Japanese Research on Mass Communication: Selected Abstracts 9780824886073

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^ T H E E A S T - W E S T C E N T E R — f o r m a l l y k n o w n as "The J t Center for C u l t u r a l a n d Technical I n t e r c h a n g e Be\ / \ S t w e e n East a n d West"— w a s e s t a b l i s h e d in H a w a i i by the United S t a t e s C o n g r e s s in 1960. A s a n a t i o n a l e d u c a t i o n a l institution in cooperation w i t h the U n i v e r s i t y of H a w a i i , the C e n t e r h a s the m a n d a t e d goal "to p r o m o t e b e t t e r r e l a t i o n s a n d u n d e r s t a n d i n g b e t w e e n the United S t a t e s and the n a t i o n s of A s i a a n d the Pacific t h r o u g h c o o p e r a t i v e s t u d y , training, a n d r e s e a r c h . " Each y e a r a b o u t 2,000 men a n d w o m e n f r o m t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s a n d some 40 c o u n t r i e s a n d t e r r i t o r i e s of A s i a a n d the Pacific area w o r k a n d s t u d y together w i t h a m u l t i n a t i o n a l E a s t - W e s t Center staff in w i d e - r a n g i n g p r o g r a m s dealing w i t h p r o b l e m s of m u t u a l E a s t - W e s t concern. P a r t i c i p a n t s are s u p p o r t e d by federal s c h o l a r s h i p s and g r a n t s , s u p p l e m e n t e d in some fields by c o n t r i b u t i o n s f r o m A s i a n / Pacific g o v e r n m e n t s a n d p r i v a t e f o u n d a t i o n s . Center p r o g r a m s are c o n d u c t e d by the East-West C o m m u n i c a t i o n Institute, the E a s t - W e s t C u l t u r e Learning Institute, the E a s t - W e s t Food I n s t i t u t e , the E a s t - W e s t P o p u l a t i o n I n s t i t u t e , a n d the E a s t - W e s t T e c h n o l o g y a n d D e v e l o p m e n t I n s t i t u t e . O p e n G r a n t s are a w a r d e d to provide scope for e d u c a t i o n a l a n d r e s e a r c h i n n o v a t i o n , i n c l u d i n g a p r o g r a m in h u m a n i t i e s a n d the a r t s . E a s t - W e s t Center Books are p u b l i s h e d by T h e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s of H a w a i i to f u r t h e r the C e n t e r ' s a i m s a n d p r o g r a m s .

Japanese Research on Mass Communication: Selected Abstracts

Japanese Research on Mass Communication: Selected Abstracts

Hidetoshi Kato with a Foreword by Wilbur Schramm

T

AN EAST-WEST CENTER BOOK From the E a s t - W e s t Communication The University Press of Hawaii Honolulu

Institute

C o p y r i g h t © 1974 by T h e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s of H a w a i i All r i g h t s r e s e r v e d Library of C o n g r e s s Catalog Card N u m b e r 74-81141 ISBN 0-8248-0345-0 M a n u f a c t u r e d in the U n i t e d S t a t e s of A m e r i c a

CONTENTS

Foreword Preface 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33.

ix xi

A Survey of Popular Songs 1 Mass Communications in a Rural Community 2 Semantics and Newspapers—A Study of Key-Symbols in Postwar Japan 3 Communication Behavior in Family Life 4 The Impact of TV upon Housewives and Children 5 Analysis of P r e s s Reporting about the Summit Conference 6 Television in Rural Communities 9 Management of a TV Station 10 A History of TV in Japan 11 A Study of Political Consciousness and Communication Behavior in Urban Dwellers 12 Some Experiments on the Effectiveness of Commercials 13 TV and the Imperial Wedding 14 TV and Political C r i s i s 15 Mass Communication and Public Communication in Japan 17 The Development of Personal Communication in Children between Four and Eight Years Old 18 The Impact of TV upon Children's Activities and Learning 20 Latent Delinquents and TV 21 Children and the Problem of TV: A Mother's View 22 Novels in Newspapers during the War 23 The Structure and Changes of the 'Information Bureau' of Japanese Government during World War II 24 Some Facts about the Readers of Newspapers 25 The Use of Time in Japanese Daily Life 27 Some Characteristics of F a r m e r s ' Radio Listening 28 Petit-Bourgeois Characteristics of Biographies in School Textbooks 29 Classification of Radio P r o g r a m s 30 Violence in TV P r o g r a m s 31 F a r m e r s and Broadcasting 32 Utilization of NHK Educational P r o g r a m s in Schools, 1962 34 Effects of TV School Broadcasts on Children in Remote Places Alienation f r o m School and TV Viewing 36 The Influence of TV upon Children 37 Audience Reaction to 'A Talk with the Prime M i n i s t e r , ' a Special Radio/TV P r o g r a m 38 'Renaissance of Radio': Statistical Basis 40

34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70. 71. 72. 73. 74. 75. 76.

TV P r o g r a m s Favored in the Kansai Area 41 Children's Lives and Television 41 The Needs f o r Media—A Priority Study 43 The Influence of TV upon Children 44 People's Image of TV 45 'Popeye'—A Case Study 46 A Study of Nonlisteners 47 The Growth of TV in Japan 48 A Social History of Best-Selling Books in Postwar Japan 49 Minor Newspapers: A Case Study 50 Is Audience Research Possible with Children ? 52 Television in the Lives of Japanese People 53 Validity of the Diary Method 55 Can Children's TV Viewing Habits Be Changed? 56 Exposure to Newspapers, Television and Radio 57 Some Facts about the Use of Broadcasting in Schools 60 61 Commercial Messages and Children's Speech Mass Communications in Daily Life 63 Motivational Facts about Newspaper Reading 65 The Flow of News 66 Conditions of F a r m e r s ' Radio Listening and TV Viewing 69 Psychology of TV Viewing: A Typological Approach 71 Varieties of TV Viewing Habits 72 Control of Speech under the American Occupation 73 Television as a Mass Medium 74 Television and Local Culture 75 The Changing Characteristics of Newspaper Readers 76 Functions of TV in the Lives of People 78 Mass Communication in the Lives of F a r m e r s 79 Entertainment P r o g r a m s : A Historical Study 80 Patterns in Families and Media Use 81 Changes in Radio Listening 82 Study of a Drama: The Tokyo Olympics on TV 84 The Blind and Broadcasting 85 The Future of Children's Culture 86 'Communicators' in Community Newspapers 87 Newspapers and Student Demonstrations 88 Families Without TV 90 Some Facts about the Viewers of Color TV 91 Decision-Making in Programming 92 The Development of Cognition in Visual Communication: An Experimental Study 93 Union Activities and Media Contacts 94 Okinawa As Depicted in Japanese Newspapers: A Historical Observation 95

77. 78. 79. 80. 81. 82. 83. 84. 85. 86. 87. 88. 89. 90. 91. 92. 93. 94. 95. 96. 97.

An Analysis of the Publications of Local Unions 96 Popular Songs and Their Diffusion 98 Children's Choice 99 TV and Family Life 100 Children and Their Life-Styles 101 Newspapers and the People's 'Right to Know' 102 Attitudes toward TV News 103 Possibilities in 'Community' Communication 104 Youth and the Media 105 Housewives and Morning TV Shows 106 An Aspect of Uses of Time 107 Children and the Mass Media 108 A History of the Palau Radio Station 110 Characteristics of People Who Supported Political Candidates f r o m the Entertainment World 111 Youth and Their Attitudes toward TV 112 A History of Broadcasting in Okinawa 113 The Uses of Broadcasting in School 114 The Mass Media Audience and Current Terminology 115 A Brief History of Newspapers in Okinawa 116 Newspaper Coverage of the Tokyo Governor's Election 117 Cartoon P r o g r a m s on TV 119

List of Periodicals Index 123

121

FOREWORD

It is a commentary on our general level of linguistic facility that so much of the communication research of countries like Japan, China, and Korea remains unknown outside the country of origin. Few scholars in other countries of the world are able as yet to read those languages. Therefore, Professor Kato has done a great service in this volume by unlocking the door that has barred English-reading scholars from Japanese communication research. With grace and scholarly authority he presents, in the following pages, 98 long abstracts in English of significant Japanese research. For readers who have previously seen little of communication research in Japan, the results will be eye-opening. Few countries have documented so well the communication behavior of different segments of their population. A large number of the abstracts in this book are of audience studies. They range from a remarkable daily time study of the behavior of 170,000 Japanese in 1962 (abstract number 22) to a month-long study of a single family in which communication behavior was observed and analyzed in minute detail (number 4). Different studies examine children's media behavior at all ages from kindergarten to the teen years. Still another study seeks out and analyzes the "politically concerned public" (number 14). The use of radio by blind people is analyzed in number 67: 89 percent of the sample listened to radio regularly, half of them for more than three hours a day. Study 60 follows changes in media taste through the years of television's growth. From 1955 to 1966, it reports that average time per reader on the daily newspaper decreased from 55 to 38 minutes a day. Study 65 finds that the decline in radio use was even more abrupt. One study (78) follows a typical popular song through its public cycle: 12 weeks on the way up, 4 weeks at peak popularity, 13 weeks down. The richness and variety of these audience studies is matched by some of the reports on the extraordinarily well-developed Japanese mass media system. For example, in 1972 the average elementary school in Japan had nine television sets, a little more than two on the average for each classroom. Forty-two percent of all kindergartens had color television. And 90 percent of all kindergartens and elementary schools were reported as using ETV regularly (abstract 97). Broad-scale studies like these are balanced by thought-provoking results of a less global kind. The favorite popular songs identified in an early study were found to be the ones that made people feel "lonesome" (abstract 1). The heaviest users of ETV among children, in its earlier years at least, were found not be be maladjusted children, but rather the brighter children who came from better educated families (30). The people found to be most critical of television are those who use it mostly for news and information, rather than for entertainment (55). And about 90 percent of a sample of Japanese children were found to imitate television commercials (50).

ix

As might be guessed from these results, Japanese communication research depends heavily on the survey method. Less than 10 percent of the studies in this volume report experimental results; a little over 10 percent derive from content or historical analysis; but nearly two-thirds report on surveys. The methodological contribution of this research seems to be less significant than the substantive results themselves. Nevertheless, there are several interesting comparisons of diary methods. One ingenious researcher developed a "bubble gum" methodology in which a child is assumed to become interested in what he is watching when he stops chewing (number 39). A typology of viewing—accidental, random, selective, and instrumental—is tried out (56), and in still another study (21) an associative technique is experimented with. It was found that "typhoon" was most likely to be associated with radio, "United Nations" with newspaper, and "fun" with TV. Professor Kato is head of the Communication Design Institute of Kyoto, and divides his time between that organization and the Communication Institute of the East-West Center. He was formerly a member of the faculty of the University of Kyoto. We are all in his debt for his skilled and usable presentation of Japanese communication research in this volume.

Wilbur Schramm Director East-West Communication Institute

x

PREFACE

In the past few decades in Japan, much scholarly research has been done on the communication media, and many research monographs have been published. But only a fraction of this potential contribution to worldwide communication research has become available to scholars outside Japan, simply because of language difficulties. This volume is designed to bridge that information gap between communication researchers of East and West. Its primary purpose is to serve scholars outside Japan by providing abstracts of selected books and articles on the communication media and media research in Japan in the past twenty years. The entries were selected to suggest the variety of subject matter and approaches, and they encompass the history, effects, contents, and audience of the various media. They are presented in simple chronological order, with a subject matter index. The emphasis is on factual data rather than interpretation, because of the difficulty of summarizing complex methodological and philosophical discussions in a brief abstract. It should be noted, therefore, that many important philosophical contributions had to be omitted. As the reader will see, broadcasting research predominates over studies of other media. This is partly because researchers have been more interested in the relatively new media of radio and television, and partly because more quantitative survey research has been done in the broadcasting field. This work has involved members of the staff of two institutions, the East-West Communication Institute, East-West Center, and the Communication Design Institute, Kyoto. Acknowledgment must be made to three successive directors of the EastWest Communication Institute, Lyle Webster, Michio Nagai, and Wilbur Schramm, each of whom has lent support and encouragement to this work. Among the other individuals who contributed, I am indebted to Akira Yamamoto and Hideo Kitamura for help in selecting the publications to be abstracted; Virginia Jamieson and Christine D'Arc Sakaguchi for extraordinary editorial assistance; Sumi Konoshima for advice on bibliographic organization; and Pamela Fukuda, Sharon Saito, and Deborah Leung, for typing the manuscript and preparing the final book for the printer.

H. Kato

Honolulu July 1973

xi

No. 1

NO. 1. "A Survey of Popular Songs"

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AUTHOR: Takashi Inui f i f e ' ¿ I S it SOURCE: Yume to Omokage, Tokyo, Chuo Koronsha, 1952, pp. 201-218

1952 P P . 201-218

PURPOSE A great number of popular songs have been produced in Japan. But little is known about the kinds of songs that attract people and about the psychological effects songs have on them. This article is a report of research on the popular song audience. METHOD A questionnaire was distributed to a sample of 533 young people in the Tokyo area. The respondents included high school and college students, factory workers, white-collar workers, and nurses. The survey was conducted in April 1948. MAJOR FINDINGS 1. There was no single popular song that was liked by the majority of respondents. To the question "What is your favorite song?" "Yamagoya no Tomoshibi" was mentioned most frequently; however, it earned only 38 out of the 533 votes. In other words, the most popular song was favored by only 7 percent of the respondents. This shows a divergence rather than convergence of choices. 2. More than half the respondents (63 percent) said that they only enjoyed listening to their favorite songs, not singing the songs themselves. The rest (37 percent) liked both listening and singing. 3. The majority of the respondents said that they learned songs by listening to the radio, but many of them were not sure about their answer. They said they learned the songs "naturally" and rather unconsciously from various sources. 4. The melody of the song, not the lyrics, was what made it popular. 5. More than 55 percent of the respondents said that they liked their favorite songs because the songs made them feel "lonesome" rather than "happy."

Nos. 1,2 6. Approximately 30 percent of the respondents said that they sang their favorite songs when they were lonesome or bored, while 25 percent sang them when they felt happy and gay.

NO. 2. "Mass Communications in a Rural Community" AUTHOR: Hajime Ikeuchi SOURCE: The Bulletin of the Institute of Journalism, University of Tokyo, No. 2, 1953, pp. 104-153

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No. 2

1953

P P . 104 -

153

PURPOSE Field r e s e a r c h was conducted to determine the patterns of media exposure in a small r u r a l community, focusing on newspaper-reading habits. [Editor's note: This is one of the very few instances of m a s s communication r e s e a r c h done in the p r e - T V period. ] METHOD Kaneda-mura, a small village in Kanagawa P r e f e c t u r e , was selected as the r e s e a r c h field for its relatively compact scale (pop. 950) and for the cooperativeness of the village administration. Five faculty m e m b e r s and seven students of Tokyo University conducted interviews with 317 residents, o r approximately one-third of the total village population, in September 1952, following a brief pretest in August of the same y e a r . MAJOR FINDINGS 1. Fully 93 percent of the village households were regular subscribers to at least one newspaper, and 83 percent had radio r e c e i v e r s . 2. Of the respondents, 66.0 percent said that they read a newspaper every day; 16.7 percent said they read a newspaper occasionally; and another 17. 0 percent never read it. Every-day r e a d e r s were found much more among men (85.4 percent) than women (48.6 percent). Those who had an education past intermediate school read much m o r e (88.2 percent) than did elementary school graduates (64. 8 percent). 3. One-quarter (25.9 percent) of the respondents spent 20-30 minutes a

2

Nos. 1,2 6. Approximately 30 percent of the respondents said that they sang their favorite songs when they were lonesome or bored, while 25 percent sang them when they felt happy and gay.

NO. 2. "Mass Communications in a Rural Community" AUTHOR: Hajime Ikeuchi SOURCE: The Bulletin of the Institute of Journalism, University of Tokyo, No. 2, 1953, pp. 104-153

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No. 2

1953

P P . 104 -

153

PURPOSE Field r e s e a r c h was conducted to determine the patterns of media exposure in a small r u r a l community, focusing on newspaper-reading habits. [Editor's note: This is one of the very few instances of m a s s communication r e s e a r c h done in the p r e - T V period. ] METHOD Kaneda-mura, a small village in Kanagawa P r e f e c t u r e , was selected as the r e s e a r c h field for its relatively compact scale (pop. 950) and for the cooperativeness of the village administration. Five faculty m e m b e r s and seven students of Tokyo University conducted interviews with 317 residents, o r approximately one-third of the total village population, in September 1952, following a brief pretest in August of the same y e a r . MAJOR FINDINGS 1. Fully 93 percent of the village households were regular subscribers to at least one newspaper, and 83 percent had radio r e c e i v e r s . 2. Of the respondents, 66.0 percent said that they read a newspaper every day; 16.7 percent said they read a newspaper occasionally; and another 17. 0 percent never read it. Every-day r e a d e r s were found much more among men (85.4 percent) than women (48.6 percent). Those who had an education past intermediate school read much m o r e (88.2 percent) than did elementary school graduates (64. 8 percent). 3. One-quarter (25.9 percent) of the respondents spent 20-30 minutes a

2

Nos. 2,3

day reading the paper, and 17.0 percent spent 30-60 minutes. 4. Respondents w e r e asked what news items they had read in the paper that day; 40.6 percent mentioned local (prefectural) news, while r e l a t i v e l y few people mentioned political (17.0 percent) o r cultural (6.3 percent) news. About one-fifth (19. 8 percent) said they read s e r i a l fiction, and 14.1 percent read the stock-market news. 5. In spite of the high readership of newspapers, r e a d e r s did not possess much factual information on current political topics. 6. Asked whether they thought newspapers w e r e useful f o r r u r a l communit i e s , 37 percent of the respondents answered that they w e r e v e r y useful, citing information concerning insecticides (27.8 percent), plant c a r e (22.6 percent), and other technical innovations. However, 61 percent did not consider newspapers v e r y useful f o r r u r a l communities.

NO. 3. "Semantics and N e w s p a p e r s — A Study of Key-Symbols in Postwar Japan" AUTHOR:

Hidetoshi Kato

Sf H in S M ffi r3tib S n . - > t - ' j 3 >1 &3E£

19 71 P.

84-117

SOURCE: Bunka to Communication (Culture and Communication), A r t i c l e written 1956, book Tokyo, 1971, pp. 83-117

PURPOSE " F r e e d o m " and " d e m o c r a c y " have been two of the most important k e y symbols in postwar Japan. This a r t i c l e is a study of the use of these significant k e y - s y m b o l s in historical context. METHOD A s the sample, all issues of the Asahi Shimbun f o r January 1947 and January 1952 w e r e carefully studied. T h e frequency of the key-symbols was counted; not only the noun f o r m s " f r e e d o m " and " d e m o c r a c y , " but also the adjective f o r m s ( " f r e e , " " d e m o c r a t i c , " e t c . ) . A f t e r this quantitative content a n a l y s i s , the contextual meanings w e r e examined to determine historical changes in the uses of these k e y - s y m b o l s .

3

Nos. 2,3

day reading the paper, and 17.0 percent spent 30-60 minutes. 4. Respondents w e r e asked what news items they had read in the paper that day; 40.6 percent mentioned local (prefectural) news, while r e l a t i v e l y few people mentioned political (17.0 percent) o r cultural (6.3 percent) news. About one-fifth (19. 8 percent) said they read s e r i a l fiction, and 14.1 percent read the stock-market news. 5. In spite of the high readership of newspapers, r e a d e r s did not possess much factual information on current political topics. 6. Asked whether they thought newspapers w e r e useful f o r r u r a l communit i e s , 37 percent of the respondents answered that they w e r e v e r y useful, citing information concerning insecticides (27.8 percent), plant c a r e (22.6 percent), and other technical innovations. However, 61 percent did not consider newspapers v e r y useful f o r r u r a l communities.

NO. 3. "Semantics and N e w s p a p e r s — A Study of Key-Symbols in Postwar Japan" AUTHOR:

Hidetoshi Kato

Sf H in S M ffi r3tib S n . - > t - ' j 3 >1 &3E£

19 71 P.

84-117

SOURCE: Bunka to Communication (Culture and Communication), A r t i c l e written 1956, book Tokyo, 1971, pp. 83-117

PURPOSE " F r e e d o m " and " d e m o c r a c y " have been two of the most important k e y symbols in postwar Japan. This a r t i c l e is a study of the use of these significant k e y - s y m b o l s in historical context. METHOD A s the sample, all issues of the Asahi Shimbun f o r January 1947 and January 1952 w e r e carefully studied. T h e frequency of the key-symbols was counted; not only the noun f o r m s " f r e e d o m " and " d e m o c r a c y , " but also the adjective f o r m s ( " f r e e , " " d e m o c r a t i c , " e t c . ) . A f t e r this quantitative content a n a l y s i s , the contextual meanings w e r e examined to determine historical changes in the uses of these k e y - s y m b o l s .

3

Nos. 3,4 MAJOR FINDINGS 1. The frequency of the use of the word "freedom" and related t e r m s (including the adjective "free") increased f r o m 43 in 1947 to 130 in 1952. For "democracy" and related t e r m s (e.g. "democratic"), the frequency decreased f r o m 181 in 1947 to 78 in 1952. 2. The increase in "freedom" (and related terms) was caused largely by an increase in the usage of the t e r m " f r e e nations," a t e r m unknown in 1947. 3. The decrease in the use of the word "democracy" (and related terms) was owed to the disappearance of t e r m s such as "democratization," "democratic revolution," and "democratic f r o n t , " which had been popular in 1947. 4. In 1947, "democracy" was often used in reference to particular and concrete events. For instance, a citizen criticized as "undemocratic" the behavior of a municipal official with whom he had had an encounter. In 1952, the use of "democracy" had become more abstract and ritualistic, lacking concrete r e f e r e n c e s . 5. In 1947, both key-symbols were used as means of attacking t r a d i tional institutions. Bureaucracy, paternalism, m i l i t a r i s m , and feudalistic elements were attacked in the name of democracy and freedom. In 1952, the u s e s of the key-symbols had become defensive. For instance, democracy was described as something to be preserved and maintained r a t h e r than something to be achieved. Democracy was thought to be especially endangered by the ongoing r e a r m a m e n t plans of Japan.

NO. 4. "Communication Behavior in Family Life" AUTHOR: Hidetoshi Kato

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ira» n& 1957, 2 P P-92 - 108

SOURCE: Shis5, February 1957, pp. 92-108 PURPOSE Daily life consists of a s e r i e s of communication behaviors, including many types of interpersonal communication, group communication, and m a s s communication. This is a report of a field study in which the communicative behavior of a family was observed in detail by social-anthropological methods combined with communication r e s e a r c h techniques. METHOD In 1959, the author spent three months as a resident in a village in Nara Prefecture, living with a middle-income f a r m e r ' s family. During his stay, he 4

Nos. 3,4 MAJOR FINDINGS 1. The frequency of the use of the word "freedom" and related t e r m s (including the adjective "free") increased f r o m 43 in 1947 to 130 in 1952. For "democracy" and related t e r m s (e.g. "democratic"), the frequency decreased f r o m 181 in 1947 to 78 in 1952. 2. The increase in "freedom" (and related terms) was caused largely by an increase in the usage of the t e r m " f r e e nations," a t e r m unknown in 1947. 3. The decrease in the use of the word "democracy" (and related terms) was owed to the disappearance of t e r m s such as "democratization," "democratic revolution," and "democratic f r o n t , " which had been popular in 1947. 4. In 1947, "democracy" was often used in reference to particular and concrete events. For instance, a citizen criticized as "undemocratic" the behavior of a municipal official with whom he had had an encounter. In 1952, the use of "democracy" had become more abstract and ritualistic, lacking concrete r e f e r e n c e s . 5. In 1947, both key-symbols were used as means of attacking t r a d i tional institutions. Bureaucracy, paternalism, m i l i t a r i s m , and feudalistic elements were attacked in the name of democracy and freedom. In 1952, the u s e s of the key-symbols had become defensive. For instance, democracy was described as something to be preserved and maintained r a t h e r than something to be achieved. Democracy was thought to be especially endangered by the ongoing r e a r m a m e n t plans of Japan.

NO. 4. "Communication Behavior in Family Life" AUTHOR: Hidetoshi Kato

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ira» n& 1957, 2 P P-92 - 108

SOURCE: Shis5, February 1957, pp. 92-108 PURPOSE Daily life consists of a s e r i e s of communication behaviors, including many types of interpersonal communication, group communication, and m a s s communication. This is a report of a field study in which the communicative behavior of a family was observed in detail by social-anthropological methods combined with communication r e s e a r c h techniques. METHOD In 1959, the author spent three months as a resident in a village in Nara Prefecture, living with a middle-income f a r m e r ' s family. During his stay, he 4

Nos. 4, 5

compiled both statistical and descriptive data. The family consisted of 11 members, of three different generations. The author was accepted as a houseguest and spent most of his time conducting participant-observations. MAJOR FINDINGS 1. The family's dinner conversation was recorded and then classified by content into Bales' human interaction categories. It was found that 7 7 . 9 percent of the conversation was "instrumental-adaptive, " and 2 2 . 1 percent "expressiveintegrative." 2 . The most dominant speaker at dinner was the grandmother, who spoke during 2 5 . 1 percent of the total conversation. Next dominant were the father (20 percent) and the grandfather (18.9 percent). The mother only spoke 11.2 percent during dinner. 3. When the women (except for the grandmother) spoke, it was mainly to ask questions or request instructions. The men made the decisions and gave orders. 4. It was found that 28. 7 percent of the conversation consisted of man-to man communication, 4 4 . 6 percent woman-to-woman, and 26. 7 percent integrated. 5. The men read the newspaper in the morning, but the women scarcely read it at all. 6. The radio was on from after dinner until bedtime. The grandmother usually chose the programs. (The study was conducted when TV was still new, and the family did not own a s e t . ) 7. The unmarried daughter of the family was the only high school graduate in the family, and her media experience was unique. She was the only person who subscribed to a monthly magazine, to which the rest of the family paid no attention at all, and she was the only movie fan. She often went shopping in m e t r o politan Osaka and brought back many new cooking recipes for the family. 8. The author invited the grandmother to see a movie in a nearby town. She showed some difficulty in following the story through montage and other visual techniques. She said that she liked movies but was afraid that if she went to see them she would be regarded in the neighborhood as a "movie-crazy old woman. " This explains why, until the author took her out, she had not been to a movie in five y e a r s .

NO. 5. "The Impact of TV upon Housewives and Children" AUTHOR: J i r o Hino SOURCE: Commercial Broadcasting Research, No. 9, 1957, pp. 18-29

Hi®»« B If -X SH SHStaef % Ito 9 1957^ PP.

18-29

5

Nos. 4, 5

compiled both statistical and descriptive data. The family consisted of 11 members, of three different generations. The author was accepted as a houseguest and spent most of his time conducting participant-observations. MAJOR FINDINGS 1. The family's dinner conversation was recorded and then classified by content into Bales' human interaction categories. It was found that 7 7 . 9 percent of the conversation was "instrumental-adaptive, " and 2 2 . 1 percent "expressiveintegrative." 2 . The most dominant speaker at dinner was the grandmother, who spoke during 2 5 . 1 percent of the total conversation. Next dominant were the father (20 percent) and the grandfather (18.9 percent). The mother only spoke 11.2 percent during dinner. 3. When the women (except for the grandmother) spoke, it was mainly to ask questions or request instructions. The men made the decisions and gave orders. 4. It was found that 28. 7 percent of the conversation consisted of man-to man communication, 4 4 . 6 percent woman-to-woman, and 26. 7 percent integrated. 5. The men read the newspaper in the morning, but the women scarcely read it at all. 6. The radio was on from after dinner until bedtime. The grandmother usually chose the programs. (The study was conducted when TV was still new, and the family did not own a s e t . ) 7. The unmarried daughter of the family was the only high school graduate in the family, and her media experience was unique. She was the only person who subscribed to a monthly magazine, to which the rest of the family paid no attention at all, and she was the only movie fan. She often went shopping in m e t r o politan Osaka and brought back many new cooking recipes for the family. 8. The author invited the grandmother to see a movie in a nearby town. She showed some difficulty in following the story through montage and other visual techniques. She said that she liked movies but was afraid that if she went to see them she would be regarded in the neighborhood as a "movie-crazy old woman. " This explains why, until the author took her out, she had not been to a movie in five y e a r s .

NO. 5. "The Impact of TV upon Housewives and Children" AUTHOR: J i r o Hino SOURCE: Commercial Broadcasting Research, No. 9, 1957, pp. 18-29

Hi®»« B If -X SH SHStaef % Ito 9 1957^ PP.

18-29

5

Nos. 5,6 PURPOSE Survey r e s e a r c h was conducted by the r e s e a r c h department of Tokyo Broadcasting System (TBS), in cooperation with Tokyo University and Nippon Women's University, to see the effects of television, after the f i r s t three y e a r s of broadcasting, on family life, especially upon housewives and children. METHOD The sample was obtained from the subscription list of TV owners in the Tokyo metropolitan area: 600 respondents were interviewed in the Tokyo University (T) study, and 933 respondents participated in the Nippon Women's University (N) study. MAJOR FINDINGS 1. Results of the N study revealed that TV cooking lessons were watched regularly by 32.5 percent of the housewives; occasionally by 42. 3 percent of the housewives; and not at all by 2 4 . 3 percent. Of the housewives who had watched the cooking lessons, 52.2 percent had actually tried the recipes given. 2. In the T study, 41.8 percent of housewives said that the sense of togetherness of their families had increased very much a f t e r they purchased TV sets, and another 41.6 percent said that they saw a slight increase. Only 14.6 percent saw no change in their family life. 3. The N study showed that a f t e r TV sets were purchased, children went to bed somewhat later in 40 percent of the homes, and the children went to bed "very late" in another 17.6 percent of the homes. 4. In the N study, 48.9 percent of the mothers saw no significant effect of TV on their children's achievement in school, while 28.9 percent reported that their children's school achievement diminished after TV entered their homes. 5. In the T study, 5 0 . 1 percent of the housewives saw a d e c r e a s e in the household's entertainment expenditures after they bought a TV, and 47.4 percent saw little difference in this r e g a r d .

NO. 6. "Analysis of P r e s s Reporting about the Summit Conference" AUTHOR: Keizo Okabe et al. SOURCE: The Bulletin of the Institute of Journalism, University of Tokyo, No. 6, 1957, pp. 41-82

6

Ui^gSianAMcSJIShfcfr W PP ® H. ffe No 6 1957^ P P . 41-82

Nos. 5,6 PURPOSE Survey r e s e a r c h was conducted by the r e s e a r c h department of Tokyo Broadcasting System (TBS), in cooperation with Tokyo University and Nippon Women's University, to see the effects of television, after the f i r s t three y e a r s of broadcasting, on family life, especially upon housewives and children. METHOD The sample was obtained from the subscription list of TV owners in the Tokyo metropolitan area: 600 respondents were interviewed in the Tokyo University (T) study, and 933 respondents participated in the Nippon Women's University (N) study. MAJOR FINDINGS 1. Results of the N study revealed that TV cooking lessons were watched regularly by 32.5 percent of the housewives; occasionally by 42. 3 percent of the housewives; and not at all by 2 4 . 3 percent. Of the housewives who had watched the cooking lessons, 52.2 percent had actually tried the recipes given. 2. In the T study, 41.8 percent of housewives said that the sense of togetherness of their families had increased very much a f t e r they purchased TV sets, and another 41.6 percent said that they saw a slight increase. Only 14.6 percent saw no change in their family life. 3. The N study showed that a f t e r TV sets were purchased, children went to bed somewhat later in 40 percent of the homes, and the children went to bed "very late" in another 17.6 percent of the homes. 4. In the N study, 48.9 percent of the mothers saw no significant effect of TV on their children's achievement in school, while 28.9 percent reported that their children's school achievement diminished after TV entered their homes. 5. In the T study, 5 0 . 1 percent of the housewives saw a d e c r e a s e in the household's entertainment expenditures after they bought a TV, and 47.4 percent saw little difference in this r e g a r d .

NO. 6. "Analysis of P r e s s Reporting about the Summit Conference" AUTHOR: Keizo Okabe et al. SOURCE: The Bulletin of the Institute of Journalism, University of Tokyo, No. 6, 1957, pp. 41-82

6

Ui^gSianAMcSJIShfcfr W PP ® H. ffe No 6 1957^ P P . 41-82

No. 6 PURPOSE The Great Power summit conference held in Geneva in July 1955 was a highly important international conference, and m a j o r media throughout the world covered it. This paper analyzes the reportage of leading newspapers in eight countries. METHOD All issues of the eight newspapers f r o m July 12 to 31, 1955, were examined quantitatively. The newspapers were New York Times (N. Y . T . ) , the Times (London), Le Monde, Pravda, Frankfurter Allgemeine (F. A.), Berliner Zeitung (B. Z . ) , Jin Min Jih Pao (J. M . J . P . ) , and Asahi Shimbun. The r e p o r t s on the conference were measured in t e r m s of space (square centimeters) and were classified as to type of contents. MAJOR FINDINGS 1. The table below shows the percentage of summit-conference r e p o r t s (including news, editorials, and related items) in the total space of each newspaper, by week. Table: Proportion of Summit-Conference News in Total Issue (%)

Newspaper

July 12-18

19-24

25-31

N.Y.T.

2.38

6.01

1.22

Times

1.88

3.28

0.10

Le Monde

6.10

9.92

5.21

12.11

43.50

6.34

F. A.

3.87

11.17

2.43

B. Z.

5.89

9.11

2.64

J. M.J. P.

1.36

7.50

3.40

Asahi

6.86

11.46

1.43

Pravda

7

No. 6

2. As regards type of published information, the Times had the heaviest coverage of news reports (71. 7 percent), followed by Le Monde (61.1 percent). Pravda and N. Y. T. were relatively low in news reports (42.0 percent and 41.4 percent, respectively); instead they used more space to print the whole text of the speeches by delegates. 3. N. Y . T . ran editorials dealing with the conference f o r six successive days, while Le Monde did it f o r four, the Times three, and Pravda, F. A . , B. Z . , only once.

8

No. 7

NO. 7. "Television in Rural Communities"

m« t?

u e Wit C B C u ,-tf - h 1958 , 4 PP . 38-40

AUTHOR: Naritoku Arimitsu SOURCE: CBC Report, April 1958 pp. 38-40 PURPOSE

To a s s e s s the impact of television upon r u r a l communities of the world, UNESCO sponsored an experimental study in Rennes, France in 1953-54. During this period, Radio Tellvision France (the national TV network) produced thirteen special p r o g r a m s , designed to promote the modernization of r u r a l France, under the s e r i e s title "Etat d'Urgence" ("State of Emergency"). In 1956-57, a similar study was conducted in Japan, where thirteen comparable programs were broadcast for r u r a l communities. Whereas in France the villagers were assembled through twenty " t e l e - c l u b s , " in Japan the boards of education in sixty-four communities sponsored "TV a s s e m b l i e s , " and TV r e c e i v e r s for group viewing were purchased jointly by national and local governments and UNESCO. This article analyzes the responses of the villagers to the s e r i e s of p r o g r a m s . METHOD A sample of 850 was selected f r o m those who participated in the "TV assemblies" throughout Japan. They w e r e asked to fill out questionnaires twice (December 1956 and April 1957) to indicate their program p r e f e r e n c e s . MAJOR FINDINGS 1. As Table 1 indicates, many people p r e f e r r e d entertainment programs over other kinds. But the same persons showed an interest in educational p r o grams and for them "entertainment" and "education" overlapped. Table 1: Kinds of P r o g r a m s P r e f e r r e d (%) Date

Entertainment

Professional Information

Family

Drama

Science

News

Dec. 1956

61.6

25.0

36.1

12.2

11.2

39.2

Apr. 1957

63.4

39.8

35.3

10.4

10.2

33.3

9

Nos. 7,8 2.

The programs provided new knowledge for the f a r m e r s (see Table 2).

Table 2: Types of Knowledge Obtained (%) Date

Agriculture

Science

Family Life

Politics

Dec. 1956

1.9

9.1

11.6

36.5

Apr. 1957

27.5

6.8

6.4

6.1

3. More than 30 percent of the respondents found postprogram discussion useful, and they emphasized the advantage of TV over movies in the availability of instantaneous news and in the variety of p r o g r a m s . But 25 percent said that the smallness of the screen in the "TV a s s e m b l y , " was a disadvantage over movies because it made group viewing difficult. Another 20 percent said that, unlike going to the movies, they could not choose the program they wanted to see.

NO. 8. "Management of a TV Station" AUTHOR: Junzo Imamichi

ffi

x 1/ t: ® « ® ® ft 1* ÜH ffi 19 58,11 P . 176 - 193

SOURCE: Shiso, November 1958 pp. 176-193 A commercial TV station in Japan has to compete with both NHK, the huge public broadcasting network, and other commercial stations. But four c o m m e r cial TV stations in the Tokyo area managed to make a profit. In the case of TBS (Tokyo Broadcasting System), for instance, its net income for October 1957 through March 1958 was approximately ¥ 2 billion (approximately US$7 million), and its total expenditure was ¥ 1 . 7 billion, thus leaving a profit of some ¥ 0 . 3 billion. At that time, national networks were being formed, and part of TBS's s u c c e s s was owed to its affiliation with RKB (Kyushu), OTV (Osaka), CBC (Nagoya), and HBC (Hokkaido). For obvious reasons, national sponsors wanted closely affiliated networks, and cooperation was needed for high-quality news p r o g r a m s . But the t e r m "network" in Japan has a somewhat different meaning f r o m common American usage. In Japan, a network is an affiliation of several independent

10

Nos. 7,8 2.

The programs provided new knowledge for the f a r m e r s (see Table 2).

Table 2: Types of Knowledge Obtained (%) Date

Agriculture

Science

Family Life

Politics

Dec. 1956

1.9

9.1

11.6

36.5

Apr. 1957

27.5

6.8

6.4

6.1

3. More than 30 percent of the respondents found postprogram discussion useful, and they emphasized the advantage of TV over movies in the availability of instantaneous news and in the variety of p r o g r a m s . But 25 percent said that the smallness of the screen in the "TV a s s e m b l y , " was a disadvantage over movies because it made group viewing difficult. Another 20 percent said that, unlike going to the movies, they could not choose the program they wanted to see.

NO. 8. "Management of a TV Station" AUTHOR: Junzo Imamichi

ffi

x 1/ t: ® « ® ® ft 1* ÜH ffi 19 58,11 P . 176 - 193

SOURCE: Shiso, November 1958 pp. 176-193 A commercial TV station in Japan has to compete with both NHK, the huge public broadcasting network, and other commercial stations. But four c o m m e r cial TV stations in the Tokyo area managed to make a profit. In the case of TBS (Tokyo Broadcasting System), for instance, its net income for October 1957 through March 1958 was approximately ¥ 2 billion (approximately US$7 million), and its total expenditure was ¥ 1 . 7 billion, thus leaving a profit of some ¥ 0 . 3 billion. At that time, national networks were being formed, and part of TBS's s u c c e s s was owed to its affiliation with RKB (Kyushu), OTV (Osaka), CBC (Nagoya), and HBC (Hokkaido). For obvious reasons, national sponsors wanted closely affiliated networks, and cooperation was needed for high-quality news p r o g r a m s . But the t e r m "network" in Japan has a somewhat different meaning f r o m common American usage. In Japan, a network is an affiliation of several independent

10

No. 9 stations. A network does not have its own name, unlike CBS and NBC in the United States. Contrary to the popular assumption that in Japan newspapers are the major stockholders of TV stations, only 10 percent of TBS capital is held by three big newspapers, Asahi, Mainiehi, and Yomiuri. The biggest shareholder is Nomura Securities Co., which owns 6. 02 percent of TBS stock, followed by Nikko Securities (3.30 percent). The ten top shareholders, including Nomura and Nikko Securities, the newspapers, and insurance and advertising agencies, own 30.34 percent of the total capital of TBS. Thus, the shareholders are diversified. Advertising agencies in Japan are peculiar in that one company, Dentsu, handles 45-48 percent of all broadcast advertising, and the rest is shared by hundreds of minor agencies. The second largest agency, Hakuhodo, handles only 8 percent. The overwhelming strength of Dentsu is a problem. In the author's view, the improvement of advertising in Japanese television requires the rise of able competitors of Dentsu.

NO. 9. "A History of TV in Japan" AUTHOR: Shigeru Shiozawa

Bifflf

l/KSEUe £ iR 26 u tf*jfi 1958 P.

44-48

SOURCE: TV Directory, published by Kinema Jumposha, 1958, pp. 44-48 Research on the technology of television in Japan started in 1923, with the experiments of Kenjiro Takayanagi of the Hamamatsu Technical High School. His experimental television receiver made a successful transmission in 1927. In 1930, NHK inaugurated a television R&D program, and the engineering department of Waseda University developed its own TV system. Both Hamamatsu and Waseda systems gave their first public demonstration in 1932, telecasting a baseball game. In 1933, the Japan Society of Television, a scientific organization, was established. With the goal of telecasting the Tokyo Olympics, scheduled for 1940, NHK rushed to develop a practical system. NHK's experimental telecast was successfully done in May 1939, and in April 1940 the first television drama was produced.

11

No. 9 stations. A network does not have its own name, unlike CBS and NBC in the United States. Contrary to the popular assumption that in Japan newspapers are the major stockholders of TV stations, only 10 percent of TBS capital is held by three big newspapers, Asahi, Mainiehi, and Yomiuri. The biggest shareholder is Nomura Securities Co., which owns 6. 02 percent of TBS stock, followed by Nikko Securities (3.30 percent). The ten top shareholders, including Nomura and Nikko Securities, the newspapers, and insurance and advertising agencies, own 30.34 percent of the total capital of TBS. Thus, the shareholders are diversified. Advertising agencies in Japan are peculiar in that one company, Dentsu, handles 45-48 percent of all broadcast advertising, and the rest is shared by hundreds of minor agencies. The second largest agency, Hakuhodo, handles only 8 percent. The overwhelming strength of Dentsu is a problem. In the author's view, the improvement of advertising in Japanese television requires the rise of able competitors of Dentsu.

NO. 9. "A History of TV in Japan" AUTHOR: Shigeru Shiozawa

Bifflf

l/KSEUe £ iR 26 u tf*jfi 1958 P.

44-48

SOURCE: TV Directory, published by Kinema Jumposha, 1958, pp. 44-48 Research on the technology of television in Japan started in 1923, with the experiments of Kenjiro Takayanagi of the Hamamatsu Technical High School. His experimental television receiver made a successful transmission in 1927. In 1930, NHK inaugurated a television R&D program, and the engineering department of Waseda University developed its own TV system. Both Hamamatsu and Waseda systems gave their first public demonstration in 1932, telecasting a baseball game. In 1933, the Japan Society of Television, a scientific organization, was established. With the goal of telecasting the Tokyo Olympics, scheduled for 1940, NHK rushed to develop a practical system. NHK's experimental telecast was successfully done in May 1939, and in April 1940 the first television drama was produced.

11

Nos. 9,10 From 1941 to 1946, research was discontinued because of World War II. In 1948, the revived continuation of prewar technological research, combined with new technical information from abroad, especially from the United States, enabled NHK to experiment with cable television. But NHK was still not ready to start TV broadcasting in the early 1950s. The first TV broadcasting license was given to Nippon TV Company (NTV), a commercial station in Tokyo, in August 1952. Shocked by the quick progress of NTV, NHK changed its policy and submitted its application for a TV broadcasting license. The application was approved in time for NHK to inaugurate its regular television broadcasts before NTV, on February 1, 1953. NTV did not begin regular broadcasting until August 1953. In 1953 there were only 866 television receivers in Japan. To attract more viewers, NTV installed a number of "street TVs" to expose passersby to the new medium. By such efforts, NTV miraculously earned a profit as early as 1955. By 1957, as a result of mass production, the price of a TV set had dropped to one-fourth of the 1953 price.

NO. 10. "A Study of Political Consciousness and Communication Behavior in Urban Dwellers" AUTHOR: Tohru Takahashi et al. SOURCE: The Bulletin of the Institute of Journalism, University of Tokyo, No. 7, 1958, pp. 83-182

»¡U»»rUR«®&;i}«l«£ a ä d.-'t—u a yfrWi

xm m, Na 7

*#*]*«!

1958^ P P . 83-182

PURPOSE People are exposed to the mass media as members of social groups and social classes, not as isolated individuals. This paper is a summary report of a survey to determine people's uses of mass media in relation to their place in the social structure. METHOD Itabashi Ward in Tokyo was selected as the locale for study. This ward is an old suburban area that is still expanding. Its population includes factory workers, small entrepreneurs, white-collar workers, and professionals. After a series of

12

Nos. 9,10 From 1941 to 1946, research was discontinued because of World War II. In 1948, the revived continuation of prewar technological research, combined with new technical information from abroad, especially from the United States, enabled NHK to experiment with cable television. But NHK was still not ready to start TV broadcasting in the early 1950s. The first TV broadcasting license was given to Nippon TV Company (NTV), a commercial station in Tokyo, in August 1952. Shocked by the quick progress of NTV, NHK changed its policy and submitted its application for a TV broadcasting license. The application was approved in time for NHK to inaugurate its regular television broadcasts before NTV, on February 1, 1953. NTV did not begin regular broadcasting until August 1953. In 1953 there were only 866 television receivers in Japan. To attract more viewers, NTV installed a number of "street TVs" to expose passersby to the new medium. By such efforts, NTV miraculously earned a profit as early as 1955. By 1957, as a result of mass production, the price of a TV set had dropped to one-fourth of the 1953 price.

NO. 10. "A Study of Political Consciousness and Communication Behavior in Urban Dwellers" AUTHOR: Tohru Takahashi et al. SOURCE: The Bulletin of the Institute of Journalism, University of Tokyo, No. 7, 1958, pp. 83-182

»¡U»»rUR«®&;i}«l«£ a ä d.-'t—u a yfrWi

xm m, Na 7

*#*]*«!

1958^ P P . 83-182

PURPOSE People are exposed to the mass media as members of social groups and social classes, not as isolated individuals. This paper is a summary report of a survey to determine people's uses of mass media in relation to their place in the social structure. METHOD Itabashi Ward in Tokyo was selected as the locale for study. This ward is an old suburban area that is still expanding. Its population includes factory workers, small entrepreneurs, white-collar workers, and professionals. After a series of

12

Nos. 10,11 pretests, an interview survey was made in October 1957 with a sample of 508 residents of the ward. MAJOR FINDINGS 1. The most significant factors affecting mass media use were educational background, income level, and social class. Age was found to be the least significant. 2. People with higher education, higher incomes, and middle-class status tended to look for political and social information from media, while people with lower education, lower income, and working-class status were more interested in the entertainment that media provided. 3. About three-fourths (78 percent) of the respondents participated in some kind of group activity in their neighborhood or place of work. Middle-class senior citizens participated the most. 4. The people who supported progressive political parties tended to see more instrumental (learning, teaching, persuasion) values in interpersonal communication, while supporters of conservative parties looked for "fun" in interpersonal communication. 5. About one-third (36. 6 percent) of the respondents were critical of the commercialism of newspapers, while 32.6 percent thought that newspapers well represented public opinion and interests. Another 11.6 percent saw newspapers as the agents of powerful political-economic groups. The rest of the respondents were either neutral or gave no answer. 6. The serious readers of newspapers were found to be more critical of the media.

NO. 11. "Some Experiments on the Effectiveness of Commercials" AUTHOR: Research Department, Asahi Broadcasting Co.

ma su» a is » 8F 3E No 6 1958 f^ P P . 1-29

SOURCE: Commercial Broadcasting Research, No. 6, 1958, pp. 1-29 PURPOSE Commercial messages must, for obvious reasons, reach and be remembered by the audience. This paper reports on a series of experiments to test the communicability of short spot commercials.

13

Nos. 10,11 pretests, an interview survey was made in October 1957 with a sample of 508 residents of the ward. MAJOR FINDINGS 1. The most significant factors affecting mass media use were educational background, income level, and social class. Age was found to be the least significant. 2. People with higher education, higher incomes, and middle-class status tended to look for political and social information from media, while people with lower education, lower income, and working-class status were more interested in the entertainment that media provided. 3. About three-fourths (78 percent) of the respondents participated in some kind of group activity in their neighborhood or place of work. Middle-class senior citizens participated the most. 4. The people who supported progressive political parties tended to see more instrumental (learning, teaching, persuasion) values in interpersonal communication, while supporters of conservative parties looked for "fun" in interpersonal communication. 5. About one-third (36. 6 percent) of the respondents were critical of the commercialism of newspapers, while 32.6 percent thought that newspapers well represented public opinion and interests. Another 11.6 percent saw newspapers as the agents of powerful political-economic groups. The rest of the respondents were either neutral or gave no answer. 6. The serious readers of newspapers were found to be more critical of the media.

NO. 11. "Some Experiments on the Effectiveness of Commercials" AUTHOR: Research Department, Asahi Broadcasting Co.

ma su» a is » 8F 3E No 6 1958 f^ P P . 1-29

SOURCE: Commercial Broadcasting Research, No. 6, 1958, pp. 1-29 PURPOSE Commercial messages must, for obvious reasons, reach and be remembered by the audience. This paper reports on a series of experiments to test the communicability of short spot commercials.

13

Nos. 11,12 METHOD Twenty university students were invited to participate in the experiments , which took place in a classroom at Kyoto University in July and November 1957. They listened to tapes of fictional commercials, 25 seconds long, all advertising fictitious merchandise. MAJOR FINDINGS 1. In one part of the experiments, 15 different spot commercials were made for the same merchandise, with one to four selling points each. The r e p r o duction (memory) ratio was found to be higher when the spot contained three selling points r a t h e r than only one, though no saturation point was discovered. 2. The psychological theory of sequential position was found to be valid for the structure of spot commercials. That is, the sentences (or words) at the beginning and end of a commercial message were better remembered than were those in the middle. 3. When people were exposed to the same s e r i e s of commercials for five consecutive days, the recall r a t e increased considerably. The first day it was 47.5 percent; the second day, 60.2 percent; the third day, 64.6 percent; the fourth day, 69. 3 percent; and the fifth day, 75.6 percent. These figures seem to prove the repeat effect of learning theory. 4. Women liked and remembered women's merchandise advertised by women, and men liked male announcers to sell men's goods.

NO. 12. "TV and the Imperial Wedding" AUTHOR: Akira Takahashi SOURCE: CBC Report, June 1959, pp. 3-13

? O t; £ ffl a >i gf a? Sffi # CBCu#-K i i l 1959 *f p p . 3-13

PURPOSE April 10, 1959 was the day of the wedding ceremony of Crown Prince Akihito and Michiko Shoda. Many Japanese watched the televised parts of the festivities. Indeed, a great many people decided to purchase a TV set for this historic occasion. This paper examines the impact of TV programs on that day. METHOD A r e s e a r c h team f r o m the journalism department of Tokyo University chose 598 houses along the route of the carriage-borne wedding procession, and conducted 14

Nos. 11,12 METHOD Twenty university students were invited to participate in the experiments , which took place in a classroom at Kyoto University in July and November 1957. They listened to tapes of fictional commercials, 25 seconds long, all advertising fictitious merchandise. MAJOR FINDINGS 1. In one part of the experiments, 15 different spot commercials were made for the same merchandise, with one to four selling points each. The r e p r o duction (memory) ratio was found to be higher when the spot contained three selling points r a t h e r than only one, though no saturation point was discovered. 2. The psychological theory of sequential position was found to be valid for the structure of spot commercials. That is, the sentences (or words) at the beginning and end of a commercial message were better remembered than were those in the middle. 3. When people were exposed to the same s e r i e s of commercials for five consecutive days, the recall r a t e increased considerably. The first day it was 47.5 percent; the second day, 60.2 percent; the third day, 64.6 percent; the fourth day, 69. 3 percent; and the fifth day, 75.6 percent. These figures seem to prove the repeat effect of learning theory. 4. Women liked and remembered women's merchandise advertised by women, and men liked male announcers to sell men's goods.

NO. 12. "TV and the Imperial Wedding" AUTHOR: Akira Takahashi SOURCE: CBC Report, June 1959, pp. 3-13

? O t; £ ffl a >i gf a? Sffi # CBCu#-K i i l 1959 *f p p . 3-13

PURPOSE April 10, 1959 was the day of the wedding ceremony of Crown Prince Akihito and Michiko Shoda. Many Japanese watched the televised parts of the festivities. Indeed, a great many people decided to purchase a TV set for this historic occasion. This paper examines the impact of TV programs on that day. METHOD A r e s e a r c h team f r o m the journalism department of Tokyo University chose 598 houses along the route of the carriage-borne wedding procession, and conducted 14

Nos. 12,13 individual interviews with members of these households on the wedding day. MAJOR FINDINGS 1. From 6 o'clock in the morning until 10 o'clock at night, the television stations in Tokyo broadcast the procession and other news related to the wedding. The respondents watched television an average of 10 hours and 35 minutes. This was about three times the duration of normal viewing. 2. Asked what specific broadcast they found most impressive, 47.9 percent of the viewers chose the on-the-spot broadcast of the procession; 12.3 percent chose the moment Michiko arrived at the Imperial House; and 11.7 percent chose the live broadcast of the wedding ceremony. Over 72 percent of the broadcast was live. 3. Of the 598 households, only 17.1 percent actually went out to see the procession, although, living on the route, they could easily have done so. More than 80 percent chose to stay at home and watch it over television. As reasons for not watching it in person, 23.1 percent cited congestion on the road; 38 percent said that they would only have been able to see the small part of the procession that passed their house; and 6 percent stated that television offered the advantage of a clear explanation of what was happening at each point. In short, television satisfied and surpassed the respondents' desire for direct experience. 4. The interest of the television viewers was of two types. The first type was motivated by curiosity; 52.6 percent of the respondents wanted to see the splendor and the grandeur surrounding the Imperial Family. The other type was motivated by sentiment toward the people'in the ceremony; those respondents (22.6 percent) wished in some sense to congratulate the prince and the new princess. 5. Although the results described above were predicted beforehand, further study revealed that the people who described themselves as primarily curious were really emotionally involved when watching the live broadcasts. This was shown in the rating of scenes. The scene rated as most impressive by the entire sample was a close-up of the prince and princess (48 percent), whereas the scene showing the grandeur and beauty of the procession rated a lower second (25 percent).

NO. 13. "TV and Political Crisis" AUTHORS: Masaki Takizawa, Sakuichi Nakagawa SOURCE: CBC Report, August 1960, pp. 3-7

KiSFn'Jffi® " » iCfiKSi m k JE at. + JII FI CBCi/,1!- h I960 PP. 3 - 7

15

Nos. 12,13 individual interviews with members of these households on the wedding day. MAJOR FINDINGS 1. From 6 o'clock in the morning until 10 o'clock at night, the television stations in Tokyo broadcast the procession and other news related to the wedding. The respondents watched television an average of 10 hours and 35 minutes. This was about three times the duration of normal viewing. 2. Asked what specific broadcast they found most impressive, 47.9 percent of the viewers chose the on-the-spot broadcast of the procession; 12.3 percent chose the moment Michiko arrived at the Imperial House; and 11.7 percent chose the live broadcast of the wedding ceremony. Over 72 percent of the broadcast was live. 3. Of the 598 households, only 17.1 percent actually went out to see the procession, although, living on the route, they could easily have done so. More than 80 percent chose to stay at home and watch it over television. As reasons for not watching it in person, 23.1 percent cited congestion on the road; 38 percent said that they would only have been able to see the small part of the procession that passed their house; and 6 percent stated that television offered the advantage of a clear explanation of what was happening at each point. In short, television satisfied and surpassed the respondents' desire for direct experience. 4. The interest of the television viewers was of two types. The first type was motivated by curiosity; 52.6 percent of the respondents wanted to see the splendor and the grandeur surrounding the Imperial Family. The other type was motivated by sentiment toward the people'in the ceremony; those respondents (22.6 percent) wished in some sense to congratulate the prince and the new princess. 5. Although the results described above were predicted beforehand, further study revealed that the people who described themselves as primarily curious were really emotionally involved when watching the live broadcasts. This was shown in the rating of scenes. The scene rated as most impressive by the entire sample was a close-up of the prince and princess (48 percent), whereas the scene showing the grandeur and beauty of the procession rated a lower second (25 percent).

NO. 13. "TV and Political Crisis" AUTHORS: Masaki Takizawa, Sakuichi Nakagawa SOURCE: CBC Report, August 1960, pp. 3-7

KiSFn'Jffi® " » iCfiKSi m k JE at. + JII FI CBCi/,1!- h I960 PP. 3 - 7

15

No. 13 PROBLEM The months of May and June 1960 were a period of acute political crisis in Japan because of the renegotiation of the mutual security treaty beween Japan and the United States. Thousands of people demonstrated around the parliament buildings every day, and confrontations of demonstrators with police continued day and night. In this paper the authors investigate the effects of that political crisis upon the patterns of T V viewing. METHOD A cross-section sample of 260 people was selected from the residents of Minato Ward in Tokyo, and they were interviewed in June 1960. MAJOR FINDINGS 1. In comparison with their normal pattern of viewing, respondents spent more time watching TV newscasts during the critical two months. While 39. 9 percent of the respondents said that they watched news programs as much as they did usually, 17 percent said that they did not miss any news program, and 32.9 percent said that they were more attentive to the news than usual. Only 5.9 percent did not pay much attention to the newscasts. In other words, to judge from newscast viewing, 50 percent of the audience was found to be the "concerned public." 2. By sex, men (69.5 percent) were more concerned about the political crisis than women (30.5 percent). By age, men in their thirties were the most concerned, while women in their twenties watched newscasts much more than the rest of their sex. 3. Of 89 major news programs during these months, the highest audience rating (33.5 percent) was for the NHK daily news at 7 p. m . , and 9 of the 10 most popular programs were those on the NHK network. The public's association of news programs with NHK is demonstrated in these figures. 4. Respondents tended to evaluate TV news programs on the basis of their political preferences. For example, progressives liked the live broadcasts of demonstrations and thought that broadcasters took an antigovernment position. On the other hand, the conservatives, judging from the less dramatic programs such as roundtable discussions by scholars and politicians in a studio, thought that broadcasters were conscientious. The reinforcement effects of media are apparent in these findings.

16

No. 14 NO. 14. "Mass Communication and Public Communication in Japan"

ïiï

AUTHOR: Hidetoshi Kato SOURCE: Newspaper Research, No. I l l October 1960, pp. 8-13

fto« * < $ Si M SF ft Na 111 1960 ^ 1 0 ^ ^ P P . 8-13

According to international comparative statistics prepared by UNESCO and other agencies, and by such scholars as Wilbur Schramm and Richard Carter, the development of mass communications in Japan is among the highest in the world. For instance, Japan is one of the most highly developed in the diffusion of newspaper and broadcasting media. Her literacy rate is highest in the world, and the consumption of magazines and books is also extremely high. In the development of mass communications, Japan is quite similar to West Germany, Great Britain, and the United States. However, in public communication, such as telephone and mail service, Japan is not one of the most highly developed countries. The following table shows the diffusion of those two public communication media in various countries; the figures indicate that Japan is quite underdeveloped. The use of postal service in Japan is only 20 percent, and telephone only 15 percent, of America's rate. Table: Diffusion of Postal and Telephone Service Number of telephones per 100 people

Country

Number of pieces of mail received per year per capita

U.S.A.

329

37.97

England

177

14.53

West Germany

124

9.30

France

117

8.29

Italy

83

Japan

66

4.69

17

Nos. 14,15 The implication of these data is that interpersonal communication may be much less active in Japan than in other industrialized societies. Indeed, an analytical survey done by the National Institute of Language revealed that a housewife in a rural village spoke only a few times a day. The Japanese communication system, therefore, is peculiar in the sense that it has evolved with heavy emphasis on "mass media" and with relatively little concern for public communication.

NO. 15. "The Development of Personal Communication in Children between Four and Eight Years Old" AUTHOR: Kanji Hatano and others

a î a - r - - > a virWifflJêjlWBfJS ( D i ^ K ^ S SiiaSTffl/^-v+Ji- • => î 3 vfflSS ¡s £ s ss sê fis S*SrMBF3EmifES Na 9

1 9 6 0 ip P P • 5 5 - 8 2

SOURCE: The Bulletin of the Institute of Journalism, University of Tokyo, No. 9, 1960, pp. 55-82 PURPOSE Jean Piaget and other child psychologists have studied the development of symbolic and communicative behavior in very young children. These psychologists in particular demonstrated the sequence of development from expressive monologue to interpersonal instrumental dialogue, or social communication. This paper r e ports on an investigation of the patterns of success and failure in interpersonal communication among children between 4 and 8 years old. METHOD In contrast to Piaget, whose method was observation of children's natural play, the author set up an experimental facility consisting of two telephones installed in two separate rooms. Two children, A and B, were given multicolored boxes that could be opened only when certain sides were inserted in a particular sequence. Inside the box, A would find five red cards, and B would find ten blue cards. The task for A, who was told how to open the box, was to instruct B how to open his box through phone conversation. When B succeeded in opening his box, then both A and B were asked to compare the contents, again by phone conversation. The participants in this experiment included 134 children from kindergarten to 3rd grade (aged 4-8). The A and B pairs were of the same age group. The experiments were conducted in September 1958 and March 1959.

18

Nos. 14,15 The implication of these data is that interpersonal communication may be much less active in Japan than in other industrialized societies. Indeed, an analytical survey done by the National Institute of Language revealed that a housewife in a rural village spoke only a few times a day. The Japanese communication system, therefore, is peculiar in the sense that it has evolved with heavy emphasis on "mass media" and with relatively little concern for public communication.

NO. 15. "The Development of Personal Communication in Children between Four and Eight Years Old" AUTHOR: Kanji Hatano and others

a î a - r - - > a virWifflJêjlWBfJS ( D i ^ K ^ S SiiaSTffl/^-v+Ji- • => î 3 vfflSS ¡s £ s ss sê fis S*SrMBF3EmifES Na 9

1 9 6 0 ip P P • 5 5 - 8 2

SOURCE: The Bulletin of the Institute of Journalism, University of Tokyo, No. 9, 1960, pp. 55-82 PURPOSE Jean Piaget and other child psychologists have studied the development of symbolic and communicative behavior in very young children. These psychologists in particular demonstrated the sequence of development from expressive monologue to interpersonal instrumental dialogue, or social communication. This paper r e ports on an investigation of the patterns of success and failure in interpersonal communication among children between 4 and 8 years old. METHOD In contrast to Piaget, whose method was observation of children's natural play, the author set up an experimental facility consisting of two telephones installed in two separate rooms. Two children, A and B, were given multicolored boxes that could be opened only when certain sides were inserted in a particular sequence. Inside the box, A would find five red cards, and B would find ten blue cards. The task for A, who was told how to open the box, was to instruct B how to open his box through phone conversation. When B succeeded in opening his box, then both A and B were asked to compare the contents, again by phone conversation. The participants in this experiment included 134 children from kindergarten to 3rd grade (aged 4-8). The A and B pairs were of the same age group. The experiments were conducted in September 1958 and March 1959.

18

No. 15 MAJOR FINDINGS 1. Analysis of the recorded conversations showed that the older children were more successful in conversation. Table 1 shows the results of their conversations in how to open the box and in comparing the contents. Table 1: Results of Conversational Tasks Result (%)

4

5

Acre 6

7

8

How To Open the Box Conversation Success 3

37.4

46.0

71.7

81. 2

86. 0

Intermediate'5

23.4

12.5

10.2

5. 4

8. 1

Failure 0

41.8

39.0

18.1

13. 3

6. 0

Comparison of Contents Conversation Success 3

42.1

55.3

69.8

77. 0

80. 0

Intermediate'3

16.3

15.8

14.9

9 9

8. 9

Failure 0

40.5

28.8

15.2

12 9

11. 0

a Success = sequential, two-way conversation established, ''intermediate = isolated questions and answers, not sequential °Failure = monologue or one-way conversation

2. The amount of information exchanged between the two children increased from age 4 to age 7, but 8-year-olds communicated with few words, as they knew how to make conversation more compact. Redundancy also decreased at the age of 8. 3. The children's overall success in solving the problem is shown by age in Table 2.

19

Nos. 15,16 Table 2: Overall Results in Solving the Problem Result (%)

4

5

Solved

40

47

Unsolved

60

53

NO. 16. "The Impact of TV upon Children's Activities and Learning" AUTHOR: Katsumi Ugawa SOURCE: Working Paper, Liberal Arts Department, Kagawa Univ., Sec. I, No. 13, 1960

Age 6

7

8

50

84

100

50

16

0

f iJB 1 l> A « A » A £ SF M » 1964 ^ P P . 1-11

PURPOSE In every instance, broadcast research has revealed that there are groups of people who do not listen to the radio regularly at all. Who are they? Why don't they listen to the radio? These questions are studied in this report. METHOD The data came from surveys conducted by NHK in 1957-63. The answers of six respondents were analyzed for comparative purposes. MAJOR FINDINGS 1. The number of nonlisteners has been increasing. In a 1957 survey, nonlisteners numbered only 6.3 percent; in 1963, this rate had increased to 26.0 percent. 2. Generally speaking, the rate increase occurred mostly among young people. In 1957, only 4.3 percent of those between the ages of 15 and 19 were nonlisteners, but in 1963 the ratio jumped to 26.0 percent. Among people in their fifties, the proportion of nonlisteners rose during the same period from 9 . 5 percent to 26. 8 percent. The rate increase was higher among people with higher educational backgrounds. 3. Nonlisteners were, in most cases, those who chose not to listen to the radio, not those who did not have access to a radio. Their expectations about radio varied very much depending on program contents. If exposed to radio programs, they tolerated weather reports the most (96 percent) and agricultural programs the least (47 percent). Those who did not want to listen to any kind of radio programs made up 19 percent of the nonlisteners.

47

Nos. 39,40 rather exploratory, the results were impressive. Children did not respond to the parts about which the adults had worried and focused instead on the parts to which adults had not paid attention at all. The children responded mostly to naive action scenes and gags. The significance of their response was weakened, however, because the children were already familiar with the particular program used in the experiment. Having seen it before, they were not as completely absorbed as they might have been otherwise.

NO. 40. "A Study of Nonlisteners" AUTHOR: Kazuto Kojima SOURCE: The NHK Report on Broadcasting Research, March 1964, pp. 1-11

5 ^ i f ? i> 1 l> A « A » A £ SF M » 1964 ^ P P . 1-11

PURPOSE In every instance, broadcast research has revealed that there are groups of people who do not listen to the radio regularly at all. Who are they? Why don't they listen to the radio? These questions are studied in this report. METHOD The data came from surveys conducted by NHK in 1957-63. The answers of six respondents were analyzed for comparative purposes. MAJOR FINDINGS 1. The number of nonlisteners has been increasing. In a 1957 survey, nonlisteners numbered only 6.3 percent; in 1963, this rate had increased to 26.0 percent. 2. Generally speaking, the rate increase occurred mostly among young people. In 1957, only 4.3 percent of those between the ages of 15 and 19 were nonlisteners, but in 1963 the ratio jumped to 26.0 percent. Among people in their fifties, the proportion of nonlisteners rose during the same period from 9 . 5 percent to 26. 8 percent. The rate increase was higher among people with higher educational backgrounds. 3. Nonlisteners were, in most cases, those who chose not to listen to the radio, not those who did not have access to a radio. Their expectations about radio varied very much depending on program contents. If exposed to radio programs, they tolerated weather reports the most (96 percent) and agricultural programs the least (47 percent). Those who did not want to listen to any kind of radio programs made up 19 percent of the nonlisteners.

47

Nos. 40,41

4. The common assumption is that people become less attentive to radio because of T V , and generally speaking, this assumption was true. However, the nonlisteners were not necessarily enthusiastic T V viewers. A part of the nonlisteners were at the same time nonviewers.

NO. 41.

B i l c J B l i a ? u tr^»ffl1§S(l) 4 ffl I E » , ft» g i t «>

"The Growth of T V in Japan"

AUTHOR: Masateru Ikuta et al. No

SOURCE: Broadcasting Research, No. 8, 1964, pp. 1-147

8

PP.

1964

^

1-147

A s of December 1963, 73.4 percent of Japanese households owned a T V set. This high rate of diffusion was achieved in only ten years. The increase of T V owners was especially dramatic from 1957 to 1963 (see the figure below). Figure: Increase in T V ownership, 1952-1962

13-

I '32

1

1

I

'S3 '34 '33

1

'56

'37

Y«ar

48

1

1

T—

'31 '39 '60 '61

1

1

1

'»2

Nos. 40,41

4. The common assumption is that people become less attentive to radio because of T V , and generally speaking, this assumption was true. However, the nonlisteners were not necessarily enthusiastic T V viewers. A part of the nonlisteners were at the same time nonviewers.

NO. 41.

B i l c J B l i a ? u tr^»ffl1§S(l) 4 ffl I E » , ft» g i t «>

"The Growth of T V in Japan"

AUTHOR: Masateru Ikuta et al. No

SOURCE: Broadcasting Research, No. 8, 1964, pp. 1-147

8

PP.

1964

^

1-147

A s of December 1963, 73.4 percent of Japanese households owned a T V set. This high rate of diffusion was achieved in only ten years. The increase of T V owners was especially dramatic from 1957 to 1963 (see the figure below). Figure: Increase in T V ownership, 1952-1962

13-

I '32

1

1

I

'S3 '34 '33

1

'56

'37

Y«ar

48

1

1

T—

'31 '39 '60 '61

1

1

1

'»2

Nos. 41,42

The Osaka-Kyoto area was the region of the greatest diffusion of TV, followed by the Tokyo metropolitan area. In 1960, 54.3 percent of the households in Osaka, 52.0 percent in Kanagawa, 46. 8 percent in Kyoto, and 43.2 percent in Tokyo owned TV. In the same y e a r , only 9. 3 percent of the households had TV in the remote prefecture of Kagoshima. There seems to be a lag of 3-4 y e a r s between "front-guard" diffusion areas and " r e a r - g u a r d " a r e a s . For instance, Kumamoto P r e f e c t u r e achieved 40 percent diffusion in 1962, whereas Osaka had reached that figure in 1958. This time lag owes to delays in broadcasting coverage. While Osaka and Tokyo had TV stations beginning in 1953, the first TV station in Kagoshima was not founded until 1958. A peculiar pattern of the growth of TV in Japan is an extraordinarily sharp increase in TV ownership at the end of the year rather than an even increase throughout the y e a r . This pattern is related to the Japanese wage system, where every employed person is paid a large bonus at the end of the y e a r , and New Year's vacation week is a time of leisure to start viewing a new set. Japan's rate of TV diffusion seems rather strange in an international context. Japan, in which TV diffusion is higher than in the U.K. o r West Germany, has less per capita income and lower calorie consumption per capita than most of the developed nations. In other words, the growth of TV in Japan is part of the unbalanced economic development of the nation.

NO. 42. "A Social History of Best-Selling Books in Postwar Japan" AUTHOR: Makoto Inuta SOURCE: Sankei Ad Monthly, No. 25, October 1964, pp. 23-25

SSSfSro^x F t ? - * —t n a e * i- H « x. 5 avEB 3E SANKEI

AD

MONTHLY

Na25 1 9 6 4 PP. 23-35

Every year in Japan, 2, 700 f i r m s publish some 30, 000 titles, with a total sale of 30 million copies. Some of the books a r e successful, but most of them soon disappear f r o m the market. In this paper the author examines the ten best-selling books each year from 1945 to 1963, compares their contents, identifies trends, and looks at their historical significance. It is possible to divide the history of bestsellers into three characteristic periods. The f i r s t covers 1945-49. The early y e a r s were characterized by a p r o liferation of left-wing writings, both fiction and nonfiction, which had been suppressed 49

Nos. 41,42

The Osaka-Kyoto area was the region of the greatest diffusion of TV, followed by the Tokyo metropolitan area. In 1960, 54.3 percent of the households in Osaka, 52.0 percent in Kanagawa, 46. 8 percent in Kyoto, and 43.2 percent in Tokyo owned TV. In the same y e a r , only 9. 3 percent of the households had TV in the remote prefecture of Kagoshima. There seems to be a lag of 3-4 y e a r s between "front-guard" diffusion areas and " r e a r - g u a r d " a r e a s . For instance, Kumamoto P r e f e c t u r e achieved 40 percent diffusion in 1962, whereas Osaka had reached that figure in 1958. This time lag owes to delays in broadcasting coverage. While Osaka and Tokyo had TV stations beginning in 1953, the first TV station in Kagoshima was not founded until 1958. A peculiar pattern of the growth of TV in Japan is an extraordinarily sharp increase in TV ownership at the end of the year rather than an even increase throughout the y e a r . This pattern is related to the Japanese wage system, where every employed person is paid a large bonus at the end of the y e a r , and New Year's vacation week is a time of leisure to start viewing a new set. Japan's rate of TV diffusion seems rather strange in an international context. Japan, in which TV diffusion is higher than in the U.K. o r West Germany, has less per capita income and lower calorie consumption per capita than most of the developed nations. In other words, the growth of TV in Japan is part of the unbalanced economic development of the nation.

NO. 42. "A Social History of Best-Selling Books in Postwar Japan" AUTHOR: Makoto Inuta SOURCE: Sankei Ad Monthly, No. 25, October 1964, pp. 23-25

SSSfSro^x F t ? - * —t n a e * i- H « x. 5 avEB 3E SANKEI

AD

MONTHLY

Na25 1 9 6 4 PP. 23-35

Every year in Japan, 2, 700 f i r m s publish some 30, 000 titles, with a total sale of 30 million copies. Some of the books a r e successful, but most of them soon disappear f r o m the market. In this paper the author examines the ten best-selling books each year from 1945 to 1963, compares their contents, identifies trends, and looks at their historical significance. It is possible to divide the history of bestsellers into three characteristic periods. The f i r s t covers 1945-49. The early y e a r s were characterized by a p r o liferation of left-wing writings, both fiction and nonfiction, which had been suppressed 49

Nos. 42,43

during the war. This trend lasted only three years, however, and in 1949 The Commonsense Criticism of Communism by S. Koizumi was the best-selling work of fiction. The second period (1950-57) has two significant features. First, books dealing with reflections on the war became popular, especially collections of the writings of students who died in the war (e. g . , Listen to the Sound of Waves). The records of Nazi concentration camps and The Diary of Anne Frank w e r e also translated and joined the best-selling ten of 1952. Second, novels with sexual emphasis, such as Lady Chatterly's Lover, came on the scene. Thus, this period is marked by the strange combination of antiwar sentiment and interest in the liberalization of sex. The third period (1958-64) is characterized by the popularization of paperbacks on managerial and practical subjects. For instance, Introduction to Business Administration by T . Sakamoto (1958) sold hundreds of thousands of copies, and sales of The Success in English Language by K. Iwata (1959) hit one million copies in 5 months. There w e r e several important developments in the publishing field during the third period. In the late 1950's and early 1960's the "paperback" appeared, and publishers learned that books could be sold on a mass market. Publishers also started to sell their products with promotional devices and advertising—fiction, f o r instance, was sold with flashy, full-page newspaper ads like those advertising cosmetics. Finally, when a book became a bestseller, a movie producer or T V station steps in to make an audiovisual version, and a work's popularity in one medium of communication could be multiplied by the mobilization of other mass media.

NO. 43. AUTHOR:

"Minor Newspapers: A Case Study" Norio Tamura

SOURCE: The Science of Thought, February 1965, pp. 46-57

P - » ;HSFFLi FFI Batt g g ® ^ 1965^ 2fm p p . 46-57

PURPOSE Though large newspapers such as the Asahi, Mainichi, and Yomiuri have expanded their circulation to several millions and have spread to small communities

50

Nos. 42,43

during the war. This trend lasted only three years, however, and in 1949 The Commonsense Criticism of Communism by S. Koizumi was the best-selling work of fiction. The second period (1950-57) has two significant features. First, books dealing with reflections on the war became popular, especially collections of the writings of students who died in the war (e. g . , Listen to the Sound of Waves). The records of Nazi concentration camps and The Diary of Anne Frank w e r e also translated and joined the best-selling ten of 1952. Second, novels with sexual emphasis, such as Lady Chatterly's Lover, came on the scene. Thus, this period is marked by the strange combination of antiwar sentiment and interest in the liberalization of sex. The third period (1958-64) is characterized by the popularization of paperbacks on managerial and practical subjects. For instance, Introduction to Business Administration by T . Sakamoto (1958) sold hundreds of thousands of copies, and sales of The Success in English Language by K. Iwata (1959) hit one million copies in 5 months. There w e r e several important developments in the publishing field during the third period. In the late 1950's and early 1960's the "paperback" appeared, and publishers learned that books could be sold on a mass market. Publishers also started to sell their products with promotional devices and advertising—fiction, f o r instance, was sold with flashy, full-page newspaper ads like those advertising cosmetics. Finally, when a book became a bestseller, a movie producer or T V station steps in to make an audiovisual version, and a work's popularity in one medium of communication could be multiplied by the mobilization of other mass media.

NO. 43. AUTHOR:

"Minor Newspapers: A Case Study" Norio Tamura

SOURCE: The Science of Thought, February 1965, pp. 46-57

P - » ;HSFFLi FFI Batt g g ® ^ 1965^ 2fm p p . 46-57

PURPOSE Though large newspapers such as the Asahi, Mainichi, and Yomiuri have expanded their circulation to several millions and have spread to small communities

50

No. 43 throughout Japan, it is estimated that some 3500-4000 minor, local papers with small circulation still survive. And that estimate includes only the newspapers approved by the Japanese Postmaster General as third-class mail, which designation is rather difficult for publishers to obtain. If newspapers without such approval are added, the number of minor papers is much greater. What functions do they serve? What are their characteristics? These questions led the author to conduct case studies of minor newspapers. METHOD Two areas in western Japan were chosen as the sites for study, one in the southern part of Wakayama Prefecture and the other in Hyogo Prefecture. In 1964 the author interviewed the editors of the minor papers in these areas and analyzed their responses. MAJOR FINDINGS 1. One reason for the survival and success of the minor papers studied was the geographical remoteness of the locality they served. Especially in southern Wakayama and the mountainous area of Hyogo, the transport of major papers from Osaka is time-consuming, and delivery cannot be made the same day. 2. Geography aside, however, the minor papers have survived mostly because they reflect local opinion that is counter to that of the larger papers and their supporters, and they usually have a long history, sometimes of a century. They are thus minority-opinion papers. For instance, there is Shukan-Wakayama edited by Kosuke Kiba. He was an antimilitarist during the war, and today he takes a very critical view of the governor of the prefecture. 3. Most of the editors have previous experience as reporters on larger newspapers but did not want to stay in a big organization. They are, therefore, more or less individualistic thinkers. 4. Circulations are very small, at best several thousands. Production is a family business, and often there is only one editor-reporter-manager whose wife is proofreader-distributor-accountant and whose daughter is chauffeur-secretaryassistant. An extreme example is the case of Hanshin-Mainichi. Its editor-manager, Kazuo Fujii, had been in the hospital for several months when the interview was conducted, but he was writing from his hospital bed and gathering news by telephone. Doctors and nurses seemed to be happy to act as his assistants and secretaries. The hospital even encouraged him by providing stationery with the hospital letterhead.

51

No. 44 NO. 44. "Is Audience Research Possible with Children?" AUTHOR: Jun Yoshida

TifcCJMiMiasriffia» SB 8 Xflf M ffi 1965^ P P . 1-24

SOURCE: The NHK Report on Broadcasting Research, May 1965, pp. 1-24

PURPOSE In its audience rating surveys, NHK has limited the age of respondents to 10-69. It has been thought that children below the age of 10 a r e not able to give reliable answers to survey questions. This paper r e p o r t s on an experiment in TV audience r e s e a r c h to test the validity of the responses of young children. METHOD A sample of 972 children between 6 and 9 y e a r s of age was selected from the metropolitan Tokyo area, and three different r e s e a r c h methods were used for comparative purposes. The methods were (A) individual interviews with the children, (B) interviews with the children accompanied by their parents, and (C) examination of diaries recorded by children and their parents. MAJOR FINDINGS 1. The rating figures obtained by method A were generally higher than the results of method B. There seem to be two reasons for the difference. On the one hand, in the absence of their parents the children were f r e e r to mention the programs they saw that parents might prohibit; on the other hand, the parents were not there to counteract the incorrect or ambiguous memories of the children. Generally, the rating figures obtained by interviewing methods (A and B) were slightly higher than the diary method (C). 2. As r e g a r d s the interviewing p r o c e s s , 29. 7 percent of the interviewers thought that children were easier to interview than adults, while 26.6 percent felt the r e v e r s e ; 37.2 percent found no difference between interviewing children and adults. Of those who interviewed 9-year-old children, 15 percent experienced difficulties in interviewing, and 45 percent of the interviewers assigned to the 6 - y e a r olds found it difficult to conduct a conversation with them. 3. During the B interviews, 16.2 percent of the children asked help f r o m their parents "often, " and 34. 7 percent "occasionally"; 48. 7 percent did not ask for any help. Those who asked help "often" were concentrated among the youngest children, especially the 6 - y e a r - o l d s . Most (92.1 percent) of the interviewers in method B felt that the presence of the parents helped rather than disturbed their interviewing.

52

Nos. 44,45 4. Younger children were often ambiguous in their responses and understanding. Checking with the parents revealed that 29 percent of the 6-year-olds confused "yesterday" with "today," and 19 percent of the same age group could not differentiate between "you" and "your family. "

NO. 45. "Television in the Lives of Japanese People" AUTHOR: Kunio Tsuji SOURCE: Nippon Television Monthly, May 1965, No. 74, pp. 33-37

l / t i B t A O l S I H it An b t f n ; Na74 1 9 6 5 ^ S P P . 33-37

PROBLEM As of January 1965 , 82 percent of all Japanese families owned TV receivers. This figure surpassed the diffusion rate of other durable commodities such as the electric washing machine (61 percent) and the refrigerator (46 percent). This paper presents some basic facts about the use of TV compared with other media. METHOD Neilsen survey data (Tokyo) were obtained, and other media-contact surveys were conducted, under the joint sponsorship of seventeen TV stations throughout Japan in 1964. MAJOR FINDINGS 1. The total TV audience has increased in the past five years, especially during morning hours on weekdays (see Figure 1). Figure 1: Changes in total audience rating

53

Nos. 44,45 4. Younger children were often ambiguous in their responses and understanding. Checking with the parents revealed that 29 percent of the 6-year-olds confused "yesterday" with "today," and 19 percent of the same age group could not differentiate between "you" and "your family. "

NO. 45. "Television in the Lives of Japanese People" AUTHOR: Kunio Tsuji SOURCE: Nippon Television Monthly, May 1965, No. 74, pp. 33-37

l / t i B t A O l S I H it An b t f n ; Na74 1 9 6 5 ^ S P P . 33-37

PROBLEM As of January 1965 , 82 percent of all Japanese families owned TV receivers. This figure surpassed the diffusion rate of other durable commodities such as the electric washing machine (61 percent) and the refrigerator (46 percent). This paper presents some basic facts about the use of TV compared with other media. METHOD Neilsen survey data (Tokyo) were obtained, and other media-contact surveys were conducted, under the joint sponsorship of seventeen TV stations throughout Japan in 1964. MAJOR FINDINGS 1. The total TV audience has increased in the past five years, especially during morning hours on weekdays (see Figure 1). Figure 1: Changes in total audience rating

53

No. 45

2. In comparison with the New York population, the Tokyo population spends more hours watching TV (see Figure 2). Figure 2: Total audience rate

3. On the average, a Japanese person over 6 years of age daily spends 3 hours and 22 minutes watching TV; 49 minutes listening to the radio; and another 46 minutes reading a newspaper. The people who watch TV most are housewives over 46 years old. 4. There are only veiy slight seasonal changes in viewing habits, except that young children watch less TV during the summer months. 5. Figure 3 indicates the general pattern of the diffusion of radio and TV receivers as registered with the national broadcasting station, NHK. The sudden decline of radio in 1960-62 means that many people stopped registering their radio when they registered their TV. Figure 3: Time diffusion of radio and TV sets

54

No. 46 NO. 46. "Validity of the Diary Method"

¿fcHfiSlcffi*. ¿J» c5 03 9

AUTHOR: Jun Yoshida

xman

SOURCE: The NHK Report on Broadcasting Research, June 1965, pp. 1-17

PP . 1-17

PURPOSE The diary method has been one of the most popular methodologies in audience research. This paper is a report of an experimental study to determine the technical problems, validity, reliability, bias caused by repetition, and differences resulting from different diary forms in the diary method. METHOD A sample of 2520 people was drawn from 40 areas in Tokyo. The respondents were divided into three groups: A group were given a diary form with the titles of programs, B were given a diary form with the names of stations and time scales, and C were personally interviewed using the same form as group A. The survey was conducted from March 1 to March 8, 1965. MAJOR FINDINGS 1. In every group, 99 percent of the respondents cooperated in the survey. One-third of the respondents did not finish their diaries by the time they were supposed to, but the unfinished parts were mostly on the face sheet. 2. Groups A and B, using the diary method, generally rated higher than group C, which used the interviewing method. However, a parallel curve in rating was found between the two methods. When the people in group C were tested with the diary method, after an interval of one week, the results showed very high correlation. Therefore, the diary method was proven to be stable and reliable. 3. The keeping of a diary for several (4-8) successive days was found to introduce some bias. First, there seemed to be a learning effect on the second day. Second, a boredom effect was observed on the fourth day of the experiment. One suggestion for reducing the boredom effect in an 8-day experiment was to distribute the diary forms twice, on the first and fifth days. However, the optimum period of diary keeping seemed to be 2-3 days, leaving the first day for preparatory learning. 4. There was no significant difference between methods A and B. However, method B showed less bias when the diary was kept for several successive days.

55

No. 47

NO. 47. "Can Children's TV Viewing Habits Be Changed?"ft AUTHOR: Naoko Iwao (staff m e m b e r , P r o g r a m Study Division, NHK)

Hifflyi/CaBHlRlii S i 9 ä g ì Ï Ï XSt R » 1965 ^ P P . 1-17

SOURCE: Monthly Bulletin of the NHK Research Institute, September 1965 pp. 1-17

PURPOSE School children need guidance in their television viewing habits, both in what programs they watch and in how they interpret them. However, parental attempts at such guidance a r e r a t h e r ineffective because children a r e more influenced in what they watch by their peers than by their parents. This study is an experiment to see if children's viewing habits can be changed by well-designed discussion in the classroom. METHOD Ten classrooms of fifth-grade, middle-class children in the Shinjuku area of Tokyo w e r e selected as the sample. The c l a s s e s were divided into three groups: (A) experimental c l a s s e s in which discussions were led by the peer-group opinion leader, (B) experimental c l a s s e s in which the teacher led the discussion, and (C) control c l a s s e s in which no discussions were held. The NHK staff prepared a list of "good p r o g r a m s for c h i l d r e n , " which included p r o g r a m s known to be popular among the children of that age group. The list was used as reference material for classroom discussion. In the experimental groups, A and B, two discussion sessions were held to exchange ideas on choosing TV programs to watch at home. MAJOR FINDINGS 1. After the discussion, the children in the experimental c l a s s e s changed the TV p r o g r a m s they watched. For example, before the discussion, 57. 3 percent of the students in group A said they chose p r o g r a m s for "cultural and educational" reasons; that number r o s e to 57.9 percent after the discussion. In group B, that firgure r o s e f r o m 57.9 percent before to 69.3 percent after the discussion. The control group showed no significant change. 2. The popularity of certain p r o g r a m s changed slightly. For instance, "Combat," which started out second in popularity, went down to fourth after the discussion, and " J i r 8 Monogatari," a bildungsroman type of drama, came up f r o m eighth to sixth.

56

Nos. 47,48 3. Viewing time changed. Before the discussion, 25.1 percent of the children watched TV l a t e r than 9 p . m . , but after the discussion, that proportion decreased to 24. 5 percent. 4. It thus appears that discussions in the classrooms can affect the TV viewing habits of children, though in this case the results were not dramatic. 5. In contrast with the Himmelweit study and the Clarke study, where d i s cussions were held on a more continuous basis, this study was of very short duration, but it seems quite significant that children's behavior can be changed so fast.

NO. 48. "Exposure to Newspapers, Television and Radio" * % & a

AUTHOR: Tadayori Honda SOURCE: Sankei Ad Monthly, Vol. 4, No. 9, 1965, pp. 16-40

S A N K E I AD

1965 ^ Vol.

4

Not 9

MONTHLY

10, llf} PP-

16-40

PURPOSE Though the three m a j o r mass-communication media—newspapers, radio, and television—permeate the lives of Japanese people today, the patterns of exposure to these media have not been studied in detail. This is a report of media exposure in the daily life of people in metropolitan Tokyo. METHOD A cross-section sample of 350 Tokyo residents was chosen and each person was asked to keep a record of the hours and minutes exposed to the three media, by day of the week and by hour of the day, f o r the period of one week. The valid r e s ponses numbered 310-320, depending on the day. MAJOR FINDINGS 1. Both on weekdays and holidays, newspapers a r e the respondents' m a j o r source of information, followed by TV and radio (see Table 1). Men's exposure to newspapers and radio is almost constant on weekdays and holidays, but their exposure to TV is 10 percent higher on holidays than on weekdays. Women's exposure to newspapers and radio on weekdays is 5-10 percent lower than on holidays.

57

Nos. 47,48 3. Viewing time changed. Before the discussion, 25.1 percent of the children watched TV l a t e r than 9 p . m . , but after the discussion, that proportion decreased to 24. 5 percent. 4. It thus appears that discussions in the classrooms can affect the TV viewing habits of children, though in this case the results were not dramatic. 5. In contrast with the Himmelweit study and the Clarke study, where d i s cussions were held on a more continuous basis, this study was of very short duration, but it seems quite significant that children's behavior can be changed so fast.

NO. 48. "Exposure to Newspapers, Television and Radio" * % & a

AUTHOR: Tadayori Honda SOURCE: Sankei Ad Monthly, Vol. 4, No. 9, 1965, pp. 16-40

S A N K E I AD

1965 ^ Vol.

4

Not 9

MONTHLY

10, llf} PP-

16-40

PURPOSE Though the three m a j o r mass-communication media—newspapers, radio, and television—permeate the lives of Japanese people today, the patterns of exposure to these media have not been studied in detail. This is a report of media exposure in the daily life of people in metropolitan Tokyo. METHOD A cross-section sample of 350 Tokyo residents was chosen and each person was asked to keep a record of the hours and minutes exposed to the three media, by day of the week and by hour of the day, f o r the period of one week. The valid r e s ponses numbered 310-320, depending on the day. MAJOR FINDINGS 1. Both on weekdays and holidays, newspapers a r e the respondents' m a j o r source of information, followed by TV and radio (see Table 1). Men's exposure to newspapers and radio is almost constant on weekdays and holidays, but their exposure to TV is 10 percent higher on holidays than on weekdays. Women's exposure to newspapers and radio on weekdays is 5-10 percent lower than on holidays.

57

No. 48

Table 1: Media Exposure by Sex and Age Group (%)

Newspaper

TV

Radio

Weekdays By sex

By age group

Male (N=144) Female (N=180)

91.7 93.9

80.6 93.9

34.7 31.1

Male: 2 0 ' s (N=56) 30's (N=39) 4 0 ' s - 5 0 ' s (N=49)

91.1 92.3 93.9

83.9 71.4 81.6

37.4 35.9 30.6

Female: 2 0 ' s (N=67) 3 0 ' s (N=54) 4 0 ' s - 5 0 ' s (N=59)

92.5 94.4 93.2

95.5 94.4 89.8

32.8 22.2 37.2

Holidays By sex

By age group

58

Male (N=133) Female (N=179)

91.0 82.1

90.2 93.9

33.8 24.6

Male: 2 0 ' s (N=60) 30's (N=38) 4 0 ' s - 5 0 ' s (N=35)

90.0 92.1 91.4

86.7 97.4 88.6

48.3 21.1 22.9

Female: 2 0 ' s (N=69) 30's (N=55) 4 0 ' s - 5 0 ' s (N=55)

85.5 70.7 87.3

91.3 92.7 98.2

31.9 21.8 21.8

No. 48

2. Media exposure by time of day is tabulated in Table 2. 3.

The time consumed in media exposure is tabulated in Table 3.

Table 2: Media Exposure by T i m e of Day (%) Weekdays 7 a . m . - 12 M Medium

12 - 5 p . m .

5 p . m . - 1 a . m . 5 a.m

M

W

37.5

15.6

6.0

3.7

3.8

2.8

6.8

15.6

37.5

38.0

42.1

49.7

4.5

7.5

2.2

3.0

1.7

31.6

26.8

12.8

21.2

24.8

30.2

3.3

9.0

6.7

0.8

3.4

2.3

1.7

14.6

2.8

11.1

30.0

18.8

26.7

1.7

4.2

5.0

4.2

2.2

18.1

36.1

7.6

11.1

37.5

52.2

13.9

14.4

4.9

3.3

0.7

14.4

16.7

Only T V

4.9

15.6

Only radio

4.2

Newspaper 6 T V

Newspaper & radio

5 p . m . - 1 a.m,

12 - j p . m . W

10.6

44.4

W

M

- 12 M

M

W

wd

b

W

M

MC

Only newspaper

Holidays

a

M

-

T V & radio

--

1.1

1.4

5.0

4.9

2.2

0.8

4.5

5.3

3.4

7.5

3.4

Newspaper, T V , and radio

4.7

6.7

1.4

0.6

11.1

5.6

3.0

2.8

3.0

1.1

6.0

2.2

None

9.0

10.0

52.6

29.3

8.3

5.0

11.3

23.5

27.1

26.8

10.5

8.3

a

Weekdays;

b Holidays:

for men N=144; for women

N-180.

for men N-133; for women N=179.

c

M = Men

d

W = Women

T a b l e 3: Duration of Media Exposure (minutes)

Weekdays

Medium

Newspaper

TV

Time

Women (N=180)

Men (N=133)

Women (N=179)

5 a . m . - 12 M

34

28

40

22

12 - 5 p. m .

12

11

11

13

5 p.m. - 1 a.m.

35

27

20

17

37

5 a . m . - 12 M

15

46

32

1 2 - 5 p.m.

17

47

76

73

100

119

136

138

S a . m . - 12 M

17

28

14

20

1 2 - 5 p.m.

20

22

16

13

5 p.m. - 1 a.m.

31

17

20

14

5 p.m. - 1 a.m.

Radio

Men (N=144)

Holidays

59

No. 49

NO. 49. "Some Facts about the Use of Broadcasting in Schools"

»B»40i&S£H3i«»aSiiJfflttS ISSWffig * m £ £ Bf B ffl

AUTHOR: Akira Yonekubo

No 174

SOURCE: The NHK Report on Broadcasting Research, No. 174, November 1965, pp. 38-41

1965 ^

P P . 38-41

PURPOSE This is one of a series of annual surveys of the use of radio and TV in schools ranging from nursery school to high school. METHOD From the directory of schools prepared by the Ministry of Education as of May 1, 1965, 8195 schools were selected as the sample. A questionnaire was mailed to the sample schools, and 84.7 percent responded (see Table 1). Table 1: Distribution of Sample Total Number of Schools

Sample Chosen No. % of Total

Responses No. %

10,910

1,093

10

921

84.3

7,996

799

10

654

81.9

Primary school

26,209

1,638

1,481

90.4

Junior high school

12,316

1,540

13.5

1,339

86.9

Senior high school High school (part time)

3,937

1,968

50

1,650

83.8

2,313

1,157

50

898

77.6

63,681

8,195

12.9

6,943

84.7

Nursery school Kindergarten

Total

60

6.25

Nos. 49,50 MAJOR FINDINGS 1. The diffusion of radio receivers in schools is approaching 100 percent. 2. The increase of TV receivers in schools was remarkable between 196365. For instance, the proportion of nursery schools with TV increased from 57.4 percent in 1963 to 82.0 percent in 1965. As of 1965, 97.1 percent of the primary schools, 96.0 percent of the junior high schools and 90.2 percent of the senior high schools had TV sets. 3. Most schools have more than two TV receivers. 4. The school use of educational programs, by medium, is shown in Table 2. Table 2: School Use of Educational Programming, by Medium (%) School

Only Radio

Only TV

Both

9.6

52.3

38.1

10.7

69.4

19.9

8.9

40.7

50.4

Junior high school

42.8

22.7

34.5

High school

74.9

6.2

18.9

Night school

77.2

10.8

Nursery school Kindergarten Primary school

NO. 50. "Commercial Messages and Children's Speech" AUTHOR: Institute for Broadcasting Research, National Association of Broadcasters

ffilt

ffl "ï -S5-&SSÏ • s st m ss N S £ * 8K M S S ft 3S Nal4 196 7 if PP. 3-229

SOURCE: Broadcasting Research, No. 14, 1967, pp. 3-229 PURPOSE In just a decade f r o m the mid-1950's to the mid-1960's, media have penetrated deeply into the r u r a l a r e a s in Japan. This paper, part of a l a r g e r study, is a report of the media exposure of f a r m e r s in Miyagi P r e f e c t u r e . METHOD For comparative purposes, two village communities were selected as the study sites. The f i r s t was Miyagi-mura, originally a mountain village, which was becoming a new suburb of the city of Sendai. The second community was Tominagamura, in which paddy r i c e farming had been done for hundreds of y e a r s . From each community, 135 families were selected and interviewed in the summer of 1964. MAJOR FINDINGS 1. Ownership of TV sets was very high in both communities (Miyagi, 93 p e r cent; Tominaga, 97 percent). There was slight difference in TV ownership according to social class (wealthy f a r m e r s , 100 percent; lower-income f a r m e r s , 90 percent). 2. About 20 percent of the Miyagi and 38 percent of the Tominaga households stopped listening to their radios after purchasing a TV set. 3. The rate of subscription to newspapers was 50 percent in Miyagi and 85 percent in Tominaga. The majority of f a r m e r s read prefectural papers (more than 77 percent) r a t h e r than national papers (fewer than 10 percent). Many families subscribed to more than two kinds of papers, including agricultural papers (8.1 percent). 4. The duration of television viewing was found to be extremely long, e s p e cially in Miyagi, where 55.2 percent of the families watched TV m o r e than 4 hours a day. This figure was striking in comparison with the national average of 2 hours and 33 minutes. 79

Nos. 61,62

TV has a mediating function, i . e . , it t r a n s m i t s Information, but the mediating function tends to be combined with a coordinating o r regulating function in people's lives.

NO. 62. "Mass Communication in the Lives of F a r m e r s " AUTHOR: Otokazu Tawara et al.

I S i T X • n = i - ' r - • > 3 •'> S £ * 8K M S S ft 3S Nal4 196 7 if PP. 3-229

SOURCE: Broadcasting Research, No. 14, 1967, pp. 3-229 PURPOSE In just a decade f r o m the mid-1950's to the mid-1960's, media have penetrated deeply into the r u r a l a r e a s in Japan. This paper, part of a l a r g e r study, is a report of the media exposure of f a r m e r s in Miyagi P r e f e c t u r e . METHOD For comparative purposes, two village communities were selected as the study sites. The f i r s t was Miyagi-mura, originally a mountain village, which was becoming a new suburb of the city of Sendai. The second community was Tominagamura, in which paddy r i c e farming had been done for hundreds of y e a r s . From each community, 135 families were selected and interviewed in the summer of 1964. MAJOR FINDINGS 1. Ownership of TV sets was very high in both communities (Miyagi, 93 p e r cent; Tominaga, 97 percent). There was slight difference in TV ownership according to social class (wealthy f a r m e r s , 100 percent; lower-income f a r m e r s , 90 percent). 2. About 20 percent of the Miyagi and 38 percent of the Tominaga households stopped listening to their radios after purchasing a TV set. 3. The rate of subscription to newspapers was 50 percent in Miyagi and 85 percent in Tominaga. The majority of f a r m e r s read prefectural papers (more than 77 percent) r a t h e r than national papers (fewer than 10 percent). Many families subscribed to more than two kinds of papers, including agricultural papers (8.1 percent). 4. The duration of television viewing was found to be extremely long, e s p e cially in Miyagi, where 55.2 percent of the families watched TV m o r e than 4 hours a day. This figure was striking in comparison with the national average of 2 hours and 33 minutes. 79

Nos. 62,63

5. The f a r m e r s were very attentive to newspapers, too. Almost half (46. 4 percent) of the Miyagi and 63. 7 percent of the Tominaga residents spent more than one hour reading the paper. 6. Fully 69.6 percent of the Miyagi and 81. 8 percent of the Tominaga r e s pondents said that they watched TV very often with their families. 7. In Tominaga, 43.9 percent of the people said that they deliberately selected the programs that they watched, whereas 43.2 percent said they watched whatever was on TV. The r e s t (12.9 percent) said they sometimes watched whatever was on and sometimes deliberately selected. 8. The f a r m e r s generally thought of NHK broadcasts as concentrating on news reports, and broadcasts of commercial stations as concentrating on entertainment.

NO. 63. "Entertainment P r o g r a m s : A Historical Study" AUTHOR: Munemitsu Yamada

m£ 8 Uj B M fiJ Na 97 PP.

ÜBro^ * S B B * f- f e 1967 ^ 3-7

SOURCE: Nippon Television Monthly, No. 97, 1967, pp. 3-7

PURPOSE Broadcasting companies a r e widely criticized for frivolously broadcasting too many entertainment p r o g r a m s on TV. This article examines the relative p r o portion of "entertainment" and "serious" p r o g r a m s on TV f r o m 1961 through 1967. METHOD P r o g r a m s were categorized as serious or entertainment, both in format and contents, and they were quantitatively examined in the historical context. MAJOR FINDINGS 1. On NHK-TV, as the serious p r o g r a m s significantly 1965. In contrast, the ratio of TV steadily increased over the

80

table below suggests, the ratio of entertainment to decreased between 1961 and 1967, especially after entertainment to serious p r o g r a m s on commercial period.

Nos. 62,63

5. The f a r m e r s were very attentive to newspapers, too. Almost half (46. 4 percent) of the Miyagi and 63. 7 percent of the Tominaga residents spent more than one hour reading the paper. 6. Fully 69.6 percent of the Miyagi and 81. 8 percent of the Tominaga r e s pondents said that they watched TV very often with their families. 7. In Tominaga, 43.9 percent of the people said that they deliberately selected the programs that they watched, whereas 43.2 percent said they watched whatever was on TV. The r e s t (12.9 percent) said they sometimes watched whatever was on and sometimes deliberately selected. 8. The f a r m e r s generally thought of NHK broadcasts as concentrating on news reports, and broadcasts of commercial stations as concentrating on entertainment.

NO. 63. "Entertainment P r o g r a m s : A Historical Study" AUTHOR: Munemitsu Yamada

m£ 8 Uj B M fiJ Na 97 PP.

ÜBro^ * S B B * f- f e 1967 ^ 3-7

SOURCE: Nippon Television Monthly, No. 97, 1967, pp. 3-7

PURPOSE Broadcasting companies a r e widely criticized for frivolously broadcasting too many entertainment p r o g r a m s on TV. This article examines the relative p r o portion of "entertainment" and "serious" p r o g r a m s on TV f r o m 1961 through 1967. METHOD P r o g r a m s were categorized as serious or entertainment, both in format and contents, and they were quantitatively examined in the historical context. MAJOR FINDINGS 1. On NHK-TV, as the serious p r o g r a m s significantly 1965. In contrast, the ratio of TV steadily increased over the

80

table below suggests, the ratio of entertainment to decreased between 1961 and 1967, especially after entertainment to serious p r o g r a m s on commercial period.

Nos. 63,64 Table: "Serious" and "Entertainment" Programs on TV, 1961-1967, Biennially Type of Program

A*

1961

B**

A

1963

B

A

1965

1967

B

A

B

942 2105 2.33

56 86 1.53

1085 1150 1.05

1673 8612 5.14

160 364 2.27

1624 8 4 86 5.22

NHK Public Television 1. 2.

"Serious" "Entertainment" Ratio 1:2

39 91 2.33

870 2120 2.43

35 87 2.48

875 2325 2.65

54 93 1.72

Commercial Television Stations 1. 2.

"Serious" "Entertainment" Ratio 1:2

188 414 2.20

1942 82 9 6 4.27

168 3 84 2.28

1785 843 0 4.72

175 3 77 2.15

NOTE: Figures taken from the second week in February. *A=Number of programs. **B=Broadcasting time in minutes

NO. 64.

"Patterns in Families and Media Use"

AUTHOR: Osamu Nakano SOURCE: Sankei Ad Monthly, Vol. 6, No. 5, 1967, pp. 15-23 Vol. 6, No. 6, 1967, pp. 17-28

mm

• => £ a —>t-v 3 'sfttht

f> 5 « ( ) ( )

SANKEI AD MONTHLY Vo. 6 No. 5 1967 ^ p p . 15-23 &S.V Vol 6. Nn 5 P. 17-28

PURPOSE Individuals are exposed to mass media very often through their families. They read newspapers, listen to the radio, and watch TV at home. The family can thus be seen as a mediating variable between media and individuals. This study was designed to determine the relationship between types of families and their patterns of media use.

81

Nos. 63,64 Table: "Serious" and "Entertainment" Programs on TV, 1961-1967, Biennially Type of Program

A*

1961

B**

A

1963

B

A

1965

1967

B

A

B

942 2105 2.33

56 86 1.53

1085 1150 1.05

1673 8612 5.14

160 364 2.27

1624 8 4 86 5.22

NHK Public Television 1. 2.

"Serious" "Entertainment" Ratio 1:2

39 91 2.33

870 2120 2.43

35 87 2.48

875 2325 2.65

54 93 1.72

Commercial Television Stations 1. 2.

"Serious" "Entertainment" Ratio 1:2

188 414 2.20

1942 82 9 6 4.27

168 3 84 2.28

1785 843 0 4.72

175 3 77 2.15

NOTE: Figures taken from the second week in February. *A=Number of programs. **B=Broadcasting time in minutes

NO. 64.

"Patterns in Families and Media Use"

AUTHOR: Osamu Nakano SOURCE: Sankei Ad Monthly, Vol. 6, No. 5, 1967, pp. 15-23 Vol. 6, No. 6, 1967, pp. 17-28

mm

• => £ a —>t-v 3 'sfttht

f> 5 « ( ) ( )

SANKEI AD MONTHLY Vo. 6 No. 5 1967 ^ p p . 15-23 &S.V Vol 6. Nn 5 P. 17-28

PURPOSE Individuals are exposed to mass media very often through their families. They read newspapers, listen to the radio, and watch TV at home. The family can thus be seen as a mediating variable between media and individuals. This study was designed to determine the relationship between types of families and their patterns of media use.

81

Nos. 64,65 METHOD In the metropolitan Tokyo area, 624 families were selected as the sample and were classified into five family types: (A) a married couple, (B) a couple and grown-up children, (C) a couple and young children, (D) a couple living with parents and other dependents as well as children, and (E) a single person. Media use was compared among these categories. MAJOR FINDINGS 1. Type E had the average viewing time for a Japanese family (3 hours). Duration of viewing for family types B and C was above average, while that of the others, especially type A was below average. 2. Families A and B did not watch TV at all on Sundays. It is quite probable that with them leisure activities take precedence over watching TV. 3. Type D families watched news programs more often than did the others. 4. Type A families tended to select programs for "light entertainment," such as musical shows; types B and C, who had children, tended to select "heavy entertainment," such as cartoons, comedies, and variety shows. 5. Types A and B preferred NHK broadcasts over those on commercial stations. More families in type C preferred the commercial stations to NHK. 6. More readers of newspapers were found in A and E types, and the type C family read newspapers the least.

NO. 65. "Changes in Radio listening" AUTHOR: Jyosei Tamura SOURCE: The Annual Bulletin of NHK Radio and TV Culture Research, No. 12, 1967, pp. 189-222

5 H tt N H K ¡iSSIS an* fas i i XBffl« 1972 ,6 P. 15-27

SOURCE: The NHK Report on Broadcasting Research, June 1972, pp. 15-27 PURPOSE Our age may be considered the age of mass-produced new words. Every day, over various media of mass communication, new words are introduced, very often without being defined. How many people really know the meaning of such new terms such as OPEC, GNP, think tank, Red Guard, hot-line, and ppm? The authors of this article tried to determine to what extent these new words are understood. METHOD A nationwide sample of 600 was selected. These people were mailed a list of 100 current new terms and were asked whether they had heard or read the words and whether they understood the meanings of the words. The survey was conducted from March through April of 1971. MAJOR FINDINGS 1. On the average, 25.9 percent of the respondents had not heard or read the words; 11.4 percent did not understand their meanings though they were familiar with the words. Thus, for 37.3 percent of the audience, these 100 words were not communicating.

115

Nos. 93,94

5. High schools, on the other hand, were more interested in video tape recorders (VTR). Fully 50 percent of the high schools had VTR, whereas the proportion was 16. 9 percent for intermediate schools, 10. 9 percent for elementary schools, and 6.1 percent for kindergartens. 6. Approximately 90 percent of the kindergartens and elementary schools regularly used educational TV programs in their classrooms. The proportion dropped to 36. 9 percent among intermediate schools and 31. 3 percent among high schools. 7. At the high school level, more than 80 percent of the use of educational programs was through videotape rather than through live broadcasts. In the elementary schools the use of taped programs was less than 10 percent. 8. The use of educational radio programs had decreased as the use of TV increased. Yet 44. 6 percent of the elementary schools, 34. 9 percent of the intermediate schools, and 41. 8 percent of the high schools were using radio programs, too.

NO. 94. "The Mass Media Audience and Current Terminology" AUTHOR: Fumio Inagaki e t a l .

ann y % bnx i> an* fas i i XBffl« 1972 ,6 P. 15-27

SOURCE: The NHK Report on Broadcasting Research, June 1972, pp. 15-27 PURPOSE Our age may be considered the age of mass-produced new words. Every day, over various media of mass communication, new words are introduced, very often without being defined. How many people really know the meaning of such new terms such as OPEC, GNP, think tank, Red Guard, hot-line, and ppm? The authors of this article tried to determine to what extent these new words are understood. METHOD A nationwide sample of 600 was selected. These people were mailed a list of 100 current new terms and were asked whether they had heard or read the words and whether they understood the meanings of the words. The survey was conducted from March through April of 1971. MAJOR FINDINGS 1. On the average, 25.9 percent of the respondents had not heard or read the words; 11.4 percent did not understand their meanings though they were familiar with the words. Thus, for 37.3 percent of the audience, these 100 words were not communicating.

115

Nos. 94,95

2. There was, of course, much variance in familiarity and understanding, depending on the particular t e r m . The most familiar and best-understood phrase was "réévaluation of the yen, " which 94.3 percent understood clearly. The l e a s t understood t e r m was shinzensô (the new national development plan), which was understood by only 9. 3 percent of the respondents. 3. Men generally understand the new words better than women. On the average, 2 9 . 3 percent of the men and 45.0 percent of the women did not understand them. There were only 20 words out of the 100 on which t h e r e was no significant difference by sex. The sex difference was especially significant with t e r m s p e r taining to the economy, diplomacy, and politics, where men were much more f a m i l iar than women. 4. By age, people in their twenties showed the highest exposure to the new words, followed by those in their thirties then those in their f o r t i e s . 5. Differences by region were generally minor, though for obvious reasons industrial t e r m s were understood more by urbanités, and agricultural t e r m s were m o r e familiar to f a r m e r s .

NO. 95. "A Brief History of Newspapers in Okinawa" AUTHOR: Mitsuyo Higa

« Si M £ )t K tt ft SrH Bf T. 1972, 7 P. 33-4«

SOURCE: Newspaper R e s e a r c h , July 1972, pp. 33-40

The f i r s t modern newspaper in Okinawa, the Ryukyu Shimpo, started publication in 1893, under the control of the Japanese governor of the day. The paper was so tied to the dominant conservative political power that a group of more liberal journalists inaugurated an opposition paper, the Okinawa Shimbun, in 1906. Another group started a second antiestablishment paper, the Okinawa Mainichi Shimbun, in 1909. The relationship of the three newspapers was complicated, and none was entirely consistent in its political, economic, and cultural views. In 1940, as the result of a new Japanese government policy permitting only one paper for each prefecture, the three newspapers merged into a single newspaper under the name Okinawa Shimpo, which continued until May 24, 1945, the day before the fall of the capital of Okinawa under American attack. The f i r s t postwar paper was the Uruma Shimpo, which began publication on July 25, 1945, under the encouragement and control of American Occupation f o r c e s . At f i r s t , Uruma Shimpo was published twice a week in mimeographed f o r m and 116

Nos. 94,95

2. There was, of course, much variance in familiarity and understanding, depending on the particular t e r m . The most familiar and best-understood phrase was "réévaluation of the yen, " which 94.3 percent understood clearly. The l e a s t understood t e r m was shinzensô (the new national development plan), which was understood by only 9. 3 percent of the respondents. 3. Men generally understand the new words better than women. On the average, 2 9 . 3 percent of the men and 45.0 percent of the women did not understand them. There were only 20 words out of the 100 on which t h e r e was no significant difference by sex. The sex difference was especially significant with t e r m s p e r taining to the economy, diplomacy, and politics, where men were much more f a m i l iar than women. 4. By age, people in their twenties showed the highest exposure to the new words, followed by those in their thirties then those in their f o r t i e s . 5. Differences by region were generally minor, though for obvious reasons industrial t e r m s were understood more by urbanités, and agricultural t e r m s were m o r e familiar to f a r m e r s .

NO. 95. "A Brief History of Newspapers in Okinawa" AUTHOR: Mitsuyo Higa

« Si M £ )t K tt ft SrH Bf T. 1972, 7 P. 33-4«

SOURCE: Newspaper R e s e a r c h , July 1972, pp. 33-40

The f i r s t modern newspaper in Okinawa, the Ryukyu Shimpo, started publication in 1893, under the control of the Japanese governor of the day. The paper was so tied to the dominant conservative political power that a group of more liberal journalists inaugurated an opposition paper, the Okinawa Shimbun, in 1906. Another group started a second antiestablishment paper, the Okinawa Mainichi Shimbun, in 1909. The relationship of the three newspapers was complicated, and none was entirely consistent in its political, economic, and cultural views. In 1940, as the result of a new Japanese government policy permitting only one paper for each prefecture, the three newspapers merged into a single newspaper under the name Okinawa Shimpo, which continued until May 24, 1945, the day before the fall of the capital of Okinawa under American attack. The f i r s t postwar paper was the Uruma Shimpo, which began publication on July 25, 1945, under the encouragement and control of American Occupation f o r c e s . At f i r s t , Uruma Shimpo was published twice a week in mimeographed f o r m and 116

Nos. 95,96

circulated among the homeless refugees who were concentrated in a camp in the Ishikawa area of Naha. The paper continued to be the main information vehicle for the Occupation forces until April 1947, when it was taken over by the Okinawans and became a commercial newspaper. As Okinawans became more and more politically conscious, efforts were made to start new newspapers, but because of pressure, especially in paper supply, from the Occupation forces, the new ventures were generally unsuccessful. A s a matter of fact, Okinawans did not perceive the power of newspapers to influence public opinion. According to a survey by a Tokyo University team in 1967, only 4.9 percent of Okinawans thought that the newspaper was the most important factor in the retrocession of Okinawa to Japan, while 37. 7 percent mentioned schoolteachers, and 15.2 percent, labor unions. As of 1971, Okinawa had six daily newspapers with a total circulation of 22, 000, reaching 60 percent of all households: in addition, 9,000 copies of mainland Japanese newspapers were brought to Okinawa by air every day.

NO. 96. "Newspaper Coverage of the Tokyo Governor's Election" AUTHOR: Michio Yanai SOURCE: The Review of Journalism (Shimbungaku Hyoron), No. 21, 1972, pp. 36-54

7. • * ? 4 7 toibZSr M ¥ S¥ ift Na 21 1972 ^ PP. 36—54

PURPOSE In April 1971, an election was held to choose the governor of Tokyo. It was a significant contest because for the first time the "progressive" and conservative opponents were thought to be fairly evenly matched in support. Both sides mounted massive political campaigns, and mass media carried news reports every day beginning in the winter. This paper surveys the coverage by major Tokyo newspapers of the campaign, with special attention to the uses of public opinion poll results.

117

Nos. 95,96

circulated among the homeless refugees who were concentrated in a camp in the Ishikawa area of Naha. The paper continued to be the main information vehicle for the Occupation forces until April 1947, when it was taken over by the Okinawans and became a commercial newspaper. As Okinawans became more and more politically conscious, efforts were made to start new newspapers, but because of pressure, especially in paper supply, from the Occupation forces, the new ventures were generally unsuccessful. A s a matter of fact, Okinawans did not perceive the power of newspapers to influence public opinion. According to a survey by a Tokyo University team in 1967, only 4.9 percent of Okinawans thought that the newspaper was the most important factor in the retrocession of Okinawa to Japan, while 37. 7 percent mentioned schoolteachers, and 15.2 percent, labor unions. As of 1971, Okinawa had six daily newspapers with a total circulation of 22, 000, reaching 60 percent of all households: in addition, 9,000 copies of mainland Japanese newspapers were brought to Okinawa by air every day.

NO. 96. "Newspaper Coverage of the Tokyo Governor's Election" AUTHOR: Michio Yanai SOURCE: The Review of Journalism (Shimbungaku Hyoron), No. 21, 1972, pp. 36-54

7. • * ? 4 7 toibZSr M ¥ S¥ ift Na 21 1972 ^ PP. 36—54

PURPOSE In April 1971, an election was held to choose the governor of Tokyo. It was a significant contest because for the first time the "progressive" and conservative opponents were thought to be fairly evenly matched in support. Both sides mounted massive political campaigns, and mass media carried news reports every day beginning in the winter. This paper surveys the coverage by major Tokyo newspapers of the campaign, with special attention to the uses of public opinion poll results.

117

No. 96 METHOD In March 1971, a group of scholars, including the author, conducted a public opinion poll under a grant from the Ministry of Education to determine the distribution of support for the two candidates. A sample of 1000 people, selected from metropolitan Tokyo, was interviewed. The results were compared with the results of other public opinion polls conducted by major newspapers and weekly magazines. MAJOR FINDINGS 1. The author's preelection survey showed that 46. 7 percent of the voters planned to vote for Mr. Minobe, the progressive candidate, while only 14. 9 percent favored Mr. Hatano, the conservative, and 3 8 . 4 percent were undecided. 2 . There were some discrepancies among the results of the public opinion polls, as is shown in the table. Table: Inventory of Preelection Public Opinion Polls Date d£ Poll

Poll-Taking Organization

Sample size

Oct. 1970

Tokyo Shimbun (N) a

Preferred Candidate (%) Minobe Hatano Undecided 61.9

13.0

1300

53.2

12.0

34.8

1200

58.4

19.5

22.1

Feb. 1971

Shukan Asahi (W)

b

Feb. 1971

Tokyo Shimbun (N)

Mar. 1971

Mainichi (N) c

1600

Mar. 1971

Shukan Asahi (W)

1000

Mar. 1971

Yomiuri (N)

Mar. 1971

Asahi (N)°

Mar. 1971

Yanai et al.

25.0 46.7

14.1

39.2 25.0

1500

c

25.1

32.0 r

looo

46.7

14.9

38.4

^N=newspaper W=weekly magazine c T h r e e major newspapers did not publish the figures for fear of affecting voters' behavior, but typical headlines said "Minobe Winning Over Hatano" or "Minobe Upward. " 3. Differences in poll results owed to, among other things, differences in wording and questionnaire design. The Tokyo Shimbun and Shukan Yomiuri surveys (not shown in the table) seemed to have questionable methodologies.

118

No. 97 NO. 97. "Cartoon Programs on TV"

¿CiSH^&^Sitli^ r f n ; s « » j YTV

AUTHOR: Shoichi Nakamura et al.

P.

SOURCE: TV Programming, YTV, Osaka, 1972, pp. 150-162

150—162

The first cartoon programs shown on TV in Japan were ones imported from the United States. In August 1958, a Disneyland series was put on the air, followed by "Popeye, " "Tom and Jerry, " "The Flintstones, " and others. A peak audience rating of 32-33 percent was recorded in 1962. This figure was beaten when "Tetsuwan Atom" ("Astroboy" in other countries) began being broadcast in January 1963. In a matter of a few weeks, its rating went up to 40.3 percent. The success of "Tetsuwan Atom" owed partly to the fact that the hero had been a familiar figure to children through comic books since 1951. This program was the first breakthrough of a comic book cartoon character into TV. Stations and sponsors, inspired by the spectacular Atom hit then started a handful of new cartoon programs. In imitation of the "Atom" theme, science fiction played a big part in these programs. The success of cartoon programs also helped to establish the idea of a children's market, and confectionery companies sponsored most of these programs. Many products with the Atom trademark began appearing in stores. Manufacturers of textiles, toys, stationery, and furniture wanted to use the Atom figure for their merchandise. The manufacturers organized an Atom Association with 50 companies and 88 kinds of registered products. This accelerated the Atom craze among children. The following figure shows the general trend of cartoon programs from 1961 to 1964. Figure: Weekly Cartoon Programs and Audience Ratings, Nov. 1961 - Jan. 1964 22 23 17 IS IS 13 | s n 3 3 1 u 'J < 2 ky ¿y l l j SS ti '¿è m É 19« -61 '63 Nov. Fab. May Aug. Oct. ion. Apr. July Oct. 22

Foreign Japan*«*

2Q

23 9

Pi fi

-44 D*c. Jan. I

119

LIST OF PERIODICALS Title

Publisher

The Annual Bulletin of NHK Radio and TV Culture Research (NHK Hdso Bunka Kenkyusho Nenpo) NHKSSiftHfiBi«

NHK Radio and TV Culture Research Institute NHSSSÎftlïÎS

Studies of Broadcasting (Hosogaku Kenkyu) %

NHK Radio and TV Culture Research Institute, Tokyo NHK«[aSS: z T -f a IW it

The Science of Thought (Shiso no Kagaku) 5 ® ffl w m

Shiso no Kagakusha, Tokyo s m ® a m tt

Shiso 6 m

Iwanami Shoten Inc., Tokyo g «»IÈ

122

INDEX

"Adjustment" relation of psychological adjustment to use of TV 30 Advertising agencies' volume in 1958 8 children imitate c o m m e r c i a l s effect of male v s . female announcers 11 for broadcasting stations 8 t e s t s of radio c o m m e r c i a l s for saturation, o r d e r effects, and repetition 11

50

Audiences schools 28, 29, 49, 93 television 5, 13, 16, 17, 18, 28, 29, 31, 34 , 45, 48, 55, 58, 61, 71, 72 , 79, 80, 81, 83, 86, 87 union 75 youth 85, 91 "Best-sellers" history of 42 Biographies content of, in textbooks

24

Age and non-listening 40 and p r e f e r e n c e among media 36 and p r e f e r e n c e for different news stories 52 and r u r a l use of radio 23 and TV news viewing 83 patterns in newspaper reading 21

Blind people use of radio

Audience r e s e a r c h , methods of (See R e s e a r c h methods)

Bubble gum method used to m e a s u r e children's attention to TV 39

Audiences blind people 67 books 42, 58, 81 cartoons 39 children 5, 16, 18, 31, 37, 47, 79, 81, 88 color TV 72 comics 79, 81 family 4, 64, 71, 80 housewives 86 magazine 58 morning v s . evening 61 movies 58 newspaper 2 , 4 , 21, 48 , 52 , 60, 62, 75, 77, 81 radio 2, 4, 22, 23, 25, 29, 32, 33, 48, 54, 58, 59, 65 rural 2, 23, 27, 29, 54, 62

67

Books best-sellers 42 children's reading of 81 inverse selection of reading to TV use 58

Cartoon p r o g r a m s effect of "Popeye" on TV 97

39

Children Can school discussion change viewing habits ? 47 change in t a s t e s 68 developing visual cognitive skills 74 development of their personal communication 15 effect of a TV cartoon 39 effect of parental control on amount of viewing 31 effect of television on their life styles 5 123

Children effects of TV viewing 35 How much do they imitate commercials ? 50 life-styles 81 media habits 79 mothers' opinion of effect of TV on their children 18 preference for TV vs. play 37, 79 relation of intelligence to TV viewing 17 relation of "latent delinquency" to TV use 17 TV viewing patterns, 1958 31 Viewing habits of 5th graders 88 Viewing patterns of very young children 37

Diffusion of news

Cognitive skills development In visual communication 73

Focus of attention of different newspapers on international leaders 6

Comics children's use of

Fijiwara incident (freedom of speech case) coverage of 82

Color TV views of

79, 81

Education and mass media use

2, 4, 10, 22

Educational Broadcasts effect in remote places 29 utilization of 2 8, 49, 93 Family types and media use

64

Fiction in newspapers

19

Figure on ground Do children discriminate?

Commercials How much do children imitate ? Control of media by government during war 20 of speech under occupation 57 73

50

Heroes in biographies

24

Income and mass media use Intelligence and TV use

10

17

Delinquency "latent delinquency" related to TV use 17

Interpersonal communication development in children 15 in diffusion of news 52 in family life 4 related to political viewpoints

Diary method of studying audiences validity of 44, 46

Interview method of studying audiences 44, 46

124

74

GSR (galvanizer skin response) used to measure TV effect 39

72

Decision-making in broadcast programming

53

10

Local newspapers 69 in political campaign "Local" stations programs and audiences

News how it reaches people

84 59

Magazine selection of reading to TV use 58 Mass media (see also books, films, newspapers, radio, television) amount of time devoted to them in daily life 51 and political consciousness 10 as source of political candidates 90 comparative opinion of 36 control during war 20 education, income, class related to media use 10 in daily life 4 in rural communities 2 primary and secondary sources of news 53 use of different family types 64 Media coverage of Fujiwara incident 82 moon landings 83 Okinawa 76 royal wedding 63 "summit conference" 6 student demonstrations 70 Tokyo Olympiad 66 Montage Do children understand? Moon landing coverage of

Non- listeners study of 40 Occupation of Japan time and media use during

83

Movies relation to TV viewing

58

Newspapers changing characteristics of readers and reading 60 children's use of 81 considered "most indispensible" news source 36, 38 content of novels in newspapers during the war 19 content read 2 criticism of 10 editors of community papers 69 family reading patterns 4 history on Okinawa 95 key symbols in 3 local political papers 84 opinions on usefulness 2 preferred stories 52 press reporting of "summit conference" 6 readership patterns 21 relation of education to reading 2 rural use of 62 study of "minor" newspapers 43 time spent reading 2 union paper 75, 77 use in rural communities 2 use patterns compared to radio and television 48 NHK history of radio and television services 9

74

Motivation for children's watching TV for newspaper reading 52

53

30

22, 58

Okinawa coverage of 76 history of broadcasting on 92 history of newspaper on 95 125

Opinion polls discrepancies in Order effect in commercials

Readership (see newspapers)

96

Repetition effect of, in commercials

11

Palau radio station history of 89 Political viewpoints and interpersonal communications and TV news preference 13

10

"Popeye" experimental test of effect of TV cartoon on children 39 Postal service use of in Japan

14

Programs process of deciding on 73 proportion of serious programming, NHK vs. commercial stations 63 Radio as "background sound" 61 changes in listening, 1947-67 65 characterisitics of most popular programs 25 classification of programs 25 conditions of rural use 54 effectiveness of commercials 11 family listening patterns 4 in rural communities 2 listening by rural people 23 non-listeners 40 radio use by blind 67 reactions to interview with prime minister 32 relation to TV viewing 58 use in schools 49, 93 use patterns compared to television and newspapers 48 utilization and effect in remote places 29 viewing patterns 22 Who supports political candidates from radio world? 90 126

11

Research (methods studied) "Bubble gum method" of measuring attention 39 diary method 46 diary vs. interview 44 GSR 39 interview methods 44, 46 Right to know case involving

82

Rural people conditions of radio and TV use effects of school TV 29 patterns of radio listening 23 use of mass media 2, 62 use of TV 27

54

Saturation effect of adding more points to commercials 11 Schools (see Educational broadcasting) Selective vs. non-selective viewing Set ownership and TV viewing

55

Sex and preference among media Social class and mass media use

36

10

Songs, popular diffusion of 78 how learned 1 psychological functions of rise and fall of popularity what makes them popular

1 1, 78 1

56

Student demonstrations coverage of 70 Symbols use of "democracy" and "freedom" in newspapers 3 Tele-clubs preferred programs 7 what was learned from them Telephone use of in Japan

7

14

Television amount and kind of violence 26 attitudes of youth toward 91 audiences and viewing patterns in Japan, 1965 45 cartoon programs 97 changes in viewing, 1960-1969 87 children's viewing patterns, 16, 18 31, 79, 81, 88 considered "most reliable" news source 36 coverage of moon landings 83 coverage of Tokyo Olympiad 66 effect of being without TV 71 effect of "heavy" viewing by children 31 effect of political crisis on TV viewing 13 effect of TV cartoons on children 39 effect on children's life styles 16 effect on school achievement 16, 18 experiment in changing viewing habits by school discussion 47 family viewing patterns 5, 80 growth of, in Japan 41 history of, in Japan 9 housewives' viewing of morning shows 86 how it came into use in rural communities 27 how mothers think it affects their children 18 impact on children 5

Television impact on family life 5 its functions for viewers 61 "latent delinquency" related to TV use 17 management and financing of commercial stations 8 news viewing 83 ownership of commercial stations 8 proportions of "serious" vs. "entertainment" programs, 1962-67 63 relation of personal adjustment to use by children 30 relation of viewing to use of other media 58 remote places, use and effect in 29 rural use 54, 62 typology of viewers 55 use patterns compared to radio and newspapers 48 utilization of in schools 28 viewers of color TV 72 viewers' opinions of 38 viewing of interviews with prime minister 32 viewing of royal weddings 12 viewing of violent programs 17 viewing patterns vs. general 22 viewing patterns in Osaka compared with Tokyo 34 Who supports political candidates from TV world? 90 Textbooks content of biographies in

24

Time studies changes 1960 to 1969 87 use of time in Japanese daily life 22, 51 Tokyo election newspaper coverage of Types of viewing habits

96 56

127

Union newspapers Videotape in schools

75, 77 93

Violence effects of 35 in TV programs 26 viewing by different kinds of children 17 Vocabulary audience knowledge of new words

94

Youth attitudes on use of leisure time (age 16 to 25) 85 attitudes toward TV (age 16 to 18)

91

128