Issues in Japanese Linguistics [Reprint 2021 ed.] 9783112420423, 9783112420416

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Issues in Japanese Linguistics

Studies in Generative Grammar The goal of this series is to publish those texts t h a t are representative of recent advances in t h e theory of f o r m a l g r a m m a r . Too m a n y studies do not reach t h e public they deserve because of t h e depth a n d detail t h a t m a k e t h e m unsuitable for publication in article form. W e hope t h a t t h e present series will m a k e t h e s e studies available to a w i d e r audience t h a n has hitherto been possible. Editors: J a n Köster Henk v a n Riemsdijk

Other books in this series: 1. Wim Zonneveld A Formal Theory of Exceptions Generative Phonology

in

2. Pieter Muysken Syntactic Developments in the Verb Phrase of Ecuadorian Quechua 3. Geert Booij Dutch Morphology 4. Henk van Riemsdijk A Case Study in Syntactic ness

Marked-

of Aspect

9. Noam Chomsky Lectures on Government and

Binding

10. Robert May and Jan Koster (eds.) Levels of Syntactic Representation 11. Luigi Rizzi Issues in Italian Syntax

Grammar

23. S.J. Keyser/W. O'Neil Rule Generalization and Optionality Language Change

in

24. Julia Horvath FOCUS in the Theory of Grammar and the Syntax of Hungarian 25. Pieter Muysken and Henk van Riemsdijk Features and Projections 26. Joseph Aoun Generalized Binding. The Syntax and Logical Form of Wh-interrogatives

Syntax

27. Ivonne Bordelois, Heles Contreras and Karen Zagona Generative Studies in Spanish Syntax

13. Hagit Borer Parametric Syntax

15. Hilda Koopman The Syntax of Verbs

19. Joseph E. Emonds A Unified Theory of Syntactic Categories

22. J. Guéron/H.G. Obenauer/ J.-Y.Pollock (eds.) Grammatical Representation

7. Anneke Neijt Gapping

14. Denis Bouchard On the Content of Empty

the

18. Sergio Scalise Generative Morphology

21. Jindrich Toman Studies on German

6. Pieter Muysken (ed.) Generative Studies on Creole Languages

12. Osvaldo Jaeggli Topics in Romance

Branching

17. Jerzy Rubach Cyclic and Lexical Phonology: Structure of Polish

20. Gabriella Hermon Syntactic Modularity

5. Jan Köster Locality Principles in Syntax

8. Christer Platzack The Semantic Interpretation and Aktionsarten

16. Richard S. Kayne Connectedness and Binary

Categories

28. Marina Nespor and Irene Vogel Prosodie Phonology

Takashi Imai and Mamoru Saito (eds.)

Issues in Japanese Linguistics

¥ 1987

FORIS PUBLICATIONS Dordrecht - Holland/Providence - U.S.A.

Published

by:

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CIP-DATA

Issues Issues in Japanese Linguistics / Takashi Imai and Mamoru Saito (eds.). - Dordrecht [etc.]: Foris. - (Studies in Generative Grammar; 29) ISBN 90-6765-284-9 paper ISBN 90-6765-283-0 bound SISO japa 837.4 UDC 809.56-4+809-56-56 Subject heading: Japanese language ; generative grammar.

ISBN 90 6765 283 0 (Bound) ISBN 90 6765 284 9 (Paper) © 1986 Foris Publications - Dordrecht No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission from the copyright owner. Printed in The Netherlands by ICG Printing, Dordrecht.

Contents

Preface Introduction Kazuko Inoue 1. 2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7. 8. 9.

Metrical Structure and Compounds in Japanese Yasuaki Abe Japanese as a Tone Language Mary M. Clark

vii

1 5 53

Parameters in Binding Theory - Some Suggestions Based on an Analysis of Japanese Robert Fiengo and Makiko Haruna

107

The Multi-dimentional Grammatical Theory Shosuke Haraguchi

129

Weak Crossover and Japanese Phrase Structure Hajime Hoji

163

Some Consequences of Move-a and Japanese Grammar Takashi Imai

203

Movement of Noun Phrases in Japanese S-Y. Kuroda

229

Restructuring in Japanese Shigeru Miyagawa

273

Three Notes on Syntactic Movement in Japanese Mamoru Saito

301

10. Configurationality parameters John Whitman

351

Preface

This volume is a collection of ten recent contributions to the Generative Study of the Japanese language. The contributors do not agree on all major issues, and the aim of this volume is not to present a coherent answer to the issues in the field. The goal instead is to present a collection of papers that would form bases for the future studies in Japanese Generative Grammar. We believe that the papers in this volume are significant not only because they provide interesting answers to various problems, but also because they raise interesting new issues, which we hope will be discussed extensively in the future. We hope that the works in this volume will be examined closely, criticized productively, and extended in various ways to advance the field. We started working on this volume in 1982. Saito solicited papers in the U.S., while Imai collected papers in Japan and did the final editing. All the papers submitted to this volume were refereed by outside reviewers, and we made the decision on the content of this volume oh the basis of the opinions of those reviewers. We would like to thank those who kindly agreed to review papers for us, as well as those who gave us valuable advice on the selection of papers; Diana Archangeli, Noam Chomsky, Nigel Fabb, Naoki Fukui, Kenneth Hale, Morris Halle, Nobuko Hasegawa, James Higginbotham, Hajime Hoji, Chisato Kitagawa, Jan Koster, Douglas Pulleyblank, and Henk van Riemsdijk. The papers in this volume were revised, in most cases extensively, after the authors agreed to publish them here. The revision process took only three months for some papers, but over two years for others,. Consequently, the date we received the final manuscript varies considerably, depending on the paper. We apologize profusely for the delay in the publications of this volume, especially to those authors who sent their final manuscripts early, and to the authors of those papers whose review process took much longer than expected. We thank them for their patience. We would like to thank Henk van Riemsdijk and Jan Koster, the series editors for Studies in Generative Grammar, for their interest in this volume, their invaluable advice, and their constant encouragement, and Henk La Porte, the president of Foris Publications, for his generous as-

viii

Preface

sistance and patience. We thank Michiko H. Imai for her help with typing and other related chores. And finally, we are most grateful to Kazuko Inoue for agreeing to write an Introduction for this volume. Takashi Imai and Mamoru Saito Editor

Introduction KazukoInoue

Over the past twenty-five years, study of the Japanese language within the framework of generative transformational theory has developed steadily in response to constant theoretical questioning as to the descriptive and explanatory adequacy of the generative theory itself. In the course of the development of Japanese generative grammar, various new insights have emerged from intensive and cumulative efforts to study relevant data that had received but scant attention from linguists in the pregenerative era. Distribution of the reflexive form 'zibun' and zero pronouns, the functions of grammatical case particles 'ga' and 'o' as distinct from semantically chosen case particles such as 'kara' (from), 'de' (at, with), 'e' (to), and syntactic derivations of sentences with complex predicates such as causative and potential sentences, are examples of areas on which an entirely new light has been shed in recent years. The emphasis in research on Japanese, however, has not coincided with that in work on English and some other Indo-European languages. While the constraints on movement transformations were intensely studied in the early part of the '70's, as exemplified by Chomsky (1973), the focus of Japanese linguistics was on something else. The "island" effects are not directly reflected as such in Japanese, but in various forms which call for interpretive rules rather than movement transformations, one instance being the appearance of resumptive pronouns in such contexts. As a matter of fact, almost none of the movement rules proposed on the basis of the standard theory were applicable to Japanese. Under these circumstances it was not until the introduction of Government and Binding Theory that many problems central to Japanese study could be comfortably cast in the universal theoretical framework. Except for the two papers on phonology (Abe and Clark), the papers in this volume have GB Theory as a common starting point, whether based on it or not. Since 'Move a', the only transformation permitted in this framework, is parametrized, one of the centers of debate has been the question of whether or not 'Move a' can be assumed for Japanese. The papers by Hoji, Saito, Kuroda, and Imai give an affirmative answer to this question, taking up scrambling, topicalization, and relativization as relevant cases. The main theme of Kuroda's paper is the derivation of

2

Introduction

typical 'tough' sentences, i.e. sentences with complex predicates with 'yasui' (easy), 'nikui' (difficult), etc., which is claimed to involve NP movement, something like the NP movement applied in the derivation of English passive sentences. Another point of debate is the conflgurationality parameter. The basic characteristics of non-configurational languages are given by Hale (1981) as follows: (1) (2)

The absence of an overt reflex of Move a. The occurrence of "scrambling" type free word order.

Taking non-configurationality as the absence of the V(erb) P(hrase) node, as is usually the case, absence or presence of VP in Japanese has been debated extensively. The paper by Whitman deals with this problem as the main issue, while Hoji and Saito base their arguments concerning binding relations of pronominals and anaphors with their antecedents on the assumption that VP is present. Supporting both assumptions, 'Move a' and presence of VP, Hoji and Saito conclude that Japanese is a configurational language. Whitman's conclusion is the opposite. Admitting that there is only negative evidence against the presence of VP, Whitman takes serious note of certain characteristic phenomena of Japanese as reflections of its absence. For example, there have been no proposals for transformations involving the VP node, such as VP fronting or VP deletion. His conclusion is that in Japanese S(entence) is to be regarded as the maximal projection of V(erb) and VP as indistinct, while allowing a distinct position for subject as 'the default choice of topicalization'. A similar conclusion is drawn by Fiengo and Haruna, whose paper is concerned with parameters in Binding Theory. According to them the subjecthood is not configurationally determined, but may possibly be decided by thematic criteria. Therefore, subject is defined as "the most prominent theta-role". In this work Binding Theory itself is based on the assumption of [±anaphor] as the universal feature specification for noun phrases, coupled with parametrization of the feature [±pronominal]. Miyagawa's paper deals with phenomena lying between lexical and syntactic derivations, bridged, so to speak, by restructuring. Haraguchi's paper applies his Multi-dimensional Grammatical Theory to phonological, syntactic, and semantic components. It may be worth mentioning here the following topics which are closely related to the main themes of the papers on syntax: the parasitic gap phenomenon taken up by Hoji and Imai; Hoji's proposal for binary branching analysis not only for S, i.e. S into NP and VP, but also for all VP complements; Whitman's refutation of this proposal; Saito's analysis of right-node raising as a rule in the phonological component; and Kuroda's analysis of topic phrases.

Kazuko Inoue

3

The two papers on phonology are also based on current phonological theories, Abe's being a study of compound stress based on the metrical theory, and Clark's an alternative proposal to Haraguchi's autosegmental analysis of the Japanese accent system. There has been room here to touch on only some of the salient points of the papers in this volume, leaving it to the reader to discover and appreciate for himself many other interesting discussions, especially those which seek to defend or attack previous accounts by generative linguists. There can be no doubt that the theoretical and factual discussions presented in this volume will point the way for academic thinking in this field for years to come. Kazuko Inoue Tsuda College REFERENCES Chomsky, N. ( 1 9 7 3 ) "Conditions on Transformations" In Anderson, S.R. and P. Kiparsky (eds.) A Festschrift for Morris Halle, New York, Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 232-286. Hale, K. ( 1 9 8 1 ) "On the Position of Warlpiri in a Typology of the Base," Indian University Linguistics Club, Bloomington.

Chapter 1

Metrical Structure and Compounds in Japanese* Yasuaki Abe 1. PRELIMINARIES

1.0 Introduction Liberman and Prince (1977) started a new trend in the study of stress phenomena both in English and in other languages, which had formerly been dealt with exclusively in a classical framework of generative phonology as outlined in Chomsky and Halle (1968), or SPE. Liberman and Prince's work shifted our attention from a linear arrangement of segments on which various phonological rules apply to a nonlinear or hierarchical assessment of prosodic phenomena. This new trend, the metrical approach, assumes, contrary to SPE, that there exists an independent level of constituency imposed on the sequence of phonemes, apart from the syntactic organization represented in the surface structure of a sentence. The stress pattern is construed not as the distribution of numerical (hence absolute) stress features assigned to segments but as a labelled configurational tree, which represents the relative prominence of prosodic constituents. In this approach, therefore, all stress information is encoded directly in the metrical tree, and the phonological rules of a language related to stress are rules concerned with the geometry of metrical trees and the labelling thereof. For instance, consider the following metrical tree, which illustrates how such labelling is done for English.

(1) w

s te +

W W le o -

s

s lo +

w gi

w cal

* I would like to thank Alan Price, Lisa Selkirk and Jean-Roger Vergnaud for constant encouragement and valuable comments.

6

Metrical Structure and Compounds in Japanese

The fact that the main stress falls on lo of ideological is represented in this metrical tree as a collection of 'is-stronger-than' relations: logical is stronger than teleo, logi is stronger than cal, and lo is stronger thangi. In other words, the constituent lo is never defined as weaker than any other constituent and is never part of a constituent that is defined as weaker than some other constituent. In subsequent works by others, especially by Halle and Vergnaud (1978), the notion of metrical tree is shown to be a very useful one even outside the domain of stress phenomena. They applied the formalism to such phenomena as nasal assimilation and vowel harmony, producing very interesting results. A similar idea was also used to describe pitch accent phenomena in Japanese by various people, including Abe (1981a, 1981b), Bennett (1981), and Zubizarreta (1979, 1980). The present paper tries to offer further support for such a metrical approach to accentuation phenomena in Japanese. In particular, it will show that the accentuation of compound nouns in Tokyo Japanese turns out to be governed by an extremely simple generalization that can only be expressed coherently in geometrical terms within a theory of metrical trees.

1.1 Accent System in Tokyo Japanese It is fairly well established by now, due to various works on Japanese accentuation (especially by the extensive and comprehensive study by McCawley 1968), that there is only a limited number of pitch patterns in Tokyo Japanese and that the pitch pattern of a noun is completely predictable on the basis of a single, lexically marked accent of the word (or the lack of such an accent). Each noun contains at most one accent (as long as it is not a compound), which marks the position of a pitch contour. Before going into a discussion of possible pitch patterns in the Tokyo dialect, let us briefly consider the syllable structure of Japanese, which will become relevant when we discuss what can carry the accent and what can bear the tone.

(2)

syllable onset

rime nucleus

C

(G)

V (V)

coda \ Nasal Voiceless Obstruent

Yasuaki Abe (3)

1

CVorV:

i'stomach', me'eye

C W or W :

ee ' y e s \ ii 'good', too 'tower', zyuu 'ten'

(4)

CVN or VN:

un 'fortune', ken 'sword'

(5)

CVO or VO: 1

ippai 'many', shoppai 'salty'

CWNorVVN:2 C W O or W O :

atta 'to meet(PAST)', katta 'to buy(PAST)' issoo 'far more', hisshoo 'sure win' aan, uun, iin, kiin, kaan, huun, buun ootto, suutto, kaatto

(6)

As can be seen from the template in (2), a syllable can be light ((C) (G) V) or heavy ((C) ( G ) W , (C) (G)VN, (C) (G)VO). We disregard the superheavy syllable in our discussion for the reason stated in note 2. Some segments bear a tone (usually either the High tone or the Low tone): it makes sense to talk about whether they are H or L. These are called tone-bearing units (cf. Harguchi 1977). Vowels and nasal consonants in coda position are tone-bearing units. Even though all the tonebearing units can potentially carry the accent, only the first vowel under the nucleus can carry the accent in Tokyo Japanese. Thus, while the forms in (7) are possible, those in (8) are not: (7)

gen ri HL L

(8)

*g e n r i HH L

'principle'

koogi HL

'lecture'

*k o o g i HH L

Following Haraguchi (1977), let us adopt the star notation to indicate the lexically marked accent. For example, the forms in (7) are represented in the following way: (9)

genri

koogi

Given the position of the star in a word, the overall pitch pattern of the word is predictable. The realization is governed by the following two simple rules. (10)

Let U be the sequence of tone-bearing units in a word, where U = u1,u2,...,un (i) Uj is L unless Uj carries the accent. (ii) for u^ 1 < i < n, Uj is H unless Uj, j < i, carries the accent; otherwise Uj is L

8

Metrical Structure and Compounds in Japanese

Take the following hypothetical word and see how the above rules assign a pitch pattern to it. (11)

akisutehobyanpo

Since the first tone-bearing unit /a/ does not carry the accent, it receives L tone: (12)

akisutehobyanpo L

The next five tone-bearing units will become H according to the rule in (lOii): (13)

akisutehobyanpo L H H H H H

Finally, the last two tone-bearing units are assigned L due to the second half of(10ii): (14)

akisutehobyanpo L H H H H HL L

Thus, the pitch pattern of any noun can be described by these simple procedures, except for compound nouns, which we will deal with in the main body of this paper.4 Note that the notion of 'mora' becomes relevant when we discuss the tonology of compound nouns in Tokyo Japanese. More specifically, the length of a word plays a crucial role in determining the overall pitch pattern of compounds, and the relevant notion is not the number of syllables but the number of moras. A mora is defined as an element within the rime. Thus, a light syllable contains one mora whereas a heavy syllable contains two. As was seen above, not every mora can carry the accent (not to mention the fact that not every mora is a tone-bearing unit). Accent is rather a property of the syllable. This mixed characteristic of Tokyo Japanese has led McCawley to call it 'a mora counting syllable language'. We will see below that our analysis of compounds must also rely on these two notions in several places. 1.2 Compound Nouns in Japanese This paper deals with compounds that are nouns themselves but at the same time consist of two nouns. For example, the following compound shows the typical internal structure we are interested in.

9

Yasuaki Abe N

(15) N

N

yakyuu

sensyu

y a k y u u 'baseball' + s e n s y u 'player' L HH HL L = y a k y u u.s e'n s y u 'baseball player' L HH HL L For convenience, let us use the apostrophe ['] to indicate the derived accent of the compound (as opposed to the original accent of its constituent words, which is indicated by [*]). In this particular example, the derived accent coincides with the original accent of the second word. This is the most productive combination, though we have other types of compound nouns as well. For instance:

(16)

N N tabe

mono

'to eat'

'thing'

(17)

tabejno'no L H H L

'food'

N Adj

N

I

I

naga

kutsu

'long'

'shoe(s)'

boo

yomi

'stick'

'to read(inf.)'

n a g a.g u t s u 5 L H H H

'boot(s)'

b o o . y o m i 6 'reading in a singLH H H song manner'

10

Metrical Structure and Compounds in Japanese

The present paper will be concerned only with the noun + noun type components (like the one in (15)). The last qualification concerning our data has something to do with the internal organization of the compounds. All of the examples to be considered in this paper consist of'long components': they are compounds of the form (15), where the two constituent nouns are themselves independent words. It is true that there are some bound morphemes that behave in an interesting way when combined with another free morpheme. McCawley (1968), referring to works by Hirayama and Martin, notes two types of bound morphemes which condition the overall pitch pattern of the compound in one way or another. One type of morpheme is called deaccenting, since the compound containing such a morpheme consistently loses its accent, -mai 'rice' is such a morpheme. (19)

a. o o k y u u . m a i LH HH HH

'emergency ration of rice'

b. n a i c h i . m a i LH H HH

'domestic rice'

c. k a n a d a.m a i L H H HH

'Canadian rice'

The other type of morpheme is called preaccenting: this type systematically places the accent on the preceding syllable, -zai 'potion' is one such example. 7 (20)

a. k y o o s i n.z a i L H HL LL

'heart stimulant'

b. s y o o k a . z a i L H H LL

'digestive tonic'

c. b i t a m i n.z a i L H HL LL

Vitamin pill'

The distinction of deaccenting and preaccenting is rather idiosyncratic. It has to be specified in the lexicon whether one morpheme is preaccenting or deaccenting, or in some cases, of a variable type. Since our main concern is to discover a set of general principles governing the composition of two forms to which independent tone patterns are already assigned, we will deal primarily with compounds with long components throughout the paper. We will briefly return to the issue of bound morphemes when we discuss compounds whose second member is bimoraic or shorter. Now, let us consider the first set of examples:

11

Yasuaki Abe Type I (21)

a. cha 'tea' + hashira 'column' = c h a.b a's h i r a 'tea stalk' L H L L jjg

j

b. me 'eye' + kusuri 'medicine' = m e.g u s u r i 'eyewash' L H L L (22)

a. hoshi 'star' + shirushi 'symbol' = h o s h i.j i'r u s h i 'asterisk' L H H L L b. nawa 'rope' + hashigo 'ladder' = n a w a . b a s h i g o 'rope ladder* L H H L L c. ft>o Svart' + kaeru 'frog' = i b o.g a'e r u 'toad' L H HL L

(23)

a. k i t s u n e ' f o x ' + udon'noodle' = k i t s u n e.u'd o n 'noodle with fried tofu' L H H H LL b. shiken 'exam' + jigoku 'hell' = s h i k e n . j i g o k u 'exam hell' L HH H L L c. onna V o m a n ' + sumoo 'sumo' = o n n a . z u m o o LH H H LL

'women's sumo'

d. denki 'electricity' + kotatsu 'foot warmer' = d e n k i.g o't a t s u 'electric foot warmer' LH H H L L All of the examples in this group has one thing in common. N2 (the second member of the compound) is unaccented. The group is further divided into three subgroups according to the length of N j (the first member of the compound). N j is monomoraic in (21), bimoraic in (22), and trimoraic in (23). N2 is trimoraic across the board. We notice that the derived word in (21)-(23) consistently places an accent on the first mora of N 2 (indicated by [']) regardless of the position of the original accent (indicated by [*]) in N j or the length of N j . In other words, if carries no inherent accent, the derived compound always turns out to have a HL contour between the first and the second moras immediately after the major constituent break. It seems that the role of the first word in the compound is trivial in determining the overall tone pattern of the compounds. Let us now look at slightly different examples:

12

Metrical Structure and Compounds in Japanese

Type II (24)

a. ko 'child' + takara 'treasure' = k o.d a k a r a 'children' L H L L $

*

#

/

3|C

b. te 'hand' + kagami 'mirror' = t eJk a g a m i 'hand mirror' L H L L (25)

% t • a. nuno 'cloth' + hukuro 'bag' = n u n o . b u k u r o 'clothbag' L H H L L b. koi 'love' + kataki 'foe' = k o i.g a't a k l 'rival in love' LH H L L * $ * t * c. yuki 'snow' + onna 'woman' = y u k i.o n n a 'snow fairy' L HHL L

(26)

*

a. warai laughter'+ hanashi'story' = w a r a i.b a'n a s h i 'humorous story' L HH H L L • $ b. daiku 'carpenter' + doogu tool' = d a i k u.d o'o g u 'carpenter's tools' LH H HL L c. hitori 'single' + musume 'daughter' = h i t o r i.m u's u m e 'the only daughter' L H H H L L d. omote 'front' + toon 'street' = o m o t e.d o'o r f 'main street' L H H HL L

In this type of example, too, where N2 is final-accented, the derived tone pattern is determined irrespective of the position of the original accent(s). Just like Type I examples, the derived accent falls on the first mora of N2. Thus, the second set of examples not only strengthens our initial assessment that N j is irrelevant but also suggests that even the position of the original accent in N2 plays no role. These observations might lead one to suspect that compound nouns are always accented and that the position of the derived accent is constant (i.e. the accent is placed on the first mora of N2). The first part of the statement is true as far as examples whose second element are trimoraic or longer are concerned. We will see later that this generalization does not hold for compounds in which N2 is bimoraic or shorter. However, the second half of the statement can easily be shown to be false. Consider the following examples:8

Yasuaki

13

Abe

T y p e III

(27)

a. ko 'child' + azarashi 'seal' = k o . a z a r a s h i 'baby seal' LH H L L b. e picture' + monogatari 'story' = e.m o n o g a't a r i 'picture book' L H H H L L *

(28)

a. mizu Nvater' + hamigaki 'tooth paste' = m i z u J i a m i g a k i 'mouthwash' L H H H L L 9fC

Jjt

}(•

^

f

i

b. gasu 'gas' + sutoobu 'stove' = g a s u . s u t o o b u 'gas heater' L H H HL L

Q

c. yama 'mountain' +hototogisu '(little) cuckoo' $ * t = y a m a J i o t o t o g i s u 'mountain cuckoo' L H H H H L L (29)

a. hidari l e f t ' + uchjwa 'fan' = h i d a r i . u c h i ' w a 'being on Easy Street' L HHH H L b. denki 'electricity' + reezooko 'ice box' = d e n k i . r e e z o o k o 'refrigerator' LH H HH HL L c. oshare 'dandyism' + sukaafu 'scarf = o s h a r e j u k a ' a f u 'fashionable scarf L H H H HL L d. onna "woman' + jimuin 'office-worker' = o n n a.j i m u i n 'female office-worker' LH H H HLL

Note that throughout the above examples, the accent of the compound coincides with the original accent of the second word. That is to say, regardless of the structure of the first word, the compound simply inherits the accent of the second word if the latter is medial-accented. This is true even when N j is quatromoraic or longer. (30)

a. koosaku 'handicraft' + kikai 'machine' = k o o s a k u Jc i k a'i 'machine tool' LH H H H H L

14

Metrical Structure and Compounds in Japanese *

*

b. inchiki 'fake' + choosain 'investigator' = i n c h i k i . c h o o s a ' i n 'phonyinvestigator' LH H H H H HLL *

*

c. oosuroraria 'Australia' + taishikan 'embassy' = o o s u t o r a r i a . t a i s h i k a n 'Australian embassy' LH H H H HH HH H L L While the first two types of examples suggest that the tonal pattern of the compound is always fixed, the third type of examples suggests that it sometimes reflects the original tonal structure. More specifically, we have seen that when N2 is medial-accented, the overall tone pattern simply mirrors that of N2. If N2 has the accent on the initial mora, the two generalizations actually give the same result. If a compound with the initial-accented second element belongs to the first type, the first mora of N2 receives the accent, which happens to be identical with the original accent of N2. So either way, the first mora of N2 gets the accent. Type IV (31)

a. ko 'child' + tanuki 'raccoon' = k o . d a n u k i 'baby raccoon' L H L L b. te 'hand' + nfmotsu 'luggage' = t e.n l'm o t s u 'hand luggage' L H L L

(32)

a. hana 'nose' + megane 'glasses' = h a n a.m e g a n e 'eyeglasses' L H H L L b. gasu 'gas' + konro 'range' = g a s u . k o n r o 'gas range' L H HL L c. doku 'poison' + kinoko 'mushroom' *

*,

= d o k u J c i n o k o 'poisonous mushroom' L H H L L (33)

a. yakyuu 'baseball' + senshu 'player' = y a k y u u . s e ' n s h u 'baseball player' L HH H L L *

?

b. shaka^'society'+jigyoo 'enterprise' = s h a k a i.j i'g y o o 'social work' L HH H L L $ sf: c. kikai 'machine' + koogyoo 'industry' = k i k a i.k o 'o g y o o 'machine industry' L HH HL LL

Yasuaki Abe

15

d. onna 'woman' + kenji 'prosecutor' = o n n a J c e n j i Voman prosecutor' L H H HL L We have seen so far that as far as compounds whose N2 is trimoraic or longer are concerned, their accentuation pattern is completely predictable. 10 We can restate the two generalizations we discussed earlier in ordinary language as follows:

(34)

Compound Rule: If the compound NQ is of the form [ N j + ^ l , where N2 is trimoraic or longer, [CR1] the accent of NQ is identical with the accent of N2 if N2 is medial-accented; [CR2] the accent of NQ falls on the first mora of N2 otherwise.

These two descriptive generalizations are not new at all. These rules are essentially identical to the first two of the four rules McCawley (1968: 163) proposes. 11 What concerns us in the rest of this paper is the question as to why the grammar of Japanese in this domain is organized the way it is rather than in some other way. That is to say, we can reasonably ask ourselves if there exists any principled explanation for the above two seemingly independent generalizations. A priori, we cannot determine whether there is any such explanation at all. It could very well be that (34) simply represents one of many possible situations and that it does not make sense to look for any explanation for such an accidental event. It would be more interesting, of course, if we could discover some more abstract regularity hidden in (34). In fact, if we study the rules in (34) more carefully, we will notice that they have a very interesting property. To see this, let us consider more complex type of compounds: compounds containing other compounds within them. (35)

a. me 'eye' + kusuri 'medicine' + kaisha 'company' = m e g u s u r i.g a'i s h a 'company making eyewash' L H H H HL L * * * b. doku 'poison' + kinoko 'mushroom' + r Jjiken 'incident' * * * = d o k u.ki n o k o . j i k e n 'poisonous mushroom incident' L H H H H H LL *

c. nankyoku 'South Pole' + tanken 'expedition'^ monogatari 'story' = n a n k y o k u . t a n k e n.m o n o g a't a r i 'South LH H H H H H H H H H L L Pole expedition story'

16

Metrical Structure and Compounds in Japanese

(36)

a. inchiki'fake'+ hoshi'star'+ shirushi'symbol' = i n c h i k i.h o s h i.j i'r u s h i 'phony asterisk' LH H H H HH L L *

*

b. himaraya 'Himalaya' + yuki 'snow' + onna Voman' * / * = h i m a r a y a . y u k i . o n n a 'Himalayan snow fairy' L H H H H HHLL *

*

c. keetai 'carrying' + gasu ^as' + sutoobu 'stove' = k e e t a i . g a s u . s u t o ' o b u 'portable gas heater' L H HH H H H HL L Note that the compounds in (35) are all left branching whereas the compounds in (36) are all right branching. (37)

left-branching compound:

N

(38)

1

N

2

N

3

right-branching compound:

What is striking here is that despite the difference in constituency, forms in (35) and (36) behave exactly the same: the tonal pattern of Ng is determined on the basis of N^, and N j and N2 make no contribution at all. In other words, for any compound of an arbitrary length (Nj N m ), the tonal pattern of the compound is a function of N m and nothing else. Let us call this property of Japanese accentuation sequential determinability (SD). It is also interesting to see that if the grammar lacks one of the two rules in (34), i.e., CR1, it will lose the property SD. Suppose that the grammar has only CR2. This means that the first mora of the second constituent always acquires the accent. For compounds containing four constituents, there are three possible internal structures:

17

Yasuaki Abe (39)

right-branchir

left branching-

multiple-bran

'4 If our compound rule is applied in a cyclic fashion, the rule will place the accent on the first mora of N2 in the right-branching structure, on the first mora of N^ in the left-branching structure, and on the first mora of N3 in the multiple-branching structure. That is, the accent would indicate the major constituent break. There is no reason why Japanese should not be like this hypothetical language. On the other hand, it is a fact that the grammar of Japanese has the property SD. Unless the hypothetical situation in (39) is empirically confirmed, the linguistic theory should be constrained as narrowly as possible so that the number of possible grammars is kept to a minimum. In this light, it would be desirable to be able to attribute the property SD to a single factor, on the assumption that such an underlying principle would be conceptually simpler than the pair of rules we currently have. Again, there is no logical necessity that we should be able to find any theory that can subsume both CR1 and CR2 in a unified manner, but it is perfectly reasonable to pursue this line of research.

2. EXPLANATION IN PHONOLOGY

2.1 Metrical Analysis of the Pitch Accent System There are already some studies on pitch accent in Japanese in the framework of metrical phonology. For example, see Abe (1981a, 1981b), Bennett (1981), and Zubizarreta (1979, 1980). There are still many open questions to be solved, and there are many different views on the representation of lexically designated accent, the mathematical properties of

18

Metrical Structure and Compounds in Japanese

metrical trees (directionality, linearity, etc.), and the mechanism for labelling trees. However, most people assume that there exists a hierarchical representation over the sequence of phonemes which encodes all relevant information concerning the pitch pattern of that sequence. Let us assume without argument that the prosodic structure of a word is represented in terms of binary branching trees whose nodes are locally labelled. More specifically, let us say that a tree structure is constructed over the sequence of tonally relevant elements in such a way that the lexically marked accent becomes the most deeply embedded element. Following Zubizarreta (1979), we assume that the accent is represented by an inherently branching subtree. Take the following example:

a za ra shi

a z a r a s h i 'seal' L H L L

On the basis of the representation in (40), a metrical tree is constructed so that it will satisfy the well-formedness condition in (41). (41)

A metrical tree is uniquely right branching on the primary level

We also tacitly assume another well-formedness condition that requires that metrical trees will be constructed in an exhaustive fashion: all the tonally relevant elements (tone-bearing units, in the sense of Haraguchi 1977) must be part of some tree structure. Then, we get the following representation: 12

a

za

ra

shi

Now we have two independent tree structures, which must be joined together into a single metrical tree. Note that on the first level, we will get at most two subtrees, since a word maximally contains one accent. (43)

za

ra

shi

Given such unlabelled metrical trees, we then label a certain subset of nodes in the tree according to the following conventions:

Yasuaki Abe

19

(44)

Root Labelling (RL):

Label the root High

(45)

First Stratum Labelling (FSL): Label the first two sister nodes [a,/J] plus [+] and minus [ - ] , respectively, if a branches

Note that we assume (45) will not apply at all (i.e. no labelling takes place) if the condition is not met (i.e. if a does not branch). Thus, (43) is now converted to something like the following:

a

za

ra

shi

This representation is meant to express that the first major metrical constituent (i.e. the one on the left, containing /aza/) carries the value + with respect to the feature H. That is, all the terminal elements within this constituent (i.e. /a/ and /zaf) are said to bear the H tone. The same thing applies to the right hand side constituent, which is labelled minus [-]. Thus, /ra/ and /shi/ are said to bear the Low tone. 1 3 In Tokyo Japanese, there is a low level readjustment rule that changes initial H into L unless it carries the accent (see (10)). Haraguchi (1977) calls it Initial Lowering (IL). In our framework, IL is reformulated as another labelling rule:

(47)

Initial Lowering (IL): Label a and /? minus [-] and plus [+], respectively, where a and P are the leftmost sisters, and a and j3 are not labelled

There is a lot more to say about IL, but this much is sufficient for our purposes. See Abe (1981b) for some discussion on IL. 14 The final metrical representation of /azarashi/ is: (48)

H

+

L

H

L

L

We used a medial-accented word as an example, but the same procedures

20

Metrical Structure and Compounds in Japanese

can be used to account for the other three types, initial-accented, finalaccented, and unaccented forms. (49)

initial-accented: /gaikotsu/

'skeleton'

H

H

L

L

L

Note that IL does not apply in (49) because the left-most sister nodes are already labelled. (50)

final-accented:

/rokugatsu/

'June'

H

L (51)

H

H

unaccented: /gaikoku/

H

'foreign country'

H

gâ L

i H

ko H

ku H

For the final-accented and the unaccented forms, FSL does not apply and only IL applies. The difference between the final-accented and the unaccented forms shows up when these nouns accompany case particles. We assume that nouns and case particles form a single phonological word, which is the relevant domain for metrical rules.

21

Yasuaki Abe (52)

ro L (53)

H

final-accented:

ku H

tsu H

ga L

/ga/=nominative

H

unaccented:

ga L

ga H

i H

ko H

ku H

ga H

The most important feature of the metrical approach to the pitch accent system with respect to our main theme is the notion of metrical constituency. Just like transformations made it possible to formulate structuresensitive rules, the metrical approach enables us to appeal to rules that may look for constituency and not just a sequence of phonological segments. We will see immediately below that this feature allows us to attain a strikingly simple notion of 'reorganization', which plays a central role in the accentuation of compounds.

2.2 Compound Rule in Metrical Theory As we saw in Section 1, the accentuation of compound nouns is apparently governed by two distinct rules, CR1 and CR2. What we would like to do in this section is to show that although the existence of the two rules was inevitable in the classical theory of generative phonology, there is a different way of looking at the same facts available in metrical phonology. Let us first note that there is one big difference between the accentuation of simple forms and the accentuation of compounds. In the latter case, as we have already seen, a HL contour is mandatory (apart from a systematic class of exceptions that we will discuss in Section 3). That is, there are no unaccented compounds. This difference can be attributed to a difference in labelling rules. Compare the rule of FSL in (45), which we used for simple words, here repeated as (54), and a slightly simplified version called FSL'. (54)

FSL: Label the first sister nodes [a, 0] plus [+] and minus respectively, if a branches

[-],

22

Metrical Structure and Compounds in Japanese

(55)

FSL': Label the first sister nodes [a, 0] plus [+] and minus respectively

[-],

FSL' simply lacks the necessary condition for FSL: FSL' applies whether a. branches or not. We will claim that this version of the labelling rule is responsible for the accentuation of compounds in Japanese. Note also that if a single rule is responsible for the accentuation of compounds, that rule would be strictly restricted within the right constituent of the compound. For a compound of the form [Nj + N2], both the condition and the locus of application of the rule are strictly internal to N2. Remember that a HL contour always appears in N2, and N j plays no role in determining where in N2 the contour appears. Before we present the metrical version of the compound rule, let us look at the metrical organization of compound words. Since each noun has its own metrical structure, which in turn is determined by the lexical marking of accent (or the lack of such accent), we assume that a compound contains simply a juxtaposition of two metrical trees. (56)

h e n k e e 'transformation' L H HH (57)

b u n p 0 o 'grammar' LH HH (58)

bu

n

po

o

h e n k e e.b u'n p o o 'transformational grammar' L H HH H L L L Thus, (58) is a typical metrical structure assigned to compounds. It simply concatenates the two structures in (56) and (57). We assume that a labelling rule for compounds will apply to this kind of metrical configuration. Now we are ready to present CRM, the metrical rule for compound nouns in Japanese.

Yasuaki Abe (59)

23

Compound Rule, Metrical version (CRM): Apply FSL' in the right constituent

CRM simply states that labelling is done in N2 according to the format of (55). To see the effect of CRM, let us see how it applies to the metrical tree in (58).

(60)

Note that by the first stratum of W j we mean the two topmost constituents, /bu/ and /npoo/, and thus they are labelled plus [+] and minus [ - ] , respectively. Since a compound itself constitutes a single phonological domain to which IL applies, IL will not affect W2 but will affect the entire word. Because IL always affects the initial segment of a word, in effect IL applies to Wj in (60). (61)

H

As the result of these successive applications of labelling, the desired tone pattern of the compound is obtained: (62)

henkee 'transformation' + bunpoo 'grammar' = h e n k e e . b u'n p o o 'transformational grammar' LH HH H L L L

Remember that this compound is of type I, just like those in (21)-(23), and it therefore falls under CR2, now subsumed by our CRM. Let us now look at an example of type II. Type II compounds have a final accented word as N2.

24

Metrical Structure and Compounds in Japanese

(63)

The representation in (63) indicates a stage after CRM has applied to W2. Since unaccented and final-accented words have essentially the same metrical tree for CRM, (63) is not different from (60) in relevant respects. IL applies next to (63) to derive the surface melody of the compound. H

(64)

su $

$

me

f

hitori 'single' + musume = h i t o r i.m u s u m e 'the only daughter' L H H H L L Note that the metrical configuration of the left word barely contributes to the realization of the surface melody. Since the only rule that applies to N j is IL, the distinction among unaccented, final-accented, initial-accented, and medial-accented words is neutralized in W j . (65)

m m m m L H H H

m m m m L H H H

Yasuaki Abe

25

Let us now turn to type III compounds. As we saw in 1.2, compounds of this class behave differently from the others, which necessarily calls for a separate rule, CR1 in the old framework. Now, we would like to show that even the compounds of this type are no problem to our CRM. Compounds of this type characteristically have a medial-accented word as N2. Let us take a word like denkireezo'oko 'refrigerator' to illustrate how CRM handles compounds of this type.

(66)

CRM calls for an obligatory application of FSL' (see (55)), and the relevant constituents for CRM in W2 in (66) are /reezo/ and /oko/. Thus, CRM applies to these two constituents and labels them plus [+] and minus [ - ] , respectively. In effect, for medial-accented words that appear in the position of N2, they are assigned the same pitch pattern that they have when they appear in isolation. IL and Root Labelling convert (66) into (67): (67)

H

L H

H

HH H L

denki 'electricity' + reezooko 'ice box' = d e n k i.r e e z o'o k o 'refrigerator' LH H HH HL L

L

26

Metrical Structure and Compounds in Japanese

Type IV compounds, which have an initial-accented N j , also fall under CRM nicely. Consider the following compound: (68)

Again, CRM assigns plus [+] to the constituent /se/ and minus [-] to the constituent /nshu/ in W^. Subsequent applications of IL and RL result in the following surface representation, from which the desired pitch pattern can be read off: (69)

yakyuu 'baseball' + senshu 'player' = y a k y u u.s e'n s h u 'baseball player' L H H HL L The generalization captured by the metrical version of the compound rule, CRM, can be stated in a slightly different way. Given a compound of the form [Nj + N2], it is always true that exactly one HL contour appears in N2. This means that a stretch of H tone properly includes N^ and extends over to N2 to cover some portion of N2 as well. If we abstract away from the initial low tone created by Initial Lowering, we can regard the compound rule as a process that 'chops o f f some part of N2 and 'moves' it or 'adjoins' it to the domain of H tone (i.e., the domain of N j ) . Thus, we can reformulate the compound rule as a restructuring operation which removes part of the metrical tree assigned to N2 and attaches it to the metrical tree assigned to N j . Such a rule would crucially look at the metrical organization of N2 and determine which part of N2 it should cut off. In fact, the rule would remove the left-immediate sister of N2 and adjoin it to N j . If N2 is an unaccented word, it will remove the first mora.

If N2 is final-accented, it will also remove the first mora.

Yasuaki Abe

27

(71)

If N2 is initial-accented, the left-immediate sister is again the first mora of N2. (72)

Finally, if N 2 is medial-accented, the left-immediate sister will include the first n moras, where the «th mora of N 2 carries the accent.

m

m

m

m

m

m

m

m

m

m

m

It is now clear why it first appeared that medial-accented words behave differently. If we look only at the linear order of segments, we are forced to treat medial-accented words separately. However, we can arrive at a single generalization if we take into account the metrical structure of the word. This phenomenon is therefore a strong confirmation of the claim that certain phonological rules are 'structure-dependent'. In 1.2, we observed that the compound rule is rather 'blind' to the internal organization of complex compounds. For instance, we have seen that it is always the last word that determines the overall pitch pattern, whether the compound is morphologically left-branching, right-branching, or multiple-branching. This property can now be attributed to the fact that CRM systematically affects the right constituent (see (59)). It is also interesting to note that if CRM were formulated in such a way that it affected the left constituent, the grammar would still have the same property, only in the opposite direction. Now it would be the first word, not the last, that determines the pitch pattern of the entire compound and the morphological organization would play no role. More generally speaking, if the form of a compound rule is severely constrained such that it conforms to the general schema of (74), then any grammar that is a specific instantiation of (74) will have this property, which we called sequential determinability.

28

Metrical Structure and Compounds in Japanese

(74)

Compound Rule Schema: Apply a in 0 where a is some form of labelling, and fi is either the right or the left constituent

It still is an open question whether the compound rule in every possible language conforms to the form of (74). At least, the compound rule for Tokyo Japanese fits this schema, and it turns out to be structure dependent in the lower level (i.e., the intra-word metrical structure) but insensitive to the higher level (i.e., the morphological organization) structure. We do not find this consequence disturbing at all.

3. SOME RELATED ISSUES

3.1 Apparent

Counterexamples

In the preceding section, we found an interesting way to reduce an apparently complicated phenomenon to a rather simple generalization. However, our data was restricted to 'long' compounds, compounds that have an N2 that is tri-moraic or longer. When we turn to shorter compounds, the situation becomes immensely complicated. For example, consider the following: (75)

(76)

a. h o o j i ' . c h a LH H L

'roasted tea'

preaccented

b. n i h o n . c h a L HH H

'Japanese tea'

unaccented

a. h u d e . b a k o L H H H

'pencil case'

unaccented

b. h o ' n . b a k o HL L L

'bookcase'

preaccented

c. g o m i.b a'k o L H H L

'trash box'

regular

It appears that the same word occurs sometimes in a preaccented compound (i.e. the last syllable of N j gets the accent), and sometimes in an unaccented compound. First, it is obvious that CRM cannot be expected to apply normally to compounds like hooji.cha and nihon.cha in (75), for CRM states that some

29

Yasuaki Abe

labelling must be done in the metrical tree of However, for those compounds in (75), there is no way to label two sister nodes, because N2 is monomoraic and hence does not branch at all. For compounds with bimoraic second elements, CRM can sometimes apply, as in (76c). We would also like to point out that these alleged exceptions are still to some extent in conformity with the mechanisms encoded in CRM. That is to say, preaccenting as in hoofi.cha /LLHL/ and deaccenting, as in nihon.cha /LHHH/ can be regarded as the two most naturally available options if CRM fails to apply in (a) let CRM apply at a higher level, or (b) let CRM not apply at all. As for the former case, we could say that labelling takes place at the level of the compound and applies to W j and W2. This produces preaccented forms: (77)

_

L

H

H

H

_

L

As for the second case, since no labelling takes place (apart from IL), it results in an accentless form:

Note that there still remain some important questions. Can we predict exactly which option should be taken when? Is it possible to pin-point exact conditions under which CRM fails to apply? We would like to demonstrate in the following that in many cases (if not in all cases) we can predict when preaccenting occurs and when deaccenting occurs. As far as I can tell, even though there are many unpredictable irregularities, we can make a couple of generalizations about short compounds. First, it appears that CRM does not apply normally to the majority of short forms.

30

Metrical Structure and Compounds in Japanese

(79)

CRM cannot apply if N2 is monomoraic or bimoraic

In fact, there are not many examples like go mi. bako in (76c). (80)

a. a m a.g a's a 'rain' + umbrella' = 'umbrella' L H H L b. a s h i.a't o 'foot' + 'mark' = 'footprint' L HH L c. t o r u k o.b u'r 0 'Turkey' + 'bath' = 'Turkish bath' L H H H L d. c h u u k a.s o'b a 'China' + 'noodle' = 'Chinese noodle' LH H H L

Since these forms are rather rare, we may conclude that (79) generally holds. Note that it is not the case that all of the forms that appear in (80) as N2 consistently undergo CRM. Some of them also appear in unaccented compounds: (81)

a. s h i r o.a t o 'castle' + 'mark' = 'site of a castle' L HH H b. z a r u.s o b a 'bamboo basket' + 'noodle' = 'noodle served on a L H H H bamboo plate'

Maybe huro 'bath' and kasa 'umbrella' systematically undergo CRM when used as N2 in a compound. (79) is nothing more than a stipulation. It is quite obvious that CRM cannot apply to a monomoraic N2, but it remains a mystery why CRM cannot apply to a bimoraic N2. This is a very interesting and surely important question, but unfortunately, we cannot find any interesting answer at this point. As for the two options illustrated in (77) and (78), there seems to be a subregularity that governs the choice: (82)

Given the two metrical trees W j and W^, corresponding to N j and N2, respectively, when CRM cannot apply, (a) no labelling takes place if N j is short and (b) FSL' applies to Wj and W2 otherwise

(82) says that unaccented compounds are produced if N j is bimoraic or

31

Yasuaki Abe

shorter, and preaccented compounds are produced if N j is trimoraic or longer. The following data support this generalization: 15 (83)

unaccented

preaccented

n a t s uJc a z e L H H H 'summer cold'

h o n k o'n.k a z e LH HL L L 'Hong Kong cold'

g e t a.b a k o L H H H 'shoes storage'

o m o c h a'.b a k o L H H H L 'toy box'

c h a.b a k o L H H 'tea container'

b e n t o'o.b a k o LH HL L L 'lunch box'

d.

m u s h i.k a g o L H H H 'insect cage'

k u d a m o n o'Jc a g o L H H H L L 'fruit basket'

e.

t o r i.k a g o L H H H 'bird cage'

y a s a i'jc a g o L HH L L 'vegetable basket'

f.

k e .m u s h i L H H

k a b u t o'.m u s h i L H H L L

'caterpillar'

'beetle'

g.

m i z u.m u s h i L H H H 'athlete's foot'

t e n t o'o.m u s h i L H HL L L 'ladybug'

h.

k i n u.i t o L HH H 'silk thread'

m i s h i'n.i t o L HLL L 'thread for sewing machine'

i.

kae.uta LHH H 'changed song'

k o m o r i'.u t a L H H L L 'lullaby'

j.

ko.uma LH H 'foal'

a b a r e'.u m a L H HL L 'restive horse'

k.

s h i m a.u m a L HH H 'zebra'

k e e b a'.u m a LH H L L 'racing horse'

a-

b.

C-

32

Metrical Structure and Compounds in Japanese a r a i'.g u m a 16 LHH L L 'raccoon'

1.

h i.g u m a L H H 'brown bear'

m

. s i r oJc u r n a L H H H Svilite bear'

n.

o y a.y u b i L H H H 'thumb'

k u s u r i'.y u b i L H H L L third finger'

o.

k o.y u b i L H H 'little finger'

h i t o s a s h i'.y u b i. L H H H L L 'index finger'

P-

b u t aji i k u L H H H 'pork'

s a k u r a'.n i k u L H H L L liorsemeat'

q-

g y u UJI i k u LH H H 'beef

b o t a'n.n i k u L HL L L Vildboar meat'

r.

k a b e.g a m i L H H H 'wallpaper'

o t o s h i'.g a m i L H H L L toilet paper'

s.

y o s e.n a b e L H H H 'bouillabaisse'

k a t a t e'ji a b e L H H L L 'sauce pan'

t.

kuro.marne L H H H 'black bean'

u z u r a'.m a m e L H H L L 'kidney bean'

h o k k y o k u'.g u m a L H H L L 'polar bear'

Let us consider the last pair /kurojname/ and /uzura'jname/ to illustrate the effect of (82). For kuro.mame, since the first word kuro is bimoraic, no labelling will take place but IL, which makes everything H except the first mora.

Yasuaki Abe

33

As for uzura.mame, FSL' should apply to Wj and W2, since N j is not bimoraic or monoraic. (85)

H

W,

u L

zu H

ra H

Now it turns out that the initial examples given in (75) and (76) are rather misleading. Of the five forms given in (75) and (76), (75b) /nihon.cha/, (76b) /hon.bako/, and (76c) /gomi.bako/ are exceptions to (82). Strictly speaking, (82).is not sufficient to account for the data in (83). We need a minor readjustment rule to derive correct surface tone melodies. Take the preaccented compound in (83q),botan.niku:

(86)

bo L

ta H

n H

The rule predicts /*b o t a n'n i k u/. In Tokyo Japanese, the HL contour L HH L L never appears after a long syllable. It always appears in between the first vowel and the second sonorant. Thus, /*b o t a n ' n i k u/ must be conL HH L L verted to /b o t a n n i k u/. We propose the following adjustment rule: L HL L L

(87)

Contour Adjustment : [W

...aß]

[w

..]

1

HH

2

1

HL

2

34

Metrical Structure and Compounds in Japanese where (i) Wj is labelled + and (ii) a is a vowel and (iii) either a = ß, or ß is a nasal

This rule takes care of such preaccented compounds as those in (83a), (83c), (83g),(83h), and (83q). (82) expresses only a second-order generalization and there are numerous exceptions to it. In particular, there are strictly-deaccenting words as well as strictly-preaccenting words. Following are some words that produce only unaccented compounds. (88)

a. y o r i.m e 'cross eye' L H H b. n a g a s h i . m e 'sidelonglook' L H H H c. a g a r i . m e 'almond eye' L H H H

(89)

a. b u t a . g o y a 'pigpen' L H H H b. s u i s h a.g o y a Svater mill' LH H H H c. s u m i y a k i.g o y a 'charcoal-burning shed' L H H H H H

(90)

a. s h a b o n . d a m a 'soap bubble' L HH H H b. p a c h i n k o.d a m a 'ball for Japanese pinballs' L HH H H H c. s o r o b a n.d a m a 'bead on an abacus' L H HH H H

(91)

a. k o i m o 'young taro' LH H b. s a t o i m o 'taro' L HH H c. t o r o r o i m o 'Chinese yam' L H HH H d. s a t s u m a i m o 'sweet potato' L H HH H

Yasuaki Abe

35

In all of the above examples, the compounds are unaccented regardless of the length of N j . Apart from some bound morphemes that McCawley (1968) discusses, we have been able to find very few examples of strictly-preaccenting words. (92)

a. o n i ' . b a 'protruding tooth' L H L b. i t o k i r i'.b a 'canine tooth' L H H H L

(93)

a. h a t a'.b i 'national holiday' L H L b. t a n j o'o.b i 'birthday' LH H L L c. g e t s u y o'o.b i 'Monday' L H HL L

(94)

a. a s a'.y u 'morning bath' L H L b. y u z u'.y u 'citron hot-bath' L H L c. s h o o b u ' . y u LH H L

(95)

'sweet-flagbath'

a. a k a'.g a i 'ark shell' L H LL b. m i r u'.g a i trough shell' L H LL c. h o t a t e'.g a i 'scallop' L H H LL

(96)

a. k i r i'.b a n a 'cut flower' L H L L b. o s h i'.b a n a 'pressed flower' L H L L

These words, when used as always trigger the labelling of W j - W2 and therefore result in accented compounds even when N j is short.

36

Metrical Structure and Compounds in Japanese

These two types of words that do not obey the generalization in (82), as well as many other sporadic exceptions, must be specially marked in the lexicon. This is something that a language learner must learn from experience. Note as stated before, that the rule in (82) can be regarded as a natural consequence of CRM if we formulate CRM in terms of metrical trees and labelling. Even though (82) is not the only possible way out in case CRM cannot apply, we may plausibly say that (82) and CRM are conceptually very similar. Thus, the existence of short compounds that do not fall under CRM does not necessarily refute our hypothesis that accent rules for compounds are metrically oriented, and in fact, it seems to support our view.

3.2 Further Consequences of the Metrical Analysis The metrical analysis of accent in Japanese developed in this paper offers an entirely new way to look at various pitch patterns, which has enabled us to factor out a single characteristic that is relevant to the re-accentuation of compounds. We saw that initial-accented, medial-accented, final-accented, and unaccented words can be treated on a par if we use the notion of left-immediate constituent. The metrical analysis does not limit itself to such unification: it potentially offers other ways to classify the four accent types. CRM is in a sense a very marked rule: it almost completely neutralizes the original pitch pattern of N2. In particular, CRM labels the left-immediate sister of W2, the metrical tree for N2, regardless of the position of the accent in W^. Thus, the distinction between the initial-accented word and the final-accented word is completely lost in this environment. (97)

N2 = initial-accented H

IL \

\

>

L

H

H

L

L

doku + kinoko = d o k u J c i ' n o k o 'poisonous mushroom' (=(32c)) L H H L L

Yasuaki Abe (98)

37

N2 = final-accented H

L

H

H

L

L

yuki + onna = y u k i.o'n n a 'snow fairy' (=(25c)) L HHL L We can say that of these two types, the latter is more marked: the accent of N2, indicated by an inherent branch in our formalism, is in the constituent labelled minus [ - ] , and hence the accented mora in N2 is realized as L. If you think about it, this is the only case in which the accent of N2 surfaces as L. 17 So here is another logical possibility we might want to consider. There could be a re-accentuation process just like CRM except that it takes into account whether or not the accent is included in a Low-tone foot. 1 8 For instance, it could be that the rule cannot apply if it is to create a Low-tone foot containing the accent. We may want to say that CRM simply overrides such a consideration because it is a rule for compounds: compounding is a process to create a new word out of two independently-existing words, and N and N2 are 'peers'. If, however, N2 is somehow 'more important' than f J j , then a rule applied to such a structure might take into account the accent of N2. More specifically, if N j is a kind of element that does not carry its own accent, then the accent in N2 might affect some tonal rule applied to this construction. This has been a mere speculation so far, but it seems that such a situation actually arises. There is an honorific prefix that can be attached to a noun. It is 0-, which is said to be used more frequently in women's speech. Despite some work on this morpheme in the literature (Haraguchi 1977 and Higurashi 1983, among others), the exact nature of this process is yet to be clarified. However, it seems that this process is very similar, if not identical, to the re-accentuation of compounds. Let us, then, regard o- as a kind of N j in examining the following data: (99)

N2 is initial-accented: $ a. o . k y u u r i 'cucumber' L HL L

38

Metrical Structure and Compounds in Japanese b. o.r y o o r i 'cooking' L HL L c. o.d e g u c h i 'exit' L H L L d. o . t o i r e L HL L

'toilet'

e. o.s e n b e e 'rice cracker' L HL L L (100) N2 is unaccented: a. o . r i ' n g o L HL L

'apple'

b. o . y a ' s a i Vegetable' L H LL c. o . k u ' r u m a L H L L

'car'

d. o.s e'n t a k u 'laundry' L HL L L e. o.d a'i d o k o r o L HL L L L

'kitchen'

Even though there are many exceptions, it is generally true that a HL contour appears immediately after the first mora of N2, if it is initialaccented or unaccented. 19 This is reminiscent of CR2 in (34). Thus, it may appear that these facts are simply covered by CRM. If we look at final-accented forms, however, we will notice that this process is actually slightly different. (101) N2 is fin al-accente d : *

a. o i l a n a s h i 'story' L H H H * b. 0J1 e n j i 'reply' L HH H *

(oil a n a s h i g a) L H H H H (oii e n j i g a) L HH H H

c. o.t a k a r a 'treasure' L H H H

(o.t a k a r a g a) L H H H H

d. o . n a k a m a 'comrade' L H H H

(o.n a k a m a g a) L H H H H

*

Yasuaki Abe

39

e. o.z a s h i k i 'tatami room' (o.z a s h i k i g a ) L H H H L H H H H As these examples show, final-accented becomes unaccented. 20 Notice that we don't have to assume that the accent is 'lost' in these cases. Rather, we could say that the labelling rule we proposed for compounds, FSL' (see (55)), does not apply if N2 is final-accented. 21 Since to do so would create a structure in which a L-tone foot contains the only accent in the entire domain, the application of the rule would be aborted. As stated at the outset of this subsection, we can only speculate that FSL' may override the alleged constraint in the case of compounds for some reason. It might be related to the fact that in the o + Noun construction, it is very obvious that the noun is the head of the whole expression, while it is not quite obvious in the case of compounds. At any rate, the metrical approach to re-accentuation processes is shown to be capable of making necessary distinctions as well as providing a unified explanation. Furthermore, this approach to the o + Noun construction has another consequence: medial-accented words should retain their original accent. Since FSL' would not create the 'undesirable' configuration we discussed above if N2 is medial-accented, nothing should prevent the application of CRM. This prediction is, in fact, borne out. 2 2 (102) N2 is medial-accented: £ a. o.k o o h i i 'coffee' L HH HL *

b. o.t e a r a i 'bathroom' L HH LL * c. o i i a c h i m a k i 'hairband' L H H L L * d. o.r e e z o o k o 'refrigerator' L HH HL L * e. o . z i z o o s a m a 'Jizo' L H HH H L Now we have seen that o + Noun constructions can be treated on a par with other regular compounds except when the noun is final-accented, in which case the application of CRM is blocked and the construction surfaces as an unaccented word. Thus, the existence of the phenomenon of 'accent shift' in o + Noun constructions is, again, very natural from the metrical point of view.

40

Metrical Structure and Compounds in Japanese

Finally, we would like to consider another related phenomenon. Throughout the paper, in presenting examples of compounds, very often we observed a small phonological change around the internal boundary of a compound. That is, the initial consonant of N2 occasionally undergoes voicing, as illustrated in (103) below. This process is traditionally called rendaku. See Otsu (1980), Ueda (1984), and Vance (1980). *

(103) a. kabe'wall'+ kami'paper'= k a b e.g a m i Svallpaper' L H H H $

b. shabon 'soap' + tama 'ball' = s h a b o n . d a m a 'soap bubble' L HH H H c. omocha Hoy' + hako *box' = 0 m o c h a'b a k o 2 3 'toy box' L H H L L *

/

d. me 'eye' + shirushi 'mark' = m e . j i r u s h i 'landmark' L H L L According to Otsu (1980), rendaku seems to be governed by the conditions listed in (104). (104) rendaku applies in N2 only if:

and

(a) (b) (c) (d)

N 2 is [+Native], N2 does not contain any voiced obstruents, N2 is a loose compound N2 is in the right branch.

The first condition is necessary to distinguish (105a) and (105b), where the former is a native Japanese word while the latter is a Sino-Japanese word. Rendaku occurs only in the former case. (105)

a. ato 'afterwards' + harai 'payment' = a t o . b a r a i 'deferred payment' L H H LL b. ato + kin 'money' = a t o Jk i n 'balance' L H HH

The second condition, (104b), is called Lyman's law. Thus, rendaku apparently cannot apply in the following examples: (106) a. mushi 'bug' + kago 'cage' = m u s h i.k a g o 'insect cage' L H H H * 1 b. aka 'red' + tonbo 'dragonfly' = a k a.t o n b 0 'red dragonfly' L H HL L

41

Yasuaki Abe *

c. tori 'bird' + hada 'skin' = t o r i J i a d a 'goose skin' L H H H Otsu (1980) claims that rendaku applies to what he calls loose compounds and that it never applies to the other two types of compounds found in Japanese. They are called strict compounds and dvandva (or coordinate compounds), respectively. See Ueda (1984) for some discussion on this point. (107) a. strict

compound:

t kara 'China' + kami 'paper'=k a r a i a m i 'paper sliding door' L H L L b. dvandva: * / kusa 'grass' + ki 'tree" = k u s a Jk i 'grass and trees' L H H The last condition in (104) is concerned with the morphological structure of compounds. Consider the following pair of compounds, in which rendaku applies only to one case and not to the other. (108)

a.

N

hashi nun 'lacquered' 'chopstick' 'case'

ire

= n u r i.b a s h i.i r e 'case for lacquered chopsticks' L H H HL L b.

N

nun

hashi

ire

= n u r i.h a s h i.i r e 'chopstick case which is lacquered' L H H HL L

42

Metrical Structure and Compounds in Japanese

The two examples consist of exactly the same sequence of words, and yet rendaku occurs in only one case. It is (108b) that requires some explanation. When nuri and hashi.ire are combined, none of the other conditions can prevent rendaku from applying to the /h/ of hashi.ire. Hence, Otsu (1980) claims it is the difference in morphological organization that clearly distinguishes the two cases. It should be pointed out at this juncture that the conditions in (104) are only necessary conditions for rendaku, and it is not difficult at all to find some examples which meet all of the requirements and yet do not undergo rendaku. See Vance (1980) for concrete examples. What we would like to do here is to simply add another necessary condition to the list in (104). Even though it may not turn (104) into sufficient conditions, we might be able to get a little closer to a full understanding of this phenomenon. Consider the following examples: * * (109) a. yama'mountain'+ hukuroo'owl' = y a m aJi u k u'r o o 'mountain owl' L H H H LL * * b. oya 'parent' + hukoo 'misfortune' = o y a Ji u k o'o 'unfilialness' L H H HL *

c. kimatsu 'term end' + shiken 'exam' = k i m a t s u.s h i k e'n 'term-end exam' L H H H HL * d. koosaku 'craft' + kikai 'machine' = k o o s a k u JÎ i k a'i 'machine tool' L H H H H HL * e. nejiri 'twisted' + hachimaki 'headband' = n e j i r i . h a c h i'm a k i 'twisted headband' L H H H H L L These examples do not exhibit rendaku. Note that these are all type III compounds; they all have medial-accented N2 and hence the accent of N2 is inherited by the compound. It might be possible to attribute the absence of rendaku to some of the existing conditions. For instance, we might want to say that hukoo, shiken, and kikai are all Sino-Japanese words and hence are not [+Native], a violation of (104a). However, we find it very difficult to decide whether a given item is [+Native] or not. In fact, McCawley (1968: 75) admits that [+Native] is simply a diacritic feature that divides the lexicon into two subparts. Unless [-Native] elements constitute a very small subset of the entire lexicon, the use of such

43

Yasuaki Abe

a feature in general is not considered desirable from the point of view of language acquisition.24 One might claim that hachimaki in (109e) is a compound itself (hachi 'eight' + maki 'wrap around') and therefore it is analogous to (108b), a violation of the right-branch condition. However, we should regard hachimaki as a strict-compound (if it is a compound at all), since the meaning of the word is not compositional and the pitch pattern does not follow the generalization we came up with in 3.1. Strict-compounds do not have the same morphological structure as loose compounds and they are more or less simple words by themselves. If so, it is not quite right to assign the right-branching structure of (108b) to (109e). If it turns out that all the examples in (109) are real counterexamples, we can then turn to the metrical structure of these words for a better solution. In fact, as all the compounds in (109) are of type III, we can formulate a condition forrendaku in metrical terms: (110) rendaku applies only if the target of rendaku c-commends 2s all the elements that are labelled minus [-] This condition specifically rules out type III compounds, because type III is the only case in which the constituent labelled plus [+] at the same time branches and also contains the target of rendaku. (Ill)

m

m

m

m

m m m

t

m

m

m

rendaku target In all the other cases, either the target c-commands minus [-] constituents or there is no minus [-] constituent.

44

Metrical Structure and Compounds in Japanese

(113) Preaccented compounds +

m

î

(114) Unaccented compounds W

m

1

^ m

t

^

^ m

It is interesting to note that in the majority of cases, (110) simply subsumes the right-branching condition in (104d). As we saw earlier, the majority of compounds are medial-accented. When N2 is bimoraic or shorter, the'compound may result in the flat, unaccented pattern. Thus, if N2 is a compound itself and hence is medial-accented, cyclic application of rendaku together with the condition in (110) correctly predicts the right-branch phenomenon. Take the example we discussed in (108b): (115) a. hashi + ire = h a s h i ' i r e L HL L b.

H

L

H

H

H L

L

Since ha in (115b) is inside the metrical constituent labelled plus [+], and has a sister, (110) correctly predicts that it does not undergo rendaku. Thus, there is a large overlap in the area covered by (110) and the rightbranch condition. In fact, if it can be shown that all unaccented compounds may undergo rendaku if used as N2, then (110) can simply replace the right-branch condition. Unfortunately, we cannot find any relevant examples that either support or falisify the claim. However, our intuition concerning the following hypothetical examples seems to indicate that we must keep both the rightbranch condition and the condition in (110) as independent conditions for rendaku.

Yasuaki Abe

45

(116) a. shiroJcuma Svhite bear' (unaccented compound) b. X-shiro-kuma vs. *X-jiroJcuma (117) a. kinuito 'silk thread' (unaccented compound) b. X-kinuito vs. *?X-ginu.ito (118) a. kejnushi'caterpillar' (unaccented compound) b. X-ke jnushi vs. *X-ge.mushi It is rather hard to imagine that any unaccented compounds would undergo rendaku.

4. CONCLUSION

The metrical theory of accent is always subject to the criticism that the rich structure assigned to a word to represent its pitch pattern is arbitrary and lacks any strong and independent motivation. However, this paper has shown that there is a phenomenon that clearly calls for such metrical organization. The accentuation of compounds in Tokyo Japanese is most naturally accounted for if we assume that the relevant rule for compounds is just a simple labelling rule, which in fact is a simplified version of the labelling rule necessary for independent words, and that it applies to the righthand side of a metrical tree. Even though there are some sporadic exceptions to the generalization we have finally reached, we believe that this paper has helped us to gain some insight into the true nature of the pitch-accent phenomenon.

NOTES 1. It is not that voiceless obstruents freely appear in the coda position. There is a severe restriction on the distribution of such obstruents. Roughly speaking, a voiceless obstruent in this position must be homo-organic to the initial consonant of the following syllable. 2. These 'super-heavy' syllables are not very common. Super-heavy syllables are found basically in two very limited areas of the lexicon: onomatopoeia and loan words. All the examples given in (6) are of the former kind, and are given without any English transliteration. Adobaruun 'ad baloon' is an example of the second kind. 3. This is the so-called initial lowering, which we assume will apply very late in the phonological component. Strictly speaking, (lOi) is not correct since it predicts that the initial mora is L regardless of syllable structure. However, initial lowering does not seem to apply in the following examples:

46

Metrical Structure and Compounds in Japanese

(i)

kenkoo H H HH

(ii)

s i n g o o 'traffic light' HH HH

(iii)

k o o j o o 'factory' HH H L

(iv)

seek o o HH HH

'health'

'success'

Unless they are pronounced in a very slow and in fact, unnatural manner, the initial mora is H in normal speech. Since this phenomenon does not directly affect our discussion in this paper, we will pretend that initial lowering applies consistently to all cases. See Abe (1981b) for an extensive discussion on this point. 4. Note that in Tokyo Japanese any word, compound or not, may contain at most one HL contour. So far as superficial pitch patterns are concerned, both simple words and compounds fit the descriptions of (10). 5. The initial consonant of the second word is turned into the voiced counterpart. This is a very common process taking place across the compound boundary; it is called rendaku 'sequential voicing', to which we will return in Section 3. 6. Since yomi 'to read(inf-)' can be used as a noun by itself as i n y o m i g a taisetsu-da 'reading is important', we might be able to say that (18) is a special case of N+N compound. Then the more accurate labelled bracketing would be: [^[¡yjboo] [ ^ [ y yomi]]]. 7. By 'preaccenting', we mean that the last syllable (not mora) of the first word acquires the accent. Hence, if the last syllable is heavy, the actual HL contour appears inside that syllable, as in (20a) and (20c). See also the remark in note 21. 8. Throughout the examples in (27)-(29), N2 may not necessarily be trimoraic. There aren't many trimoraic words that are medial-accented and that easily form compounds. This, however, should not affect our argument. 9. In this particular example, both N j and N2 are not originally native Japanese words. However, our basic position is that it is the position of the accent in N2 and not a diacritic feature, say, [+Native] as used by McCawley (1968), that determines the pitch pattern of the compound. So an example like (28b) will not undermine our arguments. Higurashi (1983), on the contrary, argues that the feature [+Native] plays a crucial role in determining the pitch pattern of the compound. In particular, on the basis of examples like the following, she claims that the first mora of N2 always gets the accent unless N2 is [-Native], in which case N2 retains its original accent. (i)

s a t o.g o'k o r o 'homesickness' L H H L L

N2 = [+Native]

(ii)

y u d e.t a'm a g o 'boiled egg' L H H L L *

N2 = [+Native]

(iii)

s u k i n.k u r i ' i m u 'skin cream' N2 = [-Native] L HH H H I. L

Yasuaki Abe (iv)

47

b i z i n.k o n k u u r u 'beauty contest' N2 = [-Native] L HH HH H L L

Although it could be a viable alternative, I find her solution unattractive on two grounds. First, from a methodological point of view, it is always the last resort to use a diacritic feature for the description of any phenomenon. Especially if there are numerous examples which we must assume have this diacritic feature, it becomes a great mystery as to how children can ever learn such a distinction. Second, facts seem to cast doubt on the use of the feature, since there does not seem to be any explicit and consistent way to decide if one item is [+Native] or not. Let me simply add a list of examples which speak against her position, unless one says by fiat that they all involve [-Native] words. (v)

a. y a m a.h u k u'r o o 'mountain owl' L H H H LL b. z o o.a z a r a s h i 'elephant seal LHH H L L *

c. k i m a t su.s h i k e n 'term-end exam' L H H H HL d. k o o s a k u.k i k a'i 'machine tool' L H H H H HL e. o y a . h u k o ' o 'unfilialness' L H H H L Higurashi (1983) also claims that the following examples behave differently because they all involve compounds as N2. (vi)

a. g e n j i.m o n o g a ' t a r i Tale of Genji' LH H H H H L L *

b. d e n k i . r e e z o o k o 'refrigerator' (=(29b)) LH H HH H L L Although she does not give other examples of this kind, she would probably classify the following examples on a par with the above two. * (vii)

a. n e j i r i . h a c h i m a k i 'twisted headband' L H H H H L L b. k a m i.h i k o'o k i 'paper plane' L H H HL L c. k a i j o o . s h i n s a ' i n

'judges among the audience'

LH H H

HH H L L d. n o r i a i . j i d o* /o s h a 'bus' L HHHH H L L e. j e 11 o.r y o k a k k i 'jet passenger plane' L H H H L Higurashi (1983) claims that if N2 is a compound, or in her feature system, if N2 is

48

Metrical Structure and Compounds in Japanese

[+Compound], then the compound will retain the accent of N2. However, this is too strong. Note that there are unaccented compounds, too (see Section 3). If N2 is such an unaccented compound, will the whole compound become accentless? If the second word is an unaccented compound, it will simply behave as an unaccented word, just like all other simple unaccented words. The first mora of N2 will get the accent. (viii)

a. a f u r i k a.[s h i m a.u m a] L H H H H LL L

'African zebra'

b. o o s u t o r a r i a.[g y u u.n i k u] L H H H H H H H L L L c. s h i b e r i a.[s h i r o.k u m a] L H HH H L L L

'Australian beef

'Siberian white bear'

Now it is obvious that it is not the compoundness but the medial-accentedness that plays a crucial role in (vi) and (vii). In this case, her contention that the unmarked situation for compounds with medial-accented N2 is the fixed accent on the first mora (just like all other types of N2) cannot be maintained. Thus, we claim it is (i) and (ii) that require special treatment. There are few of this kind. 10. It seems that there are a small number of exceptions to this claim. Consider the following: (i)

a. t a c h i.k u r a m i 'dizziness on standing up' L H H H H b. y a r i . m o r a i 'giving and receiving' L H H HH

(ii)

*

a. i n s u t a n t o.k o o h i i 'instant coffee'(Higurashi 1983) LH H H H H H L LL b. o m o s h i r o.h a n b u n 'half as fun' L H H H HL L L

We take these, as well as (i) and (ii) in note 9, as lexical exceptions that a language user must learn from experience. 11. Strictly speaking, McCawley (1968) groups initial-accented and medial-accented words together, while we have isolated medial-accented words from the others. As we have seen, this does not make any difference as far as initial-accented words are concerned. Moreover, as we will see later, these two rules are realizations of a single generalization. So it is rather pointless to try to determine which grouping is correct. 12. Note that the branching accent has nothing to do with the syllable structure. It is simply a diacritic feature inherently specified on some tone-bearing unit. Even though the branchingness counts when a metrical tree is constructed, it does not count in other cases; for instance, when we define 'c-command' in a metrical tree, this inherent branch will be disregarded. See Section 3.2. 13. Strictly speaking, it is /a/ and /i/, the two tone-bearing units in /rashi/, that bear the Low tone. 14. See note 3. 15. There are many exceptions in both directions. First, there are preaccented compounds whose N j is short.

Yasuaki Abe (i)

49

a. m u g i'.c h a 'barley tea' L H L b. h o'n.b a k o 'bookcase' (= (76b)) HL L L c. y u r i'.k a g o 'cradle' L H L L d. y o w a ' . m u s h i 'weakling' L H L L e. n a k a'.y U b i 'middle finger' L H L L f. o r i'.g à m i 'origami' L H L L

Second, there are unaccented compounds whose N j is long: (ii)

a. n i h o n.c h a 'Japanese tea' (= (78)) L HH H b. k a z a r i.d a n a 'display shelf L HH H H

However, the number of exceptions is still far smaller than that of forms that obey the rules in (82). 16. Some people accept / a r a i.g u'm à/ too. L HH H L 17. To be more precise, it is one of the two cases. The other case is the preaccented compound, such as abare.uma (= (83j)). 18. 'Foot' is roughly defined as the metrical constituent that is labelled either + or19. The following is a short list of exceptions to this claim. (i)

a. o.s a r u 'monkey' L H H b. o.h u n e 'ship' L H H

(ii)

a. o.s u m o o 'sumo' L H HH b. o.s a k a n a 'fish' L H H H c. o.s a i h u 'purse' L HH H d. o.k o o c h a 'tea' L HH H e. o.k a i m o n o 'shopping' L HH H H

50

Metrical Structure and Compounds in Japanese

These are all unaccented. 20. There are some exceptions in this case, too: (i)

a. o.m a'm e L H L b. o.n i'k U

'bean' 'meat'

L H L c. o.s h i' o 'salt' L HL 21. Strictly speaking, we cannot entirely eliminate the notions of 'accent drop' and 'accent placement' from the theory. We can regard compounding as a lexical process that takes place in the lexicon (cf. Mohanan 1982). Then, the output of such a process may be fed into another lexical or phonological process. Under those circumstances, in order for CRM to apply correctly, we must know where the accent is in N2- But if N2 itself is a compound, how do we know the position of the accent? Take the following example. (i)

yuki 'snow' + onna 'woman' = y u k i.o'n ri a 'snow fairy' L HHL L

This is a straightforward example of a type II compound, where N2 is final-accented. The metrical tree assigned to (i) is: (ii)

H

H

H

H

L

L

This indicates a stage prior to IL. Now, if we want to form a compound taking this derived word as N2, how should we proceed? (iii)

himaraya + yuki.onna = h i m a r a y a . y u k i.o'n ri a 'the Himalayan snow-fairy L H H H H HHL L

As this form clearly indicates, CRM at this stage regards yuki.onna accented word, which it should. Take another example. It involves a case marker. * (iv)

,.

onna L HH

*

(v)

onna ga LH H L

(vi)

yuki.onna L HH L L

. .

ga = nominative

ga L

as a medial-

Yasuaki Abe

51

To get the correct pitch pattern of (v), we must say that a metrical tree is constructed over the sequence onna + ga. (vii)

H

o L

n H

na H

ga L

On the other hand, in order to derive the correct surface form of (vi), we are forced to say that o has the accent. In order to circumvent the problem, we would like to assume the following: (viii)

a. A metrical tree that is labelled by CRM represents the structural accent of the compound b. The structural accent is placed on the rightmost mora of the constituent whose top node is labelled + c. Placement of an accent eliminates any existing accent in the same domain (structural or lexical)

By (viii-b), o in (ii) is designated as the structural accent. At the same time, the two existing accents (one on ki of yuki, and the other on na of onna) are deleted. In other words, we will have the following new lexical entry: (ix)

yukionna

'snow fairy'

This form can be subject to another application of the compounding rule, as in (iii), or can form with an adjacent case marker a domain of phonological word (cf. Selkirk 1978) in the surface syntactic representation, as in (vi). For unaccented compounds, such as those in (101) or the forms in the lefthand column of (83), the above definition will not assign any structural accent. Therefore, these forms will be treated as accentless in subsequent rule applications. 22. There are some exceptions: * (i)

a. o. h i t o r i 'one person' L H H H * b. o.k o k o r o 'heart' L H H H c. o.b e n t o o 'box lunch' L HH HH

23. The voiced counterpart of /h/ is /b/, which motivated McCawley (1968) to assume /p/ as the underlying form of [h]. 24. See note 9. 25. a c-commands p if and only if /? is in construction with a (in the sense of Klima 1964). In other words, a c-commands 0 if and only if (a) neither a nor/J dominates the other, and (b) the first branching node dominating a also dominates /?.

52

Metrical Structure and Compounds in Japanese

REFERENCES Abe, Yasuaki (1981a) Tone harmony schema: a theory of pitch accent', University of Massachusetts Occasional Papers in Linguistics Vol. 7, 1-26. Abe, Yasuaki (1981b) 'A formal theory of pitch accent in Japanese: a metrical approach', ms., University of Massachusetts, Amherst. Bennett, Diana (1981) Pitch Accent in Japanese: A Metrical Analysis, MA thesis, University of Texas, Austin. Chomsky, Noam and Morris Halle (1968) The Sound Pattern of English, Harper & Row, New York. Clark, Mary M. (1978) A Dynamic Treatment of Tone, with Special Attention to the Tonal System of Igbo, Doctoral dissertation, University of Massachusetts, Amherst. Clark, Mary M. (1979) 'On the relative descriptive power of two theories of tone', in E. Engdahl and M. Stein, eds., Papers presented to Emmon Bach, 47-63. Goldsmith, John (1976) Autosegmental Phonology, Doctoral dissertation, MIT. Halle, Morris and Jean-Roger Vergnaud (1978) 'Metrical structure in phonology: a fragment', ms., MIT. Haraguchi, Shosuke (1977) The Tone Pattern of Japanese: An Autosegmental Theory of Tonology, Kaitakusha, Tokyo. Higurashi, Yoshiko (1983) The Accent of Extended Word Structures in Tokyo Standard Japanese, EDUCA Inc., Tokyo. Hirayama, Teruo (1960) Zenkoku Akusento Ziten, Tokyo-Do, Tokyo. Klima, Edward S. (1964) 'Negation in English', in J.A. Fodor and J.J. Katz, eds., The Structure of Language: Readings in the Philosophy of Language, PrenticeHall, Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 246-323. Liberman, Mark and Alan Prince (1976) 'On stress and linguistic rhythm', Linguistic Inquiry 8, 249-336. McCawley, James D. (1968) The Phonological Component of a Grammar of Japanese, Mouton, The Hague. Mohanan, K.P. (1982) Lexical Phonology, Doctoral dissertation, MIT. Otsu, Yukio (1980) 'Some aspects of rendaku in Japanese and related problems', in Y. Otsu and A. Farmer, eds., MIT Working Papers in Linguistics Vol. 2, 207-227. Selkirk, Elisabeth O. (1978) "On prosodic structure and its relation to syntactic structure', ms., University of Massachusetts, Amherst. Ueda, Masanobu (1984) 'Notes on rendaku in Japanese', ms., University of Massachusetts, Amherst. Uwano, Yoshimichi (1977) 'Nihongo no akusento (Accent in Japanese)', in S. Ohno and T. Shibata, eds., Iwanami Koza Nihongo 5, Iwanami Shoten, Tokyo, 282321. Vance, Timothy J. (1980) 'Comments on "Some aspects of rendaku in Japanese and related problems" ', in Y. Otsu and A. Farmer, eds., MIT Working Papers in Linguistics Vol. 2, 229-236. Vergnaud, Jean-Roger (1979) 'A formal theory of vowel harmony', University of Massachusetts Occasional Papers in Linguistics Vol. 5, 135-143. Zubizarreta, Maria Louisa (1979) 'A metrical account of the tone pattern of Japanese: the interaction of harmony and accent', ms., MIT. Zubizarreta, Maria Louisa (1980) T h e formal interaction of harmony and accent: the tone pattern of Japanese', in H. van der Hülst and N. Smith, eds., The structure of Phonological Representations, Foris Publications, Dordrecht, 159-212.

Chapter 2

Japanese as a Tone Language* Mary M. Clark

0. INTRODUCTION*

Virtually all analyses of Japanese tone within the framework of generative phonology have been based on the assumption, first argued for by McCawley (1968), that the tonal melody is the surface realization of an underlying accemt. represented by a diacritic feature ' or * (McCawley 1968, 1977, Goldsmith 1974, Haraguchi 1977), or by a metrical tree (Abe (ms), (Archangeli 1981, Halle 1982). In this view, most specifically stated by McCawley (1970,1978) and Goldsmith (1982), underlying representations in Japanese contain no overt tonal information, but only a marking which indicates the presence or absence of the accent and its location, insofar as this is not predictable by rule. After an accentual component consisting of rules which insert, delete, or change the position of the accent, the melody itself is inserted by a Tone Insertion rule which uses the position of the accent as a guide. This is followed by a tonal component which contains rules which insert, delete, or alter the association of tones, as in tone languages. In this paper, I will argue against this approach to Japanese on grounds of explanatory adequacy. The problem is that in languages like Japanese, where "accent" has only a tonal realization, this framework allows alternations in the surface melody to be accounted for by either accent rules or tone rules, with no difference in the phonetic output. And the competing analyses cannot be differentiated by considerations of simplicity, because it is impossible in principle to compare the relative complexity of an accent rule and a tone rule. I will begin my argument by reviewing one analysis of Japanese within this framework - that of Haraguchi (1977) - and pointing out some of the indeterminacies which arise. I will then show that these indeterminacies can be eliminated by doing away with the accentual component, and reanalyzing Japanese as a tone language, with the "accent" treated as a * I would like to thank Alan Prince, Lisa Selkirk, Rochelle Lieber, Yasuaki Abe, Doug Pulleyblank, and Diana Archangeli for helpful discussion and criticism of earlier versions of this paper.

54

Japanese as a Tone Language

lexically-specified tone and the rest of the melody inserted by rule, as has been proposed by Hyman (1982) and Pulleyblank (1983) for Luganda and Tonga. The analysis which I will propose also departs from the standard treatment in a second way, in that it does not identify the accent exclusively with high tone but allows both H-accents and L-accents, depending on the syntactic category and the lexical item. I will argue that this approach has significant descriptive advantages over a treatment in which the accent is analyzed in all cases as H.

1. HARAGUCHI'S ANALYSIS OF THE TOKYO AND OSAKA DIALECTS

While I intend my argument to hold against the entire range of pitchaccent analyses of Japanese, I will, for the sake of concreteness, concentrate primarily on Haraguchi's (1977) analysis of the Tokyo and Osaka dialects, which is couched in the autosegmental framework of Goldsmith (1976). In Haraguchi's analysis of the Tokyo dialect, nouns and particles are given lexical representations like those of (1), with the position of the accent, if any, indicated by an asterisk over the accented vowel: (1)

Lexical Representations, Tokyo Dialect a. Nouns af; ate Accented: Unaccented: b. Particles Accented: Unaccented:

inoti life' kokoro 'heart' miyako 'city'

atama 'head'

#

made t o ' desu (copula) ga (subject marker)

kara 'from'

The accent may appear on any mora except the weak mora of a long syllable. "Pre-accenting" particles like sika 'only' are accounted for by means of a *-assignment rule of the form1 (2)

Pre-accentuation V -»• * /

(C)] sika, etc.

The tone melody is inserted by a rule of Tone Insertion, which assigns one instance of the melody HL to each phonological word. 2 The H tone of the melody is linked by the rule of (3) to the last vowel which is not preceded by a *:

Mary M. Clark (3)

55

Tone Association s.d. # # Q V, 1 2 3

where Q is the maximal sequence of phonological segments which contains no instance of ^

H L 4 5 s.c. Associate 4 with 3 And the melody is spread over the rest of the word by association conventions which specify that (i) every mora is associated with a tone, (ii) every tone is associated with a mora, (iii) association lines do not cross, and (iv) "free" tones associate before "bound" ones. 3 The results of this process are shown in (4), where the solid line is the association which is created by rule (3), and the dotted lines are those which are introduced by the association conventions:

(4)

a. moti

b. kokoro

c. atama

V ;

H Lo

H L

d. miyako

H L

e. atama ga

f. miyako ga

"n\ I I M !

H L

H L

H L

4c * g. kokoro made

h. moti desu

'/si'

L ' '

HL

HL

miyako made

j. miyako desu

/ H L

H L

Because Tone Association ignores all but the first * of a phonological word, the accents of the particles made and desu show up in the surface form (by being linked to a high tone) only when the preceding noun is unaccented, as in (i) and (j). 4 In Haraguchi's original analysis, words like atama and miyako emerge from the association process with a falling contour on the final syllable: (5)

atama H L

miyako H L

56

Japanese as a Tone Language

and this contour is then eliminated by a Contour Simplification rule which deletes the L tone: (6)

L -

9 I

V H

However, this rule is unnecessary if we adopt the proposal of Halle and Vergnaud (1982) that, unless otherwise specified for a particular language, association rules link just one tone to each tone-bearing unit. Under this proposal, no rule is needed to account for the fact that the final L remains unassociated (and unrealized) in atama and miyako. The derivation is completed by a rule of Initial Lowering:

(7)

V

Ct V

V

Cx V

H

L

H

/

[ CQ

which lowers the first syllable of a phrase when the H tone is associated with more than one syllable. s We can give a slightly simpler account of this change if we adopt two suggestions of Halle and Vergnaud (1982) first, that the association "conventions" are, in fact, rules which apply at a particular point in the derivation (rather than conventions which apply automatically whenever their structural description is met), and secondly, that tone-bearing units which do not receive a tone during the course of the derivation are assigned a "default" tone Q o w )- Given these assumptions, Haraguchi's Initial Lowering Rule can be replaced by a rule of Initial Dissociation. (8)

Initial Dissociation 1 2 3 s.d. V C V

s.c. Dissociate 4 from 1.

V

H 4

which applies after tone association. 6 The de-toned syllable then surfaces with the low default tone, as shown in (9): (9)

if! kokoro

II

HL

4s atama

A /

HL

miyako HL

* ?inoti

11/

HL

Output of Tone Association

Mary M. Clark

57

j|¡

jjc

kokoro

atama

Il M

HL •

ini

*

atama i/ LH

n.a.

Initial Dissociation

n.a.

Default Tone Assignment

\l HL

HL

kokoro LH L

miyako

w

miyako LH

Nominal accent in the Osaka dialect is treated in the same way as Tokyo, except that, in addition to the accent feature *, if any, each noun is also marked with a "melody" feature which indicates which of two lexical melodies - HL or LHL - it carries. The melody is linked to the segmental string by the same association rules as in Tokyo: (10

LHL Class a. suzume

suzume

(no accent) b. suzume-ga (no accent) c. ame

t

H L

suzume-ga w / i L H L ame*

/

sparrow

'sparrow' (nom.)

'rain'

I

L H L d. ame-ga

iI

ame-ga

'rain' (nom.)

!

i i i L H L e. bitamin

(11)

bitamin 1 ii II fi''/ LHL

Vitamin'

niwatori ^ \ *i

'chicken'

HL Gass a. niwatori (no accent)

H L

58

Japanese as a Tone Language b. niwatori-ga

niwatori-ga

'chicken'

"Hi

(no accent)

H L

c. yama(-ga)

yama(-ga)

I

H L

'mountain' (nom.)

y

d. bentoo 7

bentoo \i 1

lunch'

e. kam in ari

kaminari

thunder'

ÌH LI'' •V ;

HL

The final L tone of (10)c is subsequently associated by (12)

Docking 1 s.d. * V

1

H 2

,

where 3 is not associated with a tone.

L 3

s.c. Associate 1 with 3. which, in Osaka, creates a falling contour on the final mora: (13)

4c ame

* ame

-»•

II

IK

L H L

L H L

Docking applies only to accented forms; in the unaccented forms suzume, suzumega, niwatori, and niwatori-ga, the final L remains unassociated.8 The position of the accent in verbs is determined by rule in both dialects. Haraguchi assigns the Tokyo accent by means of the rule of (14), which assigns the * to the penultimate mora of the verb in the present form, and to the penultimate mora of the stem in all other forms: 9 ru

(14) V

* /

C 0

(V)] Q stem

V [+ACC]

Mary M. Clark

59

This rule yields melodies like the following: (15)

Present

'eat'

'ask for'

'begin'

tabe-ru

tanom-u

hazime-ru

II I

(L) H L Past

Unaccented Verbs

Accented Verbs

tabe-ta

1/

HL

Conditional tabe-reba

IV

HL

Provisional tabe-tara

I IA

HL

I II

(L) H L

I \v

tanon-da (L) H L

tanom-eba

\ \ 1/

(L)H L

* * tanon-dara

\\V

(L) H L

I V^

(L) H

I V

hazime-ta (L) H

hazime-reba

I

(L)

HL

* hazime-tara (L)

HL

Note that because Tone Assignment (3) ignores all but the first * of the phonological word, suffixal accents are overtly realized only after unaccented stems like hazime (which are not subject to rule (14)). Haraguchi's rule of Verbal Accent Assignment can be simplified somewhat if we assume, following Siegel (1974), Pesetsky (ms), Mohanan (1982), Kiparsky (1982), and others, that morphological rules may be interspersed with phonological ones, and that, in particular, the presenttense suffix -ru is attached to the stem before *-assignment, while the other inflectional suffixes are attached afterward. For the sake of concreteness, let us adopt Kiparsky's framework, in which the morphological and phonological rules of the lexicon are divided into "levels", with items passing first through the phonological and morphological component of each level in a cyclical fashion. Then if the rule which attaches the presenttense suffixes applies at one level (say Level 1), while *-assignment applies at the next level (Level 2), as shown in (16): (16)

Phonological Rules

Morphological Rules

Level 1

-

Attachment of presenttense suffixes

60

Japanese as a Tone Language

Level 2

*-assignment

Attachment of other inflectional suffixes

then Verbal Accent Assignment can be stated simply as a rule which assigns the accent to the penultimate mora, as shown in (17): (17)

Verbal Accent Assignment V

*

/

C (V) 0

] V [+ACC]

Osaka verb stems are marked for melody (HL or LHL), but not for accent; whether the verb is accented or not depends on the inflectional form. Examples of the present tense, an unaccented form, are given below: (18)

Present Tense Verbs, Osaka Dialect HL Gass ki-ru

LHL Class 'wear'

\l

mi-ru

I I

H

LH

kari-ru

'borrow'

H

^

'see'

narabe-ru H

V I

oki-ru

'get up'

L H line up'

I

kakure-ru L H

liide'

In the past tense, which is an accented form, Haraguchi assigns the accent by a series of rules whose application depends on the length and tone class of the stem, and whether it is consonant-final or vowel-final: (19)

For Verb Stems of the HL Class V

* /

CVC]

(a)

Applies to bi-syllabic consonantfinal stems.

(/Li) ]

(b) Applies in all other cases.

Mary M. Clark (20)

61

For Verb Stems of the LHL Class V * / __(C)] Exception: Verbs formed from monosyllabic bi-moraic LHL stems remain unaccented in all forms.

Illustrative examples are given below: (21)

Past-tense Verbs, Osaka Dialect ?agat-ta

a. Rule (19a):

/ 1/

'rise'

HL

H L

,kan-ta *. 1/ HL

narabe-ta

line up'

yorokon-da 'be glad'

mi-ta

see

oki-ta I II LHL

ne-ta I I HL

N1/ HL

c. Rule (20): (L)

IV

'advance'

'sleep'

*

b. Rule (19b):

susun-da

HL ?ason-da

I 11/

'borrow'

W HL

¥

'get up'

'play'

LHL d. No accent:

kat-ta I I L H

Vin'

non-da

VH I

'drank'

L

This completes our brief summary of Haraguchi's analysis. Haraguchi also discusses the accentuation of adjectives, compounds, and honorific ophrases, and a rule of "Collocational H Deletion" which applies at the phrase level in Osaka. However, this portion of his analysis should be sufficient for the argument which I want to make here.

2. INDETERMINACY IN THE PITCH-ACCENT APPROACH

The theoretical framework which is represented here by Haraguchi's

62

Japanese as a Tone Language

analysis of the Tokyo and Osaka dialects provides a simple and elegant description of the facts of Japanese tone; however, it has a serious theoretical flaw in that it provides competing analyses - an accentual analysis and a tonal one - for virtually every phenomenon. This indeterminacy arises from the fact that Japanese "accent" (represented in Haraguchi's analysis by the feature *) has no phonetic realization other than tone. Phonetic studies such as that of Weizmann (1969) have shown that the "accented" mora is not consistently longer or more intense than other moras, and, as is pointed out by Prince (1983), there seems to be no tendency to associate it with the strong beat of a musical phrase. In the words of Goldsmith (1982), the accent functions simply as a "formal device for relating parallel phonological tiers [the skeleton and the tone melody]". But if this is true, then there is no evidence other than the tone melody for the position of the accent, and rules which insert, move, or delete accents can be replaced by tone rules, with no effect on the phonetic output. For example, consider the fact, illustrated in (15) above, that accented present-tense verbs in the Tokyo dialect carry a HL melody with the H tone linked to the final mora of the stem. Haraguchi accounts for this fact by means of a rule of *-Assignment ((14)/(17)) which assigns the feature * to the penultimate mora of a verb of the accented class in the present-tense form, 10 and the *'d vowel is then linked by Tone Association to the H of the HL melody. But this special *-Assignment rule could easily be replaced by a tone rule. If the rule of *-Assignment did not apply to present-tense verbs, then, in Haraguchi's analysis, an accented presenttense verb like tabe-ru would emerge from the association process as (22)

tabe-ru H L

and the surface melody (23)

tabe-ru

I

HL

could then be obtained by means of a tone rule like that of (24), which docks the floating L onto the suffix vowel in present-tense verbs of the accented class:11

Mary M. Clark (24)

63

L-Docking 12 s.d. ru

3 ] V [+ACC]

H L 4 5 s.c. l i n k 5 to 2. Because the phonetic output is the same in the two analyses, there is no empirical evidence to choose between them. And the Simplicity Criterion is of no use in this case, because the rules are of different types; it is impossible in principle to compare the relative complexity of a docking rule and a rule of *-Assignment. Rules of accent deletion also have tonal alternatives. For example, consider the rule which deletes an accent which immediately precedes the possessive particle no, as in the phrase (25)

kajwino

'the river's'

which, in Haraguchi's analysis, is derived as follows: *

(26)

kawa-no kawa-no kawa-no

the

river's'

Underlying representation Accent Deletion before no Tone Association and Initial Lowering

L H (L) This derivation assumes an accentual formulation of the rule, as shown in (27): 12 (27) V

-*•

[-*] V I

V C _] 0

no

But this rule could be re-stated as a tone rule which applies after Tone Association and spreads the H tone onto the particle no, as shown in (28): 13

64

Japanese as a Tone Language

(28)

H-Spreading s.d.

s.c.

Link 3 to 2.

Kawa no would then be derived as follows: (29)

s|t

kawa-no N

Output of Tone Assignment

t H L

kawa-no

H-Spreading

V H (L) kawa-no

Initial Lowering

; i x L H (L) As before, neither the phonetic output nor considerations of simplicity serve to choose between the two solutions. The third accentual rule type - accent movement - can also be restated tonally, as Haraguchi observes in connection with his *-Shift rule for the Matsue dialect. In Haraguchi's formulation, this rule shifts the accent from a high vowel at the end of the stem onto the first syllable of the following particle, as follows: (30)

Accent Shift: Accentual Formulation $ 1 [+high]J

c

v -»• 0

[+high] J

0

yielding derivations like the following: $ * (31)

kami-ga siroi kami-ga siroi kami-ga siroi

V

H L

Underlying representation Accent Shift Tone Assignment

Mary M. Clark

65

kami-ga siroi i/

I

L

V

Initial Lowering14

H L

The hair is white' But as Haraguchi observes, the rule could also be stated as a tone rule, as shown in (32): (32)

Accent Shift: Tonal Formulation s.d.

1 2 3 V ] C V [•thigh] I H 4

s.c. Associate 4 with 3.

in which case kamifga)siroi would be derived as follows: (33)

$ * kami-ga siroi

Output of Tone Assignment

1/ U ^ H L $

*

kam i-ga siroi H $ L $ kami-ga siroi IX I X L H L

Rule (32) Initial Lowering

In summary, rules which insert, delete, or change the position of the accent in the pitch-accent model of Japanese are replaceable, across the board, by tone rules, and the rival solutions which the model provides cannot be distinguished from one another either empirically or by considerations of simplicity. Thus this model fails to meet the goal of explanatory adequacy, as defined by Chomsky (1965), who states that the goal of linguistic theory is to construct "a theory of language learning or grammar construction ... which includes a strategy for selecting a [single] grammar of the appropriate form that is compatible with primary linguistic data" (p. 25). "The critical factor ... is the limitation of the class of possible grammars" (p. 61) "to the point where selection among them can be made by a formal evaluation measure [such as the Simplicity Metric]". (p. 35).

66

Japanese as a Tone Language

In the remainder of this paper, I will show that it is possible to eliminate the indeterminacy which we have observed here by doing away with the accentual component, and re-analyzing Japanese (and other "pitch-accent" languages in which the accent has no independent phonetic realization) as tone languages.15 Although the primary motivation for this re-analysis is theoretical - to eliminate indeterminacy in the analysis16 - there is also empirical support for this move. First, pitch markings from the Ruijuyoogishoo (Kyooto, 1100 AD) show that the Japanese of that period had the typical nominal tone melodies of an unrestricted tone language, including virtually every possible combination of H and L: (34)

a. Two-syllable nouns: HH, HL, LL, LH b. Three-syllable nouns: HHH, HHL, HLL, LLL, LLH, LHH, LHL

Secondly, languages like Japanese differ from true accentual systems in that they permit some domains to reamin "unaccented", unlike stressaccented systems, where every phrase carries a primary stress. Finally, Japanese exhibits many phenomena which are more typical of tonal than of accentual systems - for example, the restriction against contour tones in the Tokyo dialect and the crucial reference to vowel height in the Matsue rules of Accent Shift and Initial Lowering ((33) above). All these observations suggest that Japanese is, in fact, a tone language rather than an accentual one.

3. JAPANESE AS A TONE LANGUAGE

3.1. Some Theoretical Preliminaries Let me begin by outlining the tonal framework which I will be assuming in my analyses of the Tokyo and Osaka dialects. I assume, following Williams (1976), Goldsmith (1976), and Leben (1973), that a tonal melody consists of a sequence of autosegmental tone specifications which are linked by association lines with tone-bearing units (the centers of syllables or moras) on the skeletal "tier". The set of lexical tone melodies for a language may be "unrestricted", as in the Igbo nominal system, where the melody may consist of any string of H's and L's which will fit onto the skeletal tier, or "restricted", as in Mende, where, according to Leben (1973, 1978), lexical melodies are chosen from the set H, L, HL, LH, HLH, and LHL, without regard to the number of tone-bearing units. The association between the tonal and skeletal tiers may be established idiosyncratically, in the underlying representation, or by rule during the course of the derivation. The most universal association rule is "Free Tone Association", which we will state as follows:

Mary M. Clark (35)

67

Free Tone Association Associate free tones with free tone-bearing units one-to-one, from left to right or from right to left, as specified by the grammar of the particular language.

This statement of Free Tone Association differs from some previous formulations in that it associates each tone with just one tone-bearing unit and each tone-bearing unit with just one tone. 17 For example, in Mende, which uses the left-to-right version of the rule, the HL and LHL melodies of the words félèmà 'junction' and nydhd Vornan' will be mapped on as follows:18 (36)

a. felema i i1 !• I HL

'junction'

b. nyaha 1i i I !I LHL

"woman'

The grammar may also contain more specific association rules which (by the Elsewhere Condition of Kiparsky (1973)) take priority over Free Tone Association. For example, Leben (1978) argues that in Mende, the first step in tone association is the association of a final H with the last syllable of the word, as in the following derivation of the word lèlèmâ 'praying mantis': (37)

lelema

Underlying representation

LH lelema/ /

H-Association

/

L

H

lelema ! I L H

Free Tone Association

Finally, Mende also has words with lexically-specified associations which take priority over both H-Association and Free Tone Association. An example is pé tikù 'spectacles', whose derivation through Free Tone Association is given in (38): (38)

petiku

/

HL

Underlying representation

68

Japanese as a Tone Language H-Association

n.a.

Free Tone Association HL Since in our formulation, the rule of Free Tone Association associates each free tone with just one tone-bearing unit, and each tone-bearing unit with just one tone, some tones and tone-bearing units may emerge without a partner, as in (36)-(38). A tone which is still unassociated alter Free Tone Association may be linked up by a "docking" rule like the following, which docks the floating L tone at the end of nyàhd in (36b): (39)

1 s.d. V, 1 T 2

where 3 is not associated with a tone. T 3

s.c. Associate 1 with 3. And tone-bearing units which have not yet received a tone may be linked up by Spreading: (40)

Spreading Associate each free tone-bearing unit with the nearest tone to its left or right (as specified in the grammar of the particular language).

Mende has bi-directional Spreading, with preference for association to the left. These rules complete the derivations of (36)-(38), as shown in (41): (41)

felema HL

nyaha || LHL

felema

n.a.

II

I k ' HL n.a.

lelema | | L H

L H nyaha LHL

nj.

petiku Output of Free Tone | | Association HL

HL n.a.

Docking

Mary M. Clark

69

I follow Lieber (forthcoming) in assuming that by the end of the derivation (but not until then) every tone must be associated with a tonebearing unit and every tone-bearing unit with a tone. Tones which are still unassociated at the end of the derivation are deleted; tone-bearing units which are still unassociated are assigned the "default" tone, low. 3.2. Tokyo Japanese as a Restricted Tone Language In this section, I will show that it is possible to analyze Japanese as a restricted tone language with the "accent" treated as a lexically preassociated tone like that of the Mende word petiku (38). Let us begin by assuming that the "accent" of the accented nouns ?ilnoti 'life', kofkolro •heart', and a[tama|(ga) 'head (nom)' consists of a pre-associated H tone, as shown in (42): (42)

?inoti ! H

kokoro I H

atama I H

Then the surface melodies (43)

?inoti

kokoro

atama (ga)

I 1/ HL

LHL

L H L

II I

IN I

can be derived by means of the following rules of Spreading and Default Tone Assignment: (44)

Spreading Associate a toneless mora to the nearest tone to its right.

(45)

Default Tone Assignment Assign low tone to a mora or string of moras which is not associated with a tone.

as shown in (46): (46)

?inoti

kokoro

I H

I H

iu,

kokoro \l H

atama (ga) Underlying I representaH tion atama (ga) Spreading H

70

Japanese as a Tone Language kokoro

n.a.

?inoti HL

I H

atama (ga) Initial \ j Dissociation H

kokoro 1 1 1 f 1 I I ! I L HL

atama (ga) Default I \J I Tone AssignL H L ment

Initial Lowering at the beginning of the phrase is accomplished by the same rule of Initial Dissociation (8) which we postulated for Haraguchi's analysis; the de-toned initial mora and all moras which follow the tonal accent surface with the "default" tone, low. Unaccented nouns like mi|yako (ga) 'city (nom)' require an additional rule: (47)

H-Insertion 0

-

H

/

[

-

which applies at the level of the phonological word, after the particle has been attached. The tone which this rule inserts is associated by Free Tone Association, which is stated as follows: (48)

Free Tone Association Associate free tones with free tone-bearing units one-to-one, from right to left.

By way of illustration, the derivation of the unaccented phrase mijyako ga 'city (nom)' is given in (49): (49)

miyako ga

Underlying representation after attachment of particle

miyako ga

H-Insertion

H miyako ga

Free Tone Association

I

H miyako ga H

Spreading

Mary M. Clark

71

miyako ga | L H

Initial Dissociation and Default Tone Assignment

If particles are added one by one, with a re-application of H-Insertion, Free Tone Association, and Spreading on each cycle, then this analysis gives us an interesting account of the otherwise puzzling fact, pointed out by McCawley (1968, 1977), that unaccented (that is, toneless) particles like kara 'from' acquire a final accent when followed by an unaccented particle, as in (50)

mi|yako karajwa from the city' + topic marker

This fact follows automatically from our analysis, as shown in the derivation below: (51)

Output of the lexical component 19

miyako

co-Level: Cycle 1 miyako kara

Addition of the particle kara

miyako kara

H-Insertion and Free Tone Association

H miyako kara

Spreading

H co-Level: Cycle 2 miyako kara wa

Addition of the particle wa

H H-Insertion

vacuous

Free Tone Association and Spreading Phrase-Level Initial Dissociation and Default Tone Assignment L

H L

72

Japanese as a Tone Language

The derivation of unaccented verbs exactly parallels that of unaccented nouns, as can be seen from the following derivations of the past and present forms of the unaccented verb hazime 'begin': (52)

hazime-ta

hazime-ru

Underlying form after attachment of all tense suffixes

hazime-ta I H

hazime-ru ] H

H-Insertion plus Free Tone Association

hazime-ta

hazime-ru

Spreading

H

H

hazime-ta I LH

hazime-ru i LH

Initial Dissociation and Default Tone Assignment

As for the accented verbs, the reader will recall that here the accent falls predictably on the penultimate mora of the verb in the present tense form, and on the penultimate mora of the stem in the other forms, as in the examples of (53): (53)

tabe-ru

tabe-ta

tanom-u

tanon-da

LHL

HL

L H L

HL

'eat (pres.)'

'eat (past)'

'ask for (pres.)' 'ask for (past)'

HI

11/

III

Ml/

There are two possible ways to account for these forms. One is by means of a rule which inserts a high tone and attaches it to the penultimate mora. (Like the accent-assignment rule of the pitch-accent analysis, this rule would apply after the attachment of the present-tense suffix, but before the attachment of all other suffixes.) However, a slightly simpler analysis is available if we assume that the accent tone for verbs, unlike nouns, is low; in other words, the accented verb stems tabe 'eat' and tanom 'ask for' have the underlying representations (54)

tabe

tanom

L

L

73

Mary M. Clark

The advantage of this approach is that it does not require a special association rule; the accent tone can be associated by the same rule of Free Tone Association which we used to account for the unaccented forms: (55)

tabe

tabe

L

L

tanom

tanom

L

Underlying representation

L

tabe

tabe-ru

tanom

tanom-u

L

L

L

L

tabe

tabe-ru 1 1 r L

tanom 20 1 1 1 L

tanom-u• 1 1 L

—

tanon-da

—

1 L tabe-ta 1 L tabe-ta • r HL na.

H L tabe-ru \l 1 H L

tabe-ta 1 I'' HL

tabe-ru 1 11 ! 1 ! LH L

tanon-da !\ HL tanon-da Ml HL tanon-da ! 11/ L HL

Free Tone Association

Attachment of past tense suffix

1 L tabe-ru 1I

Attachment of present tense suffix

tanom-u i / H L

H-Insertion and Free Tone Association

tanom-u

Spreading

N

1 H L

tanom-u i 1 1 L H L

Initial Dissociation and Default Tone 21

Note that Free Tone Association applies both at Lexical Level 2 (after the attachment of the present-tense suffix) and at the level of the phonological word, after H-Insertion. Monomoraic accented verbs like ki^ta 'come' (past) require an additional rule to account for the H tone on the first mora: (56)

Docking 1 s.d. V I HL 23 s.c. Link 2 to 1.

74

Japanese as a Tone Language

The application of this rule is illustrated below: (57)

Lexical Component ki

Underlying representation

L Free Tone Association 22

Level 2

ki i i L

Level 3

kita Attachment of Past Tense Suffix I L Postlexical Component

co-Level

kita

H-Insertion

\ HL n.a.

Free Tone Association and Spreading

kita

Docking

!

H(L) Phrase-Level

na.

Initial Dissociation

kita Ii HL

Default Tone Assignment

Accented particles, like accented verbs, are best analyzed as having a lexically-specified L. To see that this is so, suppose for a moment that the accent for particles is H, as in the representations below: (58)

made, I H

desu, I H

-tara, I H

-reba I H

Then the loss of the accent after an accented head, as in the examples of (59), would require an "accent-deletion" rule which deletes an H tone

Mary M. Clark

75

which is preceded by another tone (either H or L) within the same phonological word: (59)

a. kokoro I I L HL

made 'from the heart'

b. tabereba 'eat' (cond.) I HL

(from kokoro + made) I

I

H

H

(from tabe + reba) I I L H

However, if the accent tone for particles is L, so that the particles of (58) have the underlying representations (60)

made,

I

tara,

L

I

L

-desu,

-reba

I

I

L

L

then the facts of (59) follow automatically, as shown in (61), with no need for an accent-deletion rule: (61)

kokoro made

I l

H

L

tabereba L

ML

Underlying representation

H-Insertion, Free Tone Association

kokoro made

tabereba

H H

H L

kokoro made

tabereba I H L

Spreading (plus Obligatory Contour)

nx

Initial Dissociation and Default Tone Assignment

N H

I L

kokoro made i I LH

i I1 L

L

An additional advantage of this analysis is that it allows a lexical treatment of "pre-accenting" particles such as sika 'only' and kat (adjectival extension), which induce an H "accent" on the preceding syllable, as in (62)

a. miyako sika I \l 1/ L H L

'only a city'

(from miyako + sika)

76

Japanese as a Tone Language b. akakatta

'was red' (from aka + kat + ta)

I I 1/ LHL The "pre-accenting" property of these particles is easily accounted for, in our analysis, by giving them lexical representations of the form (63)

sika,

-kat

I L

I L

The surface melodies of (62) then follow automatically, as shown in (64), with no need for a pre-accentuation rule: 23 (64)

miyako sika I L

aka-kat-ta I L

i I

aka-kat-ta ! I

H L

H L

miyako sika

miyako sika I H L miyako sika j \ l I'' L H L

Underlying representation

aka-kat-ta N I

H-Insertion and Free Tone Association

Spreading

H L aka-kat-ta ! I U' LH L

Initial Dissociation and Default Tone Assignment

Notice that posi-accentuation can not be handled the same way, but requires a post-accentuation rule which inserts an H tone on the mora which follows the post-accenting item. Post-accentuation is therefore more "expensive" than pre-accentuation in Japanese, and is, in fact, much rarer; I know of just one post-accenting particle in Japanese - the honorific particle o in women's speech, described by Haraguchi (1977). Having concluded that the accent tone for verbs and particles is L, let us now return to the nouns and re-examine our earlier assumption that their accent tone is H. Clearly, nouns like ?T|noti and ko[ko]ro could be re-analyzed with L accents, as shown in (65) (65)

?inoti

kokoro

Mary M. Clark

77

However, nouns with the melody of a|tama|(ga) could not be represented in this way; their L accents would have to be inserted by a post-accentuation rule which applied after the attachment of the particle. Considerations of simplicity thus lead us to return to our original analysis, in which nouns are represented with H accents, as shown in (66), and no post-accentuation rule is needed: (66)

?inoti

kokoro

atama

I

I

H

IH

H

We are thus left with a system in which the identity of the accent tone varies with the syntactic category (and perhaps to some extent with the lexical item (fn. 23)). I would like to suggest that the present "mixed" system arose historically from a more regular system in which the accent tone for all syntactic categories was L, and three-mora nouns exhibited the accent classes shown schematically in (67): (67)

a. ooo

b. ooo

c ooo

This system was destroyed by an historical process, described by McCawley (1977), which shifted the tone melody one mora to the right,24 so that, as McCawley points out, the position of the accent in Tokyo nouns is now one mora to the right of its position in the Kansai correspondents: (68)

Kansai

Tokyo

hasi-ga

hasi-ga

11/

HL

atama-ga

III/

LHL

III

"bridge' (nom)

LHL atama-ga

INI

'head'

L H L

But once this shift had occurred the accent tone could no longer be analyzed as low, because in nouns of type (c) (the atama type) the L accent would have shifted off the end of the word. Thus Rightward Shift must have been accompanied by a re-analysis of the accent tone as H, yielding the tone classes of the modern system, shown in (69):

78

Japanese as a Tone Language

(69)

a. ooo

b. ooo

H

H

c. ooo H

Although, in our analysis, the identity of the accent tone in modern Tokyo varies from one syntactic category to another, there is never more than a two-way tonal contrast within the lexical representation of a single lexical item; within each lexical item, there is only the two-way contrast toned vs. toneless. One point which remains to be discussed is the nature of the tonebearing unit. Throughout our analysis, we have assumed that the tonebearing unit in Tokyo Japanese is the mora. However, there is a restriction on the distribution of tones in surface forms which needs to be accounted for, and that is that the change from H to L never takes place after the second mora of a long syllable; that is, there are no surface melodies of the form (70)

... CV

"

CV ..

H

L

However, in our analysis this configuration does occur in underlying representation, as in the intermediate form (71)

tookyoo sika (from tookyoo + sika, by H-Insertion, Free Tone I Association, and H L L Spreading)

V^ V

Thus its non-occurrence in surface forms must be accounted for by rule, as follows: (72)

H-Dissociation s.d.

s.c.

1 2 3 V C V, where 1 is the weak mora of a long syllable, and | 4 is not linked to 3. H 4 Dissociate 4 from 1.

This rule dissociates the H tone from the second mora of the final syllable in (71), and Default Tone Assignment then fills in a low tone, to yield the surface melody

Mary M. Clark (73)

79

tookyoo sika H

'only Tookyoo'

L

Our tonal analysis of Tokyo Japanese is summarized below: I.

General Conventions The tone-bearing unit is the mora. Each tone is associated with just one tone-bearing unit.

II.

Lexical Representation A lexical representation contains at most one tone - an L tone in particles and verbs and an H tone in nouns. The association of the tone may be lexically specified in nouns and particles, but not in verbs.

III.

Rules Which Apply at Lexical Level 2 (after the attachment of the present-tense suffix, but before the attachment of all other tense suffixes) Free Tone Association Associate free tones with free tone-bearing units, one-to-one, from right to left.

IV.

Rules Which Apply (Cyclically) at the Level of the Phonological Word H-Insertion (47) 0

-

H /

[-

Free Tone Association (same as above) Spreading (44) Associate a toneless mora to the nearest tone to its right. Docking (56) 1 s.d. V, where 2 is unassociated.

f

H L 2 3 s.c. Associate 1 with 2.

80

Japanese as a Tone Language H-Dissociation (71) 1 2 3 V C V, where 1 is the weak mora of a long syllable, and | 4 is not linked to 3. H 4

s.d.

s.c. V.

Dissociate 4 from 1.

Rules Which Apply at the Phrase Level Initial Dissociation (8) 1 2 3 V C V

s.d.

s.c. Dissociate 4 from 1.

H 4 Default Tone Assignment Assign low tone to any mora which has not been associated with a tone. 3.3. Osaka Japanese The primary difference between the Osaka and Tokyo dialects is that nouns, verbs, and adjectives in Osaka may have either of two accent tones - H or L, as shown below for nouns: (74)

a. Nouns with H Accent (Haraguchi's Accented LHL Class) ame

bitamin

I

I

H

H

'rain'

Vitamin'

b. Nouns with L Accent (Haraguchi's Accented HL Gass) yama

I

L 'mountain'

bentoo

I

L 'lunch'

kaminari

I L

'thunder'

Mary M. Clark

81

c. Toneless Nouns (Haraguchi's Unaccented Classes) ee

niwatori

ee

suzume

'handle'

'chicken'

'picture'

'sparrow'

Particles may be toneless or have an L-accent: (75)

a. Toneless: b. Accented:

ga, wa, -ru, etc. desu, kara, mo L

L

L

The rest of the melody is filled in by rule. Words with H-accents are subject to a rule of L-Insertion (76)

L-Insertion 0

L

/

H

which inserts an L tone after the H accent, as shown below: (77)

a. ame

ame

I H

b. ame-ga

I HL

c. bitamin I H

-»•

ame-ga

I H

I H L

bitamin H L

and the inserted L associates to the rightmost available mora, by Free Tone Association (which is the same as in Tokyo): (78)

ame-ga

->•

I HL

ame-ga I : HL

bitamin I HL

-»•

bitamin I ; HL

In cases like (77a), where there is no available mora, the L tone docks onto the final mora to create a falling contour, as shown in (79): (79)

ame I HL

-*•

ame l\ HL

82

Japanese as a Tone Language

by a docking rule which is stated as follows: (80)

Docking 1 n

s.d.

, where 3 is unassociated.

1 H L 2 3 s.c.

Associate 1 with 3.

Some toneless words, including ee 'picture' and suzume 'sparrow' are subject to a rule which inserts a high tone which attaches, by Free Tone Association, to the final mora of the phonological word, as shown below: (81)

H-Insertion

0 (82)

-»•

(applies to a subset of words of the toneless class)

H

a. suzume 'sparrow'

-*•

suzume H

b. suzume ga 'sparrow (nom)'

-*•

suzume ga ii i H

And, finally, following this rule, the initial tone of the melody is inserted by the rule (83)

Initial Tone Insertion 0

-»•

Tone /

[—

which inserts an initial L tone before H, and an initial H in all other cases.25 The application of these rules is illustrated in the derivations below, which show each of the four classes of nouns with three different particles - the toneless particle ga (nom.), and the accented particles kara f r o m ' and mo 'also' (which in a Haraguchi-type analysis, would be treated as a pre-accenting particle):

Mary M. Clark (84)

L-Accented Nouns yama ga

yama kara

kaminari mo I I L L

Underlying Representation

n.a.

n.a.

n.a.

^Insertion

n.a.

n.a.

n.a.

H-Insertion

kaminari mo | | HL L

Initial Tone Insertion

kaminari mo ""Osj H L

Free Tone Associationand Spreading

n.a.

Default Tone Assignment

ame mo

Underlying representation

yamaga

I

H L

ÎI

yama ga H L yama-ga I L^ H L (85)

yama kara HL

I IL

yama kara

Î

H

L

n.a.

H-Accented Nouns ame-ga H ame ga H L n.a.

ame kara

I

L H L ame ga

! Ii

L H L

II

L

H L

ame kara

ame mo I I HLL

L-Insertion

n.a.

H-Insertion

ame mo

Initial Tone Insertion

H

I I

HLL n.a.

ame ga

(86)

83

ame kara

I f

L H LL

i I i/

ame kara L H L

L HLL ame mo

Free Tone Association and Spreading

L H L

Toneless Nouns Which are Subject to H-Insertion

84

Japanese as a Tone Language suzume

ga suzume kara

suzume mo

L

L

I

n.a.

na.

iu.

L-Insertion

suzume ga

suzume kara

suzume mo

H-Insertion

H

HL

H L

suzume ga

suzume kara

suzume mo

LH

L HL

L H L

1 v. 11 kara suzume -Ov I. I « I I L HL

suzume \ I i mo ^I i I. L H L

suzume •v I' ga1I I L H (87)

I

Underlying representation

I

I

Initial Tone Insertion

Free Tone Association and Spreading

Toneless Nouns Which are not Subject to H-Insertion niwatori ga

niwatori kara |

niwatori mo |

Underlying Representation

n.a.

n.a.

n.a.

L-Insertion

n.a.

n.a.

n.a.

H-Insertion

niwatori ga

niwatori mo f H L

Initial Tone Insertion

H

niwatori kara I HL

niwatori ga >\ \ ii

niwatori kara \ i

niwatori mo N\ I

H

HL

H L

Free Tone Association and Spreading

In putting this analysis together, we have made several choices which need to be justified. First is our decision not to identify the "accent" exclusively with high tone, as in the analyses of Haraguchi and others, but to treat the HL and LHL melodies as the manifestations of two different underlying tonal accents - L and H, respectively. The advantage of this approach is that it allows us to give a uniform statement of the distribution of the accent tone in the lexical representations of nouns - it occurs on

Mary M. Clark

85

any mora except the first.26 This generalization would be lost if we were to identify the accent exclusively with "H", because the H tone of the HL melody does occur on the first mora - as in ya]ma 'mountain' (and does not occur on the final mora; that is, there are no HL nouns which correspond to the LHL noun_a|m]e 'rain'). Because he identified the accent tone of both tone classes as "H", Haraguchi was forced to say that in the LHL class the accent could occur on any mora except the first, while in the HL class, it could occur on any mora except the last. We have avoided this inconsistency by re-analyzing the accent tone of the HL class as "L". Another part of the analysis which needs justification is our decision to include nothing but the accent tone in lexical representation, and to insert all other tones by rule.27 For example, we used the rules of HInsertion (81) and Initial Tone Insertion (83) to insert the melody of the unaccented forms (88)

a. suzume 'sparrow'

V/ L H

b. suzumega 'sparrow (nom)'

^

I

L H

rather than including these tones in the lexical representation of the noun suzume. What we gained by this move is that, because the melody is inserted at the postlexical level, the particle will already have been attached before the melody is associated by Free Tone Association and Spreading, and the rightward "shift" of the melody in (b) follows automatically, with no need for a special rule. But now observe that since the rule which inserts the initial L of suzujme will also account for the initial L of Haccented nouns like biftajmin, it is unnecessary to include any initial L's in lexical representation. By a similar line of reasoning, the H of the unaccented forms (89)

a. niwatori 'chicken' H

b. niwatoriga 'chicken (nom)' H

must also be inserted at the level of the phonological word, so that its distribution across the word can be accounted for by Free Tone Association and Spreading. But since the rule which inserts this H tone will also take care of the initial H of L-accented nouns like yajma 'mountain', it is unnecessary to include any initial H's in lexical representation. Finally, consider our decision to insert the final L of the LHL melody by the rule of ^Insertion (76), rather than including this tone in lexical representation. The justification for this decision comes from two facts which we have not yet discussed. One is the fact, pointed out by Haraguchi

86

Japanese as a Tone Language

(1977), that the final L of a HL (=L-accented) noun, but not that of a LHL (=H-accented) noun, is deleted before the particle no, as shown in (90) and (91): (90)

(91)

L-Accented (=HL) Noun + no a. kagami + no I I HL

kagami-no

'mirror's'

b. huro?oke + no ^ I HL

huro?oke-no N ^ H

H "bath-tub's'

H-Accented Noun (=LHL) + no a. hatake + no

hatake-no

III LHL

'field's'

I I ! / LHL

b. tokage + no

tokage-no

I

I I. I LHL

lizard's'

I 1 / LHL

In Haraguchi's analysis, the rule which deletes the accent in (90) is stated as an accent-deletion rule, as follows: (92)

Accent Deletion Before no (Accentual Formulation) V

[-*] /

/x] no

though it could also be given a tonal formulation, as (93)

Accent Deletion Before no (Tonal Formulation) L

0 /

] no

but in either case, the rule must be restricted arbitrarily to members of the HL class, so that it will not apply to the forms of (91). However, the analysis which we have proposed here, in which the L tone of the Haccented (=LHL) class is inserted by the postlexical rule of L-Insertion, permits a more principled statement of the restriction in terms of rule ordering: if the rule of Accent Deletion Before no (which must, of course, be given the tonal formulation of (93))precedes L-insertion, then the final L of the LHL melody cannot be deleted. Contrastive derivations for the two melody classes are given below:

Mary M. Clark (94)

87

L-Accented Noun

H-Accented Noun

kagami no I L

hatake no

kagami no I

na.

L-Deletion Before no

hatako no

L-Insertion

Underlying representation

H

X na.

HL na.

na.

H-Insertion

kagami no

hatake no

Initial Tone Insertion

H kagami no \ I / -H

I

LH L hatake no

Free Tone Association and Spreading

LHL

This rule-ordering account of the "exceptionality" of the LHL class is more principled than a condition on the rule, because it is more restrictive; if it were the HL class which failed to undergo L-Deletion, then this solution would not be possible, and we would have to resort to an ad hoc condition.28 Our rule of L-Insertion (76) receives additional corroboration from the accented verb forms. 29 Because accented stems carry the underlying melodies L and H (without the final L), the association of these melodies with the phonological string follows automatically by Free Tone Association, as in the following derivations of the past tense forms of the verbs kari 'borrow' and oki 'get up': (95)

kari

oki

Underlying Representation

H kari

oki

I I

I I

L

H

Free Tone Association

88

Japanese as a Tone Language kari-ta oki-ta

Attachment of past-tense suffix

H

L n.a.

oki-ta

L-Insertion

HL n.a.

n.a.

kari-ta oki-ta HL

H-Insertion Initial Tone Insertion

LH L

kari-ta oki-ta

¡ V LiHI L!

Free Tone Association, Spreading, and Default Tone Assignment

HL

This result depends crucially on our assumption that the final L of the LHL melody is not present in lexical representation, but is inserted later by the rule of L-Insertion; if this tone were present in lexical representation, then Free Tone Association would link it to the final mora of the stem, and the LHL melody would be shifted (erroneously) one mora to the left. This completes our analysis of the Osaka dialect, except for a few special facts which have to be accounted for in verbs. First, consonantfinal H-accented stems are exceptional in that the H-accent is linked to the penultimate mora of the stem rather than to the final mora; for example (96)

?ason-da

IV

'play'

(past)

LHL

In other words, Free Tone Association ignores the final consonant of these stems. I propose to account for this fact by means of an "extrametricality" rule which applies before Free Tone Association and sets o f f the final consonant: (97)

Extrametricality Assignment C

-*•

extrametrical

/

] stem E+v]

89

Mary M. Clark

The extrametricality feature which is assigned by this rule was developed by Nanni (1977), Hayes (1980, 1982) and others to account for the fact that the final unit (syllable, mora, segment, affix) of a domain is sometimes not "counted" by the rules which assign stress and/or syllable structure. Pulleyblank (1983) and Clements (in press) have extended this notion to tone, where it is used to prevent the assignment of tone to a tone-bearing unit at the edge of a domain. The effect of rule (97), then, is to prevent the association of the underlying tone to the stem-final consonant, as shown in (98): (98)

?ason

Underlying representation

H ?ason i i H

Extrametricality Assignment and Free Tone Association

?ason-da

Attachment of past tense suffix

H ?ason-da I HL

L-Insertion

n.a.

H-Insertion

?ason-da I LH L

Initial Tone Insertion

?ason-da ; I LH L

Free Tone Association, Spreading30 and Default Tone Assignment

Multi-syllabic ^accented consonant-final stems seem not to be subject to Extrametricality Assignment, since, in the surface form, their HL melody is distributed over the final two moras of the stem, as in (99)

yorokon-da " A / V H L

'be glad'

(past)

90

Japanese as a Tone Language

However, the final consonants of ¿/-syllabic L-Accented stems such as (100) susun(-da) I HL

V^

'advance'(past)

are, apparently, extra-metrical. I propose to account for this fact by allowing all consonant-final verb stems to undergo Extrametricality Assignment, but to "undo" the effect of this rule in multisyllabic LAccented stems by the rule which is stated below: (101) H-Flop 1 2 n n, where 2 is the strong mora of a long syllable.

s.d.

\l H 3 s.c.

Associate 3 with 2. Domain: Verbs

In this analysis, the verb yorokon-da (99) emerges from Spreading as (102) yorokon-da N HL and the surface melody is derived by H-Flop, which spreads the H tone onto the following mora.31 Note that H-Flop does not have to be specifically blocked from applying to H-accented verbs or bisyllabic L-accented verbs, because these verbs fail to meet the requirement that the "flopping" H tone (term 3) must be associated with more than one mora. This is a nice result, since otherwise it is difficult to see why these two classes of verbs should pattern together. Monosyllabic verb stems of both classes require special treatment. Monosyllabic L-accented stems such as (103) ne-(ta) I ! H L emerge from our rules as

'sleep'

(past)

Mary M. Clark (104)

91

ne-(ta) H L

and the surface melody is derived by a Docking rule of the same form as our Tokyo rule (56): (105) Docking 1 ju, where 2 is unassociated.

s.d.

I L 3

H 2 s.c.

Link 2 to 1.

Monosyllabic verbs which are not L-accented are treated as toneless forms, subject to H-Insertion, as in the derivation below: (106) non

'play' (underlying representation)

non-da

Attachment of past-tense suffix

n.a.

L-Insertion

non-da

H-Insertion

H non-da

Initial Tone Insertion

L H nonda \i i M I L H

Free Tone Association and Spreading

Except for monosyllabic stems of the class of non, all verb stems have two forms - an accented and a toneless form, with the former used for accented verb forms like the past, and the latter for unaccented forms like the present. If verbs formed from the toneless forms of H-accented stems are allowed to undergo H-Insertion, while those formed from L-accented stems are not, then the surface melodies follow automatically from our rules, as can be seen from the following derivations of the present-tense forms of kari 'borrow' and old 'get up'

92

Japanese as a Tone Language

(107) H-accented class (Toneless form)

L-accented class (Toneless form)

kari

oki

Underlying Representation

kari-ru

oki-ru

Attachment of present-tense suffix

na.

na.

L-Insertion

n.a.

oki-ru

H-Insertion

H kari-ru

oki-ru

H

LH

kari-ru

oki-ru

Initial Tone Insertion

Free Tone Association

X

\J I and Spreading H LH This completes our analysis of the Osaka dialect. The entire analysis is outlined below: I.

General Conditions The tone-bearing unit is the mora (ju). Contour tones are allowed at the ends of words. Otherwise, each tone is associated with just one tone-bearing unit.

II.

Lexical Representation A lexical representation contains at most one tone, which in particles is always L, but in noun, verb, and adjective stems may be either L or H. The association of the accent tone is lexically specified for nouns and particles, but not for verbs. Verb stems have two forms - an "accented" and a toneless form.

III.

Lexical Rules (Stem Level) Extrametricality Assignment (97) C

-*•

extrametrical /

] stem [+v]

Mary M. Clark

93

Free Tone Association Associate free tones with free tone-bearing units, one-to-one, from right to left. IV.

Rules Which Apply at the Level of the Phonological Word L-Accent Deletion Before no (93) L

0 /

] no

L Insertion (76) 0

-»•

L / H —

H Insertion (81) (Applies to verbs formed from the toneless forms of H-accented stems, and to some toneless nouns.) 0 -»• H Initial Tone Insertion (83) 0

T

/

[

Free Tone Association Associate free tones with free tone-bearing units, one-to-one, from right to left. Spreading Associate a free tone-bearing unit to the nearest tone to its left. H-Flop (101) (Applies to Verbs only) 1 2 ju p, where 2 is the strong mora of a long syllable.

s.d. \J

s.c.

H 3 Associate 3 with 2.

94

Japanese as a Tone Language Docking (105) s.d. H 2 s.c.

1 ¡1, where 2 is unassociated. 1 L 3 Link 2 to 1.

Docking II (80) 1 s.d.

/x, where 3 is unassociated.

t

H L 2 3 s.c. V.

Associate 3 with 1.

Phrase-Level Rules Default Tone Assignment Assign low tone to any mora which has not been associated with a tone.

4. CONCLUSION

In this paper, I have argued that Japanese should be reanalyzed as a tone language, with the feature * replaced by a lexically-assigned tone which is not different, formally, from the tones which appear in underlying representations in tone languages like Mende. What we gain theoretically from this move is the following: (1) we tighten the theory by eliminating the superfluous accentual analyses which the pitch-accent framework provided for many tonal phenomena, (2) we eliminate the artificial distinction between "pitch-accent" and "tone" languages - a distinction which is problematical in that it is frequently difficult to decide which category a given language belongs to, and (3) we are able to confine ourselves to insertion and association rules of a formally simple type which are independently motivated for tone languages (compare the very complex association rule (3) which is necessary in Haraguchi's *-based analysis). A second special feature of our analysis is that we have not identified

Mary M.

Clark

95

Japanese accent exclusively with high tone, but have allowed both H and L accents (though never more than a two-way contrast, toned vs. toneless, within a single lexical representation). By making use o f L accents as well as H accents, w e have been able to give a uniform statement o f the position of the accent in the t w o m e l o d y classes o f Osaka nouns, and have avoided the need for special rules to account for the position of the m e l o d y in accented verbs ( ( 5 5 ) and ( 9 5 ) ) , the apparent loss o f the accent of a particle after an accented head (61), and the behavior o f pre-accenting and predominating particles (fn. 2 3 ) . A third feature o f our analysis - the fact that all tones except the accent are inserted one-by-one at the postlexical level - allowed us to give an interesting account o f ( 1 ) the appearance of a final "accent" on unaccented particles like kara w h e n followed by an unaccented particle ( ( 5 0 ) above), and ( 2 ) the fact that in the Osaka dialect only "HL" (=L-accented) nouns are subject to the rule of Accent Deletion Before no (93).

NOTES 1. This rule is not necessary in the analysis of McCawley (1968, 1977) and Okuda (1975), where the accent is a feature of the mora boundary, so that the pre-accent of particles like sika can be included in lexical representation, as (i)

'sika

2. The phonological domains which I will be assuming here are the following: (i) the phonological word (CJ), which consists of a lexical head plus following suffixes and/or particles, (ii) the minor phrase (