of her great-
died
at
Louvain on August
4, 1430.
The
counties of Saint-Pol and of Ligny, the lordships that had belonged to her brother
Waleran, then came to her in the absence of any other successor. Monstrelet reports that the lady of Luxembourg either in favor of John:
she gave
him
as she loved her
was most displeased by
was apparently not
activity all
contrast, the University of Paris
France would
try to rescue
demanding ever since of the university and the road
—John of Luxembourg's brother
good
graces.
where one might most expect
expended energy
Joan and so deprive
it
in its fear that the
of the opportunity
it
it.
In
king of
had been
the liberation of Orleans. Pierre Cauchon, former rector
now bishop
of Beauvais thanks to the duke of Burgundy,
from one negotiation
Joan was to remain
to the next all that
summer of
1430.
in the fortress of Beaurevoir until the
end of
1430. In the meantime the English agitated to have the prisoner
handed over tions. In
well,
around Beaurevoir, although not among
the French royal entourage at Bourges,
November
make one
nephew John of Luxembourg
this"
in their aunt Joan's
There was intense
was on
a will or promised to
a great part of her lordship after her passing; his elder brother, the
lord of Enghien,
Peter
"Inasmuch
made
to them.
Cauchon was
particularly apt at handling these negotia-
1430 he was about sixty years of age, and he had had a
both as a diplomat and as a university man.
brilliant career
He had been rector of the University
of Paris as early as 1403, and he had played a leading role throughout the troubles as a result of
which the university had taken the Burgundian side against the
Armagnacs. In 1419, when the theory of the double monarchy, which placed the
two kingdoms of France and England under the single crown of England, was being worked out privileges.
at the university,
He was one
Cauchon was conservator of
the university
of the negotiators' appointed for the Treaty of Troyes,
95
jOAN THE PRISONER and immediately
on August 21, 1420, he was made bishop of
thereafter,
Beauvais. In 1424 he received the capitulation of the town of Vitry on behalf of the king of England; the
Hire
(II,
five years later.
It is
who was
to find
not difficult to imagine what
which he had been forced
the year 1429, in
was
town had succumbed despite the defense put up by La
one of the captains
22),
living just before the
himself fighting
at
Joan's side
Cauchon must have
to flee first
felt
about
from Reims, where he
coronadon and where he had conducted the Fete-Dieu
ceremonies, then from Beauvais
when that town opened its gates to Charles
him would enable him both
VII.
The
negotiations entrusted to
that
double humiliation and to vindicate political theories dear to the heart of
the faculty of the University of Paris, and life.
Checked
in his progress
recover all
prestige if it could be
heretic
and a witch. There was another and
stimulus to his activity as a negotiator: the archbishopric of
had recently
his
shown that Joan, an instrument of the French
was nothing but a despicable
still-secret
which he maintained throughout
by Joan's dazzling campaign and by the sacring of
at
its
avenge himself for
Reims, Cauchon's favored double-monarchy theory might
Charles VII
cause,
to
Rouen
and he, driven out of his own diocese, had hopes of
fallen vacant,
obtaining the preferment as a reward for his good offices.
Cauchon spent June Philip the this
from which he sent the
in Paris,
"to see that
woman is given to the reverend father in God, my lord the bishop of Beauvais."
Cauchon then went to Calais, where the anointed king of
England
who
the
still
duke of Bedford was with Henry VI (H,
hoped
to
be offered, with the understanding
that
2),
also to be anointed king of France.
The conditions for the prisoner's purchase then were set: was
university's letter to
Good and John of Luxembourg quoted earlier, begging them
it
A ransom of 6,000 pounds
might be raised as high as 10,000
pounds, following the rules of normal commercial exchange. In addition, Lionel de
Wandomme, the man who had captured Joan, was granted a pension of 300 pounds. Reaching Compiegne on June 27, Cauchon again wrote
to Philip the
Good and
to
John of Luxembourg detailing new conditions, although the duke of Burgundy had still
not answered his previous
Cauchon conversafion
first
was waiting
letters.
Compiegne on
left
July 7 and on the fourteenth had a
Good and then with John of Luxembourg, who neighboring room for the results of the first encounter.
with Philip the
in a
Apparently, Cauchon was persuasive;
Luxembourg
left for
Beaurevoir.
shortly
thereafter,
he and Joan of
We do not know the details of the conversation
between the bishop and the lady of Luxembourg with the prisoner, but that
Cauchon did not obtain Joan's
other hand,
it
may be
true that
transfer to his authority at that time.
Cauchon's
visit
the reason
seems
On
the
drove Joan of Arc to her second
effort to escape.
"What was
it
you jumped from the tower of Beaurevoir?'
96
PART "I
had heard
that all the people of
would be subjected after
to fire
Compiegne beyond
and sword, and
the age of seven
preferred to die rather than to live
I
such a destruction of good people, and that was one of the reasons
jumped; and the other was I
THE DRAMA
I:
would have preferred
enemies.
.
.
.
After
desire to eat, and
I
that
I
knew
from the tower,
was so wounded I
God
be
in the
was
in that
had comfort from
myself and ask pardon from
I
had been sold
I
to die rather than to
I fell
drink; but nevertheless,
that
for
jump
St.
for having
to the
why
I
Enghsh, and
hands of the English,
my
two or three days without
that
Catherine,
I
could neither eat nor
who told me to confess
jumped and
that without fail the
people of Compiegne would have help before the feast of St. Martin in the winter.
And
so
I
began
Since the feast of
to return to health;
Martin
St.
falls
began
I
and soon
on November
must have been attempted well before
was beginning
Military action
to eat
returned to Rouen, where he met once
I
was healed."
11, the "leap of
Beaurevoir"
that date. to
resume
at the
more with
end of
July.
Cauchon
the duke of Bedford and his
nephew, the young king. While the bishop was busy raising a tax voted by the Estates of lay
Normandy
Compiegne,
siege to
Luxembourg
for the king of England, the still
duke of Burgundy decided
to
held by French partisans; he put John of
in charge of that siege
on August
15.
But
was not a
it
military
operation that decided the fate of Joan of Arc. At the beginning of September, the lady of
Luxembourg got ready
Beaurevoir by
late
to leave for
Avignon. She probably had
left
August, since her advanced age would have required her to
travel in short stages.
Upon
arrival in the papal city
on September
10, 1430, she
drew up her will. She died on September 18. John of Luxembourg, no longer subject to his aunt's influence,
now
fell
under the sway of his brother Louis,
bishop of Therouanne and a partisan of the English. in 1436,
Named archbishop of Rouen
Louis died in England as bishop of Ely in 1443.
Compiegne was
to
besiegers. On October 24, a who had come to reinforce the John of Luxembourg fell back on Noyon and
be liberated from
its
decisive assault was made by Marshal Boussac,
pro-French garrison and citizenry. left
Compiegne "shamefully," according
bards and
artillery.
On
to Monstrelet,
abandoning
the following Saturday, October 28, the
around Compiegne surrendered
little
his
bom-
fortresses
John of Luxembourg returned
to the French.
Beaurevoir, where thereafter his decisions would be law. Joan could
to
fmd
reassurance about the fate of "her good friends of Compiegne," but, ever more certain of her fate, she
St.
Catherine told
God would
aid
would declare
me
me
later:
almost every day that
I
should not try to
and also the people of Compiegne.
And
I
jump and
said that
if
that
God
97
JOAN THE PRISONER aided those of Compiegne,
myself would wish to be down
I
Catherine said to me, "Without any
I
would not
you must accept
there.
And
this willingly
so
St.
and you
you have seen the king of the English." And I answered
will not be delivered until her, "Truly
fault
like to see
him; and
would
I
rather die than be put in the
hands of the English."
For 153 days "Pierre Cauchon took leave of the king, our lord, to do his business, as
much
or to
and
my
at
many
in the city of Calais as in
lord John of
Luxembourg
trips to
my
in Flanders, to the siege before
Compiegne,
Beaurevoir in the matter of Joan called the Maid." For those services the
receiver general of
toumois. The
Normandy,
Pierre Surreau, paid
from the
receipt dates
last
him
amassed the remaining 5,000 pounds
sum of 765 livres By October 24, the Thomas Blount, had
the
day of September.
day of the liberation of Compiegne, the English treasurer,
Arc.
duke of Burgundy
lord the
that
were necessary for the
sale of
Joan of
Cauchon probably departed from the castle of Beaurevoir around that time. Philip the
Good's receiver general of finances, Jean de Pressy, may have
accompanied Cauchon. His presence at Arras,
where Joan also appears
on November
2;
mentioned several times subsequently
is
in the records. Philip the
Joan arrived a week
later.
parting gift that she had earlier requested
two gold crowns
was
arrived there
it is
humble
from the bourgeois of Toumai, twenty-
"to use for her necessities." Tradition alleges that a
painted her portrait in that city; but that "Arras"
Good
In Arras she received the
more
likely, as
Scotsman
Pere Doncoeur argues,
a scribal error for Reims; the portrait (see
III,
15)
was most
likely executed there, at the coronation.
On December 6 Maid to
10,000 hvres toumois
sum
John of Luxembourg was paid for the transfer of Joan the
the English; a receipt of Jean Bruyse, a squire, attests that he received "the [for]
Joan,
who
is
called the Maid, a prisoner of war." This
was dehvered to him by the Norman receiver general, Pierre Surreau. The
On with extreme amazement "We note November 21, it sent a letter to Pierre Cauchon: that the delivery of this woman popularly known as the Maid is long postponed to
University of Paris had done everything possible to speed up the negotiations:
the prejudice of the Faith
Rumor
carried
and of ecclesiastical jurisdiction."
news of Joan's
sale far afield.
A
letter
dated
November
24, recorded in the journal of the merchant Niccolo Morosini and sent
from the
family firm's Bruges branch to Venice by a well-informed observer, makes this clear: "It is certain that the
in that negotiadon
prisoner, directly,
my
Maid was
lord John of
was paid 10,000 crowns Morosini,
who had
left
Rouen
to the king of
(II,
28),
England and
who had made
to deliver her to the English." Yet
Bruges on December
recorded in his Journal: "One heard the duke of Burgundy, and
sent to
Luxembourg
first that
many men
15,
her
more
wrote to Venice as
the lady had been in the hands of
said that the English
would buy her
for
98
PART
I:
THE DFL\MA
money, but at thai news Charles sent them an embassy to never consent to such a deal: to those
men whom
of their
The sUght tremor
if
they persisted, he would give similar treatment
he held hostage."
in a
rumor of this passage
for the suggestion that Charles VII
here there
is
no claim
(11.
1
)
pre\ ent her deliver} to the enemy.
No
made any
is
the sole piece of evidence
made any effort on Joan's
attempted
that he himself
king offered a ransom or
them that he would
alert
to
behalf.
Even
ransom Joan, but only
to
documentary' evidence suggests that the
whatsoever
effort
to free
Joan of Arc.
.\lthough the English government was active, and spared neither time nor
money, the king of France seemed stricken w
ransom for Joan. Only
the hint
m Morosinrs 7(9^^/72^/ suggests he had any interest
in the matter. .\nd in the university's letter to
woman
they fear "that this adversaries
be delivered or
and to
John of Luxembourg we read
lost, for
all
said that
it is
of the King of England] are doing
[i.e..
accomplish and apply to that end
and what
complete inertia in regard to a
ith
the
power
in their
all
that
some of
their understanding by extraordinar\
to
means
worse by money or ransom." These are the only allusions, remote
is
any effort the king of France might be making
indirect, to
whom he owed
to save the girl
crown.
his
But need we be surprised? Contemporar>- accounts of Charles VII suggest that he was w eak in character and of a changeable temperament: "There
were frequent and
di\ erse
changes
when one had been raised high began
that then he
to
all
in his
around
his person, for
company even
be annoyed with him. and.
to the
it
was
his habit
.
.
.
summit of the wheel,
at the first
occasion that could
provide some sort of justification, he willfully reversed that person from high to low."
The
historian
MI
Georges Chastellain.
to
w hom we
o\\ e this portrait,
adds
the fruit all he could suck"
from such
abusive treatment. Moreover, the king was verv careful to foster his
own fame
that Charles
funhemiore ""savored
all
at ever\' possible opportunity: After recovering the
kingdom from
he had innumerable medals struck on which he Victorious."
It
may
be. after
all.
Joan
—
whom
to
"Charles the
he owed them
Joan was always a challenge
once he had
made him king of France, he was
—put out of
the way.
argues that there are several explanations for Charles's First.
called
that contrar\ to all expectations,
received that crown and sacring that to see
is
the English,
to
not sorry
Bonnie Wheeler
abandonment of Joan.
Charles VII: they were never cozy or
comfortable companions, and his abandonment of Joan was a gradual process that
culminated
at
Compiegne but began
Next, once captured. Joan the king did not that Charles
MI
tr>
at least
may have become
a serious public liability,
to arrange to relieve her troops or to rescue her.
and thus
It
may
be
feared that he and his legitimate rulership would be tainted by
Joan's failure to take Pans and by her capture left
from the time of his coronation.
her susceptible, in the eyes of some
— such
at
Compiegne.
for these events
as readers of Christine de Pisan's
—
Ditie de Jeanne d'Arc
—
jOAN THE PRISONER
99
was a
false prophet. Furthermore,
to charges that she
which
window of opportunity in Joan was very narrow: Once she was the
and
officially suspected of heresy,
it
was possible
in the
for Charles VII to rescue
custody of ecclesiastical authorities
no transfer back
to the secular
arm would
have been possible. In addition, within the context of chivalric society and
was an anomaly.
chivalric ransom, Joan
impossible to gauge the impact of
It is
her birth status (although she and her family had recently been ennobled) on the issue of ransom by Charles VII or any of Joan's noble and well-endowed friends, for (again as
Wheeler argues) there was no
legal or social context
upon which
Joan could naturally depend, no noble blood relations whose shifting political
made
allegiances and ample resources enterprise and class
Joan's capture.
ransom so
attractive a
common
commitment.
There were envious persons at
chivalric
in Charles's
entourage
Most notable among these was
who was
Regnault de Chartres,
who might
rejoice
the archbishop of Rheims,
hand-in-glove with LaTremoille and who, as
the head of the delegation that had presented itself to the duke of Burgundy at
Arras exactly one month after the sacring, had (without Joan's knowledge)
signed the truces that betrayed Joan's goals. Events had revealed the folly of these policies; might the archbishop have borne Joan a grudge because he had
been forced
to recognize that
Reference exists to a insinuates that
letter
"God had
he had been duped
in those negotiations?
he had written to his diocesans in which he
suffered that Joan the
Maid be taken because she had
puffed herself up with pride and because of the rich garments which she had taken
it
upon herself
commanded was
her, but
to wear,
and because she had not done what God had
had done her own
finally converted to her
view
later,
will."
But
when
it
this
archbishop of Reims
again became apparent that
only the use of armed force would be effective.
As
far
away
of the duke of Burgundy, produced astonishment
Maid had become
La Broquiere, an
intimate
when he confirmed
that the
as Constantinople, Bertrandon de
a prisoner of the English. People there refused to believe him.
Morosini's informant reports that in the month of August:
damsel had been imprisoned with many damsels
guard, but since she could not be so well guarded that
them
as
He pleased,
molested
"It is said that that
in a fortress
God
under very strong could not do with
she escaped and returned to her people without having been
in her person."
The
belief that Joan could not have
her power was too great, and
been captured or kept
God would
help her to escape
in captivity
—was
almost
universal. In regions that adhered to the French cause, the clergy ordered prayers for her liberation:
At Embrun
three prayers besought the
in the Alps, the
diocese of Jacques Gelu
Lord "that the Maid kept
in the prisons
(II,
19),
of the enemies
may be freed without evil, and that she may complete entirely the work that You
100
PART
have entrusted
to her."
At Tours,
at
I:
THE DRAMA
Meaux, and
at
Orleans, Hturgical hours were
celebrated with these prayers of intention.
Joan probably
left
Arras about
November
A
15.
local tradition there
claims that she was imprisoned in one of the turrets that rose above the Ronville Gate. the
On
the twenty-first, in a letter addressed "to the
King of France and of England,"
Most Excellent
Prince,
the faculty of the University of Paris
"We have recently heard that into your power has now been delivered this woman called the Maid, at which we greatly rejoice, confident that by your good command this woman will be sent to justice to repair the great wickedness exulted:
and scandals
that
have arisen notoriously
in this
kingdom on her account,
to the
great prejudice of the divine honor of our holy Faith and of all your good people."
The professors demanded
that the prisoner
be entrusted to their hands and that
was denied by
the bishop of Beauvais judge her at Paris. This latter request
the
English king. Joan's transfer from Arras to Le Crotoy took place about the same time, the middle of November; it was then that the transfer money was to be
exchanged. The principal stages of that journey, approximately sixty-two miles,
no doubt included the is
likely that
Lucheux and then
castle of
Joan was also brought to the castle
Riquier, the provost and grand chaplain, in
many
Michel the
other abbeys of the
—
the abbot,
monks
Hugues
came
Norman region Cuillerel,
the abbey of Saint-Riquier.
at
Drugy.
— such
as
had embraced the Burgundian cause, but
did not uniformly share his sentiments. Surrounded by her armed
the estuary of the first
Somme
Beyond
time.
Joan must have reached
on the following day. There, she would have seen the it
lay England.
Negotiations about the disposition of the prisoner Pierre
of Saint-
passed by. As
Fecamp and Mont-Saint-
escort, after passing through the great forest of Crecy,
sea for the
Two monks
to greet her as she
It
Cauchon was
made
rapid progress.
December, obtaining from the duke of
active during
Bedford an agreement about the place where the prisoner would be judged and then ensuring the conditions of due process acceptable to ecclesiastical jurisdiction, for the trial
had
to take place in a safe location
and be correct
in
procedure.
To serve
as Joan's
judge within the requirements of technical propriety,
Cauchon should have arranged
for the trial to take place
somewhere
in the
diocese of Beauvais, since the prisoner's capture on the right bank of the Oise
might have validated his jurisdictional competence. According
to the rules of
by the bishop of his
tribunals of the Inquisition, a person
must be judged
or her birthplace or in the diocese in
which the crime of heresy was committed.
But since Compiegne was surrendered to
either
in the diocese of Beauvais,
the king of France, Bedford decided
place at Rouen, the
Norman
capital,
and Beauvais had
that the trial
would take
where English power had been securely
estabhshed for twelve years. Cauchon, as bishop of Beauvais, had no right to
101
JOAN THE PRISONER act as a judge in
authorities of
Rouen
circumvent the chapter of
Rouen, but Bedford had previously asked the ecclesiastical
Cauchon a "commission of territory"
to grant
rule.
A
Rouen and obtained by an
immediately surged into action.
He
act dated
December
28, 1430.
is
assistants.
The
three
in juridical matters
men must have
end of January 1431. In the meantime, men-at-arms
left
named Gerard
successively visited
couleurs, and Toul; the results of their query
to
The envoy, whose
not recorded, went to Chaumont, where both Nicolas Bailly, a notary,
and a clerk competent
fifty
Cauchon
sent an agent to Lorraine charged with
gathering information about Joan's childhood and youth.
name
in order to
delegation of venue was formally requested by the
at
Petit
became
his
Domremy, Vau-
would not reach Rouen before the
Cauchon's request, an escort of some
with him to ensure Joan's final transfer from Le Crotoy
Rouen. This group was composed of two "furnished lances," or ten men-at-
arms with twenty-five archers and the men necessary
to take care of the
baggage
and the transport of the transfer ransom, which must have been paid around
December
15.
This
last stage
of the journey must have taken place swiftly.
In Pierre Rocolle's reconstruction of her itinerary, Joan led in a boat that the
mounts
from Le Crotoy
Somme
—
traces in
to Saint- Valery-sur-Somme, following the
its
—
the bulk of the troop
crossed the
There was probably a halt
town of Eu,
Somme by the bridge
at
Abbeville,
horsemen on boats would have been
at Saint- Valery
and perhaps also
fifteen miles away, if the crossing of the estuary
itinerary thereafter probably followed for
some time
was
in the little
swift. Joan's
the route of the ancient
Roman road through Arques and Bosc-le-Hard. Without having to pass the city of
through
Rouen, the escort reached the castle of Bouvreuil, constructed
thirteenth century
Beauchamp,
by King Philip
the earl of
Warwick
II
was Christmas Eve, 1430.
in the
Augustus and now the residence of Richard
(II,
Henry VI. It
channel
estuary at high tide, while the knights and their
since the transport of fifty horses and difficult.
must have been
43), guardian of the
young English king
CHAPTER SEVEN
JOAN'S TRIAL
AND EXECUTION AT ROUEN This chapter reports the extraordinary record of Joan
's
trial
by an inquisitorial
court composed of dozens of professional experts directed by the hostile
presiding judge, Pierre Cauchon (see Part the
end of May 1431, they against
girl,
would
later
whom
make
they
Section 49).
and entrap
tried to confuse
this
had not formulated a charge
this trial
easy to
finally confused by her judges
Church Militant on
II,
'
nullify.
until
barely literate peasant
—a procedural flaw that
She stood them off until the very end,
decision that she
the matter of wearing
From January 9
had refused
to
submit
to the
men 's clothes. Joan had agreed to sign
a document abjuring her "voices" on the understanding that she would be transferred to an ecclesiastical prison in the custody of
remain her
in
women, rather than
a military prison guarded by hostile English soldiers
virginity.
Betrayed on
this
who
point by Cauchon, she resumed
was thus declared a 'relapsed heretic, and was burned at the stake '
marketplace at Rouen on
She was nineteen years
It
took
five
conviction.
May
30, 1431.
Her ashes were
clothes,
in the
public
scattered to the wind.
old.
months to complete the proceedings
The proceedings, from January 9
into three phases:
threatened
men 's
to
May
that
culminated
in Joan's
30, 1431, can be separated
from January 9 through March 26, the "proces
the judge's investigations before the official trial in court;
d' office," or
from March 26
—
104
PART
through
May
l:
THE DRAMA
24. the "ordinary" trial that culminated in Joan's recantation, or
"abjuration": and finally, on
The tower
in
May
May
28 and
w hich Joan was held was
29. the brief relapse
still
standing
nineteenth century. Several witnesses said that the that enclosed a "vast
first
certain: WTiat is
is
to modifv' their
and
cell
views of the layout,
of her detention.
site
neighboring wings probably rose above three indenta-
its
tions in the thickness of the wall foundation.
window, no doubt provided with with which
it is
today called the Joan of Arc Tower represents the
heavily restored remains of the ancient keep, not the
Her
fields;
story looking toward the exterior of the
Recent excavations ha\e led scholars
but one thing
beginning of the
at the
Crowned Tower, one of seven
lower court" in the fortress of Bouvreuil, faced the
thought that Joan's cell was on the fortress.
trial.
One of them corresponds
second would have been the
bars: a
to the
latrine
towers of that type were equipped: and the third space must have
all
communicated
directly with the staircase;
it
probably gave access to some sort
of tunnel that permitted anyone standing there to hear what was said in the prisoner's cell without being seen.
Such
been exercised through the flooring
that separated the cell
on the story above, was the primary responsibility of
who was
assisted
which also could have
surveillance,
from
a royal squire.
Cauchon
(II.
visitor
castle.
the lowest rank, those
modem
Beauchamp
They were
who
French has come
to
mean
in quite a
La Pierre, at
her
a
trial.
that he
(II.
a
word
that in
'abusers.' "I
saw her
in the prison
of the castle of
dark room, chained and with leg irons." declared Isambart de at
Rouen and an
certain Pierre Daron, lieutenant of the bailiff of
saw her
and the
Englishmen of "
French houssepaillers,
Dominican of the convent of Saint-Jacques
A
vigilant
43). the earl of Warwick
assisted in their jobs by "five
are called in
Joan was spared no humiliation.
Rouen,
would be
who was not authorized in advance and in person by Pierre
49) or by Richard
governor of the
John Grey,
by two other Englishmen. John Berwoit and William Talbot.
All three had been required to swear on the Bible that they
and forbid any
counterpart
its
assessor
Rouen, recalled
"in a tower of the castle, with leg irons attached to a large piece
of wood: she had several English guards." The most complete details were given
by the usher Jean Massieu ing the prisoner tribunal met.
(II.
63).
whose
from the place where she was detained
She was, he
said, in the
two
accompany-
to the place
where the
hands of "five Englishmen," of whom three
spent the night in her cell and two outside that at night she slept with ver>' tightly to
responsibilities included
it
at the
pairs of irons
know
for certain
legs, attached
by a chain
door.
on her
"And
I
another chain that was connected to the foot of her bed.
anchored by a large piece of wood
five or six feet
itself
long. The whole contrapfion
was fastened by a key." Joan thus wore leg irons during the day, and this fetter a
at
night her jailers attached to
chain that connected the foot of her bed to a piece of wood that she could
AND EXECUTION AT ROUEN
JOAN'S TRIAL
not possibly have moved. Massieu
back irons
to
testified:
"Whenever
she was always in leg irons." She could not,
it,
from her prison
to the hall of
I
led her ft'om her cell or
have walked in leg
in fact,
judgment without
105
assistance.
From
her
first
appearance before the tribunal, Joan complained "of being held and chained and in these iron hobbles."
Cauchon had taken even stronger precautions: Fearing that Joan
might escape, he had a certain Etienne Casdlle forge an iron cage
in
which she could
have been kept standing upright "fastened by the neck, the hands, and the
The
feet."
cage does not seem to have been used. Physical restraint, however, must have seemed inconsequential compared to the mental torture to which Joan had to submit: the
mockery of the guards,
the hostile shouts, the obscenities
appeared in the courtyard of the
How
whenever she
could she have preserved her virginity and
remained "Joan the Maid"? According (II,
insults
castle.
in these conditions
Guillaume Manchon
and
62), the
young
to the principal notary of the trial,
feared "that at night her guardians
girl
would do her some violence," and "one or two times she complained
to the
bishop of Beauvais, to the subinquisitor, and to Master Nicolas Loiseleur
[II,
60] that one of the guards had wished to violate her."
Someone seems inquests were
still
to
have intervened on her behalf. At Rouen, while several
under way in her
home
country, she had to undergo once
that
examination of virginity to which she had already been subjected
this
time
it
more
at Poitiers;
was conducted under the auspices of Anne of Burgundy, duchess of
Bedford. The examination took place before January 13, 1431, since the duchess
and her husband
examined
her,
left
Rouen on
Anne Bavon,
Burgundy may
is
that date.
The name of one of
known. Joan's
virginity
was duly
the matrons attested.
who
Anne of
well have forbidden Joan's guards to molest her.
The ambiguity of Joan's prison at Rouen. Pierre for heresy, so this
situation
Cauchon and
had
to
was evident from her
first
days in the
the University of Paris intended to try her
be a church
trial.
According
to
normal canon-law
procedure, Joan should have been detained in an ecclesiastical prison, guarded
by women; and thus she would have received moderately humane treatment. Yet throughout the
by
soldiers.
trial
Joan was treated as a prisoner of war, chained and guarded
To disguise
duke of Bedford
(II,
9)
this legal inconsistency, the
had recourse
bishop of Beauvais and the
The lock of
to a legal fiction:
the door of
her prison cell was secured by three keys, of which one was to be kept by
Cardinal Henry Beaufort, bishop of Winchester
during the
trial's entirety,
Cauchon himself or 52),
the
and the two others were
to
promotor (prosecutor, more or
and by the vice-inquisitor, who was
Inquisitor of France
(II, 8),
(II,
to
who was
to
be present
be held by the judges, less),
Jean d'Estivet
(II,
be designated by Jean Graverent, the
53). Since all three
were
clerics, the fiction
could be
maintained that she was entirely subject to ecclesiasfical custody. This procedural trick had no more validity than the prohibition that Cauchon tried to
106
PART
impose on Joan during her to leave
THE DRAMA
appearance before the tribunal:
without our permission the prison
castle of
But
first
I:
cell that
"We
forbid you
has been assigned you in the
Rouen, under the penalty of being convicted of the crime of heresy."
this did not fool the prisoner,
prohibition:
were
if I
offended or violated ambiguity:
Was
who immediately replied: "I do not accept that no one would blame me for having either
to escape,
my
Her drama and her
faith.**
now turned on
life
that
she a prisoner of war or an alleged heretic?
Joan reveals here as elsewhere that she considered herself an archetypal political prisoner
and
— persecuted because she threatened and annoyed her captors This accusation of heresy — and not deliberate
their ideology
a
heretic.
permitted her judges also to impugn the king of France: Since he
owed Joan
crown, the legitimacy of his authority would be thoroughly tainted
found
guilty.
bom when
the faculty of the
University of Paris, in a densely argued dossier written by one of
defended the
Petit,
political assassination of
John the Fearless. This was the extolled political assassination.
on Joan's
first
members.
Louis of Orleans by his cousin
time since antiquit>' that intellectuals had
What was
Burgundy
was
fIL 3)
the impact of this intellectual climate
manipulating both ideological
skillful at
and the more turbulent sectors of public opinion. He knew how
the support of the university professors
High Boucherie.
on one hand and on the other
the masters of the Paris butchers* guild,
disposal practically an
army of cutlers and
skinners, and
the Parisian revolt led by the eloquent skinner
controlled the city for tlve months
put an end to
Among
Simon Caboche and
the
supporters
m
at their
who had already joined They
in 1413.
the lethal blades that they, as
the
Burgundian faction
introduced a program of social reform, which finally bourgeoisie so nervous that they called
to gain
that of the
who had
Simon Caboche
armed with
Caboche and
butchers, had a right to own.
who
its
trial?
Philip of theor\-
she were
This conflation of ideology with politics and religion was already
well estabhshed in Pans. Joan had not yet been
Jean
if
his
made
Pans
in
the wealthier
the troops of the .Axmagnac faction,
his revolt.
of that revolt
was an
faction
intellectual
entrenched in the University of Paris. Caboche's quasi-revolutionar\' coup had
seemed
to
them
key element
a convenient
in their
way
to take
grand scheme
to
power
in the capital,
win master}- of the
and
entire
this
was
a
kingdom, as
eventually of the Universal Church.
The Catholic church was then deeply divided by 1415: see "Prelude"*). To bind that
empowering
rift,
the Great
Schism
( 1
378-
the Paris intellectuals strongly supported
the institution of the General
Council so
that
it
would
act as cornier
of the church along with the papacy, in a situation loosely parallel to the
w ay
that the kingdom of England was ruled by Parliament and the crown. The English
Parliament had assumed increasing power during the reigns of the
last
four
JOAN'S TRIAL Plantagenet kings— Edward
I
(1327-1377), and Richard
II
AND EXECUTION
107
AT ROUEN
(1272-1307), Edward
II
(1307-1327), Edward
III
(1377-1399); the Lancastrian kings Henry IV
3- 1 422) were even more beholden to Parliament. ( 1 400- 1413) and Henry V ( 1 4 1
The University of Paris
intellectuals probably
hoped
to
make
the French
national assembly, the Estates-General, as powerful as the English Parliament
had become.
VI (II,
If
France became part of a dual monarchy reigned over by Henry
a boy-king likely to stay
2),
the French part of his
weak even after he had outgrown his regency,
kingdom might become a realm ruled by
General, which the Paris intelligentsia thought
and
the Great Councils (Constance, Basel,
largest
could control. Since they saw
it
dominant
their successors) as the
group of university professors must have
institution of their future church, this
dreamed of
the Estates-
mastery over Western Christendom as well as
their eventual
its
and most populous constituent kingdom, France. The eventual success
of their plan seemed inevitable to them. The Treaty of Troyes, which Cauchon,
had indefatigably negotiated,
the former rector of the University of Paris,
established a
new polity founded on feudal conquests and justified by the clergy.
But Joan of Arc, a peasant
girl
structure by her victories in
from nowhere, endangered
war and her
sacramental anointing of Charles VII's coronation
For the University of Paris, Joan's
this
trial
new, progressive
on the
crucial insistence
traditional
(II, 1).
was
also a chance to claim the
prestige of the Universal Church, even before the General Council had achieved maturity.
ended
Although by now Pope Martin
in Joan's youth, in
1415
V was the sole pope—the Great Schism
—and although he upheld papal
supporters of conciliar supremacy,
it
was not yet
authority against
clear that he could contain the
challenge to papal power of the General Councils. Even before the great councils
of Constance and Basel, the University of Paris had exercised decisive influence over the whole church by dominating the periodic councils called of the Avignon popes.
By
at the
behest
the adroit exploitation of highly visible heresy trials,
might not the university regain the effective regency of Christendom
that
it
had
enjoyed in the days of the Avignon papacy? The leaders of the Council of
Constance had profited greatly of Jan
Hus
(at least in the short
as a heretic in 1415: to
Cauchon and
a precedent for the case of this ignorant girl
run) from their condemnation
others, that
must have seemed
whose insolence would
surely be
easy to crush.
The exemplary virginity test,
trial
on which
that faction
counted began badly. The
which could have convicted the Maid of falsehood, had turned
to
her advantage. The inquest into her habits and virtue that was undertaken in her
homeland
failed to
produce compelling evidence against
gated twelve or fifteen witnesses at
Domremy and
her.
Having
in five or six
interro-
neighboring
parishes, Cauchon's representative Nicolas Bailly "had found nothing about
Joan that he would not wish
to find
about his
own
sister."
An exchange
of
108
PART
I:
THE DRAMA
among the investigators confirmed this impression. Although the bailiff of Chaumont abused them as "treacherous Armagnacs." the investigators information
brought back nothing that could be used as a heresy charge against Joan.
As
fmd no grounds on which
a consequence, the judges could
formulate an accusation. In his punctilious analysis of the condemnation the
to
trial,
modem scholar Pierre Tisset argues that, through a striking procedural flaw.
Joan was condemned only on the basis of the interrogation to which she was subjected
Rouen. Nothing was proven against
at
words alone,
13
were interpreted by her enemies,
Cauchon erected
).
The
most
the
(II.
59).
who
more
by saying
He
trial.
much
that "as
to
Joan of
trial
(see
.Arc.
friar
the
of the convent of Rouen. Jean
trial,
Lemaitre had responded to Cauchon's
for the serenity of his conscience as for a
he did not wish to be involved in
this present
alleged that he did not have the authority, because his jurisdiction
extended only over the
cities
of the dioceses of Rouen, and "this
launched on borrowed territory"
—
borrowed from Rouen,
of Beauvais on what had been declared his
Cauchon
fiction.
was condemned.
should have been the chief of the two judges required in
certain conduct of the
affair."
monument
lasting
Dominican
a properly conducted inquisitorial invitation
that she
the basis of her
Cauchon and Bedford faced were aggravated by
difficulties that
reticence of the vice-inquisitor, a
Lemaitre
was on
it
by preserving so carefully her words and the minutes of her
Ironically, III.
as they
her:
protocol, and he
insisted
on preserving
demanded
Lemaitre's presence.
It
trial
is.
had been
by the bishop
own jurisdiction by means
of a legal
element of inquisitorial judicial
this
that Jean Graverent. as Inquisitor of France, require
was only on Februan.-
been completed and the
that
trial's
22. after the preliminaries
second session was
beginning, that
had
Lemaitre
appeared. Despite the care Cauchon took to respect the forms of an inquisitorial trial,
it
began with several
irregularities:
The
inquisitor
was absent:
the
information" prejudicial to Joan's religious conformity was
"preliminar}'
anonymous, from undisclosed sources: and no formal charges were brought against
prisoner.
the
phenomenon"
Tisset
for this trial to
argues
that
it
was an
"entirely
exceptional
have been based exclusively on the interrogation
of the accused without anyone, including the accused herself, knowing what
charge was being brought against her.
Although Cauchon had assembled an imposing preside alone, except on those
him.
occasions when he could
tribunal, he
tended to
get the inquisitor to join
He wrote letter after official letter and made a special appeal to the cathedral
chapter of Rouen, which the king of England had informed of the change of
venue
in a
"Commission of
Territor\'" permitting the
exercise jurisdiction at Rouen. In one
demand
letter.
Cauchon
bishop of Beauvais to
explicitly
mentioned the
of the Universit>' of Paris that he be appointed to conduct the
terms of this
last
document underscore
the trial's political nature:
trial.
The
"Our intention
JOAN'S TRIAL
is to
AND EXECUTION
109
AT ROUEN
recover the aforesaid Joan and get her back under our control on one or
another of the charges regarding our Faith
if it
should happen that she should
not be convicted or attainted with the charge of heresy."
The
public session of the
first
On
day of Lent.
that
was held on Ash Wednesday,
trial
Wednesday, February 21, 1431, about 8 o'clock
morning, Joan found herself facing forty-four imposing persons day's transcript.
the first
Among them
in the
listed in that
were nine doctors of theology, four doctors of
canon law, one doctor of "both laws"
(the civil
—a holder of — seven bachelors of
and the canon)
degree of J.U.D. (Juris Ultriusque Doctor) from Bologna
the
theology, eleven licentiates in canon law and four in civil law, as well as the
promotor, Jean d'Estivet. Contrary to the traditional procedures of the Inquisition,
Joan stood alone, without a lawyer to represent her. Her detention does not
seem to have weakened her will or resistance, of which Cauchon became aware from the
first
formality,
when
know about what you wish will ask
she resisted the swearing of an oath: "I do not
to interrogate
me," she answered, "and perhaps you
me things that I will not tell you." This was followed by a new and more
urgent exhortation by the bishop:
"Swear
to tell the truth
concerning whatever will be asked you that has to do
with the Catholic faith and with anything else that you know."
"About
my
road to
come to France,
father and mother, and everything that I
anything about the revelations
my
visions that
I
have done since
shall willingly swear; but never
made
to
me by God
And even if you wish to cut my head off, from
1
must keep them
I
have
I
took the
I
said or revealed
except to Charles,
my
will not reveal them, because
king.
know
I
secret."
This line of questioning persisted, and Joan continued to answer in this vein in successive encounters. Finally, Joan, on her knees with her two hands on the missal, swore to
tell
the truth about whatever
would be asked her concerning
matters of religious belief
Then had I
to begin
was bom,
I
the interrogation proper began. Every detained or accused person
by stating name, forename, and social
was
class: "In the
country where
called Jeannette, and in France Jeanne [Joan]. ...
was
I
bom
Domremy-Greux; the main church is in Greux. My named Jacques Dare, and my mother Isabelle." She then named her
in a village that is called
father is
godfathers, godmothers, and the priest Jean Minet
she gave her age: "as best as
I
can
tell,
who had baptized her; finally,
around nineteen years."
Another obstacle arose. The bishop instmcted her to say the Pater Noster (Our Father) to
to
which Joan answered: "Hear
you willingly." Joan's wish
me
in confession
and
that the bishop hear her confession
I
will say
—
it
evidently
110
PART
I:
THE DRAMA
not in conformity with the customs of an inquisitorial it
invoked Cauchon in his priestly
role,
—was
which required him
much importance
sacrament of penance as
trial
clever, in that to
accord the
as did Joan. Despite the bishop's
insistence, she refused to recite this basic Christian prayer unless he agreed to
hear her confession. She then spoke about the fashion in which she was held in prison by "five Englishmen of the lowest rank." She was instructed to appear the following day at the
On
same
hour.
the following day she appeared for the second time.
day's exchange regarding the oath yesterday;
it
was reenacted:
"I
should be enough for you. You are burdening
consented, nevertheless, "to
Jean Beaupere
(II,
tell
47),
the truth
The previous
gave you that oath
me
too much." Joan
on any points touching the Faith."
one of the assessors, was put
in
charge of the
Cauchon, he had been rector of the University of Paris
interrogation. Like
(in
1412 and 1413); he achieved the confirmation of the university's privileges from the
queen of England and the duke of Gloucester
sent
him
to
Troyes to
1420. Subsequently
assist
named
Cauchon during
in 1422; the university
had
the negotiations for the treaty of
a canon of Rouen, Beaupere continued to act as an
English agent and later was sent as the official ambassador of the king of England to the
Council of Basel, where he arrived on
execution. In 1435, King
pounds "for
his
28, 1431, just before Joan's
Henry VI awarded him an annual payment of 100
good services
collected benefices
May
in
France and
at the
—becoming canon not only
Sens, Paris, Beauvais, Laon, Autun, and Lisieux
at
Council of Basel." Beaupere
Rouen but
—
also at Besangon,
despite the fact that he could
not physically celebrate mass: His right hand had been crippled during an
encounter with brigands.
Beaupere asked Joan questions about her youth, about what she called her "voices," and about her activities between the time she her arrival at Chinon.
He
left
Vaucouleurs and
asked her hardly anything about her exploits
at
and Patay but concentrated on Saint-Denis, "the skirmish before the
Orleans city of
Paris":
"Was
that not a feast
Joan answered,
"Was
that well
"Move on
day?"
"I think
it
was
a feast day."
done?"
with your questioning."
This line of interrogation swiftly reviewed her activities, concentrating only
on the attack she led on September Virgin Mary,
when Joan had
8,
1429, the feast of the Nativity of the
tried to take the
Saint-Honore Gate
at Paris.
After lengthy questioning, Joan was instructed to appear the next day, on Saturday, February 24.
JOAN'S TRIAL
A
AND EXECUTION AT ROUEN among the once come
surprise awaited her, for
who had more
Loiseleur,
than
was
assessors
111
the priest Nicolas
to visit her in her prison cell,
Meuse
pretending that he was Joan's fellow countryman from the banks of the
and her fellow prisoner. As a he
won
priest,
her confidence, he did so.
he had offered to hear her confession; once It
was revealed much
later in the trial that
Guillaume Manchon, one of the assigned notaries, along with Boisguillaume
(II,
48) ("and other witnesses,"
hide near the nook that opened onto Joan's
was saying or confessing
From
to the aforesaid Loiseleur."
in her refusal to
demanded
assessors eventually in
added), was ordered to
order to overhear what "she
cell, in
the beginning of the interrogation, Joan grew increasingly restive
and more stubborn
answered
Manchon
his assistant
annoyance
at
swear oaths. Cauchon with several other
that she
swear another oath, because Joan had
one point: "Let
me
speak."
The usher Jean Massieu
reported later that in these interrogations, which generally lasted from 8 to 11
o'clock in the morning, all at
once, so that
'Fair sirs, ask
am
me
was standard for several judges
"many times she one
said to those
after the other.'" In
ready to swear to
trial," the
it
who were
what
shall
I
minutes carry a significant addition: "But
everything that
I
interrogating her:
any case, when she finally
the truth concerning
tell
ask their questions
to
said: "I
know about
this
shall not ever say
I
know."
Throughout her interrogation, Joan placed herself in a dangerous position by claiming
to
be in communication with the world beyond, to which she
referred by the general designation of her "voice" or "voices."
asked
if
She was clear
When
about her sense of the supernatural character of her mission.
Beaupere
her voice had forbidden her to say anything about what would be asked
of her, she reserved the right to answer
later.
Joan countered the question "Did
he forbid you to make his revelations known?" by asking: "If the voice forbade
me
to,
me say about it?" She added, "Know for certain men who have forbidden it!" She insisted on the distance
what would you have
that these are not
between the world with which she claimed
to
surrounded her: "I have greater fear of failing that displeases
them than
my
king
Easter,
me many
knew
though
question:
at this it
things for the advantage of
moment, even
would be joyous
"Do
I
have to
tell
if
as a result
to feast!"
that
my
you
I
had
which
I
dearly wish
from wine
to fast
my
until
will escape
from prison?" To which
you that?"
would not know how
interrogator to ask the
I
king,
last night,
Her bravado provoked a devious
Her speech was often eloquent. When she grace of God,
which
have of answering you." Her tone, never that of an
"Has your voice revealed
she responded:
that
voices in saying something
sometimes amused, even blustering: "This
ecstatic or a mystic, is
voices told
I
communicate and
my
to
said: "If
it
were not for the
do anything," Joan provoked the
famous question: "Do you know
if
you
are in the grace
112
PART
of God?" Her answer: "If
God keep me knew
that
there, for
was not
I
I
I
am
THE DRAMA
I:
may God
not,
would be
me
put
most sorrowful
the
And if I am, may woman in the world if I
there.
grace of God." The notary Boisguillaume later
in the
declared, in the nullification
who were
of 1455-1456, that "Those
trial
interrogating her were stupefied." Joan's answer here echoes a prayer found in
Was Joan inspired by that prayer? Or could
three fifteenth-century manuscripts.
her response, sublime in latter is
more
simplicity, have influenced
its
composition? The
its
would hardly have been so astonished
likely, for the assessors
if
Joan had merely repeated a familiar formula.
The notary asked
that the questioning stop at that point. Stenographers
had written the questions along with Joan's answers later amplified and translated into Latin
in French; their record
But from
(III, 13).
this point
was
forward,
Joan's repUes were recorded in indirect discourse, rather than in the direct
quotations recorded until her simple, sublime reply. For instance: "She said that if
she had been in sin, she thinks that the voice
she wished that everyone could hear
it
Cauchon and
speculate that
two contradictory outcomes: they wanted
associates wanted
transcript, but they did not
want Joan
to
to her,
and
Why was this change
as well as herself"
Some
in record-keeping technique made?
would not have come
his
to preserve the
seem so persuasive, and the force of her
personaUty could be muted in indirect discourse. Their worried reaction to her replies
is
attested even
more
strikingly
French stenographic record. One replies
began
by the presence of several erasures
be recorded in indirect discourse. Hereafter,
to
when
such erasure occurs at this point,
we have
the transcript's indirect discourse to the direct discourse that
in the
Joan's
converted
reasonable to
it is
assume was actually spoken. Impressed as they seem
remained
hostile.
Domremy. The
Jean Beaupere
inquest
had assumed
Some so,
moved
to "tell
to
him
had "received her mission
own
inquest had said so, her
at the
and she had needed
Joan's reply, the tribunal
had probably revealed
at the village
of the witnesses
at
to the question of the Fairy Tree
villagers thought that Joan
most of her fellow Fairy Tree."
made
have been
to
him
to the contrary."
others call
it
the Tree of the Fairies; near
people sick with fever drink their health. I've seen people
or not
is
at the
Through
It's
at that
do
a tree called the Tree of the Ladies; it is
a spring. I've heard
spring and go
that myself, but
a big tree called a beech
—from
it
I
it
said that
there to get water to regain
don't
comes
know
the
if
they get well
maypole
that
say belongs to Monseigneur Pierre de Bourlemont, a knight. Sometimes to
walk around there with the other
the
girls,
image of Our Lady of Domremy.
and from
that tree
I
made
I've seen these garlands
people I
used
garlands for
hung on
that
brother
line of questioning Joan evokes a village feast:
Close to the village of Domremy, there
at
the
this
JOAN'S TRIAL
AND EXECUTION AT ROUEN
branches of the tree by young
there. ...
She continued with it
I
know
don't
danced around
if I
might have danced with the children, but
I
see
and sometimes
a description of the Bois
from the door of my
was not
father's house,
afraid to admit that she
from the neighborhood of
that tree after the
sang more than
I
it's
and
from
saints
whom
age of reason;
danced.
only half a league away"). She that
would come a maid who would do noble it."
on the following Tuesday, February 27.
names of the
I
left
Chesnu, the Oak Grove ("You could
and
This rich Une of questioning terminates set
did that along with the
had been asked about prophecies claiming
that grove
things; "but," she said, "I never believed
was
I
sometimes we took them away with us afterward and sometimes we
others;
them
girls,
113
at this point.
On
that day,
A
new
direction
Joan revealed the
she said she received revelations:
St.
Catherine
Margaret. Jean Beaupere directed the interrogation on this topic as well.
St.
Having asked, apparently
casually, if Joan
were fasting during the current Lent,
he resumed questioning about the voices: "Had Joan heard that voice
last
Saturday?"
"I did not I
understand the voice very well, and
can repeat to you
"What did "It told
until
the voice
me
that
I
returned to
I
tell
I
did not understand anything that
my room
[cell]."
you when you returned
your room?"
to
should answer you bravely."
Beaupere persisted a little later. Joan then named who would return thereafter in her statements as specific members
the voice of an angel?"
"Is
it
the
two
saints
of the invisible entourage that she claimed for herself: Margaret. Although there
names was
whom
are the ones to
St.
is
refers,
it is
her
Margaret was probably
on behalf of
women
It
was
Margaret of Antioch,
and whose
Domremy.
two
who was
Catherine patron of
St.
statue,
Insistent questioning
as
I
was directed toward
the
whom, on that same Tuesday, Joan added St. Michael who came first. She became insistent on
St.
Michael
whom I saw before my eyes, and he was not alone
but was well accompanied by angels of heaven. ...
my body as well
who was widely invoked
which Joan probably saw,
saints, to
was, she said,
that point: "It
St.
in childbirth
the church at
apparitions of those
Michael.
St.
and also patron of the parish of Maxey-sur-Meuse, near Domremy;
girls
is still in
St.
saints with these
probable that her
Catherine of Alexandria, a popular medieval saint
young St.
Joan
Catherine and
St.
about which
lively contention
see you; and
when
they
left
I
saw them with the eyes of
me I wept and wished that they
would have taken me with them." Also during the
that interrogation session,
"Book of Poitiers":
"If
Joan mentioned for the
you have doubts about
that,
first
time
send to Poitiers, where
114 I
PART
THE DRAMA
1:
have already been examined." The Poitiers investigation must have dealt with
may
Joan's apparitions, and there she
named
the
saints
whom
from
well have given testimony in which she
followed that line of questioning up to the told
me
you enough about
it:
The
she claimed revelations.
they are
moment when Joan answered:
Catherine and
St.
St.
came
trial: "I
into France only at
"I've
Margaret, and believe
would maintain
or not as you wish." She then restated with force what she
throughout the
interrogation
God's command. ...
would
I
have preferred to have been torn apart by four horses than to have come into France without God's permission. the
Lord
I
.
.
everything was done
.
have never acted except
at
God's command."
the term "France" referred to the core of the
at the
(In
kingdom, not
its
seems
"Is
to
periphery.)
which Joan
"The clothes
to
wear men's clothes?"
are a small matter, the least of
up men's clothes on the advice of this world. did
I
at
have attached no importance:
God who commanded you
it
of
medieval French,
In the course of that interrogation appeared a question to first
command
I
things:
all
and
did not take
I
neither put on these clothes nor
do anything except by the commandment of God and
his angels."
Other questions about her mode of dress provoked only repetitions of these answers: She had done nothing that was not by the
commandment
of God.
Probably not even Cauchon could then have guessed the importance that her
mode
come
of dress would
The judges then
him
permitting
come
to her
"Was
for the first time?"
She would
didn't see any." to
have
about her revelations
tried to surprise her into telling
regarding the king of France:
you saw him
assume.
to
there an angel
"By
St.
on the head of your king when
Mary!
know and
don't
I
faith in
said: she
made
certainly
king received,
later allude to a "sign" that the
what she
I
clear that the sign
had
"from the clerks."
The question investigation.
led her
back
to the encounter at
Asked how she knew
a
Chinon and
to the Poitiers
sword could be found buried
in the
church
of Sainte-Catherine-de-Fierbois, Joan retold the startling story about "that rusted
sword with
five crosses
engraved on
She knew from her voices
man who went
that this
behind the it.
it
and they sent
altar;
it
she did not
She said again a
sword was
to find the aforesaid
the church of that place that she that sword,
it":
sword for
hoped
to her.
It
it
there, her,
and she had never seen the
and she wrote
would please them
to the
men
that she should
of
have
was not very deeply buried underground,
know if it would be exactly before the altar or behind
that just after the
good rubbing, and thereupon
sword was found the men of that church gave
the rust fell off without effort.
JOAN'S TRIAL
"Had she had anyone kind, and this
I
(III,
115
bless it?" "I never requested a benediction of any
would not know how
marvelous sword
standard,
AND EXECUTION AT ROUEN
do
to
that."
The judges dropped
6) and they passed swiftly
the subject of
to the description
of the
which provoked another of Joan's famous responses: "Would you
prefer your standard or your sword?" "I
standard to
my
when we went
sword."
A
little later: "I
to the assault, to avoid
would
prefer,
carried
having to
my
kill
maybe
standard in
anyone.
I
my
forty times,
my own
hand
have never killed
anyone." The session closed with questions referring briefly to her military exploits at Orleans and at Jargeau.
The for
tribunal
more public
Cauchon
convened again on Thursday and Saturday, March
The Thursday session may have been
interrogation.
He opened
himself.
Armagnac
"As
far as
declared. This university,
were
still
I
know,
"Who
is
who had
who
is at
Rome," Joan
taken for so long the side of the Avignon pontiff and
far from reconciled with the pope
him
at the
at
Rome,
who
Martin V; they would soon
Council of Basel, which would meet for the
time two months after Joan's death. Joan gave no more than a dilatory reply
about her letter from the count of Armagnac. Since this heavily on her correspondence, Joan's
was
that
the true pope?"
unambiguous answer might well have offended the men of the
raise an antipope against first
A letter was read stating that
believe in the lord pope
I
3,
directed by
had written the Maid on the question
(II, 6),
had long divided Christendom:
and
with a confusing point that was a lively
preoccupation for university professors: the pope. John, the count of
1
read.
She acknowledged
first
trial
session concentrated
ultimatum to the English
that text, with the exception of a
few
at
Orleans
details.
She
provoked her judges: "Before seven years are over, the English will suffer more severe losses than they did at Orleans, and they will lose everything in France
and
this will
be accomplished through a great victory that
God
.
.
.
will send the
French." In striving to establish precisely (which she refused to do) the day, the
hour, and the year of that victory, the interrogators wanted to
had said
to her
know what
she
English guard, John Grey, concerning the winter feast of
Martin. Her guards filled their classic
trial role,
and
their daily reports
St.
were used
in preparing the interrogations.
After a brief digression, the interview returned to the saints to attributed her voices:
She revealed nothing useful about
was amused when asked
if
the saints
had
hair: "That's
their
whom Joan
appearance and
an important point!"
Cauchon persisted: "Did St. Margaret speak the language of the English?" "How should she speak English, since she
The
transcript
shows
that
is
not of the English party?"
Cauchon repeatedly
tried to
confound Joan
with questions about sorcery. Joan would be answering questions about the events at Reims, for example,
when
the interrogators
would suddenly return
to
:
116
PART
Domremy.
the Fairy Tree and the spring at
mandrake?"
at all,"
"My
adding
something done
it is
"What have you done with your
Or:
have a mandrake and
"I don't
heard that
insisted: "I
THE DRAMA
I:
I
And
never had one!"
to get
money, but
voices have never said anything to
me
since they
don't beUeve
I
it
about that." Joan's
voices had nothing to say about the judges' preoccupation with mandrakes,
good-luck rings, or popular magic formulae. Witness her robust humor in the interrogation session of
"What
did
St.
March
Michael look
*'Do you think that
1
like
when he appeared
God doesn't have
to
you?
.
.
.
Was he naked?"
the wherewithal to give
him clothes?"
"Did he have hair?" •"Why would
it
have been cut off?"
"Did he have a scale?" "I don't
know anything about
that. I
have great joy when
see him.""
I
A frustrated Cauchon returned from that exchange to the "king's sign": told
you
you would not drag
that
symbolism of
the royal
that out of
crown was
raised.
my
mouth.
Go
Almost taking the
specified that, in addition to the crown the king had received
many
have
offensive, Joan at
had waited, he would have had a crown a thousand times questioning would return
"I
ask him!" The
Reims,
"if
richer."
he
The
times to that crown.
The session on the following Saturday was longer and touched on diverse subjects I
—
first
know and
of
all,
on the
will not
saints
who appeared
answer anything
to her: "I
else." Jean
have told you what
Beaupere, directing the
interrogation that day, raised the question of the fate awaiting Joan:
"Did you know through a revelation
that
"That has nothing to do with your
you would escape?"
trial;
me
do you want
to
speak against
myself?"
"Have your voices
told
you something about that?"
"Yes, indeed, they have told
me that I would be delivered, but I do not know
the day or the hour, and they said that
Did her idea of deUverance here afteriife,
or
was Joan
attire:
"I've
at Poitiers,"
Poitiers
should bravely maintain a good face."
refer to the spiritual deliverance of death
the warrior thinking of escape?
prisoner imagined that she
Changing
I
It is
least
and the
Ukely that Joan the
would be exonerated and hberated by her judges.
his tactics.
Beaupere questioned her again about her male
answered you about
that already."
thus proving that the theologians
She added:
who
and whose king "found nothing but good
Joan wearing men's clothes without finding
it
"It
was written down
originally questioned her at
in her"
had raised the issue of
an offense. This point,
first
raised
JOAN'S TRIAL in early
AND EXECUTION AT ROUEN
117
March, steadily assumes greater significance: Lacking any other solid
charge, her judges eventually
would
rely
on her cross-dressing as the
visible
basis for the accusation of heresy.
The judges returned badges adopted sprinkle
in
to questions
of sorcery, asking about the pennons or
the French army by the Maid and her followers: "Did anyone
them with holy water?
.
.
.
Did anyone carry these cloths
a church in any kind of procession, so as to
More
supposedly restored to
who
Lagny,
life at
lived long
La Rochelle
questions concerning Catherine de
an
altar or
make badges of them?"
were questions about the infant
insidious
to
enough
(II,
whom to
Joan had
be baptized, and
37). In both cases,
Joan
responded with clear simplicity, as she did when asked about her jump from the tower at Beaurevoir. Her reply was memorable: soul to
God
"I
would prefer to surrender
my
than to be in the hands of the English."
These sessions of public interrogation had now lasted eleven days. Eight days
later,
on Saturday, March
10, Pierre
Cauchon himself entered her
cell
accompanied by three individuals who had already appeared several times
among the assessors: Nicolas Midy (II, 65), Gerard Feuillet, and Master Jean de La Fontaine (II, 58), who had from time to time been designated by Cauchon to take his place during interrogation.
The same
who accompanied Joan from
Jean Massieu,
by Jean Secard, a canon of Rouen and an
role
was played by
the usher
her cell to the courtroom, and also ecclesiastical lawyer
who
appears
infrequently in the hearing reports.
Midy and Gerard Feuillet were among the
Nicolas
six professors sent
the University of Paris as special envoys to follow the
escorted to
Rouen by Jean de Rinel
(II,
trial;
by
they had been
67), an agent of the king of
England and
husband of Pierre Cauchon's niece, Guillemette Bidault. Jean de La Fontaine, also a
member of the university,
a master of arts and licentiate in canon law,
not officially part of that delegation.
conscientious man: certain reticence.
He conducted
According
Manchon, Jean warned Joan pope and
Cauchon must have recognized
him
a
his interrogations with rigor, but also with a
to the later testimony of the notary that, if
to the Council, she
in
was
Guillaume
she did not declare her submission to the
would put herself
"in great danger."
When
the
bishop heard of that sympathetic admonition, he "was strongly annoyed."
Weighing the danger of Cauchon's displeasure, Jean de La Fontaine discreetly.
entirely
He conducted no
from the
During
transcript
left
Rouen
interrogation session thereafter and disappears
on March 28.
that first interrogation
behind closed doors, Jean de La Fontaine
began by questioning Joan about the circumstances of her capture and about the warnings that her voices might have given her
hour that
I
nevertheless,
was going I
to
be taken,
I
at that point: "If
I
had known the
would never have gone
would have obeyed the command of
my
willingly;
voices, whatever
118
PART
happened."
THE DRAMA
I:
And she recalled ''that it had always been
said that she
must be taken
prisoner/'
She was asked for precise figures on the horses and money
at
She also spoke again of the "king's sign," a symbolic royal crown
would return several and
to please her
March. that
On March
which
the king
was summarized
times.
1
It
was
became
that
her disposal. to
which she
for her an image, almost a parable, that
seemed
richer in her responses to questioning throughout
she had alluded to a crown "a thousand times richer" than
had received
in Article 5
at his anointing.
Her fmal thought on
this point
of the accusation drawn up by the promotor, Jean
1
d'Estivet:
An
angel gave the sign to her king
would say nothing about
of God.
As
received
came by
it
to the
crown,
in person
the
St.
it
and had handed
commandment
Catherine and
chamber of her no goldsmith
king. ...
As
world
in the
it
March
to
to St.
Catherine that she
the crown, the angel
.
St.
to the king in Joan's presence
it
.
.
who were
Margaret,
for the crown,
who knows how
it
to
—
in his
had
the aid
who had
The angel
before her king and
There were man\- other angels
made
company
with the angel even in the
was brought
make one
from.
God. and there
is
so beautiful and so rich.
Joan remarked that the crown
these details
"'will
have a good
came out during
the interrogation session
13, in the course of which Joan uttered another famous reply.
Jean de La Fontaine asked.
God
him
be well guarded.
The majority of of
bringing
God ... He came
of
In reply to another question,
odor," provided that
Joan had sworn
had been given to the archbishop of Reims,
reverence, bowing before him.
and also
.
would have the whole kingdom of France with
that he
promised the king
.
.
this sign. ... In
When
"Why you. rather than another?" she said, "It pleased
do so through a simple maiden,
to
humble
the king's enemies."
Joan's symbolic language about the angel and the crown has disconcerted historians.
These symbols, richer
in
meaning than mere
abstract formulations,
were standard instruments of exchange and communication the spirit of the late age of medieval heraldry. Heraldry
is
entirely in line with
a language of
encoded
signs and colors, the rules of which were not yet frozen. Joan herself provided a key to her symbolic narrative in this figure; the
command
crown
when
that the king received
was her coming
at
God's
to establish him in his kingly power. At that time symbolic memories
were deep, preserved for example to signify the sale of a field, with
The University of Paris,
thought expressed
in
in the
image of a clump of earth handed over
any written act serving only as a memorandum.
But long before Joan's generation favor.
she later declared that she saw her mission
this
symbolic mentality was out of intellectual
like universities today, preferred
modes of logical
the language of deduction, definition, and analysis.
)OANS TRIAL AND EXECUTION AT ROUEN
119
The record reveals when Joan was next questioned and by whom, but her
now took
interrogation
March
Monday,
10;
thirteenth;
place behind closed doors.
continued on Saturday,
morning and afternoon; Tuesday, the
the twelfth, in the
Wednesday, the fourteenth,
It
morning and afternoon; Thursday,
in the
the fifteenth; and Saturday, the sixteenth, also in the
morning and afternoon.
Jean de La Fontaine was the inquisitor. Various university professors, including Pierre
Cauchon
more precise information on
himself, returned to get
points on Saturday,
March
24.
several
The bishop returned on Palm Sunday, March
25,
along with Jean Beaupere, Nicolas Midy, and two others whose names recur frequently in the transcript: Pierre Maurice and It is
Thomas de
Courcelles
(II,
noted that they tried to convince Joan to stop wearing men's clothes
issue that surfaces increasingly
—under
the pretext that she
permitted to hear mass or receive the Eucharist on Easter
if
50).
— an
would not be
she persisted in
wearing them.
During the
part of the
first
which was now
trial,
at
an end, no regular
accusation was found with which to charge her; none of the inquests
had launched
in
January and February provided material useful for proceeding
Her
against her.
returning, over
dilemma
interrogators'
and over again,
to the
answers she had given during the
trial
began.
(Nothing
terminology corresponds to
24, but their doggedness did
this
in
tion are
compared
On Monday, March
26, the
Anglo-American court procedure or
Roman law distinction between the preliminary
"of instruction" and the subsequent "ordinary"
judgment and sentencing.)
filial
March
but estabhsh a clear sense of Joan's attitudes.
"ordinary"
trial
revealed by their insistence on
is
preliminary interrogations of February 21 to little
Cauchon
When
trial,
normally followed by
Joan's answers to the preliminary interroga-
to those in the "ordinary trial," her
piety can be clarified and both her earthy
views on such matters as
pragmatism and her closeness
to
the spirit world can be glimpsed.
Jean de La Fontaine asked Joan about leaving her village, about her father, it,
if I
and about her mother. She
replied: "Since
it
was God who commanded
had a hundred fathers and a hundred mothers, or if I had been the daughter
of a king,
I
would have
to this point,
left."
which had
first
She would arisen
insist,
when
the interrogation returned
on the afternoon of Monday, March
12, that
she "obeyed her father and her mother in everything, except in regard to the suit that she
had
in the city
of Toul on the issue of marriage."
It
seems
that
Joan had
rejected a betrothal arranged by her parents, and she had to defend herself in a
breach-of-promise suit in the ecclesiastical court of her diocese
claimed that "she had not made any this trial at
dreamed
man any
promise." Nothing
is
at Toul.
She
known about
Toul except that Joan's cause succeeded. Her father frequently
Joan would go away with men-at-arms; he found
this
prospect terrifying. She explained herself in this fashion: "I heard from
my
that his daughter
120
PART
mother
that
my
fear for
my
daughter would
and
if
father
you do not do
The
had said
it, I
my
to
come
will
THE DRAMA
1:
brothers, 'Truly, if
to happen,
"I did not to assist
common
with her usual
it
do
it
thought that what
wish that you would drown
I
I
her,
drown her myself.'" from the tower of Beaurevoir;
interrogators then returned to her leap
Joan explained
I
sense:
my body
out of despair, but in the hope of saving
many good men who were
And
in need.
after the
and of going
jump
I
went
to
confession and asked pardon of the Lord."
"Was any penance imposed on you because of that?" "I
bore part of the penance in the damage
Elsewhere Franquet
in the
d' Arras, the
I
did myself by falling!"
course of these repetitive interrogations Joan mentions
mercenary captain she had handed over to justice
at
Lagny
of the previous year (1430). She experienced no qualms of conscience
in April
about his subsequent execution, for he was a
Her common sense emerges
rapist, a traitor,
and a murderer.
in her response to the questions about a certain
hackney she was accused of stealing, but which she insisted she had bought from the bishop of Senlis: In any case,
Of
far greater
spirituality.
it
was "worthless
importance to Joan's judges
is
mount," she declared.
as a
the question of her otherworldly
During the interrogation of Tuesday morning, March
14,
Joan had
explained her relationship with her voices:
St.
Catherine told
me
that
I
would have
help; and
deliverance from prison or deliverance when
may suddenly one or the
arise
other.
through which
But most often
great victory, and then
my
paradise."
my
voices
tell
me
that
you
will
come
I
do not know
to
will
have to suffer worse, but
I
will be
think that
it
will be
will be delivered
by a
finally to the
I
I
suffer in
kingdom of
fail. I call this
my imprisonment.
defer in this as in everything
Our Lord.
However hard she was pressed her confidences
transcended her
later on,
about her voices than
own
desires to
to give the
word another
her brought her beyond herself. saved, she answered:
Joan would never go further
this
declaration,
acknowledge the destiny
began to foresee her fate despite herself
wished
that
I
if this
Some upheaval
voices say that simply and absolutely, without
martyrdom because of the pain and hardship that I
do not know
can be delivered, but
a
if
I
face judgment.
voices say, "Take everything serenely, do not shrink
from your martyrdom; from
And my
I
I
when
in
in
which she
that awaited her.
She
she mentioned martyrdom. She
interpretation, but the caution her voices gave
When
she was asked
if
she was sure of being
JOAN'S TRIAL "I believe firmly
firmly as
what
my
were already
if I
AND EXECUTION
AT ROUEN
voices have told me, that
that
is,
I
121 be saved, as
shall
there."
"After that revelation, do you believe yourself incapable of committing
mortal sins?" "I
know
"That
"And
The
nothing about
but in everything
I
defer to God."
a very weighty response."
is
hold
I
that,
also a great treasure."
it
interrogation closed on that statement;
La Fontaine's decision
to leave
Rouen
it
may
well have influenced Jean de
after trying to counsel Joan.
During her imprisonment, Joan said she counted almost daily on the assistance of her voices "and indeed
dead were
it
had great need of it." Again:
I
me
not for the voice that comforts
March
unshakable. In the session of Wednesday,
"I
would be
every day." Her faith was 28, she reports without
apparent embarrassment a prayer that also reflects this quality. The recorder and transcribers never converted
they simply
left it
Very sweet God,
You
regarding
my
in
into indirect discourse or translated
I
clothes, the
should answer these
command
that I
about the manner in which I should drop it.
On March often
I
I
beg You,
men
if
You
of the church.
received, but
I
do not
university intellectuals,
trial."
know
I
know
well,
anything
this surprising
Christian people;
was made of
Little
about such
spirits, as a tribunal
someone of heresy because of
of the
a belief in
Cauchon was doubtless certain that he had ensnared Joan when
the question of the
Church Militant
arose.
On March
15 Jean de
La Fontaine
had opened the interrogation by asking:
"If
it
should happen that you have done something against the Faith, would you
defer to the determination of our holy mother the church, to
whom
you should
indeed defer in such matters?"
"Let afterward is
my if
answers be seen and examined by clerics and
there
is
anything that
is
to
maintain
church]."
it
let
them
tell
me
against the Christian faith. ... If there
anything evil against the Christian faith that
wish
this
Whatever skepticism her judges, mostly
may have had
Inquisition they could hardly accuse angels. However,
love me, that
made
come unseen among
have seen them among Christian people."
admission during the "ordinary
into Latin;
On that, may it please You to instruct me.
12 toward the end of the morning session, Joan
confidence about angels: "They often
it
it:
honor of Your Holy Passion,
me how
reveal to
it
in French, just as Joan said
God
has ordered,
I
would not
and would be very upset to come out as opposed
to [the
122
PART
Either La Fontaine or one of the two
Midy and Gerard
Feuillet,
THE DRAMA
I:
members of the university then present, Nicolas
undertook
to explain to the
accused the difference
between the Church Triumphant and the Church Mihtant. Put simply, the Church Mihtant was the Catholic church on earth; the Church Triumphant was the church in heaven; the
Church Suffering was those of its members
was not familiar with these you anything this
was a key
abstract categories,
else for the present."
question, the judges
17,
of judges:
to
it
more than twenty times
"It is
my
sense that
it is
all
Why
it.
do you make
When asked if she "Bring me before our
difficulties
pope, she rephed:
lord the pope, and
everything that
When
I
required to
On
tell
about
the
I shall
By then, Jean de La Fontaine, still
present, however,
as
March
26,
Cauchon knew
we have
seen,
new
Church
had ceased to interrogate
public session took place,
made an appeal
advice on the brief drawn up by tht promotor. The
first
was Nicolas de Venderes
this point
to the
that he
on Tuesday, March 27, when, "in the room
course of which Pierre Cauchon
himself on
being one
truth to the
answer him on
had grounds for a valid accusation: inadequate submission
He was
its
whole
should answer."
the "ordinary" process began on
next to the great hall of the castle of Rouen," a in the
thereafter.
one, God's and the church's, and that there
felt
Joan.
that
indefatigably. This question of
and the same thing?"
Militant.
answer
Joan had an answer that should have removed any hesitation on the part
should be no difficulty about
finally
"I shall not
Having now understood by her reluctance
would return
Joan's submission to the church was raised
March
who
in purgatory. Joan,
answered simply:
(II,
to the assessors for their
of the assessors to express 69), a
canon of Rouen,
licensed in canon law; he was punctual at the following sessions, in which he
played an active
role. It
was necessary
in his
eyes for the accused to swear
another oath. If she refused, she should be excommunicated. La Fontaine agreed with this advice; the majority of the other assessors demanded that Joan be read the articles
drawn up by
the
promotor before being declared excommunicate.
Some of them, such as the Benedictine Pierre Miget, prior of Longueville (II, 66), who eventually would vote that she be handed over to the secular arm of justice, declared that, regarding the articles to
one could not require
The seventy
that she
which Joan was unable to respond,
answer yes or no as was customary.
articles of the brief
from the verbose and sometimes vulgar
pen of Jean d'Estivet were read to Joan on March 27 and 28. The brief expanded
on most of the questions asked Joan but was barely connected she had given during the hearings. Article the habit of carrying a
mandrake
have a prosperous fortune
mandrake of
that type
in
in
to the
answers
example, says: "Joan often had
her bosom, hoping through this talisman to
wealth and temporal things, affirming that a
had force and
energetic reply: "That article about the level of distortion appears in a
7, for
effect."
The
transcript contained Joan's
mandrake she denied entirely." The same
subsequent
article dealing
with the young
man
—
JOANS TRIAL AND EXECUTION AT ROUEN who
took Joan to court
prosecuting that as
123
Toul on a complaint of marriage refusal: "In
at
she went frequently to Toul, and exposed on that occasion,
suit,
were, everything she had."
it
The
brief
marked by such twisting of evidence.
is
reproached for having suit);
worn male
attire (a "short,
In Article 13, Joan
is
reduced, and dissolute" man's
Joan's categorical reply, which appears in the French minutes of the
trial,
was
omitted from the Latin transcript. In the brief, men's clothes were accorded a place
of increasing importance. The costume that Joan had considered entirely reasonable
—
had the inhabitants of Vaucouleurs, her companions on the
as
the king, even the bishops of the investigation of Poitiers
obsession for these judges. blackmail. Since Holy
mass
if she
On March
15, they
had gone as
—a long
wear
mass
far as to try a
form of
agreed to put away men's clothes. She offered a counterproposal: "Have
a long dress touching the ground, without a train,
to
journey,
a point of
Week was approaching, they offered Joan the chance to hear
going to mass." Or then: "Give
go
first
—became
skirt
in."
me
made
for
me and give it to me for
a dress of the sort that a bourgeois girl
—and
with something like a woman's hood
This offer produced no
I
will take
would
them
to
result.
Several of the articles fraudulendy contradicted Joan's explicit declarations.
For example. Article 56: "Joan frequentiy bragged of having two counselors,
who came
she called 'Counselors of the Fountain,'
The judges were
to her after she
whom
was capmred."
also determined to associate Joan with Catherine de
La Rochelle.
That connection somehow led them to the conclusion that "Joan would escape from prison with the aid of the Devil
if
she were not well guarded."
response to the brief does concede that "to
this article
The
transcript of her
Joan responded that she would
hold to what she had already said, and as for the 'Counselors of the Fountain,' she did not
know what
that was." Again,
charged with having ordered melted
wax to be poured on the heads of little children
by
in order to practice "divinations
always in the same hne of thought, she was
charm." Unperturbed, she denied these
this
To
alleged acts of divination and returned to her previous answers. brief,
though
it
was fraudulent on many
18 were later added.
Church
The
last
points, the responses
the text of the
Joan made on April
of these articles insisted on her submission to the
Militant:
"So long
as she [the church] does not
and what
I
I
have said
to
call
impossible
in this trial
me from God,
for
I
is
that
I
command something
revoke the deeds
against the
anything."
impossible to do
have done and the words
concerning the visions and revelations that were given will not revoke
them
made me do and has commanded and may for the sake of any
I
man
alive,
commandment
yet
command,
and should the church wish
that
what Our Lord has
for anything;
was given me by God,
I
I
shall not fail to
that
I
do
do something
would not do
it
for
"
124
PART "If the
somehow
Church Militant
diabolic,
"In that case,
THE DRAMA
I:
tells
you
would you defer I
your revelations are illusions or
that
to the
church?"
would defer as always
God, whose command
to
I
have
always obeyed, and I know w ell that what is contained in this trial comes through
God's command, and what God's command.
It
I
have affirmed
would be impossible
Church Militant command me
the
to
in this process that
me
for
do otherw ise.
I
have done by
And
contrar\-.
would not defer
I
command
of the world, other than our Lord, whose good
"Do you
do the
to
I
believe that you are subject to the church of
to
should
any
man
have always done.'"
God
that
is
on earth,
that is to say, to our lord the pope, to the cardinals, archbishops, bishops,
and
*
other prelates of the church? "Yes. so long as
Our Lord
"Have you received Church
Militant,
"I shall is at
the
God
1
.
is
is first
served."
command from your
on eanh. nor
not answ er anvthing that
to
voices not to submit to the
her judgment?""
comes
into
my head, but what I do answer
command of my voices: they do not command me not to obey the church.
being
On March 3
which
the
first
Joan
v.
served.
as interrogated once
more behind closed doors in the hall where
she was held prisoner: this interrogation bore more sharply than usual on obedience to the church.
hear mass.
New
Year
at that
period began on Apnl
year; thereafter, the acts of the
2 to April
7,
Day
Joan must have spent that Easter
were devoted
to
trial
are dated 143
1
.
in prison 1,
without being able to
on \\hich Easter also
fell that
The following days, from Apnl
draw ing up twehe anicles extracted from the seventy
previous ones; according to inquisitorial procedure, these were to be sent to the doctors and prelates called in for consultation.
It
was necessary
to
submit both the
charges and the resume of the hearings to doctors unin\ oh ed in the process so that they could pronounce the degree of the accused's
number of assessors, among whom were as
two English
prelates:
marriage of Henry later
Dominican who had appeared frequently
The next Joan's
cell.
the doctors
manner
1
present was Friar Isambart de in the interrogation sessions
Joan"s
sick,
and Cauchon thought
and masters would come
trial,
La
Pierre, a
behind closed
interrogation session took place on Wednesday, April 18. in
She was
who
who would
0.
visited that
day
it
appropriate to assure her
to see her in a friendly
testified later
Tiphaine, the duchess of Bedford's in
1419. and Richard Prati.
to visit her in her illness, so as to console
the doctors
The group included a certain
William Haiton (IL 54), one of the tw o negotiators of the
V to Catherine of France in
become bishop of Chichester. Also
doors since March
guilt.
delegates of the University of Pans, as well
recalled:
own
and
to
and charitable
comfort
her.""
during the nullification
physician,
who
'"that
Two
trial.
of
Jean
ser\ed as an assessor
lOAN'S TRIAL
When Joan was
ill,
the judges ordered
by one named d'Estivet. In
Chambre
[II,
AND EXECUTION AT ROUEN me
his presence,
56], a master of medicine,
to visit her,
and
that she
me
that a carp
had eaten some of
it,
was brought
I
I
took her pulse in
asked her what she
I
to her
felt
and where
had been sent her by the bishop of Beauvais,
and
that she thought
Estivet reproached her, saying that
saying: "It's you, slut,
and
Master Guillaume de La
and several others,
order to discern the cause of her illness, and she hurt. She told
that of
125
it
what she said was
caused her false;
illness.
Then
he called her a
slut,
who ate a shad and other things that have made you sick";
she answered that that was not so, and they exchanged lots of insulting words.
Afterward, wishing to learn more about Joan's illness,
who were
The carp
to
there that she
which Joan
had vomited a great
I
no indication ill,
it
that Joan,
whose
constitution
men
said by the
attributed her illness raises questions about
might have been accidentally or deliberately poisoned.
fallen
heard
deal.
whether she
Up to this point,
was exceptionally
robust,
there
is
had ever
despite wounds, injuries, fatigue and the often stressful conditions of
her expeditions, campaigns, and imprisonment. Estivet's fury at her implication that she
was poisoned seems excessive.
Is
it
found a more expeditious way of terminating doctor
summoned
to
possible that Pierre this
Cauchon had
disappointing trial?
examine Joan, Guillaume de La Chambre,
The other
testified in the
nullification trial to the powerful English reaction:
As
to her illness, the cardinal of
sent
me
to find out about
Desjardins
[11,
14], a
told us that Joan
was
it.
I
England
[11,
8]
and the
earl of
Warwick
[H, 43]
appeared before them, with Master Guillaume
master in medicine, and other doctors, and the earl of Warwick sick,
according to what had been reported to him, and that he
had had us summoned to take care of her, because more than anything the king did not wish her to die a natural death.
in the
world
The king considered her very
precious and had bought her dearly, and he did not wish her to die except at the
hands of justice and he wished that she should be burned.
went
her with care, that she got well.
I
Desjardins again and the others.
We
feverish,
We did so much, visiting
to see her along with
Master Guillaume
palpated her on the right side and found her
and thus we decided to bleed her; when the matter was reported to the
of Warwick, he said, "Be careful with the bleeding, because she kill herself."
is
earl
wily and might
She was bled nevertheless, which relieved her immediately; once she
was so cured, a certain Master Jean d'Estivet arrived. He exchanged insulting words with Joan and called her a whore and a that she took fever again
and
fell
slut;
Joan was very
irritated,
so
much
so
sick once more.
Discordant voices were making themselves heard. Fortunately for Cauchon, the University of Paris, which had been consulted on April 12, agreed entirely with
—
126
PART and adopted
his conclusions
of the assessors
all
I:
THE DRAMA drawn up by
the articles
Estivet.
—Zanon de Castiglione. bishop of Lisieux;
A large
group
Philibert de Montjeu,
bishop of Coutances; and Gilles de Duremort. abbot of Fecamp, and his chaplain, Jean de Bouesgue.
king of England
—
of
all
whom
appear
abbots of Jumieges and Cormeilles, Nicolas Le
demanded
account books of the
in the
also approved this inquest without reservation.
that the
be conducted
trial
in the
However, the
Roux and Guillaume Bonnel,
presence of the University of Paris,
so that Joan might be better instructed and that the articles be read to her in
French, explaining clearly the danger that she incurred. Eleven lawyers of the jurisdiction of
Rouen
also expressed reservations, and three of the assessors
Pierre Minier. Jean Pigache. and Richard du Grouchet
—protested
that Joan's
revelations should not be interpreted in so negative a fashion. Yet another. Raoul
Le Sauvage, thought
that the question should be submitted to the
News sometimes
Holy See.
traveled so slowly in medieval Europe that the people of
Rouen were not yet aware that Pope Martin V had died on February 20. Worse news was
for their part}' for
many
Then
(11,
50), a pohtical ally of
there
after
IV.
who had been opposed
was
many
of the assessors
at
Joan's
Thomas
trial.
the scarcely veiled hostility of the cathedral chapter of
an early meeting on April 13, the canons had taken refuge in the
pretext that they were not
modem
on March 3 of Eugenius
years to the guiding spirits of the Council of Basel, especially to
de Courcelles
Rouen;
the accession
numerous enough
to
undertake valid deliberations: In
terms, they claimed they lacked a quorum.
On
the following day they
reached agreement that the twelve articles should be read to Joan in French and
be better informed on everything concerning submission
that she should
Church
Militant.
It
may be
entirety,
was preserved
who
from
formally opposed the
trial in
in the trial transcript. Several other clerics of
Rouen,
the bishop of Avranches, Jean de Saint- Avit, its
to the
significant that neither this letter nor the letter
such as Jean Lohier and Master Nicolas de Houppeville (who was thrown in prison for his position), vehemently opposed the
trial.
Unanimity had not been achieved in the case of Joan the Maid. left in the
the
way
Church
of a charge?
Militant, but she
two religious
seemed
partisans
had
Joan was charged with lack of submission
just
was charged with
if
Pierre
was
clear:
way
to
(II,
in the
1).
comply with these
The meeting of April 18 was devoted
that in her
to
modify her
attitude
on
the wearing of men's clothes, but
Joan must be formally condemned
he did not find a
warning"
—
a thin basis for condemnation. Nevertheless, the wish of the English
both dishonor and discredit for Charles VII task
to
been advised by Jean de La Fontaine and
—one of them Isambart de La
that subject. Second, Joan this
First,
What was
to
in a
Cauchon would
state.
fail in his
instructions.
what was called "charitable
vocabulary of the Inquisition. There also
weakened
way that would entail
may have been hope
Joan could be led to make some compromising
JOAN'S TRIAL
AND EXECUTION AT ROUEN
127
Statement, but this did not occur. Joan thanked the bishop for what he had said "for her salvation" and added: "It
have, that
ask to
I
am in
seems
to
me,
in
great danger of death; and if such
view of the sickness that
I
God's pleasure for me,
I
is
make confession and receive the sacrament of the Eucharist and be buried
in consecrated ground."
Taking advantage of her request, the bishop proceeded:
"Since you ask that the church give you the sacrament of the Eucharist, do you
wish to submit yourself to the Church Militant? In that case,
you
we promise
to give
that sacrament."
"Whatever happens,
will not
I
do or say anything other than what
I
am
a good Christian, and well baptized, and
Christian. ...
As
to
said before.
would wish
to aid
God,
"I
if
hope
love Him,
I
serve
Him,
and support the church with
"Do you want us good health
I
to plan a fine
you are not
that the
all
I
am
my
a
I
I
have
shall die as a
good
good
Christian,
and
I
power."
and worthy procession
you back
to bring
to
in that state?"
church and Catholic people will pray for me."
Joan seems to have regained her strength when the second "charitable warning"
was issued on Wednesday, bachelor in theology
May
at the
2. In that
session Master Jean de Chatillon, a
Cauchon and
University of Paris and a friend of
Beaupere, led the interrogation. Regarding the Church Militant, Joan answered their questions unequivocally: "I believe fully in the
that the
Church Militant cannot
what I have done,
And when I
will
I
rely entirely
church here below.
err or fail; but as far as
what
believe
have said and
I
on God, who has made me do what I have done."
they spoke to her of the pope, she answered: "Bring
answer
I
me
to
him and
to him."
Eight days later Jean Massieu went once again to
fmd
Joan.
He
led her
not into the hall of judgment but into the great tower of the castle. Joan found
Cauchon and some assessors
herself face to face with
whom
seen several times: Jean de Chatillon, Guillaume Erard
she had already 51),
(II,
Andre
Marguerie, Nicolas de Venderes, the Englishman William Haiton, Nicolas Loiseleur, Aubert Morel (an advocate at the court of Rouen), and the Benedictine
monk Jean Dacier, abbot of Saint-Comeille at Compiegne. There were also two men Joan did not know. Mangier Leparmentier, the executioner, and his assistant.
members
She was threatened with
make
apart and
and
if I
should
made me
say
it
else,
tell
torture:
Joan declared, "Truly,
the soul leave the body,
you something, afterward
I I
if
will not tell shall
you
pull
my
you anything
always say that you
by force."
They were
clearly not ready for that response.
suspend the proceedings and get approval for
Cauchon decided
this latest initiative
to
from a larger
128
PART
On the following
group.
of
whom
Saturday, he assembled in his house a dozen assessors,
only three declared that
the torture, so as to
Thomas de
THE DRAMA
I:
"know
it
seemed
to
them "expedient"
Courcelles, and Nicolas Loiseleur.
perceived the
It
seems
wisdom of Raoul Roussel's suggestion
assessors to be asked for advice, he declared that he that a process as well
conducted as
this
to put
Joan to
They were Aubert Morel,
the truth about her lies":
Cauchon
that
(II,
The
68):
was opposed
finally
of the
first
to torture "so
one not run the risk of calumny."
The major local event of the following day is not mentioned in the official
On
Joan was not directly involved.
transcripts;
Beauchamp,
earl of
Warwick, gave a banquet
to
principal characters in Joan's story. His account
purchases
made
sufficient.
At the end of
sumptuous
Richard
13,
which he invited many of the
book dedicates two pages
to the
page that was usually
for that feast rather than the single that
May
Sunday,
repast, the guests decided to visit the
place where Joan was being held prisoner. She saw entering her cell John of
Luxembourg Humphrey,
(II,
earl
28);
his
brother, Louis
himself, accompanied by a Burgundian knight
encounter,
29), bishop of
(II,
Therouanne;
of Stafford; the intimates of the castle; and the earl of Warwick
whom she knew from a previous
Aimond de Macy. The account book
also expressly mentions
among
the guests Pierre Cauchon, bishop of Beauvais, and Jean de Mailly, bishop of
Noyon
(II,
Those two judged
61).
nullification trial,
Aimond de Macy
it
inopportune to
visit the prisoner. In the
reported the scene:
[John of Luxembourg] addressed Joan, saying to her, "Joan, a
ransom
for
you provided
that
you
I
have come to pay
are willing to promise that
take up arms against us again." She answered, "In God's name,
me, for I know well
that
you have neither the power nor the
you
you
will to
will never
are
do
mocking
And
this."
she repeated that several times, because the count persisted in saying so; and she said then, "I think after
my
know
well that these English will have
me
dead, because they
death they will win the kingdom of France. But were there a
hundred thousand Godons more than there are
at present,
they will not have the
kingdom." [Godon was a current slang term for the English, who
seemed constantly
to repeat the expletive
Goddamn.]
to
French ears
At these words, the earl
of Stafford was enraged, and pulled his dirk halfway out of its scabbard to strike her with
it,
but the earl of
Warwick prevented him.
Aimond de Macy himself reports in the castle
there.
He
that
he
first
saw Joan when she was
in prison
of Beaurevoir, and that he had conversed with her several times
admits: "I tried several times, playing with her, to touch her breasts,
trying to place
me away with
my hands all
on her chest, which Joan would not
her strength.
her words as in her deeds."
suffer, but
Joan was indeed an honest woman,
as
pushed
much
in
Aimond saw her once again at the castle of Le Crotoy,
JOAN'S TRIAL
129
church of Amiens, Nicolas de
that the chancellor of the
and he reported Queuville, had
AND EXECUTION AT ROUEN
come several times to celebrate mass in the prison,
much good
of Joan." The Burgundian knight prolonged his stay
was present
a
trial
at
said
Rouen; he
during the "abjuration of Saint-Ouen."
little later,
During the dinner of the
"He
and:
May
13,
Warwick
told the bishop of Beauvais that
had gone on too long. Cauchon received another important communi-
cation on the following day,
when
a letter to announce that after
provoked by the
had
him
numerous consultations and serious deliberations
of Jean Beaupere, Nicolas Midy, and Jacques de Touraine,
visit
who had communicated Estivet, they
the rector of the University of Paris sent
finally
to
them the twelve
articles
drawn up on the
reached "unanimous consensus" that
it
brief of
was time
to act
so that "the unjust and scandalous demoralization of the people" provoked by
"a
woman by
the
name of Joan who
is
called the
Maid" would
cease. This
statement was followed by commentary on the twelve articles, which clearly
declared her an apostate, a
hastened on Saturday,
May
liar,
a schismatic, and a heretic. Pierre
19, to
convoke the assessors once again
Cauchon
in order to
consider the conclusions of these venerable masters of the faculties of theology
and canon law of "our Mother, the University of Paris." Once again, on the following Wednesday, Joan was given the formal admonition of the Inquisition
and answered
I
wish
own
in her
fashion:
to maintain the
this trial. If
I
manner
in
which
I
have always spoken and behaved in
were already judged and saw the
ready and the executioners ready to light the
would nevertheless not say anything
fire, I
what
She made
I
have said
this
fire
fire,
other.
lit,
and the bundles of sticks
and even I
if I
were within the
would maintain unto death
in this trial.
response to Pierre Maurice
(II,
64), a
young master
fresh out of
school with a license in theology, one of the brightest lights of his generation,
who reported it twenty-seven years later. This rejoinder made an impression on him. He went to Joan's prison when she had just learned what death she was to die.
When
she cried out, "Master Pierre, where will
I
be
this
evening?" he
responded: "Have you not good hope in God?"
On
Thursday,
May
24, after the feast of Pentecost,
Cauchon organized
a spectacle designed to impress the prisoner. In the cemetery of the
abbey of
Saint-Ouen, several platforms were set up, one for Joan and the others for the assessors
who were
present under the presidency of Cardinal Henry Beaufort,
bishop of Winchester. Louis of Luxembourg; Jean de Mailly, bishop of Noyon;
and William Alnwick, bishop of Norwich, private secretary and keeper of the privy seal to Henry
V and Henry VI, were there as well,
along with the abbots
of Fecamp, Cormeilles, Jumieges, Saint-Ouen, Le Bec-Hellouin, Mortemer,
130
PART
THE DRAMA
I:
and Preaux. Guillaume Erard, canon of Rouen and a master of the University
whom
of Paris
England would charge
the king of
to represent the royal
preached a solemn
interests four years later at the negotiations of Arras,
sermon
Several witnesses later interrogated in the nullification
at Joan.
Isambart and Martin Ladvenu
in particular Friar at the
(II,
57), another
trial,
Dominican
convent of Rouen, recollected certain passages. Ladvenu reported that
"O Royal House of France! You have never known a monster until now! But now behold yourself dishonored in placing your trust in this woman, this magician, heretical and superstitious." At this Joan interrupted him, crying out: "Do not speak of my king, he is a good Christian." Jean Massieu, the usher, who was at Joan's side on the same platform and so the preacher had cried out:
was well sign
situated to report the scene, reported that the preacher gave
meaning "Make her be
addressed Joan
"Look all
at
silent."
my
His sermon completed, Guillaume Erard
who many
lords the judges, to
times have
summoned you
to the clergy,
were not good
have answered you on
first
of
to say
and
Rome
all, I
to
that point: of all the
works
To a
any
fault,
appeal.
it is
that
I
As
my
to
words and deeds,
mine and no one
to the
it
I
to the church, I let
a report
whom, and
God
to
have done them on God's
my king nor any other. If there
else's."
further question, she persisted in replying: "I appeal to
father the pope."
things that, as
have done,
our holy father, the sovereign pontiff, to
orders and charge no one else with them, neither is
many
to support."
answer you. Regarding the matter of submission
"I shall
submit
to
our holy mother the church, explaining to you and
remonstrating that in your words and deeds there were
be sent to
a
directly:
your words and deeds
seemed
him
God and
our holy
to
There are many instances of inquisitorial trials in which the appeal
pope was enough
to interrupt the process, but that did not
happen
here.
Three times Guillaume Erard repeated his exhortation, while Jean
Massieu handed Joan a cedula, a legal
of parchment designed to be attached to a
slip
document. Someone had written a
urged her to sign "a great
it.
murmur
At that moment,
arose
among
as
letter
of abjuration on this
present; at one
[Bishop Cauchon] say: 'You will have to pay for
Joan of the
peril that
cedula and
I
saw
was threatening
her,
and
I
that.'
At
point,
that time,
I
I
later,
heard
warned
instructed her about signing this
clearly that she did not understand this document."
To Joan's appeal impossible to go
Massieu
Massieu reported a quarter-century
who were
those
slip;
to the pope,
find our lord the
the cedula explained to her
no other response was given than
pope
at
met with the same
testimony of Massieu, Joan demanded
"It is
such a distance." Her request to have reaction.
According
to the
that the document be inspected by the
AND EXECUTION AT ROUEN
JOAN'S TRIAL clerks
now,"
and
—
days by
Guillaume Erard answered: "Do
that they should give her counsel;
presumably he meant for her to sign
it
—"otherwise you
will
it
end your
fire."
Aimond de Macy, who was at the castle,
She
who
first
pulled from his sleeve a
drew a
circle;
however
present, asserted
secretary of the king of England, Laurence Calot, often
sign.
131
little
that
was
it
the
among Warwick's guests
cedula and handed
it
Joan to
to
Laurence Calot held her hand and made her draw
a cross on the document.
What was on
that slip of
parchment? The cedula was said
to contain a
promise that Joan would no longer wear men's clothes. According to the testimony of Guillaume Manchon,
been aware of the meaning of
drawn
cross that she had just
signed her
name on
who
in his capacity as notary should
Joan laughed.
this scene,
in place of a signature
several letters,
We may
ask
(we have seen
have
if
the
that she
from the end of 1429) might not have been
a reference to the cross that she had sometimes put on military messages, as a previously agreed signal indicating that
consider
it
null
whoever received
that letter should
and void.
All of this occurred in a strange confusion:
The bishop of Beauvais was
reproached by the Englishmen present for not having condemned Joan, while Jean Massieu read her the report of eyewitnesses,
letter
was
of abjuration. That
six or eight lines long,
letter,
according to the later
whereas
in the trial transcript
the cedula of abjuration consists of forty-seven printed lines in the French
As Jean Massieu declared
translation (forty-four in the Latin text).
in the
nullification trial:
was given
to
me
in that letter
it
was noted
It
to read to her,
and
I
read
that in future she
men's clothes, nor would she cut her hair not
remember anymore; and I know well
and no more, and of the
trial,
I
know
because what
in the record,
and
I
to Joan,
short,
that
absolutely that
that [the
it
it
and
I
remember well
that
would neither carry arms, nor wear and many other things
that
I
do
cedula contained about eight lines
was not
registered in the transcript
read her was different from that which was inserted
one he read her]
is
the one Joan signed.
This scene surprised everybody. "The English were indignant with the bishop of Beauvais, the doctors, and the assessors of the
trial
because Joan had not been
convicted and condemned and handed over to execution." Their attitude was threatening:
"The king has spent
his
money
very badly on you." Specific
punishments meted out to reformed heretics seem to have varied, but the normal period of imprisonment was three years;
might well have expected
to
if
punished as a reformed heretic, Joan
be freed eventually and to return to Domremy.
eyewitness, Jean Pave, master of royal appeals, said:
An
132
PART
I
heard
men
I:
THE DRAMA when
say that after that sermon,
to the bishop
and
the earl of
to the doctors, saying that
it
Warwick complained
would go badly
because Joan would escape them, one among them answered: worry;
we
for the king
"My Lord, do not
will catch her again."
The conclusion of
this
episode
is
tellingly related
by the notary Guillaume
Manchon: As we were leaving the preaching at Saint-Ouen, after the abjuration of the Maid, Loiseleur said to her, "Joan, you have spent the day well and, please God, you
have saved your soul." She asked, "Well, as to church, [arrange to] take
me
into your prison so that
where you found
had
her."
I
some of you men of
Which
is
why
the
be no longer in the hands
my lord of Beauvais answered,
of these Englishmen." To which to
that,
"Take her back
she was brought back to the castle she
left.
Only those who had relapsed errors returned to
them
—
that
is,
those
who having once
—could be condemned
to
abjured their
death by a tribunal of the
Inquisition and delivered for death "to the secular arm." Despite his earlier loss
of hope that he would find a proper charge, Cauchon had succeeded only in
making men's clothes the symbol of Joan's
refusal to submit to the church.
The
cedula containing a promise no longer to wear men's clothes became the
game to make Joan relapse. What were the exact circumstances that constrained Joan
instrument of a
the following Sunday, three days later, Joan once
reclaimed male garments
exposed
to further
when
she was
more wore male
attire:
By
She
returned to the secular prison and
abuse by her English guards. Martin Ladvenu affirms that
"someone approached her secretly
have heard from Joan's
at night; I
that an English lord entered her cell
and
tried to take her
gives a slightly different version: Having returned to
Thursday
to relapse?
after Pentecost, at the
moment when
she
women's
woke up
the following Sunday, Trinity Sunday, she could not
own mouth
by force." Jean Massieu clothes on the
in the
morning of
fmd her women's
clothes
because the English guards had taken these away from her after throwing her a sack in which were exclusively men's clothes; and so "she dressed herself in the
men's clothes which they had thrown her." For whatever reason, Cauchon learned on Sunday,
May
27, that Joan had
resumed wearing men's
Wasting no time, he arrived the following morning
at the prison,
clothes.
accompanied
by the vice-inquisitor, Jean Lemaitre, and several assessors.
Joan was dressed
in
men's clothes,
that
is,
a tunic, a cape, and a short robe and
other men's clothes, a costume that on our orders she had previously put aside,
JOAN'S TRIAL
AND EXECUTION
133
AT ROUEN
and had taken on women's clothes. And so we interrogated her and
for
own
what reason she had once more assumed men's clothes: Joan declared;
will,**
''I
took
again because
it
convenient than to have women's clothes because
me was
wear them again because what was promised I
my
on
it
was more lawful and
it
am
I
leam when
to
'i did
with men;
began
I
to
not observed, to wit that
should go to mass and receive the body of Christ and be freed from these irons.
... to
I
would
rather die than stay in these irons; but
mass, and
prison and
could be freed of these irons, and
if I
if I
could have a
woman
to help
me
if I
me
permitted for
if it is
could be put
to
decent
in a
[her expression, avoir femme,
written on the minutes but not on the official transcript of the
go
is
would be
trial], I
good and do what the church wishes." "Since Thursday, have you heard the voices of
Catherine and
St.
St.
Margaret?" [Cauchon asked.] "Yes.**
"What have they
told
you?"
"God has expressed through sorrow
at the
Catherine and
St.
strong treason to which
revocation to save
my
life,
and said
In the margin, the recorder noted:
that
St.
Margaret His great
and making a
I
consented
I
was damning myself to save
"A deadly
in abjuring
my
life."
reply."
After saying explicitly that her voices had told her what was to happen at the
to
cemetery
my
deny
at
Saint-Ouen that Thursday, she added:
apparitions, that
is,
that they
were
St.
"I did not say or intend
Catherine and
Margaret."
St.
"That being understood," adds the 1431 transcript, "we removed ourselves from her, to
proceed according to right and reason."
Two
witnesses later attested that on leaving this encounter, Cauchon
spoke cheerfully to several Englishmen, including Warwick himself in the court of the castle: "Farewell,
On Wednesday, May
make good
30, early in the morning,
Ladvenu,
whom
assistant,
Jean Toutmouille, went to Joan's
has
us a
left
I
It is
that
who waited
two Dominicans. Martin
cell. In the transcript
trial,
and his
Toutmouille
report:
Joan was abandoned to secular judgment and dehvered
found myself
,
done."
she had already seen sitting as an assessor in the
moving
The day
cheer.
in the
morning
in the prison
the bishop of Beauvais had sent to to true contrition
was
to hear her confession,
And when
to die that day,
be burned,
whom
her of her coming death and to induce her
and penance, and also
did very carefully and charitably. the death that she
tell
to
with Friar Martin Ladvenu,
which Ladvenu
he announced to the poor
woman
which her judges had ordered, and when
she had understood and heard the hard and cruel death that was coming, she began to cry out sorrowfully
and pitiably
to tear
and pull her
hair.
"Alas! that they treat
134
PART
me
men
which
of the church, not by
me
out for
my
as miserably as
it
wrongs and grievances
great
body, clean and whole, which was never
consumed and reduced
be beheaded seven times than
ecclesiastical prison to
THE DRAMA
my
so horribly and cruelly that
corrupted, should be today to
I:
I
to
be burned
to ashes!
submitted myself, and
if I
enemies and adversaries,
has.
Ah!
that they
I
Ah!
like that! Alas! If
protest before
it
I
I
would prefer
had been
in
an
had been guarded by
would not have turned
God, the Great Judge, the
have done me." She then made marvelous
complaint in that place of the oppression and violences that had been done to her
by the jailers and by the others they had made enter against
in prison
After these complaints, the bishop arrived, to
"Bishop,
I
Joan, take
He began
die because of you."
you
patiently,
it
whom she
her.
said immediately:
to remonstrate with her, saying:
you have not held
will die because
to
"Ah,
what you
promised us and because you return to your first witchcraft." And the poor Maid
answered him: "Alas!
me
handed
If
you had put
over to
would not have happened
caretakers, this
before God." That being done,
The usher Jean Massieu, who had
how Martin Ladvenu heard the Eucharist.
me
in the prison of a
church court and
the hands of competent and agreeable ecclesiastical
I
to
me. That
is
why I complain
of you
went outside and heard no more.
also been sent
by the bishop of Beauvais, told
Joan's confession, after which she asked to receive
The Dominican was perplexed: Should he give communion
excommunicate? He
sent
someone
surprising response: ''Let
to ask the bishop of Beauvais,
them give her
to an
who made this
the sacrament of the Eucharist and
anything she asks." Massieu himself went to find a stole and a candle, so that the sacrament could be given her with dignity.
Joan was then led to the Old Marketplace, where, as for the spectacle the Saint-Ouen cemetery, several platforms
a final orafion, this one delivered
The invesdgation of her
had been
29, to bring
and
clothes,
had to endure
by Nicolas Midy. relapse had been
Beauchamp, having established on Monday resumed men's
set up, for she
managed with
dispatch.
the twenty-eighth that Joan had
quickly convoked the assessors
for the next day.
May
them up to date on this sign of insubordinadon to the Church Militant
to deliberate
assessors, to
what should be done. He was able
whom
to
convene forty-two
he posed the question of what to do with Joan, given the
manner in which she had returned to her errors.
In the course of this final session,
anew
thirty-nine of the assessors declared that the cedula should be read to her
and should be explained that she should be
to her.
abandoned
Only three of the assessors were of the opinion to secular justice without further effort:
Gastinel, Nicolas de Venderes, and a certain Jean Pinchon,
awarded posts archdeacon
at
at
as
canon
at
the cathedrals of Paris
Denis
who had been
and Rouen while
still
Jouy-en-Josas. This was perhaps an unexpected, but merely
AND EXECUTION AT ROUEN
JOAN'S TRIAL
135
formal obstacle, since the assessors had only a consultative voice, whereas
Cauchon was
name
the judge along with the vice-inquisitor, Jean Lemaitre,
does not appear in the records for this fmal session.
and made preparations for the resolution of In haste,
Cauchon
this
whose
Cauchon moved ahead
overlong
trial.
flouted the procedural rules of an inquisitorial
trial.
Laurent, the bailiff of Rouen, later recalled that in a similar case, a malefactor
condemned by
mob"
—
that
ecclesiastical justice to the hall in
is,
had been brought
which the
secular sentence could be pronounced.
This was
a secular court. directly to be
burned
The sentence was pronounced justice.
Immediately
had the chance ado and led her
to
I,
to
— so
that a regular
the sentence of
Cauchon simply delivered Joan
prepared in the Old Marketplace:
as though Joan
after that sentence, she
and before the baihff or
what he called "the
Cauchon did not obtain
a serious irregularity.
at the stake
to
heard cases
bailiff
whom
it
had been abandoned
was put
in the
to secular
hands of the baihff,
belonged to pronounce such a sentence,
pronounce one, the executioner seized Joan without further
to the place
where the wood had been prepared and she was
burned.
All of this took place in the presence of a large
number of armed men: 800,
according to Jean Massieu. Massieu was not always exact in his estimates, and this
number may be exaggerated, but
it is
not improbably large since, besides
the regular garrison of the castle, a considerable
number of men-at-arms must
have been assembled for a planned attack on Louviers. Guesdon captures an
atmosphere of haste among a mass of soldiery supervising the scene and surrounding the scaffold, ready to contain the crowd:
While Joan was making her devotions and pious lamentations,
I
was strongly
pressed by the English, and indeed, by one of their captains, to leave her in their
hands so as
to
make her
die
more quickly; they
said to me,
comfort her on the scaffold: "Priest, are you going to dinner?"
let
whose
office
was
to
us get done in time for
And impatiently, without any form or indication of judgment, they sent
her to the
fire,
saying to the master of the work:
"Do your job." And
brought and attached to the stake, continuing to praise lamenting devoutly; the
last
word she
God and the
so she was
saints while
cried in a high voice as she died was:
"Jesus!"
This haste, this crush of the crowd, these hundreds of English men-at-arms, this
—
executioner
his
name was Geoffroy Therage
high voice lamented and invoked God.
"With great devotion, Joan asked
to
One
—
all
for
one young
gesture of sympathy
girl
is
who
in a
mentioned:
have the cross, and hearing
that,
an
136
PART
I:
THE DFLAMA
Englishman who was present there made her a of a
which he handed
stick,
and she took
her,
it
one
little
in
wood from
devoutly and kissed
it,
God, our redeemer, who had suffered on the
a pious lamentation to
which cross she had the sign and representation, and she put
the
end
making
cross, of
that cross in her
bosom, between her flesh and her garments." Hearing that request. Friar Isambart de La Pierre went
to
fmd
in the
nearby church of Saint-Laurent a cross "to hold elevated right above her eyes
up
moment
to the
God hung And he attested that Joan,
of death, so that the cross on which
could be continually before her sight."
during His
life
"being already
surrounded by the flame, never ceased up to the end to proclaim and to profess in a
high voice the holy name of Jesus, imploring and invoking without cease
the aid of the saints of paradise, and again,
her
spirit
she was
and
letting her
head
fervent in the faith of
fall,
which
she uttered the
is
more, while surrendering
name of Jesus
as a sign that
God."
These cries in the Old Marketplace, which she uttered in a high and strong
who were there, above the crackling flame amid the moved many who were present, including some of the English.
voice, according to those
noise of crowd,
Several witnesses in the retrial of 1456
remembered
the tears of Louis of
Luxembourg, bishop of Therouanne, who was entirely devoted to the English cause. The executioner who had been called to torture her in the dungeon in Rouen, Mangier Leparmentier, !
said:
and especially
"Once
in the fire, she cried out
more than
in her last breath, she cried with a strong voice,
six times, 'Jesus
'
'Jesus!' so that
everyone present could hear
it;
almost
all
wept with
pity."
Isambart reported an event that marked Joan's fellowship with the martyrs according to the sensibility of medieval Christianity:
One
of the Englishmen, a soldier
that with his
moment he
own hand he would
did
it
who
detested her exceptionally and had sworn
bring a bundle of sticks to Joan's stake, at the
and heard Joan crying the name of Jesus
in her last
moment,
stood struck with stupor as though in an ecstasy and had to be led to a tavern near the Old Marketplace, so that with the help of some drink he could regain his strength.
And having had a meal
with a
friar
of the order of Friars Preachers,
who was
this
Enghshman confessed through the mouth of that
that
he had sinned gravely and that he repented what he had done against Joan,
friar
also English
whom he now took to be a holy woman; for as it seemed to him, this Englishman had himself seen,
at the
from her and take
same day came
moment that Joan gave up her spirit, a white dove emerge
flight
to
toward France.
And
the executioner, after lunch
a convent of Friars Preachers and told
me
on
that
as well as Friar
Martin Ladvenu that he was damned because he had burned a holy woman.
JOAN'S TRIAL Pierre Cusquel,
work
at the castle,
who had
AND EXECUTION AT ROUEN
137
seen her several times because he did masonry
had not been present "because
my heart could not have stood
it
and would have suffered from pity for Joan," but he recounted:
it
said that Master Jean Tressart, secretary to the king of England,
from Joan's execution, lamentably in that place, said:
'We
afflicted
are all lost, for
when
have heard
coming back
and moaning over what he had seen
it is
burned,' and that he thought 'that her soul
"I
good and holy person
a
was
in the
was
that
hands of God, and
that,
she was in the midst of the flames, she had continuously called upon the
name of the Lord
One
Jesus.'"
of the assessors, Jean Alespee
(II,
45), a
one of the agents of the king of England when that
canon of Rouen who was
city
had surrendered
to the
English in 1419, wept abundantly, according to the witnesses, and said: "I wish that
my
that
no
soul were
where
believe this
I
Warwick ordered her ashes relics
Massieu
(II,
could be claimed
63)
tells us: "I
to
later.
heard
it
woman's
be collected and thrown into the Seine so
Even
in the fire
and reduced
so,
rumors began
to spread, as Jean
said by Jean Fleury, a clerk of the bailiff
the recorder, that the executioner told
burned
soul is."
him
that although her
to ashes, her heart
remained
and
body had been
intact
and
full
of
blood, and he was told to gather the ashes and everything that remained of her
and
to
throw them in the Seine, which he did." According
executioner affirmed
that:
"despite the
oil,
the sulfur, and the carbon that he had
applied to the entrails and the heart of Joan, he in
still
could not make them
any way, nor could he reduce her entrails and her heart
was
as astonished as if
to Friar Isambart, the
by a confirmed miracle."
to ashes, at
bum
which he
CHAPTER EIGHT
THE VERDICT OF
ROUEN NULLIFIED Joan 's condemnation and death at Rouen seemed for about a year to strengthen the English cause in France.
A number of military victories led to the coronation
of the boy-King Henry VI (see Part
II,
Section 2) at Paris. But after the spring
of 1432, French forces (often commanded by Joan 's former companions-in-
arms) won as often as they put an end
Burgundy
By December 1435, when
long estrangement between Charles VII
to the
(II, 3),
lost.
the
French
and diplomacy. Paris fell to
trial for
Joan.
It
(II,
1)
and
Philip of
definitely reclaimed the initiative in both warfare
the
French
in
1436;
in
1438, Charles VII reclaimed
control of the church in France. In 1449, he called for the
new
the Treaty of Arras
opened at Paris
in
pope
to authorize
a
November 1455 under the presidency of
Guillaume d'Estouteville, the papal legate who was also a cousin of King Charles. 7,
Moving
in
December
to
Rouen,
it
concluded
1456, after lengthy interrogation of 115 witnesses,
its
deliberations on July
many of whom had been
involved in the trial that condemned Joan in 1431. Thatformer trial was declared to
have been procedurally flawed from
In the days that attitude of Pierre in the city at the
its
inception
and was
therefore nullified.
followed the burning of Joan at the stake
Cauchon suggests
anxiety.
in
Rouen, the
Heated discussions had taken place
convent of Saint-Jacques (home of Friar Isambart de La Pierre
and Friar Martin Ladvenu insisted that those
[II,
57]),
provoked by Friar Pierre Bosquier,
who had judged Joan had done
ill.
In retribution,
who
Cauchon
140
PART
sentenced him to ten months following year.
On
June
on bread and water,
in prison
Venderes
Nicolas Loiseleur
cedula;
until Easter of the
1431 the bishop convoked several of the assessors,
7,
his faithful intimates: Nicolas de
abjuration
THE DRAMA
I:
who had drawn up the who had tried to extract
69),
(II,
60),
(II,
confidences from Joan by passing himself off as a fellow countryman and then
had attended a session of the undergoing
torture; Pierre
Thomas de Courcelles
graduate;
64), the
(II,
(II,
which he had voted
the course of
trial in
Maurice
50), to
young and
whom would
for her
brilliant university
be entrusted the task
of translating and putting in order the notarial minutes kept daily during the (see
13) so as to
III.
compose an
of that position to remove his
authentic record of
name from
torture); a graduate of the university
Reims,
who had
left that city
the
it
trial
would take advantage
who had
of those
named Jacques Le Camus,
when
swiftly
list
(he
it
voted for
a
welcomed Charles VII
canon of (II, 1)
and
was later compensated for his losses by the king of England (II, 2), who granted him the benefice of the church of La Trinite at Falaise (Cauchon had summoned him
for the hearing
on Joan's relapse, and he had been
in her
company
at the
prison on the morning of the execution); and the friars Martin Ladvenu and Jean
Toutmouille. Cauchon also
Manchon his task,
(II,
summoned
62), but he refused to
come: Since the
trial
moved by
he
later revealed,
Joan's execution: "I never
way, but for a month thereafter
was terminated, so was
I
Guillaume Manchon had been powerfully
weep
for
much
was not able
of anything that
to find
have, so that
I
the assessors to agree that Joan
them declared
She understood and knev, apparitions
my
missal,
which
could pray for Joan."
Cauchon wished voices. All of
comes
any peace. With part of
money I was paid for my work during the trial, I bought a little
I still
Guillaume
trial,
he said; anything he could add would have no legal standing. According
to the confidences
the
the notary of the
coming
that she
to her of
her, for if these voices
that she
w hich
had done
had formally denied her
so:
had been tricked b> them. she had
had promised
made mention
that she
prison, she clearly learned the contrary.
It
.
.
.
The voices and
in the trial
had deceived
would be delivered and released from
was true
that she
had been deceived. Since
they had deceived her so, she believed that they were no longer good voices or good things. "I
do not wish
to
add any further
faith to these voices."
Nicolas Loiseleur went so far as to say that she had begged "with the greatest contrition of heart the indulgence of the English and the Burgundians because as she herself
avowed, she had caused them
to
be killed and put
to flight,
and
caused them so much loss." It
June
was evidently not coincidental
7, for
that this information
was recorded on
on the following day the king of England addressed a
letter
about
141
THE VERDICT OF ROUEN NULLIFIED Joan, a masterpiece of
its
kind, to the
emperor
as well as to the kings, dukes,
and other princes of all Christendom. After having "seduced the populace," Joan brought "into our hands and our power by an act of divine clemency.
was
finally
We
had nevertheless no manner of intention
suffered or to deliver that
avenge the wrongs
to
we had
woman immediately to secular justice so that she might
be thereby punished." Handed over to the ecclesiastical authority in response to a request of the prelate in
whose diocese she had been taken
judged guilty of numerous crimes against the
judge upon earth." Finally she abjured her errors, but "the
up again
was
in pestilential flames; so that she
prisoner, she
finally
fire
of her pride flared
abandoned
to the secular
power." At that moment, she "confessed without any ambiguity that the
who
she affirmed had
many
was
and of "not recognizing any
faith
spirits
times appeared to her were evidently wicked and
She confessed herself to have been tricked and deceived by them."
deceptive
Cauchon's drama of the previous evening was thus necessary. Without delay, he had
"letters
of guarantee" given to him on June 12 by Henry VI, and received the
same for Louis of Luxembourg 61):
"On
the king's
(U, 29)
word of honor,
and Jean de Mailly, the bishop of Noyon
if it
(11,
should happen that anyone of the persons
who were engaged in the trial should be sued on account of this trial or its consequences, we shall aid and defend them and we shall see that these persons are aided and defended in any legal action at our own cost and expenses." Three weeks June 28 another
after his first circular letter, the king of
letter in
more or
same terms
less the
counts, and other nobles and to the cities of his
them
to
make known
kingdom of France,"
to the public "through preaching
mocked
inviting
and public sermons and
otherwise" the "truth" of the story of Joan the Maid, and
recognized that her "voices" had
England issued on
"to the prelates, dukes,
how
she had finally
her. Finally, the University
of Paris
wrote in similar language to the pope and the College of Cardinals. In
all
ordered in the
the occupied parts of the
Graverent, the Inquisitor of France
procession
at
kingdom, sermons and processions
name of King Henry VI took (II,
place, notably at Paris,
solemn sermon and public
53), arranged a
Saint-Martin-des-Champs on July
where Jean
The Journal of a Bourgeois
4.
of Paris, composed by a pro-Burgundian clerk of the university, summarizes that sermon, which depicted Joan's
life as "full
of fire and blood [causing] the murder
of Christians, until she herself was burned." Elsewhere, the Bourgeois of Paris
Rouen without "Many people said here and
described the stake at
disguising the differing reactions
aroused:
there that she
had been sacrificed for her true prince. Others said
who had protected
her for so long had done
she did well or
she was burned on that day!"
ill,
ill.
So
was a martyr and
that she
its
register that:
"On the
had
was not and
that
he
said the people, but, whether
Clement de Fauquembergue, conscientious inevitably mentions in
it
that she
registrar
of Parlement,
30th day of May 143 1 Joan ,
who
142
PART
I:
THE DRAMA
who had been taken as she made a sortie from the city men of my lord John of Luxembourg, was thoroughly
called herself the Maid,
of Compiegne by the
burned
in the city of
pronounced the sentence
The
My
Rouen.
lord Pierre Cauchon, the bishop of Beauvais,
an ecclesiastical
in
would be
trial transcript
trial."
and edited
translated
in the following
months under the direction of Thomas de Courcelles. Pierre Cauchon waited with some nervousness for his nomination to the archbishopric of Rouen; his
disappointment must have been keen when he received, in the month of January 1432, an offer of the bishopric of Lisieux instead. Louis of Luxembourg finally attained the coveted to leave
Norman
archbishopric in 1436 while he hurriedly prepared
France for refuge in England, where he received the bishopric of Ely.
There he would die in 1443.
The
military offensive
resumed soon
after Joan's death, a fact that
some
people regarded as more than a coincidence. "Since the English are generally a superstitious lot," the prior of the Benedictine priory of Saint-Michel near
Rouen, Thomas Marie, declared magical about Joan [and] to Louviers,
.
.
.
later,
"they believed that there was something
impatient after her burning, they went to lay siege
being of the opinion that so long as she lived they would never
An
achieve glory nor success in acts of war."
English campaign to besiege
Louviers began immediately after Joan's death. The earl of Warwick
(II,
43)
when he went there in the first days of June and soon after June 2 Henry VFs secretary Laurence Calot (who had taken
ordered necessary food supplies 1432,
from his sleeve the cedula of abjuration that he had forced Joan to sign by holding her hand), ordered the treasurer to transfer the sums necessary to underwrite the siege.
A French campaign had already been launched in Normandy in December
1429, under the
command
of
La Hire
(II,
22),
who had been named
general of that province. The Bastard of Orleans
moment
precisely at the
of Joan's
trial
in
16) had gone
(II,
March
captain
to join
him
1431. In spite of that
constelladon of military power, the French effort was inadequate, and on
October 28, 1431, Louviers surrendered. In the meanfime, on June 30, fresh English troops debarked
at
Calais and entered service in Normandy.
King Charles VII suffered another setback. On July 2 law,
of
King Rene of Anjou,
Duke Charles
whom
he had hoped to see receive the inheritance
of Lorraine (who had asked Joan to visit
in January 1431;
[II,
26]),
his brother-in-
him and who died
was vanquished and taken prisoner during the
bloody Battle of Bulgneville. Yet another royal defeat occurred between Beauvais and Savignies (II,
13) mobilized his
in
Champagne. For
this battle,
Regnault of Chartres
famous Shepherd of the Gevaudan, Guillaume, who he
claimed "would do neither more nor
less than
easily took the shepherd-boy prisoner.
Joan the Maid," but Warwick
The French troops
shock of that defeat. Far worse, Poton de Xaintrailles
(II,
scattered in the
44) was also captured
143
THE VERDICT OF ROUEN NULLIFIED in the rout,
By
which was called with some derision 'The Battle of the Shepherd.'
the end of July 1431, the king of France might well have concluded that
the fortunes of
war had turned against him.
The English
felt
fortune surge on their side once more, and they chose a
dramatic symbol to reassert their prestige in France. considered to discredit Charles's anointing propitious to oppose
VI, therefore,
ceremony,
at
at
If
was
Joan's execution
Reims, then the time seemed
him with another duly consecrated king of France. Henry
was brought
to France; his anointing
once royal and popular,
at
Notre
was
the occasion for a great
Dame
A
of Paris.
stately
procession of the earl of Warwick and his household brought the nine-year-old
king up the Seine toward the capital. This procession, which began between the Saint-Denis Gate and the suburb of tical
La Chapelle,
surely included the ecclesias-
peers assigned to carry out this coronation: Louis of Luxembourg, Pierre
Cauchon, Jean de Mailly, the "cardinal of England" Henry Beaufort William Alnwick, bishop of Norwich
(II,
46),
(II,
8),
and also the bishops of Paris and
of Evreux. Also in attendance were the regent of France and his wife,
Burgundy, as well as some of the numerous English lords
who had
Anne of
established
themselves in France, such as Humphrey, earl of Stafford. The procession, organized according to the established traditions, was preceded by minstrels, by heralds and pursuivants-of-arms, and by squires bearing the insignia of royal
majesty: an ermine mantle and the sword of justice.
by archers, the unfortunate six
little
It
included also, surrounded
shepherd Guillaume,
who had been
months previously and who would soon be stitched
and thrown
captured
into a sack of leather
in the Seine.
At the entry
to the
suburb of La Chapelle, the town counselors and the
Provost of the Merchants took up a canopy of blue cloth embroidered with
golden fleurs-de-lys to carry above the
solemn
entry,
little
which brought Henry, riding
king's head for the length of the
his white hackney, across the city
past the walls of the Chatelet overlooking the Seine and the palace of the Ile-
de-la-Cite up to the palace of the Tournelles, residence of the duke of Bedford (II,
9),
who lodged Henry
there during his stay.
According
Parisian guilds assembled in formal array, each of
which
to
custom, the
—master
drapers,
master grocers, master moneychangers, goldsmiths, merchants of hides and
and master butchers along the route,
—prepared
mimes amused
furs,
canopy part of the way. At
intervals
the entourage by enacting short scenes
from the
to carry the
mystery plays, as the traditional staging of royal entries required. At the cemetery of the Innocents, a hunting tableau had been mounted, while
at the
Chatelet a pageant presented a child the age of Henry VI seated on a throne,
with two crowns cleverly balanced above his head. The procession passed the palace of Saint-Pol,
home to the dowager queen,
Isabeau of Bavaria
(II,
Journal of a Bourgeois of Paris notes that "when the young Henry
.
.
23). .
The
passed
—
144
PART
the place
where she
lived,
THE DRAMA
I:
he raised his hat and saluted her and she bowed toward
him humbly, then turned away weeping." He was her grandson,
the child of her
daughter Catherine.
Henry's coronation took place
December
16, 1431.
by the English on
The
Dame
Notre
at
traditional coronation regalia
their earlier
had been brought there
withdrawal from Reims
Missing was the Holy Vial of Reims and
its
of Paris on Sunday,
—with one
exception.
some
sacred coronation ointment;
therefore considered this coronation a travesty, although traditional ritual
otherwise scrupulously observed. The feast that followed, of the palace
—
the great hall surviving beneath the floor in
the Palace of the Ile-de-la-Cite
Even though
—
contributed
the Bourgeois of Paris
little
to the
was
at the ''marble table"
what
new
is still
called
king's popularity.
was profoundly committed
to the English
cause, his lack of pleasure in English cuisine marks a persistent cultural divide:
"Nobody found anything
to praise in the meal; the greater part of the meats,
especially those destined for the
common
people, had been cooked on the
previous Thursday, which seemed strange to the French." Even the sick in the
Hotel Dieu, for
whom
in revenge, cutpurses
part of ever>^ feast
was reserved, found
and other pickpockets sought
inedible.
it
As
if
profit at the feast, stealing
with ease from any number of firmly fastened belt clasps. The joust the following
morning also proved disappointing, so poorly staged remarked
that
that the
any inhabitant of the city would have spent more
daughter than the English had spent to crown their king. the coronation music; the Bourgeois
ously."
Bourgeois of Paris
judged
The theme came from the Psalms:
"I
that
it
to
marry
successful
his
was
was played "quite melodi-
have sent mine angel." The English
effort to construct the coronation as a prestigious
entirely successful.
More
symbol was therefore not
Henry soon returned toward Rouen down
the valley of the
who
Seine under the protection of his mentor, the earl of Warwick,
hastened
with his entire household to Calais and crossed over to England.
The following Ricarville with a
and the
year, 1432, brought reversals for both the English
French causes. Around February
3, in
a daring coup, a French mercenary
mere hundred companions seized the
the castle of Bouvreuil that one year earlier
castle of
had been home
Rouen
to
named
itself
Joan of Arc,
Bedford, and the earl of Warwick. The English reinforced the garrison to repel the coup, but only a
few of the English troops, commanded by the
Arundel, succeeded in finding refuge that
in a strong
chamber
in
earl of
one of the towers
overlooked the town. From that tower, on the following morning, Arundel
harangued the confused crowd: an arrow carelessly shot by one of Ricarville's partisans killed an infant in the crowd, at
which point the massed populace
The
front of the fortress rallied to the English.
lowered
in a basket into the
moat. Gathering
to besiege the castle, directing against
it
all
earl of
in
Arundel had himself
his available forces, he turned
the fire of a
bombard. Ricarville
145
THE VERDICT OF ROUEN NULLIFIED surrendered after several days, and he and
all his
men were beheaded
Old
in the
Marketplace.
On
February 20, however, the Bastard of Orleans
thanks to an Orleans fish merchant to the townspeople,
wagons
and
who
who
city.
and shad
salt
then succeeded in blocking the drawbridge with his
Englishmen mounting guard
while French partisans killed the
gates of the
16) retook Chartres,
(11,
pretended he was delivering
The bishop Jean de Fetigny,
the populace, and a part of the garrison
who had
then proceeded to the cathedral to hear the sermon of the Jacobin friar
engineered the
plot,
Six months
and
that
the
later,
other
at the
evening Chartres returned to French
duke of Bedford was constrained
rule.
to raise the siege
of Lagny, an important fortress that could block convoys between Paris and
Champagne. Bedford returned as to confess himself."
His most precious ally and the
succeeded in smoothing
day of August
to the capital for the feast
Three months
later,
sister
difficulties
on November
of Philip the
15, "so
14, 1432, his wife died.
Good
(II, 3),
she had often
troubhng the Anglo-Burgundian alliance.
Although Bedford expressed profound
grief,
he wasted no time in remarrying.
In early 1434, he chose the seventeen-year-old daughter of the count of SaintPol, Jacqueline of
Luxembourg,
as his bride.
young
In the meantime, the French court witnessed a palace revolt. Three
men
—Jean de Bueil Prigent de Coetivy, and
Pierre de Breze
—conspired with
Yolanda of Sicily and her daughter Marie of Anjou, queen of France, against
Georges de La Tremoille castle of
sword
thrust into
An
La Tremoille "s
wound. He was
court just at the
attack
His
fat belly
did not
at
Chinon
but caused only a
kill
affairs.
new involvement came just
in time.
One
year later a strong English
would be directed against Mont-Saint-Michel.
to plant his
Sir
Thomas
banner of
own hands and
cast
it
lilies
was able
monks then aroused
the
(II,
to
breach the town walls.
days
later Scales
townspeople took refuge
townsmen
He
quartered with leopards on one of the
into a ditch. Eight
assault, so violent that the
Scales
under his command, lacked the sustained military
ramparts, but Louis d'Estouteville, the defender of the Mount, ripped
disorder.
from the
moment that Arthur de Richemont (IL 36) recovered favor with a new active phase in Charles's
39), with impressive artillery
his
in the
earlier), yet the
briefly imprisoned before being expelled
drive to reach the monastery proper but
managed
on him took place
La Tremoille's displacement signaled
conduct of the kingdom's
offensive
25).
Couldray (where Joan had been received four years
superficial
the king.
(II,
in the
to resist the attackers,
The two bombards the English had to abandon can
off with
it
a
new
itself.
The
mounted
abbey
who soon
fled in
be seen
Mont-
still
at
Saint-Michel. Mont-Saint-Michel had proven impregnable. For a short time the
EngUsh went
to
fortify
d'Estouteville dislodged
the
islet
them and
of Tombelaine and held on there until also took Granville
up the
coast.
146
PART In that
same
THE DRAMA
Norman Bessin (the region around Bayeux) Bedford, who levied 344,000 livres in taxes
year, 1434, the
demands of
revolted against the
upon
l:
Normandy. That province had been increasingly exploited
the Estates of
by mercenary troops, who have
word "brigand," from
left to the
French and English languages the
The rowdy
the brigandine, the type of helmet they wore.
troops, inadequately controlled by poorly supervised captains, turned into
shameless pillagers and extortioners. The chronicler Thomas Basin provides a terrifying description of this period of insecurity in
Normandy. Here and there
peasants got together, striving to escape either from the English or from the brigands.
The duke of Alen9on
the siege of Avranches but
An
with the aid of Jean de Bueil, undertook
(II, 4),
was forced
to
abandon
that effort after a
expedition of the earl of Arundel in the region of the
La Hire and Poton de
few days.
Caux was stopped by
Xaintrailles and cut to pieces near Gerberoy; Arundel,
badly wounded, subsequently died in captivity
at
Beauvais.
moment
in
1435 to stage a mystery play
The
city of
Orleans chose that
featuring the story of Joan's military exploits there. All the bourgeoisie were
mobilized, and stages were set up
at
every gate of the
city.
A
magnificent
performance of The Mystery of the Siege of Orleans ensued, the manuscript of
which survives
(III,
14).
The town account books record
companions, Gilles de Rais
(II,
34), took part in this
huge
All this while, diplomatic offensives continued.
prisoner at Dijon, to
which policy
that
one of Joan's
theatrical production.
Rene of Anjou
(II, 5),
a
was well placed to pursue reconciliation with Philip the Good,
his mother, Yolanda,
duke of Burgundy
felt little
chronicler Olivier de
around his heart."
was strongly committed. For
his part, the
personal sympathy for the regent Bedford; as his
La Marche wrote, "French blood boiled in his stomach and
On
January 16, 1435, peace negotiations began
The French and Burgundian
at
Nevers.
delegates separated after three weeks, promising
to rejoin at Arras.
On August 5,
1435, in the abbey of Saint- Vaast at Arras, a solemn session
brought together French, Burgundian, and English delegates, but to their cost, English
envoys quickly abandoned the conference.
Word
later
arrived of the
death on September 12 of the duke of Bedford in the castle of Rouen, which had
been Joan's prison. The death of Isabeau of Bavaria followed on the twentyfourth. In the
meantime, on September 21, the Treaty of Arras between France
and Burgundy was concluded. The ambassador of Charles VII, Master Jean Tudert,
made
public and formal restitution as dictated by contemporary codes
He
bent his knee before the duke of Burgundy in his king's name.
of honor:
From
his side, the
duke forswore revenge for the murder of
his father at
Montereau. The treaty was definitively sealed on October 28 and ratified at Tours
by Charles VII on December
1
0. Civil
war thus ceremonially ended, and the
fissure that had divided France closed. Armagnacs and Burgundians had come
147
THE VERDICT OF ROUEN NULLIFIED
together in the "good, solid peace that lasts a long time" that Joan of Arc had so desired.
One more
year,
and "the English would
Constable Richemont
(II,
forfeit
more than they ever had
one of Joan's predictions.
in France," again fulfilling
On
April 17, 1436,
36) entered Paris. His campaign had begun with the
taking of Meulan, then of Pontoise, in February 1436. Thereafter, the French
enjoyed control over the principal water routes from Meulan on the Seine to
Lagny on
the
Marne. Caught between those two
strategic
points,
Paris
experienced a steadily worsening famine, and Louis of Luxembourg, the
governor chosen by Bedford before his death, alienated himself from the
populace with his pride and
insensitivity.
Two
thousand English troops sent as
reinforcements were cut to pieces on the plain of Saint-Denis on April
6.
With
the help of the Bastard of Orleans and the Burgundian captain Villiers de I'lsle-
Adam, Arthur de Richemont undertook by resistance within the
city.
The
the siege,
which
this
time was helped
regular troops entered the city by the Gate of
Saint-Jacques on the Left Bank.
While the English cried treason,
within range. In the
it
was recorded
and footstools
Paris threw furniture, chests,
name of
at the
that the bourgeoisie of
English troops
who passed
the king, the constable promised amnesty to
"renegade" Frenchman. The English took refuge in the fortress of SaintAntoine, but soon, pressed by hunger, they requested a parley and were authorized safe-conduct from the
As
city.
Boats on the Seine took them to Rouen.
they passed, the crowd shouted, "After the fox!" and
"By
the tail!"
The king,
however, did not enter the reconquered capital city until a year
November
12, 1437.
Even then,
to the
later,
on
disappointment of Parisians, Charles VII
stayed there only three weeks.
Yet another epilogue to Joan's story was the return of Charles of Orleans in
1440
(II,
31), after twenty-five years spent in English prisons. "I should
taken enough Englishmen to have
him back," Joan had
said at her
considered the return of this duke part of her mission.
coincidence
that, in
July of that
arrived at Orleans. After the death of her herself in financial difficulty.
news and
invited her to
It
same 1440, Joan's mother,
is
trial,
have
for she
probably no
Isabelle
Romee,
husband and her eldest son, she found
The bourgeoisie of Orleans were moved by
come live with them. We find notices
in the
that
town account
books thereafter of the 48 sous per month she received. The town also assumed the expenses of the doctor
who
visited her
when
she was
ill.
She took up
residence near the collegiate church (now restored) of Saint-Pierre-le-Puellier,
which became her parish. Isabelle was joined
Orleans by her son Pierre, once
He brought his wife and his son Jean. Under the we find a record of the gift to him by the duke of Orleans of the island Loire known today as Ile-aux-Boeufs.
held as a prisoner with Joan. date 1443, in the
in
148
PART
A year earlier,
some of
named Claude
adventuress
THE DRAMA
I:
had been deceived by an
the people of Orleans
(III, 12),
who
pretended that she was Joan escaped
from English prisons. As the Chronicle of the dean of Saint-Thiebault of Metz
many were
reported, she dissembled so well "that in the
region of the
deceived." She appeared
Meuse and was received by Elizabeth of Gorlitz,
—
a
first
member
the one called
of the family of Luxembourg.
It
seems
—managed
to
convince the city of Orleans to forward him 12
Jean or Petit- Jean
francs under the pretext that he wished
that Joan's third brother
come
''to
see his sister." This false Joan
married a lord Robert des Armoises and arranged to be received
at
Orleans
itself,
where on July 28, 1439, the town account books mention the reception staged
The Bourgeois of
for her.
Paris relates in his Journal
how
the impostor
was
the city's palace.
There are records of two other
adventuresses who, in these troubled times,
knew how to exploit public credulity
publicly
unmasked
at
and present themselves as Joan, since so many did not wish
to believe that the
English had imprisoned and executed her. In 1449 the out: the recovery
most decisive epilogue to Joan of Arc's military story was played
of Normandy. The episode began with the capture of the castle of
Fougeres by Francois de Surienne, an Aragonese mercenary in the service of the English. This action violated the truce concluded between France and England five
years earUer,
when on May
28, 1444,
King Henry VI was betrothed
princess Margaret of Anjou, daughter of Rene of
That marriage, hailed across Europe as a
two kingdoms, took place
at
Nancy
first
in
coronation of the young queen took place
The coup
a year after the betrothal.
had
at
at
now commanded
French
Anjou and niece of Queen Marie.
step toward a final peace
between the
February of the following year, and the at
Westminster on
May 28,
1445, exactly
Fougeres threatened that peace. Charles
hand a reorganized army equipped with powerful
of England
to the
unruly vassals.
On
artillery,
whereas the king
July 17, 1449, the
Normandy
offensive began. The French had already entered Pont de TArche using a
French mercenary, Robert de Flocques
(II,
17),
was on
the
way
Vn
to capture
ruse.
A
Conches
when, thanks to the connivance of a resident of Vemeuil whose mill was built against the rampart, he took that
Beginning
in
town
as well.
August, Charles VII established his headquarters in
Louviers and directed the military response in person.
townspeople of Rouen were the
Norman
capital
When he
in revolt against the English,
and made
his
solemn entry
English governor, Somerset, arranged his
own
learned that the
he marched toward
on November
safe departure
10, 1449.
The
upon delivery of
hostages and of several fortified towns, including Caudebec and Honfleur. Retreating toward Caen, Somerset tried to rally the English forces, but they then controlled no
more than
The arrival effort (he
a
few islands of
territory in
Normandy.
of the new English army assembled by Henry VI
had pawned
his
crown jewels
to
meet
its
in a
supreme
expenses) provoked a
new
—
149
THE VERDICT OF ROUEN NULLIFIED French offensive. The EngHsh force debarked of
Thomas
who promptly
Kyriel,
manded by
in
Cherbourg under the command
drove the French counteroffensive, com-
the count of Clermont, into retreat.
French fortunes revived when
Arthur de Richemont appeared with 1,500 men-at-arms. The result was a decisive victory for the French at
Formigny on April
15, 1450.
All the while, Joan's story continued to unfold. Shortly after his entry into
Rouen, Charles VII decided
to
show
his gratitude.
He must have
heard
people from Rouen recall Joan's execution, and he undoubtedly had brought to
him
the
On
records kept in the archbishop's palace.
trial
February
15, 1450,
he
open a new
dictated to his counselor Guillaume Bouille a letter destined to
chapter for our understanding of Joan of Arc:
As
heretofore Joan the
Maid was taken and
seized by our ancient enemies and
adversaries the English and brought to the city of Rouen, against
caused
to take place a certain trial
and abuses, so much so
that,
they
who had been chosen and
by certain persons
given this task by them, in the process of which they falsifications
whom
made and committed many
by means of
this trial
and the great
hatred that our enemies have against her, they caused her death iniquitously and against reason, very cruelly indeed; for this reason
of the aforesaid carried out.
trial,
and the manner according
to
we wish
which
before us and the this
the truth
was conducted and
We command you, instruct you, and expressly enjoin you to inquire
and inform yourself well and diligently on what was
on
it
know
to
said;
and
that
you bring
men of our council the information that you will have gathered
event under a closed seal ... for
we
give you power, commission, and
special instruction by these presents to carry this out.
Given
at
Rouen, the 15th
day of February, the Year of Grace 1449 [New Style, 1450].
Guillaume Bouille went
to
work
rapidly, launching an inquest that revealed
The
"the truth of the aforesaid process" carried on nineteen years earlier.
testimony of the notary of the
was heard
all
Dominican
day on March
friars
trial
4,
of condemnation, Guillaume Manchon,
and then that of
of the convent of Saint-Jacques testified, two of
Isambart de La Pierre and Martin Ladvenu stake and
played
two of
at best
six other witnesses.
whom — Guillaume
Four
whom
—had accompanied Joan
Duval and Jean Toutmouille
accessory roles in that event. The usher Jean Massieu
to the
—had
(II,
63)
gave testimony as well, and by a stroke of improbable luck Master Jean
Beaupere
(II,
47),
who had
interrogations, arrived in visited
Rouen was
a
as the investigation began.
He
frequently
to collect the revenues of his canonry, although he lived
of the time in retirement inquest
often been Cauchon's aide during Joan's
town
judgment
at
Besan^on. The primary revelation of
that Joan's trial
had been arbitrary
most
this first
in nature, for
she
—
150 was
PART a prisoner of
war
l:
THE DRAMA
initially treated as a political prisoner
been charged with heresy and condemned Nevertheless, since she had been
who had
then
to death.
condemned by
a tribunal of the
Inquisition, Joan could be cleared of the crime of heresy only by the church itself.
To appreciate
happened
this juridical
in Christian
law
paradox
fully,
one must understand what had
two decades between the time when the
in the
ideology constructed by the masters of the University of Paris had inspired the political trial at it
Rouen and
the time of that ideology's collapse.
By
1450,
was clear to the Christian world that the University of Paris no longer held Having experienced serious
"the keys to Christendom."
internal divisions
through most of the fourteenth century when the popes resided in Avignon, the church
had been deeply shaken by the Great Schism. (See "Prelude.")
Between 1378 and 1417, when Pope Martin V was
elected,
Some
three popes claimed the triple-tiered papal tiara at once. at
Rome, while
their rivals at
University of Paris,
Avignon were supported by
of them resided
the professors of the
who tended
to
consider fmal church authority the
councils
—a
kind of parliamentary government
of periodic
prerogative
two and sometimes
substituted for the single person of the pope, the successor of Peter. These doctrinal and institutional disputes mingled with problems of a financial nature, such as the collation of benefices. Clerical vacancies attributed to the
war and the Black Death caused benefices which occurred among
A
number of
after July 1431,
to accumulate, several
the judges at Joan's
these judges
and they soon
came together again
at the
won from Pope Eugenius IV
the pope's role in the collation of benefices and annulling
on which the that
Roman
examples of
trial.
Council of Basel
decrees abolishing
some of the
stipends
Curia depended for revenue. Faced with the demands of
assembly regarding papal prerogatives, Eugenius IV decided
to transfer the
council to Ferrara, then to Florence, where in 1439 a delegation from the
Roman
Byzantine emperor came to proclaim the union of the Greek and churches at the
— a union no more popular
in the East than the
union declared
Second Council of Lyons had been. As a consequence, the
council
who
stayed behind at
elected in his place a layman,
Basel deposed Eugenius IV
Amadeus
VIII,
in
Thomas de Courcelles, an active
last
acquired for himself a cardinal's hat.
of the antipopes.
Antipope Felix had to abdicate ten years
John, count of Dunois
(II,
16).
fathers of the
duke of Savoy. Choosing the name
of Felix V, he would be the
negotiators who persuaded him to do so was
1274
open rebellion and
promoter of
this election,
in
later, in
1449; and
among
the
a featured player in Joan's history
Meanwhile, King Charles VII had unilaterally
adopted a series of measures voted by the assembly of the clergy of France,
which he had convoked
at
Bourges
in 1438. This tentative establishment of a
significantly independent French national church
is
generally
known
as the
THE VERDICT OF ROUEN NULLIFIED Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges.
Among
pope levied on the parishes and dioceses. from the pope, and
it
other reforms,
It
it
151 abolished taxes the
also withdrew collations of benefices
affirmed as superior to the pope's authority the authority
of a council instructed to meet every ten years. The papacy never accepted the
Pragmatic Sanction, and Louis XI had to abolish
it
upon
his succession to the
throne in 1461.
Despite disorder and resentment of the papal claim of control over the spiritual life
of the Christian people, the papacy manifested
surprising vigor during the Jubilee of 1450,
upon Rome, prelates
its
force with
when crowds of pilgrims descended
their piety presenting a striking contrast to the assemblies of
and university professors convoked
Pope Nicholas
V,
who had
sent to France his legate
at
Basel or elsewhere. At that point.
decided to rebuild the ancient church of
St. Peter,
Guillaume d'Estouteville, one of the chief supporters
of Pope Eugenius IV during his stormy pontificate. Guillaume was the brother of Louis d'Estouteville, the energetic defender of Mont-Saint-Michel; he was also a close relative of
the sister of the at
Tours
months
later.
king
King Charles VII
"Wise King," Charles
in
V.
—
grandmother had been
his maternal
Once
accredited as papal legate by the
February 1452, Guillaume d'Estouteville went to Rouen two
Normandy was by
then fully liberated and the campaign of
Guyenne was well under way, commanded by
the
man no
longer called Bastard
of Orleans but rather count of Dunois, supported by the artillery reorganized by the brothers Jean and Gaspard Bureau.
Norman, Jean Brehal,
The
was then a
Inquisitor of France
prior of the convent of Saint-Jacques at Paris.
Guillaume
d'Estouteville fully understood that even after the exhausting series of wars and the factional division the French people had suffered
was sent be
as the representative of papal authority
settled: the trial
of Joan. That
trial
—
the people to
—one question
still
whom
he
needed
to
was now a symbol of complex
cultural
fissures in search of closure: of the internal fractures of a riven France, of
national splits enervated by English invasion, and of religious and civil
power
struggles sustained by the University of Paris.
The officially
session of the investigation into Joan's
first
by Guillaume d'Estouteville and Jean Brehal
whose population, according
was opened
trial
of Rouen,
in the city
to the register of the parishes,
had dropped from
14,992 to 5,976 under English occupation. After studying the transcript of the
condemnation
trial,
Estouteville and Brehal
—
assisted
by two
Italian prelates
expert in canon law, Paul Pontanus and Theodore de Leliis, both
—drew up a model of interrogation.
the legate's staff
The
first
members of
interrogatory
consisted of twelve articles corresponding to the twelve articles on which Joan
had been condemned. Five witnesses appeared on
Manchon, 66),
the notary; Martin Ladvenu; Isambart de
one of the judges of the
first trial;
May La
2 and
3:
Guillaume
Pierre; Pierre
Miget
(II,
and a bourgeois of Rouen, Pierre Cusquel,
.
152
PART
1:
THE DRAMA
a master of masonry. Their testimony quickly
made
clear that the twelve
it
questions inadequately represented the conditions under which Joan's
trial
had
developed. The interrogatory was expanded on
May 4 into twenty-seven articles,
which
whole process of interrogation.
thereafter served as the basis for the
Witnesses were asked to confirm or deny the truth of each of these
articles.
THE TWENTY'SEVEN ARTICLES 1
That because she had come with the aid of the most Christian King of France
and fought with the army against the English, Joan was pursued by a mortal hatred and was hated by the English, and that they sought her death by every
means. 2.
And
so
As Joan had
it
was and
inflicted
that is the truth.
numerous defeats on
the said English in the war, they
way
greatly feared her, and therefore sought by every
death and so
3.
it
to put an
was and
That
in
end
possible to deliver her to
to her days so that she could harm them no longer.
And
that is the truth.
order to give this an appearance of virtue, they brought her to this city
of Rouen, then held in the tyrannical power of the English; and that they
imprisoned her in the castle and caused to be brought against her a false prosecution for heresy, and this under fear and pressure.
And
so
it
was and
that
is
the truth.
4.
That neither judges, confessors, or consultants, nor the promoter and others
intervening in the threats
made
trial,
against
dared to exercise free judgment because of the severe
them by
the terrorizing English; but that they
to suit their actions to their fear
and
and even the
to avoid grave perils
to the pressure of the peril
And
of death.
EngHsh
so
it
if
were forced they wished
was and
that is the
truth.
5.
That the notaries recording
same
fear
faithfully set
down
their account.
And
6.
this trial,
because the English caused them the
and directed threats against them, could not report the the true version of Joan's replies
so
it
was and
That the notaries, prevented by
to
fear,
were expressly forbidden in
to insert in their
her favor. Instead, that they
omit favorable remarks and insert statements held against
her that she never said.
7.
writing and editing
that is the truth.
account words pronounced by Joan which seemed
were constrained
when
truth or
And
so
it
was and
that
is
the truth.
That because of these same fears and terrors nobody could be found to advise
Joan, or conduct her case for her, or instruct her, or direct her, or protect her.
.
153
THE VERDICT OF ROUEN NULLIFIED Moreover those who sometimes put in some positive words
for her suffered very
great danger to their lives, for the English sought to throw
them
rebels, or to deliver
to
some other form of death. And
them so
it
in the river as
was and
that is
the truth.
8.
That they kept Joan
and
in a secular prison,
anyone
that they forbade
to
speak
her feet fettered with irons and chains;
to her so that she
might not be able
defend herself in any way, and that they even placed English guards over
And 9.
so
was and
it
that is the truth.
That Joan was a
girl
of nineteen or so, simple and ignorant of the law and of
judicial procedure; that alone, without direction or advice, she
enough
or clever
to
her.
to
defend herself in such a
was not capable
And
difficult case.
so
it
was and
that is the truth.
That the English, desiring her death, went by night to her prison. Pretending
10.
be inspired by some revelations, they exhorted her not to submit to the
to
judgment of the Church
if
she wished to escape death.
And
so
it
was and
that is
the truth.
That
1 1
in order to trap her in her
own
words, the examiners plied her with
and questions, and
difficult, insidious interrogations
that for the greater part
of
the time they interrogated her about things that she did not in the least
understand.
And
so
it
was and
That they wore her out with their long interrogations and examinations, so
12.
when
that
she was finally exhausted they could seize on
in her replies.
And
That often,
13.
so
it
in court
was and
and elsewhere, Joan affirmed
all
and
that if anything in her
wished
to retract
that
it is
14.
That
it
and
also, in court all
to
words or deeds diverged from obey the judgment of the
And
so
it
was and
and elsewhere, Joan often affirmed that she submitted
it
was and
that
is
the truth; and that she
there had been anything in her that
15.
that faith she herself
clerics.
her acts to the judgment of the Church and of our Holy Father
the Pope; and so
so
that she submitted herself
the truth.
herself and
And
some unfortunate word
that is the truth.
her acts to the judgment the Church and of our Holy Father the Pope;
and
if
that is the truth.
it
was and
was
would have been sorry
in opposition to the Catholic faith.
that is the truth.
That although her words of submission
to her both in the court
to the
Church were often repeated
and elsewhere, the English and those
who
favored their
cause did not permit but rather forbade them to be inserted or written in the acts or in the record of the so-called
trial.
And
that they
caused them to be written
.
154
PART down
THE DRAMA
I:
another form, although this was a perversion of the truth.
in
And
so
it
was
and
that
is
the truth.
16.
That
if
Joan ever affirmed that she would not submit to the judgment of our
Holy Mother the Church, even the Church previous
17. In
And
article.
any case
in
so
it
was and
which
it
might appear
Militant,
was not proved by
it
the
that is the truth.
that
Joan said something implying her
nonsubmission to the Church, the promoter says
that she did not understand
what the Church was, and that she did not understand by this term the community of the
and understood the Church of which her
believed
but
faithful,
who had
interrogators spoke to consist of those ecclesiastics there present,
embraced the English cause. And so 1
8.
favor and even case,
many
in
that is the truth.
French, was translated into Latin
things having been suppressed that told in Joan's
more having been added,
and therefore
and substantial 9.
was and
That the alleged report, originally written
with no great accuracy,
1
it
in defiance of truth, that prejudiced her
that the said record disagrees with
And
points.
so
it
was and
that
is
its
original in
numerous
the truth.
That, the preceding truths having been recognized, the said
trial
and sentence
does not deserve the name of a judgment and sentence, since there can be no real
judgment where the judges, consultants, and assessors
exercise judgment.
And
so
it
was and
20. That, for the preceding reasons, the alleged record vitiated, corrupt,
and neither perfectly nor
defective that no faith can be put in
it.
are too fearful to
that is the truth.
And
is in
many
parts untrue,
faithfully written; that
so
it
was and
it is
also so
that is the truth.
2 1 That the preceding and other points being weighed, the case and the sentence are both null and
most
unjust, since they
were conducted and passed without
due observance of legal formalities by judges who were not the
and who had no jurisdiction and
that
is
in
such a case or over such a person.
rightful
And
so
ones
it
was
the truth.
22. That moreover, the said trial
and sentence are both
null
and tainted with
manifest injustice for the additional reason that on so grave a charge Joan was given no
facilities for
defending herself Furthermore, that defense
exists as a natural right,
And
so
it
was and
23. That although
that
it
was is
totally
itself,
which
denied her by manifold and insidious means.
the truth.
was abundantly apparent
to the
judges that Joan had
submitted to the judgment and decisions of Our Holy Mother the Church, and that she
Our
was so
faithful a Catholic that she
was allowed
to receive the
body of
Lord, nevertheless, out of their excessive zeal for the English, or not wishing
155
THE VERDICT OF ROUEN NULLIFIED to extricate
themselves out of fear and pressure, they most unjustly condemned
her as a heretic to the pains of the
fire.
And
so
was and
it
that is the truth.
from the secular judge, the English,
24. That without any further sentences
inspired by rage against her, immediately led her to the stake under a large escort
And
of armed men.
so
it
was and
25. That Joan continuously,
that is the truth.
and notably
a saintly and Catholic manner,
moment of her death, behaved
at the
recommending her
manner
Jesus aloud even with her last breath in such a present,
and
God and
soul to as to
and even from her English enemies, effusions of
draw from
tears.
And
in
invoking all
so
those it
was
that is the truth.
26. That the English perpetrated and caused to be perpetrated against Joan each
and
the preceding acts, in deed and against the law,
all
who
because they had a lively fear of Joan, Christian king of France. so that the
They hated her and pursued her with a mighty hatred
most Christian king might be discredited
of the aid of a
woman
and
that they are
commonly
throughout the kingdom of France.
The twenty-seven
articles
freedom
to act; Joan's lack of
of inquisitorial
trials;
so
for having availed himself
was and
it
that is the truth.
were and are of public fame and popular
said
and known
And
so
it
in the diocese of
was and
Rouen and
that is the truth.
addressed the bias of the former
EngUsh had declared toward
that the
And
so utterly damned.
27. That each and all the preceding facts report,
by means of pressure,
supported the party of the most
trial;
the hatred
the accused; the judges' and notaries' lack of
an advocate, in violation of well-estabUshed custom
the conditions of Joan's imprisonment; her real sentiments,
notably concerning submission to the pope and to the church; and the discrepancies
between the Latin and French texts (the notary Guillaume Manchon brought forward the minutes in French that he himself
had
written).
The questionnaire presented
to
various witnesses also addressed the degree of the judges' competence, the
circumstances of Joan's execution along with last
moments, and
finally the root
discredit Charles VII
cause of the whole
Most of
the witnesses
protagonists had died:
at
at the
the English desire to
8, the
anniversary of the deliverance of
were judges
in the first trial, but the principal
Cauchon had died suddenly on December
being bled by his barber-surgeon. Nicolas
sermon
affair,
Joan's attitude in her
and the French cause.
The inquest resumed on May Orleans.
its irregularities,
Midy
(II,
65),
14, 1442,
who had
while
delivered the
Old Marketplace on the morning of Joan's death, died
as a leper
about the same time, long after he delivered a sermon before the young King
Henry VI during
his entry into Paris in
December 1431. The body of Jean
—
156
PART
d'Estivet
As
(II,
to the vice-inquisitor, Jean
appear in any
drew up
a
it
THE DRAMA
had been found
52), the promotor,
role in the trial,
I:
Lemaitre
in a
who had
59),
(II,
sewer on October 20, 1438.
remains unclear whether he was
known text after
Summarium, or
played only a small alive, but
still
he
fails to
1452. After the inquest was complete, Jean Brehal
digest of the affair, which, according to customary
procedure, had to be presented to ecclesiastical tribunals and to specialists doctors in canon law, and theologians
jurists,
judgment on the
case. This
—who
would have
was ordinary procedure, and one
to
to pass
which Cauchon
himself had adhered, although the text he submitted deviates in major instances
from Joan's actual testimony. About the Summarium, the questions were simple:
Ought the
the
same conclusions be drawn from Joan's answers
Rouen judges? Most
anyone manage
simply,
was Joan of Arc
make her look
to
were drawn by
a heretic? Finally,
A long
like a heretic?
as
how
did
series of consultations
ensued both inside France and outside. The Summarium was even sent to a theologian
at the
University of Vienna, Leonhard of Brixenthal.
Guillaume d'Estouteville was named archbishop of Rouen Jean Brehal resumed the task of the nullification
make
the decision. After traveling to
Calixtus
III
authorizing the
new
trial
all
Only the pope could
trial.
Rome, Jean Brehal obtained from Pope
(who had succeeded Nicholas
Three commissioners,
in 1453.
V
on April
8,
1455) a rescript
with the close family of Joan acting as plaintiffs.
whom
of
had been partisans of Charles VII, were
appointed to keep track of the affair in the pope's name: Jean Juvenal des Ursins, archbishop of Reims; Guillaume Chartier, bishop of Paris; and Richard Olivier, bishop of Coutances.
Paris:
On November 7, 1455, a moving ceremony took place at Notre Dame of An old woman Joan's mother, Isabelle Romee surrounded by a group
—
—
of the inhabitants of Orleans prelates appointed
who accompanied
her,
advanced toward the three
by the Holy See. She spoke "with
and
pitiable plaints
mournful supplications" echoed by the crowd:
I
had a daughter,
bom in legitimate marriage, whom I fortified worthily with the
sacraments of baptism and confirmation and raised in the fear of God and respect for the tradition of the church, as
much
as her age
and the simplicity of her
condition permitted, so well that, having grown up in the middle of the fields
and of the pastures, she went frequently
to
church and every month, after due
confession, received the sacrament of the Eucharist despite her young age and
gave herself to fasting and
to prayer with great devotion
and fervor, on account
of the necessities then so grave in which the people found themselves and with
which she sympathized with betrayed her
innocence
in a trial
all
her heart; nevertheless
concerning the Faith, and
in a perfidious, violent,
.
and iniquitous
.
.
.
.
.
certain enemies
.
.
.
without any aid given to her
trial,
without shadow of right
157
THE VERDICT OF ROUEN NULLIFIED .
.
.
condemned her
they
most cruelly by
Joan's next
trial
Under
was about
—gave
to begin.
the direction of the papal delegates, witnesses in the previous
inquests as well as others in all
damnable and criminal fashion and made her die
in a
fire.
summoned
for this occasion
abolition" (that
is,
1
amnesty guaranteed by the king). They
they had played in the condemnation it.
—
Sessions were public. The tribunal
15 were interrogated
do so being guaranteed by
depositions, their liberty to
trial
and
"letters
of
testified to the parts
in the events that
accompanied
moved from Paris, where the first
sessions
took place on November 17, to Rouen, where they were heard between
December 12 and 20
in the Great Hall of the archbishop's palace.
15, 1455, in the archbishop's palace,
Simon
On December
Chapitault, licentiate in canon law,
was appointed prosecutor, and Guillaume Manchon, who had been clerk of the court during the condemnation
required to submit
were shocking
if
all
was
trial,
among
identified
the spectators
and
documents regarding that first trial to the court. The results
not unexpected, since
Manchon
testified that
many
were made (especially by Nicolas Loiseleur and Guillaume Colles) accurate record of Joan's statements.
Then an inquest took place
attempts
to alter the
in Joan's
home
country, starting on January 28, 1456. Finally, at an inquest at Orleans, between
February 22 and March 16, an enthusiastic crowd came forward to testify. Joan's family was represented by procurators of
whom
its
advocate, Pierre Mangier, and by various
was Guillaume Prevosteau. Two
the principal
clerks
appointed to record the oral testimony, Denis Lecomte and Francois Ferrebouc, put their signatures, as was customary, to each page of the authentic transcript,
which was drawn up
in three copies, all of
Duparc's 1988 Latin and French trial
for
as a
critical edition
demonstrates, the nullification
whole contains a treasure trove of information
beyond
its
eyewitness testimony about Joan's
of bishops, clerics, and lawyers century customary,
secular,
"How
can
who
we judge
for the cultural historian,
life, it
contains the reflections
delve into knotty issues about fifteenth-
and canon law as well as into secular and
and reactions
ecclesiastical attitudes as:
which have been preserved. As Pierre
to a multitude of
such complex questions
a claim of mystical experience?" and
"Can
truth
be
discovered through torture and fear?"
A different image of Joan emerges in nuance, trial
each with
—frequently
its
local accent.
from
this
group of testimonials, rich
Alongside the judges of the condemnation
struck by a degree of amnesia
— we
see marching past Joan's
old companions-in-arms or companions of youth, princes of royal blood like
Dunois or the duke of Alen^on, and the simple bourgeois of Orleans. They create a vivid portrait of the
Maid
that
verbal responses to her judges.
matches the image that emerges from Joan's
158
PART
On July 7,
I:
THE DRAMA
1456, the nullity of the
first trial
Great Hall of the archiepiscopal palace of Rouen:
was solemnly declared
its
in the
annulment was symbolized
Many ceremonies followed, many cities of France, Orleans among them.
by tearing a copy of the transcript before the crowd. first in
the
Old Marketplace, then
in
on July 27
Orleans celebrated
its
who had launched
the initial inquest, and Jean Brehal,
affair
from beginning
festival
to end. finally
in the presence of
Guillaume Bouille,
who had managed
drawing up the Recollectio
the
that refuted the
accusations point by point according to the depositions of witnesses. Isabelle later,
Romee was
present in the crowd
on November 28, 1458, probably
at
Orleans; she died two years
in the little village of Sandillon.
CHAPTER NINE
JOAN AS MEMORY It is
only in the detailed testimony of the nullification trial of 1455-56 that
can recover Joan 's childhood and youth. Especially valuable for
this inquiry is
the testimony gathered at Domremy in January and February 1456.
among whom Joan had grown up
before she
left
we
The peasants
on her mission twenty-seven
years previously gave a striking picture of her and (unconsciously) of themselves
and of
the culture that
formed them. Most surprising
is
Joan 's apparent
ordinariness before she answered her call to save France: she was "just like
everyone
else, "
the norm.
neighbors
except that she was more charitable
and more "willing" than
The character of the popular religion that produced her and her is
significant for the study of the history
and sociology of religion as
well as of politics.
The transcript of the nullmcation trial makes the early years Maid accessible for us across the span of more than five centuries.
On
the
morning of January 28, 1456,
church of Domremy, four inhabitants gathered in a the priest invited
all
in the priest's residence of the
officials established
crowd
temporary residence while the
in the village square.
who had known Joan
the
of Joan the
Maid
to
On
the previous
come
Sunday
before the tribunal
of the church to give depositions and recount their memories. The officials responsible for the inquest included Master
Simon
cause of revision of the inquisitorial process,
from
Paris;
promotor of the for that purpose
Master Reginald Chichery, dean of the church of Notre-Dame
Vaucouleurs; a canon of the cathedral
young
Chapitault,
who had come
scribe of the
same
cathedral,
at
Toul
named Wautrin
Dominique Dominici.
at
Thierry; and a
160
PART Joan had
left
Domremy
would have been around
THE
I:
DRA^VIA
Had
twenty-seven years before.
Many
forty-four.
she lived, she
of the witnesses about to be
interrogated were that old or ''thereabouts.'" as they said in those days.
They had
reached an age when people begin to value childhood memories. Having seen her live through sixteen or seventeen years in their midst. Joan's neighbors that they could trust their
Jean Moreau. a
memories.
plowman who
seventy, provided one of the
Beatrice: the
widow
as godfather
Remi. and he
St.
widow
resided in the hamlet of Greux. aged about
most detailed depositions. He saw
and grow up; he was present dedicated to
felt
listed the
when
who
bom
she was baptized in the church
godmothers: the wife of Etienne Royer.
Estellin (they both li\ed at
of Tiercelin of Viteau.
""Jeannette"
Domremy): and
Jeannette,
He knew
her father,
lived at Xeufchateau.
Jacques Dare, and her mother. "Isabellette." well: both of them farmers like himself, but at
Domremy. They were
reputation. Jeannette
— almost
all
and farmers of good
faithful Catholics,
the inhabitants of
Domremy
loved her. Yes,
she was well and fittingly raised in the faith and had good morals. She belief as well as
little girls
of her age could. She was
corresponding to what one could hope for
''of
in a girl-child
knew her
honest conversation,"
of her estate, her parents
being "not too rich." She used to be seen going to help the plow team and
sometimes watching the animals spinning and
go
all
the
way
and she also did "women's work,
the rest."
all
What struck Jean Moreau often to church";
in the fields,
when
about Joan was her piet\': ''She went willingly and
she heard the bell ringing,
to "the village
and
to the
if
she was in the fields, she would
church" to hear mass. Jean Moreau spoke
of the hermitage of Notre-Dame-de-Bermont. where Jeannette went willingly,
almost every Saturday afternoon. (Colin, son of Jean Colin, of Greux. added last
this
detail; he was one of Jeannette's companions and with his comrades often teased
her about her piety.) Another comrade, then a cultivator often
accompanied
her:
"Many
when
times
I
at
Burey. Michel Lebuin,
was young.
I
went with her on
pilgrimages to the hermitage of Notre-Dame-de-Bermont. She w ent almost e\ery
Saturday to that hermitage and there
lit
candles."
At the age of forty-four, as old as Joan would have been this interrogation,
She went
Colin declared with a touch of pride.
to confession
"I
at the
time of
was her companion."
during the Easter season and other solemn feast days to
the parish priest, Messire
Guillaume Front. He had died, but one of
his
colleagues, the parish priest of Roncessey, near Neufchateau, Etienne de Sionne, attested that Front
good and simple
had often said
girl,
to
him: '"Jeannette. called the Maid, was a
pious, well raised, fearing
God. such
as
the village; she confessed her sins often,' and he said that if Joan
had no equal
in
had any money
of her own, she would give some to her parish priest to have masses said. This priest said that every
day when he celebrated mass, she was there."
JOAN AS MEMORY Jean Colin concurred.
He had
161
often heard Messire Front say of Joan that
"he had no better parishioner."
From the confidences of her closest friends, Mengette and Hauviette, we hear the same echo: She led a simple
life,
marked only by the
astonished, even disconcerted, her group. Hauviette,
of a peasant of
who had become
Domremy, Gerard de Syonne, was happy
of her friend: "From
piety that
to
the wife
evoke the memory
my youth I knew Joan the Maid, who was bom at Domremy
of Jacques Dare and Isabellette, spouses, honest farmers and true Catholics of
good
reputation.
friend,
I
went
know
I
to the
She adds
it
because often
I
was
in Joan's
company, and being her
house of her father."
that
Joan was a
little
according to what they said." There
is
older than she: "three or four years, a contradiction here, because she had
declared to the clerk that she herself was "forty-five years old or thereabout."
Because of the grandeur of her
life
and deeds, even today some hold a
ludicrous hypothesis that Joan must have had noble blood, that she
"Bastard of Orleans." Hauviette's testimony
have been
is
was a
cited as evidence that Joan could
bom earlier than is usually asserted (see III,
3),
and proponents of the
royal- Joan hypothesis propose a birthdate before 1407, the date of the death of
Louis of Orleans.
He
is
the father they provide for Joan, ignoring the beginning
of Hauviette's deposition, which established, like
all
the
others,
parentage. Hauviette's memories are perfectly simple: "Joan
humble, and sweet places,
she went often and willingly to church and to holy
girl;
and often she was ashamed of what men said when she went so devotedly
to church.
She kept herself busy
spun, and sometimes
—
I
saw her
"Like the others."
almost irritating in like
Joan's
was a good,
everybody
its
like other
young
she did housework and
girls,
— she watched over her
From one
father's flocks."
deposition to the other, this phrase recurs,
monotony: She was just like everybody, she did everything
else, and,
except for her notable piety, she rarely distinguished
herself from her group. For example, she loved to hear the church bells sound.
"When that
I
I
did not ring Compline, Joan caught up with
and chided me, saying
had not done well." These are the words of Perrin Drappier, the
churchwarden of
Domremy
annoyance when he forgot
more
me
faithful.
to ring the bells.
Her neighbors
same Drappier
—he was then about
sixty
—who
She promised him
also noted her charity.
"She gave
recalled Joan's little gifts
lots
reported. Mengette also recalled Joan's charity.
to
be
of alms," the
Her house was
almost next door to the house of Joan's father, and she often spun in her company or did other housework with her. Michel Lebuin reported the same: "She willingly gave for the love of
God
everything she could have." Isabellette, the
wife of Gerard of Epinal, went even farther: "She willingly gave alms and
welcomed the poor; she wanted to could sleep in her bed."
sleep under the
A plowman who
was
chimney shelf so that forty-four
the poor
when he gave
his
162
PART
THE DFIAMA
I:
deposition, Simonin Musnier, had suffered
care of the sick and gave alms to the poor; child,
was
I
In these testimonies, Joan
She went often and
.
She
saw
that myself, for
when
I
time, sometimes, she
No word
recurs
and
.
.
.
to holy places.
She worked
.
.
She went often and
.
willingly
and took care of many
girl
who
it
watched over the animals while spinning.
more frequently
which reinforce one
in these depositions,
another and produce a portrait of a young
them to
a
comfort me."
responsibilities, spun, did housework, went to help with the harvests, and when
was
was
willingly took care of the animals of her father's house.
She confessed herself willingly.
.
to
I
health in childhood: "She took
also associated with the term "willingly":
is
willingly to church
willingly to church .
came
sick myself, and Joan
ill
girl
taking joy in daily labor. That this
bore such a destiny could be so accessible to others, and remain like
the point
where no one suspected her
secret calling,
astonishing aspect of the testimony from the people of
"Popular religion" in the fifteenth century of superstitions,
stupidities,
little ritual
is
perhaps the most
Domremy.
often imagined as a tissue
and small devilries practiced by the
wretched, ignorant peasants in their naivete. That view
by this testimony from Domremy. Although
from this testimony an
is
it
abstract definition of the
is
thoroughly challenged
would be impossible
to extract
Church Militant (any more than
could be done from Joan herself), these peasants are precise in their manner of expressing themselves, of judging and of remembering her. The essential
elements of their "belief
—
prayer, the Eucharist and other sacraments, and
particularly frequent confession
Christian
life.
The depositions
—were
reflect
the essential
components of
how natural and consistent with authentic
piety they found love and respect for others, a willingness to strangers,
and a joyously active daily
The questionnaire prepared points that are
still
their
welcome and help
life.
for the interrogation at
Domremy
touched
capable of startling historians: the Fairy Tree, for example,
or those dances "near the fountain." Joan had recalled those
moments when
youth of the countryside met under the tree to sing and dance.
It is
the
striking to
same description from each of these peasants who reported without embarrassment the legends of the Fairy Tree and the merrymaking carried on year after year by the young people of the country. They formed from see
more or
less the
such ancient folklore a culture very
much
their
own and transmitted it from one
generadon to the next. Joan's godfather reported with pleasure what he had heard about this Fairy Tree:
I
heard
to
tell
often that
women
go dance there beneath
and the enchantresses who are called
that tree, but, according to
what they
fairies
used
say, ever since
JOAN AS MEMORY the Gospel of St. John
was read
our time, on the Sunday
when
when
in these parts, they at the Introit
do not go there anymore. In
of the mass Laetare Jerusalem
young men of Domremy go out
sung, the young girls and
they eat there and
163
come back
they
to that tree
is
and often
they go to the fountain at Rains and
while walking about and singing they drink the water of this fountain and play
roundabout and pick flowers.
Joan's godmother Beatrice added, "It's a very beautiful tree." Another witness,
Gerardin of Epinal, said, "That tree in the spring
branches are spread very wide;
There
is
no
A plowman her,
of her age or a
little
its
branches touch the ground."
older than she, Jean Waterin, reported that "I
saw Jeannette the Maid, and
and with her and the other
spoke with God,
"I
to
my
in
girls I
together, Joan
seemed
it
But he added: little
and
her companions been able to learn of Joan's amazing secret?
when we were playing
a
its
as beautiful as lilies
hint of devil worship or sorcery in their testimony.
What had often
leaves and
its
is
was
youth
I
drove her father's plow with
in the field
and
in the
would go away from us a
meadow. Often little
and often
me."
and the others,
we made fun of her." She began to share
confidence about her mission with another companion, Michel Lebuin,
and he kept a vivid recollection of those conversations.
accompanied her
to
He had
often
Notre-Dame-de-Bermont and had often seen her go
to
confession:
Once, Joan herself told me, on the eve of Saint John the Baptist, that there was a maid, between Coussey and Vaucouleurs,
who
before a year was out would
have the king of France anointed, and in the year that came the king was crowned at
Reims.
And
I
don't
This confidence, given on
know anything
St.
else.
John's Eve, no doubt thanks to the excitement of
midsummer celebration, had remained fixed in his memory. the "Burgundian" of Domremy, Gerardin of Epinal, of whom
the bonfires of that
There was also Joan
said, "I
would have been delighted
if
he had had his head cut off!" But she
quickly added, "If that had pleased God!" She had said to
"Compere,
if
you weren't for the Burgundians,
thought," Gerardin reported, "that
it
I
would
tell
him one
day,
you something."
"I
concerned some friend she wanted to
marry." Pro-Burgundian though he was, he nevertheless joined others, including
Michel Lebuin,
to
meet Joan and the royal entourage for the coronation; the four
peasants had joined her at Chalons.
The dominant impression one absorbs from these
Domremy and Greux
is
interrogations
from
one of clear transparency, the same transparency found
in the recorded words, the actions,
and the person of "Jeannette."
Among
all
164
PART
THE DRAMA
I:
these limpid creatures, she had a particular limpidity, a clear reflection of that invisible
world with which she
herself in touch. Prophets of the
felt
Old
Testament thought themselves the mere bearers of God's word, transmitting
what had been dictated
to them.
Joan became a heroine of this biblical type, and
from the existing record we can sense
that her prophetic character
came from
her belief that she transmitted the message of her voices without adding or deleting. "I tell
you nothing that I take in my head," she kept saying to her judges.
Throughout her
trial,
she indicates that she feared above
exceed what her
all to
voices had dictated, to be an insufficiently faithful instrument. This fidelity was in her
view also reflected in her dedicated chastity, a vehicle
that the Spirit
might
use to transmit what came to her from elsewhere. ("I asked that they send
back
to
God, whence
came," she had
I
Her holiness
said.)
They matched the median
the judgment of her intimates and fellow townspeople: level of
human
uprightness: "There
Of what inhabitants of
was
virtue, their spirit
and they knew how
upright,
was nothing but good
than simply a ritual
accorded to baptism
—witness
to appreciate
in her."
did this popular religion consist?
Domremy
me
best refracted by
is
The importance
is striking.
For them,
it
that the
was more
the importance of the godfathers or godmothers.
my commere,'" referring to the fact that they were both godmothers of a boy named Nicolas. "I am a good Christian One
of the witnesses says of Joan, "She
was
and well baptized," Joan herself protested. The only deed of her active year that
was then or later regarded
as miraculous
was the episode
said that she restored to life a child everyone thought
him the
baptized.
To be baptized was
to
become
at
was dead,
"member of the
a
community of beings who acknowledged themselves
blood of Christ.
Good
Lagny, where
Christians were those
as
it
was
in order to get
church," part of
redeemed by the
who remained
faithful to their
baptism. Their sense of the demands of baptism inspired their behavior, their respect for their neighbors, their daily ethics, their recourse to the sacraments
of the church
—without neglecting
in the hardest of times, they
was
beautiful, because
it
the joys that their daily lives offered. Thus,
would dance around the Fairy Tree because the
had inspired legends, and because
it
was
tree
part of their
natural setting.
This same
mood
been among them just
to Joan, that girl
who had
everyone else and did everything willingly
until she
inspired
like
them
to
presented the most striking proof of her
pay homage
faith,
crying out "Jesus!" in the flames
before the dumbstruck crowd in the Old Marketplace of Rouen.
>^^smm-
C7,
Wn w^mm^l
«ii Mffitm % CS^*^j*«^ vl)'#*
and
to assure himself a
refuge while he conducted raids elsewhere in the
Nivemais. La Charite had a natural strategic importance;
where
was then one of
It
the Loire could be crossed
few places
the
when
the nver
encouraged by the lax
their
own during his campaigns around Sancerre.
Gres-
to spread out
san became the head of a band of
soldiers, hiring
whoever could afford theoL holding for ransom,
and amassing
fortune to the detriment of the peasants. this
way
wished
to
be freed as soon as possible, fearing that
he might be delivered directly to the English. Charite. he uTOte to his brother, to Jean
in the
Nivemais
Gressarts
duke of Burgundy, whose
letter.
Once
La Tremoille
free.
expressed his gratitude for the fashion in which
he had been treated and lavished Perrinet" s wife. Huguette de
La
Conol.
Tremoille. Perrinet Gressart
upon
gifts
In arresting
knew
perfectly
his
well that he was not pleasing the duke of Bur-
He
gundy and demanded
as well.
letters in
interests he
that
La Tremoille
sign
person pardoning Gressart.
Gressan continued
where he specialized in ransoms. But he remained loyal to the
day of
them to hasten his deliverance and to comply with
on
campaigned
the
command of the duke of who allowed his
Burgundian adventurers
men and women
On
December 30. 1425. Gressart and Francois de Surienne made La Tremoille sign an agreement to pay a ransom of 14.000 ecus *^of good weight" La TremoiUe signed because he his capture.
de Vecel. and to the marshal of France begging
Burgundy. John the Fearless,
to
accompanied by the marshal of Burgundy and other officers of the ducal house.
He was
Gressarts career began in Picardy.
them out
when he was passing through La Charite. even though La Tremoille had a safe-conduct and was
From La
was swollen.
the
marching one day
to lead the bandit's life,
in the direction
English-occu-
when the attacks of the Armagnacs against the duchy became increas-
pied territor> and the next day toward Burgundy.
ingly serious. Gressart blocked thenL
English before Montargis and the French
consistently served. In 1420.
himself up
at
Paray-le-Monial
at the
setting
head of a
Just
when La Hire had
regrouped
at
to relax his grip
on the
Gien. Bedford promised Gressart a
company paid for by the duke. With another of his
reinforcement of "Englishmen from England"
companions, he defended the Charolais.
TDepanmental .Archives of the Cote -d" Or. B
The adventurer Perrinet Gressart made himself a lord thanks to his profitable dependency on
reinforcements, fearing he would alienate the
the duke of Burgundy: he did business exclusively
duke of Burgundy. That fear did noL however,
with the duke or his chancellor. Nicolas Rollin.
prevent
Since payment
came from
the
duke of Burgundy
however. Gressart chafed
in his role
as keeper of the pantry to Philip the
Good and
irregularly,
became an agent of John, duke of Bedford,
the
11916). But Gressan dechned to accept these
him from accepting goods offered by the The bandit thus found himself linked to Henrv VI of England by feudal bond: Gressart rendered him the homage of a vassal.
English.
.At
the time of the siege of Orleans. Perrinet
pan of
Nivemais on
English regent for France. Bedford enjoyed using
Gressart occupied a
him as a pawn in the game with Burgundy. It was in Burgundys interest for Gressan to guard La
behalf of the Enghsh: they held Saint-Pierre-le-
Charite in the duke's name: the duke did not wish
mont. the principal point of passage over the Loire
too powerful so close to home.
between Decize and Nevers: Pass\. on the route
the English to
t>e
.MoiJtier
and numerous
the
castles, including
Rose-
—
—
187
THEIR SUBJECTS between La Charite and Versy; Dompierre-sur-
the king of England.
Still,
Nievre; and La Motte-Josserand in the valley of
himself against delays
in
the Nohain,
from which Gressart could threaten
when
This deployment changed
amiies achieved their
the French
But for the
first victories.
Burgundy had
English,
remain neutral. The
to
counselors of Charles VII busily began to sign
engaged
truces. Auxerre,
in truce negotiations,
thus escaped attack during the
march toward
Reims. The Burgundians adopted a comparable position;
more
conciliatory than they had been
no obstacle
previously, they posed
making
troops
their
way
to the royal
On the
to the coronation.
following day, truces that were supposed to
newly validated king of France
no way
in
B
Cote-d'Or,
silver coins
1660).
more with
Thereafter, Gressart dealt no
the
duke of Burgundy but directly with the king of
He was made
France.
Nevers and began to
an officer of the count of
rid the
country of pillagers,
although he himself had been one, and he called
upon Charles VII endeavor. sart
The
last
help
for
in
this
altruistic
documentary mention of Gres-
appears in September 1438; he probably died
about then.
was evident
Perrinet Gressart's talent
last
Christmas were signed. This agreement with
on the
a guard
headed his way (Departmental Archives of the
king to profit from these victories against the
the
Armagnacs and placed
or the
convoys of wine vats and kegs of
Gien.
until
Gressart protected
payment by Burgundy
dians,
in his
by turns the English, the Burgun-
ability to resist
and the Armagnacs for twelve years.
implied a rupture of the good relations between
Neither the French nor the Burgundians managed
Burgundy and England. The Burgundians were
to profit
anxious; they had seen the royal armies marching
de Wavrin, the Burgundian chronicler, draws a
about the frontier of their duchy, taking strategi-
flattering portrait of him:
cally important locations that
Compiegne and
is,
on the Creil
line of the
—
that
Oise
from
Perrinet Gressart
commanded
waged
was wise, prudent, and
even Normandy was a secure fortress for the
knowing how
English any longer.
tion.
Gressart feared losing
maneuver: 'This of
my
lord de
it.
city
La Charite when Joan
He knew
the reason for that
was besieged
La Tremoille"
at the
I
man of great enterprises,
a
conduct himself
in every situa-
many campaigns and honorable
with him on
enterprises" (Wavrin, vol.
1, p.
264).
(Gressart, Lettres, in
22. "LA
B
HIRE."
ETIENNE
DE VIGNOLLES
More important, the king had
to protect Berry, constantly threatened
by the
incursions of the mercenary and his troops.
The
Bourbonnais, a territory of the count of Clermont,
was menaced
to
myself, author of this present work, was
1918). Evidently, the latter had not forgiven his
capture and ransom.
as well.
La Tremoille and Clermont
Etienne de Vignolles was one of Joan's most reliable military supporters. Better
known
the traditional French
interest in Gressart's disappear-
epithet appears to reflect a character
ance.
Finally,
La Charite happened
means "anger."
strategic site along the Loire,
be a
and the commerce
of that river valley remained active despite occa-
In
by mercenary
"La
pack of playing cards. His
common
to
as
Hire," his image survives as the Jack-of-Hearts in
had a
sional disruptions
lived,
request
the Departmental Archives of the Cote-d'Or, 1
"As long as he
strong war against King
Charles more than any other of his estate; for he
Picardy. Clearly, Paris might change sides; not
of Arc laid siege to
and cunning. Jean
his military skill
We know
that he
trait:
Hire
was violent and
easily inflamed; the English, in mockery, called
him "Holy Ire of God" or "Gracious Ire of God" but only at a safe distance.
attacks.
Bom
view of the inspiration Joan of Arc had
at
Prechaq-les-Bains in Gascony and
man whose childhood was
given the Armagnacs to reconquer territory, the
a
Burgundian position would be gravely weakened
Hundred Years War, he developed
a
once Charles VII exploited his victories by aban-
independence and a
He seemed
doning his policy of truce-making. Peace between VII was concluded on
Gressart and Charles
November 22,
1435; the king granted Gressart the
places he held and
Charite for
life,
named him
captain of
La
with a payment of 400 livres per
little
taste for arms.
concerned with the
emotional sides of
completed
life
at the Battle
need for
intellectual, spiritual, or
(F Rousseau, 1968). He
his first military
constable Armagnac.
disrupted by the
We
service under the
do not know
of Agincourt
in 1415.
if
he was
From
1418,
year to be levied on the revenues of La Charite
with his faithful companion Poton de Xaintrailles,
and Cosne. The further sum of 2,000 golden saluts
he rallied to the dauphin Charles. His
would be paid him within three months; 8,000 saluts would be paid by Burgundy, whose duke
was retaking
paid
him an
additional
1
,000 saluts, due him from
first
the castle of Coucy, after
adopted as his motto,
"I
a duke, nor even a count:
exploit
which he
am neither a prince, nor I am the lord of Coucy"
188
PART
II:
THE CAST OF PRINCIPAL CHARACTERS
[Roi ne suis ni prince, ni due. ni comte aussi: je suis sire
du Coucy]. The following
cham-
some of his who promptly became
him by
beraiaid betrayed
year, a
Burgundian prisoners,
freeing
masters of the castle once more. But this loss did
Vn employed
not lessen his prestige, and Charles
his "vahant captain" in other expeditions.
La Hire and Poton went on the
Vermandois and the Laonnois. then
raine,
where they fought
in the
in
leg
fireplace leg
Bauge
(
)
rest
of his
in that
he nevertheless
life,
1428.
"there
arrived in Orleans, to support aid, and assist
many noble
lords, knights, captains
de Vignolles.
and vahant
known
men
as
it.
— and Etienne
La Hire, of great
renov'. n.
of war in his company" (Journal
du siege d' Orleans). His movements
made him
Charles VII
mandy. WTien Joan of
La Hire was ransom to
to the
resume
Burgundians. which permitted him a mercenary in the king's pay.
life as
Having
sun. ived cold, epidemics,
the
reconquest of the southwest and died on Januan^
The
1442.
11.
mercenan.
remembered: "May you do for
La Hire u hat you would vou.
if
bloody
favorite prayer of this
is still
La Hire
like
to
do for
vou were La Hire and La Hire were God."
ISABEAU OF BAVARIA.
23.
QUEEN OF FRANCE
king the loss of the fort of the
Isabeau of Bavaria
and w ar subsidies. The pay instructions of Pierre
d>"namic figure
de Fontenil. the treasurer of Chinon.
the
in
and many
Montauban during
fell ill at
Tourelles and then of requesting reinforcements
importance
Vn
a prisoner at Dourdan. Charles
took responsibility/ for part of the payment of his
had earher assumed the burden of
to the
.N'or-
perished at the stake.
to the
Journal of the Siege of Orleans. This captain of
announcing
captain general of
.-Vrc
in the years
1428 and 1429 can be followed thanks
the \ ermandois
his
to
language and thereafter cursed only "on
wounds. La Hire
mercenai}.
October 25.
was also thanks
contact with Joan that he changed his famously
continued his career as an adventurer and a
On Monday.
deposition of master
trial, It
operations to free Orleans and the Loire \alley.
an inn. The
had collapsed on him. Crippled the
for
Compaign).
Pierre
Lor-
in 1421. In that year, his at
pany" (Nullification
to
com-
his baton." This %aliant captain participated in all
pay of the cardinal
was broken while he was asleep
La Hire went
others of his
in
of Bar. Etienne de Vignolles appears in the records again at
many
confession, and so did
\'ulgar
wage war
to
She exened some moral influence over him: "at her instigation and her request
the
attest to his
"To
eyes of Charles VII:
Etieime de Vignolles. 100 ecus of gold and 825 hvres toumois. which according
to the
command
and order of the king w ere given and dehvered various times and in various places.
at
(ca.
1370-1435) was a
who strove to impose herself upon
pubUc consciousness and
quite often suc-
ceeded. She was the wife of Charles \T and
mother of
his children, including Charles V'll: in
her capacity as mother she became the nexus of
many convergent
interests.
Isabeau was the daughter of Stephen
To Xain-
II.
and Etienne de VgnoUes. called La Hire,
duke of Bavaria, and Taddea \lsconti. At fourteen
much on their estates as on the payment of fiftv nine pages to the sum of 512 livres toumois"
king Charles \T (July 17. 1385). Charles had been
trailles
as
(Chambre des Comptes
2342. fol.42. cited by
fr.
Orleans.
sminen
at their first
feasts in
Valletde Viriville). .•\t
she met and. quite soon
La Hire remained
active.
On
with Jacques de Chabannes. he
benefit of a
pursued the English back to the rampart of Saint-
From
February
3.
Laurent. But after the
"Day of the Herrings." I. 3). La Hire was "in
Saturday. Februan. 12 (see
profound
grief."
He
resented the orders of the
W
arrival in Paris.
She so
that he married her without
mamage the
married the young
meeting and ga\ e magnificent
honor of her
affected Charles
after,
contract or dowr>.
beginning their marriage was
troubled by Charles's mental unrest (recently
diagnosed by R. C. Famiglieni as schizophrenic in
nature).
Isabeau was well acquainted with
On
July
1402.
Charles
count of Clermont, which required him to wait for
political
the count" s arrival before attacking. This strategy
granted her power, along with whatever counse-
gave the English time to regroup and to organize
lors she
their defense, so that
Poton and La Hire were able
only to protect the French
La Hire continued
to travel
back and forth
to procure
from the king. He may have been
at
funds
Chinon when
Joan arrived. In any case, he was among the
who
first
"achieved the faith to beheve in her" and
became one of Joans most
1.
might choose, to conduct the business of
government
in his absence.
She chose Louis, duke
of Orleans, as lieutenant general of the realm, an
retreat.
between Orleans and Chinon
intrigue.
faithful
companions.
appointment that not only deeply infuriated John the Fearless, that
ame
duke of Burgundy (who had
until
held the reins of government), but that
also later returned to haunt the
monarchy and
Isabeau herself Although she had been quite acceptable as regent the
first
time Charles
M
189
THEIR SUBJECTS became incapacitated (1403), san nature of her politics
24. ISABELLE OF PORTUGAL. DUCHESS OF
the intensely parti-
made Isabeau unaccept-
BURGUNDY
At the same time, various tensions
able thereafter.
and encounters among the princes of the blood
made them equally To solve
this
undesirable choices as regent.
apparent impasse, a set of royal
Scholars have speculated, supportably, that Isa-
attempted to persuade her
of Portugal
belle
ordinances were issued in April, 1403, which
husband, Philip the Good, not to hand Joan of Arc
consigned the actual business of government to
over to the English
"the advice, deliberation and counsel" of the
ameliorate the conditions of her captivity.
queen, the princes, other
members of
Philip the
system was reissued as a perpetual edict on
heir
December 26, 1407,
month
a
after a
bodyguard of
Isabeau seems to have given only cursory support to Louis of Orleans until late 1404 or 1405, and she stood firmly against the duke of
Burgundy
he rescued her from the exile
until
imposed on her by the Armagnacs party) in 1417.
from 1409
(the Orleanist
She did everything
in her
power
surviving son would replace the king
when he was
under the effects of his malady and thus retain
power within
Duke Charles
dauphin to be prisoners of the Armagnacs
was
the Bold,
the daughter of
King John of Portugal
(1385-1433: he began the systematic exploration brother Prince Henry the Navigator) and his
queen, Philippa of Lancaster (daughter of King
Edward
and Queen Philippa of England).
III
was bom
Isabelle
at
Evora
on Febru-
in Portugal
ary 21, 1397.
A marriage to Henry V of England had been projected for Isabelle, but after Henry chose
Catherine of France (daughter of Charles VI and of Charles VII) instead, negotiations for her
marriage to Philip the
Good
began. The Flemish
painter Jan van
Eyck was one of
on that mission,
in the course of
a
She played an integral
Philip's
envoys
famous
which he painted
now
portrait of Isabelle,
unfortunately
role in the lost.
Philip and Isabelle were married on January
negotiations that led to the Treaty of Troyes 10, 1430, at Bruges, the capital of Flanders,
(1420), which disenfranchised her son, the future
Charles VII. In 1435,
changed
when
Philip the
Good
his allegiance (effectively dissolving the
Treaty of Troyes), the followers of Henry VI
found
it
which ship.
necessary to create a
to
new precedent upon
deny the legitimacy of Charles's king-
They found
rich fodder for such redirected
fiaistrations in the political career
Bavaria
— most
of Isabeau of
especially as they touched on
Louis of Orleans. Thus, in the antidauphin Paris of 1422-1429, a probably groundless charge of adultery by Isabeau
became
a
weapon
partisans. In effect, the Treaty of to
for English
Troyes was said
splendid ceremonial celebration.
in the
murder of John the Fearless
but rather for the "fact" that he was not the son of his royal father. Instead he
been the product of an
affair
was rumored
to
have
between Isabeau and
It
amid
was on
that
occasion that Philip founded the Order of the
Golden Fleece.
whom
Isabelle bore three sons,
two of
died shortly after birth, but the surviving
child, Charles,
would
live to
duke of Burgundy (dying
be the dashing
Nancy
at
Described as "beautiful, grave,
in
adroit,
last
1477).
and pru-
dent," Isabelle was, like her husband, a great
patron of intellectual and artistic activity
Burgundian
court.
She seems
Eleanor of Poitiers, a
known book
the first
de
to
member
at the
have dictated to
of her entourage,
of etiquette, Les honneurs
la cour.
have disinherited Charles VII not for his
involvement
Duke
in Paris,
she and John the Fearless formed a rival governin Troyes.
tried to
of the West African coast, organized by his
sister
1418, assuming the king and
rate,
of Burgundy and mother of his
the nuclear royal family.
In January
ment
Good
the intellectual and daring
time to see that her eldest
until that
any
at
or,
Isabelle of Portugal, the third wife of
the royal
family, the constable, and the chancellor. This
John the Fearless assassinated Louis of Orleans.
—
Isabelle's diplomatic efforts
successful.
She had
a
hand
in the
were extremely Peace of Arras
(1435) and four years later negotiated a treaty
between England and Burgundy. She achieved the liberation of Charles of Orleans
and arranged his
Louis of Orleans. The English party succeeded in
marriage to Marie of Cleves (whose family she
using these rumors to undercut the legitimacy of
had assisted
Charles VII; until very recently most scholars
Holy Roman Emperor and other
shared the opinion of Isabeau's grandson, Louis
duchess of Burgundy she continued to encourage
XI,
who
called her "a great
whore" (Lewis,
in
marriage negotiations with the rulers).
While
p.
the scientific explorations of her uncle Prince
Isabeau of Bavaria died alone (1435), isolated
husband's crusade plans; one favorite project of
Henry.
114).
in the Hotel Saint-Pol in Paris
where she stayed from
the time of Charles VI's death in 1422.
hers
She made great
was
efforts
to
assist
her
the collaborafion of the Portuguese fleet
with the Burgundian land army. Besides these
190
PART
II:
THE CAST OF PRINCIPAL CHARACTERS
foreign projects. Philip enlisted Isabelle's politi-
domestic administration. In 1434.
cal talents in
for instance, he left
Burgundy
her hands
in
when
later (1466), still out
of favor. In an attempt to
recoup his influence. La Tremoille joined the unsuccessful aristocratic revolt called the Prague-
he went to Flanders for an extended stay in the
rie in
northern territories.
involvement, perhaps as repayment for the large
Isabelle died at the ripe old age of seventy-
sums La Tremoille had
Bom in
four at the Flemish castle of Aire on September 17,
1
47
1
.
She had
retired to that part of Flanders
winter of 1456-1465/7, ten years before the
in the
death of her husband, perhaps partly because her
son Charles the Bold resented her influence
at the
court but certainly because of her pious desire for the contemplative
life.
Philip consented to her
1440. Charles did not punish
385
1
for that
him before 1433.
lent
Guy VI de La Tremoille and
to
Marie de Sully (heiress
Craon
him
to the important fief of
as well as to the strategic castle of Sully
the Loire),
on
Georges was the thirteenth of that
name of
noble lineage to bear the
the fief of
Tremoille in Poitou. Direct descendants of Count
William
of Poitou (who was also duke of
III
withdrawal despite the great assistance she had
Aquitaine) and thus distant kinsmen of the Plan-
matters political, diplomatic, and
tagenet and Valois descendants of Eleanor of
rendered him
in
courtly during the previous quarter century of
Aquitaine, the
their marriage.
world. Georges 's father
Isabelle
was buried
astery at Dijon, the
at the
Carthusian mon-
Burgundian
capital.
Bold of Burgundy, the mighty
court, they
GEORGES DE TREMOILLE
LA
Georges de La Tremoille had for two years been grand chamberlain of France and the dauphin's fthat
is,
manager
in
negotiations
involving
instant dislike to her, he
resolute
enemy
at court.
soon became her most
He
that
would serve
clearest instance
was
his
interests.
The
when
she was sent to
avenge his honor against Perrinet Gressart and then spent two months Loire.
It is
at his castle
of Sully-sur-
generally supposed that
La Tremoille
must have influenced Charles VII's refusal to assist or rescue Joan
startling
once she was
Appointed master of waterways and forests of
captured by the English
Georges de La Tremoille retained at the
countess
Auvergne, a great lady
Duke John
II
French court for two years
when he died
heirs
right,
and of
widow of
left
A
no male
his influ-
after Joan's
in the
Queen Marie and her mother, Yolanda of Sicily (always in conflict with La Tremoille), made King Charles realize that La Tremoille's growing unpopularity had finally rendered him more of a than an asset. Briefly held prisoner at
La Tremoille paid them a ransom of 6,000 gold ecus and then was banished from court in 1453, making way for his longtime his enemies.
He died thirteen years
summer
of 1416; by
marrying his widow shortly thereafter, Georges de La Tremoille improved his sons, Louis de
own
status.
Their
La Tremoille and Georges de
Craon, both served as hereditary chamberlains of
Burgundy but retained
the family tradition of
maintaining loyalty to the French king (by then, Charles's son Louis XI). Louis
II
de La Tremoille
(1460-1525), Georges's grandson, was one of the
commanders of the armies of Kings Louis I. He became one
XII, Charles VIII, and Francis
of the prime movers of the Valois attempt to
men and
that imperial enterprise.
Arthur de Richemont.
own
John of Berry
arts,
master
rival,
October
of Berry, King Charles's uncle.
1433 by three young gentlemen inspired by
Chinon by
in
of Boulogne
in her
death, until an attempted assassination in June
liability
Agincourt
at
1415 but soon regained his freedom. In 1416 he
leading
captured by Burgundian forces.
ence
NicopoHs (1396).
set out to restrain
his control of her activity in
the winter of 1429-1430,
to the royal
King Charles VI.
France by Charles VI in 1413, Georges was
major patron of the
Joan's aggressive impulses and to manipulate her
ways
to
to
Bur-
gundy). Whether or not La Tremoille took an
in
were loyal also
married Joan,
representative
of the Valois dukes of
Always close
dauphin's household and his primary
of the
in the
his uncle Guil-
As a young man, Georges served Duke John Fearless of Burgundy as chamberlain.
the
Burgundy
first
principality.
Both died on the crusade
When Joan arrived at Chinon to meet the dauphin,
lieutenant general for
Guy and
laume were both chamberlains of Duke Philip the
that
25.
La Tremoilles had risen high
Italy,
recruiting
raising funds for
Nothing could have been further from the instincts of his grandfather Georges.
as he
was corpulent, Georges's
As cautious
strategy for saving
Charles VII was to make peace with Philip the
Good
of Burgundy and then hire foreign merce-
naries to fight the English. Joan of Arc thus struck at
the
heart
of his
policy
and his personal
ambition, as did the dashing Constable Arthur de
Richemont.
;
.
191
THEIR SUBJECTS
CHARLES II (OR I) THE BOLD. DUKE OF LORRAINE
27.
26.
generally believed that Joan of Luxembourg,
It is
Charles I
—
the
this
(some scholars
II
him
refer to
as Charles
usage excludes the tenth-century duke of
same name) had Joan brought
Nancy
to
but
did not receive her as Robert de Baudricourt did.
He
later
gave her a
sum
horse (Jean Morel's deposition) on which she
Nancy
to
together with her niece-in-law, Joan of Bethune, did nearly everything in their
Vaucouleurs
end of
at the
power
to prevent
John of Luxembourg from handing the Maid over to the Plantagenet party.
Joan of Luxembourg was the
of four francs to pay for
her trip (Durand Laxart's deposition) and a black
returned from
JOAN OF
LUXEMBOURG
sister
of Count
Waleran. The chronicler Monstrelet described her as "very ancient" in 1430. That year she
was
at
Beaurevoir "where Messire John of Luxembourg, her nephew, governed." She had just inherited the
February 1429. (Both of these depositions are to lordships of her brother as the nearest heir of
be found in the nullification proceedings.)
bom
Charles was
was
his reign
little
in
1365 and died
in
1
Ligny and of
more than one long-drawn-out
war. After taking part in an expedition against
Tunis, he helped drive the Turks back in Hungary.
who had checked
This prince,
was countess of "And because she loved her so dearly" she willed him the bulk
Philip of Brabant and hence
143
the attempts of
nephew
St. Pol.
[John]
of her estate, which aggravated his older brother
was the sister of Saint Luxembourg and godmother of Charles
the lord of Enghien. Joan
Peter of
Louis of Orleans to establish himself on the
VII.
Rhine, was a feudal vassal of the Anglo-Burgun-
13, 1430.
She died
Boulogne-sur-Mer on October
at
dian power.
Lorraine was a duchy of the Holy
Empire and Charles therefore owed
Roman
28. JOHN OF LUXEMBOURG
his allegiance
primarily to the Emperor. However, he also held
some domains from
Annoyed
Crown
the
at his failure to
of France.
be consistently loyal to
Joan of Arc was captured
Wandomme,
the Plantagenet cause in those domains, the high
bastard of
court of Parlement at Paris banished Charles,
Luxembourg,
declaring his lordship of that city forfeit. Philip
(See chapter
the
Good
intervened on his behalf. In
1416,
Charles followed the Burgundian armies into
and replaced Bernard of Armagnac as
Paris
constable of that stripped
Nancy.
him of
city.
Consequently Charles VII
his honors
and consigned him to
He married Margaret of Bavaria, who bore
Joan's remonstrance to
him was most
May
of Nancy, whose mother sold vegetables in a shop
On
collegiate
January
the house she
was
church of Saint
1425, he granted Alison
2,
living in, together with
its
furnishings and plate (both gold and silver). At his death, Alison
was dragged into
a public square
and murdered by the mob. In
Rene of Anjou,
who succeeded him
as
titular
king of
duke of Lorraine
in
—most 'les II
improbably
and
le castle
that she
grounds
at
—Joan
engaged Nancy.
Sicily,
1431
The dubious Chronique de Lorraine that
On
October 26, badly
his artillery to retreat
with his troops. It is important to remember that Luxembourg had the option of selling Joan to the
English or delivering her to Charles VII for a
John of Luxembourg, lord of Beaurevoir and count of Ligny, was devoted
Burgundy
(as
to the
duke of
count of Ligny, he took part in a
tournament of the Knights of the Golden Fleece 1431) and also in the pay of the king of
England, receiving the as counselor to
sum of 500 pounds
Henry VI. Moreover,
a year
his older
brother Louis, a cardinal in the English church,
was chancellor of England and thus
sat
on the
king's council. Governor of Arras in 1414, John
Luxembourg vigorously attacked the partisans Valois. He won Senlis in 1418; was wounded at Mons-en-Vimeu (1421); made many expeditions into Picardy and Hainault; was put in of
1420 Charles's daughter Isabelle of Lor-
raine married
she was surrendered. Luxembourg then aban-
wounded, he abandoned
in
Georges.
whom
5, p. 88).
Guillaume de Flavy.
near the ducal palace and whose father was a
precentor of the
the
John of
doned the siege of Compiegne, well defended by
likely
passion for his mistress, Alison
at his
Compiegne by
ransom.
him only daughters. aimed
to
at
a vassal of
states
was armed by in a
tournament
of the
charge of the siege of Guise by Bedford in 1424; led an
French district
Anglo-Burgundian expedition against the forts of the
Argonne; and ravaged the
of Beauvais. In August 1419,
at the
head
192
PART
THE CAST OF PRINCIPAL CHARACTERS
II:
of an embassy, he went to Compiegne, bringing
tation of Pierre
Charles VI false promises of peace.
available in
The very evening John wrote
to
captured,
May
25
at Paris,
failed
Louis of Luxembourg, bishop of Ther-
ouanne and chancellor of Henry VI, was the
Joan remained his prisoner for four
to
deliver
prisoner to
Anglo-
the
At Beaurevoir Joan was well received by the count's aunt, Joan of Luxembourg, and by his wife,
Joan of Bethune.
may be
It
that
Joan of Luxem-
bourg, godmother of Charles VII, implored her
nephew not to
sell
delivered Joan to
Maid
to the
Luxembourg was elected dean of the church
May
31,
bishop's palace.
He espoused
Bedford issued in
to the nobility of Picardy.
Normandy. Present
coronation of Henry VI
18, 1430.
for Joan
a simple payment, not a "ransom," which
is
retired
to
at
at
the
Notre Dame, he was
the executor of the will of Isabeau of Bavaria.
On
was
a price
He was when
charge of preparing the defenses of Paris
Bedford
The sum of money Luxembourg took
the interests of the
English entirely and responded to the call that
Joan to the English. Luxembourg
Avignon, where she died on September
1414, and resided at
times before 1430, living in the arch-
at
them
as soon as his aunt left for
sold the
bishop of Beauvais.
of Beauvais on
Rouen
Burgundians immediately.
who
brother of John of Luxembourg,
we can only wonder why he
his
The
Trial of Jeanne D'Arc.
who
months. John of Luxembourg surely informed the king of England, and
Barrett's translated edition.
P.
of Joan's
inform his elder brother,
received the letter on capture.
Maid was
the
Champions's biographical notice
W.
April 7, 1432, King Henry ordered his
treasurer general in
Normandy, John Stanlawe,
to
Louis of Luxembourg, his chancellor in
paid to liberate rather than trade a prisoner. John of
pay
Luxembourg hesitated for four months before hand-
France,
ing over Joan.
expenses which in the cause of our service he has
Pierre time.
Cauchon, bishop of Beauvais,
On May
26,
1430 a
letter
lost
no
from the University
of Paris demanding that Joan be handed over to the Inquisition arrived at Beaurevoir; instigated that
On July
letter.
Cauchon probably
14 the university sent
to
1
,000 livres "to help him support the great
had, and has, to pay." In 1422 he
embassy the
that
went from France
young Henry VI's accession
Dame
Notre
livres
toumois for continuing the war, and 10,000 of
to take steps to
amount was earmarked
Cauchon went twice for judgment
bishop by the pope, decided on January 13, 1430,
to see the prisoner
and
tried to
by the university on reUgious charges.
Luxembourg eventually acquiesced;
thus,
the
urge him to accept the nomination.
Louis of Luxembourg was strongly allied with
for Joan's "ransom."
convince John of Luxembourg to deliver the Maid
Bedford; he was, in will,
and
de Saint Pol, then seventeen, to Bedford. Their union irritated Philip the
the alienation
the
towns of Picardy,
tried to shield
them from the
pillaging of de Flavy and the French captains.
He
executor of Bedford's
of Bedford's duchess Anne,
Louis arranged the marriage of his niece, Jacqueline
Normandy.
The paid protector of
fact, the
after the death
English paid for Joan with funds from conquered
John of Luxembourg
Good, contributing not a
England. During the Parisian insurrection against the English in 1436, Louis of
Luxembourg took
refuge in the Bastille, where he
He had
abandon
was besieged by
his property to the
Richemont.
in reprisal, continued to ravage the country about
conquerors and was transported to Rouen
(In
1436,
La Hire took
httle to
between the duke of Burgundy and
refused to sign the Treaty of Arras in 1435 and,
Soissons and Laon.
He
the chapter of
Therouanne had been named arch-
the
that
to aid
of Rouen, which, on the news that
the bishop of
4
London
to the throne.
was favorably looked upon by
demand for the prisoner's delivery. On August Estates of Normandy voted a tax of 120,000
a new
was head of the
to
Seine.
On
to
down
the
January 15, 1437, as he journeyed to
possession of Soissons.) In 1437 he reached an
England, the chapter of Rouen had a mass said for
agreement with Charles of Orleans. This
his
hardened Burgundian partisan died
at the
battle-
chateau
of
of Guise in 1440.
voyage and reminded him of Bedford's legacies
to the
churches of Rouen.
Rouen on October
cardinal by to
29.
LOUIS OF
He was named archbishop was later made
24, 1426, and
Eugene IV (1440).
When he finally went
England he became bishop of Ely but kept
all
his
prerogatives as archbishop of Rouen. Raoul Rous-
LUXEMBOURG
sel,
who
replaced him, was one of his intimates.
Louis of Luxembourg did not lack the means of
Louis of Luxembourg was a high churchman of
whom
indemnifying himself for his losses. Henry VI gave ,000 marks from the Exchequer
admirers of
him
Joan tend to see as less unsympathetic than Pierre
and
Cauchon, although he was
resided in his see, which he administered through a
the
Anglo-Burgundian party
at least
complicit in the
Maid's downfall. The following entry
is
an adap-
a pension of 1,(X)0
procurer.
1
livres.
Louis of Luxembourg rarely
He lived splendidly in his manors, moving
—
193
THEIR SUBJECTS He was
with a great train of baggage and horses.
appointed an ambassador to Charles VII by Henry
VI
in
December, 1442. Louis died on September
1443, in his castle of Hatfield. Pasquier de the executor of his will. His heart
and
body was buried
his
in a
was
1
Rouen
magnificent tomb in
While charged with the defense of
Paris,
Louis of Luxembourg, then bishop of Ther-
—who,
the Journal d'un Bourgeois de
was a "full-blooded man"
Paris assures us,
—had
brought from Saint Denis the Maid's armor and negotiated her sale to the English. at
her
trial
He was
present
and her abjuration. According
to the
testimony of Andre Marguerie, he wept for Joan:
something of a surprise, since he was one of those
whom
Charles
is
an important figure in the history
of French literature, traditionally given the epithet "Prince of Poets." This
Perceval de
Cagny denounced
as authors
prince began
Valois
composing moral verse when he was a boy often, added love poetry
Ely Cathedral.
ouanne
a prisoner of that day's victors.
8,
Vaux was
sent to
French army. For twenty-five years he remained
and continued
in his youth,
writing both types of lyric verse during and after his quarter century of captivity.
Formerly consid-
ered an author of obsolescent charm, the love poets, he
the courtly
is
now
forerunner of writers
sophisticated
of
last
seen as a
such as
Baudelaire. Although he and Joan never met, the
mere
fact of his existence as the legitimate lord of
duchy remained a factor
his strategically crucial
of prime diplomatic and polifical importance both during and long after her mission.
Henry
V, king of England, fully appreciated
of Joan's death. the importance of this captive, and a clause in his will specified that "in
30.
liberty." In
Jean de Metz was one of the Maid's earliest
companions.
He was
known
also
as Jean de
Nouillonpont, after a village located on the right
bank of the Othain,
in the
Montmedy in Lorraine. Upon the Maid's arrival 21, 1429 Jean de
arrondissement of
prisoner; the youngest of the family, the count of
Vertus,
would
die a
little later.
Their half brother,
the future count of Dunois, John, the Bastard of
became head of the family
Charles was
France on April
Metz received from Guillaume
first
Castle. In 1421 he
Charrier, receiver-general of the king, 100 livres
and and the Maid's while
in
That grant was followed by another 200 "the Maid's expenses" and
himself armor. the
He was
Maid's retinue
Chinon.
quartered with the rest of
house of Jacques
the
at
Boucher, the treasurer of Orleans. In March 1444, Charles VII ennobled him "in consideration of the laudable and very
welcome
services
which he
rendered us in our wars and elsewhere." Gobert
in
May
was
transferred
1422 he was
By
letter patent
of May 27, 1422, his guards
were paid 20
shillings a day.
ment found
this
funds and put his guard up for aucfion. William
de the
la Pole, fourth earl
man
and
first
Orleans and
at
Patay
—won
ing the guard fee, which
his
assignment so
was one of
the transcript describes
him
as a
at that trial;
nobleman about
the bidding and paid
15 shillings, 4 pence per day for the guard of that prisoner.
gave testimony
duke of Suffolk
defeated by Joan and the royal army at
the
friends. Jean himself
The English govern-
expense too heavy for public
Thibault (by then the king's equerry as well as
nullification trial, said that Jean
from Ponte-
Northampton,
Bolingbroke. In 1430
at
judge of the city of Blois), testifying
at
in France.
held prisoner in Windsor
he was finally transferred to London.
livres for
125 livres to buy
his
England, Charles of Orleans joined his
fract to the castle of Fotheringay in
for his expenses
legiti-
brother John, count of Angouleme, already a
Orleans, in
no case should the
mate chief of the Armagnac party be given
JEAN DE METZ
ended
The duke paid
his
attractive.
own expenses, includwas what made the Charles of Orleans
his captivity with a stay at the castle of
Wingfield between 1435 and 1440.
sixty-seven years old residing at Vaucouleurs.
The duke continued to direct his affairs from
He had his jewels sold to pay the ransom many of his companions in misfortune. He managed his own revenues in order to prepare for his eventual release and recommended to his
prison.
of
31.
CHARLES. DUKE OF
ORLEANS
appointed officers an exact regimen of procedures
While Joan was raising the siege of Orleans,
its
and economy measures. For these
duke, Charles, was a prisoner in England where
principally
he had been since he was
general,
left for
dead
of Agincourt (October 25, 1415). twenty-four.
He had
at the Battle
He was
then
fought courageously, with
the energy of despair, in the vanguard of the
upon
his chancellor
who were
the Bastard.
The
tasks,
he relied
and his treasurer
placed under the direction of
chancellor, Raoul de Gaucourt,
and the treasurer general, Jacques Boucher,
trav-
eled occasionally to England, but regular contact
194
PART
between the
THE CAST OF PRINCIPAL CHARACTERS
II:
and his
px)et-prince
was main-
city
From
on a
of Percival de Boulainvilliers to the
letter
duke of Milan, but
tained through a squire. the beginning of his captivity, and
it is
not certain that the
poem
ever reached Charles in England.
therefore from the beginning of the resumption of
Charles of Orleans, habitually prolix, rarely
between France and England, the duke
speaks of Joan of Arc, at least in the manuscripts
hostilities
of Orleans attempted to reduce the damage that the
movement of armies
tion.
Since
troops
all
on the popula-
inflicted
lived
off the
combat
also to reduce his
he
land,
instructed that provisions be purchased.
He
strove
for the sake of the cities of
duchy and especially of
its
capital, Orleans.
Orleans should have been spared by the EngUsh, since
lord
its
was
their prisoner, but
by then the
chivalric rules of previous centuries
From 1424
into disuse.
make
1426 the
to
had
city
fallen
accounts
frequent mention of the issuance of truces.
For example:
we
possess. However,
when Joan
Orleans on June 20, 1429
—
returned to
after the victories of
Meung, Beaugency, and Patay
Jargeau,
duke had a
—
the
of garments in the colors of
gift
Orleans prepared to thank the Maid for her services.
Ages
was common usage
It
Middle
in the
with one's
to offer gifts of clothing
own
arms, sometimes called one's livery, as thanks.
The accounts of
the city of Orleans record the
payment: "To Jaquet Compaing, for half an
two green
purchased
textiles
to
make
ell
of
the nettles
for the Maid's dresses, 36 sous of Paris." This instruction for this expenditure
Further receipts of a loan aforesaid city for
own
its
made by
business.
the
is
dated June 16,
1429. For the date of September 30, 1429,
we
One of read:
them
to establish Pierre
Framberge, previ-
ously procurator of the city by the hands of
Guillaume Garbot,
Oudin du Loich,
Charles, duke of Orleans and of Valois, count
as tutor of the infants of
for the
of Blois and of Beaumont and lord of Coucy,
sum of 100 ecus of to
old gold ... to borrow from
my
him
men
commend you
granted to him by the inhabitants of the
for paying
1
of
We
our accounts, greetings and affection.
de La Tremoille certain sums
lord
our friends and faithful ones, the
to deliver to
gold
3 ecus of old
of the weight of 64 to the mark, which by our
aforesaid city of Orleans, and of the counties
beloved and faithful treasurer general of Blois and of Dunois to guarantee the
Jacques Boucher was paid and dehvered in cessation of war against the duke of Bur-
month of June of the previous year to Jean
the
gundy within the aforesaid
counties.
and Jean Bourgeois, the
Lhuillier. merchant,
Numerous
my
other loans are mentioned: '"For
lords the deans and chapters of the church of
Sainte-Croix
.
from Jacques Boucher
.
.
.
.
.
also
because of cessation of hostilities toward the duke of Burgundy or toward the king of England." early treaty
between Charles and Burgundy was
signed on July 17, 1427, ratified
at
London, but
by Duke John of Bedford, so
resumed and Orleans was forced
Once
An
to
was not
it
hostilities
defend
itself.
tabard that the to
men
robe and a
of our council had
made
be delivered to Joan the Maid when she
shall
be
in
our aforesaid city of Orleans;
having consideration for the good and laudable and pleasant services that the
done us
in
Maid has
confronting the English, the
ancient enemies of
my
lord the king
and of
ourself.
again, Charles oversaw the preparations
closely.
He had
fortresses,
and
inventories taken in his castles, cities to
arbalests, shafts,
suburbs leveled.
keep exact account of
powder, and cannon. Watches
were reorganized,
fortifications consolidated,
The enemy could then
The city was ready to defend itself, which
and
It
is
until
favor the
it
would
long after the event of the immense
It is
did
him
in delivering the capital
that
of
also uncertain whether he had any
simultaneous knowledge of her trial
do know
shortly
at
after Joan's
Rouen.
did send Charles a Latin
poem
We
capture at
Compiegne, Antonio Astesano, a Pavian
is explicit:
The duke of Orleans
has had a robe and a man's tabard
Joan for the liberation of the
made
city. Its
to
thank
end provides
further details:
To
wit, to the aforesaid Jean Lhuillier, for
ells
unclear whether Charles of Orleans
Maid
his duchy.
This document
attack:
be required to do for seven months.
knew
tailor residing at Orleans, for a
scholar,
about Joan, based
the aforesaid robe
ecus of gold per
was made
ell,
at the price
of 4
8 ecus of gold; for the
lining of the same, 2 ecus of gold; ell
two
of fine vermeil Brussels cloth of which
of deep-green cloth to
tabard, 2 ecus of gold;
make
and
and for an
the aforesaid
to the aforesaid
Jean Bourgeois for the fashioning of the aforesaid robe and tabard and for white satin, scarlet,
and other materials,
1
ecu of gold.
195
THElRSUBjECTS These instructions were issued
September 1429. The
the last day of
cloth
is
a
handsome
same name, and the was made of
silk.
made
fabric
Orleans on
fine Brussels
in the city
of the
scarlet cloth (called "sandal")
These were expensive gar1929 by the French
ments, reconstructed in
Harmand
scholar Adrian
at
documented
in a fully
suggested possible masters for the
treatise that
and tabard. In those days
tailoring of Joan's robe
male vestments stopped
was worn so
at the
The tabard
knee.
Arras conference, but his request for
the
to
— upon payment, be of heavy — was once more, and he had
liberation
ransom
to
a
sure,
rejected yet
Wingfield
to return to his prison at
May
in
1436.
But the duchess of Burgundy, Isabelle of Portugal,
became sympathetic
to the duke's plight.
Abetted
by the cardinal of Winchester, one of the most
members of the royal council at Lonmade the poet's liberation her personal
influential
don, she project.
Five years passed before she realized her
as to be recognized by soldiers of
own company and to weaken the sun's blinding reflections. Harmand concluded, after a
constable Richemont put his sword to
detailed study of her costume, coiffure, shoes, and
service of the victorious Charles VII; the Bastard,
one's
During
goal.
Xaintrailles,
begun by Joan; and
formed, must have reached a height of approxi-
fortresses
mately 1.58 meters
was
because the
vened
80 centimeters
definitive
The account books
offer interesting infor-
mation. For example, the nettle leaf was, during those years, one of the
emblems of
the family of
Orleans; as for the deep-green color, that the Orleans family
had
at the
some argue
imprisonment of
grief over the
One
chief.
their legitimate
detail in the reconstruction of these
garments for Joan of Arc
missing: the source of
is
must have bordered both the tabard
the fur that
and the robe.
The duke of Orleans
also
showed himself
king's
lieutenant
Orleanais,
general for the
war
in
the
who was paid an annual pension. In command of Romorantin and of
and
cities
little,
to the royal
1439
in
domain. Paris
at
Orleans.
On
at the
desired truce, however, several
occasion,
this
peace between the two kingdoms was
end of 1439 diplomatic
conferences began to arrange
months
The much-
it.
was not concluded
unfil
later.
Negotiations resumed
at
Gravelines in Feb-
ruary 1440; this time the duke's liberation was
guaranteed.
The ransom,
ecus of gold
—an immense sum— was then
established at 120,000 paid.
Remarkably enough, several years previously the duke of Burgundy had offered it
generous to his half brother, the Bastard, the
by
little
were restored
demanded, and
time adopted
dark-green or verdigris livery to express their
the
liberated in 1437; the Estates General con-
length of her robe in fine Brussels cloth measured [2 feet, 7 7/16 inches]."
work in
and Gaucourt continued the work
military equipment, that "Joan of Arc, of well-
proportioned limbs, strong, beautiful, and well-
[5 feet, 2 inches]
much changed: The
that period
from
to
pay a fourth of
his personal revenue; the then-dauphin,
Charles, and other lords offered themselves as
guarantors of the
The prince was then
rest.
on his word of honor paid,
and
that the balance
twenty-five
after
set free
would be
Charles of
years
1439 he received
Orleans returned to France. The duke and duchess
Blois for services rendered, and received as a gift
of Burgundy received him
the county of Dunois, with the right to carry the
months
title
of count. The Bastard exercised
full
ducal
later,
on November
their daughter,
at
Gravelines. Eight
16, 1440,
Marie of Cleves.
On
he married
January 24,
authority in the estates of Orleans and of Tours as
1441, accompanied by his wife, Charles
well as
solemn entry into the
Calais,
diplomatic conferences
at the
at Arras,
When
and Gravelines.
In 1435
hope for the captive was revived.
Twenty years
after Charles's capture at the Battle
that the
the
made
his
capital of his duchy.
happy news arrived
duke had disembarked
prayers were recited in
all
at
Orleans
at Calais,
public
the parish churches of
of Agincourt. the English began to feel the effects
the city. Yet again an appeal to the population of
of the defeat of Orleans and of their progressive
Orleans requested "2,000 ecus of gold to equip
expulsion from France. The Treaty of Arras
my
between the king of France and the duke of
person and without delay to carry them to the duke
Burgundy; the death of Bedford, the regent; the
at Calais" (Morchoasne: for December 30, 1429). The procurators organized processions to beg
marriage of the count of Charolais. son of Philip the
Good,
to the
daughter of Charies VII; the siege
of Calais, personally undertaken by of Burgundy the conflict
—
Duke
Philip
"that
go
in
He might wish to accord peace and give
good deliverance
to
my
lord of Orleans."
The
these changed the conditions of
people of Orleans celebrated the return of their
and presaged the end of the Hundred
duke with enthusiasm. The king of France autho-
all
Years War. Although
still
a prisoner, Charles of
Orleans became the mediator between France and England.
God
lord the treasurer, with the prayer to
He accompanied
the English delegation
rized the city council to levy a tax of 2,000 livres,
and then another of 4.000 ecus,
to
pay for the
celebration (Morchoasne: letter of Charles VII,
196
PART
THE CAST OF PRINCIPAL CHARACTERS
ll:
December 21,1 440). The populace staged several mystery plays, the principal one being David and
much
Goliath, then tled
The Moral
food were
up
set
and another
in fashion,
Virtues.
Two
trestles
enti-
loaded with
two
the crossroads, and
at
fountains ran with claret and milk. Lute players
and fiddlers appeared
the
in
A
streets.
covered in cloth-of-gold augmented by six
dais
ells
of
and
On August 24,
in 1440.
1440, the procurators
called for a voice vote to authorize the loan of
my
6,000 livres to "subvene the ransom of
by a
the duke." Finally,
December
dated the
sacrifices
letter
given
lord
Saumur
at
1441, the king acknowledged
6,
of the people of Orleans and
authorized them to tax themselves 4,000 livres, to aid their
duke "as much
matter of his
in the
sandal and fringed with silk was prepared to
ransom as to sustain his estate." This sum was also
receive the duke and the duchess; church bells
delivered to Jacques Boucher.
Aignan and
rang; and relics of St.
patron saints of the
city,
St.
Euverte, the
were borne
in a thanks-
giving procession throughout the
The
city.
city
Charles of Orleans spent the life at
Blois,
last part
where he had succeeded
ing Charles VII with Philip the
of his
in reconcil-
Good. He had also
offered Charles of Orleans a bowl containing
served as intermediary between the duke of
4,000 ecus of gold as well as a silver table service
Burgundy and Charles of Bourbon and between
(more valuable than 2 1 he
left
1
marks
when
in weight)
Charles VII and his son the dauphin Louis.
Orleans for Blois. The silver service had
been engraved with
his
arms and with those of the
After sixteen years of marriage, the duchess
Marie gave
named Marie. mount
birth to a daughter,
duchess on the order of the treasurer general
Then
Jacques Boucher.
the throne of France as Louis XII; his godfather
The duke of Orleans was
finally free, but
it
immediately became necessary to find the money for the balance of his ransom.
Once more
treasurer general, assisted by Etienne
Le
a counselor of the duke, set about satisfying his
master's debt. Charles had already the
duchy while a prisoner, by
1437. Philip the the ransom,
Good had
gifts
letters
of April
2,
offered to pay part of
and Charles VII,
considerable
pawned part of
in his turn,
had made
from the royal revenues.
to letters patent preserved at Orleans
According
was a
son, Louis, destined to
was King Louis XI.
A third child,
After his release, Charles did not speak of Joan, while the
honoring her
May
8.
good city of Orleans never ceased
memory
in the
annual celebration of
(After 1435 the city paid the expense of
the celebration.)
Orleans
The
may be
indifference of Charles of
surprising
century mind. In this regard,
to
giving to Pierre d'Arc hereditary
favor and contemplation of his
Maid." Charles of Orleans died
cousin
Duke Charles of Orleans because of
twentieth-
title
to the Ile-
aux-Boeufs on July 29, 1443, which was done "in
and dated April 20, 1440, the king took into
and charges of his beloved
the
we cannot ignore his
consideration:
the great expenses
Anne, became
abbess of Fontevraud.
the
Fuselier,
there
returning from the
at
sister,
Joan the
Amboise while
Assembly of Tours during
the
night of January 4 and 5, 1465, at the advanced
war on account of which he and the count
age of sixty-nine. His body, carried to Blois, was
of Angouleme, his brother, were for long
buried in the Church of the Holy Savior. Pierre de
prisoners in England. Wishing because of
Bourbon, the fiance of little Marie and the famed
the
that to
come
to his aid, [the king] gives
and
provides to him for one year, beginning on
October
1,
1440, and finishing on the last day
of September 1441,
from the
salt tax
all
the profits
and the
salt
and dues
warehouses
established in the duchies of Orleans and of Valois, the counties of Blois and of
lord of Beaujeu, led the funeral cortege. After
came
to
—
him
forty-
three gentlemen, five priests, thirteen choristers,
and the organist finances,
—then
the chancellor general of
accompanied by the
valets, apothecaries,
treasurers, minters,
and barbers.
Marie of Cleves, Charles's widow, wore a
Dunois
and other lands and lordships belonging
the household of the dead prince
long robe of fine black cloth-of-gold and a hood
himself and to his brother throughout the
and long mantle furred with lynx and black lamb
kingdom.
bordered by otter and a piping of white ermine.
Nurses accompanied the children of the houseMarie, aged seven, was dressed in
Orders went out to the granary keepers of the
hold; the
duchies, counties, and lordships of Charles of
a mantle and robe of black
Orleans's domains to hand over to Boucher the
Valois, aged
money coming from
pages, was dressed in black cloth lined in black
the salt tax. Charles VII
authorized the city of Orleans to tax itself 3,000 livres so as to
pay part of the ransom. These
were recorded
in the city
account books
letters
in
1438
little
two and
Rouen
a half,
cloth; Louis de
accompanied by two
came little The household of
lamb. Finally, in her nurse's arms,
Anne, only a few months the
duchess,
old.
her ladies-in-waiting,
washer-
197
THEIRSUBJECTS women, and chambermaids Cleves established
memory his
followed. Marie of
Orieans an annual mass in
at
of her husband and
made
diverse gifts in
name. Louis XII showed Charles's mother
respect and
upon her death had her reburied with
her husband at the convent of the Celestines
at
City of Ladies), a Utopian sketch of a world for
women, based on later historical
vertus
classical
(Book of the Three
women
advice on
which they
and
biblical as well as
exemplars; and the Livre des trois
how
cope with the world
the Fearless of Burgundy
had Louis assassinated
CHRISTINE DE PISAN
32.
in
lived.
and young John
In 1405 Louis of Orieans
Paris.
which offered
Virtues),
to
Pisan, the situation
became overt foes; John For Christine de
in 1407.
seemed more than
tragic.
Personally and through her writings, she lobbied
woman
Joan of Arc was not the only
France to
in
challenge the increasingly rigid gender roles that
shaped women's
European
lives in late-medieval
de Pisan lived
society. Christine
French
at the
court for the greater part of six decades, although
she was neither French in origin nor a child of the international
European nobility with access
to
those high circles. Her father, a Bolognese doctor-
named Tommaso de Pizzano (suggestcame to France
astrologer
ing remote ancestors from Pisa), invitation of
at the
King Charles the Wise
Queen
Duke John of
Isabeau,
French kingdom. Her remarkably
A
Livre des faits d'armes et de la chevalerie
of Feats of Arms and of Chivalry), which
at
who won
grief,
he died ten years
good post
To
Christine's
leaving her
with three children and her mother, by then a
widow,
to
support.
remarried, an
de Pisan never
Christine
uncommonly independent
decision
Christine pointed out, the practice or abuse of
write
and
the age of thirty, Christine began to
poems on
false.
By
love, courtly
allegorical structure,
issues as well. Like
began
complex
in their
to address political
Dante nearly a century before,
she proposed a world monarchy to solve the internal
problems of a Christendom
determined to destroy
She also composed
itself
a
expounding the ideals of
work
in this period
that
seemed
by internecine wars.
long
Agincourt
at
the premature death of
in
October 1415, and
Dauphin Louis
Decem-
close to despair.
Some
time thereafter, she retired
where her
to a convent (Poissy, northwest of Paris,
daughter had long been a nun, site),
is
most
the
likely
where she wrote a book of contemplation on life
and death, perhaps
after her son's
death in 1425.
Christine
greeted
the
news of Joan's
incredible victory at Orleans with joy. That
seeming miracle inspired her
last
poem, one of
her greatest, the Ditie de Jehanne d'Arc, which it
is
generally assumed she wrote immediately
after the coronation of Charles
1429.
It
VII
Reims
at
the year; however. Charity
Cannon
Willard, an
authority on Christine de Pisan's
Much
of her
prefers the estimated death date of 1430.
was sponsored by Duke Louis son
life
interesting to note that Joan's other lectual partisan, Jean Gerson,
to appoint her
in
used to be asserted that she died within
poem
chivalry.
duke refused
in
ber of that year, brought Christine and others
didactic
of Orleans. In 1404, the
a basic social and
The death or capture of so many of the men of her circle
and exploitive, true
her mid-thirties (around 1399), her
love poems, often lengthy and
—
moral assumption with which Joan the Maid
Christian
at that time.
Around
(Book
became
would have agreed endrely.
later,
court thanks to that marriage.
enduring
a
and
studious
she married a young French notary Castel,
pen
one of the foremost manuals on the subject. As
her parents, Christine grew up in the court. At
named Etienne du
politics
morality over the next seven years, including the
daughter, encouraged in her intellectual tastes by
sixteen,
end the
prolific
produced major theoretical works on
chivalry affected everyone Christine's birth in or about 1364.
to
conflict in order to maintain the integrity of the
as
resident expert in astrology a few years after
Berry, and the
young dauphin, Louis of Guyenne,
and work,
prime
It
is
intel-
had been a sup-
porter of Christine at court.
Jean du Castel to a post he was seeking, so Christine de Pisan looked for patronage else-
33
where. The aged duke Philip the Bold of Bur-
gundy commissioned her
to write a
biography of
BERTRAND DE POULENGY
his late father, Charles the Wise. This ambitious
undertaking, Christine de Pisan's
first
prose work,
Bertrand de Poulengy, a friend of Gobert Thi-
appeared within the year and was a huge success.
bault, the king's
About
who
that time, she finished
two of her most
strikingly original works: the Citedes
dames (The
judge
at Blois,
escorted Joan to Chinon.
for his armor,
and
in
was
the squire
The dauphin paid
Orleans he was quartered
—
198
PART
with the rest of Joan's
THE CAST OF PRINCIPAL CHAR.ACTERS
II:
part\'
the house of
at
He
After Joan's
he
execution,
fought the
much
English in the west of France as
Jacques Boucher.
Toul during the nullification
testified at
as
La
Tremoille's policy allowed, but gradually grew
By
process in 1455. The transcript described him as
tired of military life.
noble, a royal equerry, sixty-eight years old or
he withdrew to his Breton estates and began to
thereabouts. In his testimony he stated that as a
young man he had known Joan"s
who
parents,
were "good workers": he had visited
their house.
Bertrand described Joan as a good, devout young
woman,
good as
"as
a saint," and affirmed that she
at
Vaucouleurs
and with Jean de Metz got her some arms and
Then they were off to find the dauphin, in company of Bertrand's servant Julien, Jean de
armor. the
Metz and his the archer,
squander one of Europe's largest fortunes. Avid
company of
for pleasure, he sought the
mists,
alche-
magicians, necromancers, and mounte-
banks as well as of more standard courtiers, on
whom
he spent
at least 2(X).(XX)
ecus in less than
eight years. His bodyguard seems to have been a
tended her father's cattle and horses.
Poulengy encountered Joan
1435. at age thirty-two.
servant Jean de Honnecourt. Richard
and Colet de Vienne the roval
courier.
chilling
gang of cutthroats. He was passionate
about the theater and
made
his rural castles the
scene of endless dramatic performances. His relatives finalh obtained a royal decree blocking
further expenditure, and
rumors of
his perverse
behavior brought him before an inquisitorial court presided over by the bishop of Nantes and other dignitaries.
34.
It is
to
GILLES DE LAVAL. BARON DE RAIS
He was executed
outside the city on
October 26. 1440.
35.
an improbable fact that Gilles de Rais seems
ERIAR RICHARD
have been a sincere and ardent supporter
''follower"
Friar Richard
would seem the more accurate word
of Joan of Arc during her brief period of militar>
command and after. It
more disparate Joan's
a
champion of her memory
there-
would be difficult to find tw o personalities
trials
any period. The transcripts of
in
make her
a figure of unique docu-
mentary significance; the transcript of Gilles's
own trial at Nantes, the capital of Brittany, in 1440
was
a Franciscan illuminatus dis-
trusted by respectable theologians,
who
certainly
contributed to Joan's discredit. Driven from Paris at the
end of April 1429 for preaching
Antichrist
was about
world would end
to
that the
be revealed and that the
in the following
year (1430). he
surfaces in the record in July 1429 at Troyes.
There he preached secrets of
God and
that
Joan was privy to the
the saints,
and could penetrate
on charges of witchcraft and related perversions is
sensational in
its
own
any Gilles sexually
right.
abused and then murdered perhaps as many as
1
Bom in by burning
was sequestered Poitiers,
after
at
Nantes
strangulation
(a
in
favor
1440 not
accorded to the peasant Joan of Arc), Gilles de Rais (or de Retz) was one of the richest
men
in
Vn.
In
from Troyes
March 1431
months before Joan's execution
killer.
1404 and executed
later expelled
partisan of Charles
French folklore has associated him with
Bluebeard, the wife
Richard was
Monstrelet asserts that Friar
50
children at his castle of Tiffauges in southeastern Brittany.
city's defenses.
in
—
as a
—two
Friar Richard
the Franciscan convent of
deprived of permission to preach by
agents of the
local
bishop,
the
Inquisitor of
France, and the Parlement. All factions seem to
have agreed that the good
friar
was
as heretical as
he was unstable.
He was the son of Gilles de Laval (who when the boy was eleven) and of Marie de
Europe. died
Craon.
At sixteen he married Catherine de
Thouars, adding to his great inherited wealth her
ARTHUR DE RICHEMONT
36.
important Poitevin dowry. In 1427 he declared
himself a partisan of the dauphin Charles, as befitted a great-nephew of Bertrand
Du
After Joan of Arc, no one contributed more to
Guesclin;
saving France at the end of the Hundred Years
he adhered to the military advice of Joan of Arc
War than the Breton prince who died in 1458 as Duke Arthur 111 of Brittany. He was most widely known throughout his long and active life as Arthur de Richemont: His eldest brother, Duke John V, had awarded him the county of Richmond in England, an ancestral legacy, when he was
with an ardor and consistency
uncommon
in the
entourage of Georges de La Tremoille (his cousin
and early patron
at court); in
accompanied Joan and Charles coronation, he
Charles VII.
July 1429 Gilles to
Reims. At the
was made marshal of France by
He was
then twenty-five years old.
seven or eight years old. Arthur derived
little
199
THEIR SUB)ECTS benefit ft"om that territory, of which he lost control
when he
left the
become
Plantagenet party to
a
Valois partisan in 1424.
Bom
at the
posed the fulsome Chronicle of Arthur III, Duke of Brittany after Richemont's death, reported that
ducal castle of Succinio on the
south coast of Brittany on August 24,
1393,
Joan was displeased
battles of
Brittany and Joan, daughter of King Charles the
1429.
queen of England.
later
(Widowed, she married King Henry IV
Richemont's exclu-
enthusiastically and effectively at her side at the
Arthur was the third son of Duke John IV of
Bad of Navarre and
at
sion from "her king's" coronation; he had fought
Meung, Beaugency, and Patay
After the
in
of La Tremoille in
fall
June
1433,
in 1403.)
Arthur de Richemont worked tirelessly for the
Short but vigorous,
endowed with facial features made him look eternally sullen (Charles VII called him "Old Lip" since he seemed always to
expulsion of the English and the reform of the
that
French army. He had a hand
be curling his scrapper.
He
lip in a pout),
Arthur was a
bom
fought for both the Valois and the
Arma-
Plantagenet sides, beginning as an ardent
gnac partisan
when he was
in the Treaty of Arras
between Charles VII and Philip the Good of
Burgundy (September 1435). On April
13, 1436,
he entered Paris and formally reestablished there the
main
institutions of the royal
govemment: a
seventeen.
Parlement favorable to Charles, the Chambre des
Raised to military maturity by his great-uncles
Comptes, and a royal council. To Richemont's
in 1410,
Duke Philip the Bold of Burgundy and Duke John II of Berry, he became the close friend and companion-in-arms of the dauphin Louis of Guyenne, heir of King Charles VI and elder brother
and the Parisians'
of England,
thereafter,
By
it is
not surprising that Arthur joined the
Plantagenet party after being captured
(October 25, 1415). But Arthur slowly:
He remained
at
made
Agincourt
the change
a prisoner in England for
nearly five years after Agincourt;
it
was only during
the negotiations for the Treaty of Troyes (October
1420) that he appeared on the side of Henry V. After the deaths of Henry V of England and Charles VI of
France in August and October 1422, respectively,
Richemont stayed of Burgundy,
She was the
widow of
sister
to
Margaret
Good and
of Anne of Burgundy, wife of Duke John of Bedford, regent of France for the infant
Henry VI. Despite
those connections, Richemont switched to the Valois side after his brother-in-law Bedford refused
him a much-desired command (June
Queen
1424).
Yolanda, the dauphin Charles's mother-in-law, had
him appointed constable mander) of France
Eager
in
March
(chief military
Richemont was
by factionalism
in effect
at
to
Charles's
June
1433
denied access to the
king because of Georges de La Tremoille, whose rise to
VII,
power Richemont had
who
exiled
assisted. Charles
never liked Richemont personally,
him from court
in
1428. In July 1429
Charles excluded him from the coronation
Reims, where his office entitled him
sword of
Formigny
Caen and of Cherbourg
state in front
at
to carry the
of the king (see
p. 67).
Guillaume Gruel, a loyal follower who com-
decisive Battle of
at the
1450 and
in April
in
at the
surrender of
Some Normandy with his nephew
June and August.
of his most effective campaigning in
was undertaken
in collaboration
Duke
of Brittany. In September 1457,
Francis
I
after the death of a II,
second childless nephew, Duke
Arthur became duke, but he reigned
dying the day after Christmas, 1458.
briefly,
Duke Arthur
III
of Brittany's most durable
achievement was his collaboration with Charles VII
the redesign of the French army. For
in
centuries a loose, poorly disciplined rallying of
feudal
commanded by
levies
their
self-serving freebooters, the
hereditary
commanded by
lords and of mercenary bands
army was rapidly
turned into a standing force of paid professional soldiers living in regular garrisons
manded by
new constable was end-
From September 1427
court.
com-
1425.
to galvanize all available forces to
attack the English, the lessly fmstrated
Richemont was present
the former dauphin Louis.
both of Duke Philip the
autumn of 1441, Richemont had
the
Nine years later Normandy was reclaimed as well.
loyal to the Plantagenet party
1423
he preferred the chateaux of the Loire.
cleared the Ile-de-France of English partisans.
Peter
partly because of his marriage in
Charles visited the
most of the Valois kings
for only three weeks; like
of Charles VII. Since his mother had married King Henry FV
distress,
ancient but recently disloyal capital a year later
officers
his constable. This interests
rebellion
new model
and offended the
Richemont seems
to
down
noblemen including men
enemy Georges de La greater
gusto, in
he
innovations.
In
as diverse as his
led
ally,
and
Tremoille. the
their
1439-
nephew mutual
With even
new compagnies
rounding up and execufing "the
Flayers" and other bands of mercenaries,
whom
many;
the Praguerie, an uprising of
John of Alen9on, Joan's
d'ordonnance
threatened the
sensibilities of
have enjoyed punishing
against these
1440, he put
and com-
chosen directly by the king or
many of
had long fought alongside the constable's
newly disciplined troops.
200
PART
Lucky fortunate
in war,
in
THE CAST OF PRINCIPAL CHARACTERS
ll:
Arthur de Richemont was less His long marriage to
marriage.
city.
While he was
window, the stone of a
at the
cannon from the aforesaid
city struck the
window
Margaret of Burgundy, widow of his closest
where the
earl was, at the noise of
which blow he
youthful friend, Louis of Guyenne, ended without
pulled back; nevertheless, he was
wounded most
surviving children in February 1442. In August of
grievously and mortally and had a large part of his
that year he married his
Jeanne
d' Albret,
daughter of
companion-in-arms Charles
later
but she died just over two years
without issue. His third wife,
who
d' Albret,
later,
again
survived him,
face carried
away by
it."
came
Salisbury's death
soon after the beginning of the siege the English
whose
laid to Orleans,
lord,
Charles of Orleans,
was a prisoner across the Channel. Many viewed
was Catherine of Luxembourg, daughter of Peter
Salisbury's death as the judgment of God, feeling
of Luxembourg, count of Saint-Pol and
that the earl should
the second wife of John of Bedford,
became
for the second time
in-law:
The conjugal network of
sister
who
of
thus
Richemont's brotherthe fifteenth-
its
have spared a
city deprived of
legitimate chief and defender.
of Normandy reports that when
in
had assembled his troops
at
The Chronicle 1428 Salisbury Chartres
and
century European ruling class was tightly woven.
informed them of his intention
The only surviving child of Duke Arthur III of Brittany was his natural daughter, Jacqueline, who was legitimized in 1443 and married to one
Orleans, "a magician," Master Jean de
of her father's squires.
bury, and elder son of John de Montacute, third
warned him
earl,
by
Meung,
"watch his head."
to
Thomas de Montacute, his wife
fourth earl of Salis-
Maud, was bom
in 1388. After
lands had been forfeited for his
father's
his
to lay siege to
them to Thomas, who extended them by marrying Eleanor, fourth daughter of Thomas Holland, earl of Kent. He was restored to the remaining dignities held by his father in 1421 and was generally treason, the king returned a portion of
CATHERINE DE ROCHELLE
37.
LA
"most subtle and expert and
considered the Catherine de La Rochelle, like her sometime
companion vagabond
Friar Richard,
was a member of
who
lunatic fringe
the
did Joan no good.
fortunate of
all
the captains in England."
part early in the third phase of the
War.
Made
He took
Hundred Years
a knight of the Order of the Garter in
Catherine claimed to have access to "the high
1414, in the following year he fought in France
Lord God" when the Eucharist was
Joan decided that Catherine was talking nonsense
with Henry V at Agincourt, then at the sieges of Caen (1417), Rouen (August 1 -September 1, 141 8), and Harfleur (January 4-March 12, 1419).
and should go home
In
secrets of Our
celebrated at mass. After a few conversations,
to attend to her family.
Normandy,
April
in
1419, he was
named
Catherine later reciprocated by testifying to the
lieutenant general of the king, and with this
would have
promotion came such possessions as Neubourg,
ecclesiastical court at Paris that "Joan
her prison by the aid of the devil
left
not been well guarded."
The record
if
she had
indicates that
Catherine also denounced the city of Tours and inhabitants
enough
its
worried the city council
gave him
the
council
royal
to
convey
letters
all
in
of the possessions of
VI,
France, later
Duke John V
Henry
V,
and following him the duke of
Bedford acting for Henry VI, distributed
to the
English captains the lands of the Armagnacs in
defending that city's reputation.
this
fashion.
In
awarded by Henry
THOMAS
DE MONTACUTE. EARL OF 38.
name of Henry
of Brittany situated outside John's duchy.
that they paid an Augustinian friar famil-
with
iar
—which
Perche, and Longwy. In the
John of Bedford, Henry's regent
Normandy, many lands were
V himself: He gave to his "dear
cousin" William de
la Pole, earl
of Suffolk, the
domains of Bricquebec and Hambye, which had
SALISBURY
belonged to the deceased Foulques Paynel, and thus deprived Foulques 's widow, Jeanne, of them.
The
earl
that
Joan would
of Salisbury began the siege of Orleans raise.
The Burgundian chronicler
Another companion of Henry V, Lancelot de L'Isle, received the lordship
of Nohant; Henry castle of
Enguerrand de Monstrelet reported Salisbury's
FitzHugh received from the king the
death as the earl surveyed the city of Orleans on
L'Aigle and the donjon of Chambois. The duchy
October 27, 1428, from the height of the
of Alen^on became the apanage of Bedford.
the Tourelles:
"He
fort carefully to
fort
of
studied the land around that
imagine
how
he could take that
Many
other fiefs were distributed in Normandy,
Picardy, and the
Beauce
as well as in Paris,
where
201
THEIR SUB)ECTS mansions of the Marais were parceled out
the
among Bedford, Warwick,
Stafford, and others.
Salisbury helped implement the Treaty of
Troyes; he was
November
1419) and
6,
Melun (ended on December 1,
the siege of
at
at Paris
October 12
on October 27, "the count
away
Salebris [Salisbury] passed
Meung de
city of
The Journal of
laid siege to Orleans.
the Siege reports that,
at
night in the
Loire; at his death, the English
maintaining the siege were powerfully amazed
1420; and then at the battlefield of Bauge (March
and doleful." Mortally wounded, the English
where he took the place of the duke of
captain had been transported to the city of Meung,
21, 1421),
Clarence,
who had been
he became governor of
won
killed there. Thereafter,
Champagne and of
Brie,
the Battle of Cravant, and in the following
year took part under Bedford's
command
in the
He returned to England to seek many great festivals, orna-
Battle of Vemeuil.
reinforcements "in
mented with great
some
riches."
said that he
It is
part in a plot with Gloucester
had
and Bedford
Good, who had been paying
against Philip the
where he died November
Bisham
at his father's side.
bore a daughter, Alice,
granddaughter of Geoffrey, by
He
issue.
(Dugdale, Baronage, vol.
title
on the continent, Salisbury did not forget his
own
wife,
married Robert
whom
he had no
named John 652). He had no
also left a natural son
Cobham. Although busy expanding sions
wife, Eleanor,
first
who
was Alice, the daughter of Thomas Chaucer and
male descendants, so
English domains or his
His
Neville. His second wife (her second marriage)
court to Gloucester's wife, the beautiful Eleanor his posses-
The body was
3.
returned to England and buried in his priory of
A
earl of Salisbury.
appears in Harley
1, p.
his son-in-law
assumed the
portrait of Salisbury
MS 4826.
who had
considerable wealth. In at the
1
428 Salisbury again crossed the Channel
39.
THOMAS
DE SCALES
head of an army, having signed an indenture
on March 24, 1428
Westminster, before
at
mem-
Thomas de
Scales, the seventh
Lord Scales, was
to
one of Bedford's lieutenants and, from November
France, he organized his army for a six-month
1428, of equal authority with Suffolk and Talbot.
bers of the royal council.
campaign
starting
When
he returned
Bom
from June 30, 1428.
The indenture was
peculiarity
a
of the
—
one
about the year 1399 (he was twenty-
in 1420),
Enghsh army in a sense, a military service contract, the name of which came from a document not unlike the two sides of a zipper: The text
Robert,
was written twice on a piece of parchment,
wife),
fifth
Thomas was
Lord Scales, by
younger son of
the
either Joan (his first
daughter of William, lord Bardolf; or
Elizabeth (his second wife). Succeeding his older
the
brother Robert to the lordship of Scales (1420),
two pieces of which were then separated follow-
he also took up his brother's active part in the war.
ing a zigzag line, each of which was to be handed
of each piece could be established by bringing the
In 1422 Thomas crossed to Normandy with a company of men-at-arms and served under John, duke of Bedford. He was captain of Vermeuil with
two halves of
a salary of 2,461 livres (1423).
to
each of the contracting parties. The authenticity
the
parchment together, each con-
tracting party having signed the half that
handed
number of
fighting
detailed, indicating
men, the
soldiers' equip-
ment, and the payment due men-at-war; they established the
number and type of combatants,
the destination of their service, the pay,
various obligations.
They
and
also established the
compensations soldiers could claim and,
finally,
the term of their enlistment. Enlistments could last
forty days,
sometimes a
sometimes two years, or "as king."
Wage
often
for
a
retinue," a
it
third of a year, shall please the
deposits were paid in advance, most
The English indenture
trimester.
corresponded loosely
to
the French "letter of
document much
fully a contract, in that
it
less precise
and not
did not set the length of
made Knight of the Garter While captain of
St.
Thomas performed with
(1425).
Jacques of Beuvron,
great credit in the siege
of Pontorson (1427) and defeated an attack
on him by the baron de Coulonce
at
made
Bas-Courtils,
between Pontorson and Avranches, as he was covering the siege and bringing supplies to War-
wick (April
17, 1427). In her letter
1429, Joan refers to
Thomas
lieutenants: after being
as
of March 22,
one of Bedford's
promoted
to the
rank of
Suffolk and Talbot (November), he was the king's lieutenant in the Orleanais
(December
16, 1428).
In this position, he received 3.0(X) livres to lead
an army against Orleans.
He was
taken prisoner while attempting to
give aid at Orleans and quickly ransomed; he
service.
new army, Salisbury took RamMeung, Beaugency, and Jargeau and on
With bouillet,
He campaigned
with Fastolf and others in retaking the fortresses of Maine (1424-1425); he was subsequently
to his counterpart.
These documents were the
was
this
was
again defeated in the unsuccessful attempt to relieve
Beaugency
in
June 1429 and taken pris-
202
PART
oner again
at
II:
THE CAST OF PRINCIPAL CHARACTERS Thomas was
Patay (June 18).
John Talbot began
a
his warrior's career early;
command to fight When Henry
captain with men-at-arms at Louviers (order of
he received from Henrv' IV the
September 1430). Subsequently he was one of the
the
Welsh between 1404 and 1407.
V
father. Talbot was imprisoned in Tower of London, but he soon left it to serve
commanders
sent by Bedford to aid John V.
duke
of Brittany, against the duke of Alen^on (1431). In
1433 he was captain of Danfort and of Saini-
L6
(1435).
in
He was made
1434 and, two years
Normandy
seneschal of
later,
captain of Rouen. In
Arundel and he were besieged
1435,
Avranches; later that year he assisted
Mont-Saint-Michel and
of both
in the sieges
Saint-Denis.
Rouen and
Early in 1436 he defeated La Hire near
continued to fight with Talbot
Normandy
after Paris
in
defense of
in
had again fallen into French
succeeded his
the
V
Scales probably remained in France until the English possessions
were
lost.
Afterward he
As
a
prominent citizen of Norfolk,
he had frequent contact with the Paston family.
Thomas de
Scales was murdered while being
down
transported
the
Thames
after his surrender
''cousin." Talbot later followed his
and Rouen, briefly returned
name of Lancaster
(July 18, 1460).
By
to
England, then
appeared back on the continent under Henr>' VI.
He took for
part in the Battle of Vemeuil.
him
which won
Order of the Garter. He then became
the
lieutenant of the king in Ireland for a second term.
this
to France,
and during
period of service he achieved his greatest
renown.
He took
part in the Battle of Montargis lost
by Warwick, then retaking of Le
in the
Mans
capture of Laval, the
in 1428. the siege of Orleans,
and the Battle of Patay, where he was taken
When
prisoner.
he was freed in 1433, Bedford
in the
covered him with honors, appointing him lieuten-
his wife
ant general of the king and of the regent for
of London, which he had been defending
Emma,
him
called
returned to the family seat at Scales Hall. Middleton. Norfolk.
at that
master to France, took part in the sieges of Caen
But Bedford sent him back
hands.
where
as the king's lieutenant in Ireland,
time the crown faced endless difficulties. Henr\-
daughter of Sir Simon Whalesburgh
military affairs in the Ile-de-France and in the
(probably of Cornwall), he had two children, a son
regions between the Seine, the Oise. and the
(who died
a minor) and a daughter. Elizabeth (his
heiress). Elizabeth married first Henr>'
Bourchier
and second Anthony Woodville, who through her
was called Lord Scales and afterward
inheritance
Somme. He
received the county of Clermont-en-
Beauvaisis and was
named
awarded him
a revenue of
300 gold
became the Earl Rivers (his sister was married to Edward IV) immortalized in Shakespeare's Rich-
Bedford died on September
ard
VII and Philip the Good.
III.
captain of Saint-
Germain-en-Laye and of Poissy; the regent
14,
Treaty of Arras was concluded between Charles
Talbot
delayed
JOHN TALBOT. EARL OF SHREWSBURY earl of
Shrewsbury, was one of the
high commanders of the English army.
1373
at
Bom
in
Blechmore, the second son of Richard
earl
of
Willoughby take
Ivr>'
failed to stop the
advance of the French armies.
He tried John Talbot,
He
England's defeat.
defended Normandy and helped the
40.
But
saluts.
1435. and the
in vain to save
and Pontoise although he
Meaux and made himself
master of Harfleur, but Pontoise was
lost the
following year, 1441. After suffering another reversal in the siege of Dieppe, he
withdrew
to
where he served as governor. He again
Talbot of Goodrich Castle in the Welsh Marches,
Ireland,
fourth Baron Talbot, John Talbot served his king
crossed the Channel upon the capitulation of
for
more than
hand
at the
sixty years,
dying with weapons
in
age of eighty. His family, originally
from the Caux
district
in
Normandy, went
to
Rouen
in
1449, only to be taken hostage by
Charles VIL
who
restored his liberty the follow-
ing year. Lieutenant general of Henr>
Guyenne, Talbot promptly reduced
Talbot acquired financial security through his
to his control, but his military career
Maud Neville, his first wife, who bore him three children, including two sons who would
end
marriage to
perish in
1450
at
the
Battle of
during the Wars of the Roses.
By
at the battle
VI
in
that province
England with the William the Conqueror. John
reached
its
of Castillon, where the aged
warrior died with his son John.
Northampton
Venerated by the English, Talbot earned
second wife,
respect from the French side as well "because he
his
Margaret Beauchamp (eldest daughter of Richard
made war honorably." His name
Beauchamp,
edly in the documents from the siege of Orleans.
ters
earl of
Warwick), he had two daugh-
and three sons, of whom the
eldest, John,
killed at his side at Castillon in 1453.
was
is
cited repeat-
He brought reinforcements on December
1
;
on
the thirtieth, he set up his headquarters at the
203
THEIR SUBJECTS Normandy on May
bastide of Saint-Laurent and later reorganized
admiral of
the bastide of Saint-Loup. His letter of retinue
of Pontorson
in June,
Avranches
August.
on January 28,
for the siege of Orleans, signed
in
19, 1419, captain
and captain of Mantes and
1429, authorized him to recruit forty-eight men-
Suffolk began his diplomatic career as
at-arms and a hundred archers. After the siege
guarantor of the truce with France (June 27,
Meung and Beaugency. At Patay,
he defended
would have preferred
to confront the
rather than to obey Fastolf,
he
French
who commanded
charge of rine
retreat.
Although Talbot owned extensive lands
in
France as well as England, he strove his whole life
1420) and served at the siege of Melun that
autumn. He was one of the commanders
enhance his inheritances
to
of his
those
particularly
wife's
in
England,
family,
the
Berkeleys, whose male heirs he despoiled. His
to
1421)
and was
appointed one of the conservators of the truce with Brittany (February 10).
and imprisoned
He was
Bauge on April
at
3,
captured 1421, and
(May
received the Order of the Garter
3) as
successor to Thomas, duke of Clarence.
death of Henry
After the
desire to rise into the upper ranks of the barony
was evident: The Talbots sought always
England (February
to
left in
Normandy when Henry V took Cathe-
V,
Bedford
appointed Suffolk guardian of the Contentin, the
extend their influence through their friendship
castle of Saint-L6,
and the town of Coutances
with the king.
(October 10, 1422).
Two
This model of honor and chivalry, Talbot,
"watchdog of England," ture in the
is
portrayed in a minia-
Shrewsbury Book, one of the most
26, 1424) he
years later (September
was made governor of Chartres and
October captured Senonches, Nogent-le-
in
Rotrou, and Rochefort.
A
month
later
well-known illuminated manuscripts of the 15th
Paris, attending the festivities held
century.
Good. From
Paris,
he was in
by Philip the
Bedford sent him
to
attempt a
reconciliation between Gloucester and the
duke
of Brabant.
41.
WILLIAM DE LA POLE. EARL OF SUFFOLK (AND HIS BROTHER JOHN)
In 1425 he
was appointed lieutenant gen-
Caen, the Contentin, and Lower Nor-
eral of
mandy, and constable of Salisbury's army. In
May
of the same year, he was detached from his
post as constable to oversee the siege of Mont-
William de Suffolk,
and
la Pole, fourth earl
first
duke of
formed for a time, along with John Talbot
Saint-Michel by land and sea. In early 1426 Suffolk was making raiding forays into Brittany
and Thomas de Scales, the English military
as far as Rennes.
De
he resigned his
command
play a major role both in the peace that ended the
earl of Warwick.
Around this time he was created
Hundred Year's War and
earl of
triumvirate in France.
la
Pole would go on to
in the
broader field of
William, the second son of Michael de Pole, second earl of Suffolk
was
siege of Harfleur),
Cotton
Henry
(who died before
as a very
bom on October
year's warfare.
26) and joined
16, 1396,
He entered the campaigns of young man. He served in the
1
served under Salisbury in the campaign that led to the siege of Orleans; in
home to recuperate the wounds he received during
year, he
the siege of Harfleur. His elder brother, the third
Saint-L6.
,
was
became
slain at Agincourt,
earl
of Suffolk
and thus William
when only
nineteen.
Suffolk served in the expedition of 1417 with thirty
men-at-arms and ninety archers, and
1418 was employed
He was
in the
in
sion and direction the siege of Orleans progressed
Hambye and
1429 Orleans and the French cause seemed
same
doomed. Then Joan of Arc made her entrance on
summer
Humphrey of Gloucester
1418, and that
at the siege
fell in
sudden death, Suffolk
him as commander of the English troops France (November 1428). Under his supervi-
quite satisfactorily, so well in fact that in February
12,
served under
After Salisbury's
replaced
recovery of Contentin.
granted the lordships of
(Bedford's brother)
September of the same
was commissioned captain general of
in
Briquebec on March
When Cherbourg
to the
He laid siege to Vendome (May Warwick before Montargis (July ). The latter siege was raised by the French after only two months. In the summer of 1428 Suffolk
la
French campaign of 1 4 1 5 from which he was sent
earl,
Normandy
Dreux.
the
in Suffolk.
V
in
Suffolk was quite active in the following
English politics.
at
Almost immediately afterward
October, he went to join
the king as he besieged Rouen.
the stage.
The
of Cherbourg.
He was appointed
fell
back
siege
was raised
to Jargeau.
in
May, and Suffolk
He was besieged in that town
by Joan and the duke of Alen^on and was forced
204
PART on June 12
THE CAST OF PRINCIPAL CHARACTERS
11:
—
day for his
both the reconciliation of Philip the Good, duke
was taken
of Burgundy, to the French crown and the death
him and a third brother, Alexander, Suffolk was the prisoner of the count
of the regent, John of Lancaster, duke of Bedford.
to surrender
a fatal
family; his brother, Sir John de la Pole,
prisoner with
was
slain.
of Dunois; to obtain his freedom, he was forced to sell his lordship of
Briquebec
for his
ransom of 20,000
brother
Thomas
to raise
and
livres,
money
to give his
command of
Caen and the Contentin (March 15, 1430). In July he laid siege to the castle of Aumale and captured it,
and afterward took part
was
fell
swoop
face of English
the
entirely reconstructed. For a time
Humphrey of Gloucester and
the pro-war party
enjoyed a revived power base. Suffolk quickly took up the lead in opposing Gloucester, and thus
as a hostage.
Suffolk was reappointed to the
piegne.
At one politics
in the siege
of
Com-
These engagements mark the end of
around his
the remainder of his life revolved
For a time war
rivalry with the king's uncle.
threatened to sweep folk
was appointed
away
spirit
the English, and Suf-
to return to
France
in
Decem-
ber 1435. Richard, duke of York, was to have the
command, but he and Suffolk did
Suffolk's active participation in the war; although
chief
he remained captain of Avranches (from 1432)
to
and was captain of the
Richard Neville, earl of Salisbury, were commis-
of Tombelaine
islet
(appointed 1436 for a two-year term) and of
Regneville (mentioned as such for
1436 and
in
November
10,
England.
was occupied with the
He
sat in
the royal council on both at the
end of
sioned to negotiate for peace; these negotiations
1442
In
it
result.
was planned
that
on the meeting of
November 10 and
28,
month he was formally
that
managed
Suffolk
to thwart this
(It is not known whether Charles of who had been released in 1440, had any
VI's hand.
November
influence on this selection.)
was about
time that he
this
match (which was
posed Margaret of Anjou as a candidate for Henry
Orleans,
It
Henry VI should
Gloucester's pet project). Instead, Suffolk pro-
admitted as a council member, taking his oath on 30.
not cross
1436. Suffolk, York, and
marry a daughter of the count of Armagnac, but
Suffolk's later life
1431;
May
until
had no practical
1438), he exercised his authority
through lieutenants.
politics of
France
It
would, however,
married the widowed countess of Salisbury
seem that Orleans suggested Suffolk should be the
Thomas Chaucer). This him toward connec-
chief ambassador in negotiating this match. But
tions with the Beauforts. His long association
responsible of Henry's advisors after Cardinal
daughter of
(Alice,
marriage
with war
may have in
France seems to have moved him,
later life at least,
cultivated
own
inclined
in
toward peace. Suffolk was a
man who wrote
Suffolk,
may
regarded widely as the most
Beaufort, could see only the dangers to himself
and
to his policies of
such a position.
Under Suffolk's influence negotiations
verse in French for his
pleasure. His inclination toward peace
who was
peace continued through 1446, with
The government,
for
little
tangible
nevertheless,
passed
have been strengthened through his friendship
result.
with the captive Charles of Orleans. (He had
wholesale into Suffolk's hands. The king was
guard Charles
completely alienated from his uncle Gloucester,
purchased,
at auction, the right to
who made
on July 21, 1432.) In 1432, Suffolk
was created steward of the
royal household, a position of considerable influ-
ence, and
was
striving actively for peace
Hugues de Lannoy came
to
when
England as Philip the
Good's ambassador. Charles of Orleans and Suffolk
met with Lannoy and
his
colleagues
at
London house, and it is apparent that Suffolk made use of Charles of Orleans to accelerate the peace process. The negotiations Suffolk's
had progressed so
congress
far
by 1435
that a general
was arranged, and Suffolk was
appointed one of the chief English representatives after Cardinal Beaufort. Suffolk
and the majority
of the English delegation arrived
at
Arras for the
congress on July 25. (Beaufort arrived length,
it
became apparent
later.)
that the English
not prepared to yield to the
At
were
demands of
the
French; they withdrew from the talks on September
6.
Hot on the heels of
their
withdrawal came
attacks.
Suffolk the object of repeated open
To Suffolk and
the queen, the complete
overthrow of Humphrey's power seemed of para-
mount importance. On December ment was summoned to meet Suffolkian abbey of Bury ter arrived
after
the
St.
14, a parlia-
at
pro-
the
Edmunds. Glouces-
on February eighteenth (eight days parliament's
immediately arrested.
convocation)
He
and was
died five days
later,
presumably from natural causes accelerated by the shock of imprisonment.
Suffolk's fortunes
would soon change. After
peace had been achieved, he was embroiled in scandal.
Those who opposed him
said that he
had
sold England to the French. In just four years, after traversing a
maze of treason accusations and
imprisonment, a compromise between the two parties
was reached and Suffolk was banished
a term of five years.
On
his
way
for
across the
Channel, he was accosted by a ship called Nicho-
205
THEIR SUBIECTS las
On May
of the Tower.
taken out in a
"one of the lewdest
men on
sword and cut off
his
a
knave of Ireland,
board," took a rusty
head with half a dozen
body was taken
strokes. His
1450, Suffolk was
2,
and
boat,
little
and thrown
to land
upon the beach near Dover. Henry VI ordered body removed and buried
succeeded by his son John de
counselor to
company of Henry
claim
V named Warwick
The dying Henry
friends.
his
son's mentor and protector.
bom
Richard Beauchamp was Worcestershire in
1
Salwarp,
at
382 (January 25 or 28), the son
Beauchamp (who died
of Thomas de
la Pole.
V; he served as a
in the king's efforts to assert his
France and became one of the king's best
his
He was
Wingfield.
at
career in the
in
1401
)
and
Margaret, daughter of William, Lord Ferrers of
Groby. At eighteen Richard was made a knight of
LIONEL. BASTARD
42.
the
WANDOMME
OF
Order of the Bath; he received the Order of the
He had conducted a pilgrim-
Garter in about 1 4 1 6.
age to the Holy Land in 1408. Passing through
The Bastard of Wandomme. tured Joan at
man who
cap-
Paris,
a follower of
John
banquet
the
Compiegne, was
of Luxembourg. That coup was his most
He
rable deed.
memo-
appears in the historical record
some seven years
earlier in a tournament,
where
he was received by Charles VI, in his
destinies soon
as a squire at the siege of
Beaumont-en-Argonne. he
commanded
When
he captured Joan,
men-at-arms
a contingent of six
and sixty-two yeomen; on the following day (May 24,
1430) he was awarded 277 livres for
signal service.
The Bastard appears
who
a courageous fighter
finally
to
had
this
have been
abandon
to
him
his military career after a splintered lance left
with a crippled arm.
V,
by the time he returned
sword and
a
that year.
Venice for Jaffa,
at
to
complete his
pilgrimage to Jerusalem. England had a
mounted French
knight. In April 1428 the Bastard
who gave
November of
Beauchamp embarked
Henry
Luxembourg
in
equipped with a fifteen-day pass
he fought on foot with a battle-ax against a
served
honor
to
new king,
London. Their
became linked. Warwick placed his
his talents in Henry's service
and
helped arrange the marriage of his sovereign to Catherine of France, daughter of Charles VI.
managing
Efficient at
master's affairs, he
his
He
could also manage his own.
married one of the
richest heiresses of England, Elizabeth Berkeley,
with
whom
he had three daughters.
One
of them,
Margaret, married the famous warrior John Tal-
Warwick married
bot. After Elizabeth's death,
another heiress, Isabel Despenser, with
whom
he
had a son and a daughter.
43. RICHARD BEAUCHAMP. EARL OF
Beauchamp prosecuted
In France Richard
the
WARWICK
war
for the
commanded
the
young Henry VI. In 1427, he
army
at
Montargis, a city that
long preserved a "banner of Warwick." During
Among
the
Enghsh
lords Joan of
Arc encountered,
one of the most important was her
Beauchamp, 1430,
earl
of Warwick.
jailer,
Richard
On December
23,
when Joan was delivered to Rouen as prisoner
of the captain of the castle and of the
city,
ing fortress built by Philip
V
surrendered to Henry
which
a third of
its
palace."
Augustus. The city had 1419, after a siege in
population perished. Besides an
enormous indemnity, construction of a
II
in
the conqueror
new
demanded
immediately, but the
construction lasted several years; Henry
never to see
it
"new
castle to serve as his
Work was begun completed.
It
the
was
V
was
in this extension of
Bouvreuil Castle that Joan would be imprisoned; the
tower called today the Tower of Joan of Arc
donjon of the older
castle.
captaincy since 1427. Sir
is
Warwick had held
Thomas Malory,
the its
later
frequently
war preparations, and
The jailer
relationship between the
certainly
a
his
military
where she
Warwick's ultimate
authority.
Bedford paid the
judges of Rouen, but Warwick did so as well. intervened
when Joan was
He
attacked in her cell by
the soldiers guarding her, and he also intervened
when
she
fell
lest
ill,
she die of a disease before
she could be condemned.
We know household. The
from the account book of
Joan never appeared her judges,
invited
his
Beauchamp Household Book, that at
including
On May
invited.
built
Maid and her
prisoner at Bouvreuil,
VI presided over
Beauchamp
make
succes-
underwent interrogation, and thus was under
author of the Morte Darthur, reputedly ser\'ed under
Descended from an old Anglo-Norman
settle his family's
remains poorly understood, but Joan was
Warwick.
family, Richard
between
traveled
to seek funds,
sion problems.
she found
herself lodged in the castle of Bouvreuil, the impos-
he
years
these
England and the continent
Warwick's Pierre
table,
whereas
Cauchon, were
13, 1431, the protector
a great banquet, to
of Henry
which he
Cauchon. the bishop of Therouanne, the
Burgundian knight Aimond de Macy, and
—
206
PART
THE CAST OF PRINCIPAL CHARACTERS
ll:
Stafford, the chancellor of England. This docu-
ment
also records that
two months
sizes
the
Warwick. This
fact
Margaret.
On November
empha-
Dieppe; several days
difference between the
class
direction of Talbot's wife. Warwick's daughter
at the
was a guest
death, Poton de Xaintrailles castle as a prisoner of
after Joan's
lowly
family
Poton was taken to Richard Beauchamp's
Paris to take part in the coronation
left for
Henn VL
14 later
but Poton was
Dieppe when
shepherdess and the noble captain of war
of
Xaintrailles took his place at that lordly table, as
they returned on Januan,- 14. For that date, the
Joan never
account books
did.
Richard Beauchamp died
at
Rouen
in 1439.
His remains were carried to England and buried chapel in his city of Warwick. His
in the castle
who
son-in-law Richard Neville,
Warwick upon direct
male
Beauchamp's
the death of
heir, is
known
took the name last
in English histor>- as
company could rendezvous
XA N T R A
I
Montreuil. and they arrived 23.
L L E S their
li\
ing
Poton de Xaintrailles
along with La Hire "because of their valor."
according to Martial d"Auvergne. In 1424. Poton took part in the struggle in
We
him
find
later
on the Armagnac
alongside Joan of Arc against the
enemies of the kingdom. Eventually, he would
become
prisoner
a
of the
the Battle of the list
made
those
the following
Bouvreuil:
earl of
He was
11, 1431.
A
day places him among at the table
Warwick,
"Poton prisoner
of Richard
in the castle of
cum
to England.
had re\olted
at the
head of a
then
made him
course of what
in the
called the Insurrection of bailiff
men
is
now
Normandy. Charles VII
new
of Bourges. The
position, however, did not keep
him from holding
for ransom, just like his friends Robert de
La
Hire, or Pierre de Breze. That
was
"great abundance of beasts, both beasts with
horns and those with wool, with a great quantity of prisoners of diverse station." The king cited
Poton de Xaintrailles specifically when he com-
manded
1
scutifero":
Poton the prisoner with one esquire (M.-V. Clin-
the
mercenan.
bands
to
cease
their
misdeeds.
his capture at
Shepherd on August
who took their meals
Beauchamp.
English:
Rouen upon
brought, like Joan, to
reasonable to suppose that he
it is
how. according to Jean Chartier. he acquired a
Hainaut against the English, under the banner of
side, fighting
at
Calais on Januar>'
appears again in 1435
Flocques,
Burgundy.
at
The embarkation took place on February 9. books from
He
was made captain by Charles VII
(or Saintrailles)
On
band of mercenaries suppressing the peasants
Another of the adventurers w ho made craft of warfare,
17.
lose track of Poton in the account
x'.ho
from the
Abbeville, where
January 21 Warwick and his entourage were
was brought over
POTON DE
at
they arrived on the evening of Januar>
that date, but
44.
four extra horses acquired for
list
Poton, his squire, and two valets, so that the entire
We
"the Kingmaker."
still at
The dauphin,
the future Louis XI. recog-
nized in Xaintrailles a congenial companion and a
man
able both to
command and
to ser\e.
Louis
made him an esquire and brought him on his 1444 German campaign. Despite that elevation Poton continued to rape, pillage, and
among
the troops
steal,
and he was
who surrounded Metz. (Louis German emperor against the
Meyer, Le registre des comptes de Richard Beau-
was aiding
champ, comte de Warwick, 14 mars 1431-1415
rebellion of the Swiss cantons and then turned
mars 1432
against
[thesis.
Ecole des Hautes Etudes en
Sciences Sociales. 1981]). Xantraille's imprison-
ment forms a
stark contrast to that of Joan:
received like John of Luxembourg, nobility of
He was
with the
England and young King Henry VI,
the great dining hall
in
of the castle under the
him
the
in
Alsace and Lorraine.) After that
manner of life. He Normandy and was
expedition. Poton changed his
was
active in the recover}' of
at the king's side
into
during the solemn royal entry
Rouen on November
10. 1449.
earning the
sreat sword.
HER JUDGES AT ROUEN With the exception of William of Alnwick and numbers 46 and 49 the folPierre Cauchon
pions biographical sketches presented
lowing entries are adaptations of Pierre Cham-
D'Arc.
—
—
in
W.
P.
Barren's translated edition The Trial of Jeanne
207
HER JUDGES AT ROUEN
JEAN ALESPEE
45.
While bishop of Norwich, he was appointed confessor to the young King Henry VI. In 1425,
bom
Jean Alespee,
1357, the son of Pierre
in
Alespee, was licentiate in
of canon law
at
Paris
civil
law and bachelor
and canon of Rouen
He was
cathedral from 1412.
treasurer of the
diocese of Rouen under Archbishop Louis d'Har-
Henry recommended William the
of Ely.
bishopric
Holy See
to the
relentless persecutor of the Lollards; at least
were forced
120
Lol lardy and sentenced to
to abjure
some even
various punishments,
for
Norwich he was a
In
to death.
court (1412-1413) and later Louis's vicar-general
After his translation to Lincoln, William
along with his close friend Nicolas de Venderes
influenced the academic foundations of Henry VI
who made
(1415-1422), possessions. V, he
Thanks
to the
an inventory of his
and contributed
nomination of Henry
Lincoln Cathedral.
was concurrently canon of the cathedrals of
Evreux and Bayeux and of the collegiate church of Andelys as well as pastor of a rural church. died
Rouen
at
August
seventh year, after having been
home
at the
construction
of the
Alespee was related
for
him
legate
to
who
in
charge of
cathedral's
library.
to the distinguished families
Guillaume
d' Estouteville, the
papal
timid,
intellectually
insecure
bom in the diocese of Nevers.
Jean Beaupere was
Master of Arts
c.
1
397, he completed the lengthy
1419 and
course in theology by
university
received his licentia in theology at the end of that
A man
year.
of considerable importance, he was
rector of the University of Paris in both 1412 and
and served as chancellor
1413
absence. In 1415 Pierre
initiated the nullification trial.
Jean Alespee appears to have been an especially
JEAN BEAUPERE
47.
some time
of Estouteville and Mallet de Graville, and hence
kinsman
and was interred near the west door of Lincoln Cathedral.
seventy-
his
in ill
man and a lover of books.
In 1424, his colleagues placed
the
1449,
He
of Pierre Miget, prior of Longueville.
Jean Alespee was a rich
He died on December 5,
of Jean Marcel on
reportedly
1434,
16,
home
at the
among
the
Burgundian envoys
On July
man,
Gerson's
in
Cauchon and he were
30, 1420, Jean
at
Constance.
Beaupere received a
tending to follow the opinions of his theological
papal appointment as canon of Notre
Dame
mentors; he was, not surprisingly for an ambitious
Paris in place of Jean Charreton; at
first,
man
colleagues protested this intmsion.
in his situation,
an English partisan.
How-
ever, Jean Riquier, a witness at the nullification
reported that Alespee wept freely at the
trial,
burning of Joan of Arc and said publicly: "I wish that
my
soul were where
I
of
to the architectural restoration
believe this
woman's
On
of his
June 27,
1420, he took possession of the canonicate of
Eustache de Laitre
at
Beauvais; in 1419 he was
sent to Troyes with Pierre
Cauchon
to advise
Charles VI. In 1422 he went on an embassy to the
queen of England and the duke of Gloucester
soul is."
to
obtain confirmation of the university's privileges. In 1423, en route
46.
WILLIAM OF ALNWICK
him
One of
between Paris and Beauvais, he
was attacked by brigands who robbed him and left for dead.
He
lost the
use of his right hand in
this attack
and thus could not occupy his bene-
out the coronation at Paris of Henry VI, and one
fices, since
he was no longer able to consecrate
of the assessors present, under the presidency of
the
Cardinal Henry Beaufort,
function
the ecclesiastical peers assigned to carry
at
Pierre Cauchon's
rhetorical spectacle in the cemetery of the
of Saint-Ouen, William Alnwick
(d.
abbey
1449) was an
important ecclesiastical figure in the England of
both Henry
V
and Henry VI.
1436) and later of Lincoln (1436-1449).
He
studied at Cambridge, where he earned a doctor-
William was
later a
monk of St. Albans
and became a confidant of Henry V; he speedily
as
a
priest.
Nevertheless,
Martin
V
granted him confirmation of the post he held as
canon of the cathedrals of Besan9on, Sens,
Paris,
and Beauvais, as well as for the archdiaconate of Salins
William was bishop of Norwich (1426-
ate in law.
eucharisdc Host and therefore could not
(March 1424). Nominated canon of Rouen
cathedral on September 6, 1430, by
Henry VI, he
received, on April 2, 1431, an honorarium of livres
from the English crown.
cellarer at Sens,
In
30
1432 he was
canon of Besan^on,
Paris,
Laon,
and Rouen, and chaplain of the Brie. He also
obtained a reputation for erudition and piety.
He
sought to become a canon of Autun cathedral,
was consecrated bishop of Norwich on August
1
8,
pastor of Saint-Jean-en-Greve and sacristan of
1426,
at
Canterbury and was installed on Decem-
Saint-Merry
ber 22 of the same year. At that time he was
dral,
appointed keeper of the privy
outrageous
seal.
among
at Paris,
and canon of Lisieux cathe-
other offices.
pluralist.
He
was, in short, an
208
PART
He
THE CAST OF PRINCIPAL CHARACTERS
II:
Rouen on May
1431, for the
ducted with English financial support, recogniz-
Council of Basel, where he arrived on November
ing the documents that were presented to him, and
2,
left
28,
1431. At Basel he played an important role,
having been commissioned to convince the pope
was necessary
that the papal presence
some of
setting forth at least
the questionable
methods of Nicolas Loiseleur and Jean
d'Estivet.
there, a
commission that he undertook with determination and
The council
zeal.
Philip the
Good
him
sent
in 1432.
as
ambassador
CAUCHON
PIERRE
49.
to
Strongly pro-conciliar
Cauchon, bishop of Beauvais and Joan of
and antipapal, he was disavowed by the chapter
Pierre
of Rouen in 1438 and had to prove his orthodoxy
Arc's tireless persecutor, was
When
to retain his canonicate there.
the city
near Reims.
Was he from
bom
about 1371
a family of vineyard
returned to French domination he took pains to
owners, as Jean Juvenal des Ursins says, or had
present himself as a loyal Frenchman. Beaupere
he descended from a noble family that settled in
He
resided most often at Besan9on in the Empire.
Beaupere was very active
was
tion trial; his voice tractable.
He was
in the
condemna-
once authoritative and
at
sent to Paris to discover the
He
opinion of the university.
Reims
after the affair of the
fourteenth
died there in either 1462 or 1463.
testified in
1452
at
Templars
in the early
century? The question cannot be
answered with certitude. relatives linking Pierre
We can nevertheless find
Cauchon
de Rinel,
to Jean
Henry VI. Husband of
the future secretary of
Cauchon's niece Guillemette Bidault, Rinel was and
the time of the preliminary nullification investi-
his nephew-in-law,
gations and stood firm in his opinion that Joan's
men worked
voices had "natural causes" arising from the
England. Cauchon studied
malice inherent in the nature of women.
Paris,
these two
all their lives
together for the glory of the king of
where he was
one the students who voted
University of
at the
licenfiate in
law (1398) and
to ignore the orders
of Pope Benedict XIII; he was a sixth-year student
BOISGUILLAUME
48.
in
theology in 1403. Cauchon became rector of
the University of Paris after a brilliant
Guillaume Colles, known more commonly as
member
career.
As
academic
rector he craved a benefice
from the
of the Colles de Bois-
chapter of Reims, even though he already had a
guillaume family, was a notary of the ecclesiasti-
canonicate and a prebendary in Chalons, and
Boisguillaume, a
cal
court
Rouen and
of
condemnation
pastoral duties in the parish church of Egriselles
cited as pastor of Notre-Dame-
took the matter of refusing obedience to Benedict
at
located within the diocese of Sens. In 1406 he
trial.
In 1421 he
de-La-Ronde
the
recorder
a
is
(a benefice at the disposition
name Guillaume
king of England). The
of the Colles
appears as a signature on a writ of excommunica-
The following
and rhetorical
skills,
he was part of the large embassy to Italy (charged
He was the notary at the inquisitorial
with ending the Great Schism) that called upon
of Jean Seguent, which was conducted by
Benedict XIII to renounce the papacy. In compen-
tion in 1424. trial
XIII before the Parlement of Paris. year, thanks to his juridical
Jean Graverent between July and November
sation for his service in this matter he
1430, and signed the act by which the clergy of
the major chaplaincy of Saint Etienne at Toulouse
Rouen assembled
in
archbishop's chapel
the
declared vacant the benefices of their brothers
who lived in territory still
He
loyal to the dauphin.
in 1408.
He was
later
named canon
was granted
at
Reims and
then the bishop's deputy (in the same diocese) in 1410, and canon at Beauvais (Register of the 1410), although
also appears in records pertaining to an inventory
Cathedral Chapter: June 28,
of the king's property that was requested from the
technically he should not have been allowed to
court of Rouen, at least ostensibly, by Henry VI.
combine these two functions. (The
He was
later pastor
of Notre
Dame
near Bernay,
ecclesiastical benefices
was one of
"under sentence of excommunication, aggravated
sores of the church at that time.
and further aggravated
gaps
example
to our
.
.
.
obstinate and a bad
mother the church." His property
was ordered sold so
that the
money might be used
parish of Saint-Nicolas. nullification trial and,
at
He was
Rouen
in
the
a witness at the
on December
18,
1456,
gave a description of the notarial procedures the earlier
trial,
testifying that
The manpower
by the devastafion of the Black Death
caused many vacancies clerics
up of
the running
in
benefices;
maneuvered themselves
skillful
into these assign-
ments and then did not exercise the concomitant
for the benefit of his absolution.
Guillaume Colles lived
left
piling
it
in
had been con-
responsibilifies
and funcfions.) In 1412 he was
one of the reformers charged with overseverity
in
regard to the excesses of the Armagnacs.
Vidame (temporal
lord) of the church at
Reims, Pierre Cauchon attached himself
to the
209
HER JUDGES AT ROUEN duke of Burgundy, Philip the Good. At
Paris,
where he was among the intimates of the ducal
became
court, he
mob
a plotter of the Cabochian revolt
Cauchon helped persuade
(1413).
wreck the Hotels of
to attack the Bastille,
Guyenne and of
the Parisian
Artois, break into the
chambers
of the dauphin, and seize his officers. Shortly thereafter opinion shifted,
and the
hall of the Paris
On September
to
be removed to Geneva, even though he had been
appointed by the pope. Cauchon was equally successful in gaining the regent's confidence.
Fully supported by the University of Paris, Cau-
chon represented
it
at the
court of
Pope Martin
V
while also acting as envoy of the king of England.
He was bishop
of Beauvais for nine years. In
Bedford's confidence, an executor of the will of
27,
Charles VI, and counselor of King Henry VI of
Armagnac made
his entry into
England, the bishop received an annual pension
the capital and banished Cauchon.
The duke of
of 100 livres toumois (Paris, B.N.
Burgundy then
with radical
61: the accounts of Pierre Surreau); he
was
butchers' guild
1413, the count of
leveled.
sent
prelate
this
revolutionary sentiments to the Council of Con-
guardian of the privy seal
stance (1415), where he defended the theses of
chancellor.
Jean
Petit, the
Burgundian who made himself the
champion of tyrannicide
in order to justify the
master of requests for the govern-
V
ment of Henry
(1418), he petitioned for the
provostship of Lille (vacant
On
de Montreuil).
this
after the liberation
20882,
fol.
was
also
absence of the
of Orleans, Joan
of Arc led the dauphin to Reims. Several weeks before the anointing, Cauchon visited Reims,
assassination of Louis of Orleans.
Named
1429
In
in the
fr.
death of Jean
at the
occasion the university
where he reconciled the chapter and the bishop on the subject of the cardinalate and carried the
Blessed Sacrament during the Corpus Christi procession on
May
Leaving the
26.
city for his
asked the pope to grant Cauchon the right to unite
diocese of Beauvais, he had to seek refuge at
several incompatible benefices, arguing that his
Rouen when
courage and his works for the greater good of the
English and the Burgundians (August 1429). The
He
the people of Beauvais expelled the
then
English indemnified him for the loss of his
became archdeacon of Reims, canon of Chartres
revenues and placed him in charge of special
archdeacon), and chaplain of
missions in England, Paris, and elsewhere. The
church were worthy of such high reward.
and Chalons the
(later
duke of Burgundy
He
at Dijon.
also held, in
the diocese of Bayeux, the benefice of St. Clair:
All of which
(when added
and benefices) gave him
prebendaries,
cates,
to his other canoni-
approximately 2,000 livres a year. In 1419 he was a referendary of
Pope Martin
V, for
whom he had
campaigned, and then conservator of the
privi-
trial
of Joan of Arc was one such mission. Bedford
then tried to have
spiritual
abandoned the
Thanks
Armagnacs and an interest
in
Henry V took The Burgundians was no way to avoid the
the Burgundians,
French
politics.
reclaimed Paris; there
ensuing massacre. (Tanguy du Chatel saved the
dauphin then by taking him
dead of
night.)
to
On August
Vincennes 1420,
21,
whom
he would serve
He
of Paris.
Good
It
was through
VI,
Cauchon under-
tribunal of the Inquisition in
Rouen, a sympathetic
city in pro-English France,
invoking thereby his
rights as bishop of Beauvais, the territory in
which
and then
Beaurevoir to deal with
to the castle of
who
to
Compiegne
held Joan prisoner.
After several months of effort, he succeeded in
launching her
received his
to
peer of the kingdom.
name of Henry
John of Luxembourg,
the favor of Philip the
that
In the
took to purchase Joan and have her judged by a
in the
— who himself came attend Cauchon's — he was made an
investiture
most
of the council,
Pierre
bishopric on the recommendation of the University
lived for the
hall
He went
duke of Burgundy,
faithfully.
Cauchon
Joan had been captured.
Cauchon was named bishop and count of Beauvais under the protection of the
effort.
Rouen, near the grand
of which he was a member.
to that
and the growing discord between the
treaty
and
Bedford, wishing to manipulate both parties,
part at
disinheriting the dauphin Charles.
The
of Rouen were opposed to him,
clergy
trial.
After Joan's death,
coronation of Henry VI 143
1,
as the chronicler
Cauchon took part in on December
at Paris
Now
fully in the service of
Henry
V
the 16,
Enguerrand de Monstrelet
confirms:
ecclesiastical
the English party, he followed
be
to
content with the bishopric of Lisieux (1432).
leges of the University of Paris. In this capacity,
Troyes, where he prepared the text of the treaty
in matters
and temporal, but Cauchon had
he was with his niece's husband Jean de Rinel
at
Cauchon named archbishop of
Rouen, which he had administered
There was with him from the nation of
to Paris,
England IHenry's] uncle, the cardinal of
where he fought with the cathedral chapter and
Winchester, and the cardinal of York, the
with Bishop Courtecuisse. At the instigation of
duke of Bedford, and the rich duke of York,
John, duke of Bedford, he arranged for the bishop
the earls of
Warwick, Salisbury, and Suffolk,
210
PART
were the bishop
there
named my
of Therouanne
Cauchon died suddenly, while he was being
and squires of the
as well as noble knights
House of France, and
THE CAST OF PRINCIPAL CHARACTERS
II:
shaved,
lord Louis of
residence in Rouen, on
at his
Luxembourg; of Beauvais, Master Pierre
final collapse
Cauchon; of Noyon, Master Jean de Mailly
body was carried in
(Monstrelet, vol.
1,
December
18, 1442, at the height of his honors, before the
by
chap. 109).
state to Lisieux,
accompanied
and executor, Nicolas Caval, canon
his friend
of Rouen.
of the English cause. Cauchon's
He was
interred near the altar in the
Bedford had arranged for the peers of France
magnificent Chapel of the Virgin, which he had
favorable to his king to take part in the anointing,
rebuilt
and the bishop was
remarkable
solemn banquet
at the
that
followed the mass and the ceremony: "And on the side of the
chamber of Parlement
aforesaid
cardinal
Pierre
at that table, the
of Winchester and Master
Cauchon. bishop of Beauvais, and Master
and decorated
adversary for
As bishop of Lisieux. Cauchon took possesmanor of the Hotel Saint-Claude or
sion of the
Hotel de Lisieux clergy.
at
He
Rouen, which displeased the
continued to serve as a general
envoy of Henry VI, going
to Calais in
1433
at the
this foolish error; but at heart.
During Joan's nullification
always they
trial,
He
Cauchon's
left as heirs
nephew, Jean Bidault, canon of Reims and
his
Lisieux, and Jeanne Bidault, wife of Jean de
of Henry VI,
secretary
Rinel,
duke of Orleans. Serving as the queen of
great-grandnephews,
at the
inheritance,
whose name
end of the Treaty of Troyes. His
appears
Cauchon
trial in
..."
family had to answer for his acts.
time of the negotiations for the liberation of the
England's chancellor in France,
a brief allusion to his
"And although they held your lord, that was because the lord
were your servants
chap. 109).
It is
who
connection:
this
bishop was in
Rouen
made only
venel des Ursins,
predecessor and did not mention Joan's
dance as peers of France" (Monstrelet,
1,
expense.
succeeded him as bishop of Beauvais, Jean Jou-
Jean de Mailly, bishop of Noyon, were in attenvol.
own
at his
note that the Frenchman
to
wished
while negotiating their
to avoid
polemics and wrote
attended the Council of Basel as a deputy of
to the
Thomas de Courcelles, Jean Beaupere, and Nicolas
intermediary of the procurator, Jean de Gouvis, to
That same
said that Joan the Maid, despite her Christian,
England
in
1435; there he joined
Loiseleur, his associates in Joan's
year he was present
at the
trial.
Council of Arras, where
judges of the nullification
disclaim any responsibility:
pure, and flawless
life,
trial,
"We
was
through the
have heard
it
the victim of the
who did
he sustained the exclusive right of Henry VI to the
hatred of the English,
crown of France. Upon Bedford's death (Septem-
having caused them great damage
ber 14, 1435), which was followed swiftly by the
having served well the king of France." The heirs
death of the archbishop of Rouen, Louis of
made it clear they wished to live tranquilly in their large house on the rue de la Cayne. The trial was
Luxembourg was named
the ecclesiastical head
of Normandy, in which post he was supported by
none of their concern, they
Cauchon. The two associates appear again
all little
at Paris
in
war and for
insisted, "for
children or not yet
own
not forgive her for
bom
we were
at that
fime."
when the troops of Charles VII took the city. Cauchon was nearly captured in the Bastille Saint Antoine, and both men were forced to flee, Luxembourg to England and Cauchon to Rouen. In that same year Cauchon was charged with calling together at Caen the Three Estates of Normandy and with informing them of the king
Thus, Cauchon's
of England's intention to found a university
at
Joan the Maid and her supporters embodied
years he fulfilled numerous
everything from which he wished to save his
in 1436,
Caen. In his
last
remain
in the
rejected
In the
him
country.
go
but two).
On July
29, 1437, he gave
1990s some French scholars have
as a sincere
somewhat
(including the conferences of Calais and Grave-
name
good graces of the new government, absolutely.
taken a more sympathetic look at Cauchon, seeing
diplomatic missions relative to the English peace
lines, to
him
family, hard-pressed to
is
and educated
cleric with high if
rigid professional standards, for
How
whom
far this effort at rehabilitation will
difficult to foresee at this juncture
(May
1998).
a receipt to the treasurer-general of Normandy for
770
livres, the
balance of a
a trip from Paris to
service
(B.N.
fr.
Rouen
sum of 2, 77
26,063).
Cauchon was commissioned trips to Calais
and
to
1
in the
In to
England
1439 and 1440
50.
THOMAS
DE
COURCELLES
undertake several to treat for
between the two kingdoms and liberation of the
livres for
king of England's
duke of Orleans.
to
peace
seek the
Thomas de Courcelles was bom at Amiens in 1393. A zealous university man and rector of the faculty of law in 1426, he taught theology at Paris
1
HER JUDGES AT ROUEN for
many
on October 23, 1469,
years; he died
Dame
dean of the chapter of Notre
Rector of the university
he went
in 1430.
where he spoke
for peace
"proposed so many fine and solemn words
seemed
God were
as if an angel of
from 1433
the Council of Basel
in
and
that
it
speaking, and
many were moved
of those present
to tears."
At
Thomas
to 1438,
at the nullification
remarked on information.
embarrassed
less
tive editing
minutes.
him
was involved
He was
unsuccessfully.
who
later in life
by his participation
and afterward, during the defini-
of that
documents, he sup-
trial's
little
part in the trial;
less fiercely hostile to
its
transcript
shows
Joan than Cauchon or
Guillaume Erard. (See below.)
in several papal elections, usually
delegated by the council
and was among
to vote in the next papal election
those
key
name wherever it figured in the French He tried to give the impression that he
French church. He remained
despite the plague that ravaged Basel. Courcelles
to recall
pressed his
had taken
post in 1433.
tombstone failed
his
Thomas de Courcelles was doubt-
in the first trial,
de Courcelles shone as one of the lights of the at his
proceedings, this doctor whose
eloquence was praised by his contemporaries and
of Paris.
of Rome. In 1435 he was
this capacity to the court
sent to Arras,
as
211
GUILLAUME ERARD
51.
declared Pope Eugenius IV (1431-
1447) an apostate in July 1439.
He was
the fathers of Basel to the Diet of
election of a
new pope and
in
sent by for the
December made an
address before the antipope Felix ally resulted in the
Mainz
V
that eventu-
promotion of many
to the
rank
of cardinal. In 1440 he discoursed eloquently before Charles VII
at
Bourges on the Gallican
constitution of the French church.
On
July 18.
Guillaume Erard, a native of the diocese of Langres, was a master of
arts,
a bachelor
and
doctor of theology, and became rector of the university
on February 26, 1421. He was procuFrench Nafion
rator of the
was
Paris in 1426 and
in the University
of
communication with
in
Jean Graverent. the Inquisitor, on the subject of
who had appealed
heretics
the
to
pope.
He
1442, at Saint-Magloire. he preached before the
received his degree as licentiate and then as
people a solemn sermon that put an end to the
master of theology in 1428. Erard taught
troubles of the university, announcing that the
from September, 1428,
king "had liberally reconfirmed and given anew
Dyeree, Pierre Le Mire, Jean Gravestain, and
to our
On
mother the University
all
her privileges."
Dame
of Paris where he was received as
canon on September
1 1
That chapter already
.
same time
at Paris
as Pierre
Guillaume Adelie. In an interesting
July 17. 1447. he returned to the chapter of
Notre
at the
document from December
1430, Erard was engaged in a suit against Geoffroy
le
Normant before
the Parlement of Paris.
Guillaume de Courcelles.
Erard testified that he had been ordained "master
named chancellor in 1 425 in place of Jean Gerson.
of grammarians of the College of Navarre." In
counted
in its ranks
to as doctor of
1429 Erard had been sent to Champagne by the
law and archdeacon of Josas through the king's
king of England, along with Pierre Cauchon;
and Jean de Courcelles. referred
who had been canon
favor,
the latter
was
a brother of
Courcelles was
Lyons
at
in
who were
the ambassadors
of April
of Charles VII states that
was entrusted with sions. Courcelles
Nicolas
August 1447, among
employ himself
Ama-
negotiating for
8,
1448, the confessor
Thomas de to
Rome
in
that
preaching"
—
serve as Erard's substitute. This cates that Erard then had an
30
livres,
it
rather than to
document
indi-
income of more than
and that he was a canon of Laon
cathedral and canon and sacristan of Langres
commis-
cathedral. Erard also alluded to a journey he had
to be near
made to Basel. He was at Paris in September 143 among the regent masters, and on January 25,
V (1447-1455) and took the title of papal named dean of Notre
1432, he presided
at Paris
of Paris. In 1450 he spoke against the
for the licentiate,
when Thomas de Courcelles
founding of a university
at
Caen.
By
that time he
had accumulated many benefices.
The
role that he enjoyed in the
he came out
in
prelate
future, this cleric "very
enjoyed the
full
later put
minutes of the
trial,
where
him
in
first
rank. Nicolas Loiseleur
was Erard's
abbot of Cormeilles, dean of the faculty of law,
well
took action against him for "at the
last licentiate
with a promising
examination (1432) he opened the
list
is
solemn and excellent,"
confidence of Pierre Cauchon,
trial
received
over the examination
pupil at Paris in 1431-1432. Guillaume Bonnel,
favor of torturing Joan,
known. This young
who
le
Courcelles
the pope's verbal
journeyed
archdeacon. In 1458 he was
Dame
was Erard's
Geoffroy
duty, not his. to teach children "and he ought to
deus, duke of Savoy's renunciation of the papal office. In a letter
Normant protested
since July 23, 1446;
Thomas. Thomas de
charge of translating the
into Latin. Questioned in
1456
ates
Erard In
of
which the master had given him." is
licenti-
In
called the vice-chancellor of Notre
1433
Dame.
August he lodged a complaint with the Parle-
ment of
Paris in the
name of
the
university.
212
PART
THE CAST OF PRINCIPAL CHARACTERS
II:
protesting a royal ordinance on the repurchase of the rental
income of the churches and colleges
Guillaume Erard
Paris.
among
time
is
mentioned for the
moved
for a while to
whom
sioned judges of Joan of Arc,
demned
he con-
on the day of her abjuration.
violently
last
September
the regent masters in
1433; he then
in
JEAN D'ESTIVET
52.
Normandy.
Erard entered the chapter of Rouen on July 17,
1432. Later he visited Paris to "further the
of the Church."
liberties
Grand Caux
he
in 1433,
Named
archdeacon of
fulfilled in turn the posts
Jean d'Estivet, called Benedicite, promoter-gen-
Beauvais and Bayeux cathedrals, being named
of chancellor, precentor, and vicar-general of
canon of the
Rouen cathedral. On February named professor of theology at
He
canon
Paris and m.ade
the
Notre
at
1434, he
7,
was
the University of
Dame cathedral on
recommendation of the bishop of
Jacques de Chatelier, a worldly prelate
Paris,
of Bedford and Philip the
Good
of Burgundy.
Erard was the executor of the will of Hugues des
to the
Intimately connected with Cauchon, he was
one of Joan's most rancorous judges.
He
her in prison, talking to her as
she were a
prostitute. Entirely
if
devoted to the English, Jean
Guillaume Manchon, he sent the Twelve Articles
went so
friend of Louis of
laume Erard went
far as to
produce
name
go
to
in
Luxembourg, Guil-
England
to
in Louis's
and Jean de Rinel
swear fealty
to
as bishop of Ely.
to Arras with
1435 to
to
Henry
Raoul Roussel
treat for peace;
there Erard responded very dryly to the
were completely
to Paris without seeing that they
corrected.
He
read
session of March 27, and
at the
is
the author of the
list it
Rouen
after her abjuration.
The
recorders,
manner. Boisguillaume placed a great deal of
on him
in his tesfimony at Joan's
responsibility
much
nullification proceedings:
"And he believed
God,
On November
ended miserably: he was found dead
1436, Erard presided
12,
at
an
public affairs and the
coming of
Normandy.
In
certain English
1437 he was named
whom
he paid for their work, detested his overbearing
while
assembly of prelates "for a certain need touching
of charges
was he who
ordered Joan to be taken back to the castle of
applauded discourse of Thomas de Courcelles.
lords" to
insulted
tending to be another prisoner. According to
at
appeals to the pope.
charged Erard
law paid
Notre Dame, and
chapter. This conflict
Henry VI
that clerical students of
University of Paris.
at the
promotion of the wealthy Jean
1434.
in
succeeded in alienating him from the
A
from the dthes
d'Estivet entered Joan's cell, like Loiseleur, pre-
Alespee to a canonicate finally
April 25, 1437. Pierre
16, 1430.
Rouen on Cauchon exempted him at
He was
Rouen
Orges, archbishop of
opposed
church on January
latter
obtained a canonical prebend
who was
elevated to that rank through the favor of the duke
was canon of
eral of the diocese of Beauvais,
at the
end of
sewer outside the Rouen gate" for the
end of the wicked
—
in a certain
a favorite topos
in Christian hagiogra-
phy. In Estivet's case, however, this unattractive
chaplain to King Henry VI and received an annual
accident seems actually to have happened
income of 20 pounds
October 20, 1438,
dered to the crown.
sterling for services ren-
From
then on Erard lived in
England; the canons of Rouen commissioned him to reconfirm or reclaim the legacies
church by Henry
V
and Bedford.
made
in fact;
it
was long
—on
interpreted
by the populace as divine retribution for Estivet's conduct during Joan's
trial.
to their
Named dean
of
the cathedral in place of the late Gilles Des-
champs, Erard did not succeed
that
punished him, for he
his life,
JEAN GRAVERENT
53.
in taking posses-
sion of this dignity, which he had gladly accepted
Jean Graverent, a Dominican and the Grand
and which shows how much hope the canons
Inquisitor of France,
supposed influence with the
reposed in his English court. leaving great
He
sums
silver
chalice
to
chapter.
Rouen and
favor of appealing to the pope the question of Jean
He bequeathed
likewise a legacy of 40 livres to the University of Paris.
The executor of
his will
was
at a
council held there, where he gave an opinion in
community, and an enameled
the
referred to in 1413 as
1439.
died in England in to the cathedral of
to the college of the
was
master of theology of Paris and was present
the rigorous
Petit's
defense of tyrannicide.
He succeeded
Jacques Suzay as Inquisitor in 1425. 16, 1429, as prior
On August
of the Jacobin convent in Paris,
Jean Graverent took the oath of loyalty to the
Pasquier de Vaux, bishop of Evreux.
English government before the Parlement of
As pro-English as his patron Louis of Luxembourg, forceful and unscrupulous in all his
a burgess of Saint L6,
dealings, Erard appears in the transcript of the
on March
condemnation
trial
as
one of the most impas-
Paris.
seems
He
to
directed the
4,
trial
of Jean Le Couvreur,
which was
still
under way
1431; thus this Dominican,
who
have been an adherent of the Burgundian
213
HER lUDGES AT ROUEN could not take part in the
party,
Arc.
On
sermon
of Joan of
trial
July 4, 1431, Jean Graverent preached a in Paris,
accusing Friar Richard of being
"beau pere," that
is,
the mentor, of four suspect
23, 1436,
the Three
Jolivet
at
the bishop
call
together
Caen and to take
part
of establishing a university there.
was buried
Rouen
at
in the
church of
Saint Michel in July 1444.
the Breton Perrinaik, and her maidservant.
WILLIAM HAITON
54.
Norman Estates
in the project
female visionaries: Joan, Catherine de La Rochelle,
King Henry VI ordered him,
of Lisieux, and the earl of Suffolk to
GUILLAUME DE
56.
LA
CHAMBRE
William Haiton was an Englishman and a bachelor of theology as well as secretary of requests to
the English king.
He was ambassador to the court
of France in 1419 to arrange the marriage of
Henry
V
member of the he
He was
with the princess Catherine. English council
lost his position as secretary
In 1445 he appears in
Calendar of Patent
in
a
1431; however,
on March
1,
1433.
volume IV of Henry VI's
Rolls.
the elder, physician to
Queen
Isabeau,
who at one
point testified that the dauphin Charles
was not
son of King Charles VI. Guillaume the
the
younger was awarded
his licentiate in
medicine
from the University of Paris on March
6,
1430.
Immediately thereafter he began teaching as a
Fecamp and
member of that faculty and was still a regent master in November 1452. In 1430, the year he earned his license, Guillaume sold to the Norman
his
colleague in the king's council, voiced the same trial
bom
about 1403, the son of Guillaume de La Chambre
William Haiton and
Gilles de Duremort, abbot of
opinions during Joan's
Guillaume de La Chambre the younger was
and execution.
Nation of the University of Paris a house on the rue Galande that he
ROBERT JOLIVET
55.
An Norman Benedictine, a bachelor of law in 1416, who became abbot of Mont-Saint-Michel in 141 1. He Robert Jolivet of Montpichon was a
fled his abbey,
which remained
faithful to Charles
VII, and took refuge with the English about 1419.
He went on
owned
in
common
with his
brother Jean.
trial,
assiduous judge
at the
condemnation
Guillaume de La Chambre visited Joan as a
physician and was present
at
He
her execution.
testified at the nullification trial that his vote
was
forced upon him by the bishop of Beauvais. His
testimony was entirely favorable to the Maid.
various missions for Bedford and
became his chancellor and keeper of his privy seal in 1423. On May 27, 1428, Jolivet was Bedford's
MARTIN LADVENU
57.
representative at the foundation of the Carmelite
convent
in
Rouen.
Martin Ladvenu, a Dominican from the Jacobin
Extremely devoted
Henry VI,
this
monk
diplomacy and even
to the
government of
played an important role in in military matters, inspect-
He was a He was
ing troops and visiting fortresses.
member
of
all
convent
spiritual
in
1425 to
was her confessor and
advisor during her imprisonment at
Rouen.
of the important councils.
commissioned by the king of England
Rouen, was among those who sought
at
to enlighten Joan, since he
Very
little is
known about Ladvenu. He was in
Paris at the time of the
trial
of Gilles Deschamps,
recover the abbey, which he had fortified admira-
one of Joan's judges. The following year at Neufcha-
bly before his departure. Between April and June
tel
1428 Robert Jolivet was
at Paris
in matters
coming of Salisbury and
the English
awaiting the
army
"to
he lectured a sorceress, Jeanne Vancril, suspect
advise and conclude where he would be sent." In
cation
November he went
at
to
Mantes
about the siege of Orleans. 1430, Jolivet
is
cited
as
to see
Bedford
On September
12,
of faith.
He was
described in 1452, in the
transcript of the preliminary sessions of the nuUifitrial,
as a friar of the convent of the Jacobins
Rouen, "special confessor and advisor to Joan the
Maid
in her last days."
chancellor with the
considerable salary of 800 livres a year. Not surprisingly, he resided at his king better.
Rouen
On November
Henry ordered the payment of ten lancers and thirty
in
order to serve
16,
JEAN DE LA FONTAINE
wages of
the
Jean de La Fontaine, a clerk of the diocese of
mounted archers who had
Bayeux described in 1403 as master of arts and student in law, was promoter of the University
the
escorted Jolivet (along with the abbot of Fecamp) to Paris
58.
1431, King
where he had been summoned.
On
July
of Paris in 1421 and was sent to the duke of
214
PART
THE CAST OF PRINCIPAL CHARACTERS
II:
Bedford and King Henry VI
1422 to have the
in
won
university's privileges confirmed; he
law
his
convinced of the
little
regularity (at least
trial's
according to the testimony of Nicolas de Houppe-
in 1424. In 1427, with Guil-
ville).
Lemaitre certainly hesitated to approve the
laume Colles, Guillaume Manchon, and Robert
trial's
procedures and took the precaution of
Guerould, he edited Cauchon's carefully pre-
protecting himself by hiding behind the Inquisitor
licentiate in
pared transaction between the archbishop and the chapter of
Rouen.
who proclaimed
It
was Jean de La Fontaine
Charles VII's confirmation of
On December to the
as an assistant counselor at
the trial
and given by Pierre Cauchon the respon-
sibility
of questioning Joan, La Fontaine advised
1443, however, he
7,
people on the occasion of the
of Raoul
election
Rouen
the university's privileges in 1436.
Commissioned
General.
preached
—Roussel
Roussel as archbishop of
was one of Joan's most pro-
English judges and successor to the like-minded cardinal of
Luxembourg.
her to submit to the Church Militant. According to the testimony of
NICOLAS LOISELEUR
60.
Manchon and Jean Massieu,
he had to flee Rouen when he was being threat-
ened by Cauchon, who evidently thought him too helpful to the accused.
He was
Nicolas de Houppeville, to
also a friend of
whom
he passed a
was in prison. There is also La Fontaine cited as lieutenant general of Jean Salvain, the bailiff of Rouen in 1432, as well as a Jacques de La Fontaine, letter
while the
latter
a Guillaume de
bachelor of law, secretary, and intimate friend of
who was on March
the pope, in
27, 1429, occupied
exchanging his canonicate of Beauvais.
bom
Nicolas Loiseleur was
and was master of arts
commence
Chartres in 1390
at
at Paris in
1403.
He did not
his studies as bachelor of theology
October 1431. Already a canon of Chartres
until
cathedral in 1421, he
was made a canon of Rouen,
replacing Martin Ravenot,
many
took
who had remained
dauphin Charles. Loiseleur under-
faithful to the
delicate missions for the
Rouen chap-
going to Paris, for example, to take part in
ter,
various
On
trials.
July
8,
1429, he was sent as a
delegate by the chapter to negotiate an embassy to
59.
JEAN LEMAlTRE
Rome. He was, without doubt, very highly
regarded by Bedford's government.
A deputy to the Council of Basel with Midy Jean Lemaitre (Lemaistre or Le Maistre),
a
Dominican and a bachelor of theology from some
was vicar of
university other than Paris,
Inquisitor of France in the diocese of
Rouen from
Rouen
to Paris "for the liberties of the church."
He did not attend that council
before 1435, when,
along with the university and the clergy of Charles
Domini-
VII, he maintained the preeminence of the general
Rouen, where he was a noted
council over the pope. This was no longer the
He was still living at the time of the first made at Rouen for Joan's nullificaHe preached a sermon in January 1452.
opinion of the English government or of the
1424. In 1431 he
can convent preacher.
the
and Beaupere, Nicolas Loiseleur went from
at
is listed
as prior of the
investigations
chapter of Rouen, which attempted to recall
tion
trial.
ambassador.
It is
probable that he was dead by 1455. At any
England, where Henry VI secretly supported
he was not consulted or cited
Eugenius
rate,
of the nullification
He
in the
course
him
trial.
has been represented by later historians
as acting under threat
from Pierre Cauchon and
even as speaking out about the irregularities of the first trial.
In fact, he
was
less zealous than Jean
Graverent, the Grand Inquisitor of France,
time detained
at
Coutances by another
ordered Lemaitre to join Joan's at Paris against
his
trial
at that
trial,
who
and preached
Joan's memory. Lemaitre reserved
critically
Pierre Bosquier,
of Joan's sentence.
On
who spoke
April 24, 1431,
IV. In
1439 the Council of Basel sent Mainz;
papal court
de
la
in a
at
Chaine
Rome. He
lived at
his sister
cierges. Pierre
Thomasse were
Cauchon was
He seems
to
have
been a timid man, entirely devoted to Cauchon but
in the
rue
Cannes),
the con-
a frequent visitor.
Loiseleur died at Basel sometime after 1442 and before the nullification proceedings.
An
intimate friend of Cauchon's, Nicolas
Loiseleur was similarly linked to Nicolas Midy,
one of Joan's
bitterest
opponents; he played a
confessor
at the trial."
Rouen,
house of which his brother-in-law Pierre Le
Marie and
ment
labors and diligences in having been present and
1440 he was
(the present-day place des
particularly odious role in the
having assisted
in
deprived of his benefice as canon of Rouen by the
Jean Lemaitre received from the English governa gratuity of 20 gold saluts "for his pains,
its
rather badly received in
to the Imperial Diet at
opinion on the matter of torture, but he
condemned the monk
He was
—although
this
trial,
that of false
was, admittedly, com-
pletely in accordance with inquisitorial procedure
(Eymeric, Directorium Inquisitorium, 1
585]
p.
466, col.
2,
[Rome,
cautela nova). Boisguillaume
—
215
HER JUDGES AT ROUEN assures us, nonetheless, that he wept while wit-
nessing her death.
by Pius
II
{De
He
mentioned as a Norman
is
gestis Basilei concilii, in the
Opera
of the diocese in 1440; in 1453 he was in charge
9,
1456.
On September
omnia, [Basil, 1551]).
21,
1436; a canon of
Vitefleur since October 31,
principal
members of
the English king's council
and a committed Burgundian.
He was
Parlement (1401), master of petitions
the
at
Hotel du Roi (1418), and president of the in 1424.
He became dean
of Saint-Germain-l'Auxerrois in Paris and was
Noyon as bishop by Martin V on July 1425. The following year he was asked,
called to 20,
along with Louis of Luxembourg, to pacify the dispute concerning heretical witchcraft between the bishop of Paris and Jean Graverent, the Inquisitor.
From 1424 on we
find
him
at
present at the sessions of the Exchequer. Pierre
Cauchon accompanied
Paris
and were present
the
He and
young king
Dame
Notre
at
appointment of the brothers of that company.
commission of October 1445 indicates chon was authorized
of the nullification
(He was
trial.
at the
bom
alleged, however, that he
the minutes of the earlier trial and testified before
them
and declared
that
JEAN MASSIEU
63.
time
about
nafion
trial.
On
October
Rouen recognized
had been
was, nevertheless, present
welcomed Charles VII in
the
to Charles VII the
of the Peace of Arras.
at the
sum
that
11,
1430, the city of
a debt of 7 livres and 10 sous,
he evidently had loaned to the
was syndic of the
He
on vellum.
known
to
Noyon.
embassy
He
city.
Rouen
called the dean of la Chretiente of
tion
means
in
he
that
priests of the diocesan jurisdic-
as the deanery of la Chretiente.
On
1431, Jean Massieu was fined for
February
3,
receiving
money
that
happy conclusion
died on February 14,
1472, leaving to his church his Bible, a manu-
and a
testified
the English.
he remembered nothing
1435 he took part
script
He
1456.
Cauchon and
1431: according to Quicherat this
In 1443 Mailly
announced
1452, and
to
as
abjuration scene and at the burning of the Maid.
In
1450,
in
prudently, blaming
a
He
living outside the
Manchon appears
of the king."
among the witnesses at Joan's condemnation trial. He delivered to the judges of the nullification trial
is
it.
to receive the revenues "of
which the pastors are absent and jurisdiction
present at only one session of the condemnation
about
A
Man-
Jean Massieu served as usher during the condem-
Jean de Mailly was not very old
trial
that
curacies situated within the diocese of Rouen, of
Rouen,
ceremonies.
He
Louis of Luxembourg; archbishop of Rouen; and
Henry VI's coronation
ecclesiastical peers at
1396.)
Evreux; promoter of the ecclesiastical court of
premier chaplain of the notaries by election and
a licentiate in law, a councilor of
chamber of accounts
is
Rouen; pastor of
cited as notary of the court of
Jean de Mailly, bishop of Noyon, was one of the
Rouen,
at
some of Manchon's endowments. He
listed
JEAN DE MAILLY
Guillaume de
1440,
La Madeleine
Croiseinare, bailiff of
61.
He died on December
of taxes and disbursements.
He was above all else a diplomat
made many
trips to
jurisdiction.
Massieu
Basel on the business of the
"liberties of the church"; in
to locate a malefactor.
financier.
cemetery of the cathedral,
in the
exempt from the bishop's
1434 he was sent there
At one point Jean Massieu
and Thomas Milton, chaplain of the lord of
Fauquembergue, were charged with displaying
62.
GUILLAUME
bad manners. Massieu, then
MANCHON
duct.
Guillaume Manchon, the recorder of Joan's
trial
He
is
referred to as a canon and pastor of
Saint Cande-le-Vieux in a
and notary of the ecclesiastical court of Rouen,
Cauchon's endowing the
was a canon of Rouen and Evreux cathedrals and
rist
pastor of Saint-Martin-de-Vitefleur and later of
with 300 livres (1450).
—perhaps
la
Chretiente in the
la
Calende of the deanery of
Rouen
diocese.
Court promoter from
1437 to 1443, he
the
document of
tion trial
Corpus Christi celebrations
on December
in that transcript as
age.
Pierre
Holy Eucha-
cult of the
Jean Massieu was a witness
Saint-Nicolas of Rouen; he was also the almoner
of the Confrerie de
priest of the parish of
Saint-Maclou, was later prosecuted for miscon-
He denounced
17, 1455.
at the nullifica-
He
approximately
is
described
fifty
years of
the English for their hatred of
prosecuted Jean Massieu for bad manners. As
Joan and accused Pierre Cauchon of extreme
court promoter he visited the abbeys and priories
docility
toward them.
216
PART
THE CAST OF PRINCIPAL CHARACTERS
II:
PIERRE MAURICE
64.
while he was away
Pierre
Maurice won
among
place
first
candidates
for the theological license at the University of
was
Paris in Januarv' 1429 and
year.
On
Januar\
2,
among
first
May
taking the master's degree on
those
23 of the same
1430, a letter of Henr>' VI
In
Midy should
at the council,
receive his disbursements as
if
he were present.)
1433 Midy became rector of the University of
Louvain. Sometime around 1434 he contracted leprosy and had to resign
all
his
commissions and
his canonicate, although he retained their reve-
Midy was
nues.
still
living
on November
8,
1438.
to a canonicaie in the cathedral of
A convinced partisan of the Anglo-Burgun-
Rouen, which an Englishman named Heton had
dian cause (in 1416 he had debated with the
resigned in his favor.
Norman Nation
named him
This young theologian was already strongly
at the universit> in
propositions of Jean Petitj,
favor of the
Midy was
a fanatic
government; he had obtained
supporter of the University of Paris, where he
from Henr> VI the benefice of Saint-Sebastien-
served as rector. His leprosy was interpreted from
He was
an early date as a sign of divine punishment for
tied to the English
de-Preaux
diocese of Lisieux.
in the
pastor of Yerville and exchanged that benefice for
his role in Joan's trial, since
that of the chapel of Saint Pierre in the cathedral
author of the Twelve Articles that formed a
he had been the
of Rouen: he was, in addition, pastor of Paluel and
summar\' of Joan's "doctrine"' and he was one of
also chaplain of the chapel of Saint Mathurin at
Bedford's confidants.
the cathedral.
On
June
1430, he was chosen by
5,
name
the canons to speak in their
nies celebrating the entr>' of
cathedral.
He was
at the
ceremo-
Henry VI
into the
also elected (on
December
Beaufort on behalf of
to plead with Cardinal
Louis of Luxembourg's candidacy for the vacant archbishopric of Rouen. in
He was
further delegated
1431 to accompany Pasquier de Vaux, ambas-
He went
PIERRE MIGET
66.
3j
Pierre Miget or
Muguet. a Benedictine and doctor
of theology, was prior of Longueville-Giffard.
won
his
licentiate
at
became regent master
Paris in
He
1413 and then
in theology. In
1414
at the
to
Council of Paris he showed himself a zealous
Basel in 1434 as ambassador of Henry VI and the
partisan of the Burgundian cause, sustaining the
following year to England
propositions of Jean Petit. Henr>-
sador of the English king, to Rome.
council of Basil.
ber
5,
order of the
at the
Named vicar-general on DecemThe
thirty-
owned
at his
1436, he died shortly afterward.
two precious manuscripts
that he
death were willed to the library of the chapter of
Rouen; among them were a Terence, a
Virgil, a
Vegetius, and a beautiful breviar\' that
was pur-
him
seems
active in the fer\'or in
trial
to
who
in
1434 entrusted
to
him
the
listed together
among
the masters of the faculty
of theology from 1421 on.
Rouen was
Miget's
permanent residence
at
the Hotel de Longueville, near the
gates of the archbishop's palace. Miget
was very
He
assiduous and not inclined toward Joan.
attempting to enlighten Joan.
He
administration of his diocese; the two are also
Pierre
and displayed a great deal of
restored to
have been strongly linked to Jean
Beaupere,
chased by Louis of Luxembourg. This highly educated theologian was very
V
the revenues of his benefice in 1420.
testified as a witness at the nullification trial in
1452: In his testimony he claimed to have wept at
65.
NICOLAS MIDY
Joan's execution, of which he had been one of the supporters, and funher testified that the sentence
Nicolas Midy, a Paris licentiate 1424, was
named canon
of
in
Rouen
theology
in
cathedral by
Henry VI on April 21, 1431, and was
installed
there eleven days before Joan's execution at the stake.
On
June
1 1
the
canons accorded him
remission of the right of annates, as they had
rendered against the Maid was unjust. ously accused the bishop of Beauvais,
He
had so strongly favored only twenty years and
is
of the
seri-
whom
he
earlier,
thus a prime instance of the dubiety of much trial
testimony.
in
the case of Jean Beaupere, "by special grace,
67.
because of the services he had rendered the church." Nicolas
upon
Midy
JEAN DE RINEL
greeted King Henry VI
his entry into Paris in
December
1431, as a
representative of the University of Paris.
He was
Jean de Rinel was the notary of the Grand Council
and secretary
to the
sent to the Council of Basel in 1432. (Out of
Jeanne Bidault,
regard for the regent, the duke of Bedford, the
of
chapter of
Rouen decided on May
12, 1432, that
king of England. His wife was
sister
of Jean Bidault, archdeacon
Auge and the cathedral of Lisieux, canon of Rouen and nephew of Pierre Cauchon. Jean de
217
HER JUDGES AT ROUEN Rinel was present
Rouen
chapter of
a dinner offered
at
in 1413.
He
by the
signed two orders
of the duke of Bedford, one in 1424 and another
On May
in 1428.
from Jean
25, 1437, he received a prebend
On September
Beauvais cathedral.
was described 4
to
Pierre
He
yeomen who were also
accompanied
Cauchon.
England.
make from
Vire to
meet Richard Venables and other men-
at-arms and Savigny.
1434. he
3.
and received
300
abbey of
at the
his uncle-in-law.
1439 when he went
in
He had been
to
in the king's service for
VII died
at first
200 and
later
as archbishop of
Rouen
he took the oath of fealty to Charles
when that monarch entered Rouen. Roussel December 31. 1452. Roussel was among the most zealous of the
condemnation
trial's
judges and actively adhered
opinion of the University of Paris and the
to the
theologians.
He was most
likely present at the
preliminary investigations of the nullification process. trial to
As a strict legalist, he considered the first
have been well conducted; he had advised
Cauchon torture,
house was situated on the rue de
repute.
at
Luxembourg
in 1444. but
twenty-four years in 1443 and received ten gold
Chaine
of
French party (1435. 1438). He succeeded the cardinal of
nobles to consecrate to pious work. His great la
salar\'
Roussel was twice ambassador to the
livres.
his regular salary in the course
he was about to
trip
Savigny
as the king's secretan.
day as
livres a
of a
canon of
d'Estivet, the procurator, as
English king with a
that
lest
it
was
essential
employ
not to
bring the proceedings into bad
it
Rouen, the present-day rue des Carmes.
69.
RAOUL ROUSSEL
68.
Raoul Roussel.
bom
at
Saultchevreuil
Villedieu. licentiate in law in 1416.
the faculty of law at Paris to Januar\'
near
was dean of
from November 1417
1419 and was elected canon of Rouen
cathedral in 1420.
A staunch defender of canoni-
cal prerogatives, he
following year and
was elected
made
treasurer the
a deputy to the regent.
the duke of Bedford, in order to obtain permission to
proceed with the election of an archbishop. In
NICOLAS DE VENDERES
Nicolas de Venderes. lord of Beaussere. was
bom
about 1372. Licentiate in law. he swore fidelity to Henn.' V.
He was received as a canon in the Rouen in 1422 and was made archEu. He was one of the first Norman
cathedral of
deacon of
ecclesiastics to adhere to the English govern-
ment
—
city of
The
name appears in a treaty between the Rouen and Henr\' V fjanuan.' 13. 1419). his
vicar of Archbishop Louis d'Harcourt with a
1424 Raoul Roussel was sent by Bedford on a
salary of 120 livres
mission to Bedford's brother Humphrey, duke of
vacante (1429-1431), he was nearly elected
(1412-1422) and vicar sede
Gloucester, to pacify the quarrel between the
archbishop of Rouen after the death of Louis
and the duke of Brabant. Roussel even
d'Harcourt (having received the votes of a major-
latter
performed military missions
at times, since in
August. 1428 in the capacitv' of master of tions,
peti-
he gave a receipt to Pierre Surreau. receiver-
general of Normandy, for an inspection of fortresses in lower
Normandy. On November
7.
1429. his procurator declared to the chapter of
Notre
Dame
of Paris that he would accept the
canonicate of the late Jean Gerson.
remained
who had
faithful to the Valois cause.
Canon of Coutances cathedral, vicar-general at Rouen during the archiepiscopal vacancy ( 1 429- 1 443 ), counselor, master of petitions of the
ity )
and for a while he was treated as such. Nicolas
de Venderes was also the pastor of Gisors. at
Rouen on August
1.
Nicolas Caval. and Jean
among las's
Mahommet.
Joan's judges, were
will (Archives
de
He died
1438. Andre Marguerie,
la
all
priest, also
executors of Nico-
Seine Inferieure G.
2089). Venderes acquitted himself with zeal at the
Maid's
trial:
He was
a friend of Pierre Cauchon,
and judged as did his masters
Twelve
Articles. Like
in the
matter of the
Raoul Roussel
at
of Joan's relapse, he contended that the lasted too long.
the time trial
had
PART ISSUES
AND IMAGES THREE
The following sketches
represent a small but representative selection from
and times of Joan of Arc. Some
life
we have
and ample stock of issues and images
the diverse
inherited
from the
provide us with factual clarification about
—
how complex and incapable of many of the issues associated resolution on the basis of our present knowledge matters concerning Joan. Others reveal to us
—
with Joan remain. There are other, equally knotty issues debated by historians.
What, for example, was the content and trial
see
—
the Poitiers
—and why did
the record of that trial disappear?
Wood, "Joan of Arc's Mission and
Poitiers.") flee
trial
Was
marriage?
the Lost
What was 5,
the
1429?
way prompted by
message Joan brought
How
(On
first
this
Record of Her Interrogation
Joan's "mission" to France in any
Chinon on March
consequence of Joan's
political
can, and may,
communication represented by Joan's "voices"?
to the
we Is
at
a desire to
dauphin Charles
at
assess the physics of
Joan the
last
medieval
Catholic or the forerunner of Protestantism? Perhaps the most thoroughly
analyzed but persistently complicated issue of Joan's ordinary
life is
the matter
of her cross-dressing, for which see Valerie R. Hotchkiss, Clothes
Make
Man: Female Cross Dressing
by Susan
in
Medieval Europe and
articles
the
Schibanoff and Steven Weiskopf in Fresh Verdicts on Joan of Arc.
The
latter
literature, folklore,
section of this part concerns Joan's afterlife in history,
and
art.
making from her own time
She
is
a potent, vibrant, and teasing source of image-
to ours.
Those images have been adoring
as well as
deprecating, sentimental as well as harsh, and romanticized as well as taut.
of
all,
they continue to fascinate.
Most
220
PART
)OAN'S
1.
III
NAME
my
"In
me
country, people called
me
they called
Jeanne when
Joan answered during the
condemnation
and forename (nomen
et
into France."
session of the
first
when asked
trial
Jeannette, but
came
I
to state her
name
cognomen).
As
a general rule, in the fifteenth centur>',
first
time in the opening documents
of the nullification
named
Pope Calixtus
In 1455
trial.
III
her brothers "Pierre and Jean Dare, and
their sister
quondam [once known
Johanna
as]
Dare." The archbishop of Reims also mentioned the
Joan herself never heard the name "Jeanne d' Arc."
name "Joan of
Historians encounter the
Arc" for the
Dare family, "Isabelle Dare, Pierre and Jean
quondam
Dare, mother and brothers defunctae
Jeannae Dare, vulgariter dictae
la
Pucelle [of the
people used only forenames, adding a place name
deceased former Joan Dare, popularly called the
(of residence or of origin) and only occasionally
Maid]." Also in the family's petition one reads,
surnames. Joan's mother. Isabelle.
"Ysabellis Dare, mater
Romee
belle
is
called Isa-
surname given her
in the texts, a
because she had completed a pilgrimage. Joan
added
were called by the
that girls in her region
name of
their mother. Nevertheless she called
La
herself "Jeanne la Pucelle" (Joan the Maid).
quondam Johannae
of the deceased Joan, popularly called the Maid].
The expression "Maid of Orleans" great biography of Joan, that of
appeared in 1630 with the
this epithet, declaring chastity the sign of her
la
The
22, 1429, at Poitiers, this
is
way
the
she
addressed the regent Bedford and his lieutenants:
"Surrender to the Maid, .
.
and believe firmly
.
Maid
will send the
yet
who
sent here
is
that the
more
by God
King of Heaven
force."
On May
5,
made
title
Edmond
its
first
Richer,
Histoire de Jeanne,
Pucelle d' Orleans.
mission.
March
first
appearance in the sixteenth century. The
Pucelle was her chosen surname: she gloried in
In the letter she dictated to the English on
vul-
mother
gariter dictae la Pucelle" [Isabelle Dare,
Simeon Luce,
historians Quicherat,
Champion wrote
Ayroles, and
the patronymic of
Joan's father and brothers as "d'Arc." In his translation of the
condemnation trial, Pierre Tisset
followed the form "d'Arc." In his translation of the nullification process, Pierre
Duparc also used
what had become the conventional usage.
The
1429, in an ultimatum to the English, her scribe
original texts, however, use an extraor-
wrote as she dictated: "The king of heaven warns
dinary variety of forms: "Dare" or "d'Arc," but
and commands you through me, Joan the Maid."
also
In letters to the inhabitants of
Toumai on
June 22, 1429, to those of Troyes on July 4
same
year,
and
to
Burgundy, on July
Philip the
1429, she consistently
17,
called herself Joan the Maid.
Reims
in
in the
Good, duke of
The
inhabitants of
August 1429 and the count of Armagnac
"Day," "Dai," "Darx," "Dare,"
"Dars,"
"Tare," "Tard," or "Dart." In Joan's time, no
standard form seems to have existed. Never in the fifteenth
century do
find
an apostrophe.
Modem
spelling intro-
duced d' with the connotation of
local origin or
ten as
unbroken words.
on the twenty-second of that month also knew her
membership
by
d'Alen^on," "due
that designation. All three surviving letters
we
"Dalebret," "Dalen9on," and "Dolon" were writ-
in the nobility. d'
Thus,
we
find "due
Armagnac," and so on
for
signed by Joan's hand are signed "Jehanne." The
princely personages, whereas the forms "Jean
men
d'Aulon,"
of the
Armagnac
party, the bourgeois of
Orleans, and her companions at arms as Joan the Maid.
To her enemies,
all
knew
that
her
was her
the
duke of Burgundy, she was "the one they
call the
Maid";
was "Jehanne
to her worst
whom
enemy, Cauchon, she
they call the Maid"; and to
"Guillaume
origin.
Scholarship on the family of the
name. The duke of Bedford called her the Pucelle.
To
"Jean d'Auvergne,"
d'Estivet," and the like indicate merely local
two directions
in
Maid takes
which Joan receives
either a
popular or an aristocratic origin and designation. In chapter 2 of his Traite
des armes que
sommaire
tant
du nom
naissance et la parente de
the University of Paris, she
was "mulier quae
et
Johannam
woman who
Pucelle d' Orleans et de sesfreres,fait en octobre
se
nominabat"
[the
called
1612
herself Joan].
Whether they sided with
the
Armagnacs or
the Burgundians, the chroniclers of the time never
used "Joan of Arc"
—not
Jean Chartier, nor
et
on the
la
revu en 1628
Name
[Summary Treatise
as
la
Much
and the Arms as on the Birth and
Kinship of the Maid of Orleans and of Her Brothers,
Done
in
October 1612 and Revised in
William Caxton, nor the anonymous author of the
1628], Charles du Lys wrote that "the very arms
Journal of the Siege of Orleans, nor Antonio
of the parents and other descendants of the
bow (arc in we might
Morosini, nor Georges Chastellain. To Christine
aforesaid Jacques Dare, carried a
de Pisan and Francois Villon, she was "the Maid,"
French) with three arrows.
"Joan the good Lorrainer," "the Maid of France,"
note that Joan's collateral descendants simply
or "the
Maid of God."
," . .
although
wrote Dare without an apostrophe. Bouquet
(in
ISSUES
"Faut-il ecrire
Dare ou
J.
J.
AND IMAGES
d'Arc?" Travaux de
221
)OAN'S FAMILY
2.
I'Academie de Rouen, 1865) pointed out that "[Charles du Lys] an enlightened man, petitioning
Described during Joan's nullification
Louis XIII so as to obtain permission to join the
"honest husbandmen," "good Catholics," people
arms of the eldest branch of that family never neglects in the Treatise justify his request
own name Du
—
Lys;
not legitimately
Some
do
— such
own, to
to separate the particle of his
if
put an apostrophe in
to his
—composed
he did not one single time
Dare that is because he could Baron de Coston
as the
des armoiries"
et
of "honest demeanor according to their station," Joan's parents belonged to the peasant class and
were neither
in
—
attribute
to
he was required to promulgate decrees of the village
prisoners,
the family without giving his
own?
was
It
them arms marked with
the custom, especially of the
Valois kings, to award coats of arms with the fleur-de-lys of the royal house figuring
where
mon
Punning arms
in the blazoning.
"arc" for a family
some-
(a gold
was
normally the products of a
the weights
form Dare has no reason
word
'A re. is
to
act
found constitute firm proof
Joan's parents had about twenty hectares
(roughly
fields
—
either
would be written de
1
Georges
listed as Petrus
their
in reserve.
Despite
income, they were able to
one and a half mowings (of straw,
in other fields
of the village belong-
two masses every year during
Isabelle
"week
the
Romee's background
known. She was the daughter of
a
is
well
modest family
of Vouthon, a neighboring village that belonged
the case in
to the
343 of a Pierre Dare, canon of Troyes, who
was
and had some money
of the Fountains" for the intentions of the family.
Ambasianus. Jacques d'Arc would have been
was
four
house and their
their
Jacques Dare and his wife, Isabelle, paid the
celebrate
would be written de Ambasia or
written in Latin de Arco, as
were
— and
ing to the church; in return, the priest agreed to
particle de.
Estiveto,
thirty acres)
plowland or meadow
modesty of
for the right to
de Estoutevilla, Guillaume Destivet
d' Amboise
of land in the village, of
fifty acres)
presumably)
Thus, Guillaume Destouteville was written in Latin
had lodged
with Robert de Baudricourt.
area.
the place in Latin
would have been preceded by the
Domremy
villagers of
their proctor in a suit they
parish priest of Domremy an annual rent of 2 gros
to the
contrary. If the patronymic indicated a place
name of
in the village but
receive and lodge travelers passing through the
The Latin texts in which this latter
of origin, the
and measures used
(March 31, 1427) the
named him
the
be broken down
It
also the production of bread and wine. In another
furniture, In our opinion, without any further proof, the
and dues.
to collect taxes, rents,
were woodland. They owned
Doncoeur concluded:
c?
and
which twelve hectares (nearly
later imagination.
In Nouvelles Litteraires 1198 (1950), Pere
into
the watch day and night, to guard
also his responsibility to supervise not only
named "Dare") were uncom-
before a family was ennobled; they were
and of higher authorities, to
council
would give her family a noble
But why would Charles VII have ennobled
village of Domremy. In that capacity,
doyen of the
command
origin.
rich nor poor.
From an act of October 7, 1423, when Joan was eleven, we know that Jacques Dare, a native
Joan's father a coat of arms "azure charged with or in fess," which
as
of nearby Ceffonds, had been chosen to serve as
so."
"Origines ethimologiques et signification des
noms propres
trial
duchy of Bar, a dependency of the crown of
France. Isabelle's brother Jean de Vouthon was a
de Arco.
1416 he moved
roofer; around
to
nearby Ser-
maise. Their sister Aveline had a daughter, Jeanne
As
to the apostrophe,
which
to
some conveys
de Vauseul (Joan's
first
cousin),
an aristocratic connotation, the contrary conclusion
Durand Laxart
of the Moniteur du soir in
brothers, Henri de Vouthon,
proper cited:
way
"The
form Dare
to spell the
1
866 on the subject of the
name of Joan's
father can be
preferable to any other, as
it
conforms
most closely to etymological rules and to the popular origin of a
young woman who made
it
famous by
her courage and her patriotism!"
One
condemnation
Orleans, Joan's father's Tart,
no doubt
in
name
trial, is
3).
who later married
Another of
became
Isabelle's
the parish
Jean Dare,
known
as Petit-Jean, fled with
his sister to Neufchateau,
accompanied her
to
France, and was lodged at the house of Jacques
Boucher
at
Orleans.
He was ennobled
in
Decem-
ber 1429. Perplexingly, he claimed to recognize
interesting note: In the French tran-
script of her
I,
priest at Sermaise.
result of all this research then is that the is
(.see
preserved
at
written Jacques
an effort to record the harsh
plosive dentality of the Lorraine dialect.
his sister in the person of
Metz
in
Claude des Armoises
at
1436 and demanded gratuities from the
city of Orleans. Later
when he was
provost of
Vaucouleurs, he worked for the nullification of the verdict against his sister, appeared at
Rouen
222 and
PART and formed a commission
Paris,
evidence from their native
He was
witnesses.
bailiff
district
and
to
get
to
produce
of the Vermandois and
III
Queen
teenth century. According to this theory.
VL was
Isabeau of Ba\aria. wife of Charles
the
mistress of Louis of Orleans, her brother-in-law,
captain of Chartres and was discharged from the
by
whom she had a girl who was hidden from birth
provostship of Vaucouleurs in 1468.
at
Domremy
Another brother.
to seek his
France." fought along with her
"in
sister
went
Pierre,
at
Orleans, lived in the same house with her in that city,
accompanied her
to
Reims, and was enno-
He was
bled with the rest of the family.
captured
with the Dare family. Louis was
November
assassinated on
23. 1407.
At her
Joan would therefore had to have been
twenty-four, not nineteen as she affirmed. Isa-
beau. however, delivered on a son. Philip,
who
November
have had to be conceived
au\-Bouefs
was accused by her enemies of being.
in 1443.
days.
10. 1407,
died the same day. Jean would
w ith Joan at Compiegne. He declared, as did Jean. Metz (1436): he received many gifts from the king, the cit\- of Orleans, and Duke Charles, among them the Ilethat he recognized his sister at
trial,
at least
in the inter\ening 13
Even if physiologically possible,
that
would
certainly have indicated an extreme indecency of
woman
haste even for a
Those who argue
Several families have claimed descent from
as profligate as Isabeau
for Joan's royal bastardy
Joan"s brothers. Jean du Lys (the ancestor claimed
by default accuse her of perjury. During the
by the Charles du Lys mentioned abo\e) was the
condemnation
uho moved
son of Joan's brother Pierre,
to
Orleans. Tradition maintains that Joan's eldest
brother Jacquemin died without issue, although
some have
tried to establish the contran.'. In the
nineteenth centurs'.
the
Braux and Bouteiller
families attempted to prove their descent from
trial,
Joan swore on the gospels,
u hen asked her place of birth and the names of her parents, that she was bom at Domremy and that "her father was named Jacques Dare and her mother Isabelle." At the belle
Romee demanded
set aside in favor
be
nullification trial. Isa-
that the
Rouen sentence
of her "daughter
bom
in
The
legitimate marriage." All the evidence given in
skepticism of Georges Marante. president of the
that lengthy trial, including the depositions of
Jacquemin. as did Henri Morel
Lorraine Genealogical Society '"For thirt> years
I
in
is
1927.
noteworthy:
worked closely with Colonel
godparents and neighbors,
bom
at
Domremy
Paul de Haldat du Lys on a register of the nobilit\
Romee. Yet amateur
of Ligny-en-Barrois. At the end of his
these people
colonel confided to his research, the
life,
the
deeper he w ent
me that the
more he doubted
in
his kinship to
—
testifies that
historians
still
insist that all
as well as Charles VII, the
Alen^on. Dunois. Bertrand de Poulengy
duke of
—
carried
out an intricate plot to disguise Joan's authentic royal parents. This thesis lacks credible
the Maid."
Joan was
of Jacques Dare and Isabelle
documen-
tation.
lOAN AS ROYAL BASTARD
3.
On
4. THE LANGUAGE OF JOAN OF ARC AND HER
CONTEMPORARIES
a regular and well-publicized basis, authors
announce "newly discovered documents" proving either
that
Joan of Arc was the illegitimate
daughter of Isabeau of Bavaria and Louis of Orleans,
and consequently the half
sister
of
When
Seguin Seguin. one of her judges
iers,
asked Joan
she
answered.
in
at Poit-
what language her voice spoke,
"Better than
yours!"
Seguin
Charles VII (the "bastardizers"). or that she
explained later that he spoke the Limousin dialect
escaped the stake thanks to a conspiracy of Pierre
with a pronounced accent, evidently considered
Cauchon. the duke of Bedford, and the
inferior to the
Warwick, who put someone
eari of
else in her place (the
Even from
"survivalists").
Such authors repeat one another unimaginatively.
Some
recite
pseudodemonstrations from
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries: others disinter the allegations of Pierre Caze. subprefect
of Bergerac.
French of Sts. Catherine. Margaret,
and Michael.
who published
in
1
805 the
first
book
claiming that Joan of Arc was the illegitimate
we can
sions that the
thesis of Joan's
bastardy has enjoyed currency since the nine-
the testimony of the nullification
glean certain characteristic expres-
Maid employed. Jean
Pasquerel. her
confessor, reported her response to Glasdale's
speech: "Glasidas. rends-ti, rends-ti, au roi du ciell" [Glasidas. surrender, surrender to the
of Heaven!]
March
daughter of Isabeau of Bavaria.
Although firmly refuted, the
trial,
We
also
16. 1430. to the
pronounced^ or y
know from
King
her letter of
people of Reims that she
as ch. because the clerk, having
misunderstood her word "joyeux." wrote "choy-
ISSUES
eux." Then taking note of Joan's accent, he struck it
out and wrote
it
The
correctly.
tion of hers repeated
expression
favorite interjec-
by Aimond de Macy and by
nom
Colette, wife of Millet, "en
De," was an
from Lorraine.
of people
typical
Dunois, a native of the Orleanais, was given to saying
"fille
De,"
that
wrong." Edward
in Latin; in
ster in the
1
(1327-1377) required
III
be conducted
trials
in
363 a parliament opened
English language for the
next king, Richard
that
English and then registered at
first
Westmintime.
The
spoke English but also
II,
understood French well. The decisive change was
completed under the Lancastrian dynasty, whose
"daughter of God."
is,
223
AND IMAGES
Joan spoke basic French, but with a strong
members spoke only English. The group that took
Lorraine accent that survives to our day. In the
longest to adopt English for their official business
dialect of Lorraine, an
of words, and e
is
often added at the end
is
/
pronounced closed. According
Marot's Jeanne
to Pierre
the territory of the
in
French kingdom or the Empire, was French
customs and
language;
in
Romance speech was
its
marked by influences from Champagne its
and
institutions
From
were
as
La
pen-
vie quotidienne
guerre de Cent Ans en France et en
la
Angleterre, the dialect of the Fran^ais proper, that is,
By
own
then France and England each had
V
ordered that the
define itself thereby. Henry
Treaty of Troyes be translated into English so that it
might be known
in
England; he and Salisbury
addressed the burgesses of London in English to
a
In
their victories
letter
and
to request subsidies.
Henry VI, Bedford used
to
that
language, thoroughly seasoned, however, with
French words,
his
attribute
to
defeats to the
intervention of the Maid:
the inhabitants of Paris and the Ile-de-France,
And
speech soon extended to the entire royal adminis-
the
tration. In
spoken
everyday business, the langiied'oil was
in the north of
France
Alle thing there prospered for you,
tyme of
hand,
God knoweth by what
persone of
God assoille
— —preserved
Brittany, Gascony,
south. Certain regions
Basque country
their
there in grete
region around Boulogne and Calais. In the
widely spoken were the Limousin {lemosi) and
nombre, caused
They were popular
disciple and
lyme of the Feende, called the
The which strooke and discomfiture
sorcerie.
king's language, the Fran^ais of Paris.
bre of youre people.
Latin
administrative
in
in the fourteenth
and
fif-
official,
London and
the
unifying language
From
fourteenth century.
the
Norman
the
Conquest into the fourteenth century, the Anglo-
Norman
dialect
peculiar
form of French enjoyed social and
cultural
was widely spoken, and
preeminence
that
the English of the
until
capital city finally replaced
teenth century.
it
by the
late four-
As Philippe Contamine
tells us,
somewhere between 1300 and 1324, the anonymous author of the Cursor mundi proclaimed, "I have drawn up in the
this
book so
that
it
could be read
English language and through love of the
English people of England.
everyone his
own
In such military las
In England, the dialect of
... Let
in grete partie the
nom-
and
teenth centuries.
Midlands became the
thei
Pucelle, that used fals enchauntements and
nought oonly lessed
documents
and of
hadde of a
doubte that
ments. Latin was an official language, as was the
continued to dominate
in grete partie,
unlevefulle
tongues, used only occasionally in formal docu-
juridical
whom
seemeth, a greet
it
as y trowe, of lakke of sadde beleve,
south of France, the dialects of langue d'oc most
the Provencal (prouensaF).
cousin of Salisbury,
strook upon your peuple that was assembled
languages; Flemish was spoken in Flanders and in the
At the
[forgive all his sins], there felle,
by the hand of God, as
and
own distinct
advis.
after the adventure fallen to the
my
(including that of Lorraine and the official dialect
til
the siege of Orleans taken in
whiche tyme,
in several dialects
of Paris) and the langue d'oc was spoken in the
in
its
at least in part to
prevailed in the upper strata of society, and that
the
it
1422.
in
language, and each wished
announce
its art."
the fourteenth century, according to
Philippe Contamine in
dant
in
documents only
in their administrative
bonne Lorraine a
la
Domre'my, "Domremy, that borderland of the upper Meuse, whether
were the brewers of London, who began using
us leave
language, that would do no one
varied,
documents
as indentures,
formu-
depending on whether they were
written in England by an English scribe or in
France by a French secretary
much
langue employee dans
guerre de
la
who
as he could understand. les
transcribed as
According
to
La
documents anglais de
France au moment du siege
d' Orleans (Bullefin de la Societe Historique et
Archeologique de
1'
Orleanais, 1982), respect for
the national language grew, in part, because facilitated "the relations of the
the conquered populations treated carefully. ies
It
it
conquerors with
whose
self-respect
it
allowed the use of functionar-
and scribes from the country without requiring
come from beyond the Channel." That why we find a certain number of French scribes
that they is
in the
English army. While in France, the English
—
224
PART adopt French
to
tried
by
bit
documents and usually had
A
military
in
bit
their
111
names
tran-
to
may
of armor that
piece
belonged
Joan
is
have
well
the bassinet (shallow helmet)
Museum
scribed in a French form. John of Pothe, for
now
displayed in the Metropolitan
example, became Jehan Avothe and then Jean
New
York.
Abote. The descendants of the companions of
Perigord collection and was formerly kept as a
William the Conqueror also had translated, as
was
the case with William, Alex-
who became La Poule and
ander, and John Pole,
de
names
their
It
comes from
votive object in the church of Saint-Pierre-du-
Martroi
Orleans. Bassinets at that time were
at
considered "defenses"
pendent of the
la Poule.
Marie-Veronique Clin-Meyer,
Le
in
registre
in
the Dino-Talleyrand-
—
that
protecfions inde-
is,
of a suit of armor. The term
rest
"harness" designated the diverse garments of war;
be more precise, one spoke about armor "of the
de comptes de Richard Beauchamp, comte de
to
Warwick, 14 mars 1431-15 mars 1432, provides
head" or "of the arm." Every piece was indepen-
other example of the mixture of French, English,
dent, as attested in the account
and Anglo-Norman as
armorers, from
appears in the language
it
used by the manager of the household of Warwick at
Rouen
in
the account
books impart precious information on
Amboise, the "head defense" was a mail gorget
on the people
Madame
find such phrases as "Venerunt
damicella,
1
hamess, an arm hamess, a gauntlet,
and so on. In the inventory of the castle of
and 1432. His daily notations
1
received at the table of Richard Beauchamp.
[Madame
Talbot
1
We
Talbot
marchaunts
scutifero; 2
came with one female
ville"
attendant
and one esquire; two merchants of the
city]
and
"Item expense: un panyer makerelles, 4 sole
empta ... 50 crevey" [and so
there
were bought
one basket of mackerels and four soles
.
.
.
and
with a "gilded border." According to
(collar)
in Paris, this
bassinet:
The "gilded border" could correspond
either to the decorative trimmings around Joan's
bassinet or to the rows of brass rings that
between the color of the brass and the blue of the gorget
—
for steel items of that sort
The
recorded in the condemnation
most
common
is
and her speech
trial.
She
is
is
disarming is direct,
reported in the nullification in
made up
border of the mail gorget. The contrast
the
time.
trial,
descripdon applied to a
I'Armee
In addition, Joan's limpid skills as an orator
deserve note. She
Musee de
Jean-Pierre Reverseau, director of the
given a bluish cast
fifty crawfish].
Her speech
books of the
were ordered sepa-
in
143
linguistic coexistence as well as
cum
rately: a leg
whom pieces
were generally
—was much admired
at the
another head protecdon, was the
sallet,
item of armament.
It
was
fitted
with a small movable visor, a slighdy accentuated
her straightforwardness:
neck cover, and, on the
grammar
paratactic, her
from the
effect
that of under-
a capeline, a steel hat equipped with a wide brim,
her
manner unabashed. The
is
when
frequently used
stated eloquence.
top, a crest that stood out
Joan made use also of
rest of the helmet.
scaling fortificadons. But
her contemporaries remarked that she often went
about with her head bare, which was hardly
ARMOR
JOAN'S
5.
surprising since military
commanders of high
rank often wore a simple hood or a hat rather than After the inquest at Poitiers, Charles VII commis-
a helmet.
Joan also wore a military garment of Orien-
sioned a suit of armor for Joan at the same time that
he
set
up a military household for
accounts of the treasurer
Hemon
the purchase of that suit of
"100
livres
her.
The
Reguier refer to
armor
April 1429:
in
toumois were paid and delivered by
tal
origin,
made of
(usually of steel)
used
rectangular metal
the jaseran,
in the fourteenth century.
hrigandine, an armed vest
plates
which was widely She also wore a
made of a great number heads
the aforesaid treasurer to the master armorer for
of small plates of metal joined by
a complete harness for the aforesaid Maid." With
of which formed a kind of geometric design. The
this harness,
Joan was then equipped
in the
same
fashion as the men-at-arms of her era. Jean Chartier reported that she was "armed as quickly as possible with a complete harness such as
have suited a knight
was bom
would
who was part of the army and
in the king's court."
She was equipped,
moreover, like knights of a certain rank: 100 livres
toumois was a significant sum.
It
has been
estimated that the purchase of a complete set of military equipment corresponded to
wages
for a man-at-arms.
two years'
right
the
arm was protected
left,
more
in a lighter fashion than
so that a sword or lance could be wielded
freely.
contrast,
horse's
rivets, the
The armor of
was folded back reins.
the
left
arm, by
to assist in holding the
Jean-Pierre.
Reverseau,
in
his
Armement au temps de Jeanne d'Arc from the Orieans Conference of November 1984, informs us that these pieces of armor were omamented with "tensely elongated" decorations responding to the aesthetic ideal of the
dme, which subordi-
nated funcdon to late Gothic style.
ISSUES
In the fifteenth century, the greatest armorers
hidden behind the
were Milanese, whose work spread from one
Fierbois:
to the other. Christine de Pisan
Tours or
end of Europe
described on several occasions the harness that
King Charles
Many
V
had made for himself
details describing the
manufacture of
Milanese armor can be found
armory
the Datini
Milan.
in
this
of
in the archives
all
wore
leather and laced
sallet.
up
found
ately thereafter they
it,
covered with
all
rust."
how
knew
she
the
sword would be found there and recorded
this
reply:
That sword was
in front, or then a brigandine,
They fought with
hammer
pike, or with a
to break
five
never seen the
Les armes et
la vie (Paris,
it
announced
there,
and she had to find the
A
recent
the altar or behind
Souzy, a Paris antiquarian. In the inventory of ancient arms at the castle of Amboise in 1499,
to her. It
was not very
it.
She said again
that just
sword was found the men of the
after the
we
altar;
know if it would be exactly before
she did not
of 1996 by Pierre de
in the spring
it
deeply buried underground, behind the
was
rediscovery
would please them that she should have that
sword, and they sent
1982) that
"every twenty years, Joan of Arc's suit of armor rediscovered."
was
man who went
men of the church of that place that she hoped
Reverseau
Jean-Pierre
question.
in
bearing
aforesaid sword for her, and she wrote to the
Whether Joan's armor survives remains an unresolved
in the earth, rusted,
engraved crosses; she knew from her
voices that this sword
a halberd or a
up the harnesses
of their opponents.
is
at
to find a sword,
church of Sainte-Cathe-
in the
Joan's inquisitors asked
most foot soldiers
was
that while she
Chinon she sent men
which was found
and protected their limbs by harness and their
observed
at
garment of cloth quilted together with
a jacket, a
head by a
of Sainte-Catherine-de-
altar
"She said also
rine-de-Fierbois behind the altar; and immedi-
firm.
Infantrymen armed with two-edged swords, archers, and in general
225
AND IMAGES
church gave
it
a
good rubbing, and thereupon
find this entry under cote 31: "harness of the
the rust fell off without effort;
Maid, equipped with cloth covering, with a pair
armorer of Tours
of gauntlets, with outfitting for the head including
their part, the
it
was an
who went to find it; for men of the church of Sainte.
.
.
the edge, the inside
Catherine-de-Fierbois gave her a sheath, as
lined with a double thickness of crimson satin."
did the people of Tours; she had therefore
on
a gorget of mail, gilded
was
That
this
from
certain, but her
far
two sheaths, one of vermeil velvet and the
equipment could have been
other of cloth-of-gold, and she herself had
armor Joan wore
in fact the
is
The chroniclers and witnesses
so described.
nullification trial agreed their depositions, her
on further
details.
all
for the aforesaid Maid, her
armor
fitted to
her aforesaid body."
of the city hall of Albi,
who saw
lord
own The
of
registrar
her, testified that
Guy and Andre de
Laval
saw her on horseback near Romoranfin "armed entirely in white, except for the head, a little
ax
in
her hand, seated on a great black courser."
was wearing but the sword
.
.
.
that she
"The sword
had taken from a Burgun-
also that she had a fourth taken
We know
from yet another
Burgundian, along with the armor she offered to Saint-Denis.
Asked where
that fourth
sword was,
she rephed "that she had offered in the abbey of
Saint-Denis a sword and further, she
SWORD
that she
dian" was the third one Joan possessed.
is
JOAN'S
leather, very strong.
had taken from a Burgundian.
no point
the
6.
heavy
had
suit
"Joan went armed in white iron, entirely from
head to foot." Moreover,
that she
affirm that
body the aforesaid
made
in
When she was captured, it was not that sword
In
page Louis de Coutes, the
duke of Alen^on, and Jean d'Aulon "for the safety of her
one made
at the
and
was reported
in
some arms." Pressed
as explaining that "there
seeking to find out what she did with
sword found
at
Sainte-Catherine-de-Fierbois
that has nothing to
do with
the trial
and
that
she will not answer on that point for now."
From
the text of Joan's
set, 2.52),
gave her
condemnation
trial (Tis-
we know that Robert de Baudricourt a sword when she left Vaucouleurs:
"Also, she confessed that after her departure from the aforesaid
town of Vaucouleurs she was
men's clothes, carrying
a
sword
that
in
Robert de
Beyond these,
the
duke of Burgundy (surprisingly
enough) had sent her a dagger
after the liberation
of Orleans, and "the city of Clermont had
made
her the gift of two swords and one dagger."
Some claimed
that
witnesses in the nullificadon
trial
one day she broke her sword on the
woman at Auxerre or at Saint-Denis, but
Baudricourt had given her, without any other arm,
back of a
accompanied by a knight, a
Louis de Coutes contradicted them explicitly
servants."
She
later
squire,
and four
sent for a second
sword
his deposifion:
"She did not wish
women
to
in
be
—
226
PART
III
with the army, and once, near Chateau-Thiern'.
ceremonial entries into his city were also impor-
having noticed a wanton woman, she chased
tant festival
with her sword drawn, but she did not
her.
hit her.
limiting herself to counseling her with gentleness
and charity not
to be
found again
in the
company
A
at
Dijon, on which are
set
up fountains spouting
wine, milk, or perfumed water
Orleans relied on
From
sword now kept
curtains and garlands of flowers
from windows: they
of men-at-arms, or she herself. Joan, would take
measures against her."
days for the people of Orleans. They
hung carpets and
crossroads.
at the
duke for protection.
its
the middle of the fourteenth century,
had been
situation
its
1358 the English
difficult. In
engraved the names of Charles VII and of Vau-
commander Robert Knowles surrounded
couleurs with the arms of France and of Orleans,
and provoked a panic. In 1367 the troops of the
often cited as a relic of Joan of Arc, but
Black Prince had terrorized the populace: the
is
Doncoeur (1.227
in the Collection of the
Jeanne dArc) argues that
sword was proba-
this
bly engraved in the sixteenth century by
of the Catholic League
—an
Centre
members
association of reli-
gious fanatics opposed to the danger they per-
ceived in a Protestant king
— who
had great
reverence for Joan. For an analysis of Joan's Fierbois sword and
importance, see Bonnie
its
the city
collegial churches and chapels of the suburbs
outside the walls had been torn down: and
had suffered from
buildings
including
this
many
onslaught,
church of Saint-Euverte
the
destroyed by the Vikings in the ninth century,
was reconstructed but destroyed
when
again in 1428. city.
it
1358 and
in
the English laid siege to the
The troubles seemed
at their
worst in 1380,
Wheeler. "Joan of Arc's Sword in the Stone," in
thanks to the campaign of the duke of Bucking-
Fresh Verdicts on Joan of Arc.
ham. The people of Orleans turned toward Louis as their natural protector. to their defense,
7.
ORLEANS AT THE TIME OF THE SIEGE
fortress
When
commune
and the
The ramparts and regular
They attended
as the account
maintenance:
its
closely
books of the
attest.
five gates
underwent
Gate of Burgundy,
the
English troops caught sight of Orleans on
through which ran the road to Gien; the Paris
found themselves before
Gate, situated close to the Hotel-Dieu (the central
October
12, 1428, they
one of the most beautiful
of the kingdom, a
cities
hospital),
which would be walled up
strong place surrounded by ramparts reinforced
moment of the
by towers constructed
as a pedestrian
Site of the
regular intervals.
at
ancient
Gallo-Roman
Cenabum Aurehanense, to which of Avenum had been added in became
century, Orleans in 1345
duchy erected
as an
Philip's death in 1375. the
domain;
in
the fourteenth
Boucher,
the capital of a
Upon
St.
Catherine Gate on the docks, connecting with the bridgehead. Each gate was flanked by two towers protected by a portcullis and connected through a
was made an
drawbridge with an open rampart that served as a
1392
it
the
in favor of Louis,
upon their rights and
in obtaining a charter
of
liberties,
which they were allowed in a
where Joan would be housed and
through which ran the road to Blois: and the
younger
the people of Orleans insisted
twelve-man council
Renard Gate,
to Paris: the
near which was situated the residence of Jacques
brother of King Charles VI. This time, however,
virtue of
passageway: the Bemier Gate,
which guarded the route
duchy was joined again
apanage for the second time,
succeeded
the
at
would ser\e only
the old suburb
apanage by Philip VI of Valois
for his second son. Philip.
to the royal
city of
siege of 1428 and
to elect
by a
first line
how
to
itself fortified
wooden
situated
staircase
on the
outside of the tower had to be climbed.
The bridge over
make himself
and protected
access to several of the towers over this circle of ramparts, a
two-phase election.
Louis of Orleans knew
of defense,
by a parapet of earth and by palisades. To gain
the right (north)
the Loire
bank of the
was protected on
river (the south side
popular. In 1393 he gave a brilliant festival in
of the city) by the tower of the Chatelet and on the
celebration of the birth of his son to which he
left
(south)
invited the procurators of his capital city. Flat-
les.
This consisted of two towers, one with
tered magistrates arrived, bearing as a gift the
appreciative populace
fourteen measures of tripe"
"several all in
from
geese and
a great sack, as
Lemaire quotes the account book of the Orleans in his Histoire d' Orleans.
It
city of
was on
that
itself
The bridge began
and the rue de
work, the Tourel-
at the rue
flat
des Hostelleries
Pone-Sainte-Catherine: at that
La Motte-aux-Poissonniers:
was named
for the chapel
Antoine-du-Pont.
it
had
time divided
an island, the downriver half of which was
of the Porcupine, with which he decorated several
The duke's
la
nineteen irregular arches and
as
city.
fortified
sides and the other round, constructed in the river
occasion that Louis of Orleans created the Order
of the ranking magistrates of the
bank by a
known
the upriver half
and asylum of Saint-
—
SSUES
The preoccupation of the citizens of Orleans with their defense
is
reflected in instructions for
expenditures from the fortress account books,
which mention payments for work completed for upkeep of the ramparts and the bridge: "To the
the
aforesaid Gillet for
work spent
two days' worth of carpentry
in restoring
227
AND IMAGES
two wooden stairways,
procurators of Orleans busied themselves with offensive
armament
The account books
as well.
of the fortress (as in the account book of Jean Hilaire,
CC
550) are
full
of information on the
purchase of bombards and cannons and on their
and for lead and gunpowder
positioning, preparation:
one for the tower facing the Hegron Field, the other near the St. Flo
Tower ...
To Jean Chomart ...
of 5
at the rate
4 deniers per man per day, amounting
sous,
The city was equally bridge to which Jean
The
citizens
To Jean Volant,
Mahy
.
.
.
for silver provided for eleven
days of the work of carpenters and four days
has the key, 14 sous."
were also anxious about the watch
who were busy
of masons,
in
non of Montargis
troubled time; expense instructions taken
this
pre-
for having shifted the cannons' positions.
attentive to the security
bridge: "a lock for the portcullis of the
its
who
pared the gun carriages for the cannons, and
sous, 8 deniers parisis."
of
for seventeen days'
worth of the work of carpenters
to 10
in the
placing the can-
tower of the vergers
...
from the account book of Jacques Deloynes, (CC
of Saint-Sanson. To Jean Savore
549) for the years 1425-1427 assign "to Bernard
having spent eight days in pulverizing can-
Josselin, responsibility for the
non powder. ... To Jacques Boucher,
watch of Saint-
Pierre-Empont for the month of April," and: "To Jacquet
my lord of Orleans,
trea-
for the purchase
on
of 200 pounds of cannon powder bought by
day of April, for inspecting the
him for the needs ofthe city, each one of them
le Prestre,
Friday, the 27th
surer of
for
for expenses undertaken
security of the city, inspecting the grain stocks the quantities of wheat, or for the persons
followed him: that
is
worth 21 ecus of gold.
and
who
to say, eight procurators,
The
city
government also bought crossbow
shafts
eight bourgeois, eight notaries, and eight ser-
and hired Colin the Lorrainer, a renowned
geants."
leryman, to take charge of the city's defense.
Thought was given even
to lodging for the
Fran^oise Michaud-Frejaville, in "Une cite face
watchmen: "To Jacquet Champon, the 24th day
aux
of May, for the purchase of a bed equipped with
d' Orleans a
a feather blanket, a cushion,
and a
quilt
...
to
New
provide sleeping for two bourgeois in the
artil-
crises: les
forteresse
remparts de
la fidelite
de Louis
Charles VII d'apres les Comptes de
de
la
ville
1391-1427"
d' Orleans,
(Orleans Conference, Oct. 1979) analyzed the
accounts and concluded that a garrison of about
Tower." Repairs became more frequent as time went
book
on, and during the 1428 siege, the account
of the fortress
(CC 550) shows
200 men was regularly stationed Orleans kept
that the mainte-
nance of the ramparts became a daily concern:
Orleans in
at
those days.
shafts
its
arsenal
with crossbow
and gunpowder above the meeting
hall of
the councillors. All lent their hands to the defense
To Jean Boudeau,
for
850 pounds of iron
requisitioned for the city forge.
ofthe
... To
city; the guilds
strengthened the ditches and
One problem
the palisades.
arose:
The members
Humbert Fran9ois, mason,
for four days of
of the University of Orleans, typically enough,
which he spent
in securing the
declared themselves exempt from these expenses.
his craft,
ironwork ofthe floor oftheBemier Gate.
To Jean Chomart,
the aforesaid 16th
.
.
.
day of
April, for silver provided for the purchase of
a toise [roughly six and a half feet] of .
.
.
Charles VII had to send
letters patent
them
all
.
.
Moreover, the people of Orleans did not hesitate to destroy the suburbs.
placed on the barrier ofthe rampart
of the Bemier Gate. carpenter, for
... To Jean
two days of
his
make gun
Coust,
tides
major
cities.
Paris in
honor of
These bastides, connected by
their pali-
sades and fortified ramparts, effectively isolated