Japanese Communist Party, 1922-1945 0804706743, 9780804706742

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The Japanese Communist Party, 1922-1945

T h e Japanese Communist Party 1 9 2 2 -1 9 4 5

by George M . Beckmann & Ohubo Genji

Stanford University Press, Stanford, California ig6g

Stanford University Press Stanford, California © 1969 by the Board of Trustees of the Leland Stanford Junior University Printed in the United States of America L.C. 68-26776

Preface

This book was undertaken because of the authors' interest in two as­ pects of modem Japanese history. First, we wanted to study the Japa­ nese Communist Party—both as a secret revolutionary organization in the prewar Japanese left-wing movement and as the ideological precursor of the Communist Party and the left-wing factions of the Socialist Party of postwar Japan: we wanted to examine the role of the party in spreading Marxism and Marxism-Leninism in prewar Japan. Second, we hoped to cast new light on the nature of the Japa­ nese imperial system through an analysis of its reaction to the chal­ lenge of Marxism and Marxism-Leninism. At the same time, we wanted to study the influence of Japanese conditions, including the imperial system with its nationalism and expansionism, on the Jap­ anese communist movement. As our investigations progressed, we came to realize that our work had significance for the study of inter­ national communism, especially in view of the continuing difficulties of the Communist International in formulating strategy and tactics for the Japanese communist movement and in maintaining control over it. We are indebted to a number of organizations and institutions that have provided both encouragement and financial support. They in­ clude the Ford Foundation, the Foreign Area Fellowship Program, the Board of Foreign Scholars and the Fulbright Secretariat in Japan, and the Endowment Association and Faculty Research Program of the University of Kansas. Our indebtedness to the many scholars whose research has provided part of the foundation on which this book was written is not individually acknowledged here, but we have called attention to their work in the notes and bibliography. G.M.B. O.G.

Contents

1 Revolutionary Socialism in Japan, 1898-1921

1

2 From Communist Group to Communist Party, 1920-1922

30

3 The Party, Yamakawaism, and Dissolution, 1922-1924

55

4

T he Bureau and the Group, 1924-1926

79

5

Reestablishment of the Party, 1926-1927

105

6 Suppression of the Party, 1928

138

7 Reorganization and Defections, 1928-1930

164

8 T he Struggle for a Firm Strategy and Structure,1930-1932

197

9 Years of Retreat, 1932-1945

239

Appendixes

279

A. Draft Platform of 1922, 279. B. Shanghai Theses of 1925, 283. C. Moscow Theses of 1926, 293. D. 1927 Theses, 295. E. 1931 Theses, 309. F. 1932 Theses, 332. G. Nosaka-Yamamoto Letter of 1936, 352.

Biographical Sketches

362

Chronology

39°

Notes

4°3

Bibliography

429

Index

443

The Japanese Communist Party, 1922-1945

Chapter i Revolutionary Socialism in Japan, 1898-1921

Socialism took hold in Japan among intellectuals in the decade fol­ lowing the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-95, when industrialization and urbanization began to have noticeable impact on Japanese society.1 T he earliest socialist organizations were social study groups, and of these the most influential was the Society for the Study of Socialism (Shakaishugi Kenkyukai), founded by a handful of Christian intellec­ tuals in Tokyo in October 1898. Its members were pledged to study and discuss the advisability of applying socialism in Japan; they used as sources the works of a variety of European and American socialist thinkers, including Saint-Simon, Fourier, Proudhon, Lassalle, Bebel, Henry George, and Marx. Those who became committed to socialism, some 40 members in all, formed the Socialist Society (Shakaishugi Kyokai) in May 1900. Their socialism, whose basic tenets they hoped to disseminate as widely as possible among the masses, was an amalgam of Christian humanitarianism, social democracy, and pacifism. Some of these intellectuals looked to the budding labor movement to achieve economic and social reform. Metalworkers, machinists, and railway workers—all part of the modern industrial sector of the econ­ omy—had by the turn of the century formed labor unions in order to put their demands before Japan’s capitalists. They had the skills re­ quired to establish bargaining power and, for a time, the courage to resort to the use of strikes. In all, some 20,000 workers in the TokyoYokohama area, or about 5 per cent of the modern industrial labor force, were unionized; however, most of the unions were small, hav­ ing fewer than 500 members. Pioneer social reformers like Takano Fusataro and Katayama Sen became active in the labor movement and sought to expand and strengthen it through the formation of new unions. But they were not revolutionaries. They wanted to re­ form capitalism and work for the gradual achievement of a socialist society. They found, however, that there were certain serious obstacles to be overcome. Not only were they faced with apathy on the part of the majority of workers, but the state used its full power to suppress

2

Revolutionary Socialism, 1898-1921

their efforts.2The police, who equated unionism with anarchism, con­ stantly broke up labor meetings, and in the spring of 1900 the Diet passed the Public Peace Police Law, Article 17 of which declared or­ ganized action on the part of workers to be a disturbance of the public peace. For all practical purposes, the formation of unions and the call­ ing of strikes became illegal. The labor movement temporarily stag­ nated thereafter, except for spontaneous outbursts by workers that in­ variably culminated in violence, a significant example being the 1907 riots at the copper mines at Ashio and Besshi. Not until World War I were conditions favorable for a second attempt at establishing a labor movement. The direct suppression of the labor movement by the state, and in­ directly by the capitalists behind the state, stimulated some members of the Socialist Society, for the most part Christians, to look to the formation of a political party in order to achieve some fundamental reforms. Five of the six men who launched the Social Democratic Par­ ty (Shakai Minshuto) in May 1901 were Christians—Abe Isoo, Katayama Sen, Kawakami Kiyoshi, Kinoshita Naoe, and Nishikawa Kojiro. The sixth, Kotoku Shusui, was a product of the radical wing of the democratic movement. Their goal was “to break down the gap between the poor and the rich through pure socialism and democracy to realize a victory of pacifism in the whole world.“ Their “Platform of Action“ to achieve that goal was based on the principle of reform through legal means. They denounced anarchism and violence. “It is only the nihilist and the anarchist who brandishes a sword and throws bombs. Since our Social Democratic Party absolutely opposes the use of force, we will never imitate the foolishness of the nihilist and anar­ chist.“ The platform called for the establishment of basic rights, espe­ cially universal suffrage, repeal of the Public Peace Police Law, aboli­ tion of the peerage system, establishment of a system of free education, nationalization of the means of transportation and production, public ownership of land, and disarmament. It concluded with a reiteration of their commitment to legal means and an evolutionary course of action: “The time for achieving our aspirations will come in that fu­ ture day when our party obtains a majority in the Diet.“3 The government lost no time in moving against the Social Demo­ cratic Party. Immediately after the formation of the party was an­ nounced publicly, the home minister ordered it to dissolve, prohibited circulation of the newspaper editions carrying the announcement, and charged the editors responsible for them with violating the Press Law.

Revolutionary Socialism, 1898-1921

3

Clearly the government would not tolerate the formation of a politi­ cal party that sought to alter the existing political and economic order. Deprived of the opportunity to establish an effective labor base and prohibited from engaging in politics, Japanese socialists turned once again to the organization of study groups and to the dissemination of ideas. Many of them toured the country, holding meetings and dis­ cussions among intellectuals and workers. The Socialist Society, for example, held 182 meetings between April 1902 and the end of 1903. Although the government tolerated socialism as an academic and the­ oretical movement, it would not countenance an activist one. When the socialists attempted to spread their ideas among the masses, they suffered constant harassment by the state. The police confiscated their publications, and the editors and publishers were often fined or im­ prisoned. For example, when Kotoku and Sakai Toshihiko, who was one of the first systematic students of Marxism, sought to create oppo­ sition to the war with Russia through the weekly Commoners' News (Heimin Shinbun), the Katsura cabinet frequently prohibited distri­ bution of issues, arrested and jailed the editors, and ultimately forced them to cease publication.4 The police also interfered with the con­ duct of socialist meetings, often dissolving them. The heaviest blow fell in November 1904, when the government ordered the Socialist Society to disband. REFORMERS AND REVOLUTIONARIES

Government attitudes and actions tended to split Japan's socialists into two groups by 1906—reformers and revolutionaries. The former were for the most part Christian social democrats like Abe, Kinoshita, and Katayama. They spoke through the monthly New Era (Shin E i­ gen), which exuded a kind of Tolstoyan humanitarianism and ad­ vocated universal suffrage and social reform through parliamentary action. The latter were materialists who derived their ideas from Ger­ man and French Marxist and anarcho-syndicalist sources. Their num­ ber included Kotoku, who had come to scorn Christianity, Nishikawa, who deserted his former Christian friends, Sakai, Yamaguchi Koken, and younger men like Yamakawa Hitoshi, Arahata Kanson, and Osugi Sakae. Nishikawa and Yamaguchi published The Light (Hikari) and Sakai, Studies in Socialism (Shakaishugi Kenkyu), in order to popularize the ideas of class struggle and revolutionary action by class­ conscious workers. Earlier, in November 1904, Kotoku and Sakai had

4

Revolutionary Socialism, i8p8-ip2i

published Marx and Engels' Communist Manifesto in Commoners9 News, only to have the police immediately ban the issue. While the materialist socialists based their strategy on Marxist principles like the class struggle, they were at the same time attracted to the tactics of anarcho-syndicalism. The career of Kotoku, who emerged as the theoretical leader of the materialist camp, illustrates the changes in approach first from politi­ cal liberalism to social democracy and then from social democracy to anarcho-syndicalism. He was born in 1871 in Kochi Prefecture on the island of Shikoku, the birthplace of the democratic movement of the 1870’s and 1880’s. After graduation from middle school, Kotoku went to Tokyo to live with a prominent member of the Liberal Party, and in the capital city got his first taste of the repressive power of the state. He was among 300 political dissenters ordered to leave Tokyo in De­ cember 1887, when the government first enforced the Peace Preserva­ tion Ordinance. He became a disciple of Nakae Chomin—writer, edi­ tor, translator of Rousseau, and a leading champion of popular rights. Under Nakae’s influence, Kotoku became a strong advocate of univer­ sal suffrage and the initiative and referendum. He supported himself as a staff writer for Central News (Chuo Shinbun), which he quit when it became the organ of the oligarch Ito Hirobumi in 1899, and for Morning News (Yorozu Choho), where he won his early fame. He be­ came interested in socialism in the 1890’s and, like his colleagues in the Socialist Society, advocated economic and social reform through the achievement of parliamentary democracy. His transformation from evolutionary socialist to “radical anarchist,” according to his own account, was the result of his antiwar struggle against the state and his confinement in prison for five months in 1905.5 He was thor­ oughly converted to anarcho-syndicalism through his reading of Kro­ potkin and through direct observation of the activities of the Indus­ trial Workers of the World during a visit to the United States from November 1905 to June 1906. Kotoku explained his new position in speeches and articles after his return to Japan.6 He now believed that the abolition of the state, the destruction of capitalism, and the formation of a free society could be achieved only by the direct action of organized workers. He rejected action in the political field, maintaining that efforts to gain universal suffrage and seek reform through the Diet were a waste of time. He insisted that the Diet would forever be the tool of the propertied class: if the promise of democracy ever showed prospects of becoming more

Revolutionary Socialism, 1898-1921

5

than a delusion for deceiving the people, the propertied class would use all the power and influence that come from the possession of wealth to reduce the role of government to the simple function of acting as a policeman. Moreover, as an anarchist, Kotoku regarded the Japanese social democrats as corrupted by political power, since they accepted the premises of the bourgeois state. According to Koto­ ku, the force necessary to bring about the transformation of society lay in the weapons of labor—direct negotiations with employers and strikes, especially the general strike, which was to be the instrument for compelling the bourgeois state to yield its place on the historical stage to voluntary associations of the wage-earning class. Kotoku rec­ ognized that anarcho-syndicalism departed from strict anarchism in its utilization of the labor union as a necessary organizational form, but it was attractive to him, as it was to radical socialists in Europe and the United States, because it appeared to provide a shortcut to socialism. Moreover, it seemed suited to the Japanese scene, where the gradual approach of the social democrats was making little, if any, headway in the face of a repressive regime. Kotoku felt that the spontaneous labor riots of 1906 and 1907 confirmed this judgment. While Japan’s socialists during this period can be divided into two main camps, there are some dangers in such a classification, especially when characterizing particular individuals. Kotoku and Katayama present no major problems in this respect: Kotoku was impatient with the parliamentarianism of the social democrats and looked to the di­ rect action of anarcho-syndicalism, while Katayama espoused the par­ liamentary tactics of social democracy and was unequivocal in his con­ demnation of anarcho-syndicalism as a dangerous doctrine. However, Yamakawa, though strongly influenced by the ideas of Kotoku, upheld political action as a means of developing class consciousness among workers. Tazoe Tetsuji, close to Katayama, made the strongest argu­ ments for a parliamentary policy, criticizing direct action as woefully ineffective. Sakai, hoping to effect a compromise, advocated a combi­ nation of direct action and parliamentarianism. Classification also tends to obscure the extent to which individuals in both camps in­ creasingly utilized Marxist ideas to support their arguments. Kotoku and Katayama both believed that the degeneration of the working class was an inevitable result of capitalism, but Kotoku held that the emancipation of the proletariat was contingent upon the destruction of capitalism, while Katayama believed that it could be achieved through reform. Both felt that Marxism provided a theoretical frame-

6

Revolutionary Socialism, 1898-1921

work for analyzing existing conditions in Japanese society and for de­ termining the general principles of strategy for the socialist move­ ment, but not its tactics. Even Sakai, who had perhaps the deepest knowledge of Marxism among all the early Japanese socialists, could not find in it the basis for revolutionary tactics. Such an insight came only after the Russian Revolution and the popularization of Leninism in Japan. The Japanese socialists, despite their differences, joined together to take advantage of the improved political atmosphere following the in­ stallation of the Saionji cabinet in January 1906, and formed the Ja­ pan Socialist Party (Nihon Shakaito). Its announced objective was the achievement of socialism within the limits of the law. Perhaps for this reason, the party was not suppressed by the government, although it actively disseminated socialist ideas. But the party, which had less than 200 members, was soon rent by factionalism based on differences of opinion regarding tactics; against the background of labor unrest, the appeal of the direct action tactics of anarcho-syndicalism grew. Kotoku attacked the social democratic parliamentarians at the February 1907 party convention and called for direct action by organized work­ ers. He and his followers succeeded in getting the phrase “within the limits of the law“ deleted from the party constitution, but they were unable to get a majority to endorse direct action as the major, if not sole, tactical weapon. Nevertheless, there was much greater support for Kotoku than there was for Tazoe and his advocacy of a commitment to a parliamentary policy. In the end, a bare majority endorsed the view espoused by Sakai, who still sought to maintain unity through compromise, that the forms of activity, including the movement for universal suffrage, be left up to the party members' in­ dividual discretion.7 When the results of the convention were report­ ed in the Commoners' News, which had been revived as a daily in Jan­ uary 1907, the Saionji cabinet quickly ordered the dissolution of the Socialist Party, denouncing it for fomenting labor unrest. Later, in April 1907, Saionji forced the Commoners' News to cease publication. Subsequent cabinets maintained the policy of suppression, and the so­ cialists made no further attempts at political organization for more than a decade. However, the socialists—reformers and revolutionaries alike—con­ tinued to attack capitalists, politicians, bureaucrats, and the military, although they did not gain any popular support. When General Katsura, the prime minister who had ordered the Socialist Society to dis-

Revolutionary Socialism, 1898-1921

*73* Association for Rebuilding the LaborFarmer Party (Ronoto Saiken Shinto Jumbikai), 158-59 August League (Hachigatsu Domei), 24 Automobile Workers Union, 262 Baku Congress, 29,35,37t Bank Gang Incident, see Arrests Battle Flag (Senkt), 213t Bebel, August, 1 Bergson, Henri, 11 Blue Uniform (Aofuku), 13 Browder, Earl, i6on, 171 Brown, E. H., 105 Builders’ League (Kensetsusha Domei), 19, 58,67,71,102 Bukharin, N. I., 14,43f, 60, 80, ii7ff, 164ft, 197,206ft Bukharin Theses, see Draft Platform Bulgaria, 206 Bungei Sensen, 120, 213 Bunka Domei, 58,67 Business News (Jitsugyo Shinbun), 8 Capital, 13 Central committees: ist JCP, 49,63; Group, 94; 2d JCP, 112,125,138-39,172,176,182, i88f, 199, 220, 235, 239, 243t; prison cen­ tral committee, 20on Central News (Chuo Shinbun), 4 Central Review (Chuo Koron), 69, 148 Chiang Kai-shek, 127,163 Chikauchi Konnai, 139,150 China, 27f, 61, 91, 168, 171, 186, 191, 197, 267; and Comintern, 27, 36, 40ft, 83, 272; revolution, 114, 120, 144, 151, i66f, 177, 186, 205, 219; Communist Party in, 12324, 127, 167, 249, 264-65; war with Japan, 124, 162L 167, 219-23 passim, 234, 262, 271 Chou En-lai, 171 Christianity, iff, 9 ,2of, 105 Chuo Koron, 69,148

Index

444 Chuo Shinbun, 4 Class War (Kaikyusen), 5011,140 Comintern (Third International), 14,27,68, 85,125, 138,150,156, 194-98 passim; con­ cern with Asia, 26-30, 36-45; and SinoJapanese conflict, 163, 229; Far Eastern Bureau, 17m, 186, 201, 236; dissolved, 266, 275. See also Communist Interna­ tional and International Press Corre­ spondence —Congresses: Second, 28, 35f; Third, 32t, 35-38, 52, 58; Fourth, 48, 59-64 passim, 7on, 78; Fifth, 78, 83, 890, 94; Sixth, 154, 164-68, 171, 189, 205-9 passim; Seventh, 164, 254-57 —ECCI Plenums: Third, 69-71; Sixth, 1056; Seventh, 112, 117; Eighth, 119; Tenth, 194,205, 208 —and Japan: early contact with leftists, 29-45 passim; JCP as branch, 59, 7on; re­ action to suppression of JCP, 69®, 16063; relations with JCP, 77®, 94, 118-26, 134» 155» i86f, 246, 253-57 passim, 272-74; and reestablishment of JCP, 83-87, 199; on Yamakawaism and Fukumotoism, 122-23, 144 —Theses: “The National and Colonial Question,” 28, 41; “The World Situation and Our Tasks,” 35; “Organizational Structure of the Communist Parties,” 36; “The United Workers’ Front,” 53; “The­ ses on Tactics,” 83; “The International Situation and the Tasks of the Comin­ tern,” 164-66. For theses on Japan, see Theses and individual theses by name Commoners* News (Heimin Shinbun), weekly, 3f, 8ff; daily, 6; monthly, 11 Communist International, 228f Communist Organizations of the East Congress, 26f Communist Youth League, see Japanese Communist Youth League Conference on the International Union of Socialist Parties, 44 Congress of Japanese Labor Unions (Nihon Rodo Kumiai Kaigi), 222 Congress of the Peoples of the East, see Baku Congress Council for Making Zenkyo Militant (Senkyo), 196,212 Culture League (Bunka Domei), 58,67 Daini Musansha Shinbun, see The Second Proletarian News Dawn Society (Reimeikai), 18 Defections from JCP, 183-87, 245-52,275 Democracy, 19

Dimitrov, Georgi, 255 Dokuritsu Rodo Kyokai, 99n, 102 Doshisha University, 8 Draft Platform (1922), 59-62,64-67,98,120, 279-82 (text) Eastern Workers Communist University (KUTV), see Kutobe Emancipation (.Kaiho), i3n, 54 Engels, 80,108 Enlightened People’s Communist Party (Gyomin Kyosanto), 34-35, 39»4 8»49n»63* Enlightenment Society (Keimeikai), 23,58 Far Eastern Peoples’ Congress, 38-45 Farmer-Labor Party (Nomin Rodoto), 99-100 Federation of Government Enterprise Workers (Kangyo Rodo Sodomei), 100, 203 Formosa, see Taiwan Fourier, Charles, 1 Fractions, 94, 106, 139, 142, 150, 166, 170, 176,183,195t, 203,211-14 passim, 252 Friday Society, 14 Friend of the Soldiers (.Heishi no Tomo), 235» 242

Friendly Society, see Yuaikai Fujii Hideo, 260 Fujii Tetsuo, ii2n, 139,152,364 (biog.) Fujiwara Hisashi, 11211 Fukuda Tokuzo, 18 Fukumoto Kazuo, 68n, 80, 104-29 passim, 139, 154, 174, 2i6n, 219, 274; Fukumoto­ ism, i07n, 108-14 passim, i82ff; antiFukumotoism, 116-19, 122-23, 128t, 14445» 205; 364-65 (biog.) Fukuoka News {Fukuoka Shinbun), 8 Fuse Tatsuji, 218 Futsusenkyo Kenkyukai, 18 Gakuren (All-Japan Student Social Science Federation), 58,92-93,195 General Federation of Japanese Labor Unions (Nihon Rodo Kumiai Sorengo), 56,100 General Federation of Japanese Peasant Unions (Nihon Nomin Kumiai Sodomei), losn, 213 Gengoromaru Yoshiharu, 227, 235 Genro, i6f, 268,270 George, Henry, 1 Germany, 42, 83,130, 254; Communist Party in, 108, 234; idealism, 269 Gikai Kaisan Toso Domei, 190 Goshiki convention, 112-16 passim Gospel to Youth (Seinen no Fukuin), 9

Index Great Britain, 27, 83, 120, 186, 266; Com­ munist Party in, 49, 105, 166. See also Imperialism Grey, B., 34-35 Gunji Kenkyudan, 67 Gyomin Kyosanto, 34-35, 39,48,4gn, 63! Gyominkai, 19,34 Hachigatsu Domei, 24 Hakaraada Satomi, 160,240, 25iff, 264, 267, 365 (biog.) Hamaguchi, Prime Minister, 189-92 passim,

215

Hanaoka Kiyoshi, 4911 Haniya Tamazo, 4gn Hara Takashi, Prime Minister, i6ff, 23,150 Hasegawa Hiroshi, 261 Hasegawa Shigeru, 235 Hashiura Tokio, 32,49,630,68 Hayama Yoshiki, 490 Heckert, Profin tern official, 169 Heimin Shinbun, see Commoners* News Heishi no Tomo, 235, 242 Heller, L., 84, 89,105 Heller Theses (1925), 89-94 passim Henmi Shigeo, 242n, 243s High Mast (Takai Masto), 235 High Treason Case of 1911,7,65 Hikari, 3 Hirabayashi Hatsunosuke, 490 Hirano Rikizo, 101,174 Hirasawa Eiichi, 235 Hirasawa Keishiichi, 71 Hirata Shinsaku, 34 Hirohito, Emperor, 266 Hojo Kazuo, see Fukumoto Kazuo Hojo Yotsuo, 235 Hokkaido News (Hokkaido Tsushin), 140 Hososako Kanemitsu, i02ff, 159,172 Hosoya Matsuta, 174 Huang Pin, i6on Hungary, 42, 206 Hyogikai (Japan Labor Union Council), 90-93, 98-101 passim, 115, 143, 156, 174; communist influence in, 97, 116, 125, 127, 139» *43.154* »7°: dissolved, 159,163 Ichikawa Shoichi, 46,490,76L 95,116,152®, 165-68 passim, 180; arrest, trial, and im­ prisonment, 68, 154, 2i7ff, 264; central committee posts, 112, 125, 138L 172, 176; controversies over theory, i27f, 136, 148; 365-66 (biog). Ichikawa Yoshio, 4gn, 64,68 Iijima Kimi, 227 Iishi Masayoshi, 235 Iizuka Mitsunobu, see Matsumura Noboru

445

Imaizumi Zenichi, 235! Imamoto Bunkichii, 193! Imperial system, 9, 184t, 207, 246, 270-75 passim; communist views on, 44, 61, 65, 98, 124, 14&-49, i77ff, 227-32 passim, 254, 265ft Inamura Junzo, 159 Inamura Ryuichi, 4gn, 139,184, 2090 Independent Labor Association (Dokuritsu Rodo Kyokai), 99n, 102 Industrial Labor Research Institute, 231, 243

Industrial Workers of the World, 4,29, 35 Inokuchi Masao, 150 Inomata Tsunao, 49n, 58, 64-68 passim, 146, 262; as theorist, 80, 129-37 passim, 148, 174-81 passim, 209-10, 243; “The Political Position of the Bourgeoisie in Contemporary Japan,” 130-31, 178; 366 (biog.) International, 231 International Federation of Trade Unions, 37* International Labor Organization, 72 International News (Kokusai Tsushin), 257 International Press Correspondence (Inprecorr), 95n, 120, 150, 160, 17m, 227-31 passim International Socialist Review, 24 Inukai Tsuyoshi, Prime Minister, 223f,

245»

Ishida Kyozo, 235 Ishidate Kotoei, 189 Isozaki Iwao, 220 Ito Hirobumi, 4 Ito Masanosuke, 91-92 Ito Naoe, 11,71 Ito Ritsu, 261, 263 Ito Tamotsu, 174, 219 Iwao Iesada, 193L 198,250 Iwata Yoshimichi, 94,154L 199t, 220, 235, 237.243

Jan son, Jacob, 94,107,117ft, *38n, 139,155, 171,196t Japan Fabian Society, 80,990 Japan Farmer Party (Nihon Nominto), 101,

173

Japan Federation of Consumer Unions, 252, 262 Japan General Federation of Miners, 67 Japan Labor-Farmer Party (Nihon Ronoto), 102-4, !57» *731 communist views on, 114,117,123,125,143,149ft, l69 Japan Labor News (Nihon Rodo Shinbun), 13. 25 Japan Labor Union Council, see Hyogikai

Index

446 Japan Labor Union Federation (Nihon Rodo Kumiai Sorengo), 56,100 Japan Labor Union League (Zen Nihon Kumiai Domei), i02f Japan Masses Party (Nihon Taishuto), 17376 passim, 192,196,221 Japan Peasant Union (Nihon Nomin Ku­ miai) 57-58, 93, 96, 100--4 passim, 143, 154.

l6 °

Japan Political News (Nihon Seiji Shinbun), 250 Japan Proletarian Culture Federation, see KOPF Japan Proletarian Literary Arts League (Nihon Puroretaria Bungei Renmei), 213 Japan Proletarian Party (Nihon Musanto), 262f Japan Socialist Party (Nihon Shakaito), 6-9 passim, 99 Japanese Communist Band (Nihon Kyosanshugisha Dan), 260-61 Japanese Communist Bureau (1924), 79, 8387 passim, 94 Japanese Communist Group (1925), 95-96, 106 Japanese Communist Party: organization of ist JCP (1922), 31L 48-50, 59f; disso­ lution of, 76-78; organization of 2d JCP (1926), 111-18 passim; membership, 4“The United Front of the Proletariat,” 53-54; 388-89 (biog.) Yamamoto Aki, 252 Yamamoto Chuhei, i88n

Index Yamamoto Kenzo, 49n, 64-68 passim, 83,88, 125, i$8f, 200, 230; labor activities, 50, 57, gof; candidate for Diet, 150, 191; in U.S.S.R., 154, 165-68 passim, 196-99 pas­ sim, 251, 254®, 264; “A Letter to the Japanese Communists,” 257-60, 352-61 (text); 389 (biog.) Yamamoto Kumeki, i88n, 189 Yamamoto Masami, 228, 230,239-42 Yamamoto Senji, 173,176 Yamashita Heiji, 239, 242 Yamashita Tokuji, 235 Yang Ming-chai, 29 Yi Chung-rim, 31 Yi Ch’un-suk, 30 Yohena Tomotaro, 69 Yorozu Choho, 4, 8 Yoshida Hajime, 39-45 passim Yoshida Yoshiichi, 214, 224 Yoshikawa Morikuni, 32,49,63L 68,135, $89 (biog.) Yoshino Sakuzo, i7f, 99n, 268 Yoshiwara Gentaro, 2gf, 35,39 Young Communist International, 58,168, 175.195

Yuaikai (Friendly Society), 20-24,50,55!, 70 Zemenof, Lazarus, 19

453

Zempyo (National Council of Japanese Labor Unions), 26if Zen Nihon Kumiai Domei, io2f Zen Nihon Musan Seinen Domei, 93-94, 154,156,163 Zen Nihon Musansha Geijetsu Renmei (NAPF), 213 Zen Nihon Nomin Kumiai, 103,160, 213 Zen Nihon Nomin Kumiai Domei, 101 Zen Nihon Rodo Sodomei, 261 Zenei, see Vanguard Zenkoku Rono Taishuto, 22iff, 261 Zenkoku Taishuto, 221 Zenkyo (National Council of Japanese Labor Unions), 174-75, 190-97 passim, 203-4, 210, 218, 226, 237fr, 245, 252-53; communist influence in, 174-76, 181-83, 188,196,21 if, 240, 243 Zenkyo Renovation League (Zenkyo Sashin Domei, or Satsudo), 195ft, 252 Zenno (National Peasant Union), 160, 181, 195-96,212-13,252,26^ Zenno National Congress (Zenno Zenkoku Kaigi), 204,212-13,237,239 Zenro (National Labor Union League), 22if, 261 Zenshin, 250 Zinoviev, Gregory, 36-44 passim, 59t, 70t, 78,118