Jesuits and Asian Goods in the Iberian Empires, 1580–1700 (Palgrave Studies in Comparative Global History) 9819924634, 9789819924639

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PA P A ALG LG R LG RA AVE E S TU U DIES D I ES DI S IN CO CO OM MP M PAR A R AT ATIV T IV V E GL G L OB OBA ALL H IS S TO O RY Y

Jesuits and Asian Goods in the Iberian Empires, 1580–1700

Pedro Omar Svriz-Wucherer

Palgrave Studies in Comparative Global History

Series Editors Manuel Perez-Garcia, Shanghai Jiao Tong University, Shanghai, China Lucio De Sousa, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies, Tokyo, Japan

This series proposes a new geography of Global History research using Asian and Western sources, welcoming quality research and engaging outstanding scholarship from China, Europe and the Americas. Promoting academic excellence and critical intellectual analysis, it offers a rich source of global history research in sub-continental areas of Europe, Asia (notably China, Japan and the Philippines) and the Americas and aims to help understand the divergences and convergences between East and West. Advisory Board: Patrick O’Brien (London School of Economics) Anne McCants (Massachusetts Institute of Technology) Joe McDermott (University of Cambridge) Pat Manning (Pittsburgh University) Mihoko Oka (University of Tokyo) Richard Von Glahn (University of California, Los Angeles) Bartolomé Yun-Casalilla (Universidad Pablo de Olavide de Sevilla) Shigeru Akita (Osaka University) François Gipouloux (CNRS/FMSH) Carlos Marichal (Colegio de Mexico) Leonard Blusse (Leiden University) Antonio Ibarra Romero (Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, UNAM) Giorgio Riello (University of Warwick) Nakajima Gakusho (Kyushu University) Liu Beicheng (Tsinghua University) Li Qingxin (Guangdong Academy of Social Sciences) Dennis O. Flynn (University of the Pacific) J. B. Owens (Idaho State University)

Pedro Omar Svriz-Wucherer

Jesuits and Asian Goods in the Iberian Empires, 1580–1700

Pedro Omar Svriz-Wucherer University of Seville Seville, Spain

ISSN 2662-7965 ISSN 2662-7973 (electronic) Palgrave Studies in Comparative Global History ISBN 978-981-99-2463-9 ISBN 978-981-99-2464-6 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-2464-6 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2023 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore

Foreword

You are about to read a very interesting contribution to the new direction of global history using new empirical evidence and a case study. The current generations of historians can make use of newly digitized repositories and sources which can be easily accessed from the computer without the need to travel to and work in international archives. This advantage has also become a real hazard for historians. The old and new generations of researchers are progressively losing the sensitivity, taste, knowledge, and curiosity for perusing the overwhelming high number of pages, catalogues, and volumes of old documents and manuscripts in historical archives and libraries. Curiosity should be the main feature of the historian in the quest to observe and analyse past cultures, polities, and socioeconomic ecosystems which have shaped our present society. Historical research cannot be done without undertaking research missions in international archives. Surely, the digital tools and rapid access to historical materials from our laptops are advantages, but they are insufficient when doing research. The use of western and eastern sources, skills in foreign languages, implementation of new methods, advancing new case studies, and the advantage of digital tools stand out as the new global historian’s package. The book and research by Dr. Omar Svriz has been developed within the framework of GECEM Project (Global Encounters between China and Europe: Trade Networks, Consumption and Cultural Exchanges in Macau

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and Marseille, 1680–1840, www.gecem.eu.) funded by the ERC (European Research Council)-Starting Grant, under the European Union’s Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation Programme. As Principal Investigator of this project, I have had the honour and pleasure to work with Dr. Svriz, including joint research in European and Chinese archives. The work at western and eastern historical archives and implementation of a new case study stand out as novel contribution in Dr. Svriz’s book. How were the Iberian and Chinese empires connected in the early modern period, and more specifically, how were the port cities of Macau and Buenos Aires integrated into the global economic market? The agency exerted by the Jesuits as non-state parties and the circulation of global goods such as exotic plants, porcelain, silk, tea, wines, liquors, and silver as global currency, among others, were the main catalysts of the connections between such distant areas. This is a pertinent question and topic presented in this book to apply connected and comparative historical methods through a new case study. Conventional studies of international relations and the triangular relations between China, the USA, and Mexico affirm that Latin America is the backyard of China’s financial and trade exchanges with the West. Thus, what was the role of Spanish-American colonies in the socioeconomic relations between China and the West centuries ago? There is a lack of scholarly research that clearly presents a case study on early modern China and the Spanish American colonies. Dr. Svriz’s study opens a new venue to further expand comparisons and connections between both regions. The chronology of this research encompasses the period that has been conventionally defined as early globalization when socioeconomic, cultural, and technological contacts among world regions intensified. The agency of the Society of Jesus’ members was expressed not only as cultural (religious) mediators, but also as merchants as they channelled the introduction and circulation of western goods in Asia and eastern goods in Europe and the Americas through the Jesuit missions. The fragmentation of the Chinese and Iberian empires and the longdistance negotiations between the elites close to the court and those located in peripheral regions makes it extremely important to implement the methodologies of social network analysis and a polycentric approach by which spatial and social factors are paramount to observe governance and state administration. Thus, the case study presented in this work on port cities, such as Macau and Buenos Aires, goes beyond reciprocal

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comparisons but rather seeks to identify connections in the markets of South China and South America through social agents and goods. The collection and catalogue of the Portuguese expansion in East Asia at the Historical Archive of Macau (HAM) as well as the rich documentation of the Santa Casa de Misericordia [the Holy House of Mercy] and the Leal Senado [Municipal Council] stand out as important empirical evidence that documents a great deal of the interactions between the Iberian and Chinese communities in south China. Macau, as a special administrative region which was leased to Portugal in late Ming dynasty (circa 1557), was developed as a major settlement orientated to overseas trade in South China Sea. During last thirty years, I have read and scrutinized the rich documents of the HAM, the minutes of the Municipal Council, ships and cargoes registers, protocols and wills of the Holy House of Mercy, private letters of merchants, and the abundant records on overseas trade between the Portuguese empire and China via Macau. My interpretation on the particularities of Macau as the entry point to China and main linchpin to Western regions has been enhanced by networking with scholars within East Asian, American, and European historiographical traditions. The understanding of the singularity of Macau and the South China Sea market might be deeply grasped through the combination and use of Western and Chinese sources as well as the development of theories and methods from East Asian historiographies. On this basis, in 2016, I started to lead and develop the GECEM Project, whose main focus is to analyse global trade, consumption, and socio-cultural exchanges between China and Europe within the case study of Macau and Marseille. Global conjunctures, market integration, circulation of goods, and state capacity comparing and/or connecting two port cities in South China and South Europe are the main features to analyse locally and trace the footsteps of the great divergence. Such a local approach to the great divergence might renew the debate and prolific scholarship of the last twenty years on this topic. Using new empirical evidence, introducing new case studies, and boldly presenting new methodologies and questions should be the directions of the so-called new global history. In the GECEM Project during the past six years, we have published a considerable volume of publications (monographs, edited books, articles in prestigious peer review journals, book chapters, newsletters) and designed a newly database, GECEM Project Database (www.gecemdatabase.eu), in which we have recorded more than 40,000 registers on global trade between China and the West

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for the early modern period. The database is not a mere repository of data, but instead has been designed through a query system, which is published as Open Access, and researchers can introduce ad hoc queries depending on their research topic and interest. Dr. Svriz has actively participated in the design, development, and input of historical information in GECEM Database. He answered the call of GECEM Project goals and missions to open a new line of research in global history studies by mining new empirical evidence and crossreferencing European, American, and Chinese sources, mainly those from the Archivo General de Indias in Spain, National Archive of Argentina, and the HAM. This type of research seeks to establish new methodologies, mainly using digital humanities tools as well as interdisciplinary scope, and approaches beyond the conventional micro-history studies and exhausting theoretical works comparing China and Europe without a delineated geographical and chronological foundation. Traditional research is tied to local and national narratives without specific research questions, theories, and methodologies and often entails transcribing the historical sources without a profound analysis to ask how, why, and who wrote a given source and why some data are omitted or biased. The absence of some information in the sources is good information in itself, as one might ask if such omission has been made intentionally, why, and by whom when the source was produced. This will not always produce meaningful conclusions, but it might help to definitively contextualize the historical information in order to understand the interactions and potentially seek connections and differences between regions and polities in East Asia, the Americas, and Europe through the circulation of global goods, networks, agency of social groups, and the role of both state and non-state institutions. These forces shaped not only the specific features of major port cities, such as the case study of Macau and Buenos Aires and their historical singularities presented in this book, but also the expansion of the Iberian empires and the global connection of the social agents, institutions, and business forms and practices through the project of expansion and agenda of policymakers settled in the courts of Beijing and Madrid. The reader is about to explore these issues through Dr. Svriz’s excellent decision to analyse the circulation of goods and the implications and role of the Jesuits in the integration of East Asian and European markets

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through the Americas. How these social agents and goods transformed cultural habits and adapted to complex local economies are relevant questions for understanding the so-called early globalization and are central in Dr. Svriz’s book. Spring 2023

Manuel Perez Garcia 马龙 Tenured Associate Professor School of Humanities Shanghai Jiao Tong University Shanghai, China Principal Investigator—Distinguished Researcher GECEM Project Horizon 2020 ERC-Starting Grant

Acknowledgements

This monograph presents results of the research and academic work of the GECEM Project (Global Encounters between China and Europe: Trade Networks, Consumption and Cultural Exchanges in Macau and Marseille, 1680–1840 www.gecem.eu).1 I wish to acknowledge the financial support of the GECEM Project funded by the European Research Council and hosted by the Pablo de Olavide University as the sole institution which has funded this book. Without this funding and support, this book would not have been finished and published. I am grateful for the academic collaboration and support of my colleagues and friends Professors Manuel Pérez-García (P.I GECEM Project) and Bartolomé Yun-Casalilla, who trusted and supported me throughout this research, and also give comments to improve this book. I am extremely grateful to GECEM team members such as Marisol Vidales Bernal, Manuel Díaz-Ordóñez, Jin Lei, Wang Li, Guimel Hernández, Rocío Moreno Cabanillas, and María Jesús Milán.

1 The GECEM Project is funded by the ERC (European Research Council) Starting-

Grant, ref. 679371, under the European Union’s Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation Programme, www.gecem.eu. The P.I. (Principal Investigator) is Professor Manuel PerezGarcia (Distinguished Researcher at UPO). This work was supported by the H2020 European Research Council. This research has also been part of the academic activities of the Global History Network in China (GHN) www.globalhistorynetwork.com.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would also like to extend gratitude to my colleagues of the Area de Historia Moderna (Universidad Pablo de Olavide, Spain) and members of the group PAIDI HUM-1000 “Historia de la Globalización” (PI: Igor Pérez Tostado) with whom I have shared many advances of my research in form of papers, conferences, and articles. Also, I am grateful with the Juan de la Cierva-Formación Postdoctoral Fellowship (FJC2019-039013-I) financed by the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation of Spain, that funding and support my current research project. In this way, I would also like to thank the members of the Departamento de Historia de América at Universidad de Sevilla, and group PAIDI HUM-1042 “Dinámicas sociales e identitarias en la historia de América Latina y el Caribe”, especially its Principal Investigator Emilio José Luque-Azcona, who welcomed in my current post-doctoral research and gave me sufficient time to finish this book. I would like to thank my colleagues at Shanghai Jiao Tong University for the support during my Visiting Research in September 2019. Likewise, I am grateful for my colleagues from the Macau Ricci Institute (MRI) and the University of Saint Joseph (USJ), Stephan Rothlin (director of the MRI) and Jaroslaw Duraj (vice-director of the MRI), their team staff Sofia Sou, Bryan Chao and Ben Lei, and also the Jesuit Community of Macau, especially to Fr. Luís Sequeira and Fr. Fernando Azpiroz. All of them, thanks for the support they generously gave me during my Visiting Research at the MRI, the USJ, and Macau Historical Archives in September-November 2019. I am also grateful for the support provided for my colleagues of the Núcleo de Estudios Históricos Coloniales (NEHC) at Instituto de Investigaciones Geohistóricas (UNNE-CONICET, Argentina), especially its director María Laura Salinas. NEHC was the place where I began my research about the Jesuit activities in the Northeast of River Plate basin and still continue to share and discuss my research progress. This book is in memory of Ernesto J. A. Maeder, my guide and example during the first steps in my research. Furthermore, I should mention the extremely helpful comments and suggestions made by Igor Pérez-Tostado, María Laura Salinas, Guillermo Wilde, Susana Frías, María Inés Montserrat, Martín Wasserman, Nahuel Vassallo, Robert Jackson, Eliane Cristina Deckmann Fleck, Carlos Vilardaga, Maria de Deus Manso, Luis Miguel de la Cruz-Herranz (Archivo Histórico Nacional), Maria de Fátima Gomes (Biblioteca da Ajuda, Portugal), Bernd Hausberger, Rafael Castañeda-García, Julieta

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Pineda-Alillo, Renata Cabral-Bernabé, Laura Oliván-Santaliestra, and Tereza Sena. I thank the reviewers and editors of Palgrave Macmillan for their comments to improve this book. Any errors are my own. Finally, a very important acknowledgement goes to my family and my friends, mainly my parents (Pedro and Susana), sisters (Mavi, Natalia and Cecilia) and brother (Diego) for his constant support and patience. To my godson Joaquín, and my nephews Juan Martín, Julián, and Felipe, whose smiles gave me the necessary energy for my daily efforts, this book is also dedicated to them. My Sevillian family, Javier, Maribel, Javier, and “Grandpa”, all of them giving me an unconditional support. Andrés Meza, Fernando Pozzaglio, José Manuel Navarro García, Jesús Maya Segura, and José Manuel Caro Gavilán thank you very much for your sincere friendship. Also, I am grateful to Iris, whose walks helped me to think (and de-stress) about this book. Finally, to my wife and companion on the road, Rocío Moreno Cabanillas who supported me at all times. Your smile continues to be my driving force every day. To all these people I simply thank you, I hope that this book represents a little of all the love given. Seville March 2021

Contents

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1

Introduction

2

The Society of Jesus in a Global Perspective

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3

Macau, the “Gateway” to China: Exchanges, Routes, and (Dis)Connections in the Jesuit’s Hands

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Buenos Aires, the Latin American “False Door”: Contraband and Exchanges in the Río De La Plata Basin

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4 5 6

The Long Way to Paraguay: Routes, Asian Goods, and Consumption in the Jesuit Missions

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Conclusions

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Bibliography

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Index

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Abbreviations

AGI AHM AHN AHU ANA CU B BA BNE BNF BNP BNRJ CAPJP DA DLE, RAE MNAA MP Mss. R.C. SEIC SH SNE

Archivo General de Indias, Spain Arquivo Historico de Macao, Macao Archivo Histórico Nacional, Spain Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino, Portugal Archivo Nacional de Asunción, Paraguay Conselho Ultramarino Bahia Biblioteca de Ajúda, Portugal Biblioteca Nacional de España, Spain Bibliothèque Nationale de France, France Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal, Portugal Biblioteca Nacional de Río de Janeiro, Brazil Cartas Anuas de la Provincia Jesuítica del Paraguay Diccionario de Autoridades (1726–1739) Diccionario de la Lengua Española, Real Academia Española Museu Nacional de Arte Antiga, Portugal Mapas y Planos Manuscritos Real Cédula Swedish East Indian Company Sección Historia Sección Nueva Encuadernación

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List of Figures

Fig. 2.1

Illustration 2.1

Structure of Jesuit Government in Paraguay and Macao (Source Author’s own elaboration based on information in Alden [1996: 229–254] and Mörner [1971: 17–20])

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Allegory of the Tree. Jesuit organization (Source BNF. Arbre Géographique contenant les Établissements des Jésuites par toute la Terre et le Nombre des Sujettes qui composent cette Société. Tiré d’un Catalogue envoyé de Rome en 1762: Le gouvernement des Jésuites se divise en 5 assistances qui comprennent 39 provinces, 24 maisons professes, 669 collèges, 61 noviciats, 176 semminaires, 335 résidences, 223 missions, 22787 Jésuites, dont 11010 sont prêtres. Paris, 1762–1767. https://gallica.bnf. fr/ark:/12148/btv1b530649288/)

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LIST OF FIGURES

Illustration 2.2

Illustration 3.1

Illustration 4.1

Portugal and Spain Assistance, two territories of the same trunk (Source BNF. Arbre Géographique contenant les Établissements des Jésuites par toute la Terre et le Nombre des Sujettes qui composent cette Société. Tiré d’un Catalogue envoyé de Rome en 1762: Le gouvernement des Jésuites se divise en 5 assistances qui comprennent 39 provinces, 24 maisons professes, 669 collèges, 61 noviciats, 176 semminaires, 335 résidences, 223 missions, 22787 Jésuites, dont 11010 sont prêtres. Paris, 1762–1767. https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b5306492 88/) Payment rights in Macao (1649) (Source Author’s own elaboration through data from Aresta and Viega de Oliveira [1998: 97–98]) Image of a secret tunnel in the Jesuit Manzana de las Luces and Héctor Greslebin (right) (Source https://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/T%C3%BAneles_secr etos_de_Buenos_Aires)

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List of Maps

Map 3.1 Map 3.2

Map 3.3

Map 4.1

Exchange routes from Macao during the Early Modern period Quantung Province by S. J. Martino Martini (Source Martino Martini, 1655–1659. Novus Atlas Sinensis. Amsterdam: Joan Blaeu. p. 44. In: BNP. cota CA-70-A) Detail of the City of Macao by S. J. Martino Martini (Source Martino Martini, 1655–1659. Novus Atlas Sinensis. Amsterdam: Joan Blaeu. p. 44. In: BNP. cota CA-70-A) Detail of the chart of the Río de la Plata by the South Sea Company (Source: A Chart of the River Plate from the Bay of Castillos to Santa Fe (1736?). BNM. MR/5/I SERIE 47/64. http://bdh.bne.es/bnesearch/ detalle/bdh0000033691)

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List of Tables

Table Table Table Table

2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4

Table Table Table Table Table Table

2.5 2.6 3.1 3.2 3.3 5.1

Arrival of Jesuits to various parts of the world Foundation of the Jesuit provinces Total number of Jesuits Number of Jesuits and its distribution in the Portuguese Assistance List of Jesuit General Fathers List of Jesuit Provincial Fathers in Paraguay Carreira da India in the Seventeenth Century Number of Jesuits in Japan (1552–1614) List of goods sent by the Jesuits to Japan in 1618 The Chinese goods in the Jesuit Reductions of Paraguay around 1768

23 24 24 25 32 34 56 64 66 151

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CHAPTER 1

Introduction

Jesuits and Global Goods bridges comparative, trans-imperial, and connected history scholarship when analysing Macao and Paraguay and the trading activities of the Fathers of the Society of Jesus (Jesuits) in the exchange of Asian goods from 1580 to 1700. Scholars have examined the role “non-state” agents or members of the “professional” merchant community played in the circulation and consumption of Asian goods from these areas, but the involvement of the Jesuits as key agents in the diffusion of products in a process of globalization has received much less attention. When the spotlight is on them, however, several questions immediately emerge. How significant were these trading activities to the economic management of the Society of Jesus and to what extent did the ecclesiastical networks built by the Jesuits in both spaces favour these exchanges (Popescu 1952; Alden 1996; Mörner 2008; Vu Thanth and Zupanov 2020)? And importantly, what were the trade routes that allowed Asian goods via Macao to arrive at the Paraguayan reductions? Although it is very difficult to measure the volume of Asian goods traded, the mechanisms Jesuits developed to carry this out, how they introduced goods into new populations, and how they overcame any obstacles to their diffusion are important areas of inquiry. What trading paths did these goods take? Can we establish differences in the Jesuit mechanisms of diffusion of these goods compared to those developed by

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 P. O. Svriz-Wucherer, Jesuits and Asian Goods in the Iberian Empires, 1580–1700, Palgrave Studies in Comparative Global History, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-2464-6_1

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P. O. SVRIZ-WUCHERER

the “professional” traders of the time? Finally, to what extent did the members of the Society of Jesus succeed in modifying the consumption patterns of the local populations they evangelized by circulating these new Asian goods? One recent study on the introduction of firearms by the Jesuits in the Guaraní populations they were evangelizing has indicated enormous socio-cultural changes (Svriz Wucherer 2019a, b, 2021). So, what happened with other goods; did they produce a similar impact on local populations? Why is it important to focus on largely neglected actors operating in understudied geographic areas during the early modern period? Numerous studies have focused on the role that the Iberian empires played in the circulation of goods in the framework of so-called early globalization. Immanuel Wallerstein (1979a) showed that these world empires were the basis of global economies and that they created closer links among local economies. This process of commercial “globalization” in the early modern era involved a series of complex forms of political organization which in turn promoted very particular connections and exchanges of goods which can be defined as trans-imperial and intercolonial. The Eurocentric or Iberocentric perspective of these processes, however, only helps to understand a small part of the puzzle, since it is only a particularly visible tip of a large iceberg. Analysing the trade routes and their links during the early modern period exclusively from Seville or Lisbon leads to a new history of empires and their metropolises, and we fall into the frequently-made mistake of considering other regions only as the “periphery of the periphery” (Karasch 2002). A new conceptualization of Iberian empire also avoids the fragmentation of the economic, political, and social relations that occurred in Spanish and Portuguese territories (Rahn Phillips 1999; Subrahmanyam 2007; Bethencourt 2013; Yun Casalilla 2019a, b). Many studies choose to separate the Spanish (Parry 1966) and Portuguese empires (Boxer 1969a; Boyajian 1993; Bethencourt and Curto 2007; Disney 2009). However, this tendency overlooks the permanent links between them, especially during the context of the Union of Crowns [the dynastic union between both kingdoms from 1580 to 1640 under the Habsburgs] and also during the post-Union period. Within this historiographical framework, I propose a different perspective, one that examines Paraguay (with Buenos Aires as a key link) and Macao as fundamental port cities in trans-imperial and inter-colonial commercial relations. I analyse the commercial networks that used

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different methods and crossed the borders of political formations, penetrating and changing them often, not only in their relations with the respective metropolises, but also in the inter-colonial relations that did not necessarily pass through them (Yun Casalilla 2019c). I also argue that these trade networks had important intellectual and cultural ramifications for the local populations living within their radius (Marcocci 2016; Romano 2016). With regard to Portugal, scholars have analysed the inter-colonial links in the Portuguese empire (Boxer 1969a; Boyajian 1993). Earlier research by Eulalia Lahmeyer Lobo (1967) in her study on eighteenth-century Portuguese fleets shows from a quantitative point of view that Lisbon constituted a commercial “periphery” within the Portuguese empire whose “centre” was located first in Bahia and later in Rio de Janeiro in Brazil. Ships from Asia, Africa, and other parts of the Americas arrived at these Brazilian port cities to trade before heading to Europe. Thus, these ports were centres for the exchange of Asian spices, Chinese silks, and African slaves, giving in exchange products such as brazilwood, sugar, and gold (Schwartz 1990; Russell-Wood 1990), which then went on to the port of Lisbon. Very important inter-colonial links were thus constructed throughout the eighteenth century (Ferreira 2001, 2017; Bohórquez 2020a, b). Citizens in eighteenth-century Bahia preferred to buy oriental merchandise from the crews of ships that had returned from India and stopped in the port, rather than paying the much higher prices—usually 36% or 40% more—demanded by merchants who had imported the same merchandise through the official route from Lisbon (Boxer 1969b: 416). I argue that this process began some time before though, taking shape during the period of the Iberian Union (1580–1640) as some studies have already indicated (Boyajian 1993; Vilardaga 2010, 2017a, b, 2019; Yun-Casalilla 2019a, b; Ribeiro Da Silva 2011). Only in this way can we explain, for example, the Portuguese purchase of the finer canequins or caniquíes [thin canvas made of cotton, usually from India (D.A, Tomo II (1729)] at 1–2 cruzados [Portuguese gold coin whose value was 400 reais in 1517 (Boxer 1989: 313)] a piece in India and their selling at a higher price in Brazil (6.5–7 cruzados ) than in Lisbon (4–5 cruzados ) (Boyajian 1993: 142). Analysing this type of inter-colonial link is fundamental to my study, since it moves away from a centralized view of the Portuguese metropolis. Similarly with Spain, the historiography has focused on analysing some inter-colonial relations within the framework of the Spanish empire. The

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storied Manila Galleon and its connections with Latin America during the early modern era are highlighted in most of this scholarship (Alfonso Mola and Martínez Shaw 2000; Bonialian 2012; Bernabeu Albert and Martínez Shaw 2013; Giraldez 2015; Olveda 2017). Most of these works focus on Spain’s trade with New Spain, particularly with the port of Acapulco (Bonialian 2017) and indirectly with Mexico City, where a large part of these goods was consumed (Gasch-Tomás 2014, 2019). Only the remaining products went to the port of Veracruz and were shipped to Europe, with Seville as their destination (Chaunu 1960b).1 In turn, other studies extend the commercial routes of Asian products to other regions. Whether legally or illegally, from Manila or Acapulco, merchants brought this type of merchandise to the coast of Peru (Suárez 2001, 2015, 2018) and others even reached the Río de la Plata (Bonialian 2017). Therefore, from a historiographical point of view, the regions of the Rio de la Plata basin have always been analysed within that “Peruvian space“ (Assadourian 1982), often forgetting the important links that this region had with the coasts of Brazil (Moutoukías 1988; Vilardaga 2010, 2017a, b). Jesuits and Global Goods aims, therefore, to understand globalization from various geographical starting points along the lines of Andre Gunder Frank’s research (1998), which “reoriented” previous work on this period towards China and thus placed Asia at the centre of global studies. Additionally, Bernd Hausberger (2017) recently debated the need to give greater importance to Latin America in this globalization process because he argues that “it was Spanish American demand for European and Asian products that triggered these flows” (Hausberger 2017: 62). Accordingly, I analyse two specific ports in Latin America and Asia in order to understand this “start of globalization” and its links, in this case, with Jesuit activities in Paraguay and Macao. Serge Gruzinski’s contributions (2001, 2006, 2010, 2019) are also important, as he explains the necessity to “re-establish the international and intercontinental connections that the national historiographies have extinguished or hidden” (Gruzinski 2001: 176). Extending Gruzinski’s argument, the so-called imperial histories have also collaborated at some point in this concealment. Spaces traditionally considered as “peripheral” from an imperial perspective, such as Macao, Buenos Aires, or Paraguay, are significant for

1 On the consumption of Asian goods in Seville see Gasch-Tomás (2019).

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this type of study. In the framework of global trade relations, these ports are presented as meeting points of various empires (and also of other political formations) constituting real “imperial intersections” in which competition, imitation, and innovation took place, both in times of war and in times of peace among empires (Burbank and Cooper 2011: 32–33; Yun Casalilla 2019a). Moving away from an imperial and centralist view, I offer an inter-colonial and interconnected perspective which begins with a true “history from below” of these trans-imperial spaces (Thompson 1966; Sharpe 2009), a historical perspective that still “retains its aura of subversion” (Sharpe 2009: 58). I believe it is very important to apply this “subversion” to the history of the Iberian empires. I consider the “non-state” agents (Jesuits) and the “lower” classes (such as the Guarani Indians in Paraguay, the Sangleyes in the Philippines, and the Chinese in Macao) and the role they played in driving the mechanisms behind trans-imperial global trade networks during this period. The Society of Jesus experienced rapid expansion across the globe in the early modern era, one that was accomplished through an enormous increase in the number of its members. Jesuits developed a hierarchical and vertical internal organization that sought constant communication among its members, regardless of where they were located (Friedrich 2007, 2008a, b; Nelles 2019; Fechner and Wilde 2020, see also Chapter 2), which allows analysis of the Society from a comparative, connected, and transnational historical perspective, linking several aspects of its global missionary work during this time frame. Indeed, scholarship on the Society of Jesus (conferences, journal dossiers, articles, among others) has increased in recent years and has resulted in a boom in these types of studies.2 Since it is not necessary to provide a detailed review of the various topics related to the Society of Jesus from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries, I focus below only on those studies most pertinent to my analysis, while referencing many other works in the following chapters. Recent work on the Society of Jesus within its global framework is very important for my study, including Ronnie Po-Chia Hsia (2010, 2014, 2018), Luke Clossey (2008), Sabina Pavone (2007), and Jean Lacouture’s (2006) research. Other scholars have focused their attention on Jesuit activities in Asia; in particular, the case of missions in China has 2 See the analysis of the historiography of the Jesuits in Morales (2007), Maryks (2016), Perrone (2016), Javellana (2016), Jackson (2018), and Manso (2020).

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been the topic of several studies (Brockey 2007, 2016; Standaert 1991, 2008). All of these are useful in understanding the interactions between the Chinese empire and the Jesuits from Macao, as is Charles Boxer’s earlier study (1960) on the economic activities of the Macao Jesuits. Many other works provide a general idea of this port and its inhabitants, all of them usually linked to commercial and exchange activities (Penalva 2008; D’Ávila Lourido 2000, 2002; De Sousa 2010a, b; Díaz de Seabra 2003; Pérez-García 2020; Souza 2005; Van Dyke 2016). Finally, Audril Alden’s book (1996) continues to be a great reference source for understanding the development of Jesuit activities within the framework of the Portuguese empire. Jesuit activities in Paraguay have also been analysed from various perspectives. Classic studies by members of the Society of Jesus during the last years of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth century are important sources. Fathers Antonio Astrain (1902, 1909, 1913, 1914, 1916, 1920, 1925, 1996), Pablo Pastells (1915, 1918, 1923, 1933), Guillermo Furlong (1944, 1962, 1963), and Hugo Storni (1980) provide important clues towards understanding the development of the Jesuits in the Paraguayan missions. More recently, Magnus Mörner’s (2008) and Guillermo Wilde’s (2009, 2011, 2018) studies shed light on these missions and their economic role as does Oreste Popescu’s (1952) and Rafael Carbonell de Massy’s (1992) earlier work on the main rural and commercial activities of the Paraguayan missions. Jesuits and Global Goods also embraces the idea that “…commodities, like persons, have social life” (Appadurai 2010: 3) in the framework of Jesuit activities in Macao and Paraguay. Thus, I focus on how items were sold, traded, and consumed. One of the most important commodities was silver. Many scholars have explained its exchange from Spanish America with other parts of the world, especially with Europe and Asia (Giraldez 2015; Bernabeu Albert and Martínez Shaw 2013). Other studies have shown how silver had many alternative circuits such as via the River Plate basin, the Peruvian coast, or the Brazilian routes (Moutoukías 1988; Suárez 2015, 2018; Bohórquez 2020b). Some scholars have examined specific goods and their exchange routes to explain commercial routes and market integration since the first globalization process. Giorgio Riello (2013) argues that cotton was the first global good and that its influence was crucial in different parts of the world. Peter Borschberg exposes the commercial links between Asia and Europe through two unusual goods: musk (Borschberg 2004) and bezoar

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stones (Borschberg 2016). In fact, Chapter 3 analyses musk and its exchange with the Jesuits in Macao, thereby expanding Borschberg’s perspective to include the Philippines and its Latin American commercial routes. Llamas Camacho and Ariza Calderón (2019) have also studied bezoar stones and their use (such as a talisman or in medicine) in the local populations of northern Mexico. In a similar vein, Sidney W. Mintz (1986) analysed the place of sugar in modern history and showed how Europeans and Americans transformed this commodity from a rare foreign luxury to a commonplace necessity of modern life. Could a similar process be found with the Asian goods in South America during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries? Examining the role of luxury goods in creating new consumer markets is a relatively recent scholarly focus. Maxine Berg (2003) exposed the changes in European consumption with the arrival of Asian goods. In contrast, Manuel Pérez García (2013) traces the development of what he terms Vicarious Consumers where consumption levels increased because of the demand for these goods in Europe facilitated through the activities of petty merchants, in this case in the Murcia region. Other perspectives focus on specific Asian and/or European goods to expose global exchanges during the early modern period. Manuel Pérez-García’s (2020) most recent research explains the market integration between Asia and Europe with the transfer of wine, silk, porcelain, and silver through the Grill Company via two commercial routes (MacaoCanton and Marseille-Seville) during the eighteenth century. Similarly, Jesús Bohórquez (2020a) analyses the circulation of Asian textiles, Spanish silver, and the Portuguese-Brazilian slave trade between the Atlantic and Indian oceans. Jesuits and Global Goods also examines the diversity of historical sources, mainly those from the Archivo Nacional de Asunción, in Asunción, Paraguay; the Archivo General de la Nación, in Buenos Aires, Argentina; the Archivo General de Indias, in Seville, Spain; and the Arquivo de Macau, in Macau, China. Trade records, merchant letters, Jesuit manuscripts, and accounts, among others, form the basis of this study. This makes it possible to compare Jesuit mission sources from Paraguay and Macao. In a recent study, Francesca Trivellato states:

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Under the best of circumstances, new general hypotheses can emerge from focusing on groups, regions, sources, and phenomena that some may consider marginal or that are not documented as systematically as we wish. For scholars in both camps [economics and history], the process of knowledge production entails dialogue between theory and evidence, and the evidence can come in the form of smaller or larger, homogeneous or diverse, representative or idiosyncratic source bases. (Trivellato 2021: 251)

Trivellato’s words are very useful for understanding the detective role of the historian. In my analysis of the members of the Society of Jesus, I noticed that on several occasions they have not provided all the details necessary to “reconstruct” their economic activities. One must use a metaphorical magnifying glass to be able to see all the hidden clues. Jesuits and Global Goods is structured in the following way. The Introduction has laid out the main theoretical and methodological guidelines with which my research engages. Chapter 2 presents the general characteristics of the Society of Jesus, its organization in the territories of my study (Macao and Paraguay), and how these particularities affected the mobilization of human and material resources, especially Asian goods, during the development of the Jesuits’ missionary work. Chapter 3 studies the port of Macao and the activities of the Jesuits in that region. I point out how their evangelizing activities developed their links to the Chinese empire, but fundamentally I emphasize the commercial exchanges that the port of Macao carried out with other Asian regions. In this context, I point out the role played by the Jesuits and the goods they traded in that region for the growth of their evangelizing work. Chapter 4 focuses on the port of Buenos Aires and the work carried out there by the Society of Jesus. I focus especially on the illegal trade (the infamous contrabando) that took place in that port. What were the mechanisms of exchange that took place and what role did the Jesuits of that region play in this exchange? From this point onwards, the commercial relations of the port of Buenos Aires with the coast of Brazil are studied, thus proposing a new perspective from which to understand the introduction of Asian goods into those Latin American regions. This was a task in which the members of the Society of Jesus played a leading role, as they are accused on numerous occasions of trafficking various types of goods from their college in the city of Buenos Aires.

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Chapter 5 analyses the arrival of Asian goods at the Paraguayan missions. After a series of exchanges and by various routes, silk, lozas [wares], and other mercaderías [merchandise] of Asian origin arrived at the Guaraní missions. How they were consumed, their volume, and the socio-cultural changes they brought about are the main questions I seek to answer in this last chapter. I end with some general conclusions about my study, which I hope will be an important contribution to this type of research.

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———. 2021. “That the Reductions Had Been Noise of Weapons...”. The Introduction of Firearms in the Jesuit Missions of Paraguay (17th Century). In American Globalization, 1492–1850. Trans-Cultural Consumption in Spanish Latin America, ed. Bartolomé Yun Casalilla, Ilaria Berti, and Omar Svriz Wucherer, 245–265. London: Routledge. Thompson, Edward Palmer. 1966. History from Below. The times Literary Supplement 65: 275–280. Trivellato, Francesca. 2021. On the Margins. Capitalism: A Journal of History and Economics 2 (2): 249–256. Van Dyke, Paul A. 2016. Merchants of Canton and Macao. Success and Failure in the Eighteenth-Century Chinese Trade. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press. Vilardaga, José Carlos. 2010. São Paulo na órbita do Império dos Felipes: conexões castelhanas de uma vila da América portuguesa durante a União Ibérica (1580–1640). São Paulo: Universidade de São Paulo. ———. 2017a. Na bagagem dos peruleros: mercadoria de contrabando e o caminho proibido de São Paulo ao Paraguai na primeira metade do século XVII. Anais do Museu Paulista 25 (1): 127–147. ———. 2017b. Porosas fronteiras: a dinâmica colonial e o espaço guairenho nos séculos XVI e XVII. In Iuri Cavlak, Jadson Luis Rebelo Porto, and Andrius Estevam Noronha (org.), Faces da Fronteira: Desafios e Perspectivas de Regioes Lindeiras, vol. 2, 190–209. Macapá: UNIFAP. ———. 2019. Fronteiras instáveis e alianças cambiantes: a ocupação colonial do Guairá e as relações entre Villa Rica del Espiritu Santo e São Paulo de Piratininga entre os séculos XVI e XVII. Revista de Indias 79 (277): 659–695. Vu Thanth, Hèléne, and Inés G. Zupanov, eds. 2020. Trade and Finance in Global Missions 16th–18th Centuries. Leiden: Brill. Wallerstein, Immanuel. 1979a. The Capitalist World-Economy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ———. 1979b. El Moderno Sistema Mundial. La agricultura capitalista y los orígenes de la economía-mundo europea en el siglo XVI . México D.F.: Siglo XXI. Wilde, Guillermo. 2009. Religión y poder en las misiones de guaraníes. Buenos Aires: SB. ———. 2011. Saberes de la conversión. Jesuitas, indígenas e imperios coloniales en las fronteras de la cristiandad. Buenos Aires: SB. ———. 2018. La agencia indígena y el giro hacia lo global. Historia Crítica 69: 99–114. Yun Casalilla, Bartolomé. 2019a. Iberian World Empires and the Globalization of Europe 1415–1668. London: Palgrave. ———. 2019b. Los imperios ibéricos y la globalización de Europa (siglos XV a XVII). Barcelona: Galaxia Gutenberg.

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———. 2019c. Globalizaciones versus imperios. Una perspectiva mundial sobre el nexo panameño en el siglo XVII. Nuevo Mundo Mundos Nuevos [En línea]. https://doi.org/10.4000/nuevomundo.78942 (22 February 2020).

CHAPTER 2

The Society of Jesus in a Global Perspective

But above all, what the Society of Jesus faces, in these parts [Macao] and in Luzon [Philippines] and New Spain, where it has already arrived, and will have arrived in Spain, is the mercancía [merchandise] and the treatment more established in our people than in Genoese, and it is not [surprising] because we never take anything from our breasts that we do not do with more eficatia [efficiency] and mañas [skill] than any other kind of people.1

Jesuit Father Alonso Sánchez’s thoughts expressed in a 1584 letter reveal that the members of the Society of Jesus played a key role in the circulation of European and Asian goods in various parts of the Iberian empires. While these fathers were establishing frontier missions in Paraguay and northern Mexico, they made their first entry into China (Cohen and Colombo 2015: 265, see Table 2.1), indicating the global dimension of their commercial activities. The Society of Jesus thus developed in parallel 1 We have translated these sources; the original text said: “Pero lo que sobretodo tiene afrentada la Compañía, en estas partes [Macao] y en Luçon y Nueva España, donde ya llega, y aun a España habrá llegado, es la mercancía y trato más entablado en los nuestros que en genoveses, y no [es de extrañar] porque nunca tomamos cosa a pechos que no lo hagamos con más eficatia e mañas que ninguna outra suerte de gente”. Letter by Father Alonso Sánchez to General Father of Society of Jesus in Macao, 2 June 1584. Cited by Beites Manso (2013: 112, Note 8).

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 P. O. Svriz-Wucherer, Jesuits and Asian Goods in the Iberian Empires, 1580–1700, Palgrave Studies in Comparative Global History, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-2464-6_2

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in different parts of the world, making use of economic and human resources specific to each region. Furthermore, this eficatia e mañas [efficiency and skill] of Macao’s Jesuits took on distinctive forms, all of them with the aim of financing their activities. The Jesuit Francisco Javier’s last activities on Shangchuan Island, off the southern coast of Guangdong, China, illustrate this well.2 Since 1550, the Portuguese used Shangchuan Island as an entry point to the Canton trade markets (Loureiro 2007: 34). On 19 November 1552, Francisco Javier waited anxiously for a Chinese merchant who promised to take him in his junk to the port of Canton, in exchange for a few quintals of pepper that this father would give him for his journey. The Chinese merchant never arrived, and four days later, Father Francisco Javier died on the island, at the gates of the new China Mission (Espadinha and Díaz de Seabra 2005: IX). Therefore, Francisco Javier did not manage to enter mainland China “which everyone says is a very rich land of many silks”.3 This example indicates that from the beginning of their missionary work in Asia, the Jesuits were linked to local merchants and the circulation of goods in order to carry out evangelization. Similarly, Father Alonso Sánchez explained in 1584 that the Mandarins ordered the Portuguese merchants not to go to Canton without one Jesuit Father: ...because every time they go alone they say that they do a thousand desatinados [foolish things], but that the fathers are like chinas, men of reason and justice and pacifists who do not bring weapons, and that is why they [Mandarins] want them to go with them so that they can restrain them.4

However, this particularity should not be linked only to Asian territories since it occurred in many missionary spaces of the Society of Jesus

2 On Saint Francisco Javier’s life, see a biographical summary in Spanish in Javier Burrieza Sánchez, “San Francisco Javier” in https://dbe.rah.es/biografias/9857/san-fra ncisco-javier (8 March 2021). 3 My translation; the original in Spanish said, “…lo que todos dicen, tierra muy rica de muchas sedas”. Letter of Francisco Javier on 29 January 1552, transcripted in Lacouture (2006: 202). 4 Original in Spanish said, “… porque cada cuando van solos dicen que hacen mil desatinado, mas que los padres son como chinas, hombres de razo[n] y justicia y pacíficos que no trahe[n] armas y q[ue] por esso quiere[n] q[ue] vaya[n] co[n] ellos para q[ue] los refrene”. Relación del segundo viaje del jesuita Alonso Sánchez en China en 1584. AGI. Filipinas, 79. Nº13. f.1vta.

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(Alden 1996: 528–551). For example, on 30 March 1642, Simão de Vasconcelos, Jesuit procurator general of Brazil, requested confirmation of the grant made during the Union of the Iberian crowns (1580–1640) by King Philip III to the college of Bahia in order to plant and cultivate for the Kingdom of Portugal 20,000 quintals of ginger in fifteen years; the payment of dividends and a license to sail to that kingdom with a palo brasil for eight years; salt of the Kingdom of Portugal for Brazil; and also more congruas for the religious who serve in the Aldeias of Indians.5 More than twenty years later, on 22 June 1664, Jesuit One Tomson showed the English writer and diarist John Evelyn a collection of rarities that had been sent from the Jesuits in Japan and China to their Order in Paris, as a present to be reserved in their repository, but had been brought to London by the East India Company. Upon examining the goods Evelyn proclaimed “…as in my life I had not seen” and then proceeded to itemize the objects: …rhinoceros’s horns; glorious vests, wrought and embroidered on cloth of gold, but with such lively colours, that for splendour and vividness we have nothing in Europe that approaches it; a girdle studded with agates and rubies of great value and size; knives, of so keen an edge as one could not touch them […]; fans, like those our ladies use, but much larger, and with long handles curiously carved and filled with Chinese characters […] flowers, trees, beasts, birds, etc., excellently wrought in a kind of sleeve silk, very natural; divers drugs that our druggists and physicians could make nothing of….6

This list indicates the commercial links between Asia and Europe and the Jesuits’ role in this luxury trade. Throughout the eighteenth century, such Asian rarities arrived in European cities and changed the consumption patterns of their inhabitants. These luxury goods arrived through the great merchant trading companies of the British empire (Berg 2003) and also through transnational trade routes involving small traders in response to the increased demand for these goods (Pérez-García 2013, 2019, 2020).

5 AHU/CU/BA. Caixa 8. Doc. Nº 955. 6 The Diary of John Evelyn, edited by William Bray. Washington and London: M. Walter

Dune, 1901: 373–374; Wright (2005: 83).

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The appetite for Chinese good began in Europe in the late seventeenth century, especially after the opening of the port of Canton to Western trade prompted the desire for Chinese or Oriental art pieces (D’Ávila Lourido 2007: 52). Of course, the Portuguese empire had established these connections between Europe and Asia during the Early Modern period (Boxer 1969; Boyajian 1993; Bethencourt and Curto 2007; Disney 2009; D’Ávila Lourido 2007, 2010; and others), and the axis Canton-Macao was crucial in this diffusion of Asian goods (Van Dyke 2016; Pérez-García 2020).7 Thus, city ports such as Macao were fundamental links to boosting the desire for these products in both Europe and Latin America (especially in Brazil). Within this complex process, the descriptions and letters of the Jesuits living in Macao and China were important elements in this dissemination of Chinese goods and lifestyle (D’Ávila Lourido 2007: 62). Accordingly, their eficatia e mañas in Pacific regions can be extended to the far frontiers of Latin American, and also to the main European cities, thus characterizing the Society of Jesus as a “global religious order”. In order to understand these Jesuit global connections, it is necessary to analyse how this religious order was organized and how it functioned during the early modern period.

2.1

Organization of a Global Religious Order

Rapid growth and an effective centralized government characterized the Society of Jesus during the early modern era. Ignacio de Loyola and six other young men had founded the Society in Montmartre outside of Paris in 1534, and six years later, Pope Paul III gave his approval of this religious order.8 The phrase totus mundus nostra habitation fit (the world is

7 This commercial axis will be protected by the inhabitants of Macao from the intervention of the great Portuguese merchants from Goa (D’Ávila Lourido 2010: 42). 8 Numerous works have been written on the life of Saint Ignacio de Loyola, among the most recent are García-Hernán (2012). A good biographical summary in Spanish including numerous bibliographical references can be found in José Martínez de la Escalera, “San Ignacio de Loyola” in http://dbe.rah.es/biografias/12735/san-ignaciode-loyola (8 March 2021).

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our home) by Jerónimo Nadal, one of Ignacio de Loyola’s closest collaborators, is key to understanding the global mission behind the Society of Jesus.9 Table 2.1 presents this process of expansion during the first fortyfive years of the Society in on four continents.10 Although not reflecting success in each space, it does illustrate the Society’s territorial breadth in the first decades after its founding. Table 2.2 shows the Jesuit provinces and their date of establishment, revealing the organization process in each territory. Tables 2.3 and 2.4 indicate the rapid increase in the Society’s members. Within the Society, a vertical and orderly structure was established which was regulated by rules, ordinances, and instructions issued by the Jesuit Father General in order to control each of his subordinates. In this way, Ignacio de Loyola’s original hope to preserve for the Society of Jesus the characteristics of the original group of friends who came together to better serve their God and their brothers continued. Accordingly, obedience and subordination were the two fundamental principles behind the Society of Jesus’ government at both the provincial Table 2.1 Arrival of Jesuits to various parts of the world

Year

Territory

Year

Territory

1540 1542 1544 1549 1560 1561 1562 1565 1567

Portugal India Spain Brazil Mozambique Hungary Netherlands Poland Perú

1569 1572 1579 1579 1579 1579 1581 1582 1588

Florida México England Sweden Macao Japan Philippines China Paraguay

Source Author’s own elaboration based on information in Wright (2005: 78–82, 91), Pavone (2007: 26), and Burrieza Sánchez (2008: 207)

9 On Jerónimo Nadal’s life see a biographical summary in Spanish in Javier Burrieza Sánchez, “Jerónimo Nadal Morey” in http://dbe.rah.es/biografias/15573/jeronimonadal-morey (8 March 2021). 10 We could include a fifth continent (Oceania) in the middle of seventeenth century, where the Jesuits arrived around 1668 (Coello de la Rosa 2019).

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Table 2.2 Foundation of the Jesuit provinces

Province

Year of foundation

Province of Goa Brazilian Province Peruvian Province Mexican Province Japanese Province Philippines Province (since 1595 Vice-Province) Malabar Province (since 1601 Vice-Province) Paraguayan Province Chinese Province Chilean Province (since 1625 Vice-Province) Province of New Granada (since 1607 Vice-Province) Province of Quito

1549 1553 1568 1572 1583 1605 1605 1607 1623 1683 1696 1696

Source Original in Spanish in Hausberger (2018: 99)

Table 2.3 Total number of Jesuits

Year

Members

Year

Members

1556 1565 1588 1600

1,000 3,500 5,000 8,519

1616 1626 1679 1710

13,112 15,544 17,655 19,998

Source Author’s own elaboration based on information in Standaert (1991: 8) and Pavone (2007: 25)

and global levels. There was a hierarchy of roles, in which the Father General in Rome was “…the head of the whole system, followed by the provincials, the rectors of the colleges and the other local superiors” (Pavone 2007: 22). The precepts linked to obedience that were imposed by the hierarchy of the Order over the years were in full force and effect until some other Jesuit Father superior expressly revoked them. Thus, it did not matter if the superior who had initially sanctioned them had

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Table 2.4 Number of Jesuits and its distribution in the Portuguese Assistance Year

Goa

1549 1559 1571 1582 1587 1599 1600 1601 1605 1607 1610 1614 1616 1617 1620 1624 1626 1627 1628 1632 1633 1641 1679 1709 1710

42 112 194 302 311 321

258

266

Ethiopia

6 5 3 2 1 1 1 5 5

Japan

China

2 8 13 94

0 0 4 11 11

109

11

140

17a

Portuguese Assistance

500

1.230

5 24

304

5 7 13 20 19

261 268

23 8 0

245

115 106 165

1.350 29 634

32 770 77

a Does not include college at Macao

Source Author’s own elaboration based on information in Alden (1996: 46), Martínez D´Alos-Moner (2014: 394), and Standaert (1991: 8)

left office, or even if he had died, his orders of obedience were to be respected.11 This underlines the value of this principle within the organization of this religious order, but we must not forget that this rule or theory, once put into practice, acquired certain particularities. The historian Fabian

11 “Carta del Padre Mucio Viteleschi del 28 de febrero de 1639”. BNM. Cartas Provinciales Jesuitas. Manuscrito 6.976, pp. 4–5.

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Fechner has analysed the limitations of this polyvalent concept of “obedience” within the Society of Jesus.12 He focuses on the application of this concept in the Jesuit Province of Paraguay and the “free” spaces in which local authorities could make their decisions, thus showing the degree of “autonomy” that existed in this type of frontier space (Fechner 2017: 30– 38). About subordination, St Ignacio de Loyola said “…it [a principle] was valid in all well-regulated states, as well as in the ecclesiastical hierarchy, and that without it only chaos could reign” (Pavone 2007: 22). So, both are fundamentals to explain the global and provincial levels of the Society of Jesus’ governance. Communications played a very important role within the Order, as it sought to keep its members in constant contact with each other despite their physical remoteness (Friedrich 2007, 2008a, b; Delfosse 2009; Maldavsky 2012; Nelles 2014, 2015; Fechner and Wilde 2020). So, in this way, Jesuit letters are crucial sources for understanding the Order (Nelles 2019). Ignacio de Loyola himself wrote more than six thousand letters (not counting the more than two thousand replies sent to him) which testify to his constant letter writing as a means of directing the Order (Pavone 2007: 20). The rhythm of Jesuit communication was regulated by various written rules. One of the first was drafted by Juan Alfonso de Polanco, secretary of the Order, in 1547, the Reglas que deven observer acerca del escribir [Rules that must be observed concerning writing].13 Paul Nelles has stated that this rule “detailed the contours of Jesuit communication with Rome and grounded routine communication in the need to unify the far-flung members of the order” (Nelles 2015: 424–425). This process accelerated during the long governance of Father General Claudio Acquaviva (1581–1615). The use of letters as a mechanism of control was increased and perfected, and Acquaviva’s letters (instructions) took on a precise normative value (Pavone 2007: 47). The obstacle of distance was thus overcome by communicating through letters that permanently linked the Father General in Rome with the various 12 The idea of obedience is analyzed by St. Ignacio de Loyola in one of his famous letter of 1553 (Pavone 2007: 21). 13 On Juan Alfonso Polanco’s life, see a biographical summary in Spanish in Javier Burrieza Sánchez, “Juan Alfonso de Polanco” in https://dbe.rah.es/biografias/15585/ juan-alfonso-de-polanco (8 March 2021). The activity of Polanco about organization of Jesuit communication in Nelles (2015 and 2019).

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missionary centres, establishing guidelines and advice on the one hand and raising problems on the other. In addition, numerous letters circulated within the boundaries of each Jesuit Province in order to keep their highest authorities permanently informed. The first provincial of Paraguay, Jesuit Father Diego de Torres Bollo, expressed himself in this way, stating in his Instruction of 1609: Keep in mind to write down all the things of edification that happen to you, to write them to the Superior of the Assumption, and to me; which you will do on all occasions, reporting everything; and the necessary things....14

Diego de Torres Bollo is an interesting figure in fact because he held various positions within the Order, had a deep knowledge of its hierarchical structure, and was well aware of the needs of its government. He arrived in the Jesuit Province of Peru in 1581 and was appointed Superior of the Residence and Doctrine of Juli, where he carried out missionary work for five years. In 1586, he was appointed rector father in the college of Cuzco. Six years later, Father Torres Bollo went to Quito (Ecuador), where he became rector of the college in that city and then was secretary to the Provincial Juan Sebastián de la Parra during his inspection tour of that province (1595–1597). Following this, he was rector of the college in Potosí for two years (1597) and again secretary, but this time to Father Procurator Esteban Pérez, who came from Rome to begin a visitation of the province that lasted from 1599 to the end of 1600. Then, a Provincial Congregation was held in Lima where Father Torres Bollo was elected procurator in Europe for the Province of Peru (1600–1604). On his return to the Americas, he was the founder and first Provincial of the New Kingdom (1605–1606), and finally, three years later, he became the first Provincial of the new Jesuit Province of Paraguay (Storni 1980: 286; Maeder 1999; Moreno Jeria 2000). Sometime later, this fluid contact between the members of the Order became obligatory in the Jesuit Province of Paraguay in the Ordenanzas of 1623, which stated that: 14 My translation; original in Spanish said, “Tengan cuenta de ir apuntando todas las cosas de edificación que les sucedieren, para escribirlas al Superior de la Asunción, y á mi; lo cual harán en todas ocasiones avisando de todo; y de las cosas necesarias…”. Art. 4°. Primera Instrucción del P. Torres. Para el Guayrá.1609 (Hernández, Vol. 1, 1913: 580–584).

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… all the principal priests will be consultors to the Superior of all of them, and they will have the obligation to write to the Provincial Father on all occasions about the Observance and the good state of the Reductions.15

This top-down system of government meant that the Father General of the Order residing in Rome would have as complete a knowledge as possible of each and every one of the fathers who made up the Society of Jesus, no matter where they were in the world, in order to be able to guide and govern them in their service to God and to their brothers. This idea will be elaborated upon in subsequent sections, especially with regard to Jesuit participation in the circulation of products in different areas, but it serves as a first indication of the important place the Father General occupied in the Order’s system of government. This verticality was reproduced in each of the Jesuit provinces, where the Father Provincial had to be sufficiently informed of the activities of each of the priests who lived in the province he administered. This information was very important, since it was then used by the Provincial to draw up the periodic reports that he sent to the Father General in Rome. In them, he reported on the situation of the province, the number of priests in it, the progress of the evangelizing work, and the problems and challenges faced in these regions. Through these reports, the so-called Cartas Anuas [Annual Letters], it was possible to maintain the aforementioned fluid contact between the Jesuit provinces and the authority in Rome.16 But, in addition to these internal reasons, these periodical epistles had two very important external justifications for being written. The first was to share and use their news, 15 My translation;original in Spanish said, “Todos los Curas principales serán consultores del Superior de todas ellas, y tendrán obligación de escribir al P[adre] Provincial en todas ocasiones, acerca de la Observancia y del buen estado de las Reducciones”. Art. 29°. Ordenaciones de la Provincia del Paraguay del P. Provincial Nicolás Durán. 1623 (Pastells 1912: 391–394). 16 Although these reports of the Jesuit province of Paraguay are referred to as Annual Letters, this term can be misleading, since in practice they were only annual between 1609 and 1617. In the following years there were biannual letters (1618–1619; 1626– 1627; 1645–1646), triannual letters (1632–1634; 1635–1637; 1637–1639; 1641–1643; 1647–1649; 1650–1652; 1652–1654) and even some others covering a longer period of time, such as the one written by Father Pedro Lozano, [not in this chapter] to which we have already referred, corresponding to the decade 1720–1730. Therefore, during the long period of time from 1609 to 1762, we do not find an “annual regularity” as its name indicates. Something similar will be found in other missionary spaces.

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both news referring to the progress and advances in the evangelising work and also news detailing the difficulties that many Jesuits were experiencing in distant territories, especially in cases of martyrdom that could motivate future missionaries. Second, the information in the Cartas Anuas was used so that the bienhechores [benefactor] friends of the Society of Jesus would maintain their benevolence and help with the Order (especially financially), as they felt in a certain way that they had a share in all the actions and achievements in those distant regions.17 Regarding the letters of the Society of Jesus, it is important to differentiate between those that sought to foster vocations and were openly disseminated, and those epistles for internal and reserved use, where internal conflicts and dissidence are clearly visible (Fechner and Wilde 2020: 2). In this case, the information of Cartas Anuas served as a recruitment propaganda tool that awakened the enthusiasm and interest of young people to be part of the evangelising action carried out by this religious order in distant and unknown regions. As Aliocha Maldavsky has stated, “It cannot be ruled out that the Society of Jesus deliberately maintained an inaccurate and even erroneous image of its non-European provinces in order to encourage the missionary vocation”.18 In summary, the Society of Jesus had a hierarchical and vertical structure that at the same time was organized so that its members kept in constant communication. In this sense, the Society is often represented as a tree during the early modern era. Each assistance made up the trunk, the provinces formed its branches, and the leaves were the cities where the Jesuits had an important presence. It is a good allegory, as depicted in Illustration 2.1, for understanding this religious order and how it operated during these years.19

17 Cartas Anuas de la Provincia del Paraguay, 1637–1639. Adv. Ernesto J. A. Maeder. Introduction and notes Hugo Storni. Buenos Aires: FECIC, 1984: 15. 18 My translation; original in Spanish said, “No es de descartar la idea que la Compañía de Jesús mantuviera deliberadamente una imagen imprecisa y hasta errónea de sus provincias extraeuropeas, con el fin de fomentar la vocación misionera…” (Maldavsky 2012: 163). 19 Athanasius Kircher depicted the Society of Jesus in a similar way in 1646, see this image in Martínez-Serna (2009: 184).

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Illustration 2.1 Allegory of the Tree. Jesuit organization (Source BNF. Arbre Géographique contenant les Établissements des Jésuites par toute la Terre et le Nombre des Sujettes qui composent cette Société. Tiré d’un Catalogue envoyé de Rome en 1762: Le gouvernement des Jésuites se divise en 5 assistances qui comprennent 39 provinces, 24 maisons professes, 669 collèges, 61 noviciats, 176 semminaires, 335 résidences, 223 missions, 22787 Jésuites, dont 11010 sont prêtres. Paris, 1762–1767. https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b530649288/)

2.2

Different Roles in the Same Religious Order

The Constitutions of the Society of Jesus were very clear about the different roles its members had in the Order: In the body all the members are not eyes, nor ears, nor hands, nor feet; and as each member has his office and is content with it, so also in the body of the Society not all can be learned, nor all priests, but each one

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must be content with the office that belongs to him according to the will and judgement of the superior, who must give an account to God of all his own.20

Looking at the members’ activities in Macao and Paraguay, it is important to understand how this role variation was integrated within the Society’s hierarchy. As noted above, at the top was the Father General who resided in Rome, who held this position for life and was in charge of appointing the various provincials, rectors, prepositos, and other fathers to exercise their functions for previously fixed periods of time. In addition, the Father General made the final decisions regarding the incorporation of new members into the Order, as well as the dismissal of those who proved unsuitable for their functions within the Order. Table 2.5 presents the fathers who held the position of Father Jesuit General until its abolishment. Then, the Society of Jesus divided into different Asistencias [Assistance], which in the tree analogy represented the trunk (see Illustration 2.2). The Asistencia de Portugal [Portuguese Assistancy] was the oldest and most extensive of the Jesuits globally, which meant that two other centres played a key role in its administration: Goa and Brazil. The Province of Portugal was formed in 1546, the Province of Goa only three years later (1549), and the Province of Brazil in 1553. As happened in other regions, vice-provinces were formed to enable the Order to better administer the territories, and thus, the provinces of Japan (1583), Malabar (1601), and China (1623) were established. In the case of the first two, with the passage of time, they became provinces in 1611 and 1605, respectively, which shows the complexity of administering those regions. In the case of Brazil, the Vice-Province of Maranhao was established in 1727.21 So, the city of Macao had a Jesuit college, but did not play a key role in this administrative Jesuit structure. Conversely, the Asistencia de España [Spanish Assistancy] grew very fast. It included the Province of Spain, formed in 1547, which was then 20 Original in Spanish said, “En el cuerpo todos los miembros no son ojos, ni orejas, ni manos, ni pies; y como cada miembro tiene su oficio y se contenta con él, así también en el cuerpo de la Compañía no todos pueden ser letrados, ni todos sacerdotes, sino que cada uno se ha de contentar con el oficio que le toca según la voluntad y juicio del superior, el cual ha de dar cuenta a Dios de todos los suyos”, words by Ignacio de Loyola cited in Burrieza Sánchez (2008: 186). 21 See this Organization and also, the intra-Assistancy rivalries in Alden (1996: 235– 241).

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Table 2.5 List of Jesuit General Fathers

Name

Period

Ignacio de Loyola Diego Laínez Francisco de Borja Everard Mercuriano Claudio Aquaviva Mucio Vitelleschi Vicenzo Carafa Francisco Piccolómini Alejandro Gottifredi Goswin Níkel Juan Paulo Oliva Carlos de Noyelle Tirso González Miguel Angel Tamburini Francisco Retz Ignacio Visconti Luis Centurione Lorenzo Ricci

1541–1556 1558–1565 1565–1672 1573–1580 1581–1615 1615–1645 1646–1649 1649–1651 1652–1652 1652–1664 1664–1681 1682–1686 1687–1705 1706–1730 1730–1750 1751–1755 1755–1757 1758–1773

Source Author’s own elaboration based on information in Furlong (1962: 618–621) and Mörner (2008: 236)

divided into Castilla, Aragón, and Bética provinces (1554). In this same year, the Province of Aragón was created, and the Province of Toledo was formed in 1562. Subsequently, to all these Jesuit provinces were added those founded in the Americas (included here Paraguay) and the Philippines, so the Asistencia de España had an extensive jurisdiction (see Astrain 1902, 1909, 1913, 1914, 1916, 1920, 1925). The Jesuit Province of Paraguay had a Father Provincial, who was the highest authority in that territory and resided in the city of Cordoba. The Provincial was in charge of regulating and controlling the activities of the rectors of the colleges, the Prepositos, the Superiores of the Missions, as well as the missionary fathers of each of the reductions. Furthermore, in 1630, a decree of the Audiencia de Charcas granted the Jesuit provincials the position of protectors of the Indians in the area of their missions. Scholars have debated the objective of this provision, some interpreting it as a step prior to the granting of permisos [licences] by the crown to allow firearms training of the Guaraní. In contrast, Magnus Mörner considers this decree was primarily directed against the interests of the Paraguayan encomenderos. What cannot be doubted is that this provision generated

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Illustration 2.2 Portugal and Spain Assistance, two territories of the same trunk (Source BNF. Arbre Géographique contenant les Établissements des Jésuites par toute la Terre et le Nombre des Sujettes qui composent cette Société. Tiré d’un Catalogue envoyé de Rome en 1762: Le gouvernement des Jésuites se divise en 5 assistances qui comprennent 39 provinces, 24 maisons professes, 669 collèges, 61 noviciats, 176 semminaires, 335 résidences, 223 missions, 22787 Jésuites, dont 11010 sont prêtres. Paris, 1762–1767. https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b5 30649288/)

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further conflict between the Jesuits and the Paraguayan encomenderos, since the latter claimed this title as their own (Mörner 2008: 51 and 181, note 14). Table 2.6 lists the fathers who held this position up to the time of their expulsion (1767–1768). Generally, Provincial Fathers served for three years, but this could be longer or shorter dependent on when they needed to give a greater service to God (Alden 1996: 243). Table 2.6 lists forty-four Provincial Fathers of Paraguay and most of them were in government for more than three years. A similar situation can be observed in the Jesuit provinces of the Portuguese Asistencia (see Alden 1996: 244). In addition, each province or vice-province was headed by a provincial or a vice-provincial who Table 2.6 List of Jesuit Provincial Fathers in Paraguay Name

Period

Name

Period

Diego de Torres Bollo Pedro de Oñate Nicolas Durán Mastrilli Francisco Vázquez Trujillo Diego de Boroa Francisco Lupercio de Zurbano Juan Bautista Ferrufino Juan Pastor Lorenzo Sobrino Francisco Vázquez de la Mota Simón de Ojeda Andrés de Rada Francisco Jiménez Andrés de Rada Agustín de Aragon Cristóbal Gómez Tomás Dombidas Diego Francisco Altamirano Tomás de Baeza Tomás Dombidas Gregorio Orozco Lauro Núñez

1607–1615 1615–1623 1623–1628 1628–1633 1633–1640 1640–1646

Simón de León Ignacio Frías Lauro Núñez Blas de Silva Antonio Garriga Luis de la Roca

1695–1698 1698–1702 1702–1706 1706–1709 1709–1713 1713–1717

1646–1651 1651–1654 1654–1655 1655–1658

Juan Bautista de Cea José Aguirre Luis de la Roca Ignacio Arteaga

1717–1719 1719–1722 1722–1726 1726–1727

1658–1663 1663 1664–1666 1666–1669 1669–1672 1672–1676 1676–1677 1677–1681

Lorenzo Rillo Jerónimo Herrán Jaime de Aguilar Sebastián de San Martín Antonio Machoni Pedro de Arroyo Bernardo Nussdorffer Manuel Querini

1727–1729 1729–1733 1733–1738 1738–1739 1739–1743 1743 1743–1747 1747–1751

1681–1684 1684–1689 1689–1692 1692–1695

José Barreda Alonso Fernández Pedro Juan Andreu Manuel Vergara

1751–1757 1757–1761 1762–1766 1766–1768

Source Author’s own elaboration based on information in Furlong (1962: 309–312) and Mörner (2008: 236)

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supervised corps of rectors and superiors. These corps administered Jesuit colleges, novitiates, professed houses, seminaries, missions, and properties (Alden 1996: 241). Another significant institution for the functioning of the Society of Jesus was the Congregaciones Provinciales [Provincial Congregations]. These were meetings convened by the Father Provincial and held by the Order in each of its provinces. The European provinces held these provincial congregations every three years, while the overseas provinces, given their greater extension and distance, met less frequently, every six years in the case of the Paraguayan Province (Fechner 2014: 103).22 These meetings were attended by the most experienced Jesuits, the local superiors or rectors of the colleges, and the professed fathers, who represented approximately one-fifth to one-sixth of all the priests belonging to a Jesuit Province. For three, five, or more days, they discussed the state of the province and the needs of the province, and made so-called “postulates” addressed to the Father General in Rome, in which they sent the necessary petitions for the progress of the Order in these regions (Furlong 1962: 309). This whole process was not without disagreements, however, between majority positions and small groups of fathers with different political and administrative ideas. Both perspectives, as Fabian Fechner has stated, were reflected in the two types of sources produced: “…the petitions written in Latin which were formulated and supported by all the assembled religious or by an absolute majority of them” and the minority group of fathers who proposed “…their political and administrative ideas in special petitions, called memoriales particulares, which were written in lengua de Castilla [Spanish language]” (Fechner 2015: 101). Furthermore, one or more procurator fathers were appointed during each Provincial Congregation to travel to Europe. It is important to note that the Constitutions of the Society of Jesus only mentioned two procurator offices: the procurator general and the provincial procurator. However, more procuratorial posts were created to meet the size, needs, and increased membership of this religious order. “These specialized posts included court procurators and procurators representing several Jesuit provinces collectively to the Society’s headquarters in Rome” (Martínez-Serna 2009: 185). Importantly, the main mission of the elected provincial procurator was to obtain all the necessary goods and products for their Jesuit Province,

22 Fabian Fechner also analyzed the various issues that were dealt with in the congregations of the Jesuit province of Paraguay (Fechner 2015).

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as well as to recruit new fathers to the evangelization mission (Zubillaga 1947, 1953; Mörner 1971; Oka 2006: Alcalá 2007; Martínez-Serna 2009; Montiel 2012; Araneda Riquelme and Gaune Corradi 2020). These procurator fathers had a key role because their testimonies complemented all the written reports that were sent from the Jesuit missions. Fabian Fechner thus considers these overseas procurator fathers as a cartas vivas [living letter] to Europe (Fechner 2014: 100). This was particularly significant since “one of the duties of the overseas provincial procurators was the preparation of the yearly want lists that reflected requests sent to the provincials from colleges and missions for goods from Europe” (Alden 1996: 306). At the same time, these Procuradores fathers in Europe generated a great deal of expense for each Jesuit Province. Magnus Mörner has described the large amount of debt that the Procuradores of Paraguay incurred throughout the eighteenth century. For example, the European mission of Jesuit Fathers Diego Garvia and Juan José Rico (1739–1745) owed some 175,000 pesos (Mörner 1971: 380).23 However, it is interesting to note the various ways this sum was paid back, including a transfer of 30,000 pesos from Paraguayan Jesuits to their partners in Europe, through their contacts in the Portuguese empire.24 This was made possible through the Portuguese Jesuit Father Manuel de Campos (mathematician and confessor to one of the princes of the Portuguese royal house), who managed to transfer these funds from Buenos Aires to Colonia del Sacramento and then from there to Rio de Janeiro. In this Brazilian port, and thanks to the contacts of Father Campos, the Macao Trade Company intervened and decided to advance the money in Lisbon. As the records reveal, the convoluted journey began in 1744, when the 30,000 pesos crossed the frontier between the Iberian crowns in a cajón [crate] to the Princess of Asturias, under a “service of white China adamascado [with damask], and various books of preaching

23 On the life of these Jesuits, see Storni (1980: 115 and 238). 24 The remaining money was remitted in several ways: the first was carried in cash by

Jesuit Fathers Rico and Garvia (116,357 pesos); the second, a shipment of silver worth 12,000 pesos, was sent in two ships from the British seat to London, from where it was transferred to the Procuradores (discounting certain freight charges); and 15,000 pesos were taken by the Captain of the ship Francisco de Alzaibar from Buenos Aires to be delivered to the Procuradores or to the Procurador General de Indias in Spain (Mörner 1971: 380–381).

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and morals”25 (Mörner 1971: 381–383). This is very telling because it indicates that Chinese goods played an important role in the gifts received by these Procuradores in Europe. Father Rico’s accounts also reveal that he had earlier paid 50 pesos in June 1742, for “a gift that was made to the wife of a Spanish Minister (…) of various things of devotion and a set of China porcelain [losa]”.26 Likewise, in October 1743, he paid 60 pesos for similar Chinese gifts to the wife of a Minister, explaining “that he [the minister] favoured us a lot in the Guarani’s expediente [dossier] and has always done so with our province”.27 In a similar way, Luisa Elena Alcalá has analysed the mission initiated by the Procuradores of New Spain, Father Francisco Javier de Paz and Father Pedro de Echávarri in 1744. The coadjutor Brother Vicente Vera left an account book detailing the purchases made in Europe until around 1750 (Alcalá 2007: 142). It should be noted, as Alcalá does, that individuals could either buy the mercaderías [merchandise] that arrived in the Americas in the commercial flotas [fleets] or purchase merchandise through these missions from the Procuradores fathers. The difference was between buying cheaper products, given that they were acquired directly in Europe and were exempt from taxes, because Jesuits passed these goods as materials for their mission. Or, being able to choose what was bought instead of buying what was available (Alcalá 2007: 143). In this sense, the Jesuits bought the specialties of each place, such as polychrome sculptures in Naples, precious stones (chalcedony and lapis lazuli) in Milan, glass in Venice, or devotional objects acquired mostly in Rome, except those related to the Virgin of Loreto which were bought in the town of the same name (Alcalá 2007: 146). In other words, Jesuit Procuradores were bought on commission, and not only to other members of the Society of Jesus but also to “friends” of this religious order in New Spain.

25 Original in Spanish said, “servicio de China blanca admascado e varios libros de prédica y moral” (Mörner 1971: 383). 26 “Razón del Recibo y data del Padre Procurador Juan Joseph Rico por su Provincia del Paraguay desde 23 de Octubre de 1741 en que salió de Madrid para el puerto de Santa María el Padre Procurador General Diego Garvia hasta 23 de Marzo de 1745 en que en Cádiz nos hicimos a la Vela”. f.4. (Mörner 1971: 398). 27 “Razón del Recibo y data del Padre Procurador Juan Joseph Rico por su Provincia del Paraguay desde 23 de Octubre de 1741 en que salió de Madrid para el puerto de Santa María el Padre Procurador General Diego Garvia hasta 23 de Marzo de 1745 en que en Cádiz nos hicimos a la Vela”. f.10v. (Mörner 1971: 413). Details about the objectives of the missions of Fathers Garvia and Rico, in Mörner (1971: 372–380).

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Thus, Brother Vicente Vera, on his return to Mexico in 1750, calculated that 8,924 pesos in total purchases were made in Europe, which included 2,353 pesos in orders from private individuals. This means that 26% corresponds to orders from the procurator fathers (Alcalá 2007: 144). Since the Jesuits had only four main sources of income: state patronage, private benefactors, trade, and lands/properties (Vermote 2019: 129), these private benefactors were crucial in the financing of Jesuit Missions. This relationship is also evident with Jesuit Procuradores from other territories, including Macao and Paraguay. Brother Vera’s coadjutor activities also show that he was doing business for a certain profit. According to Alcalá, Vera bought two crockery sets plus a crystal bowl with a silver stand in Milan for about 100 escudos (according to this Father, equivalent to 100 pesos ) and then sold one of these items to Father Francisco de Castañeda (Procurator General of the Indies) for 100 pesos. It should be noted that Jesuit cargoes were exempt from taxes and therefore should not have contained material to be resold. However, this did take place, creating enormous problems even among the Jesuits (Alcalá 2007: 147). Another example almost a century earlier indicates how well established this trade was and how problematic it had become. General Father Goswino Nickel wrote to the Provincial of Paraguay on 28 February 1660, about the activities of Father Francisco Velázquez, Rector of the college of Córdoba (current Argentina): ...he has bought in the port of Buenos Aires various goods, spending many thousands of pesos on them, and another 4,000 pesos more on those taken from Spain, and which, as the effects show, he has done with the intention of grangear [profiting], because he has put them on sale in a strange shop and has also sold them at home.28

Several years later, on 17 June 1669, Pope Clemente IX forbade secular and regular religious orders to negotiate or trade in merchandise. This prohibition was communicated to the Province of Paraguay by Father 28 Original in Spanish said, “…ha comprado en el puerto de Buenos Aires varios

géneros, empleando en ellos muchos millares de pesos, y otros 4.000 pesos más en los que se han llevado de España, y que según muestran los efectos, lo ha hecho con intención de granjear, porque los ha puesto a vender en una tienda extraña y en casa también ha vendido…” (Astrain 1920: 425). About the meaning of grangear see D.A. Tomo IV (1734) https://apps2.rae.es/DA.html.

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General Juan Paulo Oliva, but had little impact on this trading activity.29 On 20 November 1687, Father General Tirso Gonzalez repeated Father Oliva’s prohibitions and also added two important points. First, none of the fathers could bring foreign goods into the Jesuit Province of Paraguay, and second, “neither in Buenos Aires, nor in any other part of the Jesuit Province, shall piñas,30 silver, clothes or any other from contrabando [contraband] be admitted or deposited in our home; nor shall silver be concealed or overlooked, nor shall silver be melted down, nor shall anything else be done for the benefit of seculars against the cedulas, laws or royal prohibitions”.31 As Chapter 4 will show, however, these prohibitions failed to contain these trading activities, especially in Buenos Aires. Part of the problem stemmed from the Jesuits’ institutional structure. Each Jesuit college had a procurator father who bought and sold the various goods that came into his procurator’s office. It was the key place to acquire merchandise from distant territories or goods that could not be produced in the missions. For example, a request from the Procurator of New Granada in 1654 included dozens of crates with many different types of textiles (Martínez-Serna 2009: 199). In 1715, in Jesuit missions of New Spain, Father Marcus Antonius Kappus learned in Sonora that the Manila galleon of that year had brought 5,000 fanegas of chitas from China, and he immediately approached the procurator father to obtain up to twelve pieces for his sacristy (Hausberger 2020: 160–161). Of course, these kind of activities by the procurator father in the Jesuit colleges generated criticism. In 1655, a Real Cédula [Royal Decree] to

29 “Carta de Nuestro Padre General Juan Paulo Oliva de 27 de septiembre de 1669 al Padre Provincial Christoval Gomez”. BNM. Cartas Provinciales Jesuitas. Manuscrito 6.976, pp. 15–16. 30 Piña is a form that silver takes after the Amalgamation process. See the meaning of piña in D.A. Tomo V (1737) https://apps2.rae.es/DA.html. 31 Original in Spanish said, “primero que ninguno de los nuestros introduzca en esta provincia mercaderías de extranjeros (…) segundo que ni en Buenos Aires, ni en otra parte de la Provincia se admitan o depositen en nuestras casas piñas, plata, ropa ni otra cosa de contrabando; ni se disimule o pase por alto, ni se funda la plata, ni se haga otra cosa alguna a beneficio de seculares contra las cedulas, leyes o prohibiciones reales”. “Preceptos de Nuestro Padre General Thyrso Gonzalez en carta de 20 de noviembre de 1687 al Padre Provincial Thomas Donvidas”. BNM. Cartas Provinciales Jesuitas. Manuscrito 6.976, pp. 16–17.

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the Duke of Alburquerque, viceroy of New Spain, stated that the Procuradores of the colleges of the Society of Jesus and other religious order in the Indias: ...have taken (…) dealings and trade there, bringing large quantities of silver, of mercaderías [merchandise] belonging both to their communities and to other different secular persons and goods of the deceased, which the latter (...) amount in each Flota [fleet] and galleons from 60 to 80,000 pesos....32

Furthermore, the Real Cédula added, the Procuraduría of the Society of Jesus in Seville owed more than 60,000 pesos, which indicates the flow of money within the Jesuit colleges, especially one as important as Seville where the Jesuits had seven centres.33 These were very important institutions geographically, since it was from there that they arrived, prepared, and sent their missionaries to the Americas. At the same time, the Jesuits were directly linked to remittances from this region through their procurator’s office. Thus, in the period 1753–1767, 1 out of every 100 pesos coming from the Americas was in some way related to the Jesuits (López Martínez 1991, 2000: 758; 2019: 8). However, according to the aforementioned Real Cédula of 1655, the greatest problem was that: …when they [Jesuits] pass from these Kingdoms to the Indias, with titles of linen, cloths, books for their use, crosses, relics and other things, which they say are for the service of culto divino [divine cult], they send many cajones and fardos [crates and bundles], in which they include géneros [goods], taking with this pretext licence to take them and there they benefit from them and sell them.34

32 Original in Spanish said, “…han tomado (…) trato y comercio de allá, trayendo gruesas cantidades de plata, de mercaderías pertenecientes así a sus comunidades, como de otras personas diferentes seculares y bienes de difuntos, que éstas últimas (…) importan en cada flota y galeones de 60 a 80.000 pesos…” (Astrain 1920: 407). 33 The following were founded in the city of Seville: Colegio de San Hermenegildo (1554), Oficio de Indias (1566), Casa Profesa (1579), Seminario Ingleses (1592), Noviciado (1600), Seminario Irlandeses (1617), and Seminario La Concepción or Las Becas (1620). Also, in the province of Seville localized another Jesuit centres in Marchena (1567), Écija (1583), Osuna (1615), Carmona (1620), Morón de la Frontera (1625), Utrera (1625), and Constantina (1702) (Soto Artuñedo 2016: 3–4). 34 Original in Spanish said, “cuando pasan de estos Reinos a las Indias, con títulos de lienzos, paños, libros para su uso, cruces, reliquias y otras cosas, que dicen son para el servicio del culto divino, envían muchos cajones y fardos, en que se incluyen géneros,

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So, these exchanges of money and/or goods by cajones or fardos through the Procurador father were frequent.35 Furthermore, Jesuits were constantly accused of profiting from the resale of goods. Accordingly, the Jesuit Father General Tirso González in November 1687 summarized these accusations against the Procuradores fathers of the colleges of the Jesuit Province of Paraguay in six very interesting points which I examine fully in the next chapter (Astrain 1920: 409–412). However, his second point is relevant here because it involves specific details on the resale of mercaderías [merchandise] by Jesuits in Paraguay. The first example concerned the purchase of 20,000 pesos worth of wax from several ships from Spain, although 3,000 pesos worth was enough for the missions and colleges of Cordoba, Paraguay, and Buenos Aires. The remaining wax was sold to laymen at twenty reales, having been bought at twelve, and when the ships returned, it was sold at three and half pesos more. A similar case happened with iron, which Procuradores fathers bought at twelve pesos and four reales a quintal and sold for twenty-four pesos, and when the ships left at thirty pesos. The Father General explained that this also happened with other goods such as rasos [satin] and lencerías [lingerie]. The exact accounting and amount of profit remained obscure, however. For example, last ships arrival to Buenos Aires port, Jesuits had in cash amounted to 50,000 pesos and on credit another 24,000 pesos. And even if two-thirds of them were sent to the colleges and missions (which does not seem possible), the other third amounted to more than 24,000 pesos, earning at least fifty percent. Father Tirso Gonzalez lamented that the Procuradores neither give accounts of their very large profits nor were they asked about them (Astrain 1920: 410). “This is the news that is given to us, and if it is true, as I fear with great reason, it will be a very great sorrow for me…”, he noted as he concluded his letter (Astrain 1920: 411). However, some testimonies exposed the abuses in this commercial traffic. The Provincial of Paraguay Father Simon de Leon ordered on 12 August 1697, that “…the procurators of Cordoba, Buenos Aires, Santa Fe and Potosi should not send the goods to the colleges at a higher price than they cost, and if this defect is found in any of them, they should

sacando con este pretexto licencia para llevarlos y allá los benefician y los venden” (Astrain 1920: 408). 35 A good analysis about cajones, fardos and other embalajes [packaging] in the ships of the route from Macao to Japan is in Loureriro (2007: 39–46).

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be punished with the severity that these excesses deserve”.36 Thus, this type of practice was similar to that described by Luisa Elena Alcalá for the Procuradores of New Spain. In the same way, as the saying went in the Portuguese Asia territories, “guard your wife from the friars, but watch your wallet with the Jesuits” (Clossey 2008: 163; Vermote 2019: 130). In summary, the hierarchical relationships between the different members of the Society of Jesus produced a large number of written documents which today make it possible to understand the circuits of communication that took place at different levels. But, in addition, all these sources produced at different levels allow us to obtain references to a greater or lesser extent to the economic activities carried out by the Jesuits in their missions. This means that we must not forget the structure and organization of the Society of Jesus in order to understand the process that led to the circulation of products and goods from (and to) their missions in Asia and Latin America, especially in the cases of Macao and Paraguay. Moreover, throughout the Iberian empires, the members of the Society of Jesus were directly involved in the commercial trade of different goods in order to support their missionaries and the institutions they founded (colleges, missions, etc.) in different parts of the world. State patronage, private benefactors, trade, and lands/properties were the four main sources of income to the Jesuit finances but were usually not enough, promoting more trading activities to make up the deficit (Vermote 2019: 129). In this sense, the Jesuit procurators became more important and powerful as the wealth and reach of the Society grew (Martínez-Serna 2009: 193). Thus, the Jesuits were able to exploit certain products in each territory according to their commercial possibilities and profits. As Jorge Luzio Matos Silva (2011) explains, Goa’s ivory became as important to the Jesuits as gold acquired in other regions was. Similarly, silk had a key role in the Macanese-Japanese trade during the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries (Manso 2013). Jesuit institutions in Brazil and India sent silver to Macao to purchase cloth and other objects to adorn their churches (Alden 1996: 306). The Procuradores fathers of the Jesuit

36 Original in Spanish said, “…los procuradores de Córdoba, Buenos Aires, Santa Fe

y Potosí no deben enviar los bienes a los colegios a un precio superior al que cuestan, y si se encuentra este defecto en alguno de ellos, deben ser castigados con la severidad que merecen estos excesos”. “Carta común para toda la provincia del Padre Provincial Simon de Leon de 12 de agosto de 1697”. BNM. Cartas Provinciales Jesuitas. Manuscrito 6.976, pp. 181–182.

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colleges were also very important in the circulation of yerba mate from the Paraguayan region (especially from the Jesuit missions) to various places in Latin America (Garavaglia 1983). These are only a few examples of goods in the hands of Jesuits that circulated between Asia, Europe, and Latin America through Jesuits’ institutions from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries. Figure 2.1 outlines all the above-mentioned members of the Society of Jesus and their hierarchical relationships by means of arrows, basically representing the structure and function of Jesuit Government in Paraguay and Macao. As Chapter 3 demonstrates, these Jesuit institutions were crucial for the circulation of goods in both territories.

Fig. 2.1 Structure of Jesuit Government in Paraguay and Macao (Source Author’s own elaboration based on information in Alden [1996: 229–254] and Mörner [1971: 17–20])

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References Alcalá, Luisa Elena. 2007. “De compras por Europa”: Procuradores jesuitas y cultura material en Nueva España. Goya. Revista de Arte 318: 141–158. Alden, Dauril. 1996. The Making of an Enterprise. The Society of Jesus in Portugal, Its Empire, and Beyond. 1540–1750. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Araneda Riquelme, José, and Rafael Gaune Corradi. 2020. La “Bitácora” de un Procurador jesuita. La construcción documental de un viaje Atlántico (Santiago-Madrid, 1694–1709). Intus-Legere Historia 14 (2): 194–232. Astrain, Antonio. 1902. Historia de la Compañía de Jesús de la Asistencia de España. Tomo I. San Ignacion de Loyola, 1540–1556. Madrid: Administración de Razón y Fe. ———. 1909. Historia de la Compañía de Jesús de la Asistencia de España. Tomo III. Mercurian-Aquaviva (primera parte), 1573–1615. Madrid: Administración de Razón y Fe. ———. 1913. Historia de la Compañía de Jesús de la Asistencia de España. Tomo IV. Aquaviva (segunda parte), 1581–1615. Madrid: Administración de Razón y Fe. ———. 1914. Historia de la Compañía de Jesús de la Asistencia de España. Tomo II. Laínez-Borja, 1556–1572. Madrid: Administración de Razón y Fe. ———. 1916. Historia de la Compañía de Jesús de la Asistencia de España. Tomo V. Vitelleschi, Carafa, Piccolomini, 1615–1652. Madrid: Administración de Razón y Fe. ———. 1920. Historia de la Compañía de Jesús de la Asistencia de España. Tomo VI. Nickel, Oliva, Noyelle, González, 1652–1705. Madrid: Administración de Razón y Fe. ———. 1925. Historia de la Compañía de Jesús de la Asistencia de España. Tomo VII. Tamburini, Retz, Visconti, Centurione, 1705–1758. Madrid: Administración de Razón y Fe. Berg, Maxine. 2003. Asian Luxuries and the Making of the European Consumer Revolution. In Luxury in the Eighteenth Century. Debatesm Desires and Delectable Goods, ed. Maxine Berg and Elizabeth Eger, 228–244. London: Palgrave Macmillan. Bethencourt, Francisco, and Diogo Ramada Curto, eds. 2007. Portuguese Oceanic Expansion, 1400–1800. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Burrieza Sánchez, Javier. 2008. La Compañía de Jesús y la defensa de la monarquía hispánica. Hispania Sacra 60 (121): 181–229. Boxer, Charles R. 1969. The Portuguese Seaborne Empire, 1415–1825. London: Hutchinson. Boyajian, James C. 1993. Portuguese Trade in Asia Under the Habsburgs, 1580– 1640. Baltimore, MD: John Hopkins University Press. Coello de la Rosa, Alexandre. 2019. Gathering Souls: Jesuit Missions and Missionaries in Oceania (1668–1945). Leiden: Brill.

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Cohen, Thomas M., and Emanuele Colombo. 2015. Jesuit Missions. In The Oxford Handbook of Early Modern European History, 1350–1750. Volume II: Cultures and Power, ed. Hamish Scott, 254–279. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Clossey, Luke. 2008. Salvation and Globalization in the Early Jesuit Missions. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. D’Ávila Lourido, Rui. 2007. Macau, pólo fundamental para a difusão do gosto e estética chinese na Europa e Brasil. Revista de Cultura/Review of Culture. Edição Internacional/International Edition 24: 52–70. ———. 2010. Comércio de importação e exportação em Macau, dos finais da dinastia Ming ao declínio da dinastia Qing. Mercadores portugueses, outros europeus e chineses. Revista de Cultura/Review of Culture. Edição Internacional/International Edition 33: 38–56. Delfosse, Annick. 2009. La correspondance jésuite: communication, union et mémoire. Les enjeux de la Formula scribendi. Revue d’Histoire Ecclésiastique 104 (1): 71–114. Disney, Anthony R. 2009. A History of Portugal and the Portuguese Empire. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Espadinha, María Antonio, and Leonor Díaz de Seabra. 2005. Missionação e missionários na História de Macau. Macau: Universidade de Macau. Fechner, Fabián. 2014. ¿Qué quiere decir historia global en la época colonial? Propuestas desde el punto de vista institucional. Nueva corónica 4: 99–111. ———. 2015. Un discurso complementario sobre la posición jurídica de la población indígena colonial: las congregaciones provinciales en la provincia jesuítica del Paraguay (1608–1762). In Las agencias de lo indígena en la larga era de globalización: microperspectivas de su producción y representación desde la época colonial temprana hasta el presente, ed. Romy Köhler and Anne Ebert, 99–118. Berlín: Gebr. Mann Verlag, Ibero-Amerikanisches Institut. ———. 2017. Quando os di el orden, no os quité la prudencia. La obediencia aplicada en la administración local y en la tratadística. El caso de los jesuitas del Paraguay. Historia y Grafía 25 (49): 23–56. Fechner, Fabián, and Guillermo Wilde. 2020. “Cartas vivas” en la expansión del cristianismo ibérico. Las órdenes religiosas y la organización global de las misiones. Nuevo Mundo Mundos Nuevos [En línea]. https://doi.org/10. 4000/nuevomundo.79441. Friedrich, Markus. 2007. Communication and Bureaucracy in the Early Modern Society of Jesus. Scweizerische Zeitschrift für Religions und Kulturgeschichte 101: 49–75. ———. 2008a. Government and Information-Management in Early Modern Europe. The Case of Society of Jesus (1540–1773). Journal of Early Modern History 12: 539–563.

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———. 2008b. Circulating and Compiling the Litterae Annuae: Towards a History of the Jesuit System of Communication. AHSI 77: 3–40. Furlong, Guillermo. 1962. Misiones y sus pueblos de guaraníes. Buenos Aires. Garavaglia, Juan Carlos. 1983. Mercado interno y economía colonial. México: Grijalbo. García-Hernán, Enrique. 2012. Ignacio de Loyola. Madrid: Taurus. Hausberger, Bernd. 2018. Historia mínima de la globalización temprana. México: El Colegio de México. ———. 2020. El flujo de mercancías a las misiones jesuitas en el noroeste de la Nueva España. Studia Histórica. Historia moderna 42 (2): 145–165. Lacouture, Jean. 2006. Jesuitas I. Los conquistadores. Barcelona: Paidós. López Martínez, Antonio Luis. 1991. Los Jesuitas y el tráfico del dinero en la Carrera de Indias (1753–1767). Cuadernos de Investigación Histórica 14: 7–23. ———. 2000. Los jesuitas y la intermediación financiera en la Carrera de Indias (siglos XVII y XVIII). In Dinero, moneda y crédito en la monarquía hispánica, ed. Antonio Miguel Bernal Rodríguez, 751–764. Madrid: Fundacion ICO, Marcial Pons. ———. 2019. Los jesuitas y la intermediación financiera en la carrera de Indias (siglos XVII y XVIII). In https://www.academia.edu/38131306/Los_jes uitas_y_la_intermediación_financiera_en_la_Carrera_de_Indias_siglos_XVII_ y_XVIII_ (19 March 2020). This text summarises both articles of 1991 and 2000. Loureiro, Rui Manuel. 2007. Navios, mercadorias e embalagens na rota MacauNagasáqui. Revista de Cultura/Review of Culture. Edição Internacional/ International Edition 24: 33–51. Maeder, Ernesto J.A. 1999. La misión del Tucumán (1585–1604) y la creación de la Provincia Jesuítica del Paraguay. In XIX Encuentro de Geohistoria Regional, 338–346. Corrientes: Universidad Nacional del Nordeste. Maldavsky, Aliocha. 2012. Pedir las Indias. Las cartas indipetae de los jesuitas europeos, siglos XVI–XVIII, ensayo historiográfico. Relaciones 132: 147–181. Manso, Maria de Deus. 2013. Missionários ou ricos mercadores? O comercio da seda entre o Japão e Macau nos séculos XVI e XVII. Revista de Cultura/ Review of Culture. Edição Internacional/International Edition 42: 105–113. Martínez D’Alòs-Moner, Andreu. 2014. La Compañía de Jesús en Oriente (1580–1640). In Carlos Martínez Shaw and José Antonio Martínez Torres (dirs.), España y Portugal en el mundo (1581–1668), 391–417. Madrid: Polifemo. Martínez-Serna, Gabriel. 2009. Procurators and the Making of the Jesuits’ Atlantic Network. In Sounding in Atlantic History. Latent Structures and Intellectual Currents, 1500–1830, ed. Bernard Bailyn and L. Denault Patricia,

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181–209 and notes 528–536. Cambridge and London: Harvard University Press. Matos Silva, Jorge Lúzio. 2011. Sagrado marfim. O Império português na Índia e as relações intracoloniais Goa e Bahia, século XVII: iconografias, interfaces e circulações. Tese de Mestrado. Sao Paulo: Universidade Católica de Sao Paulo. Montiel, Carlos Urani. 2012. Procuradores jesuitas y mercados en conflicto: el caso de Felipe del Castillo en la Misión de Moxos (1737). Anuario de Estudios Bolivianos, Archivísticos y Bibliográficos 18: 203–231. Moreno Jeria, Rodrigo. 2000. El padre Diego de Torres Bollo, fundador de la Provincia Jesuítica del Paraguay. Notas históricas y geográficas 11: 151–164. Mörner, Magnus. 1971. Un procurador jesuita del Paraguay ante la corte de Felipe V. Historiografía y Bibliografía Americanistas 15: 367–443. ———. 2008. Actividades políticas y económicas de los jesuitas en el Río de la Plata. Buenos Aires: Centro Editor de Cultura. Nelles, Paul. 2014. Chanchillería en colegio: la producción y circulación de papeles jesuitas en el siglo XVI. Cuadernos de Historia Moderna. Anejos 13: 49–70. ———. 2015. Cosas y cartas: Scribal Production and Material Pathways in Jesuit Global Communication (1547–1573). Journal of Jesuit Studies 2: 421–450. ———. 2019. Jesuit Letters. In The Oxford Handbook of the Jesuits, ed. Inés G. Županov, 44–72. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Oka, Mihoko. 2006. A Memorandum by Tçuzu Rodrigues: The Office of Procurador and Trade by the Jesuits in Japan. Bulletin of Portuguese-Japanese Studies 13: 81–102. Pastells, Pablo. 1912. Historia de la Compañía de Jesús en la Provincia del Paraguay. (Argentina, Paraguay, Uruguay, Perú, Bolivia y Brasil, según los documentos originales del Archivo General de Indias). Tomo I (1568–1637). Madrid: Librería General de Victoriano Suárez. Pavone, Sabina. 2007. Los jesuitas: desde los orígenes hasta la supresión. Buenos Aires: Libros de la Araucaria. Pérez-García, Manuel. 2013. Vicarious Consumers: Trans-National Meetings Between the West and East in the Mediterranean World (1730–1808). Surrey: Ashgate. ———. 2019. Creating Global Demand: Polycentric Approaches, Crossroads of Silk and Silver in China and Iberian Empires during the Early Modern Era. Revista de Historia Económica/Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History: 1–36. ———. 2020. Global Goods, Silver and Market Integration: Consumption of Wine, Silk and Porcelain through the Grill Company Via Macao-Canton and Marseille-Seville Trade Nodes, 18th Century. Revista de Historia Económica/ Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 38 (3): 449–484.

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Soto Artuñedo, Wenceslao. 2016. Fuentes para el estudio de los colegios jesuitas andaluces en la Edad Moderna (Revised version, original 2002) Actas del III Congreso de Historia de Andalucía, 459–480. Córdoba: Cajasur. Standaert, Nicolas. 1991. The Jesuit Presence in China (1580–1773): A Statistical Approach. Sino-Western Cultural Relations Journal 13: 4–17. Storni, Hugo. 1980. Catálogo de los jesuitas de la provincia del Paraguay (Cuenca del Plata) 1585–1768. Roma: Institutum Historicum Societatis Iesu. Van Dyke, Paul A. 2016. Merchants of Canton and Macao. Success and Failure in the Eighteenth-Century Chinese Trade. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press. Vermote, Frederik. 2019. Financing Jesuit Missions. In The Oxford Handbook of the Jesuits, ed. Ines G. Županov, 128–152. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Wright, Jonathan. 2005. Los jesuitas. Una historia de los “soldados de Dios”. Buenos Aires: Debate. Zubillaga, Félix. 1947. El Procurador de la Compañía de Jesús en la Corte de España. Archivum Historicum Societatis Jesu 16: 1–55. ———. 1953. El procurador de la Indias occidentales de la Compañia de Jesús (1574). Etapas históricas de su erección. Archivum Historicum Societatis Jesu 22: 367–417.

CHAPTER 3

Macau, the “Gateway” to China: Exchanges, Routes, and (Dis)Connections in the Jesuit’s Hands

…there was no other way to enter something as difficult and desired as China except through that gate [Macau]….1

This is how Jesuit Alonso Sanchez described Macao in an account of his second voyage to China in 1584. A century later, this notion about the Portuguese port of Macao as an entry point still prevailed. The Consejo de Indias agreed to modify the Recopilación de Leyes de Indias with regard to the prohibition of trade between the Philippines and China: …since there is no other door than that of Macan [Macao], through which the missionaries can enter in China, it is convenient to open it by this means, since there is no other way to preserve and advance the Catholic faith and religion that is planted in that Empire by the religious….2

1 My translation; original in Spanish said: ues. 2 My translation; original in Spanish said: “pues no habiendo otra puerta que la de

Macan [Macao], por donde se yntroduzgan [sic] los missioneros en la China, conviene abrirla por este medio pues no [h]ay otro p[ar]a conservar y adelantar la fee y religión catholica que esta plantada en aquel Imperio por los religiosos…”. Letter from Consejo de Indias in Madrid, 15 December 1688, in “Expediente sobre el comercio con Macao”. AGI. Filipinas, 24, R.4, N.27.

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 P. O. Svriz-Wucherer, Jesuits and Asian Goods in the Iberian Empires, 1580–1700, Palgrave Studies in Comparative Global History, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-2464-6_3

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This chapter opens that “door” to China, focusing on the work of the members of the Society of Jesus in the city of Macao not only from a religious perspective but also from a military, political, and economic point of view. In this way, the mechanisms by which the members of this religious order participated in the exchange of products in the region and the routes they used to distribute Asian goods in those territories can be identified. Dated 5 December 1584, a letter from Jesuit Father Francisco Cabral to Alexandre Valignano mentioned an exchange between Father Ruggieri and an important Ming official of a Western clock for two Chinese printed maps (Basto da Silva 2015: 86). In 1699, over a century later, Father Francisco Nogueira ordered that Jesuits should not travel with clocks to China without authorization because they took them as sagoates [gifts] for the Mandarins, but in case of necesidad [need] Jesuits would sell them. Father Nogueira believed that this situation needed to be controlled.3 This seemingly trivial example of clocks in fact exposes the Jesuits as the commercial agents of European goods in these Asian lands and points to the longevity of their operations.

3.1 The City of Macao, Its Trade Routes, and the Arrival of Jesuits Macao was an important nexus of China’s trade. The city was crucial in exchanges between the Orient and the West. This role can be explained by three fundamental and interconnected factors: economic, geographic, and political. Nome de Deus de Macao was founded by the Portuguese on 14 August 1556, at the mouth of the Pearl River, very close to the city of Guangzhou (Canton) and was in fact a stopover on the Portuguese merchants’ journey to that city (Bruxo et al. 2017, 174). Jesuit Father Adriano de las Cortes mentioned that the Macanese port was a city inhabited “…by fidalgos and Portuguese merchants” and that it was 180 leguas from Manila (De las Cortes [1625–1626] 1991: 97). Other testimonies detail the main characteristics of Macao and its dependence on the sea. One account in 1652 noted that, “here [Macao] there are no goods from scratch, nor any other way of life, but that

3 B.A. 49-V-3. f.338v.

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to embark on trade”.4 Similarly, the Jesuit Father Visitor Luis da Gama remarked in 1664, “that Macau’s wealth depended on the sea and the whole city depended on it, and if the winds and tides failed, everything else failed as well” (Alden 1996: 537). A century later, this dependence on the sea persisted. One observer in 1775 declared, “as this land lives on nothing else (but the sea), the more ships there are, the better the people can live, who cannot occupy themselves in this city in any other place”.5 Current scholarship corroborates that Macao was small in area and did not have the possibility of developing sufficient agriculture or industry, and therefore, the wealth of this city was based on its role as an intermediary between the various trade circuits nearby. Thus, Macau’s inhabitants developed key shipping trade routes to Manila, Nagasaki, Timor, Batavia, Malacca, Madrasa, Calcutta, Goa, and Surat throughout the early modern period (Bruxo et al. 2017: 267, see Map 3.1). Moreover, there are some documentary references to voyages between Macao and Latin America. In 1583, a ship travelling from the Philippine Islands to New Spain was overrun when its crew members from Peru took control of the ship and headed for the coast of China. Finally, they arrived in Macao where they “set fletes [charters] for all the Portuguese who wanted to load for Peru…”.6 Father Alonso Sánchez managed to mediate in this revolt and the ship was allowed to set sail for New Spain.7 This chapter focuses on two commercial routes between Macau and the ports of Nagasaki in Japan and Manila in the Philippines because they illustrate the key role the Jesuits played in these regions. However, all the exchange routes mentioned above had different moments of significance during the early modern era, especially in 1640–1641 when the region was dealing with historical transformations that altered trade exchanges in Southeast Asia.

4 My translation; original in Portuguese said “aquí não há bens de raiz, nem outro modo algum de vida, mas que o embarcar a hir fazer comercio” (Videira Pires 1994: 5). 5 My translation; original in Portuguese said “como esta terra não vive de outra coisa (senão do mar), quanto mais Navios tiver hé melhor para viver o povo, que não se pode ocupar nesta Cidade em outra couza” (Videira Pires 1993: 11). 6 My translation; original in Spanish said, “pusieron fletes de todos los portugueses que quisiessen cargar para el Perú…”. “Relación del segundo viaje del jesuita Alonso Sánchez a China en 1584”. AGI. Filipinas, 79. Nº13. f.2vta. 7 “Relación del segundo viaje del jesuita Alonso Sánchez a China en 1584”. AGI. Filipinas, 79. Nº13. f.3.

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Map 3.1

Exchange routes from Macao during the Early Modern period

The first was the definitive closure of Japanese ports to Portuguese traders after 1639 and the persecution of Christians. Of course, this critical situation did not start that year. From 1633 onwards, the Japanese Shogunate developed an isolationist policy based on the prohibition of Christianity. The Christian rebellion in Shimabara on Kyushu Island in 1637 had accelerated this process. Therefore, the Shogun banned all Portuguese trading vessels and warned if they did not respect this law, the ships would be destroyed and the men aboard them would be punished (Takizawa 2010: 138). This prohibition dramatically impacted

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the Macao-Japan trade route and particularly Jesuit voyages to Japan.8 Eventually, this situation forced the Jesuits of Macao to locate new exchange sites from which to economically support their mission in China, essentially establishing a “new Japan” in the region (Sena 2016). A second crucial event was the arrival of the Dutch to Macau in the first decades of the seventeenth century. The Dutch altered (and attacked) many of the Portuguese commercial circuits and ports, with the GoaMacau route being particularly affected, evidenced in the massive attack on Dutch ships between 21 and 24 June 1622. The conflict between the Dutch and Portuguese empires continued for over a decade in the South-Asia area.9 The Leal Senado da Camara do Macao warned on 11 November 1632, about the need to watch the ships from Manila and Japan because of the “thieves” who were roaming the islands with many vessels (Aresta and Viega de Oliveira 1998: 35–36). On 7 October 1633, the Leal Senado received a letter from Jesuit Father Manoel Fernandez warning about the Dutch advance into Cochinchina and about the damage this would do to the India route (Aresta and Viega de Oliveira 1998: 39–40). Six days later (13 October 1633), notice arrived that about thirty Dutch ships had sailed between Lamao and Formosa Island (current Taiwan) and were waiting to attack the ships from Manila and Japan (Aresta and Viega de Oliveira 1998: 40). So, the Dutch presence in this region increased dramatically during these years. At the same time, the Dutch were the only Europeans who managed to maintain the Japanese trade link from their post on the island of Dejima. Simultaneously, the Portuguese began to focus their trade mainly in the Atlantic, particularly in Brazil, with the Cape route between Macau-Brazil and Lisbon becoming progressively stronger (Bruxo et al. 2017: 268).

8 For example, the Leal Senado da Camara do Macao did not give Jesuit Father Mateo Francisco Cipriano Cebrian permission to travel from Macao to Japan in 1638. The main reason was the risk that everything would be lost in Japan and all the people there would be killed. So, Father Cipriano Cebrian returned to India, where he came from (Aresta and Viega de Oliveira 1998: 69–72). In this situation, some Jesuits tried to enter Japan clandestinely (Antonio Rubino in 1638, and Pedro Marqués in 1643) and Jovanni Sidotti was the last of them to attempt it in 1708 (Takizawa 2010: 138). 9 At the same time, the growing levels of Brazilian sugar production increased and with that Brazil’s role changed inside the Portuguese empire. So, the roles of Brazil and the Estado da Índia had reversed as a result of a combination of factors (corruption, natural disasters, and maritime losses) by the mid-seventeenth century (Schwartz 2007: 21).

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A third pivotal event was the military confrontation between Spain and Portugal occurring after Portugal’s independence in 1640 that turned into a decades long global conflict affecting the various possessions of these empires unequally. The Thirty Years’ War impacted South-East Asia and all of its trade connections. During this period, the Dutch and the English made several incursions into the possessions of the Iberian empires. The former managed to invade Pernambuco and consolidate their power in Brazil, while simultaneously founding New Amsterdam on what is now the island of Manhattan. Thereby, the Dutch became the strongest European empire in Asia from 1617 onwards, managing to establish numerous forts in the region. Two years later, they finally controlled Batavia from where they consolidated their commercial power. In 1641, they took Formosa, snatched Malacca from the Portuguese, and established a trade monopoly with Japan on the island of Dejima. In the following decade, the Dutch expelled the Portuguese from Ceylon and Cochin. The British, for their part, succeeded in replacing the Portuguese in Surat in 1612 and obtained trading privileges from the Grand Mongol in 1618 (Yun Casalilla 2019: 354–355). To these three significant developments, we can add the rise in power of the Safavids in Persia (which caused the Portuguese loss of Hormuz in 1622), the Moghul expansion into northern India, and the Tokugawa Shogunate in Japan mentioned above. As these new powers expanded geographically, the Portuguese empire contracted. [First Name] Schwartz has stated that “these “gunpowder empires”10 also broke the old division between landed powers and smaller commercial states” (Schwartz 2007: 33). This new reality led the Portuguese empire to focus its efforts on the Atlantic trade between 1650 and 1680; it now concentrated on Brazil and its growing sugar production instead of Estado da India and its Asian empire that had been decimated by Dutch and English attacks (Schwartz 2007: 21). This evolving geostrategic situation was compounded by the isolationist policy implemented by the Ming dynasty emperors (1368–1644) who not only halted Chinese maritime expansion in the fifteenth century, but also banned Chinese maritime trade. This ban led to an increase in clandestine trade and piracy in the South China Sea, in which the Portuguese participated (D’Avila Lourido 2006: 1.090). Foreigners

10 This term is usually used to refer to the Ottoman, Safavid, and Mughals Empires.

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needed permission from the Chinese Emperor to trade in those lands, the so-called chapas de plata, which Father Alonso Sanchéz observed: … was a provision written on a silver plate in the form of a shield two palmos [spans] long and more than one wide by which he [emperor] gave him [Sanchéz ]the licence to come and go from Macao and Canto[n] and Xauquin where he [emperor] resides with his court…11

Accordingly, the city of Macao and its inhabitants acted as a vital commercial link between China’s inland territories, Japan, and the Portuguese in Macao, navigating these constantly changing trade routes in the East Asia region during these decades. For example, it was very difficult to send ships directly from Macao to Manila, and the exchange between Manila and India (including Malacca, Goa, Coromandel, and Malabar Coast ports) was also significantly reduced. Between 1620 and 1632, thirty official ships from Macau arrived in Manila, while thirty-eight ships arrived from India. Between 1633 and 1644, however, twenty-four ships from Macau arrived at the Manila port, while only six arrived from the Indian Coast (Souza 1986: 75). In contrast, the Carreira da India (India Run) during the same period did not experience this problem, and it was only after 1661 that the ships in these routes saw a reduction in their numbers and tonnage on board (see Table 3.1). Manuel de Faria e Sousa’s observations in the first decades of the eighteenth century, however, may explain why the Portuguese continued to benefit from trade in these Asian regions despite the data presented in Table 3.1. It was the type of goods rather than the volume that was important since: …only what the Portuguese take out [from Macao] for India, Japan and Manila, imports one year for another five thousand and three hundred crates of various silk fabrics, including in each one a hundred of the more substantial ones, such as velvets, damasks, and satins; of the simpler ones, such as damasks, tafeciras, and taffetas, up to two hundred and fifty. Of gold two thousand and two hundred loaves, of eleven to twelve

11 “Relación del segundo viaje del jesuita Alonso Sánchez a China en 1584”. AGI. Filipinas, 79. Nº13. f.2. The chapa de plata [silver plate] was awarded to Father Miguel Ruggiero, referred to as “Rogerio” in this source. See edition of this type of document in Santos and Fong (1997).

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Table 3.1 Carreira da India in the Seventeenth Century Lisbon to Asia Years 1601–1610 1611–1620 1621–1630 1631–1640 1641–1650 1651–1660 1661–1670 1671–1680 1681–1690 1691–1700 Total

Departures Ships tons 77,190 60,900 48,000 20,020 22,840 14,320 8,635 11,700 11,650 14,900 290,155

71 66 60 33 42 35 21 25 19 24 396

Asia to Lisbon Arrivals tons

Ships

49,540 44,060 31,410 15,770 14,280 18,990 5,635 13,900 11,650 13,700 218,935

45 47 39 28 28 35 14 29 19 21 305

Departures Ships tons 43,390 40,350 24,150 13,710 16,030 7,970 6,070 10,730 9,300 8,950 180,650

36 32 28 21 32 16 14 22 16 14 231

Arrivals tons

Ships

32,290 35,550 15,050 9,910 12,030 12,030 4,820 9,680 8,600 7,550 147,510

28 28 19 15 24 24 13 21 15 13 200

Source Schwartz (2007: 28)

ounces each. Of musk seven picos,12 which are more than thirty-five arrobas. Without this the aljófar, sugar, porcelain, the palo de la China,13 the rhubarb, the golden curiosities and many other things of a lesser weight…14

12 Picos is a measure of weight used in East Asia equivalent to just over 60 kilograms

or about 100 cates (one cate, catty in English and Jin in Chinese equals 625 grams). Pico comes from the Malay form píkul, meaning “a man’s burden” (Ollé 1999: 200, note 233). 13 The Portuguese term Palo de la China is a kind of a mushroom that grows underground and was used in traditional Chinese medicine particularly for spleen diseases (Moncó 2012: 12, note 23). 14 My translation; original in Spanish said “…solamente lo que los Portugueses sacan [desde Macao] para la India, Japon y Manila, importa un año por otro cinco mil y trescientos caxones de varias telas de seda, incluyéndose en cada uno ciento de las de mas sustancia, como terciopelos, damascos, y rasos; de las mas sencillas, como damasquillos, tafeciras, y tafetanes, hasta dozientas y cincuenta. De oro dos mil y dozientos panes, de onze a doze onças cada uno. De almizcle siete picos, que son más de treinta y cinco arrobas. Sin esto el aljófar, el açucar, las porcelanas, el palo de la China, el reobarbaro, las curiosidades doradas y otras muchas cosas de menos porte…”. Manuel de Faria e Sousa. “Imperio de la China, y cultura evangélica en él por los Religiosos de la Compañia de Jesus: sacado de las noticias del P. Alvaro Semmedo [Texto impreso]” Lisboa, 1731. In BNE. Mss. 67,666. p.10.

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Illustration 3.1 Payment rights in Macao (1649) (Source Author’s own elaboration through data from Aresta and Viega de Oliveira [1998: 97–98])

His thoughts, referring to the same main trade routes that are the subject of this chapter, indicate the need to not only analyse the dimension of the exchanges with those regions from Macao, but also examine the main Asian goods that interested the Portuguese in this trade. In this way, the Illustration 3.1 shows a list of payment rights on certain mercaderías [merchandise] in the city of Macao in the middle of the seventeenth century, revealing silver as one of the most important commodities with the lowest tax rate. In 1683, the Emperor of China decided to lift the ban on foreign private maritime traffic, but at the same time imposed strict regulations on Chinese merchants.15 Jesuit Father Manuel Queirós reported that in 1718, the emperor forbade his vassals to use navigation which completely ruined the Dutch trade in that empire because the Dutch sent many somas to Canton.16 Thus, the famous Dutch East India Company (VOC) was 15 Regulations on shipbuilding were established restricting the size and tonnage of merchant junks, and firearms were banned on board. So, trade was legal, but the Chinese merchant navy lost autonomy. 16 Soma were trading vessels sailed by the Chinese inhabitants of Batavia, who as vassals of the emperor were not allowed to sail, thus directly damaging Dutch interests.

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reduced to receiving Chinese goods through the Portuguese vessels of Macao. As a result of this process, the number of ships registered and equipped in Macao increased from 4 to 23 in a single year (Teixeira 1984: 185). This positioned Macao as a key location for foreign traders, even more so when in 1759 Canton was established as the only port open to foreign trade. Macao thus functioned as an “operational base” for large foreign merchants (English, Dutch, French) and as the only place in China where they could reside or stay after the biannual fairs of Canton (D’Avila Lourido 2010, 43). Finally, in order to understand the Portuguese empire and its exchanges within the framework of the Carreira da India, it is important to consider the role of private trade in Asia via the Cape of Good Hope. “It was part of a vast world of Asia trading in which Portuguese played a secondary role to Guajaratis, Chinese, Javanese, and Japanese” (Boyajian 1993: 14; Schwartz 2007: 29). Also, we must include (and complete) our analysis of the route between Macao and Nagasaki, where the Portuguese carried Chinese silk in return for Japanese silver, or that between Macao and Manila, where Mexican silver was exchanged for the silk destined for consumers in New Spain and Peru as well as in Spain. So, within this context, the Jesuits stood out as the religious and commercial agents that linked those territories with the Macanese port. 3.1.1

The Arrival of Jesuits in the Port of Macao

In 1563, the Provincial of India, António de Quadros, sent the first Jesuits to the city of Macao. Fathers Francisco Pérez and Manuel Teixeira, and Jesuit Brother André Pinto arrived and were received in the house of Pero Quintero. Around December 1564, they settled in a small residence next to the church of San Antonio (Basto da Silva 2015: 65). Later, Pope Gregory XIII created the Portuguese bishopric of Macao (23 January 1576) with jurisdiction over all of China, Korea, Tartary, Siam, Tonquim, and adjacent islands and appointed “Bispo-Governador” Belchior Carneiro Leitão of the Society of Jesus, as tutelary bishop of Niceia and Patriarch of Ethiopia (Basto da Silva 2015: 73). The activity of this Jesuit priest was key for the city of Macao, because he founded

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the Santa Casa da Misericórdia de Macao, one of the most important institutions in the economic and social life of this Portuguese city.17 The Jesuit Mateus Lopes reported that Macao had about 10,000 inhabitants in November 1578, and two years later, it is mentioned that there were about 20,000 Chinese in Macao (Basto da Silva 2015: 74–75). Later, renowned Jesuit missionaries such as Michele Ruggieri (1579) and Matteo Ricci (1582) arrived in the city. In 1583, the fathers of this city obtained permission from the Mandarins of Canton to settle in Zhaoqing (Espadinha and Díaz de Seabra 2005: XXX). However, it was not until 1594 that Alessandro Valignano transformed the Jesuit residence into a college, which was given the name of São Paulo (Saint Paul) and became the headquarters of the Jesuit Vice-Province of Japan.18 In the period 1602–1603, the church of Madre de Deus was finally built next to the college.19 From this moment on, one of the roles of the port of Macao was to receive, prepare, and, above all, finance the journeys and equipment of the missionaries—especially Jesuits—who went to Japan and China, and, to a lesser extent, to other parts of Southeast Asia (Espadinha and Díaz de Seabra 2005: XXXII, see Maps 3.2 and 3.3). Furthermore, as an “imperial intersection”, Macao was a region “…that gives rise to competition, imitation and innovation, as well as to times of war and times of peace. Moreover, imperial authorities’ manifest constant efforts to maintain control from a distance in such regions, while the different individuals within them take advantage of the possibilities afforded by such a context” (Burbank and Cooper 2011: 32–33). Among these individuals, the Jesuits became specialists in taking advantage of Macao’s strategic position— between the Portuguese, Spanish, Chinese, and Japanese empires—to develop both their evangelizing and business activities.

17 About the Santa Casa da Misericórdia de Macao (Holy house of Mercy) see Díaz de Seabra (2011). 18 Father Alessandro Valignano was Visitor of the Society of Jesus in the East, and after passing through Macao in 1577–1578, he suggested the need to inspire Jesuits to learn the Chinese language and customs (Espadinha and Díaz de Seabra 2005: XXX). 19 In January 1835, a fire destroyed both buildings, leaving only the famous façade of the church which remains to this day (O’Neill and Dominguez Vol. III, 2001: 2453). For a reconstruction of the Jesuit complex in Macau realized by the architect Francisco Vizeu Pinheiro, see in Basto da Silva (2015: 71).

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Map 3.2 Quantung Province by S. J. Martino Martini (Source Martino Martini, 1655–1659. Novus Atlas Sinensis. Amsterdam: Joan Blaeu. p. 44. In: BNP. cota CA-70-A)

The Jesuits in Macao also received financial support from a number of important people in the city. For example, Francisco Carvalho Aranha, Isabel Rigota, and Lionel de Souza de Lima were generous Jesuit benefactors between 1641 and 1642 (Penalva 2008: 170).

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Map 3.3 Detail of the City of Macao by S. J. Martino Martini (Source Martino Martini, 1655–1659. Novus Atlas Sinensis. Amsterdam: Joan Blaeu. p. 44. In: BNP. cota CA-70-A)

3.2

The Macao-Japan Trade

Portuguese merchants first arrived in Japan in 1543, specifically to Tanegashima Island south of the Kyushu islands.20 This event marked the beginning of trade (Chinese silks in exchange for Japanese silver), the 20 This time coincides with the end of the so-called Muromachi period in Japan (1396– 1573), with the Ashikaga dynasty ruling from Kyoto. This was followed by a transitional

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introduction of the European arquebus (long gun), and the Jesuit evangelization organized by Saint Francis Xavier in 1549 (Martínez Shaw 2008: 11). The combination of these three elements explains the development of the Macau-Japan trade route, and in all of them, the Jesuits played an important role. The arrival of the first European arquebus was very important because it initiated the incorporation of this weaponry into the local armies21 stirring a Japanese “Military Revolution” that developed in the following years (Brown 1948; Stavros 2013; Reyes Manzano 2014). From that time onwards, the arquebuses were called “tanegashima” among the Japanese (Reyes Manzano 2014: 142) and the spread and success of this weaponry were very rapid. The Portuguese traveller Fernão Mendes Pinto, in his famous book The Pilgrimages, tells how his travelling partner Diogo Zeimoto (a great shooter) gave his gun to a Japanese Lord, who ordered it to be copied. Only five months later, before Pinto and Zeimoto’s departure, the Japanese had made six hundred similar weapons (Andrade 2017: 193–194). Some scholars have agreed that the Jesuits were important agents in the trade and introduction of firearms into Japan between the end of the sixteenth century and the first decades of the seventeenth century (Brow 1948; Reyes Manzano 2009, 2014; Takizawa 2010; Stavros 2013). However, the role of the Fathers of the Society of Jesus would become increasingly important in the trade with Japan, especially in order to finance their missionary activities in that region. The Society of Jesus had three different ways of financing their missions. The first was through resources provided by the Iberian crowns themselves; the second source was through donations from private individuals; and finally, the third was the resources Jesuits could obtain through their businesses. In the Japanese case, the official sources were not enough to support the Jesuit mission. As Charles R. Boxer explained:

period called the Azuchi-Momoyama period (1573–1615), until the rise of the Tokugawa dynasty (1615–1867), known as the Edo period after the new capital, current Tokyo (Martínez Shaw 2008: 10). 21 At this moment, the local lords (daimy¯ o ) were engaged in endless wars during

the Sengoku period (“Warring States”, 1467–1573). For this reason, the new European firearms would play a key role at this time. This period ends with the figure of Oda Nobunaga. He used Portuguese firearms on the battlefield, overpowering the neighbouring daimy¯ o until he entered Kyoto and displaced the last Ashikaga Shogun (Martínez Shaw 2008: 11–12).

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In 1583 the maximum annual income of the Jesuit Japan mission from all other official sources totalled 7,700 ducats, whereas their minimum expenses oscillated between 10,000 and 12,000 cruzados. Their official income was always in arrears and consequently they could only cover their running expenses by trading on a considerable scale. (Boxer 1960: 212)

Economic necessity thus drove Jesuit economic activity in these Asian missions. In the last years of the sixteenth century, the Jesuits received a series of privileges that indicate the importance they had acquired in the Macao-Japan trade. Among these, a contract with the city of Macao stands out where they obtained between 250 and 300 picos of silk, compared to the 15 and 20 picos shipped by the richest merchants in Macao (Manso 2013: 107). However, as Maria de Deus Manso has revealed, the Jesuits did not respect this agreement and took advantage of every opportunity to increase their profits. This was the case with a ship from Macao that sank off the coast of Formosa Island in 1582 and caused the Jesuits to realize profits between 3,000 and 4,000 cruzados in 1583, generating great discontent among the merchants (Manso 2013: 107). Some Jesuits were aware of the need to keep a lower profile. On 28 December 1587, Father Valignano warned about the excess in the silk trade, “the murmurings of this business reached as far as Portugal, and in people who do not know the needs, nor have knowledge of the occurrences of the business, they do not fail to cause great impression.”22 Father Luís de Almeida was one of the most important figures at the beginning of this Macao-Japan traffic.23 He belonged to a small group of new-Christian / converso who had entered into the Society of Jesus. Lúcio de Sousa has divided the Jesuits into two subgroups. On the one hand, there were individuals such as Pedro Gómez (in Japan) and Duarte Sande (in Macao), who were admitted to the Society in Europe. On the other hand, the second group included names such as Aires Sanches and 22 BA. Coleção Jesuítas na Asia. Códice 49-IV-56. Nº 21. f.198vta. 23 Luís de Almeida was born in Portugal in 1525. In 1546, he was declared fit to

practice Medicine and Surgery by the Cirurgiao-mor (Surgeon-Major) of the Kingdom of Portugal, Mestre Gil. Two years later, Almeida left for India, soon after joining the Society of Jesus in Yamaguchi (early 1550 s), dedicating the rest of his life towards the establishment of a European/Europeanized medical system in Japan. However, his ordinations as a priest occurred 24 years later, in Macau (6 May 1580). At the end of his life, Almeida was appointed Superior of Amakusa (1581–1583). He died in Kawachinoura in October 1583 (De Sousa 2018b: 199).

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Luís de Almeida, who were accepted by the Society in Asia (De Sousa 2018: 197–198). Father Almeida gave a significant donation of money for the development of the Society of Jesus in Japan and organized it as a trading company (De Sousa 2018b: 199). The Japanese mission was the centre of all Jesuit missionary efforts—religious and economic—in the Far East, becoming a Vice-Province of Japan in 1581 and a province in 1611. Table 3.2 shows the number of Jesuits in Japan during the last years of the sixteenth century and the beginning of the seventeenth century. For all of their trading activities, the port of Nagasaki was important, ¯ donated by the first Christian feudal lord in Japan, Sumitada Omura, to the Jesuits in 1580. Just five years later, this port had become very important in the commercial connection with Macao. In 1585, Father Luis Frois noted that four Jesuits and two brothers lived in Nagasaki and that 1,500 cruzados in silver were exported each year in exchange for silk, Retrós , damasks, musk, and other goods (Boxer 1960: 211–212, note 6). Specifically, Macao sold 96 tons of raw silk annually in Japan, of which the Leal Seando da Cámara granted the Jesuit missions a total of 3 tons per year, about 50 picos of silk. This gave a profit to this religious order of about 6,000 ducados per year. This silk was usually purchased from the factories of Fat-san and Sun-tak, in the Province of Kuantung, at about Table 3.2 Number of Jesuits in Japan (1552–1614)

Year

Fathers

Brothers

Total

1552 1564 1570 1579 1580 1581 1585 1590 1607 1610 1612 1614a

2 7 7 23 28 28 32 47 63 69 64 62

2 5 4 32 37 46 54 93 75 69 63 53

4 12 11 55 65 74 86 140 138 138 127 115

a In November 1614, Jesuits were expulsed from Japan; 65 went

to Macao; and 23 travelled to Manila. In total, 36 stayed in Japan (27 were fathers and 9 were brothers) Source Blumers and Ito (2005: 549)

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90 ducados a pico, and then, it sold by 121 ducados in Japan (Videira Pires 1993: 128). As mentioned earlier, royal subsidies for the Jesuits in Japan were low and irregular,24 and the donations from local benefactors were insufficient for the development of their missions. For this reason, the Jesuits developed trade in Japan through third parties until 1639 and later with the “Junco dos Padres” or the ship S. Paulo. In this way, they were able to finance their missions and meet the everyday needs of the fathers. All goods were transported on the famous “Great Ship” also known as the “Black Ship”. Between 1597 and 1617, the annual voyage of this Great Ship (Nao da Prata) could not take place on several occasions, either because of Dutch attacks or because of problems with the Japanese empire (Ollé 2014: 389). Accordingly, Jesuits looked for an alternative route to obtain profits and sustain their mission, but this created a new problem, as expressed by Father Visitor Valignano on 10 April 1597, regarding the shipment of silk and gold from Macao to India, “that they should not leave the pact that has been made to run only this employment from China to Japan (…) knew the works and murmurings that the Society suffers for this matter, they should not leave the pact that has been made in 50 picos ”.25 However, this Jesuit strategy to open new exchange routes increased in the following years. Between 1609 and 1624, there was a significant flow of ManilaNagasaki trade that broke the monopoly of the Portuguese Jesuit combined trade, seriously damaging the Lusitanian business of reexporting Chinese silk through Manila. The origin of this trade cycle is to be found in the favourable reception in Japan of a galleon from Manila that had been diverted by typhoons from its route to Acapulco (Boxer 1989: 62–64; Ollé 2014: 389). Charles R. Boxer compiled a detailed list of goods that were shipped in six ships by Jesuits to Japan in July 1618 (Boxer 1989: 163–168). Table 3.3 shows the diversity of goods transported by the Jesuits to Japan and the quantities they handled in this trade. Rui Manuel Loureiro 24 In these years, an annual aid of about 1,000 cruzados given by King Sebastian to the alfándega de Malaca for the College of Funai (Oita), which was paid late and very rarely; and another 1,000 cruzados was rendered by the Baçaim fazendas in India (Videira Pires 1993: 129). 25 BA. Coleção Jesuítas na Asia. Codex 49-IV-56. Nº 21. f.199.

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divided the goods that travelled from Macao to Japan into three main groups: textiles (silk and cotton), precious metals (gold, mercury, tin, and lead), and high-value drugs (musk, Chinese root, and rhubarb) (Loureiro 2007: 41). This grouping of the types of goods is applicable to other spaces of the Iberian empires. Jesuit authorities, however, often tried to control the diversity of goods being transported to Japan. For example, the Macau Congregatione of 1620 stated the goods for trade should be limited to raw silk, gold, musk, and ambergris (Oka 2006: 96). The reason for this type of limitation was that sometimes “the fame of being rich” did not allow the Jesuits to advance in their evangelizing work. Carlo Spinola (Father Procurator in Japan 1612–1619) mentioned in 1615 that “many Japanese converted and invited us with the intention of approaching us and then borrowing Table 3.3 List of goods sent by the Jesuits to Japan in 1618

Goods

Quantities

Equivalency

Raw silk Retrós 26 Silk fabrics with birds Gold Musk Cotton thread Gangas Mercury Lead Tin Chinese Root (smilax) Ceramics Rhubarb White sugar

500 picos 500 picos 2.000 pieces

30.000 kg 30.000 kg -

4.000 taéis 2 picos 300 picos 3.000 pieces 200 picos 2.000 picos 600 picos 600 picos

120 kg 120 kg 18.000 kg 12.000 kg 120.000 kg 36.000 kg 36.000 kg

2.000 ranquéis 27 100 picos 70 picos

– 6.000 kg 4.200 kg

Source BA. Coleção Jesuítas na Asia. Códice 49-V-7. Transcription of this source in Boxer 1989: 163–168, and a similar table in Portuguese see in Loureiro 2007: 37

26 Retrós: that is what silk was called at the time, “trustworthy and twisted” [“fiada e torcida”] (Loureiro 2007: 41). 27 Ranquéis: it corresponds to 10 porcelain plates (Loureiro 2007: 50, note 22).

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money for trade or asking for help to buy silk and other goods brought by ships. I learned this from my experiences” (Blumers and Ito 2005: 551). Despite moments of restriction, the Macau-Japan trade route was very important during the first half of the seventeenth century. According to Boxer’s earlier analysis, the Far East was the meeting point between a world where silver was cheap and another where it was more expensive. In relation to this commerce, silver bars were Japan’s main export and that the ups and downs of its trade during this period were directly linked with the Japanese Jesuit mission (Boxer 1989: 1). More recently, Maria Antonia Espadinha and Leonor Díaz de Seabra have shown that the Society of Jesus succeeded in making Macao an important radiating enclave for new missions in Japan to be successful. Multiple local conversions thus accompanied the consolidation of trade routes in which Japanese silver was exchanged for the rich silks and porcelain of Chinese origin (Espadinha and Díaz de Seabra 2005: XXIX). For all these reasons, the Jesuits played a very important role in the Macao-Japan exchange route until the first decades of the seventeenth century. The archival sources indicate the vital presence of the Jesuits in Macao’s trading activities. On 5 July 1630, the members of the Leal Senado da Cámara do Macao pointed out the losses in the royal customs, from India and the Philippines, showing that this situation strengthened the enemy, while in Macao “…walls and bastions, artillery, gunpowder and other war supplies, and the prevention of war” diminished outside threats. So, the Leal Senado da Cámara expressed the need to send a new ship to Japan commanded by a person skilled in this trade. They sought the effect of “perpetuating this trade, and to dispatch the ships, people and crew, which in this Kingdom of Japan have been in retreat for more than two years…” (Aresta and Viega de Oliveira 1998: 26). Similarly, a very good summary of the gradual growth of the Jesuits’ role in these exchanges is provided by the aforementioned Father Visitor Luis da Gama around 1662. In a letter, he mentioned various documents that allow for a reconstruction of the evolution of these activities. For example, the first reference is to a letter by Father Francisco de Borja who wrote to the Father Provincial of India, Antonio de Quadros, on 8 October 1567, mentioning “…how dissatisfied we are with the way of supporting our people in Japan with that unsafe and less edifying grangearia; and as if there were another more secure way, we would all

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be consoled”.28 This “less edifying” work was later justified by Father General Claudio Aquaviva, who considered it to be “one of those cases in which necessity dispenses with all law…”.29 It is clear the problem continued in the following years. It should be noted that in the last years of the sixteenth century, just as the Portuguese were consolidating their position, the Spaniards were arriving in these regions. In 1571, control of the Japanese port of Nagasaki was handed over to the Jesuits by the Japanese authorities. Meanwhile, in the same year, the Spanish established a stronger position in Manila (Philippine Islands), and in 1573, two galleons sailed from those islands to the New Spanish port of Acapulco with 712 rollos of Chinese silk and 22,300 pieces of “fine Chinese gold and other porcelain” (Boxer 1989: 2). These ships marked the beginning of a commercial link between the Philippines and the New Spanish territories, the so-called Manila galleon, which lasted until 1815. Many scholars have analysed this exchange and pointed out the consumption of Asian goods and silver in this route (Chaunu 1960; Alfonso Mola and Martínez Shaw 2000; Bonialian 2012; Giraldez 2015; Bernabéu et al. 2016; GaschTomás 2014, 2019; and others). However, Etsuko Miyata has noted more recently that Asian porcelain has been found in excavations of the Zócalo in Mexico City dating from the period 1550–1575, indicating that these were most probably exported from Macao and/or brought by the Portuguese to the New Spanish territory (Miyata 2019: 117–118). Therefore, in order to take a broader view of the connections between Latin America and Asia in the early modern era, it is essential to look beyond the Manila galleon. Later, around 1580, the union of the Iberian crowns meant that the Portuguese concentrated trade traffic with Japan from Macao. It is true that there was direct trade between the Philippines and Japan (Iaccarino 2016), but the Macao people always tried to act as intermediaries in this trade between the Japanese and the Spanish.

28 BA. Coleção Jesuítas na Asia. Codex 49-IV-56. Nº 21. f.198. 29 BA. Coleção Jesuítas na Asia. Codex 49-IV-56. Nº 21. f.198.

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3.3 The Macao-Philippines Trade: Sangleyes and Jesuits in Manila Father Pedro Murillo Velarde highlighted the international character of Manila’s port when he stated that in staying there for only one hour one would see people from all nations of Europe, Asia, America, and Africa.30 His observation provides an idea of the connections that were developing in this port as the Macao-Manila axis linked trade from the Mediterranean, Indian, Pacific, and Atlantic areas into a single chain (Ollé 2014: 371). Benjamin Videira Pires has argued that the colonization of the Philippines by the Spanish crown had three fundamental objectives. First, to have a share of the spice trade; second, to establish contacts with China and Japan, while facilitating the evangelization of these territories; and third, to convert the inhabitants of these islands to the Catholic faith. He states that “the future showed [the Spanish Monarchy] only succeeded in achieving the third objective” (Videira Pires, 1994: 7), indicating that the relations between Macao and the Philippine Islands were complex and characterized by innumerable ups and downs. Nevertheless, I consider the commercial links between the two territories to be unquestionable and, in spite of everything, they were constant according to the documents analysed. The first direct communication between the two areas of which we have any record occurred after the admittedly unsuccessful expedition of Jesuit Alonso Sánchez to China. Father Sánchez tried to gain the favour of a commercial enclave similar to Macao for the Spaniards in China from the Chinese authorities (Beites Manso and De Sousa 2011: 8). However, he failed in his mission, was captured, and sent as a prisoner to Canton. He was eventually freed thanks to Macanese diplomacy (with the direct participation of Jesuit Father Michel Ruggieri) and returned to this Portuguese port at the end of May 1582. Subsequently, on December 18 of that year, the residents and merchants of Macao met at the college of São Paulo and drew up a document in which they recognized Philip II of Spain as king of Portugal (Beites Manso and De Sousa 2011: 8). Again, as can be seen, the Macao Jesuits played a key role in this political and diplomatic process.

30 Murillo Velarde, Pedro. Geographia Historica de las islas Philipinas, del Africa, y de sus islas adyacentes. Tomo VIII. Madrid: Oficina de D. Gabriel Ramírez, 1752. p. 52.

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As for Jesuit Father Sanchez, his return journey to the Philippines was more difficult. Because of the Chinese authorities’ intention to prevent direct contact between Macao and the Philippines, Sanchez was not sent back in his fragata [frigate] but returned to the islands via Formosa and Nagasaki. After a shipwreck and the discovery of the Hermosa Island (socalled Formosa Island, current Taiwan), Father Sanchez arrived in Manila on 27 March 1583. Thus, for the first time, a Portuguese junk arrived in that port. This ship, owned by Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro, was captained by Sebastiao Jorge and loaded with wine and oil from Portugal, cotton and linen from India, bizcochos [biscuits] from China, as well as taffeta, damasks, silk, ivory, and medicinal drugs. All of this cargo was sold at a profit to both sides, but what should be noted is that it was agreed at the time that the Portuguese would make the Macao-Manila voyage every year (Videira Pires 1994: 8–9). Thus began a steady commercial traffic between both regions that was consolidated in the following decades, in which individuals such as Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro would achieve great wealth.31 At the same time, Chinese ships (called Champanes ) frequented the port of Manila in those years. Friar Martín Ignacio de Loyola referred to this in 1585: As the main design with which these religious [Descalzos Fathers of the island of Luzon] had left Spain was to go to the Great Kingdom of China to preach (…) they never tried anything else but to put it into execution and for this they gave many traces, sometimes begging the Governor to help them to achieve their intention, as it would be easy because there were usually Chinese merchant ships in the port of Manila…. (Loyola [1585] 1989: 160)

This contact between Manila and Asian regions through Chinese traders meant that its market was “flooded” with various products of that

31 This merchant was active in the trade between Japan and Macao. He was born in Santa Iria, a small village outside Lisbon, Portugal, and came from a family of Jewish converts. His trading activities are recorded in Japan, Macao via Manila, Siam, Cambodia, Timor, and India; and as Etsuko Miyata refers, he was most probably active in many other trading points where the Portuguese had control. Cf. Miyata (2016: 31). For a detailed analysis of the commercial activities of this Portuguese convert in Asian lands, see De Sousa (2010a).

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origin. Loyola himself listed these products in detail, giving us an idea of the Manila market at the end of the sixteenth century: There is much saffron, cloves and pepper, nutmeg and many other drugs, much cotton and silk of all colours, of which the Chinese merchants bring to them a great quantity every year, where more than 20 ships come loaded with pieces of different colours, and earthenware, gunpowder, saltpetre, iron, steel and much quicksilver, bronze and copper, wheat flour, walnuts and chestnuts, biscuits, dates, linen, desks carved with many shades, net headdresses, buratos, espumillas, tin ewers, handrails, strips of silk and gold thread spun in a way never seen before in Christendom, and many other curiosities, and everything, as I say, is given at very low prices. (Loyola [1585] 1989: 159)

Although this variety of goods reached the port of Manila initially through Chinese merchants, this trade undoubtedly benefited over the years from the presence of the Asian population in that city, the so-called Sangleyes (see Pérez-García 2021a: 123–152). We need to look at the Sangleyes of Manila because they were a key part of the trade on the Macao-Philippines route, as well as being the object of the evangelizing work of the Jesuits in those islands (see Descalzo Yuste 2015). The governor of the Philippines at this time, Sebastián Hurtado de Corcuera, mentioned in June 1636 that “the Chinese, so-called Sangleyes here, stay here for their mercaderia [merchandise] for one or more years”.32 This is a clear reference to the commercial motives behind the settlement of the Sangleyes in these regions where the governor estimated their population “are more than twenty-five thousand in all these lands”.33 He also noted that “if they [the Sangleyes ] were of a different nature, courage and strength, we might fear them, but they are the most apocada [low spirits] and medrosa [fearful] people I have known among all the nations of Europe and other parts where I have served”.34 His description was most probably an attempt to distance himself from the 32 My translation; original in Spanish said “los chinas q[ue] aca llaman sangleyes se

quedan aquí por sus mercadurías por uno o más años”. AGI. Filipinas, 8, R.3, N.55. 33 My translation; original in Spanish. AGI. Filipinas, 8, R.3, N.55. 34 My translation; original in Spanish said, “si fueran [los sangleyes] de diferente natural,

valor y brío nos pudiéramos temer de ellos, pero es la gente más apocada y medrosa q[ue] e conocido entre todas las naciones de la Europa y otras partes donde e servido”. AGI. Filipinas, 8, R.3, N.55.

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image of the Sangleyes who had revolted in previous years, a situation that was to be repeated on other occasions. It indicates that this population was far from being considered apocada and medrosa. In fact, Hurtado de Corcuera was an important person of connection between the Sangleyes and the Jesuits. First, whereas his predecessors had granted between 11,000 and 13,000 licences to the Sangleyes ,35 during his six-month term he had managed to hand out 19,000 licences which amounted to more than 170,000 pesos. He calculated that in the next four years “these islands could be governed with no more expenses than the rents, donations, medias natas, bullas and royal rights of the merchandise that came from them”.36 He then asked the king to increase the permisos [licences] for mercaderías [merchandise] from New Spain by 250,000 pesos, especially on clothing and silver, which would mean that the Hacienda Real would experience less fraud.37 Second, a few years later, he granted a hundred brazas [fathoms] of land in the new Parian to the members of the Society of Jesus (1 September 1640).38 In connection with this concession, a memorial from Father Procurator General Baltasar de Lagunilla, dated 3 December 1644, requested confirmation of these grants, which included not only the said lands, but also a boat for passage from the river to the town of Santa Cruz and the reservation of tribute from the Sangleyes of Santa Cruz.39 In this way, the Society of Jesus consolidated its role in the evangelization of the Sangleyes in the Philippines under Hurtado de Corcuera’s governance. Significantly, Hurtado de Corcuera had written years earlier in 1636 to the Spanish king about his preference for Jesuits to be sent to the Philippines over other religious orders stating that the Society of Jesus: 35 Governor appended to his letter a detailed list dated 18 June 1636 in Manila, where he shows the licences granted to Sangleyes between 1613 and 1634, and their respective economic contributions to the city. AGI. Filipinas, 8, R.3, N.55. 36 My translation; original in Spanish said, “se podrán gobernar estas yslas sin mas gastos q[ue] las rentas, donativos, medias natas, bullas y d[e]r[ech]os r[eale]s de las mercadurías q[ue] de ellas procedieren”. AGI. Filipinas, 8, R.3, N.55. 37 Letter signed in Manila 30 June 1636. AGI, Filipinas 8, R.3, N.62. 38 A Braza [fathom] is a measure of as much length as a person’s two arms can form

when open and extended, which is commonly measured as six feet long. D. A. Tomo I (1726) https://apps2.rae.es/DA.html This unit of length, generally used in the navy, was based on the old Castilian vara and equivalent to 1.6718 m. D.L.E., R.A.E. https://dle. rae.es/braza. 39 AGI. Filipinas, 85, N.110.

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serves (…) with great love without ever refusing what is asked of them (…) chaplains for the galleons as well as for the forces, mission and whatever else is entrusted to them without being repugnant to having part of the stipends reformed when it is convenient, they are vassals for good and bad treatment.40

He ended his letter by begging the king to send more Jesuits and fewer from other religious orders, because they will better serve “Your Majesty and God our Lord”,41 indicating a good working relationship between this governor and the Jesuits. Regarding the Sangleyes and their relationship with the Jesuits, the aforementioned friar Martin Ignacio de Loyola noted at the end of the sixteenth century that “near the city of Manila, on the other side of the river, there is a village of baptized Chinese who have stayed to live there because they enjoy evangelical freedom…”.42 He also observed that “…there are among them many journeymen of mechanical trades, such as shoemakers, tailors, silversmiths, blacksmiths and other trades, and some merchants”.43 So, it is important to note the Sangleyes were not only merchants, but also carried out multiple activities in those islands. Good proof of this can be found in the sources of the Cajas Reales of the Philippines in the Archivo General de Indias in Seville, such as the wages paid to “Sangleyes blacksmiths, fathom and caulkers sawyers who work in the barracks on the other side of the river from this city

40 My translation; original in Spanish said, “sirve (…) con mucho amor sin rehusar jamás a lo que se le pide (…) capellanes para los Galeones como para las fuerzas, misiones y cualquiera otra cosa que se les encomienda sin repugnar que se les reformen parte de los estipendios cuando conviene, son Vasallos para bien y mal tratar.” Cavite, 19 June 1636. AGI, Filipinas, 8, R.3, N.1. 41 AGI, Filipinas, 8, R.3, N.1. In contrast, this governor writes in other letters about the controversies and complaints he had with both Dominicans and Franciscans, as well as with Archbishop Pedro de Monroy, whom he described as “a restless man and a friend of revolutions”. These letters are signed in Manila, 30 June 1636. See AGI, Filipinas, 8, R.3, N.35; AGI, Filipinas, 8, R.3, N.40; and AGI, Filipinas, 8, R.3, N.43. 42 My translation; original in Spanish said, “cerca de la ciudad de Manila, de la otra banda del río hay un pueblo de chinos bautizados que se han quedado a vivir en ella por gozar de la libertad evangélica…” Loyola ([1585] 1989: 160). 43 My translation; original in Spanish said, “…hay entre ellos muchos oficiales de oficios mecánicos, como zapateros, sastres, plateros, herreros y de otros oficios, y algunos mercaderes” Loyola ([1585] 1989: 160).

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[Cavite]”.44 Other records include more specific payments such as 135 pesos of oro común [regular gold] to “Pedro Henco sangley head of blacksmiths” for the wages of three Sangleyes blacksmiths of his gang in the Province of Pangasinan, dedicated to the nailing necessary for the champanes [ships] “that on behalf of His Majesty were ordered to be made in this province…”.45 Precisely for this work, Dico sangley, Maestro de fábricas de champanes [Master of Ships factory], received 78 pesos of regular gold. Both items were recorded in March 1678. Similarly, the purchase of different goods for the royal stores also reveals the varied professions Sangleyes held in those years. Many of them were engaged in providing commodities such as foodstuffs and wood. Towards the end of 1681, for example, various payments were recorded such as: Nicolás Chinto, sangley who received 166 pesos, 7 tomines, and 2 grains of regular gold for the delivery to the royal stores of 208 cavanes and 15 gantas of rice; Pedro Sayco, sangley timber merchant who delivered 350 boards in exchange for 141 pesos and 2 tomines of gold; Henco, sangley who received 80 pesos of gold for 480 gantas of coconut oil; and Tanche and Liang, sangleyes of the chicken trade, who received 62 pesos and 4 tomines for 250 hens that were shipped on the galleon San Antonio de Padua and the balandra [sloop] San Francisco Javier that were sent to New Spain and the Mariana Islands.46 These accounts also show the manufacturing trades carried out by the Sangleyes such as Joco sangley, a shoemaker, who delivered 1,600 pairs of cordovan shoes at the rate of 2 tomines each pair, obtaining for them 400 pesos of gold, and Tionco sangley, a swordsmith, who received 240 pesos, 6 tomines, and 6 grains of regular gold in exchange for: 728 baynas of swords. At the rate of 1 tomin each = 320 bayna of daggers at the same rate = 780 puños de espadas [fists of swords] and serrated daggers, at the rate of 9 grains each; and for the manufacture of having armed 700 swords at the rate of 2 pesos and 4 tomines a hundred= 480 44 My translation; original in Spanish said, “sangleyes herreros, azerradores de braças y calafates q[ue] trabajan en la barraca de la otra banda del río de esta Ciudad [Cavite]”. AGI. Contaduría. 1241. f.80 s/n vta. 45 My translation; original in Spanish said, “Pedro Henco sangley cabeza de herreros” por los jornales de tres sangleyes herreros de su cuadrilla en la provincia de Pangasinan, dedicados a la clavazón necesaria para los Champanes “que de quenta de Su Magestad se mandaron hacer en dha provincia…”. AGI. Contaduría. 1243. f.81–f.81 vta. 46 AGI. Contaduría. 1243. f.77–f.77 vta.; f.78 vta; and f.81–f.81 vta.

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blades of swords which were made in exchange for 480 blades of swords that acicalo [spruced] at the rate of 3 pesos a hundred= 320 blades of daggers that likewise acicalo [spruced] at the rate of 320 blades of daggers that likewise acicalo [spruced] at the rate of 1 pesos and 4 tomines a hundred.47

These examples demonstrate the specialized manufacturing capacity that the Sangleyes had developed in those islands. Around 1695, the authorities made a list of the Chinese or Sangleyes living inside and outside Manila’s walls showing the various trades they were engaged in, such as cloth merchants, silversmiths, blacksmiths, bell-ringers, tailors, stonemasons, and locksmiths.48 The Sangleyes of Manila acted as key intermediaries in these constant exchanges with China, but they often depended on the flow of silver from New Spain in order to collect their goods. As recounted by the Governor of the Philippines Island, Fausto Cruzat, a Champan [ship] came in 1693 from Macao, and “brought the 53 quintals, 1 arroba and 17 pounds of azogue [mercury] referred to, remained in this city where it still is, because it has not been able to collect its goods, which it sold on credit to the neighbors, until the galleon from New Spain comes, and so, two years later it has been waiting…”.49 47 My translation; original in Spanish said, “728 baynas de espadas. A razón de 1 tomin cada una = 320 baynas de dagas a lo mesmo = 780 puños de espadas y dagas de serda, a razón de 9 granos cada uno; y por la manufactura de haver armado 700 espadas a raçon de 2 pesos y 4 tomines el ciento = 480 hojas de espadas que asicalo a razón de 3 pesos el ciento = 320 hojas de dagas que asimismo asicalo a razón de 1 pesos y 4 tomines el ciento”. AGI. Contaduría. 1243. f.77 vta. y f.78 vta. 48 See this list in AGI. Filipinas, 28. N.31. A transcription of this list is in Miyata (2019: 114–115). 49 My translation; original in Spanish said, “trajo los 53 quintales, 1 @ y 17 libras de azogue referidos, se quedó en esta ciudad donde todavía se halla, por no haber podido cobrar sus mercaderías, que vendió fiadas a los vecinos, hasta que venga el Galeón de la Nueva España, y así, a dos años que aguarda…” Manila, 5 June 1695. AGI, Filipinas, 15, R.1, N.43. We know that governor Cruzat continued to buy azogue [mercury] in Macao and then sending it to New Spain. In 1697, Cruzat sent on the Galleon San Francisco Javier a total of 59 quintals and 13 and a half pounds, whose value was 3,748 pesos (63 pesos and 3 tomines each quintal). Manila, 3 June 1698. AGI, Filipinas, 17, R.1, N.25. Sabemos que el gobernador Cruzat continuó la compra de azogue en Macao, enviandolo a Nueva España. En 1697 envió en el Galeón San Francisco Javier un total de 59 quintales y 13 libras y media, cuyo valor fue de 3.748 pesos, es decir, un valor de 63 pesos y 3 tomines cada quintal. Manila, 3 June 1698. AGI, Filipinas, 17, R.1, N.25.

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In addition to depending on this flow of silver, Macao’s reliance on maritime trade also depended on good sailing weather and friendly passage through the waters. The loss of ships and/or vessels either through shipwrecks or capture by foreign enemies caused serious economic crises whenever they occurred. Father Adriano de las Cortes mentioned in his account, for example, that he left three galeotas [galiots] towards the end of April 1626, along with “many small barquichuelos [boats]”. After this, a great storm near Manila caused the galeota [galiot] Almiranta to sink, drowning “forty or so people, many of them merchants and people of consideration”.50 Aside from the terrible loss of life, he also pointed out the devastating loss of cargo and resulting profits: …three hundred thousand pesos of silks in the city of Macán [Macao] that the galeota [galiot] was carrying were lost, without what the said mercadurías [merchandise] had to yield in Manila, which no doubt was another two hundred thousand pesos more, and so half a million pesos was lost in it.51 (De las Cortes [1625–1626] 1991: 322).

Such events undoubtedly impacted the Macanese economy. Even more serious for the city of Macao was what happened in the period 1735– 1745, when the city lost more than eleven ships in two shipwrecks (Teixeira 1984: 402; Bruxo et al. 2017: 267). At that time, the growth of Dutch and English power in Southeast Asia led the Portuguese monarch Joao V in 1746 to prohibit foreigners from settling and trading in Macao.52 However, the Lusitanian king made an exception for ships coming from Manila, which could trade freely and would pay less duty (1.5%) than the Portuguese and other inhabitants of Macau (2%) (Bruxo et al. 2017: 267). This provision shows the continued importance of trade between Macao and Manila during the early modern period.53 50 My translation; original in Spanish said, “cuarenta y tantas personas, muchas dellas mercaderes y gente de consideración”. 51 My translation; original in Spanish said, “trescientos mil pesos de empleo en sedas en la ciudad de Macán [Macao] que la galeota traía, sin lo que habían de rendir en Manila las dichas mercadurías, que sin duda fueron otros doscientos mil pesos más, y así fue medio millón la pérdida en ella.” De las Cortes [1625–1626] 1991: 322. 52 It should also be recalled that in 1745, French traders settled in Canton (Teixeira 1984: 402). 53 I only found one ship that made the reverse journey from Macao to Manila during this period 1745–1746, or at least paid derechos reales [royal duties] in the Cajas reales.

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Jesuits and a Cargo of Musk

Sometimes an “exceptional” circumstance can mark the “normality” of a period. In this respect, the following case study identifies certain common practices in the trade of products at the Iberian borders and the role of the Jesuits in this exchange.54 In 1648, a Portuguese Cho [ship] from Macau, called Nossa Senhora da Conceição [Our Lady of the Conception] or Nuestra Señora de la Concepción (in Spanish sources), was shipwrecked off the coast of Manila along with its captain Diego de Mendoza Furtado.55 Its Portuguese crew members were arrested and the ship’s property was seized by the royal officers of the Philippines. The confiscation was carried out by the oidor fiscal Cavallero de Medina on the basis of an order from Governor Diego Fajardo. For the next fifteen days, this Portuguese ship was guarded by Juan Muñoz and twelve other soldiers.56 Then, the Notario Público Juan de Campos y Rojas carried out the inventarios [inventories] of the confiscated goods, a task that lasted for twenty-seven and a half days.57 The details in the archival record are revealing about what turned out to be over a two decade long standoff. This ship was carrying goods for a total value of 54,473 pesos, 4 tomines, and 3 granos, which was This is the case of the Chalupa Nuestra Señora de los Placeres under the command of Captain Joseph Rodrígues, which had a cargo of 6,854 pesos and 4 tomines, paying 800 pesos on 27 April 1745; it then brought a cargo of 800 pesos and paid 200 on 19 July 1745; and finally, on 1 June 1746, Chalupa entered Manila with a cargo of 5,813 pesos and 4 tomines, and pays 800 pesos in the said port. AGI, Contaduria, 1289. 54 I refer here to the concept of “normal exceptional” proposed by Edoardo Grendi and used by the authors of Italian Micro History in their analyses, such as Carlo Ginzburg and Giovanni Levi (Ginzburg 1994: 41). 55 Luke Clossey mentions that ten years earlier, in 1638, a ship also called Our Lady of the Conception, “the largest ship ever built in the Philippines, was wrecked on Saipan…”, but in that case all the cargo was lost. Clossey, “Merchants, migrants, missionaries”, 45. 56 AGI, Contaduría 1227. f.182-f. 182 s/n v. 57 AGI, Contaduría 1227. f.183 s/n-s/n v. The term almoneda at the time was defined

as “The sale of things that are publicly made with the intervention of justice through the voice of the town crier, who publishes the thing that is sold, and the price that they give for it, so that the buyers may bid one another, and the price is increased, and it is remitted”. Furthermore, it is said that “…this voice can be composed of the name Monéda, and of the article Al, because what is sold there becomes money and monéda”. Finally, its definition also states that it is used in “the market of the things that are won in war, is appreciated for money, each one as much as it is worth”. D.A. Tomo I (1726). https://webfrl.rae.es/DA.html.

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placed in the Caja Real on 29 July 1648.58 Among these goods, Father Andrés de Ledesma, Procurator General of the Society of Jesus in the Philippines Island stated that he brought Antonio Rodrigues de Lagos, master and scribe of the ship, “in one of his caxa, twenty-seven cates de Almiscle [musk] belonging to the Province of China”.59 We know that this finissimo musk was sent by Manuel Figueredo, a Jesuit father who was the procurator of the mission in China, “so that he could use the profit expected from its sale to support the parents who worked in China”.60 This information comes from a letter written by Ferdinand III of Habsburg, dated 17 November 1654, consulting his cousin Philip IV king of Spain about this musk confiscation. In the letter, Ferdinand III also mentioned that “…just as in Macao there are no goods from the countryside that the Supremo Pontifice [Pope] has granted under certain limits, so too the religious may exert some kind of merchandise for their sustenance…”.61 The following year, the king ordered by royal decree that this amount be returned to the Portuguese. However, the then governor Sabiniano Manrique de Lara only gave the Lusitanians a total of 4,600 pesos, arguing he needed to pay the Real Caxa. The governor mentioned that among the goods seized were “28 musk buyones [sic], which is much more than the amount that the father procurator of the province of China [Father Martín Martínez] claims to belong to him”, and he affirmed, “despite the fact that neither the inventarios [inventories] nor the almonedas were seized, he neither reasoned nor declared that any part of this almiscle [musk] belonged to the procurator or his province”.62 On 23 July 1662, after being consulted by the Consejo de Indias , the public prosecutor decided that the excess should be applied to the Royal Treasury, since 58 AGI, Filipinas, 22. R.10. It should be noted that, according to the Philippine crate, the official judges of the Royal Treasury were charged with 54,454 pesos, 5 tomines, and 11 grains of gold that different persons had placed in the royal crate from 21 April to 15 October 1648, resulting from the value of the goods that were auctioned off in the royal treasury of the goods seized from the said Portuguese “as recorded in 285 interpolated entries of the common book, and general of the royal caxa of the said year. AGI, Contaduría, 1227. “Philippine Cash Office. 1648–1649,, . f.95. 59 AGI, Filipinas, 22. R.10. N.55. 60 AGI, Filipinas, 2. N.156. 61 AGI, Filipinas, 2. The Emperor spoke, since the musk had been sent to the Jesuits

by the German ambassador, Count de Lamberg. AGI, Filipinas, 22. R.7. 62 AGI, Filipinas, 22. R.10. N.55.

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Father Martín Martínez “can only claim that what is contained in his report should be handed over to him”.63 A Real Cédula was finally issued on 18 June 1662 to return this amount to Father Martin Martinez.64 Then, on 9 September 1662, the Consejo de Indias decided Father Martinez should be given back “the amount of musk or the value of its proceeds”.65 So, a long process began in which the Jesuits demanded from the crown and the Philippine authorities the return of the value of those twenty-seven musk pounds, equivalent to 2,430 pesos de a ocho reales [eight reals], which belonged to the Vice-Province of China. However, this payment was not made and the Jesuits again claimed in 1672, even requesting that the payment be made by the Caja Real of Mexico, given the Philippine authorities’ limited income.66 Although we do not know precisely if this payment was finally made, this case indicates the importance of the commercial networks the Jesuits developed and at the same time highlights the conflicts that could arise with local and imperial authorities. It also allows us to focus on a product that was very valuable to the Jesuits, namely musk. The musk trade became very important in the Manila and Macao ports. For example, the historian Antonio García Abásolo has highlighted the figure of Captain Pedro de Alas Marrón, whom he describes as “the greatest merchant of musk and ambergris” (García-Abásolo 2019: 79). In his will, Alas Marrón gave sixteen musk buches [pots] and forty-six ambergris onzas [ounces] for sale in Seville.67 Other references to this commodity can be found in various sources from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Friar Martin Ignacio de Loyola, in his journey through China, mentioned that “there are many musk animals, which are the size and appearance of a small dog, which they kill and bury for a few days and after all the flesh and blood has rotted, it becomes those smelly powders” (Loyola [1585] 1989: 173). Also, Sebastian de Covarrubias, around 1611, described the particularities of musk, with its “very fragrant

63 AGI, Filipinas, 22. R.10. N.55. 64 AGI, Filipinas, 296. N.3. 65 AGI, Filipinas, 22. R.10. N.55. 66 Request made by the Father General Procurator of Indies Manuel de Villabona on 27 February, 1672. AGI, Filipinas, 82. N.30. 67 AGI, Contratación, 266A, N.1, R.3. See also García-Abásolo (2019: 79).

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smell” and “a very mild, uplifting smell”.68 Years later, the Jesuit Adriano de las Cortes recalled that during his journey he crossed paths with Chinese hunters who used dogs to harass the “musk animal”. He then detailed how the musk was obtained: “in the navel it has a pocket and through it purge a blood or humour that is curdled by the musk…”, adding an image representing the hunting of the musk animal (De las Cortes, [1625–1626] 1991: 94–95). All told, musk was a frequent commodity in commercial exchanges between the territories of Southeast Asia, and in Manila, it was mentioned on numerous occasions. For example, the inventory of goods belonging to Governor Alonso Fajardo de Tenza, carried out between 12 and 16 July 1624, shows the presence of 126 buches [pots] of musk. Later, in the celebrated almoneda, the four pounds and four and a half onzas [ounces] of musk were sold at 76 pesos (Kawamura 2018: 7–8). Similarly, musk was also very important in Macao. Around 1600, some Macanese ships took two musk picos to Japan, which had been bought for 8 reais for the cate in Canton, and resold them in Japan for 14, 15, or 16 reais depending on the demand (Boxer 1989: 158). Also, Table 3.3 shows that in July 1618 a similar quantity of musk (2 cates ) was shipped by the Jesuits to Japan (Loureiro 2007: 37; Boxer 1989: 163–168). At the same time, 6 or 7 picos of this product were taken by Macanese ships to India, where it was used by the natives (Boxer 1989: 159). Towards the middle of the seventeenth century, the Leal Senado da Cámara included musk among the products that had to pay duties, indicating the importance that its trade had acquired in that port (Aresta and Viega de Oliveira 1998: 97).

3.5

Jesuits as Merchants in This Asian Region

As noted earlier, the Jesuits had developed a significant role as traders which became very relevant for this region. We must remember the aforementioned words by Father Alonso Sánchez exposed this in a letter to the Father General towards the end of the sixteenth century:

68 Sebastían de Covarrubias Orozco. Tesoro de la lengua castellana o española. Madrid, 1611. f.38v.

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…but above all, what the Society faces, in these parts [Macao] and in Luzon and New Spain, where it has already arrived, and will have arrived in Spain, is the mercaderías [merchandise] and the treatment more established in our people than in Genoese, and it is not [surprising] because we never take anything from our breasts that we do not do with more eficatia [efficiency] and mañas [skill] than any other kind of people.69

The eficatia e mañas [efficiency and skill] of Macao’s Jesuits took different forms, all of them with the aim of financing their activities in the region.70 The members involved in the Society of Jesus trade networks participated in the exchange of Chinese products, and even had an important share of the trade ceded by the Leal Senado da Cámara of Macao (Loureiro 2007). I have also shown that Jesuits were assigned by contract between 250 and 300 silk picos that they took on trust from the merchants of Macao to sell on their behalf in Japan. Thus, Macao, Nagasaki, and Manila were part of a non-official trade system that integrated American and European markets for the circulation of global goods such as silk, tea, and porcelain. However, the Macao-Japan trade route declined in importance due to three specific events: (1) the expulsion of the Jesuits from Japan (1614); (2) the Shogunate’s ban on Japanese overseas trade from 1635; and (3) the permanent exclusion of the Lusitanians from the Japanese archipelago in 1639. In addition, I mentioned a conflictive international environment (Yun Casalilla 2019: 354–355), although during times of war these contexts favoured commercial activities in this Asian region. This was 69 My translation; original in Spanish said, “pero lo que sobretodo tiene afrentada la Compañía, en estas partes [Macao] y en Luçon y Nueva España, donde ya llega, y aun a España habrá llegado, es la mercancía y trato más entablado en los nuestros que en genoveses, y no [es de extrañar] porque nunca tomamos cosa a pechos que no lo hagamos con más eficatia e mañas que ninguna outra suerte de gente.” Letter signed in Macao, 2 June 1584 (Manso 2013: 112, Note no. 8). 70 This particularity should not be linked only to Asian territories because it occurred in numerous missionary spaces of the Society of Jesus. For example, in the Portuguese empire, the Jesuits practised similar strategies in other areas (Alden 1996: 528–551). For example, on 30 March 1642, Simão de Vasconcelos, Jesuit Procurator General of Brazil, requested the confirmation of the grant given during the union of the Iberian crowns by King Philip III to the college of Bahia to be able to plant and cultivate 20,000 quintals of ginger for the Kingdom of Portugal in 15 years; in addition to the payment of dividends and licencia [licence] to sail to the said kingdom with Brazil for 8 years; or salt from the Kingdom of Portugal for Brazil and also requested more congruas for the religious orders who serve in the Indian Aldeias. AHU, CU, BA. Caixa 8. Doc nº 955.

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noted by a Dutch governor-general of the Moluccas, who in a letter to his directors in 1614 stated: You gentlemen ought to know from experience that trade in Asia should be conducted and maintained under the protection and with the aid of your own weapons, and that those weapons must be wielded with the profits gained by trade. So, trade cannot be maintained without war, nor war without trade”. (Parker 2003: 179-180)

Moreover, the Jesuits and the inhabitants from Macao tried to locate a “new Japan” (Sena 2016) by strengthening other trade routes. In this way, Father Adriano de las Cortes travelled from Manila to Macao in January 1625, to realize “certain substantial business”71 (De las Cortes [1625–1626] 1991: 97). De las Cortes does not specify what he means by negocio de consideración [substantial business]. Some authors have explained this phrase from only a commercial point of view, others have analysed his words from a religious perspective, and some scholars have proposed an “intermediate” position, understanding this Jesuit made that trip with evangelizing and commercial objectives between Manila and Macao (Moncó 1991: 20–21; 2012). I consider this the most appropriate interpretation, especially given the political and economic contexts in which his mission took place. During the second half of the seventeenth century, Jesuits focused on opening new trade routes, as the example of the musk commerce makes very clear. Through their exchange networks and infrastructure, the members of the Society of Jesus were directly or indirectly involved in commercial trafficking from Macau and the Philippines. They had their own vessels in the Macau port with which they carried out trade missions to various points. Thus, in the 1630s, the Macao college owned two junks and engaged with the activities of other vessels in the city (Alden 1996: 531). It is important to mention that these Jesuits of Macao not only participated in this Macao-Philippines route, but also in other exchange routes with territories near the Macanese port. Without a doubt, the greatest route of exchange was the one that united that port with Japan, which they dominated until the first decades of the seventeenth century. Descriptions of their commercial activities abound. In 1661, for example, the Jesuits of the Macao School acted as partners of the 71 My translation; original in Spanish said, “cierto negocio de consideración”.

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Portuguese merchant Francisco Vieira de Figueiredo in the Nossa Senhora da Conceiçao e Sao Domingos Suriano. We know that this ship officially carried “sappan and sandalwood” but that it un-officially transported gold and sugar to Goa. These products were confiscated by the Dutch when this ship was captured in October 1661 in Batavia. Finally, these goods were recovered, and the journey was completed in March 1662 (Boxer 1967: 33–34). We also find specific names of Jesuits directly involved in the trade that developed from this city to other parts of Asia. The Japanese Father Paulo dos Santos and the arcediago and tesoureiro-mor Father Manuel Queirós Pereira were both entrepreneurs in the Macao maritime trade. Additionally, Queirós Pereira was partner and also brother-in-law of Francisco Xavier Doutel (Videira Pires 1993: 127) and at least since 1711, had been sharing a ship with Doutel. So, in the early years of the eighteenth century, a new “exceptional” case points to the Macao Jesuits’ links with trade. On the one hand, the sources mention that Father Manuel Queirós Pereira was in fact one of the owners of the ship Jesús, María y José. This ship, captained by Francisco Leite Pereira, was captured during its return journey from Batavia in February 1712.72 The vessel was captured by the French corsair Henry Bouynot, who later sold it in the port of Manila to Aleixo Pessoa (Teixeira 1984: 121). The following year the Treaty of Utrecht was signed, which put an end to the War of the Spanish Succession, and because of this, the Portuguese Vice-Royalty of India ordered the return of the ships from Macau that traded with Manila in May 1714. Captain Leite Pereira travelled to Goa in May 1716 to personally discuss the return of the ship Jesús, María e José, which finally returned to its owners in 1719 (Videira Pires 1994: 44–45). Two years later, the Leal Senado da Cámara of Macao wrote to the Jesuit Father Antonio Soares, who was in the Kingdom of Siam, asking him to “guide and direct in everything” the captain sent from the city for the “conservation of the treatment and trade” between Macao and that Kingdom.73

72 Father Manuel Queirós Pereira owned the boat with Francisco Xavier Doutel. The latter was the owner of several boats. Born in Bragança, he arrived in Macau in 1698 and married Francisca Pereira (sister of the said Jesuit and of the merchant Francisco Leite Pereira, who captained the boat). Videira Pires (1993: 127 and 142). 73 “Carta que o Senn.o mandou em Siao ao M. R.do P.e Antonio Soares Rellig.o da Comp.a de Jesus”. 28 January 1721. Arquivos de Macau. Vol. I. Nº3. August 1929: 155–156.

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On the other hand, it is very interesting to note that in those first decades of the eighteenth century the governor of the Philippines, Fernando Manuel Bustillo y Bustamante, used the Jesuits to send ambergris and musk. The sale of these commodities would cover the 4,400 pesos he owed Manuel López Pintado for his passage to the islands: “I have resolved that a small box is being taken into the care of M. R. P. Marzelo de Valdivieso”.74 Bustamante also used Jesuit fathers to transfer money from Manila to Europe: Father Andrés de Veytia in Mexico and Father Miguel Aleman in Seville were significant figures in this network. The Philippine governor not only paid off his debts in money, he also sent goods to sell in Europe in order to pay Jacome Andriani, the ambassador in Madrid, such as the amber and musk that was sold for 18,000 pesos in 1718.75 Again, the Jesuits were directly involved in the transport and trade of Asian goods on that trade route. Continuing for decades, years later we find a list of products that Jesuit Father Procurator Francisco Alberto had loaded onto the Macao Company’s ship Sao Pedro e Sao Joao in January 1745. The cajones were addressed to certain Jesuit fathers and were mostly made up of utensils for the consumption of Chá [tea]; earthenware of various types; escribanías [bureaus]; and some textiles such as “a colcha [quilt] of gold and silk (…) sheets of flowers basteadas of Nankim; two becas 76 of crimson damask (…); five pairs of socks, and two handkerchiefs…”.77 In the second half of the eighteenth century, the Jesuit Father Francisco María Guglielmi, resident in Macao, was appointed by poder of Jacobo Martín Bellman (Consul General of Sweden in Cádiz) “so that he would have full strength and validity” to do his business in that city.78 74 “Problemas de los barcos para salir hacia Filipinas”. Mexico, 24 April 1716. AHN, Diversos-Colecciones, 43, N.21. 75 Cfr. “Entrega de ciertas cantidades de una deuda”. Acapulco, 27 March 1717. AHN, Diversos-Colecciones 43. N.22; and “Venta de cambar y almizcle”. Mexico, 23 June 1718. AHN, Diversos-Colecciones 43. N.108. 76 Beca is a type of vestment and ornament formerly worn by clergymen which was a silk chia or cloth, which hung from the neck to the feet. D.A. Tomo I (1726). https:// webfrl.rae.es/DA.html 77 B.A. 49-V-29. f.133-f.134. 78 This power of attorney was granted on 9 March 1758 to the Sobrecargo Miguel

Grubl of the East India Company ship named the Prince Charles (whose captain was Baltasar Grubl) and which was anchored in the city of Cadiz. AHM. SEIC. F.17.13. T1_ 05773 to T1_05779.

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This centred on collecting a debt of 1,680 pesos dobles contracted on 17 November 1753, by Nicolás de Echaus Bauman, who at the time held the post of treasurer of the Cajas Reales of Manila.79 So the link between Jesuits and merchants was strong in the 1750s and continued until the expulsion of the Society of Jesus from the Portuguese and Spanish empires. Therefore, based on what has been analysed in this section, the Jesuits in Macau played a key role as commercial agents, both acting as direct transporters of Asian products to other destinations, as well as collaborating with the logistics of this trade (ships). Sometimes they were directly implicated in illicit trade practices, as in the case of smuggling silver. For example, on 11 April 1714, the merchant Joseph Roiz was denounced in the Leal Senado da Cámara. The reason was Roiz “disembarking nine bags of silver, which I brought from Manilla in the ship Santa Ana, hiding from the direitos [duties]…”.80 Later, Roiz confessed the smuggling was true and he had “..embezzled 3,200 patacas ”, but in his confession said “…he was informed by Father Antonio Dantas of the Society of Jesus …, who came to him nao [ship]…”. So, the Jesuit Dantas had a crucial role in this smuggling traffic. Finally, the Leal Senado da Cámara ordered to merchant Joseph Roiz must pay 2.5% of his goods for not respecting its orders.81 These illegal practices should not only be linked to the Jesuits in this city, since there are also references to other religious orders involved in similar practices. For example, it was said of the friar Alexander of Nossa Senhora do Bom Sucesso, Commissary of the monastery of Santa Clara in Macao: …that when any ship appears, [he] is one of the first that goes on board, not being repaired, whether it be foreign, or ours, and if any one of them is offered, whether foreign, or Portuguese, but mainly to take farms on board, and being foreign, it teaches him the entrances of the embarkations,

79 AHM. SEIC. F.17.13. T1_05773 to T1_05774. 80 My translation; original in Portuguese said, “desembarcara nove bolças de Prata, q

trouxe de Manilla no Barco S[an]ta Anna escondidas aos direitos…”. Actas das Sessoes do Leal Senado da Cámara. 11 April 1714. AHM. LS. 0333. p.45. 81 Actas das Sessoes do Leal Senado da Cámara. 11 April 1714. AHM. LS. 0333, p. 45.

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and disembarkations, so that in this city there would be no justice for His Majesty, based on his habit, and this is not good for the said habit…82

In conclusion, the Jesuits played a key role as commercial agents in Macao, Japan, and the Philippines. Examining the particularities of these exchanges, and focusing on specific goods such as musk, allows for a better understanding of the changes in consumption and trade in those regions, and its links with Latin America.

References Alden, Dauril. 1996. The Making of an Enterprise. The Society of Jesus in Portugal, Its Empire, and Beyond. 1540–1750. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Alfonso Mola, Marina, and Carlos Martínez Shaw (eds.). 2000. El Galeón de Manila. Madrid: Aldeasa. Andrade, Tonio. 2017. La edad de la pólvora. Las armas de fuego en la historia del mundo. Traduced by Efrén del Valle. Barcelona: Planeta. Aresta, António, and Celina Veiga de Oliveira (eds.). 1998. O Senado. Fontes documentais para a História do Leal Senado de Macau. Macau: Leal Senado de Macau. Basto da Silva, Beatriz. 2015. Cronologia da História de Macau. Vol. I. Séculos XVI, XVII e XVIII . 2º Ed. Macau: Direcção dos Serviços de Educação e Juventude. Bernabéu Albert, Salvador, and Carlos Martínez Shaw (eds.). 2016. Un océano de seda y plata: el universo económico del Galeón de Manila. Sevilla: CSIC. Blumers, Teresa, and Shigeko Ito. 2005. La “Procuraduría” en las misiones jesuíticas del Paraguay y del Japón. In X° Jornadas Internacionales sobre Misiones Jesuíticas: Educación y Evangelización. La experiencia de un mundo mejor, ed. Carlos Page, 543–553. Córdoba: Universidad Católica de Córdoba. Bonialian, Mariano. 2012. El Pacifico Hispanoamericano. Política y comercio asiático en el imperio español. La centralidad de lo marginal. México: El Colegio de México.

82 My translation;original in Portuguese said, “q[ue] apenas aparece qualq[ue]r navio, he dos primerios q[ue] vai a bordo, não reparado seja estrangeiro, ou noss, e offeracendose qual[ue]r pela que seja, assi estrangeiro, ou portuguez p[er]o sobretuam[en]te lhe tirar fazendas p[o]r alto, e sendo estrangeiro lhe ensina as entradas dos embarques, e desembarques, fazendo com que nesta Cid[ad]e não houvesse justicia de V. Mag.e, fiado no su habito, ao m[es]mo que lhe não esta bem ao d[it]o habito…”. Oficios do Leal Senado para os Governos de Goa e Lisboa. 23 December 1741. AHM. LS. s0037.

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Boxer, Charles R. 1960. Missionaries and Merchants of Macao, 1557–1687. In Separate das Acatas do III Colóquio Internacional de Estudos Luso-Brasileiros, vol. II, 210–224. Lisboa. ———. 1967. Francisco Vieira de Figueiredo: A Portuguese Merchant-Adventurer in South East Asia, 1624–1667 . Leiden: Brill. ———. 1989. O grande navio de Amacau. 4º edition. Translated by Manuel Vilarinho. Macau: Fundaçao Oriente, Museu e Centro de Estudios Maritimos de Macau. Boyajian, James C. 1993. Portuguese Trade in Asia Under the Habsburgs, 1580– 1640. Baltimore, MD: John Hopkins University Press. Brown, Delmer. 1948. The Impact of Firearms on Japanese Warfare, 1543–98. The Far Eastern Quarterly 7 (3): 236–253. Bruxo, Jorge, Isabel Leonor, Diaz de Seabra, and Lurdes Escaleira. 2017. Portugueses no Oriente: Uma Narrativa dos Séculos XV a XIX . Macau: Instituto Politécnico de Macau. Burbank, Jane, and Cooper, Frederick. 2011. Imperios. Una nueva visión de la Historia Universal. Traduced by Juan Rabasseda and Teófilo de Lozoya. Barcelona: Crítica. Chaunu, Pierre. 1960. Les Philippines et le Pacifique des Ibériques. 2 volumes. Paris: Sevpen. D’Ávila Lourido, Rui. 2006. Do Occidente à China pelas Rotas da Seda. Administraçao 73 (19): 1073–1094. ———. 2010. Comércio de importação e exportação em Macau, dos finais da dinastia Ming ao declínio da dinastia Qing. Mercadores portugueses, outros europeus e chineses. Revista de Cultura/Review of Culture. Edição Internacional/International Edition 33: 38–56. De las Cortes, Adriano. [1625–1626] 1991. Viaje de la China. Madrid: Alianza Editorial. De Sousa, Lúcio. 2010a. The Early European Presence in China, Japan, The Philippines and Southeast Asia (1555–1590). The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro. Lisboa: Fundaçao Macau. ———. 2010b. Slave Networks and their Expansion Through Macao to Europe and America. Revista de Cultura/Review of Culture. Edição Internacional/ International Edition 35: 6–21. ———. 2018a. The Portuguese Slave Trade in Early Modern Japan. Merchants, Jesuits and Japanese, Chinese, and Korean Slaves. Leiden: Brill. ———. 2018b. The Jewish Presence in China and Japan in the Early Modern Period: A Social Representation. In Global History and New Polycentric Approaches. Europe, Asia and the Americas in a World Network System. Trading Network, ed. Manuel Pérez García, and Lúcio de Sousa, 183–218. Singapore: Palgrave Macmillan.

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Miyata, Etsuko. 2016. Portuguese Intervention in the Manila Galleon Trade. The Structure and Networks of Trade Between Asia and America in the 16th and 17th Centuries as Revealed by Chinese Ceramics and Spanish Archives. Oxford: Archaeopress Archaeology. ———. 2019. Comercio entre Asia y América durante los siglos XVI y XVII: intervención portuguesa en el galeón de Manila. In Carmen Yuste López (coord.). Nueva España. Puerta americana al Pacífico asiático, siglos XVI– XVIII, 109–128. México: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México. Moncó, Beatriz. 1991. Introducción. In De las Cortes, Adriano. Viaje de la China [1625–1626], 17–90. Madrid: Alianza Editorial. ———. 2012. The China of the Jesuits: Travels and Experiences of Diego de Pantoja and Adriano de las Cortes. Culture & History Digital Journal 1 (2). https://doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2012.m101 (10 June 2021). Oka, Mihoko. 2006. A Memorandum by Tçuzu Rodrigues: The Office of Procurador and Trade by the Jesuits in Japan. Bulletin of Portuguese-Japanese Studies 13: 81–102. Ollé Rodriguez, Manel. 1999. Estrategias Filipinas respecto a China: Alonso Sánchez y Domingo de Salazar en la empresa de China (1581–1593). Ph.D. Dissertation. Barcelona: Universidad Pompeu Fabra. Ollé Rodriguez, Manel. 2014. Entre China y la Especiería. Castellanos y portugueses en Asia Oriental. In Carlos Martínez Shaw, y José Antonio Martínez Torres (dirs.). España y Portugal en el mundo (1581–1668), 371–390. Madrid: Polifemo. O’Neill, Charles, and Joaquín María Domíguez. 2001. Diccionario Histórico de la Compañía de Jesús. Biográfico-temático, 4 vols. Roma: Institutum Historicum S.I., Madrid: Universidad Pontificia Comillas. Parker, Geoffrey. 2003. Europe and the Wider World, 1500–1750: The Military Balance. In The Political Economy of Merchant Empires. State Power and World Trade, 1350–1750, ed. James D. Tracy, 161–195. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Penalva, Elsa. 2008. Merchants Elites of Macao in 1642. Bulletin of PortugueseJapanese Studies 17: 167–195. Pérez-García, Manuel. 2021a. Global History with Chinese Characteristics. Autocratic States Along the Silk Road in the Decline of the Spanish and Qing Empires 1680–1796. Asia-Pacific: Palgrave-Macmillan. ———. 2021b. Blood, Land and Power. The Rise and Fall of the Spanish Nobility and Lineages in the Early Modern Period. Cardiff: University of Wales Press. Reyes Manzano, Ainhoa. 2009. La introducción de las armas de fuego en Japón. Brocar. Cuadernos de Investigación Histórica 33: 43–66. Reyes Manzano, Ainhoa. 2014. La Cruz y la Catana: relaciones entre España y Japón (Siglos XVI–XVII). PhD. Dissertation. Logroño: Universidad de La Rioja.

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CHAPTER 4

Buenos Aires, the Latin American “False Door”: Contraband and Exchanges in the Río De La Plata Basin

And considering the essence of this port [Buenos Aires], the main key to the Kingdom of Piru [Peru] on this side, its desamparo [abandonment] and lack of defense…”1

This reference to the port of Buenos Aires as a “false door to America” appears in the correspondence of Oidor Francisco de Alfaro and the Spanish court around 1611, linking the port to its long history of smuggling activities (Goulao Machado vol. 1, 2005: 14). Years later, in a letter to the Spanish king, Governor Dávila remarked upon the desamparo [abandonment] that this port had suffered. This chapter examines how that “false door to America” functioned from its foundation and to what extent the authorities and merchants of that port were linked on numerous occasions with the members of 1 Original in Spanish said, “Y considerando la esencia de este puerto [Buenos Aires] llave principal del Reyno del Piru por esta parte, su desamparo y poca defensa…”. “Carta del gobernador Don Pedro Esteban Dávila al Rey. Buenos Aires, 16 de Julio de 1635”. Cartas de Gobernadores. AGI, Charcas, 28, R.4, N.49. f.1-1vta. Then, the governor Dávila begged to be granted “…a quantity of arms, ammunition, artillery and two hundred soldiers (…) which was all granted to me”. “Carta del gobernador Don Pedro Esteban Dávila al Rey. Buenos Aires, 16 de Julio de 1635”. Cartas de Gobernadores. AGI, Charcas, 28, R.4, N.49. f.1vta.

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 P. O. Svriz-Wucherer, Jesuits and Asian Goods in the Iberian Empires, 1580–1700, Palgrave Studies in Comparative Global History, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-2464-6_4

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the Society of Jesus to develop exchanges with the coast of Brazil and other territories. In this way, we will understand one of the inter-regional routes for the circulation of goods and/or people, in which numerous Portuguese played a fundamental role in that port. Thus, while in Macao the Jesuits had an officially recognized platform to trade silk, musk, and other goods with different Asian territories, in Buenos Aires the Spanish monarchy tried to control the contraband, and here the members of Society of Jesus also played a crucial role.

4.1 The Foundation(s) of the City of Buenos Aires The Spanish conquering armies arrived for the first time in the Río de la Plata basin in 1516. Juan Díaz de Solís led the expedition in search of a passage to the Indias Orientales [East Indies]. He did not achieve his goal, and his journey ended tragically with his death at the hands of the Indians. This event probably took place in February 1516.2 The loss of Solís, and his adjuntos [associates] Francisco de Marquina and Pedro de Alarcón, made it unclear who should take charge of the expedition. So, the surviving crew returned to Spain with a load of palo brasil apparently arriving in the port of Seville on 4 September 1516. The Jesuit Father Pedro Lozano observed that the conqueror Solís proved to have been “a more skillful pilot than a prudent captain” (Lozano [1745] volume I, 2010: 283). Over the following years, new expeditions by Hernando de Magallanes (1519),3 Jofré de Loaysa (1525),4 Sebastián Gaboto (1527),5

2 Details of his biography in Varela Marcos, Jesús. “Juan Díaz de Solís” in Real Academia de la Historia, Diccionario Biográfico electrónico. http://dbe.rah.es/biografias/ 5892/juan-diaz-de-solis (30/10/2020). 3 See his biography in Márquez Montero, Carlos. “Fernando de Magallanes” in Real Academia de la Historia, Diccionario Biográfico electrónico. https://dbe.rah.es/biografias/ 12661/fernando-de-magallanes (01/11/2020). 4 See his biography in Mellén Blanco, Francisco. “García Jofre de Loaysa” in Real Academia de la Historia, Diccionario Biográfico electrónico. https://dbe.rah.es/biografias/ 15864/garcia-jofre-de-loaysa (02/11/2020). 5 See his biography in González Ochoa, José María. “Sebastián Caboto” in Real Academia de la Historia, Diccionario Biográfico electrónico. https://dbe.rah.es/biografias/ 14061/sebastian-caboto (02/11/2020).

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and Diego García (1528–1530)6 provided the Spanish monarchy better descriptions and knowledge of those regions (Maeder 2018: 250). On 21 May 1534, Emperor Carlos V appointed (with Capitulaciones ) Pedro de Mendoza y Luján as the first Adelantado, Governor and Captain General of the Río de la Plata. This expedition was not only exploratory and conquering, but also colonizing, involving sixteen ships and between 1,500 and 2,000 men. Once arrived at the southern shore of the Río de la Plata and near the Boca del Riachuelo, he founded the new town the so-called Nuestra Señora Santa María del Buen Aire. Fernando Rodríguez de la Torre has dismissed the “simple interpretation” of the legend of the phrase ¡Qué buenos aires son los de este suelo! [What good airs are those of this soil!]. This phrase is usually attributed to Pedro de Mendoza and used to explain the name of the new city (Buenos Aires). In contrast, Rodríguez de la Torre argues the name of the new city originated in “the seafaring devotion to the Virgen María del Buen Aire [Virgin Mary of the Good Winds], whose painting was exhibited in the Casa de la Contratación in Seville, brought from Ceredeña [Sardinia], a Spanish island at the time”.7 Ulrico Schmidl, a member of this first colonizing expedition, mentioned the hardships experienced during the journey and the vicissitudes of the nascent city. “It was such a shame and disaster of hunger that mice, rats, vipers and other sabandijas [vermin] were not enough; also shoes and hides, everything had to be eaten”.8 His words give us an idea of how unsuccessful the expedition was and explain the definitive abandonment of the settlement around 1541. The failure of that first foundation can be explained fundamentally because the colonizers were unable to establish good relations with the native Querandíes, which led them into a state of permanent warfare.

6 See his biography in González Fernández, Marcelino. “Diego García”. in Real Academia de la Historia, Diccionario Biográfico electrónico. https://dbe.rah.es/biografias/ 65741/diego-garcia (02/11/2020). 7 See these references and details about the biography of Pedro de Mendoza y Luján in Rodríguez de la Torre, Fernando. “Pedro de Mendoza y Luján” in Real Academia de la Historia, Diccionario Biográfico electrónico http://dbe.rah.es/biografias/12628/pedrode-mendoza-y-lujan (01/11/2020). 8 Original in Spanish said, “Fue tal la pena y el desastre del hambre, que no bastaron ratones ni ratas ni víboras, ni otras sabandijas; también los zapatos y cueros, todo tuvo que ser comido.“ Schmidl 2007 [1555]: 38.

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Schmidl’s narrative notes, for example, that the Querandíes had first brought and shared daily with the colonizers for fourteen days “their scarcity of fish and meat”, but that they failed one day. This prompted General Pedro de Mendoza to send Mayor Juan Pavón along with two soldiers to talk to the Indians who were four leagues away. “When he arrived where they were, he behaved in such a way with the Indians that they, the mayor and the two peons, were well beaten”. We can only imagine the ways in which these colonizers addressed the natives. What is certain, according to Schmidl, when the mayor returned “he made such a fuss” that Mendoza decided to send his brother Jorge Mendoza with “three hundred lansquetes and thirty well-equipped horses”, with the aim of putting the Querandí natives to death and taking them captive. Among these soldiers was Ulrico Schmidl himself, who narrates the subsequent events in the first person. “When we arrived there, the Indians numbered about four thousand men, for they had called together their friends” (Schmidl 2007 [1555]: 35). Thus began the conflict with the native Querandíes that would plague the colonists for the next five years, until the city was finally abandoned. Four decades later a second founding of the city of Buenos Aires took place (11 June 1580), based on a colonizing expedition from the north led by Juan de Garay.9 He set out from the city of Asunción and had a few years earlier founded the city of Santa Fe de la Vera Cruz (1573). This was all part of a process of establishing cities that would strategically connect different points of the Río de la Plata basin in the following years. Thus, in addition to Santa Fe (1573) and Buenos Aires (1580), more cities were established in this region such as Concepción del Bermejo (1585) and San Juan de Vera de las Siete Corrientes (1588). After 1580, the relationship between the region of the Río de la Plata, which belonged to the kingdom of Castile, and the Brazilian possessions of the Portuguese empire changed. This was due to the fact that the Spanish Monarch Felipe II was also recognized as King of Portugal, thus holding both crowns. He ushered in the so-called period of the Union Ibérica or Iberian Union (1580–1640), which was to have a great influence on the territories in southern Latin America. Although the Portuguese kingdom maintained its autonomy, the Union altered 9 For a short biography in Spanish see Cava Mesa, Begoña. “Juan de Garay” en Real Academia de la Historia, Diccionario Biográfico electrónico http://dbe.rah.es/biografias/ 10194/juan-de-garay (04/11/2020).

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the terms of settlement in that region. Brazilian historian Joao Pandiá Calógeras has succinctly depicted this watershed year: Before 1580, an incursion by any side into foreign lands, admitted to know the demarcation line [of Tordesillas], was considered a hostile act, with the political character of conquest. After that date, it was nothing more than the freedom of movement of the subjects of a nation through the territory of its own sovereign. If there were excesses, violence, legal transgressions, they would be police occurrences of disturbance of order and not international cases.10

This moment was pivotal because it reflected not only the beginning of a period of great change in the territories of the Río de la Plata basin, but also because it exposed a global conjuncture. Once again, we need to understand the global from the local, and vice versa (Carneiro de Sousa 2004; Andrade 2010; Pommeranz 2013; Ghobrial 2014; Morais Barros 2014; Hausberger2018; Betrand 2018; Levi 2018; Torre 2018; De Vries 2019). Throughout the seventeenth century, the Portuguese empire developed two distinctly different systems. On the one hand, starting at the end of the sixteenth century, the Estado da Índia took shape, made up of a chain of ports, fortresses, and trade routes that carried pepper, spices, and other Asian goods to Europe (Schwartz 2014: 287; Boyajian 1993; Disney 2009; Subrahmanyam 2012). Chapter 3 analysed this trade using the port of Macao and its connections with Japan and Manila as a case study, without forgetting at the same time that Macao had other trade links with Goa, Batavia, Malacca, Madrasa, Calcutta, and Surat during the early modern period (Bruxo, Díaz de Seabra and Escaleira 2017: 267). Throughout the seventeenth century, a series of crises impacted the Estado da Índia including the intervention of other European empires (generally enemies of the Spanish empire), the loss of territories such as Hormuz (1622), Malacca (1641), and later Cochim

10 Original in Portuguese said, “Antes de 1580, a incursão de qualquer bando por terras extranhas, admittido se conhecesse a linha demarcadora, valía por acto hostil, com caracter político de conquista. Depois de essa data, já não era sinão a liberdade de movimento de subditos de uma naçao pelo territorio do seu propio soberano. Si excessos houvesse, violências e transgressões legaes, seriam occurrencias policiaes de perturbaçao da ordem, e não casos internacionais” (Pandiá Calógeras 2021 [1989]: 78). See Spanish version of these words in Maeder (2018: 252).

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and Ceylon in the 1660 s, and the growth of nearby Asian empires (Safavid or Persian, Japanese, and Mughal) (Schwartz 2014: 287). On the other hand, “the Atlantic sphere, which included Brazil, Angola and West Africa, was organized in a different way” (Schwartz 2014: 287). During the first decades of colonization, Brazil contributed less than 2% to Portugal’s annual income, far below India’s contribution of between 26 and 27% (Mauro 1990: 128). This changed dramatically once sugar arrived on the scene. Sugar agriculture gave great impetus to the territory, reaching production of more than 20,000 tons by 1630 (Schwartz 1990: 198–199). This also led to the replacement of indigenous labour (mainly used for the harvesting of palo brasil ) with slave labour from the “ African enclaves. Thus, the phraseWithout Angola there are no slaves and without slaves there is no Brazil” became popular (Schwartz 2014: 287). For all these reasons, the Portuguese took advantage of the relaxation of the limits or frontiers between the two empires in the south of Latin America. Thus, the records reveal that groups of Portuguese settled in Lima, Potosí, Cartagena de Indias, and Mexico City, as well as in Seville. For example, in Cartagena de Indias during the early years of the seventeenth century, the Portuguese Jorge Fernández Gramaxo monopolized all the mercantile transactions of this city. He traded freely with Lisbon and the ports of England and was accused of having introduced considerably more slaves than had been registered in the Casa de la Contratación of Seville (Vila Vilar 1973: 573).11 A similar situation developed in the port of Buenos Aires, which “became, in fact, a factoría portuguesa [Portuguese factory] for illegal trade with Peru”. Thus, silver from Potosí became common currency in Brazil during these years (Mauro 1990: 137). However, the links between the inhabitants of the Iberian possessions in the South Atlantic are only further evidence of a broader process that was unfolding on a more global scale (Herzog 2018). Rafael Valladares has described the period 1620–1640 as the “golden age of the Asientos system in Portuguese hands” within the Spanish possessions and that this, not accidentally, “coincided with the landing of the great Portuguese bankers in Madrid from 1627 onwards” (Valladares 2016: 111). In other words, the Portuguese occupied strategic places, both in South America

11 On the slave commerce and the role of Cartagena de Indias, see Vila Vilar (2014).

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and on the Iberian Peninsula, in a theoretically monopolistic commercial system that sought to guarantee the supply of slave labour to the various parts of the empire (Vila Vilar 1973). The Sistema de Asientos [seating system] that was implemented only served to consolidate the role of the Portuguese in this regard. However, direct communications from Africa, the Canary Islands, or Lisbon to South America, and the growing prominence of the Portuguese, led to numerous clashes with the Castilian merchants who claimed their monopoly in the Carrera de Indias (Valladares 2016: 111). Once the war with Portugal (1640–1668) began, the role of the Portuguese in the Spanish empire declined, and the crown even tried to “expel” them from its possessions (Frias 2011; Trujillo 2013). In the case of the port of Buenos Aires, the role of the Portuguese such as asentistas declined with the conflict. During the period 1648–1702, navíos sueltos [loose ships] from different nations continued to arrive in great numbers to the port city of Buenos Aires claiming arribada forzosa [forced arrival] caused by storms, breakdowns, lack of food, etc., but for the most part, this was a pretence in order to continue trade based on smuggling. The Netherlands became the most favoured nation in this smuggling trade with Spain and its territories in Italy and South America between 1648 and 1659, a distinction it would not lose in the following decades, although it would have to share it first with France and then with England after the signing of the Peace of the Pyrenees (1659) and the various Anglo-Spanish Treaties (1630, 1656, 1665, 1667, 1670, and 1680),12 because the merchants from those countries would from then on have the same privileges as the Dutch (Sánchez Belén 2014: 91). Moreover, the Portuguese founding of Colonia del Sacramento in 1680, opposite Buenos Aires, served to consolidate these illegal trade practices, only briefly interrupted by periods of armed conflict (1680–1681 and 1705–1713). For many decades after its founding, Buenos Aires was neither a big city nor an important port in South America; in a simple word, it was a pueblo [little town] with a small population and little defence in the middle of seventeenth century. The Belgian Jesuit Father Justo Van Suerck mentioned in 1629 the poverty he observed when he arrived, “the churches and the houses, without exception, are all made of mud and are thatched with straw, and only some are thatched with tiles. There are no 12 About these various treaties see Herrero Sánchez (2000)and Fernández Nadal (2009).

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pavements at all. It is not known what a glass window is…”.13 Some thirty years later, its characteristics had not improved. The traveller Acarette du Biscay described Buenos Aires between 1657 and 1663 in the following way: It comprises four hundred houses, has not palizada [palisade], no wall, no moat, and nothing to defend it but an earthen fort, surrounded by a moat, which overlooks the river, and has ten iron cannons (…) The Governor resides there, who has only a guarnición of one hundred and fifty men….14

But the city soon grew demographically and economically. Its inhabitants increased from 4,607 in 1674 to 13,840 in 1750 and reached 29,920 in 1778. This growth contributed to Buenos Aires slowly becoming an essential port for the monarchy’s commercial traffic, which was finally politically recognized in 1776 with the foundation of the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata with its capital in that port. These demographical numbers would continue to grow; 61,160 inhabitants were counted in 1810. But beyond these numbers it is interesting to note, as Susan Socolow does, that Buenos Aires grew at an average annual rate of between 2.2 and 2.5%, which is “higher than the growth rate of any other city in colonial Latin America” (Socolow 2009: 13). Unsurprisingly, merchants were the main local beneficiaries of the political and economic system that arose from the creation of the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata in 1776. This social group had been shaped and consolidated during the previous century, relying on both legal and smuggled trade based on exchanges with the Portuguese, English, and French (Socolow 1991: 23). The natural conditions of this port were not easy for the ships to navigate, however. Numerous sandbanks crossed the Río de la Plata and thus increased the danger for ships entering it. Map 4.1 shows the location of 13 Original in Spanish said, “las iglesias y las casas, sin excepción, son todas de barro y están techadas con paja, y sólo algunas lo están con tejas. No hay ningún pavimento. Se ignora lo que es una ventana de vidrio…” (Furlong 1963: 83). About the biography of Justo Van Suerck see Furlong (1963: 28–59) and Storni (1980: 296). 14 Acarette du Biscay (2001 [1657–1663]). This traveller was a merchant, possibly of French origin, who made two trips to the Río de la Plata and, in addition to describing his itinerary, focuses on detailing the military defences that existed in these regions. His ultimate aim was to convince King Louis XIV to undertake a military campaign to these regions.

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Map 4.1 Detail of the chart of the Río de la Plata by the South Sea Company (Source: A Chart of the River Plate from the Bay of Castillos to Santa Fe (1736?). BNM. MR/5/I SERIE 47/64. http://bdh.bne.es/bnesearch/detalle/bdh000 0033691)

these sandbanks, the difficulty of reaching the coast in these regions, and the different routes that sailors took to unload their goods at either the port or in the nearby estates.

4.2 The Early Years of Inter-Colonial Trade Between Buenos Aires and the Coast of Brazil and Its Development During the Seventeenth Century Many historians agree that the first ships sailed from the port of Buenos Aires to Brazil between 1585 and 1587. They were chartered by the bishop of Tucumán, friar Francisco de Victoria (or Vitoria in

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some sources, referencing his Portuguese origin).15 This Portuguese Dominican, of probable Judeo-converso origin, had been a merchant in Peru before becoming a joining this religious order. He organized two commercial operations into the territory of present-day Brazil, using ships that belonged to him carrying cargoes of cloth, leather, and other products from Tucumán to be sold in that region and to return with goods destined for his diocese, including slaves.16 The first of these vessels was captured by pirates, but the second ship was successful in its venture (Moutoukias 1988: 58; Maeder 2018: 136). Undoubtedly, Francisco de Victoria played a key role in those first exchanges between Buenos Aires and the Brazilian coast, one that he also acknowledged. In a letter to the Spanish king dated 3 January 1588, he stated that he was “the first to have opened the road and merchandise of his bishopric and the Río de la Plata”, and added that he understood that it was “a demerit for having done it without a licence (…) and for having shown that entrance into this kingdom to those who did not know it…” (Pastells 1912: 53–54, note 1). Subsequently, in his letter to the king and the Consejo de Indias , the governor of Tucumán Juan Ramírez de Velasco accused this friar of being more concerned with his own interests than with the salvation of souls. Ramírez de Velasco believed that his province was experiencing “a great lack of priests for the doctrines of the Indians” and “the cause is that the bishop of this bishopric left for Pirú [Peru] more than a year and a half ago with his haciendas [referred here to merchandise] brought to him from Brazil…”.17 Despite such admonitions, trade with Brazil continued reaching a significant volume in the following years. It also included the trade in slaves. In a Real Cédula of 30 November 1595, the Spanish crown stated that it had received information that “some governors [of the Río de la Plata] had sent to Angola and Guinea for negros and had

15 About his biography see Nieva Ocampo, Guillermo. “Francisco de Victoria” in Real Academia de la Historia, Diccionario Biográfico electrónico http://dbe.rah.es/biografias/ 66221/francisco-de-victoria (09/11/2020). 16 We know that on the second voyage, sixty-two slaves disembarked the ship Nuestra Señora de Gracia and sixty disembarked in the port of Buenos Aires on 3 March 1587. https://slavevoyages.org/american/database (04/12/2020). 17 “Carta de Juan Ramírez de Velasco, Gobernador de Tucumán”. Santiago del Estero, 27 December 1588. AGI, Charcas, 26, R.5. N.19. f.1.

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introduced mercadurías [merchandise] from Brazil and other parts…”.18 Another Real Cédula explained that one of the governors was Fernando de Zarate who had sent to Angola and Guinea for negros, and given that he did so without a licence, so se le tomaron por perdidos [“they were taken for lost”]. However, this source reveals they were sold at a public almoneda [auction] and “nobody wanted to bid for them, knowing that they belonged to him, and so they were sold at low prices with great loss and damage to my hacienda…”. In view of this, it was ordered that not only were the negros taken there to be considered “lost” on behalf of the governors, but it was also ordered that they be sent to be sold to Potosí or to any other part of Peru where “they would benefit better”.19 So, these Reales Cédulas repeated the prohibition of this type of practice and tried to punish the governor in front of the inhabitants of Buenos Aires, but it was impossible. These types of legal limitations were reiterated over time, but it is clear that the traffic continued. In 1597, a Portuguese merchant named Francisco Soares stated that the profits from this illegal trade could realize between 100 to 500% and could even reach 1,000%. He added that if the merchants were aware of this traffic, “they would not risk so much merchandise for Cartagena de Indias. That is why the Rio [de la Plata] is a great trade, the nearest and easiest way to reach Peru”.20 These words indicate the main interest of the Portuguese merchants arriving at the port of Buenos Aires. They wanted to link from there with the trade routes to Peru, and more precisely with the riches of silver coming from Potosí. This network, as I have noted, extended towards the coast of Brazil, but from there it managed to reach the Portuguese islands in the Atlantic, such as the island of Madeira or de la Madera [of wood] in Spanish 18 “Real Cédula al gobernador, sus tenientes y justicias de las provincias del Río de la Plata. Manda guardar las leyes que prohíben a los gobernadores, justicias y demás ministros, tratar ni contratar por si o por interpósitas personas”. El Pardo, 30 November 1595. Registro de partes para el Río de la Plata. AGI, Buenos Aires, 1, L. 4. f.164. Reference in Tau Anzóategui (1984: 212). 19 “Real Cédula a los oficiales de la Real Hacienda de las provincias del Río de la Plata. Manda se tomen por perdidos los esclavos adquiridos sin licencia por los gobernadores”. El Pardo, 30 November 1595. Registro de partes para el Río de la Plata. AGI, Buenos Aires, 1, L. 4. f.164v. Reference in Tau Anzóategui (1984: 212). 20 Original in Spanish said, “no arriesgarían tantas mercancías por Cartagena de Indias. Es por esto por lo que el Río [de la Plata] es un gran comercio, el camino más próximo y más fácil para alcanzar el Perú” (Braudel 1984: 129).

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sources. A Real Cedula of 1599 refers to Captain Diego de Obregón, in charge of the people of war on this island, ordering him to provide a remedy “in the best way possible” front of the ships arriving from Brazil, but coming from Peru.21 On the same date, the Spanish crown reiterated its prohibition on introducing or taking mercaderías [merchandise], slaves, or passengers from Peru through ports on the Río de la Plata.22 A good example of this Portuguese interest in that port are the records of slaves entering Buenos Aires on ships coming from Brazil. Two ships entered around 1597 with 210 slaves, and in 1601 there are records of five ships with a total of 551 slaves.23 This shows the clear upward trend in the entry of slaves into this port, bearing in mind that the numbers must have been even higher due to the smuggling that took place in the region (Moutoukias 1988). Moreover, it is curious that in that same year (1601) the Spanish monarchy sent various Reales Cédulas to the Viceroy of Peru, the Corregidor of Potosí, and the governors of Tucumán and Río de la Plata, in which it prohibited the entry of people without a licence and, at the same time, ordered the expulsion of the Portuguese, foreigners, and all those who had entered these regions without authorization.24 Tucumán’s governor, Juan Ramírez de Velasco, had already pointed out in 1588 the inconvenience of the arrival of the Portuguese in the Río de la Plata basin. In a letter, he stated that from the ships coming from Brazil to the Río de la Plata, passengers had arrived who intended to pass to Peru, “who have been hindered…” because they did not have licences and so as not to let into those lands “dastardly people who have been

21 “Real Cédula al capitán Diego de Obregón, a cargo de gente de guerra de la isla de Madera. En respuesta al informe en que se da cuenta que desde el Perú hay quienes llegan a esas tierras, por la costa del Brasil, a embarcarse, a tratar y a contratar, manda procure evitarlo de la mejor forma posible”. Aranjuez, 16 December 1599. Registro de partes para el Río de la Plata. AGI, Buenos Aires, 1, L. 4. f.184v. Reference in Tau Anzóategui (1984: 221). 22 “Real Cédula a don Diego Rodríguez de Valdés, gobernador y capitán general de las provincias del Río de la Plata. Manda haga respetar la prohibición de introducir o sacar mercaderías, esclavos o pasajeros del Perú, por puertos de esas provincias”. Aranjuez, 16 December 1599. Registro de partes para el Río de la Plata. AGI, Buenos Aires, 1, L. 4. f.184v–f. 185. Reference in Tau Anzóategui (1984: 221). 23 https://slavevoyages.org/american/database (04/12/2020). 24 See these four reales cédulas signed in Valladolid, 6 April 1601. Registro de oficio

partes para el Río de la Plata. AGI, Buenos Aires, 2, L. 5. f. 12vta- f.14. References in Tau Anzóategui (1984: 241).

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banished from Portugal”.25 However, this governor made it clear that his territories were at peace and therefore “a single man can pass from Buenos Aires to Potosí”.26 Therefore, towards the end of the sixteenth century, men and mercaderías [merchandise] could make the Brazil-Buenos AiresPotosí connection relatively easily. Historian Zacarias Moutoukias has argued that the more the port of Buenos Aires oriented its economy towards the Atlantic, this port must have had stronger links with its interior lands and, in particular, with Upper Peru (especially Potosí) (Moutoukias 1988: 47). A similar situation happened with San Pablo on the Brazilian coast (Vilardaga 2010: 190–191). At the same time, the growing population near the Potosí hill, which consumed sumptuary objects from overseas trade, almost paradoxically depended on the “satellite regions” for its livelihood (and produce), most of which were very far away such as Paraguay and the Río de la Plata (Moutoukias 1988: 50). Interestingly, Antonio Fernández de Castro wrote a report about the Río de la Plata’s lands in which he analysed two key points that a previous decree from the king had mentioned (probably on 12 December 1602). The first point referred to the need to increase defence and fortify the port of Buenos Aires, and the second was precisely to establish the advantages and disadvantages of those provinces exchanging frutos de la tierra [fruits of the land] with Brazil. Both aspects were to generate a great deal of debate in the early years of the seventeenth century. Fernández de Castro’s report set out five points to “resolve” the previous two major issues of concern to the monarchy in those regions.27 The last of his points is important for this study, because it analyses the need to allow the exchange with Brazil: The fifth. The reasons that exist so that, notwithstanding the prohibition that exists so that it is not possible to deal or contract there with Brazil,

25 Original in Spanish said, “gente rruyn y que [h]a sido desterrada de Portugal”. “Carta de Juan Ramírez de Velasco, Gobernador de Tucumán”. Santiago del Estero, 27 December 1588. AGI, Charcas, 26, R.5. N.19. f.1vta. 26 Original in Spanish said, “puede pasar un hombre solo desde Buenos Ayres a Potosí”. “Carta de Juan Ramírez de Velasco, Gobernador de Tucumán”. Santiago del Estero, 27 December 1588. AGI, Charcas, 26, R.5. N.19. f.1vta. 27 The other four parts of his report relate to the fortification of Buenos Aires. “Antonio Fernández de Castro: defensa puerto Buenos Aires”. 1601. AGI, Patronato,191, R.22.

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licence be given to deal with the frutos de la tierra [fruits of the land] in barter for other things that are in abundance in Brazil without bringing gold or silver.28

In this way, his report requested the king to grant permission to send “the fruit of his harvest” to the coast of Brazil and Guinea, and to bring from there indispensable products for Buenos Aires such as “iron, steel, lead, gunpowder, oil, some silks, cloth and linen”, and that with this, many Spaniards would also come to populate the city. Furthermore, his report stressed that the city’s neighbours would be better at protecting it than sending soldiers, which would also be achieved “at no expense to the Hacienda Real ”.29 This request for a licence gave rise to two specific objections, which the author of this report acknowledged and responded to. The first is of particular significance to us here. It referred to the fact that this licence to trade with Buenos Aires could cause great damage to the contracting of the city of Seville and Tierra Firme. In response to this, Fernández de Castro replied that the products that would be traded with Brazil and Guinea ( slaves, gunpowder, lead, iron, steel, oil, and olives) did not harm the institution “because until today no such things have been taken from Piru to Buenos Ayres”.30 But it is very interesting to note that the author himself acknowledges that “what could be more scrupulous about are the silks, cloths and linen for the people and ornamentation of the churches”. However, he considered that “it was necessary to take them” and that this did not harm the “mainland contract because as there are 700 leagues from Lima to Buenos Aires there is no merchant to go there due to the 28 Original in Spanish said, “La 5ª. Las razones que [h]ay para que sin embargo de la prohibición que [h]ay para que no se pueda tratar ni contratar por allí con el Brasil se de licencia para que se trate los frutos de la tierra en trueque de otras cossas que [h]ay en abundancia en el Brasil sin llevar oro ni plata”. “Antonio Fernández de Castro: defensa puerto Buenos Aires”. 1601. AGI, Patronato,191, R.22. 29 “Antonio Fernández de Castro: defensa puerto Buenos Aires”. 1601. AGI, Patronato,191, R.22. 30 Original in Spanish said, “porque [h]asta [h]oy no se han llevado semejantes cosas del Piru a Buenos Ayres”. The second objection is that if such a licence is given “with limitation they will take it without it”, and with it people from Potosí, Tucumán and Chile will come to that port to obtain merchandise from Spain. Against this, Fernández de Castro argues that “for this, His Majesty has royal officials who are intelligent in this”. “Antonio Fernández de Castro: defence of the port of Buenos Aires”. 1601. AGI, Patronato,191, R.22.

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distance of the road because there is no one in Buenos Aires with whom to buy them”.31 Therefore, this report already shows that the distance and the price of these types of goods made it necessary to obtain them on the Brazilian coast. Even more striking is that the subsequent “entreaty” of the city of Buenos Aires to the monarch’s requests “to take the frutos de la tierra [fruits of the land] to Brazil” and in exchange to return “clothes, linen and other things here in Brazil at moderate prices for the adornment of their houses”. At this point, the commercial objective becomes clearer and more forceful and indicates that this type of mercaderías [merchandise] was of great interest to the inhabitants of the port in those years.32 The Crown clearly modified its position and recognized the impossibility of prohibiting this trade, and greater flexibility was observed in successive Reales Cédulas. For example, in 1602, the king authorized the inhabitants of the port of Buenos Aires to export flour, cecina [beef jerky], and cebo [bait] to Brazil, Guinea, and other islands for six years, and to barter these products for other commodities that were essential for the city.33 Only two years later, the Spanish king thanked Manuel de Frias, lugarteniente of the governor Hernando Arias de Saavedra, for the care he had taken regarding the port of Buenos Aires that: …no mercaderías [merchandise] or passengers enter or leave that port without my licence, and that those who have entered are sent back, and that they comply with punctuality and without exceeding the permission

31 “Antonio Fernández de Castro: defensa puerto Buenos Aires”. 1601. AGI, Patronato,191, R.22. 32 This source refers to the fact that “more than 20 years ago they settled that city and in founding it they spent their wealth without his Majesty helping or assisting them in any way, and they have sustained it until now with great hardship and need, both for the lack of clothing and food, forcing them to walk around naked and sustain themselves on horse flesh, roots and herbs with their weapons on their backs in defence against the corsairs who are enemies of our faith…”. Antonio Fernández de Castro: defensa puerto Buenos Aires”. 1601. AGI, Patronato, 191, R.22. 33 “Real Cédula en la que se autoriza a los vecinos de la ciudad de La Trinidad, y puerto de Buenos Aires, de las provincias del Río de la Plata, a que por el término de 6 años, exporten harina, cecina y sebo al Brasil, Guinea y otras islas circunvecinas, y el trueque de esos productos por otros indispensables para el consumo en dicha ciudad, con prohibición de sacarlos a ninguna otra parte de las Indias”. Valladolid, 20 August 1602. Registro de partes para el Río de la Plata. AGI, Buenos Aires, 1, L. 4. f.190–f. 191v. Reference in Tau Anzóategui (1984: 223).

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I have given for the quantity of flour and cecina [beef jerky] to be taken out of that province each year for Brazil…34

However, the following year, the Spanish crown issued a Real Cédula for the Oficiales de la Real Hacienda to report on whether there was any inconvenience in this permission for the traffic of certain flours with Brazil.35 In 1608, this order was extended36 and a report to be made on the way in which the neighbours had used this licence. This last provision in turn recalled that the licence allowed the neighbours to transport to these destinations “…at their own expense from the fruits of their harvest up to 2,000 fanegas of flour, 500 quintals of cecina [beef jerky] and 500 @ of bait…” and in return “that they could take the things they needed for their houses such as clothes, linen, shoes and other similar items, and iron…”.37 34 Original in Spanish said, “en hacer cumplir y executar las órdenes que están dadas para que no entren ni salgan de aquel puerto mercaderías ni pasajeros sin licencia mia, y haciendo volver a los que han entrado y que se cumpliese con puntualidad y sin exceder la permisión que tengo dada de la cantidad de harinas y cecinas que se han de sacar cada año de esa provincia para el Brasil…”. “Real Cédula a Manuel de Frías, lugarteniente del gobernador Hernando Arias de Saavedra en el puerto de Buenos Aires. Le agradece el cuidado puesto en hacer cumplir las órdenes dadas sobre la introducción de mercaderías o pasajeros sin licencia”. Valladolid, 28 March 1604. Registro de oficio partes para el Río de la Plata. AGI, Buenos Aires, 2, L. 5. f. 17vta. Reference in Tau Anzóategui (1984: 24). 35 “Real Cédula a los oficiales de la Real Hacienda de las provincias del Río de la Plata. Manda que informe si produjo algún inconveniente o perjuicio a la Real Hacienda la autorización que dio al gobernador Hernando Arias de Saavedra para pasar al Brasil ciertas harinas”. Ventosilla, 24 October 1605. Registro de oficio partes para el Río de la Plata. AGI, Buenos Aires, 2, L. 5. f. 20vta- 21. Reference in Tau Anzóategui (1984: 245). 36 “Real Cédula en la que se prorroga por dos años más la licencia que dio a la ciudad de La Trinidad, puerto de Buenos Aires, para sacar cierta cantidad de sus frutos al Brasil, Guinea y otras islas circunvecinas y retornar con otros que sean para su consumo de esa provincia”. San Lorenzo, 19 October 1608. Registro de partes para el Río de la Plata. AGI, Buenos Aires, 1, L. 4. f.207v–f. 212. Reference in Tau Anzóategui (1984: 228). This provision was extended again in 1614. Cfr. reference in Tau Anzóategui (1984: 232). 37 Original in Spanish said, “…por su cuenta de los frutos de su cosecha hasta 2.000 fanegas de harina, 500 quintales de cecina y 500 @ de cebo…” y en retorno “que pudiesen llevar las cosas de que tuviesen necesidad para sus casas como es ropa, lienzo, calzado y otras semejantes, y fierro…”. “Real Cédula al marqués de Montesclaros, pariente, virrey, gobernador y capitán general de las Provincias del Perú. Manda que envíe relación y parecer sobre la forma en que los vecinos de las provincias del Río de la Plata, han usado la licencia otorgada para sacar algunos frutos al Brasil, Guinea y otras islas circunvecinas,

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However, the ships and duties recorded during the period 1601–1620 show that exports from Buenos Aires comprised only 16% of imports from Brazil. So, the remaining 84% was made up of silver in bars, piñas, or processed silver from Upper Peru (Potosi), which was not registered. Attempts were subsequently made to put an end to this illegal trade, for example, by establishing an Aduana [customs office] in the city of Cordoba to tax 50% of the mercaderías [merchandise] transiting to Buenos Aires. Nevertheless, the smuggling trade continued to operate, as evidenced by the ships and duties registered in Buenos Aires for the period 1621–1645 (Maeder 2018: 139–140; Moutoukias 1988). In 1609, a Real Cédula reveals that, from San Sebastián, in the province of Guipúzcoa, a ship of some fifty tons left “loaded with iron and other things” on behalf of Juan de Leiça, Miguel de Yturrieta, and Lope Vázquez, whose destination was Brazil, where “there is no need” for these mercaderías [merchandise]. For this reason, it was believed that the ship would head for the port of Buenos Aires to sell these goods, and because of this suspicion, it was ordered that in the event of the ship’s arrival, its goods would be immediately seized.38 We do not know precisely whether or not this arrival took place, but it must be pointed out that during the second half of the seventeenth century the port of San Sebastián was frequently used “as a hinge in the traffic to Buenos Aires carried out by Spaniards - inside or outside the system of Navíos de Registro - associated with foreign merchants and captains” (Moutoukias 1988: 131). Therefore, these early references only confirm the nascent traffic from those regions to the Río de la Plata, and on numerous occasions with stopovers in Brazil. Within this context, Zacarias Moutoukias has highlighted the route taken by the Dutch ships from Amsterdam to Buenos Aires, making stopovers in Cádiz or the Canary Islands, not only

y retornar otros”. San Lorenzo, 01 November 1608. Registro de partes para el Río de la Plata. AGI, Buenos Aires, 1, L. 4. f. 213v. Reference in Tau Anzóategui 1984: 229. This provision also applies to the Governor and Audiencia of Charcas. Reference in Tau Anzóategui (1984: 229). 38 “Real Cédula al gobernador de las provincias del Río de la Plata. Manda que si llegare a esas provincias un navío que salió de la provincia de Guipúzcoa, cargado de mercaderías por cuenta de Juan de Leiça, Miguel de Yturrieta y Lope Vázquez, le haga embargar”. Madrid, 8 February 1609. Registro de oficio partes para el Río de la Plata. AGI, Buenos Aires, 2, L. 5. f. 35vta- f.36. Reference in Tau Anzóategui (1984: 250).

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for reasons of necessity for navigation but also to multiply their commercial profits, buying, for example, wines, liquors, and oils that they could sell in Buenos Aires (Moutoukias 1988: 131). The following year (1610), the king said he was informed that “many ships regularly enter and leave the ports of this province without being registered or knowing how they come or go…”. However, from the monarch’s point of view, the most serious aspect was that when the Real Hacienda officials attempted to visit the ports but the governor prevented them, “…pretending to make the visits on his own by applying the third part of the descaminos …”. So, the king ordered that the officials could visit these ships and that the governor should not intervene in these matters.39 The idea of descaminos will be repeated in these types of Reales Cédulas [royal decrees]. This concept referred to mercadería [merchandise] that travelled along roads that were illegal or forbidden by the crown.It had also appeared a few years earlier. For example, it was used in a Real Cédula of 1603 sent to the governor, the bishop, and the officials of the Río de la Plata with the aim of reporting on “the negros introduced through the port of Buenos Aires, if they were descaminados, and if they were taken out by Don Fernando de Trejo, bishop of Tucumán, without the officials’ permission…”.40 In 1610, another Real Cédula used this concept to refer to negros entering the Río de la Plata.41 It is remarkable that this idea of descaminados was usually used in the traffic of slaves in different regions of Latin America (Vila Vilar 1973, 2014). And a short time later, the need to “investigate, punish and remedy” the excesses and disorders that occurred

39 “Real Cédula a los oficiales de la Real Hacienda de las provincias del Río de la Plata. Les otorga facultad para visitar los navíos que llegaren a los puertos de esas provincias, sin intromisión del gobernador y capitán general”. Aranda, 10 July 1610. Registro de partes para el Río de la Plata. AGI, Buenos Aires, 1, L. 4. f. 218. Reference in Tau Anzóategui (1984: 231). 40 See three Reales cédulas signed in Ventosilla, 07 October 1603. Registro de oficio partes para el Río de la Plata. AGI, Buenos Aires, 2, L. 5. f. 16- f.16vta. References in Tau Anzóategui (1984: 243). 41 “Real Cédula a los oficiales de la Real Hacienda de las provincias del Río de la Plata. Manda que se informe sobre las causas de descaminos de negros y sobre la forma en que se aplican las sanciones que corresponden”. Madrid [sic], 10 July 1610. Registro de partes para el Río de la Plata. AGI, Buenos Aires, 1, L. 4. f. 219v - f.220. Reference in Tau Anzóategui (1984: 231).

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in the entry of mercaderías [merchandise], passengers, and slaves into the port of Buenos Aires was repeated once again.42 Thus, with all these illegal exchanges in the first decades of the seventeenth century, the Potosí-Buenos Aires route was linked to Lisbon via the port of Bahia, in current-day Brazil. In turn, the Lisbon port served as a connection with other port enclaves in northern Europe. Such is the case of the Portuguese merchant Joseph Hurtado, based in the French port of La Rochelle, who in 1619 declared that he dispatched to his father Manoel Enriquez Cubillan, who lived in Lisbon, a ship full of mercaderías [merchandise] that was destined to the Río de la Plata.43 In this letter signed by Fernando Alvia de Castro in Lisbon on 2 February 1619, it is added that Joseph Hurtado had also dispatched another ship from that French port to Pernambuco (current Brazil) “and for carrying French supplies and the Portuguese sailors in French ships the Governor there seized him and took the haciendas [meaning merchandise in this case]…”44 ; and that, at the same time, he had sent Captain Antonio de Acosta in another ship to Puerto Rico where “he got up with everything”.45 For all these reasons, the seventeenth century in the city port of Buenos Aires can be divided into two main periods in terms of its relationship with the Atlantic trade. A first stage, during which trade was very expansive, extended from the beginning of the century until the Portuguese revolution of 1640 and the Dutch capture of Luanda in 1641, to which must be added the Dutch presence in Recife (Brazil) from 1630. The highest peak in this first stage was reached in the period 1605–1625, when more than 230 ships were officially registered, a figure that must undoubtedly have been higher. In this period, the dominance of trade in the port of 42 “Real Cédula a don Diego de Portugal, presidente de la Real Audiencia de La Plata, provincia de los Charcas. Manda que envie a uno de los oidores u otra persona de esa ciudad a averiguar, castigar y remediar los excesos y desórdenes que ha habido en la entrada y salida de mercaderías, pasajeros y esclavos, por el puerto de Buenos Aires”. Ventosilla, 20 October 1613. Registro de partes para el Río de la Plata. AGI, Buenos Aires, 1, L. 4. f. 221- f.223v. Reference in Tau Anzóategui (1984: 232). 43 AGI, Contratación, 5115. Short reference about this example in Moutoukias (1988:

66). 44 Original in Spanish said, “y por llevar vastimentos franceses y los portugueses marineros en habitos franceses el Governador de allí le prendió y tomó las haciendas…”. AGI, Contratación, 5115. 45 AGI, Contratación, 5115.

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Buenos Aires was in Portuguese hands (Fradkin and Garavaglia 2009: 60). In contrast, the following period from 1640–1641 until the end of the century was dominated by Dutch vessels. It is estimated that more than 158 ships entered the port of Buenos Aires, of which 40% were Dutch, one-third Spanish, 25% Portuguese, 10% English, and 5% French (Fradkin and Garavaglia 2009: 60–61). Similarly, Zacarias Moutoukias has calculated 124 ships of the arribadas in the period 1648–1702, in which sixty-two ships were Dutch (50%), thirty ships were Portuguese, thirteen ships were Spanish, twelve ships were English, and seven ships were French (Moutoukias 1988: 128). These numbers reflect a clear Dutch domination of commercial traffic in the port of Buenos Aires towards the middle of the seventeenth century. A good illustration of the foreign presence in the Río de la Plata was the trading expedition of the aforementioned Acarette du Biscay. He arrived in the Río de la Plata in April 1658, and his ship first encountered a French fragata, and then twenty Dutch and two English ships, “…loaded back with bull hides, silver in sheets and vicuña wool which they had received in exchange for their mercaderías [merchandise]” (Acarette du Biscay 2001 [1657–1663]). Also, a report from 1660 mentioned that the Consejo de Indias estimated that twenty-eight ships had left Amsterdam for the Indias between 1655 and 1657. In response to the Spanish ambassador’s complaints, the Dutch authorities replied, “that they could not prevent their subjects from trading wherever they wished at their own risk”, and also agreed that it was the responsibility of the Governors of the Indies “not to make them welcome” (Pastells 1915: 621). Therefore, the governor of Buenos Aires, Pedro de Baygorri, received a royal order to detain foreign ships, especially Dutch ships. However, this governor not only failed to do so, but also admitted some twenty-four Dutch, English, and Portuguese ships without a licence or royal legitimate dispatches, allowing them to “deal and trade openly, defrauding the derechos reales [Royal duties] and quintos [taxes] of His Majesty on the silver and gold that they took out of that Kingdom, corambre and other very considerable goods, in which with the use of 2,000 pesos, 12,000 were taken out in return…” (Pastells 1915: 621). Both of these mid-seventeenth-century sources reflect the proportional number of the foreign presence in Buenos Aires as scholars such as [first name] Garavaglia, [first name] Fradkin, and Zacarias Moutoukias have argued.

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Later, the Portuguese establishment of Colonia del Sacramento made political and commercial relations in the region even more complex. Its governor Sebastião da Veiga Cabral (1699–1705) stated, “for the Castilians to be able to prevent us from trading, it is not enough that it suits them and that they wish to prevent it, they must be able to do so”.46 So, the control of this commerce was very difficult because, among other reasons, in two or three hours a ship linked the port of Buenos Aires and the San Gabriel Island, and also, this island had a port capable of accommodating thirty or forty ships, as explained by the Bishop of Buenos Aires on 30 March 1680 (Pastells 1918: 292). Moutoukias has revealed a very good example of this commerce in the year 1693. This was the case of Pablo de Burgos, an officer of the Buenos Aires’ guarnición who after making a voyage from Rio de Janeiro to Colonia del Sacramento, wrote a letter to the governor listing the goods transported and saying that the merchants were waiting for the right moment to carry out their operations from Colonia del Sacramento to Buenos Aires. Burgos expressed: In the ship that I went from Rio de Janeiro (to Colonia) they took supplies, soldiers and many goods, such as linen, linen cloth, bretañas, listonería, silks, oils and tobaccos and that these goods were not sold in the town because they were waiting for trade to open in Buenos Aires, to spend them, for which purpose there were merchants left in it… (Moutoukias 1988: 160).

Therefore, Colonia del Sacramento represented a key element in the exchange of goods between inhabitants of Brazil and Buenos Aires, from the end of the seventeenth century and throughout the eighteenth century.

46 Original in Spanish said, “para que los castellanos puedan impedirnos el comercio no basta que les convenga y lo deseen impedir, es necesario que lo puedan hacer” (Possamai 2020: 121).

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4.3 Jesuits in Buenos Aires: Arrival, College, Exchanges, and Commerce The Jesuits arrived in Buenos Aires in 1608 during the government of Hernando Arias de Saavedra. According to the historian Guillermo Furlong: there were less than six hundred inhabitants when the first Jesuits arrived in Buenos Aires (…) [there was] Poverty among the population, fear of the pampa from where the indigenous malones came and fear of the sea through which the pirates arrived….47

Six priests, a scholastic and a coadjutor brother made up that first Jesuit expedition to the Río de la Plata basin (Furlong 1944: 26). Their first church and school were built in what is now Plaza de Mayo on a solar of land donated to them by the Cabildo of Buenos Aires. This church was born under the patronage of Nuestra Señora de Loreto, but later, when Ignacio de Loyola was beatified, it took the name of San Ignacio in 1610. Finally, the College of Salvador was founded in 1617. From the very beginning, however, the Jesuits faced financial challenges in sustaining their institutions. The college, for example, was supported in part by limosnas from Chile, nearby estancias, and the resources sent by the Spanish king to the houses and colleges in the Río de la Plata and Tucumán, only 300 ducados to be distributed equally among all these institutions, which was not nearly enough (Furlong 1944: 51). Accordingly, the Jesuits soon became involved in the commercial trade with Brazil. Indeed friar Victoria, mentioned earlier, partly justified the first dispatches of his ships to Brazil at the end of the sixteenth century because of the need to look for Jesuit missionaries in those territories in order to bring them to his bishopric of Tucumán (Maeder 1999). These links and Jesuit trade exchange activities with the Brazilian coast increased in the following years. The Father General wrote a letter to Father Pedro de Oñate on 17 May 1621, stating “if the need suffered at the College of Buenos Aires is so great that those who are there cannot sustain themselves except by helping themselves with the flour they send to Brazil 47 Original in Spanish said, “no llegaban a seiscientos los habitantes de la misma cuando arribaron a Buenos Aires los primeros jesuitas (…) Pobreza en la población, terror a la pampa de donde procedían los malones indígenas y miedo al mar por el que llegaban los piratas…” (Furlong 1944: 19–20).

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to bring back something to pass through, for now we will be able to dissimulate…”.48 On 24 January 1622, the rector Father Gabriel Perlin wrote to Father Diego de Torres, “… I will again order to in the port [of Buenos Aires] nothing is bought for sale, nor is clothing or contraband hidden”.49 So, the authorities of the Society of Jesus tried to stop the illegal activities but the Jesuits’ everyday needs forced them to look for alternative sources to financially support their missionary work. During the tenure of the first governor of Buenos Aires, Diego de Góngora (1617–1623), the Consejo de Indias commissioned a general investigator to look into the illegal trade between the city and the Portuguese territories. Once in Buenos Aires, he discussed the problem with the rector of the Jesuit college, who, by virtue of the privileges granted to the regulars, went so far as to summon a conservative judge against the investigator himself. Undoubtedly, by that time, the Jesuit college was already involved in the illegal trade, by which it was able to increase its resources. After Góngora’s death in 1623, the Audiencia de Charcas decided to undertake a new investigation into the smuggling activities in Buenos Aires. At its conclusion, it was revealed that the procurator of the Jesuit college had a special licence for the purchase of building materials and a number of black slaves in Brazil, all of which were destined for the college. In addition, it was shown that he had secretly imported more slaves and other contraband. It was later established that another Jesuit was acting in 1624 as an agent of the Buenos Aires’ smugglers and, in that capacity, had sold black slaves both in Tucumán and in Peru (Mörner 2008: 43–44). Therefore, we cannot doubt the Jesuits’ great ability to engage in illegal trade in the region, which connected various geographical points and of course, here we must include their Guarani missions in Paraguay (see the following chapter). One direct reference to this illegal trade can be found in a testimony given by the governor of Buenos Aires, Esteban Dávila, who in 1635 expressed that the Jesuits had parallel ports in the Brazilian region and had

48 Original in Spanish said, “si es tanta la necesidad que se padece en el Colegio de Buenos Aires que no se pueden sustentar los que en él están sino ayudándose de las harinas que envían al Brasil para traer en retorno algo con que pasar, por ahora podremos disimular…” (Furlong 1944: 51). 49 Original in Spanish said, “…volveré a encargar de nuevo que en el Puerto [de Buenos Aires] no se ocmpre nada para vender, ni se esconda ropa, ni cosa de contrabando” (Furlong 1944: 52).

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managed to introduce different types of goods, especially weaponry into the Paraguayan missions (Pastells 1912: 514, note 1). Indeed, colonial authorities severely criticized the colleges and residences of the Society of Jesus for their constant engagement in the smuggling trade. In general, these Jesuit institutions were located in regions close to the banks of the waterways and according to reports, in some cases actively participated in a parallel trade. The Buenos Aires college was among the most criticized because of its trade with the Portuguese from Brazil, something which was undoubtedly practiced by most of the inhabitants and other religious organizations in the city. Towards the middle of the seventeenth century, the authorities finally decided to move the Jesuit college away from the riverbank. The official reason was the need to enlarge the city’s fort and increase protection by using the site where the college was located. Thus, the Jesuits moved to a plot of land known today as the Manzana de las Luces, between the current Perú, Bolivar, Alsina, and Moreno Streets in the city of Buenos Aires. This land was donated to the Society of Jesus by Isabel Carvajal, childless widow of Gonzalo Martel de Guzmán. However, the move may have been more influenced by the fact that “many of the ships arrived near the college before reaching the city’s harbour, [and] unloading their goods”, as Dutch, French, and other merchants were apparently common in the trades carried out by the Jesuits in the vicinity of the college. Therefore, the problem of smuggling and the participation of members of the Society of Jesus in it continued to thrive. Zacarias Moutoukias’ examination of smuggling in Buenos Aires provides a couple of very interesting examples of what occurred in this city port. The first concerns the patache “San Lorenzo” which arrived on 20 December 1668, and whose captain was Manuel de Souza Madeira of Portuguese origin who brought letters announcing peace between the Iberian crowns. The Audiencia de Buenos Aires ruled that it was not an arribada maliciosa [malicious arrival]. Shortly afterwards, he asked to unload his cargo because he was at risk of shipwreck, which was authorized by the Audiencia and the goods were taken to private houses. Subsequently, “a few” goods were allowed to be sold to cover their expenses. Sometime later, a few individuals went to the governor and alleged that the ship had brought some goods for them that were not mercaderías [merchandise], but were gifts. In particular, the Jesuit fathers claimed and obtained a consignment of sugar, wax, and negros. The rest of the goods (sugar, brandy, knives, and linen) were sold at a supposed

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almoneda (Moutoukias 1988: 107–108). The second case was the patache “Jesús, María y Joseph”, which arrived shortly afterwards and under the same pretext in Buenos Aires (it also brought news of the peace talks between the Iberian crowns). The aforementioned process was repeated and the Jesuits again obtained a consignment from that ship, specifically some “four hundred arrobas of sugar, a quantity that does not appear in the inventory and which amounted to between one thousand five hundred and two thousand pesos in reales …” (Moutoukias 1988: 108, note 22). Both situations underscore the crucial role the Jesuits played in this type of illegal activity, and there are many more examples of the Jesuit fathers’ direct involvement in the contraband of mercaderías in this port. In this way, Jesuit Brother Juan Pérez de la Fuente was moved to another college by the Jesuit authorities because of his involvement in purchases and sales (Storni 1980: 219). Moreover, the Jesuit Father General was confident that there would be no shortage of what was necessary to sustentar la vida [sustain life], without it being necessary for those of us who went there to become “dealers in temporal mercaderías [merchandise] to become dealers in spiritual” (Furlong 1944: 52). More significant was the case of Jesuit Brother Juan Luis de Sayas, who committed similar irregularities and provided details about the contraband process (Storni 1980: 265). He stated that he had lived in Buenos Aires for fourteen years and that in 1622 he went to Brazil to bring, on behalf of the college of Buenos Aires, wood and other materials for the church and house, as well as eight slaves for their service, and tiles, bricks, and lime. He returned to Buenos Aires in February 1623. However, Sayas confessed that in addition to the eight slaves and four crías [children], he also brought seven other piezas [pieces]—three adults and four crías [children] without a licence and “put them in the port”. He also mentioned that he brought on the ship lime, a wine pipa, and up to 30 botijas [jars] of wine and vinegar (Furlong 1944: 53). Finally, he explained that on the island of San Gabriel, the Maestre of the ship and the owner of another ship “hurriedly and secretly disembarked everything they were smuggling” (Furlong 1944: 54). Perhaps the most illustrative case of smuggling and illegal trade concerned the activities of the Jesuit Juan de la Guardia in the second

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half of the seventeenth century.50 According to testimonies, he made use of the “hand he had with the Governor [Pedro de Baygorri51 ], who did nothing more than sign what the said Father dictated to him”. Together they managed to do a lot of business with English, Dutch, and Portuguese ships entering the near islands and the port of Buenos Aires. The governor and Father Juan de la Guardia justified all this activity by emphasizing the misery in which the inhabitants of Buenos Aires found themselves in because of a war with England that had started in 1655 (Furlong 1944: 132). The Jesuits were able to obtain and keep stocked large warehouses from this trade, and they even bought weapons and other goods to send to their Indians missions (Pastells 1915: 621–631). With regard to this specific trade, a letter from General Father Goswino Nickel to the Father Provincial of Paraguay on 28 February 1660 about Father Francisco Velázquez, rector of the college of Córdoba (capital of the Jesuit Province of Paraguay, currently in Argentina) is revealing: …he has bought in the port of Buenos Aires various goods, spending many thousands of pesos on them, and another 4,000 pesos more on those taken from Spain, and which, as the effects show, he has done with the intention of grangear [profiting], because he has put them on sale in a strange shop and has also sold them at home.52

50 About the biography of Father Juan de la Guardia see Cartas Anuas de la Provincia del Paraguay, 1658–1660 y 1659–1662. Introd. María Laura Salinas. Resistencia: IIGHICONICET, 2010: 31–34 and 87–89; Storni (1980: 129) and Molina (2000: 327–328). 51 Pedro Baygorri y Ruiz served as governor of Buenos Aires from 1653 to 1660. He had been appointed for five years, but his performance against the attack by three French ships under the command of Timoleón de Osmat (called the Chevalier de la Fontaine) in 1658, and the praise of the locals and the Bishop Cristóbal Mancha y Velazco, earned him an extension of his term of office. However, he was removed from the post on 26 May 1660, according to the royal decree that appointed his successor (Alonso de Mercado y Villacorta) because of “great age and infirmities, unable to attend to the exercise of that office…”. He had a close relationship with the members of the Society of Jesus, which earned him, for example, the help of the Guaraní militias during the French attack on the port of Buenos Aires (they helped him for 8 months); particularly with Juan de la Guardia who was his confessor, great friend and executor of his will (Molina 2000: 101–102). 52 Original in Spanish said, “…ha comprado en el puerto de Buenos Aires varios géneros, empleando en ellos muchos millares de pesos, y otros 4.000 pesos más en los que se han llevado de España, y que según muestran los efectos, lo ha hecho con intención de granjear, porque los ha puesto a vender en una tienda extraña y en casa también ha vendido…” (Astrain 1920: 425).

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Years later, and despite the fact that the Jesuits had their college “in the middle of the city”, the problem of illegal trade with foreigners persisted, especially with the Dutch, through a hacienda ten or twelve leguas [leagues] from the port, as mentioned by the merchant Tomás Milutti from Cádiz in a letter to the Spanish crown dated 16 July 1679.53 A few months earlier, a Real Cédula signed in Madrid on 2 May 1679 ordered “…that ecclesiastics (…) and generally those of the Society of Jesus, without omitting cordobanes, suelas, tobacco, cloths, cloth, frasadas and other goods, and especially grass in abundance, should not deal or trade…” (Pastells 1918: 225). Similarly, another Real Cédula signed on 25 July 1679 ordered the Governor of Paraguay to increase control over the Jesuits’ involvement in the yerba mate trade (Pastells 1918: 226, see also the next chapter). We must remember that the commerce of yerba mate (until 12,000 arrobas ) from the Jesuit missions had been authorized by the Audiencia de Buenos Aires in 1664 (Garavaglia 1983: 72), and that decision had increased problems between the members of the Society of Jesus and their main neighbours in Asunción. Despite the intent of these royal decrees, however, the Jesuit missions in Paraguay continued to have a persistent significant presence in the regional economy. Mission sales accounted roughly for 15–25% of all yerba mate, 60–70% of all cotton textiles, 15–30% of all tobacco, and 30–60% of all sugar sold in Santa Fe and Buenos Aires (Vermote 2019: 131). Adding to their commercial profile, the Jesuits continued to obtain different goods through their colleges, such as weaponry for their Indian missions in Paraguay. This is clear in an order dated 26 November 1679 from the artillery steward of the prison of Buenos Aires to Father 53 This is what this merchant testified in “Peticiones y memoriales 1674–1699”, AGI, Audiencia de Charcas, 15. Juan Tomás Milutti saw his own business affected by this, since he was then governor and owner of the ships bound for Buenos Aires, and according to the contract he took three quarters of the freight and profits, while Captain Pedro Velázquez Larios kept the remaining quarter (Carrasco González 1996: 64–65; 164, note no.33; and 189). In addition, Milutti was in charge of transporting Franciscan missionaries in his fleets, which may have influenced his testimonies against the Jesuits. This is reported by Pedro Alvarado, judge of the Real hacienda in Buenos Aires, who on 2 September 1672 certified that 2,700 pesos de a ocho reales were taken from the Real caja [royal treasury] for Father Fray Pedro de Alvarracin, Franciscan commissary of those provinces. This amount was to pay for the sustenance and food of fifteen subjects, including the said friar, who came from Spain on the Patache San Antonio, owned by Juan Tomás Milutti, and whose captain was Carlos Gallo. AGI. Audiencia de Charcas, 151. A biography of Juan Tomás de Milutti in Molina (2000: 488).

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Gregorio de Orozco, rector of the Jesuit college in that city, for which he gave, “one hundred biscayne [sic] arquebuses with their flasks (…) and one hundred Milanese muskets with sixty bandolas [bandoliers] with their charges and likewise eight quintals of gunpowder and four arrobas and nine pounds (…) of arquebus bullets”. In addition, Father Orozco’s recibo [receipt] is preserved, in which he not only expressed recibí [I received], but also accompanies it with the phrase remití a las doctrinas del Uruguay [I sent to the Missions of Uruguay] (Correa Luna 1931: 85). Once again, the school in Buenos Aires was a fundamental link for the Jesuit reductions to obtain firearms, whether by legal or illegal means (Svriz Wucherer 2019). Again, their activities did not escape scrutiny. A Real Cédula dated 23 January 1680 to the governor of Buenos Aires ordered an inquiry into Jesuit trade in the city because it was rumoured that they admitted foreigners and introduced prohibited merchandise because they had “an open field on one side” of their college and that they also had a hacienda some ten or twelve leguas [leagues] from the city, “where small boats can arrive without being seen (…) or heard of because there are no boats or traffic in that area, through which mercaderías [merchandise] may have been introduced with the knowledge of the religious, and also on the side of Brazil where they have many missions and estates, having opened entry and harbour” (Pastells 1918: 273–274). Within the Jesuit society itself, there were also concerns about this illegal trading. Father General Tirso Gonzalez, for example, ordered on 20 November 1687 that Jesuits should not be involved in bringing foreign goods into the Jesuit Province of Paraguay. He also stated that “neither in Buenos Aires, nor in any other part of the Jesuit Province, shall piñas,54 silver, clothes or any other from contrabando [contraband] be admitted or deposited in our home; nor shall silver be concealed or overlooked, nor shall silver be melted down, nor shall anything else be

54 Piña is a form that silver takes after the amalgamation process. See the meaning of piña in D.A. Tomo V (1737) https://apps2.rae.es/DA.html.

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done for the benefit of seculars against the cedulas, laws or royal prohibitions”.55 Just two years later, however, the Provincial Father Gregorio de Orozco’s orders had to be repeated again.56 Despite all attempts to prevent illegal merchandise passing through the Jesuit college in Buenos Aires, this trade continued. In the first years of the eighteenth century, the Jesuit Father Procurador of Paraguay wrote a lengthy letter to the Spanish king explaining the origin and the justification of this illegal traffic with Brazil. He claimed “…those provinces being so forgotten by the lack of trade with Spain since eleven years have passed without a Spanish ship arriving in Buenos Aires” (Pastells 1933: 209) resulted in the inhabitants suffering while being so close to Brazil. Therefore, he continued: …they are convinced of the abundance of all that they have with the trade of Brazil; remembering the past times, when the Crown of Portugal was united with that of Castile, in which not only one, but many ships came every year from Brazil, with negros, linen, cloth, silk and other goods from Europe… which the inhabitants of the said provinces bought in exchange for hides, not only of bulls, but also of cows and calves, which they did not discard, and for flour, biscuit, chickpeas, lentils, broad beans and other vegetables, and together with salted meats of cows, sheep, pigs, etc. All of which is abundant in those provinces, as the petitioner has seen in the forty years that he has been in them; and, on the contrary, in Brazil there is a lack of all of the above, which comes from Portugal, as the same petitioner has seen in the 8 months that he has been in Brazil…. (Pastells 1933: 209)

By the mid-eighteenth century, common knowledge of the Jesuits’ links with smuggling in Buenos Aires continued to spread and formed a large part of the arguments for accusing them of forming a “state within 55 Original in Spanish said, “primero que ninguno de los nuestros introduzca en esta provincia mercaderías de extranjeros (…) segundo que ni en Buenos Aires, ni en otra parte de la Provincia se admitan o depositen en nuestras casas piñas, plata, ropa ni otra cosa de contrabando; ni se disimule o pase por alto, ni se funda la plata, ni se haga otra cosa alguna a beneficio de seculares contra las cedulas, leyes o prohibiciones reales”. “Preceptos de Nuestro Padre General Thyrso Gonzalez en carta de 20 de noviembre de 1687 al Padre Provincial Thomas Donvidas”. BNM. Cartas Provinciales Jesuitas. Manuscrito 6.976, pp. 16–17; and Astrain (1920: 427–428). 56 “Carta del Padre Provincial Gregorio de Horozco al Padre Salvador de Roxas. Superior destas Misiones de 5 de abril de 1689”, Cartas provinciales jesuitas. Mss. Nº6976. BNM. pp. 153–154.

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a state” in the run-up to the expulsion of the Society of Jesus from this region (1767–1768). This accusation was repeated to a greater or lesser extent in other European empires, where Jesuits were also expelled (France, Portugal) during the second half of the eighteenth century. In the case of Buenos Aires, the demolition of the colonial building of the Colegio Nacional for the construction of its modern building between 1910 and 1937 led to the discovery of a series of tunnels that connected the Manzana de las Luces, where the Colegio Nacional was located, with other colonial-era institutions such as the Cabildo. These tunnels had remained secret until those years of the twentieth century, which saw the resurgence again of a whole series of theories about their use, among which the possibility of smuggling by the Jesuits occupies an important place (Schávelzon 1991). Illustration 4.1 shows one of these tunnels with the architect and archaeologist Héctor Greslebin (right in the image) who presented one of the first academic studies and hypothesis about these tunnels in collaboration with the historian Rómulo Carbia (Schávelzon 1991: 19). To summarize, Buenos Aires played a key role in the economic and political administration of the Jesuits in the Río de la Plata region. This “false door” of South America developed a series of complex exchange channels that connected this region with Upper Peru (especially Potosí), Paraguay, and Chile, as well as the frequent exchange of diverse goods with the Brazilian coast. In all these legal and illegal activities, the Jesuits themselves had a prominent part. I have highlighted individual cases such as the Jesuits Pérez, Sayas, and De la Guardia, but arguably the trading activities of many others were kept hidden by the members of this religious order in their writings and have thus eluded the archival record. Moreover, I consider that studying these exchange circuits allows us to understand how Asian goods (that I observed in Macao in the previous chapter) reached the Jesuit Province of Paraguay, and in particular the Guarani Indian Missions. Logically, it is very difficult to quantify these mercaderías [merchandise], given that the Jesuits constantly tried to “hide” this information, as did the authorities and residents of Buenos Aires who participated in the smuggling in that port (Moutoukias 1988). This is compounded by the fact that in Spanish America it was not customary to record the precise number of contrabando traded. Enriqueta Vila Vilar’s astonishing example of what occurred in one incident of the slave trade indicates the enormity of this under reporting; in 1622 in Cartagena de Indias, four Maestre of slave ships registered with

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Illustration 4.1 Image of a secret tunnel in the Jesuit Manzana de las Luces and Héctor Greslebin (right) (Source https://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/T%C3%BAn eles_secretos_de_Buenos_Aires)

eighty slaves on each ship reached their destinations carrying 422, 206, 246, and 623 slaves respectively (Vila Vilar 2014: 161). Accordingly, I have encountered similar difficulties in quantifying Asian goods and their

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arrival to the port of Buenos Aires, and especially pinpointing the role of the Jesuits in this commerce. In a recent study Mariano Bonialian examined some Chinese silks and lozas [wares] that he located in Jesuit institutions in Córdoba and Cuyo (Bonialian 2014: 169–172). He argues, however, (along with many other scholars) that most of these goods came from the trade of the Manila galleon and its exchanges to the south of the American continent. In contrast, my research introduces a new perspective. I reposition the “false door” of South America, as Buenos Aires was so-called, as a polycentric centre for the exchange of goods, and of course, including here goods of Asian origin. In my opinion, Buenos Aires introduced Asian goods from Brazil which were redistributed to other territories. This port connected with the coast of Brazil, and therefore with the Portuguese empire itself, which in those years turned towards the Atlantic and had in that region the centre of its commercial empire, especially Bahia (Mauro 1990: 142). Here, sugar was a driving commodity for the Portuguese; as early as 1630 Brazil produced about 22,000 tons of sugar (Schwartz 2007: 32) and this profitable commercial traffic intensified the connection with the Brazilian coast. Thus, the historian must become a kind of detective who, by means of small clues (Ginzburg 1991), can reconstruct how the trade of Asian goods developed through Buenos Aires to other parts of the territory, specifically to the Jesuit Province of Paraguay. Within the contextual framework outlined above, we can now navigate the Paraguay River towards the Guaraní Missions in order to understand what routes these Asian goods used to arrive at this “periphery of the periphery” (Karasch 2002), how these goods were consumed, and what socio-cultural changes these new objects brought about among the Guaraní natives.

References Acarete du Biscay. 2001 [1657–1663]. Relación de un viaje al Río de la Plata y de allí por tierra al Perú con observaciones sobre los habitantes, sean indios o españoles, las ciudades, el comercio, la fertilidad y las riquezas de esta parte de América. Traduced by Francisco Fernández Wallace. Prologue and notes by Julio César González. Alicante: Biblioteca Virtual Miguel de Cervantes. http://www.cervantesvirtual.com/obra-visor/relacion-de-un-viaje-al-rio-dela-plata-y-de-alli-por-tierra-al-peru-con-observaciones-sobre-los-habitantessean-indios-o-espanoles-las-ciudades-el-comercio-la-fertilidad-y-las-riquezasde-esta-parte-de-america--0/html/ (27 July 2021).

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Andrade, Tonio. 2010. A Chinese Farmer, Two African Boys, and a Warlord: Toward a Global Microhistory. Journal of World History 21 (4): 573–591. Astrain, Antonio. 1920. Historia de la Compañía de Jesús de la Asistencia de España. Tomo VI. Nickel, Oliva, Noyelle, González, 1652–1705. Madrid: Administración de Razón y Fe. Bonialian, Mariano. 2014. China en la América colonial. Bienes, mercados, comercio y cultura del consumo desde México hasta Buenos Aires. Buenos Aires: Biblos, Instituto Mora (México). Boyajian, James C. 1993. Portuguese Trade in Asia Under the Habsburgs, 1580– 1640. Baltimore, MD: John Hopkins University Press. Braudel, Fernand. 1984. Civilización material, economía y capitalismo, siglos XV– XVIII. Tomo II Los juegos de intercambio. Madrid: Alianza Editorial. Bruxo, Jorge, Isabel Leonor, Diaz de Seabra, and Lurdes Escaleira. 2017. Portugueses no Oriente: Uma Narrativa dos Séculos XV a XIX . Macau: Instituto Politécnico de Macau. Carneiro de Sousa, Ivo. 2004. A Ásia e a Europa na formação da economiamundo e da globalização: trajectórias e debates historiográficos. Portugueses e Espanhóis em Macau e Manila com os olhos na China. Revista de Cultura/ Review of Culture. Edição Internacional/International Edition 10: 84–107. Carrasco González, María G. 1996. Los instrumentos del comercio colonial en el Cádiz del siglo XVII (1650–1700). Madrid: Banco de España, Servicios de Estudios. Correa Luna, Carlos (dir.). 1931. Campaña del Brasil. Antecedentes coloniales. Tomo I (1535–1749). Buenos Aires: Archivo General de la Nación Argentina. De Vries, Jan. 2019. Playing with Scales: The Global and the Micro, the Macro and the Nano. Past and Present 242 (14): 23–36. Disney, Anthony R. 2009. A History of Portugal and the Portuguese Empire. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Fernández Nadal, Carmen M. 2009. Las negociaciones diplomáticas por las Indias: tratados e intereses comerciales entre España e Inglaterra (siglo XVII). Anuario del Centro de Estudios Históricos “Prof. Carlos S. A. Segreti”, Año 9, 9: 49–67. Fradkin, Raúl, and Garavaglia, Juan Carlos. 2009. La Argentina colonial. El Río de la Plata entre los siglos XVI y XIX . Buenos Aires: Siglo XXI. Frias, Susana R. 2011. Portugueses en Buenos Aires. Mito y realidad (1600–1699). Cuadernos del Grupo de Trabajo sobre Historia de la Población. Buenos Aires: Academia Nacional de la Historia. Furlong, Guillermo. 1944. Historia del Colegio del Salvador y sus irradiaciones culturales y espirituales en la ciudad de Buenos Aires. 1617–1943. Vol. I (1617– 1841). Buenos Aires: Rectorado del Colegio del Salvador. Furlong, Guillermo. 1963. Justo Van Suerck y su Carta sobre Buenos Aires (1629). Buenos Aires: Ediciones Theoria.

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Garavaglia, Juan Carlos. 1983. Mercado interno y economía colonial. México: Grijalbo. Ghobrial, John Paul A. 2014. The Secret Life of Elias of Babylon and the Uses of Global Microhistory. Past and Present 222 (1): 51–93. Ginzburg, Carlo. 1991. Checking the Evidence: The Judge and the Historian. Critical Inquiry 18 (1): 79–92. Goulão Machado, María José. 2005. «La puerta falsa de América» A influência artística portuguesa na região do Rio da Prata no período colonial. Coimbra: Universidade de Coimbra. Hausberger, Bernd. 2018. Historia mínima de la globalización temprana. México: El Colegio de México. Herrero Sánchez, Manuel. 2000. El acercamiento hispano-neerlandés (1648– 1678). Madrid: CSIC. Herzog, Tamar. 2018. Fronteras de posesión. España y Portugal en Europa y las Américas. Madrid: Fondo de Cultura Económica. Karasch, Mary. 2002. The Periphery of the Periphery? Vila Boa de Goiás, 1780– 1835. In Negotiated empires: centers and peripheries in the Americas, 1500– 1820, ed. Christine Daniels, and Michael V. Kennedy, 143–170. New York, London: Routledge. Levi, Giovanni. 2018. Microhistoria e Historia Global. Historia Crítica 69: 21– 35. Lozano, Pedro. [1745] 2010. Historia de la conquista de las Provincias del Río de la Plata, Paraguay y Tucumán. 2 Tomos. Buenos Aires: Academia Nacional de la Historia. Maeder, Ernesto J.A. 1999. La misión del Tucumán (1585–1604) y la creación de la Provincia Jesuítica del Paraguay. In XIX Encuentro de Geohistoria Regional, 338–346. Corrientes: Universidad Nacional del Nordeste. Maeder, Ernesto J.A. 2018. Manual de Historia Argentina Colonial. Resitencia: Universidad Nacional del Nordeste. Mauro, Frédéric. 1990. Portugal y Brasil: estructuras políticas y económicas del imperio, 1580–1750. In Historia de América Latina. Vol. 2. América Latina colonial: Europa y América en los siglos XVI, XVII y XVIII , ed. Leslie Bethell, 127–148. Barcelona: Crítica. Molina, Raúl. 2000. Diccionario Biográfico de Buenos Aires (1580–1720). Buenos Aires: Academia Nacional de la Historia. Morais Barros, Amandio Jorge. 2014. Local History as Global History? Weakness and Resilience of Early Modern Self-Organised Portuguese Commercial Communities: The case of Macao in the 16th and 17th Centuries. Revista de Cultura/Review of Culture. Edição Internacional/International Edition 47: 34–49. Mörner, Magnus. 2008. Actividades políticas y económicas de los jesuitas en el Río de la Plata. Buenos Aires: Centro Editor de Cultura.

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Moutoukías, Zacarías. 1988. Contrabando y control colonial en el siglo XVII. Buenos Aires, el Atlántico y el espacio peruano. Tucumán: Centro Editor de América Latina. Pandiá Calógeras, Joao 2021 [1989]. A política exterior do Império. Brasilia: FUNAG. Pastells, Pablo. 1912. Historia de la Compañía de Jesús en la Provincia del Paraguay. (Argentina, Paraguay, Uruguay, Perú, Bolivia y Brasil, según los documentos originales del Archivo General de Indias). Tomo I (1568–1637). Madrid: Librería General de Victoriano Suárez. ———. 1915. Historia de la Compañía de Jesús en la Provincia del Paraguay. (Argentina, Paraguay, Uruguay, Perú, Bolivia y Brasil, según los documentos originales del Archivo General de Indias). Tomo II (1638–1668). Madrid: Librería General de Victoriano Suárez. ———. 1918. Historia de la Compañía de Jesús en la Provincia del Paraguay. (Argentina, Paraguay, Uruguay, Perú, Bolivia y Brasil, según los documentos originales del Archivo General de Indias). Tomo III (1669–1683). Madrid: Librería General de Victoriano Suárez. ———. 1933. Historia de la Compañía de Jesús en la Provincia del Paraguay. (Argentina, Paraguay, Uruguay, Perú, Bolivia y Brasil, según los documentos originales del Archivo General de Indias). Tomo V (1702–1715). Madrid: Librería General de Victoriano Suárez. Possamai, Paulo C. 2020. “Para que los castellanos puedan impedirnos el comercio no basta que les convenga y lo deseen impedir, es necesario que lo puedan hacer”. El contrabando en la Colonia del Sacramento en la segunda mitad del siglo XVIII. In Buenos vientos: circulación, resistencias, ideas y prácticas en el Mundo Atlántico de la Modernidad temprana, ed. Lucía Uncal and Pablo Moro, 119–134. La Plata: Teseo Press. Sanchez Belén, Juan A. 2014. Las exportaciones holandesas de productos coloniales americanos en España tras la Paz de Münster de 1648. In Carlos Martínez Shaw, and José Antonio Martínez Torres (dirs.), España y Portugal en el mundo (1581–1668), 89–137. Madrid: Polifemo. Schávelzon, Daniel. 1991. Túneles y construcciones subterráneas de Buenos Aires en los siglos XVII, XVIII y XIX . Seminario de Crítica 18. Buenos Aires: Instituto de Arte Americano e Investigaciones Estéticas “Mario J. Buschiazzo”. Schmidl, Ulrico. 2007 [1555]. Viaje a España y las Indias. Prólogo Marcos Mayer. Buenos Aires: Longseller. Schwartz, Stuart B. 2007. The Economy of the Portuguese Empire. In Portuguese Oceanic Expansion, 1400–1800, ed. Francisco Bethencourt, and Diogo Ramada Curto, 19–48. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Schwartz, Stuart B. 1990. Brasil colonial: plantaciones y periferias, 1580–1750. In Historia de América Latina. Vol. 3. América Latina colonial: Economía, ed. Leslie Bethell, 191–259. Barcelona: Crítica.

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Schwartz, Stuart B. 2014. La necesidad no tiene patria. Azúcar, plata y esclavos en la rebelión portuguesa. In Carlos Martínez Shaw, and José Antonio Martínez Torres (dirs.), España y Portugal en el mundo (1581–1668), 279–295. Madrid: Polifemo. Socolow, Susan M. 1991. Los mercaderes del Buenos Aires Virreinal: familia y comercio. Buenos Aires: Ediciones de la Flor. ———. 2009. Buenos Aires: Puerto Atlántico e Hinterland en el siglo XVIII. Revista de Estudios Marítimos y Sociales 2 (2): 9–20. Storni, Hugo. 1980. Catálogo de los jesuitas de la provincia del Paraguay (Cuenca del Plata) 1585–1768. Roma: Institutum Historicum Societatis Iesu. Subrahmanyam, Sanjay. 2012. The Portuguese Empire in Asia, 1500–1700. A Political and Economy History, 2nd ed. West Sussex: Wiley. Svriz Wucherer, Pedro Miguel Omar. 2019. Resistencia y negociación. Milicias guaraníes, jesuitas y cambios socioeconómicos en la frontera del imperio global hispánico (ss. XVII–XVIII). Rosario: Prohistoria. Tau-Anzoátegui, Víctor (dir.). 1984. Libros registros-cedularios del Río de la Plata (1534–1717). Catálogo, vol. I. Buenos Aires: Instituto de Investigaciones de Historia del Derecho. Torre, Angelo. 2018. Micro/macro: ¿local/global? El problema de la localidad en una historia espacializada. Historia Crítica 69: 37–67. Trujillo, Ósca. 2013. Integración y conflicto en una elite fronteriza: Los portugueses en Buenos a mediados del siglo XVII. In Mafalda Soares de Cunha Pedro Cardim and Leonor Freire Costa (orgs.). Portugal na Monarquia espanhola. Dinamicas de integraçap e conflito, 249–269. Lisboa: CHAM-CIDEHUS-GHES. Valladares, Rafael. 2016. Por toda la tierra, España y Portugal: globalización y ruptura (1580–1700). Lisboa: CHAM, Universidade Nova de Lisboa. Vermote, Frederik. 2019. Financing Jesuit Missions. In The Oxford Handbook of the Jesuits, ed. Ines G. Županov, 128–152. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Vila Vilar, Enriqueta. 1973. Los asientos portugueses y el contrabando de negros. Anuario de Estudios Americanos 30: 557–724. ———. 2014. Hispanoamérica y el comercio de esclavos, 2nd ed. Seville: Universidad de Sevilla. Vilardaga, José Carlos. 2010. São Paulo na órbita do Império dos Felipes: conexões castelhanas de uma vila da América portuguesa durante a União Ibérica (1580–1640). São Paulo: Universidade de São Paulo.

CHAPTER 5

The Long Way to Paraguay: Routes, Asian Goods, and Consumption in the Jesuit Missions

...it is known that already in 1640 the rumor [rumour] was circulating in Madrid that the Jesuits in Paraguay were making considerable profits by means of farms.1

Members of the Society of Jesus were inextricably linked to the exchange of goods in various parts of the world. In this final chapter, I examine the evidence for the rumor [rumour] referred to above by Father Antonio Astrain. To do so, I focus on the two routes that Jesuits used for the circulation of goods and people in the Río de la Plata basin and how they arrived in Paraguay. The first started from the coast of present-day Brazil and was connected by river and overland routes with the Province of Paraguay, especially in the first decades of the seventeenth century. The second route was a waterway linking the Paraguay-Paraná and Río de la Plata rivers and became a very important commercial artery where the Jesuits had the greatest influence. Analysing both of these circuits reveals the arrival of goods to the Guaraní reductions and, of course, the Jesuit presence in these activities. 1 My translation from Spanish original: “…está averiguado que ya en 1640 corría por Madrid el rumor de que los jesuitas del Paraguay hacían considerables ganancias por medio de granjerías” (Astrain 1920: 406).

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 P. O. Svriz-Wucherer, Jesuits and Asian Goods in the Iberian Empires, 1580–1700, Palgrave Studies in Comparative Global History, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-2464-6_5

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5.1 The Trade Routes from the Brazilian Coast to Paraguay The first decades of the seventeenth century saw the development of a route for the exchange of goods and people between the territories located on the coast of present-day Brazil and the northeast of the River Plate basin. José Carlos Vilardaga explains the connections between the Paraguayan and Guayrá regions with the Atlantic areas of the Brazilian coast, especially the town of São Paulo between 1600 and 1630 (Vilardaga 2017: 132–133). In these regions, a complex network of family, commercial, and political relations was established in those years that changed from alliance to open conflict in a short period of time (Vilardaga 2019: 661). These land and river routes were challenging and difficult, but not impossible to traverse. The sources of that period show us various examples of the mobility of people and goods. One of the first to record this journey was the Adelantado and Governor of Paraguay, Alvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca (1495–1560), who began his voyage on 18 October 1541 from the island of Santa Catarina on the Brazilian coast, arriving in the city of Asunción on 11 March 1542 (Núñez Cabeza de Vaca 1906: 168; Rodríguez Carrión 1985: 73 and 78). Previously, the governor had sent the factor Pedro Dorantes to explore the road. After three and a half months, the factor managed to return to the coast of Brazil and establish the best way to make the entrada [entry]. Thus, Álvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca began his journey along the indicated road, suffering numerous problems until he reached the city of Asunción after almost five months of crossing (Núñez Cabeza de Vaca 1906: 167–193). In the following years, these roads would be frequented by merchants, bandeirantes , and even governors who left us testimony of the difficulties and peculiarities of those regions. In the early years of the seventeenth century, Captain Francisco Benítez, a resident of the Villa Rica del Espíritu Santo, mentions that he went to the village of San Pablo “at the time that road was opened”, which may refer to the increased use of those connections.2 Benítez added that when he returned to Villa Rica, he did so with three men

2 ANA. SH. Vol. 15. Nº 2. Proceso obrado contra el Capitán Francisco Benítez en Villarrica por permitir el ingreso de portugueses al Paraguay. 26/01/1616. f.1. See reference in Tutte and Ibáñez de Yegros (2008: 16).

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of Portuguese nationality, which meant that in 1616 he was prosecuted for contrabando [smuggling] these Portuguese.3 Similar accusations in those years confirm the use of these roads and the different destinations that could be reached. In 1603, the Portuguese Pedro de Acosta from San Pablo arrived in the city of San Juan de Vera (Corrientes) with a black slave from Angola “de los prohibidos y contrabando” [“of the forbidden and contraband”] and references that they came on one of the balsas [rafts] that carried yerba mate.4 Thus, it can be seen how merchandise, slaves, and the Portuguese moved across a frontier that was porous in the early 1600s. For all these reasons, it is logical to find prohibitions and attempts to stop this type of mobilization. The Governor Hernando Arias de Saavedra, in a bando [proclamation] dated 12 June 1606 ordered: No resident or inhabitant of this city [Asunción] should dare to gather in their houses or chacaras [farms] or estancias or any other part of the city or give them abiamiento [shelter] to the Portuguese who are presently in this city and to the others who come from the provinces of San Pablo...5

3 ANA. SH. Vol. 15. Nº 2. Proceso obrado contra el Capitán Francisco Benítez en Villarrica por permitir el ingreso de portugueses al Paraguay. 26/01/1616. See reference in Tutte and Ibáñez de Yegros (2008: 16). It should be clarified that Captain Benítez refers that he made this route about twelve years ago, that is to say, his arrival in Villarrica with these Portuguese was around the year 1604 approximately. It is also interesting that he mentions that two of these Portuguese married and settled in the city of Villarrica. ANA. SH. Vol. 15. Nº 2. Proceso obrado contra el Capitán Francisco Benítez en Villarrica por permitir el ingreso de portugueses al Paraguay. 26/01/1616. f.1. 4 ANA. SH. Vol. 13. Nº 7. Averiguación sobre el ingreso del portugués Pedro de Acosta, acompañado de un esclavo negro, a la ciudad de San Juan de Vera (Corrientes). 09/10/1603. See reference in Tutte and Ibáñez de Yegros (2008: 15). 5 My translation, original in Spanish said: “ningun vecino ni morador estantes ni [h]abitante desta ciudad [Asunción] sea osado a recoger en sus casas ni chacaras ni estancias ni en otra parte qualquiera ni les den abiamiento a los portugueses que al presente estan en esta ciudad y de los demas que vienen de las provincias de San Pablo…” ANA. SH. Vol. 13. Nº 9. Bandos del Gobernador Hernandarias y sus Tenientes, publicados en Asunción: Bando para que ningún habitante de la ciudad dé auxilio a los portugueses presentes en la provincia. Asunción, 12/06/1606. See reference in Tutte and Ibáñez de Yegros (2008: 15).

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Furthermore, the governor mentioned that they were not to be given horses, canoes, or food, and that every infraction would be punished with a penalty of two hundred pesos.6 Sometime later, in 1616, Captain Pedro de Ovelar, a lieutenant governor in Paraguay noted that, “…His Majesty has forbidden the Portuguese, Spaniards and foreigners to enter through the port of San Pablo into the Provinces of Guairá because of the notable damage and harm they have done and are doing to the natives of the provinces”.7 This prohibition led to the arrest of four Portuguese men, “of those who entered through the port of San Pablo”, who were held prisoner and interrogated to find out who had given them favour and help in Guayrá’s Provinces to reach the city of Asunción. Álvaro de Caraballo (41 years old); Gonzalo Boridio. (40 years old); Andres Biera (25 years old); and Antonio Fernández (22 years old) were forced to testify. All of them agreed that they did not know about the prohibition in force and that it was two young men, sons of Baltasar de Godoy, natives of San Pablo, who had brought them to a port on the Guayrá and showed them the way, in exchange for 125 patacones in clothes.8 From this port, they followed paths indicated by the Indians of the region until they reached the city of Asunción. Finally, Pedro de Ovelar determined that they “…should return by the way they came to San Pablo, and not return to these parts under penalty of their lives”, and sent them on four rafts that headed for the Guayrá with people and neighbours from those provinces.9 This case reveals the

6 ANA. SH. Vol. 13. Nº 9. Bandos del Gobernador Hernandarias y sus Tenientes,

publicados en Asunción: Bando para que ningún habitante de la ciudad dé auxilio a los portugueses presentes en la provincia. Asunción, 12/06/1606. See reference in Tutte and Ibáñez de Yegros (2008: 15). 7 ANA. SH. Vol. 15. Nº 1. Averiguación sobre el ingreso al Paraguay de cuatro bandeirantes portugueses procedentes de San Pablo. f.1. Asunción, 20/06/1616. See reference in Tutte and Ibáñez de Yegros (2008: 16). 8 ANA. SH. Vol. 15. Nº 1. Averiguación sobre el ingreso al Paraguay de cuatro bandeirantes portugueses procedentes de San Pablo. f.1-f.3. Asunción, 20/06/1616. See reference in Tutte and Ibáñez de Yegros (2008: 16). 9 ANA. SH. Vol. 15. Nº 1. Averiguación sobre el ingreso al Paraguay de cuatro bandeirantes portugueses procedentes de San Pablo. f.3vta. Asunción, 20/06/1616. See reference in Tutte and Ibáñez de Yegros (2008: 16).

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journeys made by the inhabitants of these frontier regions and the authorities’ attempts to prevent and punish these communications, in which indigenous knowledge was fundamental in connecting both spaces. At that time, the Spanish monarchy tried to control and place certain limits on the commercial traffic being carried out from Brazil. Thus, in 1618, it sanctioned a royal decree that prohibited the introduction of fruits from Brazil and other kingdoms into the port of Buenos Aires, with the exception of clothing “and other very necessary things that the land lacks…”10 In the same year, another royal decree granted permission for six years to take fruit from Paraguay to Brazil, and to return with clothes, linen, footwear, and other articles considered indispensable.11 Both decrees indicate the provision shortages in these areas and the need to obtain these types of goods on the Brazilian coast. A report by an anonymous Jesuit on the cities of Paraguay and Guayrá around December 1620 states that earlier, no merchants had entered those lands and the inhabitants of Asunción were content with “a little cotton or black dyed linen for their clothes”, but “…now many merchants enter and the villagers buy very expensive silk and fine cloth dresses…”12 This change in consumption, the “short income” that these neighbours had, added to the fact that they had stopped growing crops, so that “there is hunger and they are very poor and in hock”,13 according to this Jesuit. We do not know precisely if these changes in consumption were a consequence of those roads between the coast of Brazil and Paraguay, but new products were undoubtedly entering Paraguayan lands.

10 ANA. SH. Vol. 2. Nº 4. Real Cédula que prohíbe introducir en territorio español frutos procedentes del Brasil y otros reinos, salvo ropas y otros artículos de mucha necesidad. 11/?/1618. See reference in Tutte and Ibáñez de Yegros (2008: 17). 11 ANA. SH. Vol. 2. Nº 5. Real Cédula que concede permiso por seis años para sacar frutos del Paraguay y llevarlos a Brasil y retornar con ropas, lienzos, calzados y otros artículos. 10/12/1618. See reference in Tutte and Ibáñez de Yegros (2008: 17). 12 Original in Spanish said: que antes no entraban mercaderes a aquellas tierras y los pobladores de Asunción se contentaban con “un poco de lienço de algodón o teñido de negro para su vestido”, sin embargo “…agora entran muchos mercaderes y los veçinos compran vestidos muy costosos de sedas y paños finos…”. MCDA, 1951: 165. Informe de um jesuíta anónimo sobre as cidades do Paraguai e do Guaria espanhóis, índios e mestiços. Dezembro 1620. 13 Original in Spanish said: “hay hambre y estan muy pobres y empeñados”. MCDA, 1951: 165. Informe de um jesuíta anónimo sobre as cidades do Paraguai e do Guaria espanhóis, índios e mestiços. Dezembro 1620.

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The following year (1621), the sources refer to a new trial against five Portuguese men who entered the region of Paraguay contrabando [smuggling]. Thus, the Teniente of governor of Ciudad Real, Captain Juan Barba de Añasco, initiated a judicial process given “that they were coming by way of San Pablo, bringing two black women and some mercadurias [merchandise]…”14 As for the black women, Barba de Añasco states that “they were brought by Registrar and brought without any licence or order whatsoever”.15 However, it is important here to examine the specific references to the textiles these five Portuguese merchants introduced by this route. For example, Miguel de Mujica declared, among other goods: ...some red tafetán [taffeta] garters; a cloth dress with a cape (...); a cloak of cloth with a marlet (...); a piece of white linen (...); three shirts and some handkerchiefs; two medium-sized tablecloths; a hand cloth; some silk stockings brought, I say two pairs; two pairs of cotton thread stockings (...); two pairs of cotton thread stockings (...); three shirts and some handkerchiefs; two medium-sized tablecloths; a hand cloth; some silk stockings brought, I say two pairs; two pairs of cotton thread stockings (...); fifty varas [rods] of canvas of Portuguese varas [rods] in two pieces (...); four threads of chaquiras [thick] beads…16

Antonio de Ultra reported that he brought with him, among other goods:

14 ANA. SH. Vol. 17. Nº 1. Proceso contra portugueses por entrada clandestina en la Provincia del Paraguay. Boca del Uvay. 01/05/1621. f.4. See reference in Tutte and Ibáñez de Yegros (2008: 17). 15 ANA. SH. Vol. 17. Nº 1. Proceso contra portugueses por entrada clandestina en la Provincia del Paraguay. Boca del Uvay. 01/05/1621. f.4. Sabemos que dichas negras fueron vendidas el dia 7 de mayo de 1621 y quedaron “por puja mayor” en manos del sargento mayor Miguel Gonçalez Correa, vecino de Ciudad Real, en 600 pesos. ANA. SH. Vol. 17. Nº 1. Proceso contra portugueses por entrada clandestina en la Provincia del Paraguay. Boca del Uvay. 01/05/1621. f.5v. 16 Original in Spanish said: “…unas ligas de tafetán coloradas; un vestido de paño capa balon y sayo (…); una capa de bayeta con marlota (…); un pedazo de lienço blanco (…); tres camisas y unos pañetes; dos paños manteles medianos; un paño de manos; unas medias de seda traidas, digo dos pares; dos pares de medias de hilo de algodón (…); cinquenta baras de lienço de las baras de Portugal en dos piezas (…); cuatro hilos de chaquiras gruesas…”. ANA. SH. Vol. 17. Nº 1. Proceso contra portugueses por entrada clandestina en la Provincia del Paraguay. Boca del Uvay. 01/05/1621. f.1v.

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…three rods and a quarter of brown cloth; a cape of bayeta and marlota of it; a purple cloth dress with its damask doublet, cape and sackcloth; two rods of ruan; a sheet; three new shirts; four rods and a quarter of linen; some tablecloths; five bars of bretangil; some old woollen and silk stockings (...); four bars of tafetán [taffeta]; three bars of striped tafetán [taffeta]; two dozen silk buttons (...); four bars of taffeta; three rods of striped tafetán [taffeta]; two dozen silk buttons...17

The next Portuguese merchant, Diego Baez, declared: “some balones [balls] of purple cloth; two shirts; a sayo [smock] of paño [cloth]; two pairs of old stockings and some shoes”.18 Manuel de Acevedo listed: a balón [ball] and a sayo [smock] of old cloth; two shirts; some blue woollen stockings (…); two pieces of silver ribbon and one green and one blue; a dozen […] tacas of silk and as many leather bags; a red facsimile; a small Flanders chest.19 And finally the fifth Portuguese merchant, Gaspar Fernandes, declared that he brought among other goods: …Balón [ball] and cloth clothes and […] balones [balls] of rajeta; some scarves and a doublet; some blue woollen stockings with their yellow garters (…); two shirts and some scarves; sixteen strips of silk…20

Subsequently, after the goods were counted, the merchants were questioned about whether they knew that the road from São Paulo to 17 Original in Spanish said: “tres baras y una quarta de paño pardo; una capa de bayeta y marlota della; un vestido de paño morado con su jubon de damasco balon capa y sayo; dos baras de ruan; una sabana; tres camisas nuevas; cuatro baras y quarta de lienço; unos manteles; cinco baras de bretangil; unas medias de lana y otras de seda viejas (…); cuatro baras de tafetan; tres baras de tafetan listado; dos docenas de botones de çeda…”. ANA. SH. Vol. 17. Nº 1. Proceso contra portugueses por entrada clandestina en la Provincia del Paraguay. Boca del Uvay. 01/05/1621. f.2. 18 ANA. SH. Vol. 17. Nº 1. Proceso contra portugueses por entrada clandestina en la Provincia del Paraguay. Boca del Uvay. 01/05/1621. f.2v. 19 Original in Spanish said: “unos balones de paño morado; dos camisas; un sayo de paño traydo; dos pares de medias viejas y unos zapatos”. ANA. SH. Vol. 17. Nº 1. Proceso contra portugueses por entrada clandestina en la Provincia del Paraguay. Boca del Uvay. 01/05/1621. f.2v. 20 Original in Spanish said: “Balon y ropilla de paño y […] balones de rrajeta; unos pañetes y un jubon; unas medias de lana azul con sus ligas amarillas (…); dos camisas y unos pañetes; diez y seis baras de fitas de çeda…”. ANA. SH. Vol. 17. Nº 1. Proceso contra portugueses por entrada clandestina en la Provincia del Paraguay. Boca del Uvay. 01/05/1621. f.3.

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Paraguay was forbidden for the entry of merchandise and slaves. The five accused agreed in declaring that they did not have a licence and that they did not know about this prohibition, but it is striking how Acevedo mentions that “…he heard in San Pablo some people say that all those who came by the said road passed through”.21 Such expressions point to the frequent use of those roads between the city on the coast of Brazil and Paraguay’s interior, despite the authorities’ attempts to impose prohibitions within the region. Accordingly, the five traders from Brazil were financially punished, with their goods and weapons confiscated by the Paraguayan authorities and it was established “…that they should return via recta where they came from with the penalty of their lives”.22 The intervention and frequency of Portuguese merchants in Asunción, through the aforementioned routes, would lead to various reactions in the following years. For example, although the Portuguese are not mentioned directly, I can intuit that the complaints of Asunción’s merchants in 1626 about the “foreigners who built ships” probably also included Portuguese in this activity.23 Specifically, the Asunción merchants pointed out three serious damaging outcomes from this activity of building ships, chalupas , and balsas [rafts] that the foreigners carried out to transport their haciendas. The first damage was that they became charterers, that is, once the ships were built, they used them to transport goods from the inhabitants of Asunción and charged for them, to the detriment of

21 Original in Spanish said: “…oyo en San Pablo decir a algunas personas que todos

pasaban los q[ue] venian por la d[ic]ha via” ANA. SH. Vol. 17. Nº 1. Proceso contra portugueses por entrada clandestina en la Provincia del Paraguay. Boca del Uvay. 01/05/ 1621. f.7. 22 The financial penalties were: Miguel de Mujica 10 pesos for His Majesty’s Chamber and 200 pesos at the disposal of the Teniente of Governor Juan Barba de Añasco; Antonio de Ultra 10 pesos and 160 pesos; Diego Baez 6 pesos and 60 pesos; and to Gaspar Fernandes and Manuel de Acevedo 5 pesos and 25 pesos respectively. ANA. SH. Vol. 17. Nº 1. Proceso contra portugueses por entrada clandestina en la Provincia del Paraguay. Boca del Uvay. 01/05/1621. f.12v. 23 Those who presented this document were the sergeant major Don Juan de Mendoza y Núñez, and the captains Gerónimo de Flecha and Don Fernando Curtido, all of them residents of this city and in the name of the others. To which is added in the same sense the testimony of the Attorney General of that city, the sergeant major Joaquín Ortíz de Zárate, who mentions the need not only to prohibit the manufacture of boats, but also of carts by foreigners. ANA. SH. Vol. 17. Nº 7. Varios vecinos comerciantes se presentan al Cabildo pidiendo la prohibición de construcción de embarcaciones por los foráneos. 29.I.1626. f.1.

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the merchants of that city. The second damage, according to this document, was that the defensive forces were ultimately distracted by being entretenidas [entertained] by these movements of ships and merchandise. And the third damage was that this process increased the “saca [removal] of Indians and service people, and the decrease of them”, which was justified by stating that as the “foreigners” were “people who could not have the love that the neighbours who by keeping them are maintained, there is little care in their return and they are amused by other provinces…”24 For all these reasons, the residents of Asunción requested “that they alone should provide the said vessels (…) for the said trade every year and that neither small nor large vessels should be allowed to be used or used by those who are not natural residents…”25 The city’s attorney general, Sergeant Major Joaquín Ortíz de Zárate, added to this position when he stated that the need was not only to prohibit the manufacture of boats by foreigners but also of carretas [carts], because together they were detrimental to the commercial traffic of that city.26 Nevertheless, the movement of ships, products, and people between those regions would not be limited in the following years. One of the most outstanding cases of that period was Governor Luis Céspedes de Jería, who travelled along those roads from San Pablo to take up his post in the city of Asunción around 1628.27 He thus entered his government “on the wrong foot” because he disobeyed royal orders not to enter the 24 Original in Spanish said: “personas q[ue] no pueden tener el amor que los vecinos que mediante el conservarlos se mantienen, [h]ay poco cuydado en su tornabuelta y quedan divertidos por otras provincias…”. ANA. SH. Vol. 17. Nº 7. Varios vecinos comerciantes se presentan al Cabildo pidiendo la prohibición de construcción de embarcaciones por los foráneos. 29.I.1626. f.1v. 25 Original in Spanish said: “que solo ellos den la providensia de las d[ic]has embarcaciones (…) para dho comercio en cada un año y que no se permita embarcaciones pequeña ni grande que se usen ni frabriquen los que no son vecinos naturales…”. ANA. SH. Vol. 17. Nº 7. Varios vecinos comerciantes se presentan al Cabildo pidiendo la prohibición de construcción de embarcaciones por los foráneos. 29.I.1626. f.1v. 26 ANA. SH. Vol. 17. Nº 7. Varios vecinos comerciantes se presentan al Cabildo pidiendo la prohibición de construcción de embarcaciones por los foráneos. 29.I.1626. f.2–f.3v. 27 Debemos recordar que Luis Céspedes Xeria antes de realizar este viaje, se casó en Río de Janeiro con Victoria de Saá (hermana de Salvador Correa de Saá y Benavidez) y que, con el pretexto de acompañar a esta, ingresaron por dicho camino numerosos portugueses que fueron “precursores de los mamalucos de San Pablo”. Lozano ([1745] 2010, tomo I, 610).

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province through Brazil (Lozano [1745] 2010, volume I, 610). However, it is interesting that this governor made a map during his expedition in which he identified the route between the two jurisdictions. This crossing probably followed a route along which an active trade was taking place at that time.28 We know that Victoria Correa de Sa, his wife, brought eight pieces of slaves and two offspring into the city, and later had to pay for them.29 This entry of slaves was not something exceptional, given that in those years six pieces of slaves from Angola that captains Salvador Correa de Sa and Andres Fernandes brought into the city by the same routes were auctioned off at a public almoneda [auction] by the governor.30 We do not know precisely the volume of this trade, nor do we know if the frequency of bandeirante attacks stopped it, or at least in terms of the role played by the Jesuit reductions of the Guayrá (they were destroyed by these attacks and the survivors moved to other territories). However, Carlos Vilardaga argues that we must understand the bandeirantes expeditions in a more complex and diversified way. They were not only expeditions to capture indigenous people and search for gold, but they also carried out commercial exchanges with various products (Vilardaga 2017: 135–136). Undoubtedly, this possible trade route and the figure of the bandeirantes themselves are still to be studied by scholars; for our purposes it is sufficient to point out the possibility that they played an important role in the exchange of products in the region. These links between the inhabitants of the Iberian possessions in the South Atlantic are only further evidence of a wider process that was unfolding on a global scale. Rafael Valladares (2016) points to the period 1620–1640 as the “golden age of the seating system in Portuguese hands” within the Hispanic possessions and that this, not coincidentally, “coincided with the landing of the great Lusitanian bankers in Madrid

28 “Mapa del río Ayembí (actual Tieté) y del Paraná, con sus afluentes, que recorrió Luis de Céspedes Jería, gobernador del Paraguay, al entrar en su jurisdicción desde Brasil”. 08.XI.1628. AGI. MP, Buenos Aires, 17. See Cavenaghi (2011). 29 Así lo refieren las cajas reales de Paraguay, donde se expone el ingreso de 577 pesos y 4 reales de plata acuñada de a ocho reales que el 25.VI.1631 ingresó el gobernador en nombre de su mujer, por los derechos de aduanilla y almojarifazgo de dichas piezas. AGI, Contaduria 1885a. 30 Estos esclavos se remataron en 1.600 pesos en yerba mate, por un valor de cuatro libras al peso. AGI, Contaduria 1885a.

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from 1627 onwards” (Valladares 2016: 111). In other words, the Lusitanians occupied strategic places, both in Americas and on the peninsula, in a theoretically monopolistic commercial system that sought to guarantee the supply of slave labour to the different parts of the empire. The implemented seating system consolidated the role of the Portuguese in this regard. However, direct communications from Africa, the Canary Islands, or Lisbon to Americas, and the growing prominence of the Portuguese, would generate numerous clashes with the Castilian merchants who claimed their monopoly in the Indies race (Valladares 2016: 108). Once the war with Portugal began (1640–1668), the role of the Portuguese in the Hispanic empire declined and the Spanish crown even tried to “expel” them from its possessions, although with little success.

5.2 The Trade Route to Paraguay from Buenos Aires Compared to the Brazilian coast/Paraguay artery, the trade route that linked Buenos Aires with the Province of Paraguay was used much more frequently by the Jesuits, leaving us with a greater number of sources and testimonies about its operations. Some documents point especially to the trade in yerba mate that was carried out in this river traffic and also detail the various other products that were imported from distant territories. For example, in 1659, there was an obligation for 79 arrobas of yerba mate, at two pesos of eight reales per arroba, in payment of 19 sticks of estameña and 8 of Cambray (Velázquez 1973: 55); while in 1675 there was another deed of obligation for 217 arrobas and 18 pounds of yerba, in exchange for two pairs of embroidered capes, a “chimbesque” of flowered satin, eight and a half rods of embroidered satin, ten and a half ounces of gold thread, a stole dress, ten ounces of gold lace, silk stockings, three rods of camellón and a cordobán, taken from Asunción to the Villa Rica, articles that must have been imported (Velázquez 1973: 55). Similarly, deeds and wills of the period show that an array of products reached those regions. One 1675 deed listed, “…a scarlet cloak with black points, a black “hermessi” dress with a robe and two pairs of breeches, white silk stockings (…) some embroidered capes of gold thread, 12 rods of “Roan florette” (…), a band of crimson tafetán [taffeta], two cordobanes…” (Velázquez 1973: 56). This indicates that European and/or Asian goods frequently arrived to these distant regions of the Spanish empire.

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Other sources provide a better understanding of the processes that these goods underwent and, especially, how the members of the Society of Jesus participated in this trade. For example, on 22 June 1724, in the port of Las Conchas, near the city of Buenos Aires, the ship called Nuestra Señora del Carmen, owned by Captain Lázaro Cañiza, was registered. This ship had been built in Asunción and was about to sail back to its port of origin, setting sail on 3 July 1724. The details of its cargo and the recipients of its goods are significant, however, since they were directly linked to members of the Society of Jesus in both cities. Different goods were sent to the Father Procurator of Missions in the college of Asunción, including thirty-five varas of simple tafetán [taffeta]31 which were directly sent to him.32 However, even more interesting was the carga [load] that the Jesuit Father Francisco de Herrera33 carried on the aforementioned ship, distributing it in two farditos [small bundles].34 The first of these consisted of four pieces of Bretaña,35 twelve

31 Se denomina así a una “tela de seda mui unida, que cruge, y hace ruido, ludiendo con ella. Covarrubias dice se llamó assi del sonido que hace Tif. Taf. por la figura Onomatopéya. Otros le derivan de la voz Taffata, ò Taffatin de la baxa Latinidad. Hai varias especies de él: como doble, doblete, sencillo, etc.”. Diccionario de Autoridades. Tomo VI (1739). https://webfrl.rae.es/DA.html. 32 Los restantes productos que se le enviaron a dicho padre procurador fueron 5 botijas

de vino, un tarro de polvillo, una frasquera con 15 frascos vacíos, un fardito en 1 saco de cuero y 19 varas de crea [sic], 12 cuchillos de mesa, 12 cucharas estaño, 1 breviario en dos cuerpos, 1 libra y 5 onzas de hilo blanco, 2 libras hilo sastre, 2 resmas papel, 6 docenas candados y 2 sacos de pasas. ANA. SNE. 61. Nº 2. 33 Francisco de Herrera nació el 03.XII.1677 en Sevilla, España. Ingresó a la Compañía de Jesús el 23.II.1696 en Paraguay. El 24.IX.1698 llegó a Buenos Aires. Profesó su cuarto voto el 02.II.1718 en Asunción y falleció el 04.III.1730 en Buenos Aires. Storni (1980: 141). 34 El término “fardito”, o que también aparece en las fuentes como “fardillo”, refiere a

un fardo de pequeño tamaño. Recordemos que un fardo era un “lio grande de ropa, mui ajustada y apretada, para poder llevarla de una parte a otra, lo que se hace regularmente con las mercadurías que se han de transportar, y se cubre con harpillera o lienzo embreado o encerado, para que no se maltraten con los temporales”. Diccionario de Autoridades. Tomo III (1732). https://webfrl.rae.es/DA.html. Algunos autores analizaron los embalajes de las mercadurías en ciertas rutas comerciales como Macao-Nagasaki (Loureiro 2004) o Filipinas-Nueva España (Curiel Méndez 2016), sin embargo consideramos necesario reflexionar sobre estas cuestiones para el caso rioplatense. 35 “Cierto género de lienzo fino, que se fabrica en la Provincia de Bretaña, de quien tomó el nombre. Hai dos espécies, una ancha, y otra mas angosta”. Diccionario de Autoridades. Tomo I (1726). https://webfrl.rae.es/DA.html.

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rods of Ruan,36 fourteen and a third varas of double black tafetán [taffeta], seven varas of single tafetán [taffeta], seven varas of white tafetán [taffeta], nine ounces of silk, twenty varas of Droguete,37 thirteen varas of Holandilla,38 six and a half varas of Sempiterna,39 one vara of raw linen, one white hat, two varas of Castilian bayeta,40 four varas of silk Tissue Ribbons,41 eight varas of Ribbon,42 and twenty-four varas of white Anascote.43 The second bundle was made up of only eight rods of white Anascote. Finally, added a “fardito chiquito” [a small bundles] from the Jesuit priest José Figueroa44 who sent scissors and needles to the Paraguayan Jesuit Province.45 36 “Especie de lienzo fino, llamado assí por el nombre de la Ciudad de Ruán en Francia, donde se texe y fabríca”. Diccionario de Autoridades. Tomo V (1737 ). https://webfrl.rae. es/DA.html. 37 Se denomina así en la época a “cierto género de tema muy vistosa a manera de raso, que de ordinario es alistado y variado de colores, con flores sembradas entre las listas. Comúnmente se fabrica de pelo de cabra; pero también se hace de lino, y seda mezclados”. Diccionario de Autoridades. Tomo III (1732). https://webfrl.rae.es/DA.html. 38 “Cierta especie de lienzo teñido y prensado, que sirve para aforros de vestidos y otras cosas”. Diccionario de Autoridades. Tomo IV (1734). https://webfrl.rae.es/DA.html. 39 “Usado como sustantivo, es un texido de lana apretado, y de bastante cuerpo, de que usan regularmente las mugeres pobres para vestirse. Pudo llamarse assi, por ser mucha su duración”. Diccionario de Autoridades. Tomo VI (1739). https://webfrl.rae.es/DA.html. 40 “Tela de lana mui floxa y rala, de ancho de dos varas lo mas regular, que sirve para vestídos largos de Eclesiásticos, mantillas de mugéres, y otros usos. Háilas de todas colóres, blancas, verdes, negras, etc.”. Diccionario de Autoridades. Tomo I (1726). https:/ /webfrl.rae.es/DA.html. 41 Se denomina Tisu o Tisú a una tela de seda mui doblada bordadad de flores varias sobre plata, ù oro, que pasan desde el haz al embés. Es voz tomada del Francés Tissu, que vale texido. Llamase también Tesú. Diccionario de Autoridades. Tomo VI (1739). https:/ /webfrl.rae.es/DA.html. 42 “Se llama comúnmente cierto género de cinta de seda más angosta que la colónia”. Diccionario de Autoridades. Tomo IV (1734). https://webfrl.rae.es/DA.html. 43 Refiere a una “especie de tela, o texído que se favrica de lana, y de que se hacen mantos y otras cosas”. Diccionario de Autoridades. Tomo I (1726). https://webfrl.rae.es/ DA.html. 44 José de Figueroa nació el 01.I.1665 en Fuente Arcada, Orense, España. Ingresó a la Compañía de Jesús el 23.IX.1690 en Paraguay. El 06.IV.1691 llegó a Buenos Aires. Profesó sus últimos votos como coadjutor espiritual el 02.II.1703 en Buenos Aires, ciudad donde falleció el 03.VI.1739. Storni (1980: 102). 45 ANA. SNE. 61. Nº 2. In addition, the following were recorded on behalf of Doña Rosa Jiles: six quintals and one arroba of iron, two jars of wine, six bushels of lime,

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So, this particular cargamento [shipment] reveals a wide range of goods to which the members of the Society of Jesus had access to in those years. Undoubtedly, the proximity to the port of Buenos Aires allowed them to obtain various types of textiles for later distribution to other parts of the Jesuit Province of Paraguay and, in particular, to their Guaraní missions. Documentary evidence indicates that the Nuestra Señora del Carmen arrived in the city of Asunción on 26 January 1725. This second record allows us to not only know how long it took these vessels to make the journey “upriver”, but also to know what happened to their cargo. The entrustment addressed to the Father Procurator of the Jesuit school in Asunción was arranged by the Jesuits in the city of Santa Fe, without providing any details of the changes in this regard. In addition, the farditos of Father Herrera “because they were for private individuals in this city, the one and the other, which was for Doña Adriana Rodrigues, was taken by land and brought by her nephew Juan de Rovaroja”. Therefore, both encomiendas linked to the Jesuits were unloaded in the city of Santa Fe and did not arrive in the said ship in the city of Asunción. What were the reasons behind this change? Since the aforementioned source is silent on this issue, we can only conjecture. It is possible that the Jesuits preferred to take these goods by wagon overland from Santa Fe to Asunción in order to guarantee the delivery of these products to their recipients, remembering that in those years the movement of the comuneros was still going on in those regions and the Jesuits and their commercial activities were the main enemies. In addition, the Payaguás natives had made several incursions along the river route, making daily life difficult for both Asunción and Corrientes (Svriz Wucherer 2019a). Beyond this question, it is also important to note that Santa Fe acted as a puerto preciso [port required to all ships] on the way to and from Asunción, and so not only were the above-mentioned goods unloaded but others were also shipped, although none of the goods recorded were linked to the Jesuits of Asunción.46

twenty bushels of flour and a crate with three wigs; and on behalf of the owner of the boat, 15 sacks of wheat with 40 bushels, a flask with nine jars of oil, a jar of olives and the necessary food for the maintenance of the peones [labourers]. ANA. SNE. 61. Nº 2. 46 ANA. SNE. 61. Nº 2. The fifteen sacks of wheat were also unloaded in Santa Fe on behalf of the owner; and two jars of wine were shipped to the convent of Santo Domingo from Asunción, and on behalf of the owner two sacks of wheat, a flask of sultanas and a sack of flour that went to Don Alonso del Pozo. ANA. SNE. 61. Nº 2.

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5.3 The Jesuits, Commodity Exchanges, and Their Arrival in the Paraguayan Missions As pointed out in previous chapters, the structure of the Society of Jesus was founded upon an elaborate system of rules, regulations, and ordinances that provide rich historical sources. Particularly in the Jesuit Province of Paraguay, there is a whole series of documents that show how the daily life of the Guaraní Indian reductions was regulated and ordered. One of the most discussed issues (and repeated in these regulations) was the circulation, exchange, and trade of various types of products and, in particular, the role played by the members of the order in these activities. A letter dated 27 September 1669 from the Father General of the Society of Jesus, Juan Pablo Oliva, to the Father Provincial of Paraguay, Cristóbal Gómez, informed him that on the 22nd of that month and year he had received a provision from Pope Clement IX which “forbids both secular and regular ecclesiastics from trading and merchandise” and ordered that this provision be communicated to all the reductions of Paraguay.47 In this way, the Jesuit Father Provincial Cristóbal Gómez reported that in the provincial congregation of 1671 it was resolved “that the excess that was noted in the missions in buying things of great value for the Church such as bells, crosses, and silver candlesticks be moderated, because this gives the laity the opportunity to think that we are very rich…”48 However, Father Gómez pointed out that these provisions had not been carried out, and that “the excess has grown”.49 To a certain extent, this was justified by the Father Provincial, when he stated that it was “very difficult to remedy the situation because it was not [h]aving been possible to remove these alms from the reductions, due 47 “Carta de N P.e G.l Juan Paulo de Oliva de 27 de septiembre de 1669 al P.e Provincial Christoval Gomez”, in Cartas provinciales jesuitas. Mss. Nº6976. BNM. p. 15. The provincial father made these dispositions known in a letter dated 28 August 1672, signed in Cordoba, in Cartas provinciales jesuitas. Mss. Nº6976. BNM. p. 16. 48 Original in Spanish said, “que se moderasse el excesso que en las red[uccion]es se notaba en comprar para la Iglesia cosas de mucho valor como campanas, cruces y candeleros de plata, etc.a porque con esto se da ocasión a los seglares a que piensen que estamos mui ricos…”. “Carta para los PP. Missioneros del P.e Prov.l Xptoval Gomez en la Visita del año de 1673”, in Cartas provinciales jesuitas. Mss. Nº6976. BNM. p. 85. 49 “Carta para los PP. Missioneros del P.e Prov.l Xptoval Gomez en la Visita del año de 1673”, in Cartas provinciales jesuitas. Mss. Nº6976. BNM. p. 85.

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to the dismay of their opinions”.50 In view of this, he stipulated that the Father Superior: should not allow any more cloths to be brought from now on, nor any more, as the sacristies are so full of this kind and if they come, he should send them back to the Prov[incial]es to whom he will give orders not to send them (...) and as for the silver (...) he should not go any further, being content with what they have...51

Subsequently, I will analyse a good part of the inventories made in the reductions after the expulsion of the Jesuits and will show the notable presence of all those objects of great value (silks, jewellery, etc.) which they tried to moderate but which continued to be present in those missions. So, a key point to understanding these exchanges is that, unlike other areas of the Iberian crowns, in Paraguay there was no metallic currency in circulation, but rather they were carried out with the moneda de la tierra [currency of the land]. The members of the town council of Asunción wrote to the king around the middle of the seventeenth century mentioning that they had “low incomes, despised by the conversion of silver into the currency of the land”, and then emphasized that this meant, for example, that “clothing and provisions were very expensive, disproportionate to the meagre availabilities” (Velázquez 1985: 37). These circumstances also influenced the members of the Society of Jesus, who had to exchange products from the Guaraní missions to other parts of the region. This allowed them to obtain products that were not produced in their missions and, at the same time, to obtain cash to pay the corresponding tributes to the crown. This is how Father General Goswino Nickel explained it in a letter to Father Provincial Juan Pastor:

50 Original in Spanish said, “mui dificil el remedio por no [h]averse de sacar estas al[h]ajas de las reducciones, por el desconsuelo de sus pareceres”, “Carta para los PP. Missioneros del P.e Prov.l Xptoval Gomez en la Visita del año de 1673”, in Cartas provinciales jesuitas. Mss. Nº6976. BNM. pp. 85–86. 51 Original in Spanish said, “no consienta de aquí adelante traigan mas telas ni la mas

pues están tan sobradas las sacristías de este genero y si vinieren las vuelva a despachar a los Prov[incial]es a quien se dara orden no las remitan (…) y en quanto a la plata (…) no se meta mas contentadose V.R. con la que tienen…”. “Carta para los PP. Missioneros del P.e Prov.l Xptoval Gomez en la Visita del año de 1673”, in Cartas provinciales jesuitas. Mss. Nº6976. BNM. pp. 85–86.

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…in that land there is no currency, and all are exchanges and permutations of some things with others (...) it is necessary to buy the necessary provisions for the 22 reductions that are in its surroundings and for the colleges of the Province, some goods that are not found elsewhere.52

Nevertheless, the Father General closed his letter by asking the Provincial “to make a very exact examination of everything that is done in this matter”, to which he added, “do not think that Your Excellency will lose the interest or profits of many hundreds or thousands of pesos, which and much more we must risk and lose, so that the wall of holy poverty may be preserved intact and the good name of the Society may not be lost”.53 For these reasons, the Jesuits established a complex system in which the economy of their reductions was integrated with other distant areas that collaborated with the goods necessary for the daily life of the Guarani natives. Thus, schools, haciendas, and missions were integrated into this elaborate network through which various products circulated. This system meant that suspicions linked to the figure of the Jesuits as major traders in these regions would continue in the following years. The aforementioned Royal Decree of 1655 (see Chapter 2), had declared that the procurators of the houses and colleges of the Society of Jesus “have taken (…) dealings and trade there”, and that they also imported “in each Flota [fleet] and galleons from 60 to 80,000 pesos” (Astrain 1920: 407). However, the most serious thing was that the Jesuits: …pass from these Kingdoms to the Indias, with titles of linen, cloths, books for their use, crosses, relics and other things, which they say are for the service of culto divino [divine cult], they send many cajones and fardos

52 Original in Spanish said, “en aquella tierra no corre moneda, y todos son conchavos y permutaciones de unas cosas con otras (…) es forzoso comprar del modo dicho la provisión necesaria para las 22 reducciones que hay en su contorno y para los colegios de la Provincia algunos géneros que no se hallan en otra parte”. Astrain, Antonio, Historia de la Compañía de Jesús en la Asistencia de España, Tomo VI: Nickel, Oliva, Noyelle, González, 1625–1705, Administración de Razón y Fe, Madrid, 1920, 406. 53 Original in Spanish said, “que haga un exactísimo examen de todo lo que se practique en esta materia”, and added “no repare V.R. en ninguna cosa, en que se pierda el interés o ganancias de muchos centenares o millares de pesos, que eso y mucho mas debemos aventurar y perder, porque se conserve entero el muro de la santa pobreza y no se pierda el buen nombre de la Compañía”. Astrain, Antonio, Historia de la Compañía de Jesús en la Asistencia de España, Tomo VI: Nickel, Oliva, Noyelle, González, 1625–1705, Administración de Razón y Fe, Madrid, 1920, 407.

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[crates and bundles], in which they include géneros [goods], taking with this pretext licence to take them and there they benefit from them and sell them. (Astrain 1920: 408)

Indeed, the Jesuits had numerous privileges in terms of the cajones and fardos [crates and bundles] they could transport to and from Spanish America. They had tax exemptions to transport goods to Americas, as long as they were destined for their colleges and missions and were not sold. This privilege explains why they did not detail the goods in these “missionary crates”, but simply declared their contents in general terms.54 Returning to trade, the authorities of the Society of Jesus sought in the following years to regulate and control a practice that was clearly widespread. One of the issues that most concerned the order was precisely that the members of the Society acted as true transporters of goods to those regions, taking advantage of the privileges they had when shipping to Americas. Jesuit Provincial Father Agustín de Aragón warned against this in December 1676, when he ordered: all the members of the Society of Jesus (...) that no pretext or obligation of kinship, friendship or any other kind should buy anything for persons who do not belong to the Society of Jesus, nor receive it with a charge to sell it, nor buy it for another mantle; nor should it be sent separately or in company with other clothes or goods sent to our colleges, prov[incial]es under the pretext that it belongs to ours...55

Furthermore, even more explicit on this point was the letter from the Provincial Father Diego de Altamirano on 17 September 1679, when

54 This is what Fabian Vega explains when analyzing the transport of books to the Paraguayan missions in the mid-eighteenth century. In 1755, 107 pieces of mercadurías [merchandise] were registered and transported in Cadiz, por cuenta y riesgo de la Provincia del Paraguay [“for the account and at the risk of the Province of Paraguay”] destined for the rector of the school in Buenos Aires (Vega 2021: 60). 55 Original in Spanish said, “a todos de la Comp[añi]a (…) q[ue] ningún pretexto ni oblig[aci]on de parentesco, amistad u otro qualquier compre para personas, que no sea de la Comp[añi]a cosa alguna, ni la reciba con cargo de venderla, ni comprada por otra manto; se en[car]gue, de despacharla, ni aparte, ni en compañía de otra ropa, o generos que se envían para nuestros collegios, prov[incial]es con pretexto de q[ue] es perteneciente a los nuestros…” “Preceptos de los P[adr]es Prov[incia]les comunes a toda la Prov[inci]a que se deben leer en todas las renovaciones, del P[adr]e Agustín de Aragón. Diciembre de 1676”. AGN. Sala IX, 06 09 04, Compañía de Jesús. 1676–1702. f.1.

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he mentions that “several times” it was experienced that procurators or rectors when they moved to other places “make use of the faculties (…) to take the goods or goods of those who were in their charge, and pass them on to the new college, or office entrusted to them…”56 Adding that they obtain them from “sale, purchase, barter, exchange, work, loan, or payment; or also by way of ration, remuneration, or alms…”,57 considering the “usefulness of the new college, office that they begin and do not repair in the detriment of the one they finish…”58 Jesuit Father General Juan Paulo Oliva reaffirmed these precepts two years later, establishing that fathers and brothers “who had the office of procurator, or any temporary administration, should not dispose of any goods, of those that by reason of their offices have been in their charge…”59 Mentioning that once they were notified that they were being transferred to another place or office “they should not take them or send them to another college or to another procuratorship or person, except by requesting a new licence from the [father] Superior…”.60 However, despite the attempts of the members of the order, rumours circulated about the commercial activity of the Jesuits in Paraguayan 56 Original in Spanish said, “se valen de las facultades (…) para llevar generos o bienes de los que estaban a su cargo, y pasarlos al nuevo collegio, o oficio que se les encomienda…”. “Carta del P.e Prov.l Diego Altamirano común a toda la provincia. 17 de septiembre de 1679”, in Cartas provinciales jesuitas. Mss. Nº6976. BNM. p. 109. 57 Original in Spanish said, “venta, compra, truque, permuta, obrança, empréstito, o paga; o también por via de ración, remuneración, o limosna…”. “Carta del P.e Prov.l Diego Altamirano común a toda la provincia. 17 de septiembre de 1679”, in Cartas provinciales jesuitas. Mss. Nº6976. BNM. p. 109. 58 Original in Spanish said, “útil del nuevo collegio, oficio que empieçan y no reparan en el detrimento de el que acaban…”. “Carta del P.e Prov.l Diego Altamirano común a toda la provincia. 17 de septiembre de 1679”, in Cartas provinciales jesuitas. Mss. Nº6976. BNM. p. 109. 59 Original in Spanish said, “que tuvieren oficio de procurador, o administración alguna temporal, que no dispongan de bienes algunos, de los que por razón a sus oficios han estado a su cargo…”. “Preceptos y órdenes del Padre Provincial Diego Francisco Altamirano en carta de 15 de septiembre de 1679. Confirmados por N.P. Gen[era]l Juan Paulo Oliva en una de 30 de Marzo de 1681”, en Cartas provinciales jesuitas. Mss. Nº6976. BNM. p. 108. 60 Original in Spanish said, “ni los lleven o remitan para otro colegio ni para otra procuraduria o persona, sino es pidiendo nueva licencia al superior…”. “Preceptos y órdenes del Padre Provincial Diego Francisco Altamirano en carta de 15 de septiembre de 1679. Confirmados por N.P. Gen[era]l Juan Paulo Oliva en una de 30 de Marzo de 1681”, en Cartas provinciales jesuitas. Mss. Nº6976. BNM. p. 108.

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lands, especially in Europe. For this reason, Father General Tirso González sent a detailed letter to the Jesuit Father Provincial of Paraguay in November 1687 in which he summarized in six points the particularities of those exchanges.61 I will highlight some of them. First, Father Tirso González explained the process of economic interaction between these missions and the trades of “Buenos Aires or Santa Fe” to where the reductions sent “a consignment of yerba, sugar, tobacco, honey or cotton…”, which was “sold in trueque [exchange] for bayetas [cloths], paños [cloths] from Quito and other goods, which the doctrines rarely need or ask for, as they only use goods from Europe” (Astrain 1920: 409–410). He added that the sale of yerba is made at “three pesos arroba and so on in proportion to the other goods” (Astrain 1920: 410). Even more interestingly, Tirso González pointed out the profits obtained in the procurator’s office in those cities: ...the clothes that were given to him [to the father procurator of the college of Buenos Aires or Santa Fe] at 8.5 or 9 reales at most a rod, in the shops the merchants sell them at twelve and in the absence of a ship at fourteen. The cloth and the drapery, and the cloth that was given to him at four pesos, he sells at six, and so do the other goods. And being frequent, and even continuous sales of 500 and 1,000 arrobas of yerba, tobacco, etc., you can see how considerable the profit is.62

He noted that “…the procurators are not even asked to give an account of such a great interest, nor do they have the means to do so”.63 Secondly, Father General González states that the procurators frequently resort to buying a product beyond the needs of the Jesuit Province. For example, he points out that in the “last arrival of the ships 20,000 pesos of wax were bought to save one real per pound, buying all the wax that the ships carry, and 3,000 of it being enough for the missions 61 These points are transcribed in Astrain (1920: 409–411). 62 Original in Spanish said, “…la ropa que le dieron [al padre procurador del colegio

de Buenos Aires o de Santa Fe] a ocho reales y medio o a nueve lo más la vara, en las tiendas los mercaderes la venden a doce y en no habiendo navío a catorce. La bayeta y el pañete, y el paño que le dieron a cuatro pesos, lo vende a seis y así los demás géneros. Y siendo frecuentes, y aun continuas las ventas de 500 y 1.000 arrobas de yerba, tabaco, etc., bien se ven cuan considerable es la ganancia” (Astrain 1920: 410). 63 Original in Spanish said, “…este tan crecido interés ni se les pide cuenta a los procuradores, ni la tienen para poderla dar” (Astrain 1920: 410).

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and colleges of Cordoba, Paraguay and Buenos Aires”. So, according to González, the rest of the wax was sold by the Jesuit procurators “to the seglares [laymen] for twenty reales, having bought it for twelve, and when the ships return, they sell it for three and a half pesos more” (Astrain 1920: 410). The same was true of iron, which the Jesuits bought at 12 pesos and 4 reales at quintal, and sold it for 24 pesos, and when the ships left, the price increased to 30 pesos. This was the same case with other goods, such as rasos, lencerias [linegeries] and many others (Astrain 1920: 410). In this sense, he pointed out a recent and very clear example of this point: The use that was made on the last occasion of ships, in cash amounted to 50,000 pesos and fiados [on credit] another 24,000 [pesos ]. And even if two-thirds of them were sent to the colleges and missions (which does not seem possible), the other third amounted to more than 24,000 pesos, earning at least 50 percent.64

Again, Father Gonzalez repeated the same cause of the problem that “the procurators neither give an account nor are they asked for an account of these very large profits”.65 He also mentioned that the procurators “…buy clothes that the missions do not need (…) it is only for profit”.66 Then, he added, the Father Procurator in Buenos Aires “…bought 5,000 varas of clothes de la tierra [from the land], fiada [on credit] at eight and a half reales, when with the sale of the yerba mate there was no small portion and hardly a piece was requested from the missions…”.67 The point that there were no records of these profits by the Jesuit Procurators is stressed again and again throughout his letter. In this sense,

64 Original in Spanish said, “El empleo que se hizo en la ultima ocasión de navíos, de contado montó 50.000 pesos y al fiado otros 24.000. Y aunque de ellos se remitiesen a los colegios y misiones las dos terceras partes (que no parece posible) la otra tercera parte montó mas de 24.000 pesos, ganando al menos cincuenta por ciento…” (Astrain 1920: 410). 65 Original in Spanish said, “De estas ganancias tan cuantiosas ni dan los Procuradores

cuentas ni se les piden” (Astrain 1920: 410). 66 Original in Spanish said, “compran ropas de que no necesitan las misiones (…) es sólo por ganancia” (Astrain 1920: 410). 67 Original in Spanish said, “…compró 5.000 varas de ropa de la tierra, fiada a ocho reales y medio, cuando había con las ventas de la yerba no poca porción y apenas se pidió una pieza de las misiones a aquel oficio” (Astrain 1920: 410).

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Gonzalez mentioned that it was not only the profits that were made that were serious, but that “they let such things pass, but that there are no accounts, no residences, no reason”.68 Thus, the Father General closed his letter, pointing once again to the actions of the mission of the Procurators Fathers who: …never want (...) to send to each [of the missions] the amount that they have and that results from their fruits, and no other reason is offered for something so unreasonable than to have a ready supply for their earnings. Some were owed four and five thousand pesos, without sending them anything or very little.69

A few years later, Father Provincial Tomás Donvidas established two precepts for the whole Province of Paraguay, again highlighting a letter from Father General Tirso González of 20 November 1687. The first provision stated “…that none of our people bring foreign mercadurías [merchandise] into this province”,70 thus highlighting once again the role of “transporters” or “intermediaries” that the Jesuit fathers played in those regions. His second provision stated: ...neither in Buenos Aires, nor in other parts of the Province, should piñas [pinecones], silver, clothes, or other contraband be admitted or deposited in our houses; nor should silver be concealed or passed over, nor should silver be melted down or anything else be done for the benefit of seculars against the cedulas, laws or royal prohibitions.71

68 Original in Spanish said, “…dejen pasar tales cosas, sino que ni haya cuentas, residencias ni razón” (Astrain 1920: 411). 69 Original in Spanish said, “…nunca quieren (…) enviar a cada una [de las misiones] la cantidad que tiene y resulta de sus frutos, y no se ofrece otro motivo para cosa tan poco conforme a razón, que el tener caudal pronto para sus ganancias. A algunas se les estaban debiendo cuatro y cinco mil pesos, sin enviarles nada o poquísimo” (Astrain 1920: 411). 70 Original in Spanish said, “…que ninguno de los nuestros introduzca en esta provincia mercadurías de extranjeros”. “Carta de 14 de Diciembre de 1688 del P.e Provincial Thomas Donvidas para toda la Provincia”, in Cartas provinciales jesuitas. Mss. Nº6976. BNM. p. 147. 71 Original in Spanish said, “…ni en Buenos Aires, ni en otras partes de la Provincia se admitan, o depositen en nuestras casas piñas, plata, ropa, ni otra cosa de contrabando; ni se disimule, o pase por alto, ni se funda la plata ni se haga otra cosa alguna a beneficio de seculares contra las cedulas, leyes o prohibiciones reales”. “Carta de 14 de Diciembre de

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It is clear that the Jesuits were directly or indirectly involved in these types of activities as pointed out in Chapter 4 with its focus on the port of Buenos Aires. The continuity and repetition of this type of provisions, “and the matter being so serious” led the aforementioned Father Donvidas to “order them to be put in the libro de órdenes [book of orders] of the [Fathers] Generals…”72 Nevertheless, it is clear that this “very serious” matter was still a frequent occurrence among the Jesuits in Paraguay. Sometime later, Father Provincial Lauro Nuñez ordered the Jesuits who administered the Guarani Missions “not to make contracts exceeding the value of 20@ of yerba mate without the license of the Father Superior”. To which he added, “that no raft or canoe should be shipped, and nothing should be requested from anyone outside the Doctrines without the express license of the Father Superior and his signature…”.73 Shortly afterwards, on 1 August 1697, Father Provincial Simón de León reported that the Father General approved of what his predecessor Lauro Núñez had decided “concerning the silk dresses of the dancers…”, but added that allowing “them to buy cloth from London and Holland, and fine cloth from Segovia, has the same disadvantages of expense and profanity as silk cloth, and so they should also be forbidden”.74 So, opinions (and also dispositions) within the Society of Jesus itself contradicted and sometimes clashed with each other. Nevertheless, the practices of commercial exchange, with silk as the protagonist, would continue in the following years. In fact, this type of Jesuit dispositions would continue to be repeated to the point of being incorporated into the so-called Libro

1688 del P.e Provincial Thomas Donvidas para toda la Provincia”, in Cartas provinciales jesuitas. Mss. Nº6976. BNM. p. 147. 72 “Carta de 14 de Diciembre de 1688 del P.e Provincial Thomas Donvidas para toda la Provincia”, in Cartas provinciales jesuitas. Mss. Nº6976. BNM. p. 147. 73 Original in Spanish said, “…no hagan contratos que excedan el valor de 20@ de yerba sin liçenc[i]a del P[adr]e Sup[eri]or”. Then, he said, “…que no se despache balza, o canoa y ni se pida cosa alguna a persona de fuera de las Doctrinas, sin lice[n]cia expresa del P[adr]e Sup[eri]or y su firma…”. “Carta del P.e Prov.l Lauro Nuñez de 20 de agosto de 1692”, in Cartas provinciales jesuitas. Mss. Nº6976. BNM. p. 158. 74 Original in Spanish said, “…acerca de los vestidos de seda de los da[n]zantes…”,

and then said, “que pudiesen comprar paños de Londres y de [H]olanda, y finos de Segovia tiene los mesmos inconvenientes de gasto y profanidad que las telas de seda, y asi se les deven también prohibir”. “Carta del P.e Provincial Simón de León de 1 de agosto de 1697 para las doctrinas”, in Cartas provinciales jesuitas. Mss. Nº6976. BNM. pp. 176–177.

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de órdenes [book of orders] made towards the middle of the eighteenth century. Indeed, Mariano Bonialian demonstrated in his study how Asian goods arrived to the Jesuits who resided in the city of Cordoba through the famous Camino Real [royal road] that connected it to Upper Peru.75 On the other hand, as we have seen in previous chapters, the route of these Asian goods to Paraguayan territories is more difficult to determine and trace. Nevertheless, these types of goods arrived to the Jesuit missions of Paraguay, although it is difficult to differentiate the origin of the silk, porcelain, or other “Asian” goods. This is especially clear in the context of the Temporalidades held in the Paraguayan missions after the expulsion of the Jesuits from those lands between 1767 and 1768. Thus, for example, in an almacén [warehouse] at the Ytapuá mission there was registered: “One pound, twelve [illegible] and ounces of seda surtida [assorted silk]”; “One pound, thirteen ounces of seda surtida averiada [assorted and damaged silk]”; and “Two and a half ounces of seda turqui nueva [new Turkish silk]”. Additionally, there were efectos recién comprados [newly purchased effects], and among them were, “11 varas of black silk cloth, 9 varas of tafetán carmesí [crimson taffeta] (…), 5 pieces of listones [ribbons] (…), 3 pieces of medio listones [half ribbons] (…), 10 varas of spikelet [espiguilla] of silk”.76 There were also goods mentioned in which their Asian origin was specified, or at least this is what their inventories indicated such as a “[a purple cloak] of brocade from China, with false lining”77 and “[three green casullas, chasubles] of brocade from China with lining of false silver”.78 This notation regarding Asian origin can be seen repeatedly in the inventories from other Paraguayan Jesuit missions. Table 5.1 summarizes the presence of this type of Asian goods in the Guarani missions of Paraguay after the Jesuits’ expulsion.

75 Seen Bonialian (2014: 119–184) and Bonialian (2016), specially see the Jesuits participation in this type of traffic in Bonialian (2014: 168–172). 76 ANA. SH. 136.N.6. Balance general de todas las temporalidades de este pueblo de Nuestra Señora de la Encarnación de Ytapua. 77 Original in Spanish said, “[una capa morada] de brocato de la China, con guarnición falsa”. Brabo (1872: 333). 78 Original in Spanish said, “[tres casullas verdes] de brocato de la China, con guarnición de plata falsa”. Brabo (1872: 333).

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Table 5.1 The Chinese goods in the Jesuit Reductions of Paraguay around 1768 Mission

Chinese Good

Concepción

“telilla [cloth] of China, 14@” “Casullas … two of Chinese brocatillo, [brocade] ordinary garnish” “Three sobremesas [tablecloth] of China” “Green ornaments. A capa [cape] of Chinese brocade, trimmed with puntilla de plata [silver lace] and lined with tafetán musgo [moss taffeta]” “two [curtains] of white chinoiserie taffeta, with atissued ribbons” “…a green frontal of brocatillo [brocade] was made with gold flowers and silk; it had a cenefa [border] of red icing, silver and a casullas of the same; cenefas [borders] of used Chinese brocatillo [brocade] were put on it, and the aforementioned cenefas [borders] of icing are left to make up a red ornament; which was made with a cenefa [border] of red brocato [brocade], silver, with a gallon of the same” “…Tafetán [taffeta] of China with flowers, seven varas ” “A cloth band of white tafetán [taffeta] and another of yellow tela [cloth] from China” “…four pieces of tela [cloth]from China” [in the Hacienda of Mártires mission] “Forty silk handkerchiefs from China” “[white clothes] two paños [embroidered with] raso [satin] of China…” “[on the sacristy door] two [covers for the long drawer] of silk from China…” “one sobremesa [tablecloth] of the same silk [from China]” [On the Church: the Sacristy doors] with curtains of Chinese raso [satin]” “Curtains in the Presbytery doors of Chinese raso [satin], two” “…twelve platillos [small dishes] of loza [crockery] from China…” “[Inlaid ornament: two capes] of brocato [brocade] from China… with same garnish [ordinary]” “[A purple cape] of brocato [brocade] from China… with false garnish” “Three green casullas of brocato [brocade] from China… with garnish of false silver“ “[Silver jewellery: a glass] of musk, which is in the sagrario [tabernacle]”

San Javier San José

Mártires

Yapeyú Candelaria

Corpus

San Cosme Itapuá

Nuestra Señora de Loreto Santa Rosa Santiago

“Fourteen whole pieces of silk from China” “Two silk handkerchiefs from China” “…one jícara from China”

(continued)

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Table 5.1 (continued) Mission

Chinese Good

Trinidad

“[white clothes] …communion paños … two of raso [satin] from China with flowers and figure…” “[Used to Bishops in the church and his room] …dosel [canopy], … two pieces of raso [satin] from China…”

Source Brabo (1872: 62, 66, 92, 104, 107, 108–109, 167, 169, 227, 254, 257, 279, 283, 301, 332–333, 348, 371–372, 406, 420–421)

These inventories published by [First Name] Brabo allow us to better understand the final destination of those Asian silks that crossed so many thousands of kilometres before arriving in Paraguay. It is clear their main function was to decorate and highlight the churches of those Guarani missions. So, this type of goods was consumed by the Jesuits and Guarani natives in the framework of their temples, which undoubtedly brought together a wide variety of sculptures, jewellery, silks, and other materials of great value. The economic capacity of those missions to acquire these goods indicates that the exchange networks in which the Jesuits participated were very effective. From their establishment in those lands, whether through their connections with the coast of Brazil, with the port of Buenos Aires, or through the Camino Real [royal road], as Bonialian’s work shows, the members of this religious order managed to acquire a variety of exotic and valuable goods, among which those coming from Asia had a prominent place in the consumption of those missions. However, this type of good was also sold within the Jesuit missions internal commerce. For example, in the mission called San Cosme there is listed “…twelve platillos [small dishes] of loza [crockery] from China…”, but the inventories reveal that these platillos were from the Santo Angel Mission and also, “which came to be sold”. Finally, this register notes that “…if not [be sold], [the twelve platillos ] will have to be returned to their town…” (see Brabo 1872: 301). So, these goods were consumed and circulated between different missions. In conclusion, all these exchanges were the result of a complex system in which the fathers of the Society of Jesus participated. This is how Father José Cardiel summed it up, explaining the procedures and exchanges in the respective procurators’ offices of the colleges, the key institutions as we see throughout this work:

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“The Father Procurator sells the yerba (...) at four pesos at arroba, according to the times, a little more or less, and with its value he buys what the priest asks for, which is usually tela [cloth] and accessories to the church, knives, scissors, axes, raw iron for many of the blacksmiths’ works, firearms, abalorios [beads] and dijes [charms] for their feasts, ornaments, cloth, cloths and other items, woollen linen for the altars and a thousand other necessary things which they distribute among all with all economy and fairness in their times”.79

Accordingly, with this type of practice, the Jesuit reductions of Paraguay were the destination of numerous types of goods, among them some of Asian origin, which allow us to highlight the connected and globalized world in which these missionary activities of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries held a key place.

References Astrain, Antonio. 1920. Historia de la Compañía de Jesús de la Asistencia de España. Tomo VI. Nickel, Oliva, Noyelle, González, 1652–1705. Madrid: Administración de Razón y Fe. Bonialian, Mariano. 2014. China en la América colonial. Bienes , mercados , comercio y cultura del consumo desde México hasta Buenos Aires. Buenos Aires: Biblos, Instituto Mora (México). ———. 2016. La ropa de la China” desde Filipinas hasta Buenos Aires. Circulación, consumo y lucha corporativa, 1580–1620. Revista de Indias 76 (268): 641–672. Brabo, Francisco Javier. 1872. Inventarios de los bienes hallados a la expulsión de los jesuitas y ocupación de sus Temporalidades por decreto de Carlos III, en los pueblos de misiones fundados en las márgenes del Uruguay y Paraná, en el Gran Chaco, en el país de Chiquitos y en el de Mojos, cuyos territorios pertenecieron

79 Original in Spanish said, “Vende el P[adre] Procurador la yerba (…) a cuatro pesos la arroba según los tiempos, poco más o menos, y con su valor compra lo que el cura pide, que suele ser tela y aderezos para la iglesia, cuchillos, tijeras, hachas, hierros en bruto para muchas obras de los herreros, armas de fuego, abalorios y dijes para sus fiestas, adornos, telas, paños y otras especies, lienzos de lana para los altares y otras mil cosas necesarias que a sus tiempos con toda economía y equidad las reparten entre todos” Cardiel, José, “Breve relación de las misiones del Paraguay (1770)”, in Hernández, Pablo, Organización social de las doctrinas guaraníes de la Compañía de Jesús, vol. 2, Gustavo Gili, Barcelona, 1913, 540; also cited in Astrain, Antonio, Historia de la Compañía de Jesús en la Asistencia de España, Tomo VI: Nickel, Oliva, Noyelle, González, 1625–1705, Administración de Razón y Fe, Madrid, 1920, 417.

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luego al Virreinato de Buenos Aires. Madrid: Imprenta y Estereotipia de M. Rivadeneyra. Cavenaghi, Airton José. 2011. A construção da memória historiográfica paulista: Dom Luiz de Céspedes Xeria e o mapa de sua expedição de 1628. Anais do Museu Paulista: História e Cultura Material 19 (1): 81–109. Curiel Méndez, Gustavo Ariel. 2016. De cajones, fardos y fardillos. Reflexiones en torno a las cargazones de mercaderías que arribaron desde el Oriente a la Nueva España. In Carmen Yuste López and Guadalupe Pinzón Ríos (coords.). A 500 años del hallazgo del Pacífico. La presencia novohispana en el Mar del Sur, 191–216. México: UNAM, Instituto de Investigaciones Históricas. Loureiro, Rui Manuel. 2004. Macau, Manila e os holandeses. Revista de Cultura/Review of Culture. Edição Internacional/International Edition 11: 26–34. Lozano, Pedro. [1745] 2010. Historia de la conquista de las Provincias del Río de la Plata, Paraguay y Tucumán. 2 Tomos. Buenos Aires: Academia Nacional de la Historia. Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca, Álvar. 1906 [1555]. Relación de los naufragios y comentarios de Alvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca. Tomo 1. Madrid: Librería General de Victoriano Suárez. Rodríguez Carrión, José. 1985. Apuntes para una Biografía del jerezano Alvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca. Primer hombre blanco en Norteamérica. Jeréz de la Frontera: Centro de estúdios Históricos Jerezanos. Storni, Hugo. 1980. Catálogo de los jesuitas de la provincia del Paraguay (Cuenca del Plata) 1585–1768. Roma: Institutum Historicum Societatis Iesu. Svriz Wucherer, Pedro Miguel Omar. 2019a. Resistencia y negociación. Milicias guaraníes , jesuitas y cambios socioeconómicos en la frontera del imperio global hispánico (ss. XVII–XVIII). Rosario: Prohistoria. ———. 2019b. From Europe to the Chaco-Paraguayan Frontier. The Jesuit Brothers: Biographical Trajectories, War and Global Histories in the 17th Century. Ciencia Nueva. Revista de Historia y Política 3 (1): 77–92. ———. 2019c. Armas de fuego en la frontera chaco-paraguaya. Intercambios y modificaciones culturales en los guaraníes de las reducciones jesuíticas (siglo XVII). In América: problemas y posibilidades. Vol. II , ed. Ascención Martínez Riaza and Miguel Luque Talaván, 897–918. Madrid: Ediciones Complutense. Tutte, Andrea, and Norma Ibáñez de Yegros. 2008. Catálogo de la Sección Historia del Archivo Nacional de Asunción. Asunción: Tiempo de Historia. Valladares, Rafael. 2016. Por toda la tierra, España y Portugal: globalización y ruptura (1580–1700). Lisboa: CHAM, Universidade Nova de Lisboa. Velázquez, Rafael Eladio. 1973. Navegación paraguaya de los siglos XVII y XVIII. Revista Estudios Paraguayos 1 (1): 45–83. ———. 1985. El Cabildo de la Catedral de Asunción. Asunción: Universidad Católica de Asunción.

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Vega, Fabián R. 2021. ‘Que se han de embarcar para la provincia del Paraguay’. Procuradores jesuitas y circulación de libros en el Río de la Plata, mediados del siglo XVIII. Anuario Colombiano de Historia Social y de la Cultura 48 (2): 49–80. Vilardaga, José Carlos. 2017. Na bagagem dos peruleros: mercadoria de contrabando e o caminho proibido de São Paulo ao Paraguai na primeira metade do século XVII. Anais do Museu Paulista 25 (1): 127–147. ———. 2019. Fronteiras instáveis e alianças cambiantes: a ocupação colonial do Guairá e as relações entre Villa Rica del Espiritu Santo e São Paulo de Piratininga entre os séculos XVI e XVII. Revista de Indias 79 (277): 659–695.

CHAPTER 6

Conclusions

Jesuits and Global Goods combines comparative, trans-imperial, and connected history scholarship when analysing Macao and Paraguay and the trading activities of the Jesuits in the exchange of Asian goods from 1580 to 1700. In doing so, this comparative analysis of two missionary spaces of the Society of Jesus allows for “regions, beings, visions and imaginaries that time has separated” to be placed together again (Gruzinski 2010: 21). Undoubtedly, global and connected history presents a whole series of theoretical and methodological challenges necessary to understand the world in the early modern era. In this sense, I consider that the possible answers come from understanding local phenomena and/or precise conjunctures that allow us to find answers for the global context we seek to understand, in which comparative analyses allow us to locate similar responses to common problems faced by Jesuit members in different parts of the Iberian empires. It is necessary to delve deeper into the global character of the Society of Jesus, but in order to understand what we consider global, we must look at the local level, at the experiences and problems that the members of this order faced in particular parts of the world. Thus, the specific case studies of Macao and the Missions of Paraguay allowed me to find similarities and differences in the missionary methods undertaken, as well as in the economic needs faced by the Jesuits in both

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 P. O. Svriz-Wucherer, Jesuits and Asian Goods in the Iberian Empires, 1580–1700, Palgrave Studies in Comparative Global History, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-2464-6_6

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areas. Whether trading raw silk to Japan, transporting Asian goods in their own ships from Macao to other parts of the continent, or trading yerba mate in Paraguayan lands, the Jesuits played an active role in these “peripheral” areas of the Iberian frontiers. Immanuel Wallerstein’s thoughts about the role of the Americas and Asia in the world-economy system are of significance here. I found a Spanish predominance in the Americas, with a Portuguese stronghold—Brazil—and a Portuguese predominance in Asia with a Spanish stronghold—the Philippines Island—during the early modern era. So, the different strategies employed by these Iberian empires resulted in the Americas being a “Periphery” of the European world-economies in the sixteenth century while Asia remained an “External Arena” (Wallerstein 1979a: 474–475). These designations are crucial to understanding the Jesuit role in both areas. Furthermore, these Jesuit fathers acted as direct transporters of Asian goods to other destinations and also collaborated in the logistics of this trade (ships). At the same time, my focus on the particularities of goods such as silk, porcelain, and musk may allow for a better understanding of the changes in consumption and trade in those regions. I examined a diversity of historical sources, mainly those from the Archivo Nacional de Asunción (Paraguay); the Archivo General de la Nación (Buenos Aires, Argentina); the Archivo General de Indias (Seville, Spain); and the Arquivo Histórico de Macau. Trade records, merchant letters, Jesuit manuscripts and accounts, among others, form the basis of this study. This makes it possible to compare Jesuit mission sources from Paraguay and Macao. However, it is clear that it is difficult if not impossible to measure the total volume of Asian goods traded by the Jesuits. For this reason, I focused on some specific cases of Jesuit trading activity, such as the confiscation of musk in which the Jesuits were involved in the Philippines Island around 1648. This opened a litigation case that lasted several decades, indicating that it was not something “exceptional” but a type of common practice in which the members of the Society of Jesus were frequently involved in those lands of Southeast Asia during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. In this way, the Jesuit missions’ inventories published by [First Name] Brabo allow us to better understand the final destination of those Asian silks that crossed so many thousands of kilometres before arriving in Paraguay. It is clear their main function was to decorate and highlight the churches of those Guarani missions. However, I also reveal how this type of goods was sold and

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traded within a particular internal Jesuit missions commerce such as the “…twelve platillos [small dishes] of loza [crockery] from China…” in the San Cosme Mission, which the inventory detailed were from the Santo Angel Mission and also “which came to be sold” and must be returned to their mission if they were not sold (see Brabo 1872: 301). So, these types of Asian goods were consumed, exchanged, and circulated between different Paraguayan missions. Chapter 1 referenced Francesca Trivellato’s analogy of the historian’s role as a detective (2021: 251). Accordingly, my analysis of the Jesuits shows that on several occasions they have not provided all the details necessary to “reconstruct” their economic activities. So, one must use a metaphorical magnifying glass to be able to see all the hidden clues regarding their trading activity in the two case studies of Macao and Paraguay presented here. Chapter 2 outlined the general characteristics of the Society of Jesus, its organization in the territories of my study, and how these particularities affected the mobilization of human and material resources, especially Asian goods, during the development of the Jesuits’ missionary work. In this way, the Society of Jesus had a hierarchical and vertical structure that at the same time was organized so that its members kept in constant communication. In this sense, the Society is often represented as a tree during the early modern era. Each Assistance made up the trunk, the Provinces formed its branches, and the leaves were the cities where the Jesuits had an important presence. It is a good allegory for understanding this religious order and how it operated during these years (see Illustration 2.1, and Martínez-Serna 2009: 184). Thus, the Jesuits were able to exploit certain products in each territory according to their commercial possibilities and profits. As Jorge Luzio Matos Silva (2011) explains, Goa’s ivory became as important to the Jesuits as gold acquired in other regions was. Similarly, silk had a key role in the Macanese-Japanese trade during the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries (Boxer 1989; Manso 2013, and others). Jesuit institutions in Brazil and India sent silver to Macao to purchase cloth and other objects to adorn their churches (Alden 1996: 306). Also, the Procuradores fathers of the Jesuit colleges were also very important in the circulation of yerba mate from the Paraguayan region (especially from the Jesuit missions) to various places in Latin America (Garavaglia 1983). These are only a few examples of goods in the hands of Jesuits that circulated between Asia, Europe, and Latin America through Jesuit institutions

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from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries. For all these reasons, this chapter focused on the structure of Jesuit institutions in both territories. The remaining chapters analysed the three geographical main points of this book: Macao, Buenos Aires, and the Paraguayan missions. Chapter 3 examined the port of Macao and the activities of the Jesuits in that region. I point out how their evangelizing activities developed their links to the Chinese empire, but fundamentally I emphasize the commercial exchanges that the port of Macao carried out with other Asian regions, such as Japan or the Philippines Islands. Examining the particularities of these exchanges, and focusing on specific goods such as silk, loza, or musk, allows for a better understanding of the changes in consumption and trade in those regions, and its links with Latin America. Chapter 4 highlighted the port of Buenos Aires and the work carried out there by the Society of Jesus. I focus especially on the illegal trade (the infamous contrabando) that took place in that port. What were the mechanisms of exchange that took place and what role did the Jesuits of that region play in this exchange? I next examined the commercial relations of the port of Buenos Aires with the coast of Brazil, proposing a new perspective from which to understand the introduction of Asian goods into those Latin American regions. This was a trade development in which the members of the Society of Jesus played a leading role, as they were accused on numerous occasions of trafficking various types of goods from their college in the city of Buenos Aires. In a recent study, Mariano Bonialian examined some Chinese silks and lozas [wares] that he located in Jesuit institutions in Córdoba and Cuyo (Bonialian 2014: 169–172). He argues, however, (along with many other scholars) that most of these goods came from the trade of the Manila galleon and its exchanges to the south of the American continent. In contrast, my research introduces a completely new perspective. I reposition the “false door” of South America, as Buenos Aires was so-called, as a polycentric centre for the exchange of goods, and of course, including here goods of Asian origin. In my opinion, Buenos Aires introduced Asian goods from Brazil which were redistributed to other territories. This port connected with the coast of Brazil, and therefore with the Portuguese empire itself, which in those years turned towards the Atlantic and had in that region the centre of its commercial empire, especially Bahia (Mauro 1990: 142). Here, sugar was a driving commodity for the Portuguese; as early as 1630 Brazil produced about 22,000 tons of sugar (Schwartz

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2007: 32) and this profitable commercial traffic intensified the connection with the Brazilian coast. Thus, the historian must become a kind of detective who, by means of small clues (Ginzburg 1991), can reconstruct how the trade of Asian goods developed through Buenos Aires to other parts of the territory, specifically to the Jesuit Province of Paraguay. Within the contextual framework outlined above, we can now navigate the Paraguay River towards the Guaraní Missions in order to understand what routes these Asian goods used to arrive at this “periphery of the periphery” (Karasch 2002), how these goods were consumed, and what socio-cultural changes these new objects brought about among the Guaraní natives. Chapter 5 detailed the arrival of Asian goods at the Paraguayan missions. After a series of exchanges and by various routes, silk, lozas , [wares] and other mercaderías [merchandise] of Asian origin arrived at the Guaraní missions. How they were consumed, their volume, and the socio-cultural changes they brought about are the main questions I seek to answer in this last chapter. In conclusion, I consider this book a first step on the way to describing a complex commerce between Asia, Latin America, and Europe during the early modern era. Significantly, within my framing, it was “non-state” agents that played a key role in the exchange, circulation, and consumption of Asian goods. Accordingly, Jesuit trading activities across the world must be studied with more attention. Maybe, this is the only way to fully comprehend global commerce between the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries.

References Alden, Dauril. 1996. The Making of an Enterprise. The Society of Jesus in Portugal, Its Empire, and Beyond. 1540–1750. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Bonialian, Mariano. 2014. China en la América colonial. Bienes, mercados, comercio y cultura del consumo desde México hasta Buenos Aires. Buenos Aires: Biblos, Instituto Mora (México). Boxer, Charles R. 1989. O grande navio de Amacau, 4º ed, trans. Manuel Vilarinho. Macau: Fundaçao Oriente, Museu e Centro de Estudios Maritimos de Macau. Brabo, Francisco Javier. 1872. Inventarios de los bienes hallados a la expulsión de los jesuitas y ocupación de sus Temporalidades por decreto de Carlos III, en los pueblos de misiones fundados en las márgenes del Uruguay y Paraná, en el Gran Chaco, en el país de Chiquitos y en el de Mojos, cuyos territorios pertenecieron

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luego al Virreinato de Buenos Aires. Madrid: Imprenta y Estereotipia de M. Rivadeneyra. Garavaglia, Juan Carlos. 1983. Mercado interno y economía colonial. México: Grijalbo. Ginzburg, Carlo. 1991. Checking the Evidence: The Judge and the Historian. Critical Inquiry 18 (1): 79–92. Gruzinski, Serge. 2010. Las cuatro partes del mundo: historia de una mundialización. México: Fondo de Cultura Económica. Karasch, Mary. 2002. The Periphery of the Periphery? Vila Boa de Goiás, 1780– 1835. In Negotiated Empires: Centers and Peripheries in the Americas, 1500– 1820, ed. Christine Daniels and Michael V. Kennedy, 143–170. New York and London: Routledge. Manso, Maria de Deus. 2013. Missionários ou ricos mercadores? O comercio da seda entre o Japão e Macau nos séculos XVI e XVII. Revista de Cultura/ Review of Culture. Edição Internacional/International Edition 42: 105–113. Martínez-Serna, Gabriel. 2009. Procurators and the Making of the Jesuits’ Atlantic Network. In Sounding in Atlantic History. Latent Structures and Intellectual Currents, 1500–1830, ed. Bernard Bailyn and L. Denault Patricia, 181–209 and notes 528–536. Cambridge and London: Harvard University Press. Matos Silva, Jorge Lúzio. 2011. Sagrado marfim. O Império português na Índia e as relações intracoloniais Goa e Bahia, século XVII: iconografias, interfaces e circulações. Tese de Mestrado. Sao Paulo: Universidade Católica de Sao Paulo. Mauro, Frédéric. 1990. Portugal y Brasil: estructuras políticas y económicas del imperio, 1580–1750. In Historia de América Latina. Vol. 2. América Latina colonial: Europa y América en los siglos XVI, XVII y XVIII , ed. Leslie Bethell, 127–148. Barcelona: Crítica. Schwartz, Stuart B. 2007. The Economy of the Portuguese Empire. In Portuguese Oceanic Expansion, 1400–1800, ed. Francisco Bethencourt and Diogo Ramada Curto, 19–48. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Trivellato, Francesca. 2021. On the Margins. Capitalism: A Journal of History and Economics 2 (2): 249–256. Wallerstein, Immanuel. 1979a. The Capitalist World-Economy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ———. 1979b. El Moderno Sistema Mundial. La agricultura capitalista y los orígenes de la economía-mundo europea en el siglo XVI . México D.F: Siglo XXI.

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Index

A Acapulco (Mexico), 4, 84 Acevedo, M. de, 133, 134 Acosta, A. de, 109 Acosta, P. de, 129 Acquaviva, C., 26 Africa, 3, 69, 97, 137 African slaves, 3 Alarcón, P. de, 92 Alas Marrón, P. de, 79 Alberto, F., 84 Alcalá, L.E., 36–38, 42 Alden, A., 1, 6, 21, 31, 34–36, 42, 51, 81, 82, 159 Aleman, M., 84 Alfaro, F. de, 91 Alfonso de Polanco, J., 26 Almeida, L. de, 63, 64 Altamirano, D. de, 34, 144 Alvia de Castro, F., 109 Ambergris, 66, 79, 84 Anascote, 139 Andriani, J., 84 Angola, 96, 100, 101, 129, 136

Aragón, A. de, 144 Arias de Saavedra, H., 105, 112, 129 Ariza Calderón, T., 7 Asia, vi, 3–7, 20–22, 42, 43, 54, 58, 64, 68, 69, 83, 152, 158, 159, 161 Asian goods or Asian products, 1, 4, 7, 8, 19, 22, 50, 57, 68, 84, 85, 95, 120–122, 137, 150, 157–161 Asian spices, 3 Astrain, A., 6, 32, 38, 40, 41, 116, 119, 127, 143, 144, 146–148 Asunción (Paraguay), 7, 94, 117, 128–131, 134, 135, 138, 140, 142 Audiencia de Buenos Aires , 114, 117 Audiencia de Charcas , 33, 113 B Baez, D., 133 Bahia (Brazil), 3, 21, 81, 109, 122, 160 Balsas , 129, 134 Bandeirantes , 128, 136

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2023 P. O. Svriz-Wucherer, Jesuits and Asian Goods in the Iberian Empires, 1580–1700, Palgrave Studies in Comparative Global History, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-2464-6

191

192

INDEX

Barba de Añasco, J., 132, 134 Batavia, 51, 54, 57, 83, 95 Baygorri, P. de, 110, 116 Bellman, J.M., 84 Bells, 141 Benítez, F., 128 Berg, M., 7, 21 Bezoar stones, 7 Biera, A., 130 Black Ship or Great Ship, 65 Bohórquez, J., 3, 6, 7 Bonialian, M., 4, 68, 122, 150, 152, 160 Boridio, G., 130 Borschberg, P., 6, 7 Bouynot, H., 83 Boxer, Ch., 2, 3, 6, 22, 62, 64–68, 80, 83, 159 Brazil, 3, 4, 21–23, 31, 42, 53, 54, 81, 92, 96, 99–107, 109, 111–115, 118, 119, 122, 127, 131, 134, 136, 152, 159, 160 Brazilwood or palo brasil , 3, 21, 92, 96 British Empire, 21 Buenos Aires (Argentina), 2, 4, 8, 36, 39, 41, 92–94, 96–105, 107–116, 118–120, 122, 131, 137, 138, 140, 148, 149, 152, 158, 160, 161 Burgos, P. de, 111 Bustillo y Bustamante, F., 84 Buttons, 133

C Cabildo, 120 Cabral, F., 50 Cádiz (Spain), 84, 117 Calcutta, 51, 95 Campos, M., 36 Campos y Rojas, J. de, 77

Canary Islands (Spain), 97, 107, 137 Candlesticks, 141 Cañiza, L., 138 Canton (China) or Guangzhou, 50 Canton-Macao axis, 22 Canton trade, 20 Cape, 53, 132, 133, 151 Caraballo, A. de, 130 Carbia, R., 120 Carbonell de Massy, R., 6 Cardiel, J., 152 Carlos V, Emperor, 93 Carneiro Leitão, B., 58 Carreira da India, 55, 56, 58 Carrera de Indias , 97 Cartagena de Indias (Colombia), 96, 101, 120 Carvajal, I., 114 Carvalho Aranha, F., 60 Casa de la Contratación, 93, 96 Castañeda, F., 38 Cavite (Philippines), 74 Cebo or bait, 105 Cecina or beef jerky, 105, 106 Céspedes de Jeria, L., or Céspedes de Xeria, L., 135 Ceylon, 54, 96 Chalupas , 134 Champanes (Chinese ship), 70, 74, 75 Chile, 104, 112, 120 China, vi–viii, 5, 7, 19, 21–23, 31, 36, 39, 49, 50, 53, 58, 59, 65, 69, 70, 75, 78, 79, 150, 159 China Mission, 20 Chinese, vi–viii, 5, 20, 22, 37, 50, 54, 57–59, 67, 69, 70, 73, 75, 80, 160 Chinese empire, vi, 6, 8, 160 Chinese root, 66 Chinese silks, 3, 61, 65, 68, 122 Ciudad Real (Paraguay), 132 Clemente IX, Pope, 38

INDEX

Clock, 50 Clossey, L., 5, 42, 77 Cochin, 54 Cochinchina, 53 Colonia del Sacramento, 36, 97, 111 Concepción del Bermejo (Argentina), 94 Consejo de Indias , 49, 78, 79, 100, 110, 113 Contrabando, 8, 39, 118, 120, 129, 160 Cordoba (Argentina), 32, 41, 147, 150 Coromandel, 55 Correa de Sa, S., 136 Correa de Sa, V., 136 Corrientes (Argentina), 129 Cotton, 3, 6, 66, 70, 71, 117, 131, 132 Covarrubias, S. de, 79 Cruzat, F., 75 Cubillan, M.E., 109 Cuyo (Argentina), 122, 160

D Damask, 36, 133 Dantas, A., 85 Dávila, P.E. de, 113 Dejima Island (Japan), 53, 54 De la Guardia, J., 115, 116 De las Cortes, A., 50, 76, 80, 82 Díaz de Seabra, L., 6, 50, 51, 53, 59, 67, 76, 95 Díaz de Solís, J., 92 Donvidas, T., 148, 149 Dorantes, P., 128 Doutel, F.X., 83 du Biscay, A., 98, 110 Dutch East India Company (VOC), 57

193

E East India Company, 21 Echaus Bauman, N. de, 85 Echávarri, P., 37 England, 20, 96, 97, 116 Espadinha, M.A., 20, 59, 67 Estado da Índia, 95 Europe, vi–viii, 3, 4, 6, 7, 21, 22, 27, 35–38, 43, 63, 69, 71, 84, 95, 119, 146, 159, 161 F Fajardo, D., 77 Fajardo de Tensa, A., 80 Fechner, F., 5, 26, 29, 35, 36 Ferdinand III of Habsburg, 78 Fernandes, A., 136 Fernandes, G., 133 Fernández, Alonso, 34 Fernández, Antonio, 130 Fernández de Castro, A., 103, 104 Fernández Gramaxo, J., 96 Fernández, M., 93 Figueredo, M., 78 Figueroa, J., 139 Firearms, 2, 32, 62, 118, 153 Flour, 105, 106, 112, 119, 140 Formosa Island or Taiwan, 53, 63, 70 Fradkin, R., 110 Francisco Javier or Francis Xavier, Saint, 20 Frank, A.G., 4 Frias, M. de, 105 Frois, L., 64 Frutos de la tierra, 103, 104 Furlong, G., 6, 35, 112, 115, 116 G Gaboto, S., 92 Gama, L. da, 51, 67 Garavaglia, J.C., 42, 110, 117, 159

194

INDEX

García Abásolo, A., 79 García, Diego, 93 Goa (India), 22, 25, 31, 51, 55, 83, 95 Godoy, B. de, 130 Gold, 3, 21, 42, 55, 65, 66, 71, 74, 78, 83, 104, 110, 136, 137, 151, 159 Gómez, C., 34, 141 Gómez, P., 63 Góngora, D. de, 113 Gonzalez, T., 39, 41, 118, 148 Gregory XIII, Pope, 58 Greslebin, H., 120 Gruzinski, S., 4 Guangdong (China), 20 Guangzhou or Canton, 50 Guaraní Indians, 141 Guayrá or Guairá (Paraguay), 128, 130, 131, 136 Guglielmi, F.M., 84 Guinea, 100, 101, 104, 105 Gunpowder, 67, 71, 104, 118 H Handkerchiefs, 132 Hausberger, B., 4, 39, 95 Herrera, F. de, 138 Hormuz, 54, 95 Hurtado de Corcuera, S., 71, 72 I Imperial intersections, 5, 59 India, 3, 23, 42, 53–55, 58, 65, 67, 70, 80, 83, 159 Iron, 41, 71, 98, 104, 139, 147 J Japan, 21, 23, 25, 31, 41, 51, 53–55, 59, 61–70, 80–82, 86, 95, 158, 160

Jesuits, vi, 1, 2, 4–8, 20–29, 31, 32, 34–43, 49–51, 53, 58–60, 62–68, 71–73, 77–86, 112–118, 120, 122, 127, 131, 136, 137, 140, 142–145, 149, 150, 152, 153, 157–161 Junco dos Padres, 65 K Kappus, M.A., 39 Kyushu Island (Japan), 52, 61 L Lacouture, J., 6, 20 Lagunilla, B. de, 72 Lahmeyer Lobo, E., 3 Latin America, vi, 4, 22, 42, 43, 51, 68, 86, 94, 96, 108, 159, 160 Lead, 2, 66, 104 Leal Senado da Camara do Macao, 53 Ledesma, A., 78 Leiça, J. de, 107 Leite Pereira, F., 83 Leon, S., 41 León, Simón de, 34, 149 Libro de órdenes , 149, 150 Lima (Perú), 27, 96, 104 Linen, 70, 71, 104, 106, 114, 119, 131–133, 139, 143, 153 Lisbon (Portugal), 3, 36, 53, 70, 96, 97, 109, 137 Llamas Camacho, E.G., 7 Loaysa, J. de, 92 London (United Kingdom), 21, 36, 149 Lopes, M., 59 López Pintado, M., 84 Loureiro, R.M., 20, 65, 66, 80, 81, 138 Loyola, Ignacio de, Saint, 22, 23, 26, 31, 32, 112

INDEX

Loyola, Martín Ignacio de, 70, 71, 73, 79 Lozano, P., 28, 92, 135, 136 lozas [wares], 9, 122, 160, 161 Luanda, 109 Luzon (Philippines), 70, 81

M Macao, 1, 2, 4–8, 19, 22, 23, 25, 31, 38, 41–43, 49–51, 53, 55–60, 63–70, 75, 76, 78–84, 86, 92, 95, 120, 157–160 Madrasa, 51, 95 Madre de Deus, church (Macao), 59 Madrid (Spain), 84, 117, 136 Magallanes, H. de, 92 Malabar, 31, 55 Malacca, 51, 54, 55, 95 Maldavsky, A., 26, 29 Manila galleon, 4, 39, 68, 122, 160 Manila (Philippines), 4, 50, 51, 53, 55, 58, 64, 65, 68–71, 75–77, 79–85, 95 Manrique de Lara, S., 78 Manso, M. de D., 42, 63, 69, 159 Mariana Islands, 74 Marquina, F. de, 92 Martel de Guzmán, G., 114 Martinez, M., 79 Matos Silva, J.L., 42, 159 Mendes Pinto, F., 62 Mendoza Furtado, D. de, 77 Mendoza y Luján, P. de, 93 Mercury, 66, 75 Mexico City, 4, 68, 96 Milan (Italy), 37, 38 Milutti, T., 117 Mintz, S.W., 7 Miyata, E., 68 Moluccas, 82 Moneda de la tierra, 142

195

Mörner, M., 1, 6, 32, 34, 36, 37, 113 Moutoukias, Z., 4, 6, 100, 102, 103, 107–111, 114, 115, 120 Mujica, M. de, 132 Muñoz, J., 77 Murillo Velarde, P., 69 Musk, 6, 7, 56, 64, 66, 78–80, 82, 84, 86, 92, 151, 158, 160

N Nagasaki (Japan), 51, 58, 64, 68, 70, 81 Naples (Italy), 37 Nelles, P., 5, 26 New Spain, 4, 37, 39, 40, 42, 51, 58, 72, 74, 75, 81 Nickel, G., 38, 116, 142 Nogueira, F., 50 Núñez Cabeza de Vaca, A., 128 Nuñez, L., 149

O Obregón, D. de, 102 Oil, 70, 74, 104, 108, 111, 140 Oliva, J.P., 32, 39, 141, 145 Olives, 104, 140 Oñate, Pedro de, 34, 112 Orozco, G. de, 34, 118, 119 Ortíz de Zárate, Joaquín, 134, 135 Ovelar, P. de, 130

P Palo brasil or Brazilwood, 3, 21, 92, 96 Palo de la China, 56 Pandiá Calógeras, J., 95 Paraguay, 1, 2, 4–8, 19, 23, 26, 27, 31, 32, 34, 36, 38, 39, 41, 42, 103, 113, 117, 119, 120, 122, 127, 131, 134, 140–142, 146,

196

INDEX

148, 149, 151, 152, 157–159, 161 Paraguayan missions, 6, 9, 114, 150, 159–161 Paraguay River, 122, 161 Paraná river, 127 Paris (France), 21, 22 Pastells, P., 6, 28, 100, 110, 111, 114, 116–119 Paul III, Pope, 22 Pavone, S., 5, 23, 24, 26 Pavón, J., 94 Payaguás Indians, 140 Pearl River, 50 Pepper, 20, 71, 95 Pérez de la Fuente, J., 115 Pérez, F., 58 Pérez-García, M., 6, 7, 21, 22, 71 Perlin, G., 113 Pernambuco (Brazil), 54, 109 Peru, 4, 27, 51, 58, 100–102, 113 Peruvian space, 4 Pessoa, A., 83 Philip II (Spanish king), 69 Philip III (Spanish king), 21, 81 Philip IV (Spanish king), 78 Philippines, 5, 7, 23, 32, 49, 51, 67–73, 77, 82, 84, 86 Pinto, A., 58 Po-Chia Hsia, R., 5 Popescu, O., 1, 6 Porcelain, vi, 7, 37, 56, 66–68, 81, 150, 158 Portugal, vii, 3, 23, 31, 54, 63, 69, 70, 96, 97, 119, 120, 137 Portugal Kingdom, 21, 81 Portuguese empire, vii, 2, 3, 6, 22, 36, 53, 54, 58, 94, 95, 122, 160 Potosi (Bolivia), 41 Puerto Rico, 109

Q Quadros, A. de, 58, 67 Queirós Pereira, M., 83 Querandíes, 94 Quintero, P., 58 Quito (Ecuador), 27, 146 R Ramírez de Velasco, J., 100, 102 Real Hacienda, 108 Recife (Brazil), 109 Recopilación de Leyes de Indias , 49 Retrós , 64, 66 Rhubarb, 56, 66 Ricci, M., 59 Rico, J.J., 36 Riello, G., 6 Rigota, I., 60 Rio de Janeiro (Brazil), 3, 36 Rio de la Plata, 4 River Plate basin, 6, 128 Rodrigues, A., 140 Rodrigues de Lagos, A., 78 Rodríguez de la Torre, F., 93 Roiz, J., 85 Rome (Italy), 26–28, 31, 35, 37 Rovaroja, J. de, 140 Ruan, 139 Ruggieri, M., 59, 69 S Sagoates or gifts, 50 Sanches, Aires, 63 Sánchez, Alonso, 19, 20, 51, 55, 69, 80 Sande, D., 63 Sangleyes , 5, 69, 71–75 San Pablo or São Paulo (Brazil), 59, 69, 103, 128–130, 132–135 Santa Casa da Misericórdia (Macao), 59

INDEX

Santa Fe (Argentina), 41, 117, 140, 146 Sayas, J.L. de, 115 Schmidl, U., 93, 94 Segovia (Spain), 149 Seville (Spain), 2, 4, 7, 40, 79, 84, 93, 96, 104, 158 Shangchuan Island (China), 20 Shimabara rebellion, 52 Shipwreck, 70, 76, 114 Siam, 58, 70, 83 Silk, vi, 7, 9, 21, 42, 58, 63–67, 70, 71, 76, 81, 84, 92, 104, 111, 119, 131–133, 137, 139, 142, 149–152, 158–161 Silver, vi, 6, 7, 36, 38–40, 42, 55, 57, 58, 61, 64, 67, 68, 72, 75, 76, 85, 96, 101, 104, 107, 110, 118, 133, 141, 142, 148, 151, 159 Slaves, 96, 100, 102, 104, 108, 109, 113, 115, 121, 129, 134, 136 Soares, A., 83 Soares, Francisco, 101 Society of Jesus, vi, 1, 2, 5, 6, 8, 19, 20, 22, 23, 26, 28, 29, 35, 37, 40, 42, 43, 50, 58, 59, 62–64, 67, 72, 78, 81, 82, 85, 92, 113, 114, 116, 117, 120, 127, 138, 140–144, 149, 152, 157–160 Socolow, S., 98 Sousa, L. de, 63 South America, vii, 7, 96, 97, 120, 122, 160 Souza de Lima, L., 60 Souza, M. de, 114 Spain, viii, 3, 7, 23, 31, 41, 54, 58, 70, 81, 92, 97, 116, 119, 158 Spanish America, 6, 120, 144 Spanish empire, 3, 85, 95, 97, 137 Spices, 95 Spinola, C., 66 Steel, 71, 104

197

Stockings, 132, 133, 137 Storni, H., 6, 27, 36, 98, 115, 116, 138, 139 Sugar, 3, 7, 53, 54, 56, 66, 83, 96, 114, 115, 117, 122, 146, 160 Surat, 51, 54, 95

T Tablecloths, 132, 133 Tafetán or taffeta, 55, 70, 132, 133, 137–139, 151 Taiwan or Formosa Island, 53, 70 Tanegashima Island (Japan), 61 Tea or Chá, vi, 81, 84 Teixeira, M., 58, 76, 83 Tierra Firme, 104 Tin, 66, 71 Tobacco, 111, 117, 146 Tokugawa shogunate, 54 Torres Bollo, D., 27, 34 Trejo, F. de, 108 Trivellato, F., 7, 8, 159 Tucumán (Argentina), 99, 100, 102, 104, 108, 112, 113

U Ultra, A. de, 132, 134 Utrecht, Treaty of, 83

V Valdivieso, M. de, 84 Valignano, A., 50, 59, 63, 65 Valladares, R., 96, 97, 136, 137 Van Suerck, J., 97, 98 Vasconcelos, S., 21, 81 Vaz Landeiro, B., 70 Vázquez, L., 107 Veiga Cabral, S. da, 111 Velázquez, Francisco, 38, 116, 137, 142

198

INDEX

Venice (Italy), 37 Veracruz (Mexico), 4 Vera, V., 37, 38 Vessels, 52, 53, 57, 58, 76, 82, 83, 100, 110, 135, 140

W Wallerstein, I., 2, 158 Wax, 41, 114, 146, 147 Wilde, G., 5, 6, 26, 29 Wine, vi, 7, 70, 108, 115, 139, 140

Veytia, A. de, 84 Victoria, F. de, 99, 100 Videira Pires, B., 51, 65, 69, 70, 83

Y Yerba mate, 43, 117, 147, 149 Yturrieta, M. de, 107

Vieira de Figueiredo, F., 83 Vilardaga, J.C., 3, 4, 103, 128, 136 Vila Vilar, E., 96, 97, 108, 120, 121 Villa Rica (Paraguay), 128, 137 Vinegar, 115

Z Zarate, F. de, 101 Zeimoto, D., 62 Zhaoqing (China), 59