Jaqaru: Outline of phonological and morphological structure [Reprint 2017 ed.] 3111272893, 9783111272894

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JAQARU: OUTLINE OF PHONOLOGICAL AND MORPHOLOGICAL STRUCTURE

JANUA LINGUARUM STUDIA MEMORIAE N I C O L A I VAN WIJK DEDICATA edenda curai

C. H. VAN S C H O O N E V E L D INDIANA UNIVERSITY

SERIES P R A C T I C A XXII

1966

MOUTON & CO. THE H A G U E • PARIS

JAQARU: OUTLINE OF PHONOLOGICAL AND MORPHOLOGICAL STRUCTURE

by

M. J. H A R D M A N Instituto Nacional de Estudios Lingüísticos La Paz, Bolivia

1966

MOUTON & CO. THE H A G U E • PARIS

© Copyright 1966, Mouton & Co., Publishers, The Hague, The Netherlands. No part of this book may be translated or reproduced in any form, by print, photoprint, or any other means, without written permission from the publishers.

Printed in The Netherlands by Mouton & Co., Printers, The Hague.

microfilm,

FOR DIM AS

PREFACE

For the opportunity to carry on the research necessary to this study and for the success of the project, I am indebted to a number of people and institutions. I wish to express my gratitude to the institutions which have supported my research in the field : The National Science Foundation and the Fulbright Commission of Perú. I wish to thank Stanford University and Dr. Dorothy Huntington for making available to me the Sound Spectrograph Machine and the Level Recorder, Cornell University for the use of the Sound Spectrograph, and the University of Santa Clara for a financial subvention aiding the publication of this study. I wish to express my gratitude to my professors and members of my doctoral committee: Dr. Ruth H. Weir, Dr. Aurelio M. Espinosa, Jr., and Dr. Bert Gerow. I also wish to thank those professors of San Marcos who have helped me : Dr. José Matos Mar, who first introduced me to the possibility of the study, and Dr. José María Arguedas. Special thanks go to Bertha Basurto de Escobar, Architect, who drew the map for me. I especially wish to thank the Tupinos, both in Tupe and in Lima, for their hospitality and cooperation, and to express my gratitude to my informants. Last, but not least, 1 am indebted to my principal informant, Dr. Dimas Bautista Iturrizaga, without whose ability, interest, and generous help the study would not have been possible. To him this book is dedicated.

CONTENTS

PREFACE

List of Figures and Tables 1 INTRODUCTION

1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4

Demography Corpus and Informants Methodology Study Outline

2 PHONOLOGY

2.1 Phonemic Inventory 2.2 Description of Phonemes 2.21 Consonants 2.22 Vowels 2.23 Vowel Length 2.24 Juncture 2.3 Stress 2.4 The Syllable and Consonant Clusters 2.5 Intonation 2.6 Toward an Acoustical Analysis 2.7 Morphophonemics 2.71 Final Vowels 2.72 Neutral Vowel 2.73 Geminate Consonant Clusters 3 MORPHOLOGY

3.1 Verbs 3.11 Verb Roots 3.12 Verbal Suffixes 3.12.1 Verbal Qualifiers 3.12.11 Class I: Motion Modifiers

7

12 13

13 17 18 19 21

21 21 21 24 25 25 26 26 26 28 32 39 42 42 46

47 47 47 47 47

10

CONTENTS

3.12.12 Class II 52 3.12.13 Class III: Plural 53 3.12.14 Class IV 53 3.12.2 Verbal Inflectional Suffixes 54 3.12.21 Repetitive 54 3.12.22 Principal Clause Inflections 55 3.12.22.1 Simple Tenses 55 3.12.22.11 Unmarked 55 3.12.22.12 Present 55 3.12.22.13 Past 56 3.12.22.1* Person Reference Morphophonemics 56 3.12.22.2 Remote 57 3.12.22.3 Non-indicative 59 3.12.22.31 Obligatory 59 3.12.22.32 Future 60 3.12.22.33 Imperative 62 3.12.22.34 Contrary-to-fact 64 3.12.22* Summary of Person-Tense Suffixes 68 3.12.23 Subordinate Clause Inflectional Suffixes . . . . 71 3.12.23.1 Temporal Subordinate 72 3.12.23.2 Nominalized Subordinate 75 3.12.23.3 Intentive Subordinate 76 76 3.12.23.4 Cause Subordinate 3.12.23.5 Invariable Subordinates 77 3.12.23.51 Continuing Simultaneous . 77 3.12.23.52 Negative Subordinate . . . 77 3.12.23.53 Purposive Subordinate . . . 77 3.12.23.6 Personalized Subordinate 78 3.2 Substantives 78 3.21 Substantive Roots 78 3.21.1 Noun Roots 78 3.21.2 Pronoun Roots 79 3.21.3 Demonstrative Roots 79 3.21.4 Interrogative Roots 80 3.21.5 Time Roots 81 3.21.6 Number Roots 82 3.21.7 Descriptive Modifier Roots 83 3.21.8 Complex Nouns 83 3.22 Substantive Suffixes 85 3.22.0 Limited Class 85

CONTENTS

3.3

3.4

3.5 3.6 3.7 3.8

3.22.1 Diminutive 3.22.2 Plural 3.22.3 Spatial Locators 3.22.4 Limitative 3.22.5 Nominal Person Suffixes 3.22.6 Simulative 3.22.7 Directional 3.22.8 Peerate 3.22.9 Space Relative 3.22.10 Accompaniment 3.22.11 Accusative Particles 3.31 Negatives 3.32 Greetings 3.33 Augmentative Modifiers 3.34 Special particles Independent Suffixes 3.41 Class I: Temporal 3.42 Class II: Additives 3.43 Class III: Voucher 3.44 Class IV: Disclaimer 3.45 Class V: Surprisal 3.46 Class VI: Emphatic 3.47 Class VII: Indefinite Time Locator Verbalizations Nominalization Complex Derivations Reduplication

4 FIXED ORDER SYNTACTICAL CONSTRUCTIONS

4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4

Possession Nominal Phrases Verbal Phrases Direct Quotes

Appendix Appendix Appendix Appendix

I: Sample Text II: Symbols and Abbreviations 111: Jaqaru Suffixes IV: Jaqaru Roots

Bibliography

11

86 86 86 87 88 89 90 90 91 92 93 94 94 94 95 95 95 96 98 99 105 106 107 107 109 Ill 112 112 114

114 114 114 115 116 118 120 123 130

LIST OF FIGURES

Map of Tupe and Peru 1. Relative Phoneme Frequency 2. Effect of the Consonants on the Vowels

14 22/23 29

LIST OF TABLES 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20.

Acoustical Features of Consonants Morphophonemics of Verb Roots Effect of Verbal Suffixes on Preceding Morphemes Effect of Substantival Suffixes Effect of Independent Suffixes Effect of Following Suffix on Verbal Suffixes Effect on Substantival Suffixes Effect on Independent Suffixes Verbal Qualifiers Simple Tenses Remote Future and Contrary-to-fact Suffixes Obligatory and Imperative Suffixes and Formation Interrelationships of Future, Contrary-to-fact, and Imperative Summary of Person References Summary of Tense Markers Subordinate Inflections Substantive Suffixes Independent Suffixes Verbalization

31 34-36 40 41 42 43 44 45 48 56 58 60 63 . . . . 67 68 68 72 85 96 110

1. INTRODUCTION

1.1

DEMOGRAPHY

Jaqaru is the language spoken in Tupe, a village located in the highlands of Perú about one hundred fifty miles southeast of Lima, in the department of Lima, province of Yauyos. Tupe is a linguistically and culturally isolated community of approximately fifteen hundred inhabitants. Emigrants from Tupe living in Lima and elsewhere bring the total to approximately two thousand speakers of Jaqaru. Although Tupe is only one hundred fifty miles from Lima, the journey takes two days. On the first day one travels by bus down the coast to Cañete and up an inter-Andean valley through Lunahuaná to Catahuasi. On the second day one climbs about five thousand feet by foot or mule over a distance of fifteen miles. Tupe itself, the main center of population of the Community of Tupe, is located about ten thousand feet above sea level on the side of an extremely steep V-shaped stream valley. The other population centers of the Community of Tupe are Ayza, located about one mile below Tupe and particularly noted for its beautiful agricultural terraces, and Qullqa, located just across the ravine from Ayza. The people go out from these centers to work their farm plots, some of which are as far as an hour's walk from home. The whole area of the Community of Tupe extends from Catahuasi, about 5,000 feet above sea level, to the high puna or plateau at about 14,000 feet. The lower part, extending from Catahuasi to just below Ayza, is desert, and is very steep. Only extensive terracing and irrigation could bring this land under cultivation. Extending from just below Ayza to well above Tupe itself is agricultural land. The steep sides of the canyon are terraced, some of the terraces being not more than a yard wide. The main crops grown in this area are corn, potatoes, and alfalfa. The alfalfa plots are used for pasturing cows, whose milk is used in making cheese, a staple of the Tupian diet. There is also some pasturing of sheep and goats in this area. Minor crops include oats, tubers such as oca, broad beans, beans, peaches (in Qullqa), and garden vegetables such as onions and hot peppers. Some of the terraced land near Ayza is owned and farmed communally. The upper part of Tupe, the puna or high plateau, is suitable only for grazing. All of the Tupian land in the puna is owned communally, but part of it is rented

14

INTRODUCTION

Map of Tupe and Peru.

INTRODUCTION

15

to individual community members who have large herds of sheep. There is also a communal herd of sheep in the puna, the proceeds from which are used for community projects. Sheep are especially valued for their wool, which provides the principal cash income of the Tupinos. The area of Tupe contains many ruins, some of them very extensive. Most of these ruins have not yet been studied by archaeologists. Politically, Tupe is a district as well as a recognized indigenous community. 1 As a district it has a mayor and council appointed by the Prefect of Lima; 2 as a community it has a personage and a communal committee elected locally. The latter hold the actual power within Tupe as far as the people are concerned. Tupe is a linguistic and cultural island. Legend says that the people took refuge in this valley rather than be conquered by the Incas; however, there are other theories concerning the way in which they came to be isolated in this narrow valley. They have maintained their own language, customs, and dress to this day, even though surrounded by Quechua territory. There is some archeological and toponymical evidence that, in pre-Inca days, Jaqaru was spoken over a much wider area. At the turn of the century there were still a few speakers in Canta, north of Lima. 3 In Cachuy, a little village in the valley next to Tupe, there are still a very few speakers, all advanced in age, who speak a different dialect of Jaqaru. Today only in Tupe is Jaqaru used regularly as a vehicle for communication. The men in Tupe wear the regular mestizo dress, pants and shirt with a poncho for warmth. The women still wear their native dress, which contrasts markedly with all other indigenous clothing of Perú. In general, it is a straight black dress made of hand-woven alpaca wool, trimmed with dark red bands and held up with very large silver pins called /p"i£"u/. Altogether, it is a very striking costume, and quite expensive. The weaving, which is perhaps the finest in modern Perú, takes more than a year, and the cash outlay for the /p"i£"u/ can be up to US $ 30 or more. Today the /p"i£"u/ are made specially for the Tupinos by a silversmith in Lunahuaná. The ruins around Tupe contain /p"ií¡"u/ made by hand of bronze and copper, much smaller than their modern counterparts. In Tupe the young girls - in reverse of the situation in the rest of the sierra of Perú - often must wear coastal or mestizo clothing, that is, a cotton flannel dress, until they can afford the highly esteemed native dress. The character of the Tupinos is very different from that of most of the population of the Peruvian highlands. Not only were they never conquered by the Incas, but 1

Distrito and comunidad indígena are both officially recognized local governmental systems, the first based on occidental patterns and the second following pre-conquest patterns. A town may be either a district or an indigenous community, or both. In the last case local government is a double system. 2 Since Dec. 15, 1963, the officers are also elected according to a law passed by a newly elected liberal congress on Sept. 15, 1963. 3 This information comes from my principal informant, and is according to an account of his father's.

16

INTRODUCTION

the Spanish hacienda, or feudal estate, system never penetrated. Rather than being a submissive, cowed people, the natives of Tupe are proud, independent, and assertive. About fifty years ago, on their own initiative, they persuaded the national government to provide them with funds for an elementary school which they themselves built. Today, virtually all of the men of Tupe and many of the women are literate. Most recently, the Tupinos have installed a telegraph line. At one point they began the construction of a highway, but the land is too steep and rugged and the project was abandoned. The official religion in Tupe is Roman Catholicism. The imposition of the Christian faith has not superceded the native faith, however, which is intimately tied up with the agricultural practices and with the worship of the Earth as the Great Mother. The Tupinos are a musical people, and there are in Tupe itself four orchestras. The orchestras consist of harps, violins, clarinets, saxophones, and, for special occasions, drums. The music is the HUAYNO, a music native to the Andes which is now mestizo in character and is played on native adaptations of western instruments. All festivals are celebrated with dancing and singing. The main festivals are the religious ones, both Catholic and native, and the cow-branding festivals. There are also rituals for the first hair cutting of a child, for weddings, and for deaths. Studies of the ethnology of the area have been carried out by the Instituto de Etnología y Arqueología of the Universidad de San Marcos in Lima, under the direction of Dr. José Matos Mar. 4 A number of publications about Tupe have been issued by the Instituto. 5 The publication Yauyos, Tupe y el Idioma Kauki (Lima, 1956) deals with the information then available concerning the language. In this publication Dr. Matos has included a complete bibliography of all references to the language that can be found in old journals, in travelogs, etc. Most of these references are simply reports of hearsay information as to the existence of Kauke, or Cauqui, as Jaqaru is often called. The origin of the name "Kauke" is unknown; /kawki/ in Jaqaru means 'where?' The name of the language used by the people themselves is "Jaqaru", /haq.aru/ 'people speak', and is the name used in this study. One of the most complete studies, reproduced by Dr. Matos in its entirety, is by Sebastián Barranca, published in 1876. It is very short and includes a vocabulary, the declension of a noun and the conjugation of a verb. Most of the material was, however, unrecognizable either by my principal informant or by his mother. More recently, a number of people have advanced theories, usually based on a small list of words, concerning the origin of the language, but there has been no descriptive study. Some texts have been collected by Isidoro Iturrizaga Bautista, a son of a Tupino. None of these studies has been utilized in the description of Jaqaru presented here. The present purpose is to give as accurate a synchronic statement of Jaqaru 4

This study of Jaqaru was originally begun in response to a request from Dr. Matos for an alphabet for the glossary of native terms that had been collected. 4 See Bibliography, p. 130 ff.

INTRODUCTION

17

as possible using methods provided by descriptive linguistics. The history of the language and the history of the description of the language are outside the scope of this study. Jaqaru is related to Aymara, which is spoken in the Lake Titicaca region some 1315 kilometers and three mountain ranges away from Tupe. 6 The genetic relationship between Jaqaru and Quechua, with which the Community of Tupe is in geographical contact, is not immediately apparent. It is hoped that this study will provide a solid basis from which to build historical hypotheses and reconstructions illuminating the relationship of these languages to each other and clarifying their origins and previous geographical distribution. In that way a better understanding of pre-conquest Peru, linguistically - and indirectly non-linguistically - might be achieved.

1.2

CORPUS A N D INFORMANTS

The study of Jaqaru was begun while I was in Perú on a Fulbright scholarship in 1958-59, although the grant was not specifically for that purpose. The bulk of the work was done in 1960-61 when I returned to Perú as a National Science Foundation fellow specifically for the purpose of describing the language. The corpus consists of: two hours of tape-recorded material, including conversations, legends, autobiographies, and narrations of trips; additional texts recorded by hand; field notes; and material elicted during the analysis of the texts. I spent three months living in Tupe, but, because of the number of Tupinos living in Lima, it was possible for me to make the recordings and do the analysis in Lima. The informants were numerous, and it would be impossible to mention them all. Those who were most helpful were, first, those who made the recordings for me in Lima: Irene Iturrizaga vda. de Bautista, age 7 72, residence Lima, monolingual in Jaqaru until age 46, illiterate. Saturnino Iturrizaga, age 73, residence Tupe, Jaqaru first language, learned Spanish in school, completed third year of elementary school. Alcibiades Casas, age 45, residence Lima, learned Spanish when he came to Lima at age 11, speaks Spanish well, completed elementary school. Amadea Bautista de García, age 39, residence Lima, learned Spanish when she left Tupe at age 13, speaks Spanish well, completed second year of elementary school. María Bautista de Casas, age 36, residence Lima, learned Spanish when she left Tupe at age 10, speaks Spanish well, completed secondary school. '' This has been confirmed by data acquired by the investigator in the field, in June and July 1963. ' Age at time of serving as informant.

18

INTRODUCTION

Fermin Iturrizaga, age 36, residence Tupe, Jaqaru first language, learned Spanish in school, speaks Spanish well, completed elementary school. Selfina Cuevas-Iturrizaga, age 17, residence Tupe, learned Spanish in the community, speaks Spanish fluently, completed fourth year of elementary school. Among those who helped me in Tupe, I would principally like to mention one individual : Agustín Zanabria, age 45, residence Tupe, learned some Spanish in school, completed second year of elementary school. My principal informant was: Dr. Dimas Bautista Iturrizaga, age 42, residence Lima, learned Spanish at school and later in Lima, is a complete bilingual, Doctor of Veterinary Medicine. Most of the informant work was done with Dr. Bautista. He helped with the recordings, and was the informant for all of the analysis of the recordings, the texts, and the field notes. For this work he freely gave two or three hours of his time daily during periods of intensive field work.

1.3

METHODOLOGY

The basic methodology used in the analysis of the phonology of Jaqaru is that described in Phonemics by Kenneth L. Pike; 8 the analysis of the morphology is based on the methodology described in Morphology by Eugene A. Nida. 9 These basic techniques for dealing with an unknown language were modified, in application to the analysis and description of Jaqaru, by knowledge of many other models of grammatical description, by acquaintance with descriptions of other languages, by conversations with other linguists, and by my own field experience, not only in Jaqaru, but also in Spanish and in Shipibo (a language of the Amazon). I attempted to learn as much of the language as possible. 1 memorized everything, especially in the beginning stages, constantly rechecking with my informant to make sure that 1 was not overlooking any significant feature. The additional control of the language which I acquired in this way proved very helpful in the grammatical analysis. My goal throughout this study has been to discover the structure within the language and to let the linguistic data dictate the form of the description. In other words, the goal has been to describe Jaqaru in its own terms as an autonomous system. I have attempted, insofar as possible, to keep any preconceptions from 8

•

Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1947. Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1949.

19

INTRODUCTION

forcing the analysis. There has been no attempt to follow consistently any particular model of grammatical analysis. It is my conviction that no one model will, with consistently good results, describe the whole of any language, but rather that certain models fit certain parts of certain languages best. In the phonology of Jaqaru, for instance, the distinctive feature analysis of Jakobson 10 is perhaps the best model available for a simple, complete, and revealing analysis. This would not necessarily be true for another language. It will doubtless be of value to reorganize the data according to several of the consistent models of grammatical analysis, e.g., transformational, immediate constituent, etc., but these studies are not within the scope of this presentation. This study purports to be as complete a description of the phonology and morphology of Jaqaru as the data available allow. The types of data used are described in section 1.2. The two main forms of description used are distribution and process. Each is used where it seems to be the clearest way of describing the particular aspect of structure under consideration.

1.4

S T U D Y OUTLINE

The grammar of Jaqaru consists of four levels of organization: word, phrase, clause, and sentence. A word consists of a root with or without suffixes. It carries a non-phonemic stress on the penultimate vowel. A phrase consists of two or more words in a fixed-order syntactical construction which acts as a unit syntactically and which cannot be broken by the end of a breath group (see 2.7, 4.2, 4.3). The words preceding the head of the phrase are limited in the suffixes they may take. A clause is a unit containing one verb or verbalized form. The order of the syntactical units (words or phrases) in a clause is quite free and may be changed without difference in meaning except on the level of style, which is beyond the scope of this study. A sentence consists of one principal verb or verbalized form plus none or any number of subordinate verb forms. The order of the syntactical units in the sentence is quite free, as in the clause. Chapter two of this study treats the phonology of Jaqaru, chapter three the morphology of words (roots and suffixes), chapter four the fixed-order syntactical constructions. Most Spanish borrowings have been excluded from the description of Jaqaru. Those excluded were forms recognized by the speakers as borrowings and forms 10 Roman Jakobson, C. Gunnar M. Fant and Morris Halle, Preliminaries (Cambridge, Mass., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1952).

to Speech

Analysis

20

INTRODUCTION

introducing foreign phonemes, which would be pronounced differently by different informants, depending upon the degree of bilingualism. This procedure was followed for a number of reasons. The degree of bilingualism among the informants varied greatly; to have included all the Spanish intermixed with the Jaqaru would have meant incorporating a description of Spanish. Since there have not been any previous studies of Jaqaru, to have included the borrowings would have obscured the essential features of the language. I have not, however, excluded certain older borrowings which have been completely assimilated to the language and which are no longer recognized by any of the speakers, no matter how bilingual, as borrowings - for example, /waka/ 'cow' or /supuna/ 'jacket'. 11 All of the borrowings, except complete phrases or sentences inserted by the more bilingual speakers, have been either substantives or verbs; they have not affected the morphology of Jaqaru at all. Morphophonemics constitute a complicated problem in Jaqaru because the conditions which govern the shape of the allomorphs are grammatical rather than phonological, and because the morpheme conditioning the shape of another morpheme may be either non-contiguous or contiguous. Morphophonemic data are summarized in the general section on morphophonemics, as well as in the individual sections when appropriate. In the citation of examples, a period separates morphemes. The point (morpheme, etc.) under discussion is printed in italics. A translation is given in single quotes. When it is considered helpful to the reader's understanding, a more literal translation may follow and/or a list of the morphemes in the example may be added. The transcriptions are phonemic except for final vowels in relation to breath groups (see 2.7). Terms with definitions generally accepted in the field of linguistics, e.g., phoneme, morpheme, etc., are not redefined in this study. Other terms, with meanings specific to this study, are defined when introduced, as in the case of "word", "clause", "independent", etc. Symbols used m this study are defined when introduced; they are also listed, with definitions, in Appendix II. Phonetic script is enclosed in square brackets ([ ]), phonemic script in diagonals (/ /), morphophonemic script in braces ({ }).

41 When a borrowing excluded from the analysis nevertheless occurs in an example, it is printed in small caps. The transcription of the borrowings is roughly phonetic.

2. PHONOLOGY

2.1

PHONEMIC INVENTORY

P P' P" m

t t' t" n s 1

w r

c c' c" ñ s 1

c c' c"

post velar

velar

c c' c"

palatal retroflex

C C Ç"

palatal

alveo-fricated

occlusive glottalized occlusive aspirated occlusive nasal sibilant lateral semi-consonant apical trill fricative

alveo-platal

labial

alveolar

Consonants:

q q' q"

k k' k" ÏI

y h

Vowels : front high low

back

i

u a

: (vowel length) (juncture)

2.2 DESCRIPTION O F P H O N E M E S

2.21 Consonants /p/ [p] voiceless bilabial occlusive, [pâxa] /paha/ 'two', /p'/ [p?] voiceless glottalized bilabial occlusive. [namp?a] /namp'a/ 'head'. ,/p"/ [p h ] voiceless aspirated glottalized bilabial occlusive. [nap h ra] /nap"ra/ 'leaf. /t/ [t] voiceless alveolar occlusive, [sûti] /suti/ 'potato (type of)'. /1'/ [t?] voiceless glottalized alveolar occlusive. [t?anti] /t'anti/ 'bread', /t"/ [t h ] voiceless aspirated alveolar occlusive. [mùsôât h a] /muscat"a/ 'slowly'. /Ç/ [Ç] voiceless alveo-palatal occlusive. [suÇi] /suÇi/ 'name'.

22

PHONOLOGY

'I

i

H-

1=

Figure 1A

Relative Phoneme Frequency The percentage charted here represent the percentage of phoneme occurrences accounted for by cach phoneme in a count of approximately three thousand running phonemes in a number of short texts. Four phonemes did not occur in these texts: lc", c", c", C"l. Because the relative frequency of the different phonemes is so disparate, two figures have been included. The first figure is on a 1 % scale, the second is on a .1 % scale. The part duplicated in the two figures is indicated by a bracket.

/£'/ [£?] voicelessglottalizedalveo-palatal occlusive. [a£?i] /a£'i/ 'to dig in the ground'. / ? 7 [Ch] voiceless aspirated alveo-palatal occlusive. [q h an£ h uro] /q"an£"uru/'all day', /c/ [ts] voiceless alveolar affricate, [patsa] /paca/ 'sky', /c'/ [ts?] voiceless glottalized alveolar affricate. [ahts?a] /ahc'a/ 'big', /c"/ [ts h ] voiceless aspirated alveolar affricate. [ats h a] /ac"a/ 'lung', /c/ [ts] voiceless alveo-palatal affricate, [matsa] /maca/ 'to irrigate'. ¡c'l [ts?] voiceless glottalized alveo-palatal affricate. [ats?i] /a£'i/ 'to carry in the hand things of a granular nature, e.g., kernels of corn'. ,/c"/ [ts h ] voiceless aspirated alveo-palatal affricate. [its h o] /ic"u/ 'straw', /c/ [ts] voiceless palatal retroflex affricate, [matsa] /maca/ 'poisonous herb (type of)'.

PHONOLOGY

23

Figure IB

/£'/ [ts?] voiceless glottalized palatal retroflex affricate. [ts?asa] /c'asa/ 'tree(type of)', /c"/ [ts'1] voiceless aspirated palatal retroflex affricate. [ts h apa] /c"apa/ 'nest', /k/ [k] voiceless velar occlusive, [suki] /suki/ 'shoe'. /k'/ [k?] voiceless glottalized velar occlusive. [k?ana] /k'ana/ 'braid (of hair)', /k"/ [k h ] voiceless aspirated velar occlusive. [k h uwa] /k"uwa/ 'over yon'. /ql allophones: [x] voiceless post-velar fricative. Occurs, in rapid speech, in final position or before another occlusive, [masktax] /masktaq tatarjsqa/ 'You went with my father'. [q] voiceless post-velar occlusive. Elsewhere, [qaqa] /qaqa/ 'rocky pinnacle', /q'/ [q?] voiceless glottalized post-velar occlusive. [hal y q?o] /halq'u/ 'dog'. ¡q"l [q h ] voiceless aspirated post-velar occlusive. [p !l aq h e] /p"aq"i/ 'breast pocket of the native women's dress', /m/ [m] voiced bilabial nasal, [qama] /qama/ 'to wash'. In/ [n] voiced alveolar nasal, [markna] /markna/ 'in the town', /n/ [n y ] voiced palatal nasal. [n y aq?o] /naq'u/ 'worm'.

24

PHONOLOGY

/{)/ [?] voiced velar nasal, [markka] /markga/ 'my town'. /r/ [r] voiced alveolar flap, [ira] /ira/ 'to carry'. /I/ [1] voiced alveolar lateral, [laqa] /laqa/ 'bad'. /!/ [l y ] voiced palatal lateral. [l>'6q?e] /Iuq'i/ 'walking cane'. /s/ [s] voiceless alveolar fricative sibilant. [sa:ma] /sa:ma/ 'back'. /§/ [s] voiceless palatal fricative sibilant, [simi] /simi/ 'mouth'. /w/ [w] voiced bilabial semi-consonant. [wak?a] /wak'a/ 'belt, girdle'. h i [y] voiced palatal semi-consonant. [yaCi] /yai^i/ 'to learn'. /h/ allophones: [h] voiceless pharyngeal aspirate. Occurs word initially, [hani] /hani/ 'no'. [x] voiceless velar fricative. Occurs elsewhere, [suxta] /suhta/ 'six'. In the occlusive-affricate set, those listed as occlusives may occasionally occur with affrication, especially when globalized; those listed as affricates may occur with very little or no affrication, especially /c, c'/The relative frequency of the phonemes is given in Figures la and lb.

2.22 Vowels There are only three vowel phonemes, but there are many allophonic variations depending upon the position in the word and upon the consonants in the environment, /a/ allophones: [a] low open posterior unrounded. Occurs next to /q/, [qaqa] /qaqa/ 'rocky pinnacle'. [e] mid open front unrounded. Occurs before /y/. [ssykuta] /saykuta/ 'tired'. [a] low open central unrounded. Occurs elsewhere. [a:ruma] /arruma/ 'night'. The allophonic variations of /i/ and /u/ will be treated together according to the position in the word. The phonetic variants for /i/ will usually be simply stated as [i], high close front unrounded, or [e], mid close front unrounded; for /u/ as [o], mid close back unrounded, or [u], high close back unrounded. However, the phonetic reality often does not reach the extreme position specified by the symbol, i.e., high or mid tongue position, but rather approaches the extreme position indicated, allowing a certain amount of free variation in the degree of approximation. Initially in the word: /u/ [o] and [u] vary freely, but [u], high open back unrounded, occurs most frequently, [tiro] ~ [oro] ~ [uro] /uru/ 'day'. However, before /q, q', q"/ [o] always occurs. [oq"o] /uq"u/ 'mud'. /'i/ [i] regularly occurs, [iqatsa] /iqaca/ 'serf, agricultural worker'. Before /q, q', q"/ [e] occurs, [eqo] /iqu/ 'girl'. Medially in the word: /u/ [o] occurs in contact with any of the post-velar series (/q, q', q"/). [qotsa]

PHONOLOGY

25

/quca/ 'lake'. However, if the post-velar precedes /u/ and one of the palatal series (/£, 5', 5", n, s, I, y/) or one of the alveo-palatal series (/£, £"/) or /n/ follows, then these nullify the effect of the post-velar, and [u] occurs instead of [o]. [qSqutso] /qaqucu/ 'parrot', /n/ may nullify the effect of the post-velar even when /n/ precedes /u/ and the post-velar follows. [n y u:q?o] /nu:q'u/ 'spur (of a cock)', [o] also occurs in contact with /k'/ and /t'/. [nukPota] /nuk'uta/ 'hair'. Before /r/ the allophone will be [u] or [o]. [puriwt h a] ~ [poriwt h a] /puriwt"a/ 'I arrived'. A non-contiguous post-velar will also cause /u/ to be opened in the direction of [o], unless the intervening consonant is one of those listed above which nullify the effect of the postvelar. [hoxqata] /huhqata/ 'to throw'. Elsewhere [u] occurs. [su£i] /su£i/ 'name'. /i/ As in the case for /u/, the more open allophone, i.e., [e], occurs on contact with a post-velar. [qPero] /q'iru/ 'maguey cactus'. Also, as in the case of /u/, if a post-velar precedes the phoneme /i/, and the vowel is followed by one of the palatal or alveo-palatal series or /n/, then the effect of /q/ is nullified, and [i] occurs. [qil y dya] /qilaya/ 'silver, money'. If /£/ precedes and /q/ follows, [i] occurs. [an£'[qe] /an£iqi/ '(toponym)'. [¿] also occurs before /r/. [as'iri] /asiri/ 'to carry (water in a bucket)'. Elsewhere [i] occurs. [tsPipe] /c'ipi/ 'bird'. Finally in the word: /u/ Following /§/, [u] occurs. [ikAnusu] /iknusu/ 'bed'. Elsewhere [o] occurs, [tuko] /tuku/ 'owl'. I'll [e] occurs after the post-velar series, after the labial series (,/p, p', p"/), and after /s, t', k'/. [nupPe] /nup'i/ 'sunlight', [i] and [e] vary freely after /w, t, 1/, sometimes according to the word, sometimes within the same word, [inti] /inti/ 'sun' but [kawite] /kawiti/ 'cot'. (The difference here could be due to the influence of the non-contiguous /n/. There are not enough examples to prove such influences.) [i] occurs elsewhere, [isi] ,/isi,/ 'blanket'.

2.23 Vowel Length Vowel length is a lengthening in duration of the vowel which will equal approximately one and one half to two ordinary vowels. Long vowels occur only in the first syllable of roots. The first vowel of a root is the only vowel which cannot be dropped by morphophonemic alternations: [ts?a:ka] /c'a:ka/ 'bone', [tsPaka] /c'aka/ 'chest'. 2.24 Juncture Junctuie is indicated by a space. There are a number of characteristics which define juncture. First, a regular, non-phonemic stress falls on the penultimate vowel of each word. Second, the language has only roots and suffixes. Thus, except for a very few complex nouns, after a suffix before a root there will be a juncture. At

26

PHONOLOGY

any juncture, except within verbal and nominal phrases (see 4.2, 4.3), there may be a breath pause, i.e., the speaker may make a prolonged break in the utterance, which will affect the morphophonemics (see 2.71).

2.3 STRESS

Stress in Jaqaru is non-phonemic. It normally occurs on the penultimate vowel of the word and is frequently accompanied by a rise in pitch. The normal pattern for a two vowel word is: kaca

'manta'

In words of three vowels or more, a secondary stress occurs before the main stress. The normal pattern is: wa:raha

2.4

'star'

THE SYLLABLE A N D CONSONANT CLUSTERS

The syllable in Jaqaru consists either of a consonant plus a vowel: CV, or a vowel: V, or a consonant: C. All words begin with either CV or V. All roots except greetings (see 3.32) contain a minimum of two syllables. The final syllable of any root is CV. The syllable V may occur only initially. The syllable C may occur only internally. After the initial syllable CV or V, the syllables CV and/or C may occur freely in any number or sequence, except that the last syllable in a breath group is CV (see 2.71). The above statement implies the following: no consonant clusters occur initially. There are no vowel clusters. Internal consonant clusters are generally limited grammatically rather than phonologically. The few limitations that do exist are considered as the individual suffixes involved are considered. Long sequences of C syllables occur with frequency, e.g., /naqptkt"wa/ 'I beat with a lash'.

2.5

INTONATION

Some analysis of the principal intonation patterns has been made by means of tracing the tenth harmonic on narrow band spectrograms, from utterances recorded and selected for being typical of their class. For each type listed the form is given as well as any necessary comments. An example is included below the form. There are three levels to which the final intonation may fall: 0 = extra low; 1 = low, conclusive; 2 = higher, inconclusive.

27

PHONOLOGY

Information question : a k t

k a wa sm

kawas makta 'Where are you going?'

a

Simple declaration :

ma r k" w ma

k t"

a

mark"w makt"a 'I'm going to the town.'

Yes-answer-expected question : t a mb i I

tambiïna 'In Tambillo?'

n a

Taken-for-granted affirmation : t a m b i

tambilna 'In Tambillo, sure.'

I n

Pleasant surprise declaration:

ha y rarq aykat u p" k u n a qa

hayrarqaykat up"kunaqa 'There they were dancing!'

Surprise question: ?2 h a y c k"a w

i

hayck"awi 'He killed him?!'

The significant movement takes place on the last syllable. The pattern ends abruptly, which phonetically is a glottal stop. Amazed question: markkasa '(You mean) already to the m a r k k a s ?2 town??!!' The significant movement occurs on the final syllable or vowel, which is greatly lengthened. The pattern ends abruptly, phonetically a glottal stop. Scorn :

m k t"

w

qamkt"wa '(As though it could be) I wash!'

The first vowel is greatly lengthened. The whole intonation takes place at a lower than normal pitch. The final vowel falls very low and is devoiced.

28

PHONOLOGY

There are many other intonation patterns and styles of speaking; a complete analysis would involve a paralinguistic analysis of the language which is beyond the scope of this study. The most frequent patterns have been presented above. In the morphology section the intonation patterns of full utterances used as examples are marked in the following way: information question: ? simple declaration: . yes-answer-expected question: i taken-for-granted affirmation: . . pleasant surprise declaration: ! surprise question: ?! amazed question: !?! scorn: j No mark after an example means that the example itself was not a complete utterance in the context from which it was taken.

2.6

TOWARD AN ACOUSTICAL ANALYSIS

Progress toward an acoustical componential analysis of Jaqaru following Jakobson, Fant and Halle 1 has been made. The point of departure has been the influence of the consonants in the conditioning of the vowel allophones (cf. 2.22). Figure 2 summarizes the classification of the consonants according to their effect upon the vowel. The raising consonants (those which cause a higher tongue position) are circled; the lowering consonants (those which cause a lower tongue position) are boxed. The post-velar series, being the strongest of the lowering consonants, is double-boxed. The consonants which check the influence of a medial post-velar are double-circled. Those consonants which are not indicated as raising or lowering have not occurred in a position where their influence could be ascertained, i.e., they are neutral consonants initially and medially and have not occurred before a final /i/. Neutral consonants may be defined as those which allow the more powerful consonants or the position in the word to exercise their influence. Since final vowels are dropped except finally in a breath group (see 2.71), it is not surprising that many consonants have not occurred before final /i/. A summary of the distribution of the allophones by word position and consonant influence is as follows: initially only a post velar may affect the vowel. Medially the post velar series plus /k', t'/ and to a certain extent /r/ may lower the vowel, but 1

Roman Jakobson, C. Gunnar M. Fant and Morris Halle, Preliminaries to Speech Analysis (MIT, 1952). - Morris Halle, The Sound Pattern of Russian (The Hague, Mouton, 1959).

29

PHONOLOGY

•

Figure 2

Effect of the Consonants

on the

Vowels

Consonants which lower the vowel (cause compactness) in any of the positions are boxed; consonants raising the vowel (causing diffuseness) are circled. Consonants which check the influence of the postvelar series medially are double-circled. The post-velar series is double-boxed because it will lower the vowel except when checked medially. Consonants which d o not affect the vowels strongly and which allow either compactness or diffuseness are indicated by a half-square half-circle enclosure.

the palatal series and the alveo-palatal series plus /n/ may check the influence of the lowering consonants. Finally the consonants freely influence /i/, but only /§/ may influence /u/. The feature oppositions which seem to be of fundamental importance to the description of this structure are the tonality features: grave vs. acute and compact vs. diffuse, which have to do with the spread of energy in the spectrum. Grave is a predominance of energy in the lower frequencies, as in [p]; acute is a predominance in the upper frequencies as in [t]. Compact refers to the predominance of one centrally located area in the spectrum, as in [a]; diffuse is the predominance of one or more non-centrally located formants, as in [i]. In the vowels, compactness

30

PHONOLOGY

is associated with openness in articulatory terms, and diffuseness with closeness. A preliminary acoustical analysis of the consonants led to the hypothesis that the consonants which cause compactness in the vowel are grave and that the consonants which cause diffuseness in the vowel are acute; also that compactness in the consonant would accentuate it's affect on the vowel, whether it be toward compactness or diffuseness. All thirty-six consonants were recorded by a native speaker in an environmente between /a/'s. Only natural words were used. Tn most cases it was possible to find a Jaqaru word of the form {CaCa} where second consonant would be the one under study. In other cases three syllable words were used or a two word phrase to place the consonant between two /a/'s. After recording, spectrographs were made and the signal was passed through several filters. The acute-grave dimension was determined by comparing the energy above 3000 cps with the total energy of the consonant. Some problems in the measuring were presented by heavy non-contiguous influence of other consonants (a few words were relected for this reason). Also, the consonant influence on /a/ turned out to be much greater than anticipated, which, when ascertained, helped in a few cases with the analysis. The parameter grave-acute in Jaqaru is not a simple presence or absence of the feature, but rather a matter of degree. The consonants, from grave to acute, in columns of approximate equality of graveness or acuteness, are as follows: G +

G

P P" P' q q" h w m

q' r k k" t t"

Gc c" c' il k' t'

N s

A1 C" c" c"

A I n

A+ c' c'

y c c

C' n s

G

The original hypothesis, that is, that graveness of the consonant causes the nonphonemic compactness of the vowel; that acuteness of the consonant causes the non-phonemic diffuseness of the vowel; and that the consonants of both the grave and the acute series which have the greatest affect on the vowel are compact, is basically substantiated. However, although aspiration and glottalization affect the acute-grave nature of the basic consonant (aspirate more grave, glottalized more acute), this does not affect the vowels in a parallel manner; rather, especially in the case of /t'/ and /k'/, the affect is the opposite. /m, w, h/ are all very grave, but only act mediumly so on the vowels, however, they are more diffuse than /q, q', q"/.

31

PHONOLOGY TABLE 1

Acoustical Features of Consonants

grave

P P' P"

+

t t' O c

C" c c' c" c c' Ö" c c' c"

o o o o o o o o o o o

non-grave

+ + +

o o o o o o o o o

k k' k"

q

q' q" m n n q s s 1 î w r

y

h

+

o o o o o o o +

o o

o

o

o o o

non-acute

o o o o o o +

acute

o o o o o o + +

+ +

o o o o o o o

o o o o o o o o o o o o

o o o

o o + o

32

PHONOLOGY

Evidence confirmatory of the hypothesis is the very acute nature of /n/, which does indeed parallel its influence on the vowels. Table 1 indicates the phonemicization of the grave-acute contrast for the consonants of Jaqaru. It is necessary to indicate a four-way contrast for Jaqaru, with one set of consonants participating only negatively, i.e., are "neutral" with respect to the grave-acute feature. The phonemicization does not in all cases follow exactly the acoustical analysis. For instance, the acoustical effect of glottalization is not phonemic. The actual influence of the consonants on the vowels is not completely explained by Table 1 because the compact-diffuse feature is not indicated.

2.7

MORPHOPHONEMICS

Some suffixes which never occur before juncture may end in a consonant, cf. 3.12.12, 3.12.14, {-k-} and {-w-} 3.12.22. All other suffixes and all roots end in a vowel which will occur when and if the suffix occurs before juncture. The morphophonemic alternations are, with few exceptions, alternations of syllable shape, i.e., a CV syllable becomes C in contact with certain morphemes. The fullest form is consistently assumed to be the basic form. In the description of the allomorphs, vowels are said to 'drop' in certain positions, which means that the syllable shape changes from CV to C. Allomorphs are referred to as ending in a consonant or in a vowel, which means that the final syllable will be, respectively, C or CV. Any CV syllable other than the first syllable of a root may become C. A summary of the morphophonemic conditioning of and by roots and suffixes is given in this section; other details are described in the morphological sections dealing with the individual morphemes involved. The summary here deals with verb roots and with the subclass noun roots of the larger class of substantive roots because this subclass provides adequate generalities for the entire class. Deviations from what is presented here is presented in the morphology sections dealing with the other subclasses. Conditioning of the shape of the allomorph is grammatical and may be affected not only by contiguous morphemes, but also by non-contiguous morphemes. Given the number of suffixes in Jaqaru and the rules of combination, the number of possible sequences reaches astronomical figures. When the effects of non-contiguous morphemes are considered, the problem is even more complicated. Obviously, not all of the possibilities have occurred in the data. What has occurred, and what can safely be generalized from what has occurred, is presented here. The structure of a verb or noun root, and therefore the morphophonemic class to which it belongs, depends upon the sequence of consonants C and vowels V. The shapes of verb roots, in descending order of frequency are: {CVCV}, {CVCCV}, {CVCVCV}, {CVCCVCV}, and {CVCVCCV}. The first two patterns, {CVCV} and {CVCCV}, account for ninety percent of the Jaqaru verb roots.

PHONOLOGY

33

The shapes of noun roots, in descending order of frequency are: {CVCV}, {CVCCV}, {CVCVCV}, {CVCCVCV}, {CVCVCCV}, and {CVCCVCCV}, plus a few of uncertain analysis (may be complex nouns) with four vowels. One third of the roots are {CVCV}, another third are {CVCCV}, with the other types comprising the remaining third. This summary concerns the shapes of roots before a given suffix before juncture. Suffixes which never occur before juncture, such as tense markers (see 3.12ff.), are also included. Non-contiguous effects are covered below in the summary of suffix morphophonemics, and in the individual morphological sections dealing with the suffixes which exert a non-contiguous influence. Noun and verb roots occur in their full form only when being cited or in some cases before certain suffixes as indicated below. Ambivalent roots may sometimes be distinguished as to whether they are functioning as substantive or verb by the root allomorph that is used, or, conversely, two homophonous suffixes, one verbal, one substantival, may be distinguished by the root allomorphs thay take. iqaca igac.qa iijca. qa

'serf', 'to hire an agricultural worker' 'my serf 'I will hire a serf' 2

The distributional pattern of the allomorphs of the classes of verb roots before verbal suffixes is given here as completely as possible. Table 2 lists the allomorph shape by suffix class for the five verb root classes before the suffixes as completely as the data allow. {CVCV}. If the allomorph ends in a vowel, the form is /CVCV/; if in a consonant, /CVC/. By far the more frequent allomorph is /CVC/. /CVCV/ occurs before the following suffixes when they are followed by juncture or a person suffix: {-w-, -wq"ah-, -wq"ata, -rja ( l p imp), -tana (4p imp), -ni, -qa ( l p fut), -sama (2p CTF), -sp"a (3p CTF), -sana (4p CTF), -rpaya, -rqaya-}. Elsewhere /CVC/ occurs. There are two {CVCV} roots which do not follow this pattern: {maha} 'to go' and {saha} 'to say', which occur in full form only when being cited. Before any suffix or any other root within a grammatical context they occur as /ma-/ and /sa-/. {CVCCV}. If the allomorph ends in a vowel, the form is /CVCCV/; if in a consonant, /CVCC/. /CVCCV/ occurs before the same suffixes as does /CVCV/ from {CVCV}, plus {-tana (4p fut), -ya, -as}. /CVCC/ occurs elsewhere. {CVCVCV}. If the allomorph ends in a vowel, the form is /CVCCV/; if in a consonant, it may be /CVCVC/ or /CVCC/. Table 2 indicates the form that occurs in so far as it has been possible to obtain data. The general pattern of occurrences follows that of {CVCV} and {CVCCV}. 1 Also see 3.22.5 for description of use of allomorphs before person referents to distinguish subject versus object. This is not taken into consideration here; only subject forms are described.

34

PHONOLOGY TABLE 2

Morphophonemics of Verb Roots The shape of the allomorph of each of the five classes of verb structure is indicated before each suffix in the order in which they were presented on page 35. If no form is indicated, no data was available. Suffixes are listed according to order class.

CVC/-pa

CVC/-q"ulu

cvcc

CVC/-naqa CVCC

CVC/-pta CVCC CVCVC CVCCVC

CVCC

CVC/-su CVCC CVCVC

CVC/-muku CVCC

CVCV/-rpaya CVCCV

CVC/-t"apa CVCC CVCVC

CVC/-kipa CVCC

CVC/-uru CVCC

CVC/nuqu CVCC CVCVC

CVC/-kusu CVCC CVCVC

CVC/-kata CVCC

CVC/-q"asa CVCC CVCVC

/-inta

CVC/-naca CVCC

cvccv

CVC/-t'a CVCC CVCVC

CVC/-k"a CVCC CVCVC

CVC/-tata CVCC CVCVC

CVC/-ata CVCC

cvccv

CVC/-ya CVCCV

cvccv

CVC/-isi CVCC CVCC

CVCV/-rqaya-

cvccv cvccv cvcccv cvcccv

CVC/-ÜW-

cvcc CVCC

35

PHONOLOGY

CVC/-H-

cvcc cvcc

CVC/-as-

cvccv cvccv

CVC/-k-

cvcc cvcvc cvccvc cvcvcc

CVC/-q"a CVCC

cvcvc cvcvcc cvccvc

CVCV/-WC-

cvccv cvccv cvcccv cvcvccv

CVCV/-wi

cvccv cvccv cvcccv cvcvccv

CVC/- wuta

cvcc cvccv cvcccv cvcvcc

CVC/-wusta

cvcc cvccv cvcccv cvcvcc

CVC/-wutu

cvcc cvccv cvcccv cvcvcc

CVC/-wustu

cvcc cvccv cvcccv cvcvcc

CVC/-wima CVCC

cvccv cvcccv cvcvcc

CVC/-ka-

cvcc cvcvc cvccvc cvcvcc

CVC/-waCVCC

cvccv cvcccv cvcvcc

CVCV/-wq"a-

cvccv cvccv cvcccv cvcvccv

CVC/-kana CVCC

cvcvc cvccvc cvcvcc CVCV/-ga CVCCV CVCCV

cvcccv

CVC/-mata CVCC CVCCV CVCCCV CVCVCC CVCV/-ni CVCCV CVCCV CVCCCV

cvcvccv

CVCV/-tana CVCCV CVCCV

cvcccv cvcvcc CVC/-mama CVCC

cvcc cvccc cvcvcc

CVC/-utumata CVCC CVCC

cvccc cvcvcc

CVC/-ustumata CVCC

cvcc cvcvcc CVC/-utuni CVCC CVCC CVCCVC

cvcvcc

CVC/-matama CVCC

cvcc cvcccv cvcvcc

CVC/-ustuni CVCC

cvcc cvcvcc CVC/-ma CVCC

cvcvc cvccvc cvcvcc CVC/-ta CVCC

cvcvc cvcccv cvcvcc

CVC/-p"a CVCC CVCVC CVCCVC

cvcvcc

36

PHONOLOGY

CVC/-utuma

cvcc cvcc cvccc cvcvcc

CVC/-ustuma CVCC

cvcc cvccc cvcvcc CVC/-utup"a CVCC

cvcc cvccc cvcvcc

CVC/-matama CVCC

cvcc cvccc cvcvcc CVC/-ustup"a CVCC

cvcc cvccc cvcvcc CVC/-sa

cvcv cvcvc cvccvc cvcvcc

CVCV/-sama

cvccv cvccv cvcccv cvcvccv

CVCV/-sp"a CVCCV

cvccv cvcccv cvcvccv CVCV/-sana CVCCV

cvccv cvcccv cvcvccv CVC/-stama CVCC

cvcvc cvccvc cvcvcc

CVC/-utusama CVCC

cvcc cvccvc cvcvcc

CVC/-ustus

cvcc cvcc cvccvc cvcvcc

CVC/-utusp"a CVCC

cvcc cvccvc cvcvcc

CVC/-masama CVCC

cvcc cvccvc cvcvcc

CVC/-ustusp"a CVCC

cvcc cvccvc cvcvcc CVC/-nusu CVCC

cvccv cvcccv cvcvcc CVC/-rjana CVCC

cvcc cvccvc cvcvcc CVC/-mana CVCC

cvcc cvccvc cvcvcc

CVC/-pana CVCC

cvcc cvccvc cvcvcc CVC/-sana CVCC

cvcc cvccvc cvcvcc CVC/-usu

cvcc cvcc cvccvc cvcvcc

CVC/-kipa£a CVCC

cvcvc cvcvcc cvccvc CVC/-iri CVCC

cvcc cvccvc cvcvcc

CVC/-maya CVCC

cvccv cvcccv cvcvcc

The /CVCC/ allomorph of { C V C V C V } occurs before suffixes beginning with a vowel. { C V C C V C V } and { C V C V C C V } . Examples of roots of this structure are so rare that it is difficult to make any generalizations. If the allomorph ends in a vowel, the form is /CVCCCV/; if in a consonant, /CVCVCC/ or /CVCCVC/. Table 2 shows what has occurred in the data.

PHONOLOGY

37

The distributional pattern of the allomorphs of the classes of noun roots is given as completely as possible before substantive suffixes and independent suffixes, since noun roots frequently occur before independents with no intervening substantive suffix. {CVCV}. If the allomorph ends in a vowel, the form is /CVCV/; if in a consonant, /CVC/. /CVCV/ occurs before the following substantival suffixes: {-5a, -sana, -ru, -p"a (space), -t"a (space), -wsqa}; before the independent suffixes {-ra, -wa}; and before {-y-}, reduplicator, and {-w-}, verbalizer. Elsewhere /CVC/ occurs. {CVCCV}. If the allomorph ends in a vowel, the form is /CVCCV/; if in a consonant, /CVCC/. /CVCCV/ occurs before the following substantival suffixes: {-ca, -ru, p"a (space), -t"a (space), -wsqa}; before the independent suffixes {-ra} and sometimes {-wa}; and before the verbalizer {-w-}. Elsewhere /CVCC/ occurs. {CVCVCV}. If the allomorph ends in a vowel, the form is /CVCCV/; if in a consonant, /CVCVC/. */CVCC/ does not occur in the data. /CVCCV/ occurs before the following substantive suffixes: {-£uk"a, -ca, -ru, -p"a (space), -t"a, -wsqa}; before the independent suffix {-wa}; and in free variation with /CVCVC/ before the independent suffixes {-psa, -mna, -qa}. Elsewhere /CVCVC/ occurs. Data for the other root structures are scarce. There are few roots of the remaining types and they are not frequent in occurrence. There is one root, {karmaha} 'man', which, like the verb roots {maha} and {saha}, occurs in this form only when being cited. Before all other suffixes and other roots in a grammatical context it always occurs as /karma-/. {CVCCVCV} has occurred as /CVCCV/ before {-qa, -ma, p"a, -sa, -kuna, -ha, -qa} and as /CVCCV/ before {-na, -ha, -qa}. There is not enough data for {CVCVCCV} and {CVCCVCCV} and the four vowel roots to make any generalizations. Most of them are place and plant names and have occurred suffixless. Morphophonemics of the suffixes: If a suffix is {-CV} or {-CCV}, the only allomorphic alternation is the dropping of the final vowel.3 If the suffix is {-CVCV}, then there is the further possibility of /-CCV/ as well as /-CVC-/. If the suffix is longer than {-CVCV}, e.g., {-VCCVCCV}, etc., then it is possible for any or all of the vowels to disappear, depending upon the context involved. Suffixes which begin with a vowel may drop the initial vowel. Within the morphophonemics of the suffixes, there are two principal factors to observe. First, the effect of a given suffix on the preceding environment, and, secondly, the effect of the following environment on the suffix. In other words, the strongest morphophonemic effect is regressive. The effect on the preceding morpheme can usually be stated in terms of whether the occurrence of the given suffix 3 However, if the /C/ of a {-CV} suffix is aspirated, the aspiration may be lost in certain circumstances. See 3.12.22.1, 3.22.5, 3.22.9.

38

PHONOLOGY

causes the preceding morpheme to drop or to retain its vowel. The effect of the suffix following the given suffix can usually be stated in terms of whether or not the following suffix causes the given suffix to drop or to retain its vowel. However, the conditioning of many of the suffixes is more complicated. The effect on the preceding morpheme may be: a. that it drop its vowel; b. that it retain its vowel; c. that it drop or retain its vowel depending on the individual morphemes involved; or, d. that it drop or retain its vowel depending upon the class of morphemes (i.e., roots versus suffixes) that precede. Also, the influence may be non-contiguous, i.e., a given suffix may affect morphemes previous to the preceding one. In the case of the verbal and substantival suffixes, the dropping of the preceding vowels is so predominant as to make the other types marginal. This is not so in the case of the independent suffixes. The type of morpheme class conditioning when the verbal suffixes are involved is that the suffixes cause preceding roots to drop their vowels and preceding suffixes to keep their vowels. For the substantival suffixes, the situation is the reverse; preceding suffixes drop the final vowel and preceding roots do not. For the independents, the suffixes cause a preceding root to keep its vowel, while the situation for a preceding suffix is complicated. See Tables 3, 4 and 5 for the listing of the suffixes by the type of influence they have on preceding morphemes. A following morpheme may affect a preceding suffix in the following ways: a) not at all, i.e., the suffix will occur in its full form; b) will cause the final vowel to be dropped; c) the final vowel will be dropped or retained depending upon the suffixes involved. The proportion of suffixes in this latter category is great. That there should be a large number is not surprising, since most of the conditioning is regressive, i.e., the shape of a suffix is primarily conditioned by the effect of the following suffix rather than by its own tendency. Rather, it is to be remarked that there are many suffixes that do determine their own shape in an absolute manner. The tendency to act independently is greater with the independent suffixes than is the case for the verbal and substantival suffixes. Tables 3, 4 and 5 list the suffixes according to the effect that the following suffixes have on them. The morphophonemic patterning is not necessarily by class, although some generalizations can be made. Suffixes in section 3.12.22.32 beginning with /u/ occur without the initial /u/ except after {-k"a}. Such suffixes in section 3.12.22.34 occur with the initial /u/ only after the root {a£ama}. (See Table 3.) Additional generalizations by class will be found in the morphology sections. The morphophonemic variation of each suffix, or, in some cases, of several suffixes together, is described in the morphology section pertaining to that (those) suffix(es). Each morphophonemic description has three parts labeled A., B., and C. In A. is stated the effect that the given morpheme has on the preceding morpheme^) ; in B. is stated the effect that the following suffix(es) have on the morpheme in question; in C. are stated variations of the suffix and other relevant data not

PHONOLOGY

39

covered in A. and B. Any of these three sections not relevant to the description of the morpheme being described is omitted. Tables 3,4 and 5 list the suffixes accordingtotheireffectonthe preceding morphemes. Column i 'after vowels': morphemes contiguously preceding the suffixes listed retain their vowels. Column ii 'after consonants': morphemes contiguously preceding the suffixes listed drop their vowels. Column iii (title varies by suffix class): whether the morphemes contiguously preceding the suffixes listed drop or retain their vowels depends upon the class of morphemes to which they belong (see page 38). Column iv 'non-contiguous': the suffixes listed affect not only the morphemes which contiguously precede them, but morphemes previous to that. Column v 'complicated': morphemes preceding the suffixes listed may drop or retain the vowel depending upon the individual morphemes involved. Also included in this column are other types of complications which do not fit into any of the categories. These complications are described in the morphology sections pertaining to the suffixes. The symbol ± beside a suffix indicates that there is one exception (only) which is considered sufficiently exceptional not to place the suffix in the 'complicated' category. These exceptions are described in the morphology section corresponding to the suffix indicated. Beside each suffix the number of the morphology section which deals with the suffix in detail is indicated. Verbal suffixes are listed on Table 3, substantival suffixes on Table 4, independent suffixes on Table 5. In Tables 6, 7, and 8 the suffixes are listed according to the effect that the following suffixes have on them. Column i 'full form': suffixes listed do not drop their final vowel when followed by another suffix. Column ii 'vowel drop': suffixes listed drop their final vowel when followed by another suffix. Column iii 'complicated': suffixes listed may keep or drop their vowel depending upon the following suffixes and other conditions. Also placed in this category are various other complications. Verbal suffixes are listed in Table 6, substantival suffixes in Table 7, and independent suffixes in Table 8. Symbolization is as for Tables 3, 4, and 5. 2.71 Final

Vowels

Except within specific types of phrases (see 4.2, 4.3), a breath group in Jaqaru may, according to the wish of the speaker, begin or end between any two words. Nor-

40

PHONOLOGY TABLE 3

Effect of Verbal Suffixes on Preceding

Column i After vowels -rpaya ± 3.12.11 -rqaya3.12.13 -rja 3.12.22.32 3.12.22.33 -tana 3.12.22.33 -sp"a 3.12.22.34

Column ii After consonants all motion modifiers except -rpaya 3.12.11 -ata -isi 3.12.12 -livv-li-as3.12.14 -q"a 3.12.21 person suffixes 3.12.22.1 -k3.12.22.12 3.12.22.2 -mata -tana 3.12.22.32 -mama 3.12.22.32 3.12.22.33 -utumata -ustumata -utuni 3.12.22.32 -ta -p"a -utuma -uta -ustuma -usta -utup"a -matama -ustup"a 3.12.22.33 -sa, -sarjana -sama(na) -stama(na) -utusama(na)

Column iii After root C's and suffix V's -nusu 3.12.22.31 -maya 3.12.23.52

Morphemes

Column iv Non-contiguous -ni 3.12.22.32 -ma 3.12.22.33 -ya 3.12.12

Column v Complicated -ya 3.12.12 -w3.12.22.13 3.12.22.2 -matama -ustuni 3.12.22.32 -sapana -sana 3.12.22.34

41

PHONOLOGY

-ustusama(na) -utusp"a, -utuspana -masama(na) -ustusp"a, -ustuspana 3.12.22.34 temporal subordinate 3.12.23.1 -kata 3.12.23.2 -ta 3.12.23.2 -nusu 3.12.23.2 -kipaÇa 3.12.23.51 -iri 3.12.22.53 -ki 3.12.33.6 TABLE 4

Effect of Substantival Column i After vowels -Çuk"a 3.22.0 -p"a ± 3.22.9

Column ii After consonants -aoqp"ru -huk"a -wisi 3.22.0 -una 3.22.1 -kuna 3.22.2 -nuri -asu 3.22.3 -hama 3.22.6 -masi 3.22.8 -kama 3.22.9 -mina -taki 3.22.10 -ha 3.22.11

Column iii After root C's and suffix V's -wsqa 3.22.10

Suffixes Column iv Non-contiguous

Column v Complicated

-sana 3.22.3

-ca 3.22.4

-rja -ma -p"a -sa 3.22.5

-ria -ma -p"a -sa 3.22.5

-ru 3.22.7

-na 3.22.9

-na 3.22.9

42

PHONOLOGY TABLE 5 Effect of Independent

Column i After vowels

-rk"a -sk"a -sa 3.42 -ha ± 3.45

Column ii After consonants

Suffixes

Column iii After root V's and suffix complicated

Column iv Non-contiguous

-kasa ± 3.41

-ra 3.41

-sa 3.42

-ili 3.46

-mna 3.44

-wa -qa 3.43

Column v Complicated

-psa

-3p), 2p(-»3p), 3p(->3p), 4p(->3p), lp->2p, 2 p - » l p , 2p->4p, 3p->lp, 3p-»2p, 3p-»4p. The suffixes are treated in order of occurrence by order class. 3.12.1

Verbal Qualifiers

3.12.11 Class I: Motion Modifiers Motion modifiers may act either as derivational suffixes, altering the basic meaning of the verb root (in which case the root plus the suffix will constitute a verb stem), 1

'Tense' is used arbitrarily to describe categorical units consisting of several features of mode, tense, manner, aspect, etc.

48

MORPHOLOGY

or they may give a directional or motional meaning to the root. The use is indicated as derivational when the meaning of the total form is not predictable from the meaning of the parts. The morphophonemics are summarized at the end of this section (3.12.11), p. 51. Only exceptions to that statement are included under the individual suffixes. TABLE 9

Verbal

Qualifiers

The suffixes of the four order classes of verbal qualifiers are listed. This set is preceded by verb roots and followed by inflectional suffixes.

CLASS I

CLASS II

CLASS III

CLASS IV

ADJECTIVAL

PLURAL

POTENTATIVE

-ata

-rqaya-

MOTION MODIFIERS

-pa -inta -muku -kipa -kusu -naca -q"uïu -su -rpaya -uru -kata -t'a -naqa -pta -t"apa -nuqu -q"asa -k"a -tata -pa -uru -t'a -su

+

-naqa

+ + +

-pta -q"asa -t'a

CAUSATIVE

-ya REFLEXIVE

-isi

{ - p a } Only one example. Derivational, ira 'to carry' it.pa

'to go accompanied (by anything), to take (a person)'

-liwFABLE REMOTE

-liSTATIC

-as-

MORPHOLOGY

{-inta} Only one example. Derivational, wayra 'to carry' wayr.inta 'to be hanging' {-muku} 'in passing'. Qualifier, arp.mwfc.ki 'he just washes in passing' {-kipa} 'to turn towards on a flat surface'. Derivational and qualifier. Derivational: muyu 'to wander' muy. kipa 'to turn towards (persons)' haha 'to blow' hah. kip. ki he turns toward (a place)' Qualifier: uht. kip. ki 'he comes around the corner' {-kusu} 'to go (doing), to do (as one goes)'. Qualifier, a p . kus. ma 'carry this as you go' {-naca} 'down'. Derivational and qualifier. Derivational: haha 'to blow' hah. nca. w. t"a 'I went down' Qualifier: ik".nca.w.t"a 'I herded (the animals) down' Morphophonemics: {-naca} occurs as /-nca-/ before {-w-}. {-q"ulu} 'begin, initiate'. Derivational and qualifier. Derivational: apa 'to carry' ap.q"ulu 'to put on one's back' Qualifier: was. q"ulu 'to begin to walk' {-su} 'emphatically, completely, out'. Derivational and qualifier. Derivational: hala 'to fall' hal.iw 'to go out' Qualifier: ik". su. san. qa 'when we herded (the animals) out' hunc'u 'hot' hunc'.iu.ta 'burned' Morphophonemics: {-su} plus {-w-} (past) is /-su-/. {-rpaya} 'beside, outside'. Derivational and qualifier. Derivational: ik"a 'to herd'

50

MORPHOLOGY

ik"a. rpay. q". ustuni. psa 'maybe they'll kick us out' Qualifier: waka.sa h a y r . p a j . k . t n a . 'We dance beside our cow.' Morphophonemics: The preceding morpheme keeps its vowel except in the case of a morpheme ending in /rV/, in which case the vowel is dropped, and /r/ plus M is /r/. {-uru} 'in, put in, humility, poor quality'. Derivational and qualifier. Derivational: hala 'to fall' hal. uru 'to enter' Qualifier: ik". ru. san. qa 'when we herd (the animals) in' pal. iir. ma 'eat this poor food' {-kata} 'to hand over, to place over, to extend from one object to another'. Qualifier. yuy. kat. wuta 'you came to extend your love to me' aya 'to carry a cylindrical object' ay. kata 'to cross with a log' Morphophonemics: {-kata} occurs as /-kat-/ before {-sana}. {-t'a} 'once, at once'. Derivational and qualifier. Derivational: ila 'to see' il. fa 'to know (a person)' Qualifier: uma 'to drink' u m . i ' a . t n a 'let's have a drink' {-naqa} 'all over, here and there, a great deal'. Qualifier, wasa 'to walk' wa.s.naq. ki 'he paces' {-pta} 'up, emphatic, completely, first'. Derivational and qualifier. Derivational: haha 'to blow' hah .pta 'to fly' Qualifier: a5'i 'to carry in the hand granular objects (such as corn kernels)' a c ' . p / . k . t a n . q a 'we lift up granular objects (such as corn kernels)' {-t"apa} 'cover, put on top of'. Derivational and qualifier. Derivational: ac'i 'to carry in the hand granular objects' a5'. fapa 'to do homage to the cow (by covering it with corn flour)'

MORPHOLOGY

51

Qualifier: apa 'to carry' ap. t"apa 'to pile up, to cover' {-nuqu} 'too much, set, leave'. Qualifier. pal.nu2p, 2->lp, 2->4p, 3->lp, 3->4p follow. 3.12.22.1* Person Reference Morphophonemics. — {-t"a} first person (to third person). B. Before {-kasa, -qa, -sk"a} and {-¡¡i} except after {-k-}, the allomorph is /-t-/. aru. w. t. kas. wa

'I have already called him'

Before {-wa, ra} the allomorph is /-t"-/. ma. w. t". wa

'I went'

Before juncture the allomorph is /-t"a/. il. k. t"a

'I see'

MORPHOLOGY

C. After {-k-} before

57

the allomorph is zero.

isa. wa ar. k. 0 .

'I don't talk to him'

{-ta} second person (to third person). B. Before {-kasa} the allomorph is /-t-/ (which is therefore homophonous with the first person). aru . w . t . kas. wa

'you have already called him'

Elsewhere /-ta/ is the allomorph. hayt'.k.ta.^i ?

'Do you leave him?'

{-i} third person (to third person). B. Before {-kasa} the allomorph is zero. h a k . s u . r q a y a . w . 0 . k a s . q a 'they are now all grown up' Elsewhere /i/ is the allomorph. hiwa. w. i

'he died'

{-tana} fourth person (to third person) and {-tama} third person to second person, have analogous allomorphs. B. Before juncture /-tna/ and /-tma/ occur. siwy. k. tma

'it frightens you'

Before {-sa} (ind.) /-tana-/ and /-tama-/ occur. kaw. ki. ta. w. tana. sa ?

'Where are we from?'

Elsewhere /-tan-/ and /-tam-/ occur. im. pt. k. tan. wa

'we are planting everything'

{-ima} first person to second person, {-uta} second person to first person, {-usta} second person to fourth person, {-utu} third person to first person, {-ustu} third person to fourth person, all occur in their complete forms except before {-kasa}, when the final vowel is dropped. sa.w.im.kas.qa ir. p. w. utu hayt'. k. usta. wa

'I have already told you' 'he took me' 'you leave us'

The morphophonemics described here apply to these person suffixes in whatever tense they occur. 3.12.22.2 Remote. — The remote shows a very interesting lopsided structure. Only the four principal persons occurred in texts; of the remaining six forms, it was only possible to ellicite five. 2->4p does not occur. The four principal forms and {-tama} 3-»2p, participate in the {-k-} versus {-w-} contrast, which are called 'near remote' and 'far remote' respectively. Both forms may be translated 'had (gone), was (going), used to (go)', but the forms with {-w-}

58

MORPHOLOGY TABLE 11

Remote 2 - > 4 p has not occurred in the data. A suffix may combine with any other suffix from which it is separated by a single vertical line and no double horizontal line

-t"a

l(-3)

-k.ah-

-ta

2(-3)

-w. ah-

-tana

4(-3)

-w. q". ah-

-tama

3->2

-k-ana -w-

-ata

-w.q"-kut-

3-*l

-kust-

3->4

-kuhut-

2->l

-kihim-

l->2

-ana

are used for situations more remote than those for which the forms with {-k-} are used. Only the forms with {-w-} can take {-q"a} repetitive. For the lp, 2p, 4p and 3->2p, the structure is {-k.ah-}, {-w.ah-) or { - w . q " . a h - } plus the simple person suffixes. The third person participates in all of the above contrasts and is {-k-}, {-w-}, or {-w.q"-} plus {-ata}. It also participates in an additional contrast, {-k-} and {-w-} may take {-ana} rather than {-ata}. {-ana} indicates that the information being related is known first hand or from very certain sources; {-ata} indicates that the information is second hand or hearsay. {-q"a} repetitive cannot occur with {-ana}, {-w.ana}, when used with verb roots in principal clauses always occurs with {-li-} fable remote. Otherwise it occurs only in verbalizations (see 3.6). The forms for the other persons are {-kut-} 3 - > l p , {-kust-} 3->4p, {-kuhut-} 2 - » l p , and {-kihim-} l->2p. They take only {-ana} and they do not participate in the {-k-} versus {-w-} contrast. There are, thus, five contrasting remote forms for the third person: repetitive far remote, near remote first hand, far remote first hand, near remote hearsay, and far remote hearsay. For lp, 2p, 4p, and 3->2p, there are three contrasting forms: near remote, far remote, and repetitive far remote. For the remaining persons, there is but one form, the near remote. The forms are listed on Table 11.

MORPHOLOGY

59

Third person: ma .w.q". ata ut.k.na arya.n.qa u p . c a . w a pal.ri.w.na was. k. ata im. ri. w. ata

'he had gone back' 'she was up there' 'only he used to eat (it)' 'he was walking' 'he used to sow'

lp, 2p, 4p, 3->2p: isa. wa il. k " . k . a h . tarn. isa. wa pal .w.ah.t. panta.w.q".ah.tan.wa.

'he had not seen you' 'I had not eaten' 'we had forgotten'

Morphophonemics: A. The morpheme preceding forms with {-k-} drops its vowel. The morpheme preceding {-w.q"a} keeps its vowel. Preceding {-w-}, roots other than those ending in /-ci/ or /-ya/ and {-rqaya-} drop their vowels; Class IV, verb roots ending in /-ci/ and /-ya/ and most of the motion modifiers (see 3.12.11) keep their vowels. C. lp, 2p, 4p, and 3->2p follow the rules described in 3.12.22.1. {-ana} occurs as /-na/ before juncture, and as /-an-/ before independent suffixes, {-ata} occurs as /-at-/ before {-kasa}, elsewhere as /-ata/. 3.12.22.3 Non-Indicative. — The non-indicative set of tenses consists of the future, the imperative, the obligatory, and the contrary-to-fact. These four tenses are treated together because the tense-person references are interrelated and are in contrast with the person-tense references of the simple and remote tenses. The interrelation of the suffixes is diagrammed in Table 14. In the discussion of each individual tense, the forms which are presented in the Table 14 as being divided into several morphemes are treated as unit morphemes. The division is useful for illustrating the relationship between these tenses, but does not lend itself to an adequate description of the morpheme breakdown. 3.12.22.31 Obligatory. — The obligatory occurs only in the four principal persons and is always emphatic in meaning. The person suffixes are: {-rja} lp, {-ma} 2p, {-p"a} 3p, and {-sa} 4p, and are the same as the nominal person suffixes. The structure is: {-nusu} plus the person suffixes (see Table 13). ma. nusu. /;. wa

' I m ust go'

Although the obligatory may stand alone as a principal clause, it is essentially a nominal construction and for tense formation (other than present) takes verbalization suffixes (see 3.5, 3.7) or it may act as a subordinate clause (see 3.12.23.3). Morphophonemics: A. Verb roots preceding {-nusu} drop their vowels, qualifying suffixes keep theirs. B. /-nusu-/ occurs before {-rja} and {-ma}, /-nus-/ occurs before {-p"a} and {-sa}. The personal suffixes occur with vowel before juncture, elsewhere without.

60

MORPHOLOGY

3.12.22.32 Future. — The future expresses a simple future (which may also be expressed with the present) or, more frequently, a gentle obligation. The persontense references are here treated as unit morphemes; the relationship of these suffixes to those of the imperative and the contrary-to-fact is diagrammed in Table 14. The suffixes are listed in Table 12. TABLE 1 2

Future and Contrary-to-fact FUTURE

lp 2p 3p 4p l->2p 2-lp 2->4p 3->lp 3->2p 3-»4p

-na -mata -ni -tana -mama -utumata -ustumata -utuni -matama -ustuni

Suffixes

CONTRARY-TO-FACT

-sa -sama -sp"a -sana -starna -utusama -ustusama -utusp"a -masama -ustusp"a

-satja.na -sama. na -sapa. na -starna. na -utusma. na -ustusma. na -utsapa. na -masma. na -ustuspa.na

A nasal phoneme is characteristic of the future. The one suffix belonging exclusively to the future is the third person {-ni}. It could be analyzed as being two suffixes, {-n-} future and {-i} 3p, and would thus be parallel to the simple and remote tenses. The other persons cannot be analyzed so clearly. {-qa} lp. hak. t'a. y. ra ap. si. rja

'I'm going to live a while yet' 'I'll take it with me'

Morphophonemics: A. Preceding morphemes always keep their vowel. B. /-rja/ occurs before juncture, /-q-/ occurs elsewhere. {-mata} 2p. ap. mata. wa pal.ya.mata

'you will take it' lit. 'you will make her eat', f.t. 'please, make her eat'

Morphophonemics: A. Preceding verb roots drop their vowel, preceding qualifying suffixes keep their vowel. {-ni} 3p.

MORPHOLOGY

a r u . ni ar.m.wa

61

'he will call him' 'he will call him'

Morphophonemics: A. /-ni/ occurs after a morpheme ending in a vowel if before juncture. C. If another morpheme follows {-ni}, the morpheme preceding drops its vowel. {-tana} 4p. ar. tan. wa

'we will call him'

Morphophonemics: A. The preceding morpheme drops its vowel. C. See 3.12.22.1 for the rest of the distribution. {-mama} l->2p. i i . w a w a . wa

'I will see you'

Morphophonemics: A. Preceding morpheme drops its vowel. B.

/-mama/ occurs before juncture, {-wa, -£i}. /-mam-/ occurs before {-ili}.

{-utumata} 2 - > l p . hayt'. iH/wata. £.asi ?!

'Will you perhaps leave me?'

Morphophonemics: A. The preceding morpheme drops its vowel. C. /-utumata/ occurs after {-k"a}; /-tumata/ occurs elsewhere. {-ustumata} 2->4p. p u r . s u . q a ii.stumata.wa.

'When you come you will see us.'

Morphophonemics: A. The preceding morpheme drops its vowel. C. /-ustumata/ occurs after {-k"a}; /-stumata/ occurs elsewhere. {-utuni} 3 - > l p . ii. tuni.wa.

'he will see me'

Morphophonemics: A. The preceding morpheme drops its vowel. C. /-utuni/ occurs after {-k"a}; /-tuni/ occurs elsewhere. {-matama} 3—>2p. wanci. matma

'it will frighten you'

Morphophonemics: A. Preceding {-k"a} and preceding roots ending in /-Si/ keep their vowels. Other preceding morphemes drop their vowels.

62

MORPHOLOGY

B.

/-matma/ occurs before juncture; /-matam-/ occurs before another morpheme,

{-ustuni} 3-»4p. il.siw/jz. wa

'he will see us'

Morphophonemics: A. Preceding {-q"a} keeps its vowel. All other preceding morphemes drop their vowels. C. /-ustuni/ occurs after {-k"a}; /-stuni/ occurs elsewhere. 3.12.22.33 Imperative. — The imperative occurs in all persons, with two forms, negative and affirmative, for 2p, 2->4p, and 2->lp. The negative forms are the same as the unmarked (see 3.12.22.11). For listing and comparative analysis of suffixes see Tables 13 and 14. {-rja} lp. hasa. ya

'let me accept'

Morphophonemics: C. First person imperative is homophonous with the first person future. {-ma} 2p affirmative. uk"ama aru. m. qa hak. t'a. m. ra upa^a ut.ma

'speak like that' 'try to live a while yet' 'be quiet'

Morphophonemics: C. Before juncture /-ma/ occurs and the preceding morpheme drops its vowel. Elsewhere /-m-/ occurs and the preceding morpheme keeps its vowel. {-ta} 2p negative. (han) hayt'.ta.

'Cj

'don't leave him'

Morphophonemics: A. Preceding morpheme drops its vowel. B. {-ta} always occurs before {-£i}. C. {hani} may or may not precede the verb. {-P"a} 3p. qas ma ,p"a 'let him go, may he be gone' paca.pna hiw.p"a 'it doesn't matter if he dies' paca 'to be all the same' -pana 3p d.s. subordinate hiwa 'to die' -p"a 3p imperative

MORPHOLOGY

63

TABLE 13

Obligatory

and Imperative

Suffixes

Suffixes may combine with any other suffix from which they are separated by a single verticle line

obligatory -nusu-

imperative 0

-sa

4p

-ma -p"a -qa

2p 3p

-tana -ta -ustuma -usta -utuma -uta -matama -utup"a -usutp"a -mama

(imp. aff.)

lp 4p 2p (neg.) 2 - 4 p (aff.) 2->4p (neg.) 2 - » l p (aff.) 2-+lp (neg.) 3->2p 3-»lp 3->4p l->2p

Morphophonemics: A. The preceding morpheme drops its vowel. B. {-p"a} has only occurred before juncture where it is /-p"a/. {-tana} 4p. aru .tna

'let's call him'

Morphophonemics: A. The preceding morpheme always keeps its vowel. B. See 3.12.22.1 for the rest of the morphophonemics. {-mama} l->2p. has .mama

'let me accept you'

Morphophonemics: A. The preceding morpheme drops its vowel. C. l-»2p imperative is homophonous with the future l->2p. {-utuma} 2->lp affirmative. sa. tm. ili nahc'. s. utma

'well, tell me' 'comb my hair'

Morphophonemics: A. The preceding morpheme drops its vowel.

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MORPHOLOGY

B.

/-utm-/ occurs before {-ili}.

C.

/-tma/ occurs after {saha}. Elsewhere /-utma/ occurs,

{-uta} 2->lp negative. (hani) h a s . M i a . ' d o n ' t accept me' Morphophonemics: A. The preceding morpheme drops its vowel. B. /-uta/ always occurs before {-£i}. C. {hani} may or may not precede the verb. {-ustuma} 2->4p affirmative. pur. su. qa il. ustma

'when you arrive come see us'

Morphophonemics: A. The preceding morpheme drops its vowel. B.

/-ustma/ occurs before juncture.

{-usta} 2->4p negative. (hani) has. usta.

'don't accept us'

Morphophonemics: A. The preceding morpheme drops its vowel. B. {-usta} always occurs before {-£i}. C. {hani} may or may not precede the verb. {-utup"a} 3—> lp. has.utp'a

'let him accept me'

Morphophonemics: A. The preceding morpheme drops its vowel. B.

/-utp"a/ occurs before juncture.

{matama} 3->2p. hayt'. matma

'let him leave you'

Morphophonemics: A. The preceding morpheme drops its vowel. B.

/-matma/ occurs before juncture.

{-ustup"a| 3->4p. has. ustp"a

'let him accept us'

Morphophonemics: A. The preceding morpheme drops its vowel. B. /-ustp"a/ occurs before juncture. 3.12.22.34 Contrary-to-fact. — There are two forms for each person, expressing a difference of time. The present contrary to fact expresses a desire for a condition

MORPHOLOGY

65

which is not (or vice-versa). The past contrary-to-fact expresses a desire for a situation which might have been, and is often used as a reproach, 'you should have...'. hah.ur.ia p u r . q a n . q . a s i il.s.wa ask. sama.na

'I would like to tumble down' 'if I should come I would see him' 'you should have asked him'

Characteristic of the contrary-to-fact is the phoneme /s/. The present contraryto-fact is the basic form. The past adds {-na} to the present form. The suffixes are listed and analysed on Tables 12 and 14. {-sa, -saqa.na} lp. 'it wouldn't matter if I were to go' qasi ma .sa qasi 'it doesn't matter' a£ma. rqay. satja. na pur. ta. sa 'we should have told him of our arrival' Morphophonemics: A. The preceding morpheme drops its vowel. B. /-sa/ occurs before juncture, /-s-/ occurs elsewhere. {-sama, -sama. na} 2p. pur.su.q.asi il.iaw.wa

'if you should come you would see him'

Morphophonemics: A. The preceding morpheme drops its vowel. B.

/-sma/ occurs before juncture, /-sam-/ occurs before independent suffixes.

{-sp"a, -sapa. na} 3p. muna.sp"a

'he would like to'

Morphophonemics: A. The morpheme preceding {-sp"a} keeps its vowel. Whether the morpheme preceding {-sapa.na} keeps or drops its vowel depends upon the individual morpheme. B. /-sp"a/ occurs before juncture. C.

If a vowel precedes {-sapa.na} the allomorph is /-spa.na/.

{-sana} 4p. There is no past form. hah. ru. sna

'we would like to tumble down'

Morphophonemics: A. Whether the preceding morpheme keeps or drops its vowel depends upon the individual morpheme. B. /-snaI occurs before {-stama, -stama.na} l-+2p.juncture, /-san-/ occurs before other suffixes.

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uht.nian.qa il.Stama.na.wa 'if you were to come, I would see you' Morphophonemics: A. The preceding morpheme drops its vowel. B.

/-stam-/ occurs before independent suffixes, /-stama/ occurs before juncture,

{-utusama, -utusama.na} 2->lp. il. tusma. n. ili

'you should have seen me'

Morphophonemics: A. The preceding morpheme drops its vowel. B. /-tusam-/ occurs before independent suffixes, /-tusma-/ occurs before {-na}. C. /-utsama/ occurs after {a£ama}. {-na} occurs as /-n-/ before {-iii}. {-ustusama, -ustusma.na} 2->4p. pur.su.q.asi il.s tusam.wa 'if you should come you would see us' at,m. ustusma.na pur.ta.ma 'you should have advised us of your arrival' Morphophonemics: A. The preceding morpheme drops its vowel. B. /-stusama/ occurs before juncture, /-stusam-/ occurs before independent suffixes. C.

/-ustusma/ occurs after {a£ama}.

{-utusp"a, -utusp.na} 3->lp. mun.tusp'a

'he should like me'

Morphophonemics: A. The preceding morpheme drops its vowel. B. /-tusp"a/ occurs before juncture, /-tusp"-/ occurs before {-wa}. C. After {a£ama} the allomorphs with /u/ occur. {masama, -masma.na} 3->2p. ii. masam. wa

'he would see you'

Morphophonemics: A. The preceding morpheme drops its vowel. B.

/-masam-/ occurs before {-wa}, /-masama/ occurs elsewhere.

{-ustusp'a, -ustuspa.na} 3->4p. kat. stusp"a

'we hope we get caught'

Morphophonemics: A. The preceding morpheme drops its vowel. B. The final vowel of the suffix is dropped before {-wa}. C. Allomorphs with /u/ occur after {a^ama}.

MORPHOLOGY TABLE 14

Interrelationships of Future, Contrary-to-fact,

A.

C.

E.

B.

IP -Vga -Vga -sa, -sagaV

-ga

-sa

0

2p -mata -ma -sama -sa

D.

-ni

-ta

-s

-p"a

-sa

-m -st

F.

-ta

4p -tana -tana -sana

0

l->2p -mama -mama -stama

0

-ma

0

3p -ni -p"a -sp"a

and Imperative

-na

2-»lp -utumata -utuma -utusama

-ama -utu

G.

2-»4p -ustumata -ustuma -ustusama

-ustu I.

H.

0

-ma

-sa

-ma

J.

-ta -sa

-sa

-ma

0

-ni

-s

-p"a

0

3->2p -matama -matama -masama -ma

-ma

3-vlp -utuni -utup"a -utusp"a

-utu

-ta

0

-ma

3-»4p -ustuni -ustup"a -ustusp"a -ustu

0

-ni

-s

-p"a

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MORPHOLOGY

3.12.22* Summary of Person-Tense Suffixes. — Although the person-tense suffixes have been treated as unit morphemes in the description, there is some correlation between the forms of the suffixes and the various meaning elements involved. Tables 15 and 16 list the six sets together for comparison. The remote suffixes are treated rather summarily, without taking into consideration the near-far remote contrast. The same is true of the contrary-to-fact, since {-na} always follows the forms given. TABLE 1 5

Summary of Person References

lp 2p 3p 4p l-»2p 2-»lp 2->4p 3-vlp 3-2p 3-+4p

PRESENT

PAST

REMOTE

FUTURE

-t"a -ta -i -tana -ima -uta -usta -utu -tama -ustu

-t"a -ta -i -tana -ima -uta -usta -utu -tama -ustu

-t"a -ta -ata, -ana -tana -ima -uta

-rja -mata -ni -tana -ma -utu-ustu-utu-mata-ustu-

-utu -tama -ustu

IMPERATIVE

-rja -ma -p"a -tana -ma -utu-ustu -utu-mata-ustu-

CTF

-sa(qa) -sama -sp"a -sana -ma -utu-ustu-utu-masa-ustu-

TABLE 1 6

Summary of Tense Markers It will be noted that in the present and the past, the tense marker marks tense only. Generalizations in the remote are difficult. In 1 ->2p, 2 ^-lp, 3 ->2p and in the four principal persons not presented here, the vowel of the tense marker is the same as the vowel of the person suffix. The person suffixes are largely the same as those used in the simple tenses. This appears to be an isolated case of vocalic harmony, the tense marker then being {-kVh-}. In the future, imperative, and contrary-to-fact, reference to the actor is carried in the tense marker except when the second person is the object.

l->2p 2->lp 2->4p 3-»lp 3-+2p 3->4p

PRESENT

PAST

REMOTE

FUTURE

IMPERATIVE

CTF

-k-k-k-k-k-k-

-w-

-kih-kuh-k-k-kah-k-

-ma -mata -mata -ni -ma -ni

-ma -ma -ma -p"a -ma -p"a

-sta -sama -sama -sp"a -ma -sp"a

-W-W-W-W-

-w-

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69

In the summary below the forms have been treated in the following ways: first, the person reference in contrast to the tense reference; second, the tense references separately and in relation to the actor; third, the object references separately. The four principal persons each have two suffixes characteristic of them. First person is characterized by {-t"a} or {-ga}. The only exception is the contrary-to-fact, although the {-rja} reappears in the past form. Second person is characterized by {-ma} or {-ta}. Third person is characterized by {-i} or {-p"a}. The only exception is in the remote where {-ata} contrasts with {-ana} for a particular meaning contrast beyond that of person. Fourth person is characterized by {-tana} or {-sana}. The morpheme for first to second person is {-ima}, which occurs after the tense marker. tense marker -k-w-kih-ma-ma-sta-

allomorph -ima -ima -ima -ma -ma -ma

/-ima/ occurs following tense markers with no vowel, /-ma/ occurs after tense markers with vowel. The morpheme for second to first person is {-uta}. There are two allomorphs: /-uta/ and /-utu/. /-uta/ occurs after the tense marker in the past, present, and remote, and stands alone in the negative imperative. tense marker -k-w-kuh-

allomorph -uta -uta -uta -uta

/-utu-/ occurs before the tense marker in the future, imperative, and contrary-to-fact. allomorph -utu-utu-utu-

tense marker -mata -ma -sama

The morpheme for the second to fourth person is {-usta}. There are two allomorphs: /-usta/ and /-ustu-/. /-usta/ occurs after the tense marker in the present and past and stands alone in the negative imperative.

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MORPHOLOGY

tense marker -k-w-

allomorph -usta -usta -usta

/-ustu-/ occurs before the tense marker in the future, imperative, and contrary-to-fact. allomorph -ustu-ustu-ustu-

tense marker -mata -ma -sama

The morpheme for third to first person is {-utu}. It occurs after the tense marker in the present, past, and remote. tense marker -k-w-k-

allomorph -utu -utu -utu

tense marker

-ana

It occurs before the tense marker in the future, imperative, and contrary-to-fact. allomorph -utu-utu-utu-

tense marker -ni -p"a -sp"a

The morpheme for third to second person is {-tama} except in the contrary-to-fact, where it is {-sama}. It occurs following the tense marker. tense marker -k-w-kah-ma-ma-ma-

allomorph -tama -tama -tama -tama -tama -sama

The morpheme for third to fourth person is {-ustu}. It occurs after the tense marker in the present, past, and remote. tense marker -k-w-k-

allomorph -ustu -ustu -ustu

tense marker

-ana

It occurs before the tense marker in the future, imperative, and contrary-to-fact.

MORPHOLOGY

allomorph -ustu-ustu-ustu-

71

tense marker -ni -p"a -sp"a

In addition to what can be readily observed from the above summary, the following generalizations can be made: When the second person is the object, the person markers all follow the tense markers. Otherwise, the person follows in the present, past, and remote, and precedes in the future, imperative and contrary-to-fact. If the second person is the subject, there are two allomorphs, one following the tense marker ending in /a/, the other preceding the tense marker ending in /u/. The latter would result in homophony with 3-» l p and 3->4p except that the tense markers carry indication of the subject. First person as object is characterized by /ut/, which it has in common with fourth person as object. The fourth person as object is characterized by an infixed /§/ in the morpheme for the first person as object: {-uta} > {-usta}, {-utu} > {-ustu}. The second person as subject is characterized in the past, present, and remote by a final /a/, third person by a final /u/ (but not in 3-»2p): {-uta} ^ {-utu}, {-usta} ^ {-ustu}. Whenever the second person is involved in the future, imperative, or contraryto-fact, either as actor or object, or when it is the object in the present, past, or remote, there is an /m/ in the form. There is no /m/ in any other form. 3.12.23 Subordinate Clause Inflectional Suffixes Verbs standing in a subordinate position are formally marked in Jaqaru. Verb stems with subordinate clause suffixes always occur dependent upon a main verb bearing the verbal inflectional suffixes or on verbalized forms (see 3.5), but they may act independently as far as other syntactical units are concerned. The subordinate suffixes show tense only limitedly; they regularly show the four principal persons, but not the persons involving objects. The subordinates are: Temporal subordinate: the most frequent of the subordinates; distinguishes person and three tenses. Nominalized subordinate: distinguishes person and two tenses. Intentive subordinate: formed on the obligatory. Cause subordinate: formed on the nominalized subordinate. Invariable subordinates: continuing simultaneous, negative, and purposive. Personalized subordinate. The subordinate verb forms border on nominalized constructions, and substantival suffixes may contiguously follow the subordinate suffixes. The person suffixes are

72

MORPHOLOGY TABLE 17

Subordinate Inflections Listed here are all of the subordinate forms, showing their interrelationships INVARIABLES

TEMPORAL SUBORDINATE

0

-iqana

-k-

-imana -ipana

-kata-

-usu -isana

PERSONALIZER

-utumana -ustumana

-ki-

-ri

-utupana -ustupana

NOMINALIZED

-qa

-ta-

-ma

SUBORDINATE

-t"a

RESULT SUBORDINATE

-kata-p a INTENTIVE

-nusu-

-sa

-taki

parallel to the substantive person suffixes as well as to certain of the imperative and future suffixes. However, subordinates may occasionally take suffixes involving objects (see 3.12.23.1) and they show tense to some degree, as well as behaving syntactically as verbs. These characteristics set them off from the regular nominalized forms. Subordinate clauses usually precede the main verb. 3.12.23.1 Temporal

Subordinate.

— By far the most frequent of the subordinate

categories, these forms may indicate action simultaneous with, previous to, or posterior to the action of the main verb. Only three inflectional verbal suffixes may precede: {-k-, -kata-, -q"a}. The person suffixes are: -iqana

lp

-isana

4p

-imana

2p

-ipana

3p d.s.

-usu 3p s.s.

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73

{-ipana} 3p d.s. (different subject) is used when the subject of the subordinate clause is not the same as the subject of the main clause, {-usu} 3p s.s. (same subject) is used when both subjects are the same. m a . q.//an. qa h i w a . w . i . 'When I was going back, he died.' pur. man. qa. i l . m a m a . w a 'when you come, I will see you' M i S A . s a isp.isna u h t . q " a . t n a aka . 'After hearing our mass, we returned here.' misa 'mass' uhta 'to come' -sa 'our' -q"a repetitive 4p unmarked isapa 'to hear' -tana 4p sub. -isana aka 'here' hac./wM.qa s a y . p t a . w . i . w a . 'When (the cock) crowed, the woman got up.' KABRA.qa pal.pt.usu a h r . k . i 'when the goat eats it, he vomits' a^'.sw.qa i m . u r . k . i . 'After digging, they plant.' Very rarely forms involving objects occur. l->-2p, and 3->2p have not occurred. The other forms are {-utumana} 2->lp, {-ustumana} 2->4p, {-utupana} 3—>lp, and {-ustapana} 3->4p. hayt'.tuman.qa q a q a . t " . w a hah.ur.lc.t"a . 'If you leave me, I'll fall off a cliff.' hayt'a 'to leave' -wa absolute -tumana l->2p sub. haha 'to blow' -qa affirmative -uru 'in' qaqa 'cliff' -kpresent -t"a 'from' -t"a lp The subordinate is always used after a direct quote to indicate that it is a quote. a : k . c a . m . s q a kumpari yari.qa i k . m a t a sa.iw.qa . 'With this of yours, compadre, you will sleep tonight, he said.' a:ka 'this' -qa affirmative -ca limitative iki 'to sleep' -ma 'yours' -mata 2p future -wsqa 'with' saha 'to say' kumpari 'compadre' -usu 3p s.s. sub. yari 'black night' -qa affirmative isa.^.asi puri.ija w a r m i . k u c a . r u sa.yan.qa . 'Maybe I won't reach Lady Lake, I said.' isa negative warmi. kuca toponym -Ci negative -ru 'up to' -asi 'maybe' saha 'to say' puri 'to arrive' -qana l p sub. -qa l p future -qa affirmative

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MORPHOLOGY

When the subordinate is used alone it usually indicates an action completed or to be completed before the action of the main verb. When it is used with -k- or -katasimultaneity of action is indicated. i l . p t . k . i y a n . q a aryq.p"a pas.k.ata AYROPLANO.qa . 'When I looked up an airplane was passing by.' m a . w . q " . a t a mus.k.ipna 'when he (A) realized it, he (B) had gone* qayla.p"a ciq.ur.k.usu w i s . s u . w . q " . i m a r k . q a . 'Carrying her child on one side, she climbed up to the town.' 'child' qayïa -su 'completely' 'her' -w-p"a past ciqu 'to carry' -q"a repetitive -i 3p -uru 'in' -kpresent ? marka 'town' affirmative -usu 3p s.s. sub. -qa wisu 'to climb' {-kata-} tends to be used with the subordinate in contexts where the main verbs are in one of the remote tenses, but the plain subordinate may also be used. The presence of {-kata-} indicates simultaneity of action. The examples are from legends. u k . n u r . n a hayr.kata.pna n a k . s u . w . a t a . 'While they were dancing inside, he burned them.' wak.iri ut.kata.pna waka.p"a i k " a . r p a y . p a n . q a waka.qa h a y . p t a . w . i . 'When she was a cowherd, when she turned her cows out to pasture, the cows got lost.' ik"a 'to herd' 'cow' waka -rpaya 'outside' -iri 'in order to' -pana 3p d.s. sub. wakiri 'pastor' -qa affirmative uta 'to be' hay. pta 'to lose, get lost' -kataremote -wpast -pana 3p d.s. sub. -i 3p 'her' -p"a Morphophonemics : A. A root preceding a subordinate suffix drops its vowel. The suffixes {-t'a, -usu, -pta, -naca} and sometimes {-q"a} also drop their vowels before subordinate suffixes. All other suffixes keep their vowels. B. Before juncture and {-5a}, {-iqana, -imana, -ipana, -isana} occur as /-(i)Cna/. Elsewhere they occur as /-(i)Can-/. {-usu} occurs as /-(u)s-/ before {-5a}. Elsewhere /-(u)su/ occurs. C. After {-k-} the allomorphs with /i/ initial occur. After {-kata-} the allomorphs without li/ initial occur. When /-Can-/ occurs, {-kata-} occurs as /-kat-/. When

MORPHOLOGY

75

/-Cna/ occurs, it occurs as /-kata-/. After {-t'a, -usu, -pta, -naca}, sometimes |-q"a}, and roots ending in /t, p, n/ and sometimes /r/ the allomorphs with initial /i/ occur. Elsewhere the allomorphs without initial /i/ occur. 3.12.23.2 Nominalized Subordinate. — The nominalized subordinate usually translates as 'that which.' It distinguishes the four principal persons and two tenses, past and present. The present is formed by adding {-kata-} plus a person suffix {-rja, -ma, -p"a, -sa} to a verb stem. Substantive suffixes may follow. il.kata. rj.qa laqa.wa 'that which 1 see is ugly' n a . k u n a . q a isa h u m a . n a m u n . k a t a . m a m u n . k . t a n . ^ i 'we do not want what you want' isa.qa y a £ . k . i . £ i uk"ama KARW.kata.p"a !?! 'He doesn't know how expensive it is?!' -Ci negative, interrogative îsa negative uk"ama 'thus' -qa affirmative karwa 'to know' 'expensive' yaÇi -katapresent nom. sub. pres. -ka 3p -i 3p -P mis.uru p u r i . w . q . t " a s a . k a t . p . k a m a . 'In one day I arrived up to the point which he had said.' 'to say' mis. uru 'one day' saha nom. sub. pres. puri 'to arrive' -kata-wpast -p"a 3p -q"a repetitive -kama 'up to' -t"a lp The past nominalized subordinate is formed by adding {-ta-} plus a person suffix to a verb stem. Substantive suffixes may follow. yuya. t. ya hay. pta. w. i. wa 'that which I loved got lost' n i k " a . t . q a aka.t"a marka m a . q . t a . j / . i l i aru.rja . 'Then how I went back from here to the town I'll tell.' nik"a 'earlier' -q a repetitive 'from' -ta-t'a nom. sub. past affirmative -qa -qa IP 'here' -ili aka 'well' aru 'from' -t'a 'to speak' -qa marka 'town' l p future maha 'to go' Morphophonemics: With {-kata-}: A. Preceding morphemes drop their vowels. B. /-kata-/ varies freely with /-kat-/ before the person suffixes.

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MORPHOLOGY

C. The person suffixes occur as /-ija, -ma, -p"a, -sa/ before juncture, elsewhere they occur as /-ij-, -m-, -p-, -s-/. With {-ta-}: A. Preceding {-pta} keeps its vowel. All other preceding morphemes drop their vowels. C. {-ta-} occurs as /-t-/ after {yuya, katu, -t'a}. Elsewhere it occurs as /-ta-/. Person morphemes occur as in the present. 3.12.23.3 Intentive Subordinate. — The intentive subordinate translates approximately 'in order to'. It is formed by adding {-nusu-} plus the person suffixes {-qa, -ma, -p"a, -sa} plus the substantive suffix {-taki} to a verb root. walkac. kasa FALT . k. i haq. aru ya£. nusu. i]. taki . 'Just a little lacks now for me to learn Jaqaru.' usu^.uña quwa.sa yak.tna pa.\.nus.p.taki hak.nus.p.taki? 'What do we give the little pheasants to eat, so that they will live?' h a q . p . q a isa aruma h a l . u r . n u s . p . t a k i . q a . . . 'the owner, so he wouldn't get in at night...' Morphophonemics: A. The preceding morpheme ends in a consonant. C. The intentive subordinate forms are: /-nusu. r) .taki/ /-nusu. m . taki/ /-nus. s. taki/ /-nus. p . taki/ 3.12.23.4 Cause Subordinate. — The cause subordinate is formed by adding {-t"a} to the nominalized subordinate. It usually translates 'because'. w a h c . c a . w . & a t a . / M . q . a s i . . . 'maybe just because I am an orphan...' wahca 'orphan' -rja lp -ca limitative -t"a cause sub. -wverbalizer -qa affirmative -katanom. sub. pres. -asi 'maybe' u : k . q a u^u^uíq.wa wik'uña katu.t.p.t"a hayc.k"a.w.ata . 'Those dwarfs, because he had grabbed a vicuña, killed him.' uka 'that' -p"a 3p -qa affirmative cause sub. u£u£ulu 'dwarf' -t'a hayca 'to hit' -wa absolute 'suddenly' -k"a wik'una 'vicuna' -wpast katu 'to grab' 3p remote -tanom. sub. past -ata

MORPHOLOGY

77

Morphophonemics: C. See the Nominalized Subordinate, 3.12.23.2. The person suffixes occur as /-r)-, -p-, -s-/ before {-t"a}. For {-t"a} see 3.22.9. 3.12.23.5 Invariable Subordinates. — There are three invariable subordinates, which are syntactically subordinate clauses, but which show no person reference. They are {-kipa^a} continuing simultaneous, {-maya} negative subordinate, and {-iri} purposive. 3.12.23.51 Continuing Simultaneous. — {-kipa^a}, the continuing simultaneous, indicating action simultaneous with that of the main verb, occurs only when the subject of both clauses is the same. wihC,.kipaC,a u h t . k . i 'whistling he comes' a:k k u k . c a . m a cakc.kipaLp m a . q " . m a lit. 'this your coca chewing, go', f.t. 'as you go, chew your coca' a:ka 'this' -kipa^a 'cont. sim. kuka 'coca' maha 'to go' -ca limitative -q"a repetitive -ma 'your' 2p imperative -ma cakòa 'to chew' Morphophonemics: A. The preceding morpheme drops its vowel. 3.12.23.52 Negative Subordinate. — {-maya}, the negative subordinate, usually translates 'without'. (See 3.31 for subordinate negation with the particle {ma£i}, which may occur with any subordinate.) The subject is always the same in both clauses. u m . t ' a . w a y a . w a was.pta.w.t"a . 'Without drinking, L set out walking.' hayca.c.wa hayc.w.ata hayc.k"a.maya . 'He had only hit him, without killing him.' Morphophonemics: A. Preceding roots end in a consonant, preceding suffixes in a vowel. 3.12.23.53 Purposive Subordinate. — {-iri}, purposive, usually translates 'to, in order to' and is sometimes used for the formation of new stems. For example, {awata} 'to pasture' plus {-iri} gives {awtiri} 'pastor'. Verbally, as a subordinate clause, it expresses purpose. ma.q".iri ut.k.i^i ? 'Is there someone to go?' m a . w . q . t " a yapu.qa il.iri 'I went back to see my chacra' ik.n'.qa uhta.w.q.t"a an^qi.n.qa . 'I came back to sleep in Antxiqi.' Morphophonemics: A. The preceding morpheme drops its vowel.

78

MORPHOLOGY

B. Before {-wa, -qa, -£a}, {-iri} occurs as /-ri-/. Elsewhere /-iri/ occurs. 3.12.23.6 Personalized Subordinate. — The personalized subordinate is usually translated as 'he who'. It is formed by adding {-ri} to a principal verb ending in {-k.i}. No person is indicated in the personalized; the person reference is taken from the main verb. na.w.t".wa ma.&.i.n'.qa 'I am he who goes' hiw.&.z'.n.qa q u n c a . q . w a n . w a 'he who died was my brother' u:k karmaha isa i l . k . i . r i quwa.sa s u £ . p " a ? 'That man who does not see, what is he called?' niwni.&./.r.mna i l . w . u t u . 'They say they saw me stealing.' niwni 'to steal' -mna disclaimer -kpresent ila 'to see' -i 3p -wpast -ri personalized -utu 3-»lp aki.w.ta may.nuri.n.mna qam.&./.r.ha . 'They say you found her in the river washing.' Morphophonemics: B. /-kir-/ occurs before {-mna, -ha}. Elsewhere /-kiri/ occurs.

3.2

SUBSTANTIVES

The substantive system is composed of roots (divided into eight subclasses) and suffixes (eleven order classes). The roots are treated first, with the specific characteristics of each subclass being defined. Treatment of the suffixes follows. 3.21 Substantive

Roots

Substantive roots are those which take the substantive suffixes. They are divided into eight subclasses depending upon the permitted occurrences with substantival suffixes and the syntactical distribution. The subclasses are: nouns, pronouns, demonstratives, interrogatives, space referents, descriptive modifiers, and complex nouns. The distinguishing characteristics of each subclass are described in the respective section. The principal morphophonemics of the substantival roots are described in the morphophonemics section 2.7. The description there applies specifically to noun roots. The other subclasses follow the pattern for noun roots except where noted in the respective sections. 3.21.1 Noun

Roots

The noun root class is the largest of the subclasses of substantive roots, and is open.

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79

Nouns may take any and/or all of the substantive suffixes; they may stand at the head of a nominal phrase (see 4.2); and they may enter into complex nouns. Noun roots consist of minimal morpheme units. 3.21.2 Pronoun Roots Pronoun roots refer exclusively to persons. There are four: na first person huma second person upa third person hiwsa fourth person A pronoun root may function anywhere that a noun root may except that it may not stand at the head of a nominal phrase nor enter into complex nouns. Pronoun roots occur with all substantival suffixes except {-¡¡uk"a, -nuri, -ru}. It is possible for them to occur with the person suffixes, but only in special cases, for example, in a courtship situation. Pronouns may occur with the verbalizing suffixes. Morphophonemics: {na} is invariable. {huma} occurs as /huma/ before verbalizers, {-t"a} (space), and before independents if followed by another root within the same breath group (see 2.6). Elsewhere /hum-/ occurs. {upa} occurs as /upa/ before {-wa, -qa} if followed by another root in the same breath group, /up-/ occurs elsewhere, {hiwsa} occurs as /hiwsa/ before verbalizers. Elsewhere /hiws-/ occurs. 3.21.3 Demonstrative

Roots

The demonstrative roots are five: k"uwa uka u:ka aka a:ka

'over there', 'that over there' 'there' 'that' 'here' 'this'

Demonstrative roots may take any and/or all of the substantive suffixes, as well as verbalizers. They may stand in the place of noun roots, of time-space roots, or of complex nouns, or they may act as modifiers of any of these in a nominal phrase (see 4.2), or they may stand alone. {uka} and {u:ka} are the only roots entering into the idiomatic constructions {uksacapsa, uksaSamna, uksaca, uksaqa, ukcaqa, ukat"a} 'then, afterwards', used as links in narratives. The long vowel of {u:ka} often becomes short and in these constructions the contrast is neutralized. There is one other expression of this type, {watqa}, of uncertain analysis, {uka} and {aka} are used in deriving the two stems {ak'ama} and {uk"ama}

80

MORPHOLOGY

'thus, so, in this (that) manner', from {aka, uka} plus {-hama}. These stems act as unit stems, and may, indeed, take {-hama} as a suffix. {k"uwa} puri. w. t"a k"uwa. ru 'I arrived there' hay.pta.w.i /c"mv. nur. na 'it got lost over in there' {uka} uka. t". wa 'from there' may atqu.mna was.k.ata uk.asu.p"a . 'They say a fox passed by near there.' {u:ka} u :ka. t". wa 'for that reason' u:k SANDIL ima.t yap.qa 'that watermelon planted field' u'.ka.h.ili haq.aru.qa 'that is Jaqaru' u:ka.t. wa n u r . k . a h . t a 'that's all you did' {aka, a:ka} a:ka.s.na nur.ma ak.as.na 'with this of ours do it over here' {aka} ak. asu. n. k. i. wa 'it's over here' aka.ru uht.ma 'come here' {a:ka} a:k. nuri. qa pal. nusu. qa 'this inside for eating' a :k uta. ru sa. m. ili 'to this house, say' Morphophonemics: Demonstrative roots follow the pattern of CVCV noun roots. 3.21.4 Interrogative Roots Interrogative roots are used primarily for introducing information questions, although they may also be used with the independent suffix {-psa} for indefinites or absolute negations. The interrogative roots are: kawi, kawki qaôi ayka aykap"a qaôwira qusi quwa qamisa

'where?' 'who?' 'how much?' 'when?' 'which?' 'why?' 'what, how?' (used for asking for repetition of something said) 'how?'

Interrogative roots may take any and/or all of the substantive suffixes. They usually occur with the independent suffix {-sa}, information interrogative, which rarely occurs on any other type of root, {quwa} never occurs without {-sa}. They do not

MORPHOLOGY

81

stand at the head of a nominal phrase nor do they ever modify another type of root. When interrogative roots occur with the independent suffix {-psa}, they cease to be interrogative and become indefinites, or, in negative sentences, absolutes, e.g.: kaw.psa qus.psa qac.psa

'anywhere, nowhere' 'anything, nothing' 'anybody, nobody'

This is the only non-interrogative use of the interrogative roots, {kawi, kawki} isa.wa m a . k . i . ^ i kaw.psa 'he's not going anywhere' kawi.na.sa il.tna? 'Where do we sleep?' kawki. r.masi.sa ? 'In what spot?' {qa5i} qaci.sa hal.s m u n . k . i ? 'Who wants to go out?' {ayka} ayka. sa ? 'How much?' (price) {aykap"a} ayka.pa.sa. huma.qa k a s a r a . w . t a ? 'When did you marry?' {qacwira} nar)q'a. t. qa qacwira. sa nur. k. tna ? 'From the earth, what thing do we make?' {qusi} qusi. qa. sa ? 'What thing of mine?' {quwa} quwa. sa sa. k. tna ? 'What do we say?' {qamisa} qamisa. sa kaca nur. k. tna ? 'How do we make the manta?' Morphophonemics: All interrogative roots take their full form before {-sa} information interrogative. Otherwise they follow the noun root pattern according to their structure. For the loss of aspiration before {-sa} see 3.42. For the form of {ayka.p'a} see {-p"a}, section 3.22.9. 3.21.5 Time Roots Time roots are treated separately from noun roots, because they do not occur with all of the substantival suffixes, and because they present certain morphological structural patterns that do not occur elsewhere. Time roots are the only class which takes the substantive suffix {-£uk"a}. Person reference suffixes do not occur on time roots, nor do suffixes of the limited class, other than {-^uk"a}. Other substantive suffixes may occur, as well as, of course, independent suffixes. Time roots are not verbalized.

82

MORPHOLOGY

Morphophonemics: Time roots follow the root patterns according to their structure. 3.21.6 Number Roots Number roots may take any and/or all of the substantive suffixes. They may stand alone where noun roots are permitted, or they may form part of a nominal phrase (see 4.2). There is also a morphological system unique to the numbers. The count is based on 10. 1 maya (also used meaning 'other') 2 paha or pani ({pani} is more like 'both', only {paha} is used in higher combinations) 3 kimsa 4 pusi 5 pifiqa 6 suhta 7 qancisi 8 pusaqa 9 isquna 10 curjka The numbers from 11 to 19 are formed by placing the unit after {cuqka} and adding the suffix {-ni}. cuqk. maya. ni cuqk.picqa.ni cugk.pusqa.ni

11 15 18

The multiples of ten are formed by placing the unit before {cuqka}. pah. cut) ka kims. cuqka

20 30

Individual numbers higher than twenty are formed by adding the unit plus {-ni} to the form for the multiple. pah. curj k. maya. ni 21 {pacaka} is 100. {pacaka} is used for forming multiples as is {cuqka}. pacak. maya. ni 101 pacak. pah. cur) ka 120 pacak. pah. cugk. maya. ni pah.pacaka 200

121

{waraqqa}, 1000, is also used in forming multiples. waraqq. maya. ni 1001 piiq. wararjq. pus. pacak. kims. cuqk. suxta. ni

5436

MORPHOLOGY

83

There is a special way for counting days: a complex substantive is formed by the numeral plus {-s-} plus {uru}. This is usually translated ' a f t e r . . . days'. cuqk.s.uru pa.s.uru

'after ten days' 'after two days'

Morphophonemics: Number roots follow the regular pattern for noun roots, according to their structure. The pattern in relation to the suffixes peculiar to numbers is as follows: Before {-ni}, {pusaqa, qancisi} lose their second vowel; all others occur in full form. The multiple formers, {cuqka, pacaka, waraqqa} always drop the final vowel before other number roots in the same construction. Before the multiple formers all other numerals drop the final vowel. Before {-s-}, {paha} occurs as /pa-/. All others drop their final vowel. 3.21.7 Descriptive Modifier Roots Descriptive modifier roots may modify nouns, complex nouns, verbs or verbals. They are distinguished formally from noun roots by the manner of reduplication (see 3.8). They may stand alone in places where noun roots occur (except that they may not occur as heads of phrases). They frequently occur in verbalizations. They may take suffixes except when they modify nouns or complex nouns, thus forming part of a nominal phrase (see 4.2). 2 Although they may take any of the substantive suffixes, they rarely do, except for {-ca}, which occurs with great frequency. c'iq kayu. n . sk"a sumya.6a u t . m a laqa.wa u:ka n u r . w . a t a

'with the left foot, too' 'be quiet' 'he had done that badly'

Morphophonemics: Descriptive modifier roots follow the pattern of noun roots according to their structure. 3.21.8 Complex Nouns Complex nouns are frequent in Jaqaru and the ways in which they are constructed are many. They are treated below in descending order of frequency. The units have word stress (see 1.3, 2.24). Complex nouns containing two morphemes: 1. Noun plus noun. This type of construction accounts for more than one third of all complex nouns. 2 There are a few cases where noun roots have occurred in descriptive modifier positions before other nouns. These few (only four) can be classified either as titles (which is the favored analysis), or as belonging to both subgroups.

84

MORPHOLOGY

wak. hayra wahr. quca

'cow dance' 'horn lake' (toponym)

2. Borrowed form plus noun. These are mostly place names and include Quechua or Spanish loans. Mis.qala YANA.qaqa

'table rock' (toponym) (Sp. mesa) 'black crag' (toponym) (Que. yana-black)

3. Descriptive modifier plus noun. These are nominal phrases which have been 'frozen'. They are especially typical of varieties of corn and potatoes. milak.papa 'red potato'(type) a:riw.turjqu 'purple corn' (type) hunc'.uma 'breakfast'(hot water) 4. Verb plus suffix. These may be formed with {-nusu, -iri, -uru, -su}. ik.nusu qahs. iri c'uk.uru iw.su 5.

6.

Noun plus suffix. May be formed with any suffix a noun can take. ut. sana 'roof' (on top of house) suk. taki 'leather' (for shoes) Noun plus a borrowed form. These are mostly place or plant names. pahs.AwiLA palq. c i k u

7. 8.

'bed'(for sleeping) 'waterfall' (for water-noise-making) 'stick' (a type used in weaving) (sewing in) name of part of the foot plow (planting out)

'old moon (last phase)' (Sp. abuela) 'small fork-shaped' (toponym) (Sp. chico)

Noun plus verb. haq.aru name of the language (people speak) Noun plus descriptive modifier. namp'.harjq'u

'head white' (type of corn)

Complex nouns composed of more than two morphemes: 1. Noun plus verb plus suffix. The final suffix is either {-nusu} or {-iri}. pac. wayr. nusu 'tweezers' (for pulling out thorns) 2. Descriptive modifier plus verb plus suffix. The final suffix is either {-nusu} or {-iri}. c'ump".k"uy.iri 3. 4.

Noun plus noun plus noun. There are all place and plant names. wank. nayr. aq"i 'cave of the eye of the Huancaino' (toponym) Noun plus suffix plus noun. walmic. ham. aq"i

5.

'bird' (type) (red for whistling)

Verb plus suffix plus noun. hac. nus. qala

'cave like a girl' (toponym) 'rock for weeping' (toponym)

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MORPHOLOGY

6.

Verb plus suffix plus suffix. um. nqu. nusu

'for excessive drinking' (toponym) 3.22 Substantive Suffixes

There are twenty-five substantive suffixes divided into eleven order classes, as listed in Table 18, plus one class of suffixes consisting of those for which there is not sufficient data for placing them into an order class. Theoretically, one suffix from each class may occur, but, unlike the case of the verb system, only two or three suffixes, and often only one suffix, at a time are likely to occur. Some suffixes tend to occur alone, others tend to require the co-occurrence of a suffix from another class. These are described in the respective sections. TABLE 18

Substantive Suffixes Limited class -aqqp"ru -Çuk"a -huk"a -wisi CLASS IV -ca

CLASS VIII -masi

CLASS I -una

CLASS II -kuna

CLASS III -nuri -asu -sana

CLASS V -qa -ma -p"a -sa CLASS IX -na

CLASS VI -hama

CLASS VII -ru

CLASS X -wsqa -mina -taki

CLASS XI -ha

-p'a -t"a -kama 3.22.0 Limited Class

There are four substantive suffixes that occur rarely and only after a root before juncture. Therefore they cannot be assigned to any order class. {-ai)qp"ru} 'on top of' ic". atjqp"ru 'on top of the straw' {-£uk"a} 'about, approximately' kims wata. C,uk"a 'about three years' {-huk"a} 'as much as, just like' c,'np.huk"a 'just like a bird' na. huk'a 'as much as I'

86

MORPHOLOGY

{-wisi}

'without'

nas. wisi 'without a nose' Morphophonemics: A. Morphemes preceding {-aqqp"ru, -huk"a, -wisi} drop their vowel. phemes preceding {-£uk"a} keep their vowel.

Mor-

3.22.1 Diminutive The diminutive suffix is {-uña}. It occurs directly after noun roots before other substantive suffixes. iq. uña 'little girl' 'my little lamb was born' wake. uña. r). wa yuri. w. i u£i£ t"ak .ww.ca.qa 'just a little road' Morphophonemics: A. The preceding morpheme in all cases drops its final vowel. B. /-uña/ occurs before juncture, {-ija, -ma}, /-uñ-/ occurs elsewhere. 3.22.2 Plural The plural suffix is {-kuna}, an emphatic, optional plural. Its absence does not imply singular. The plural is not frequent in texts, {-kuna} is used among the substantives as {-rqaya-} is among the verbs. Of the substantive suffixes, only {-uña} precedes (but see 3.22.8). cacuí.uñ.kuna 'little chachullos (a flower)' qayl. kuna. r). sk"a. psa 'probably my kids' qus.kuna n u r . n u s . m a ut.k.i.i^i? 'Are there some things you have to do?' Morphophonemics: A. The preceding morpheme drops its vowel. B. {-kuna} occurs in full form except before 2p, 3p, and 4p. 3.22.3 Spatial Locators There are three spatial locators: {-nuri} 'within', {-asu} 'beside', {-sana}'on top of'. {-nuri} 'within'. a:k.wwn'.qa pal.nusu.qa 'this inside that is for eating' {-nuri} usually occurs with a space relative suffix (see 3.22.9). ucurjs.Hwn'.i.qa hanwa.w.i . 'From inside a hole it appeared.' parar). nur. na 'in Paranha' uk.nuri.c.na 'just inside there' Morphophonemics: A. The preceding morpheme drops its vowel.

MORPHOLOGY

B.

87

/-nur-/ occurs sometimes before {-na}. Elsewhere /-nuri/ occurs.

{-asu} 'next to',

{-asu} always occurs with some space relative.

i k i . w . t " a cus.asu.ru hakat. igna. ca . 'I slept getting myself close up to the corner.' iki

'to sleep'

-ru

'toward'

-w-t"a

past

hakata

'to get close to'

lp

-iqana

l p sub.

cusu

'corner'

-ca

limitative

-asu

'next to'

int. as. kama aq".as.na

'up to where the sun(light) is' 'they sang next to the cave'

KANT.K.I

w a s . k . a t a uk.asu.p"a

'he went walking by there'

Morphophonemics: A.

The preceding morpheme drops its vowel.

B.

/-asu-/ occurs before the person suffixes and before {-p"a, -t"a, -ru}. /-as-/

occurs before {-na, -kama}. {-sana} 'on top of, among'. m a y . sana

'on top of the river'

warmi.sana

'among women'

kims t'anti.ttzwa.wa u t . k . i

'there are three rolls (bread) each'

{-sana} frequently occurs with a space relator, although not as often as {-nuri} and {-asu}. ut. sana. p . na

'on top of his house'

ary.sana, p"a

'by way of up on top'

Morphophonemics : A.

If a space relator follows {-sana}, the morpheme preceding it will drop its

vowel. Otherwise, the preceding morpheme keeps its vowel. B. 3.22.4

{-sana} always occurs in its full form. Limitative

T h e limitative suffix is {-ca}.

It translates rather accurately into the Spanish 'no

más'. English translations could be 'only, just, no more, that's all'. i5".nuri.c\na

'in the grass, that's all'

n a . c. kas. wa u :k. ca. wa

PASA

'j ust me now' . w. i

'that's all that happened'

pani.c.s.wa

'just us two'

wasa.c.na

'just on foot'

{-ca} is one o f the substantive suffixes that can occur with subordinate verb forms.

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MORPHOLOGY

u m . t ' . u s . c a . wa was.pta.w.ta . 'After you had eaten, that's all, you set out walking.' ma? m u s . k . i q n a . c a . n a yuy.kat.w.ima . 'Without my even feeling it, I came to love you.' {-ca} may also occur after the adjectivizer. was.ta.ca.ma uht.q".ma f.t. 'retrace your steps'

lit. 'just that which you walked, come back'

Morphophonemics: A. The shape of the preceding morpheme is conditioned by the individual characteristics of that morpheme and is indicated in the description of those morphemes which precede {-ca}. B. If the preceding morpheme ends in a vowel, /-£-/ occurs if before {-na, -kasa, -wa, -qa} or the person suffixes. Elsewhere /-ca/ occurs. However, there is free variation in the shape of the allomorph in all positions. 3.22.5 Nominal Person Suffixes The nominal person suffixes are possessives on the thing possessed (cf. 3.22.9 and 4.4) and are referred to as such sometimes. Occasionally different meanings result in translating, but the Jaqaru meaning is always possessive. ul.ca.^.wa mayn.ma The suffixes are: -rja -ma -p"a -sa Examples:

'I alone, my self only' lit. 'yours-one, one of yours', f.t. 'one of you'

lp 2p 3p 4p

ut .qa yap. ma halq'.p"a p"ak.sa

'my house' 'your farm' 'your dog' 'our pot'

Morphophonemics: The morphophonemics are extremely complicated. The following is a summary. {-qa} lp. A. {-ca, -sana, -asu, -nuri, -nusu} and the spatial relators retain their full form when they precede {-qa}. B. Before {-na} when the morpheme preceding {-rja} ends in a vowel, the form is /-V.q.na-/; when the preceding morpheme ends in a consonant, the form is /-C.rja.n-/. Before {-wsqa} the form is /-q.sq-/. All other substantive suffixes

MORPHOLOGY

89

follow the f o r m / - V . g . suf./. Before the independent suffix {-sa} the form is /-V. q a . sa/ Before all other independent suffixes the form is /-V.g .suf./. Other suffixes (e.g. verbalizer) follow the pattern of the independents. C. After a root, {-uña, -kuna} before juncture, the allomorph of the morpheme preceding {-qa} ending in a consonant (cf. 3.21.1) will occur in subject situations, the allomorph ending in a vowel will occur in object situations, tat. i]a 'my father' tata. qa 'to my father' This type of distinction is not consistent throughout the language. In fact, it occurs only with these person suffixes before juncture. The first person future for those roots which are ambivalent is homophonous with the object-situation form when occurring before juncture. {-ma} 2p. C. The morphophonemics for {-ma} follow the same rules that apply to {-qa}, except for one case of {-sa}, when the root is not interrogative, in which case the occurrence is parallel with that of the rest of the independents. {-p"a} 3p. A. Preceding morphemes are as in the case of {-qa}. B. Allomorphs occur in both aspirated and unaspirated forms, /-p-/ occurs before {-£i, -na, -qa, -mina -(w)sqa}. /-pa-/ occurs before {-na, -sa}. Before juncture within a breath group /-p-/ is in free variation with the aspirated forms. Before {-ru} the form is / - C . p " . r u / . Before {-na}, if {-£i, -qa} follow {-na}, the form is / - C . p a . n . q a / , otherwise it is / - V . p . n a / . Before {-qa}, if a subject, the form is /-C. p . qa/; if an object /-V. p . qa/. Before all other suffixes the form is /-C. p". suf./. Before juncture the allomorph is /-p"a/. C. After a root the variation is as for {-qa, -ma}. If {-ca} precedes {-p"a} in a subject form, the form is / - V . c . p - / ; if in an object form, then the form is /-C.ca.p-/. {-sa} 4p. B. Before the independent suffix {-sa}, the morpheme preceding {-sa} 4p keeps its vowel and {-sa} 4p occurs as /-sa-/. Before other independents, the morpheme preceding {-sa} 4p drops its vowel, and {-sa} occurs as /-s-/. Before {-na, -hama}, the morpheme preceding {-sa} keeps its vowel and the allomorph is /-s-/. Before {-wsqa}, {-sa} occurs as / 0 / , {-usqa} as /-sqa/. C. In the subject # object situations, when occurring after roots, {-sa} occurs parallel to the other person suffixes. 3.22.6 Simulative The simulative suffix is {-hama}. It usually translates 'like, seem, similar to', haylq'. hama 'like a dog' is. hama. wa. 'not like that, it seems not'

90

MORPHOLOGY

m\s.hama

il.k.i.ri

'he who looks like a cat'

{-ca}, although it belongs to a previous order class, occurs after {-hama}. {-hama} frequently occurs on nominalized forms. up. wa sa. kat. p. hama 'as she used to say...' ma. w. t. hama. w. isi huma. qa 'it seems you've gone' Morphophonemics: A. The preceding morpheme drops its vowel and the /h/ of {-hama} becomes aspiration on the consonant. B. {-hama} occurs as /-ham-/ before {-ca}, as /-hama/ before independents. 3.22.7 Directional The directional suffix {-ru} indicates direction toward. kup. asu. r. qa ut.p".ru qusi. ru may. nuri. ru

'toward the right side' 'to his house' 'what for?' 'going into the river'

Morphophonemics: A. Preceding person suffixes drop their vowel. When {-ru} occurs before juncture, the preceding morpheme, if not a person suffix, tends to keep its vowel. However, there is free variation after a {CVCV} root. Before other substantive suffixes the morpheme preceding {-ru} keeps its vowel and {-ru} occurs as /-r-/. Before independent suffixes the preceding morpheme drops its vowel and {-ru} occurs as /-ru/. If the preceding morpheme is such that it does not lose its vowel (because of its own characteristics), then {-ru} will occur as before substantive suffixes. 3.22.8 Peerate {-masi} peerate, upsets the order classes and demands a special ordering of its own, viz.: before after -masi directional -ru space relatives -p"a -t"a space relative -na possessives -wsqa plural The central meaning of {-masi} is that of belonging. One aspect is that of 'peer, equal, mate, one like the others'. mark. masi

'fellow townsman'

MORPHOLOGY

was. masi sink. masi

91

'those who walked together' 'drunk like the other fellow'

Another aspect is the use of {-masi} to specify a particular spot. kawki.r.wizii'.ta.w.ta.sa? uka. r. masi. p"a

'From what specific part are you?' 'right around here'

Morphophonemics: A. The preceding morpheme drops its vowel. B. {-masi} always occurs in its full form. 3.22.9 Space Relative The space relative suffixes are {-na} 'in', {-p"a} 'through, by', {-t"a} 'from', and {-kama} 'up to'. These four suffixes are, along with the person suffixes, the most frequent of the substantive suffixes. They frequently accompany the spatial locators (see 3.22.3). Specific localization is a regular characteristic of Jaqaru, e.g., {kawki} 'where' is rarely used without an additional suffix, making the meaning specifically 'in where', 'from where', etc. {-na} 'in, with, of (possessive)'. qala.c.na k'uc.k.i 'he just cuts it with a rock' uka. n. k . i. wa 'it is over there' ahc c'ip. na quwa. sa su£. p"a? 'Of the big bird, what's his name?' haq. ar. n. ili aru. m . qa 'well, speak in Jaqaru' pumakanca. n. wa 'in Pumacancha' ut. q a . n. qa 'in my house' huma. na m a . q . k . i. ¡¡i 'Are yours going?' Morphophonemics: B. The allomorph /-n-/ occurs when {-na} precedes another suffix. The morpheme preceding {-na} will end in a vowel unless the suffix following {-na} begins with a vowel, in which case there is free variation as to whether the preceding morpheme ends in a vowel or a consonant. C. When {-na} occurs before juncture the preceding morpheme drops its vowel, unless it individually is one which never drops its vowel. The allomorph /-na/ occurs. {-p"a} 'by, through, from, after'. mayu. qa hah. nac. k . i q'aha ,p"a . 'The river goes down through the valley.' h a l . u r . k . n a may punk.£a./>".mna . 'One entered by only one door.' pus. s. uru ,p"a 'after four days' apsa .p". apsa .p"a 'everyday'

92

MORPHOLOGY

Morphophonemics: A.

I f the preceding morpheme has /p/ as its final consonant, then the f o r m is

/-p.p"a/. B.

Otherwise, the preceding morpheme keeps its vowel and /-p"a/ occurs.

Before {-qa, -na}, /-p-/ occurs.

Before { - s a } , /-pa-/ occurs.

Before other

suffixes, /-p"-/ occurs. { - t " a } 'separative, exchange, from, for'. narjq'a. t. qa

' f r o m the earth'

ut.nuri. fa

' f r o m within the house'

waraqq. qancis. packa. t"a qusi. t"a. sa isa mun. k . uta.

' f o r 1700 (soles)' ? ' W h y don't you like me?'

Morphophonemics: A.

T h e preceding morpheme always keeps its vowel.

B.

Before juncture, /-t"a/ usually occurs, but before another root in the same

breath group it will be in free variation with /-t"/ and /-t/. Before { - s a } , independent, even if { - s a } is not contiguous, /-ta-/ will occur. Before {-qa, -sana, - r a } , /-t-/ occurs. Before other suffixes /-t"-/ occurs. { - k a m a } 'until, up to, as far as'. int. as. kama

'up to where the sun is'

aykap. kama

'until when'

sa. kat. p . kama

'up to where he said'

Morphophonemics: A.

T h e preceding morpheme drops its vowel.

Aspirated consonants lose their

aspiration. B.

{ - k a m a } always occurs in its full f o r m .

3.22.10

Accompaniment

T h e three suffixes o f this class are: -wsqa

'with' f r o m the subject point o f view or with the subject,

-mina

'with' f r o m the object point o f view,

-taki

'in order to, purpose f o r which',

{ - t a k i } occurs very frequently with {-nusu} (cf. 3.12.23.53). { - w s q a } 'with'. hac. p . sqa qarjq. y a . w . i

'with her cry she awoke'

na upa. wsqa

'I with him, we'

tata. rj. sqa

'with my father'

inci. wsqa

'with what's-his-name'

Morphophonemics: A.

Preceding roots keep their v o w e l ; preceding suffixes drop their vowel.

B.

A f t e r roots /-wsqa/ occurs; after suffixes /-sqa/ occurs, { - s a } 4p plus { - w s q a }

is /-sqa/.

MORPHOLOGY

C.

93

mama. wsqa 'with a (the) mother' mam.¿lp

Neither {-qa} nor {-wa} occur in the imperative. simi.ija c ' u k . t ' . m a

'sew my mouth'

There is likely to be neither in questions. huma.

ui. ca. m .

huma

2p remote 3.12.22.2 substantival plural 3.22.2 MM 'to go (doing), to do (as one goes)' 3.12.11 3 ->4p remote 3.12.22.2 3 ->-lp remote 3.12.22.2

-k"a

MM'suddenly'3.12.11

A P P E N D I X III : JAQARU SUFFIXES

121

-li-liw-

fable remote 3.12.14 potentative 3.12.14

-ma -mama -masama -masi -mata -matama -maya -mina -mna -muku

2p, obligatory 3.12.22.31; affirmative imperative 3.12.22.33; nominalized subordinate 3.12.23.2; ¡ritentive subordinate 3.12.23.3; nominal person suffix 3.22.5 1 -^2p, future 3.12.22.32; imperative 3.12.22.33 3 -*2p C T F 3.12.22.34 peerate 3.22.8 2p future 3.12.22.32 3 ->2p future 3.12.22.32; imperative 3.12.22.33 negative subordinate 3.12.23.52 'with' 3.22.10 disclaimer 3.44 M M 'in passing' 3.12.11

-na -na -naca -naqa -ni -ni -nuqu -nuri

'in, of (possession)' 3.22.9 C T F 3.12.22.34 M M ' d o w n ' 3.12.11 M M 'all over, here and there, a great deal' 3.12.11 3p f u t u r e 3.12.22.32 used in counting 3.21.6 M M 'too much, set, leave' 3.12.11 'within' 3.22.3

-nusu

obligatory 3.12.22.1; intentive subordinate 3.12.23.2

-rj -r)a

verbal phrase 4.3 l p , obligatory 3.12.22.1; future 3.12.22.32; imperative 3.12.22.33; nominalized subordinate 3.12.23.2; intentive subordinate 3.12.23.3; nominal person suffix 3.22.5

-pa -psa -pta

M M 3.12.11 compounding additive 3.43 M M 'up, emphatic, completely, first'3.12.11

-p"a -p"a

3p, obligatory 3.12.22.1; imperative 3.12.22.33; nominalized subordinate 3.12.23.2; intentive subordinate 3.12.23.2; nominal person suffix 3.22.5 'through, by' 3.22.9

-qa

affirmative 3.43

-q'a -q"asa -q"ulu

repetitive 3.12.21 M M 'hold, sustain' 3.12.11 M M 'begin, initiate' 3.12.11

-ra -ri -rk"a -rpaya -rqaya-ru

continuant 3.41 personalized subordinate 3.12.23.6 agregate additive 3.42 M M 'beside, outside' 3.12.11 verbal plural 3.12.13 directional 3.22.7

-s-sa

counting days 3.21.6 4p, obligatory 3.12.22.1; nominalized subordinate 3.12.23.2; intentive 3.12.22.3; nominal person suffix 3.22.5 l p C T F 3.12.22.34 information interrogative 3.42 2p C T F 3.12.22.34 4p C T F 3.12.22.34 'on t o p o f ' 3.22.3

-sa -sa -sama -sana -sana

subordinate

122

APPENDIX III : JAQARU SUFFIXES

-saija-sapa-sk"a -sp"a

lp past CTF 3.12.22.34 3p past CTF 3.12.22.34 sequential additive 3.42 3p CTF 3.12.22.34

-starna -su

1 ->2p CTF 3.12.22.34 MM 'emphatically, completely, out' 3.12.11

-¡¡uk"a

-Ci

negative, yes-no interrogative 3.43 'about, approximately' 3.22.0

-ta -ta -taki -tama -tana tata

2p 3.12.22*; negative imperative 3.12.22.33 past nominalized subordinate 3.12.23.2 intentive subordinate 3.12.23.3; 'in order to' 3.22.10 3->2p 3.12.22.1* 4p 3.12.22.1*; future 3.12.22.32 MM 'begin to be, begin to know' 3.12.11

-t"a -t"a -t"a -t"apa

l p 3.12.22* cause subordinate 3.12.23.4 'from' 3.22.9 MM 'cover, put on top of' 3.12.11

-t'a

MM 'once, at once' 3.12.11

-una -uru -usta -ustu -ustuma -ustumana -ustumata -ustuni -ustupana -ustup"a -ustusama -ustusp"a -usu -uta -utu -utuma -utumana -utumata -utuni -utupana -utup"a -utusama -utusp"a

diminutive 3.22.1 MM 'in, put in, humility, poor quality' 3.12.11 2^4p 3.12.22.1*; negative imperative 3.12.22.33 3 ^ 4 p 3.12.22.1* 2 ^ p affirmative imperative 3.12.22.33 2-»4p temporal subordinate 3.12.23.1 2 ->4p future 3.12.22.32 3 ->4p future 3.12.22.32 3n>-4p temporal subordinate 3.12.23.1 3 ->4p imperative 3.12.22.33 2 ->4p C T F 3.12.22.34 3 ->4p C T F 3.12.23.34 3p s.s. temporal subordinate 3.12.23.1 2 ^ 1 p 3.12.22.1*; negative imperative 3.12.22.33 3 ->lp 3.12.22.1* 2->lp affirmative imperative 3.12.22.33 2 - » l p temporal subordinate 3.12.23.1 2->lp future 3.12.22.32 3 ->lp future 3.12.22.32 3 ->lp temporal subordinate 3.12.23.1 3->lp imperative 3.12.22.32 2 ^ 1 p CTF 3.12.22.34 3h>1p C T F 3.12.22.34

-w-wa -wa-wisi -wsqa

past 3.12.22.12 absolute 3.43 verbalizer 3.5 'without' 3.22.0 'with' 3.22.10

-y-

reduplication 3.8 causative 3.12.12

-ya

Appendix

IV

JAQARU ROOTS The Jaqaru roots that have occurred in the examples and the sample text are listed here in alphabetical order, following the order used for the suffixes. In a few cases it has seemed advisable to include some stems, i.e., forms that are more than one morpheme, but in general this has not been done. Listed for each root are the meaning(s) appropriate to its use in the presentation and, in the case of those roots treated in a particular section, the section number, aca 'to bite' ac.t'a 'to stick' ac"a 'lung' ac'iki 'cold, be cold' ac'i 'to carry in the hand things of a granular nature, e.g., kernels of corn' ac"i 'plenty' ahc'a 'big' ahri 'to vomit' aka 'here' 3.21.3 a:ka 'this' 3.21.3 alci 'to find' akisa 'today, now' akuhc'a 'this size' ak"ama 'thus, so, in this manner' 3.21.3 amna 'next year' ampara 'arm' ampta 'up (going)' amuru 'well, good, fine' anca 'very, much' 3.33 ancaci 'much, a lot' 3.33 anqa 'outside' an^iqi toponym apa 'to carry' apsa 'tomorrow' aps. nayana 'day after tomorrow' ap"ra 'dusk' aq'i 'cave' ariwi 'purple' arpa 'to wash' arqa 'above (permanent)' arrmant"a, arrmarrmac"a, arrmataca 'early in the morning' aru 'to speak' aruma 'night' arya 'above, up' asiri 'to carry water in a bucket' aska 'to ask' asaqa 'now, right now' a^ania 'to advise, warn, inform, tell'

124

APPENDIX IV: JAQARU ROOTS

aC'i atuqu awanta aya ayka ayka.p"a aysa

'to dig with a shovel' 'fox' 'front' 'to carry a cylindrical object' 'how much?'3.21.4 'when?' 3.21.4 toponym

c'aka c'a:ka c'ina c'iqa c'irara c'uku

'chest' 'bone' 'back' 'left (side)' 'black' 'to sew'

caculu caka cakca 6aki ciqu ciwri cusu

type of flower 'to seek' 'to chew' 'to look for' 'to carry a small load' toponym

c'ama 'nightfall' c'ipi bird c'ump"i 'red' C'uncukuca toponym curjka

'ten' 3.21.6

c"apa

'nest'

c'asa c'iwsi

type of tree 'to become frightened'

hahaca haha

'to be' (defective stem, analysis uncertain) 'to cry, to sing' 'to blow' hah.pta 'to fly' haka 'to live, to grow' hakata 'to get close to' hala 'to fall' hal. su 'to go out' hal. uru 'to enter' ha:Ii ' don't know' 3.34 halq'u 'dog' hanawa 'to appear' hani imperative negative 3.31 harjq'u 'white' haqi 'people, owner, person' h a q . aru name of the language haqu 'to throw' haq. uru 'to drink (alcoholic drinks)' haruqa 'to remain' hasa 'to accept' haya 'a long time ago, far away' hay aruma 'midnight'

APPENDIX IV: JAQARU ROOTS

'to hit' hayc.k"a 'to kill' 'to play' haylata 'husband' haynu 'to lose' hay. pta hayra 'to dance, dance' hayt'a 'to leave, abandon' hila 'to grow, to deserve or seem to do without doing' 'let's go' 3.34 hi:ra hiwa 'to die' hiwk'i 'earthern bowl' 'we (inclusive)' 3.12.2 hiwsa huh. qata 'to throw' huma 'you' 3.12.2 'hot' hunc'u 'John' hurja hayca

ic'u iki ik"a ila ima imk"i£i inci inti iqaca iqu ira isquna isa isi isapa iwa

'straw' 'to sleep' 'to herd' 'to see' 'to plant' 'to hide' substitute root 3. 'sun' 'serf, agricultural worker, to hire a serf' 'girl' 'to carry' 'nine' 3.21.6 principal negative 3.31 'blanket' 'to hear' 'to plant'

'new wine drink' kacina kaca 'manta' karka 'to carry' karmaha 'man' katu 'to grab, to catch' kawi, kawki 'where?'3.21.4 'cot' kawiti 'foot' kayu kimsa 'three' 3.21.6 kuka 'coca, cocaine leaf' kumpari 'compadre, friend' kupi 'right (side)' kuCi '(once) upon a time' k"ulu k"uwa k"uyu

'tree trunk, log' 'over there, that over there' 3.21.3 'to whistle'

k'ana k'uca k'um£a

'braid of hair' 'to cut with a sharp implement, e.g., an axe' 'to like, to be fond o f

laqa

'ugly, bad'

126

APPENDIX IV: JAQARU ROOTS

luqala luq'i Iutap"a

'boy' 'walking cane' 'very much'

maca maca maha mahici mama mant'a maija marka ma£i mayna maya mayu milaka misi mis. aruma mis.uru muna musu muyu

'to irrigate' type of poisonous herb 'to go' 'to ask for, to order' 'mother' 'to set the table' 'down, this' 'town' subordinate negative 3.31 'one, other' 'one' 3.21.6 'river' 'red' 'cat' 'one night" 'one day' 'to want, like' 'to feel, sense, realize 'to wander'

na naka namp'a naqq'a nap"ra naqa naraya nasa nawa nayana nayra nihk"a nik"a nira nisa niwni nuk'uta nup'i nura nuri nuyq'i nuy.uru

T 3.21.2 'to bum' 'head' 'earth' 'leaf' 'to carry a muscoid substance such as pudding 'to wait' 'nose' 'firewood' 'in a few days' 'eye' 'before, not long ago' 'earlier, then' 'recently' 'in just one moment' 'to rob, steal' 'hair' 'sunlight' 'to do' 'inside' 'to be cloudy' 'to swallow'

na nahc'i naq'u nuq'u

woman to woman greeting 3.32 'to comb hair' 'worm' 'spur (or a cock)'

pa paca paca paci

man to woman greeting 3.32 'to be all the same, to be unimportant 'sky' 'thorn'

APPENDIX IV : JAQARU ROOTS

127

'hundred' 3.21.6 pacaka paha 'two' 3.21.6 pahsi 'month' 'to eat' palu 'fork-shaped' palqa pampa 'to bury' pani 'two' 3.21.6 'to forget' panta papa 'potato' paqila 'all night, overnight' parai] a toponym picqa 'five' 3.21.6 pumakanca toponym 'door' punku puri 'to arrive' pusaqa 'eight' 3.21.6 pusi 'four' 3.21.6 p"aku p"aq"i p"iC"u p"iya

'pot' 'breast pocket of the women's native dress' large silver straight pins with a circle of embossed silver two or three inches in diameter 'in the middle, among' 3.21.6

qaci qacwira qahsi qala qalaya qama qamisa qancisi qagqa qaqa qaqucu qasi qayla qilaya quca qulqa qunca ququru qusi quwa

'who?' 3.21.4 'which?' 3.21.4 'noise of running water' 'rock' 'to begin' 'to wash' 'how?' 3.21.4 'seven' 3.21.6 'clear, transparent, to dawn' 'rocky pinnacle' 'parrot' 'tranquil, accepted, resigned' 'child' 'silver, money' 'lake' 'across the way' 'brother' 'pinch' 'why?' 3.21.4 'what?'3.21.4

q"an£"uru 'all day' q"urq"a 'around the comer q'aha q'iru q'usqa

'valley' 'maguey cactus' "potato with eyes'

saha sa:ma saya

'to say' 'back' 'to stand'

128

APPENDIX IV: JAQARU ROOTS

siwyi suhta

'to frighten' 'six' 3.21.6

sa sarjq'u sayku simi sinka sisi suki sumaya supuna su£i suti

man to man greeting 3.32 'throat, to catch cold' 'to tire, be tired' 'mouth' 'drunk' 'to itch' 'shoe' 'beautiful, good, quiet' 'jacket' 'name' type of potato

£ahsa "ihat"a

'little, small' 'one by one'

tata tinku tu tuhru tuku tuku tumpaca tugqu tuta

'father' 'to find' woman to man greeting 3.32 'walking cane' 'to end' 'owl' 'a little while yet' 'corn' 'yesterday'

t"aki

'road, path'

t'anti t'apra

'bread' 'wool'

ucu ucuijsa uhta uka u:ka uk?i£a uk"ama uk"ap"a ula uma upa upa£a uq"u uru usu usu£a u£i£i u^uCulqu uta

'chile, aji, hot pepper 'hole' 'to come' 'there' 3.21.3 'that'3.21.3 'little' 'thus, so, in that manner' 3.12.3 'everything, all' 'alone, self' 'water, to drink' 'he, she, it, they' 3.12.2 'quiet, tranquil' 'mud' "day' 'illness, to hurt, to be ill' 'pheasant' 'small' 'dwarf, mythological being' 'house, to be'

wahca wahra wahrura

'orphan' 'horn' 'more than a year ago'

APPENDIX IV: JAQARU ROOTS waka 'cow' wakca 'sheep' wak'a 'belt, girdle' wala 'to run' walkaca 'a little' walmici 'girl' walqi 'to caress' wana 'a lot' wanci 'to frighten' wanka 'a person from Huancayo' wanta 'to carry' wa:raha 'star' waraqqa '1000' 3.21.6 warkisa 'last year' warkismayha 'year before last' warmi 'woman' warmi. kuca 'lady lake' toponym warura, warurk"a 'a few days ago' wasa 'to walk, be careful not to' wa£uqa 'Catahuasi' toponym wata 'year' watqa 'then, later' waycawa type of bird wayra 'to carry, pull' wihici 'to finish' wih£i 'to whistle' wik'una 'vicuna' wisu 'to climb' yaka yama yarja yagqana yapu yari ya£i yuri yuya

'to give' 'hunger, to be hungry' 'companion' 'in vain' 'farm, plot, chacra, field' 'black night' 'to learn, know, be accustomed to' 'to be born' 'to love'

129

BIBLIOGRAPHY

The following are studies concerning Tupe that have been carried out by the Instituto de Etnología y Arqueología of the Universidad de San Marcos. The publication Yauyos, Tupe y el idioma kauke contains a complete bibliography of every reference to the community. Avalos de Matos, Rosalia, El ciclo vital en la Comunidad de Tupe (Lima, 1951). Delgado, Carmen, "La religión y la magia en Tupe". San Marcos, Lima, 1960. (Unpublished thesis). Matos Mar, José, La ganadería en la Comunidad de Tupe (Lima, 1951). , Marco geográfico del area cultural del kauke en el Perú (Lima, 1950). , Yauyos, Tupe y el idioma kauke (Lima, 1956). Below are listed the most important linguistic works either used indirectly or directly consulted in the preparation of the dissertation. Halle, Morris, The Jakobson, Roman, bridge, Mass., Nida, Eugene A., Pike, Kenneth L.,

Sound Pattern of Russian (The Hague, 1959). C. Gunnar M. Fant, and Morris Halle, Preliminaries to Speech Analysis (Cam1952). Morphology (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1949). Phonemics (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1947).

Listed below are publications listed in Dr. Matos' bibliography in Yauyos, Tupe y el idioma kauke (see above), other publications in which Tupe and/or Jaqaru is mentioned, and works consulted in the search for information concerning Tupe and Jaqaru. Avellaneda, Jacinto, "Monografía de la Provincia de Yauyos", Boletín de la Sociedad Geográfica de Lima, LX (1943), pp. 146-458. Barranca, José Sebastián, "Fragmentos de una Gramática para el Cauqui", El Siglo, Año III, Nos. 25 and 26 (November 1876), p. 4 if. Bautista Iturrizaga, Dimas, "Tupe y el Jaqaro o Kauke", Boletín el Yauyino, November, 1959, pp. 18-20. Bellido, César, Reseñas Históricas Los Yauyos y los Yungas (Lima, 1946). Brinton, Daniel, La Raza Americana (Buenos Aires, 1946). Bueno, Cosme, Geografía del Perú Virreinal (16th century) (Published by Daniel Valcárcel) (Lima, 1951). Burke, Malcom K., "Journey Across the High Andes", Peruvian Times, August, 1952. Cordova y Urrutia, José Maria de, Estadística histórica, geográfica, industrial y comercial de los pueblos que componen las provincias del departamento de Lima, 2 vols. (1839-1844). El Comercio, Lima, July 31, 1959, and February 7, 1961. El Yauyino, Lima, August 16, 1959. Farfán, J. M. B., "Colección de Textos de Haqe-Aru o Kawki", Revista del Museo Nacional, XXI (Lima, 1953). , "Estudio de un vocabulario de las lenguas Quechua, Aymara y Haqe-aru", Revista del Museo Nacional, XXIV (Lima, 1955), p. 81. , "Notas de viaje: Tupe", Revista del Museo Nacional, XV (Lima, 1946), p. 193.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

131

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and ALPHONSE JUILLAND : Louisiana French Grammar, I : Phonology, Morphology, and Syntax. 1963. 207 pp., 2 maps. Cloth. Gld. 36.— IRENE GARBELL: The Jewish Neo-Aramaic Dialects of Persian Azerbaijan: Linguistic Analysis and Folkloristic Texts. 1965. 342 pp., map. Cloth. Gld. 64.— MORRIS F. GOODMAN: A Comparative Study of Creole French Dialects. 1964.143 pp., map. Gld. 22.— ROLAND HARWEG: Kompositum und Katalysationstext, vornehmlich im spàten Sanskrit. 1964.164 pp. Gld. 25.— GUSTAV HERDAN: The Structuralistic Approach to Chinese Grammar and Vocabulary: Two Essays. 1964. 56 pp., 4 figs. Gld. 18.— ALPHONSE JUILLAND: Dictionnaire Inverse de la Langue Française. 1965. 564 pp., 9 figs. Cloth. Gld. 80.— A. HOOD ROBERTS: A Statistical Linguistic Analysis of American English. 1965. 437 pp., 11 figs., 6 tables. Cloth. Gld. 54.— VALDIS LEJNIEKS: Morphosyntax of the Homeric Greek Verb. 1964.92 pp. Gld. 15.— ROBERT E. DIAMOND: The Diction of the Anglo-Saxon Metrical Psalms. 1963. 59 pp. Gld. 10.— MARILYN CONWELL

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JOSEPH E. GRIMES: H u i c h o l S y n t a x . 1964. 105 p p .

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CLARA N. BUSH :

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Phonetic Variation and Acoustic Distinctive Features : A Study of Four General American Fricatives. 1964. 161 pp., 64 figs., 84 tables. Gld. 30.50 WILLIAM E. CASTLE: The Effect of Selective Narrow-Band Filtering on the Perception of Certain English Vowels. 1964. 209 pp., 53 figs., 84 tables. Gld. 38.— ANN SHANNON: A Descriptive Syntax of the Parker Manuscript of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle from 734-891. 1964. 68 pp. Gld. 13.— EICHI KOBAYASHI: The Verb Forms of the South English Legendary. 1964. 87 pp. Gld. 17.— HOMER L. FIRESTONE : Description and Classification of Sirionô, a Tupi-Guarani Language. 1965. 70 pp., 7 figs. Gld. 18.—

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WOLF LESLAU: E t h i o p i a n A r g o t s . 1964. 65 p p .

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EUGENE A. NIDA: A Synopsis of English Syntax. Second revised edition. 1966. 174 pp. Gld. 21.— ERICA REINER: A Linguistic Analysis of Akkadian. 1966. 155 pp., graph. Gld. 30.— MARVIN K. MAYERS (ed.), Languages of Guatemala. 1966. 318 pp. Gld. 40.— HOWARD w. LAW: Obligatory Constructions of Isthmus Nahuat Grammar. 1966. 73 pp. Gld. 18.— MADELINE E. EHRMAN : The Meanings of the Modals in Present-Day American English. 1966. 106 pp., 6 tables. Gld. 18.— VIKTOR KRUPA: Morpheme and Word in Maori. 1966.83 pp., 26 tables, 1 fig. Gld. 20.— JAN SVARTVIK: On Voice in the English Verb. 1966.214pp.,57tables,25figs. Gld. 24.—

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