Islam in India: History, Politics and Society 9781032508917, 9781032508924, 9781003400202

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ISLAM IN INDIA

History, Politics and Society

ISLAM IN INDIA

History, Politics and Society

Edited by

Nasir Raza Khan

First published 2023 by Routledge 4 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2023 Selection and Editorial matter, Nasir Raza Khan; Individual Chapters, the Contributors The right of contributors to be identified as authors of this work has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. Print edition not for sale in South Asia (India, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bangladesh, Pakistan or Bhutan) British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN: 9781032508917 (hbk) ISBN: 9781032508924 (pbk) ISBN: 9781003400202 (ebk) DOI: 10.4324/9781003400202 Typeset in Times New Roman by Manakin Press, Delhi

To my Parents

I can't see you with my own eyes...

but I can feel you in my heart for the rest of my life.

Acknowledgement The book is an attempt to gather various perspectives to understand Islam in India: History, Politics and Society, from a comprehensive point of view, and to provide a realistic evaluation of the present dynamics. The present volume is an anthology of various chapters related to Islam in India; a revised version of the essays presented in a seminar that I organised at my centre. Islam is the second largest religion in India, with the number of Muslims in India accounting for approximately 13.4 percent of the total population. After Indonesia and Pakistan, India has the third largest population of Muslims in the world. Islam in India has completely interwoven into the fabric of Indian culture and traditions. The Muslims arrived in India and they succeeded in settling and integrated themselves in the multilingual and multicultural landscape of India and for centuries, Islam has coexisted peacefully with the other Indian religious traditions. The volume contains sixteen essays by a number of contributors who have addressed a variety of themes related to Islamic history, culture and politics. I am grateful to the contributors who put a lot of effort into writing the essays and patiently answered all the questions throughout the editing process. I would like to thank my colleagues and friends for supporting me and sharing their thoughts and ideas with me. I thank Dr. Rohma for her help in reading the manuscript with dedication. Taking this opportunity, I would like to thank my Ammin and Abba, they are not with me anymore, for all they have done for me and always believe in me. Nothing in my life could have happened without their support; thank you for the countless memories. My deepest gratitude goes to my loving wife Shaista, she faced and tolerated my unavoidable absences even after normal office hours I present this book to my children Areeba and Ariz, sweet and loving children that a father could expect, who are sources of my happiness, it’s great that they’re growing up. Last but not least my publisher for agreeing to publish in due time. It is my hope and belief that this book will surely stimulate reading, awareness and research.

Nasir Raza Khan vii

List of Contributors NASIR RAZA KHAN is a Professor at the India-Arab Cultural Centre, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi. His Ph.D. is in history, with a focus on Islamic art and architecture in India. His specializations are in History of Islam and Islamic architecture, India-Arab Relations, and Central Asian Studies. He served as Offg. Director, India-Arab Cultural Centre, and was former Director of the Indian Culture Centre, Tashkent, Uzbekistan. He also held the ICCR Chair as a Visiting Professor at the Lebanese American University in Beirut. His recent publications include: India, Central Asia and the World Powers (Delhi: Primus Books, 2013), Regional Sufi Centres in India: Significance and Contribution (Delhi: Manakin Press, 2015), India and Central Asia: Geopolitics, Economy and Culture (Delhi: Primus Books, 2016), Sufism in India and Central Asia (Manakin Press, 2017), The Silk Road: Exploring Current Opportunities (Delhi: Primus Books), Art and Architectural Traditions of India and Iran: Commonality and Diversity (Routledge: Taylor & Francis Group, London, 2021).

ROHMA JAVED RASHID is an Assistant Professor in the Department of History and Culture, Jamia Millia Islamia. Her research interests include Urban, Social, Cultural and Gender history of early modern India. She has presented her research at several national and international seminars and her articles have been published in academic Journals including Social Scientist, Vidyasagar University Journal of History. BABLI PARVEEN is a historian and author. She is Assistant Professor of history at the University of Delhi. She holds Ph.D. and M. Phil degrees in History from Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. She obtained her master’s and bachelor’s degrees in history from the University of Delhi. She was Post-doc fellow at JNU. She has several publications in prestigious international Journals in the area of History of Sufism in South Asia, Sufi Saints and Shrines in India. AKHLAQUE AHMAD ‘AHAN’ is Professor at the Centre of Persian and Central Asian Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, and Visiting Professor at Oriental Institute, Tashkent, Uzbekistan. His areas of specialty cover Indo-Persian studies, Silk Road region, Sufism, Indian Knowledge ix

Tradition, Amir Khusraw, Dara Shukoh, Khayyam, Rumi, Bedil, Modern Persian and Urdu-Hindi Literature. He has published more than twenty books and about hundred research papers. G.N. KHAKI is Professor in the Centre of Central Asian Studies, University of Kashmir, Srinagar. He is also Chairman, Shaikh-ul Aalam Centre for Multidisciplinary Studies; Director, Shah-i-Hamadan Institute of Islamic Studies, University of Kashmir. His area of research includes Central Asia, Islamic Studies, India Central Asia relation. He has contributed papers and articles in various books and journals. MOHAMMAD SHAHEER SIDDIQUI is presently working as Associate Professor in the Department of Education of Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh. He has contributed papers and articles in various journals. He has edited Books, Philosophical Legacy of Education, 2014 Sufism and Indian Spiritual Traditions, (2015). TASNEEM SUHRAWARDY is Associate Professor in the department of History, St. Stephens College, University of Delhi. The topic of her Ph.D. research is ‘Central Asians in Mughal India: Migration’ Settlement and Impact on North Indian Culture, Circa 1500-1800. GULFISHAN KHAN is Professor of Medieval Indian History at the Centre of Advanced Study, Department of History, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh. Her publication includes Indian Muslim Perceptions of the West during the Eighteenth Century, (Oxford University Press, Karachi: 1998) Essays on Sayyid Ahmad Khan and Shaikh Muhammad Abdullah, (AMU Press, Aligarh, 2015) and Khwajah Shams al-Din Muhammad Hafiz Shirazi and the early British Romantics, (AMU Press, Aligarh, 2015). NISHAT MANZAR is Professor in the Department of History & Culture, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi. Her academic career spans over three decades. She specialises in Medieval Indian History and has published papers on wide variety of topics, such as- mysticism, artisans and urban wage earners, landed aristocracy in pre-Mughal India, and various other themes based on information contained in the medieval Persian texts and European travellers’ memoirs of the sixteenth – eighteenth century. She has published a x

monograph entitled “Social Life inside the English Factories in India during the Seventeenth Century.” IKRAMUL HAQUE is Assistant Professor in the Department of History, Maulana Azad National Urdu University, Hyderabad. He obtained his M. Phil in 2016 from Jawaharlal Nehru University. His research interests include IndoPersian historiography, history of Islam in India with especial focus on Sufism, intellectual history of early modern South Asia and emergence of history writing in Urdu language in colonial and post-colonial India. SADIA AZIZ is a Research Scholar in the Department of History, University of Delhi, India. Her research interests include Monuments of late Mughal period especially the imperial Mosques and Sufi Shrines. Currently she is working on the Mosques built by women- royal ladies, women of nobility and the nautch girls- during the late Mughal period in Northern India. M. WASEEM RAJA is Professor in the Centre of Advanced Study, Department of History, Aligarh Muslim University. He worked extensively in the domains of socio-Religious, cultural and literary history. His publication includes IndoAfghan Diplomacy: A British India Colonial Perspectives Modernization, Regression and Resistance; Amir Amanullah Khan of Afghanistan. PARWEZ NAZIR Professor of Indian History at the Centre of Advanced Study, Department of History, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh. He has contributed papers and articles in various journals and edited volumes. NAIYER AZAM is an Assistant Professor of History at Avvaiyar Government College for Women, Karaikal, University of Pondicherry. His research specialization focus on the Dynamics of historic Aligarh Movement and Muslim politics in Colonial India. My academic interests also include the study of medieval mosques architecture and intellectual histories of Muslims women in modern India. SAYYAD MOHD AFZAL is a Research Scholar in the Department of Sociology, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi. He has contributed papers and articles in journals.

xi

HASSAN IMAM is Professor in the Centre of Advanced Study, Department of History, Aligarh Muslim University. He has published several articles on various themes of national movement and has also published articles on Mahatma Gandhi and his Khaddar Movement as well. His publication includes Indian National Movement, (1999). SULTAN SHAHIN is a journalist, and has acquired expertise in Islamic theology, politics, and culture as well as an empirical knowledge of the impact of Wahhabi-Salafi ideology leading to radicalization of Muslims. He is foundereditor of multi-lingual Islamic website NewAgeIslam.com.

xii

Contents

Acknowledgement

vii

List of Contributors

ix–xii

Introduction Nasir Raza Khan

1–6

PART-I Syncretic Traditions: Sufism and Bhakti in Indian History 1. Piety, Impiety and Islam: Muslim Religious Practice in Eighteenth Century Shahjahanabad Rohma Javed Rashid

7–20

2. The Khwaja’s Creed: Gharib Nawaz and Propagation of Sufi Thought Babli Parveen

21–30

3. Sufi and Bhakti Tradition: Corresponding and Divergent Trends Akhlaque Ahmad Ahan

31–40

4. Pluralism in Medieval Islamic Heritage: A Study of Sufi Ethos of Kashmir G. N. Khaki

41–52

5. Sufi Contributions to the Intellectual Culture of Islam in India: Awarif-al-Ma’arif and Early Sufi Writings Mohammad Shaheer Siddiqui

53–66

PART-II Islam and the State: History, Religion and Identity 6. Mughal Identity: Central Asian or Indian Tasneem Suhrawardy 7. Cultural, Literary and Artistic world of Indo-Central Asia Gulfishan Khan

67–100 101–120

8. Looking Through European Eyes: Mughal State and Religious 121–132 Freedom as Gleaned from the European Travellers’ Accounts of the Seventeenth Century Nishat Manzar xiii

9. Contesting The Authority of The Mughal Emperor: Abdul Qadir Badauni’s Attitude Towards Kingship Ikramul Haque 10. Masjids, 'Community Life' and Resistance in Colonial India: A Case Study of Masjid-e Jahan Numa at Shahjahanabad up to A.D 1870s. Sadia Aziz

133–148

149–164

PART-III Intellectual Movements and Contemporary Perspectives: Islam in the Modern Age 11. Drawing Parallel with 19th Century Muslim Movements in 165–190 India with Reform Movements Across Muslim Weltanschauung: An Analysis of Syed Ahmad’s Work M. Waseem Raja 12. Maktubat-e Syed Ahmad Khan and His Agenda of Social and Educational Reform Parwez Nazir

191–210

13. Sir Syed’s Aligarh Movement and Muslim Women Discourses Naiyer Azam

211–232

14. Shi’i in India: A Minority within the Minority Sayyad Mohd. Afzal

233–242

15. Pan-Islamism and Khilafat Movement: Understanding Muslim Minds in Colonial Perspectives Hassan Imam

243–258

16. Contemporary Islam: A Realistic Assessment of the Current Dynamics and Progressive Strategies for the Future Sultan Shahin

259–274

Bibliography

275–284

Index

285–289

xiv

Introduction

Nasir Raza Khan Islam in India: History, Politics and Society is based on the historical and contemporary relevance of Islam in India. This edited volume is an attempt to put together various vantage points to understand Indian Islam in a holistic manner and to provide a realistic assessment of the current dynamics. The present edited volume is valuable in India, where Islam is the second. largest religion of the region. The volume comprises of essays by a number of contributors who have dealt with a variety of themes on the history, culture and politics associated with Islam. The book will certainly stimulate further reading, awareness of the subject, and further research. The concept of Islam is deeply rooted in the region. Identifying the differences between Islam as a religion and Islam as a cultural context making a mark in areas much beyond the borders of Arabia is one of the defining themes of current studies, and this book aims to stimulate further discussion on these topics. As it moved to the shores of India through Afghanistan, Uzbekistan and many other parts of Central Asia, Islam assimilated many local cultural traditions making it more acceptable and identifiable to the nonMuslim populations in the subcontinent. Another important import of Islam to the subcontinent was Sufism which made Islam accessible to a majority of the non-literate population and spurred the process of Islamization. Today, Islam has come to be seen as radical, and its followers identified with religious extremism. ‘Muslim mind has been facing a discontent youth in the society. The population has closed down any interaction and you can see this from some of the prominent events happening in the country.’ A counter narrative to this radical Islam can be provided by Sufism that promotes cultural interaction, accommodation and annihilation of differences based upon religion.

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Islam In India: History, Politics and Society

This volume is a compilation of 16 chapters, chapters comprising this book aim to study the historical, political and cultural manifestations of Islam across the medieval and modern period of Indian history. Besides being a major religious doctrine in the region, Islam has also been the chief political ideology for many dynasties in India such as and ‘the’ before dynasty and empire names Delhi Sultanate (1206-1451); the Illbaris Turk (also known as Mamluk 1206–90); Khiljis (1290–1320); Tughlaqs (1320–1414); Sayyids (1414–51), Afghans and Mughal Empire. Islam played a pivotal role in shaping the polity and society during the period of each dynasty. From the Delhi Sultanate to the Mughal Empire, the trajectory represents not just a change in the nature of regimes, but it also reflected a formidable transformation of the society in terms of cultural and religious orientation. Historically, this shift has been echoed in socio-religious setting, economy, rituals, art forms, life-cycle events etc. Over a period of fourteen centuries, the Muslim community has strived to make a specific model based on certain principles and practices in accordance with their beliefs and living experiences. In such attempts, ample spaces were given for cultural diversities and national self-determination. Plurality of the society they live in and the before belief in the diversity of the region was well-preserved. Looked at from this angle, Islam in India ought to be seen not only as the chief political ideology of the dynasties, but also as a significant component that shaped cultural fabric of this country. Many processes, movements and ideologies have emerged over the years challenging and contesting each other for domination. Some of them could be identified as pan-Islamism, Westernisation and localization. Torn among these social forces, Muslims in India have succeeded in negotiating their identity in a predominantly secular set up in post-Independent India. Islam continues to play an integral role in defining the culture, political behaviour and economic interaction of the Muslims in India. This book addresses a variety of themes beginning with the history of the advent of Islam in the subcontinent. This has been one of the most controversial debates on the period between the 8th and the 13th centuries. Contributors to this volume acknowledge that the advent of Islam was not a violent break from the past or a proselytizing mission. Focus instead is on the gradual migration of peoples and ideas from the larger Islamic world into the subcontinent and a gradual accommodation, interaction and creation of a syncretic culture. The book identifies the various channels of the arrival of Islam and Muslim communities in the subcontinent. While in the north the advent of Islam began with the Arab invasion of Sindh, it was the Mongol

Introduction

3

onslaught that forced a large number of people to seek shelter in the Delhi. In the southern part of the country, however, the lucrative trade networks brought in Arab traders who settled down and were largely accommodated within the society while maintaining a distinct identity for themselves. The book also addresses the emergence of Muslim ruled states in the subcontinent from the 12-13th centuries onwards and the development of what has been called ‘Political Islam’. Muslim dynasties ruled in India within a framework that never limited itself to a strict interpretation of the Sharia. The book also focuses on the rise in the subcontinent of one of the most fascinating movements in Islamic history, the Sufi movement. This was premised on a huge migration of mystics and other scholars into the subcontinent, who brought with them a plethora of new ideas like that of the Wahdatul-Wujud, which allowed them to acquire a firm foothold in subcontinent. A number of silsilahs flourished here, ranging from the the Chishti, Suhrawardi, Naqshbandi, to regional orders such as Qadiri, Firdausi, and Rishi, the histories and contributions of charismatic Sufi personages like Moinuddin Chisti, Nuruddin Rishi and Nizamuddin Auliya have been addressed and discussed in this volume. The advent of the Mughals opened a new chapter in the history of Islam in India. As aspirants to the ideas of universal kingship current in the 16th century the Mughals created in India a different different version of the state, one that believed in the peaceful co-existence of all communities through the idea of Sulh-i-Kul. The Sufi and Bhakti movements were given a further impetus as the great Sufi movement interacted with the local Bhakti ideas, borrowing from each other’s extensive spiritual and ritual repertoire. The chapters in this volume address this extensive interaction and argue that this created a common meeting ground for people of different communities. As the Mughal state entered its twilight, a powerful Islamic discourse and a revivalist tendency appears to have taken root. This volume argues that the largely secular ethos of the country was well preserved in this period even though Islam continued to be an important category. The book also deals with the 19th century intellectual, reform and revivalist movements in the subcontinent. They give Islam a defining role in the anticolonial movements of the 19th century and argue that Muslim reformers like Syed Ahmad Khan, and others played a distinctive role in the emergence of a modern Indian nation. The present volume is divided into three parts: The first section, ‘Syncretic Traditions: Sufism and Bhakti in Indian History, consists of five chapters.

4

Islam In India: History, Politics and Society

This section begins with Rohma Javed Rashid’s chapter, that focuses on the fascinating plurality of religiosity and religious beliefs in what has come to be known as ‘medieval Indian Islam’. Rashid argues that the religious beliefs of the majority of those who are identified as “Muslims” don’t necessarily fit into the monolith called “medieval Indian Islam”. The other chapters, in this section delve into the enchanting world of Sufi and Bhakti traditions of medieval India. Sufi personages like Khwaja Moinuddin Chishti and Nuruddin Rishi, Bhaktins likes Lal Ded etc. are dealt with extensively by Babli Parveen and G.N Khaki. Parveen looks at the way Moinuddin Chishti’s works and ideas eradicated the difference of caste and creed between the people of India. G. N Khaki shifts focus on Kashmir, also known as Peervar or the land of the sufis and explores the creation of a syncretic sufi ethic based on the ideas of the sufis of the Rishi Silsila and many other religious personages who modified Islam to meet the needs of the common people and made it more comprehensible for them. They emerge as important channels of the creation of syncretic religious trends in medieval India. The Sufi saints’ unparalleled contribution to the intellectual realm is the subject of the chapter by Shaheer Siddiqui, who looks at the various treatises by the sufis of the subcontinent and makes a strong case for their historical value. All contributions to this section acknowledge that the Sufis’ inimitable persona, their locally grounded spiritual practices, along with a robust intellectual discourse on the humanism and humanity created in medieval India an inspiring shared spiritual world that was very different from the modern conceptions of religiosity with its clear demarcations between “Hindu” and “Muslim” religious culture and practices. The second section of this book is Islam and the State: History, Religion and Identity, and there are five chapters in this section. The chapters in this section address a variety of themes. The section begins with a discussion on a much ignored theme in Mughal history viz., the Central Asian factor in the workings of the Mughal world. Tasneem Suhrawardy makes a strong case for the important role the Mughal’s Central Asian heritage played, but also argues that their Indian identity was equally strong by the 16th century. In keeping with the trend of global and connected histories, Gulfishan Khan studies the much marginalised movement of men, goods and ideas from the East to the West. She studies an interesting text written by Abd al-Karim Khan “Mushtaq” Jhajjari titled Mirat i gitinuma or parentheses with apostrophes, which offers insights into the world of the educated elite of Hindustan and his opinions of the United States of America. Essentially a geographical encyclopaedia, this text acquaints us with many intellectual trends that flowered across the world in the early 19th century and questions the established notion that India had little

Introduction

5

contact with the rest of the world. Khan also highlights the intricate knowledge of the world events that the educated elite of Hindustan possessed. Nishat Manzar’s chapter shifts focus back to the world of the European travellers into India. She looks at the way European travellers perceived the religious outlook of the Mughal emperors and finds that most European travellers confirm the large degree of religious freedom enjoyed by the people of Hindustan under the Mughals. This is an important chapter for it counters the arguments of those who malign the Mughals as being ‘religious bigots’. Ikramul Haque offers an independent reading of Abdul Qadir Badauni, whose writings have thus far only been studied as the ‘orthodox’ opinion on Akbar’s reign. Haque offers a more nuanced reading of his texts and his theorisation of state that has often been marginalised as focus remained on his ‘orthodoxy’ which was often contrasted with the ‘liberality’ and ‘rationality’ of Abul Fazl, the key figure in the Mughal intellectual world. Sadia Aziz looks at the Jami’ Masjid of Shahjahanabad and argues that after the British victory over the Indian sepoys in 1857, the Masjid became a symbol of the previous rule and was therefore defiled in significant ways by the victorious British armies. This chapter attempts to study the archival records pertaining to the confiscation and restitution of this masjid by the colonial state. This study of official colonial discourses will also help us understand the attitude of the colonial state towards institutions of religion and piety that later culminated into prolonged contestations. The last section made up of six chapters deals mainly with Intellectual Movements and Contemporary Perspectives: Islam in the Modern Age. M. Waseem Raja draws parallels between 19th Century Muslim Movements in India and those across Muslim Weltanshuung. Focussing largely on Syed Ahmad Khan, Jamluddin Afghani and Mohammad Abduhu, Raja argues that the western inspired scientific and rationalist approach to reforming the Muslim society emerged triumphant across the Muslim world in the 19th century. Parwez Nazir focuses on Sir Syed Ahmad Khan’s role in the promotion of women’s education and argues that Khan ensured that his attempts were not met with a backlash from the Muslim community by validating his ideas in the light of the Quran and the Hadith. In this light, Nazir consults the letters of Syed Ahmad Khan to argue that we find in these letters a significant discourse on the emancipation of women and counters the opinion that Syed Ahmad Khan made no efforts for the issue.

6

Islam In India: History, Politics and Society

Hasan Imam looks at the genesis of Pan-Islamism in India in the colonial period and studies it in conjunction with the Khilafat Movement. He explores the causes and the ideas behind the rise of Pan-Islamism in India and argues that a lack of Muslim leadership in the wake of the annihilation of the Mughals and the growing popularity of the Pan-Islamic leadership of the Ottomans led to the popularity of these ideas in colonial India. Sayyad Mohd. Afzal looks at the growing tensions between the Shia and Sunni communities in India by taking up a case study of the village of Abdullahpur in Meerut district. He argues that the Shiis form a minority among the Muslim minority and the data collected points to the increasing marginalisation of the community in the village, along with a growing rhetoric against the practices and beliefs of the Shii’s. The section concludes with Sultan Shahin’s chapter pointing to a way forward for the Muslim community by searching for and adhering to liberal thoughts and ideas within the framework of Islam in order to establish peace and harmony. This book brings together a variety of perspectives on Islam in Indian history. It is hoped that these chapters will stimulate further discussion and enable the various stakeholders to come together and debate the many issues that concern the world at this time. This book is aimed at not just academics but also at the policy makers and general readers who can benefit from the various readings of Islam in this book. qqq

1 Piety, Impiety and Islam: Muslim Religious Practice in Eighteenth Century Shahjahanabad Rohma Javed Rashid

PIETY, IMPIETY AND ISLAM Seen merely as sites of culture and consumption, medieval Indian cities have always been identified with their elite inhabitants. It is no surprise that even as urban history of medieval India treads newer grounds, our knowledge of the life of the ordinary urban dwellers remains rather limited. This is particularly true of the eighteenth century studies where hardly any intellectual energy is devoted to the study of areas beyond political. The words ‘Empire’ and ‘Court’ loom large in the historiography and despite abundant evidence of a thriving social and cultural life beyond the court, attempts to document are too few and far in between.1 This chapter proposes to take a step in this direction by exploring religious practice in eighteenth century Shahjahanabad. I choose to confine myself to Muslim religious practice because given the nature of my sources, it is rare to find glimpses of religious practices of other faiths. Any study of religious practices must begin with a definition of the notion of piety or religiosity. While a large number of sociological studies on what constitutes religiosity in Christianity exist today2, very few scholars have subjected Islamic religiosity to such scrutiny. Most of these studies on Christian religious practice stress on the multi-dimensionality religiosity. There are multiple measures of being religious like personal devotion or faith, participation in communal rituals of worship -like attendance in Church-, and knowledge of the professed doctrines and the basic tenets of the faith and its scriptures.3 Religiosity in one dimension need not necessarily flow into the

8

Islam In India: History, Politics and Society

others. It is possible to be religious by believing in the religious dogma even if one does not observe the ritual practices to be followed every day. It is however difficult to import the conclusions of these studies into the Islamic context given the different nature of religious observations in both religions. A Muslim is supposed to lead his daily life in conjunction with the religious law or Sharia, which essentially regulates everything from dietary habits to social conduct. Therefore religion here has an impact beyond rituals and worship and leading one’s everyday life in accordance with the injunctions of the Sharia, like abstinence from Alcohol, avoiding foods forbidden in the Quran etc., is as important as say observing the five pillars of Islam. The questions that I have been raised in this chapter are what constitutes religiosity or piety in Medieval India? What are the acts considered pious? And perhaps the most pertinent: was the religious landscape of the city homogenous and in accordance with universal/centralized discourse on piety? These are questions not directly addressed in our sources. It is imperative therefore to look at those who were the metric by which people measured their piety and religiosity. Two categories of people who qualified for such honour were the Ulema and Sufis. As religious scholars the Ulema were custodians of religious knowledge and were also engaged with its dissemination. They manned the religious establishments of the empire as Qazis, Sadr, Muftis, Khatibs and Imams and teachers. Some were really high in the administrative hierarchy, becoming Sadr-us-Sudur. Not all Ulema however were employed by the state, and many worked independently as teachers and preachers. The other groups whose piety was proverbial piety were the mystics or Sufis, referred to in those times as the ‘Fuqara’. The two categories around however, were by no means mutually exclusive. Although, there was friction between specific Ulema and Sufis in medieval period. Juristic Islam was not kindly towards many Sufis practices, yet it appears to be no strict binaries between the “Orthodox” Islam of the Ulema and the so called “heterodox” Islam of the Sufis and Mystics. Sufism, particularly in the urban areas, was closely interwoven with juristic Islam and the clear distinctions between the two are as unfounded, as are the distinctions between the Sufis and Ulema as a class. While most Sufis were Alims themselves, having studied the Islamic law extensively, there were many Ulema who were closely associated with mystic orders. In 18th century Shahjahanabad, two of the most important religious personages who personify the Sufi-Alim or Alim-Sufi were Shah Waliullah and Mirza Mazhar Jaan-i-Jaana. Both Sufis of the Naqshbandi Silsilah were very well versed in the juristic Islam, and wrote extensively on various

Piety, Impiety and Islam: Muslim Religious Practice in Eighteenth Century

9

issues concerning its practice. Shah Waliullah ran and taught at the Madrasa Rahimiya, one of the premier Madrasahs of our period. He wrote extensively on matters of Islamic law, Islamic sciences, Hadith and Mysticism.4Among his most famous writings were the Hujjat Allah Al Baligha, along with a Persian translation of the Quran. Mirza Mazhar Jaan-e-Jaana’s teachings and thoughts are however best preserved in his Maktubat, or letters which he wrote to his disciples, often answering questions raised by them on issues concerning Islam and Tasawwuf. Their writings form an extremely useful source understand the normative piety as described in our period. One of the foremost indicators of piety in our period and even today is the observation of the Shaair. Shah Waliullah clearly mentions that the Shaair, or concrete entities serving for the worship of God were paramount. These included respectful treatment of the Quran, Ka’aba, the Prophet and performance of Salat, the obligatory prayers.5 In the Maqamat-i-Mazhari, the biography of Mirza Mazhar Jaan-i-Jaana, by his disciple Ghulam Ali Dehelvi, the saint’s strictest observation of the Salat is emphasized multiple times. We are told that he once visited a Derwesh who was so engrossed in his Zikr, that he missed the Maghrib prayer. Mirza Mazhar vowed never to take Bait under this man. While describing his Manamat, Ghulam Ali Azad writes that the saint spoke extensively on religious actions. In another instance, the Sheikh says the best of our actions are those where we give unending attention to God and the love to the Mashaikh. Every religious action has a quality; of all these the Salat is the best as it is the combination of all qualities dear to God. The recitation of the Quran, says the Sheikh, is vital for the purification of one’s heart. He similarly stresses on the need to fast during the month of Ramzan to attain the highest of virtues.6 Besides the Shaair, our sources also lay stress on charity as an important indicator of piety. Charity towards the needy, orphans, etc. is an important principle of Islam. The Zakat is an obligation on every Muslim- who is expected to pay a part of her or his yearly savings over and beyond requirements in charity. This insistence on charity had propelled many wealthy Muslims and emperors to create charitable endowments or Waqfs.7 Completely devoid of any commercial interest a Waqf property or profits accruing from it are used only for charitable purposes. Waqfs could be created for the maintenance of public institutions like Mosques, Madrasahs etc. members of the royal family created many such endowments in the city. Jahan Ara endowed a beautiful Hammam in the city as Waqf. Another act of charity was the building of Serais to provide succor to the travellers. The biggest Sarai in the city was again built by Jahan Ara to the north of this Chowk. Called the Begum Ki Sarai, it

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Islam In India: History, Politics and Society

had ninety rooms.8 It was not just the royalty that performed charitable acts. In the Faiz-i-Mir, Mir Taqi Mir mentions a poor Derwesh who went around the Bazaars every evening with a water skin on shoulders and called out “oh you bound in existence, thirsty on the shores of a drying ocean! If any of you want to wet your lips, come forward!” when people gathered around him he distributed milk and sugar drinks to them.9 Stories about the charitable spirit of the Fuqara abound in our sources. However, the greatest mark of piety for the Fuqara was their self- imposed poverty. Mir Taqi Mir’s father, who was a poor Darwesh in Agra, is said to have remarked, “A Faqir is one who does not need things needed. Poverty and need befit us; sufficiency belongs to God Alone.”10 This discourse on piety was around however, by no means universal or rigid. The boundaries of what was desirable behaviour were sufficiently loose, dynamic and accommodative. As we will see below, manifestations of piety took many forms and not all of them were ‘acceptable’ in the juristic discourse.

THE RELIGIOUS LANDSCAPE OF SHAHJAHANABAD On the surface, Islam was a pronounced presence in the city of Shahjahanabad. Although it could never qualify as an “Islamic City”, the very concept of which has been significantly revised, yet there is no denying the fact that it was created by and remained the capital of an empire which extensively used Islam and symbols derived from Islam as one of the many sources of legitimacy. They built Islamic places of worship and patronized its holy men. One can see in the built environments of their cities expressions of loyalty to the Islamic faith. The ruling elite and their families (particularly royal women), made contributions to the built spaces of these cities by providing Mosques, Sarais and Shrines. These would give the impression that Islam was an important part of the city’s life with its manifestations so pronounced everywhere.

In the built environment of the city, the Mughal emperor’s Islamic allegiance was firmly conveyed to the world by the placing of a large congregational mosque in the centre of the city, whose dome dominated its skyline. The Jami’ Masjid therefore was an important symbol of the empire. It was placed opposite the fort, the two facing each other proclaiming their creator to be master of both Din and Dunya- the spiritual and temporal world. The mosque took six years to complete and was the largest mosque in the subcontinent at the time of construction. It was called Masjid-i-Jahanuma. Most contemporary historians of Shah Jahan would attribute the creation of the mosques and other religious structures to the emperor’s personal piety. He was after all Badshah Ghazi, a warrior of faith. A title he proved himself worthy of by lavishly spending in

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the name of God in his realm as well as the holy cities, making lavish grants to shrines and establishing waqfs or religious endowments. Muhammad Salih Kambo who provides an authoritative account of the built structures of Shah Jahan’s capital city, begins his account of the Masjidi-Jami’ with the statement that the construction of religious edifices is the most beneficial form of everlasting charity (Nafetareen Khairaat-i-Jaria) this he says, is particularly true of shrines, mausoleums and mosques, which is according, to the letter of the book and the injunctions of the Sunnat, are the basis for attaining highest levels in paradise.11Kambo proudly reports that the Emperor decreed that all cities with a Muslim population must have mosques in every neighbourhood. Built on a high hillock at the cost of a million rupees, the Jami’ Masjid was indeed a sight to behold. Other members of the royalty and the nobles took cue from their emperor and put up mosques throughout the city. Chief among these were the Fatehpuri Masjid, Akbarabadi Masjid and the Sunehri and Roshanud Daulah Masajid. Besides these there were numerous Mohalla level mosques built usually by the initiative of the pious inhabitants of the area. The other important religious institution in the city was the Madrasa. The Madrasa was essentially an educational institution where students were educated in the Islamic religious sciences including Quranic exegesis, the study of Hadith or traditions of the prophet and of Fiqh or jurisprudence. Some Madrasas like the Darul Baqa near the Jami’ Masjid were provided by the state and most others provided by individuals were acts of personal piety. We come across a number of Madrasas in Shahjahanabad, the Madrasa Rahimiah belonging to Shah Abdul Rahim, Shah Waliullah’s father, built with the active support of Muhammad Shah, Madrasa Ghaziuddin Khan near the Ajmeri Gate, Madrasa Raushanud Daulah associated with the mosque of the same name, near the Kotwali Chabutra and many more.12 The Madrasas provided Islamic education to those interested, the Taliban-i-Ilm.13 Endowed with significant funds, these institutions created and nurtured a significant number of religious scholars who later went on to man important religious institutions and acquired significant social prestige. These Madrasas also provided social mobility to those who lacked financial resources to pursue a career in Islamic learning. Beyond these architectural marvels, lay the rich spiritual heritage of the Sufis, who had been the most popular inhabitants of the Delhi area since the fourteenth century. Numerous Dargahs dotted the city proper but the most popular ones lay beyond its wall. Known then as Dehli-i-Kuhna, the area extending from the Din Panah to Mehrauli housed the Dargahs of some of the greatest Sufi saints of all time. Most important among these were Nizamuddin

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Auliya and Quttubuddin Bakhtiyar Kaki. Other important structures included the Dargah Shah Mardan, Daragah of Nasiruddin Chiragh-i-Dehli and Qadam Sharif. Frequented by hundreds of people, these Dargahs lent the city an air of spirituality and centrality in the Islamic realm. These religious spaces created or maintained by the ruling elite, have only been studied for the role they played in enabling the elites/rulers to establish their legitimacy. But as we will see below, these spaces, open to people of all social strata, played an important role in the life of the city’s ordinary inhabitants too.

THE VARIED MANIFESTATION OF RELIGIOSITY The most ubiquitous religious structures in the city were the mosques. These were a constant reminder of the considerable investment of the pious in religion and also of the importance of the practice of Mosque-going. At the top of the hierarchy of mosques in the city stood the Jami’ Masjid. The weekly Friday prayers were performed here which gave the emperor the opportunity to impress his majesty on his subjects as his procession marched to the mosque in all their finery. It was here at the mosque that the khutba was read in the name of the emperor. It was therefore a significant political institution for the royalty. The role of the mosques both the Jami’ Masjid and other neighbourhood ones in the lives of the city’s ordinary inhabitants is however, shrouded in mystery. Our sources do not easily volunteer information on the religious lives of the ordinary people. Yet, it is possible to join together small pieces of information and reach a somewhat clear picture of religious life in Shahjahanabad. Mosque going seems to be a well- established activity in the city. There are numerous Mohalla level mosques mentioned in our sources. Prominent inhabitants of the Mohalla often provided mosques in their locality. For instance, in the area opposite Kucha Pandit we come across the Mosque of Miyan Khan Saheb, the Sabz Masjid of Adina Beg and the Mosque of Nawab Fath Ullah Beg.14 Almost every Mohalla housed a mosque indicating preference for these on the ordinary days. On Friday, focus must have shifted to the Jami’ Masjid. The central congregational mosque must have attracted huge crowds for prayers on Fridays. The performance of prayer was only one part of the Friday rituals and was followed by exhortations or Wa’az and the mosque provided the ideal setting for it. Our sources indicate that after the obligatory prayers, numerous Waaiz held simultaneous sermons in the mosque. Maulana Hakim Sayyid Abdul Hayyi who visited Delhi in 1894 compares the Jami’ Masjid after the obligatory prayers to a “wrestling arena”. When he visited the Jami Masjid

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for the Friday prayer, we are told that there were four people in different parts of the mosque preaching simultaneously. One of them Maulvi Muhammad Akbar, was furiously disparaging the followers of the Hanafi Fiqh, while another sitting by the Hauz reciting Munajat and Ghazals was desperately trying to gather a crowd.15 Mosques also provided the more pious of the city’s populace space to observe supererogatory prayers. The most popular among these was the observance of I’tikaf or retreating into seclusion for the last ten days of the month of Ramzaan. Shah Waliullah himself observed this practice every Ramzaan and on one occasion claimed to have had a vision of the twelve imams while in seclusion.16 Spending time in seclusion connected only to God, the men observing I’tikaf usually did so in mosques that were not very busy. Hence the Mohalla mosques and old mosques in and around the city must have been the preferred spaces for these people. Some mosques acquired unusual importance on certain days when an important religious personage visited them. On such occasions these mosques attracted unusually large crowds. Mirza Mazhar Jaan-e-Jaana for instance visited the Masjid–i-Jahan Numa (located near Dargah Rasul Numa and not to be confused with the Jami’ Masjid which was also thus called) every Thursday and people who desired to meet him gathered here in large numbers.17 Often the mosque was also the scene for contestation and confrontation. We hear of a commotion at the Jami’ Masjid when a group of young men belonging to the Shia sect, wearing amulets and beads of Karbala clay, barged into the mosque and threatened a preacher Shah Abdullah who in his last sermon had attacked the beliefs of the Shia sect. claiming the concept of Panch Tan Pak (the five holy bodies, i.e. the Prophet, Ali, Fatima, Hussain and Hassan), was contrary to the teachings of the Sunni sect. The supporters of the Wa’iz (preacher) then intervened and forced the men out of the mosque.18 For the ordinary city dweller therefore, the mosque was much more than a symbol of imperial authority or that of some nobleman’s piety. It was the space that allowed him to express his piety. It may have been a social space to meet and greet people of the neighbourhood, and when the need arose he could take to the central congregational mosque to express his dissent. Dargahs, Shrines and Mausoleums of saints were the next and perhaps more important places for pious expressions in our period as these places drew crowds much larger than the mosques. These attracted much more attention as activities of the masses are much better documented at these sites than at mosques. Much to the dismay of scholars like Shah Waliullah, Sufi Dargahs were frequented by the people of Delhi with much more vigour than

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the mosques. Visitations or Ziyaras to the tombs of saints was a common Islamic practice. What bothered scholars like Shah Waliullah and even Mirza Mazhar Jaan-e-Jaana was the fact that ordinary Muslims preferred this over the obligatory prayers and these places became sites of what they called and judged as impious deeds. Mirza Mazhar claims that although it is rewarding and beneficial to visit the graves of the saints or friends of God (Wali Allah) to rake in the barakat of these holy sites, to derive spiritual benefit from these places is impossible without a clear heart, Khawaja Naqshband therefore advised that spending time in remembering the Almighty was much better than visiting the graves of the saints. He also advises against participation in the rituals associated with Urs.19 The Dargahs and Shrines it seems provided the believers the opportunity to express their religiosity without having to conform to a norm. Even today Dargahs of famous saints are the places to observe the ingenious ways in which people connect to God. Some repeat his name while others cry. For our period there are numerous sources that detail the atmosphere at the Dargah, where the people gathered to pay respects to the Saints, seek their blessings and ask for intercession in their prayers. The Muraqqa-i-Dehli describes the vibrant atmosphere at the Dargahs of Delhi. At the Dragah Qadam Sharif, huge crowds gathered on Thursday. People circumambulated the place, offered prayers and drank from the Hauz.20 The saints were known not only for their piety but also for their supernatural abilities to cure diseases. The spring flowing outside the Dargah of Nasirud Din Chiragh-i-Dehli was believed to cure the oldest of ailments. A large number of people, we are told therefore gathered here to bathe in the spring.21Dargah Quli Khan reports that the mausoleum of Hazrat Baqi Billah was so blessed that its courtyard remained cool even in the hottest summer months.22 The celebration of the saints’ Urs was the single most important event at the Dargahs. People gathered here in large numbers along with musicians, qawwals and dancers. Lighting candles at the graves, and participating in the Sama were the usual practices on Urs. The Urs of Nizamuddin Auliya, fondly called Mashuk-i-Ilahi was held on the 14th of Rabi-us-Sani. While the Qawwals mesmerized believers with their musical renditions and the Sufis gathered there went into ecstasy some sat around the saint’s grave reciting the Quran and contemplating.23 The Urs of Shah Turkman Biyabani was celebrated with equal fervor with the lighting of lamps and Qandils in the courtyard of his Dargah. Both the mosques and the Dargahs were created by the state. It was the state that ensured their upkeep by granting Awqaf, but these Dargahs thrived

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because of the initiatives of the ordinary folk who visited them and invented new means of veneration. It was for these reasons perhaps these sites appeared highly suspect to people like Shah Waliullah who claimed that visiting the Dargahs for a gratification of desire was a sin as great as murder or adultery!24 Such fierce condemnation of this practice points to the extreme popularity it must have acquired among the people of Delhi. Despite these condemnations however the Dargahs continued to attract people of all social strata throughout our period. Moving beyond the organized world of the Mosques and Dargahs, lay different locales- the city’s streets and bazaars, public gardens and houses hidden in its lanes and by lanes that allowed the common ordinary folk to invent novel ways to experience the divine. It is in these spaces outside what was recognized and accepted by society that there emerged a world that often challenged the limits of acceptable religious behaviour. This is the world that bred the impious and the deviants. When we go into the aspects of impiety and deviance in Islam we once again fall short of a definition. Impiety can be defined in various ways. It could mean an open defiance of the doctrine of faith or adopting practices deemed as innovative or not conforming to the accepted religious behaviour. Unlike Christianity Islam has no central institution defining what is right or wrong. Yet there was constant discourse on what is right and wrong. Wrong or impious behaviour is not strictly defined in sources. One can however speculate that there were in those times as today various manifestations of impious behavior. These may include an outright denial of the tenets of Sharia or challenge its injunctions, indulging in practices that find no reference in the Quran or Hadith (bidat), and also transgressing the boundaries of what is acceptable social and religious behavior. In our period the category of the impious would then be populated by those who did not conform to prescribed religious behaviour, adopted practices that were in contravention to established Islamic practices, those who set up new sects or claimed to be Prophets. Our sources introduce us to a variety of religious personages who subverted the social and religious norms and yet continued to find acceptance and even a high degree of respect and reverence from the city dwellers. We come across an interesting group of people working in the bazaars of Shahjahanabad, who narrated incidents from Islamic history, educated people on matters of faith like the benefits of fasting and performing the Umrah. Dargah Quli Khan introduces us to these people who he encountered in the Chowk Sadullah Khan.25 Their narrations were so engrossing that the audience was moved to tears. After these sermons, the listeners were made to pay a fee.

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In his Urdu translation of the Muraqqa, Khaliq Anjum26 refers to these people as Waiz, while in their English translation Chander Shekhar and Shama Mitra Chenoy27 use the word Fortune Tellers. Neither of these words however fit the description that Khan provides us. Their style actually closely resembles the Qissa/Dastan Gos who delighted audiences with their stories throughout the Islamicate world and charged a fee for their service. In fact Dargah Quli Khan uses the term Raaviyaan or Narrators which fits in much better with the description provided in text. However, Khan does not seem to take this group very seriously, perhaps because they were not the legitimate transmitters of Islamic knowledge, a task best performed by those trained in the art viz. the Ulema. Yet he reports that the listeners sat captivated for hours. These Qissa Gos, rendered the textual tradition of Islam, which were out of reach, for the majority of the city’s populace intelligible to them. Their narrations were perhaps the only way for a large majority to access Islamic knowledge even though the veracity of their ‘sermons’ could not be established. For the “idle folk” who sat through these narrations and paid for them, listening to these stories must have been a religious and pious act, their own way of being religious. This kind of marketplace religiosity was however not confined to the Qissa Gos alone. Hidden in the nooks and corners of the city were an exceedingly large number of Derweshes who were revered by the people and attracted them with their spiritual prowess. The most interesting perhaps was Shah Rehmatullah, who hosted gatherings of Zikr and Sama at his residence. Despite all his piety, he was extremely fond of and continued to consume wine.28 We also hear of a Salat Khani Faqir (a mendicant who offers Salat), who wore a large turban weighing almost 20 sers on his head. His turban provided much amusement to the nobles.29 Another interesting mystic was Majnun Nanak Shahi, equally revered by Muslims and Hindus. People gathered at his hospice with offerings and he sat on his door in meditation, completely silent. He was very popular with women who came to meet him alone to discuss their “hidden desires”.30 Shah Kamal, a leading mystic of the time lived a life of luxury, wore the finest of clothes and ate choicest of foods. He composed poetry in Urdu and participated in numerous mehfils of Sama.31 These Derweshes lived within the city or connected to it, interacted with its people and participated in the religious rituals. They gathered around them an ardent following of Faqirs, mendicants and Sufis who lived in the vicinity of their spiritual masters. These Derweshes were nowhere like the Qalandars who had shunned urban society and its religious establishments, existing on

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the margins of ‘civilized’ society yet by breaking boundaries of acceptable behavior. Many of them committed impious acts such as meeting women in solitude and drinking. The most audacious act of impiety in our period was by a Persian adventurer, Mir Muhmmad Hussain of Mashhad who set up a sect of his own. He invented a new language, wrote a text and managed to gather a large following. At one time as many as twenty five thousand people were found gathered in his assembly! He claimed to receive Wahi like the Prophet Muhammad and invented some rather strange rituals of connecting with God. His followers were asked to offer only three prayers during the day as opposed to the five prescribed in Islam. When they met they greeted each other with a Shast invented by their master. His popularity grew so much that he attracted a huge following from the nobility as well, even emperor Farrukh Siyar visited him once and returned impressed by his spirituality. 32 Impiety like piety took many forms. Impious acts as we have seen ranged from minor deviance from the established principles to an outright challenge to them. Some of these acts may have disturbed many a pious mind, but the storytellers acting as preachers and the alcohol consuming Derwesh continued to be revered for their piety and spirituality. They continued to guide the people on the spiritual path. From the above discussion it is clear that religious practice in the city was highly heterogeneous. Mosques and Madrasahs, Dargahs, hospices and mausoleums of mystics, both renowned and the not so renowned and even the bazaars of the city served as spaces where religiosity could be expressed and even redefined. Although it is tempting to draw a line between the religiosity manifested in the Mosques and that in the Dargahs would be too simplistic an exposition of the highly complex religious landscape of Shahjahanabad. The mosque vs. Dargah rhetoric may have been of importance to scholars like Shah Waliullah and Mirza Mazhar Jaan-i-Jaana but on the ground those who prayed in mosques and those who visited shrines could not be clearly demarcated. The two practices were equally pious for most people. Far from the legal and juristic discourse on Islam, piety and impiety, the religious practices of the ordinary Muslims of Shahjahanabad were shaped by their personal experiences. They were varied, fluid, dynamic and highly accommodative. This much celebrated heterogeneity of religious practice was soon to fall victim to systematic attempts at homogenization which refused to recognize the multiple hues of piety and Islam much to the detriment of Islam and Muslims across the globe.

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REFERENCES 1. A look at the titles of some of the best known works on the eighteenth century would illustrate well the point being made here; Jadunath Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire, 4 Vols; Satish Chandra, Parties and Politics at the Mughal Court, 1707-1740, 4th edition, Delhi:2002; MuzaffarAlam, Crisis of Empire in Mughal North India: Awadh and the Punjab, 17071748, Delhi: 1986; M. Athar Ali, ‘The Passing of an Empire: The Mughal Case’, in Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 3, No.5, 1975, pp.385-396. 2. A succinct summary of these studies can be found in B.B Holdcroft, ‘What is Religiosity?’, Journal of Catholic Education, 10 (1), September 2006, pp.89-103. 3. Ibid., p. 89. 4. See S.A.A.Rizvi, Shah Wali Allah and His Times, [A Study of Eighteenth Century Islam, Politics and Society in India] Canberra: 1980, pp. 279-286 5. J.M.S Baljon, ‘Religion and Thought of Shah Wali Allah Dihlawi: 17031762’, in Studies in the History of Religions, Vol. 48, 1986, pp. 95-96. 6. Ghulam Ali Dehelavi, Maqamat-i-Mazhari: Ahwalwa Malfuzat wa Maktubat-i- Mirza MazharJaan-i-Jaana Shaheed, tr. and ed. Muhammad Iqbal Mujaddidi, Lahore:2001, pp.330- 331. 7. For more on the institution of Waqf see David Powers “Waqf”, Dictionary of the Middle Ages, Vol. 12, New York: 1982-1989, pp. 543-544; for Waqf in Mughal India see Gregory C Kozlowski, Imperial Authority, Benefactors and Endowment (Awqaf) in Mughal India’ in Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. 38, no. 3, pp. 355-370. 8. Muhammad Salih Kambo, Amal-i-Salih, ed. G.S Yazdani, 3 Volumes, Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta: 1939, Vol.3, p. 47. 9. Mir Taqi Mir, Faiz-i-Mir, ed. Sayed Masood Hasan Rizvi Adeeb, Lucknow: nd, p.25. 10. Mir Taqi Mir, Zikr-i-Mir, tr., C.M Naim, p. 36. 11. Amal-i- Salih, Vol. 3, p. 51. 12. Sair ulManazil, p. 40;60. 13. For details on the development of the Madrasa based educational system see K. A. Nizami, ‘Development of Muslim Educational System in Medieval India’, in Islamic Culture, Vol. LXXXX, October 1996. 14. Mirza Sangin Beg, SairUlManazil, Urdu tr. and ed., Shareef Hussain Qasmi, Delhi, 1982, p. 164. 15. Maulvi Hakim Sayyid Abdul Hayyi, Dehl iaur Uske Atraf, ed. Sadiqa Zaki, Delhi, 1995, p. 62

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16. Baljon, Shah Waliullah, p. 94. 17. Dargah Quli Khan, Muraqqa-i-Dehli, ed. KhaliqAnjum, Delhi: 1993, p.79 18. Gholam Hussein Khan, SeirMutaqherin, English translation Seir Mutaqherin or A Review of Modern Times by Nota Manus, Vol. I, pp. 77-80. 19. Maqamat, Op. Cit., p. 315. 20. Muraqqa, p. 52. 21. Rai Chaturman Saxena, ChaharGulshan, ed. Chander Shekhar, Delhi:2011, p. 22. Muraqqa, p. 56. 23. Ibid., pp. 54-55. 24. Baljon, Waliullah, p. 100. 25. Muraqqa, p.60. 26. Khaliq Anjum, op.cit, p.126. 27. Dargah Quli Khan, Muraqqa e Dehli, The Mughal Capital in Muhammad Shah’s Time, English translation, Chander Shekhar and Shama Mitra Chenoy, Delhi: 1996, p. 21. 28. Muraqqa, p. 69. 29. Muraqqa, p. 64. 30. Ibid., p. 66. 31. Ibid., p. 68. 32. Seir Mutaqherin, Vol. 1,pp. 206-222.

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2 The Khwaja’s Creed: Gharib Nawaz and Propagation of Sufi Thought Babli Parveen The tradition of venerating Sufi saints started in India in a big way with Khwaja Muinuddin Hasan Chishti, and the tradition of venerating the site of his final abode led to the beginning of the process of pilgrimage to his shrine at Ajmer. Khwaja Muinuddin Chishti’s mission was to inculcate piety, humility, and devotion to Allah and far removed from the environment of luxury and worldly enjoyment. The aim of this chapter is to analyse, how different practices of Indian Sufism got started with the saint-cult around Muinuddin Chishti and out of the practices and traditions that evolved around his dargah. An attempt is also made to look into the spiritual legacy of various Chishti Sufis vis a vis the teachings and mystical traditions of Muinuddin Chishti. Muinuddin Chishti initiated many of the basic components of the Chishtiyyas, though in course of time this mystical school also resorted to time and place specific modifications and alterations in response to the multifarious requirements of the changing society. The chapter also argues that Muinuddin Chishti brought people of various castes and communities together and introduced among them a version of Islam with piety and abstinence as its pillars at a time when the Muslim empires of Baghdad and Egypt indulged in the environment of luxury and worldly enjoyment. Muinuddin Chishti interpreted religion in terms of human service and exhorted his disciples, ‘to develop river-like generosity, sun-like affection, and

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earth-like hospitality.’ He issued ways to get success in this world and achieve peace of mind and soul in the world hereafter. He pursued the objective of bringing together people of various castes, communities, and races, elevating the humanity from the morass of materialistic concerns. This is one of the principal reasons why he not only earned recognition but also exerted one of the most powerful influences in South Asia’s spiritual history down the ages. Although his contemporaries did not see him, as we do, through the golden haze of his followers, his charisma fulfils the highest ideas of society, while at the same time appearing unique and beyond society.

THE GHARIB NAWAZ: PROPAGATION OF SUFI THOUGHT Muinuddin Chishti’s beliefs combined Islamic mystical beliefs with a strong emphasis on social reforms. Rooted the theory of the unity of being (wahdat alwujud), he stressed that the presence of the divine is manifested in everything in the universe and one could access the divine through inner spiritual exercise. In contrast to the legal minded scholars or ulama who claimed that they had the exclusive rights to interpret divine knowledge through the laws of the Quran. The Khwaja emphasized the ability for each individual, regardless of class and educational training, to experience the ecstasy of union with the divine.1 According to him, the individual needed to be guided and trained by a Sufi Shaykh so that the disciple could live for God by employing a special kind of love (muhabbat-i-khas).2 This involved striving to a higher spiritual level where the Sufi disciple developed a spiritual emotional relationship between him/herself and the Divine. At this ideal state nothing else existed but a complete spiritual union with God.3 Like his contemporary Shaykh Muhiuddin Ibn al-‘Arabi, the Khwaja stated: ‘When we transcend the externals as the snake comes out of skin, and look around, we find the lover, the beloved and love itself to be one; in the sphere of tawhid all is one’.4 Their statements follow that the Khwaja following the precepts of the Prophe and was exhorted his followers to adhere to the fundamentals of Islam. Namaz, he believed, was the ladder to heaven, a source of divine bounty. As enjoind by the Shariat, ‘Namaz is a pillar of the faith; a house remains standing only as long as the pillar remains intact’.5 So is the recitation and study of the Quran. He narrated a story of Sultan Mahmud: someone saw him in a dream and asked him how Allah treated him. The Sultan replied that one night he had shown great respect to a leaf of the Quran and for that reason he had attained salvation.6 Similar statements are to be found about other commandments on fasting, Hajj, and zakat.

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In a series of letters he wrote, the Khwaja explained ‘negation and assertion’. Negation, he said, meant ‘forgetting one’s own self and “assertion” meant ‘intense concentration of thought on the Most High, because a selfconscious man cannot be conscious of God. If we think that God alone exists, we achieve our object.’ He defined the ‘faqir’ or devotee as well. According to him, ‘he is a faqir who is indifferent to all wants and does not want anything except the vision of God’s eternal countenance; because all the creation is the mirror and reflection of that eternal countenance.’ He added: ‘Some of the servants have explained it thus, ‘a perfect fakir is one whose heart is void from external luxury and everything except God and find God should behis goal. When things other than God are driven away from his heart, the object is achieved.’7 On the comparative position of Shariat and tariqa,8 he said, ‘If a farman does not deviate from its path even by an inch, in most cases he will raise to the second stage, which is called tariqah. If he follows this path in accordance with the practice (Sunnah) of the Saliks (literally, those who tread the path) and does not deviate from it in most cases he will raise to the fourth stage which is called haqiqa. When a person reaches this stage he gets what he asks for’.9 Obedience to one’s pir was an important part of sufi life. ‘the disciple should listen to his words with great attention and should comply with his directions regarding prayers and recitations should present himself before him without interruptions, if this may not possible he should try to do his best’.10 He has described the qualities and virtues of an ‘arif and mentioned them at a number of places.11 The Khwaja was fond of Sama,12 which is considered by some sections of the Sufis to be a source of advancement in spiritual elevation. In his malfuzat he mentions a sama majlis in which the following couplets moved him, along with some other darwishes, to such an extent that they ‘forgot about ‘and began to ‘dance’13 this state of ecstasy lasted for seven days and the musicians were not allowed to sing any other poem. According to the author of Siyar alAqtab, all those shaykhs who were associated with the Khwajah developed a taste for Sama.14 There existed an unwritten code of conduct for the murid. One of them related to their concern for and commitment to the poor. The Khwaja reminded them of ta’at as ‘ redressing the distress of the people, fulfilling the needs of the poor and feeding the hungry’.15 His master, Khwaja Usman, had done the same. He, thus, quoted his words: ‘Verily, Allah loves a person who has these three qualities: 1 generosity (like a river); 2 affection (like that of the sun);

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humility (like that of the earth)’. Besides these, there are a number of other sayings recorded in the tazkiras. An incident mentioned in the Surur al-Sudur gives us an idea of how, in the Sufi idiom, a murid was to behave in society. Once, the Khwaja was sitting in the Ajmer fort when a darwish came to him and asked, ‘what should be the essential qualities of a person who wanted to renounce the world’. He replied, ‘The law of the Shariat of Prophet Mohammad is that one should do what Allah has ordered and avoid what he has prohibited’.16 In continuation of this he said, ‘If someone likes to call such a person a tarik-i-dunya it would be right, but in the tariqa there are nine essential qualities which one should posses to attain this stage’. He then asked Shaykh Hamidudin to explain and give in writing the names and meaning of these nine qualities to the darwish: 1. One should earn one’s livelihood. 2. One should not borrow money. 3. Even if one remains hungry for seven days. One should not beg . 4. If one receives food, coins, corn or cloth, one should not keep them till the next day, 5. One should not curse, and in case one receives great injuries from somebody one should simply say: ‘May Allah show him the right path’, 6. If one does something good, one should attribute it to the Pir, to the blessings of the Prophet and the beneficence of Allah. 7. If one does something wrong, one should attribute it to one’s own evil nature, guard oneself against it and fear Allah so that he might not repeat his mistake, 8. After cultivating these virtues, one should fast in the day and offer prayers at night. 9. One should remain silent unless it is necessary to speak. In the Shariat of Prophet Mohammad talking (uselessly) is unlawful and remaining silent (when speaking is necessary) is also unlawful; one should say things which please Allah. This code provides general rules of conduct for a Sufi, particularly one attached to the Chishti silsilah. As far as an ordinary Muslim is concerned, he is expected to accept and practice the Shariat in order to be entitled to a place in the kingdom of Allah. As for those wanting to follow the path of tariqah to attain higher stages of elevation in spiritual life, it is necessary for them to impose upon themselves additional restrictions and obligations. These were the people who acted as his Khalifa and pursued his missions through the khanqahs and schools that they established in different parts of the country.

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The Khwaja, with his exemplary lifestyle, gave them the stimulus to do so. So, many of them became famous in their own right. They were sent to different regions to carry on his work, and several of them became distinguished Sufis. In course of time the influence of the Chishti silsilah extended over the entire subcontinent. The Chishti Silsilah holds an important position not only because it was the first to enter the subcontinent but for the reason that its leaders and disciples spread across in much larger numbers than those of others. Although Khwaja Abu Ishaq Shami Chishti (d.940) is said to have established the Chishti order in Afghanistan in the tenth century, it is not included in Hujawiri’s list of ten ‘orthodox’ and two ‘unorthodox’ Sufi sects of his time. Three centuries later, the situation changed. The Chishtis had not only made their presence felt in India but were accorded the pride of the place, by the great Sufi Syed Ashraf Jahangir Simanani (d.1436), among the fourteen, Sufi Khanwadas (Sects of families) of the fourteenth century. Of the Sufi orders in India, the Chishtis were destined to enjoy unparalleled spiritual influence and popular acclaim. The first to settle was Sultan Sakhi Sarwarbut, but his career was too short to produce a lasting impression. It was therefore left to another Chishti immigrant, Khwaja Muinuddin Sijzi, to lay the foundation of the order on a permanent footing in India. The Chishti order derives its name from Chisht, a village near Herat, where the founder of this order settled for his spiritual mentor. Later, he moved with his parents from Baghdad to Khursan, and after it to Haron, where he became a disciple of Khwaja Usman Chishti Haruni.

PROMINENT CHISHTI SUFI SAINTS OF INDIA The early Chishti dargahs belong to the eminent Sufi saints, who flourished during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. In their lifetime and after death, they were seen as exemplars of piety and spiritual excellence. Some of them became popular after their death; consequently, their khanqah emerged as dargahs or centers of pilgrimage. We discuss their role in the following section: The oldest dargahs are those of-Shaykh Muinuddin Hasan Chishti, his Khalifa Shaykh Qutubuddin Bakhtiyar Kaki (Delhi), popularly known as Qutub Sahib, Fariduddin Masud Shakarganj (Pakapattan), and the last one is Shaykh Nizamuddin Awliya (Delhi). Bakhtiyar Kaki [Bakhtiyar (a friend of fortune) awarded by pir Muinuddin himself and Kaki (a man of cakes)] was the spiritual descendant of Khwaja Muinuddin. He came to Delhi several years after his Pir’s arrival in Ajmer. After a short stay in Multan, he moved

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for Delhi, the centre of Muslim saints, scholars, and liberal patrons. Sultan Shamsuddin Iltutmish (r. 1211-36) requested Qutubuddin to stay in his palace, but the saint refused his offer. Afterwards, Sultan Iltutmish offered the post of Shaykh-ul-Islam to the saint, but he again refused the offer. Thus the post was given to Najmuddin Sughra. The Khwaja lies buried near the Qutub Minar. His tomb is now a famous dargah. People believe in its sanctity. Therefore, they want to be buried near the shrine, in the belief that their soul would be blessed by the spirit of the Shaykh. Hence the dargah had thousands of graves belonging to Sufis, ulama and other notables of Delhi. Furthermore, the elites and the masses have believed that the prayer offered at the dargah would bring them success. Thus, in 1478, when Sultan Husain Sharqi of Jaunpur attacked Delhi, Sultan Bahlol Lodi visited the dargah and prayed like an ordinary petitioners. Fariduddin Masud Shakarganj: Widely known as Baba Farid was the chief successor of Qutubddin Bakhtiyar Kaki. The sub-section of the Chishti order founded by him is known as Faridiya. After completing his studies of the external science (Ilm-i-zahiri), he returned to spiritual practices. ‘All the Shaykh of India declared that no saint has excelled Baba Farid in his devotions and practices. He followed his master to Delhi, where he became immensely popular. Thinking that too much popularity might interrupting his spiritual pursuits, he left Delhi and settled at Ajodhan. He lived a life of piety, and his Khanqah was open to all, irrespective of cast and creed. He spent his life as a wandering dervish. According to Baba Farid, ‘the Sufi who keeps himself free of all impurities and does not let anything corrupts him.’ Once a man asked the Baba to write a letter of recommendation on his behalf to Sultan Balbanhe did with the following lines: ‘I entrust this man’s fate to Allah and then to you, if you give him something, Allah is the giver but you will thanked for it. If you give him nothing, Allah is the presenter, and you are excused.’ Baba Farid was himself a scholar and wrote excellent poetry in Arabic and the local Hindwi dialects, He popularized the study of Awarif-ul-Mawrif.17 Baba Farid died at the age of 93 in 1265. His Urs is celebrated every year on the fifth day of the Muslim month of Muharram. Really, his popularity forced his sons to bury the saint in his Khanqah against his will. As Ajodhan is located on the merchant caravan route linking Multan was easily accessible to the devotees. Wrote Ibn Batuta: ‘Travellers on the sea of China make a practice when the wind turns against them and when they fear pirates, to make a vow and on their safe return pay money to the servitors of the Dargah. The ships from China and India carry Muslim merchants”.18 This flow of wealth

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to the dargah made many Sajjadanashin lead luxurious lives. Hence, Syed Mohammad Husain, popularly known by the epithet of Gesu Daraz or BandaNawaz, criticised them.19 The Chishti order reached its pinnacle under Nizamuddin Auliya. All the seven spiritual descendants of the disciple of Shaykh Farid accepted him as their spiritual leader.20According to Ziauddin Barni, he worked in Delhi for nearly half a century. All sorts of men visited him and found spiritual solace in his company.21 He is the Mahboob-i Ilahi (beloved of Allah),22 and the Sultan-i Auliya (the king of saints), who served the people andthe seven sultans who succeeded each other on the throne of Delhi without any contact. Jalauddin Khilji requested the Shaykh to give him an interview, but he did not agree. Sultan Alauddin Khalji wanted to visit him, but Nizamuddin told the messenger, ‘there are two doors in my house, if the sultan comes by the one, I will quit by the other.’ Finally, there is the famous story of Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq, who tried to intimidate Nizamuddin Auliya but had to eat humble pie. Nizamuddin Auliya represents a major spiritual force in the history of Muslim India. His disciples spread all over the country, and his popularity soared during his lifetime and thereafter. When Ibn Batutta arrived in Delhi, he found Mohammad binTughlaq visit his khanqah,23 and his devotees looking after the dargah.24 Firuz Shah, too, made frequent visits, and built the beautiful Jamaat Khana mosque for the convenience of pilgrims.25 Many intellectuals of the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries were his disciples, and they sincerely believed in the blessings of the saint. Amir Khusrau called him the Christ of the reviver of Islam.26Shaykh Nasiruddin and Syed Mohammad Gesu-daraz were two devoted disciples who belonged to the Nizami order of the Chishti order.27 The Chishti order had four distinct phases of its activity in India. 1. Era of the great Shaykhs (1200-1356) 2. Era of the provincial Khanqah(14th-15th century) 3. Rise of the Sabiriya branch (15th century onwards) 4. Revival of the Nizamiya branch (18th century onwards)

The saints of the chain established their Khanqahs mainly in Rajputana,

U.P and Punjab. While Hamiduddin Nagori worked in the rural areas, others lived in qasbas and maintained their distance from the centres of political power. They refused to accept jagirs and government service. Under Baba Farid and Nizamuddin Awliya, the Chishti order was extended too many parts of north India. Shaykh Sirajuddin, popularly known as Akhi

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Siraj, introduced this order in Bengal. His two disciples played a very important role in popularizing it in Bihar and U.P. The Chishti order was introduced in Deccan by Burhanuddin Gharib, who settled at Daultabad. In Malwa, it was organized by Nizamudin Wajihuddin Yusuf, Kamaluddin, and Maulana Mughisuddin. The Sabiriya branch was founded by Abdul Haq at Rudawli. The main centre of the branch was Kalyar (near Roorkee in the Saharanpur district of U.P),28 Muzzaffarnagar, and Panipat. The cornerstone of the Chishti order was the concept of Wahdat-ul-wujud (Unity of Being). It supplied the motive force to their mystic mission and determined their social outlook. Second, the Chishtis looked down upon possession of private property as a negation of faith in Allah, and preferred living on futuh (offerings by the masses). Third, they believed in pacifism and non-violence, and, fourth, on Mohabbat-i-Islami, love. Finally, to achieve communion with Allah, they recited the names of Allah loudly or silently. They also went into Chilla, forty days of spiritual confinement in a lonely corner or cell, and Sama, or the performance of Qawwali on special occasions. In the subcontinent, Ali al-Hujwiri regarded listening to music permissible for mystics, except under some very rigid conditions; it was not to be listened to without a deep spiritual urge, only after long intervals, and only in the presence of one’s spiritual preceptor. Of the four Sufi orders popular in India, the Chishti alone sought ecstatic inspiration in music.29 The occasion of qawwali performance is also called sama, aptly defined by Bruce Lawrence as ‘hearing chanted verse (with or without accompanying instruments) in the company of others also seeking to participate in the dynamic dialogue between a human lover and the Divine Beloved’.30 The Qawwals present mystical poetry in Persian, Hindi and Urdu (in that order of prestige) in a fluid style of alternating solo and group passages, characterized by repetition and improvisation. The vigorous drum accompaniment on the barrel-shaped dholak is reinforced by hand – clapping, while the small portable harmonium, usually in the hands of the lead singer, underscores the song melody. 31 In India, as well as in the world, Sufism was frowned upon by the Muslims orthodoxy; yet, it has been adopted by not only the Muslims masses but by the Hindu population as well. The Chishti order, in particular, identified themselves with the problems of the people, worries, and their hopes and aspirations. Hence, they were immensely popular. In fact, they created a strong base for others Sufi orders in the subcontinent.

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REFERENCES 1. The Khwaja continued in the Sufi tradition of meditation, remembrance, fasting, and love practiced by leading Sufi Shaykhs before him. Abu Hamid al-Ghazali, Kitab al-Adhkar wa’l da‘awat, translated by K. Nakamura as ‘Book of Invocations and Supplications’ (Cambridge, 1990); Margaret Smith, An Early Mystic of Baghdad: a study of the life and teachings of Harith b. Asad l-Muhasibi, AD.781-857 (London, 1977); and Annemarie Schimmel, Mystical Dimensions of Islam (Chapel Hill, 1975). 2. On relationship between disciples, Sufi Shaykhs, and God, Gehard Bowering, The Mystical Vision of Existence in Classical Islam: The Quranic Hermeneutics of the Sufi Sahl at-Tustari (New York, 1980) ; Peter Brown, ‘The Rise and Foundation of the Holy Medieval India’, Islam et Societe en Asie du Sud. (ed.) by Marc Gaborieau ( Paris, 1986), pp. 57-77. 3. K.A.Nizami, Tarikh-i-Mashaik Chisht, pp. 105-110. 4. Abdul, Haq Muhaddis Dehalwi, Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, (Lahore, i962), p.45. 5. Ibid. p.10. 6. Ibid. p.22. 7. Mirza Wahiduddin Beg, ‘The Saint of Ajmer Hazrat Khwaja Muinuddin Hasan Chishti’, Paper presented before the Study Circle of the Institute of Indo-Middle East Cultural Studies (Hyderabad, 1964), p.13. 8. The quest for God is usually described in terms of a journey or a path (tariqa); the geography and the stages of the journey are given differently by different mystics but mode of impulsion is the same. The Sufi must kill desire for the world, trust in God, submit to His will, and wait patiently the inflowing of his divine grace before being able to proceed to final illumination-annihilation of the self and subsistence in God. Khwaja Bayazid was asked: “What is the way of God?” He replied: “When thou hast vanished on the way, then hast thou come to God.” Mark this: If one attached to the way cannot see God, how can one attached to self-see God?’ Shaykh Sharafuddin, Yahya, Maktubat-i-Sadi, (Trans) by Baijnath Singh as Letters from a Sufi Teacher (Banaras, 1909) pp. 60-61. 9. Ibid. p.8. 10. Ibid. p.24. 11. See for instance, pp.4-5, 43, 44, 47, 48, 50, 5i, etc, Also see Siyar-ulAwliya, p. 45. (where he is quoted to have said that the sign of the knowing of God is in keeping away from the people are remaining silent. 12. Sama: Much has been written about the lawfulness of Sufi music. Many Sufi writers and scholars of eminence have devoted long chapters in their works to this subject it is a Sunnah of the Prophet. Shyakh Hamiduddin Nagori has made an interesting reference to this controversy. He says

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that those who consider it unlawful say what is true because they follow the dictates of love, and knowledge is subordinate to love while is not subordinate to knowledge. He refers to sama and wajd as two wings of the soul for its flight towards God. 13. Raas (literary dancing) is also used for the uncontroable movements of the darwishes in a state of ecstasy. 14. Siyar al-Aqtab (Lucknow), p.i03. 15. Siyar-ul-Awliya, p.46. 16. S.Moinul Haq, islamic Thought and movements in the Subcontinent (7iii947) ( Karachi, i979), p.i42. 17. Rizvi, A History of Sufism in India, vol. 1, p. 146. 18. Ibn Battuta, The Travels of Ibn Battuta, vol 2, ed and trans by Sir. Hamilton Gibb (Cambridge, 1971), pp. 320-21. 19. Syed Muhammad Akbar Hussaini, Jawani al-Kalim (Kanpur, AH. 1356, p.26. 20. Ibid, Siyar-ul-Awliya, p. 178. 21. Abul Fazl, Ain-i- Akbari, p. 208. 22. Firozshah Tughlaq, Futuhat-i-Firozshahi (Delhi, 1885), p. 17. 23. The Travels of Ibn Batutta, vol. 3, p. 654. 24. Muhammad Akbar Hussain, Jawami-al-kalam (Kanpur, 1356), p. 143. 25. Siyar-ul-Auliya, p. 154, ibid, Futuhat-i-Firuaz Shahi (Aligarh, 1956), p. 14, and Tarikh-i-Muhammadi, p. 146. 26. Amir, Khusrau, Mathnavi Manjnun Laila (Aligarh, 1917), p. 13. 27. Masood. Ali. Khan & S.Ram (ed), Chishti Order of Sufism & Miscellaneous Literature (Delhi, 2003). 28. The Encyclopedia of Islam, new edition, vol. 2, p. 54. 29. Troll, Muslim Shrines in India, p.258. 30. Bruce, Lawrence, ‘The Early Chishti Approach to Sama’, in Islamic Society and Culture: Essays in Honour of Professor Aziz Ahmed, ed.M. Israel and N.K.Waghle (Delhi, 1983), p.72. 31. Troll, op. cit., p.258.

qqq

3 Sufi and Bhakti Tradition: Corresponding and Divergent Trends Akhlaque Ahmad Ahan

SUFI AND BHAKTI TRADITION In their inception, various religions and spiritual movements have fostered the elements and idea of Universal Humanism i.e. a philosophical and ethical stance that emphasizes the value and agency of human being, individually and collectively, and generally prefers critical thinking over established doctrines1. Sanatan, Buddhism and Islam, should be specifically mentioned here as on the rudiments of these religions Sufi and bhakti trends developed in Asia and for centuries nurtured the values. Thus, in the messages of sufis and saints of bhakti movement, idea of humanism is traced; and they declare ‘eshq’ or love as the core of all these humanist traits. The famous sufi poet and the predecessor of Amir Khusraw, Maulana Rumi eulogizing omniscience of love declares it as ) or ‘physician of all diseases’; and at the ‘tabib e jumla ellat’ha’ ( same time also warned those rulers and administrators who have elapsed the pains and problems of the masses, saying:

Asp e himmat suye akhtar sakhti

Aadam e masjood ra na-shanakhti

(You have set your horses to conquer the sky, but you could not spot those people who look at you in need.)

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Obviously, in such state, the sense of love could only make all learn warmth and affection towards fellow beings; as he says:

Shad bash aye eshq e khush sauday e ma Aye tabeeb e jumle ellat’hay e ma (Hooray O the love! Who brings blessings always; the one who is the medic of all the ailments.) Khusraw too, is the follower of the same school and believes in the worth of love and its distinction over ‘aql’ i.e. reason; moreover in his view ‘love’ is the only measure to distinguish between human being and ‘non-living’:

Dil e bi eshq ra man del naguyam Tan e bisooz ra juz gil naguyam Mago ba man ke aaqil nist aasiq Ke man be eshq ra aaqil naguyam (I do not call a heart which is without love, and I call a body only mud, if it is devoid of burning. Do not tell me that a lover is not wise; as I do not call wise the one who lacks love.) As a matter of fact, Indian civilization is the beautiful synthesis of diverse ideas, beliefs and philosophies. Modern western culture is based on materialism and at many instances demonstrates insensitivity while dealing with different traits may not be for none to them. Some of the scholars believe that the Sufi trend, which progressed and matured in the sub-continent, is imbedded on the elements of Buddhism, similarly Bhakti tradition bears the influence of Islam. Historically, there is a similarity between Buddhism and Islam that both confronted massive military aggression or defeat; and more notably that these two though lost its political authority and faced violence at large scale, but in spite of this defeat, left deep philosophical impact and imprint on the succeeding side. With regard to the former, the Chinese have written in their accounts in their account about the attacks of white Huns and Turks and have clearly hinted as a result the decline of Buddhism/shrinking area of its followers in

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India and specially in Central Asia and North-Western Frontier. later, everyone is aware of the history of the onslaught of Changez Khan and Hulagu Khan. The way these two invaders massacred masses in Iran and later in the heart of Abbasid Khilafat, is unprecedented. Half of the Iranian population was decimated, and the same population could reach only in the fifth decade of 20th century. Hulagu himself confessed to the killing of two million Iranians in a letter to his contemporary French emperor Luis IV;2 but in reality, military victories do not annihilate the elements of civilizations, they live on and recur in different forms. In the words of Iqbal, the famous Indo-Persian poet:

Barhamney be Ghaznavi goftey karaamatam negar To ke sanam shekaste-yee banda shudi Ayaaz ra (A Brahmin told Ghaznavi, look at my miracles; though you vandalized an idol but became yourself worshiper of the another one i.e. Ayaaz) In the same way, the permeation of Iranian socio-political and cultural character in the victorious Arabs life later getting the identity of ‘Islamic’ traits could be comprehended. The prevalence of Iranian habits and beliefs including monarchy and its tantrums to the daily life tradition is its example. The philosophy of Wah’datul-wajood or Monotheism itself is the synthesis of many philosophical traditions; whereas in the west, Ibne Arabi revived the old Greek philosophy of Gnosticism; in the east, it synthesized Buddhism and Zoroastrianism. The supreme existence in Zorashtrian religion, Ahurmazda, is dual in its name itself, means the God of soul and matter. The soul signifies ‘good’ and the body signifies ‘evil’; likewise the soul denotes light and the body darkness. The first descend of the ray of the Ahurmazda is called ‘Asha’ which is the epitome of the eternal law of the God. Attaining is the attainment of the God i.e. Ahuramazda. The Iranian philosophy of religion embarks on with the introvertism or Batniat. The later philosophers, Mani and Mazdak redefined the same idea.3 In this historical background, the indifference of sufis and specially sufis of Chishtia order towards kings and rulers should be observed. It has two grounds; Firstly, devoted and friendly sufis attached, with the masses and their agony and desperations as they believe in being in ‘love (devotion) to the God’ also means being in love to ‘his creature’. The fidelity with king would lead to being anti-people or to selfishness which is against their basic principle. Secondly, the monarchy had claims of being ‘the Demigod’ and ‘zillullah’

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(shadow of the God) and was forcing people to bow or to perform ‘kornish’.4 Obviously, these traditions were not in accordance with the basic tenets of Islam or may be of other religion too. Therefore, the sufis’ indifference to the worldly affairs or politics should be seen not giving importance to the authority as silence dissent, instead of asceticism. Similar historical background should be viewed as the reason of the popularity of these trends in Asia and also in other parts of world. Therefore, the situation developed in the 12-14th century, led to the interaction and amalgamation of various ideas and resulted into the progress of Sufi traits. The emergence of Attar, Sanai, Rumi, Saadi in Iran, Khusraw, Bu Ali Shah Qalandar, Chiragh Dehlavi, Yahya Muniri, Kabir Das etc. in India and Willium Black in west etc should be seen in this background.

AMIR KHUSRAW AND KABIR: AS EPITOMES OF SUFIBHAKTI POETRY The Corresponding or similar traits are many because both are spiritualists and in unraveling this path believe in the murshid/guru’s guidance and human values. Both had deep understanding of Islam as well as Indian religions and her cultural and philosophical traits. Both are aware of stages the spiritual path and are against show hypocrisy and pretence, possessing love and esgh; and comprehend mortality of the material world. Both were poet and Sufi not philosophers and both eulogize value the ultimate beloved and their spiritual gurus, but both differ in diction, phraseology and stylistics, the reason of this difference is socio-historical. In the Persian Sufi poetry tradition, the Almighty is symbolized as lass or saqi i.e. cup-bearer, and the different aspects of her beauty makes the lover fervent and crazy.

Be labam rasida janam, to biya ke zinda maanam Pas azan ke man na maanam, be che kaar khaahi aamad (while longing for you, I am about to die, rush to me, so I may be saved; otherwise what if come when I am no more alive to behold you) The historical reason of this was that it developed primarily in the premises of royal courts, and was in accordance of the Iranian aesthetics; whereas the ultimate beloved or the God is addressed as husband which is exactly in accord with the Indian ethos and attitude, where a wife sacrifices all in her command for her husband. But, the same Khusraw while writing in Hindawi

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he synthesizes both the traditions, which is the first experiment of its kind in Hindawi. For instance when he says:

Gori sowey sej par rukh par daarey kesh Chal Khusraw ghar aapney, rain bhayi chaudesh (The beloved is lay down on the bed and covering the face with the locks; O Khusraw! Return back to home, as the darkness night has approached everywhere.) In the above though composing in Hindawi, he follows Persian tradition of expression of love from the male lover and the stylisticsdevotion to the ultimate beloved i.e. Almighty or the spiritual master but at the other place when he only comes down to the poetic craft and aims creative ingenious, he uses terms like ‘Sakhi’ and ‘Sajan’, and follows the Indian tradition of addressing the beloved, as he says:

Lipat lipat key wa-key soyee,

Chhaati sey chhaati lagakey royee,

DaaNt sey daaNt bajey to taada.

Aye sakhi saajan?

Na sakhi jaada! (She hold her close while sleeping, she cried while pushed bosoms against each other, but as the teeth began rattling then she realized, Was it the beloved? No my dear, it was winter!) But at the same time at other place, he in the typically unparallel poeminculcates both the traditions:

Ze hale miskin, makun taghaful, doraay e naina, banaaye batiaN

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Ke taab-e-hijran nadaram ay jaan, Na leho kahe lagaye chatiyan.

Khusraw is loyal to the establishment or governments and he doesn’t appear

to be confirming the extreme or radical views regarding the socio-politcal condition. Though, he observes keenly the situation and is aware of its merits and demrits and different sides of events happened diring his period, but avoids/refrains from comments on it directly. This he does for two reasons: Firstly, he primarily believes that the real task and goal is to attach the creation or masses to its creator and all the other problems will be solved naturally, this is the primery way and goal of Sufis. Secondly, in his view when love captures the mind of a human, every other thing becomes immaterial and insignificant; as he observed and experienced this in the company of Hazrat Nizamuddin with reference to eshq-e-haqeeqi i.e. the ultimate love; thus he says:

Morad-e ah’l-e haqeeqat lebas-e zahir nist Kamar be-khidmat-e sultan be-band-o Sufi baash (Those who follow the path of the God do not look for the dress to exhibit; rather be ready to serve the king and remain be a Sufi.) The writer of Sairul-Awlia has explained this state of mind in the following words: “Sultanush-sho’ra (the king of poets), Burhanul-Fozala (exemplification of cognoscentes) Amir Khusraw, the poet, had surpassed in merit of poetry from his predecessor and inheritors and was a man of virtuous heart. The style of ahl-e tareeqat (mystics) was evident from his outlook and character, though he was attached with emperors.5” And Khusraw says:

Ghamat ba een-o aaN guftam na guftam Agarche tark-e jaN guftam na guftam Tora jaN guftam az dil dar to daani Ke man aaN az zabaN guftam na guftam

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(Whether I shared my love for you to anyone, or though I survived the pain. But my life is attached to you which you know well, whether I expressed it openly or not) Iqbal while hinting towards the same heart-burn had written:

Ataa kun shor-e Rumi, soz-e Khusraw Ataa kun sidq-o ekhlas-e Sanayee (Bestow upon me the passion of Rumi, burning of Khusraw, and the earnestness and piety of Sanayee) Though his independence of mind/rational approach and his views about some of the philosophical, ideological and social issues are of revolutionary nature; and had impact on the writings of later poets and thinkers, and Kabir is one of them. More importantly, he was of the view that human being is incapable of thinking beyond his time and space. Therefore, an individual’s opinion, ideology or a decision is entirely wrought and ruled by a given certain time and space. Thus, he doesn’t consider any king, Amir or any individual naturally responsible for an act so he avoids blaming and criticizing; therefore he is apparently not reluctant or sees as ethically wrong while eulogizing or being associated with Allauddin Khalji after assassinating his uncle the emperor Jalaluddin Khalji. There are several such cases which support this view. This too may be called as a stage or form of ‘isteghna’ or detachment from the worldly affair. His comrade Prince Hardev Telangani popularly known as Khwaja Jahan has explained this state of Amir Khusraw in his autobiographical book Cheh’l Roza.6 While on the other side Kabir is a rebel, and he straightforwardly criticizes religious hypocrisy, and similarly challenges in rebellious way, the patronage of the establishment to such people. ‘Nirgun’ trait becomes very symbolic which bears abysmal philosophical and socio-political meanings. At one side, this affirms or corresponds with the Islamic philosophy which described in the Kalima-e-tayyeba and the surat-e-Ikhlas i.e. the God is one, indifferent, neither has any material form or shape, nor has any family or lineage; and the other side, also refutes different kind of Gods in different shapes in the existing Indian society besides the social system as well as the patronizing political regimes and system based on it. In this way, sufis and saints are on equal footing as both the groups are indifferent to regimes and rulers but connected to the masses.

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Some scholars are of the opinion that Khusraw was not a Sufi but only a courtier, which is based on his visible attachment with different courts of nobles and kings. But this is a very naïve and shallow analysis of his mind and personality. In fact, his own life and the statements besides writings of his contemporaries including his spiritual master Hazrat Nizamuddin indicates that his inner world was full of spiritual realization and he was a Sufi, completely sunk and besotted in the love of his spiritual master and the God. Besides the evidences and argument of his being a great sufi soul, the question remains that in spite of his association with a great sufi of Chishtia order, why he continued to be attached with different courts of nobles and kings; and the more importantly why Hazrat Nizmuddin himself allowed him to do so; and at the last but not the least that how he could remain survive to be a sufi by-rote and temperament, in spite of his evident involvement in day to day engagements of courts. These apparent evidences make us hesitant to accept him as Sufi, but at this point one should be careful before drawing any conclusion in haste. The facts which should be before us is that Amir Khusraw belonged to a family which had a long history of association with courts and it was very normal part of their life, thus he had the advantage to see and experience the realities of elite courtiers and court life, and had profound insight of everyday ceasing and fading of apparently pompous and majestic life and power of these people; and this was the reason why he was attracted to the doors of unadorned court of Hazrat Nizamuddin. For him, the presence at the royal court was like doing any other worldly job, and not on the ground of his lust for indulgence and immoderate pleasure. In fact, he was a model of ‘khalwat der anjuman’ (being abstinent and indifferent while in the horde), and therefore pomposity of courts were like an unreal dream. At the other side, Kabir is also linked with the order which belongs to the tradition of Adi Shankracharya (788-820 AD). The Shankracharyas’s movement aimed at creating a bond in the whole sub-continent on the philosophical as well as religious ground, which in essence had ambition to counter the everincreasing influence of Islam towards the east, and the main strength of these influence was in those Islamic teachings view every human being equal in the eyes of the creator or the God. This message was instrumental in the decline of mighty Sassanid Empire and in a short period of time Iran embraced Islam. This is probably the reason why saints of this tradition intently earned pupils who belonged to the lower strata of the society, and thus established a new spiritual and religious movement which amalgamated teachings apparently similar to the Islamic teachings but culturally rooted in Brahiminical tradition. That is the reason why Kabir-panth has taken the shape which earlier Buddhism had,

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and it is now baptized in the Brahminical fold again. Historically, it is seen that Brahmanism allows lots of space for deviation especially when it encounters the indomitable situation. For instance, under the influence of Islam the concept of ‘nirgun’ opted, whereas later under the influence of Christianity and Islam, the Arya Samaj movement adopted the concept of one book, one god, conversion to ‘Hinduism’ etc. Besides, the fact should not be ignored that these two traditions of great philosophical and social movements provided the enormous opportunity of interfaith understanding, debate, dialogue and communication which is also evident in the writings of Amir Khusraw and Kabir; and has been a leading light for centuries for the people of this land. Therefore, both the traditions i.e. Sufi and bhakti have evidently inculcated elements of Islam, Zoroastrianism and Indian philosophy including Buddhism.

REFERENCES 1. Journal of the History of Ideas 46: 2 (April–June, 1985): 167–95. 2. Jackson, Peter. Mongols and the West, Routledge, New York, 2004, p.176 3. Akhtar, Wahid. Bharat Bani, Delhi, 1980?, 73. 4. Ibid. 5. Amir Khurd. Sairul-Awlia, Lahore, 1972, p. 136. 6. Hardev, Khwaja Jahan. Cheh’l Roza (tr. Khwaja Hasan Nizami), Haidrabad,1947, p. 31. qqq

4 Pluralism in Medieval Islamic Heritage: A Study of Sufi Ethos of Kashmir G. N. Khaki

PLURALISM IN MEDIEVAL ISLAMIC HERITAGE 14th and 15th centuries, in fact constitute one of the prominent and formative phases in the history of Kashmir as it accounted for momentous, religious and cultural change. Its illustrious sons, litterateurs and scholars like Shaikh Yaqub Sarfi, Mulla Mohsin Fani, Maulana Anwar Shah Lolabi, Mirza Akmal-ud-din Badakshi, Sartej Bahadur Sapru and Lal Ded and Shaikh-ul-Alam have not only been the torch bearers of secular perspective, acculturation, tolerance, communal harmony and co-existence in times of cultural polarization and religious animosity, but have cemented the bonds of human integration to realize the dream of oneness of mankind and universality of human culture. Consequently, the message of human brotherhood and communal harmony that emanated from the synthesis of Islamic and Saivaite philosophies of Kashmir became an indispensable and un-agreeable part of Kashmir’s composite culture, the manifestation of which is found in the famous vaks of Lal Ded and Shruks of Sheikh Nur-ud-din. It is an admitted fact, as recorded in the great historical accounts of South Asia that Mahatma Gandhi the Father of Indian Nation saw a ray of hope in Kashmir when whole Indian sub-continent was burning in communal violence and animosity. This burning candle of communal harmony was kindled through the tireless efforts of the Kashmiri Sufis. It is why another popular name of the valley of Kashmir is Peervar i.e. (the Land of Sufis.)

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The renowned Sufis of Kashmir like Sheikh Noor-ud-din-Noorani, Lal Ded, Shamas Fakir, Ahmed Batawar, Ahad Zargar, Samad Mir, etc. throughout the course of history promoted peace, co-existence, communal harmony and pluralistic ideals. Sheikh Noor-ud-din-Noorani commonly known as Sheikhul-Alam while promoting the relationship between Muslims and Non-Muslims said ;(Mankind belongs to same parents therefore, no scope for animosity. Be kind to both Hindus and Muslims, it will lead to the happiness of Allah.) These Sufis in fact, lived in the midst of the lower strata of society and identified themselves with the problems and perplexities of the people. The Sayyids who arrived from Central Asia to Kashmir were ardent advocates of the Quranic injunctions and championed the cause of the poor. Hazrat Shekh Syed Ali Hamadani commonly known as Amir-i-Kabir in his monumental work, Dhakhirat al- Mulük preached against the social evils and problems such as unsaturated lust for worldly-things and desires, vanity, conceit, pride, cruelty, anger, vengeance, injustice, dishonesty, perfidy, jealousy, selfishness, lying, immodesty, apathy towards the condition of the poor and needy, ill treatment towards parents, wives, children, servants and slaves, without any discrimination of caste, creed, sex and religion, in so simple words and by quoting tangible and transparent common day to day examples that even an ordinary man in the street comprehended it easily. Different Sufi orders not only fought with the self-ego, but also offered a platform for peaceful coexistence and also took active part in the promotion of harmony and love. The interaction between the local traditions and the mainstream Islamic legacy gave this region the abiding values of tolerance, fellowship of faith and brotherhood as the Sufis have been great advocates and exponents of religious tolerance and horizontal humanistic values. The influence of Sufi traditions that had moulded the mind set of Muslim population for centuries together is one of the significant reasons to advocate a harmonious life. Das ba Kaar, Dil baYaar (hand to work and your heart to God) as propagated by Sheikh Baha-ud-Din Naqshband al-Bukhari was not only the guiding force for the promotion of pluralism and multiculturalism, it stemmed down to the general masses of the region as well. In the backdrop of these introductory remarks, present chapter is an attempt 1. To unfold the significance of Pluralism and multiculturalism that has got roots in the civilization of Islam. 2. To explore the intellectual heritage of Sufi scholars to unfold their religious philosophy, world view and value system.

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3. To explore the intellectual treasure of indigenous Kashmiri scholars having both global and universal relevance. 4. To refer to the civilizational and cultural ethos of Kashmir that emerged as a result of the contribution of prominent scholars in shaping the cultural diversity of Kashmir. The concept of Pluralism and multiculturalism and the subsequent prospects for establishment of Pluralistic Society in the global context has become an advanced discourse of contemporary academic activity. Appreciating and evaluating all discussions and conjectures about Pluralism and multiculturalism also giving a due space to the definitions that are being assigned to it in the modern world, the roots and origin of both as a concept and as a process exist in the early Islamic period. March of scholars to the far off lands, dissemination of knowledge and learning, establishment of Khanqahas and Maktabas, the process of migration, the grand translation movement and the concept of peace and justice are some of the features essentially with Islamic orientation which encourage pluralistic view point at doctrinal and practical levels. This perspective has substantially been stimulated and propagated by Sufis around the globe who have not only been the torch bearers of pluralistic perspective, acculturation, tolerance, communal harmony and co-existence in times of cultural polarization and religious animosity, but have cemented the bonds of the human integration to realize the dream of unity of mankind and universality of human culture. The contribution of Sufis to peaceful cosmopolitan civilization and cultural advancement in the promotion of communal harmony and co-existence in shaping the history of Sub-Continent is note -worthy and unprecedented. History bears witness to the fact that a Muslim General during the reign of al-Mutasim AD 833-842 ordered an Imam and a Muadhin to be flogged for having destroyed a fire-temple in Sughd and building a mosque in its place. Shah Niaz Ahmed a prominent Sufi is reported to have said: when the bird-nightingale starts its melodious songs, it raises hundreds of notes, it splashes a new tune every moment but it comes from the same throat, the same beak. For Sufis, Allah is not a logical abstract of unity, but a living reality that can be approached through the service of mankind. Their efforts were, therefore, directed towards the creation of a healthy social order free from aggression, dissentions, discords and conflicts. Although a Herculean task, they undertook it as a divine mission. In love, faith, tolerance and sympathy they found the supreme amulet of human happiness. Shaikh Nizam-ud-din Auliya would often refer to a remark of Shaikh Abu Sa’id Abul Khair (ob. 1049)“there are many ways and routes that lead to Allah, none is prompt and more effective than an act that ensures happiness to masses

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without any discrimination of colour, sex and nationality Maulana Jalal-udDin Rumi, the formidable mystic poet of Islam, none to equate him in depth or in comprehensiveness and extent, honoured with the title of ‘Mulawii-Manawi’ (the doctor of meaning), is reported to have said: ‘To win other people’s heart is the great pilgrimage and one heart is worth more than a thousand Kabas.’The second Caliph of Islam Umar Ibn-al-Khatab directed the governor of Egypt Umar Ibn-al-Aus. ‘When have you started making people to be your servants, when the matter of fact is that their mothers have given them birth as free people? Sheikh Farid Ganj Shakar was presented a pair of scissors who refused to accept it, saying: ‘Give me a needle: I sew, I do not (SAW) said; ‘do not initiate or reproduce the treatment cut.’ The Prophet that you receive’. This pragmatic and humanitarian perspective of Sufism is reflected in the works and achievements of great Sufis who by their exemplary character have done unprecedented service to Islam in general and humanity in particular. The world is today torn by fundamentalism and exclusivism in the name of religion. Its antidote has always been mysticism or spirituality that is the inner dimension of all religions, Semitic and non -Semitic. In the battle for ideologies, the philosophy centred on love and compassion has been the universal refuge for the best minds of all ages. All prophets, saints, sages and most of - the - great philosophers have preached the religion of love, harmony and tranquillity. In the words of Ibn Arabi, who is considered the greatest master in Islamic mysticism and influenced Shahi Hamdan and many Kashmiri Sufi poets: My heart has become able To take on all forms. It is a pasture for gazelles, For monks an abbey. It is a temple for idols And for whoever circumambulators it, the Kaaba. It is the tablets of the Torah And also the leaves of the Koran. I believe in the religion Of Love Whatever direction its caravans may take, For love is my religion and my faith. ( Transl: Maurice Gloton)

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Rumi, the greatest poet of mystic love and Hafiz, the greatest Persian poet, all are enormously popular in the modern world because love transcends all civilizations, all boundaries and all ideologies. Maulana Rumi who represents real spirit of tolerance, harmony and universal brotherhood is reported to have said: “Come to me even if you are a Jew, a Christian, a Muslim or a sinner as you are humans ” Following the medieval Islamic heritage, the distinguished Sufis admonishes directed their disciples to relate to people of good will belonging to other communities with love and harmony and not to revile other faiths. Sheikh Hamid-ud-din Nagori, a distinguished disciple of Khawaja Mohiud-din Chisti did not permit his disciples to use the categories of Kafir and Mumin as the basis of any social discrimination. The same love fructifies into compassion and becomes the central tenet in Buddhism had been nurtured in Kashmir and has made significant contribution in the development of ReshiSufi thought. The same love has been the bedrock of Shivaist non-dualism and as another face of gnosis or jnana, is a means for actualizing what Shivaist philosophers called recognition or pratibijna. Great aesthetic philosophy of Abhinavgupta and other Kashmiri philosophers is also rooted in flowering of love and universalization of consciousness in aesthetic experience called Rasa. In fact Shiva or God is understood as Ananda or Bliss or Rasa of existence. The theme of Kashmiri Sufi poets has fundamentally been juxtaposition of human and divine love. Sufism in fact is more than a system of theology, offering living demonstration of the qualities of ethics, values, morals, compassion, mercy, tolerance and love; to which all human beings can relate. It is unequivocal terms rejected discrimination, racism and teaches men and women to disperse within the land and seek the bounty of God. Abul Fazl has adequately advocated the same perspective: “God Almighty ! wherever I go, I find seekers after Thee and whatever I hear is in praise of Thee alone. Both Muslims and Non- Muslim tread Thy path alone, all uttering God is one without a Partner”. Sufism, throughout the course of history advocate pluralism at the most general level, that refers to a process of change which affect all regions of the world in a variety of sectors. The conquest of multiple territories, intermixing of races and synthesis of various cultures demonstrate the secular and pluralistic vision of Sufism.

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The great Lalla connects Shivism and Sufism through Sheikh Nuruddin popularly known as Nund Rishi and it is the nectar of love that results from voluntary spiritual poverty (faqr). A great heritage of sulhi kul (peace with all), and respect for plurality of expressions of faith is our invaluable asset. It is this pluralism that made Mahatma Gandhi hopeful about Kashmir when communalism was rife in the country. Kashmir in fact, is globally known for its scenic beauty and handicrafts but for elite academic circles, it is treasured for great affirmative philosophy of Kashmir Shaivism and devotional and mystic love poetry of Sufis. It is sad to note that both of these treasures appear only marginally in academic curriculum of Kashmir. Reshi movement was an attempt to preserve “the best in Kashmir’s intellectual and spiritual heritage; indeed it was an un-parallel reconstructive and re-interpretative effort that has without diluting theological content of Islamic traditions brought forward a “synthesis”; positively received by the scholars cutting across all faiths and beliefs. However, it is yet another feature of the fate that Reshi movement didn’t survive long in the form it was originally envisaged although it does continue to influence Kashmir through its later incarnations such as Sufi poetry.” The world is increasingly recognizing Kashmir Shivism as a unique school of philosophy can be compared to any major philosophical school which developed in the world in terms of rigour, consistency, acceptability and applications. Abhinavgupta’s rich spiritual and philosophical discourses are being explored at various universities for evolving an informed response to certain important dilemmas and crises of the modern world. Shaivists cultivated a tradition of dialogue with other religious/philosophical schools. Great works on Sufi thought and spirituality were composed by Kashmiri scholars which like most of the Sanskrit sources, remained unnoticed due to lack of translation. Kashmir throughout the course of history has been abode to distinguished Sufi thinkers and litterateurs like Sarfi, Mulla Mohsin Fani, Sartej Bahadur Sapru who paved way for inter-religious dialogue, acculturation, communal harmony and brotherhood. Having been unmindful of the contribution of Sufis, orthodox and conservative mindset has endeavoured to distract and damage the social fabric of the region. But I am sure that given our heritage of coexistence and Reshiyyat to incorporate all the indigenous traditions, all the efforts of disruption and religious animosity are ought to perish. Our profound legacy, even today reflects some shared pilgrimage sites and universal respect for mystics justifies Kashmir’s identity as pir waer (garden of saints). Lesser known fact about aesthetic orientation of kashmiri shaivist and Sufi thought need to be emphasized in an age that has forgotten the Shivam

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Sundarum (God is Beautiful). There is a prophetic saying Allahu Jameelun wa yuhibbul jamal (God is Beautiful and loves beauty). Our crafts have been known for beauty and architecture, despite its simplicity. Beauty saves, it has been said. And we need in a world torn by extremism and conflicts, the saving message of beauty. We cultivated great literary criticism based on this primacy of beauty. Our universities need to revive that great indigenous tradition of drama and literary criticism. The great steak of Shaivism and Sufism is to affirm the world’s reality and offer dynamic philosophy of life which substantively demonstrate their relevance in the modern world which embracers dynamic and affirmative thought currents. To this day, it is debated whether Lalla (Lall-eshwari) was a Shavite or a Muslim. This debate shows that saints transcend narrow theological/ religious labels. The fact that Nuruddin and Lalla could co-exist and the former ask God to give him the same knowledge (and) status that He gave to Lalla, shows Shaivism also Sufism are not contradictory to each other. It is no wonder that for most people the message of Nuruddin and Lalla is hardly distinguishable. Besides, assimilation of Buddhism in Reshi-Sufi culture needs to be respected. Buddhism changed its guise and continued to flourish in Shaivism of Kashmir. The spirit of Buddhism, of its compassions and great ethics of renunciation of greed and desire and many peripheral practices continued to be, in one or the other form, in Rishiyyat or post-Nuruudin Kashmir. Kashmiri Sufi poets have assimilated essentials of Buddhism in their poetry on void and impermanence (shunya or kehni and fana). Shams Faqeer and Qadir Sahib Keyna, for instance wrote such poetry. “I am the Void, you are the Void/ What shall I speak of the Void.” Lalla’s vaakhs too have echoes of the Buddhist formulation regarding the Void that has emphasized mingling of the Void and Shiva for perfecting one’s prayer (wanter namaz). Kashmir as the fairyland of peace and contentment “wrapped around the devotion and silence of the Himalayas, musical streams and limpid lakes is an ideal location for japa or zikr, for contemplation or meditation.” It is no wonder that the history of Kashmir is a history of its saints and sages who provided the life style and culture to its people. Time has come to respond positively to the inquisitive tendencies of 21st century youth regarding the multi-dimensional aspects of Rishi-Sufi traditions of Kashmir. The question, how does one become a Reshi and who qualifies to be a Reshi? The Reshi is Sanskrit equivalent of mystic or inspired person to vision of God has been vouchsafed. Reshi is a generic term for mystic or enlightened person or anyone who seeks to realize the esoteric aspect of

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his religious tradition. The fruit of the path that he follows is recognition or pratubijna or self- realization. “Know thyself” is the great end to which Reshi path is directed. According to Nund Rishi one becomes a Reshi by transcending desiring self or ego and becoming a mirror to Reality or God. He must pass through strict mystical discipline and control his mind and self. It needs, to quote our Shiekh, “Consecrating life to the search for Truth.” Only the one who “tighten the belly to learn the virtues of patience, give up his ego, contemplates him in seclusion” could be Reshi. Shiekh Nuruddin, identifying true Muslim with the Reshi, says: “Who longs to live by the sweat of one’s mind, who shows fortitude in provocation, who shares meals with the hungry, who is obsessed with the idea of removing huger, who scorns anger, greed, illusion, arrogance and self- conceit.” The Reshi is one “who remains humble despite his substance and sits very low on the wheel of life.” The Reshi realizing the oneness of existence (what Shaikhul Aalam calls kunyr) radiates peace and principle of non- violence; he extends to all inanimate and animate. These in fact demonstrate great sensitivity towards environment in Reshiyyat. We know how much Reshis cared for environment where all around we find environment threatened needs to be explored in an age. Reshiyyat has been seen as the Great Tradition of Kashmir from pre-Islamic times. The origins of the Reshi movement go back to Vedic period. The founder of the Muslim Reshi movement in Kashmir, Nuruddin Nurani (1377-1440), transformed the pre-existing Reshi tradition, using indigenous traditions and institutions. Mystical ethos consequently found newer expressions and continues vigorously in the form of Sufis and their shrines. Most Kashmiris are followers or admirers of some local Sufi. There used to be a tradition of family Sufi to whom masses used to be attached. Most of the great names in Kashmir’s heritage include such Buddhist sages, philosophers and kings as Nagasen, Mender, Nagarjuna, Kumarajivia, Gautama Sanghadeva, Punyatrata, Vimalaksa, Dharmamitra, Ashogosh, Varsobando etc. and such Kashmiri Shaivite sages and philosophers as Srikantha, Vasugupta, Kallata, Prodyumna Bhatta, Prajnarjuna, Somanand, Utpal Dev, Abhinavgupta, Jayaratha can be considered links in the Reshi chain. Lalla connects Shaivism with Islamized Reshiyyat of Shiekh Nuruddin. Great disciples (khulafa) of Shiekh Nuruddin and subsequent successors continued to keep alive the great Reshi traditions. The Sufi poets of Kashmir have been instrumental in preservation and transmission of Reshi message. Sufi poetry represents the key values of Reshiyyat. Thus “not only the great Reshis such as Bamuddin, Zainuddin, Latifuddin, Nasiruddin, Payamuddin, Lacham Reshi, Reshi, Rupa Reshi, Sangam Dar, Hardi Reshi and later day representatives

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like Shankar Reshi, Aali Baba Saeb, Rajab Baba Saeb but also other great Sufi poets of Kashmir whose names are too well known are links in the great chain of Reshiyyat. Intellectual and religious history of Kashmir is incomplete without the in depth study of the history of Reshiyyat.” Ladies and gentleman 14th and 15th centuries, in fact constitute one of the prominent and formative phases in the history of Kashmir as it accounted for momentous, religious and cultural change. Its illustrious sons, litterateurs and scholars like Shaikh Yaqub Sarfi, Mulla Mohsin Fani, Maulana Anwar Shah Lolabi, Mirza Akmal-ud-din Badakshi, Sartej Bahadur Sapru and Lal Ded and Shaikh-ul-Alam have not only been the torch bearers of secular perspective, acculturation, tolerance, communal harmony and co-existence in times of cultural polarization and religious animosity, but have cemented the bonds of human integration to realize the dream of oneness of mankind and universality of human culture. Consequently, the message of human brotherhood and communal harmony that emanated from the synthesis of Islamic and Saivaite philosophies of Kashmir became an indispensable and unsaggreable part of Kashmir’s composite culture, the manifestation of which is found in the famous vaks of Lal Ded and Shruks of Sheikh Nur-ud-din. Referring to the pact of Prophet (S.A.W) with the Jews of Medina and the establishment of Halaf-al-Fazul, Sufis exhorted their followers to work along with others for a better and more just and peaceful society. Shaikh Hamid-uddin Nagori distinguished disciple of Khawaja Muh-ud-din Chisti who did not permit his disciples to use the categories of kafir and Mumin as the basis of their any social discrimination. Sheikh Abdul Qudus Gangohi, a renowned chisti saint of 16th century admonished his disciple in a letter (to desist from debating believer, kafir, the obedient, the rightly guided, mis-directed, the Muslim, the pious, the infidel, the fire-worshipper as all are beds in a rosary). The civilizational and cultural profile that emerged as a result of medieval Islamic heritage played significant role in shaping the cultural diversity of Kashmir and made a significant and everlasting contribution to its originality. For Islam exposed this region to the global process of literary and cultural growth and thrive its corridors open for diverse socio-cultural activities. Having remained as glittering stars among the litterateurs of their times both Lal Ded and Sheikh-ul-Alam imbibed and incorporated local and universalistic feature of poetry in their compositions giving due to cognizance religious philosophy, worldview and value system. The manifestation is found in their celebrated works.

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Both Sheikh-ul-Alam and Lal Ded are our archtypes in our public places and dreams. They are the two suns of the symbolic cosmos we share. From one we received Islamic and from the other Saivite versions of gnosis or irfan that constitute the vital dimension of our tradition. Their poetry is not merely of immense literary value but represent our linguistic, cultural and spiritual identity. Their diligent mind, poetic style, Sufi precepts and eloquence influenced their predecessors to such a degree that both are revered not only as poets but saints in disguise and are rated among the tallest and versatile poets with sound spiritual dimensions. The populace of Jammu and Kashmir of all ages have unfortunately forgotten them and are studied and comprehended through translations. As a community we have disowned them. If we had owned them there would have been no sectarianism in Kashmir, no communalism that would make communalist politics a force to reckon with, no consumerism and no floods that devastated us. Thanks to our war against environment which warned us. Our theme for the seminar is universal brotherhood which is missing in today’s composite culture of Kashmir. Since the comprehensive concept of universal brotherhood advocated by both Lal Ded and Sheikh-ul-Alam is almost absent in contemporary world, therefore the theme of today’s seminar seems relevant across cultures. If the world knew essence of brotherhood propagated by scholars like Sheikh-ul-Alam and Lal Ded there would be no scope for hatred and animosity, no need of passports. Ibn Batuta travelled whole world but was not asked for passport. No need to bomb Iraq and Libya and Afghanistan, no social boycott of religious minorities, (no fatwa’s against one another by Barlwees, Deobandis, Ahle Hadith in the Sunni world, no distrust between Shi’is and Sunnis or Iran and Saudi Arabia, no need to close mosques in Ramadan for warding off sectarian clashes, no need to advertise our exclusive sectarian brands on the names of mosques (Ahle hadith mosque, Hanfiya mosque and so on and so forth) no need to fulminate against other Muslims not sharing our interpretation of Islam. Today in Saudi Arabia Sufis are outlaws so much, so it is difficult to purchase a book on Sufism from Saudi bookstalls. In these trying times it is imperative to recall poets who sang “Shiva abides in all that is, everywhere do not discriminate between a Hindu and a Musalman. If you are wise, know yourself that is true knowledge of the Lord”. Or “There is one God, but with a hundred name, There is not a single blade of grass, Which does not worship Him.” Lalla and Sheikh-ul-Alam are hardly

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distinguishable in our collective imagination. The compatibility and juxta position of their poetic vision visa-vis its style; format and thematic approach with prominent and renowned poets around the globe demonstrate their vision, genius, versatility and extra-ordinary status. Sheikh-ul-Alam and Lalla Arifa made frequent use of new forms of poetry which eventually attained the status of folk songs. These poems are known to common Kashmiri not to talk of men of vision and comprehension. It’s quite interesting to note that Lalla Arifa was vaks and Sheikh-ul-Alam’s Shruk bear the same value and merit in poetry as that of prominent poets around the globe. George Bernard Shaw has rightly said: “Great men think alike” Why doesn’t the world know about Lalla despite Coleman Barks Rumi translator, Schuon and other great figures being familiar with them ? Reshis and Sufis in throughout the course of history, advocated multiethnic, multi-lingual and multi-religious social structure strictly in accordance to the divine message. The Holy Quran says : And had your sustainer so willed, he would surely have made all mankind one single community. But they continue to hold divergent views. In the backdrop of these secular credentials of Reshis and Sufis, Sheikh Sadi Shirazi is reported to have said “All human beings are organs of one body, when one is afflicted with pain others can’t rest in peace.” Sheikh Moin-uddin Chisti says to Ibn-al-Arabi, make love as the basis of all religions while destroying all other barriers. Sufi poet Sarmad argued that Muslims and non -Muslims seek the same truth although using different verbal formulations. This pragmatic and humanitarian perspective of Sufism is reflected in the works and achievements of great Sufis of subcontinent, who by their exemplary character have done unprecedented service to humanity in general and religious philosophy in particular. They are not only rated among the tallest and versatile poets with sound spiritual dimensions, but both are revered as saints in disguise. The civilizational and cultural profile that emerged as a result of the contribution of Reshis and Sufis played a significant role in shaping the cultural diversity of Kashmir and made everlasting contribution to its originality. It is in fact this relevance of the chapter that Reshi-Sufi traditions of Kashmir need to be studied as advocates of Pluralism, universal brotherhood and cultural synthesizationto make the findings derived thereof more compatible to the requirements of 21st Century. The image of an Ideal man of 21st Century in the quest of promotion of co-existence and pluralistic social order is reflected in a celebrated UNESCO

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Publication “A History of Mankind”, published by Harper and Row; “The morally perfect man should be of Eastern Persian Origin, of Arab faith, of Iraqi Education, and of Hebrew subtlety. He should have the standard of conduct of Christ, and the piety of a Syrian Monk; he should be the equal of Greek in the sciences and an Indian in the interpretation of all the mysteries. Lastly and pre-eminently, he should live his spiritual life like a Sufi” qqq

5 Sufi Contributions to the Intellectual Culture of Islam in India: Awarif-al-Ma’arif and Early Sufi Writings Mohammad Shaheer Siddiqui ‘If a man is truthful to his religion then he can understand the truth in the heart of a man of other religion. He will not be cruel to him.’ –Maulana Jalaluddin Rumi (Masnawi-e-Manavi)

INTRODUCTION Though Sufism in India reoriented its various dimensions inspired by the existing Indian spiritual traditions and reshaped the ways and forms of teaching in the changing scenario and challenging social situations. The original spirit of Sufism could only survived due to the great treatises on Sufism like ‘Kashf-ul-Mehjoob’ by Sheikh Uthman Hujwiri and ‘Awarif-ulMa’arif’ by Shiekh Shihabuddin Suhrawardi. In the field of mysticism, the Sufis have also contributed a great deal in the form of Malfuzat, Maktubat, Isharat and Aurad. Baba Farid contributed a commentary on the ‘Awarif-ulMa’arif’. Sharf-ud-din Yahya Maneri wrote ‘Maktubat-i-Sadi’ on Islamic mysticism. His most famous book, ‘Sharh-i-Adab-ul-Muridin’ is a voluminous work on the principles of Islamic mysticism. The other important works on mysticism are: ‘Ishqia’ of Qazi Hamid-ul-din Nagauri; ‘Mulhamat’ and ‘Diwan’ of Sheikh Jamal ud-din Hansvi; ‘Fawaid-ul-Fawad’ of Amir Hasan Sijzi, ‘Sarur-us-Sudur’ and ‘Miftah-ul-Talibin’. Maulana Darweza (Sufi of

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Peshawar d. 1638) composed ‘Makhzan-e-Islam’, The Treasure House of Islam, a book on Sufism. Sa’d-ud-din Buddhan (a Sufi of Khyrabad d. 1585) wrote a commentary on the ‘Futuhat-e- Makkiya’ of Ibn-al-Arabi. But the most significant popularity is no doubt, credited to the book ‘Awarif-ul-Ma’arif’ composed by Shaikh Shihabuddin Suhrawardi. The book is more noticeable for presenting a comprehensive and organized system of educational thought in the light of basic sources of Sufi Philosophy. It is undoubtedly a treatise on Sufism which establishes the spirit of Sufism in the light of the intellectual culture and educational philosophy of Islam as evident by its popularity in contemporary Sufi Khanqahs. There are many more remarkable treatises on Islamic Philosophy and Islamic Mysticism which is still to be revealed and re –evaluated. There is a need to recognize the untiring contributions of Sufis in enriching and energizing the Intellectual culture of Islam in India. Sufism is the spirituality or mysticism of the religion of Islam. Stoddert (2003) advocates that mysticism makes its appearance, an inward dimension, in every religion, and to attempt to separate the mystical element from the religion which is its outward support to an arbitrary act of violence and cannot be fatal to the mysticism. As we are offered in recent times, a Vedanta without Hinduism or a Zen without Buddhism, in recent times nothing suffered more from this vain procedure than Sufism: in a variety of forms and in many parts of the western world we are now offered a Sufism without Islam! One might as well try to purvey human life without human body! So is it also in the case of mysticism or spirituality; this is the inward of supra-formal dimension, of which the respective religion is the outward of formal expression. One cannot be Benedictine without being a Christian or a Sufi or a Muslim. He emphasizes that there is no Sufism without Islam.1 Sufism means, in the formative period, mainly an interiorization of Islam, a personal experience of the central mystery of Islam, that of tauhid ‘to declare that God is one.’ The Sufis always remained inside the fold of Islam and their mystical attitude was not limited by their adherence to any of the legal of theological schools.2 Many theories about Sufism relate it etymologically to one or other concept as soof (wool) relating to the people who used to wear coarse woolen clothes; Saff (First in the row of worthy people); safa (purity) etc. Idris Shah quoted Nicholson that some European scholars identify it with ‘Shophos’ as in “theosophist”3 or its genesis from ‘Sophia’ (wisdom).4 The word ‘Sufi has no etymology’5 as Nicholson himself failed to establish it. In fact this basic curiosity to find any etymological connection itself is solved by the classical Sufi writings which establish the word ‘Sufi’ more in spirit and less in literal

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meaning. Sufism or original word ‘Tasawwuf’ is the name of application of traits as reflected in the deeds of the Prophet and his companions. Although the word tasawwuf is mentioned neither in Qur’and nor in Hadith, yet it exists in spirit, behavior and actions not in commentaries. It is mystical knowledge for which special preparation and purification is required. The term might be of public origin during later part of 8th century as people whose behaviour reflected the pious traits, were called Sufis.

THE QUEST OF SUFISM AND CLASSICAL SUFI WRITINGS Fear, Love and Knowledge are the three dimensional poles of Sufism the pivot of which is heart.6 The woman saint Rabia Adawia of Basra (d.801) advocated an emphasis on love (ishq) of God as the only valid reason for obeying Him.7 “Sufism”, as Junaid, the undisputed leader of the school of mysticism in Iraq, says, “is not achieved by much paying and fasting, but it is the security of the heart and the generosity of the soul.”8 Hujwiri9 emphasizes, “Sufism is not composed of practices and sciences, but it is morals”. Jami further explains, “One who surpasses you in good moral qualities surpasses you in Sufism.”10 Sufism is more concerned with the activities of the inner self than to the observance of the outward religious practices and rituals. Some scholars opined that Sufism is an expression of dissatisfaction with the Islamic idea of a transcendent God.11 The mind begins to believe in ‘illumination’ or ‘intuition’. The quest or the other name of such knowledge is of three kinds(1) Knowledge received from God, based on the law revealed by God; (2) Knowledge obtained with God, which is of the mystic path’ and (3) Knowledge acquired of God, possessed by Prophets, Saints and Spiritual teachers who are in direct communion with God and under his guidance and illumination. The early Sufism is a natural blend of Islam and pre-Islamic dualistic asceticism mainly of Gnosticism and neo-platonism and generally of Buddhism. Abu Nasr Sarraj (d.968 AD) is an earliest author on Sufism. He also confirms in his book ‘Kitab-ul-Luma-fit-Tasawwuf’, “as a system it was not evolved by the Sufis, but has been prevalent among ascetics in the Pre-Islamic period.” The early Sufis were the pious Muslims who believed in Qur’anic rituals and conventional Islam both in theory and practice. Ibrahim Adham, Habib Ajami, Hasan Basri, Rabia Adawiya and Fuzayl Bin Ayaz were among the earliest Sufis. The renunciation, love and poverty were regarded as expression of one’s selfless devotion to God. Ibrahim and Rabia sometimes overlooked even Prophets and wanted to be in direct contact with God. It is related to Rabia Basri that on asking by the Prophet in dream ‘if she hated saitan’ she replied, “I am so much absorbed and filled with love of God that there is no room for

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love or hatred for anyone else.”12 It was the asceticism in the Eight century A.D. which is entirely different from that of developed in Ninth century A.D. The asceticism as mentioned in Qur’an which is called Zuhad, and asceticism of the early Sufism are not identical. There flourished many contradictory elements concerning the Islamic mysticism reflected in many interpretations of contemporary Sufi practitioners and scholars during ninth century Islamic world. In the beginning of 9th century it was Dhun’nun Misri, a native of Egypt who gave a definite turn to Sufi doctrine by introducing into its teachings about ecstasy and the theory of gnosis. Nicholson regards him as the source of Neo-Platonist elements in Islam. He is credited to the introduction of the idea that, “true knowledge of God is to be obtained in ecstasy.”13 In the later 9th century Abu Yazid Bistami popularly known as Bayzid introduced the doctrine of ‘fana’ or annihilation. Sufism came to be identified practically with pantheism by his teachings. He used to say, ‘Beneath this cloak of mine there is nothing but God.”14 More credit to the introduction of pantheism goes to Mansur Hallaj who in the 10th century A.D. on his saying, ‘Ana’l -Haq’ he was executed. His book ‘Kitab-utTawaseen’ is a great source of his pantheists and mystical ideas. It is not a matter of surprise that later mixture of theosophical and pantheistic elements, the Sufism came to be regarded as heretics, if not actual unbelievers. It was not till the time of Al-Ghazali in 11th century A.D. that Sufism attained a firm and assured position in Islam. His compositions like ‘Ihya-ul-uloom’ ‘Mishkat-al-Anwar’ and Makashfat-al-Quloob’ have reaffirmed the place of Sufism in Islam. This he has done partly by modifying the extreme pantheistic tendency of Sufism. Another great book on Sufism was ‘Kashf-al-Mahjoob’ by Ali Usman Hujwiri who settled in Lahore in the beginning of 11th century A.D.. By the end of eleventh century Sufism has become a recognized component of Islam. ‘Kashfu’l Mehjub’ the oldest treatise and an authentic text book on Sufism in Persian, by Ali Uthman Hujwiri provides a comprehensive text on the different aspects of Sufism. The arrival of the Sheikh along with his book in Punjab, ‘does not only mark the maturity of Sufism as a systematic body of beliefs and practices, but is also a firm announcement of the system’s arrival in India’.15 It was the period when great poetic compositions by Jalaluddin Rumi, Fariduddin Attar and Jami enriched the Sufi literature and theme of love once again gained recognition but with a different ecstatic mode of Qur’anic mysticism. Rumi’s Masnawi was eulogized as ‘Qur’an in Pehlavi’ and ‘Mantic-ut-Tayer’ of Attar was considered as a book of revealing mystical stages in Sufism. They became widely read and quoted books in the spiritual assemblies of Indian Sufis in later period.

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Evidences of Earliest Sufi writings trace 9th century. Kitab-ul-Luma by Abdulla Ali Sarraj is the first known book in Arabic on the theme of Sufism. Some other renowned books written during this period include; Qootul-Quloob by Abu Talib Makki, Risala-e-Qusheria by Abu Qasim Qusheri, Tabaqat-eSufiya by Imam Sulami Nishapuri, Kitab-ut-Ta’rruf by Abu Bakar bin Ibrahim Kalabazi, Kashf-ul-Mehjoob by Uthman Ali Hujwiri, Ihya-ul-Uloom, Kimiae-Sa’adat, and Makashfutul-Quloob by Abu Hamid Muhammad Ghazali, Al-Zakhira-fi-uloom-al-Baseera, by Ahmad Ghazali, the brother of Imam Ghazali, Fatuh-al-Ghayb and Ghunniyat-at-Talebeen by Abd-al Qadir Jilani, Adab-e-Murideen by Abu’n Najib Suhrawardi, Tazkiratul-Auliya by Faridud-din Attar, Futuhat-e-Makkiya by Ibn-al-Arabi and Awarif-al-Ma’arif by Shihabuddin Suhrawardi. In the following lines we focus on one of the classics ‘Awarif-al-Ma’arif which is in fact the manual and for later Sufis and their disciples.

AWARIF-UL-MA’ARIF: A MANUAL FOR SUFI EDUCATION In the undercurrents of Islamic mysticism a number of masterpieces were written by Islamic scholars during 9th to 12th century Islamic world which is basically treated as classical literature of Sufism. It was the period when the interpretation of the mystical dimensions of Islam, transformation of exoterism into esoterism and shaping a mystical sphere and “elements of theosophy, Gnosticism, ecstasy and pantheism became characteristic elements of Sufism.”16 The social and political upheaval in 13th century Baghdad also witnessed the widespread vacuum and trapping turmoil in religious and spiritual arena. Shihabudin Umar Suhrawardi the celebrated author of Awarif-alMa’arif started his political career as a spiritual sheikh, the official Sufi Master of Baghdad, in the instance of Caliph Al-Nasir, the emperor of Abbasid dynasty in Baghdad (1179-1225 A.D.). He wanted to revive the almost unconscious spiritual life throughout the Islamic world with a political ambition to reunite the Islamic kingdom against the Mongol threats.17 The Caliph dispatched the Sheikh as his ambassador to the courts of the ‘Ayyubid Malik al-Adil’ (12001218) in Egypt, of the Khwarazm Shah Ala Uddin Muhammad (1200-1220) and of the Seljuk ruler of Quniya, Kaikubaz I (1219-1237)18 During his spiritual influence the capital city of Quniya under Seljuk’s became the new Centre of rejuvenated religious life and spiritual mysticism. His masterpiece treatise on Sufism ‘Awarif-al-Ma’arif’ ‘marks a turning point in the revival of Sufism with its original sources. It became to later generations of the Sufis became the most closely studied text on Sufism.19

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The book was written under the circumstances when spiritual pandemonium dominated the religious arena of Islam as a result of the influence of Hellenic culture, Buddhist thoughts and Christian mysticism which affected the current Islamic thought for almost last one hundred years. The book is manual for the seekers of the mystical path and written with a view to revive and remind the original sources of Sufism and emancipate the spirit of Sufism from the speculative elements combined with Indo-Greek and Neo-Platonic influence as well as from the rigidity and manipulative interpretation of Islamic mysticism in contemporary world. This book marks a watershed in the reconciliation of Sufism with orthodoxy.20

THEME OF THE BOOK The unique feature of the book is its commitment throughout with the basic source of Sufism as Qur’an. All the sixty three chapters begin with a significant verse of the Qur’an and its interpretation. These chapters designed on different themes provide a systematic manual for Sufi education and life in Sufi Seminary (Khanqah). Indeed it is the first book which provides a systematic routine of Khanqah life in the light of sharia, which was also followed by almost all the later Sufi orders in India. Chapter wise brief description of the sub-themes are given as below21Chapter 1 to 6: Knowledge its types, importance, History of Sufism, Differences in practical affairs in different Sufi orders, Interpretation of the term Sufis (tasawwuf) its name and genesis. Chapter 7 to 9: Description of Sufi and Non-Sufi, Different Non-Islamic cults and elements in Sufism, Types and characteristics. Chapter 10 to 12: Sufi Teacher (Sheikh), his role, status, obligations and position. Chapter 13 to 15: Khanqah, importance, its tasks in Sufi education system, people of Khanqah, Ashab-e-Suffa and Sufi Khanqah of present time Chapter 16 to 18: Obligations and tasks of Sufi teacher during journey, Manners while staying at any Khanqah in the way Chapter 19 to 21: Different phases of Sufi life as a seeker of mystic knowledge Chapter 22 to 25: Music Concert (Sama) at Khanqah, its importance and acceptance, its reality and Etiquettes of Music (Sama) Chapter 26 to 29: Seclusion (Chilla), its reality, need, Fasting (Roza), Manners and rules of seclusion, behavior of a Sufi in seclusion (Chilla)

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Chapter 30 to 32: Expected Behavior of a Sufi, Description of Good Behavior for a Sufi, Etiquettes and Manners of Sufi People. Chapter 33 to 35: Manners of physical purification as ablution (ghusul) and wuzoo for Sufis Chapter 36 to 38: Namaz and its Manners for a Sufi Chapter 39 to 43: Fast (Roza) of a Sufi, its necessary rules, Manners of eating for a Sufi, Advantages of Fasting. Chapter 44: Types of Clothing and Manners of clothing for a Sufi Chapter 45 to 49: Worship at night, Types of namaz at night, Awakening from sleep, and division of night time for worshipping, Namaz-e- Fajar (at sun rise) for a Sufi. Chapter 50: Affairs of Khanqah and works of Sufi during day time. Chapter: 51 to 52: Meaning of student (mureed), Manners and obligations of studentship. Chapter 53 to 55: Need and importance of good companionship for a Sufi pupil, companionship for pious people for Allah, Manners of companionship, friendship and brotherhood. Chapter 56 to 57: Purification of self (nafs) and enlightenment of Sufis by controlling nafs, identification of dangers (khatarat) of impure self (nafs). Heart (qalb) its importance in Spiritual knowledge and its types. Chapter 58 to 60: Description and interpretation of status (haal) and stations (maqaam), spiritual stations, Statements and explanations of Sufi masters about spiritual stations Chapter 62 to 63: Spiritual conditions of various Sufi Sheikh, Miscellaneous topics of Sufism, Preaching and guidance of eminent Sufi Masters from their experiences.

SALIENT FEATURES OF THE BOOK Shihabuddin Suhrawardi, gives a detail interpretation of the term Sufi in his book ‘Awarif-ul-Ma’arif’ that the word is not found in Qur’an but the word ‘Muqarrab’ in Qur’an is similar in meaning which is expressed by the term ‘Sufi’.22 The widely accepted meaning of the term ‘Sufi’ is related with ‘Ashabe-Suffa’23 the companions of the Prophet S.A.W. It is traditionally believed that they were the predecessors of the later Sufis because in the matters of religious obligations, love, penitence, repentance, worship, wisdom, piousness, purity,

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modesty and all such traits, later Sufis followed the models of their pious lives. The place of an elevated platform in front of the mosque of the Prophet, in the holy city of Medina, was called ‘suffa’ or ‘zilla’.24 Sufism is the spirituality or mysticism of the religion of Islam.

Suhrawardi also establishes that the word ‘Sufi’ was the product of a period of political change and unrest. On etymological ground he does not accept the word ‘suffa’ as its genesis but approves the fact that life of the ‘people of verandah’ or ashab-e-suffa, the companions of the Prophet, resembled Sufis. He makes an interesting reference to a class of Khurasan Sufis who lived in caves and were called Shikaftiyya (from the word shikaft, for cave)25 Sufism, as established in the book, developed in the light of the verses of the Qur’an and traditions of the Prophet Muhammad S.A.W. Sufism is the confluence of Sharia (the Islamic laws on external aspects) and Tariqat (spiritual aspects of the religion). He did not conceive Sufism without following the obligations of Shariat. The basic tenet of Sufism, as presented in the book, are based on Qur’anic principles of Tazkia (Purification) Taqwa (Piousness), Zuhad (asceticism), Ikhlas (sincerity), Tawakkul (Trust) Amaal-eSaleha (Good deeds), Imaan (Faith) and Akhlaq (Good behavior). Suhrawardi says that knowledge is the basis of Sufism. He quotes a verse of Qur’an to define the characteristics of Sufis in terms of fear of Allah relate to the knowledge. ‘Of those who serve Allah only knowledgeable, fear Him’ (Qur’an 35:25). The heart is the seat of learning and knowledge comes only to a purified heart. Allah has put the knowledge in the human heart. He emphasized to ask ‘what you do not know.’ This is the spirit of acquiring knowledge in accomplishment of the statement of the Prophet ‘Acquire knowledge even if it is in China.’26 He applies the Qur’anic term Al Rasikhum fil’al Ilm (those firmly rooted in knowledge) to those whose hearts have a total perception of the Truth. This knowledge cannot be learnt in school but in a legacy from the prophets and can be acquired only from them. Shariat (Islamic Law), to him is the integral part of Sufism and he considered misguided those who believed that gnosis liberated them from the obligation of obeying shari’a. Both the Law (shari’a) and Reality (Haqiqa) are integral aspects of Sufism and interdependent. Similarly Suhrawardi condemned those Sufis who, following the analogy of the divine and human aspects of Christ’s personality, believed in the doctrine of incarnation (hulul).27 The heart (qalb) is given utmost importance by Suhrawardi in the process of knowledge acquisition. He describes the three types of heart that

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of ‘believer, disbeliever and hypocrite’,28 relating the variations in its quality with the possession of knowledge. ‘Reason’, to Suhrawardi was an innate human talent which helped mankind to acquire varieties of knowledge. It was supplemented and supported by shari’a and the spiritual perception helped man to obtain knowledge of the heavenly spheres (malakut). If reason was not supported and supplemented by the light of Islamic law, man could prosper in the world, but could not obtain blessings from the spiritual world.29 Suhrawardi distinguishes between state (hal) and station (maqam) in order to avoid the confusion of resemblance. State is a changing psychological condition of the seeker of the path with successive developments while station or stage is relatively permanent however it is also changing gradually. Both Divine grace (baraqa) and personal efforts are essential and play complementary roles in the progress on spiritual path. Thus meditation and contemplation go hand in hand for higher learning. Shihabuddin discusses in details the subjects of Sufi ethics and mystic ways of life of a Sufi in the chapters like 10-12 and 51-52 in the titles ‘Etiquettes for Sufi Sheikh’ and ‘Etiquettes of Mureed’ in different situation as in Khanqah, in society or in journey. It is indeed the most important section of the book ‘Awarif-al-Ma’arif which also reminds the need and determination of professional ethics in modern education. Suhrawardi contributed a lot to the concept of Khanqah and its use for educational and social purpose. In fact, the new roles of Khanqah describe it in details. He believed that the advantages of established Khanqahs were great: firstly, they offered board and lodging to Sufis who were often without financial resources of any kind; secondly, the corporate life of a Khanqah provided an opportunity for individual members who shared a close relationship to exchange views and experiences. Finally, the proximity of life in Khanqah provided for a healthy rivalry between Sufis in the perfection of their morals and conduct.30 Journey in search of knowledge, was established as the best method. The universal brotherhood, service to mankind, acquisition of new knowledge, understanding human nature and different types of human beings, visiting the places of historical and religious importance, collecting the sayings, traditions and books on specific subjects etc. were the main advantages of journey. Almost all the Sufis have travelled widely in their life span and at the last part of their life they settled at one place and established Sufi Khanqah for the dissemination of preserved knowledge.

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THE POPULARITY OF AWARIF’AL-MA’ARIF IN INDIAN SUFISM The original founder of the Suhrawardi Cult of Sufism was Shaikh Zia’uddin Abu’n Najib as Suhrawardi born in 1097 A.D. at a village called Suhraward in the province of al-Jibal (The Greeks called this area situated between the plains of Mesopotamia and desert of Iran).31 From the ninth century the area came to be known as Iranian Iraq or ‘Ajam’ different from the Iraq of the Arabs in lower Mesopotamia. Abu’n Najib was inspired by the fame of renowned Sufi Scholar Shaikh Ahmad al-Ghazali whom he met in Baghdad and became his disciple. Abu’n Najib built his Khanqah on the bank of river Tigris. He composed a work in Arabic for his students in the Khanqah titled as ‘Adabal-Muridin’ (Rules for the Novices), which became popular in Indian Sufi Seminaries in later period and many Indian Sufis translated it into Persian and wrote commentaries on it. Abu’n Najib died in 1168 A.D. The Suhrawardia cult could not attract much attention of the people during the life time of Abu’n Najib but his nephew Shaikh Shihabuddin Abu Hafs al-Suhrawardi revived it and is known as the real founder of the Silsila (cult). This order not only drew the attention of many scholars and flourished in many parts of Islamic world also became the most noteworthy and popular Sufi order developed in India after Chishtia during early development of Sufism in India. Shihabudin Suhrawardi (d. 1234) was introduced in India by his two disciples Jalaluddin Tabrezi, (d.1244) who settled in Bengal and Bahauddin Zakaria, (1183-1262 A.D.) established a Khanqah at Multan. He was the contemporary of Baba Farid ud Din Ganjshakar, a celebrated Chishti saint.32

A SUFI MANUAL FOR LATER SUFIS The early Chishti Sufis of India had adopted the Awarif-ul-Ma’arif as their chief guide book. The organization of their Khanaqahs was based on the system suggested the elder saints also taught to their disciples. Baba Farid, who recited Qur’an with beautiful intonation and accent, popularized the reading of ‘Awarif-ul-Ma’arif’ and delivered lectures on various sub-themes of the book.33Sheikh Najib-ud-din Mutawakkil was the younger brother of Baba Farid. He lived in Delhi in a state of abject poverty had very good education and rich collection of books but. Accordance to Nizamuddin Auliya, Mutawakkil had a very accurate copy of Awarif-ul-Ma’arif. Nizamuddin himself learnt six chapters of the Qur’an under the tutorship of Baba Farid

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during his visit to Ajodhan (1257-58 A.D.). He was also taught by Baba, the Tamhid of Abu Shakur, Tabaqat-e-Sufia of Imam Sulami and Awarif-ulMa’arif of Suhrawardi.34 Sheikh Qutubuddin Munawwar was an able disciple of Nizamuddin Auliya. Qutubuddin was the grandson of Sheikh Jamaluddin of Hansi and son of Sheikh Burhanuddin Gharib. So his childhood was spent in highly mystical atmosphere at the Khanqah of Nizamuddin. Qutubuddin was allowed to settle at Hansi, by his sheikh and at the time of departure, Nizamuddin had given him the copy of Awarif-ul-Ma’arif which his grandfather sheikh Jamaluddin given to him to be passed to his grandson. Jamaluddin originally obtained it from Baba Farid. In spite of differences in views on different issues and practices between Chishtis and Suhrawardis, Awarif-ul-Ma’arif was the common platform shared by them remained integral part of the curriculum of a number of Khanqah of other various Sufi sub-orders in later period. Gesu Daraz or Khwaja Banda Nawaz (1321-1422) of Gulbarga (Mysore) was a Sufi saint and prolific Islamic scholar of high reputetranslated the Risal-e-Qusheria, Adab-al Mureedin and Awarif-al-Ma’arif into Persian.35

CONCLUSION Sufism is the mystical dimension of the religion of Islam. Religion makes a person disciplined and sensible towards performing duties and responsibilities. This dedication for responsibilities in Islam (as Huqooq-Allah and Huqooq-alIbad)36 is the pathway to spiritualism. Sufism is the name of good conduct and beauty of thoughts. Thus spiritualism is a liberated and advanced stage of religion37 In fact Sufism is concerned with the purification of heart and inculcation of traits. It is said that knowledge can be described as book knowledge (Ilme-Safina) and knowledge of the heart (Ilm-e-Sina). The former is the doctrinal teachings of the Ulema (Islamic Scholars of Jurisprudence) and the latter is the esoteric and mystical teachings of the Sufis (Tamizi 1992).38 Since ‘Ilm’ (knowledge) is the finest attribute of God and God is free from all the evils and impurities. So knowledge cannot come to an impure heart. Sufi philosophy of education is based on the ways of purifying heart from the vices and treachery of nafs. Suhrawardi’s Awarif-al-Ma’arif is the Sufi manual since more than 700 years for the Sufi Semnaries (Khanqah) of any seeker on the path of spiritualism. It establishes the fact, what Stoddert quoted, ‘there is no Sufism without Islam’ meaning only to recollect the spirit of Sufism with

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those of the companions of the Prophet, Ashab-e-Suffa’ in terms of integrity of intention, tranquility of traits, piousness of practices, sheerness of perceptions and purity of heart. ‘Khanqah’ or Sufi Seminary was the place to learn the application of knowledge in life. ‘Ashaab-e-Suffa’ was the people who manifested in their lives the true meaning of Purification, Love, fear, Wisdom and Knowledge so later generation of learners made them their role models and were called ‘Sufi’ (the followers of Ashab-e-suffa). The popularity of Awarif-al-Ma’arif is obvious because of its detailed interpretation of the term Sufism and it rejuvenating with the spirit of Islam. The earlier two books on Sufism before its arrival viz. Ihya-ul-Uloom and Qimiya-e-Sa’adat by Imam Ghazali presents a detailed description of ‘good deeds and behavior’ of the Sufis (Akhlaqiyat). The book Awarif-al-Ma’arif by Shihabuddin Suhrawardi is the third renowned book in the series of encyclopedia on Sufism after Qootul-Quloob and Kashf-al-Mehjoob, deals Sufism as a complete discipline and present a deliberate thought on every aspects of Sufism from its genesis to outcome in the garb of basic teachings of Islam. There is no denying fact that the contribution of Sufism to the intellectual development of Islam is inevitable.

REFERENCES 1. Stoddert, William (2003) Sufism, The Mystical Doctrines and Methods of Islam, Delhi: Right way. pp.14. 2. Schimmel, A. (1975) Mystical Dimensions of Islam, U.S.A: University of North Carolina Press p.17. 3. Idris Shah, (2015) The way of the Sufi, New Delhi: Amarylis, p.15 4. Stoddert, op.cit. p.15. 5. Idris Shah, op.cit. p.15. 6. Siddiqui, M.S. ‘The Sufi Way to Teaching and Learning Process: Pedagogy of Fear, Love and Knowledge- ‘University News’ ISSN-0566-2257, Vol49 No.29, July 18-24 2011, AIU, New Delhi. P.29. 7. Habib, Irfan (2008) Medieval India: The Study of A Civilization, Delhi: NBT, pp. 32-33. 8. Skimmel, A. op.cit. p.14. 9. Hujwiri, Ali Uthman. (2002)Kashf-ul-Mehjub translate by R.A.Nicholson, Delhi: Taj Company p.42. 10. Jami, Abdurrahman, (1957) Nafahat-al-Uns as quoted in skimmel op.cit. p. 311. 11. Chopra, Hira Lall, The Cultural Heritage of India, Vol. IV, Ramakrishna mission Institute of Culture, 1937, p. 594.

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12. Arberry, A.J., Sufism, p. 42. 13. Subhan, Bishop, J. (1938) Sufi Saints and Shrines in India, Lucknow. P.20. 14. Fariduddin Attar, Tadhkirat-ul-Aulia, in chapter on Abu Yazid. 15. Habib, Irfan op. cit p 33. 16. Ibid. P19. 17. Skimmel op.cit. p. 245. 18. Rizvi, S.A.A. (1978) A History of Sufism in India, Vol.I, Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal. P.88. 19. Ibid p. 89. 20. Rizvi, S.A.A. op.cit. p.89. 21. Shihabuddin Suhrawardi. Awarif-ul-Ma’arif,- This chapterization is extracted from the Urdu translation by Hazrat Shams Barelvi, Delhi: Farid Book Depot (2001) and Urdu translation by Maulana Abul Hasan, Lahore: Idara-e-Islamiyat. 22. Shihabuddin Suhrawardi, Awarif-ul-Ma’arif tr. by W. Clark. 23. They were the companions of the Prophet who used to sit on the porch in front of the Masjid-e-Nabvi in Madina and were blessed with direct learning by the Prophet himself. The place was known as ‘Suffa’ and the people came to be known as ‘Ashab-e-Suffa’ It is called the first Khanqah of the world where the application of Qur’an in behavior, deeds and action was learned. The teaching was based on love and intimacy of the Messenger of God. 24. Mir Valiuddin (1959) The Qur’anic Sufism, Delhi pp.10; quoted from Sahih Bukhari, (The Book of Hadith) Book 8, Ch. 58. 25. Awarif-al-Ma’arif as quoted in Rizvi, S.A.A. op.cit p.88. 26. Sahih Bukhari, the Book of Hadith. 27. Awarif-al-Ma’arif as quoted by Rizvi, S.A.A. op. cit p.89. 28. These three types of human beings or human personality is mentioned in Qur’an in the chapter-II Sura Baqr. 29. Awarif-al-Ma’arif cited in Rizvi, S.A.A. op.cit p.90. 30. Rizvi, S.A.A. op.cit p.91. 31. Rizvi, S.A.A. A History of Sufism in India, p.86. 32. Skimmel, A. op.cit p.352. 33. Rizvi, S.A.A. (1978) A History of Sufism in India-Vol I, Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal. P. 146. 34. Ibid p.156. 35. Ibid p.253.

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36. Huqooq-Allah are the obligations towards Allah as worship, to escape prohibited acts etc. While Huqooq-al-Ibaad are the obligations towards people, friends, family members, neighbors etc. Later is more important in Sufism as it is concerned with the good behavior towards the creations of God without partiality on any basis. 37. Siddiqui, M.S. (2012) Holistic Harmony and Quintessence of Quality: An Appraisal of Indian Education System through the Ages pp. 154 School Education in India ed. Panjarkar, V. New Delhi: Kunal Books. 38. Tamizi, Y.M. (1992) Sufi Movements in Eastern India. New Delhi: Idarae-Adabiyat pp. 03. qqq

6 Mughal Identity: Central Asian or Indian Tasneem Suhrawardy

MUGHAL IDENTITY In sixteenth century the establishment of the Mughal Empire was accompanied by a steady migration of Central Asians to Hindustan. The absence of rigid frontiers along with the rise of Uzbeg power encouraged them to move to Hindustan. These migrants came from diverse social background ranging from political and religious elite to ordinary people like auxiliaries, stonecutters, slaves, artisans, horse keepers, pigeon keepers and merchants etc.. Over a period of time, the migrants settled and assimilated in the local culture. It is in this context, the identity of migrants from Central Asia becomes important. For this, it is necessary to study what Central Asia meant to them and what was their association with Hindustan or what Hindustan meant to them. This question is important in this context and a lot of literature has already argued that Central Asia was their ancestral land and thus many aspects of Mughal period are explained in that context. Therefore, Shahjahan’s Balkh and Badakhshan campaigns are attributed to his desire to recover his ancestral lands rather than an expression of his imperial designs. The identity of Indian Mughals has acquired a further relevance in the light of recent controversies in contemporary Indian politics about their origins and association with Hindustan. Identification with a region is a vital aspect of settlement of a migrant and also tells the emotional and psychological association with that region. For the Central Asian migrants, both the region of Central Asia and Hindustan were a part of their identity. Central Asia was a land of their past, origins, roots and history. Hindustan on the other hand, was a land where they opted

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to settle down. It was a land of opportunity, which was concerned with their present and future. When the Central Asians came to Hindustan they brought with them memories, stories and nostalgia of their homeland. Settlement in Hindustan on the other hand, implied adjustment in a new environment and social and cultural set up. If the process of adjustment was smooth it would weaken ties with Central Asia and strengthen their association with Hindustan. Unpleasant experience in settling down could refresh and revive memories and nostalgia for Central Asia and weaken their Indian identity. Settlement in Hindustan did not imply a rejection of their past in Central Asia. For the Central Asians particularly, the fresh migrants both the regions were a part of their identity, one was concerned with their past and origins and the other with their present and future. In order to get a comprehensive insight into their settlement and their emotional and psychological association with Hindustan, it is pertinent to study their relationship with the land of their origin and their perception of homeland. Did they look upon Central Asia or Hindustan as their homeland? Did their land of origin exist only in their memory or did they maintain a continuous link with it which entailed frequent visits, sending of gifts and money, negotiating marriages in the land of their origin? It seems that for many migrants especially the fresh migrants their origins existed only in their memory. And the nostalgia faded with the later generations who were born and brought up in Hindustan. A close study of the movement of the migrants after they arrived in Hindustan shows that the majority of them were confined to Hindustan. There are also a few instances of return or frequent visits to their homeland. In some cases the return was permanent. For example, Abu Bakr Mirza, the son of Abu Sa‘id Mirza came till Multan and after a short stay left Hindustan and proceeded towards Khurasan.1 Similarly, Sulaiman Mirza came to Hindustan with Babur and participated in the battle of Panipat and Kanwa. In 1529 he was sent to Badakhshan.2 Scholars like Richard Foltz argued that existence of a shared or common Persio-Islamic culture in the sub-continent made it easy for the Muslims including those from Central Asia to relocate themselves at will in South Asia even in times of severe political conflict in the region.3 Settlement in a new area, however, was not easy and free of difficulties particularly so for the fresh migrants leading some to return back after a short stay in Hindustan. Inability of the migrants to adapt themselves to the local conditions led some to return to Central Asia. This is seen in the case of some companions and followers of Babur who returned to Central Asia despite the fact that he achieved significant victories in Hindustan. Babur wrote in his memoirs that on the eve of battle

Mughal Identity: Central Asian or Indian

69

of Kanwa, disaffection emerged in his army, as the year was very hot. Many people became sick and died under the influence of pestilent winds.4 They were reluctant to stay in Hindustan and wanted to go back to their homeland. Many returned to Kabul without permission. The Chaghtay soldiers found little congeniality or intercourse with the people of India.5 Regarding their behaviour, Babur wrote, “Badly as these new begs behaved, Secretary Ahmadi and Treasurer Wali behaved worst”.6 Khwaja Mir-i-Miran7and Khwaja Kalan were also keen to return to Kabul. The name of Khwaja Kalan, a close companion of Babur upset him the most. Gulbadan Begum wrote that Khwaja Kalan on several occasions asked Babur to allow him to return as his constitution was not suited to the climate of Hindustan. Finally, Babur with great reluctance allowed him to leave.8 On his way to Kabul, he expressed his feelings towards Hindustan in the following satirical verse, “If safe and sound I cross the Sind, Blacken my face if ere I wish for Hind”. 9

‫اﮔﺭ ﺒﺨﻴﺭ ﻮ ﮔﺯ ﺴﻧﺪ ﮐﻧﻡ‬ 10

-‫ﺴﻴﺎﻩ ﺮﻮﻱ ﺸﻮﻢ ﮔﺮﻫﻮاﻱ ﻫﻧﺩ‬

Significantly, the descendants of Khwaja Kalan returned to Hindustan and joined the Mughal service. They were present in the court of Aurangzeb. Amongst those who expressed a desire to return to their homeland the example of Mahdi Khwaja who was married to Khanzada Begum the sister of Babur is interesting. After the battle of Kanwa in 1526-7, Mahdi Khwaja “had many discomforts” and he returned to Kabul.11 His son Ja‘far Beg, on the other hand, opted to remain in Hindustan. Consequently, Ettawa, which was earlier named for Mahdi Khwaja, was now assigned to his son Ja‘far Beg.12 The sources do not provide adequate information about the movement of Mahdi Khwaja after Babur gave him permission to return to Kabul. Did he actually go back to Kabul or did he remain in Hindustan? Babur, however, does mention his presence in Hindustan in the year 1528-9 as the governor of Ettawa.13So if he did go to Kabul, he probably returned after some time. The presence of his family and the privileges enjoyed by him in Hindustan may have forced him to return. Before the battle of Panipat, a large contingent of Badakhshis arrived with Humayun.14After the battle some of them returned to Kabul. On this Babur wrote, “They had never before suffered the rigors of an exhausting two months campaign. They were tired of the campaign and were keen to return”.15 For the fresh migrants, it must have been difficult to adjust to Hindustan, as it

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was climatically and socially different from Central Asia. In one verse, which Khwaja Kalan sent to Babur, he wrote, Were not all things of Hind upside-down, How could you in the heat be so pleasant on cold?16 There existed an old remark amongst the travellers to Hindustan that everything here was opposite of what one sees elsewhere. Timur is said to have remarked to his soldiers not to be afraid of the elephants of Hindustan. “For”, said he, “their trunks are empty sleeves and they carry their tails in front; in Hindustan everything is reversed”.17 The anxiety of being in a new and strange land has been graphically described by Babur. He wrote that fear and anxiety gripped his army before the battle of Panipat because a journey of nearly two or three months separated them from their homes; they had to deal with a foreign tribe and people; they did not know the language of Hindustan nor its people knew theirs.18 Babur expressed this feeling in the following verse, ‫ﭙﺮﻳﺷﺎﻥﺠﻤﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺠﻤﻌﻰﭙﺮﻳﺷﺎﻥ‬ 19

-‫ﮔﺭﻔﺘﺎﺭﻘﻮﻣﻰﻘﻮﻣﻰﻋﺠﺎﺌﺏ‬

“A wandering band, with mind awander; In the grip of a tribe, a tribe unfamiliar.”20 The problem of adjustment into a new region and culture that the followers of Babur confronted persisted even in Akbar’s period. To deal with this problem Akbar in the beginning of his reign deputed nobles like Muhammad Quli Khan Barlas and Shams-ud-din Atka Khan with the task to bring the Begums, the wives and families of the nobles and other servants who were disheartened on account of their absence.21 Abul Fazl clearly mentions the reasons for this assignment, so that “men might become settled and be restrained in some measure from departing to a country to which they were accustomed”.22 This not only reflects the feelings of fresh migrants to Hindustan but also indicates the intention of the Mughals to remain in Hindustan. Sometimes political compulsions guided the return of the migrants as seen in the case of Mirza Sulaiman of Badakhshan.23 The Uzbeg pressure forced Mirza Sulaiman to leave Badakhshan. Later in 1529 as Babur consolidated his hold over Hindustan he summoned Humayun from Badakhshan to have one of his sons near him in event of his death.24 The Begs at Badakhshan expressed their inability to deal with the Uzbegs in absence of Humayun and began to press Sa‘id Khan Chaghtay to take over Badakhshan.25 When

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71

Humayun’s reluctance to remain at Badakhshan became evident Babur posted Sulaiman Mirza who had hereditary right over Badakhshan and was treated like a son by him.26 This decision of Babur was prompted by the need to have a reliable person at Badakhshan and to curb the growing ambition of Sa‘id Khan. Sulaiman’s appointment was accompanied by a stern warning to Sa‘id Khan.27Such cases where the return of a migrant was guided by political compulsions were rare and exceptional. The non-fulfillment of their dreams and aspirations in Hindustan forced them to return. For instance, Badaoni refers to the return of Maulana Sa‘id a prominent scholar of Transoxiana due to lack of appreciation in Hindustan.28 And on his experience he wrote the following verse. Say Huma never cast thy glorious shadow on land, Where the parrot is less esteemed than the Kite. 29 Qasim-i-Kahi also felt that in Hindustan, he was not given respect that was due to him.30 He expressed his frustration in the following verse, “Kahi thou art the nightingale of the rose-garden of Kabul, Thou art neither a kite nor a raven to go to Hindustan.”31

‫ﮐﺎﻫﻲ ﺘﻮ ﺒﻟﺒﻞ ﭽﻤﻥ ﺁﺮاﻲ ﮐﺎﺒﻟﻲ‬ 32

-‫ﺯاﻍ ﻭ ﺯﻏﻦ ﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺒﻬﻧﺪﻭﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺸﻮﻲ‬

In the seventeenth century, Fathullah Khan Bahadur Alamgirshahi, an old and experienced officer of Khost in Badakhshan migrated to the court of Aurangzeb. He played an important role in the military success of Aurangzeb in the Deccan. He, however, felt that he was not suitably rewarded therefore he expressed the desire to return to his native country. In 47th year of Aurangzeb’s rule he was posted to Kabul. And after the death of Aurangzeb his successor Bahadur Shah tried to recall him to Hindustan. He remained in his native land and died there in the beginning of the reign of Bahadur Shah.33 In addition to personal factors i.e. their inability to adjust in a new place and non-fulfillment of their aspirations, the return of the migrants was also influenced by availability of opportunity in Central Asia. This is seen in the case of Mir Muhammad Kalan the elder brother of Shams-ud-din Atka Khan. In the 9th R.Y. of Akbar, Mir Muhammad Khan along with other officers of Punjab was sent by Akbar to Kabul to help Mirza Hakim in establishing himself at Kabul. They were given specific instructions by Akbar to return to their

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positions after Mirza Hakim was firmly established at Kabul. Mir Muhammad Khan contrary to the instructions of Akbar decided to remain in Kabul as the Vakil of Mirza Hakim. However, soon differences emerged between him and Mirza Hakim, which made his stay in Kabul difficult. Therefore, he quietly left Kabul and came back to Hindustan and rejoined the services of Akbar.34It seems that for Mir Muhammad Khan the atmosphere in Hindustan was far more lucrative and congenial to work than in Central Asia and this forced him to return despite his strong attachment to his homeland. His younger brother Sharif Khan Atka also went back to Ghazni. In the 39th year of Akbar’s rule, Sharif Khan was given the charge of Ghazni which he long desired to have as his jagir.35 Here the return was due to the posting given by the state. He was in charge till 47th year of Akbar’s rule after that it was given to Shah Beg Khan.36 The sources do not provide adequate information about the fate of Sharif Khan after this replacement. Did he continue to remain in Ghazni or did he return to Hindustan? Interestingly, his son Baz Bahadur remained in Hindustan and served Akbar.37 He participated in the various campaigns of Akbar in the Deccan. In the 17th century, the sons of Nazr Muhammad (the Uzbeg ruler) migrated to Hindustan during Shahjahan’s Balkh and Badakhshan expedition opted to remain in Hindustan.38They joined the Mughal state and were given high mansabs. The Mughal state provided security to their political and economic privileges, which was difficult in their homeland due to political instability and internal rivalries. Abdur Rahman the youngest son of Nazr Muhammad returned to Balkh after his father established his rule. He, however, went through a difficult and unpleasant experience in his homeland. His brother Subhan Quli even managed his imprisonment.39 Thus after a short stay he came back to Hindustan and rejoined the Mughal service. Thus, the non-availability of opportunity and privileges in their homeland of the kind they enjoyed in Hindustan determined their choice to remain in Hindustan despite their emotional attachment to their homeland. It is obvious that the desire to return to their homeland was stronger amongst the fresh migrants than their descendants who grew up in Hindustan. This was because the fresh migrants who spent the early part of their life in Central Asia were far more emotionally attached to their homeland than their descendants. In the 9th year of Akbar’s rule, Qutub-ud-din Atka Khan, the brother of Shams-ud-din Atka Khan was sent to Kabul to assist Mirza Hakim.40 He also visited Ghazni where he showed extreme kindness to his clansmen and kinsmen. He even built a house and a garden there. However, after completing his assignment he returned to Hindustan where he held a high mansab under Akbar.41There is no information in the sources, which shows that his sons

Mughal Identity: Central Asian or Indian

73

were attached to Central Asia in this manner. They seem to identify with the region of Hindustan like Gujarat where they spent a lot of their time. Recollection of the land of their origin was dependent upon the length of time where migrants stayed and the kind of experience they took. For example, Tahmas who was brought to Hindustan as a slave in the 18th century was just a small boy when he arrived. In his biography, he admitted that he remembered little of his ancestral land and family. He wrote, “as I was separated from my parents during my childhood, I remember neither my origin nor my community”.42 He was not even aware of the name that was given to him by his parents. On the other hand, the memoirs of Babur are full of nostalgia for his homeland. He does pine for the fountains, melons and the air of Central Asia. In a letter to Khwaja Kalan, in Samarqand, he wrote, “Boundless and infinite is my desire to go to those parts….How can one forget the pleasures of that country?…..How can one allow oneself to forget a licit pleasure like melons and grapes?”43 It is this deep emotive attachment to his homeland that led Babur to notice the defects of Hindustan. He wrote, “… Hindustan is a country of few charms. Its people have no good looks; of social intercourse; paying and receiving visits there is none; of manners; in handicrafts or work there is no symmetry, method or quality, there are no good horses, no good dogs, no grapes, musk melons and first-rate fruits no ice or cold water, no good bread or cooked food in the bazaars, no hot baths no colleges no candles or candlesticks.”44 The above passage should not be interpreted as a critical and negative account of Hindustan by Babur. It stemmed more from the fact that he spent a large part of his life in Central Asia. He was used to a certain lifestyle, environment and social circle, which he missed and yearned for in Hindustan. In other words, he tried to locate Central Asia in Hindustan and his inability to do so, made him present Hindustan “as a land of few charms”.45 At the same time, Babur was conscious of the political significance of the Indian conquest both for himself and his followers. The naming of his son Hindal or taking of Hindustan, who was born in 1519 after Babur had taken Hindustan and started making successful inroads in Hindustan, is a reflection of this consciousness.46 Another son of Babur was named Alur or Alwar, which was also a reference to taking of Hindustan. He was probably born in Hindustan and died as an infant.47 Later after he acquired a firm footing in Hindustan a sense of slow settlement seeps in. This feeling of settlement mixed with unhappiness at departure of some of his companions is reflected in the following lines:

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Ah you have gone from this country of Hind, Aware for yourselves of its woes and its pain, With longing desire for yourselves for Kabul’s fine air, You went hot –foot forth out of Hind.

The pleasure that you looked for you would have found there,

With sociable ease and charm and delight,

As for us, God be thanked! we still are Alive,

In spite of much pain and unending distress,

Pleasures of sense and bodily toil,

Have been passed by you and passed by us too.48

Later Gulbadan Begum informs that after the battle of Panipat, Babur had given orders for the construction of several buildings at Agra and an architect called Qasim was invited to Hindustan.49 This clearly shows his intentions to remain in Hindustan. Despite his nostalgia for Central Asia, which is amply reflected in his memoirs, at no point he contemplated leaving Hindustan and returning to Central Asia. He knew that the political situation i.e. the dominance of the Uzbegs would not permit him to fulfill his ambitions there. And the conditions in Hindustan were conducive for him to carve out an independent state for himself and his followers. For his victories in Hindustan, he thanked the Almighty in the following verse, “Give a hundred thanks Babur, that the generous Pardoner,

Hath given thee Sind and Hind and many a kingdom,

If thou (i.e. Khwaja Kalan) have not the strength of their heats,

If thou say, “ Let me see the cold side (yuz), Ghazni is there”.50

The above verse was a rebuke to the satirical verse on Hindustan by Khwaja Kalan who was unable to settle down in Hindustan and thus returned to Kabul.51 He summoned his officers, spoke wise words of counsel to them and announced his firm determination to stay in Hindustan, “We have won this fine country by labour and hardship, to give it up for a little fatigue and contrariety, is neither the way of world conquerors nor method of wise men. Joy and sorrow, comfort and distress are linked together………..Whoever has a mind to depart to Kabul and to exhibit his worthlessness, it matters not, let

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75

him go. But we, relying on the lofty courage which rests on the Divine help, have fixed India in our heart”.52 The significance of Hindustan for the Mughals is also indicated from Humayun’s efforts to regain it after being forced into exile by the Afghans. He was advised by Shah Tahmasp, the ruler of Persia who not only provided him refuge but assistance to recover his lost empire, to develop “relations with the Rajputs, …to cultivate them for without winning over the zamindars, it is not possible to abide in Hindustan”.53 This counsel of the Persian ruler to Humayun not only reveals the intention of the Mughals to settle in Hindustan but also necessity of integrating with the local population. At the same time, Babur while declaring his intentions to remain in Hindustan did maintain links with his kinsmen in Central Asia. Before the battle of Panipat (1525-6), a large part of the revenue of Lahore that was collected by Khwaja Husain was sent through Mulla Ahmad, one of the chief men of Balkh, for the benefit of Balkh.54 And after the battle of Panipat a part of the treasure of Agra was sent as gifts to his relatives and kinsfolk in Samarqand, Khurasan, Kashgar and Iraq.55 Offerings to Mecca and Medina and the Shaikhs of Samarqand and Khurasan were also sent.56 Money was sent through Khwaja Kalan for the repair of the Sultan Mahmud’s dam at Ghazni.57He ordered that a shahrukhi to be given for every soul in the country of Kabul and the valley side of Varsak in Badakhshan, man and woman, bond and free, of age or non-age.58 Apart from gifts, he even sent copies of his works namely, his memoirs and the Turkish poem Mubin and some verses composed by him in Hindustan were sent to Transoxiana.59Probably, the recipient of these works was Khwaja Kalan, son of Khwaja Yahya and a Samarqandi.60 Mirza Kamran had a copy of both Baburnama and Mubin (which was written for his instructions).61 However, too much should not be read into this link that was maintained by Babur with the land of his origin. It stemmed from a deep attachment to his homeland where he spent a large part of his life. A number of his relatives, friends and kinsmen were still in Mawara-un-nahr and Kabul. Maybe it was this realisation that compelled his descendants to remove his grave from Agra where he was initially buried to Kabul.62 Another similar example is that of Baba Sultan who joined the services of Babur in Hindustan in 1528. After serving Babur for some years he died. Interestingly, he was not buried in Hindustan, his body was taken to Badakhshan where it was buried in the tomb of his ancestor Shah Sultan Muhammad Badakhshi.63 The sources do not provide information, as to who carried his body to Badakhshan and the reasons for this. It might have been his genealogical links with a prominent political family of Central Asia or the fact

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that he spent a very short time in Hindustan that might have led to his burial in Badakhshan. However, such examples are few and not very common. A similar form of attachment to Central Asia is noticed in the accounts of Mirza Haidar Dughlat. According to Mansura Haidar, he was a “Mongol by birth who lived as a Mongol, wrote for the Mongols and died while defending the cause of the Mongols”.64 His book Tarikh–i-Rashidi is primarily about the history of the Mughals. Significantly, despite his strong attachment to his homeland, he wrote his account in Persian and not Turki unlike his cousin Babur (from the mother’s side). Difficult circumstances forced him towards Hindustan where he first joined the service of Mirza Kamran and then Humayun. After the defeat of Humayun by Sher Shah and temporary dislocation of the Mughal state he established himself as an independent ruler of Kashmir where he spent his last days. It is intriguing that Mirza Haidar had spent nearly eleven years in Kashmir but in his accounts he just devotes a couple of pages to it. There is very little information in his account about his administration and affairs of Kashmir.65 A large part of his work is concerned with the affairs of Kashgar and Yarkhand, which he described as his own country. It almost seems that his mind was there and till the last he did maintain links with his friends and relatives in Central Asia. To Elias, he almost appears as a person in exile in Kashmir.66Thus, political circumstances compelled him to settle in Kashmir but his mind remained occupied with the affairs of his country. The long time that he spent in his homeland and the presence of his relatives, friends and kinsmen in Central Asia were largely responsible for this deep attachment to his homeland and his inability to establish strong emotive links with the region of his settlement i.e. Kashmir. Nevertheless, over a period of time, circumstances led him to accept and adopt Kashmir as his home.67 The kind of nostalgia and deep attachment that Babur had for Central Asia is not found amongst his descendants. Most of whom were born and brought up in Hindustan. There is little evidence of money or gifts being sent to their kinsmen other than the gifts sent along with envoys. During the reign of Jahangir 10,000 rupees were sent to Samarqand for the maintenance of the mausoleum of Timur.68 So, here money was sent out of respect to his ancestor. The link was established with Timur. Significantly, when Humayun was defeated by the Afghans, it was Persia, not Mawara-un-nahr that provided him refuge and assistance. The domination of the Uzbegs in Transoxiana ruled out the possibility of help to the Mughals.69At the same time Persia had its own interest in supporting Humayun i.e. the need for a strong and friendly Mughal state, which would act as check on the growing power of the Uzbegs.

Mughal Identity: Central Asian or Indian

77

Here a comparison of the memoirs of Babur and Jahangir can reveal interesting information. Babur viewed Hindustan from the eye of a fresh migrant who was deeply attached to his homeland. On the other hand, Jahangir saw Hindustan from the eye of a Central Asian who was born and brought up in Hindustan as he admits in his memoirs. Babur’s memoirs are full of praise for cities of Central Asia while Hindustan for him was a land of few charms. According to him the province of Samarqand had excellent districts and sub-districts. And Bukhara was the only largest district that was comparable to the city of Samarqand.70 For Babur, only a few places in the civilized world were as pleasant and beautiful as Samarqand. It had excellent bakeries, cook shops, best paper in the world and each trade had a separate market.71 The Mughals and Turks called it Semizkand or Fat city a reference to the fertility of its irrigated lands and thus the richness and abundance of the city.72 The word Samarqand is made of two words i.e. Semiz or fat or rich and Kent or city or township. Over time these two words were corrupted into the name Samarqand. For Babur all the fruits of Samarqand were excellent particularly, it was famous for the apples and the sahibi.73 Similarly, the melons, plums and wine of Bukhara were famous and unequal in abundance quality.74 Babur described the beauty of Kabul in the following verse, Kabul in Spring is an Eden of verdure and blossom, Matchless in Kabul the spring of Gul-i-Bahar and Baran.75 This nostalgia for Central Asia and Kabul made him describe at length the region of Central Asia, its people, flora, fauna, customs and social life. For him, nothing could compare to the fruits of Central Asia particularly the Balkhi Melon. The memoirs of Jahangir contained details about the flora, fauna, wildlife and customs of Hindustan. Interestingly, Jahangir praised the cities, fruits of Central Asia but he preferred the fruits, flowers, cities and fragrances of Hindustan. No city could compare to Agra, which was one of the grand cities of Hindustan. On Agra, he wrote, “in the number of buildings it is equal to several cities of Iraq, Khurasan and Mawara-un-nahr put together. Many persons have erected buildings of three or four storeys in it”.76For the people of Agra, he wrote that they exert themselves greatly in the acquirement of crafts and search after learning. Various professors of every religion and creed lived in the city.77 All fruits were grown in Agra and the surrounding area.78 And in the bazaar of Lahore every kind and variety of grapes are found. This description of Jahangir indicates the efforts of the political elite who brought their own tastes and preferences, to cultivate and make available fruits and

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trees, which were earlier confined to Central Asia. For this purpose fruit growers were brought to Hindustan. Babur’s memoirs mention the arrival of a melon grower called Balkhi Faliz Khan in Hindustan.79 And thus today several Central Asian fruits are commonly grown in Hindustan. However, for Jahangir, though the fruits of Kabul were sweet, nothing could compare in taste to the Indian mango. He wrote in his memoirs, 80

“‫” ﺒﺎﻭﺠﻮﺩ ﻠﻂﺎﻓﺖ ﻤﻳﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻜﺎﺒﻝ ﻫﻴﭽﮑﺩاﻢ ﺪﺮ ﺫاﻳﻗﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻠﺬﺖ اﻧﺒﻪ ﻧﺪاﺮﻢ‬

Apart from the fruits, nothing in the world could compare to the fragrances of the sweet scented flowers of Hindustan.81These are small details but they do reflect a weakening of the link with Central Asia over a period of time. It is also significant to mention that the two important places associated with the history of the Mughals, namely, Farghana and Samarqand find little space in the sources of the Indian Mughals. Farghana was the birthplace of Babur and Samarqand was the capital of Timur and several attempts were made by Babur to establish control over Samarqand. There is nothing in the sources, which reveal the emotional attachment or nostalgia of the Indian Mughals with these places. They are only mentioned in the context of the early history of the Mughals and if a particular person came from there,it almost seems as if these cities existed for the Mughals in distant memory. However, the Indian Mughals do identify with the broad region of Transoxiana or Mawara-un-nahr as the land of their ancestors or their origins. In his memoirs, Jahangir referred to Transoxiana as “hereditary kingdom of my fathers and forefathers” or “‫ﮐﻪ ﻤﻟﮎ ﻤﻮﺭﺋﺒﻲﺁﺒﺎﻮاﺠﺪاﺩ ﻤﺎﺴﺖ‬ ‫ ﻣﺎﻮﺭاﻧﻬﺭاﺴﺖ‬...”82 Thus, the Mughals till the 18th century were proud of their Central Asian origins and identity. The Mughals in Hindustan referred to themselves as Timurid and the dynasty was called Gurkhan after Timur’s title Gurkhan the Persianised form of the Mongolian Kuragoan or son–in-law.83The genealogy of the Mughals linked their origin to Central Asia. Both Chengiz Khan and Timur, the ancestors of the Mughals were given a prominent place in their genealogy. Periodically there was a reference to the yasa of Chengiz Khan, which was looked upon with great reverence by the Central Asians. The Chengizid code or tora or yasa was an unwritten code of conduct and protocol passed down over the generations.84 In assemblies, court, banquets sitting and serving, nothing was allowed to go counter to

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the code. However, it was not a binding text that had to be followed and if an ancestor set a bad precedent it could be replaced.85 In 1506-7, Babur in his memoirs while describing the laying of food emphasizes the meticulous observation of the Chengizid code by his fathers and forefathers.86 In 1605-6, Khusrau Sultan was tied in chains, in accordance with the manner and custom (berasm-i-tora) of Chengiz Khan and produced in front of Jahangir.87 The Mughal rulers in Hindustan asserted their Central Asian identity by referring to the yasa or tora and thus showing their respect to it. Mirza Haidar in his accounts mentions an interesting conversation between Amir Khudaidad (a prominent chief of Mughalistan) and Mirza Ulugh Beg a prominent Timurid prince at Samarqand on the tora or yasa of Chengiz Khan.88 In 1446-7 Amir Khudaidad visited Mirza Ulugh Beg at Samarqand on his way to Mecca. Mirza Ulugh Beg urged Amir Khudaidad to teach him the tora or yasa of Chengiz Khan. To this Amir replied that they had discarded the infamous yasa of Chengiz Khan and had adopted the Shariat as it contravened with the Shariat. And if the Mirza in spite of his good judgment approved of the yasa, then he was willing to teach it so that the Mirza could adopt it and forsake the Shariat.89This incident shows that with the spread of Islam the yasa lost its importance in the land of its origin but the Mughals in Hindustan continued to refer to it and thus asserted their Central Asian identity. A regard for the tora of Chengiz Khan by the Mughals is particularly noticed in their personal relationship with their family members or with prominent members of the ruling elite of Central Asia. For example in 1614, Jahangir observed the tora in his meeting with his mother-in-law Gulrukh Begum, the daughter of Mirza Kamran and wife of Ibrahim Baiqara, the son of Muhammad Sultan Mirza. Jahangir visited Gulrukh Begum to inquire about her health when she became ill at Ajmer. In this meeting, the Begum presented him a robe of honour. The Emperor preferring, “the observance of the code (tora) to the maintenance of royal dignity did obeisance and took the robe of honour”.90 This indicates that even in the seventeenth century, in the personal life of the Mughals, Central Asian customs like the tora were observed and held a position of reverence.91 Richard Foltz in his translation of “Mutribi” Samarqandi’s (a poet from Samarqand who visited the court of Jahangir in the year 1626) “Conversations with Emperor Jahangir”, argued that the emperor’s intense interest and preoccupation with Central Asia is corroborated from

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the information that Jahangir sought about it from Mutribi.92 Most of the questions asked by Jahangir were about Timur and the religious and political elite of Central Asia. Mutribi was from Samarqand and he claimed to have met several important personages of Transoxiana and therefore it was natural for Jahangir to make enquires about the land of his ancestors. The entire conversation between Jahangir and Mutribi should not be seen just in this perspective i.e. Jahangir’s interest in Central Asia. It is to be noted that a large number of questions asked by Jahangir were specifically about Timur, the condition of his tomb, the colour of the sepulcher of Timur93and the religious and political elite of Central Asia. Through these questions, Jahangir, like the other Mughal rulers established strong genealogical links with his most revered ancestor, Timur. Here Mutribi even quoted the following verse of poet Makhtub Khan in which Jahangir was called the second Timur. “King of kings Jahangir, a second Timur Sat in justice on the victorious throne…”94 This verse according to Mutribi pleased Jahangir so much that he immediately incorporated it in his memoirs.95 In 1607, when Jahangir visited Kabul on a white stone he got his name engraved along with the names of ancestors up to Timur.96 Probably, it was this awareness about the Mughal keenness to assert their linkages with Timur that led Mutribi to draw similarities between his meeting with Jahangir and the meeting between Timur and the famous Persian poet Hafiz.97 The strong genealogical links established by Jahangir with Timur should not be interpreted as Jahangir’s nostalgia for his homeland. There is nothing in the accounts of Mutribi or his memoirs, which indicates Jahangir’s strong and deep emotive attachment to the region of Turan. If a link is made with the region of Central Asia then it is because it was the centre of activity of both Chengiz Khan and Timur who were not only the ancestors of the Mughals but great empire builders. Interestingly, only once Jahangir asked Mutribi information about the region of Central Asia. And this was the correct spelling of the word Samarqand.98 The sources do reveal Jahangir’s awareness and knowledge about the political, religious and intellectual elite of Central Asia and this constitutes the second subject matter of conversation between Mutribi and Jahangir. In some of the meetings, he sought additional information from Mutribi. For instance, at times Mutribi was asked to recite selected verses of poets like Khwaja Husain Sadr and Miram Siah, who were mentioned in his anthology of poets, which

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he presented to Jahangir.99 He also asked Mutribi the correct version of some verses of the poet Yadgar Qurchi.100 Through Mutribi Jahangir discovered the poetical skills of Zain–ud–Din Naqshbandi. He was introduced to Jahangir earlier, but at that time his poetical skills were not known to the Mughal emperor.101 Jahangir also consulted him about the portrayal of Abdullah Khan Uzbeg in the miniature paintings. Changes were made in the paintings according to the suggestions made by Mutribi.102 When Khwaja Abdul Rahim Juybari visited Jahangir, Mutribi was asked to narrate stories about the noble qualities of the Khwaja.103 In the fifteenth meeting with Mutribi Jahangir listened to the music of Mutribi. In this session, Jahangir not only displayed his familiarity and knowledge of Central Asian music but also asked Mutribi the origin of music.104 In the meetings with Mutribi, Jahangir not only sought additional information but also seemed to test his knowledge about the personalities of Central Asia. Here Jahangir appeared more knowledgeable than Mutribi who was a fresh migrant and claimed to personally know the important personages of Central Asia. For instance, in the fifth meeting, Jahangir corrected Mutribi’s information about the fate of Mirza Baqi Anjomani after the death of Akbar.105 In the same meeting, Mutribi was asked to identify Abul Bin Uzbeg from the two men who were presented before him and the paintings of the Uzbeg Khans. In both the cases, Mutribi failed to identify Abul Bin Uzbeg who at that time was present in the court of Jahangir.106 Jahangir further tested Mutribi by asking him to choose the Khwaja who was better in terms of prestige out of Khwaja Abdul Rahim Juybari and Ilchi Khwaja.107 And when Mutribi showed his preference for Abdul Rahim Juybari Jahangir praised him for his judgment.108 It is possible that Jahangir by displaying his knowledge not only asserted his Central Asian origins but also tried to convey that the Mughals despite being born and brought up in Hindustan were not ignorant about the events and personalities of Central Asia. Politically this is significant as the Mughals from the time of Akbar saw themselves as either equal or more than equal to the Uzbegs, Safavids and the Ottoman rulers, an image that is reflected both in the written sources and the paintings.109In fact, Foltz, in a note mentions that Imam Quli Khan had broken all diplomatic relations with Jahangir because he had joked about Turani ruler’s inclination towards pederasty.110 Mutribi’s accounts not only reveal Jahangir’s interest in Central Asia but also provide an insight into his relationship with Hindustan. In some of the meetings, Jahangir exhibited certain objects and events of Hindustan to Mutribi with almost a sense of pride. In the seventh meeting, Jahangir presented to Mutribi a huge block of sugar from Lucknow.111The gift was given to him

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after Jahangir enquired if he had, “ever seen a block of sugar like this in Transoxiana”.112 Mutribi replied in the negative. Later he even presented a surkhab or an Indian duck to Mutribi who after eating it admitted that the Indian duck was tastier than the ducks of Transoxiana.113 Jahangir organized camel and oryx fight especially, for Mutribi.114 And once again Jahangir enquired if Mutribi had seen such fights in Transoxiana. Mutribi replied he had seen camel fights but never oryx fights. Jahangir retorted “this type of oryx does not exist in Transoxiana and so how could you have seen their fight”..115 He even offered to take Mutribi to the “wonderful land of Kashmir”.116 Here a sense of pride can be discerned in Jahangir while displaying these objects and events of Hindustan to Mutribi. In his accounts, Mutribi also described several ceremonies, which had become an integral part of the court etiquette but were not Central Asian in origin. For example, the origins of the ceremony, Tula dan or weighing of the emperor on his lunar birthday can be traced to the Indian traditions117 or the celebration associated with the emperor looking at the moonlight.118 It is difficult to say anything about the origin of this ceremony. Its origins could be Indian or it could be a mere creation of Mughal emperors who were fascinated by light. It definitely was not a Central Asian custom as Mutribi was completely ignorant about it. He arrived in the court for celebration without wearing the prescribed dress code i.e. white. He was denied entry in the court. It was only when he wore white robes he was allowed to enter.119 This exposes his ignorance of the details of this ceremony. The accounts of Mutribi reveal two aspects of the personality of Jahangir. One is strong identification and association with the region of Hindustan. Secondly, his interest in Central Asia which stemmed from his genealogical links with Chengiz Khan and Timur who were not only his ancestors but also symbols of imperial authority in the medieval Islamic world. The pride that the Mughal emperors felt in asserting their association with Chengiz Khan and more specifically with Timur is reflected in their written sources, paintings and titles. Nothing was allowed that either diminished his memory or presented him in a negative light. Badaoni mentions a poet called Qarari of Gilan who narrated a story about Timur to Akbar for which he was sent off to Bengal, which was seen as a punishment.120According to the story Timur while organizing his army placed beast of burdens and footmen behind the troops and the ladies in the rear when the learned men asked about their position in the army, he replied behind the ladies. It seems that Qarari’s story did not please Akbar because contrary to the image portrayed in the story, Timur was known to be a patron of arts and learning. Later in 1616 when

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Prince Khurram was sent to the Deccan, he was given the title Shah that no Prince held since the time of Timur.121 The attempt to establish links with Timur was so strong in Shahjahan that when he became the emperor and he conducted campaigns in Central Asia, he adopted the title Sahib-i-Qiranii-Sani122(second lord of the felicitous conjunction of Venus and Jupiter) a reference to his ancestor Amir Timur who was addressed as Sahib-i-Qirani. This title was honorific for Timur whereas Shahjahan was actually born under this conjunction.123 Further, on one of the rubies put on the peacock throne by Shahjahan the names of Amir Timur, Mirza Shahrukh and Mirza Ulugh Khan were engraved.124 This again indicates Shahjahan’s attempts to assert his links with Timur.125 these were also added the names of Akbar, Jahangir and Shahjahan. Interestingly, Qudsi who compiled the military exploits of Shahjahan entitled it Zafarnamah, which was also the title of Timur’s military exploits.126 Gifts that pleased the Mughal Emperors most, particularly Shahjahan, were memorial of their ancestors especially that of Amir Timur. In the 8th year of Shahjahan’s rule, Tarbiyat Khan a Turani noble in Mughal Court on his return from a diplomatic mission to Balkh and Badakhshan presented the Emperor with several gifts. Amongst them, the most valuable was a manuscript of Quran in the writing of Shad Mulk Khanum the daughter of Sultan Muhammad Mirza, son of Jahangir Mirza, son of Amir Timur.127Tarbiyat Khan had obtained it in Balkh. Sometimes the Balkh and Badakhshan campaigns of Shahjahan are attributed to the strong emotional and nostalgic link that the Mughals had with their ancestral home.128 This may have been one of the factors for the campaigns but at the same time the weakening of the Mughal links with Central Asia over a period of time is indicated from the fact that when the campaign began the Mughals were forced to recruit several men from the Chaghta tribes in the Kabul and Badakhshan region for the campaign and for acquainting them with the routes and terrain of Central Asia.129 After the conquest of Balkh and Badakhshan several Central Asian officers like the Kashgaris were appointed as thanadars in the conquered region.130 This included Khushhal Beg Kashgari an important officer of Shahjahan who was appointed as the thanadar of Sherpur and Sam Charek.131 Their recruitment may have been because of their knowledge and familiarity of the region. At the same time it is also a fact that the Mughal army did not have a local base in Central Asia and was forced to withdraw despite it being their homeland.132 Secondly, when Shahjahan makes a reference to Timur, it was not only because Timur was his ancestor but also because Shahjahan like Timur

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followed a vigorous policy of expansion both within and outside Hindustan. Probably, through this Shahjahan identified himself with the imperial aspect of the personality of Timur and thus sought to recreate the empire of Timur. The Mughals did aspire to build an empire like that of Chengiz and Timur. Both Chengiznama and Zafarnama (a history of the house of Timur) were illustrated during the Mughal period.133 Thus, it is seen that in most cases the land of origin existed only in their memory, which faded over a period of time and generations. The later generations seem to attach themselves more with the place of their settlement in Hindustan as is seen in the case of the Arghuns (a Central Asian tribe that migrated to Sind in the sixteenth century). A history of the family of Sultan Masud Mirza shows the building up of an association with Hindustan over a period of time.134 They were left behind by Timur to look after his Indian conquests. The early generation of this family had an active association with Kabul and saw themselves as part of the Central Asian politics. Consequently, the term Kabuli was attached to their name as seen in the name of Sultan Masud Mirza Kabuli or Baba-i-Kabuli.135 Probably, due to the geographical proximity of Kabul with Central Asia, it was easier for them to maintain links with their kinsmen in Central Asia. In 1493-94, Sultan Abu-Sa‘id Mirza nominated Baba Kabuli as the guardian of his fourth son namely ‘UmarShaikh, the father of Babur. ‘Umar Shaikh according to the Central Asian traditions of Ataliq was sent to Kabul. After the loss of Kabul and the decline of the Timurid state, the links of this group with Central Asia faded. The name Kabuli was no longer attached with the names of the later generations of this family. And simultaneously, they developed links with the political authorities in Hindustan. For instance, Sayyid Ali Khan accepted the Afghan rule and read the Khutba in the name of Sikander Lodi.136 It is also true that when Babur began his movement to Hindustan, some members of this family like Yar-i-Husain137 paid homage to Babur and some like Minuchihr Khan138 and Nazar-i-Ali Turk joined the services of Babur.139 They joined Babur not because he was a descendent of Timur and they were descendants of nobles of Timur but out of growing power and fear of Babur. A similar trend is seen in the family of Mir Abul Qasim Namakin, which over a period of time began to be identified with the region of Sind, Bhakkar and Thatta. Mir Abul Qasim Namakin was from Herat and in the service of Mirza Hakim of Kabul. He came to Hindustan during the reign of Akbar.140 His first association with the region of Sind began when he was given a jagir in Bhira and Khushab region. This is located in the vicinity of the Salt range and interestingly on account of sending gifts of plates and cups of salt to the Emperor, he acquired the nickname of Namakin.141 For a long time he and his

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son Mir Abul Baqa Amir Khan were posted in the region of Sind. Consequently, because of their prolonged stay, this family became identified with the region of Sind. Thus, the son of Mir Abul Baqa Amir Khan and the grandson of Mir Abul Qasim Namakin was called Amir Khan Sindi.142 Another of his son was called Mirza Kashmiri.143 In fact, over a period of time the members of this family were considered more as Indian Muslims than Central Asians. The settlement of the migrants strengthened their Indian identity and simultaneously weakened their links with Central Asia as seen in the case of the Qarlughs. They were a Turkish tribe of major importance until the Timurid period (fourteenth-fifteenth centuries), when the Chaghtays eclipsed them.144 They were left behind by Timur in Kashmir as a garrison when he returned to Turan from Hindustan.145 In his 34th R.Y. Akbar encountered them in the region of Pakhali, which lies to the west of Kashmir.146 Later Jahangir also met them on his visit to Kashmir. He also noticed erosion of their Central Asian identity. He wrote that they called themselves Qarlughs, they knew that they were settled in Kashmir by Timur but they did not know for certain who was their leader at that time. At the same time, Jahangir mentions that over a period of time they had become pure Lahoris and spoke the same language.147 An examination of the names and titles of the members of the family of Sham-ud-Din Atka Khan provides interesting information on their settlement. His brother Mir Muhammad Atka Khan who was a fresh migrant and a poet, wrote poetry in Persian and Turki under the pen-name “Ghaznavi”.148 Through this he tried to assert his links with his original homeland. This association does not seem to exist with the later day descendants of this family. Their identification with Hindustan or specific regions in Hindustan is reflected from names like Gujar Khan, which is probably derived from the region of Gujarat, where many members of this family were settled.149 At the same time their Central Asian identity was not completely eroded though their links with Central Asia had become weak. They retained an interest in important figures and works of Central Asia. For example, Naurang Khan the brother of Gujar Khan arranged the translation of Babur’s memoirs by Muhammad Quli Hissari.150 The sources do not mention the language into which Naurang Khan translated the Baburnama. It is possible that this translation may have been in an Indian language as a Persian translation already existed. Similarly, the scholar Qasim-i-Kahi also known as Miyan Kali–i-Kabuli came from Badakhshan but had spent a long time at Kabul and therefore, preferred to associate himself with Kabul than with Central Asia.151 Another interesting example comes from the family of Qulij Khan Andjani who was a prominent noble in the service of Akbar. Qulij Khan as is self-evident from

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the name “Andijani” not only asserted his Central Asian identity but also his links with the place Andijan.152 With the weakening of ties with Central Asia over a period of time his descendants dropped the term Andijani from their names. It is also interesting to note that when his eldest son came from Kabul to pay homage, Jahangir gave him the title Chin Qulij Khan that is Central Asian in origin.153 On the other hand, his favourite son was known as Mirza Lahori probably because he had spent a lot of time in Lahore.154 According to Beveridge he was born at Lahore.155 The title Qulij Khan which is a Central Asian title gave way to a more Persianised title namely, Shamsher Khan which was given by Shahjahan to Balju Shamsher Khan, the nephew and son–in–law of Qulij Khan Andijan.156 Thus, the changes in the names, titles and pen names of the Central Asian migrants indicates their settlement in Hindustan. There were some families whose first two generations consisting of the fresh migrants retained the name of their clan, which was a part of their personal names. However, their later generations were not so particular about retaining their clan names with their personal names. One such example was the family of Abdur Rahman Duldai.157 ‘Duldai’ was their clan name, which seems to have been dropped by the later generations as illustrated below. Similarly, a study of the family of Siyadat Khan Saiyid Oghlan who came to Hindustan from Bukhara shows that he was the only one to retain the Central Asian title Oghlan as a part of his name. Oghlan was a title of Saiyids and Sharifs of Bukhara and they had a right to its use in the assemblies of the ruler of that territory.158 None of his descendants who were born in Hindustan retained this title as a part of their names. At the same time, it is interesting to note that even today there are several names which contain the name of Central Asian towns like Bukhari or Badakhshi. The most prominent is the name of Imam Abdullah Bukhari, the current Imam of Jama Masjid at Delhi. Here it should be mentioned that the medieval sources refer to a group of Shaikhzadas called Bukhara Sayyids. They had lived in Hindustan for several generations. At the same time, they claimed that they had descended from Jalal Bukhari or Makhdum Jahanian.159 In the 16th century the sources refer to Farid Murtaza Khan Bukhari who held a position in the court of Akbar. He was known for his courage and military skill and had reached the position of Mir Bakhshi under Akbar and Jahangir.160 It is possible that the identification of the Bokhara Sayids with the place Central Asia may be because of their genealogical links with Jalal Bokhari. At the same time, Farid Murtaza Khan Bukhari had established a quarter in Ahmedabad called Bukhara.161 He also followed the Central Asian custom toquz or giving

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of gifts in nine.162 In the 17th century there is a reference to Sayyid Hamid Bukhari who came from a family of great officers of Gujarat.163 It is seen that some families despite their prolonged stay and assimilation in Hindustan did try to retain links with Central Asia. However, this was the form of names and retention of some Central Asian customs. Therefore, for most fresh migrants their experiences in their homeland constituted a part of their existence and thus Central Asia was an important part of their identity. At the same time, the compulsions of settlement led to the development of an association with Hindustan also. On the other hand, for their descendants who were born and brought up in Hindustan their links with Central Asia were very weak and their association with Hindustan strong. In fact, many of them over a period of time began to associate themselves with specific regions of Hindustan.

REFERENCES 1. Abu Bakr Mirza on being defeated by Husain Baiqara crossed the Khyber and proceeded towards Khushab, Multan and Siwi. Unable to stay there for a long time he returned to Khurasan. Zahir-ud-din Muhammad Babur, Baburnama, tr. A. S. Beveridge, published by Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd: New Delhi, Third edition, 1990, pp. 260 and tr. Wheeler M. Thackston, New York: Oxford University Press, 1986, pp. 207. 2. Ibid., tr. A. S. Beveridge, pp 472, 565, 696-9 and tr. Wheeler M. Thackston, pp 325; Mirza Muhammad Haidar Doughlat, Tarikh-i-Rashidi, tr. E. Dennison Ross and ed. N. Elias, first published by Curzon Press Ltd, London and Barnes and Noble, New York 1895, reprint by Kingprint Ltd, Richmond: Surrey, 1972, pp. 388-99. 3. Richard Foltz, Mughal India and Central Asia, Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1998, pp. xxvi. 4. Baburnama, tr. A. S. Beveridge pp. 524-5 and tr. Wheeler M. Thackston, pp. 354. 5. Nawwab Samsam –ud-daula Shah Nawaz Khan and his son Abdul Hayy, Maathir–ul-Umara, tr. H. Beveridge, Patna: Janaki Prakashan, 1979, Volume-II, Part-I, pp 322. 6. Baburnama, tr. Wheeler M. Thackston, pp. 354 and tr. A. S. Beveridge pp. 524; Abul Fazl, Ain–i-Akbari, Volume-I, tr. H. Blochmann, New Delhi: second edition for Naresh C. Jain for New Imperial Book Depot, 1965, pp. 252-3.

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7. Ibid., Baburnama, tr. A. S. Beveridge, pp 524-5 and tr. Wheeler M. Thackston, pp 365. 8. Ibid.,tr. A. S. Beveridge, pp 524-5 and tr. Wheeler M. Thackston, pp 354; Gulbadan Begum, Humayunnama, tr. A. S. Beveridge, published by Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd: New Delhi, pp. 94. 9. Ibid., Baburnama, tr. A. S. Beveridge, pp. 525 and tr. Wheeler M. Thackston, pp. 355. 10. M. A. Ghani,., A History of Persian Language and Literature at the Mughal Court, Volume-I, Allahabad: Indian Press Limited, 1929pp. 51. 11. Baburnama, tr. A. S. Beveridge, pp. 579 and tr. Wheeler M. Thackston, pp. 389. 12. Ibid., tr. A. S. Beveridge, pp. 579 and tr. Wheeler M. Thackston, pp. 389. 13. Ibid., Baburnama tr. A. S. Beveridge, pp. 686, 688 and tr. Wheeler M. Thackston, pp. 444, 446. He was present in the marriage ceremony of Mirza Hindal after the death of Babur; Humayunnama, tr. A. S. Beveridge, pp. 128.. 14. Ibid., Baburnama, tr. A. S. Beveridge, pp. 579 and tr. Wheeler M. Thackston, pp. 389; Abul Fazl, Akbarnama, tr. H. Beveridge, Volume-I, Delhi: Ess Ess Publications, 1987, pp. 239; Nizamuddin Ahmad, Tabaqati-Akbari, tr. Brajendranath De, Delhi: Low Price Publications, 1992, Volume–III, pp. 2. 15. Ibid., Baburnama, tr. A. S. Beveridge, pp. 579 and tr. Wheeler M. Thackston, pp. 389. 16. Ibid., tr. A. S. Beveridge, pp. 525-6. From the Rampur Diwan of Baburnama as ted in footnote 2 on page 526 of Beveridge translated Baburnama. For details on return of Khwaja Kalan refer to Baburnama tr. Wheeler M. Thackston, pp. 355; Akbarnama, tr. H. Beveridge, Volume-I, pp. 252-3; Humayunnama, tr. A. S. Beveridge, pp. 94. 17. Ibid., Baburnama, tr. A. S. Beveridge, footnote 2 on pp. 526. From H. Beveridge’s article, ‘Some verses of Emperor Babur’ in (A.Q.R. January, 1911) as quoted in footnote 2 on page 526 in Beveridge translation of Baburnama. 18. Ibid., Baburnama tr. A. S. Beveridge, pp. 469-70 and tr. Wheeler M. Thackston, pp. 324. 19. M. A. Ghani, A History of Persian Language and Literature at the Mughal Court, Volume-I, , pp. 50. 20. Baburnama, tr. A. S. Beveridge, pp. 469-70 and tr. Wheeler M. Thackston, pp. 324.

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21. Nawwab Samsam-ud-daula Shah Nawaz Khan and his son Abdul Hayy, Maathir-ul-Umara, tr. H. Beveridge, revised, annotated and completed by Beni Prasad, Patna: reprint by Janaki Prakashan, 1979, Volume-II, Part-I, pp. 184; Akbarnama, tr. H. Beveridge, Volume-II, pp. 30-1. 22. Ibid., Maathir–ul-Umara, tr. H. Beveridge, Volume-II, Part-I, pp. 184; Akbarnama, tr. H. Beveridge, Volume-II, pp. 30-1; Tabaqat-i-Akbari, tr. Brajendranath De, Volume–III, pp. 212. 23. For details on the arrival and departure of Mirza Sulaiman refer to Tarikh-iRashidi, tr. E. Dennison Ross and ed. N. Elias, pp. 387-9; Baburnama, tr. A. S. Beveridge, pp. 433, 472, 565, 695-7; Humayunnama, tr. A. S. Beveridge, pp. 92. 24. Ibid., Baburnama, tr. A. S. Beveridge, translator’s note pp. 694. 25. Ibid., translator’s note pp. 695; Tarikh-i-Rashidi, tr. E. Dennison Ross and ed. N. Elias, pp. 388-9. 26. Ibid., Baburnama, tr. A. S. Beveridge, translator’s note pp. 695. 27. Ibid., translator’s note pp. 697-8. 28. Abdul Qadir Badaoni, Muntakhab-ut-Tarikh, Volume II tr. W. Lowe, Delhi: Idarah-i- Adabiyat, 1973, pp. 45; Abul Fazl describes Maulana Sa‘id as one of the learned men of Transoxiana, who on arriving in Hindustan did make acquaintance with Akbar. He however, does not mention the disappointment felt by the Maulana forcing him to return to Transoxiana. Refer to Akbarnama, tr. H. Beveridge, Volume-II, pp 195; , Abul Fazl, Ain -i- Akbari Volume-I, tr. H. Blochmann, New Delhi: second edition by Naresh. C. Jain for New Imperial Book Depot, 1965, pp. 609. 29. Ibid., Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, tr. W. Lowe, Volume-II, pp. 45. 30. Ibid., tr. G. Ranking, Volume-I, pp. 584; tr. W. Haig, Volume-III, pp. 242; Ain –i- Akbari, Volume-I, tr. H. Blochmann, pp. 636-7. Qasim-i-Kahi or Miyan Kali Kabuli is not mentioned in Akbarnama. Beveridge briefly mentions him in a note on page 621 in the translation of Akbarnama, Volume-I. 31. Ibid., Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, tr. W. Haig, Volume-III, pp. 242 and tr. G. Ranking, Volume-I, translator’s note on pp. 584; Maathir-ul-Umara, tr. H. Beveridge, Volume-I, pp. 283; Hadi Hasan, Mughal Poetry: Its Cultural and Historical Value, Aligarh: 1952, pp. 4. 32. Ibid., Hadi Hasan, Mughal Poetry: Its Cultural and Historical Value,pp. 4. 33. Maathir-ul-Umara, tr. H. Beveridge, Volume-I, pp. 542. 34. Ibid., Maathir-ul-Umara,Volume-II, Part-I, pp. 153; Akbarnama, tr. H. Beveridge, Volume-II, pp. 364, 410; Ain–i-Akbari, Volume-I, tr. H.

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Blochmann, pp. 338-9; Tabaqat-i-Akbari, tr. Brajendranath De, Volume– III, pp. 291-2. 35. Ibid., Maathir-ul-Umara, tr. H. Beveridge, Volume-II, Part-II, pp. 821; Akbarnama, tr. H. Beveridge, Volume-III, pp. 993, 1223; Ain-i-Akbari, Volume-I, tr. H. Blochmann, pp. 415-6. 36. Ibid., Maathir-ul-Umara, tr. H. Beveridge, Volume-II, Part-II, pp. 821; Akbarnama, tr. H. Beveridge, Volume-III, pp. 993, 1223; Ain-i-Akbari, Volume-I, tr. H. Blochmann, pp. 415-6. 37. Ibid., Maathir-ul-Umara, tr. H. Beveridge, Volume-II, Part-II, pp. 821; Akbarnama, tr. H. Beveridge, Volume-III, pp. 15, 33; Tabaqat-i-Akbari, tr. Brajendranath De, Volume–III, pp. 501; Ain–i-Akbari, Volume-I, tr. H. Blochmann, pp. 415-6. 38. Inayat Khan, Shahjahannama, tr. Begley. W.E. and Desai, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1990, pp. 362, 431. Inayat Khan mentions the arrival of sons and grandsons of Nazr Muhammad. 39. Ibid., Shahjahannama, pp. 431, 454-5; Maathir-ul-Umara, tr. H. Beveridge, Volume-I, pp. 69. 40. Ibid., Maathir-ul-Umara, tr. H. Beveridge, Volume-II, Part-I, pp. 546; Akbarnama, tr. H. Beveridge, Volume-II, pp. 362-4, 410-11. 41. Ibid., Maathir–ul-Umara, tr. H. Beveridge, Volume-II, Part-I, pp. 545; Akbarnama, tr. H. Beveridge, Volume-II, pp. 364. 42. Tahmas Beg, Tahmasnama, abridged and tr. P. Setu Rao, Bombay: Popular Prakashan, 1967, pp. 1. 43. Baburnama, tr. A. S. Beveridge, pp. 645-6 and tr. Wheeler M. Thackston, pp. 423. 44. Ibid., tr. A. S. Beveridge, pp. 350. 45. Ibid., pp. 350 46. Ibid., Baburnama tr. A.S. Beveridge, pp. 385; Humayunnama, the History of Humayun, tr. A. S. Beveridge, pp. 92; Akbarnama, tr. H. Beveridge, Volume-I, pp. 238. According to a note by Beveridge on page 238, the affix al is Turkish and means to take so that Hindal would mean taking of India. This name was probably given by Mahim the wife of Babur who adopted Hindal. 47. Ibid., Baburnama, tr. A. S. Beveridge, footnote 4 on page 731 and footnote 5 on page 689. 48. Ibid., pp. 446. 49. Humayunnama, the History of Humayun, tr. A. S. Beveridge, pp. 96-8.

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50. Baburnama, tr. A. S. Beveridge, pp. 526 and tr. Wheeler M. Thackston, pp. 355. 51. Ibid., Baburnama ,tr. A. S. Beveridge, pp. 526 and Wheeler M. Thackston, pp. 355. 52. Akbarnama, tr. H. Beveridge, Volume-I, pp. 252; Muhammad Kasim Ferishta, History of the Rise of the Mohamedan Power in India till the Year 1612, tr. John Briggs, Volume II, Calcutta: 1966, pp. 31-32. 53. Shaikh Farid Khan Bhakkari,The Dhakhirat-ul- Khawanin, tr. Z. A. Desai, Delhi: Idarah-i-Adabiyat,1993 pp. 74. 54. Baburnama, tr. A. S. Beveridge, pp. 446 and Wheeler M. Thackston, pp. 311. 55. Ibid., Baburnama, tr. A. S. Beveridge, pp. 522 and Wheeler M. Thackston, pp. 353; Gulbadan Begum, Humayunnama, the History of Humayun, tr. A. S. Beveridge, pp. 94-7; Tarikh-i-Hind, English translation, tr. John Briggs, Volume-II, pp. 31-2; Tabaqat-i- Akbari, tr. Brajendranath De, Volume–III, pp. 24; Akbarnama, tr. H. Beveridge, Volume-I, pp.248-9. 56. Ibid., Baburnama, tr. A. S. Beveridge, pp. 522 and Wheeler M. Thackston, pp. 353. 57. Ibid., Baburnama, tr. A. S. Beveridge pp. 219 and Wheeler M. Thackston, pp. 180; Akbarnama, tr. H. Beveridge, Volume-I, pp. 252. 58. Ibid., Baburnama, tr. A. S. Beveridge pp. 523 and Wheeler M. Thackston, pp. 353. 59. Ibid., Baburnama,tr. A. S. Beveridge, translator’s note pp. 437-8; Akbarnama, tr. H. Beveridge, Volume-I, pp.278-9. Abul Fazl does refer to the works of Babur namely, his memoirs and the poem Mubin but does not mention the sending of the copies of these works to Transoxiana. 60. Ibid., Baburnama, tr. A. S. Beveridge, translator’s note pp. 437-8. 61. Ibid.,Baburnama, tr. A.S. Bevedridge, pp. 642, Appendix J xxxv-vi. 62. Humayunnama, the History of Humayun, tr. A. S. Beveridge, footnote 2, pp. 160. 63. Tarikh- i- Rashidi, tr. E. Dennison Ross and ed. N. Elias, pp. 380-1. 64. Mansura Haidar, Mirza Haidar Dughlat as depicted in the Persian sources, New Delhi: Manohar, 2002, Introduction, pp. 11. 65. Ibid., There are just a few lines on Mirza Haidar’s rule in Kashmir in sources like Arif Qandahari’s, Tarikh-i-Alfi and Narain Kaul Kashmiri, Tarikh-i-Kashmiri, refer to extracts from these sources in Mansura Haidar’s book, Mirza Haidar Dughlat as depicted in the Persian sources , pp. 80-1,

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101-9 and 121-6, 131-33; Tabaqat-i-Akbari, tr. Brajendranath De, Volume–I, only mentions the arrival and establishment of rule by Mirza Haidar in Kashmir, refer to pp. 75. In Volume II there is a short account of him in Hindustan, refer to pages 707-25; Akbarnama, tr. H. Beveridge, Volume-I, gives some details about his stay in Kashmir, refer to pp.401-7; Tarikh-i-Hind, tr. John Briggs, Volume-II, pp. 104, mentions in a few lines on the rule of Mirza Haidar in Kashmir. 66. Tarikh-i-Rashidi, tr. E. Dennison Ross and ed. N. Elias, Introduction pp. 19. It was probably his strong attachment to his homeland that led him to write this book. He laments the lack of work on the history of Mughals, “Now for more than hundred years nothing of the sort has been done…. no trace of the men remains, nor of their writings…. nor any sign of their property and civilization, except here and there a ruined tower or fortification….. no vestige of these men survive and no one knows anything concerning them”, pp. 150. Also refer to Mansura Haidar, Mirza Haidar Dughlat as depicted in the Persian sources, pp. 30, 65-6. 67. On Mirza Haidar’s rule in Kashmir, Abul Fazl writes that after conquest, he for “ten years zealously applied himself to the administration and clothed that charming land, ….. with cities and civilization. He sent for artists and craftsmen from all quarters and laboured for its renown and prosperity. Especially was music in brisk demand and varieties of instruments were introduced”, Akbarnama, tr. H. Beveridge, Volume-I, pp. 404-5. Mansura Haidar in her book on Mirza Haidar mentions “… in Central Asian fashion numerous mosques were constructed in Srinagar with bath-houses which kept the prayer rooms so warm in the winter that even in very cold weather people could pray and relax there. He laid out magnificent gardens in Andarkul. He is said to have invented new architectural motifs and introduced new types of doors and windows. His contribution in the development of saffron cultivation has been recorded by historians,” refer to Introduction page 40. At another place in the same book she writes that Mirza Haidar assimilated and identified himself with Kashmir and adopted it as his own home, refer to Introduction page 30. 68. Mutribi’ al – Asamm Samarqandi, Khatima (postscript) in Nuskha – yi Ziba yi Jahangiri; English translation by Richard Foltz, California: Mazda Publishers, 1998, Introduction, pp. 87. 69. Akbarnama, tr. H. Beveridge, Volume-II, pp. 168-71, 173-4; Tabaqat-iAkbari, tr. Brajendranath De, Volume–III, pp. 96-7; The Dhakhirat-ulKhawanin, tr. Z. A. Desai, pp. 74. 70. Baburnama, tr. A. S. Beveridge, 1990, pp. 82 and tr. Wheeler M. Thackston, pp. 87.

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71. Ibid., Baburnama, tr. A. S. Beveridge, pp. 82 and Wheeler M. Thackston, pp. 87. 72. Ibid., Baburnama ,tr. A. S. Beveridge, pp. 74-6 and Wheeler M. Thackston, footnote 96 on pp. 82. 73. Ibid., Baburnama ,tr. A. S. Beveridge, pp. 83 and Wheeler M. Thackston, pp. 87. 74. Ibid., Baburnama, tr. A. S. Beveridge, pp. 82 and Wheeler M. Thackston, pp. 87. 75. Ibid., Baburnama, tr. A. S. Beveridge, pp. 321 and Wheeler M. Thackston, pp. 250. 76. Nur-ud-Din Muhammad Jahangir, Tuzuk -i- Jahangiri, tr. Alexander Rogers and Beveridge, Henry, New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, 1978. It was first published in 1909, Volume-I, pp. 2 and Wheeler M. Thackston translation as The Jahangirnama, Memoirs of Jehangir, Emperor of India, New York: Oxford University Press, 1999. pp. 22. 77. Ibid., Tuzuk -i- Jahangiri , tr. Alexander Rogers and ed. Henry Beveridge, Volume-I, pp. 7 and tr., Wheeler M. Thackston, pp. 24. 78. Ibid., Tuzuk -i- Jahangiri, tr. Alexander Rogers and ed. Henry Beveridge, Volume-I, pp. 5 and tr. Wheeler M. Thackston, pp. 24. 79. Baburnama, tr. A. S. Beveridge, pp. 686. 80. Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, ed. tr. Alexander Rogers and ed. Henry Beveridge, Volume-I, pp. 116 and tr. Wheeler M. Thackston, pp. 81. 81. Ibid., Tuzuk -i- Jahangiri, tr. Alexander Rogers and ed. Henry Beveridge, Volume-I, pp. 5 and tr. Wheeler M. Thackston, pp. 24. 82. Ibid., Tuzuk -i- Jahangiri, tr. Alexander Rogers and Henry Beveridge, Volume-I, pp. 89 and tr. Wheeler M. Thackston, pp. 69. 83. Baburnama, tr. Wheeler M. Thackston, pp. 30; Tarikh-i-Rashidi, tr. E. Dennison Ross and ed. N. Elias, in a note on page 278-9, there is a discussion on the origin, nature and usage of the title Gurgan. It is Mongol in origin and stands for son-in-law or a prince who is allied by marriage to a mighty monarch. Timur was called because in 1369 he married the Sarai Mulk Khanum the daughter of Khazan Sultan, the Khan of Turkistan and Mughalistan. In the following year he married another Mughal princess called Tukal Khanum, the daughter of Khizr Khwaja Khan of Mughalistan, a descendent of Chengiz Khan. According to Blochmann after this marriage Timur came to be known as Gurgan and Timurids as Gurganids. Refer to Ain–i-Akbari Volume-I, tr. H. Blochmann, translator’s

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note on page 512;In the Prologue by Inayat Khan, Shahjahan is referred to as pride of the Gurgani dynasty, Inayat Khan, Shahjahannama, tr. Begley. W.E. and Desai, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1990, Prologue, pp. 2; Gulbadan Begum in her accounts does not specifically use the term tora but refers to the prevalence of the rules of Chengiz Khan. Humayunnama, the History of Humayun, tr. A. S. Beveridge, pp. 187, 197. 84. Ibid.,Baburnama, tr. Wheeler M. Thackston pp. 232; It was a code of law and essential institutional foundation of the Mongol empire; Also refer to a note on page 22 in Tarikh-i-Rashidi, tr. E. Dennison Ross and ed. N. Elias. Here yasa is described as legal code of Mughals instituted by Chengiz Khan; See David Morgan, The Mongols, Oxford: Basil Blackwell Ltd.1986 pp. 96. 85. Ibid., Baburnama, tr. Wheeler M. Thackston, footnote 159 pp. 232. 86. Ibid., Baburnama ,tr. Wheeler M. Thackston, footnote 159 pp. 232. 87. Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, ed. tr. Alexander Rogers and ed. Henry Beveridge, Volume-I, pp. 68 and tr. Wheeler M. Thackston, pp. 58. 88. Tarikh- i-Rashidi, tr. E. Dennison Ross and ed. N. Elias, pp. 70. 89. Ibid., Tarikh- i-Rashidi , pp. 70. 90. Maathir-ul-Umara, tr. Beveridge, Volume- II, Part-I, pp. 212. 91. The Mughal rulers did show regard to the yasa or tora of Chengiz Khan. In fact some scholars like R. P. Tripathi argued that the Mughal state was based on Turko-Mongol traditions. Refer to R. P. Tripathi, Some Aspects of the Muslim Administration, Allahabad: Central Book Depot, 1960, pp. 105-145. Recently, Richard Foltz and Mansura Haidar expressed similar views. Foltz wrote in his book, Mughal India and Central Asia, “The Mughals military and administrative organization, their literary and artistic sensibilities, and religious outlook were all derived from Central Asia, and their own Central Asian origins continued to define the character of their empire in India in a variety of ways through a complex network of contacts”, pp. 154. Mansura Haidar in her latest book, entitled, Central Asian Heritage in the Mughal Polity, New Delhi: Aakar Publishing House, 2003, has examined the Central Asian origins of various titles, terms, institutions and customs in the realm of Mughal polity. She has also traced significant aspects of Akbar’s notion of Kingship like the liberal outlook of the Mughal state to the political traditions established by Chengiz and Timur, pp. 38-9. However, the study of Haidar is confined to the early phase of Mughal rule primarily Akbar’s period. It does not go beyond this period to examine the existence and changes in the usage of these terms and institutions in the Mughal period. On the other hand, scholars like Iqtidar

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Alam Khan, J. F. Richards, and Athar Ali have highlighted the erosion of the Chaghatai traditions of Kingship and growth of an Indian state. In the realm of governance the Mughals moved away from the Chaghatai notion of Kingship in which the nobility saw itself as co-sharers in the power of the King and it believed that Kingship belonged to the entire ruling family and not a single individual. In fact from the time of Akbar the Mughal rulers tried to integrate the nobility around the institution of the crown. Through various administrative measures the nobles were transformed from semi-autonomous chieftains to imperial officials of the state whose position and power was based not on personal factors but impersonal factors like their position in the imperial hierarchy. Refer to J. F. Richards work, Kingship and Authority in South Asia, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1998; Iqtidar Alam Khan, “Turko-Mongol Theory of Kingship”, Medieval India- A Miscellany Volume–II, New Delhi: Asia Publishing House, 1972. These changes were accompanied by an exalted notion of Kingship in which the Mughal emperor saw himself not only as a temporal ruler but a spiritual guide of the people. This in any case does not imply that the Mughals had rejected the yasa of Chengiz Khan. They continued to refer to it particularly in their personal life and when it suited their political and imperial interests. They emphatically asserted their genealogical links with both Chengiz and Timur. Here Mansura Haidar mentions that the seal of the Mughal state carried the name of Timur and his ancestors, pp. 33. At the same time, the adoption of several customs and traditions from Hindustan like tuladan, jharokha darshan, giving of tilak to the Rajputs should not be overlooked. They were an equally important aspect of the Mughal political and ideological thought. 92. Khatima in Nuskha-i-Ziba-i-Jahangiri, tr. Richard C. Foltz, Introduction pp. 5 and 9. 93. Ibid., Nuskha-i-Ziba-i-Jahangiri, pp. 22-23. Question asked in the second meeting between Emperor Jahangir and Mutribi. 94. Ibid., Nuskha-i-Ziba-i-Jahangiri, pp 30; Tuzuk-i-Jahangir, tr. Alexander Rogers and ed. Henry Beveridge, Volume-I, pp. 12 and tr. Wheeler M. Thackston. M., pp. 27. 95. Ibid., Khatima in Nuskha-i-Ziba-i-Jahangiri tr. Richard C. Foltz , pp. 3. 96. Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, tr. Alexander Rogers and ed. Henry Beveridge, Volume-I, pp. 107, 109 and tr. Wheeler M. Thackston, pp. 76-7. 97. Khatima in Nuskha-i-Ziba-i-Jahangiri, tr. Richard C. Foltz, pp 20. 98. Ibid., pp. 86. 99. Ibid., Khatima in Nuskha-i-Ziba-i-Jahangiri, tr. Richard C. Foltz, pp. 29.

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100. Ibid., Nuskha-i-Ziba-i-Jahangiri, pp. 29; Jahangir does mention the arrival of Yadgar Qurchi in his court. He was given a mansab and styled Yadgar Beg. Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, tr. Alexander Rogers and ed. Henry Beveridge, Volume-I, pp. 379-80, 386 and tr. Wheeler M. Thackston, pp. 221, 224. 101. Ibid., Nuskha-i-Ziba-i-Jahangiri, pp. 81; Jahangir does mention the arrival of Zain-ud-din Naqshbandi in his court. He was also given a mansab. Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, tr. Alexander Rogers and ed. Henry Beveridge, Volume-I, pp. 289 and tr. Wheeler M. Thackston, pp. 175, 306. 102. Ibid., Khatima in Nuskha-i- Ziba-i-Jahangiri, tr. Richard C. Foltz, pp. 7071. 103. Ibid., Nuskha-i-Ziba-i-Jahangiri, pp. 78. 104. Ibid., Nuskha-i-Ziba-i-Jahangiri, pp. 62-64. 105. Ibid., Nuskha-i-Ziba-i-Jahangiri, pp. 33. 106. Ibid., Nuskha-i-Ziba-i-Jahangiri, pp. 35; Abul Bin Uzbeg is mentioned in the memoirs of Jahangir. Refer to Tuzuk-i-Jahangir, tr. Alexander Rogers and ed. Henry Beveridge, Volume-I, pp. 224 and tr. Wheeler M. Thackston, pp 34. According to a note by Beveridge on page 27 his name should have been Abun Nabi who was a distinguished inhabitant of Mawara-un-nahr and was also in the service of Jahangir. In a note on page 234 in Volume-I, Beveridge adds that he was also called Abul Baqa. On page 30 Beveridge writes that 10 MSS have Abul Wali. He was an Uzbeg who received the title of Bahadur Khan and was the same person who is referred to as Bahadur Khan Uzbeg or Abun Nabi in Maathir-ul-Umara, tr. Beveridge, Volume-I, pp. 400 and Akbarnama, tr. H. Beveridge, Volume-III, pp1231, 1257; Wheeler M. Thackston has also discussed Abul Bin Uzbeg under the title Bahadur Khan Uzbeg, see pages 104, 108, 137, 142, 361, 362. 107. Ibid., Khatima in Nuskha-i-Ziba-i-Jahangiri, tr. Richard C. Foltz pp. 60. 108. Ibid., Nuskha-i-Ziba-i-Jahangiri, pp. 60. 109. Refer to the painting of Jahangir by Bichitr in which Jahangir is shown sitting over an hourglass, preferring a Shaikh to the rulers of other Kingdoms in the painting. The figure of Jahangir dominates the painting and the other rulers are not only smaller in size but they almost seem to assume a posture of submission in front of Jahangir. Also refer to another painting by Abul Hasan, in which Jahangir is shown standing on a globe and embracing the Persian ruler Shah Abbas I. Here again the figure of Jahangir is larger than that of Shah Abbas I. Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, tr. Wheeler M. Thackston, pp. 256, 382.

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110. Muhammad Yusuf b. Khwaja Baqa, Tazkira-i-Muqim Khani, as quoted in Khatima in Nuskha-i-Ziba-i-Jahangiri, footnote 137 and pp 82. Nothing in the memoirs of Jahangir indicates the existence of strained relations between Imam Quli Khan and Jahangir. Imam Quli Khan is mentioned only twice in Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri. Firstly, in the context of developments in Central Asia and secondly with regard to a letter sent by his mother to Nur Jahan. Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, tr. Wheeler M. Thackston, pp. 86, 363 tr. Alexander Rogers and ed. Henry Beveridge, Volume-I, pp 127 and Volume-II, pp. 205. 111. Ibid., Khatima in Nuskha-i-Ziba-i-Jahangiri, tr. Richard C. Foltz pp. 39. 112. Ibid., Nuskha-i-Ziba-i-Jahangiri pp. 39. 113. Ibid., Nuskha-i-Ziba-i-Jahangiri pp. 44. 114. Ibid., Nuskha-i-Ziba-i-Jahangiri pp. 53. 115. Ibid., Nuskha-i-Ziba-i-Jahangiri pp. 54. 116. Ibid., Nuskha-i-Ziba-i-Jahangiri pp. 56. 117. Ibid., Nuskha-i-Ziba-i-Jahangiri pp. 36-37. 118. Ibid., Nuskha-i-Ziba-i-Jahangiri pp. 51-2. 119. Ibid., Nuskha-i-Ziba-i-Jahangiri pp. 51. 120. Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, tr. W. Haig, Volume-III, pp. 433. 121. Maathir-ul-Umara, tr. H. Beveridge, Volume-I, pp. 57; Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, tr. Alexander Rogers and ed. Henry Beveridge, Volume-I, pp. 395 and tr. Wheeler M. Thackston, p.p 229. 122. Shahjahannama, tr., W. E. Begley and Desai, Introduction, pp. xvii; Tuzuki-Jahangiri, tr. Wheeler M. Thackston note pp. xiii. 123. Ibid., Tuzuk - i- Jahangiri, , tr., Wheeler M. Thackston translator’s note pp xiii. 124. Shah Abbas Safawi had sent this ruby to Jahangir. Refer to Shahjahannama, tr. W. E. Begley and Desai, pp. 147. 125. Maathir-ul-Umara, tr. H. Beveridge, Volume-I, pp. 398. 126. Hadi Hasan, Mughal Poetry: Its Cultural and Historical Value, Aligarh, 1952 pp. 41. 127. Maathir-ul-Umara, tr. H. Beveridge, Volume-II, Part-II, pp. 931. 128. Scholars like Beni Prasad, B. P. Saxena and more recently Richard Foltz have explained the Mughal relation with Central Asia in terms of their nostalgia for their homeland. According to them the Mughal Central Asian policy was guided by an intense desire to recover their homeland.

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Foltz describes this emotion as a “deeply instilled hereditary obsession”, Richard Foltz, Mughal India and Central Asia, pp. 153. Also refer to Beni Prasad, History of Jahangir, pp, B. P. Saxena, History of Shahjahan, pp. 182-209, Athar Ali has criticized this view of explaining the Mughal relation with Central Asia simply in terms of their emotional links with the region. In his articles he has shown that the Mughal relation with Central Asia was complex and was guided by deeper political, economic and diplomatic factors like their relation with Persia. Refer to Ali, Athar M., “The Objectives Behind the Mughal Expedition into Balkh and Badakhshan”, Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, 1967 and “Jahangir and the Uzbeks”, Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, 1964. No single factor can be an adequate explanation in understanding the Mughal relation with either Persia or Central Asia. Multiple factors guided the Mughal policy, the need to maintain a balance of power in the region, the existence of regions, which were a bone of contention between the Mughals in Hindustan, Safawis in Persia and the Uzbegs in Central Asia (for example, Qandahar between the Mughals and Persians, Khurasan between the Uzbegs and the Persians) and the need to strengthen the Mughal hold in the North-west region. The Mughal hold over this region was fragile, as it was inhabited by turbulent and independent tribes some of whom had kinship ties with the Uzbegs. These various factors influenced Mughal relations with both Persia and Central Asia. 129. Maathir-ul-Umara, tr. H. Beveridge, Volume-I, pp. 297; Shahjahannama, tr. W. E. Begley and Desai, pp. 368-9. 130. Shahjahannama, tr. W. E. Begley and Desai, pp. 327-33. 131. Maathir-ul-Umara, tr. H. Beveridge, Volume-I, pp. 819. 132. Shahjahannama, tr. W. E. Begley and Desai, pp. 399. 133. Ain-i-Akbari, Volume-I, tr. H. Blochmann, pp. 115; Akbarnama, H. Beveridge, Volume-I, pp. 192-2, 309-10. 134. Baburnama, tr. A. S. Beveridge, pp. 382. 135. Ibid., Baburnama pp. 382. 136. Ibid., Baburnama pp. 382. 137. Ibid., Baburnama pp. 250-1. 138. Ibid., Baburnama pp. 386, 388-9, 589. 139. Ibid., Baburnama pp. 389. 140. Maathir-ul-Umara, tr. H. Beveridge, Volume-I, pp. 105-6; Ain-i-Akbari, Volume-I, tr. H. Blochmann, pp. 525-6; The Dhakhirat-ul-Khawanin, tr. Z. A. Desai, pp 145; Akbarnama, tr. H. Beveridge, Volume-III, pp. 9.

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Here he is just mentioned as a noble in the Mughal service and details about him or his family are not given. 141. Ibid., Maathir-ul-Umara, tr. H. Beveridge, Volume-I, pp. 105-6; Aini-Akbari Volume-I, tr. H. Blochmann, pp 525-6; The Dhakhirat-ulKhawanin, tr. Z. A. Desai, pp. 145. 142. Ibid., Maathir–ul-Umara, tr. H. Beveridge, Volume-I, pp. 253; Ain-iAkbari, Volume-I, tr. H. Blochmann, pp 527. The Dhakhirat-ul- Khawanin, tr. Z. A. Desai, pp. 145-7. 143. Ibid., The Dhakhirat-ul- Khawanin, tr. Z. A. Desai, pp. 147. 144. Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, tr. Wheeler M. Thackston, translator’s note on page 324. 145. Ibid., Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri tr. Alexander Rogers and ed. Henry Beveridge, Volume-II, pp. 125-6 and tr. Wheeler M. Thackston, pp. 323-4., pp. 290; Ain-i-Akbari Volume-I, tr. H. Blochmann, pp. 504. 146. Ibid., Ain-i-Akbari Volume-I, tr. H. Blochmann, pp. 504. 147. Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, tr. Alexander Rogers and ed. Henry Beveridge, VolumeII, pp. 125-6 and tr. Wheeler M. Thackston, pp. 323-4 and Persian text ed. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, pp. 290. 148. Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, tr. W. Haig, Volume-III, pp. 396. 149. Maathir–ul-Umara, tr. H. Beveridge, Volume-II, Part-I, pp. 547. 150. Ibid., Volume-II, Part-I, pp. 547. 151. Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, tr. G. Ranking, Volume-I, pp. 283, Volume-II, tr. W. Lowe, pp. 242-6; Akbarnama, H. Beveridge, Volume-I, 621; Ain-iAkbari Volume-I, tr. H. Blochmann, pp. 584, 636-7. 152. Maathir-ul-Umara, tr. H. Beveridge, Volume-II, Part-I, pp. 534; Akbarnama, H. Beveridge, Volume-III, 354, 504, 648, 1073; Ain-iAkbari Volume-I, tr. H. Blochmann, pp. 380-1, Volume–III, tr. Jarrett, pp. 392; Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, tr. Alexander Rogers and ed. Henry Beveridge, Volume-I, pp. 253. 153. Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, tr. Alexander Rogers and ed. Henry Beveridge, Volume I, pp. 199 and tr. Wheeler M. Thackston, pp. 125 and Persian text ed. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, pp. 97. 154. Ibid., tr. Alexander Rogers and ed. Henry Beveridge, Volume I, pp. 301 and tr. Wheeler M. Thackston, pp 180-1 and Persian text ed. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, pp. 188; Maathir-ul-Umara, tr. H. Beveridge Volume-I, pp. 434; Ain-i-Akbari Volume-I, pp. 561-2.

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155. Ibid., Tuzuk - i- Jahangiri, tr. Alexander Rogers and ed. Henry Beveridge, Volume-I, note by Beveridge on page 301. 156. Shahjahannama, tr. W. E. Begley and Desai, pp. 42; According to a note by Blochman Qulij Khan in urki means a sword and is the same thing as Shamsher Khan. See Ain–i-Akbari Volume-I, tr. H. Blochmann, note on page 381. 157. Ibid., Ain-i-Akbari Volume-I, tr. H. Blochmann pp. 517. 158. Maathir-ul-Umara, tr. H. Beveridge, Volume-II, Part-II, pp. 877. 159. Ibid., Maathir-ul-Umara, Volume-II, Part–II pp. 877. 160. Ibid., Maathir-ul-Umara, Volume-I, pp. 523. 161. Ibid., Maathir-ul-Umara, Volume-I, pp. 524; The Dhakhirat-ul-Khawanin, tr. Z. A. Desai, pp. 91-106; Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, tr. Alexander Rogers and ed. Henry Beveridge, Volume-I, pp.13,20, 69 and Volume-II, pp. 229. 162. Ibid., Maathir-ul-Umara , Volume-I, pp. 524. 163. Ibid., Maathir-ul-Umara ,Volume-I, pp. 608. qqq

7 Cultural, Literary and Artistic World of Indo-Central Asia Gulfishan Khan

India’s relation with the West and Central Asia known as Iran-wa-Turan or Mawarannahr/Mawaraun-nahar (Iran and Central Asia or Transoxiana) had been multilateral. The vast area enjoyed integrated political and economic systems in the field of politics, diplomacy, trade and commerce. It was more significant for a commonly shared cultural world, which transcended political realities. This cultural interaction is not simply episodic or of a brief duration rather it is a set of long term and profound historical process that has gone through many phases. Scholars have argued for a millennia long symbiosis between South Asia and Central Asia which was apparently broken with the onset of colonial forces. Already, the discovery of sea route from Europe to East Asia had reduced the wealth brought to the region by overland trade along the Silk Route. The people of this enormous region shared dominant PersoIslamic culture which had developed through a vast and complex network of contacts. In this huge cultural sphere, men, women, books, letters, goods and ideas moved all the time. Mystics, poets, philosophers, architects, painters, craftsmen, musicians, administrators, men of letters, and pilgrims freely migrated from one area to another. The continuous movement of poets, litterateurs, artists, musicians, historians, architects and diplomats to the liberal Mughal court, is amply documented in the tazkira literature and conventional historical works. Surely, it was not a brain drain but brain gain, a process which continuously enriched the cultural land and scape of Mughal India. Such a cultural interaction and synthesis is evident not only in literary and artistic sensibilities of the people who inhabited the vast region but also in their shared values, language,

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institutions of religion and ethics. Architecture, one of the most enduring legacies of the Mughals, showed significant Central Asian influences especially in the planning of the mausoleums and gardens. Many medieval monuments such as the mosques, madrasahs, khanqahs and tombs which dotted the landscape of India display many Central Asian architectural features. The period is characterized of with cultural interaction and assimilation during the seventeenth century, the age of happy synthesis. The Mughal emperors had an emotional attachment with their ancestral land and its people. The Mughal Emperors had close emotional ties with their homeland as it was evident from the gifts and letters which sent by Emperor Jahangir to the Juybaris and Dihbidi Shaikhs of Bukhara and his lively conversations with Central Asian musician poet Mutribi al-Assamm Samarqandi. Leaving aside the well-known visit of Mutribi Samarqandi to the court of Emperor Jahangir many minor poets and writers were patronised by the Mughal nobility as well. Timur remained as the role model and ideal ruler to his descendants and Mughal emperor Shah Jahan even assumed the title of Sahib Qiran-i-Sani, Second Lord of auspicious conjunction, from Timur’s own title Sahib-i-Qiran, Lord of the heavenly conjunction. Historical texts produced in Central Asia enjoyed exceptional popularity in the Mughal court culture. A biography of Timur, Zafar nama by Sharaf al-Din Ali Yazdi completed in 1424-5 and a world history, Rauzat us Safa by Mir Khwand were not only some of the favourite books of the Mughal emperors also called IndoTimurids but also served as reference works for generations of Mughal court chroniclers. This discussion of cultural interaction and assimilation will be based on contemporary sources such as the tazkiras, biographical literature and imperial memoirs and court histories such as Jahangirnama and Shah Jahannamas. However, there are more concrete evidences of flourishing mystical tradition. In India Central Asia region including Afghanistan religious and political thought continued to be dominated by the influence of Sufism. Significant mystic influences continued to disseminate through the Sufi saints such as Mulla Shah Badakhshi and Khawand Mahmud who came to India and decided to stay and preach in India. Significant mystic influences continued to disseminate through the Sufi saints such as Khwaja Baqi Billah (1563-1603) the first major Naqshbandi saint who arrived in India from Kabul and made Delhi his abode. A close study of the biographical literature shows the existence of a living common mystical tradition between India and Central Asia. What facilitated the interaction in this vast region was the extensive travel activity. Travel in search for men’slearning was considered a hall-mark of

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educated person and some of the Indian cities such as Delhi called Hazrati-Dehli, Agra, Lahore and Srinagar happened to be the favorite destinations of travelers from Central Asia and Iran. Travel to far off lands in search of a spiritual guide (murshid) and meeting with fellow saints was quite fashionable activity among the Sufis and their circles. The fifteenth-sixteenth century Indo-Persian Sufi poet and hagiographer Hamid ibn Fazl Allah, (1457-1535) commonly known as Darwish Jamali undertook extensive travels in the countries of the Islamic East in search of knowledge and to satisfy his natural curiosities of the wider world. Jamali travelled from Central Asia to the Maghrib and from Anatolia to Yamen. He met prominent Sufis and learned men such as the Persian poet, and Sufi Maulana Nuruddin Abdur Rahman Jami (1414-92) and with him he exchanged knowledge and ideas. At Herat, he also interacted with Sultan Husain Mirza and his learned minister Mir Ali Sher Nawai, also a friend and confidant of Jami. In his memoirs, Siyar al-Arifin (Lives of the Knowers of God) Jamali recounted his wide-ranging personal experiences and observations of extensive travels in the lands of Islam including Mecca and Medina (Harmain sharifain), where he performed Haj and spent time in the prophet’s. He also visited Bait-al-Muqaddas, and cities of Palestine, Yemen, Rum, Khurasan, the Maghreb and Iraq. In his memoirs, he recounted what he had seen there of the monuments and mausoleums, wonders and antiquities and his meeting with the scholars and pious men of those places, tombs and burial places (al-Ziyarat) of the prophets and saints.1 He had also visited Ceylon. Subsequent tazkira writers continued to describe him as a man of vast knowledge and experience. The poet-saint described the most effusive terms by a Sufi-author Muhammad Sadiq Kashmiri Hamadani. It is an important but largely unstudied Sufi tazkira or a biographical dictionary entitled Kalimat al-Sadiqin compiled in 1023 A.D. /1614 A.D. His meeting and intellectual exchange with Abdur Rahman Jami continued to be a recurrent theme of the subsequent writers of tazkira and hagiographies.2 The great Central Asian Empire builder Timur remained the role model and ideal ruler to his descendants in India. Timur’s legacy and achievements were a major intellectual influence on the Mughal emperors of India. Almost all Mughal rulers not only traced their genealogy to the great victor, but they were equally proud of their Timurid legacy.3 The image of the legendary forbearer served as a role model to all the Timurid kings, ruling elite and princes. But Emperor Shah Jahan’s admiration of his celebrated ancestor was on a higher plain. The emperor not only assumed the lofty title of “Sahib Qiran-i-Sani” which means “Lord of the auspicious planetary conjunction,” of which Timur was the first bearer, he also sought to imbibe Timurid tradition

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in every conceivable domain of imperial activity from military conquests to the patronage of arts and men of letters. Naturally, the history of Timur called Zafarnama (Book of victory) of the great chronicler of Sharafuddin Ali Yazdi (d. 1454) completed in 1424-5, continued to serve as a source of inspiration and dynastic pride. A rare copy of this historical narrative containing paintings of the master-painter Bihzad was signed by the emperor Shah Jahan on the very first day of his accession to the Mughal throne in the historic fort of Agra. It read: “In the name of God, the merciful, the compassionate. This noble Zafarnama which is one of the marvels of the age, (nawadir-idauran) has been deposited in the private library of this suppliant at the court of God, on the 25 day of the month of Bahman, corresponding to the 8th day of the month of Jamadissani, in the year 1037 of Hijrah (Monday 14 February 1628) which is the date of my blessed accession; and because of its exceedingly fine character (nafasat) it shall always remain in my presence and shall frequently be read. Written by Shihabuddin Muhammad Shahjahan Padishah, son of Jahangir Padishah, son of Akbar Padishah Ghazi.”4 On the one hand, Abul Fazl’s Akbarnama, the official history of Akbar’s reign is said to have been inspired by Zafarnama especially in the meticulous collection of facts. Shah Jahan also commissioned an early rendering of Malfuzat-i-Timuri from Turkish into Persian.5 On the other hand, historical works produced in Central Asia such as the seven volume universal history Rauzat us Safa of the Timurid historian Mir Khwand (1433-98), said to have been “incomparable in the art of Insha and historiography”6 remained one of the most popular books of history in the entire region. It served as a definitive source of history as well as knowledge of world religions such as Judaism and Christianity.7 The accomplished Mughal noble Ghiyas al-Din Ali entitled Naqib Khan, son of Abd al-Latif Qazwini,8 compiler of Tarikh-i-Alfi and one of the translators of Mahabharat, in its Persian version known as Razmnama, the renowned court chronicler of Akbar and Jahangir had learnt all the seven volumes of Rauzat al Safa by heart. He displayed his profound knowledge of the text in the nocturnal debates held under the patronage of Jahangir between the Christian priests and the Indo-Mughal intelligentsia. Naqib Khan argued on contentious issues concerning Jesus Christ and his faith, such as the doctrinal differences within the faith, rise of sects among Christians, causes of hostility between the Jews and the Christians. The medieval Crusades quoting extensively from the same source in courtly discussion held under the aegis of Jahangir.9 Clearly, much

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of the information derived from the Rauzat al-Safa, was recycled in the courtly interfaith dialogue, albeit with significant additions. Indeed Indo-Mughal elite’s knowledge of various aspects of Christianity and the Judaeo-Christian scriptures reached India primarily through Iran and Central Asian connections as there resided large Persian speaking Christian and Jewish communities.10 Similarly, many literary and historical works written on the Indian soil such as the tazkira Tabaqat-i-Shah Jahani a biographical account compiled by the above cited sufi-scholar Sadiq Hamadani Kashmiri Dehlawi in the early 1630s assumes no regional, linguistic and dynastic distinction while describing the achievements of the distinguished scholars, diplomats and saints of the vast region. Many of the scholars described belonged to the golden age of Central Asian achievement when the region was a scene of literary flowering. It is divided into ten chapters called tabaqa on the basis of the intellectual, spiritual and professional attainments of the individuals described. Each of the chapters is dedicated to the men of distinction who flourished under the patronage of Timur (1336-1405) and his successors. The subsequent chapters are devoted to prominent men who lived during the reigns of Mirza Miran Shah (13771447), Mirza Sultan Muhammad, Sultan Mirza Abu Said (1424-69) and finally Mirza Umar Shaikh (1456-95). The account is followed with the Indo-Timurid rulers Zahir al-Din Muhammad Babur (r. 1526-30) Humayun (r.1530-43), Akbar (r1555-1605), Jahangir (r. 1605-27) and Shah Jahan (r.1627-58). The first division consists of the Sayyids, and friends of God, famous Sufi-saints (mashaikhs), the second is concerned with the scholars (fuzala) or men of the pen and who excelled in learning and knowledge, and philosophers the third category consisted of the poets and litterateurs who flourished under the liberal patronage of the illustrious house of Timur. The thematic arrangement of the book assumes cultural unity of the Islamicate cultural zone. The authors perceived no discontinuity in the cultural traditions of the dynasty and as such no distinction is made between the Timurids of Mawaraunnahr and the Timurids of India. Evidently, on the literary and intellectual map of Sadiq Dehlawi, celebrities like the Persian poet, polymath, and Sufi a culminating figure in the elaboration of Perso-Islamic culture Maulana Nur al-din Abd alRahman Jami (1414-92), Multan-born Suhrawardi saint Shaikh Samauddin Kanbuh (1405-1496), and Shaikh Abdul Haq Muhaddith Dehlawi (1551-1642), the traditionist and historiographer of Mughal India are discussed with equal passion and fervour. On the mental landscape of the above biographer-author mystics like Shaikh Salim Chishti of Fatehpur Sikri and Maghribi saint Shaikh Ahmad Khattu (d. 1446), the grand-saint of Gujarat, and Shah Wajihuddin Alawi (1504-89) as well as Khwaja Bahauddin Naqshband, Khwaja Alauddin

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Attar, and Khwaja Nasir al-Din Ubaydullah Ahrar (d.1490), the leading Naqshbandi saints of Central Asia enjoyed equal eminence.11 Furthermore, a study of their lives and intellectual and literary activities of the individuals described in the above-cited works also reveals a discernible continuity in the cultural and intellectual preoccupations of the educated elite who inhabited the region. Additionally, many literary men also served as links between Transoxiana, and India. Emperor Nuruddin Jahangir’s lively conversations with Central Asian musician-poet Mutribi al-Assamm Samarqandi who visited Lahore in 1626 are well-known. The aesthete monarch’s conversations show close emotional ties with the ancestral homeland.12 Besides Jahangir’s queries and ensuing discussion with his educated nobles about Sultan Muhammad Khwarzm Shah’s attitude towards the sufi-saints Shaikh Najm al-Din Kubara (d.1221) and the Sultan’s involvement in the death of latter’s disciple Majd alDin Baghdadi,13 the comparative excellence of the Persian poet-moralist Sadi and the lyricist Khwaja Shamsuddin Muhammad Hafiz of Shiraz,14 use of the intoxicants such as the opium and poppy-seeds by Abdullah Khan Uzbek,15 are some of the topics recorded by Abd al-Sattar bin Qasim Lahauri. These show the Mughal rulers abiding interest in their ancestral homeland and its people. Mughal court historian Abd al-Sattar reported that in the fifth regnal year of the Emperor Jahangir one night a gossipy man called Kaifi narrated that Mawaraunnahr was famous mainly for three characteristics and each of the quality is associated with a different place of the country which had become a source of amusement. These are the battles fought with stones of Samarqand, red roses of Bukhara, and the deserts of Balkh. He also reported that the red rose of Bukhara is famous yet the water of Bukhara is known for its ill effects. A majority of the people who consume it tend to fall ill. Not only that that whomsoever drink, it also become poor. Emperor Jahangir, an engaging conversationalist replied in the following verses: In Bukhara there is everywhere blindness and lame, The lameness was the result of water and blindness caused due to war fought with stones. Kaifi also cited the above verses from Bukharan poet Mushfiqi who travelled to India twice before he was appointed poetlaureate by Abdullah Khan Uzbeg.16 Sadiq also cited following verse from Mushfiqi in a brief but trenchant biographical note of the Central Asian poet-satirist: The land of Hind is a sugar-field, There parrots sell sugar and black Hindus are like flies in their turbans and long coats.17 Indo-Persian culture conveyed essentially by poetry spread widely in Central Asia and greatly influenced modes of thought. Apart

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from the above mentioned persons, other Central Asian poets migrated to Mughal India are Fahmi Samarqandi, who also visited India several times,18 and Firuzah Kabuli who was in the employment of Mirza Hakim, Kabulbased half-brother of Akbar.19 Another lesser-known poet was Qaidi from Mawaraunnahr who came to Agra during Bairam Khan’s regency.20 Madami Badakhshi was patronised by Mirza Aziz Koka, a foster brother of Emperor Akbar and a powerful noble.21 Manzari Samarqandi was patronised by Akbar’s ataliq and first prime-minister Bairam Khan (d. 1561), who sought to re-write Khwandamir’s Humayun nama on the model of Shahnama.22 Mirza Aziz Koka is also listed as a poet and his poetical composition are also composition quoted.23 However Abd al-Rahim Khan-i-Khana (d.1627) is also known as an intellectual poet, he is compared with Ali Sher Nawai in extending patronage to the scholars and distinguished poets during his governorship of the Deccan where he served for a considerable period of time.24 The author declared that not even the great kings of Iran and Turan could aspire to emulate his generosity, liberal patronage and benefaction of the men of letters and knowledge. 25 Some of the Indian products were highly valued in Central Asian lands. Such were the seals made by Maulana Ali Ahmad known as Nishani Dehlawi, son of Shaikh Husain Naqshi. “Son and father both were perfect in the art of seal engraving to such a degree their seals were exquisite pieces of the craft. In Iraq Khurasan and Transoxiana their engravings and coins were lookedas a souvenir, (literally, sacred relic).26 Besides, gifts and letters were also sent by Emperor Jahangir to the Juubaris and Dehbidi Shaikhs of Bukhara and Samarqand. Dehbidi family, descendants of Khwaja Kashani also known as Makhdum-i-Azam were the spiritual preceptors to several Shaybanid Uzbek rulers during the first half of the sixteenth century. They represented the second important clan of Naqshbandi Shaikhs after the Ahrari from Samarqand and enjoyed great favour. A third group of Naqshbandi Shaikhs, the family of Khwaja Juibaris was based in Bukhara and also received favours from rulers as shown particularly by the sumptuous reception given by the emperor Jahangir to their Shaikh Abdul Rahim “whose noble lineage goes back to Imam JafarSadiq,” and died in India in 1628.27 A rare copy of the Holy Quran in the hands of the thirteenth century calligraphist KhwajaYaqut al Mutasami bin Abdullah al-Rumi written in mid April 1283, was sent to Hasan Khwaja which was accessioned in the imperial library in June 1614. Jahangir wrote: “God is Great. This discourse of Omniscient King (The Holy Quran) which is in the hand of the cream of calligraphers, Khwaja Yaqut, the slave of Mustasam Abbasi, arrived in

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the Library of this supplicant at the gates of the Almighty on 12thAmardad 9thRegnal year /27thJamadi II, 1023 A.H. (25th June 1614). Written by Nuruddin Jahangir bin Akbar Padishah Ghazi. God is Great, in the name of God He may be honoured and glorified. This supplicant at the gates of Almighty sends the best gnostics and light of the piteous. Hasan Khwaja on the Ist of the Shahriwar Ilahi month, 15thRegnal Year/2ndRamazan al-Mubarak 1029/ July 1620 as a present Written by Nuruddin Jahangir Shah bin Akbar Padishah Ghazi.” The same Holy scriptures were brought back to India when Mughals annexed Balkh in 1646. Shah Jahan noted with his own hands: This Holy Quran which His Majesty Jannat Makani (posthumous title of Jahangir meaning one whose nest is in paradise) had sent to Khwaja Hasan Juibari is taken from the said Khwaja by Imam Quli Khan. The said Khan gave in turn to his younger brother Nazr Muhammad Khan. In the 20thRegnal Year /1056 A.H./1646 after the conquest of the abode of victory called Balkh Nazr Muhammad Khan fled from there to Iraq to take refuge under Abbas Mirza i.e., Shah Abbas II and all the treasures were transferred to the Library (of the supplicant at the gates of the Almighty) by his grace and benevolence.” However, the same was returned back by Aurangzeb to the descendants of Khwaja with this note: “I have given this Holy Quran the glorious Furqan to the offspring of the eminent saints and the essence of the great God-fearing men, graced by the favours of the Divine Creator. Al-Khwaja Muhammad Yaqub bin al-Khwaja Muhammad Yusuf bin al-Khwaja Hasan al-Juibari was conformity with Allah’s words, “Surely Allah commands you to make over trusts to those worthy of them.”28 Careers of the Central Asian migrants to India showed different trends and trajectories. A majority of them preferred to enter Mughal civil and military services in the ever expanding Mughal administration. Some of the migrants were able to enjoy high judicial positions due to their specialized training in Islamic law and jurisprudence. Such was the case of Qazi Muhammad Zahid Kabuli, who on account of his learning was appointed judge (qazi) of Kabul by the Emperor Jahangir, a position which he continued to enjoy until his death in the third regnal year of emperor Shah Jahan.29 In a similar manner Qazi Muhammad Aslam of Herat, who studied traditional subjects in Bukhara and arrived in India in his youth, served as the judge (qazi) of army during the reign of Jahangir and later Shah Jahan also promoted him to the dignified position of prayer-leader. 30 Another example is of Mulla Muhammad Fazil of Badakhshan, who went to Kabul and studied under Mulla Sadiq Halwai, an eminent scholar and poet from Samarqand. Thereafter he went to Transoxiana and joined the circle

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of Mulla Mirza Jan Shirazi, head of the teacher of the age, and that of his distinguished pupil Mulla Yusuf Kosa under both the teachers he pursued rational sciences, philosophy, and gnosis (hikmat). Further, he studied the science of exegesis from Mulla Jamal Lahori. He served as a judge (qazi) of Urdu-i-mualla, lived in Lahore, the seat of government.31 Many Turanis got the prestigious job tutoring by the royal prince. Mulla Mirak Shaikh Harawi of Herat who migrated to India in his early youth and sought discipleship of the distinguished scholar Mulla Abdussalam Lahori, was appointed the teacher of Prince Dara Shukoh and later he was appointed as preceptor of Prince Murad.32 Hakim Beg Kabuli who possessed knowledge of traditional and rational disciplines was appointed teacher of Prince Shah Shuja.33 Besides many sufi saints continued to migrate to India. One such example is Khwaja Khawand Mahmud (1557-1642) who is portrayed as an important religious person. His biological and spiritual lineage is described in the most glowing terms. He was a spiritual disciple of the great mystic Khwaja Ishaq Dehbedi Mejaz, and a grandson of the great mystic Khwaja Alauddin Attar, and from his maternal side he was related to Khwaja Bahauddin Naqshband (1318-1389) the patron-saint of Bukhara. Most of the people of Central Asia (Turan, Mawraunnahar) were his followers. He arrived in a paradise-like India (Hindustan Bahishtnishan) via Kabul during the reign of the emperor Akbar (r.1556-1605) and joined his court. Later he moved to Kashmir and established his grand hospice (khanqah) where his followers spend time in worship and devotion. When emperor Shah Jahan ascended the throne he also patronized the saint and granted a few villages as suyurghal (revenue free land grant) in paradise-like Kashmir, for the maintenance of Khwaja, his sons and their establishment. He settled there along with his family to lead a peaceful life. He sought to disseminate his teachings in the region. Khwaja visited the imperial court on several occasions such as the weighing ceremony of the emperor and each time he was granted a share of gold and silver distributed on the occasion.34 He was still alive when the author of Tabaqat was writing his account in 1630. He enjoyed immense popularity among the people of Transoxiana, Badakhshan and Kashmir and regarded him as their spiritual preceptor.35 Shah Jahan continued to patronize the saint as one of his sons named Khwaja Qasim was deputed by to Balkh with a royal subsidy of one lakh in cash and property to a value of two lakhs comprising all sorts of gems and jewelled articles.36 Later he shifted to Lahore where he died in 1642. At his Khanqah in Srinagar, he was succeeded by his son Khwaja Muin.37Shah Jahan continued to patronize the saint as one of his sons named Khwaja Qasim

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was deputed by to Balkh with a royal subsidy of one lakh in cash and property to a value of two lakhs comprising all sorts of gems and jewelled articles.38 The Naqshbandi silsila born of twelfth-century tariqa-i-Khwajgan path or order of the masters, founded in Bukhara by Bahauddin Naqshband (d.1389) spread in India following the arrival of another well-known mystic figure Abul Muayyid Razi al-Din Uwaisi Naqshbandi Khwaja Baqi Billah (1563-1603). Born in Kabul on 16 Dec. 1563 he arrived in India from Kabul and made Delhi the centre of his spiritual activities which is also his final abode. He is lying buried near the Qadam Sharif in Delhi. Which is presently located in the Sadar Bazar area of Delhi, the entire dargah complex is dotted with unmarked graves. His mystical ideas were imbued with deep humanitarian spirit and compassion to the people of God were propagated by his devoted disciples. He advocated strict adherence to Shariate, denounced bidat or innovation in religious sphere.39 His disciples Hisamuddin Ahmad is unique who served the Mughal emperors later gave it up to pursue the life of a mystic. He was born in 1569 at Qunduz in Badakhshan and came to India with his father in 1575 Qazi Nizam Badakhshi. Scion of a gentry family, Hisamuddin began his life in the service of the state as a high ranking imperial officer (mansabdar) but gave up professional life in preference for saintly life when he was still in the prime of his youth. He sought spiritual discipleship of Khwaja Baqi Billah, the first major Naqshbandi saint who arrived in India and made Delhi his abode. Khwaja who learnt the path of a wayfarer (suluk and tariq) silent recollection or recollection in the heart (zikr khafi) and permission to enrol disciples. He led an extremely pious life and recited the complete text of the Holy Quran within two days. He remained occupied in the dissemination of word of God among the seekers of truth.40 When he died at Agra Akbarabad in 1633 his body was brought to Delhi and was buried near the tomb of Khwaja Baqi in Qadam Sharif. Sadiq Hamadani who composed a chronogram on his death described Hisamuddin a fellow-mystic and close associate as one of the saintly figures whose existence was a manifestation of divine mercy on earth. He remarked that the popularity of the noble order called Naqshbandiya Ahrariya is due to his sincere efforts.41 A perusal of biographical accounts of other prominent saints and disciples of Baqi Billah shows the popularity of the Naqshbandi silsila, as he worked for its spread in India as well as in other countries. Apart from the above mentioned Shaykh Hisamuddin, Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi, Shaykh Taj al-Din and Shaikh Ilahdad were some other outstanding successors. Small townships like Sambhal, Jhinjhana, Saharanpur and Sirhind, the native towns of his

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committed disciples also came under the influence of the order. While Shaykh Hisamuddin’s activities were mainly concentrated in the twin capital cities Agra and Delhi, through the efforts of ShaikhTaj the silsila spread in the Holy Cities: Macca, Medina, Hejaz and Yemen. As a result, some of the major sufistic influences emanated from the Indian soil. The doctrine of Wahdat alshuhud the oneness of the sight [of God] the shadow of God cannot, under any circumstances be identical to God was propounded by Shaikh Ahmad in three volumes of his letters known as Maktubat-i-Rabbani. He rejected Ibn al-Arabi’s doctrine of Wahdat al-wujud unity of existence, divine unity is not Wahdat al-wujud as He [God] is not one with anything. He is He-Supreme and All Holy-and the world is the world.’ This version of tariqa called Mujaddadiya from mujaddid or renovator a name by which Ahmad Sirhindi, commonly known was adopted by all Naqshbandi groups throughout the Muslim world. Sufism underwent a great doctrinal change which had major social and political consequences in Central Asia at the end of the seventeenth century when Central Asian Shaikhs became aware of it.42 In the closing decades of the sixteenth century Naqshbandi silsila became an influential factor but other silsilas like the Qadiri silsila also continued to flourish and attracted many Turanis to its fold. Mulla Shah Badakhshi, (15851661), who portrayed as a living saint, remained occupied in the devotion and veneration of the Almighty God in the beautiful valley of Kashmir. He arrived in Lahore early in his youth and sought discipleship of the Qadiri saint Mian Mir (1550-1635). Like his mentor and guide, he also preferred a life of celibacy. During the winter the saint lived in the fabulous city Lahore, but for summer his preferred residence was the beautiful valley of Kashmir.43 However, a reverse trend is also discernible as shown in the life stories of some of the mystics. Khwaja Muhammad Amin Dehbedi was one of the descendants of Maulana Khwajgi Kashani Dahbidi Makhdum-i-Azam (d.1542). He lived in India for several years then went to perform Haj pilgrimage and returned back to India then he went to Qandhar and finally returned to his homeland and occupied himself in the noble task of teaching and preaching. Architecture, one of the most enduring legacy of the Mughals showed significant Central Asian influences especially in the planning of the mausoleums and gardens. There are also fanciful claims that the architect of the Taj was an Ottoman Muhammad Isa Effendi, but the chief draftsman, Muhammad Sharif was from Samarqand and the head sculptor Ata Muhammad from Bukhara.44 Herat [at present in Afghanistan] was the ancestral home of Ahmad Mimar, the well-known royal architect of the Mughal Emperor Shah Jahan who played a major role in the formulation and development of Mughal

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architecture. The achievements of the members of the renowned family of architects and engineers which heralded the family’s era of the scientific and architectural ingenuity need to be highlighted. This illustrious family built palaces, mosques and tombs and also contributed significantly in the domain of astronomy, mathematics, literary and scientific learning. Their indefatigable endeavours in shaping the intellectual and artistic scenario of the Mughal court are yet to be explored completely. High level of literacy and royal patronage were the two factors which contributed in the rise of the family.45 Indeed a profile of the distinguished architects and scientists reveal that the period of their rise and passing into oblivion coincides with the rise and fall of the Mughal state. Ahmad Mimar has no book to his credit. The primary source of information which sheds light on the intellectual and artistic contributions is a poetical collection entitled Diwan-i-Muhandis of his second born son (and above mentioned scientist and skilled translator) Lutfullah Muhandis. This diwan consists of a number of qasidas, (odes) masnawi (long rhymed poem) and ghazals (lyrics) describes in vivid details, accomplished by Ahmad Mimar and his three talented sons. In this diwan, Lutf Allah forwarded the claim that his father was the architect of Taj and Red Fort (Qila-i-ark). In the Padshah Nama the official court history of Shah Jahan’s reign, Ahmad is credited, along with a colleague named Ustad Hamid, with being the skilful designer of the vast palace complex of the Red Fort at Delhi, built in the decade 1639-48, was the crowning glory of Emperor Shah Jahan’s new capital of Shahjahanabad. The zenith of his architectural career was his installation as the chief architect by Shah Jahan. According to the evidence of the Diwan-i-Muhandis Shah Jahan awarded him the honorary title of Nadir al-‘Asr, or “Wonder of the Age”, in recognition of his artistic accomplishments.46 The gifted architect Ahmad, who referred to himself simply as Ahmad Mi’mar (Ahmad the architect), was also a scholar in the sciences of astronomy, geometry, and mathematics, which perhaps go a long way in explaining his exceptional talent. He was a well-known authority on standard works on mathematics and astronomy like al-majisti the Almagest and Tahrir-i-Uqlidisa treatise based on Euclidean principles.47 Like their father, his sons were being great architects and engineers, (all the three brothers namely Ata Allah, Lutf Allah and Nur Allah) mathematicians, astronomers, poets, and calligrapher of merit. Ata Allah and Lutf Allah were prolific writers and versatile scholars, skilled translators and gifted litterateur. The multifaceted talents of these gentlemen architects are illustrated by the diversity of their works. Ata Allah is the architect of the tomb of Emperor

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Aurangzeb’s wife Dilras Banu Begum entitled Rabia Daurani who died at Aurangabad in 1657. The monument known as Bibi ka maqbara located in Aurangabad is said to be a pale copy of Taj. Lutf Allah specifically states that he also designed a palace for prince Dara Shukoh as well as a key. But none of the buildings designed by him has survived. Nur Allah Ahmad, the youngest of the three sons of Ahmad was a practised calligrapher who could write in seven styles artistically. Shah Jahan’s great congregational mosque at Delhi completed in 1656 bears his signature in small letters on the facade, at the end of the tenth inscribed dedication panel glorifying Shah Jahan.48 Lutf Allah had great poetical talent and taste for versification and poetics. One of his literary productions Diwan-i-Muhandis has already been mentioned. Diwan was composed during the reign of Shah Jahan as it contains a qasida (ode) in praise of Prince Dara. Additionally, Lutf Allah also compiled an anthology of poets called Tazkira-i-Muhandis which is not traceable. Asmani-sukhan is yet another literary composition by him. It is a fresh edition of Tazkirat al-Shuara (Memorial to the Poets) of Dawlat Shah (Amir) bin Ali alDawla Bakhtishah finished in 1487 towards the end of his life. During Akbar’s time, Faizi of Kirman versified all the seven Tabaqat in his anthology, the earliest of the anthologies also added three chapters in it. Lutf Allah added two more chapters and gave it the present title.49 Evidently, Diwan-i-Muhandis our primary source to reconstruct the scientific and architectural achievements of the first two generations of the family of Ahmad Mimar and his three extraordinarily gifted sons is full of appreciation for the reigning sovereign and Prince Dara Shukoh. In the next generation Imamuddin Riyazi, son of Lutf Allah Muhandis, sought to celebrate his ancestor’s proud achievements in a Tazkira entitled Baghistan. Surely, Tazkira-i-Baghistan is full of information of the intellectual and architectural achievements of its family members. In the same Tazkira the author claimed that the family migrated from Herat and Lutfullah is called al-Harawi Lahori Dehlawi. It also provides intimate information of Ahmad’s family with the other prominent intellectuals of the period such as Murshid Shirazi. Ata Allah Rushdi was a pupil of Maulana Murshid Shirazi entitled Makaramat Khan one of the supervisors of Taj. Maulana Murshid died in Shahjahanbad in 1059 A.H./1649. Lutfullah’ father [i.e. the grandfather of Riyazi] namely Ustad Ahmad (May God forgive his sins) held debates and discussions with him. More often than not the former proved himself right and consequently, the fallacies of other party’s arguments made public to the people of the assembly. I Riyazi heard this from my father who in turn, learned it from my grandfather and this was also confirmed from other sources. (Tazkira-i-Baghistan.)50

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Belonging to a strong moral and ethical values they had their e subject of ethics. Nur Allah Mimar contributed on the subject a short treatise called Sihri-hilal the lawful magic. This treatise contains reflections on moral subjects such as the “praise of charity” and “the censure of miserliness”. It is composed in verse as well as prose. It was written in 1659-60. Its only copy is preserved in the Bombay University’s library. The first part of Lilawati had already been translated by Abu Faiz Faizi Fayyazi (d. 1595) malik us shuara and the younger brother of historian Abul Fazl Allami as part of the wide-ranging imperial programme of rendering Sanskrit classics into Persian under the patronage of Emperor Akbar. However, it was Ata Allah Rushidi, the eldest son of Ahmad Mimar an outstanding mathematician and expert translator, was commissioned by Emperor Shah Jahan to translate the second part called Bijaganit from Sanskrit into Persian. Ata Allah emphasises that work is unique as it contains solution to many knotty problems which are neither available in Arabic and Persian works nor in the Lilawati. “Says the slave dependent upon the omnipotent God, Ata Allah son of Ahmad Nadir was under the divine guidance, in the year one thousand and forty-four 1044 Hijri [1634 A.D.] corresponding to the eighth regnal year of His Majesty the Sahib Qiran on the glorious throne of world sovereignty and powerful kingship he rendered from the Hindavi language into Persian a book on Algebra, which in Hindi is known as Bijaganit, composed by Bhaskaracharya – the author of Lilawati. On the science of mathematics this is a book of wonderful truths and a key to the excellent subtleties, comprising lofty benefits and valuable propositions, which do not find mention in any Persian or Arabic work including Lilawati. I began the preface of the book with prayer for the sovereignty of Abul Muzaffar Shihab al-Din Muhammad Qiran-i-Sani Shahjahan Badshah Ghazi. The work is divided into a Muqaddima (Introduction) and five maqalas (chapters). (British Library, Add. 16869). The Bijaganita/ Tarjumah-i-Bijaganit of Ata Allah Rashidi was translated into English by Edward Stretchy (1774-1832) an English East India Company official. (I have a Persian translation of Bijaganit which was made in India in 1634 by Ata Allah Rusheedee see preface p. 4) It was published in 1813 in London as Bijaganita or the algebra of the Hindus by Edward Stretchy of the East India Company’s Bengal civil service, London. Another translation by H.T. Colebrook (1765-1837) appeared four years later under the title Algebra with Arithmetic and Mensuration from the Sanskrit of Brahmagupta and Bhaskaracharya, London, John Murray, 1817.

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Totally devoted to scholarly pursuits the learned members of the family served the cause of scientific learning for almost two centuries. Ahmad Mimar’s grandsons Imamuddin Reyazi and Abul Khayr Khayrullah Khan Muhandis (d. 1747) also distinguished themselves in their respective fields. Imamuddin Reyazi dealt with mathematics and astronomy while his brother Abul Khayr Khayrullah Khan collaborated in the compilation of the Astronomical Tables of emperor Muhammad Shah which are known by the name of Zij-i-Muhammad Shahi.51 Additionally he also wrote a commentary on the same called Shrah zij Jadid Muhammadshahi. The same commentary of Khayrullah Muhandis (d.1747), director of the Royal Observatory under Muhammad Shah, on SharhZij-Jadid Muhammad Shahi as preserved in an encyclopaedia of mathematical sciences Jam-i-Bahadur Khani, of the encyclopaedist Ghulam Husain Jaunpuri, (1790-1832) also confirms the selective acceptance of the principles of new astronomy, while still adhering to the Ptolemaic concepts of universe.52 In accordance with the family’s tradition Khayrullah also imparted lessons in mathematics. Additionally he translated Tahrir-i-Uqlidis of KhwajaNasir al-Din Tusi into Persian with the title Taqrir-al-Tahrir. (British Library 2260). Furthermore, he prepared a Persian translation of Nasir al-Din Tusi’sTahrir al-Majisti under the title Taqrib al-Tahrir in 1747 (Farsiya ulum 26 University collection AMU). Additionally, Khayrullah Khan also knownfor his literary works such as Shrah Diwan-i-Zalali and another on Diwan-i-Hafiz of the lyricist Shamsuddin Muhammad Hafiz of Shiraz. Khayrullah’s son Muhammad Ali Reyazi continued to uphold the family tradition of serving the cause of mathematics. Mirza Muhammad Ali taught mathematics to Tafazzul Husain Khan who not only studied modern sciences but also translated Principia into Arabic.53

REFERENCE 1. Siyar al-Arifin (Lives of the Knowers of God) by Hamid ibn Fazl Allah commonly known as Darwish Jamali Urdu tr. By Ayyub Qadiri published by Markazi Urdu Board, Lahore 1976.Persian text Delhi 1311/1893 p.3.178, 181, 182. Mihr wa mah, S.H. Rashidi ed. Rawalpindi, 1974, Introduction pp. 64-65, 75. 2. Sadiq Hamadani Kashmiri Dehlawi, Tabaqat-e-Shahjahani, ed. Ghulam Ashraf Qadiri Vol. 1, Md. Ehteshamuddin, Vol. 2, Institute of Persian Research, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, 2013. For Shaikh Jamali Dehlawi, Tabaqat Vol II, pp. 58-9.

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3. Lisa Balabanlilar, Lords of the Auspicious Conjunction: Turco-Mongol Imperial Identity on the Subcontinent, Journal of World History, Vol. 18, Number 1, March 2007 pp. 1-39. 4. Thomas W. Arnold, Bihzad and his paintings in the Zafar-Nama MS. Bernard Quaritch, London 1930, pp.4-5. 5. Irfan Habib, Timur in the Political Tradition and Historiography of Mughal India, in L’Heritage timouride Iran-Asie centrale-Inde XVe-XIIIe siecles, ed. Maria Szuppe (Aix-en-Provence, 1997). 6. For Mir Khwand see, Tabaqat Vol. I p. 21. 7. Mir Khwand, Rauzat us-safa fi siratanbiyawa’lmulukwa’lkhulafa, Markazi-khayyam, Piroz, Iran, 1338s,Vol. I, pp.331-456. English translation, E. Rehatsek ed. F.F. Arbuthnot, The Rauzat-us-Safa or Garden of Purity containing the Histories of Prophets, Kings, and Khalifs by Muhammad bin Khavendshah bin Mahmud commonly called Mirkhond, Part I, Vol. II First Published 1892, Reprint, Delhi, 1982. 8. For Abd al-Latif Qazwini, See, Tabaqat Vol II, pp. 104-5. 9. Abdus Sattar bin Qasim Lahauri, Majālis-i Jahāngīrī: Majlis-hā-yi shabāna-i-darbār-i Nūr al-Dīn Jahāngīr az 24 Rajab 1017 tā 19 Ramazan 1020, ed. ‘Arif Naushahi and Mu‘in Nizami (Tehran: Miras-i Maktub, 2006) pp.3, 5. “Majalis-i-Jahangiri” contains detailedaccounts of the intellectual discourses of the Mughal Emperor Nuruddin Jahangir (reigned 1605-27), with his cultivated nobles, recorded by his court historian and key participant Abd al-Sattar bin Qasim Lahori. Gulfishan Khan, Encounters with Christianity at Jahangir’s court: Debates on the issues of Trinity and Biblical authenticity, Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, 74th Session, Cuttack, 2013 Indian History Congress, Delhi, 2014. 10. Gulfishan Khan, Late 16th and Early 17th-Century Contestations of Catholic Christianity at the Mughal Court, in Chad M. Bauman and Richard Fox Young ed. Constructing Indian Christianities, Conversion, Culture and Caste, Rout ledge India, 2014, 61-107. 11. Tabaqat, Vol. I, pp. 7-20, 162. 12. Surinder Singh, The Indian Memoirs of Mutribi Samarqandi, Proceedings of the Indian History Congress. 55th session, Aligarh, (Delhi, 1995) pp. 345-354. Richard Foltz, Two Seventeenth-Century Central Asian Travellers to Mughal India, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, Series, 3, 6, 9,1996, pp. 367-377. 13. Majalis-i-Jahangiri, 171-3,

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14. Majalis-i-Jahangiri, 256-7. 15. Majālis-i Jahāngīrī , pp. 209-210. 16. Majālis-i Jahāngīrī p. 158. 17. Tabaqat , Vol. II p.175. Also see, Abd al-Qadir Badauni, Mutakhab uttwarikh Eng tr. Wooseley Haig, Atlantic Publishers & distributors, Delhi Reprint 1990, Vol III, pp. 452-3 Also see, Richard C. Foltz, Mughal India and Central Asia, Oxford University Press, 1998, 73, 74. 18. Tabaqat Vol II p. 166. 19. Tabaqat Vol. II p. 167. 20. Tabaqat Vol. II p.171. 21. Tabaqat Vol. II p. 177. 22. Tabaqat Vol. II p. 179, Khwandmir, Qanun-i-Humayuni, tr. Beni Prasad, Bib. Indica, Calcutta, 1940. 23. Tabaqat Vol II p. 226. For Mirza Aziz Koka’s political biography see, Afzal Husain, The Nobility under Akbar and Jahangir: A Study of Family Groups, Aligarh: Centre of Advanced Study, Department of History, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, Manohar, Delhi:1999.pp. pp. 45-69. 24. On the subject see, Abdul Baqi Nihawandi, Masir-i-Rahimi, Shamsul Ulama Hidayat Husain ed. Bibleotheca Indica Series, Asiatic society of Bengal, 1910-1831. 25. Tabaqat, pp. Vol II pp. 232-3. For the family of Bairam Khan and his son Abd al-Rahim Khan-i-Khanan’s career see, The Nobility under Akbar and Jahangir: A Study of Family pp. 10-44. 26. Tabaqat, Vol. II pp. 227-9. Jahangir wrote that Mulla Ali, the seal engraver one of the peerless of the age in his craft was my disciple and servant of old and I had studied with his father when I was small” Jahangir also provided an eye-witness description of his death in ecstasy. See, Wheeler M. Thackstan, The Jahangirnama: Memoirs of Jahangir, Emperor of India, Translated, edited, and annotated by Wheeler M. Thackston, Smithsonian Institution, Oxford University Press, 1999, p.109. Nur alDin Muhammad, Toozuk-i-Jehangeeree (Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri), ed. Syud Ahmud Aligarh, 1863-4. 27. Jahangirnama , pp.451-2, 454. For the Dehbedi family See Richard Foltz, The Central Asian Naqshbandi Connections of the Mughal Emperors, Journal of Islamic Studies 7:2 (1996) p. 233.

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28. A Catalogue of the Arabic Manuscripts in the Salar Jung Museum and Library with a Foreword by Prof. Humayun Kabir, compiled by Muhammad Ashraf Vol. II, Concerning 367 MSS. The Glorious Quran its parts & fragments, Published by Shri V.L.Devkar, Salar Jung Museum and Library, Hyderabad, 1962. pp.2-7. 29. Abd al-Hamid Lahori, Shah Jahan-Nama (Book of Shahjahan)History 309, Library of Salar Jung Museum, Hyderabad (Andhra Pradesh). folio 926, Gulfishan Khan, Official views of Mystic Life during the Shahjahani era, Global Journal of Indian History and Culture, (International Peer Reviewed and Refereed Journal) Vol. No. 1, June 2015, pp. 32-31. 30. Shah Jahannama folio 927, Tabaqat, pp. 259-60. 31. Shah Jahannama folio 927-8. Tabaqat, Vol II, p.259. 32. See Tabaqat, p. 260, Shah Jahannama folio 932-3, The Shah Jahan Nama of Inayat Khan, An Abridged history of the Mughal Emperor Shah Jahan, compiled by his Royal librarian, ed. And completed by W. E. Begley, and Z. A. Desai, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1990, p. 84. 33. Shah Jahannama folio 934. Shah Jahani nobility has been studied by Mohammad Afzal Khan, The Ruling Elite: Iranian Nobility under Shahjahan and Aurangzeb, Viva Books, New Delhi, 2016. 34. See, Shah Jahan Nama, folios 918-9 For Khwaja Mahmud’s activities in Kashmir see, S.A.A.Rizawi, A History of Sufism in India, Vol. II pp. 181-185. 35. Tabaqat, Vol II, pp. 239-40. 36. The Shah Jahan Nama of Inayat Khan, p. 449. 37. For Khwaja Mahmud’s activities in Kashmir see, S.A.A. Rizawi, A History of Sufism in India , Vol. II pp. 181-185. 38. The Shah Jahan Nama of Inayat Khan, p. 449. 39. For a biography of Baqi Billah, Tabaqat-i-Shah Jahani, pp. 75-6, Kalimat al-Sadiqin, pp. 161-183. 40. Shah Jahan Nama, folios 918-9. 41. Tabaqat, pp 244-5, Muhammad Sadiq Dehlawi Kashmiri Hamadani, Kalimat al-Sadiqin, ed., Muhammad Saleem Akhtar, Islamabad:Iran Pakistan Research Centre, 1988, pp. 183-6. Gulfishan Khan, Kalimat alSadiqin: A Sufi Biographical Account, in Nasir Raza Khan, ed., Sufism: In India and Central Asia, Manakin Press Pvt. Ltd. New Delhi, 2017, ISBN 9789-3843-706-57, pp-85-99.

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42. Kalimat al-Sadiqin, pp. 187-88. 43. For the biographical accounts, spiritual experiences and attitude towards the state of the above saints see, Fatima ZehraBilgrami, History of the Qadiri Order in India (During 16th and 18th Century), Idarah-i-Adabiyati-Dilli, Delhi 2005. For Mian Mir pp. 112-120, For Mulla Shah Badakhshi, pp. 196-204. 44. Ilyas G. Nizamutdinov, Ocherkiistorii, p. 14 quoted in Richard C. Folz, Mughal India and Central Asia, Oxford University Press, Karachi, 1998, pp. 86-7. 45. Ahsan Jan Qaisar, Building Construction in Mughal India: The Evidence from Painting, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1988. 46. The literary evidence that strongly suggests that Ustad Ahamd was also the architect of the world famous TajMahal was discovered only in the 1930. See S. Sulaiman Nadvi, “Lahur ka ek Muhandis Khandan jis ne Taj aur Lal Qil’a Banaya”, Oriental College Magazine, 14 (1937), 11-50, and the same author’s “The family of the Engineers who Built the TajMahal”, Journal of Bihar and Orissa Research Society, 34 (1948), 270-284; cf. M.A. Chaghatai, “A Family of Great Mughal Architects”, Islamic Culture, 11 (1937), 200-209; and Mahmud Bangalori, Taj (Lahore, 1951). W.E. Begley, “Ustad Ahmad”, Macmillan Encyclopaedia of Architects, 4 vols. (New York, 1982), pp. 39-42. For more detailed studies, see M.A.Chaghatai, Ahmad Mi’marLahori (Lahore, 1957); and H.I.S. Kanwar, “Ustad Ahmad Lahori, “Islamic Culture, 48 (1974), 11-32. 47. Muhammad Waris, Padshahnama/Badshshnama, Transcript of Reza Library Rampur available in the History Seminar Library AMU, folio 38. 48. Wayne E. Begley, The Symbolic Roleof Calligraphy on Three Imperial Mosques of Shah Jahan, in Joanna G. Williams ed. Kaladarsana: American Studies in the Art of India, E.J.Brill, 1981, p.9. 49. Aloys Sprenger, A Catalogue of Arabic, Persian, and Hindustany Manuscripts of the Libraries of King of Oudh, compiled under the orders of government of India by A. Sprenger, Volume 1 Calcutta 1854. 50. Nazir Ahmad, Imamuddin Husain Riyazi the grandson of Nadirul asr Ustad Ahmad, the architect of Taj Mahal and his Tazkra-i-Baghistan, Islamic Culture 1956, pp.340. Nazir Ahmad observed Muhandis ancestral home was in Herat where from one of his ancestors migrated to India and settled at Lahore. Subsequently his grandfather seems to have moved to Delhi.

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51. For a discussion on the scientific contribution of Khayrullah Khan see, S.A.H.Rizawi, Glimpses of Astronomy in Medieval India, in pp. 198-220 in A. Rahman ed. History of Indian Science, Technology and Culture A.D. 1000-1800, Oxford University Press, 1998. 52. Ghulam Husain Jaunpuri, Jam-i-Bahadur Khani, Lithographic Press, Calcutta 1835. p. 579) For a full explanation what is referred as Jai Singh-Khairullah-Ghulam Hussain model see, S.A.H. Rizvi, Glimpses of Astronomy in Medieval India, pp. 209-218. 53. Gulfishan Khan, Indian Muslim Perceptions of the West during the Eighteenth Century (Oxford University Press, ISBN 0-19-577771-9 (Karachi: 1998). qqq

8 Looking Through European Eyes: Mughal State and Religious Freedom as Gleaned from The European Travellers’ Accounts of the Seventeenth Century Nishat Manzar

LOOKING THROUGH EUROPEAN EYES

I First decade of the seventeenth century saw a kind of surge in traffic towards the East after a century of the arrival of the Portuguese in the Indian Subcontinent. It was the result of the foundation of share-holders’ Companies in England, the Netherlands and Denmark in the first half; and France in the second half of the seventeenth century that made Europeans visit the East for both- commercial purpose and adventure. Mughal state, like all other important monarchies the contemporary Asia, has been portrayed by the Europeans who travelled in the East during the medieval period, as a highly despotic monarchy. French traveller Bernier (1656-1668) is especially quoted in his statements on the issue where he Mughal rulers and nobles shared the maximum revenues and did little for the welfare of the people.1 Many others shared his views and spoke of highly autocratic behaviour of the emperors and the ruling classes. It is very interesting at the same time that Mughal Emperors rarely indulged in religious

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persecution, including Aurangzeb who is especially accused of the same. While these European merchants and travellers criticise the rulers for being strict towards granting trade concessions to them, they speak of immense freedom in the sphere of religion enjoyed by all and sundry in all parts of the Empire. Evidence from the travellers like Pietro Della Valle, Johan Albrecht de Mandelslo, Peter Mundy, Alexander Hamilton and John Ovington can be cited to support the argument. In this chapter an attempt is being made to evaluate the perceptions of Europeans about India in terms of religious freedom which was enjoyed by all but it was not usual in the contemporary Ottoman, Safavid or Uzbek Empire.

II While on the one hand Mughal state has been projected as a highly autocratic monarchy by contemporary travellers like Bernier, at the same time its rulers have also frequently been branded as unscrupulous and religious bigots by the modern scholars. Medieval (Muslim) rulers altogether have been accused for introducing theocracy in South Asia and implementing the laws of shariat in a region where non-Muslim people were in majority.2 On the other hand, Europeans travelled in the East and condemn Islam due to their age-old enmity with the religion and its followers. They usually called it is a ‘false’ religion and Muslims are ‘hypocrites’. Concurrently, however, it is interesting to know that they praise the rulers, nobles and others for their conduct and being fair in their transactions. A statement of Emperor Jahangir about the religious freedom granted by his father Emperor Akbar and his own conviction towards the same can be gauged from his Memoir Tuzuk-i Jahangiri The professors of various faiths had room in the broad expanse of his incomparable sway. This was different from the practice in other realms, for in Persia there is room for Shias only, and in Turkey, India, and Turan there is room for Sunnis only. As in the wide expanse of the Divine compassion there is room for all classes and the followers of all creeds, so, on the principal that the Shadow must have the same properties as the [Divine] Light, in his dominions, which on all sides were limited only by the salt sea, there was room for the professors of opposite religions, and for beliefs good and bad, and the road to altercation was closed. Sunnis and Shias met in one mosque, and Franks [firangi] and Jews [yahūdi] in one church [kalīsa], and observed their own forms of worship.3

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This claim of Jahangir can be put to test further in the light of European sources of the period. Mughals first came in direct contact with the Europeansfirst the Portuguese (followed by others), at the end of the sixteenth century. while the Portuguese inflicted all kinds of atrocities on the vanquished in Asia and elsewhere, various incidents from the period of Akbar recorded by the Portuguese indicate towards the liberal attitude of the Emperor. Much before the time Akbar came in contact with the Jesuit missionaries from Goa, one Pietro Tavares who was the Portuguese commandant of Hugli had come to the court in 1576. Akbar not only gave him presents but a farmān (royal order) also granting ‘full freedom of conscience to the Portuguese in Bengal with permission to preach and convert as well as to build churches’.4 Although Akbar is turned averse to religion (rather Islam) in post-1580 period, but he showed great respect to Bible by placing it on his head when it was presented to him by the Jesuits in Fatehpur Sikri in February 1580. Subsequently, Akbar also allowed them to propagate Christianity and build churches.5 During debates with the Muslim scholars in the presence of Akbar in the court, Christian fathers used foul language about Islam and Prophet Mohammad, but Akbar displayed a great amount of patience and remained cordial towards them. Similarly, when they even criticised Akbar for having more than one wife, and the system of sati (burning of widows on the funeral pyre of husband) prevalent among Hindus in his Empire, he showed no resentment.6 His kindness towards the Christians gave way to rumours that he was willing to become a Christian. A near contemporary, an English adventurer Ralph Fitch (1583-1591), affirmed Akbar’s magnanimity that Moors and Gentiles reside in his realm and he (out of great respect) identifies him as the ‘Great Mogor’.7 Other travellers from Europe did not indulge much in polemics in the court of the Mughal rulers. Somehow, the behaviour of the rulers towards the followers of other religions is appreciated by most of them. Jahangir in his Memoir claimed to be the adherent of his father’s policies, including his religious policy. William Hawkins (1608-1613) who visited the court of Jahangir in Agra, projects the Emperor as a cruel monarch ‘who delighted seeing men executed’. Yet, he still confirms that Jahangir showed great reverence to the name of their Saviour (i.e., Christ) calling him as Hazrat Isa, and was so benevolent towards Christians that no other ‘Mahometan’ ruler had ever done so.8 A contemporary of the English ambassador Thomas Roe (1615-1618) who came to the court of Jahangir, and another Englishman called Thomas Coryat also visited the Mughal court and parts of western India between 1615 to 1617. Coryat was an adventurer so came via land route. He is famous for his absurdities and notorieties. A religious dogmatist himself,

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time and again he got involved in disputes with Indians on religious issues and uttered extremely offensive words about Islam and the last Prophet. In Agra, the capital of the Empire, he ridiculed the Muslim prayer azān. Once he got up into a turret parallel to the minaret of a mosque and on hearing the azān he also cried- La Ilaha Illa Allah, Hazrat Isa ibn Allah.9 Before this incident, he made a speech in front of a Muslim man and a crowd of hundred others in Multan in Italian language as the man understood because of having spent a considerable part of his life with some Florentine merchants as a slave. Incidentally, this man addressed Coryat as Giaour (infidel), a slang used in those days for non-Muslims, and it irritated Coryat. In turn, Coryat condemned Islam, Quran and Prophet Mohammad in most filthy language in Italian language, so that this man only could understand it but not others. Some excerpts were later translated by the Muslim addressee to the crowd that had assembled there. After making the speech, Thomas Coryat patted himself and thanked his stars saying that- If I had spoken thus much in Turkey or Persia against Mahomet, they would have rosted me upon a spit; but in the Mogols Dominions a Christian may speake much more freely then he can in any other Mahometan Country in the World.10 To strengthen his view another anecdote in Coryat’s own words from the period of Akbar is worthy of a quote that clearly indicates the liberal attitude of the Mughal rulers towards the followers of other religions. Thomas Coryat noted Ecbar Shaugh a very fortunate prince, and pious to his mother; his pietie appearing in this particular, that when his mother was carried once in a palankeen betwixt Lahor and Agra, he, travelling with her tooke the palankeen upon his own shoulders, commanding his greatest nobles to doe the like, and so carried her over the river from one side to the other. And never denyed her any thing but this, that shee demanded of him, that our Bible might be hanged about an asses necke and beaten about the towne of Agra, for that the Portugals having taken a ship of theirs at sea, in which was found the Alcoran amongst Moores, tyed it about the neck of a dogge and beat the same dogge about the towne of Ormuz. But he denyed her request, saying that, if it were ill in the Portugals to doe so to the Alcoran, being it became not a King to requite ill with ill, for that the contempt of any religion was the contempt of God, and he would not be revenged upon an innocent book.11 Religious persecution was almost nil in the country though many of the Europeans came with this impression, especially those coming via Turkey and Persia to India. Contrary to the apprehensions that was being Muslims,

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Mughals or their officers might curb the movement of non-Muslims (especially Christians) in their dominion. An Italian traveller Pietro Della Valle (1623) was surprised to find that it was quite trouble-free to move for the Christians in the territories under the Mughals. He came to India via Persia with a Christian servant of Persian origin and concealed his identity here. He was projected as a Muslim in the Mughal territories for fear of persecution because of his being of Persian origin and professing Christianity. Della Valle’s fear was not without reason, for in India he might be blamed for the conversion of his servant that he had brought from Persia. However, while moving to Goa Della Valle could not get a ‘pass’ from Mughal port officer of Surat for this servant to board the ship. Authorities feared that this alleged ‘Muslim’ servant, who in reality was a Christian, could be put to danger in the Portuguese territories. He now realised that- if he did not conceal his servant’s identity, he could have got the permission easily for his boarding the ship for Goa. He lamented that it was because of him only for- not knowing that a Man may hold or change what faith he pleases, not the least trouble being given to any person touching religion in the Dominion of the Mogol.12 Contrary to that, Della Valle himself dissuaded this Persian (Christian) servant staying in Surat and threatened to cause him to be slain there in case he stay’d to turn Moor.13 It is a clue to the Europeans’ abhorrence towards Islam, and Mughal rulers and their officers’ liberal policy towards the adherents of other faiths in the realm. Many other travellers who visited the subcontinent during Shah Jahan and Aurangzeb’s reign, substantiate the views of earlier travellers and merchants despite the fact that these Emperors had entered into war with the Portuguese although other European nation’s people had (a natural) empathy towards the fellow European coreligionists. A German voyager Johan Albrecht de Mandelslo (1638-39) during his short sojourn in western India made some interesting observations. Mandelslo made comparisons between Hindustan under the Mughals and other monarchs of Asia and they asserted that Mughal Emperor Shah Jahan was more liberal than his counterparts in Persia and Turkey. When Mandelslo met Azam Khan- the Mughal governor (subahdār) of Gujarat in Ahmadabad, he found him judicious though hasty in nature. Somehow, Azam Khan’s hospitality quite touched him. He was not only entertained by Azam Khan in a lavish manner, but also received gifts from him. Mandelslo, perhaps, had come with some conventional notions about the Muslims, that they were barbarians; but was forced to change the age-old cliché when he met a merchant namely Mirza Beg in Cambay during his short visit to the city. Mirza Beg not only received him well but also loaded him with presents. Mandelslo’s complements are spontaneous-

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...the reader may judge thereby whether those persons who are so well furnished with compliments of this nature should be looked on as barbarians; and no doubt he will be much more surprised when I shall tell him that there is more civility to be found among the Indians than there is among those who pretend to be sole possession of it, but seldom accompany it with the sincerity which ever attends it in the Indies.14 The most accursed Mughal ruler Aurangzeb who is persistently blamed for suppression of non-Muslims and their forced conversion to Islam. As far as his predecessors are concerned, conversion was hardly encouraged and was not a part of the state policy.15 English freebooter Thomas Coryat who continuously indulged in acts of insulting Prophet Mohammad and Quran, speaks of Akbar that- ‘The King likes not those who change their religion’, and narrates a story how Akbar praised a man’s conviction who had converted to Christianity.16 Edward Terry who came as a minister with Thomas Roe and met Coryat in western India, observed that Portuguese received liberty from the Mughal Emperors to convert people in Christianity. About the city of Ahmadabad an Englishman Nicholas Withington (1612-1616) noticed that Jesuit fathers stayed there to convert people in Christianity. It points towards the fact that conversion was not to be done clandestinely and in remote parts away from the sight of imperial authority. It could happen in places where the presence of highest ranking officers of state was quite noticeable.17 Terry once offered his candidature to do the ‘holy work’ (i.e. converting people in Christianity), but ultimately restrained himself.18 Hamilton curiously mentioned that Surat- the greatest mart of its time was inhabited by people of different religions, including many heretics. All were tolerated except the followers of a sect called by him as Molacks. Its followers were indulged in immoral activities on their meeting in the name of a religious congregation.19 Although Aurangzeb made it a punishable crime, still people continued to follow the sect, especially in Gujarat.20 Heinous acts in the name of religion were not tolerated. Sati, or practice of burning the widow on the funeral pyre of her deceased husband was banned by the Mughals.21 In case of Banaras, Aurangzeb banished a ‘venerated’ practice of Hindus who would go up to a tower and throwing themselves down on pointed ‘weapons’ to end life in the holy city to gain moksha or liberation from the cycle of life and death.22 Mughals’ hostility towards the Europeans was never because of their religious leanings but due to their high-handedness in the sea. Aurangzeb’s

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antagonism towards them was because of various reasons; the most important was the plundering of Indian ships plying between various destinations, who would not even spare the haj pilgrim headed towards the holy shrines of Arabia. He is criticised for being extremely conservative. He invited a lot of criticism because of his role in the war of succession vis-a-vis his brothers and father. However, an Englishman John Ovington (1689) justifies his act that few eastern kingdoms ‘are qualified for such a boast as this’, where the claims to royal dignity could be pursued ‘by open Violence, or secret Machinations, by private Treachery, or Publick Hostility; not sparing the slaughter of their Brethren’. Further, he adds that Aurangzeb’s proceedings will not appear so very black and criminal, since he perswaded himself that Princes are exempt from several of those Laws which bind their subjects.23 Regarding the succession crisis that leads to Aurangzeb’s assumption of power, Alexander Hamilton wrote thatHe was a prince every Way qualified for governing. The Balance of distributive Justice he held in an exact Equilibrium. He was brave and cunning in War, and merciful and magnanimous in Peace, temperate in his Diet and Recreation, and modest and grave in his Apparel, courteous in his Behaviour to his Subjects, and affable in his Discourse.24 On relations with the Portuguese and the (Hindu) Rajahs, Ovington elucidates that ‘insolence’ of these people causes ‘Disturbance to this Prince’ (i.e., Aurangzeb), hence, its having been into a fight with them. But Aurangzeb was not hostile towards those rajas though having cordial relations with the Emperor who had always extended assistance to them in case of crisis. When a Portuguese governor of Bassein took forcibly a Brahmin woman from the territory of a nearby rāja and later refused to relieve her, and also treated the messenger of the rāja in a violent manner, ‘the Mogul in Vindication of the Rajah, encourag’d his storming of the Town’. One more reason of Mughal Emperor’s sent forces against the Portuguese in Goa, they burnt a qāzi (an employ of the department of justice) alive. At the same time, they forcibly proselyte the children of all persons who died in their territory whether Moors or Pagans, also seized their estates to the Church. This was a reason for clamour among such people who submitted their grievances to the court of Emperor.25 Further, while writing during the end of the seventeenth century, he adds that Aurangzeb’s dislike of idolatry was ‘not so common as formerly. After that

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he had gone mild in the last years of his reign.26 As far as imparting justice is concerned, Ovington calls him the main Ocean of Justice and Equity;... for there is no pleading of Peeridge or Privilege before the Emperour, but the meanest Man is as soon heard by Auren-Zebe as the chief Omrah. Along with it, the power of death penalty was the prerogative for the Emperor only. In case the offender happened to be in a distant place from the court, royal messengers apprised the Emperor continuously till the case was heard properly and studied thoroughly.27 He often had unfriendly relations with the English too, but these were mainly due to their pillaging of the Indian ships, including when royal ships were attacked in the sea by them. Otherwise, he allowed the English to stay in Surat which served as the head-quarter of their commercial activities in India till the end of the seventeenth century without any rent or chargesOur Land-lord Aureng-Zebe is extreme kind and liberal in permitting us to expend the Rent, which is 60£. Yearly, either in Beautifying, Repairing, or in additional Rooms to the House, so that he seldom receives much Rent from us, wrote Ovington during his stay in the English factory in Surat.28 After a series of tense relations, Aurangzeb also allowed the English to settle in Calcutta in 1690.29 Ability was the criteria of enrolment to get important positions in the state. In relation to Bengal, Alexander Hamilton observed that- The Religion of Bengal [rather of rulers] by Law established, is Mahometan, yet there are above an Hundred Pagans, and the publick Offices and Posts of Trust filled promiscuously with Men of both Perswatins.30 Mandelslo’s account confirms that it is witnessed by Hamilton much after him- that the King does not admit any raja (i.e. Hindu king of principality within the Empire) to the post of dignity ‘but upon the score of Merit’.31 Bernier also admitted that though the ruler professes sunni tradition of Islam, most of his courtiers were of the contrary tradition known as shia.32 Religious tolerance was the hallmark of the day and generally, people were not persecuted in exceptional cases. During their stay in the court, Jesuits missionaries often used abusive language against Islam and Prophet Mohammad in the presence of Emperor Akbar during religious debates. He displayed immense capacity of patience on such occasions. Similar events are recorded for the period of Jahangir when Christian priests in his presence accused Islam and Prophet of making ‘false’ claims.33 In public also, people would often get away with an opinion expressed by them regarding others’

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religion and Coryat’s case mentioned above is suffice to verify the point. Contrary to it, Portuguese were very conscious of their own Roman Catholic practices and anyone within the territory under their control could easily be put to an investigation or ‘Inquisition’ and imprisoned for negating their claims. Sometimes these prisoners accused of blasphemy on trivial grounds were sent to Lisbon for trial purportedly.34 When Calcutta was founded, its founder Job Charnock practiced ‘his own laws’ vis-a-vis the ‘natives’ punishing them on trivial issues and for transgressing his laws they were to be executed near his dining room ‘that the Grones and Cries of the poor Delinquent served him for Musick’, claimed Hamilton.35 Europeans were always given the freedom to practice their own laws amongst themselves.

III Though, many modern historians in the light of (British) imperial tradition of historiography came in vogue in the nineteenth century. They weaved their narratives about the utmost atrocities inflicted upon the people (other than Muslims) during the previous regimes. The Europeans in their accounts of the seventeenth century unambiguously reflect on the policy of utmost accommodation followed by the Mughal rulers. Corporal punishments (except where direct political interests of the rulers were involved) were rarely practiced and such punishments were inflicted only after making a thorough enquiry. Discrimination on sectarian ground was not on the agenda of the rulers. Religious persecution was rare and all were allowed to observe their faith without any hindrance. They hardly ever claimed to be the champions of Islam in the subcontinent. On the other hand venues for making a career in the imperial service were open to all. Ability was the sole criteria. The discussion may be recapitulated in the words of English traveller Alexander Hamilton which he put to writing while summing up his Indian travels in Bengal. The Gentiles are better contented to live under the Mogul’s Laws than under Pagan Princes, for the Mogul taxes them gently, and every one knows what he must pay, but the Pagan Kings or Princes tax at discretion, making their own Avarice the Standard of Equity; besides there were formerly many small rajahs, that used, upon frivolous Occasions, to pick Quarrels with one another, and before they could be made Friends again, their Subjects were forced to open both their Veins and Purses to gratifie Ambition or Folly.36

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REFERENCE 1. Francois Bernier, Travels in the Mogul Empire, (tr.) A. Constable, OUP, London, 1934; Indian edn. 1983. pp. 200-238. 2. Francois Bernier, Travels in the Mogul Empire, pp. 200-238. Among the Western scholars mention can be made of James Mill, H.M. Elliot and John Dowson, Mountstuart Elphinstone, etc. Among the modern Indian scholars S.R. Sharma, A.L. Shrivastava, R.C. Majumdar and J.N. Sarkar are the leading historians who have written on the issue. Even liberal writers like R. P. Tripathi branded medieval period of Indian history as a theocracy. Some Aspects of Muslim Administration, Allahabad, 1936. P. 2. 3. Nuruddin Jahangir, Tuzuk-i Jahāngīri, text ed. Syed Ahmad Khan, Aligarh, 1864. P. 16 (2007 edn.); Alexander Rogers (tr.) & Henry Beveridge (ed.), 1909. P. 37 (1978 edn.). 4. A.S. Beveridge, JASB, 1888, p. 34; J.S. Hoyland and S.N. Banerjee (Tr.), The Commentary of Father Monserrate, Nagpur, 1922. P.1n. 5. The Commentary of Father Monserrate, pp. 37, 47. 6. The Commentary of Father Monserrate, pp. 45, 61, 63, 126-134. 7. William Foster, Early Travels, OUP, London, 1921. P. 17. 8. William Foster, Early Travels, p. 246. Usual wordings of the formula of faith is- ‘La Ilaha Illa Allah, Mohammad-ur Rasul Allah’, i.e., ‘There is no God but Allah; Mohammad is the Messenger of Allah’. Coryat added the phrase that ‘Hazrat Isa is the son of Allah’, which is contrary to the belief in Islam. 9. William Foster, Early Travels, p. 315. 10. Coryat’s Cruidities, 3 volumes, London, 1776. Vol. III, p. 271. 11. Coryat’s Cruidities, vol. III, p. 244; William Foster, Early Travels, p. 278. Coryat trying to establish the truth of the word of God (i.e. Bible) expresses his satisfaction that- the morall being that God would not suffer the sacred booke of His truth to be contemned amongst the infidels. 12. The Travels of Pieto Della Valle in India, 2 volumes, ed. Edward Grey, London, 1892. Vol. I, pp. 126-129. 13. The Travels of Pieto Della Valle in India, vol. I, p. 129. 14. M.S. Commissariat (ed.) Mandelslo’s Travels in Western India- 16381639, London, 1931. pp. 38, 45.

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15. The details on the issue on conversion by the medieval rulers in India are best presented in an article by Richard M. Eaton entitled The Temple Desecration and Indo-Muslim States published in the Journal of Islamic Studies, 11:3, Oxford Centre for Islamic Studies, 2000. pp. 283-319 ; also see- David Gilmartin and Bruce B. Lawrence (ed.) Beyond Turk and Hindu, Florida, 2000. He is of the view that only a handful of people were intentionally converted to Islam by the medieval rulers in South Asia from tenth to eighteenth century. 16. William Foster, Early Travels, pp. 280-281. 17. William Foster, Early Travels, pp. 208-209. 18. William Foster, Early Travels, p. 331. 19. This was a sect where people congregated in the name of religion, but indulged in the acts of swapping their women with the fellow religionists. 20. Alexander Hamilton, A New Account of the East Indies from the Years 1688 to 1723, 2 volumes, London, 1739. Vol. I, p. 176. 21. It was banned even in Sultanate period also. Ibn Battuta who visited India during the reign of Sultan Mohammad bin Tughlaq (1325-1351) says that practice of sati is not approved by the state. 22. Alexander Hamilton, A New Account of the East Indies from the Years 1688 to 1723, vol. II, p. 22. 23. John Ovington, A Voyage to Surat, H. G. Rawlinson (ed.), OUP, London, 1929. pp. 105-107. 24. Alexander Hamilton, A New Account of the East Indies from the Years 1688 to 1723, vol. I, p. 176. 25. John Ovington, A Voyage to Surat, pp. 124-125. 26. John Ovington, A Voyage to Surat, p.173. 27. John Ovington, A Voyage to Surat, pp. 120; 138. 28. John Ovington, A Voyage to Surat, p. 227. 29. Alexander Hamilton, A New Account of the East Indies from the Years 1688 to 1723, vol. II, p. 7. 30. Alexander Hamilton, A New Account of the East Indies from the Years 1688 to 1723, vol. II, p. 25; vol. I, pp. 166-167. 31. The Voyage and Travels of J. Albert Mandelslo into the East Indies, 1638-1640, London, 1662. pp. 278-279, This particular reference is from the text published in 1665.

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32. Francois Bernier, Travels in the Mogul Empire, pp. 208-209. 33. The Commentary of Father Monserrate, pp. 50-51, 113-114; Abdul Sattar bin Qasim Lahori, Majālis-i Jahāngīri, Tehran, 2006. pp. 29-34. 34. J. Horton Ryley (ed.), Ralph Fitch: England’s Pioneer to India and Burma, London, 1899. pp. 69-75; Alexander Hamilton, A New Account of the East Indies from the Years 1688 to 1723, vol. I. pp. 247-250; The Travels of Pieto Della Valle in India, vol. II, p. 421. 35. Alexander Hamilton, A New Account of the East Indies from the Years 1688 to 1723, vol. I. p. 8. 36. Alexander Hamilton, A New Account of the East Indies from the Years 1688 to 1723, vol. II. pp. 25-26. qqq

9 Contesting the Authority of the Mughal Emperor: Abdul Qadir Badauni’s Attitude towards Kingship Ikramul Haque Although Abdul Qadir Badauni as a historian of Mughal India has been well recognized by modern scholars, the contribution of this scholar to the theory of state and governance is yet to be acknowledged and studied. Moreover, his representation in the Mughal historiography is overwhelmingly dominated by modern categories that are anachronistic to the sixteenth century socioreligious milieu. This chapter attempts to revisit Badauni by investigating his political attitude with specific focus on his ideas on kingship and state as represented in the Najat-ur Rashid (Salvation for Rightly Guided, comp. 1590-91).1 The chapter questions the stereotypical portrayal of Badauni as a religious bigot and mulla in modern scholarly works and argues that his ideas on kingship and politics are in conformity with the larger discourse of what constituted the Muslim political structure in the sixteenth century. It is highlighted that Badauni’s theory of kingship and state which was based on his belief in the ideal separation of political and religious authority exercised by king and ulama separately. Thus, Badauni’s criticism of Akbaris argued, due to the violation of this ideal separation as the Mughal emperor tried to conjoin together religious and political power.

PROBLEMS IN HISTORIOGRAPHY In much of the historical writings, produced during the nineteenth century, on Mughal India in general and early period of Mughal state formation under

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Akbar in particular, Badauni did not receive much attention. He was often regarded as the “corrective” to Abul Fazl’s monumental work, Akbar Nama; the role of his history, Muntakhab-ut Tawarikh was merely to complete and authenticate the “meticulous and authentic” records furnished by the courthistorian, Abul Fazl. One obvious example of this kind is Badauni’s account of mahzar, a document drafted and signed by the ulama of the court in 1579, which is not described in Abul Fazl’s official narrative in detail. This negligence was, largely, due to two reasons. Firstly, the nature of historical inquiry that had informed the orientalists and colonial historians during the nineteenth century was politically driven. Early in the nineteenth century, British colonial-administrators, who sought to legitimize their occupation, initially by appropriating the Mughal legacy and subsequently by highlighting the religious and economic depredations of Indian subjects under the Mughals, focused their attention to the study of Mughal administrative structure, revenue system and military organization.2 For this purpose, histories commissioned in the court as well as official documents pertaining to revenue administration acquired preponderance in their writings about the Mughals. Badauni’s Munatakhab is surely not a good record from this point of view.3 Secondly, the larger historiographical tradition in the nineteenth century was dominated by the descriptive history of political and military developments and guided by the philological and positivistic approaches to historical materials. The first comprehensive assessment of Badauni’s life, scholarship and his intellectual career was made by Henry Blochmann in a long and well researched article as early as 1869. Unlike other colonial administrators-scholars of the nineteenth century, he maintained, to a great extent, ‘relative neutrality and careful devotion to the protocols of textual reading’.4 This is evident in his remarks about the complexity of Badauni’s political and intellectual behaviour, whom, Blochmann noticed, was ‘the most difficult to be understood’ amongst all Indian historians (emphasis mine).5 His analysis of Badauni’s character and ideas is not prejudiced. He even rejected the proposition that Badauni was a ‘bigoted Moslem’.6 Badauni did not seem to have gathered enough appreciation by the Indian historians of the early twentieth century. No systematic study of Badauni by nationalist historians writing mostly in English language appeared during the first six decades of the century. On the contrary, historians writing in Urdu language during the same century accorded considerable space to Badauni in their accounts. This scholarship in Urdu was not necessarily communal; the history of Akbar’s period by Muhammad Husain Azad, first published in 1910 as Darbar-i Akbari, provides an impressive assessment of Badauni’s life and highlight various facets of his character in a more telling way.7

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From the 1970s onwards, scholars’ interest in Badauni’s character resurfaced and a number of articles and monographs exclusively devoted to Badauni appeared. During the 1970s-90s historians such as Muhammad Mujeeb, S.A.A Rizvi, K.A. Nizami, Harbans Mukhia, Fauzia Zareen Abbas and others analyzed Badauni’s outlook, worldview and his contribution to Indo-Persian historical literature.8 A typical image that we get of Badauni from these works is that of a ‘fundamentalist’ mulla,9 a ‘narrow minded’ Sunni,10 and ‘rigid and orthodox’,11 whereas Abul Fazl is praised for ‘rationalism’, ‘tolerance’,12 ‘complete absence of religious fanaticism’, and ‘secular’ vision.13 The fundamental problem with this historiography was its dichotomous approach, which sought to evaluate Badauni and Abul Fazl as “opposites”. This approach, thus, inhibited an over-all assessment of Badauni on his own terms. In some of the recent studies, however, efforts have been made to break this stereotype and transcend the categories of modern sensibilities. These writings seek to re-discover Badauni as a sixteenth century historian and intellectual who, instead of being a mere reductionist, conceptualized his own set of political and religious thoughts. Ali Anooshahr criticized the assessment of Badauni’s ideas in opposition to Abul Fazl’s because it tends to obfuscate the creativity in Badauni’s ideas.14 I.A. Zilli wrote a critical essay on Najatur Rashid in which he foregrounded the historical relevance of the text and called for scholars’ attention to revisit Badauni’s religious and political outlook.15Another significant intervention was made by A. Azfar Moin who, in his analysis of Badauni’s ideas on Islamic Millennialism, has also challenged Badauni’s characterization as an orthodox theologian. Rather it shows remarkable sense of adaptation to Indic and Persian socio-religious concepts.16 The reason for this polarized representation of Badauni and Abul Fazl in the historical writings of the group of scholars mentioned above lay in Badauni’s strong criticism of Akbar’s socio-religious policies as anti-Islamic. There is little doubt that Badauni’s Sunni religious outlook played a crucial role in defining his socio-political stance, but it is equally unfair to dismiss him as a bigoted orthodox reactionary. This is not only because it diminishes the possibility of an objective study of Badauni’s ideas on politics, society and religion, but also because, as has been argued by Ali Anooshahr, ‘the actual text of the Muntakhab often runs quite contrary to such an interpretation’.17 This perception of Badauni as a ‘bigot reactionary’, perhaps, precluded any serious study of his notions of kingship, state and administration and relationship between religion and politics. Badauni’s ‘orthodoxy’ was

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thought to be too ‘destructive’ to give any long term and systematic political framework. Harbans Mukhia, for instance, argued that ‘whereas Barani insists on offering an alternative political theory and institution to the state of his day, Badauni concentrates merely on demolishing all that had emerged after a long historical process without suggesting any positive choice’.18 It was believed that Badauni was an essentialist, who did not know how to adjust with the changing historical reality. ‘He (Badauni) does not even feel’, Mukhia elaborates, ‘that Islam needed to adapt itself, at the level of the state, to ever changing conditions for its survival’.19 None of such assumptions can be supported by the documentary evidence, as there are enough examples in the Najat-ur Rashid, which demonstrate enormous flexibility in Badauni’s thought in relation to politics. Although it is difficult to claim that he has laid out any concrete and well defined theory of kingship and state, the assemblage of the scattered references to the principles of politics in the Najat-ur Rashid and the Muntakhab ut Tawarikh reflects a loose but definite political theory. What is of great interest is that, unlike the assumptions of modern scholars, his notion of politics exhibits a palpable sign of adaptation to the ever-changing condition of temporal reality.

NAJAT-UR RASHID: NATURE AND HISTORICAL CONTEXT The Najat-al-Rashid (Salvation of the Rightly-Guided) is one of the two texts written by Abdul Qadir Badauni; the other being a secret chronicle called Muntakhab-ut Tawarikh (comp. 1595-6). It is a ‘Book of Salvation’, which gives an account of sins and mis -demeanors of all kinds that a Muslim should refrain from in order to lead a pious life. The text constitutes an important source of information, still untapped fully, on Akbar’s reign as far as the socioreligious milieu of the sixteenth century is concerned. In this book Badauni aims at guiding towards the ideals of Islamic society through highlighting serious social, political, religious and moral problems that had infested the Mughal court. The text helps us to understand Badauni’s perspective on the socio-religious transformation in Mughal India during Akbar’s reign. The Najat-ur Rashid was written in 1591-92 during a journey also testified by the name, Najat-ur Rashid, which is a chronogram corresponding to the same year. The book is largely based on Badauni’s memory as he himself claims of not having relevant books at his disposal while writing. The book was originally conceived by Khwaja Nizamuddin Ahmad Harwi, a sixteenth century historian in Akbar’s court, who had begun collecting materials on this

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topic but left it in midway. Badauni says that Nizamuddin Ahmad, his close friend and the author of Tabaqat-i Akbari, gave him a bunch of papers (tumar) dealing with misdemeanors and sins and requested him to expand them into a book discussing all kinds of crimes and sins in full light of evidence so that it might serve as a guide for common people. It has been suggested that Nizamuddin Ahmad’s official responsibility as army paymaster (mir bakhshi) and his proximity to Akbar might have discouraged him to write a book against beliefs and practices of the imperial court.20 The text has been variously described as ‘polemical’,21 a ‘work on Sufism, ethics and the Mahdawi movement of Badauni’s day’22, a book dealing with the ‘problems of theology, mysticism, ethics and the propriety of certain ceremonies with a number of historical anecdotes’23, and ‘a general ethical and Sufi treatise containing interesting discussions and anecdotes along with some theological controversies and an account of the Mahdavis’.24 A closer look at the contents of the book, however, suggests that the Najat is more of an ‘advice literature’, the purpose of which was to provide people with guidance in the ideal Islamic way of living so that they may achieve ‘salvation’. For, it puts together a variety of issues from the most complicated debates on theology, finality of the Quran and the veracity of the hadith to the simplest problems of daily life. Badauni wrote the book with the hope that it might prove to be a source of salvation and guidance for every rightly guided and seeker of knowledge (ummid ke in talif sabab-i najat-i har rasheed wa rushd-i har talib mazid gardad).25 The sixteenth century socio-religious context urged Badauni to write such a book for the guidance of the common people.26 An understanding the Badauni’s outlook go through theunderwent significant changes over time as the years progressed during the sixteenth century provides the insight into the purpose of writing such a book. In the beginning, with the establishment of the ibadatkhana in 1574-5, he appreciated Akbar’s concern to acquire the true knowledge of religion.27 Later on in 1579, however, his response to Akbar’s “genuine quest” took a reverse fillip criticizing Akbar for his attempt to conjoin the spiritual authority with the temporal power through mahzar, a declaration signed by several ulama of the court, which pronounced Akbar as the imam-i adil and gave him the authority to privilege an existing law or make one.28. It was during this period that Badauni decided to act in a more positive way, which led to the composition of the Najat. A direct intervention was made to create awareness among the people of the ‘true’ form of Islamic practices so that they may continue to adhere to them and avoid any sort of digression.

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The Najat-al-Rashid is comprised of seven chapters, excluding introductory and concluding sections, and primarily deals with sins and misdemeanors of both kinds, venial and mortal (saghirah and kabirah). The text is written in a ‘preventive format’, which highlights severe effects of sins on Muslims’ beliefs and their practices and thus, urges them to refrain from committing such crimes. The significance of the text lies in the fact that it gives an insight, though indirectly as Badauni does not mention Akbar but refers to his court and its key players, into the socio-religious milieu of the sixteenth century Mughal India. Besides, in the process of describing un-Islamic practices, he reconstitutes and represents his own ideas on politics, society and religiosity. The Najat-al-Rashid, therefore, is an important source of information, not just about Akbar’s reign, but also about Badauni’s dynamic and interesting personality and multiple layers of his political, social and religious thoughts.

THEORY OF KINGSHIP In the classical theory of Islamic polity, sovereignty belongs to God alone. This implies that in every matter of sacred and profane the ultimate authority to be followed is God’s commandments as articulated by the Prophet and enshrined in the sharia. For, the caliphs, successors of the Prophet, assumed the authority to run the state as “stewards” on the condition of maintaining the Divine Law on earth. Since the beginning, there was a strong precedence for monocratic rule in Islam, firstly in the person of the Prophet Muhammad, and secondly in the form of the caliphate. This meant an indivisible distinction between religious and temporal affairs to be managed by the caliphs. This Islamic concept of sovereignty worked quite well until caliphs’ power was challenged as the universal political head of the entire Islamdom. With the precipitate decline in the power of the Abbasid caliphate and the emergence of the regional Sultanates by the tenth century, the concept of an all-powerful universal caliphate was discredited. This led to the acceptance and justification of monarchical institution as a legitimate form of governance by medieval Muslim jurists, theologians and philosophers.29 Muslim scholars in medieval India accepted this reconciliation and, hence considered kingship as a form of government which is necessary for the unity of the umma (Muslim community) and the establishment of their religion.30 Barani, for instance, extols the merit and superiority of the caliphate of the Prophet’s immediate successors and holds high the laws of sharia for the administration of the state. Yet, he recognizes the fact that ‘neither the sharia nor the known tradition of the Pious Caliphate gave Muslim society the laws

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on which the administrative structure of the extensive monarchical empire of the middle ages could be built’.31 For him, kingship was a “necessary evil” to maintain social and political stability, enforce sharia and maintain peace, as he was convinced that the ideals of politics as practiced by the Prophet and his successors were impossible to be followed by the later caliphs’.32. His attitude was apologetic. Hence, he accepted kingship in order to maintain the sociopolitical status quo and the superiority of Islam. Badauni follows his predecessor Muslim political theorists in accepting monarchy as a legitimate form of Islamic polity, by reciting the oft-repeated verse from the Qur’an that says, ‘Obey God and obey the Prophet and obey one who is the authority (ulil amr) amongst you.’33 He invites people’s attention to the importance of the verse in which, Badauni says, ‘God has sewed the obedience of king with that of his own and his Prophet in a thread identified the respect to king with that of his own’.34 Badauni’s acceptance of monarchy, like many other medieval Islamic scholars, can be gleaned from the enthusiasm which he cites several hadith, Prophetic tradition.35 He also quotes maxims and inspirational statements in favour of kingship and kings made by tabe’in, Muslims who were born after the passing of the Prophet but met at least one of Prophet’s companions, to extend further legitimacy to his position.36 He further goes on to postulate that the king is one of the many signs of God was the caliph (dar zuhur-i asar-i qudrat).37 By calling kingship and caliphate as God’s signs Badauni wanted to articulate the sacred character of the institution, the authority of which was derived from God and the purpose of which was to serve as a manifestation of God’s all-encompassing power. Although Badauni furnishes the same set of authorities from the Quran and hadith as provided by his predecessors in order to legitimize the institution of monarchy, which does not find sanction in Islam, his vocabulary and approach towards kingship is different. Badauni does not seem to believe that there could be any difference between caliphate and kingship. He often uses interchangeably terms such as khalifa (caliph), khilafat (caliphate), khalifa-i zaman (caliph of the age), dar waqt-i khilafat-i asr (during the age of contemporary caliphate), as well as padshahi, padshahat (kingship), padshah (king), padshah-i adil (just king) to refer to reigns of monarchs. These seem to be, in his views, different terms for the same institution sanctioned by God. This suggests that Badauni did not consider kingship as a “necessary evil”. Rather, he understood it as a political rule legitimized by God, and thus, the need to reconcile it with the Islamic political theory of caliphate enshrined in the Qur’an and hadith was not required. He neither make a sound to be

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apologetic, nor bemoan the waning of the Abbasid caliphate. For him, kingship is as much as a legitimate institution as the caliphate. But, then, what is the nature of his concept of kingship? In other words, in what ways Badauni’s ideals of politics might have been congruent with, and different from the notion of sovereignty that had developed in the Mughal court. To answer this question, it may, safely, be argued that there are elements of conformity in Badauni’s thought to the broader theory of kingship as it had evolved in the sixteenth century. However, he fundamentally departs from his contemporary political theorists, such as Abul Fazl, as far as the issue of absolute power over religious and profane is concerned. Badauni’s acceptance of the relevance of kingship comes with his firm conviction that religious and political authorities are separated and should be held by ulama and kings separately. This view, in fact, was an outgrowth of a process through religious and political authority, hitherto embodied in the Caliph. ithad become differentiated during the ninth century with the emergence of purely secular political institution -the Sultanate- in the eastern half of Islamic world. While arguing for separation between political and religious authority exercised by kings and ulama respectively, Badauni seems to have subscribed to this established ideal of politics. This is clearly reflected in his attitude towards Akbar. In the Najat and Muntakhab, Badauni proudly praises Akbar as a king and celebrates his territorial expansion and the creation of a vast empire. He uses titles such as khalifa-i zaman (caliph of the age)for himself.38 He does not hesitate to call him the ‘shadow of God’ (saya-i Allah).39 Badauni’s problem with Akbar, however, was entirely in the religious domain. He was of the opinion that the issues related to religion should be interpreted and resolved by the ulama in accordance with the sharia. The ideal separation between politics and religion as foregrounded by Badauni should be understood with reference to the transformation of Akbar’s political authority after 1578. His descriptions in the Muntakhab-ut Tawarikh of Akbar before and after 1579 are contrasting. The first phase is replete with the praise of Akbar’s political victories over ‘infidels’ and his genuine quest for the attainment of religious truth, whereas the second phase has disdain for Akbar’s disenchantment. Everything was Islamic, as the emperor’s religious outlook undergoes a remarkable transformation during this period.40 With the introduction of mahzar in 1579 and several socio-religious measures (for Badauni, unlawful innovations) initiated subsequently by Akbar to strengthen the process of centralization and to form a cohesive and inclusive social base, Badauni sensed that the centralization coupled with the growing power of

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Akbar wasnot confined to the political sphere only, would also usher in the marginalization of religion. After doing an assessment of the situation, Badauni arrived at the conclusion that in order to thwart the merger of spiritual and temporal authority in the person of Akbar, the ideal separation between politics and religion and thus a distinction between the holders of religious and temporal powers should be re-asserted. This assertion was to re-affirm the settlement worked out by the medieval Islamic political theorists after the decline of the centralizing power of the Abbasid caliphate; the independent Sultanates were legitimized to exercise the political authority at the behest of the caliph and consult with the ulama on religious issues. Therefore, when Badauni found Akbar encroaching upon the domain of religious group, to him it amounted to be a violation of the established political norms of Islamic kingship. It is important to note that although Badauni believed in the non-monocratic notion of kingship, he did not disown the predominant notion of sovereignty. In fact, Kingship as conceived by Badauni is divinely ordained and absolutist in its nature, though confined only to the temporal affairs. Badauni’s belief in the absolute power of the monarch over political domain is so strong that he does not hesitate to use such imageries in which a king is consider at par with God in wisdom. Badauni, in fact, tried to suggest that the king can do no wrong in matters of political sagacity since he is the well- wisher of the people, just as God is the rightful supreme authority in religious matters.41 Besides, in his view, king is the most enlightened human being who knows the will of God. In a couplet quoted at the end of the discussion on kingship, Badauni gives the impression that the king being the shadow of God knows him more closely as compared to others because the shadow is closest to the real object.42 This entails that king in his capacity as the deputy of God may exercise unbound and unlimited power, provided that the will of God must prevail. This concept is similar to Abul Fazl’s exposition forAkbar’s theory of kingship, although the sources and approaches of the two scholars appear to be quite different. Abul Fazl does not use classical Islamic vocabulary such as caliph and caliphate, but his position is the same about the divinely enlightened nature of the monarch.43 In an interesting example described in the Najat-ur Rashid to strengthen this point further, Badauni has drawn a parallel between king’s and God’s decisions that are supposed to binding on people in political and religious spheres respectively. The example is worth reading in full. Badauni writes: Sometimes a king, in view of the plight of the people in his kingdom (ba zof-i hal-raiyat), gives them remission in revenue collection. While with

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respect to the condition of these very people (hama raiyat) at some other time, he orders an extra burden of tax. In both the cases, the king’s ordinances based on his wisdom should be obeyed just as Allah’s new ordinance abrogating (nasikh) the previous one. It is only God who knows what is good at one time and not at another.44 Badauni, here, equates the wisdom of the king with that of God. Thus, he can be seen to be legitimizing the concept of absolute power of the king at the level of politics, while implicitly reiterating the ideal separation of temporal power from the religious domain. In Badauni’s view, for the better administration of state, all kinds of decisions taken by a king based on his political wisdom are not questionable since he is just (adil) and able (mudabbir). Badauni also makes it clear that Allah is the ultimate authority when it comes to the issues related to religion. Since the ulama have been authorized to carry the Prophet’s legacy, the religious domain should be left to them. That Badauni legitimized the notion of absolute royal authority, which demanded unqualified obedience to kings in worldly matters, is also reflected in his moral advice that one should not curse or speak evil of even unjustly cruel kings because ‘the good accruing from his existence (as a ruler) is greater than the evil that comes from him’.45 Conversely, the best thing that the people could do is to pray to God for the king to be shown the right path.46 The reasoning on which this submissive attitude on the part of the subjects was justified was the classical theory suggesting that even though some people may certainly suffer from the tyranny perpetrated by unjust kings, it is also true that these are those who are the source of peace, prosperity and tranquility of the world (sabab-i amaniyat wa rifahiyat wa faraghat ‘alami and).47 It is this understanding that shapes his views on rebellion against the state, which he regards as unjustifiable, even though it is directed against an oppressive ruler. He has referred to the rebellion against the state as fitna (lit. sedition) and reinforced it with a prophetic tradition, which warns that ‘fitna is sleeping; Allah admonishes the one who stirs it up’ (alfinato naimatun la’ana Allah man aiqazahahu).48 For Badauni, rebellionnot only stood for instability, insecurity and socio-political disturbance on a large scale but also itcould be averted only by the strict non-interventionist approach of people towards state’ affairs. The advice to tolerate an unjust king and also not rebel against him, thus, on the one hand, ceded unbridled power to ruler in non-religious issues and, on the other hand, was also crucial for the maintenance of socio-political status quo. One should not be surprised, therefore, that piety, which was the foremost

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criterion for a person to be elected as caliph (khalifa) in the formative period of Islam, does not seem to be essential for kingship in the sixteenth century.49 Badauni squarely rejects the concept of infallibility (ismat) being central and conditional (shart) to kingship.50 All of this suggests that Badauni’s ideas on kingship were firmly rooted, in many respects, in the larger theoretical corpus of the sixteenth century and showed a remarkable sense of adjustment with the existing temporal reality.

CONCLUSION Modern sensibilities of religion and identity have so long dominating for the medieval Indian historiography. This has, in fact, been more evident in the case of political and religious figures, which were believed to have disturbed religion or religious communities. Rulers like Akbar and Aurangzeb, and scholars like Badauni and Abul Fazl were, thus, seen through the modern lenses of liberalism and orthodoxy, and inclusiveness and bigotry until quite recently. For, Badauni came to be regarded as a mulla, who was to be studied only in the context of Abul Fazl’s liberal outlook and Akbar’s secular vision. The possibility of exploring Badauni’s theoretical corpus and intellectual acumen, therefore, was minimized. An attempt to examine his ideas about politics and religion, thus, required going beyond these modern labels and locating him in his time and space. Badauni’s theory of kingship was a response to the changing religio-political situation of his age. He not only accepted the institution of kingship, but, in consideration with political and intellectual milieu of his time. It advocated as the very legitimate Islamic form of government sanctioned by God, thus reducing the difference between caliphate and kingship to nothing but mere expression of the same thing by two interchangeable terms. That his notion of kingship was elitist, absolutist and divinely ordained is, thus, in conformity to the larger political discourse that developed in India with the establishment of Muslim power. Yet, he re-asserted the basic structure of Islamic polity as accepted by the Muslim political thinkers of the post Umayyad period who advocated the ideal separation between politics and religion controlled by king/Sultan and ulama respectively. Badauni, therefore, does not appear to be a “bigot reactionary”, but shows his readiness to adapt the ideals of Islamic polity to temporal actualities, moving away from the essentialist notion of caliphate.

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REFERENCE 1. Abdul Qadir Badauni, Najat-ur Rashid, ed. Syed Moinul Haq, Lahore: Idara-i Tahqiqat-i Pakistan, 1972. 2. For a good discussion on the development of colonial historiography with regard to Mughal Empire, see Muzaffar Alam and Sanjay Subrahmanyam, Writing the Mughal World, Ranikhet: Permanent Black, 2011, pp. 1-10; Munis D. Faruqui, The Princes of Mughal Empire, 1504-1719, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012, pp. 1-4. 3. Abdul Qadir Badauni, Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, 3 Vols., vol. I, tr. George S.A. Ranking, Vol. II, tr. W. H. Lowe, Vol. III, tr. S. W. Haig, Delhi: Idara-i Adabiyat-i Delli, 1973. 4. Alam and Subrahmanyam, Writing the Mughal World, p. 5. 5. H. Blochmann, ‘Badaoni and his Works’, The Journal of Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. 38, no. III, 1869, p. 106. 6. Ibid. Blochman here refers to an article written by W. Nassau Lees wherein the latter made the statement quoted above. For a full reference, see W. Nassau Lees, ‘Materials for the history of India for the Six Hundred Years of Mohammadan Rule Previous to the foundation of British Indian Empire’, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, vol. 3, 1868, pp. 455-58. 7. Muhammad Husain Azad, Darbar-i Akbari, Lahore: Kapoor Art Printing Works, 1921, pp. 419-62. 8. For an assessment of Badauni’s life, works and attitudes towards Akbar, see Muhammad Mujeeb, ‘Badauni’, in Historians of Medieval India, ed. Mohibbul Hasan, Meerut: Meenakshi Prakashan,, 1985, pp. 111118; S.A.A Rizvi, Religious and Intellectual History of the Muslims in Akbar’s reign with special reference to Abul Fazl, New Delhi: Munshi Manoharlal Publishers, 1975, pp. 278-95; Harbans Mukhia, Historians and Historiography During the Reign of Akbar, New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1976, pp. 89-134; K.A. Nizami, On History and Historians of Medieval India, New Delhi: Munshiram Manharlal, 1986, pp. 240-44; Fauzia Zareen Abbas, Abdul Qadir Badauni: As a Man and Historiographer, Delhi: Idara-i Adabiyat-i Delhi, 2009; Syed Sabahuddin Abdurrahman, Bazm-i Timuriya, Azamgarh: Idara-i Nadwat-ul-Musannefin, 1946, pp. 205-48; Peter Hardy, ‘Badauni, Abd al-Kadir’, in Encyclopaedia of Islam, eds. H.A.R. Gibb, J.H. Kramers, E. Levi-Provencal, J. Schacht, Vol. I, E.J. Brill, Leiden, 1986, pp. 856-7.

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9. Abbas, Abdul Qadir Badauni, p. 165. 10. Rizvi, Religious and Intellectual History of the Muslims, p. 201 11. Mukhia, Historian and Historiography, p. 105. 12. Rizvi, Religious and Intellectual History of the Muslims, p. 495. 13. Mukhia, Historian and Historiography, p. 86. 14. Ali Anooshahr, ‘Mughal historians and the memory of the Islamic conquest of India’, Indian Economic Social History Review, vol. 43, no. 3, 2006, pp. 275-76. 15. Ishtiyaq Ahmad Zilli, ‘Badauni Revisited: An Analytical Study of Najatur Rashid’, in Medieval India: Essays in Intellectual Though and Culture, Vol. 1, ed., Iqtidar Husain Siddiqui, New Delhi: Manohar, 2003, pp. 141166. 16. A. Azfar Moin, The Millennial Sovereign: sacred Kingship and Sainthood in Islam, New York: Columbia University Press, 2012, pp. 152-61; idem, ‘Challenging the Mughal Emperor: The Islamic Millennium according to ‘Abd al Qadir Badayuni’, in Islam in South Asia in Practice, ed., Barbara D. Metcalf, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2009, pp. 390-402. 17. Anooshahr, ‘Mughal historians’, p. 295. 18. Mukhia, Historian and Historiography, p. 128. 19. Ibid., p. 125. 20. See the editor’s introduction by Moinul Haq to Badauni, Najat-ur Rashid, p. 7. 21. Blochmann, ‘Badaoni and His Works’, p. 136; A.B.M. Habibullah, ‘The Najat-al Rashid of Abd al-Qadir Badayuni’, in Muhammad Shahidullah Felicitation Volume, ed. Muhammad Enamul Haq, Dacca: The Asiatic Society of Pakistan, 1962, pp. 181-87. 22. Peter Hardy, ‘Badauni, Abd al-Kadir’, pp. 856-7. 23. Mukhia, Historian and Historiography, p. 110, fn. 5. 24. Nizami, On Historians and Historiography, p. 242; Abbas, Abdul Qadir Badauni, p. 80. For a critical view of the nature of the text, see Ikramul Haque, ‘Kingship, Politics and Religiosity: A study of a Mughal Book of Salvation’, M. Phil Dissertation submitted to the Centre for Historical Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi in 2015. 25. Najat, p. 3.

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26. Ibid., pp. 1-2, 528-529. Badauni has clearly stated that those who have already reached the stage of religious perfection do not require this. 27. Muntakhab, vol. II, p. 203. 28. Ibid., pp. 278-79. For a discussion on mahzar, see Nurul Hasan, ‘The Mahzar of Akbar’s reign’, in Religion, State and Society in Medieval India: Collected Works of S. Nurul Hasan, ed. Satish Chnadra, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2005, pp. 79-80. 29. For an overview of the development of Islamic political theory, see Patricia Crone, Medieval Islamic Political Thought, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2004; A.K.S. Lambton, State and Government in Medieval Islam, London: Routledge Curzon, 1981; E.I.J. Rosenthal, Political Thought in Medieval Islam: An Introductory outline, Cambridge: CUP, 1962; George F. Hourani, Reason and Tradition in Islamic Ethics, New York, CUP, 1985; Ira Lapidus, ‘The Separation of State and Religion in the Development of Early Islamic Society’, International Journal of Middle East Studies, vol. 6, no. 4, 1975, p. 364; Roy Mottahedeh ‘Some Attitudes Towards Monarchy and Absolutism in the Eastern Islamic World of the Eleventh and Twelfth centuries A.D.’, in Religion and Government in the World of Islam, ed., Joel L. Kraemer and Ilai Alon, Israel: Tel-Aviv University, 1980, pp. 86-89. 30. For an examination of the views of medieval Indo-Muslim historians, see Peter hardy, Historians of Medieval India: Studies in Indo-Muslim historical writing, New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1997; idem, ‘Some studies in pre-Mughal Muslim historiography’, in Historians of India, Pakistan and Ceylon, ed. C.H. Philiphs, London, Oxford University Press, 1961 (reprinted 1967), pp. 115-127; Nizami, On History and Historians; Hasan, ed. Historians of Medieval India; I. H. Siddiqui, Indo-Persian Historiography up to the Thirteenth Century, New Delhi: Primus Book, 2010; J. F. Richards, ed., Kingship and Authority in South Asia, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1998. 31. Ziyauddin Barani, Fatawa i Jahandari, trs. Muhammad Habib and Afsar Umar Salim Khan, The Political Theory of the Delhi Sultanate, Allahabad: Kitab Mahal, 1960, p. ix. 32. For an analysis of Barani’s ideas regarding the state and society in medieval India, see Habib and Afsar, The Political Theory, pp. 144-51, 168-72; Irfan Habib, ‘Ziya Barani’s Vision of State’, The Medieval History Journal, vol. 19, no. 2, 1999, pp. 19-36; idem, ‘Barani’s Theory of The History of The

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Delhi Sultanate’, Indian Historical Review, vol. 7, no. 1-2, 1980-1, pp. 99-115; Peter Hardy, ‘The Oratio recta of Barani’s Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi-Fact or Fiction?’, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, vol. 20, no. 1/3, 1957, pp. 315-21; idem, ‘Unity and Variety in Indo-Islamic and Perso-Islamic Civilization: Some Ethical and Political Ideas of Diya al-Din Barani of Delhi, of al-Ghazali and of Nasir al-Din Tusi Compared’, Iran, vol. 19, pp. 127-135. 33. Najat, p. 197; The Qur’an: 4:59. 34. Ibid., pp. 197-98. 35. Ibid., pp. 194-96. A very famous prophetic tradition, which seems to be an interpolation, is quoted. It says, ‘Had the king not been sent to this world, people would have killed each other’. 36. Ibid., p. 196. A statement has been attributed to Hasan Basri, an eighth century Sufi of Basra, that ‘if I know that one prayer of mine (dua) in the entire life will certainly be accepted by God, I will spend that one chance in favour of king, asking for myself nothing’. 37. Ibid., pp. 197-98. 38. Ibid., pp. 239, 490 and 438. 39. Ibid., p. 198. 40. For a critical overview of Akbar’s religious outlook, see Iqtidar Alam Khan, ‘The nobility under Akbar and the Development of His Religious Policy’ Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, no. 1/2, 1968, pp. 29-36; idem, ‘Akbar’s Personality Traits and World Outlook: A Critical Reappraisal’, Social Scientist, vol. 20, no. 9/10, 1992, pp. 1630; Shireen Moosvi, ‘The road to Sulh-i kul: Akbar’s Alienation From Theological Islam’, in Religion in Indian History, ed. Irfan Habib, New Delhi: Tulika Books, 2008, pp. 109-125; Ali Nadeem Rezavi, ‘Religious Disputations and Imperial Ideology: The Purpose and Location of Akbar’s Ibadatkhana’, Studies in History, vol. 24, 2008, pp. 195-215. 41. Najat, p. 198. He says that ‘they (kings) are the source of peace, prosperity and leisureliness of the world’. 42. Ibid., p. 196. 43. For Abul Fazl’s ideas on state and kingship, see Rizvi, Religious and Intellectual History of the Muslims, pp. 352-373; Habib, ‘Two Indian Theorists of the State: Barani and Abul Fazl’ in Mind Over Matters: Essays on Mentalities in Medieval India, eds. D. N. Jha and Eugenia Vanina,

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New Delhi: Tulika, 2009, pp.; Azra Nizami, Socio-religious outlook of Abul Fazl, New Delhi: Asia Pub. House, 1972. Mukhia, Historians and Historiography, pp. 41-88; Nizami, On History and Historians, pp. 141-62. 44. Najat, pp. 113-14. 45. Cited in Lambton, ‘Justice in the Medieval Persian Theory of Kingship’, p. 95. 46. Najat, p. 196. 47. Ibid., p. 198. 48. Ibid., pp. 195-96. 49. In Sunni theology, it is believed that the immediate successor of the Prophet, Abu Bakr, was in fact, chosen as the caliph due to his religious and moral superiority over other companions of the Prophet. 50. Najat, p. 298. qqq

10 Masjids, ‘Community Life’ and Resistance in Colonial India: A Case Study of Masjid-e Jahan Numa at Shahjahanabad up to A.D 1870s. Sadia Aziz India from the very beginning enjoyed the diversity of people, religions, languages, cultures etc. and has been known for its diversity from several centuries. Different religions existed and Islam is one of the religions which expanded in the Indian subcontinent within a short span of time and with a great pace. Murray T. Titus in his book ‘Indian Islam: A Religious history of Islam in India’ points out in the Indian context that India which was known as the land of Vedas and home of the Hindus also became the motherland of the second largest Muslim population in a country.1 The major reason behind the expansion of Islam in the Indian subcontinent is the coming of the Muslim rulers from Central Asia for their political establishments. The coming of the Muslim rulers and their establishment of the Islamic mosques has been one of the most contested issues in Indian history. The forces of the Mongols, Turks and Afghan entered in India through Khyber Pass on the north-west frontier which has always been an open door to any invader who had the daring to lead his army through it. These armies came to India not only to establish an empire or to build palaces and forts but they also came to establish the new religious faith with them. Apart from this route, there were other two routes from which Muslims entered into India- Land route and Sea route. These three routes served the invaders as an open door

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to India through which the Warrior and trader, the learned and the pious, the Arabs, the Persians, the Turks and the Mongols entered in to India to establish their rule. Historically speaking, the new religious faith of Islam in the Indian subcontinent started properly with the conquest of Sind in A.D 711-12 and from that time India was never without Muslim influence.2 After the conquest of the City, the first duty and responsibility of the conqueror was to arrange the organization of the local congregation and also mandate to see that wherever there was an ancient place or famous city, mosques and pulpits should be erected there.3 Wherever these early Muslim rulers went they established small colonies in cities and the land which they conquered was bestowed on religious buildings and institutions. Construction of a mosque was not an activity taken only by the Elite people but it was an activity taken by every people including princely people, middle-class people as well as lower class people bearing their own names. The only initial requirement of a mosque was a large space which could accommodate the large section of people of the city. Many of the magnificent mosques in India have been built from the funds and treasuries of the emperors such as Qutb Minar, Jama Masjid of Delhi, Moti Masjid of Agra etc. The Masjids were built by Indians not only for the purpose of worship but also to attract Arab merchants in order to expand their trade with the overseas.

MOSQUE: EVOLUTION AND FUNCTION OF SACRED SPACE The masjid is an Arabic word which frequently appears in the Quran that technically means ‘place of prostration’.4 It is the place where Muslims bow their heads to the ground in respect of God which is also an important act required in their everyday ritual of prayer called namaz in order to express their faith towards their God. These masjids emerged as individualized and separate buildings during the first century of Islam with an architectural typology of its own and with a set of technical requirements peculiar to it.5 The expansion of the masjids was the outcome of the conquest of different lands which led Muslims to build their own space for worship. Eventually, for the consolidation of their new rule, the concept of the construction of congregation mosques or Masjid-e-Jami or Jama Masjid also originated as early as the eighth century. For Muslims the Quran represented a comprehensive revolution of their history, society and intellect and hence for that, they established a formal system of worship and gave it a shape of a mosque.

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By the end of the seventh century, the concept of congregational mosques also known as Masjid-e-Jami or Jama Masjid took a formal shape and their functions and typology were also formalised. The term Masjid-e-Jami means ‘the mosque of the community’ was a space for the collective particularly for all male Muslims in an open space which also expressed as Friday mosque. During the time of the Prophet, the place where namaz was held was not much of a religious space restricted only to the Muslim community. The space later evolved as a sacred space because namaz was being held there, but simultaneously also acquired a communitarian purpose and works such as swearing of allegiance to princes and their representatives, teaching (including Quranic literature, Astronomy, other Sciences etc.), tax collection, all sorts of announcements as well as the space become a meeting place for some social and political events.6 The masjid also served as a court where legal contretemps and moral questions were settled in light of Islamic teaching. Also in early Islam, the treasury of the Muslim community was kept in the mosque; for instance in Damascus, where the treasury is a domed octagon, set on columns. Further, more prestigious libraries of Muslim Communities often were established by highly learned people through the philanthropy of scholars, flourished and developed enviable libraries accessible to scholars and other people from all over the Islamic world.7 One of the examples of such library was a mosque called Bayt al-Hikmah (House of Wisdom) in Baghdad established by the Abbasid Caliphate. In addition to its function as a mosque for scholars and employees there, it possessed a collection of Greek manuscripts that were translated into Arabic by scholars of the Islamic empire.8 Markus Hattstein, in his book ‘Islam: Art and Architecture’ has also mentioned that the building and upkeep of mosque was the responsibility of the state because its primary motive was the maintenance of the cohesion of the community of the faithful. With this motive and with the emergence of the new Muslim countries, the mosques flourished beyond being mere places of worship. The ideological backing behind this was the state’s new cultural and political foundation in the form of Islam. Hence, they began to be used as schools (maktabs and madrasas), places for the gathering for exchange of ideas, for strengthening of the communitarian ties, for legal works and consultations, and eventually also became libraries for the various scholars of the world.

BRITISH POLICIES IN THE CITY OF DELHI BEFORE AND AFTER THE UPRISING OF 1857 Places of worship under the custodianship of any State are targeted by another State structure. Similarly, the reuse of the pillaged material like pillars,

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columns and carvings have also been a well-known phenomenon or a tool for establishing new political might. Such a phenomenon generally happens after the cities and the empires are conquered as a result of the pitched- battles and acrimonious wars. In and following, somewhat, the similar historical pattern, the city of Delhi passed over to the British Colonial State in a de-facto manner in A.D 1803, while, the Mughal kings still retained de-jure sovereignty of the city and its environs. This diarchy provided enough space to the East India Company to expand its base in the civil society. The efforts the repair of the abundant canal, waterworks, undertaking repair and even renovation of the Mughal Masjid were the attempts through which the Colonial authorities were trying to give a message that they are in a process of replacing ‘the Mughal authority’ in an altogether different manner. This phase of ‘camaraderie’ came to an abrupt end during the uprising of 1857. The British authority was totally uprooted from the city of Delhi where their families were butchered to death by the rebels. When the British authority was restored in mid -September 1857, a reign of terror was unleashed against the people of the city in the most brutal manner. The Muslim population was specifically targeted as the British perceived the uprising of 1857 as a ‘Muslim conspiracy’ against them. Consequently, numerous Masjids in the city of Delhi were demolished, leaving no trace of their existence. The famous Akbarabadi Masjid which was under the custodianship of the Mughal Emperor later became a centre of the Wahabi activism and followers of Saiyyad Ahmed of Rae Bareilly and Shah Ismail (d. 1831 at Balakot fighting a Jihad with the Sikhs). While various options were discussed in the higher official circles as far as the fate of another important masjid was concerned, that is Masjid-e Jahan Numa (the present day Jama Masjid). Plans ranging from its demolition to converting it into a Church or a more ‘secular’ college, floated in the bureaucracy. But finally, the plan to make it as a barrack for the Sikh soldiers from Punjab, who in turn deliberately desecrated its sanctity by undertaking prohibited activities.

After this initial, reaction the Colonial state tried to use this Masjid as a monument to bargain and also to win over the support of the Muslim citizens from the city of Delhi that included their ‘collaborators, spies as well as the Muslim members of their loyal troops’. Over the period of time we find enough data from the Colonial records at the National Archives of India and Delhi State Archives which indicate that the slow process through which the Masjid was returned to the Muslim authority was not at one go but it was a protracted and a well-calculated move by the Colonial administrators to make it as an object of their bargain with the Muslim

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community and to perpetuate control over the management of the efforts of the Masjid. The important aspects of this policy have been discussed in this chapter.

MASJID-E JAHAN NUMA BEFORE A.D 1857 Masjid-e-Jahan Numa (Jama Masjid) right from its inception in seventeenth century had enjoyed a central position and has been the focal point of the sociopolitical and religious landscape of Shahjahanabad (present old Delhi). The foundation of Jama Masjid was laid down on 10th of Shawwal, 1060 A.H (6th of October 1650) under the supervision of wazir (Prime Minister), Saadullah Khan and khansaman (head of Shahjahan’s household establishment), Fazil Khan at the cost of ten lacs of rupees.9 It was placed on a hill called ‘Bhojla Pahari’ and was a thousand yards away from the palace-fortress, the Red Fort of the Mughal Empire in their newly established capital. Jama Masjid has three gates northern, southern and eastern of which the eastern gate was the Shahi gate with 35 steps meant only for the Emperor, who came in procession with the Princes, the nobles and their retinue from the Red Fort every Friday and on Eid days. The northern gate of the masjid has 39 steps; which were inhabited by stalls kept by cooks, bakers, storytellers etc. and the southern gate has 33 steps. To the northern side of the Jama Masjid was the Imperial Dispensary called Dar-ul-Shifa and to the south was the Imperial College called Dar-ulBaqa both fell into ruin before the rebellion of 1857 and later demolished after the event. Bernier, a French physician and traveller who visited Delhi in 1659 A.D noticed that “the back of the masjid was cased over to the height of the rock with large hewn stones which hide inequalities and gave a noble appearance to the building”.10 Adjacent to the Masjid was the madrasa and a large bazaar which was destroyed after the mutiny. According to Carr Stephen, the masjid was a specimen of the Byzantine Arabic style11; its length and width is about 261 feet long and 90 feet wide and its roof is surmounted by three domes decorated with stripes of black and white marble. There is a marble square tank in the centre of the masjid which was about 15 yards in length and 12 yards in width was used for ablution by the Muslim worshippers before their prayers. The masjid was known by two names, one was ‘Masjid-i-Jahan Numa’, ‘Jahan’ means ‘world’ and ‘Numa’ means visible, on the whole, it means figuratively commanding a view of the whole world. The second name ‘Jama Masjid’ which is more popular than the first name means ‘collective or congregational masjid’. The congregational masjid was conceived of as a closed unit at the time of prayer, a refuge from the outside world within

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which class antagonisms, dissidence, rivalries and differences dissolved through a constitution of a homogenous community held together by piety and brotherhood.12 In the same manner, the centrality of a congregational masjid, the Jama Masjid in the social life of the populace of Shahjahanabad also an established fact. It was more than a place for prayer. It formed the locus of urban community life of Shahjahanabad and was a place for meeting; also a variety of relationships could get cemented within and through this structure and its epigraphic programme. Equally important were its political functions as a place where the khutba was read and legitimacy accorded to the ruling emperor.

Being an architectural masterpiece, it was considered a padshahi (sovereign) masjid which symbolised the imperial aura, authority and ideology in Shahjahanabad. Expert craftsmen were called to construct this noble structure not only from India but also from other countries like Arabia, Persia, Turkestan and Europe. The structure is a commendation to the engineering skills of Shahjahan’s reign with great proportioned and symmetrical works. This is the largest masjid in India and the only structure in the city with the mass and presence to challenge the pre-eminence of the palace-fortress.

THE COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION AND THE MASJID AFTER THE UPRISING OF 1857 This masjid remained a locus for the inhabitants of Shahjahanabad for the subsequent two centuries, serving not only as a religious space but also a social space where people would gather in large numbers barring any class distinctions. In such an inclusive setting, political and intellectual issues of the city were largely discussed within the premises of this masjid. This masjid continued to evoke communitarian and religious sentiments of the people of the city even as it witnessed the capture of Delhi by Lord Lake in 1803 A.D. The new English masters took over the management of the masjid like other institutions of the city and from time to time the colonial administration in Delhi would pay heed to its mending works and other problems. The masjid was managed by the managing committee which was appointed by the Colonial Government and was placed under the control of the Deputy-Commissioner of Delhi. The beams of the masjid were seriously damaged and were once repaired in 1817 A.D in the reign of Akbar II and again were repaired in 1851 A.D. In 1833, the northern minaret of the masjid was damaged by lightning and was repaired by the Executive Engineer of Delhi, under the orders from British Resident. Later, the masjid was again repaired under the supervision of

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Government by means of a gift of Rs. One lakh made by the Nawab of Rampur and a smaller donation by the Nawab of Bhawalpur.13 The works of the masjid were jointly handled and managed by the Mughal court and at times by its managing committee from the early part of the nineteenth century till at least the uprising of 1857. During the uprising of 1857, like all other buildings of the city-religious and secular- Jama masjid too had to face the tyranny of the post-mutiny apathy at the hands of the British. The 1857 rebellion was perceived by the British to be masterminded by the Muslims of the city and they believed that the ulama of the city had a special role to play in the uprising of 1857. For this reason, this masjid became the symbol of the religious class of the city and especially for the ulama of the city for whom Jama Masjid was a centre of piety and their religious and intellectual traditions. As a result, during this period after the city`s recapture by the British, all the masjids in the city of any significance were confiscated by the Colonial State and religious prayers were stalled. Other smaller masjids of the city were still spared from the proposal of being demolished by the British but Jama Masjid, having become the symbol of the rebel ulama, was time and again considered to be demolished. However, the idea that at least the Jama Masjid should be demolished as a symbol of the British victory was abandoned and it was felt that there was a need for some other symbolic actions.14 As a result of a conscious policy of insulting the emotions of the Muslim inhabitants, the British soldiers danced jigs inside the Jama Masjid and Sikhs lit victory fires close to the masjid’s holy mihrab.15 It became the cantonment of the European guards and the Sikh regiment of the Colonial army. Along with Jama Masjid, the other magnificent public buildings which became the barracks of the European guards were Diwan-eAam (hall of Public audience), Diwan-e-Khas (hall of private audience) and Eidgah (congregational masjid which was used especially for Eid prayers usually located at the outskirts of Delhi). In the following years of the stay of the soldiers inside the Jama masjid, several contestations regarding the convenient stay of the soldiers which was against the basic tradition of the mosque arose. This can be substantiated by the archival letter of the then chief engineer of Punjab asking the then Chief Commissioner for the removal of the ablution tank which was located at the centre of the square of the Jama Masjid at Delhi for the conveniences of drilling the thirteenth Punjab infantry who were quartered there. In reply to this, chief Commissioner of Punjab wrote to the Chief Engineer of Punjab on 11th November, 1858, that he could not authorize this measure as the Government did not intend to appropriate the Jama Masjid permanently.

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In another correspondence from Military Secretary to Chief Commissioner of Punjab to Chief Engineer of Punjab, an estimate was submitted amounting to D 433 of the expanse incurred in blocking up arches of the courtyard of the Jama Masjid in the city of Delhi which was required to accommodate shelter for the thirteenth Punjab infantry. However, Chief Commissioner was averse to the continued occupation of the masjid by colonial troops and he desired to relocate the troops to another place. After the assault and capture of Delhi, it was obvious to occupy the Masjid the then Chief Commissioner stated that the occupation of the masjid should be a temporary arrangement rather than permanent occupation of the troops as its continued occupation is objectionable. Permanent occupation of the masjid could not have been outrightly proposed for the fear of invoking anger to the leftover Muslim population of the city. Hence, there was a power play at work by the colonial state to play with the sentiments of the Muslims and create a demoralising effect in them by threatening from time to time demolish the masjid or to block the arches or to break the ablution tank. Several proposals ranging from the permanent occupation of the masjid by the troops, converting it into a Delhi College came up from time to time and became the subjects of diverse debates within the colonial bureaucracy. The British troops stationed in Delhi having earlier faced a military encounter with the rebels had their own anguish against the ex-King and everything that symbolised his rule. The chief subject of their anger became the city of Shahjahanabad including its landscape, its buildings- religious and secularand people inhabiting it. Hugh Chichester, one of the military officers stationed at Delhi after the revolt wrote in his letter: ‘There are several mosques in the city most beautiful to look at, but I should like to see them all destroyed. The rascally brutes desecrated our churches and graveyards and I do not think we should have any regard for their stinking religion...’ 16 Charles Raikes, another military officer had other plans for this mosque,he wanted that Jama Masjid should be saved, but converted into a church, each stone of it should be named after a Christian martyr that would continue to remind the people of the city about the supremacy of the British. 17 In fact, to flatten Delhi to grounds was a well-planned campaign on the part of the British officers and the same campaign was also being popularised in the local English magazines of the time such as Lahore Chronicle, where the editorial articles initiated the campaign of deserting Delhi into dust. Moreover, such magazines also brought out the mood of the local English people towards Delhi, its exKing, and also its people. In reply to the editorial of this magazine which

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initiated the campaign to bring Delhi into dust, one of the readers wrote to the editor: ‘Having just seen your issue of the 18th instant, in which you most properly, as in most of your late issues, uphold the necessity for the destruction of Delhi ‘in toto’ and no sparing of the Jumma Masjid etc for fear of offending the Moslem, I consider it a duty to my country, as it should be of all Englishmen, to assist you in the national cry of a “A bloody revenge” and “Down with Delhi”.18 Converting Jama Masjid to Delhi College were not merely practical steps or administrative steps, in effect, it signifies the attempts of the British to negate the religiosity and piety attached to the building and impose a ‘secular’ character to the building. There is a letter which proves this fact from A.H.L Fraser, Secretary of Government of India to the Chief Secretary of Government of Punjab by quoting the Commissioner’s letter dated 20th March 1860, stating that the Jama Masjid was not only a popular place of worship for Muhammadans, but was also undoubtedly a great national monument. Before the Mutiny when it was in the hands of the King of Delhi and was exclusively under Muhammadan control, it was open to all comers subject to no restriction. Since then it has remained an object of interest to visitors from all parts of the world.19 However, giving the masjid back to the Muslims was also one of the proposals but in this idea, the immediate circumstances were against their political agenda. The restoration was not only an administrative or a political issue, in fact for the British, Jama Masjid symbolised their ‘lost’ prestige. And restoring the same to the Muhammadans meant a further blow to their already feeble prestige after the revolt of 1857 among the indigenous population. They wanted to play with the basic religious identity of the Muslims through this masjid. This can be substantiated by a letter from Financial Commissioner for the Punjab to the Secretary of the Punjab Government in which he stated that Jama Masjid, Eidgah and the tombs of Humayun and Safdarjung and apart from these several other buildings were considered as State buildings.20 He also opined that under any circumstances neither Jama Masjid nor the Eidgah would be restored to the Muhammadans. He intended to make them as grand but silent monuments of the success which was conferred on them in September 1857 A.D. He made the episode of confiscation as a matter of dignity and a token of displeasure towards the blinded fanatics as he believed that these blinded fanatics along with their bigoted King made conspiracy in the masjids for British failure. On moral, political and religious grounds he argued that no Muhammadan should ever be permitted to enter the Jama Masjid and worship

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there again. He stated that there were several masjids within the city and in its suburbs which were sufficient for their worship and would supply their demands without affecting the prestige of British. He recommended that none of the state places of worship be ever restored to the Muslim population and asked civil and military officers to concert measures for removing the troops from the Jama Masjid to more suitable residences and when the Masjid be vacated it would convert into Delhi College. This letter evidences the fact that British tried to demolish the sanctity and piousness of the religious institutions of the city as well as to destroy the religious emotions and sentiments of the inhabitants of the city to propagate their agenda of ‘desacralization’ of the buildings of Delhi. Muslim notables and Muslim inhabitants of the city petitioned the colonial state on the occasion of the Viceroy`s visit to Delhi in 1860 and requested for the restitution of the masjid and to allow them to resume prayers in the masjid.21 It was also done to cease the ‘impure’ practices that became common in the vicinity of this ‘pious’ establishment. The petitions were not considered favourable by the colonial administrators as they claimed that the signatures on the petitions were forged. They also claimed that if any time ‘respectable Muhammadans’ of Delhi would ask for the restoration of the Jama masjid and were equipped ‘to make proper arrangements for keeping it in repair’, their request could be granted and the masjid would be restored to the Muhammadans.22

EPISODIC DEVELOPMENTS IN THE RESTORATION OF THE MASJID TO THE ‘MUSLIM COMMUNITY’ The restoration of the Jama Masjid became the issue of prestige and dignity for the British as they wanted to keep this Masjid as a permanent barrack for the soldiers, therefore, before restoring it to the Muhammadans, they apparently played with the sectarian issues that were raging up between the different sects of the Muslim community. They seem to have bolstered and exaggerated these sectarian differences that eventually enabled them in delaying the process of the restoration of the Masjid to the Muslim community. This can be substantiated by the following discussion. The release of the Jama masjid was delayed by intense disputes within the Muslims, between the Wahhabis- who worship one God and discard the relicsand ‘Biddatis’, who worship both God and the relics. The point of contention between the two as far as Jama Masjid was concerned that before the mutiny there were several relics kept within the masjid which were plundered and transferred to another location. The issue was that these relics should be

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restored to its original place within the masjid. The government insisted that the condition for the release of the masjid was that there should be unanimity among different sects of the Muslims. In 1860, the Government of Punjab wrote to Commissioner Delhi Division that it was considered desirable that the Government should interfere in the regulation of the masjid as little as possible and only through the managing committee.23 An Ikrarnamah or agreement was then signed on 26th November 1862 between the ten members as managers of the Jama Masjid Managing Committee who signed the petition and the British administration embracing the following points:24 1. Committee’s representatives took responsibility that there should be no disturbances, disagreements or quarrels within the masjid premises. 2. If any question should arise in connection with the masjid or religion they will state it privately between themselves. 3. No act should be committed inside the masjid which may tend to show contempt of or disloyalty to Government. If any such thing took place which might be beyond their power to check or control, they should bring to the notice of the Deputy Commissioner. 4. They would do repairs to the buildings of the masjid, whenever it was necessary to do so and should keep up regular accounts of shop rents and of the endowed property. 5. If a vacancy was caused among the managers for any reason they would appoint a successor by agreement among themselves. 6. If anything is done or an act committed contrary to the wishes of the Government, they recognized that the Government should have liberty at all times to close the masjid or make other arrangements for its management. There is no information in the sources available as to how the members of the Managing Committee were appointed. The observation that they were ‘elected by the majority of the Musalman inhabitants’25 can hardly be understood in the sense of a formalized electoral procedure. British consulted those people whom they considered suitable representatives of the Muslim community, but we find no records and sources available for these discussions. Mirza Ilahi Bakhsh who was an ally of the British became the chairman of the managing committee. According to Margrit Pernau, before the managing committee was established the Masjid’s administration was regulated by the mutawallis, but

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later with the managing committee, it worked as a kind of collective mutawalli. The masjid was then returned to the inhabitants on 28th November 1862 A.D. by the colonial state with the employment of several rules and regulations to be followed by the worshippers. The rules were not favourable to them as the European officers and gentlemen, civil and military were allowed without a pass and not required to put off their shoes while entering the masjid. It was followed by several petitions from the managing committee to revise these rules and regulations which made this masjid a site of contest. Finally, the revised rules were hung up at the gate of Jama Masjid in Persian and English Language which were as follows:26 1. No one is permitted to remain in the masjid at night except the appointed Khadim, the Muazzin and individuals specially authorized by the managing committee. 2. European officers, gentlemen and ladies are required before entering the masjid to put on over their shoes covering which are provided by the committee at the door. 3. European soldiers are not allowed to enter without a pass from the district/brigade officer or the commanding officer. 4. Non-Musalman Asiatics were not allowed to enter the masjid without a pass from the Deputy Commissioner or from the managing committee. The darwans will indicate where such passes can be obtained. 5. No smoking is allowed in the masjid. Visitors are forbidden to take inside the masjid- dogs, Hukkas, musical instruments, bottle of liquor or any other article prohibited by Musalman doctrine within the masjid. Drunken person is also prohibited to enter. It was expected by the European ladies and gentlemen that they would observe the religious etiquette of the masjid. Persons who desired to take photographs within the masjid must obtain special permission from the managing committee. 6. Visitors must not pass or stand in front of Muhammadans engaged in prayer and are required to remain in the eastern portion of the masjid during the hour of prayer 7. No benches or chairs can be taken into the masjid without the special permission of the managing committee and if any taken in without the permission must be removed as soon as the ceremony for which they were allowed has ended.

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8. No religious discussion is allowed in the masjid nor is any assemblage allowed except for the purpose of prayer. Preaching in masjid is forbidden except with the permission of the managing committee. 9. Two constables will be detained for duty at the north and south gates that will be responsible for seeing that the above rules are observed.

CONCLUSION The main object of this chapter was to study the change in the treatment that this masjid got from the two different ruling powers- the outgoing Mughal rule and the upcoming Colonial rule- the one being its patron and originator and the other being its executioner to some extent, the focus in the chapter remained on the colonial archival material pertaining to this mosque. An attempt is made to study the history of Masjid-e Jaha Numa or Jama Masjid of Delhi in the context of the political times it witnessed. The basic theoretical premise lies in the proposition that the study of any building should not be done only in terms of its architecture or utility, but also in the context of the history of the political situations that shaped the very existence and survival of that building. What is important here is to understand first that any building if considered in its material terms is nothing but an artful amalgamation of bricks, mortar and sandstone what makes it important and eternal is the cultural interpretation of these buildings done by the societies over time. The perceptions, notions and emotions that are attached to them in the course of time and the human reaction that these buildings can generate are all marked by the historical occurrences. They are culturally constructed bearing direct interference from the contemporary state and power centres. As the centres of power shift from one regime to another regime, these perceptions also change. The very idea of the construction of the mosque in Islamic architecture is marked by the ideals of devotion and piety throughout the Islamic world. Mosques generate respect and eventually become the centres of local authority. These perceptions transform and undergo a shift when a shift in political power takes place. To trap this shift was the key consideration behind the decision to use the building of Masjid-e Jaha Numa or Jama Masjid of Delhi to tell the story of how the mosques in India underwent a serious blow with the transfer of power from the Mughals to the Colonial rule. An attempt was to trace the historical overview of this mosque from its construction in 1656 A.D. till its confiscation by the British in 1857 and its subsequent restoration to the Muslims in 1862, a long period of more than two hundred years. As a part of their vengeful

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program, they identified the main culprits who conspired against them during the revolt and punishments- death penalties, imprisonments, confiscation of properties, resumption of grants and destruction of the city- were inflicted on them recklessly. The masjid remained closed for a period of five years till it was finally restored to the Muslim inhabitants of the city in 1862 after a series of litigations from them. This has provided a varied and layered history of this monument beginning from the sacred identity of it as the Masjid-e Jahanuma or Jama Masjid to an architectural marvel celebrated by art historians to a symbol through which the Muslim community was disciplined and controlled in the aftermath of the revolt of 1857. Hence, an attempt in this chapter is made to study the archival records pertaining to the confiscation and restoration of this masjid by the Colonial State. This study of official colonial discourses will help us understand the attitude of the colonial state towards institutions of religion and piety that later culminated into prolonged contestation.

APPENDIX

Declaration by the Managing Committee regarding the restoration of Jama Masjid. Courtesy: File No. 11/1860, Deputy Commissioner Vol. I, Delhi State Archives

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Translation of the original agreement in English language made by the managers of Jama Masjid managing committee dated 24th November, 1862. Courtesy: File No. 11/1860, Deputy Commissioner Vol. I, Delhi State Archives

REFERENCE 1. Murray T. Titus, Indian Islam: A Religious History of Islam in India, Oxford University Press, 1930, pp. 1. 2. Annemarie Schimmel, Islam in the Indian Subcontinent, E.J. Brill/LeidenKoln,1980, pp. 5. 3. Murray T. Titus, Indian Islam: A Religious History of Islam in India, pp. 64. 4. Markus Hattstein, Islam: Art and Architecture, Verlagsgesellschaft mbH, France, 2000, pp. 40.

Konemann

5. Ibid., pp. 40. 6. Ibid., pp. 42. 7. Hedi BenAicha, ‘Mosques as libraries in Islamic Civilization, 700-1400 A.D’, The Journal of Library History, (1974-1987), vol. 21, No. 2, Libraries, Books and Culture II, Spring (1986), University of Texas Press, pp. 253-260.

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8. Ibid. 9. Inayat Khan, Shah Jahan Nama, ed. W.E Begley and Z.A Desai, Delhi, Oxford University Press, Oxford New York, 1990, pp. 530. 10. Francois Bernier, Travels in the Mughal Empire 1656-1668, Low Price Publications, Delhi, 1934, pp. 85. 11. Carr Stephen, The Archaeological and Monumental Remains of Delhi, Aryan Books International, New Delhi, 1876, pp. 144. 12. Monica Juneja, Architecture in Medieval India: Forms, Contexts, Histories, Permanent Black, 2001, pp. 81. 13. H.C. Fanshawe, Delhi: Past and Present, Aryan Books International, New Delhi, pp. 48. 14. Margrit Pernau, Ashraf into Middle Classes: Muslims in Nineteenth Century Delhi, Oxford University Press, 2013, pp. 288. 15. William Dalrymple, The Last Mughal: The fall of a Dynasty, Delhi, 1857, Penguin Books, 2006, pp. 384. 16. Letters of Hugh Chichester, letters to his father, Delhi, 24th September 1857, cited from William Dalrymple, The Last Mughal: The fall of a Dynasty Delhi 1857, Penguin Books, India, 2006, pp. 408. 17. Ibid. 18. Ibid. 19. Delhi State Archives, Commissioner, 1895, 77, Vol. II, ‘Jama Masjid Rules’. 20. Delhi State Archives, 5/1858, Commissioner, Vol. II, ‘Restoration of Jama Masjid to Muhammadans’. 21. National Archives of India, Foreign Part A, April 1860, 259-62, ‘Proposed restoration of the Jama Masjid at Delhi to the Muhammadans’. 22. Delhi State Archives, Deputy Commissioner Office, 1860, 11, Vol. I, ‘Restoration to Muhammadans of the Jama Masjid’. 23. Ibid. 24. Ibid., Translation of original agreement entered into which the Managers of the Jama Masjid, Delhi, dated 26 November, 1862. 25. Delhi State Archives, Delhi Commissioner Office, 1860, 11, ‘Restoration to Muhammadans of the Jama Masjid, Rules for the Custody of the Jama Masjid’. 26. Delhi State Archives, Commissioner Office, 1858, 5, Vol. II, ‘Restoration of Jama Masjid to the Muhammadans’. qqq

11 Drawing Parallel with 19th Century Muslim Movements in India with Reform Movements Across Muslim Weltanschauung: An Analysis of Syed Ahmad’s Work M. Waseem Raja

PROLOGUE The chapter involves understanding Muslim reformers on Indian SubContinent perspectives vis-a vis Pan-Islamic societies. In this chapter, an efforts have been made to show how Syed Ahmad Khan, as a phenomenon himself was not confined to the Indian Sub-continent alone, but had emerged as a symbolic global personality, who made numerous contributions to the 19th century Islamic Weltanschauung. In order to understand the worth of Syed Ahmad Khan in the 19th century Muslim world, the assessment of various other contemporary socio-political and religious reformers, is needed. Their contribution must be taken into account and a comparative analysis will bring out clear understanding and his place among his contemporaries across the globe. The 19th century Muslim reformers in general and Syed Ahmad Khan in particular were also faced with similar kind of problems—the clash between the obscurantism, orthodoxy, against the all-pervading rationalism, logic and reason. Syed Ahmad Khan found himself at cross with such predicaments.

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PAN-ISLAMISM AND THE CONDITION OF AFRO-ASIAN MUSLIM SOCIETIES Understandably the 19th century Afro-Asian Muslim societies were in turmoil, with awareness of its weaknesses and backwardness in relation to the materially overwhelming West. The loosening teeth of the Muslim Empires being replaced by the Western emerging powers and then came as an eyeopener to the contemporary Muslim intelligentsia. The shrinking Ottoman Caliphate1 Devlet-i Aliyye-yi Osmâniyye (the dying Mughal2 remnants in India, the fast vanishing Central Asian Muslim Khanates3, were few of the stark realities developments during 19th century Muslim World. In clear contrast to the decaying Muslim societies during the 18th and 19th centuries, we notice the fast emerging powers of Great Britain, France, Germany and other powers that represented the so called “West”. With modern apparatus like Industrialization, Mercantilism, Imperialism etc and powerful workable ideology of ‘White man’s burden’ as guiding force with them, they were out for expansions of their frontier to the far off Muslim societies. Though initially their prime motives were territorial gain, acquiring of wealth, and propagation of Christianity, but ultimately they resorted to see the end of the domination of the Muslim powers. How to resist the onslaught of the overwhelming and expanding juggernaut of the so called West was perhaps the most perplexing question on every Muslim reformer’s mind? Resistance to the western powers being their main aim, Muslim reformers all over worked for the cause. The answers to the pertinent problems were conditional whether to choose “fighting the West militarily” or to reform the Muslims (who could turn the East into what the West had achieved). Except for the few Muslim reformers, majority of them chose the second option of reform. Syed Ahmad Khan was one of them, who took to recourse of socio-political, cultural and educational reforms. Another dilemma which the Muslim reformers faced was how to reform the society? Whether to resort to Puritan form of Islam or adopt western rational ideas? We find conflict of opinions among them. One section among them resorted to orthodoxy4 whereas the majority including Syed Ahmad Khan finding adoption of Western ideas and dynamism in Islam as the solution. It has often been perceived in case of established religion, the excessive orthodoxy and seeking of Puritanism that lead to backwardness in any society. This is more when the society is under any colonial rule. Muslim societies

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across the Indian Sub-continent, the Arabian Peninsula and the African Horn had experienced such sharp decline in terms of material possession, power and prestige. With that they receded ultimately to the dark abyss of orthodoxy and Puritanism, which have been found to the anti-dote to modernization and material progress. The emergence of puritan movements of Wahabism of Central Arabia,5 Wahabism of India,6 Libyan Senusya7 and various other similar movements were simply against overwhelming Imperial power but solutions to their falling back to imperialism was nowhere seen. Unfortunately, those movements had failed to find the ground and did not provide the instrument to fight the Western Imperialism. On the other hand liberal reformism which had emerged just after those movements had lot of solutions to offer. The Liberal Reformism in the second half of the 19th century and the beginning of 20th century had saved the day for the Muslims in Aligarh Movement in India, Jadeed Movement in Pan-Turkism in Central Asia Taraqqiparvarlar (progressives) (progressives), simply Yäşlär/Yoshlar (youth), Young Turk Movement Jön Türkler in the Ottoman Empire, Young Afghan Movement in Afghanistan8 and some other. The Liberal reformism aimed at political empowerment, modern education, and independence from the Western domination, of which spiritual and cultural renovations being the guiding forces. The liberal phase Muslim reformers included great minds like Jamaluddin Afghani (1839-1897), Tatar Shahabuddin Marjani (d. 1889), Qayyum al Nasiri (d.1904) in Kazan, Mohammad Abduhu (d.1905) in Egypt, Rashid Rida(1865-1935), Egyptian jurist Qasim Amin, Namik Kamal (d.1888) and Tevfik Fitrat (d.1915) in Turkey, Hasan Melikov Zerdabi (d.1907) in Baku9, Musa Jarullah Bigi (d.in 1949), Rizaeddin Fharuddin Oglu (d. in 1939), Crimean Tatar reformer Ismail Gaspirilay (1851-1914), or the Indian Syed Ahmad Khan,(1817-1898)Allama Shibli Nomani10 (d. 1914) followed by next generation of enlightened minds.11 Syed Ahmad Khan’s ideas and approaches found common grounds with those scores of reformers. Syed Ahmad Khan’s belief that ‘Islam far from opposing sciences and reason encourages them’ was common to other reformers also. Those reformers subscribed the common ideas that by acquiring scientific knowledge and by adapting them to Islam the cultural forces and the ideologies of the west, Muslims were not betraying their culture but only retrieving their lost heritage. Rationalistic theology, succeeded in bringing the literary language closer to spoken dialect, which changed the scholastic system everywhere. By introducing the same among Muslim schools they found the base for Muslim Renaissance in India and

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other places. It was the handiwork of the rational approach to Islamic theology and for the reformers including Syed Ahmad Khan brought forth the literary language closer to spoken dialect and thus achieved Muslim Renaissance. The common task of challenging the West, though with differing methods, remained a controversial and differing issue, more particularly between PanIslamist Jamal al-ddin al Afghani and Syed Ahmad Khan.

PAN-ARABISM & PAN TURKISM: ASSERTION OF IDENTITY The idea of Pan-Arabism12 is also a movement for the assertion of Arab identity. It gave impetus to the reform movement in the Arab world and in the Pan-Islamic perspective. Though Pan-Arabism started as antagonism against Turkish misrule but it soon gave impetus to Pan-Islamism. It is just similar to the situation in the Indian sub-Continent where anti-British movements turned out to be related to Pan-Islamic which surged in different forms up to 1920’s when Khilafat Movement13 had become a mass movement. The period saw the rise of scores of socio-religious and educational reformers both in the Arab world and on the Indian Sub-Continent. Syed Ahmad Khan found commonality of his thoughts and ideas with Arabs or Turkish reformers. Though Syed Ahmad Khan espoused the cause of Turkey emphatically and expressed deep sympathy for the Turks, nevertheless he cautioned the Muslims to behave circumspectly in celebrating the victory of Turkey over Greece in the war of 1897. There are essays written in defence of Islam, Turkish civilization and culture, delineating the bright aspects of the character and style of life of Sultan Abdul Aziz (1861-76) and Sultan Abdul Hamid II (18761909). Most importantly, a few essays are cantered on the discourse about such contentious issues of Khilafat, Imamat, jihad and allied themes, intensely debated at that time in some sections of Muslim society.14 The commonality of thought could be summarily enumerated as their awareness of the might of the Industrial West. The Imperial design of the emerging European powers against the Muslim world and their search for the Muslim response to the Western domination to improve the wretched plight of the community. Reformers had differed on certain issues. Syed Ahmad Khan found succour for the decaying Muslim society in “collaborative approach” with the Imperial power i,e; the British.15 In sharp contrast to Syed Ahmad Khan’s approach Turkish or Arab reformers sought the betterment in “Confronting Approach” with the Western Imperialists. Similarity of situations could also be noticed in case of the decline and almost demise of the Ottoman Khilafah vis-a-vis the demise of the Mughal Empire in the Indian sub-continent. The decline of Ottoman power meant the dismemberment of the Khilafah. But in case of the Mughal the Muslims of

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India were the direct sufferers. The Muslims being the ruling class with the Mughal in Indian sub-continent. They had to lose perks, privileges, honours and the resources. The Middle East on the other hand with the imperial design focus over the region, was turning into a place of Arab-Turkish confrontation, revolt against the Ottoman Khilafah with turmoil in the society. The task was cut for the Muslim reformers alone who were to be role model or guide for the Pan-Islamic societies across the globe.

Arab and Turkish Reformers: Islamic Orthodoxy and the Fight against Western Imperialism Reforms were not new to the Ottoman Empire. The Political and military reforms had already begun by the Ottoman Sultans like Sultan Selim III (1789-1807), Mustafa IV (1807-1808), Mahmud II. But the actual task was cut for Muhammad Ali16, (an ex-military general) for reform in Egypt by taking Europe as his model for progress. He is hailed as the “father” of all modernist currents in Egypt and the broader Arab world by becoming precursor of Arab reformism, nationalism and the al-Nahda-al Arabiya the Arab ‘Renaissance’.17 In Tunisia Ahmad Bey’s (1837-1855) efforts mainly centred upon the modernization of the army, the reform in administration, abolition of slavery and freedom for the Jews of Tunisia from the economic restrictions. His successors, Muhammad Bey (1855-1859) and Muhammad Al-Sadeq (1859-1882) followed him. Muhammad Al-Sadeq issued the Arab world’s first constitutional laws. The Tunisian Prime Minister of Sultan Abdul Hamid Amir ul umara Khyrul Al-din a great reformist mind impressed Syed Ahmad Khan a lot. He authored a book with the title of Aqwamul Masalik which dealt with the Muslim problems in length.18Abdülmecid (1839-1861) the successor of Sultan Mahmud II started the tanzimat, liberal reforms in the fields of law, the administration and education, which affected the status of the minorities. Ahmad Shafiq Midhat Pasha,19 the Founder of Young Turk Movement in 1868 had compelled Sultan Abdülhamid II (1876-1909) to include provisions for the creation of a parliament and the granting of political freedoms. Jamal Al-Din Al-Afghani camealong with Muhammad Abduhu20 with plethora of ideas which was Pan-Islamic appeal though they were differed from Syed Ahmad Khan in approaches. Jamal Al-Din Al-Afghani (1839-1897) known in Arabic literature as ‘Sage of the East’ (Hakim al Sharq Sharq) with his vast canvass in the Muslim Weltanschauung, is perhaps the first great PanIslamic reformer in the Arab world.21 He first stood up against the imperial domination of the Muslim world by the European powers, along with he

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sought serious internal reform of the Muslim society, its regeneration and the cultivation of modern scientific knowledge among the Muslim masses. That would certainly enable them to compete with the West. Jamal al-din al-Afghani argued for a “radical revitalization of Islam”, taking it towards ‘Western-inspired modernization’ but it was away from the direct domination of the West Jamal Al-Din Al-Afghani, a roving Pan Islamist come down to India and wanted the Muslims to rise up against the Imperial hegemony of the West. That led him to make scathing attack upon Syed Ahmad Khan and his companion Maulvi Samiullah Khan calling them ‘materialists ‘and particularly Maulvi Samiullah as ‘swindler’, who was out to destroy pillars of Islamic religion and nullify its fundamental beliefs.22 He also called for the “unification of the Muslim peoples” and their liberation from absolutism of any kind.23 He is regarded as the principal figure in awakening Islamic political sentiments and social reforms in India, Persia, Afghanistan, Egypt and the Ottoman Empire and also the redeemer of the East. For wider appeal to his ideas, he campaigned in the name of all the Muslims and oppressed people of Asia, against the colonial powers of Europe whom he considered the worst enemy of Muslims. He championed the cause of the East and is quoted as uttering “East, East! In the schemes of my mind I have found the panacea of your ills”.24 Jamal al-ddin Al-Afghani was considered by Namek Kamal (the key figure in the Turkish modernist movement was Namik Kemal) as a religious revolutionary and defenders of Pan-Islamism. His disciple Mahmud Tarzi achieved independence from the British in Afghanistan.25 In Egypt another devoted disciple Sad Zaglole became the father of modern Egypt, in Turkey, Namek Kamal and his follower Ataturk did whatever Jamal-ad- Din wanted to be done by the Turks. He wanted Muslim unity through Um-ulQura as well as through Salafi Movement which had a major impact on Arab intellectual circles around the turn of the 20th century.26 Those movements in the Middle East certainly influenced the Aligarh Movement led by Syed Ahmad Khan in India as we know frequent meetings of the Muslim reformers. Jamal Al-Din Al-Afghani’s one major success was in paving the way for the Tobacco Revolution of Persia, which drastically contained British influence in Iran. Jamal Al-Din Al-Afghani could be considered as ‘neo- traditionalist’ as well as ‘Islamic reformist’ who had similarity of approach with Syed Ahmad Khan. His idea was first to get rid of European Imperialism and re-establish the Muslim political domination. In his scheme of things, he was more interested in seeing the ‘weakening of British Imperial power’ for which he wasn’t hesitant in seeking favour from Germany, France or any other power. That approach of him in weakening British power allegedly is similar to “collaborative

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approach” of Syed Ahmad Khan. It appears that there might be certain conflict of approaches between the two, but objective aim remained the same i.e; the reform of the Muslim weltanschauung.27 Both Syed Ahmad Khan and Jamal al din Afghani believed Islam to be capable of an evolutionary process within the present and future history of mankind.28 Similar Arab thinkers like Muhammad ‘Abduhu (1849-1905) al usthad al-imam (teacher and guide) towed the line of Jamal Al-Din Al-Afghani, with his nationalist liberal reform in Arab world with anti–imperial overtones. He was for the mental transformation of the Muslim youths as he found them to be taking up the reins of reform of Muslim world.29 Muhammad Abduhu’s principal aims were reform of the Muslim religion by going to original teaching of Islam, emphasis on Arabic language, recognition of the rights of the people, assimilation of western civilization without abandoning the true spirit of Islam. He believed that the growth of western civilization in Europe was based on these two principles. According to him, Europeans were roused to act after a large number of them were able to exercise their choice and to seek out facts with their minds.30 He had also advocated for patriotism in place of despotism.31 In his Islamic thoughts he denounced taqlid (imitation to old practices of Islam) in religion (Madhab ) to demand freedom for ijtihad, Idjmia, qayas (assumption) in keeping with the emerging modern conditions as the civilizations moved forward. Those changes according to him must conform to the principles laid down in Qur’an and in true Sunnah. He found no conflict in knowledge and religion if properly understood, but reason must accept dogma after it’s proved as far as the faith was concerned. Accordingly, the task for prophecy meant solely for masses and not for the elite. He regarded Qur’an as the ‘created one’ in contrary to the prevalent beliefs of uncreated one. He endeavoured to weaken the rigidly opposed point of view of orthodoxy. In this regard his ideas are closer to Syed Ahmad Khan. Despite the denials of the causality and laws of nature by orthodoxy, he finds basis for explaining nature by casual laws but by scholastically formal reasoning. Positive commandment he finds only four; ritual prayer, alms-tax, fasting, and pilgrimage. He finds superiority of Islam on Christianity lies in its ‘rationality’, its closeness to reality and its avoidance of unattainable ideals of life.32 Muhammad ‘Abduhu called for a return to the creative and progressive inspiration of the early days of Islam. The reformist school of thought he founded is therefore known as salafiya meaning ‘forefathers.’ Syed Ahmad Khan found his counterpart in Turkish, Zia Gokalp, a great contemporary reformer (1876-1924), considered as the most influential

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spiritual founder of the Turkish nationalism. He often affirmed that ‘Islam had been equipped with an adequate framework to accommodate and adapt to morphological changes in time and space in the same way what Syed Ahmad Khan believed in’. He says that the injunctions of the Quran (nass or text) stay eternal and unchangeable while ‘urf’ or the collective ideas and ijma (the collective wisdom of the scholars) allow enough room for the dogma to adapt itself the changing necessities of life. According to Zia Gokalp, the Islamic law has two-fold sources, the traditional Shariah and the Social Shariah. The Social Shariah is continually changing in accordance with social evolution. The stagnation of the world of Islam is due to the failure of the Muslims to relate the ‘nass’ to the ‘urf’ by means of ijtihad (consensus among Ulema on certain Islamic issue affecting Muslims). Gokalp believed in that ‘Islam is the only religion that exhorts change’. He found Quranic sanction for the secular authorities to assume legislative functions in Islam. Gokalp also advocated the modernization of Muslim family life and urged the complete abandonment of veil (purdah and the unqualified recognition of equality of the gender. Ziya Gokalp was among the earliest public figures in Turkey (a purely ‘secular Muslim state’). He was of the opinion in a modern state the right to legislate and to administer directly belonged to the people. Theocracy and clericalism needed to be completely abandoned or eliminated, opined Zia Gokalp.33 Some reforming efforts of Colonel ‘Urabi Pasha are also noticed. Though he could not withstand the British onslaught and was overthrown in 1882 leading to the abandonment which was only continued by Rashid Ridha34 (1865-1935) a Syrian scholar later. Rashid Ridha was in fact the main representative of the conservative trend among ‘Abduhu’s followers. A follower of the very strict Hanbalite School of Islamic law, he had joined the forces with the Wahabite Movement in the Arabian Peninsula. He had worked with the Saudi monarchy. Ridha presented the shura (consultation), in the sense of an assembly of ‘ulemas, (Islamic scholar) as the Islamic equivalent of the parliamentary democracy. He had defended the institution of the caliphate.35 Rashid Ridha’s ideas inspired later reformers like Hasan-al Banna.36 Rashid Ridha had argued in favour of reasoning, called for Ijtihad. Islam as a religion was based upon reasoning and the Islamic Sharia is founded on the basis of Ijtihad. Rashid Rida says that Islam had given us perfect liberty to order the affairs of our life. He emphasized for the spirit of Islamic laws and for knowledge of the principles on which they are founded. He believed that the backwardness of the Muslim countries resulted from a neglect of the true principles of Islam.37 Rida focused on the relative weakness of Muslim societies vis-à-vis

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Western colonialism, blaming Sufi excesses, the blind imitation of the past (taqlid), the stagnation of the ulema, and the resulting failure to achieve progress in science and technology. He held that those flaws could have been alleviated by a return what he saw as the true principles of Islam – salafiyya Islam which was purged of impurities and Western influences – albeit interpreted (ijtihad) to suit modern realities. Egyptian jurist Qasim Amin,38 had criticized some of the practices prevalent in his society at that period of time. He had denounced polygamy, the tradition of veil, and the segregation of women, saying them to be un-Islamic and contradicting the true spirit of Islam. His book The Liberation of Women (1899) and its 1900 sequel ‘The New Woman’ (al mara’a al jadida) examined the question of why Egypt had fallen under European power, despite centuries of Egyptian learning and civilisation? He also concluded and explane the low social and educational standing of Egyptian women. Amin pointed out the plight of aristocratic Egyptian women who could be kept as a “prisoner in her own house and worse off than a slave”. Syed Ahmad Khan’s too found urgency of such reforms but he could not do much in regard to Indian Muslim women as Indian society of late 19th century was then steeped in extreme orthodoxy.39

19TH CENTURY INDIAN ULEMA: RATIONALITY VS REGRESSION The overwhelming section of 19th century Ulema (Islamic scholars, reformers and guides) much revered and respected for their scholarship and for their piety, need a fair scrutiny as per their achievements and contributions to the advancements of Muslims and their role. Through a close scrutiny, we find them mostly focused scholastic ideas and worked for the interpretation of Islamic Jurisprudence, the tradition of the prophet (Hadith) and tit-bits on such theme of socio-economic or political field along with some educational ideas. It would not be wrong to categorize their achievements as they brought “period of renaissance of “religious writings and teachings” during 19th C. and approach for “other worldly affairs” where Allah and his Prophet (PBUH) were the central theme of the art and letters. Human ideas and achievements were hardly given importance. With large band of followers, the ulema could have changed the course of history, which Syed Ahmad Khan did with a handful of his associates. With losses suffered in terms of men, material, status and power, the Muslims of India during the second half of the 19th century took to religion very seriously, as that was the only recourse left to them against the backdrop of mayhem of the Revolt of 1857. The orthodoxy expanding to obscurantism,

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backwardness and lack of innovations in Islamic ideas, the Ulema of the 19th century were alleged to have been busy in unwanted religious discourses, focusing mostly upon ‘other worldly affairs’, trying to imitate the lifestyle of 7th century society of Arabia in reverence to Prophet Mohammed (PBUH) through unauthenticated or unverified sayings of Prophet of Islam (ahadith). The trendsetter for such discourses, scholastic debates, and plethora of Islamic literatures (which included hundreds of tafaseers of Quran and Hadith) was none other than an 18th century leading the most celebrated theologian Shah Waliullah of Delhi (1703-1762).40 Hadhrat Shah Abdul Aziz (1746-1823) Syed Ahmad Barelvi, nephew Shah Ismail Shaheed and son-in-law Abdul Hai included Deobandi Ulema Maulana Muhammad Qasim Nanautawi, Haji Syed Muhamad Abid Deobandi, Maulana Muhammad Yaqub Nanautawi, Maulana Rafiuddin Deobandi, Maulana Zulfiqar Ali Deobandi and Maulana Fazlur Rahman Usmani Deobandi and Maulana Rasheed Ahmad Gangohi. But nothing is known about their inclination towards scientific and rational approach of religion and life. Aligarh Rationalists: With a plethora of scientific ideas and rational approaches to life Syed Ahmad Khan had proved his mettle as great mind in such an atmosphere of orthodoxy and regression. Thus it becomes almost necessary that, nobody intent upon understanding the phenomenon of the ideological changes from the so called medieval to modern Islam during the 19th century, can afford to ignore the religious thought or exegetical vision of Syed Ahmad Khan.41 His exegesis proved to be the corner stone of rationalism and critical interpretation of Islam in our times too. Under such circumstances it became imperative to reform society and Islamic ideas itself, which were held to have been debased with the dust of time settling over it. He made a call for abandonment of those regressive ideas which had plagued the community most. Accordingly, Syed Ahmad Khan proceeded to work out an exegesis of the Koran which is in accord with the naturalistic cosmology. Syed started with the assumption that the divinely revealed Qur’anic discourse or the ‘word of God’ and scientific discourse objectively describing the physical world or ‘work of God’ cannot be incompatible. The assumption of the essential harmony between the ‘word of God’ and the ‘work of God’ led Syed Ahmad Khan to a radical reinterpretation of the classical formulations of Islamic beliefs.42 Syed Ahmad Khan denied all the miracles attributed to all the prophets throughout the history of Semitic religions. He denied the literal truth of the Quranic verses pertaining to jin, Satan, angels, creation of Adam, antiChrist, immaculate birth of Jesus, ascension of the prophet of Islam to the

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divine sanctum sanctorum, paradise, hell, hand of God, seat of God, etc. Thus Syed Ahmad Khan tried to project a version of Islam which is in accord with the Western Scientific rationality or criteria of justification. Syed Ahmad even offered a naturalistic explanation of the prophetic revelation, the bedrock of the Semitic Weltanschauung. He did not accept the classical view that scriptural revelations were delivered to the prophets through the archangel Gabriel. In this regard it could also be pointed out that Syed Ahmad was thoroughly misinterpreted then and still a sizeable section of Ulema subscribe to the idea of their 19th century counterparts in denouncing Syed Ahmad Khan. The Ulema of 19th century did hardly do anything to dissuade the believers in continuing with Taqleed (love for old religious or ritualistic ideas) which hampered the progress in society to bring the Islamic thought of 19th century from obscurantism. There are scores of religious scholars but few visionaries like Syed Ahmad Khan with scientific temperament as a leading light of 19th century Indian Muslims, who tried to bring society out of obscurantism and abhorred the taqleed for the want of adjustment of the community during much changed industrialized and a new modern world.43 Syed’s Enlightened band of Companions: The dynamic approach of countering the might of the British Imperialism required Syed Ahmad Khan to prepare a blue print for the losses Muslim princes had suffered along with them the fortunes of Muslim masses during the middle of 19th century.44 Syed had to work hard for his efforts on various fronts—countering orthodox section of Muslim society, convincing the elite for the need of adopting rational approach of life, collecting funds for the College, which he had envisioned on Ox-Bridge Model, coaxing the British master for extending generosity to the beleaguered Muslims of India. For all those result oriented thoughts and actions Syed Ahmad Khan came to be rightly called as the “founder of the Indian Moslem reform movement”, had to fight on two fronts—first to convince his own people to change for the better and secondly, to induce the British to view Muslims in a different light.45 He urged the Muslims to believe that there was only one way forward, namely loyalty towards the British crown in politics and modernism in institutions, which could be termed as “Collaborative Approach.” The magnitude of the problems facing the Muslim community and the task to bring back its confidence, required multifarious activities and tremendous support against the onslaught of the regressive section of the society. The support came to Syed Ahmad Khan from a section of 19th century neo-rational ulema much different in approach and understanding from their

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orthodox friends. The neo-rationalists section of Muslim theological class had also felt the time for change had come unlike sticking to rigidity as it is generally found with Maulviyat (the madrasa educated scholars). Hadhrat Shah Muhammad Ishaq, Maulana Mamluk Ali, Maulana Rasheeduddin Khan, Maulana Shah Rafiuddin and others46 were among those enlightened Ulema of 19th century India. Maulana Mamluk Ali (d.1851) was known as the teacher of teachers both in theology and sciences. He has had complete proficiency in the rational and the traditional sciences. Syed Ahmed Khan had praises for his rationality.47 Maulana Rasheeduddin Khan is also proficient in both the rational and the traditional sciences special experience in mathematics. Maulana Shah Rafiuddin (1749-1817) was matchless in subject of mathematics.”48 Syed Ahmad Khan’s position among the entire gamut of the Ulema (learned Islamic scholar) or intellectuals of 19th century is amazingly very different and exclusive. The question arises, could he be compared with any one of them in scholarship of sciences and theology or in social, educational and Political reform or any such field to name? If Arab and Turkish Muslim societies could be taken as “periphery” to Islamic world, for Syed Ahmad Khan, ‘Indian Muslim society’ served as the “core”. In order to understand and assess the achievements of Syed Ahmad Khan49(1817-1898) of 19th Century India more popularly known as ‘Syed Ahmad Khan’ and his place among the reformers of the contemporary world, a clear understanding of the 19th century world in general and Muslim World in particular and happenings in and around is required. The task of reform and rejuvenation had remained cut out for Syed Ahmad Khan and the band of his companions. Fortunately , he had a band of extremely devoted zealots for the cause of community in persons like Altaf Hussain Hali, Maulana Shibli Nomani, Mohsin-ul-Mulk, Deputy Nazeer Ahmed, Chiragh Ali, Maulvi Zakaullah, Maulvi Samiullah and others. They collectively took the courage to challenge the orthodoxy, as well as the task of reforming the ‘moribund backward looking society.’50 A parallel can be drawn among the band of followers of Syed Ahmad Khan and the European Renaissance luminaries or the Turko-Arab reformers. Without such an enlightened band of companions Syed could have found it difficult to move forward in his struggle against obscurantism, orthodoxy and Muslim backwardness during 19th century. His tall stature in authorship is reflected through the sheer number of voluminous and qualitative works he could manage to produce. The two journals he had started namely Tehzibul Akhlaq and Aligarh Gazette were the mouth pieces of movement apart from an earlier organ known as Mohammedan Social Reformer which worked for civilizing

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cause. He had produced twenty works of religious natures, about twenty-three historical works, seven works of educational nature, collected works nine, eleven or so works fall in the category of miscellaneous journals, reports, diary etc. Syed Ahmad had tried to resolve the conflict between religion and science. His services to Islam in the theological field began in 1870 when he applied the western technique of research in refuting the polemics of Sir William Muir on the Prophet of Islam.51 His challenge to orthodoxy or fanaticism comes from the fact that he hardly found usefulness of the scholastic knowledge when he says “Now the worthlessness of the Islamic sciences exposed and has been abundantly clear that they do not comprise any useful knowledge, and this is the reason for their degradation and misery.”52 His Aligarh Movement, primarily an educational venture, produced a progressive modernized generation of ‘young and dynamic talented Muslims’ who combined in them the knowledge of modern science and philosophy with courtesy of old world Islam.53 In short, Syed Ahmed Khan stands out prominently among the thinkers of the Muslim Weltunshuung and makers of Modern India. Syed Ahmad Khan also faced hardship and challenges for his radical Islamic ideas and his effort in taking Muslims to understand the West. Orthodox section doubted his “Musababul Asbab”. They were against the total reliance on ‘the Will of Allah’ as prevalent during those days. Strongly disagreeing from the point of view of some of the contemporary scholars, who disassociate Syed Ahmad Khan from any political thought of substance we find the story other way round. He allegedly took away Muslims from the mainstreams of political current during that time. Syed Ahmad was, in a way, the pioneer of political thought in India. We have already alluded to his penetrating brochure, ‘The Causes of the Indian Revolt’ written in 1858, which was the first political pamphlet written by an Indian and which was presented to British Parliament during discussion on the Causes of Revolt of 1857. In it the Syed has shown signs of the great depth of knowledge, historical acumen and wonderfully modern argument. He not only discussed threadbare the theory of revolutions but also told how revolutions and rebellions can be obviated on to the attribute of the malaise of Indian politics to the absence of the representation of Indians in the Viceroy’s Legislative Council.54 He goes on further that although there are difficulties in the way in which the “ignorant and uneducated natives of Hindustan should be selected to form an assembly like the English Parliament, but whatever the difficulties, such a step is not only advisable but absolutely necessary.55 They also allege that by distancing them from the Indian National Congress he is blamed to create rift between the two communities, which allegedly

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later on fuelled communal tension and ‘two nation theory’ came up.56 Loyalty to the British Empire antagonized nationalist leaders both among Muslims and Hindu leaders. That also led Badaruddin Tayabbji to call the Muslims to ignore Syed Ahmad Khan’s ideas and join the national mainstream party i.e.; Indian National Congress.57 His approach of treating Muslim cause separately from the majority Hindu in the long run, were taken unfortunately as his ‘a separatist approach’ and alleged progenitor of the Two-Nation Theory.58 He is dubbed by his critique as anti-congress, anti-nationalist and a loyalist of the Victorian Crown.59 Though despite certain alleged aberrations, Syed Ahmad Khan washed off the dust of centuries and melted the ice of rigidities that had made the Muslims Weltanschauung moribund. In the words of B.Shiekh Ali, the historian, “who emerged as social reformer, a political leader, a religious thinker and as a moralist, a rationalist, a humanist and a jurist.”60 His approach to reform was universal and with a global message applicable to a global society, even in the European perspective, Middle Eastern perspective or in any social paradigm. Syed Ahmad Khan’s ideas seems truly universal and he is a sans frontiers man—a man of Civilization. In his reformist programme, he included freedom of opinion, a critical approach to religion, discarding of social evils, proper observance of the cleanliness of person and environment, reforms of dress and manners of eating, the recognition of women’s rights and the simplification of current forms of address in correspondence.61 It is also wrong to suppose that his overwhelming message was only addressed to the Muslims, the argument he advanced cuts across all. He was true Muslim reformer of his time who could guide the community of his own for other centuries to come. In questioning sanctified opinions Syed Ahmad Khan emancipated the Muslim thoughts in India from ‘the bondage of prescription’ and in this lays his monumental achievement.62

CONCLUSION By the close of the 19th century the events had much changed the world in general and the Muslim Weltanschauung in Particular. The Imperial hegemony of the West was complete, overwhelming and Christianity a new flourishing religion in the Orient. The Islamic Weltanschauung had seen scores of other developments, the passing and slow death of an Islamic Caliphate of Ottoman’s reality and the gain for the Western power in the Arab World which was becoming very much visible. The Arabs were under the complete diplomatic net of the

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likes of ‘Lawrence of Arabia’ and the yoke which they had overthrown from their head were temporary, only to be again overwhelmed by another enemy in the name of Western powers.63 The Czarist Juggernaut had rampaging time during the closing quarters of the 19th century, gulping down the vast tracts of Central Asian Muslim Khanates.64 The Russification of the Muslims territories and populace were gaining momentum. The dictum for the British Empire that “its sun never sets in” had proved true as the Asian Muslim empires had taken over along with other Asian civilizations. The Muslims in the Islamic Weltanschauung were bereft of ideas as how to counter the rampaging Western powers. The failures of orthodox movements like Indian. Wahabism, the Arabian Salafiyah and Senusiya led by Muhammad Ibn Ali Al Senousi, prove the fact that their approach of confrontation with the Western might was negative. Their futile attempt in countering the Western scientific and technological might with emotive factors and invoking the call of ever failed Jihad from time to time show their lack of understanding. In fact, they had failed to understand what horribly had gone wrong and what panacea they might have sought for the ills of the community? Syed Ahmad Khan by then had his enlightened ideas finding illumination from the top of his Jama mosque of his Madarsautul Ulum (AngloMohammeden College) at Aligarh, suggestive for rational modern Islamic institution becoming a reality despite serious odds. The institution could boast of producing the enlightened Muslims of the orient the leadership of the Millat in the 20th century. The multitudes of enlightened names and their works in the name of Maulana Shibli Numani, Maulana Mohammed Ali Jauhar, Hasrat Mohani, Liyaqat Ali Khan, Zakir Hussain, Saifuddin Kichleu, Zafar Ali Khan, Nawab Viqarul Mulk , Sir Ziauddin, Abdur Rab Nishtar and others suggest the fact that Syed’s mission was a grand success. The Aligarh First Generation would be dominating the first two decades of 20th century in intellectualism, politics, education, and in various other fields. In both the ways they were successful. They stood side by side with the colonial masters but they also countered the rising Hindu chauvinism in the politics of Indian Sub-continent during 30’s and 40’s of 20th century.65 Powerful Muslim leadership had emerged from Aligarh school of thought. The first Generation Aligarian were mature, dominating, and nonplussed and even were ready to accept the blame of initiating powerful Pakistan Movement during first half of the 20th century.66 They were testimony to the fact that the rationalism had triumphed over the religious orthodoxy of our 19th century Ulema, Syed Ahmad Khan.

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He had proved them thoroughly wrong. Pan Islamism was redefined by Syed Ahmad Khan and through his educational movement he was able to prove that the ‘pen could be mightier than the sword and the war against Imperialism or backwardness could also be won by ‘pen.’ In the changed scenario as Syed had envisioned, the British once enemy of the Muslims, had turned benevolent and had supported the cause of the Muslims in the Indian Sub-continent. On the other hand, the ‘Confrontationist group’ led by Syed’s detractors, the likes of Jamal al din Afghani were hardly successful and with passage of time we find Imperial power had gained ground and the schemes of Pan-Islamists were a failure. They had failed to understand that the British Imperialism or Western powers could have been countered only by the way shown by Syed Ahmad Khan.

REFERENCE 1. The Ottoman Empire Devlet-i Aliyye-yi Osmâniyye, (Yüce Osmanlı Devleti or Osmanlı İmparatorluğu) was an empire signified the Islamic ascendency from the time of Prophet Muhammad till that lasted from 1299 to 1923. At the height of its power, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the empire spanned three continents, controlling much of Southeastern Europe, West Asia and North Africa and far off lands also. The Ottoman Empire came to an end, as a regime under an imperial monarchy, on November 1, 1922. See for details See, Karpat, Kemal H. (1974). The Ottoman state and its place in world history. Leiden: Brill. P. 111. L. Kinross, The Ottoman Centuries: The Rise and Fall of the Turkish Empire, 206, Norman Itzkowitz, Ottoman Empire and Islamic Tradition p.64–65, L. Kinross, The Ottoman Centuries: The Rise and Fall of the Turkish Empire, p. 281. 2. The Mughal Empire was an Indian Muslim power that ruled a large portion of the Indian subcontinent. It began in 1526, invaded and ruled most of India by the late 17th and early 18th centuries, and ended in the mid-19th century. See, for details, Richards, John F. (March 26, 1993). Johnson, Gordon; Bayly, C. A. eds. The Mughal Empire. The New Cambridge history of India: 1.5. I. The Mughals and their Contemporaries. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 1, 190. Zahir ud-Din Mohammad (2002). Thackson, Wheeler M.ed. The Baburnama: Memoirs of Babur, Prince and Emperor. New York: Modern Library. p. xlvi. Balfour, E.G. (1976). Encyclopaedia Asiatica: Comprising Indian-subcontinent, Eastern and Southern Asia. New Delhi: Cosmo Publications. S. 460, S. 488, S. 897.

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3. Local Emirates under Emirs (Muslim chiefs) which had emerged on the debris of powerful Medieval Uzbeg Empire. 4. Puritanism for solutions to all pervading ills of the Muslim community, their call may be summed up as –going back to 7th century Arabia and imitating the socio-cultural milieu which would relieve the Muslims from all bondages and calamities. 5. Wahabism as an ideology dominated the Arabian peninsula for about three centuries and became Arabia’s dominant faith. It is an austere form of Islam that insists on a literal interpretation of the Koran. The founder of Wahhabism saw himself as a reformer and revivalist propagating reacting against corruption inside Islam. He declared holy war on those corruptions and took that war to his fellow Muslims. See, Wahhābī”. Encyclopaedia Britannica Online. Retrieved 2010-12-12. Glasse, Cyril, The New Encyclopedia of Islam, Rowan & Littlefield, (2001), pp.469472, John L. Esposito, What Everyone Needs to Know about Islam, p.50, See also, Allen, Charles (2006). God’s Terrorists: The Wahhabi Cult and Hidden Roots of Modern Jihad. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Da Capo Press. p. 21. “ But his Wahhabism very quickly developed its own militant politico-religious ideology built around an authority figure who was both a temporal and spiritual leader. It became, in essence, a cult.” Muhammad Ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhab: His Da’wah and Life Story, by Shaikh ibn Baaz, P. 21 Algar, Hamid, Wahhabism : A Critical Essay, Islamic Publications International, 13-X. 6. Wahabi Movement of India begins with Syed Ahmad Shaheed (of Rai Bareilly) (b.1786 d.1831), (Tariqah-i Muhhamdiyah, a Wahabi Movement), a revolutionary Islamic movement. His supported designated him an Amir al-Mu’minin (“Commander of the Believers”)and he proclaimed a jihad against the Sikhs in the Punjab. He was influenced by Shah Abdul Aziz, son of Shah Waliullah and toured Afghanistan and the areas occupied by the Sikhs raising the banner of jihad and rallying the Pashtun tribes to his banner. See, Adamec, Historical Dictionary (2001), p.61, Mortimer, Faith and Power, (1982), p. 68-70. 7. Sayyid Muhammad ibn Ali as-Senussi (1787–1859) was the founder of the Senussi order in Algeria and was named al-Senussi after a venerated Muslim teacher. He was a member of the Walad Sidi Abdalla tribe, and was a sharif tracing his descent from a Fatimide, the daughter of Mohammed. After the death of Muhmmad as-Sanussi his son Sayyid Muhammad alMahdi bin Sayyid Muhammad al-Senussi (1859–1902) became the new leader of the Senussi order, and moved it south from Jaghbub to Kufra. His grandson through Muhammad became King Idris, the only King of Libya.

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Shillington, Kevin (2005) “Libya: Muhammad Al-Sanusi (c.1787-1859) and the Sanusiyya” Encyclopedia of African History Fitzroy Dearborn, New York, p. 830-831, S. Khuda Bukhsh, Studies Indian and Islamic, Routledge 2001, p. 28. 8. Influenced by pan-Islamic enlighteners of the 19th century and the ideas of the Turkish politician Ataturk, The Young Afghans wanted to renew the nation. The Young Afghan movement developed against the backdrop of British domination at the beginning of the 20th century. Adamec, Ludwig W. “Habibullah”. Encyclopædia Iranica (Online Edition ed.). United States: Columbia University. 9. Audrey Altstadt. The Azerbaijani Bourgeoisie and the CulturalEnlightenment Movement in Baku: First Steps toward Nationalism, in Ronald Grigor Suny, ed., Transcaucasia, Nationalism and Social Change (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1983, 1996), pp. 199-209. 10. Allama Shibli Nomani (June 3, 1857 - November 18, 1914, Azamgarh) was an Indian scholar on Islam.. He is known for his companion ship of Syed Ahmad Khan and later his contribution in founding the Shibli National College in 1883 and the Darul Mussanifin in Azamgarh. See, Hayaat-e-Shibli by Maulana Syed Sulaiman Nadvi, Excerpts from the paper presented by Masood Alam Falahi in Columbia University, New York for “Caste and Contemporary India” Conference on 17th October 2009. 11. See, for details, May Schinasi; Afghanistan at the Beginning of the 20th century, Naples, 1979, In Preface, Alexandre Benigsen Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Socials, Paris University of Chicago. 12. The intellectual foundations of pan-Arabism were laid down in the late 19th and early decades of the twentieth century, in the context first of Arab alienation from Ottoman rule and later in response to the imperialist partition of the Arab provinces of the Ottoman Empire. Pan-Arabism is the concept that all Arabs form one nation and should be politically united in one Arab state. 13. The Khilafat movement (1919-1924) was a pan-Islamic, political campaign launched by Muslims in British India to influence the British government and to protect the Ottoman Empire during the aftermath of World War I. This was an attempt by the Indian Muslim community to unite together in support of the Turkish Empire ruled by the Khalifa, which was attacked by European powers, started by Maulana Muhammad Ali and Shaukat Ali, both brothers, Maulana Abdul Kalam Azad, Hasrat Mohani and

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Dr. Mukhtar Ahmad Ansariand briefly supported by Mahatma Gandhi. It was started in 1919 to support the Ottoman Caliphate and was short lived, ending in 1924 by the overthrow of the Caliph by Kemal Ataturk in Turkey. 14. The last set of the collected works include nearly fifteen essays which deal with events of the Turko-Russian wars during nineteenth century (Crimean War, 1854-6; Turko-Russian War, 1877; Graeco-Turkish War, 1897), the changing policies and attitudes of the major European states, Britain and France, towards Turkey in these hostilities, repercussions of the momentous happenings on Indian Muslims, and the modes and manner of their reaction to all of them. Maulana mohamad Panipati, ed., Maqlate Syed Ahmad Khan, Vol, 13 Lahore, 1963; Maulwi Imamuddin and Mawlvi Ahmad Baba , eds, Syed Ahmad Khan Ke Akhri Mazamin, Lahore, Mansur Press Some of these activities may be mentioned in connection with the management of the Scientific Society (1863-4), MAO College (1877), Muslim Educational Conference (1886), participation in the debates on legislation of laws in the Viceroy’s Council as its member (1878). For details see, Asghar Abbas, Syed Ahmad Khan ki Sahafat, Lahore, 2002, pp. 57-98. Shafey Kidwai, ‘Syed Ahmad Khan as a Journalist’, in Asloob Ahmad Ansari, ed., Syed Ahmad Khan Ahmad Khan: A Centenary Tribute, New Delhi, 2001, pp. 389,390, 394.Maulana Muhammad Ismail Panipati, ed., Maqalat Syed Ahmad Khan, vol. 13, Lahore, 1963; Maulawi Imamuddin and Maulawi Ahmad Baba, eds., Syed Ahmad Khan Ke Akhri Mazamin, Lahore: Mansur Press. A list of articles prepared chronologically will follows this model (1897)-15 May, ‘Mutual Cordiality and Unity between Christians and Muslims’; 22 May, ‘We Must Pay Regard to the Religious Leaders of Other Creeds’; 17 July, ‘The Sympathy of Muslims of India for the Turks’; 5 June, ‘Khilafat wa Khalifa’; 13 June, ‘Greeks and Turks’; 31 July, ‘Turkey and Greece’; 11 September, ‘Khilafat’; 18 September, ‘Imam and Imamat’; (1892); 28 June, ‘Asiatic and Islamic System of Government’. (1877); 4 May, ‘Funds Collection for Turks in Hyderabad’; 11 May, ‘Places of Fighting’; 25 May, ‘Turks and Indian Muslims’; 22 June, ‘Russia and Turkey’; 3 July, ‘Pro-Russian and Pro-Turkey’; 7 July, ‘Funds for Turkey’; 28 July, ‘Suleman Pasha’; 25 September, ‘Victory of Sultan and Defeat of Russia’; 13 November, ‘Ambassador of Turkey, and Madrasat-ul-Uloom’: 15 December, Turkev and Russia’: 18 December, ‘Expediency of England and Turkey’; 9th March, ‘Islam from Constantinople to Calcutta’, for details see Asghar Abbas, Syed Ahmad Khan ki Sahafat, Delhi: Anjuman Taraqqi Urdu, 1975, pp. 212-23.

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15. Syed Ahmad was seriously thinking of amelioration of the social conditions of the Muslims of India. These conditions are compared and contrasted with the general conditions prevalent in Muslim countries such as Turkey and Egypt See articles on such themes in Tehzib, 15 shawwal, 1287, p.14, and the article on Egypt and its Civilization, Tehzib,15 Zil Hijjah, 1287, p.61. He was severely criticized by his contemporary Indian Ulema (Orthodox Muslim Theologians) for “not subscribing to Shariah in toto and talking change.” The criticism continued even by the contemporary and later generation of scholars who found fault with “his obsession to the British Empire by the former and opportunistic by the later.” 16. He came to Egypt as a Turkish army officer in 1800, he rose to rule Egypt, and his decedents continued to do so until the last king of Egypt, Ahmed Fouad II, abdicated his rule in 1952 by royal decree No. 65-1952. 17. Ironically this movement Al nahada Arabiya founded in Istanbul in 1906 by students, founder being Muhibbudin al Khatib (1886-1969). 18. Syed Ahmad Khan quotes him in great length for his causes of downfall of Muslims and this is the testimony of his being so much concerned about the happenings in the greater Muslim world, Selected Letters of Syed Ahmad Khan Ahmad Vol.1 translated by, Mohammad Abdul Mannan, Syed Ahmad Khan Academy, Aligarh Muslim University, 2005-Pp.135. 19. Ahmet Şefik Mithat Pasha (1822-1884) was a dynamic, pro-Western, reformer and statesman. A Bulgarian Pomak by birth and a dynamic, proWestern reformer who transformed the region under his authority into a model province” While sympathizing with the ideas and aims of the Young Ottomans, he was anxious to restrain their impatience, but the sultan’s obduracy led to a coalition between the grand vizier, the war minister and Mithat Pasha, which deposed him in May 1876. The sultan was murdered in the following month. Hupchick, Dennis P. (2001). The Balkans: from Constantinople to Communism. New York: Palgrave. p. 244. 20. Elie Kedourie, Afghani and ‘Abduhu; An essay on Religious unbelief and political activism in Modern Islam, Frank Cass London-Portland,1966,1997 21. See for detailed analysis on this theme s ee, Aziz Ahamd; Pan-Islamism and Modernism, Asloob A. Ansari,(Ed); Syed Ahmad Khan, A centenary Tribute, Adam Publisher & Distributors, Delhi-6. 22. During his stay in India he got several Articles published in Hyderabad’s Muallim-i Shafiq.

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23. The critics of Syed Ahamd Khan also refer to Jamal Al-Din Al-Afghani who attacked Syed Ahmad Khan during 1870s branding him naturalist. They blamed him for misguiding the rich and well off youths from elite Muslim families of his time dragging them to western life. Nikki R Keddie argued that though Al-Afghani called Syed a ‘nechury (that who put too much emphasis on nature)’ but in fact Syed Ahmad Khan was not liked by Al-Afghani for him being loyalist to the British Empire and his political views regarding Muslims in Pan-Islamic context. 24. As quoted from, Mahmud Abu Riya; Jamal Al-Din Afghani, 1966, (Arabic) For a detailed study of life and work of Jamal Al-Din Al-Afghani See, Murtaza Muddarisi Chahardihi; Syed Jamaluddin Afghani, Tehran, 1934 and Shamsi, Qazi Abdul Ghaffari; Athar-i Jamaluddin Afghani, Delhi, 1940, Muhammad al Makhzumi, Kathirat-I Jamaluddin, Beirut, 1931.; Abd al Qadir al Maghribi, Jamal al din al Afghani, Cairo, n.d. Muhammad Abu Riya, Jamaluddin Al-Afghani, Cairo, 1958, I Goldziher J. Jomier, in El. 25. Through his son-in-law Amir Amanullah the famous ruler and the champion of modernization in Afghanistan in 1920’s, Dupree, Louis: Afghanistan (1973), pg. 276-283, Nancy Hatch Dupree, Aḥmad Alī Kuhzād (1972).

26. While the origins of the terms Wahhabism and Salafism “were quite distinct”, “Wahhabism was a pared-down Islam that rejected modern influences, while Salafism sought to reconcile Islam with modernism”. They both shared a rejection of “traditional” teachings on Islam in favor of direct, more puritan reinterpretation. Encyclopedia of Islam and the Muslim World, Macmillan Reference, 2004, v.2, p. 609 Shaikh Muhammad Ibn Abdul-Wahhab: His Salafi Creed, Reformist Movement and Scholars’ Praise of Him, 4th ed. by Judge Ahmad Ibn ‘Hajar Ibn Muhammad alButami al-Bin Ali, Ad-Dar as-Salafiyyah, Kuwait, 1983, p.108-164. 27. Syed Abdul Quddus; Light of Faith. Griffin Scheme, Canal Bank, Lahore. 28. Christian W. Troll; Syed Ahmad Khan: A Reinterpretation of Muslim Theology, Delhi, 1978. See for Comparative Study on Syed Ahmad Khan and Abduhu, pp. 223-230 and Introduction for Syed Ahmad Khan’s religious Views. 29. Mohammad Abduhu of Nile Delta born in 1849 at Alexandria, July 11, 1905) was an Egyptian jurist, religious scholar and liberal reformer, regarded as the founder of Islamic Modernism and scores of others equally great scholar of Qur’an, Fiqh, Arabic grammar, philosophy, tasawwuf, logic, mathematics, and medicine and various other arts followed the two reformers. Later he came out with takrir fi islah al mahakime al shariah

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(reform in administration of the sharia). But his principal work is risalati tauhid and another in defence of Islam-----ala islam wa l-nasraniya ma’a l’-ilm wa ‘l madaniya. Abduhu provoked the most vigorous hostility in orthodox and conservative circle with his ideas. His principal organ was al-minar published by Rashid Rida. 30. See, Elvin, J. L. (2008). The Modern Middle East (2nd ed.). New York: Oxford university Press pp. 161-162. 31. See, Kügelgen, Anke von. “Abduh, Muḥammad.” Encyclopaedia of Islam, Vol. III, (Edit.) By: Gudrun Krämer, Denis Matringe, John Nawas and Everett Rowson. Brill, 2009. Brill Online, Syracuse University. 23 April 2009. 32. See, Risālat al-tawḥīd(1897),Theology of unity;” first edition) (1903), Tafsir Surat al-`Asr, Cairo., (1904) Tafsir juz’ `Amma, al-Matb. AlAmiriyya, Cairo., (1927), Tafsir Manar, 12 volumes,(1944), Muhammad Abduh. Essai sur ses idées philosophiques et religieuses, Cairo, (1954­ 1961), Tafsir al-Qur’an al-Hakim al-Mustahir bi Tafsir al-Manar, 12 vols. with indices, Cairo, (Islamic year 1382), Fatihat al-Kitab, Tafsir al-Ustadh al-Imam, Kitab al-Tahrir, Cairo. Durus min al-Qur’an al-Karim, ed. by Tahir al-Tanakhi, Dar al-Hilal, Cairo.,(1966), The Theology of Unity, trans. by Ishaq Musa’ad and Kenneth Cragg. London. See also, Sayyid Ahmad Khan, Lectures, Sadhora, 55. cf. Al- Afghani, “Afghani, Asbab-I haqiqat wa sab shifa i insane in Muallim-I shafiq, 1881, correction from Seminar series. 33. Taha Parla: The social and political Thought of Ziya Gökalp : 1876 - 1924. Leiden 1985, Davison, Andrew, Secularism and Revivalism in Turkey: A Hermeneutic Reconsideration. P-90, Also, Principles of Turkism, History of Turkish Civilization, Kızılelma (poems),Turkism, Islamism and Modernism, History of Kurdish Tribes (Kürt Aşiretleri Hakkında Sosyolojik Tetkikler). 34. Muhammad Rashid Rida (1865- 1935) is said to have been “one of the most influential scholars and jurists of his generation” and the “most prominent disciple of Muhammad Abduh” See, Encyclopedia of Islam and the Muslim World, Thompson Gale (2004), p.597 Glasse, Cyril, The New Encyclopedia of Islam, Altamira Press, 2001, p.384, Emmanuel Sivan, Radical Islam: Medieval Theology and Modern Politics, enl. Ed. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990), p.101. 35. Islamic reformer, whose ideas would later influence 20th-century Islamist thinkers in developing a political philosophy of an “Islamic state”.

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36. Hassan al-Banna (1906 -1949) was a schoolteacher and imam, best known for founding the Muslim Brotherhood, one of the largest and most influential 20th century Muslim revivalist organizations. See, Mallmann, KlausMichael, and Martin Cüppers, 2006. Halbmond und Hakenkreuz: Das ‘Dritte Reich’, die Araber und Palästina. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft. Mitchell, Richard P. 1969. The Society of the Muslim Brothers. London: Oxford University Press, Soage, Ana B. March 2008. “Hasan al-Banna or the politicisation of Islam”. Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 9/1, p. 21-42. 37. Thompson Gale, Encyclopedia of Islam and the Muslim World, (2004), p.597, Glasse, Cyril, The New Encyclopedia of Islam, Altamira Press, 2001, p.384,Emmanuel Sivan, Radical Islam: Medieval Theology and Modern Politics, enl. Ed. (New Have: Yale University Press, 1990), p.101 38. The author of the 1899 pioneering book Women’s Liberation (Tahrir al-Mar’a), as the father of the “Arab Feminist Movement”. He was an Egyptian jurist and one of the founders of the Egyptian national movement and Cairo University. Amin, Qasim. The Liberation of Women: Two Documents in the History of Egyptian feminism. Tr. Samiha Sidhom Peterson. Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 2000, p. xi., Gendered nations, nationalisms and gender order in the long nineteenth century, Ida Blom, Karen Hagemann, Catherine Hall. 39. See, also Elie Kedourie, Afghani and ‘Abduhu-An essay on Religious unbelief and political activism in Modern Islam, Frank Cass London­ Portland,1966,1997, Qasim Amin by Ted Thornton, from History of the Middle East Database, retrieved 29 December 2004, 40. See, for details on Shah Wallliullah, S yed Ahmad Khan, and others, Allana, G.; Eminent Freedom Fighters (1562-1947), Neeraj Publishing House, New Delhi, 1969 It was not Syed’s fault but that was the reflection of ‘narrow mindedness, inward looking, non-compromising, section of the Ulema’ who were blind to the reality and the changing world, in which religion needed fresh interpretation and fresh outlook of life. 41. See, for Syed Ahmad Khan’s religious views, Christian W. Troll, Syed Ahmad Khan: A Reinterpretation of Muslim Theology, Delhi, 1978. See Introduction. 42. KA Nizami; Sayyid Ahmad Khan, Delhi Publication Division, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Govt. of India, 1980, pp. 113-14. 43. See, CW Troll, Syed Ahmad Khan , A Reinterpretation of Muslim Theology, Delhi; Vikas 1978, pp. 190-3.

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44. The success of Aligarh Movement of Syed Ahmad Khan Ahmad Khan depended upon the kind of companions he had with him and fortunately for the grand cause a dedicated band of equally proficient, visionary and charged with the zeal of reforming the society was him. Mubarak Ali; Ulema, Sufis, and Intellectual, Fiction House, Lahore, Pakistan. 45. Mubarak Ali, Ulema, Sufis, and Intellectual, Fiction House, Lahore, Pakistan. 46. The pupils of Shah Muhammad Ishaq Dehlawi took part in the fight against British takeover of India along with Mufti Inayat Ahmed Kakorwi (Sadar-e Amin of Bareilly), Maulana Abdul Jalil Ko’ili (Aligarhi), Mufti Sadaruddin Azurda, Shah Abu Saeed Mujaddidi and scores of others. 47. He got translated the first four and the eleventh and twelfth discourses of Euclid from Arabic. Besides this, he is also reported to have translated the Tirmizi and Tarikh-e Yamini. He had mastery over Persian, Urdu, and Arabic, is considered as fully proficient in all the arts and sciences found in these languages. 48. Amongst his works the Urdu translation of the holy Quran, Muqaddamatul-Ilm, Takmilul Azhan, Asrarul Muhabbat, and Qiyamat Nama are very famous, Syed Ahmed Khan praises Rafiuddin in these words, “All the reputed scholars of India are the beneficiaries of his grace-gifting person.” 49. A 19th century Indian Muslim Educationist, Socio-political reformer and a great leader, who had emerged as the true representative of the Muslims in the darkest years of Muslim era in the Indian Sub-continent. He is more famous for his rapprochement with the British Imperial power and adoption of Modernism in place of the traditionalism, for the benefits of the Muslims. 50. It was under his leadership that on 28th July, 1859 about 15,000 Muslims assembled in the famous Delhi mosque to thank Queen Victoria for the general amnesty. From that day there was no looking back for Syed from his determined policy to bring Muslims closer to the British. 51. Syed Ahmad Khan Memorial Lecture 2004 “Syed Ahmad Khan Ahmad And His Relevance To Present Day India, Siddharth Shankar Ray; Syed Ahmad Khan Academy Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, p.25. 52. Ibid. p.25. 53. See, for details on Syed Ahmad Khan’s Attitude towards the West — Syed Ali pp. 291-374, Rahman ‘Ali, Tazkira-e ‘Ulama-e Hind (Karachi: Pakistan Historical Society, 1961), pp. 382-4. 54. Syed Ahmad, Causes of the Indian Revolt, p.12.

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55. Ibid, pp. 11, 12; Graham, The life and work of Syed Ahmad Khan Ahmad Khan, pp. 38, 39. It is interesting to note that Sir Bartle Frere, in his dispatch to the Secretary of State, dated 18th April, 1861 says that the proposed Legislative Council ‘ would make fatal mistakes unless it was assisted by Indian members; See Cambridge History of India VI, p.234. Even Hume, who was one of the architects of the Indian National Congress, confessed that he was greatly influenced by Syed Ahmad Khan’s writings, and it was these which promoted him to think of establishing the Indian National Congress; See Tufail Ahmad, Musalmanon ka Raushan Mustaqbil, p.286. 56. Malik Hafeez; Political Profile of Syed Ahmad Khan Ahmad Khan, Institute of Islamic History, Culture and Civilization, Islamabad, 1982. 57. The detailed analysis of what had happened which compelled Syed Ahmad Khan to adopt such a political stand, Shan Muhammad; Syed Ahmad Khan Ahmad Khan, A political biography, Meenakshi Prakashan, Merrut, 1996. However its fact that despite assertion by the scholars about the attitudes of Syed Ahmad towards the Indian National Congress, but nothing in his speeches or writing show that he had any antipathy against the congress as such or its leaders. 58. He made the prophetic declaration in 1867 “I am convinced that both the nations will not willingly cooperate in anything. Their mutual hostility will increase immensely in future. He who lives will see. 59. As quoted from Khalid Hasan Qadri; Syed Ahmad Khan Ahmad Khan, an assessment of his personality, his contribution & achievements in the light of “Musalmano ka roshan mustaqbil; Books International, London, 2002, p.20, See also for a very good discussion about Syed Ahmad Khan’s ideas and its critique on various issues —See for details on Politics—A revaluation Syed Ahmad Khan ‘s Politics—Syed Ahmad Khan Ahmad Khan, (ed. Asloob A. Ansari) A Centenary Tribute, Adam Publisher, Delhi, 2003. 60. B. Sheikh Ali; Political Thought of Syed Ahmad Khan, in Syed Ahmad Khan Ahmad Khan Vision and Mission (Ed.) Shahabuddin Iraqi, Manohar New Delhi, 2008. pp. 55-62. 61. Sir William Muir, Life of Mohammad, John Grant, Edinburgh, 1912, p. 521. 62. See for details on Syed Ahmad Khan, Graham, G. F. I (Lieutenant Colonel); The life and work of Syed Ahmad Khan Ahmad Khan, Idarahie Adabiyat Delli, India, 1885 and 1974.

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63. Tunisia became a protectorate of France in 1881, and Morocco in 1911, while Algeria became an integral domain of it in 1847. By 1883 Britain occupied and administered Egypt, and in 1898 it conquered the area of the headwaters of the Nile in Sudan. These were generally Muslim majority areas which now passed under the control of European powers. 64. Between 1864 and 1869 the Russians conquered several Muslim lands in Central Asia, Tchemkend (1864), Tashkent (1865), Khojend, Khan of Khokand, Khanate of Bukhara (1867), Syr Daria, Samarkand, capital of Bukhara (1868), Khan of Khiva (1874). 65. The critics without taking the stock of situation find Syed Ahmad Khan as the progenitor of separatist movement in India. Our modern intellectuals are in a habit of forgetting the vital role played by Hindu symbolism of Tilak and Gokhale, the rise of Hindu Mahasabha, the Shudhdhi and Sangathan Movements, tirade against Cow slaughter and Urdu, as the few reasons for the rise of separatism, while describing the fight against the British colonialism. They easily blame Syed Ahmad Khan and forget the role Hindu communalism played during the decades preceding Independence. Syed Ahmad Khan was up against the domination of ‘Brahmanical coterie’ of Indian National congress where Muslims were not finding their voices heard. In a recently published book we find such remarks on Syed Ahmad Khan. Ramachandra Guha, The Makers of Modern India, Harvard University Press, 2011 portion on Syed Ahmad Khan. 66. The Pakistan Movement or Tehrik-e-Pakistan refers to the independence movement of Pakistan from the British Indian Empire and its emergence as a sovereign country. The idea of Pakistan began from this part of Northern India. The movement was led by lawyer Muhammad Ali Jinnah and such leaders as Allama Iqbal, Liaqat Ali Khan, Fatima Jinnah, Bahadur Yar Jung, Maulana Mohammad Ali Jauhar, Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, A.K. Fazlul Huq, and Sardar Abdur Rab Nishtar, Sir Ziauddin Ahmed.See Paul R, Magosci, Encyclopedia of Canada’s people, Society of Ontario. University of Toronto press, 1999, History of Pakistan Movement, ed. Christopher Jefforlet, Wimbeldon Publishing Com. 2002. qqq

12 Maktubat-e Syed Ahmad Khan and his Agenda of Social and Educational Reform Parwez Nazir For understanding the mentality of 19th century Muslim society, Maktubat-e Sir Syed Ahmad Khan1 is a very important source of information. Syed Ahmad Khan was one of the few intellectuals among the Muslims, who truly understood the dilemma faced by the Muslims after the Revolt of 1857. Firstly, psychologically demoralized Muslim community, as a whole was not in position to peruse forward looking agenda of progressive development and shattered economic condition secondly unfavourable political regime established after the 1857. Syed Ahmad Khan took the responsibility of Muslim Modernization for that approach he was appreciated and criticized by the co-religionist. For him, criticism meant challenge, which he accepted with open heart. His true spirit and positivity responded to the challenges to translate his agenda of social and educational reform into a great success. Those who appreciated his endeavour and accompanied him constituted a group of people, collectively known in the history of country as the ‘Aligarh Movement’. Lewis Namier, the first historian, while writing the biographies of English parliamentarians extensively used their diaries and correspondence to comprehend their mentality, psychology, attitude towards the problem and its understanding, temperament and over all their behaviour towards people and country. Hence, he laid the foundation of ‘Namier School of Historiography’, emphasising on the personal writings like dairies and correspondence. This school is especially known for individualistic study of diaries and correspondence for understanding the collective mentality and approaches. In this chapter, an attempt has been made to understand Syed Ahmad khan

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through his correspondence, written from time to time to his friends and acquaintance. Study of Maktubat-e Syed Ahmad Khan is very interesting and informative for knowing the political climate of the country and socioreligious condition of the country during the 19th century. For understating his personality and the approach he adopted towards the problem largely faced by the Muslims to explore the possibilities for betterment and his concern for socio-religious and educational reform of the Muslim society, his letters are of immense value and mines of information. Letter writing was an effective instrument for maintaining inter personal relationship and Syed Ahmad Khan availed this opportunity for strengthening the crumbling social order.

CONCERN FOR RELATION AND RELATIONSHIP For Syed Ahmad Khan, social relationships were bound by mutual understanding. He thought love is very important and never allowed on fishy grounds to be break down in any circumstances. He believed in forgiveness as cementing force if there was any misunderstanding. Through letter writings, he always maintained cordial and friendly relationship with friends and foes and tried to remain in touch with people of different shades of opinion. He kept himself deliberately preoccupied with letter writing for strengthening the relationship. He was habitual of utilizing his leisure time keeping himself engaged in writing letters to the friends and seeking their opinion and advices on important affairs of society and polity. He also wrote letters to the editors of the national dailies on burning issues which required immediate attention or response like participation of Muslims in the Indian National Congress, promotion of modern education, debating religious beliefs etc. In absence of any viable media during that period, for Syed Ahmad Khan letter writing was an instrument, through this he tried to satisfy the critics for their unwarranted and defamatory charges leveled against him or his agenda of socio-religious reform. Content wise these letters were rich covering all aspect of contemporary issues and his powerful narration with a mix of disappointment and hope proves to be interesting for the reader, reflects the constructive genius. Altaf Hussain Hali described that “the style of Syed Ahmad’s letters was so attractive and touching and it leaves a magical impact on its readers.” He further wrote that “the letters of Syed Ahmad Khan would teach the art of winning the strangers and pacifying the indifferent people. “It has rightly been pointed out that “ these letters not only indicates the character and predilections of Syed Ahmad but also raise the curtain from the minute details and interesting aspects of our history covering a span of nearly half a century.”2

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He was a caring father and provided best quality of education and akhlaqi tarbiyat to his son Syed Hamid and Syed Mahmood. Through letters, He constantly tried to remain in touch with them, anxious about their wellbeing. Remained conscious about the health of his friends too, always prayed to Allah for their safety and security of life. In one of his letters he wrote that, “The tiding of your health and well- being gladdened my heart very much. May, Allah always keep you healthy, happy and well!”3 He even kept advising his friends to be careful about their health, not to be negligent. Never tried to impose his decisions upon others and always provided space for others opinion.4 His happiness after receiving letters from the friends is beyond imagination and can’t explained in the words. His curiosity to know about the health and progress made by the children of his friends really shows his humanistic approach in social relationship bound by love and affection. In a letter written to one of his oldest friend Mohammad Sayeed Khan, described his inner feelings in these words “Believe me, I was really happy to know about well-being and also the details about the studies of dear Mohammad Husain Khan. May, Allah grant him a long life! Convey my many good wishes and blessings to him and always keep me informed about your well -being. It will be a matter of great satisfaction to me.”5 Syed Ahmad’s concern for wellbeing and good health of all of his friends and relatives was apparently found in almost all the letters written by him, which necessarily promoted mutual understanding in the society. Addressing a closest friend as ‘Dear Zainu Bhai’ he wrote ‘the heart lies deserted as a result of your separation’ , ‘Aey ke Hargiz faramashat na kunam’ 6 the Persian couplet reads. Enayatullah, son of Maulvi Zakaullah was very dear to Syed Ahmad Khan, on learning about his illness, he was quite upset and prayed to Allah for his health and early recovery.7 For his progressive writings and his idea of modern education was a subject of criticism among the conservative Muslims. They hardly missed any chance of criticising but Syed Ahmad Khan, without taking their criticism into cognizance, continued his mission of social and educational reforms. As a human being, he too, got disturbed and share his anguish with some of his close friends like Mohsin-ul Mulk through letters joyfully wrote that’ Dushman che kunad chu meharban bashad dost.8 In distressing situation he even shared personal feelings if he had about somebody. After receiving letters from the friends, he felt pleasure and without losing any time habitually, he responds back. Letters of Syed Ahmad Khan presents very Interesting facets of his personal life, his frankness with friends and concern of their wellbeing

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was a unique characteristic of his life. Sparing time for writing letters from his busy schedule shows his concern for agenda of reform and affection towards his wellwishers. His every single contribution was towards the college fund, scientific society or personal favour never remained unacknowledged. By receiving letters from the friends, he always felt privileged and obliged, quickly responding the letters with thankfulness was a pleasant facet of his personality. His letters reflects his characteristics of being informal and candid in maintaining relationship, very straightforward in dealings with friends and never tried to supper impose and always preferred to be called as ‘ devoted and humble servants of friends.’9 Simultaneously, he never showed any disregard or disrespect to his critics and valued their criticism, rectifying the mistakes and short coming, if any in pursuing his agenda. Regarding one of his critics he wrote “we and our friends should behave with decorum and dignity in the matter of Maulvi Mohammad Husain, whatever he may say and write against us. He is a great scholar and learned man. He said that we should not do anything which may heart others feelings. Our credo is love. There should be no room for hatred in our heart.”10 This attitude of Syed Ahmad Khan towards critics shows the rarest of the rare characteristic that he possessed. Describing his relationship with friends and Maulvi Mumtaz Ali especially, Syed Ahmad wrote that “we two are spiritually related to each other and that is the strongest of all relations.”11 Visited personally to enquire about his health, which was a cause of his anxiety and perplexity so heinvited him to come in Aligarh and stay at his residence where all kinds of opportunities, pleasant environment for your entertainment, along with thegood medical facilities are available..’ Caring and loving Syed Ahmad Khan, as a human being not free from the strong feelings of hatred which reflected in some of the letters which he wrote to Nawab Viqar-ul Mulk Mushtaq Husain. During the last phase of his life, Serious differences arose with some of his friends like Maulvi Samiullah Khan, rather diverting his energy towards them, continued his mission of completion of the College building ,he said “if it completed soon in my life time, would be a matter of great pleasure for me and can remove all sorts of grief and sorrow.”12 Confessed in the same letter his straight forwardness in these words “this poor fellow says everything openly and publicly.” He was of the opinion that people were known by their companions and friends, after his death identity remained intact, which was established accordingly to the kind of people, he remained associated during his life time. For living a happy life, he suggested that “a man should act, to the best of his ability” and leave the rest to Allah’s Will.13

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LETTERS FOR PROMOTING MODERN EDUCATION Syed Ahmad khan held very high opinion and regards for the European society for its civilization and cultural values, felt aggrieved and expressed his anguish of its deprivation among the Indians. In one of his correspondence during his stay in England, he emphatically wrote that “I can truly say that the natives of India ,high and low, merchants and petty shopkeepers, educated and illiterate is contrasted with the English in education, manners, and uprightness. They are as like a dirty animal.”14 So therefore, no question arises of being courteous to them and deserved to be treated humanely and honourably. He further argued that “the English have reason for believing us in India to be imbecile Brutes15. Like all other social reformers, Syed Ahmad khan too, is misunderstood and criticized for his protagonist approach of the western civilization and culture. By praising the western civilization, actually he wanted to make his countrymen familiar with the culture, that was superior in many respect and desired that good qualities of the English people like “politeness, knowledge, good faith, cleanliness, skill workmanship, accomplishments, and thoroughness, which 16 must be adopted by the Indians in their education and civilazation. Praising the western civilization and its people for being cultured and advanced by way of adopting the cultural values, etiquettes, mannerism, promoting ethical values etc., Sir Syed Ahmad Khan’s intention was not to degrade his own indigenous culture. But he actually wanted his countrymen to promote and nurture all those good qualities which helped the western society to achieve that greatness for which they were proud of and famous for. To make his argument powerful and convincing, Sir Syed Ahmad always cited examples from his personal experiences, furthermore to make his presentation interesting, he heavily relied on narrating anecdotes and stories, which differentiate him from other contemporary social reformers. His persuasive methodology and creative genius of describing the events was well received and appreciated by the audience largely considered as conservative known for their narrow mindedness and parochial approach. While sharing his experience of his stay in England praised the behaviour, scholarship, courtesy, politeness, humanism, tolerance etc. and especially admired the caring nature of the land lord, with whom he stayed for a long period, furthermore he was impressed by the good quality of ‘performing duties with greatest ability’ to their satisfaction.17 In England people were generally workaholic and preferred to remain engaged either reading books or doing some constructive work, astonishingly, Syed Ahmad Khan described an event of an English lady interested in knowing about Islam, he presented a book, though she was not well but she completed the book well on time and “gave some excellent

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opinion on it.” He wrote that “this gives rise to the reflection how good the education of woman slightly below the middle class must be here.”18 Comparing the level of sincerity and commitment the Indian women generally had towards education was a matter of great concern for Syed Ahmad Khan and criticised ‘ignorance of education and instruction’ and their habit of frequently visiting the Bazars wasting time and money. While advocating for social reform and modernization, he emphasised Muslim women to observe Pardah and Wrote “ I am certainly in favour of the custom of veil particularly in India.19 In a letter, he emphatically wrote that “I strongly desire that women should also be given excellent and high level of education.” he further wrote “so the education of women before the men are educated and civilized is inappropriate and will cause great trouble to women. that is why I have done nothing for women’s education.”20 Syed Ahmad Khan’s pragmatic approach did not allow him to do something for the promotion of women education in present circumstances and prevalent social condition. Psychoanalysis for a happy life also approve that first educate the men and then women which guarantee the successful familial life strengthening the societal bond of love and affection otherwise ‘causing them a lot of unhappiness and trouble throughout their life.’ When Mumtaz Ali desired to publish a weekly newspaper for women from Lahore, Syed Ahmad requested to give up the idea, “believe me, you will regret having brought it out and then after great inconvenience, loss and disgrace you will have to stop it.” If you have decided then “in my opinion a newspaper mean for women should be named ‘Tahzib-e Niswan “21 wrote Syed Ahmad Khan. He favoured modernization of his country and people through a slow process not abruptly, expressed concern the way of a cultural which rapidly taking place among the Bengali and Parsi community symbiotic with falling, whereas it was equally slow among the Hindus and got further slowed down among the Muslims, therefore ‘their present mental malady shall become incurable’, because of ‘fatal shroud of complacent self- esteem’ as argued by Syed Ahmad Khan. He was quite happy with the progress made by the Muslims of other countries like Egypt and Turkey, where people willingly discarded the bigotry which ‘is the cause of foolishness, barbarism and decay’ and the ruling elites had no hesitation in meeting the people from the Europe and sharing the dining table. Actually he wanted the inter mixing of the people of different culture for greater world unity, ‘growing brotherly love and friendship.’ He expressed his satisfaction the way ‘in Turkey and Egypt women are daily becoming educated ‘ once he came to know that a girl is acquainted with Latin and French language,

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besides Arabic, he was quite happy and expected same from his co religionist to develop the level of competency and skill.22 Syed Ahmad Khan congratulated the Sultan of Turkey and Khedive of Egypt for their “highly laudable and successful endeavour to give to Egypt the full benefit of the blessings derived from the diffusion of the knowledge and spread of Education.”23 He greatly admired the efforts of the rulers for their contribution towards the development of education and expressed his happiness for the diffusion of knowledge in those country, his sincerity about mass education and parochial approach is unjustified. During his Stay in England, Syed Ahmad found the English ladies, surprisingly even poor, fond of reading newspapers and enjoying the wits and humour and editors remarks.24 Illiteracy was very high among the women in India, it was unbelievable for the Englishmen, Syed Ahmad wrote that “when they hear that the Indian women are uneducated and illiterate, they too feel very much surprised, amazed and think of them with great contempt.” 25 For his approach towards education of the masses, Syed Ahmad Khan particularly criticised by Marxist Scholars for its not being designed on the principle of inclusiveness, rather it excluded the lower strata of the society. His educational scheme was designed exclusively for Ashraf not for Arzal, his critics held the opinion, critical analysis of his speeches and personal writings reveal the truth of his in favour of mass education. He wrote that, “until the education of the masses is pushed on as it is here , it is impossible for a native to become civilized and honoured. The cause of the England’s civilization is that all the arts and sciences are in the language of the country.”26 Here he talks about mass education and secondly that too in vernacular language. Sir Syed Ahmad actually wanted a complete transformation of his countrymen and always expressed his desire to see them self- sufficient and by creating the spirit of self -reliance. Out of his patriotic feelings and civilizational concern for his countrymen, he emphatically wrote that “those who are really bent on improving and bettering India must remember that the only way of compassing this is by having the whole of arts and sciences translated into their own language. O! well- wishers of Hindoostan, do not place your dependence on any one! spread abroad, rely on your selves, your subscriptions, translations of the arts and sciences; and when you have mastered these and attained to civilization you will think very little of going into government services. I hope and trust such a day may soon come.”27 Criticism levelled against Syed Ahmad ‘is communitarian educational approach hardly bears the truth, for him country was the foremost important. As compare to other social reformers who worked tirelessly to reform Hindu society during the 19th century, the problems confronted by Muslim community was never addressed where as Sir Syed Ahmad Khan’s programme of social and educational reform was

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based broadly on inclusiveness, where he talked about the whole country men as reflected from his personal letters.28 Broadly speaking Sir Syed Ahmad Khan always favoured inter-civilization and interfaith dialogue for the health growth of social relationship. He showed keen interest in sending his son for pursuing education in England especially after the British government constituted some scholarship meant for the students from abroad. Once he wrote a letter showing his interest inclination to visit England for ‘seeking knowledge of England, and its institutions and policy.’ But denied. Consequently in search of knowledge, sold and mortgage his personal property to visit England. ‘An indebted and impoverished man’ stayed in England to study the civilization and to explored the rich libraries of England to write a critique in response to William Meyurs’ book on the life of Prophet Mohammad PBUH, after a hard work, he successfully wrote the critique famous book by the name of Khutbat-e Ahamdiya.29 He expressed his gratitude to almighty Allah on the Completion of the book and presented a copy of it to sultan of Turkey. Where he accepted that ‘actuated not less by love and reverence for the Prophet than impelled by a strong sense of duty to demonstrate to present age, the truth and wisdom of our holy religion, and also show the march of science and enlightenment is in every respect compatible with Islam.30 He laid emphasis on the mutual cooperation and unity of the people of the country and emphasized its importance in achieving the desired goal of educational development. He said, “I need not dilate on the advantages of the cooperation and amity. Attitude of not cooperating is considered bad behavior. What is the best and most desirable is cooperation. Thus we should co-operate with each other as by co-operating thus we can develop national education and discipline.”31 Further, he exhorted Both Hindus and Muslims to live amicably and ‘to unite together for commonwealth’, said “one cannot live without the cooperation of the other. If United, we can sustain each other, if we are disunited ,it would lead to the destruction and downfall of both.”32 To criticize his agenda of educational scheme for its being communal or sectarian is not correct in the light of his speech in which he broadly deliberated upon the ‘National Education.’ Critics of Syed Ahmad Khan’s generally referred to him as communal and sectarian, by in his approachable saying that he was liberal in early phase of his life, later transformed to be communal. But he never differentiated between his countrymen on the basis of their religion. Syed Ahmad Khan never hesitated to request people to contribute generously to his College fund for the purpose of construction of building, developing the college premises and other expenses. After receiving the

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amount, little or large, he always acknowledged the receipt with thanks by writing letters. Some time he clearly wrote to contribute a particular amount to people whom he was having very intimate relations.33 To meet the exorbitant expenses of the college and students he even sought the suggestion of the people and remained engaged to generate the fund. “There is no other way out except ‘promissory note’, “he proposed the issued for the purpose. A sum of rupees five thousands is required to meet the expenses of a student, excluding the clothing. The principal amount is secured and the money earned as interest will be spent on the student’s education.”34 For the diffusion of the knowledge Syed Ahmad Khan laid the foundation of the Scientific society, a newspaper was published for popularizing the idea of modern education, simultaneously English books were translated into Urdu to make Muslims aware about the ongoing progress and development Europe. Editor of Society’s newspaper enjoyed full liberty and Syed Ahmad Khan never tried to interfere in its affairs. However he wanted that ‘insignificant issues and of no consequence should be not allowed to be debated in the newspapers. He suggested that paper should avoid from publishing the controversial issues generating mutual conflict and distrust.35 Finally he suggested the editor ‘to go ahead what he consider appropriate in future.’ From Syed Ahmad Khan’s letter written to Raja Jai Kishan Das it was quite clear that for running the society enormous fund is required and society from time to time facing bankruptcy like situation, due managerial capabilities of Syed Ahmad Khan and his friend Rajaj Jai kishan Das crises was managed properly. In spite of opposition to the Society by some people ‘leaving no stone unturned to destroy it’, he proved his worth to run Society successfully to achieve the desired objectives. On his way to England, reaching Adan he expressed his feelings of parting his friends like Mohsin-ul Mulk who had sacrificed his life. Hewrote consoling letters for the greater cause done by him. . Syed Ahmad kept his friend Mohsin-ul Mulk advising ‘to pay full attention to the society to protect it and increase the number of the members as much as possible.36 In the field of education another aspect touched upon by Syed Ahmad Khan was the Medieval Indian Historiography. He was of the opinion that, “the English have written the histories of the Muslim emperors and their empires with great dishonesty and prejudice and every evil was attributed to the Muslim.”37 History written unscientifically had a negative impact upon the mind of the reader, therefore he thought to rationalize by making it more scientific and objective. He cited two examples, firstly the Muslim Rule in Spain where “the way Muslims provided justice, education, training for the Christian community is surprising and a matter of great pride”38 wrote Syed

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Ahmad Khan. Secondly, the crusades whatever books written on the theme was not free from personal biases and prejudices. For writing true histories of the said events, he requested friends to contribute and to correct the falsification of the facts. For instance, Hazrat Umar RA was accused by the Christian scholars for burning the rich library of Egypt, a fact need verification and correction, relying upon Greek and Roman historians, Syed Ahmad Khan proved that library was burnt to ashes during the reign of Julius Caesar.39 Towards the establishment of MAO college and for successfully running the college affairs, the most difficult challenge faced by Syed Ahmad Khan was to generate the resources and collect funds. Opposition and criticism he faced from his coreligionist in this herculean task was heartening and disturbing. However, if any news of appreciation came, it was welcomed by him and acknowledged whole heartedly, for instance when Newspapers The Anjuman Punjab and The Punjabi Akhabr published Barkat Ali Khan’s appreciation about Madrast-ul Uloom.40 For popularizing his agenda of social and educational reform, Syed Ahmad Khan widely travelled throughout the country meeting people and convincing them for its acceptance41 to make it a successful venture for the future generation. Restless Syed Ahmad Khan worked tirelessly towards the fulfillment of his agenda of reform. For the noble cause of advancement of Education of the Muslims in particular and countrymen in general, Syed Ahmad Khan even not hesitated to dispose of his ancestral property. He Wrote “I have dedicated my life and property for the welfare of the Muslims. I never feel disheartened by the ill will of my opponents and keep myself wholeheartedly busy in my work.”42 He kept himself preoccupied with the affairs of the College and for generating resources for its smooth functioning. The study of letters reveals that for him college was the lifeline. He actually wanted to make college functional and its inaugural ceremony ‘ with great pump and show.’43 After the successful completion of the College, he desired to pay a visit to the shrine of Hazrat Mujaddid Alf-e Sani at Sarhind, as a token of respect.44 It seems, he was well versed with methodology and techniques for launching social and educational movement and successfully transforming into reality and letter writing acted as a powerful persuasive catalyst. Being a strict disciplinarian, Syed Ahmad wanted students of the college to obey the rules strictly. Before making rules and regulation for the college, he usually sought opinion of others by writing letters, afterwards duly debated in the various committees get approved, shows his accommodative and democratic way of functioning.45 “An excellent correction indeed ! the couplet has of course got a fresh vibrancy”46 he exclaimed after receiving a letter and thanked a lot for the correction, a rare quality of Syed Ahmad Khan. His secret of success was having no ego in case of learning.

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In 21st century, besides pursuing studies, career planning is very crucial without fetching job in the market. It becomes rather difficult or limited employment opportunities achieving desired success or to reach the maximum satisfactory level. After privatization of education, educational institutions are mushrooming like anything without ensuring quality, hence career planning becomes as essential as study itself. interestingly, in one of letters, Syed Ahmad thoroughly emphasized the importance of career planning and suggested mean to achieve the desired results to its maximum level.47 Mumtaz Ali’s failure in the competitive examination was very shocking for Syed Ahmad Khan whom he has groomed and encouraged to take the examination. Not only consoled him but afterwards tried to find out some suitable job for him and asked to continue with his present engagement of translator, unless better opportunity knocks the door. He ensured to search out for him any suitable placement referring in case of some influential friends in Hyderabad.48 A person named Aziz Mirza who created a lot of problem for the college authorities and wrote articles against the college in Newspapers, also known for his ‘mischief and showed his ingratitude’. Having no ill will or any kind of vindictiveness against him, Syed Ahmad approved his appointment in these words,” I praised very highly expressing my approval for his ability and competence. In fact he has talent , and it is up to him to use his talent, for a good or a bad cause.” 49 This Attitude of Syed Ahamd Khan made him popular and respectable. Educating the Youths of the country and producing clerks was not the purpose behind launching the educational movement and establishment of the college but it had wider implication and broader perspective. His expectation was much higher, and wanted from educational institutional where emphasis should be on character building and to produce students fundamentally trained in moral ethics, he wrote, “to draw them towards virtues in a loving and gentle manner, free form biases, stringency and harshness, fostering moral virtues and Islamic ethics.”50 He expected from the students of the college to be well versed in Quranic and Shriah studies besides achieving perfection in various subjects and sciences with the simplicity of Islamic belief.”51 By compulsion or force students should not be abide to obey the rule and regulations, rather trained and nurtured in an atmosphere where “their heart inclined towards good deeds and these young men attracted to truth, honesty, mutual Islamic brotherhood and compassion.”52 Once he realized that the Englishmen wanted to complete control exercise over the affairs of College, he categorically pronounced that “ my friends must not allow the college , come what may, to go into the hands of others. The college must always be run , right or wrong , by our people only.53 Undoubtedly, this

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shows his pride in Indians’ and faith in the ability and competence of Muslims to manage the affairs of the College rather handing over the affairs to the foreigners. Though, Englishmen were allowed to remain at helm of affairs, presiding meetings and functions, dignitaries distributing the prizes.

REFLECTION OF ETHICS AND MORALITY After the failure of the Rebellion of 1857, he Aggressively persuaded his agenda of social reform, for this he requested his lifelong companion Altaf Hussain Hali to write a poetic narration of the socio-political condition of the Muslim community and their indifferent attitude not to bring improvement in their moral and material life, with an objective to completely transform their attitude and temperament. After receiving the complimentary copy of Mosaddas-e Hali, in a letter, Sir Syed Ahmad acknowledged and appreciated Hali’s scholarship for narrating mentality and psychology of a defeated and dislocated Muslim community. Interestingly the narration is “free from exaggeration, fabrication and irrelevant similes which is distinctive characteristics of poets and poetry, has been accomplished with such beauty, eloquence and perfection”54 Sir Syed Ahmad Writes. Actually he wanted ‘the Musaddas, which serves as a mirror of the people ‘s conditions or an elegy of mourning’, ‘to be by the popularized by dancing and singing girls and Qauwwals and large number of its copies were to be printed available for the wider audience. He respectfully advised Maulvi Chiragh Ali, against his book Azam-ul Kalam, which was beyond the comprehension of people. It would unnecessarily inviting enmity of the people and their resentment.55 Syed Ahmad’s concern for the healthy growth of the society well reflected in his writings who stood for the unity among the people of different religion and civilization by promoting brotherhood. Regarding the attitude of the British towards the natives, he pointed out that “believe me, the way the Englishmen behave with the Indians in India is due to political compulsions of the governments; otherwise they have friendly regards for the Indian people and show hospitality to them.”56 He further argued that “In fact, such a behavior may create hindrance in the growth of cultural traits like common decency and good manners.”57 Syed Ahmad’s agenda of educational and social reforms required a huge sum of money because the organization established by him always faced financial struggle and was plagued by deficiency of resources. With great difficulties and to his managerial skill he progressively pursued the agenda without failing showed his greatness.

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Publication of Tahzib-ul Akhlaq gave Syed Ahmad Khan immense pleasure because it was his lifelong mission, he firmly believed that everyone is free to express his or her opinion freely, once he expressed his view that” feel free to express your frank opinion about the magazine and points out its flaws without any hesitation. It will help us in two ways. First, it will help you to improve your style of essay writing, even though you write well. Secondly, I myself and others may benefit from it by knowing views of others regarding the strong or weak points of the articles published in Tahzib-ul Akhlaq.”58 Regarding Tahzib-ul Akahlaq, he expected that people must read its informative and reformative articles which certainly useful for the Muslims.59 During the second half of the 19th century the readership of Tahzib-ul Akhlaq like other magazines was very limited, therefore subscription rate was very low and often ceased its publication. Despite of the losses incurred, Syed Ahmad Continued ran publication on his personal expenses. The rationale explained by him was “With its Closure, all our activities including writing articles to express our views had come to an end.”60 He himself was a voracious reader and generally preferred to read all the articles especially related to Muslim issues. Afterwards, wrote appreciative and critical comment with an objective for further improvement and achieve perfection. After reading a write up by Syed Mumtaz Ali several times, he was so impressed that he wrote, “Allah be praised ! We have Such a worthy young man like you among our people. May Allah protect and prolong your life! The article’s elegance, style, organization of ideas and its chaste idiom are all unexceptionable.” He further continued ,May Allah enable you to fulfill my expectations from you regarding the welfare of our people ! Strive hard, and pay attention to the western sciences, especially English literature.”61 For qualified and brilliant people, he had great respect and honor. With an expectation, He wanted that they docontribute in the progress of the community in making them educated in western learning and sciences, the criterion for future advancement. To be successful in life, Syed Ahamd’s advocacy for hard work and continuous efforts still bears the truth. Participation of Muslims and their selection in the civil services examination was not up to satisfaction and in accordance with the ratio of their population. The civil services was the country’s most prestigious examination for the selection of bureaucracy, being seriously debated for low percentage of participation and negligible presence in the service called ‘Steel frame’ of the administration. It was during 19th century Syed Ahmad realized its significance and requested bright and intelligent youths to take up the examination. He wanted his acquaints with potential to appear necessarily in

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the ICS Examination and insisted Mumtaz Ali to qualify the exam and assured him for providing ‘necessary guidance’ and every logistic support if needed, then only to proceed to England if he desired so.62 In a response to a letter received by him, with a request to participate in a conference which was to be organized by Madarsah Faiz-e Aam, Kanpur, he expressed his happiness for the effort made by organizers to bring the Ulama of different shades of opinion to deliberate upon the issues of differences to achieve unity among them. Regarding the aims and objectives of the said conference, Syed Ahmad Khan wrote that it’s an excellent idea “to find the means to sustain Islamic learning and to remove mutual differences and enmity among the Muslims. Thissuch methods have to be adopted in future to improve and ameliorate the condition of Islam and Muslims .”63 In the second part of letter, Syed Ahmad Khan emphasized the importance of revival of Islamic learning i.e. Ilm-e Kalam to counter the growing heresy among the Muslims. One of the Criticisms leveled against Syed Ahmad Khan was that he was deviated from Religion, in one of the letters, he wrote that “ it was my sincere wish that our people should repose full faith in Islam and achieve progress.”64 For him Islam was the first and the worldly progress was secondary. He was opposed to the sectarian differences and wanted unity among the Muslim, he said “Indeed, I very much like to bind those groups together who wish to wear away from Islam.” 65 Out of desperation and hopelessness some of his friends intended to abandon their struggle for advancement of Muslim community because of the hostile attitude and response they received. Syed Ahmad Khan, too expressed his desperation. But for him “abstaining from such efforts will actually be considered as a national and Islamic sin.”66 Disappointedly, he wrote, “though he too not have any hope of the welfare of the Muslims and their moral improvement and reformation for which I have been making ceaseless efforts, yet I strive, as I consider it my duty to go on making efforts.”67 Syed Ahmad Khan succeeded in his mission of establishing the MAO College because of his spirit of adventurism and Upnishadnic philosophy of Karmayogi. Syed Ahmad Khan was of the view that one should not be disappointed by the obstruction and opposition, if someone was working for the national wellbeing and cultural progression of the country.68 He sought all round progress of the people. His approach in dealing human problems was like a psychologist, sometime acting as a professional therapist, or spiritual healer advising people to keep themselves ready for facing the worst to happen and maintain calm in the time of difficulties, “feeling of distress and happiness is because of human nature” rightly observed by Syed

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Ahmad Khan. He suggested that “A man must keep patience, if he finds things against his will, let him trust in Allah , because there is no refuge and asylum except Allah, virtue and piety lies only in the efforts made for the welfare of human beings.”69 For him after performing obligatory duties, ‘Welfare of the human beings’ was the most noblest task everybody dutifully should carry, because service of mankind gives enjoyment beyond explanation. From the time of its creation world has remained full of sorrow as observed by Mahatma Buddha. “One must face hardship and unpleasant condition of life patiently”70 advised by Syed Ahmad Khan to live a serene and happy life. Impatience brings the feeling of distress, disappointment, depression, anxiety etc. a silent killer of the man in the 21st century. No peace no happiness. Without happiness every progress made by human being is meaningless and immaterial. For him, religious was the most important thing in the life to have mental peace. Syed Ahamd Khan and his friends were under constant attack for their ideas of modernity and process of modernization. Towards Critics, Syed Ahamd Khan’s approach was not antagonistic but simply based on principle of reconciliation. In one of his letters written to Munshi Sirajuddin, he wrote that, “we should have a sense of patience and tolerance against those who malign us. We need introspection on this occasion. If we find the evil in ourselves, it is necessary for us to try to remove it. if we do not find it, then we should thank Allah that we are free from evil.” He Further Argued that “if someone like to live happily and peacefully in this world, never think or care to give importance to them.”71 His simplistic formula to live a happy and peaceful life was to bother least about others attitude towards you, honestly keep busy in your business, avoid meeting the people heart is not inclined to do so. To act against the conscience is unfair and brought distress. In spite of conciliatory attitude, he never spared his closest friends, ever if they did try to hurt the sentiment of others. When, Maulvi Seraj Published an article in his newspaper Sirmoor Gazette making fun of the Prophets and ridiculing people was seriously objected by Syed Ahmad Khan.72 His perception of reforming the Muslim society was based on the principle of purification of soul and body and wanted a complete transformation of the inner self for wider prolonged effect on the society. The idea of reformation was actually based on the ‘truth reflecting both in words as well as deeds’ to promote and inculcate the feeling of love and brotherhood among the people and healthy growth of the society. After studying and close scrutiny of his letters, one can conclude that he worked tirelessly for the welfare of the people throughout his life. Through education, he actually wanted reformation and modernization of the mind and thinking to create an ideal society, where coexistence and tolerance could

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be existed and practiced to achieve real happiness in society. To achieve happiness, he advocated for being tolerant and accommodative and promoted the idea of mutual respect, brotherhood and understanding. Modern education was an instrument used by him to civilize the people of the country, without it no real progress was possible.

REFERENCE 1. Syed Ahmad Khan wrote and received a large numbers of letters but he destroyed. In spite of that, a large of letters written by him were compiled by Sir Ross Masood, as Khutoot-e Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, published in 1869, See also Maulvi Waheeduddin Salim, Sir Syed ke Khutoot,1903 ,P.5 and Ismail Panipati’s collection is known as Maktubat-e sir Syed Ahmad Khan. 2. Mohammad Abdul Mannan, Eng.Trns. Selected Letters of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, Vol.I 2007, Aligarh. 3. Letter to Syed Mohammad Husain, the Prime Minister ,The State of Patiala, Dated, October 12,1873. 4. Ibid., see letters to Syed Hamid ,Dated , January 29,1882 &September 7,1883. 5. Letter to Mohammad Sayeed Khan, a Close Friend of Syed Ahmad Khan, Dated, March 22,1866, in this letter he also informed him about the publication of a weekly newspaper named Akhbar Scientific Society , and its first issue was to be released on 30th March,1866. 6. Letter written to Zainul Abedin, Dated, April 26,1894, Aligarh. 7. Letter written to Mualvi Zakaullah, Dated, September 26,1893, Aligarh. 8. Latter to Muhsin-ul mulk, Dated, July 23,1869. 9. Latter written to Syed Mumtaz Ali ,Dated, November 16,1879, Aligarh. 10. Letter to Maulvi Mumtaz Ali, Dated, May 20,1881, Aligarh. 11. Letter to Syed Mumtaz Ali, Dated, December 18,1891, Aligarh. 12. Letter written to Nawab Viqar-ul Mulk Mushtaq Husain, Dated, October 1, 1889, Aligarh. 13. Letter written to Munshi Neyaz Ahamd, Dated, February 2, 1897. Letter written to Munshi Neyaz Ahmad, Dated, February 2, 1897. 14. Cf. Shan Mohammad, Writings and Speeches Sir Syed Ahmad Khan,1972, Bombay, Syed Ahmad Khan’s Letter to Secretary, Scientific Society, Aligarh, Dated, 15th October,1869, p. 225. 15. Ibid. 16. Ibid.

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17. Ibid., p .227. 18. Ibid., p. 228. 19. Latter written to Maulvi Serajuddin, Date Not mentioned, Aligarh. 20. Letter written to Mumtaz Ali, Dated, March, 1898, Aligarh. 21. Ibid. March 13,1898, Aligarh. 22. Ibid., p. 230. 23. Letter written by Syed Ahmad Khan to the Sultan of Turkey and Khedive of Egypt, Dated, July 18,1870. 24. Ibid., P. 230, He described a story of a young English girl and her interest in reading newspapers. He was of the opinion of that ‘this is simply the effect of education’ he continued further that ‘look at this young girl Elizabeth Mathews, who in spite of her poverty , invariably buys a half penny paper called ‘Echo’ , and reads it whenever leisure. If she come across a ‘Punch’ ,in which there are pictures of women ‘s manners and customs, she looks at them, and enjoys the editors remarks thereon.” 25. Ibid. 26. Ibid., p. 231. 27. Ibid., p. 232. 28. In a letter to Duke of Argyll ,written on July 28,1869, he wrote that’ I have long felt that it was a great disadvantage to my country and people, and especailly to Indian officials like myself , to have no personal knowledge of the land , or the rulers, or even the institutions of the kingdom to whom providence has given the sway over India.’ Sir Syed Ahmad Khan advocated for ‘ free and untrammeled intercourse between the two civilization’ for a better understanding and cooperation among the people. 29. See Syed Ahmad Khan ‘is letter written to the Sultan of Turkey, Dated, July 18,1870. 30. Ibid., p. 236. 31. Cf. Shan Mohammad, Writings and Speeches of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, 1972, Bombay, pp. 265-268; Syed Ahmad Khan’s speech delivered at Gurdaspur, Punjab, Dated, January 27, 1884. 32. Ibid., p. 263. 33. Cf. Mohammad Abdul Mannan, Selected Letters of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, Eng.Trns., Vol. I 2007, Aligarh ,See the letter written to Maulvi Chiragh Ali , Dated, August 23,1894. 34. Ibid. letter written to Mohammad Niyazuddin Khan ‘Danishmand’ Dated, June 22,1886. 35. Letter to Raja Jaikishan Das, Dated June 9,1873.

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36. Muhammad Abdul Mannan, op.cit., Letter to Mohsin-ul Mulk, Dated April 16,1861, p.50. 37. Letter Written to Muhsin-ul Mulk, Dated July 23,1869. 38. Ibid. 39. Letter to Muhsin-ul Mulk, Dated July 23,1869. 40. Muhammad Abdul Mannan, op.cit, Letter to Khan Bahadur Mohammad Barakt Ali Khan, undated. p. 77. 41. See Letter to Syed Ahamd Bukhari, Dated, October 31, 1887. 42. Letter to Nawab Sardar Mohammad Heyat Khan, date not mentioned. But letter was written in response to Heyat Khan’s letter, Dated July 8,1873. 43. Ibid., Dated September 4,1889. 44. Latter to Nawab Sardar Mohammad Heyat Khan, Dated June 26, 1890. 45. For his style of functioning se his letter written to Khawaja Mohammad Yousuf, Dated, February 20,1879, Calcutta. 46. Letter written to Maulvi Imtiyaz Ali, Dated July 27, 1884. 47. Letter written to Mumtaz Ali, Dated, February 16,1880, Calcutta. 48. Letter written to Mumtaz Ali, Dated, November 5,1887, Aligarh. 49. Ibid. 50. Letter written to Hafiz Sayeed Ahamd, Dated, June 5, 1893, Aligarh 51. Ibid. 52. Ibid. 53. Letter to Syed Imteyaz ali, Dated August 8,1881, Aligarh. 54. Cf. Mohammad Abdul Mannan, Selected Letters of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, Eng. Trns., Vol. I 2007, Aligarh, Letter to Altaf Husain Hali, Dated June 10, 1879. 55. Ibid. Letter to Nawab Azam Yar Jung Maulvi Chiragh Ali, p. 14. 56. Letter to Secretary, Scientific Society, Dated October 15,1869. 57. Ibid. 58. Letter written to Maulvi Syed Mumtaz Ali, dated, May 29, 1879, Shimla. 59. Letter to Maulana Syed Mir Hasan Seyalkoti, Dated, March 7,1896. 60. Letter written to Maulvi Syed Mumtaz Ali, dated, June 12, 1879, Shimla. 61. Letter to Maulvi Syed Mumtaz Ali, dated, August 2,1879. 62. Letter to Maulvi Syed Mumtaz Ali, dated, November 16, 1879, Aligarh. 63. Cf. Mohammad Abdul Mannan, op.cit, Letter to Mualvi Mohammad Ali, Nazim, Natwadat-ul Uloom, Lucknow, Dated, 27 Ramazan-ul Mubarak,1213/1894 AD.

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64. Letter to Syed Mumtaz Ali , Dated, November 29,1878, Aligarh. 65. Letter to Maulvi Syed Mumtaz Ali, dated, November 29,1878, Aligarh. 66. Letter written to Maulvi M.Mushtaq Husain, Dated September 16,1890, Aligarh. 67. Ibid. 68. Ibid. 69. Letter written to Munshi Neyaz Mohammad Khan, dated October 17,1896, Aligarh. 70. Ibid. 71. Letter written to Munshi serajuddin, Date not Mentioned, Aligarh. 72. Letter written to Maulvi Serajuddin, Dated March 24, 1892, Aliagrh. qqq

13 Sir Syed’s Aligarh Movement and Muslim Women Discourses Naiyer Azam

INTRODUCTION During the nineteenth century the task of reforming the Muslim society was taken up by Sir Syed’s Aligarh Movement. The sole purpose of the Aligarh Movement1 was to ameliorate condition of Muslim community after the revolt of 1857 as the year 1857 was a turning point in the history of the Indian Muslims. The Muslim political power which had been gradually declining from the beginning of the 18th century touched its nadir in 1857. The Mughal Empire – for decades an apparition of its former self – was finally liquidated in the terrible blood bath of 1857. After the revolt, Muslims were targets of the British victimization that held them responsible for revolt. Muslims were especially targeted and uprooted and reduced to the lowest ebb of the society. Sir Syed2 was an eye witness to the tragedy of 1857 that brought destruction for the Muslim community. It was modern education which Sir Syed thought would cure all the ills of Muslim community and soon commenced his educational activities to provide modern education to the Muslim community after the revolt of 1857, for this he started the historic Aligarh Movement from the tiny town of Aligarh.3 Aligarh Movement was a sort of renaissance which ushered a new era in the history for the Muslims in India. Its objective was to introduce English and modern education in the Muslim community and to bring a change in the thought process of his conservative community and thus Sir Syed established a pro-British institution in Aligarh, where western and oriental knowledge was imparted for the Muslim community particularly and Indians in general. Sir Syed here not only provided modern education to the Muslim community but also tried to improve the condition of the Muslim women there in. He was

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in favour of providing them Zenana education on the pattern of traditional education which was the tradition of the Muslim Ashraf family at that time where Muslim women were not allowed for school education4. Sir Syed also talked about improving the condition of the Muslim women as he believed that men should be given education first and in turn they would educate their women and thus he believed in filtration theory. The task of educating Muslim women on the pattern of modern education and to provide them school education was taken up in 20th century by Sir Syed’s successors particularly by Shaikh Muhammad Abdullah, Maulvi Karamat Hussain, Mumtaz Ali and many other Muslim intellectuals of the 20th century. But the task left by Sir Syed and his successors needs to be completed in an appropriate manner in the present scenario by the Government and the other agencies working for the welfare of women in the present century. It is also important to see the role of Sir Syed and the Muslim intellectuals in disseminating the women education through the Aligarh Movement and to be on familiar terms with its expansion not only in 20th century but how far it has progressed in the 21st century. In this chapter an attempt has been made to trace the development of Muslim women discourses during 19th century as launched by Sir Syed and his Aligarh Movement. The roles of Sir Syed’s successors are also highlighted in bringing the modern education to the Muslim women in 20th century.

THE HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE The roots of the social, cultural and religious reform in the Indian Muslim society can be found back to Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi (1564-1624) and Shaikh Abdul Haq Muhaddith Dehlawi (1551-1642). The concern of the religious elite, the Ulama, for the well-being of the women, can be understood in the all- inclusive nature of Islamic Shariat. Issues relating to aristocratic upper class women had been focused upon by earlier medieval ideologues. Abdul-Qadir Badauni (1540-1615) – a medieval ideologue and chronicler of Emperor Akbar’s reign (1556-1605), in his theological work entitled Najat-ul Rashid. Discussed various questions pertaining to gender related issues; the institution of marriage, forms of divorce, polygamy, concubines, segregation of women, and the mutual rights and obligations of men and women in society in the light of the Holy Quran and Hadith and the four schools of Islamic jurisprudence.5 Shah Wali-ul-Allah Dehlawai (1703-1762) – an 18th century savant, tradition (muhaddith) and jurist (faqih), displayed a unique concern with gender issues: the role and status of women and gender relations in Islam, the veil (Hijab), institution of marriage, rearing and education of children and

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slaves, responsibility towards parents, obligations to relatives and neighbors, proper Islamic female dress, a code of conduct for men and women6. It is also argued by the historians that pre-colonial Islamic society’s women were not only literate but also well read and they played significant roles in shaping history and culture as wielders of political power, transmitters of knowledge and upholders of religious values. It is also argued that they sustained aristocratic accomplishments, and also supported learned institutions through direst patronage to mystics, saints and men of letters, scholars, teachers and charitable endowments.7

SIR SYED AHMED KHAN AND MUSLIM WOMEN DISCOURSES During the 19th century women became the subject of reforms in the socioreligious programme of the educated modern thinkers of India. Raja Rammohan Roy was the first in the 19th century reformers, who considered as the “champion of women rights” because of his social reform movements against the system of Sati8. Ishwar Chandra Vidhya Sagar championed female education and led the campaign to legalize widow remarriage. Keshew Chandra Sen, a leader of Brahmo Samaj9 sought to bring women into new roles through schools, prayer meetings. Swami Dayanand Saraswati, the founder of Arya Samaj10 encouraged female education and condemned customs of dowry, polygamy etc. However, the name of Sir Syed Ahmed Khan appeared first in the horizon of Muslim community as a pioneer reformer in the social and cultural sphere. He started his programme of reforming the Muslim society from the town of Aligarh which later became the center of his reformist activities and came to be known as Aligarh Movement in Indian history. Though the central concern of Aligarh Movement was to provide modern education to the Muslim community of India during 19th century but it took many other aspects of socio religious cultural and political issues of the community.11 On the other hand it is alleged that Aligarh Movement did not take up the issues of improving the condition of women even its founding leader Sir Syed Ahmed Khan did not bother to provide education to the Muslim women.12 There might be some difficulties with Sir Syed, when he took up the significant task for uplifting his community which he felt the provision of education was of paramount importance. The issue of women’s education could arouse the Muslim religious sentiments and create unnecessary controversies in turn disturbing Sir Syed’s programme and shattering his dream of converting his community into a progressive educated community. It is interesting to note that wide range discourses on women issues were also discussed by Sir Syed and

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his associates. The basic issue of these discourses was to provide traditional and modern education to the women folk of the Muslim community to enhance their position in the society. Some of the followers of Sir Syed hold the opinion that Sir Syed’s thinking on gender issues was strictly traditional (kadamparasti) and adhered to customs (rivajparsti).13 But after going through the writings and speeches of Sir Syed and other leaders of Aligarh movement over the discourses on women, it seems that women became a focal point of their reform movement. Progressive approach was taken up to enhance their social status of Muslim Women not only by Sir Syed by his followers in Colonial India. We find a number of instances in the writings of Sir Syed Ahmed Khan wherein women issues were focused greatly and thus it unfolds Sir Syed’s positive approach towards their development. His encounter with the educational set up of England during his visit in 1869 inspired him a lot. He expressed his astonishment where he saw the system of education prevalent there for the women of that country, and he had the desire to provide the same kind of education for the women of his community in India14. His meeting with an English women namely Miss Marry Carpenter15 on Steamer “Baroda” on his way to London reflect positive attitude towards women education as he was much impressed by the philanthropic works of Miss Marry Carpenter for the female education in India. Sir Syed writes: “Miss Carpenter who is a famous lady to whom I met on my way to London and who worked for the betterment of the Indian women in the field of education in Calcutta and Bombay… we had talk on the issues of education for women… and for education of masses…”16 Therefore Sir Syed was not against the education of women as it reflected from his above conversation with Mary Carpenter. He further writes in her diary on her request about his perception on female education. To quote: “Since I heard of Miss Marry Carpenter’s benevolent and philanthropic intension respecting female education in India, I was extremely anxious to form acquaintance with that noble lady and I must consider it a providential boon that I was fortunate enough to have the pleasure of meeting her on board the steamer ‘Baroda’ on my way to London… bettering the moral condition of women is in itself the proof of the benevolent intensions and noble designs of Miss Carpenter… it is very noble of Miss Carpenter that she has taken great pains in educating her Indian sisters and it is my hearty prayer that every success will attend her noble exertions…”.17

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Therefore Sir Syed acknowledged the works of Miss Marry Carpenter and praised her endeavors, for the cause of female education in India. Sir Syed also wanted to provide female education to his country women. He narrates his experiences of England visit where he saw the abilities of women of that country due to the kind of education which they had been provided. He pleasantly mentioned about an English women under whose supervision a work shop was placed. He praised her ability to deal the work assigned to her. He writes: “This workshop is under the supervision of a lady and the machineries which are available in this workshop and the works which assigned to her she did to her capacity in this workshop”.18 After his visit to the collegiate school of Northern London which was famous for imparting education to females. The College administration had an immense influence on the mind of Sir Syed Ahmed Khan and inspired by it, he writes: “I was eagerly waiting since long time to see and to inspect the collegiate of girls in this country and the way they provided education to the girls… it is my desire to see all of them and later to inform the same for my countrymen”.19 Sir Syed was very much impressed by the educational system of England where special arrangement was made for the education of masses. Sir Syed also narrates the story of his land lady Mrs Elan Valt who was curious to read books while in illness. It had a lasting impact on Sir Syed’s mind. In this way Sir Syed was not opposed to the education of women but he wanted them to educate in their own language. And he considered the improvement of the education of women, as necessary for them but he did not prefer school education for them. Even his discourses on women includes his concerns for the rights of women in a number of treatises and articles published in his self-founded Journal Tehzibul Ikhlaq, Sir Syed sought to highlight the legal rights of Muslim women. Inter Alia he criticized women for lack of common sense and exercise of rational faculties. He claimed that gross ignorance and respect for baseless customs and traditions lay at the root of their irrational behaviour. Additionally, he wrote powerful reformatory treatises in advocacy of widow remarriage which he considered an issue of great importance. He sought to highlight the serious social implications which could have arisen due to the neglect of this social problem. He took Swami Dayanand Sarawati (1824-83) to task that he should have taken up this perilous societal problem rather than

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preaching about theism20. As Sir Syed had already faced stiff opposition from his co-religionist in his attempt to introduce western education among the boys, seems to have made him more apprehensive and cautious and did not encourage him to provide such avenues to the women, alas, the conservative elements of the society should react and revolt against him. Besides, he believed that unlike the west, in India the time was not yet ripe to found modern schools for girls.21 Since Sir Syed’s movement for providing school education to the Muslim women during 19th century was not acceptable to the traditional society, therefore his unfulfilled task was taken up by his successors during 20th century.

SHAIKH MUHAMMED ABDULLAH AND MUSLIM WOMEN EDUCATION The contribution of Shaikh Muhammad Abdullah, the founder of the Women’s College of Aligarh Muslim University for the development of modern and traditional learning among the Muslim women took a remarkable step and indeed it is a unique phenomenon in the annals of Muslim history in 20th century India. He was among those conscious promoters of change chose to become publicist and activist for the cause of modern education for Muslim women. As a pioneering figure, he made the subject of women a central topic in his programme of socio-cultural reform. The central concern of his reformist agenda was provisions of higher education for the Muslim women22. Shaikh Muhammad Abdullah23 was true product of Aligarh Movement and thus his aims and aspirations were those as espoused and propagated by the luminaries of the movement. In his own life he sought to achieve the same high goals as were set by pioneer reformers – formal education of Muslim women – which he thought was an unfulfilled aspect of the historic Aligarh movement. Shaikh Muhammad Abdullah not only confined himself to provide formal education to Muslim women but his greater concern was also on the women’s rights. He was a man of action and to realize his dreams into practical reality. He established a Girls School at Aligarh in 1906 which later became Women’s College and further it was attached to the Aligarh Muslim University. Two other prominent figures mentioned as supporters of female education by Shaikh Abdullah were Syed Amir Ali24, judge High Court, and Badruddin Tyabji25, judge Bombay High Court.26 Moreover Shaikh Abdullah enjoyed the rare privilege of a close interaction with most of the great luminaries of the Aligarh Movement was Sahabzada Aftab Ahmad Khan, the Secretary of Sir Syed Memorial Fund and leader of the Aligarh Old Boy Association. About him Shaikh mentioned “a true promoter of female education”. Shaikh

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Abdullah also specifically mentioned literary critic and historian Shibli Nomani27 through his moving speeches delivered in his characteristic rhetoric eloquence awakened his compatriots to the need for the improvement in the condition of women.28 The other Muslim intellectuals of 20th century who impressed Shaikh Abdullah was Maulvi Zakaullah29 (1832-1910) a Delhi born historian and biographer, and novelist and administrator and Maulvi Nazir Ahmad Delhavi30 a great Urdu novelist (1830-1912) who had personal acquaintances with him. Many of the ideas of the above mentioned intellectuals filtered down to Abdullah through their writings. The ideas of poet, writer and biographer of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, Khwaja Altaf Hussain Hali (1837-1914), also exercised a lasting influence on contemporary thinking about the female education. He recollects unparalleled poetry of Sham ul Ulama Maulana Hali which provided substance to the mission of educating women. The incomparable poetical composition of the poet-philosopher, Hali’s Chup Ki Dad, composed at the personal request of Shaikh Abdullah,31 which provided an efficient instrument for a revolutionary change in the attitudes of the educated Muslim towards women. His epic poem, the immortal Musaddas; Madd-o-Jazr-i-Islam (The Ebb and Flow of Islam, 1879) affects the entire weltanschauung of the IndoMuslim community. But after the marriage of Shaikh Abdullah to Wahid Jahan Begum who was having some traditional education provided by him to stimulation his plan of educating women and Shaikh Abdullah gave his plans a practical shape and devised concrete ways to educate the Muslim women of 20th century.32

WOMEN DISCOURSES IN ALIGARH MOVEMENT But before Shaikh Abdullah’s efforts to start his campaign for educating Muslim women and to provide them school education, in late 19th and early 20th century India we also find some women discourses in the intellectual circles of Aligarh community regarding Muslim women’s education. Aligarh Institute Gazette published articles on government policy encouraging female education and in 1867, the establishment of a Muslim Girls School in Bangalore solely by indigenous efforts was highly acclaimed with great pleasure in a write up entitled ‘Muhammadan Female Education’ that appeared in Aligarh Institute Gazettee vol. II, of 1867.33 In 1869 and in the subsequent years we find articles in the Aligarh Institute Gazettee on the importance of female education and its spread as the chief means for the general spread of education.34 The discourses on women in Aligarh Movement became significant for the first time when debates were mooted out for the school education to the Muslim

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women through the platform of All India Muslim Educational Conference, an educational body founded by Sir Syed in 1886 in its third session which was held at Lahore in 1888 where a significant and a historical resolution was passed for the establishment of a girls school for Muslim community. The proposal was put by Shaikh Khairuddin and seconded by Khalifa Immamuddin- District Inspector of Schools. The resolution reads as35: “The Muhammadan Education Conference unanimously agrees to the proposal that Muslims should establish schools for the education of Muslim girls. These schools should be in accordance with Islam and the ways of the Sharif sections of the Muslims”. The proposal was first of its kind in history as it brought a revolutionary change in the traditional thoughts of Muslim community during 19th century. A pioneer step was initiated by Shaikh Khairuddin who brought change in the outlook of his co-religionists regarding the education of women. He gave a thought provoking speech and wished to convince the members of his community about the education of women. As he said: “Honorable President….if we want to know the real picture of any civilization, we must look at the status of women of that civilization……those who are aware of the condition of Europe they must be knowing the educational status of the women of that country. They are not far behind from the men of that country in terms of educational qualification……..they are doctors, lawyers, and barristers by profession…”36 With this above mentioned speech Shaikh Khairuddin proposed his view point to establish a girl’s school. The proposal received and appreciatedbyother leaders of the community and it was seconded by Khalifai Immamuddin who also put forward his views in favour of the same. To quote Khalifai Immamuddin: “Honorable President and gentleman…..I strongly favoured the resolution of Shaikh Khairuddin, I will not say much about it ….if you (people) want to spread the education for the women of our community, it would automatically help in spreading the education for the male members of our community. …. Here I mean to say that such type of education may be given to the women folk that would lead them to the proper understanding of Islam….. they should also learn the essential of home management through the kind of education which they would receive. 37

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The proposal was unique in the sense, because it strongly advocated the message of uplifting women through the modern education. Sir Syed was the same product of the 19th century traditional society who carefully listened to the arguments of Shaikh Khairuddin and Immamuddin. Finally he stood against the motion and rejected the ideas that had been presented and emphasized on the traditional mode of education for the women. To quote Sir Syed: “I have the same opinion towards the education of women, as our elders had. If the new way of education as is being arranged for the women today by the government or by Muslims or any other Islamic organization is no more acceptable to me. To establish school for the education of women and in this respect to imitate the girl’s schools and colleges of Europe is not suitable in the present condition of India.” Thus Sir Syed was not opposed to women’s education in principal but only to their education through the schools. He preferred the education of boys at Aligarh instead of girls and believed in the principal of down filtration theory to educate the women folk. He cautioned the Government that any endeavor on the part of officials to introduce female education would prove “complete failure” and probably produce “mischievous results and waste of money”. To Sir Syed the best way to educate was through the education of the men for he hoped that “the enlightened fathers, brothers and husbands would naturally be most anxious to educate their female relations.” His testimony before the Education Commission of 1882 on the question of female education also reflected the same view point. As he said in the cross examination before the Education Commission; “The matter of women education much resembles the question of oriental philosophers who asked whether the egg or the hen were first created. Those who hold that women should be educated and civilized prior to the men are greatly mistaken. The fact is that no satisfactory education can be provided to the Muslim females until a large number of Muslim males received a sound education. The present state of education among Muslim females is in my opinion, enough for domestic happiness considering the present social and economic condition of the life of the Muslims of India.”38 In his view any thoughts on school education for women was not only premature but might arouse opposition or at the very least divert resources away from his efforts at Aligarh to educate men. He also observed that there was no Muslim house without the governess (ustani) who taught the girls, and

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a sort of indigenous education of moderate degree prevailed among the girls and they studied religious and moral books in Urdu, Persian and Arabic39. Though he considered the improvement of education among the females, and he delivered speeches about the necessity of the education of the Muslim women. To quote Sir Syed’s speech which he delivered at Gurdaspur in 1884: “I am not unaware about the education of the women of our country; I whole heartedly have the desire to see the improvement in the position of women. The opposition which I have against the ways (schools for girls) to which our community is willing to adopt to educate them.40 Though the 1888 resolution did not bring the satisfactory change in the mindset of the leaders of the community in respect to providing and establishing school to the education for the women, and it also received stiff opposition from Sir Syed himself. Besides, many other leaders from Aligarh fraternity came forward in favour of providing education to women and spoke about its necessities for the development of women folk. In the Aligarh session of All India Muslim Educational Conference 1891, once again resolution was passed to provide education for the women of Muslim community. The resolution reads as follows: “The Conference feels that according to the conditions prevailing, Muslim should work for the education of women side by side with men, because the advancement of the community depends on this. The education should be such that it advances the religious, literary and cultural life of women, so that with their education, the future generation would stand to gain”.41 Debate over the question of women’s education continued till the last decade of 19th century and during 1899 session of All India Muslim Educational Conference, a similar proposal was passed for the establishment of girl’s school according to the norms of the elite family of the community. The resolution was proposed by Mirza Sujat Ali Baig and seconded by Nawab Mohsinul Mulk. The president of the Conference Syed Amir Ali strongly supported the proposal in his presidential address. To quote Syed Amir Ali: “I recommend and favour the proposal of the establishment of schools for the women and in this respect I am ready to help the good cause of the community. I consider it the religious duty of mine and those who would stand against it; he could not be an honest man.42

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Efforts were made to establish a school for the Muslim women as it is evident from the above resolution but practical steps were not taken till then.

SHAIKH MUHAMMAD ABDULLAH AND HIS COMPAIGN FOR A ZENANA SCHOOL It was the period of 1896, in which the decision to establish a Female Education Section of the Muhammadan Educational Conference was taken and the same was created for the educational advancement of the Muslim women and it becomes a very significant event in the history of education for Muslim women. The members of the Female Education Section were: (1) Aftab Ahmad, (2) Sultan Ahmad Khan, (3) Haji Muhammad Ismail Khan, (4) Mohsin ul Mulk, (5) Muhammad Bahadur Ali, (6) Muhammad Syed Mumtaz Ahmad. The Muhammad Educational Conference when established its women section it resolved to provide modern education to Muslim women and also focused its chief function to found a Normal School for Muslim women. To carry out the programmes and the aims of the Female Education Section ahead and Syed Mumtaz Ali was appointed first Secretary but his preoccupations with his publishing ventures; he was unable to pay much attention to establish a Normal School in Lahore as it was the original goals of the Female Education Section which therefore languished. In 1902 therefore, the Secretary-ship of the Female Education Section was handed over to Shaikh Muhammad Abdullah who was a man of an activist, and was an intellectual with full of youthful enthusiasm and had the ability to get things done. He noted that “Mohammadan Educational Conference’s Resolution in favour of women’s education was all well and good but little of a practical nature had yet been accomplished. Many Sharif gentlemen made arrangements for their own daughters to be educated but efforts to found schools, which would be of greater general benefit were still lacking”.43 He vowed to work relentlessly to found a Normal School for girls and he asked the Muslim noblemen to contribute immensely for the establishment of Normal School.44 Shaikh Abdullah and his wife also founded a journal Khatun in 1904 to get the opinions of the Muslim community about the women education and also madereport on educational achievements by and for women. And they started their efforts to establish a school for girls at Aligarh to provide modern education to them.

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As the Lahore Normal School as professed in 1896 in the Mohammadan Educational Conference was never materialized because of the stiff opposition which given by Mumtaz Ali to Shaikh Abdullah’s efforts to establish Normal School at Aligarh on the pretext that is being established so close to M.A.O. College which would spoil the reputation of the College. Therefore, Shaikh Abdullah and his wife began to consider the possibility of starting a small school at Aligarh of this kind and for this they needed financial resources and the project of Normal School and Teacher Training classes was clearly out of question because of the non-availability of women educated teacher for this purpose. Therefore Begum Abdullah suggested him that they could start a primary school for the daughters of their neighbours and friends. They could hire a teacher if they could find one and her sister could also instruct the girls. They also thought to make appropriate arrangements for purdah, both at school and while transporting the students from home to School. Begum Abdullah discussed the idea among her friends and as part of this campaign Shaikh Abdullah started the Urdu journal Khatun in 1904. He did not yet specify Aligarh as the locale for the realization of his plan. There were many obstacles to overcome. Shaikh Abdullah also needed patronage of kind, a private or government for financing to hire a teaching staff, a building and transport. Even more, they needed students to start their plan of school those who were willing to send their daughters to proposed school, and then they would start a primary school for them.45. Shaikh Abdullah approached Sultan Jahan, Begum of Bhopal, who had started a girl’s school in her own State. In-front of her, he revealed his intention to start a primary school at Aligarh in spite of the opposition to such a move. With her moral and financial support, he said, much opposition would be silenced. His wife was prepared to supervise the school to assure proper purdah arrangements and maternal guidance for the students. The Begum liked the idea and promised a grant of D 100 per month to the Aligarh Girl’s School. The Educational Conference in 1904 resolved in favour of starting a School in Aligarh.46 In spite of this victory Shaikh Abdullah still had much to do in the fund raising and to mobilize the Muslim community’s opinion for his plan. In around 1905 a deputation of Aligarh College Boys who favoured Girl’s education journeyed to Bombay and collected D 4000 from prosperous Muslims, and they got support from the Muslims of Bombay particularly from Justice Badruddin Tyabjee and other members of his family.47 Among the most active supporters were Zohra and Atiya Fyzee, also helped Shaikh Abdullah

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and his wife to organize an exhibition of women’s crafts at a meeting of Muslim Women to coincidence with 1905 Muhammadan Educational Conference in Aligarh. In 1905 the session of All India Mohammadan Educational Conference held at Aligarh which was attended by forty women. It is interesting to note here that for the first time in the quest of providing formal education to their sisters and to discuss the problems of women education, the purdah observing women came from different parts of India. During the Conference meeting an exhibition of women hand’s work was a huge success. Zohar and Atiya Fyzee came all the way from Bombay and attended the Conference meeting and where the women delegates passed resolutions praising Abdullah’s efforts and favouring the founding of a Girl’s School at Aligarh.48 Though there was much criticism of this meeting of the Women’s Section of the Conference but supporters of female education were able to garner the support of the leading promoters of the women’s right and the Government. Shaikh Abdullah with the generous grant of Sultan Jahan and to get the some kind of support from British Government he wrote to the Lieutenant of U. P. Sir James La Touch asking for permission to bring a Deputation to Lucknow to meet him and discuss the matter of Muslim female education and the possibility of a generous grant-in-aid for the same purpose. Though Shaikh Abdullah was not able to reach with all the members of the Deputation as planned by him but with three members he went to La Touch and they gave assurance and encouraging words from the Governor and also gave a promise to get a grant if he could start a school.49 Shaikh Abdullah went back to Aligarh, elated and started looking for the teacher. And with the help of the relatives of his wife in Delhi they knew about women who were interested to teach in proposed Abdullah’s school. Shaikh Abdullah and his wife went Delhi and interviewed the women who agreed to go Aligarh to teach if she could take her whole family along. They agreed to the terms and conditions and thus they took the women and her family to Aligarh and hired a house in Aligarh town which served both as the school and as living quarters for the women teacher. In this way a milestone was achieved in October 1906, when ‘Aligarh Zannan Madarsa’ (Aligarh Girl’s School) opened its door in that rented house at Aligarh. Seventeen students were enrolled and teaching started with efforts of Shaikh Abdullah and his wife. The curriculum of Zanana School included, Urdu reading and writing, basic arithmetic, needle work and the reading of the

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Quran. Three closed palanquins (daulis) were hired to carry the girls to school and purdah was strictly observed school though building itself was walled on all sides so that purdah could be properly observed.50 With the government grants and other grants received from Begum of Bhopal, Shaikh Abdullah managed to shift the school to a place known as Nanak Rai ka Bagh, about a mile and half from Aligarh College. And by the end of 1913 School had a building with hostels and class rooms. And in February 1914 the Begum of Bhopal came to Aligarh for a gala inaugural ceremony for the opening of a new Residential Hall and it was also occasion for a considerably expanded version of the 1905 women meeting of Female Education section and thus the All Indian Muslim Women Conference was founded and even resolutions were also passed to encourage the education for Muslim women here. With the passage of the time the Girl’s School became Undergraduate College in 1925 and started Degree classes in 1937, at which point there were some 250 students. A second hostel was built in early 1930s, to accommodate additional students. Teachers Training classes were also offered and later on this college was attached to the Aligarh Muslim University. The achievement of the Girls school was enormous as it produced graduates who after acquiring their degrees in higher education worked for spread of women’s education and also started their own schools and some of the products of this school also served as Governess Inspectors and some of them also taught at the College level. Some of the earliest Aligarh Girl Students, including Abdullah’s elder daughter, Rasheed Jahan, went on for Medical degree,51 and Mumtaz Jahan went to Isabella Thoburn College and received her M.A. from Lucknow University, and Khatun Jahan went to England for M.A. and each served as Principal of Aligarh Girl’s College. Thus with efforts of government grants and private donations helped received by his associates and his wife, Waheed Jahan Begum. Shaikh Abdullah able to achieve what he had visualized for women in his Muslim community in 20th century and in this direction he made a great contribution for the education of Muslim women which is a unique phenomenon in the annals of the Muslim education in South Asia. Due to the Pragmatic efforts of Shaikh Abdullah and his wife Waheed Jahan Begum a new chapter was opened in the history of Muslim women education in 1906 when their efforts bore fruit and the much cherished dream of opening of a girl’s school was opened in Aligarh.

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ISSUES AND CHALLENGES IN MUSLIM EDUCATION IN 19TH AND 20TH CENTURY Various issues and challenges could be noticed in regard to the Muslim women education during the discourses in Aligarh Movement in 19th 20th century. The common factor for the backwardness of the Muslim community was the adherence to the old customs and ignorance. In conformity with the reformers of the Aligarh Movement, Shaikh Muhammad Abdullah maintained that illiteracy and ignorance among women was an important factor for the backwardness of Muslims. Muslims denied their women right to seek knowledge, contrary to the spirits of the Prophetic traditions. For a better future, Shaikh Muhammad Abdullah urged to Muslims to have recourse to education, to self-help and self-determination, the keys to individual and natural progress. God has decreed that He does not change the condition of any community (quam) until they change themselves. He quoted Quranic verses to support his view point. “Verily never will Allah change the condition of people until they change what is in themselves”.52 Shaikh Muhammad Abdullah noted various developments in favour of women in other countries and appreciated that women who were now being educated in other Islamic countries to the benefit of religion and country. In Egypt he noted that women had founded their Associations (Anjumans) and a number of journals were edited by them. He frequently cited the example of Turkey to awaken his fellow Muslims to the urgency of educating women. The Turks who until recently were looked down and demarcated as the ‘sickman’ by European, had succeeded in achieving 100% female literacy. Turkish women participated in nation building, equal partners in every walk of life but when he compared them to India; he found the situation in India was quite disappointing. Hardly two out of one hundred women were able to read and write.53 Nevertheless Shaikh optimistically looked forward to a day when at least 25% of female literacy would be achieved in India.54 On the question of the position of women’s right and dignity, he sought the example of Islamic law and he firmly held that Islam gave many rights to women but these have not been realized because Muslims have not followed the teaching of the Prophet to educate their womenfolk. Without education, women would not know their rights granted to them under Islamic law. Therefore, by educating their girls, Muslims would be rendering a great service to their community and to the nation. Further he acted upon his firmly held conviction that in Islam, acquisition of knowledge was essential for every

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believing Muslim man and woman and for this he cited many Hadiths. He cited that “Seeking of knowledge was mandatory for every Muslim.” Further, he said that some Muslims refuse to recognise that the Prophetic traditions strongly recommend to all Muslims, male female and everyone must be given similar education.55 Shaikh Muhammad Abdullah was also a Co-founder of Anjuman-eKhawatin (AllIndia Muslim Women’s Association) which was devoted to the cause of education of Indian Muslim women. As it was established under the president ship of Begam of Bhopal, Sultan Jahan Begam (1858-1930), some of the prominent non-Muslim participants were Sarla Devi Chaudhrian founder of “Bharat Shree Mahamandal” and other was a niece of poet Tagore, the poetess and nationalist leader, Sarojni Naidu.56 From this platform of All India Muslim Women’s Association, Shaikh Muhammad Abdullah sought to sensitize the cause of higher education for women57 and raised his voice against the Punjab and U.P. Tenancy Acts, which denied Muslim women, a share in agricultural property.58 The Association introduced the ideas of women’s autonomy and women’s formal education across geographic and sectarian boundaries and served as a forum of debate on issues such as the purdah, age of marriage, childcare, health, polygamy and others related women’s questions.59 Therefore it is necessary to follow the path of our elders who worked to bring the women of our society at par with the men. They did not work just to ameliorate their educational status but also played an important role to raise their economic as well as their social condition. We could imbibe the efforts of our elders and their efforts which had a direct implication on the education of Muslim women in the present scenario. The need of the situation is to follow the steps as showed by our elders in 19th and 20th century.

REFERENCES 1. The Aligarh Movement is defined by many scholars in different ways. According to Aziz Ahmad the total complex of Sir Syed’s religious social, educational and political ideas is called the Aligarh Movement after the name of the town where he founded the M.A.O. College. While Yusuf Hussain defines it as a movement for the intellectual and social upliftment of the Indian People, particularly Muslims through Western education; Paul Bras, Considers it as a movement of the Muslim aristocracy of the

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U.P. oriented towards maintaining their political predominance .For details see the following :

Aziz Ahmad and G.E. Von Grunebaum, Muslims Self-Statement in India

and Pakistan, 1857-1968, Wiesbaden: Ho Harrasssowitz, 1970; Yusuf

Hussain (ed.), Selected Documents from the Aligarh Archives, Preface,

Bombay: Asia Publishing House, 1967; R. Paul Brass, Language, Religion

and Politics in North India, New Delhi: Vikas, 1975.

2. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, a 19th century Muslim reformer, an eminent educationist and one of the architects of modern India, was a versatile genius and a prolific writer in diverse number of formats; historical essays, topographical charts, and theological treatises. His intellectual interest covered a wide range, embracing the subject of history, politics, journalism, literature, sciences and above all religion. 3. The present district of Aligarh (in the state of U.P.) is situated in the middle portion of the Doab, or the land between the Ganga and Yamuna rivers. The Aligarh district is confined between 27o29’ and 28o11’ latitude North and 77o22’ and 78o39’ longitude East. The principal town in the Aligarh district for the last many centuries has been its headquartering. The town of Aligarh is 126 kms south-east of Delhi and 75 kms North of Agra. See for details, Edwin T. Atkinson, Statistical Descriptions and Historical Accounts of North-Western Provinces of India, Allahabad, 1875, vol. II, Part I, p. 346. 4. Khan Bahadur (ed.), “Shaikh Abdullah”, Swaneh-i-Umari-i-Abdullah Begum (Autobiography of Abdullah Begum), 2nd ed. (Delhi, Kohinoor Press, Urdu Bazar, 1954), p. 16. Also see Mohammed Sirajuddin (ed.), Honourable Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan Bahadur ke Lecharon ka majmua (Lahore: Islamiya Press, 1890), pp. 178-181. 5. Abdul Qadir Badauni, Najat al-Rashid, ed. Syed Moinul Haque (Lahore, Intasharat-i-Pakistan, Punjab, 1972), pp. 30-31, 434-38, 100-101, 460. 6. Gulfishan Khan, ‘Shah Wali Allah Dihlawi: A Traditionist’s Perspective of Gender Relations”, Islamic Studies, Vol. 45, No. 4 [Winter 2006], pp. 559-578. 7. Cf. Stephen P. Blake, “Contributors to the Urban Landscape: Women Builders in Safavid Isfahan and Mughal Shahjahanabad;” Gregory C. Kozlowski, “Women and the Practice of Islam in Mughal India;” Michael H. Fisher, ‘Women and the Feminine in the Court and High Culture of Awadh, 1722-1856;” Richard B. Barnett, “Embattled Begums: Women as

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Power Brokers in Early Modern India,” and other essays in Gravin R.G. Hambly, ed. Women in the Medieval Islamic World (London, Macmillan, 1998) pp. 407-428, 469-488, 489-521, 521-536. 8. Geraldine Forbes, The New Cambridge History of India: Women in Modern India, CUP, New Delhi, 1996, p. 10, For further details on Women Reform Movement by Raja Rammohan Roy, See S.N. Mukherjee, ‘Raja Rammohan Roy and the Status of Women in Bengal in the Nineteenth Century’, “Women in India and Nepal, ed. Michael Allen and S.N. Mukherjee, Canberra, Australian National University, 1982, p. 165. 9. The Brahmo Samaj began with a group of Bengali Hindus who wanted to rethink their religious heritage. In 1815 Rammohan Roy assembled his friends for religious discussions and by 1828 they were meeting for weekly services and sermons as the Brahmo Sabha. Debendranath Tagore, author of the Brahma Covenant and a volume of scriptures and the designer of revised rituals, founded the Brahmo religion. When his followers wanted more dramatic action in the areas of caste equality, temperance, and equality for women, the Samaj split and then split again. By the 1870s it was considered a separate religion. 10. In Northern India, Dayananda Sarawasti (1824-83) launched a vigorous campaign against popular Hinduism including the Brahmin priesthood, rituals and pilgrimages and customary prohibitions on widow remarriage and female education. Holding the Vedas infallible, he established the first Arya Samaj (Noble Society) in Bombay in 1875. Within a few years, reformers in Delhi, Lahore, and other North Indian cities had set up independent Arya Samajis. 11. See for details Shan Muhammad, Education and Politics, from Sir Sayyid to the Present Day, New Delhi, 2002. 12. Farhat Hassan, Muslim: Quest for Identity, in Zubeidha Mustafa,The South Asian Century (1900-1999) Ed. Oxford University Press, Karachi, 2001. 13. Khan Bahadur (ed.), “Shaikh Muhammad Abdullah”, Swaneh-i-Umarii-Abdullah Begum (Autobiography of Abdullah Begum), 2nd ed. (Delhi, Kohinoor Press, Urdu Bazar, 1954), p. 16. Mohammad Sirajuddin ed. Sir Sayyid Ahmed Khan Bahadur Ke Lekcharon ka Majmua, Lahore, Islamiya Press, 1890, pp. 178-181. 14. AIG, 21 May, 1869. 15. Miss Mary Carpenter (1877-1907) was born in Ekstor in England was a social worker and educationist. She established a school in Bristol for poor children. She took part immensely to raise the standard of the orphan

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children. She also opened many schools for girls in Bristol and she visited India four times. She published her work in 1846, Our Convicts. Her work “The Last Days of Rammohan Roy” also published in 1866 and the other work “Six Months in India” got published in 1868. 16. AIG, 21 May, 1869. 17. Ibid. 18. Aligarh Institute Gazette (Hereafter AIG), 11 March 1870 also see Asghar Abbas, Safarnama, op.cit. 19. AIG, 1st April, 1870. 20. Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, Auronton ke huquq, idem “Hindustan mai Auratun ke halat,”Idem”Bewa Auratun ka nikah na karne mai kya fasad hai,” Idem” Bewa auratun ke nikah na karne ka natija,” Idem “Pardah”,in Maulana Ismail Panipati, ed. Maqalat-i-Sir Syed, Nayab rasail wa mazamin, urdu ka kalasikiadab, “majlis-i-taraqqi-i-adab, (Lahore 1962), Vol Vp. 198-99, 200-08, 186-87. 21. Majmua Lectures, op.cit. pp. 266-69. 22. Gulfishan Khan, “Shaikh Muhammad Abdullah: The Founder Speaks”, Aligarh Muslim University Gazette, vol.43/No. 12 (December 2006). Gail Minault, “Shaikh Abdullah, Begum Abdullah and Sharif Education for Girls at Aligarh, “in Imtiyaz Ahmed (ed.), Modernization and Social Change among Muslims in India(Delhi: Manohar, 1983), pp. 207-236. 23. Shaikh Muhammad Abdullah the visionary philanthropist, lawyer and educationist was a Kashmiri Brahmin, born as Thakur Das on June 21, 1874 at Poonch district of Jammu and Kashmir. His father was Mehta Gurmukh Singh. He received his early education at a Maktab in Poonch (Jammu and Kashmir State). He matriculated from Lahore in 1891 and later came to Aligarh to receive higher education. He acquired degree in LL.B and became the leading advocate of the Civil Court, also became the President of the Bar Association, of Aligarh.He remained there for his whole life worked for the betterment of the Muslim women and died in 1965. The Government of India had honoured him Padam Bibhushan in his recognition to his services for the cause of Muslim women in 1965. 24. Syed Amir Ali (1849-1928) was born at Chinsura and educated at Hoogly College and England. He practiced law at Calcutta and was elected as fellow of Calcutta University (1874). He founded Central Muhammadan Association (1876) and was its Secretary during 1876-1904. He served as Presidency Magistrate (1871-81) and was a member of the Imperial Legislative council (1883-85) and retired as the High Court Judge (1890-04).

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25. Badruddin Taiyabji Educated at Elphinston College, Bombay and London. He was called to the Bombay Legislative Council in 1882 and president of Indian National Congress in 1887. He founded Anjuman-i-Islam at Bombay. 26. Ibid., p. 16. 27. Shibli Nomani (1857-1914), born at Azamgarh and educated at Azamgarh, Ghazipur, Rampur and Lahore. He served as a Professor of Persian and Arabic at M.A.O. College 1882-1892 and Education Department at Hyderabad (1899-1904). He was a founder member of Nadwatul Ulema at Lucknow. 28. Ibid. p. 45. 29. Moulvi Zakaullah (1832-1910). Zakaullah of Delhi, son of Hafiz Sanaullah, was born in 1932, in a family noted for scholarship and piety. His ancestors brought into India the noble traditions of learning which savoured of Baghdad and Bukhara. In Delhi they enjoyed the priviledge of being royal tutors imparting sacred knowledge to the Mughal princes and that position passed on from father to son. Zakaullah got his early education from his grandfather, Maulana Baqaullah and enrolled him as a regular student of Delhi College and got chance to serve at Muir College Allahabad and remained there for 37 years. He came close to Sir Syed and worked for as his Lieutenant and collected funds for his Aligarh movement. 30. Nazir Ahmad Delhavi (183-1912). He was a younger contemporary of Sir Syed. Born into a family of Islamic scholars in Bijnaur district, he received his early education in Arabic and Persian from his father. Later he went to Delhi with his father and studied under Maulvi Abdul Khaliq. He also received higher education from Delhi College where he studied Arabic, Mathematics through the medium of Urdu. He served as a teacher in Punjab and later as Deputy Inspector of Schools at Allahabad. He also learnt English and later served to the Government of Nizam. He becomes a great Urdu novelist. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36.

Khan, Shaik Abdullah. op.cit. p. 46. David Lelyveld, Aligarh’s First Generation op.cit. pp. 250-1. Aligarh Institute Gazette, (hereafter, AIG) 1867, vol. II, No. 40. AIG, 1869, No. 45, Vol. IV See the Lahore session of All India Muslim Education Conference 1888. The Speech of Shaikh Khairuddin regarding the proposal of establishing girl’s school. For details see, Ibid.

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37. The Speech of Khalifai Immamuddin regarding the proposal of establishing girl’s school see. For details, Ibid 38. Sir Syed’s cross examination by Syed Mahmud in connection with the evidence taken before the members of Indian Education Commission 1882, NWPEC Report, p. 300. 39. Sir Syed’s cross examination, op.cit., p. 299. 40. ‘Speech of Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan at Gurudaspur 1884,’jawab address khatoon-e-punjab, Gurudaspur January 1884. For details see, Sayyid Iqbal Ali ed. Safarnama-e- Punjab. 41. Resolution No. 17 from the Third Annual Meeting of the Mohammadan Educational Conference, Lahore, 1888. 42. See the speech of Syed Amir Ali in the 1899 session All India Muslim Educational Conference. 43. See 16th Annual Mohammadan Educational Conference, Delhi, 1902. 44. See 16th Annual Meeting of the Mohammadan Educational Conference, See Shan Mohammad Ed. All India Educational Conference, A.M.U., Aligarh. 45. Khatun 3, 1 (Jan. 1906): pp. 12-14. Khatoon was an Urdu monthly, the Journal of the Women’s Educational Section of All India Muslim Educational Conference; it was edited by Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah from Aligarh. 46. See the Proceedings of All India Muslim Educational Conference, 1904. See Shan Mohammad, All India Muslim Educational Conference, op.cit. 47. Khatun, 2, 9 (Sept. 1905), pp. 441-50. 48. Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, Mushadat wa Taasurat “Observations and Experiences” (was a foreword by Mumtaz Jahan Haider) Jamal Printing Press Delhi, Aligarh, Female Educational Association, Aligarh, 1969), pp. 180-4. (Hereafter MWT). 49. See MWT, op.cit. pp. 227-31. 50. Khatun, 3, 10 (October 1906), pp. 481-3. 51. Khan Bahadur (ed.), “Shaikh Abdullah”, Swaneh-i-Umari-i-Abdullah Begum (Autobiography of Abdullah Begum), 2nd ed. (Delhi, Kohinoor Press, Urdu Bazar, 1954), p. 16. (Hereafter SAB). p. 90-1. 52. Holy Quran, (S. 13: 11) 53. Appeal Banam Musalmanan Hind, op.cit., p. 5-6. 54. Ibid. p. 6.

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55. Ibid., p. 6. 56. See Srobhan Lambert Hurley, Muslim Women Reform and Princely Patronage, Nawab Sultan Jahan Begum of Bhopal, London, Routledge, 2007. 57. See Tehzibun Niswan, dated 11-18 May, 1929. 58. Shaikh Muhammad Abdullah, “Wirasat niswan ka am rewaz suba Punjab mein” (Practice of Female Inheritance in the Punjab), Tahzibun Niswan, 8 June 1929, pp. 537-40. 59. Khan, Shaikh Muhammad Abdullah, op.cit., p. 46. qqq

14 Shi’i in India: A Minority within the Minority Sayyad Mohd. Afzal

INTRODUCTION The Sociological study of Islam as a religion is a very specific subject in India because Indian Muslims differ from the Arab Muslims.1 Indian Muslims divided into several sects, while Muslims are broadly divided into two sects, Sunnis and Shias. It is said that there are seventy three sects among the Muslims but in India there are predominantly divided into several religious groups like as Deobandis, Barelvis, Sufis, Ahmediya, Chishtiya, Shuravardiya, Qadiriya, Ahle-Hadith, Salafis, and Wahhabis in Sunni faith and in Shi’i faith, Twelver or Ithna-Ashari or Usuli Shia and Akhbari, Ismailis, Khoja and Dawoodi Bohras.2 In the present time a new religious group emerging in Indian Shi’i faith, which is known as Mallang or Ali da Mallang. The majority of the Shia Muslims in India belong to the Ithna-Ashari or Twelver while Khoja and Bohra Shia’s are found in minority (Hollister, 1953). This study is primarily concerned with the Ithna-Ashari or Twelver Shia community because 90% of the total Shia population is Ithna-Ashari in India. They are sizeable predominantly in Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Andhra Pradesh and Jammu and Kashmir (Hasnain and Husain, 1988).3 Twelwer Shia Muslims believe in the chain of Twelve Imams after the death of the last or seal of the Prophet Muhammad (Pbuh). The first Imam was Ali Ibn e Abu Talib and the last, Imam Mehdi (Pbuh) son of the eleventh Imam, Hasan al-Askari (Pbuh). They believe that Imam Mehdi living in ghaibat-e-sughra (short period of occultation) and ghaibat-e-kubra (long period of occultation) in the present time. The majority of the Muslims are Sunnis and shias are in minority. Majority and minority both agree that Allah sent 1,24,000 Prophets, for guidance of humankind, the first of them

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being Adam and the last being Muhammad (Pbuh). It was the Holy Prophet of Islam upon whom Allah chose to the reveal his final massage and completes the chain of Prophet Hood and messenger ship. The Qur’an says: “This day, I have perfected the religion (din) Islam for you; completed my proof upon you and I am (Allah) satisfied with Islam as a religion. After the death of the Prophet Muhammad a question rise in the Muslim Community (Ummah) in Arab. Who is the successor of Muhammad? The question is not only who is the successor of Muhammad but also the nature of the role of his successor.4 The succession to the Prophet Muhammad was the main question in Shia Islam and the principle factor separating, Shi’is minority from the Sunni majority. According to Shia Islamic Law the successor of Prophet of Islam must be one who not only rules over the Muslim Community in Justice but also is able to interpret the Divine Law and its (Baatin) esoteric meaning. Hence the successor of Prophet should be free from error and sin (Masum) and he should be chosen from by divine decree (nass) through the Prophet. On the word “Masum” (Infallible) is another philosophical debate in the Shia and Sunni Islam. The majority says that only Prophet Muhammad was a Masum in the Islamic world while minority says that fourteen members of the Prophet family were Masum including Prophet. The Arabs were a patriarchal society and the prophet had no surviving male child. On this issue Muslim are divided into two groups Shias and Sunnis. The majority, Sunnis claim that H. Abu Bakr should be the first Caliph or leader of the Muslim Community and minority, Shias claim that Ali is the rightful Caliph of the Prophet. Shias says that the central confirmation of Hazrat Ali’s authenticity as Successor to the Prophet Muhammad is the event at Ghadir e- Khum (Ghadir- e-Khum signifying a place where water stands) in 18thDhul-Hijja that day the Prophet returning the last Pilgrimage. When the Prophet announced Ali to the “General Guardianship” (Walayat-iammah) of the Islamic world and made Ali, like himself, their “Guardian” (Wali). Ali is to me what Aaron (Harun) was to Mooses (Musa). This episode reported in Shia and Sunni Hadith (Momen, 1985).5 The Shia Muslims believed that after the death of the Prophet Muhammad (Pbuh) the political authority (Walayati-ammah) and religious authority (marja’iyatiilmi) belonged to Ali, because Muhammad was a religio-political leader in Arab (Tabataba’i, 1975). For the Shia this was the declaration that Ali was to be the Prophet’s successor, not as a Prophet because Muhammad was the last or seal of the Prophet of God (KhatimulAnmbiya), but as his executive (Wasi or jaanasheen).While in the practices Hazrat Abu Bakr was elected the first Caliph of the Muslim community and Ali was the fourth. As per Shia believe the word “Imamate” which is differed from the “Caliphte” in that the imam

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had to be a descendant of the Prophet Muhammad and was usually considered to have supernatural qualities and abilities, such as infallibility and special (or supernatural) religious knowledge. According to the Shi’i fiqh, (fiqh- e Imam Jafar As-Sadiq) Imam had to be appointed by either the Prophet or the previous Imam in an unbroken chain of succession leading back to the Prophet.6 In the Sunnis, they also recognized the Imams but do not accord the same status as given by the Shias. Sunnis believes in Ijma-ul-Ummat (consensus of the jurists and scholars of the Islamic world) for solve the contemporary problems while Shia Muslims reject the idea of Ijma and Qiyas. Ijma and Qiyas are two different things. Qiyas is a method that Muslim jurist or Mufti use to derive a ruling for new situations that are not addressed in the Holy Quran and Hadith or Sunnah, like many new developments of our age and like the customs of people not encountered in Arabia during the time of the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH). By way of Qiyas, these issues can be referred back to those that are explicitly mentioned in the sacred texts. In the Shi’ite Islam Imam is the Spiritual head of the legitimate authority of the Muslim community. In the Sunnite Islam that Imamate or Caliphte is a question to be decided by the Muslim community by the procedure of Ijma or general consensus.7 Imam or Caliph is selected from in the general public; infallible is not required in Sunni Islam. In the Shia Muslims Imamate is the part of Usul-e-Din or pillar of the religion. In the Shia Muslims a new form of legitimate authority comes after the death of eleventh Imam, Hasan-al-Askari because Imam Hasan Al- Askari’s son Mehdi Twelfth Imam, has been gone in ghaibat e Sughra ( occultation for short period) after his father’ funeral ceremony or after Namaz e Janajha A new question arose between the Shia Muslims. What is the source of guidance for contemporary problems? Some says that in the absence of Twelfth Imam written Hadith or Akhbar or Traditions should be guidance for humans contemporary problems while another group says that in the absence of Twelfth Imam, Imam Mehdi a religious Authority Should be work as a naiyeb (representative) of Imam for solve contemporary social and religious problems. This is known as in the present time Maraja e Taqlid such as Late Ayatullah Imam Khomeini. Those people favoured Akhbar or written Tradition or Hadith known as Akhbari and those favored religious authority known as Usuli Shia or Twelwer Shia.8

RELIGIOUS CULTURE OF SHIA MUSLIMS IN INDIA Shia religion established as a state religion in 1501 when Safavid dynasty came in power in Persia. South Asian peoples adopted Imami, particularly Twelver, Shi’ism in huge numbers, mostly after the Safavid period of Persia in the first decade of the 16th century. Shi’ism was spread by later immigrants, including

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Persian origin Sufi-Sayyad, Alim, religious persons, nobles, merchants, became promoted Shia Islamic beliefs and some women’s of the elite families also promoted Shi’ite Islam in India such as Begum Noorjahan, Begum Amtuz Zauhra or Bahu Begum Sahiba, Begum Arjomand Banu later known as Mumtaz Mahal. In that time the IthnaAshariShi’i intellectuals practicing ‘taqiyya’ took the opportunity to obtain the positions under the Sultans of provincial dynasties.9 After some time Shi’i intellectuals developed friendship with the ‘Sufis’ and ‘Ulama’ who were respectful to Ali and Ahl-e Bayt (Rizvi, 1986: 158-89). Some Nawabs of Persian origin and some prominent Sufis of India spread Shi’ite Islam in Northern and Southern India. The impact of Persian immigrants was felt not only on converted Muslims but also on Hindus in India they participate in Muharram processions. The Iranians immigrants made an impact, not only on the Delhi Sultanate, but on North India as a Whole.10 Mir Muhammad Amin Nishapuri the first Nawab of Awadh began a dynasty that ruled for one hundred thirty six years. The first Nawab of Awadh Saadat Ali Khan, Burhan-ul-Mulk, derived from a family of Islamic judges in Khurasan Iran. Nishapuri family came to India in 1708, where he worked himself on the bureaucratic steps to emerge as a power broker in Delhi. Thus in the domain of culture the Shia minority gained prominence through several dynasties, especially the Awadh rulers of Lucknow. Till 18th century Lucknow has been the religious and cultural center of India of Shi’ism. Nawab Asafud Daula was the main person in India who perpetuated religious symbols in public sphere such as Ta’ziya, Tabut, Panje, Zulzanah as a part of Shia Islamic faith. Finally in India every year, during the first ten days of Muharram, the events leading up to Husain’s and his companions (Family members and Followers) death are commemorated and re-lived from day to with growing intensity.11 The first Muharram was calculated to have fallen on 16 July 622 (Rizvi, 1986). Men in Muharram processions, rhythmically beating their chests (matam) and even flagellating themselves, carrying replicas of Husain’s tomb (ta’ziya), his coffin (tabut), his standards and religious symbol (alam, panje), and his horse (duldul, zulzanah). During the Month of Muharram and Chehlum women’sof Shi’i Muslim wear mourning clothes and deny themselves all comforts. All women’s, including the newlywed remove their nose pin, bangles, jewellery and red or pink clothes because red and pink colorsare the symbol of happiness in our Indian society. Some women’s wear black, others grey, slate and green because blackish is the symbol of sadness on our traditional Indian society (Hasan, 1986). Majority of Shi’i Muslims, men and women have faqa (fast) of the day of Ashura till Ta’ziya buried in local Karbala. In the memory of the thirst the martyrs suffered, traditional cooling drinks (sharbat) are offered everywhere. All luxury comforts are set aside, because the family of the

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Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) was faced the critical problem in the first ten days of Muharram. They were thirst and hunger, sleep without bed and they were fighting in that situation. So Shia Muslim removed, Pallang or Charpoy (traditional bed in India particular in rural areas) and ‘Musnand’. Musnand is a word used for traditional mattress; they are sleep on date mat or simply sleep on a matted floor.12 Muharram culminates on the tenth day in a great funeral procession after which the replicas are buried in the local or regional ‘Karbala’in India. ‘Karbala’ is the name of a palace which is situated in Iraq; there Prophet Grandson and Shia third Imam Husain and their seventy two companions are martyred by the Umayyad Caliph Yazid bin Muawiya. While in India and abroad Karbala known as which palace there Ta’ziya buried. During the Muharram and Chehlum Shia Muslims gathered in a palace which is known as Imambargah or Imambara and they are mourning on martyrdoms of Karbala. This religious assembly called majlis. The Majlisis a mourning assembly for the chanting of elegiac and commemorative poetry in Urdu or Persian. The main function of Majlis is to serve the expression of grief over the Karbala tragedy. The main content of the Majlis is Soz, Salam, Marsiya, Hadith, Nauha, Matam and Ziyarat. Majlises (plu. of Majlis) are held universally. During the ten days of Muharram until the final special assembly following the funeral procession (Sham-e-ghareeban/evening of the poor’s) In addition, holding majlises serves as the means of keeping the concept of mourning alive throughout the year. In fact, the Majlis pervades Shi’a religious life in all spheres of society, private or public, formal or informal, high class or low, male or female, direct or media-transmitted.13 The first ten days of the month of Muharram known as the Ashra or Ashura on which Shia third Imam Husain’s death remembered by the male and female of the Shia community in India and abroad. In India some families makes their own Ta’ziya and some Ta’ziya makes by the Imambargah committee. These ta’ziya processions in India are demonstrative expressions of grief on Prophet Grandson Imam Husain’s death and martyred of Karbala. In the majlis and Ta’ziya processions Shia Muslims beating their chests, rhythmically ‘Ya-Husain’, ‘Ya-Husain’ it was a Sufi tradition in the beginning.14 In the present time in Indian society a controversial ideological discourse is emerging between the followers of Islam is that the mourning on martyred of Karbala is against the Islamic Law, that is bidat or haram, not acceptable in Islam.15 Bidat is a term in Islam it means that those work which is not practiced by the Prophet of Islam (PBUH) in his life time. While historically some eminent Sufis of the Suhrawardiyya and Chishtiyya order in India they were also Sunnis and believed in the historical sequence of the successor (Calipht-e-

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Rashida) which was came practiced after the death of the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) but they were also devoted to the Ahl-i-Bayt and the Twelve Imams. In India Shaykh Hazrat Nizamud’Din Awliya was also devoted to the family of the Prophet, they believe in the “Tathir” verse in the same manner as the Shi’i did (Rizvi, 1986: 153). The ‘tathir’ verse is- “Innamauridullahu li yuzhiba un kumur,rijs’aahlelbayt-e wayutahirrekumtathira.” Shia Muslim said that mourning on SayyadusShuhadaorShuhada e Karbala is an Islamic duty. Shias said that all Islamic law divided into two parts one is Usul e deen, roots of religious duties or the fundamental duties of Islam and second is Furu e deen, branches of religious duties. So Shia Muslims said that mourning on martyred of Karbala is a religious duty which under the furu e deen (Tawallaand Tabarra). In the Shiite Islam Imamate is the part of Usul e deen. Another argument given by the Shia Muslims is “Qul la asalokumalyhiajranillalmuvadataphilqurba” Quranic Verse. Urdu meaning of this verse, “EyMaireHabibinsekeh do kemai koi ajar- e-risalatnahichahitasivaeskeke tum maireqarabatdaron se mavaddatkaro.” As per Shia Islamic beliefs that is a religious duty not against the religious law. The pattern of Muharram procession of India is different from the pattern of Iranian and Iraqi Muharram procession because it was a purely Sufi idea in India. While aims of the Muharram celebration is same in all over the world. The majority of the Muslims said that the 10th day of Muharram Ashuraas an worship day, in this day every Muslims should have the fast like theRamazaan but the minority said that the day of Ashura is not only the worship day but also the day of mourning because the whole family of the Prophet even six months infants martyred by the Umayyad Yazid Ibn-eMuawiya in 61 A.H. of the Islamic calendar, 10th October 680A.D.

A MINORITY WITHIN THE MINORITY The chief objective of the study is that how Shia Muslims feel as a further minority within the minority? In India Shias are often described themselves others, as being a Muslim minority. The total population of the Muslims in India is 17.22 crores as per 2011 census report. Islam is a minority religion with only 14.2% of population of the India classifying them as Muslim.16 In India Muslims constitute a religious minority but Shias constitute a minority within the minority in India. Shia Muslims approximately 10-15% populations of the Indian Muslims. The percentage of literacy is lowest in Muslim community; Christian’s community has 74.3% literacy, Buddhists 71.8%, Sikhs 67.5%, Hindus 63.6%, and Muslims 57.3 % (TIE 1 Sept. 2016: 11).Rajinder Sachar reports also suggest that the condition of the Indian Muslims is very poor in the

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comparison of Schedule Caste. Another study conducted by Nadeem Husain and Sheikh Abrar Husain on Indian Shia Muslims, the title of this study is ‘Shias and Shia Islam in India: A Study in Society and Culture’ this study indicate that small section were belong to the feudal elite such as taluqdars, jagirdars, Nawabs before the Zamindari abolition in Northern states of Uttar Pradesh and Bihar but the whole Shia community are economically and politically backward. In the rural India they are small peasant and agricultural labour. In the urban society most of them are government employees, teachers, artisans, petty shopkeepers, rickshaw pullers, plumbers, painters and daily wages labour in government and private unorganized sector. Husain said that despite the economic backwardness, literacy rate of the Shia community is high. Some economic voluntary organizations (anjuman based activity) that’s doing work for empowerment of Shia community in India.17

CULTURE AND SOCIETY Muslims are not a homogeneous community in India, like the other religious communities they are also divided in different school of thought. Shias are the minority within the minority in India. Historically the culture of Shia Muslims in India has deep rooted influence from North to South with different Shia Dynasties ruling Indian provinces from time to time. The Nawabs of Oudh played a most important role in the development of Shiite Islam in India. Thus immigrant Persian peoples or Nawabs impact on Indian architecture, language, dress pattern, food pattern, religion and religious symbols, art, and law. The first Nawabs of the Oudh dynasty were Saadat Ali Khan is known as Burhan ul Mulk, a Governor of Mughal empire.

Marriage is a vital need for every human society. In India different forms of marriage found in different religious groups. In the Shia Muslims practices of marriage is different from the other Muslims. Usually Shia do the marriage in particular own community. They do not marry in the lower social strata of the society because they call themselves Sayyed. They trace their genealogy from Prophet and their daughter Fatima (PBUH) via Ali. Generally Shia preferred cross cousin marriages. The percentage of divorce women in Shia Muslims is low in the comparison of Sunni Muslims because they do not believe in ‘Triple Talaq’ and Halala. In the Shia Muslim Talaq is a process and which do not apply by a husband in the alone situation, without a religious preacher and some people from the male side and some from the women side talaq is not possible. Talaq is the same procedure like the Nikah in the Shi’ite Islam.

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CONCLUSION One of the cardinal pillars of Islam is the oneness of God. Religious identity, more so in the modern world, has been used as analytical tool of the process of ‘othering’. Concept of othering can be used for understanding cultural processes of identity formation among Muslims in India in everyday life. Muharram procession, an integral part of Shia faith, has been used to understand the influence of Immigrants Persian people and their material and non-material culture on Indian Shia Islam. In India, Shia is a minority sect of Islam. Being a minority, some of the cultural practices of Shia minority are considered as aberration because these cultural practices were not practiced by the Prophet of Islam (PBUH) and their Companions in his lifetime. These cultural practices are not found in Arabia and many other Muslim countries but these are an integral part of Islam as practiced in India which is inspired by the Sufi thought. During Muharram procession Alam, Panja, Tabut, Ta’ziya, Duldul or Zulzinah, Soz, Salam, Marsiya are purely Sufi ideas. Through this process Sufi wants to pay his tribute to the martyrs of Karbala and Ahl-e-Baiyt. When, these cultural practices of the minority Shia community are denied by the majority Sunni, then minority feel themselves as ‘others’. Sunni majority community says that these cultural practices are un-Islamic or shirk and bidat. The idea of Otherness is central to sociological analysis of how majority and minorities’ identities are socially constructed. Between Shia and Sunni, the two largest sects within Islam, great hostility is found in everywhere. These hostilities are visible in the religious and cultural practices of Shia and Sunni which has put these two communities as constituting “we” and “they.”

REFERENCES 1. Ghaus Ansari, Muslim Castes in Uttar Pradesh (Lucknow, The Ethnographic and Folk Culture Society 1960). 2. John Norman Hollister, The Shia of India (New Delhi, Oriental Books Corporation 1979), p.1-3. 3. Nadeem Hasnain and Sheikh Abrar Husain, (New Delhi, Harman Publication 1988), especially for state wise data on Shia Muslims in India 4. Allama Sayyed Mohammad Husain Tabatabai, Shi’ite Islam (New York Press, 1975) defined the causes of separation of minority from majority and also discussed about the quality of divinely appointed of the Prophet and the successor of the Prophet. 5. Moojan Moomen, An Introduction to Shi’i Islam: The History and Doctrines of Twelwer Shi’ism (Oxford University Press, 1985) define

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some Hadith which is acceptable in Shia and Sunni Muslims on Ghadeer e Khum episode. 6. Juan R. I. Cole, Roots of North Indian Shi’ism in Iran and Iraq: Religion and the State in Awadh, 1722-1859 (Berkeley: California, 1988). 7. John Norman Hollister, The Shia of India (New Delhi, Oriental Books Corporation 1979) 8. Juan R. I. Cole, Roots of North Indian Shi’ism in Iran and Iraq: Religion and the State in Awadh, 1722-1859 (Berkeley: California, 1988). 9. Juan R. I. Cole, Roots of North Indian Shi’ism in Iran and Iraq: Religion and State in Awadh, 1722-1859 (Berkeley: California, 1988). 10. See Mushirul Hasan, Traditional Meaning and Contested Meanings: Sectarian Strife in Colonial Lucknow (Economic and Political Weekly. 1996 p. 543-550. See also David Penult 1999; Peter Chelkowski 1985 11. Juan R. I. Cole, Roots of North Indian Shi’ism in Iran and Iraq: Religion and State in Awadh, 1722-1859 (Berkeley: California, 1988). 12. See Mushirul Hasan, Traditional Rites and Contested Meanings: Sectarian Strife in Colonial Lucknow (Economic and Political Weekly. 1996 p. 543550. See also David Penult 1999; Peter Chelkowski 1985. 13. Regula Burckhardt Quershi, Islamic Music in an Indian Environment: The Shi’a Majlis1981, Richard K. Wolf 2000. 14. See S. A. A. Rizvi 1986. 15. Sayyad Mohammad Afzal, unpublished M.Phil. Dissertation, department of Sociology, C. C. S. University Meerut (2011). 16. Census of India: 2011. Government of India. 17. See Nadeem Hasnain and Sheikh Abrar Husain, (1988), See also, Juan R. I. Cole (1989). qqq

15 Pan-Islamism and Khilafat Movement: Understanding Muslim Minds in Colonial Perspectives Hassan Imam

INTRODUCTION The emergence of Pan-Islamic and Khilafat movement can be traced back from the last quarter of the 19th century; it constitutes an important landmark in the history of Islam. These movements were more political than Islamic in a sense that the purpose of the movement was political unity among the Muslim world. The genesis of the movement according to Sheikh Mihrideen Uroussi was the decline of the Muslim world. He suggested steps were to be taken for its restoration. According to him ‘Men(Muslim) groaning with hunger, men dressed in coarse rags; mosques in ruins, tumble-down imarets where the cauldron boils no longer, schools with neither teachers nor scholars; villages and hamlets like ruins inhabited only by the screech-owl’.1 He has stated about the worst condition of the Muslim world. According to him Bokhara, India, Persia, Java, China, Egypt, Sudan, Morocco etc., that everywhere except in the Ottoman Empire, the country of the Khalif who sits on the prayer-carpet of the prophet, is the head of the Muslim crushed to the earth, crushed beneath the enemy’s yoke. The enemies have taken their countries from them and made them strange in their own lands.2 To improve the political condition of the Muslims all over the world, he suggested the formation of Muslims confederation world-wide under the banner of Islam. The ideology behind Pan-Islamic movement was to propagate the philosophy of universal fraternity

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among Muslims as a cohesive force to achieve the socio-religious, political and economic advancement of the Muslims as an international community. Its ideals emanated from ‘Islamic Union’ preached by Islam. Sheikh Mihrideen Uroussi while addressing the brothers in the faith has argued that ‘Islam is one nation. All Moslems being brothers, they all make up one nation, which is called the ‘Moslem nation’ or the ‘nation of Islam.’ Every Moslem is of this nation, to whatever race he belongs-whether he is Arab, Turk, Persian, Afghan, Negro, Indian, Javanese, Albanian, Kurd, Circassian, Georgian, Lezki, or Chichen, are one. Those who consider them as separate and different from each other are sowers of discard.3 It was the religious sentiment for Islamic brotherhood prompted the Muslims of India to participate in the Pan-Islamic Movement which was organized by Jamaluddin-al-Afghani (1839-97) who sought unity among Muslims to resist colonial occupation of Muslim lands.4 The main objectives behind this movement was the union of all Islamic states under a single Caliphate, and a strong Muslim political set-up poised to liberate all Muslims from colonial domination and Western culture, and to resist the western economic intervention and exploitation.5 In fact, a large section of Muslim intelligentsia was very much conscious of fraternal links with their coreligionist to other countries. They were looking back to their own Islamic past as a source of inspiration. To achieve the past glories of Muslims (Islam) many revivalist movements attained prominence during 18th century to re-state and stress the ideal of Muslims led by Muhammad ibn Abd al Wahhab (1703-92) in Arabia and Syed Ahmed Barelvi (1786-1831) in India.6 The Nayak, Calcutta, had pointed out some other reasons for the rise of Pan Islamic movement. According to the paper, the Maulvis and Maulanas, after the end of Mughals in 1857, gave a fatwa in favour of Khutba to read the name of Sultan of Turkey.7 Since then, Indian Muslims considered the Sultan of Turkey as the custodian and defender of the Holy Shrines of Islam in the Jazirat-ul-Arab. These centers of Muslim pilgrimage became the symbols of Islam and also the rallying centers of Muslim solidarity and intellectual harmony of the Muslims all over the world. Their defense became an article of faith for Muslims emotional life.8 The Sultan of Turkey was the Amir-alMuminin (commander of the faithful) and a protector of the Holy places and a spiritual and temporal head of the Muslims of the world. “If the Muhammadans of the world were compared to the human body,” wrote the Akbar-i-Am, the Sultan would be the heart and brain.”9 Qeyamuddin Ahmad has traced the Indo-Turkish political relations from the early years of the British expansion in this country. He has tried to establish India’s relation with Turkey from the time of Tipu Sultan; a dynamic and

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ambitious ruler had explored not only French alliance but had also sought the help of Turkey to oust the British from India. He even sent an embassy to Constantinople in 1785 with owned objective of securing the Ottoman military help against the British but he failed in his plan as the Porte was on good terms with the British.10 By the end of the 18th century Turkey became “the sick man” of Europe and was not only losing her territory but its power and prestige too, over on wane. But in order to counter the Russian attempt to control over Black See and the Straits which would have jeopardize the British imperial interest in the East. The British pursued a policy of maintaining the existence of tottering Turkish Empire in the 19th century intact; they appeared in defense of the Turkey Sultan and the Ottoman Caliphate.11 During the Russo-Turkey war of 1877-78, the Muslims support for Turkey continued in India. In Dacca meetings were held in March, 1877 and some money was collected in subscription to help Turkey in grave situation.12 Prayers were offered in India for the success of Turkey in the war and subscriptions were raised for Turkey.13 The press, specially the Muslim press showed strong sentiments in favour of Turkey and was looking for the discomfiture of Russia in the war. Such homogeneity and solid sympathy was never noticed in the vernacular press in earlier times.14

INDIAN RESPONSE TO PAN-ISLAMIC MOVEMENT The ideology behind Pan-Islamism was to safeguard Muslim rights and the realization of their dream of complete independence on the principle of nationality. They were, at the same time, ready at every opportunity to lend their effective influence to the Ottoman Empire, of which they wish to safeguard its existence and maintain the prestige.15 The ideal of universal religious leadership of the Muslims were based on the emotional and spiritual sentiment for building enduring structure of progress and prosperity. It was Abdul Hamid-II, who succeeded to the Ottoman Caliphate in 1876, attempted to usher in a new phase in the history of the Pan-Islamic Movement. It had a deep impact on Indian Muslim minds which was vigorously pursued with emotional ties during the span of the Caliphate Sultan Abdul Hamid. He even sent his missionaries to the different parts of the world, to propagate the ideal of Pan-Islamization.16 But it was Jamaluddin-al-Afgani, as an apostle of Modern Pan-Islamism, who sowed the seed of political and intellectual awakening in the most of the Muslim lands, for example, the Ottoman Empire, Persia, Afghanistan, India and Russia.17 He was widely believed to be the innovator and the architect of Pan-Islamism, i.e. the person who thought that it would be only by the restoration of unity among the Muslim communities that the

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European colonial aggression and expansion might be effectively checked, and the lost territory might be regained ultimately.18 Two Persian newspapers, the Akhbar of Constantinople and the Ghairat of London, as well as the Waqt a Turkish newspaper advocated the cause of an Islamic Union. The ‘Waqt’ was advocating the necessary for the Indian Muslims to support the Khilafat issue.19 In India, Bombay became the centre of Pan-Islamic activities and Hussian effendi, a Turkish Consul-General played a key role and a channel of communication between India and Turkey.20 A society called Anjuman-iIslamia was established at Bombay in September 1880. Its branches spread over to Calcutta, Delhi, Banaras, Hyderabad and Jabalpur to conduct an extensive correspondence with these cities.21 After the suppression of the Al-Akhtar, Nusrat Ali Khan, an Indian at Constantinople started the Paike-Islam an Urdu newspaper, to foster Pan-Islamic feelings in India.22 The Ulama of Nadvat-ul-Ulama 23 held a meeting at Kanpur to propagate the idea of the Pan-Islamism for the first time in India. It was a society which met at Kanpur in 1894 and subsequently at Lucknow in 1895 and proposed to meet at Bareilly in 1896. The purpose of this meeting was the ‘Unification of Islam’ that was a political union of the Muslims.24 At the meeting of the Nadvat-ulUlama held at Kanpur on 8-9 March, 1898, the supremacy of the Sultan Abdul Hamid, the Khalifa and a true head of the Muslim international solidarity was acknowledged and allegiance of the Indian Muslims to him was resolutely defended and reassured.25 To awaken Indian Muslims, the Habl-ul-Matin of Calcutta, April 27, 1898, published a poem from Liverpool containing the words: ‘Awake, Musulmans, awake. How long will remain asleep while the British Lion and the Russian Bear rapidly making encroachments on Turkey, Persia and Afghanistan.’26 The Macedonian crisis of 1903 offered another evidence of the rise of the PanIslamic Movement in India.27 It was the last Province remaining under Turkey. The Turko-Egyptian dispute of 1907 was another remarkable manifestation of Pan-Islamic sentiment. The Indian Muslims were extremely perturbed at this depicture. A number of mass meetings were held all over the country to protest against the unhappy events.28

RISE OF YOUNG TURKS AND INDIAN PRESS At a time when Abdul Hamid-II was commanding the allegiance of the Muslim world, his own position at home was precarious. A reforming party of ‘Young Turks’ were grown up in the Ottoman Empire. They were mostly educated in the West and influenced by the European institutions and customs and

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therefore they echoed for democratic Movement in different parts of the world which were heard equally in Turkey as well.29 In July 1908, the Young Turks succeeded in pulling off a bloodless revolution in Turkey and forced the Sultan to restore the constitution.30 The Indian Muslims were greatly influenced with the ‘Young Turks’ revolution and they welcomed the change in Turkey. Indian newspaper, the Musalman observed, that ‘the transformation of the Turkish Empire into a constitutional Monarchy is emblematic of the fact that the Orient has awakened and the Muslim is no longer in sleep and the ‘Sick Man’ is convalescent. It is a matter that will inspire a new spirit in the Mussalmans of India.’31 In 1911, Italy forcibly captured Tripoli, a Turkish territory after declaring war on her, which produced a serious impact on Indian Muslims due to the heavy loss of men and money, both, in the war. It was in response of TurkoItalian war, a meeting of Muslims were held at Calcutta to protest against the inquisitive outrage done by Italy in Tripoli and to express their heartfelt sympathy with Ottoman Empire.32 Besides, a committee “Aid to Ottoman Red crescent Society” was formed in India for the collection of funds to help the Turkish war victims.33 On October 7, 1911 a special meeting of the council of All India Muslim League was called for to discuss Italy’s unjustifiable and high handed action on Tripoli and to express its deep feelings of sympathy towards Turkey. The All India Muslim League passed a resolution to boycott the all kinds of Italian goods.34 In response to the appeal of the All India Muslim League, meetings were organized at various Muslims centres in India for the success of resolution passed to boycott all kinds of Italian goods.35 The Indian Muslim Press was focusing its attention on Turko-Italian war and characterized Italy’s action as “fulfilment of shameless expansionist design at the expense of a week nation.”36 Muhammad Ali of the Comrade, Abul Klam Azad of the Al-Hilal and Zafar Ali of the Zamindar exhorted the Muslims on their religious obligations and dwelt upon the concept Islamic brotherhood. Muhammad Ali spoke at a gathering of the Jama-Masjid, Delhi that “The defeat of Turkey is the defeat of Islam and what Islam expected from them was untied action against British.”37 To help their Co-Religionists in Turkey who were suffering from financial bankruptcy due to the war, funds were raised all over India and for that purpose the branches of “Red Crescent society” were opened up even in interior of the country. The Turko-Italian war had created a great dissatisfaction among the Indian Muslim, especially against Great Britain for allowing Italy to extend her operations beyond Tripoli which was in violation of the assurance given by the Italian Government at the commencement of the war that they would

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not go beyond Africa. But they did it. The Muslims were not in favour of any kind of peace terms which would adversely affect the position of Khalifa and his sovereignty over Tripoli.38 It was decided that an appeal was to be sent from Germany to India and the same appeal was reprinted in a Persian paper published in Kabul in which the Muslims of Germany had appealed to the world that Italy has violently turned rebellious and waged war against the protector of the Holy shrines (Mecca and Medina) the Ottoman power in Tripoli, a province of Africa.39 The appeal was as follows: “It is quite obligatory on every Mussalman, Man and Woman, who believes in God and the last day, to sacrifice his life and property to assist his brethren in repelling over enemy (Italy) who has forcibly rushed into the territories of Musssalman (Tripoli).”40 In view of Italian atrocities against Tripoli, an extra-ordinary meeting of the Moyadul Islam, Firangi Mahal was organized under the leadership of Maulana Abdul Bari on December 24, 1912, where it was decided that the leading Ulama and citizens of Lucknow most respectfully submit to the power’s note to Porte regarding injustice and cruelty of Italy. It was further decided to inform British Government, the feeling of utmost anger and disgust created among Indian Muslims and we appeal to the British cabinet to refrain from joining the powers in putting cowardly pressure on Turks. In the interest of British Empire we appeal to Britain not to lose irretrievably the good will of Indian Muslims, for its great asset and its loss will entail serious consequence.41 In Bihar, the Muslims of Patna met on November 10, 1912, in the compound opposite to Patna College to express their sympathy with the Turks and to raises subscriptions to help the Turks wounded in war. Shah Syed Habibul Haq of Patna city was the president and Syed Fakhruddin was elected as a Treasurer. The eminent Muslims present in the meeting were Sarfraz Hussain Khan, Wazir Ahmad, Mazharul Haque, Maulvi Faqir of Allahabad and others. At the meeting Mazharul Haque advised the gathering to help their co-religionists by donating liberal subscriptions according to their means and expressed his sympathy with the Turks and their families.42 In the meeting he further defined the term Jehad and characterized its three kinds i.e., Jehad-e-Jan (Volunteer one’s own self for the war) Jehad-e-Zaban (to express sympathy with the wounded and their families and to denounce the oppressive attitude of the enemy) and Jehad-e-Mal (to give monetary aid to the wounded and their families).43At the meeting Rs.1000, was collected and the Lieutenant-Governor also sent a sum of Rs. 400, as his donation towards the Red Crescent Society Funds.44 The Musalman expressed its satisfaction over the collection of funds towards the Red Crescent Society.45 With the

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formation of the ‘Indian Red Crescent Society’, the Pan-Islamic movement took a new turn in India. The first mission of the Indian Red Crescent Society visited Turkey at the time of fall of Kamal Pasha Cabinet and stayed there till the Unionists occasion to power. Every member of the Mission was warmly welcomed by the Unionists.46 The second Mission of the Indian Red Crescent Society proceeded to Constantinople in December 1912, under the renowned Pan-Islamist of Delhi; Dr. M.A. Ansari who carried the message with deep sympathy and good-will to the Muslims of Turkey from their co-religionists of India.47 Ali Brothers, Abul Kalam Azad, Mazharul Haque and the Medical Mission of Dr. M.A. Ansari were declared Turkish emissaries in India.48 To protect the holy shrines of Islam at Mecca and Medina from the nonMuslim aggression, a religious society known as Anjuman-i-Khuddam-iKaaba (the society of the servants of the Kaaba) was established in May 1913, with the objective of protecting Mecca and other Holy Shrines of Islam.49 The intention to establish the ‘Anjuman’ was for the first time publicly announced by Shaukat Ali at Amritsar on March 31, 1913. He declared it to be the duty of all Muslims to untie for the purpose of protecting the Holy places of Islam from non-Muslim aggression and sacrilege.50 It appears that his objectives of Anjuman were firstly propounded in Lucknow on May 6, 1913 at the residence of Maulana Abdul Bari, where Mushir Hussain Kidwai, Muhammad Ali, Shaukat Ali and other prominent leaders were present.51 An outline of the plan of the society was sent to Abul Kalam Azad, editor of the Al-Hilal, Calcutta for its publication in his newspaper but it was then not published.52 It seems that Azad was busy in some other secret plan which could not mature and fructify but on a reminder of Mushir Hussain, the scheme was published in the issue of April 23, 1913.53 The constitution of the Anjuman was finally prepared at the beginning of 1914, and the rules related to Anjuman were published.54 The leading Muslims in the society were very much conscious of the difficulty in presenting the ‘Anjuman’ as a purely religious body.55

ASSOCIATION OF INDIANS WITH TURKEY Maulana Abul Kalam Azad visited Iraq, Egypt, and Turkey in 1908 where he came into close contact with many Iranians and the Turks who were fighting for constitutional monarchy. They were young Turks and the movement started by them was known as the Young Turks Movement which had influenced Azad deeply. On his return from Turkey, he started the Al-Hilal which became a major concern for the British Government.56 It was at this moment Azad came into close association with Mazharul Haque. The latter in the course of his preoccupations with the Kanpur Mosque case came into close contact

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with several staunch Pan-Islamist of the day like Zafar Ali, the editor of the Zamindar, Muhammad Ali the editor of the Comrade, Shaukat Ali of the Anjuman-e-Khuddam-i-Kabba and its president Abdul Bari of Firangi Mahal, Lucknow, Hasan Nizami the editor of the Tauhid and Azad Subhani leader of the Kanpur Mosque agitation in the Kanpur Mosque case.57 A Turkish delegation visited India on behalf of the Red Crescent Society to pay thanks to Indian Muslims for their deep sympathy with the Turks and for their subscriptions to the Red Crescent Society.58 On February 23, 1914, a meeting of the Anjuman-e-Islamia was held at Patna. Mazharul Haque accompanied by the Turkish delegates namely Taufiq Pasha, a member of Turkish Parliament, Idnan Bey, Secretary of the Turkish Red Crescent Society and Dr. Emmel Kamal a member of the Red Crescent Society attended the meeting. Emerging leaders like Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, Azad Subhani of Kanpur and Khwaja Hasan Nizami of Meerut and other Muslims were present at the meeting.59 In the meeting Mazharul Haque introduced the Turkish delegates to the audience thereafter Idnan Bey delivered a speech in Turkish which was translated by Taufiq Pasha into Persian. His India visit was in no way a political but he had come to India to give thanks to Indian Muslims for their deep sympathies to the cause of the Turks and for Indian Medical Mission.60 Haque addressing the delegates replied with stress that the Indian Muslims had done nothing commensurate with the sacrifices to the cause of protecting the honour of Islam which the Turks had ungrudging made.61 Haque had stated the Turkish Mission to convey the message of Indian Muslims to the Sultan of Turkey and his countrymen that the Indian Muslims were ready to sacrifice, if necessary, their lives and property to uphold the prestige of Islam.62 On April 18, 1914, Mazharul Haque along with Muhammad Ali Jinnah, Bhupendra Nath Basu, N.M. Samarth, Sachchidanand Sinha, B.N. Sharma and Lala Lajpat Rai sailed for England as delegates of Indian National Congress to make representation on the subject of Secretary of State’s Council and were received by Lord Crewe, the Secretary of State for India on May 11, 1914 at India Office, London.63 On conclusion of official business and negotiation Haque left for India enrooted to Constantinople. On his arrival to Constantinople, he was warmly welcomed by the “Young Turks Party” and the organizers of the Red Crescent Society.64 He received a cordial reception from Turkish Officials and was granted an interview with the Sultan during his stay in Turkey.65 His comforts and hospitality was attended by Taufiq Bey who was appointed by the Government of Turkey to look after him.66 The Ikdam of Constantinople published an interview of Mazharul Haque on June 23, 1914

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regarding their representation on behalf of the Indian National Congress to the Congress to Lord Crewe, the Secretary of State for India, which is as follows: “There is always a misunderstanding between the people and the Government of India. After deep and imperial study it has been found that the only cause for misunderstanding is the lack of intercourse between Indians and Englishmen in India. It was necessary to find a remedy for this misunderstanding. The Secretary of State for India has a council in London. Members of this council should be chosen for their ability. We therefore request that they should be elected by the votes of the people. Out of the twelve members of the council only two are Indian. They are not elected by Indians but are merely nominated by the Secretary of State.”67 His Majesty’s Ambassador at Constantinople wrote that Haque’s arrival in June was closely associated with the trilingual paper Jehan-i-Islam 68 which also published an interview of Mazharul Haque on June 27, 1914 in French69 where he claimed a considerable appreciation for the “Young Turks Party.”70 As it was to be expected, the paper Jehan-i-Islam was declared a seditious publication and the association of Mazharul Haque with the said paper made him a great suspect for the Government.71 Sir Louis Mallet, a British official posed at Constantinople knew about Haque’s visit there from the local newspaper La Turqui and this information he passed it to the Secretary, Sir E. Grey that Haque is closely connected with the founders of the Pan-Islamic Movement and the trilingual paper Jehani-Islam.72 A letter, seeking information regarding the identity of Haque and his connections with the newspaper Jehan-i-Islam, was issued from Eyre. A. Crowe from the Foreign Office.73 The Indian Government was asked to furnish details about Mazharul Haque and his association with the seditious paper Jehan-i-Islam. The entry of this paper into India was prohibited under the Sea Customs Act.74 Mazharul Haque on being asked about his connection with the paper Jehan-i-Islam, he declared that he had no connection with the paper Jehan-iIslam but admitted that, one of the editors of this paper whom he called Lofar came to see him at Constantinople.75 On his return to India the paper was continued to be mailed to him but subsequently its entry was banned under the Sea Customs Act, passed on August 22, 1914, because it’s containing objectionable matter, for example:76

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“The murdered king of Greece sent for some copied of the Koran of the Mosque of Salonica, had them scattered on the ground and trampled on by horses. He is out done by his son Constantine who converted Mosque into latrines, Brothels and shops for the sale of port.”77 As the World War-I had, by then, broken out and Mazharul Haque had not been in India and therefore the Government was keen to know about his whereabouts. Mazharul Haque returned back to Bankipur (Patna) on July 11, 1914, from his European tour.78 On July 21, 1914 a meeting of the local Muslims of Patna was held under the Presidentship of Sarfraz Hussain Khan where the coronation of the new Shah of Persia was acclaimed with enthusiasm. Brief speeches were made on the life of the new Shah. Mazharul Haque and others were participants at the function.79 Mazharul Haque was invited by the local Muslims of Patna city to deliver his speech on Constantinople and Turkish people at the Muhamdi Jama Masjid as report by a sub-inspector at Khajkellan.80 On the question of Turkey’s involvement in war that the Muslims of Patna were excited to make deliberation as what was to be done. A meeting, in this connection, was organized at the house of Mazharul Haque and after long deliberations; it was decided to make a representation to the Porte to maintain neutrality in this war.81 The Al-Hilal of Calcutta, a pro-German in its orientation published some highly objectionable articles.82 As we see from the letter of Sir Reginod Craddock to Hardinge on August 20, 1914 that: “…the editor of the ‘Al-Hilal’ should be dropped upon. He is very truculent and dangerous. The strong action taken by Sir Michael O’ Dyer against the Zamindar has resulted in its attitude at the present moment being unexceptionable. Its editor may or may not be sincere, but at all events, the paper does not mischief. Strong action against these fire brands has a most encouraging effect on loyal Mahommedans who are after all they all were from the largest class in the country.”83 The Secret Political Department reporting on his speech observed that, it “clearly showed that his loyalty only stood so long as Pan-Islamic interests were not affected.”84 He wanted that the Muslims should remain loyal to the English Government only as long as there Pan-Islamic sentiments are not injured by the government. The daily Hindi Supplement to the Beharee, September 9, 1914, remarks that “Mazharul Haq in course of a speech on the

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present war delivered at a recent meeting to the effect that they were neither pleased nor enthusiastic and indifferent to the consequences of the war.”85 The Beharee further points out that there were two sections among the Muslims one who acknowledge them as Indian nationalist while others called themselves as a member of Pan-Islamic Movement.86 The Pro-Turkish feelings among the Indian Muslims during the Tripolian and Balkan wars had obviously religious and Pan-Islamic in orientation. However, the younger generation of western educated Muslims stood in opposition to the Aligarh School of thought popularly known as “Aligarh Movement.” Sir Syed Ahmad Khan had been preaching loyalty to the British rulers of India even if they were compelled to pursue an unfriendly policy towards Turkey. Syed Mehdi Ali (Mohsin-ul-Mulk) proclaimed in 1906, that Turkey’s Sultan was not to be considered Khalif of the Indian Muslims. While the young generation stood wholeheartedly against the British and they joined the Indian National Movement led by the Congress.87 Since Russia was considered the traditional enemy of the Muslims, now its alliance with Britain aroused the suspicion of the Indians about its intention, while Germany had sympathetic response from the Indian Muslims since its pretensions of the Indian Muslims was the advancement and success of Turkey in the World War-I. Turkey joined the war in November 1914. Many Pan-Islamists believed that Turkey would seize the opportunity afforded by the involvement of the great powers in the World War-I.88 The Behar Herald commenting on Indians participation in the World War-I entitled “India and the war” on September 5, 1914 and wrote thus: “The desire to vindicate the righteous and just cause that the rulers of our country, have taken up, and have been working with us like one mighty impelling force. We feel that each one of us has got a duty to perform the integrity and greatness of our good Government intact and that the glory of Britain means glory to us all ...Indians are not only anxious to open their purses but are also eager to offer their services for the front…’89 The Beharee in its issue on September 13, 1914, The War – India’s loyalty remarks that “the offers from India have a significance which will do well to ponder over carefully. India is loyal to his Imperial Majesty, because loyalty is a part of its being and the highest dictate of its religions...90 The Behar Standard called Haq’s Pan-Islamism a “Prejudicial” to the unity of the Empire or even unity inside India. On certain questions – not spiritual – Turkey and India differ what side will the Muhammadans take? Adieu to all

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ideas of Indian Nationalism! This Pan-Islamism might become some day as dangerous to the British Empire.”91 Behar Standard further writes that “PanIslamism is no longer the creed of the more responsible and level-headed politicians among Indian Muhammadans. They realized that it is an impossible ideal. They cannot be both Indians and Muhammadans. They are as much children of the soil as the Hindus, the Parsees and the Indian Christians. India is their home and she must have the first claim on their affections. They are British subjects and must fight even the Turks if their sovereign bids them to do so. The Sultan may be their spiritual leader but his Majesty George the fifth is their temporal Lord and Master and they are bound to carry out His Commands irrespective of all considerations.”92 The dangerous levels to which the movement was going for the British Government is clearly reflected in the following statement of Sir Charles Cleveland, the Director of the Intelligence in a report dated May 23, 1917, stated that “The pro-Turkish feelings of a section of Indian Mohammedans have been a handicap to us in the war, while the misrepresentation of the feelings of Indians in 1914 to some extent encouraged the Germans and the Enver Bey Party in Turkey in their world wide war schemes. I believe Mazhar-ul-Haque was one of the Chief factors in the misrepresentation and that is why, I wrote in my notes of 30.4.1917 that a blot on our procedure has been our inability to prevent Mazharul Haque form occupying a place of public eminence. So long he is a free man and an Honorable by the Grace of Government it is an outward and visible sign that the Pro-Turk in India flourishes. In the Punjab such a man as Mazharul Haq would have been frozen out of his position as a political leader.”93

CONCLUSION The institution of Khilafat came into existence with the coming of Islam. However, in course of time, various arguments were put forwarded regarding Khilafat in different parts of the world owing to the ignorance of the people. Therefore, to arrive at a solution, the present chapter examines the factors responsible for the rise of Pan- Islamic and Khilafat Movement in India during colonial rule. Was it leadership crisis of among Indian Muslims especially after the decay of nominal Mughal authority in 1857, responsible for the rise of religious movements like Pan-Islamism, Anjuman-I Khuddam-i-Ka’ba and Khilafat movement ?or was it a platform to mobilize Muslim intelligentsia under one banner ?or was the idea of Pan-Islamism and Khilafat began under colonial rule to safeguard the interest of Muslims and to realize the dream of complete independence which was based on the principle of nationality? It has also been argued why did Muslims of India were greatly concerned with these

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movements? The role of Muslim religious leaders across Indian subcontinent has also been examined whether they were looking for an alternative, after the decay of Mughal, which they found in the Sultan of Turkey and declared him as their Spiritual head. The prevalence of Wahabis and the facility of performing Haj largely contributed to the increase of that respect for the Sultan which was so extensively enjoyed by him. In the light of the above, this article seeks to examine the facts about Pan-Islamism and the Khilafat Movement in colonial perspectives.

REFERENCES 1. See Home Department Political ’B’ January 1911, No. 15-16, National Archives of India, New Delhi (Henceforth NAI). 2. Ibid. 3. Ibid. 4. R. Nikki Keddie, Sayyid Jamal ad-Din “al-Afghani”: A Political Biography, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972, pp. 225-26. 5. Nihar Ranjan Ray, Nationalism in India, A.M.U., Aligarh 1973, p.84. 6. Mushirul Haq, ‘Pan-Islamism versus Indian Nationalism: A Reappraisal’ in Paul. R. Brass and Francis Robinson (ed.), Indian National Congress and Indian Society, Delhi, 1987, p.143. 7. The Nayak, Calcutta, November 3, 1914, see report on the Vernacular Newspapers. 8. Francis Robinson, p.144. 9. Ibid., p.145. 10. Qeyamuddin Ahmad, ‘A study of the attempts for Indo-Turkish collaboration against the British’, the Proceedings of the 17th session of the Indian History Congress, Ahmadabad, 1954, pp.346-350. See also Qeyamudidn Ahmad, Mazharul Haque, p.35. 11. Yuvraj Deva Prasad, The Indian Muslims and World War-I, New Delhi, 1985, p.1. 12. Ibid., p.2. 13. Ibid. 14. Ibid. 15. Home Political ‘Deposit’ January 1916, No. 23. 16. Ibid. see also Yuvraj Deva Prasad, op.cit. pp. 3-4. 17. Aziz Ahmad, Islamic Modernism in India and Pakistan 1857-1964 (Bombay, 1967), p.126. See also Robinson (ed.), Indian National Congress & Indian Society, p. 147.

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18. Yuvraj Deva Prasad, op.cit, p.4. 19. Y.B Mathur, Muslims and Changing India, New Delhi,1972, p.121. 20. Ibid. 21. Ibid. 22. Ibid, p.120. See also Yuvraj Deva Prasad, op.cit, p.4. 23. A representative body of the Ulama of the various parts of India. 24. Y.B Mathur, op.cit, p.125. 25. Yuvraj Deva Prasad, op.cit, p.5. 26. Y B Mathur, opcit, p.126. 27. Yuvraj Deva Prasad, op.cit, p.6. 28. Ibid. 29. E.E Ramasaur, The Young Turks, Beirut, 1965, p.4. 30. M. Sadiq, The Turkish Revolution and the Indian Freedom Movement, Delhi, 1983, P.21. 31. Yuvraj Deva Prasad, op.cit, p.7. 32. Ibid., p.8. 33. Ibid., pp.8-9. 34. Ibid., p.9 35. Yuvraj Deva, op.cit p.9. 36. Ibid. 37. Shan Muhammad, op.cit, Vol.3, p.VI. 38. Bihar & Orissa Police Abstract of Intelligence, Vol. I, 1912. Para 136, Extract Bengal Abstract dated 25.5.1912. Para 1731 Bengal S.D. 25.5.1912.(Henceforth BOPAI). 39. BOPAI , Vol. I, 1912. Para 439, Extract Bengal Abstract dated 3.8.1912. Para 1312, Bombay 5.8.1912. 40. Ibid. 41. Shan Muhammad,. Indian Muslims, Vol.3, p.160. 42. BOPAI Vol. I, 1912 Para 770, Patna 12.11.1912. 43. Ibid. 44. Ibid. 45. Yuvraj Deva, op.cit, p.14. 46. Home Department Political “D” January 1916, No. 33 (NAI). 47. Yuvraj Deva, op.cit, p.14.

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48. Shan Muhammad, Freedom Movement in India – The Role of Ali Brothers, New Delhi, 1979, p.88. 49. Y B Mathur, op.cit, pp.145-6. 50. Home Department Political ‘A’ January 1919, No.206 & K.W, (NAI). 51. Ibid. 52. Home Department Political, ‘A’ October 1913, Nos. 100-118, (NAI). 53. Ibid. 54. Yuvraj Deva, op.cit, p.16. 55. Ibid., p.17. 56. Qeyamuddin, Mazharul Haque, p.36. 57. Political Special Department, File No.729, 1915 (BSA). 58. Political Special Department File No.729, 1915, (Bihar State Archives, Patna, Henceforth BSA). 59. BOPAI, Vol.III, 1914. Para 295, Patna 25.2.1914, See also Home, Dept. Pol. ‘A’ July, 1917, Nos. 408-410, (NAI), Political Special Department File No.729, 1915 (BSA). 60. Ibid., see also Home Dept. Pol. ‘A’ July 1917, Nos. 408-410, (NAI). 61. Ibid. 62. Ibid., see also Home, Dept. Pol. ‘A’ July 1917, Nos. 408-410, (NAI). 63. Political Special Department File No.729, 1915 (BSA), See also Political Special Department File No.295, 1914 (BSA), and B&O Police Abstract of Intelligence Vol.III, 1914. Para 445, Patna 11.4.1914. 64. Ibid. 65. Ibid. 66. Qeyamuddin, Mazharul Haque, p.37. 67. Home, Dept. Pol. ‘A’ July 1917, Nos. 408-410, (NAI). 68. Jehan-i-Islam was a weekly review published at Constantinople in Arabic, Turkish and Urdu under the auspices of “Moslem Benevolent Society.” It first appeared in April 1914. Its proprietor was Yussuf Shetvan Bey, at one time Deputy for Benghazi in he Ottoman Parliament, and with him an African Arab named Salih Tunisi and an Indian Maulvi Abu Said Arabi were associated. The main objective of the paper was to unite the Muslim communities in the defence of their religion. Cited from Home, Dept. Pol. ‘B’ November 1914, Nos. 306-307, (NAI). 69. Political Special Department File No.295, 1914 (BSA).

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70. Political Special Department File No.729, 1915 (BSA), See also Home, Dept. Pol. ‘A’ July 1917, Nos. 408-410, (NAI). 71. Political Special Department File No.729, 1915 (BSA). 72. Letter from Louis Mallet to E. Grey, Secretary of State for India, Therapia July 1914 cited from Pol. Dept. Spl. Section Conf. File No. 295, 1914 (BSA). 73. Letter from Eyre A. Crowe, Foreign Office, July 10, 1914. cited from Pol. Dept. Spl. Section Conf. File No. 295, 1914 (BSA). 74. Letter from Home Dept. D.O. No. 1430, Political Simla September 15, 1914 (BSA), cited from Pol. Dept. Spl. Section Conf. File No. 295 1914 (BSA). 75. Political Special Department File No.729, 1915 (BSA). 76. Ibid., see also Political Special Department File No.295, 1914 (BSA). Home, Dept. Pol. ‘B’ November 1914, Nos. 306-307, (NAI). 77. Home, Dept. Pol. ‘B’ November 1914, Nos. 306-307, (NAI). 78. BOPAI, Vol.III, 1914. Para 895, Patna 19.7.1914. 79. BOPAI, Vol.III, 1914. Para 915, Bihar, S.B. 1.9.1914. 80. BOPAI, Vol.III, 1914. Para 928, Patna 29.7.1914. 81. BOPAI,Vol.III, 1914. Para 996, Bihar, S.B. 29.8.1914. 82. Ibid. 83. See Letter from Sir Reginald Craddock to Hardinge, 20 August 1914 in Muhammad, S(ed.) Indian Muslims, Vol. 5, p.7. 84. Political Special Department File No. 729, 1915 (BSA). 85. Daily Hindi supplement to the Beharee in report on the Vernacular Newspapers (B&O). 86. Ibid., Para 11 dated September 9, 1914. 87. Pande, B.N. (ed) Concise History of the Indian National Congress, 18581947 (Delhi, 1985), p.66. 88. Yuvraj Deva, Indian Muslims and World War-I, p.46. 89. The Behar Herald September 5, 1914, in report on the Vernacular Newspapers (B&O). 90. The Beharee, September 13,1914,in report on the Vernacular Newspapers (B&O). 91. The Behar Standard, September 14, 1914, in report on the Vernacular Newspapers (B&O). 92. Ibid. 93. Ibid. qqq

16 Contemporary Islam: A Realistic Assessment of the Current Dynamics and Progressive Strategies for the Future Sultan Shahin

CONTEMPORARY ISLAM Unfortunate as it may appear, contemporary Islam is provoking a growing fear around the world. Islam had come as a blessing for mankind but it is today associated with violent extremism, a euphemism for terrorism. Islam had once brought a golden age of peace and pluralism where people from all religions used to live together in a bond of brotherhood, most notably in Andalusia, the present-day Spain. Complete freedom was given to the people but the only limit was that they could not infringe others’ rights, as in the present-day West and mostly non-Muslim world. A mere mention of names like the following from the Golden Era of Islam fills our heart with pride and nostalgia: Ibn Rushd, Ibn Sina, Ibn Khaldun, al-Kindi and al-Farabi, Ibn Tufail, Ibn al-Nafis, Muhammad ibn Mūsā alKhwārizmī, Ibn Mu’ādh al-Jayyānī, Ibn Al-Haytham (Alhazen), Jim AlKhalili, Abd al-Rahman al-Sufi, Nasir al-Din al-Tusi, and a whole host of others from fields as diverse as philosophy, literature, astronomy, Trigonometry, Astronomy, Calculus, Optics, Geometry, Anatomy, Engineering, Healthcare, Education, Poetry, Art, Architecture, etc. In the five centuries of this Golden era, Islam was by and large an abode of free thinkers and the free thinking encouraged reflection and it’s not made obligatory by the teachings of God in the Holy Quran. Today Islam is perceived

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as a bastion of narrow-minded fundamentalists and obscurantists. Islamic madrasas had proved harbingers of scientific progress in nearly all spheres of knowledge. Muslim intellectuals, philosophers, scientists had woken up Europe from its medieval slumber and kick-started what is known as the era of enlightenment. European universities were inspired by and largely built on the models of Islamic madrasas. The same madrasas are today seen as promoting the bigotry and ideology of violent extremism. They provide a great amount to a gross violation of the human rights to impoverished Muslim children. The buzz words of contemporary Islam are terms like Islamophobia, Islamofascism, Islamism, Islamist violence, Islamic fundamentalism, Islamic bigotry, Islamic narrow-mindedness, and so on. How have we landed in this situation? Our general response to this question is denial, blaming others, weaving conspiracy theories, promoting our permanent victimhood. If anyone blames parts of our theology with contemporary violence raging in several parts of the world including Muslim world are killing each other in a no-holds-barred orgy of violence. Our ulema promptly come up with fatwas saying Islam is a religion of peace and has nothing to do with violence. Of course, Islam is a religion of peace and has nothing to do with violence. But ulema quote Holy Quran’s Makkan verses of peace and pluralism which they teach in their madrasas to have been abrogated by contextual war-time Madinan verses asking Muslim to kill the kafir and Mushrik and so on. This is what Tafsir-e-Jalalain, for instance, among other tafsirs maintains. One sword verse alone is said to have abrogated several peaceful verses, exhorting peace, pluralism and patience in times of adversity. The so-called sword verse says: Quran 9:5 “When the sacred months are over, slay the idolaters wherever you find them. Arrest them, besiege them, and lie in ambush everywhere for . If they repent and take to prayer and render the alms levy, allow them to go their way. God is forgiving and merciful.” If peaceful pre-war-time verses have been abrogated, why are they being quoted to buttress the argument that Islam is a religion of peace? No wonder our ulema remain completely silent when self-declared Khalifa Baghdadi and Indian Muslim youth with ISIS make the statement repeatedly that “Islam was never a religion of peace, not even for a day; It has always been a religion of war and strife.” Is it any wonder that some of our intelligent, educated youth see through the ruse and prefer to join the ISIS rather than go by apparently hypocritical statements by our ulema?

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Let us not link radicalisation of Muslims to a few young Muslims who joined ISIS, though none joined al-Qaeda. Taliban who created a satanic system of mis-governance in Afghanistan and the ordinary students and teachers of Deobandi and ahl-e-Hadeethi madrasas in Pakistan studied the same text books as do our students in India , So, radicalisation is not something new. No less than 18,000 and according to some estimates, up to 30,000 Indian Muslims left their homes and went to Afghanistan in 1920,in some cases prized government jobs, as they considered British India Darul Harb, the land of infidels, believed that it is not religiously correct to live in a land not governed by Islamic Sharia. No less an Alim (scholar) than Maulana Abul Kalam Azad and Maulana Abdul Bari gave a fatwa, along with others, saying that it is a Muslim’s duty to leave the Dar-ulHarb that was British India and migrate to Dar-ul-Islam. Radicalisation or extremism in thought doesn’t necessarily lead to terrorism or violence. But these states of mind certainly are stepping stones to violent extremism. Undoubtedly there are several factors to play in acts of violence. But, regardless of all other motivations, for a Muslim, ideological motivations and theological sanction is a must in deciding upon a course of action that may lead to qital, killing, warfare, and even his own death. Every Muslim knows that both killing an innocent or oneself are strictly prohibited in Islam. The Prophet (pbuh) had refused to even lead the funeral prayers of Quzman ibn al-Harith al-`Absi, a companion who killed himself unable to bear the pain caused by injuries in a war to defend Islam. For the Prophet even the extenuating circumstances of this Ghazi were not enough to justify suicide. So, persuading a Muslim to kill innocent civilians on any account or commit suicide in order to kill others should be a near impossible task. And yet an army of suicide bombers and killers emerge from within the Muslim society wherever in the world required by motivated groups with the necessary resources. This should have been deeplyworrying for the Muslim community, as it is to the large world community. Unfortunately, that doesn’t appear to be the case. Of course, a number of fatwas have come out recently, put out by Deoband, Bareily, Sufi Mashaikh, ahl-e-Hadith, etc, denouncing ISIS, particularly since Saudi Arabia changed its policy towards ISIS and stopped supporting it. Deoband’s Maulana Mahmood Madani Saheb, of course, was the first to denounce terrorism, go from town to town, across the country in 2008. Present Islam as a religion of peace. This had culminated in a grand conference at Ramlila ground in Delhi announcing a fatwa against terror signed by Darul uloom Deoband as well as Nadwatul Ulama Lucknow and other Islamic

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institutions. Indeed, a fatwa signed by 1,050 Indian scholars came out last year, though it contained just one sentence quoting a peaceful verse from the Holy Quran (5: 32). Among the signatories to the fatwa, which has been forwarded to heads of state and government across the world, were the Shahi Imam of Delhi’s Jama Masjid, key representatives of the Ajmer Dargah, Nizamuddin Aulia dargah, the Raza Academy, the Ulema Council of India, the Jamiatul Ulema Maharashtra, the Moin Ashraf Sahab Kachocha Dargah, the Sayed Zahir Abbas Rizvi Zainabya, the Aamil Sahab Dawoodi Bohra, the Jamiat Ahle Hadith Mumbai, the All India Tanzeem Anmay-e-Masjid and the Darul Uloom Mohammadiya. Such fatwas have come from other parts of the world as well. Recently, one lakh Bangladesh Jamiatul Ulema scholars signed a detailed 6,300-word fatwa, denouncing terrorism received approval from Darul Uloom Deoband as well. Before that 120 top religious scholars from top Western and Asian universities wrote an open letter approx. 14,000 words to the self-declared Khalifa al-Baghdadi denouncing him in no uncertain terms. Among the earliest was Muhammad Tahir-ul-Qadri’s 600-page fatwa against terrorism. Then, Morocco organised a major conference on Ibn-e-Taimiya’s Mardin, that Fatwawas the favourite of Osma bin Laden as justification for terrorism. Even Saudi Arabia which is considered the fountain head and chief exporter of extremist Salafi-Wahhabi thoughts around the world for the last four decades, in particular, held conferences and seminars to deal with terrorismrelated theological issues. There is hardly any recognised Muslim institution anywhere in the world which has not denounced terrorism and sought to delink it from Islam. How come Muslims continue to be attracted to extremist violence? Last year alone 30,000 Muslims from 100 countries travelled to the so-called Islamic State. Now from our country too, there are sporadic reports of Muslim youth getting radicalised and some even going or wanting to go to what they must consider the pure land of Islam. The answer to this lies in the nature of anti-terror fatwas themselves. All these fatwas quote Quranic verses from the Makkan period but do not engage with the Medinan verses of war, ordering killing of unbelievers and polytheists. Out of seventy war verses of this period, fifty-nine are of a purely defensive nature and only eleven can be categorised as of offensive or preemptive nature. There should be no difficulty in our ulema telling us that such contextual verses do not apply to us anymore as we are no longer fighting those wars. Not one alim however, will say so, although they taught and themselves teach shaan-e-nazool (context) of all these verses.

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As a matter of fact, all madrasas teach books of Tafsir, interpretation of the Holy Quran, such as Tafsir-e-Jalalain, popularly known with reverence as Jalalain Shareef, which tell us that the war-time verses ordering killings of kuffar have abrogated the earlier Makkan verses exhorting peace, pluralism, patience in the face of persecution, etc. The general argument of these mufassiein, or interpreters of Quran, is that Muslims had been exhorted to be patient and peaceful at a time when they were not in a position to fight but when they acquired the capacity and the strength to do, the instructions changed and these changed instructions from Madina should now prevail. Much worse is the case of Ahadith, the so-called sayings of the prophet. Ahadith was collected and written down decades and centuries after the demise of the Prophet. Out of six hundred thousand Ahadith collected, Muhaddesin (experts) like Imam Bukhari (d. 256 AH, 870 CE), Imam Muslim b. al-Hajjaj (d. 261 AH, 875 CE), Abu Dawood (d. 275 AH, 888 CE), al-Tirmidhi (d. 279 AH, 892 CE), al-Nasa’i (d. 303 AH, 915 CE), Ibn Majah (d. 273 AH, 887 CE), mam Malik (d. 179 AH, 795 CE), etc. rejected nearly five hundred ninetyone thousand Ahadith as inauthentic. They certified as the authentic chain of narrations of one to nine thousand Ahadith. But while they studied the chain of narration, which merely certifies the possibility of two persons being in the same place at a certain period, they did not study the content which supported or contradicted the holy Quran or whether they corresponded to the personality of the Prophet (pbuh). For instance, the holy Quran says: “if any one slew a person - unless it be (as punishment) for murder or for spreading mischief in the land - it would be as if he slew the whole mankind: and if any one saved a life, it would be as if he saved the life of the whole mankind. (Qur’an 5:32) But the Prophet is supposed to have said in a Ahadith considered authentic by all six major Hadith books (sihah-e-sitta), “I have been ordered to fight against people until they testify that there is no god but Muhammad is the messenger of Allah and until he perform the prayers and pay the zakat, and if he do so hewill gained protection from me for his lives and property,” This is the same Prophet (saw) who had been told in Quranic verses repeatedly that God does not like aggressors (9:36) and (2:190) and to whom had been revealed the pluralistic Quranic verse that says “lakum deenakum, waleya deen,” for you your religion, for me mine,” the Holy Quran -109:5 as well as La Ikraha fid deen (let there be no compulsion in religion) (Quran 2: 256).

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Is it possible for such a prophet to say something like the above as quoted in Hadith? I believe not. But it becomes possible to think so, if you consider peaceful, pluralistic verses of the Holy Quran abrogated. Even Tafsir-e-Tistari, from the pen of a revered early Sufi master of 3rd century hijri or 10th century CE says that the pluralistic verse “for you , your religion and for me” (Holy Quran -109:5) has been abrogated. However, despite all the irrationality and violation of Quranic spirit involved, almost all ulema say that Hadith is akin to revelation. No wonder Taliban and other terrorists justify killings of civilians on the basis of Ahadith. In such case, under questioning by a Pakistan Army Official, a Taliban scholar said: “If the actions of Prophet (pbuh) are of any importance and standard for you, then listen that Prophet (pbuh) flooded the whole area during the battle of Ta’if and ordered to catapult the enemy. Obviously, women and children were killed during that battle. Also, it is narrated by Sa’ab bin Jassama (ra) that Prophet (pbuh) asked them to carry out a night raid on certain tribe. Sahaba (ra) said: “O messenger of Allah (pbuh), among them are their women and children, the Prophet (pbuh) replied: “They are also from them”. — Sahih Bukhari, Kitab ul Jihad, Hadith 3012.” This hadith is also available in Sihah-e-Sitta. Clearly, if we are to save Islam and the world from an impending disaster caused by rampant Islam supremacism, our ulema will have to do better than merely quoting peaceful verses of Quran, which they themselves consider abrogated. There is a reason why some of our modern, educated, intelligent youth trust terror ideologues more than the ulema making peaceful speeches. It’s not difficult to see who is being hypocritical and dishonest. Apparently, “Khlaifa” Abu Bakr Baghdadi means what he says, while our ulema don’t. Indeed, contemporary violent extremism among Muslims is a product of a very coherent and internally consistent theology of violence and supremacism, exclusivism and intolerance that has evolved over centuries, starting right from the beginning of Islamic history. Not only Arab theologians like the original Khwarij, Ibn-e-Taimiya, Mohammad ibn-e-Abdul Wahhab and Syed Qutb, but also revered Indian scholars like Mujaddid Alf-e-Saani Sheikh Ahmad Sirhindi, Shah Waliulllah Dehlvi and Maulana Abul Ala Maududi have given a supremacist vision of Islam based on the Medinan verses of war and Ahadith supposedly from this period. According to my understanding of the holy Quran, facts are otherwise. The Makkan verses of peace and pluralism are the foundational and constitutive verses of Islam. Suppose the Makkan elite had not responded to the message of equality of humankind and oneness of God that Islam brought to the world in the way they did. Suppose they had either accepted Islam or just allowed

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the Prophet to pursue his mission and propagate his religion, even though he was not gaining many followers in the ruling class. Suppose he had not felt the need to migrate to Medina. Obviously, there would have been no need for war and no need for contextual war-time verses and Ahadith of this intolerant, supremacist, violent nature. How can these contextual war-time verses become the instructions of eternal, universal applicability? The war was incidental; the instructions for that war were thus also incidental and cannot be applicable to us today. It’s important for Muslims to understand the circumstances in which two new and powerful theological institutions were created over centuries after the demise of the Prophet (saw). Both these institutions have done some good but essentially great damage to Islam by creating a distance between Muslims and the Holy Quran. After massacring the entire family of Prophet Mohammad (pbuh) in the 48th year of his passing, power went into the hands of the scions of Abu Sufyan ibn Harb, Islam’s inveterate enemy in its formative years. Like many of his associates, he had accepted Islam only after their defeat at Makka. Now Umayyads had to rule Muslims in the name of Islam. These Muslims were Arab and not only understood Quran but had also mostly memorised it. But Umayyads and later Abbasids wanted to rule in an unislamic way. They were creating dynastical monarchies in the name of Khilafat, though Islam considered all humans equal and decisions were meant to be taken through consultation. So, the new ruling classes encouraged the evolution of two new institutions, the Hadith (so-called sayings of the Prophet) and full-time Ulema. It took hundreds of years for both these institutions to evolve and get fully established. Today Muslims are told that we cannot understand the Holy Quran except through the help of Hadith and Ulema. This is patently absurd. This amounts to saying that Muslims in the first decades and centuries after the Prophet did not understand Islam. In fact God had told us in almost the last revelations that He has perfected our religion for us (Quran 5: 3). Apparently for our ulema, God had not been able to perfect the religion of Islam; hence, the need for new scriptures likes Hadith and a class of full-time ulema to supplement God’s efforts. Let us have a look at this theology of consensus of most schools of thought. In whichever direction, a Muslim turns, from al-Ghazali, Ibn-e-Taimiyya, Abdul Wahhab, Sheikh Sarhindi, Shah Waliullah to Syed Qutb and Maulana Maududi, he or she gets the same Islam-supremacist message. The following is a brief sample of what some of these learned ulema of yore, most revered by all schools of thought, tell us:

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Imam Abu Hamid al-Ghazali (1058-1111): Considered the greatest of all Sufi theologians, and by many as next only to Prophet Mohammad in his understanding of Islam: “… one must go on jihad at least once a year...one may use a catapult against them [non-Muslims] when they are in a fortress, even if among them are women and children. One may set fire to them and/ or drown them… One must destroy their useless books. Jihadists may take as booty whatever they decide... Christians and Jews must pay... on offering up the jizya, the dhimmi must hang his head while the official takes hold of his beard and hits on the protuberant bone beneath his ear... they are not permitted to ostentatiously display their wine or church bells... their houses may not be higher than a Muslim’s, no matter how low that is. The dhimmi may not ride an elegant horse or mule; he may ride a donkey only if the saddle is of wood. He may not walk on the good part of the road. They have to wear an identifying patch [on their clothing], even women, and even in the baths ... dhimmis must hold their tongue...” (Kitab Al-Wagiz FI Figh Madhad Al-Imam Al-Safi’i pp. 186, 190, 199-203) Imam Ibn Taymiyya (1263-1328): Most revered Hanbali jurist and scholar among Wahhabi-Salafi Muslims whose influence has recently grown immensely with the propagation of his creed by the Saudi monarchy: “Since lawful warfare is essentially jihad and its aim is that the religion is God’s entirely and God’s word is uppermost, therefore according to all Muslimswho stand in the way of this aim must be fought... As for the People of the Book and the Zoroastrians, they are to be fought until they become Muslims or pay the tribute (jizya) out of hand and have been humbled. With regard to the others, the jurists differ as to the lawfulness of taking tribute from them. Most of them regard it as unlawful...” (Excerpted from Rudolph Peters, Jihad in Classical and Modern Islam (Princeton, NJ: Markus Wiener, 1996), pp. 44-54). Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi (1564-1624): Indian Islamic scholar, Hanafi jurist, considered Mujaddid alf-e-Saani, the renewer of Islam of the second millennium: “...Cow-sacrifice in India is the noblest of Islamic practices.” “Kufr and Islam are opposed to each other. The progress of one is possible only at the expense of the other and co-existence between these two contradictory faiths is unthinkable.

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“The honour of Islam lies in insulting kufr and kafirs. One, who respects kafirs, dishonours the Muslims.” “The real purpose in levying jizya on them is to humiliate them to such an extent that, on account of fear of jizya, they may not be able to dress well and to live in grandeur. They should constantly remain terrified and trembling”. “Whenever a Jew is killed, it is for the benefit of Islam.” (Excerpted from Saiyid Athar Abbas Rizvi, Muslim Revivalist Movements in Northern India in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (Agra, Lucknow: Agra University, Balkrishna Book Co., 1965), pp.247-50; and Yohanan Friedmann, Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindi: An Outline of His Thought and a Study of His Image in the Eyes of Posterity (Montreal, Quebec: McGill University, Institute of Islamic Studies, 1971), pp. 73-74.) Shah Waliullah Dehlavi (1703–1762): Highly revered Indian scholar, theologian, Muhaddis (Hadith expert) and jurist: “It is the duty of the prophet to establish the domination of Islam over all other religions and not leave anybody outside its domination whether they accept it voluntarily or after humiliation. Thus, the people will be divided into three categories. Lowly kafir (unbelievers), have to be tasked with lowly labour works like harvesting, threshing, carrying of loads, for which animals are used. The messenger of God also imposes a law of suppression and humiliation on the kafirs and imposes jizya on them in order to dominate and humiliate them…. He does not treat them equal to Muslims in the matters of Qisas (Retaliation), Diyat (blood money), marriage and government administration so that these restrictions should ultimately force them to embrace Islam.” (Hujjatullahu al-Balighah, volume – 1, Chapter69, Page No 289) Muhammad ibn Abdul Wahhab (1703–1792): Founder of Saudi Arabia’s Wahhabi-Salafi creed: “Even if the Muslims abstain from shirk (polytheism) and are muwahhid (believer in oneness of God), their faith cannot be perfect unless they have enmity and hatred in their action and speech against non-Muslims (which for him actually includes all non-Wahhabi or non-Salafi Muslims). (Majmua AlRasael Wal-Masael Al-Najdiah 4/291).

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Abul A’la Maududi (1903–1979): Indian ideologue, founder of Jamaat-eIslami: “Islam wishes to destroy all states and governments anywhere on the face of the earth which are opposed to the ideology and programme of Islam, regardless of the country or the nation which rules it. The purpose of Islam is to set up a state on the basis of its own ideology and programme, regardless of which nation assumes the role of the standard-bearer of Islam or the rule of which nation is undermined in the process of the establishment of an ideological Islamic State. … “Islam requires the earth — not just a portion, but the whole planet.... because the entire mankind should benefit from the ideology and welfare programme [of Islam] ... Towards this end, Islam wishes to press into service all forces which can bring about a revolution and a composite term for the use of all these forces is ‘Jihad’. .... The objective of the Islamic ‘jihad’ is to eliminate the rule of an unIslamic system and establish in its stead an Islamic system of state rule.” (Jihad fil Islam). Maulana Abdul Aleem Islahi, a Hyderabad-based scholar, justifies indiscriminate violence in his fatwa on the concept of power in Islam. Let me quote a few lines from the writings of this maulana who runs a girls’ madrasa in Hyderabad and is known to have been an inspiration behind Indian Mujahedin: “Let it be known that, according to Islamic jurisprudence, fighting the infidels (kuffar) in their countries is a duty (farz-e-kifayah) according to the consensus of ulema … “… I can say with full conviction that qital (killing, violence, armed struggle) to uphold the kalimah (declaration of faith) has neither been called atrocity or transgression nor has it been prohibited. Rather, qital has not only been ordained for the purpose of upholding the kalimah but also stressed and encouraged in the Book (Quran) and the Sunnah (Hadith). Muslims have indeed been encouraged and motivated to engage in qital and they have been given good tidings of rewards for this.” “It is the duty (of Muslims) to struggle for the domination of Islam over false religions and subdue and subjugate ahl-e-kufr-o-shirk (infidels and polytheists) in the same way as it is the duty of the Muslims to proselytise and invite people to Islam. The responsibility to testify to the Truth and pronounce the Deen God has entrusted with the Muslims cannot be fulfilled merely by preaching and

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proselytising. If it was so there would be no need for the battles tofight. “Jihad has made obligatory to make the Deen (religion) dominate and to stop the centres of evil. Keeping in view the importance of this task, the significance of jihad in the name of God has been stressed in the Quran and Hadith. That’s why clear ordainments have been revealed to Muslims about fighting all the kuffar (infidels): “Unite and fight the polytheists (mushriks) just as they put up a united front against you” (Surah Tauba: 9:36)”. [Excerpted and translated from Maulana Abdul Aleem Islahi’s Urdu booklet “Taqat ka Istemal Quran ki Raoshni Main,” ‘The use of violence, in the light of the Qur’an’] Maulana Wahiduddin Khan (Born 1925), otherwise a consistent promoter of peace and pluralism, says the following: “Efforts on the part of prophets over a period of thousands of years had proved that any struggle which was confined to intellectual or missionary field was not sufficient to extricate man from the grip of this superstition (shirk, kufr). (So) it was God’s decree that he (Prophet Mohammad) be a da’i (missionary) as well as ma’hi (eradicator). He was entrusted by God with the mission not only proclaiming to the world wheresuperstitious beliefs (shirk, kufr) were based on falsehood, but also of resorting to military action, if the need arose to eliminate that system for all time”. [From Maulana Wahiduddin Khan’s book “Islam – Creator of the Modern World,” re- printed in 2003]. It is ironic that even an indefatigable promoter of peace and pluralism among Muslims, it has to concede on the basis of commonly accepted Islamic jurisprudence. The Prophet’s job was to eradicate unbelief from the world, even using military means. And if this is so, what would stop Bin Ladens and Baghdadis of this world claiming that they are simply carrying forward the Prophet’s unfinished mission? The message from all these sermons is clear. Islam must dominate the world and it is the duty of every Muslim to help the process. Wherever a Muslim turns he gets the same Islam-supremacist message. The latest among the most authoritative books on Islamic theology is a 45-volume comprehensive Encyclopaedia of Fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence). It was prepared by scholars from all schools of thought, engaged by Ministry of Awqaf & Islamic Affairs,

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Kuwait, over a period of half century. Its Urdu translation was released in Delhi by Vice-president Hamid Ansari on 23 October 2009. This most influential book of Islamic jurisprudence for contemporary Muslims has a 23,000 word chapter on jihad. We moderate Muslims and Sufis keep talking ad nauseum about struggle against one’s own nafs (lower self, negative ego) being the real and greater jihad and qital (warfare) being rather insignificant, lesser jihad. But except one sentence in the beginning, the entire 23,000 word chapter talks entirely about the issues related with combating and killing enemies, i.e. infidels, polytheists or apostates, starting with the stark declaration: “Jihad means to fight against the enemy.” There is no mention of real or greater jihad. Then Ibn-e-Taimiyya is quoted to say: “… So jihad is wajib (incumbent) as much as one’s capacity”. Then comes the final, definitive definition: “Terminologically, jihad means to fight against a non-zimmi unbeliever (kafir) after he rejects the call towards Islam, in order to establish or raise high the words of Allah.” (Translated from original Arabic) It is not difficult for an intelligent, educated Muslim to discover our ulema’s hypocrisy. It is censured by us moderates as radical Islamist theology is not substantially different from the current Islamic theology accepted through a consensus by ulema of all schools of thought. Late Osama bin Laden or his ideological mentor Abdu’llāh Yūsuf ‘Azzām, now called father of contemporary global jihad, and his present-day successor Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi did not invent a new theology. Their use of consensus theology is what lies behind their great success attracting thousands of Muslim youth in such a short while. They will continue to attract more and more youths until ourmainstream does not realise our hypocrisy and change course.

This is in brief situation of contemporary Islam Now the question is, how do we retrieve our religion from being an object of fear today to once again becoming a blessing for mankind? If we really want to make a difference, we will have to start a substantive dialogue with the ulema and make sure that they agree to the following, among other things: Open the gates of ijtihad, creatively rethinking all tenets of Islam in the light of the situation prevailing today. As we have not done our homework for over a millennium, this will have to be pretty revolutionary. We need to treat the holy Quran as an outline of the path to progress in keeping with the demands of changing times. We have done in some cases too. For instance, slavery was not banned in Quran. But Muslims today agree with all other

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societies and have banned slavery, as Quran had given every indication that it was horrible, inhuman practice and it must go. Similarly, we need to follow the lead given by the holy Quran to institute gender justice and gender equality in our jurisprudence today. This is the kind of practice for which ijtihad was ordained. We have to develop a new ijma on progressive lines butnot use the ijma that takes us backward towards Jahiliya. Open the forbidden debate on whether the Holy Quran can be considered an uncreated aspect of God or a creation of God. It is uncreated, like God Himself, then each and every verse, has to be followed till eternity, regardless of their context. But if the holy Quran evolved out of the emerging situations in the Prophet’s life, as it actually did, then Muslims can judge if those instructions are applicable to us today when the world situation has drastically changed from the happenings in 7th century Arabian desert. It declares that only constitutive and essential, not the contextual and allegorical verses of Quran, are meant to guide us today. The Quran asks Muslims repeatedly to reflect upon the clear verses, find their best meaning, and leave the allegorical verses alone, as in Chapter 39: verse 55, 39: 18; 39: 55; 38: 29; 2: 121; 47: 24, etc. It also declares that Ahadith cannot be considered akin to revelation from God. Islamic State’s millenarian thesis is almost entirely based on Ahadith, though they use some allegorical verses of Quran as well. The claim of al-Baghdadi leading an end-time war, al-Malhama, just before the final Armageddon, has been a big draw for our youth. Some Muslims have come to think life on earth has no meaning left in the times of al-Malhama and are rushing to join the war. It declares that Sharia laws are not divine. They were first codified 120 years after the demise of the Prophet on the basis of some Qur’anic teachings and medieval Arab practices. These laws have changed since from one period to another, from one school of thought to another and are indeed different from country to country. While Indian Muslim Personal laws, for instance, continue to be the same Anglo-Mohammedan laws that the British left behind, united Pakistan amended and reformed them in 1961, that is just 14 years after Independence, and Bangladesh has reformed them since its own independence in 1971. Absurdities like instant triple talaq and unregulated polygamy will just have to be done away with in the interest of gender justice and Islamic compassion towards all. It declares clearly that Islam believes in co-existence with other religions, not political dominion over the world. Let us say this clearly and repeatedly:

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Islam is a spiritual path to eternal salvation, one of the many, not a political, totalitarian ideology for conquering the world. Prophet Mohammad’s covenants with the Christians of his era give the lie to the majority of Islamic theologians which only based on relations between Muslims and non-Muslims. It also provides a powerful argument for rejecting the idea of Islamic exceptionalism and renewing the interfaith dialogue that the Prophet started. Declare that Khilafat is not an essential aspect of Islamic theology. Foundational Islamic text, the holy Quran or even Ahadith do not give us any particular guidance in the matter of political governance. The only guidance we can discover for formation of the government is the principle of consultation and equality of all humans. Once the government is formed, its rule should be based on Islam’s moral principles. This rules out dynastical rule, even if known as khilafat and promotes a form of democracy under a constitution treats every one equally. It should be noted that Prophet Mohammad (pbuh) had put together a basic secular, pluralistic constitution called “Meesaq-e-Madina” for his leadership of religiously and culturally diverse Madinan society. Gradually dismantle the institution of full-time clergy. It has no basis in Islam’s foundational texts, neither in Quran nor in Hadith, nor in early Muslim practices. This is a bid’at (innovation) that evolved over decades under monarchical, dynastic and un-Islamic rulers who called Khalifa, and who naturally wanted to create a distance between Muslims and the Holy Quran. It started evolving under the Umayyad Empire (661 – 750 CE) and got formalised under the Abbasid Dynasty (750 – 1258 CE). Re-define with precision commonly used Islamic terms like Muslim, kafir, mushrik, munafiq, ahl-e-kitab, jihad, qital, farz, sunnat, etc, and concepts like Al-Wala Wal-Bara (loving friends of God and hating and actively working against enemies of God) and Amr Bil Maroof & Nahi Anil Munkar (Enjoining good and forbidding wrong). These are meaningful Islamic terms and concepts which have developed ambiguity and become central to the radical Islamist theology. They are being used in promoting intolerance, exclusivism, xenophobia and supremacism. We Muslims should at least be able to agree on the resolution of such fundamental issues like who is a Muslim and who is a kafir or mushrik, etc. In a landmark report Justice Munir Commission of Pakistan, constituted after anti-Ahmadiya riots, in 1954 said that no two Muslim ulema could agree on a definition of Muslim. It’s nothing short of shameful that we Muslims are not able to define even our identity until today. Compile Qur’anic verses in order were revealed by God, thus restoring primacy to Makkan verses of peace and pluralism, as God had clearly intended. These early verses mostly constitute the essential and universal

Contemporary Islam: A Realistic Assessment of the Current Dynamics

273

teachings of Quran. They can be understood without any need for knowing the context in which they were revealed. At the moment, the foundational verses find themselves relegated to the middle or the very end of the holy Quran. This doesn’t mean that the verses revealed at Madina are not of universal and eternal import. But read in the context in which they came would add to our understanding of their meaning and significance. In a word, we must evolve a truly Islamic and internally consistent theology of peace and co-existence, moderation and modernity, to counter and replace the very coherent theology of violence and xenophobia, intolerance and supremacism, a theology of consensus of most schools of thought that ulema have evolved over centuries. This is a difficult and painstaking process. But if there ever was a need for a complete and exhaustive overhaul of Islamic theology and jurisprudence, it is now. We must distil the essence and spirit of Islam and take it forward, working out a theology and jurisprudence in keeping with the needs of the present times as well as the future. qqq

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qqq

Index

A A Minority Within the Minority 233,

238

Abdul Qadir Badauni’s 133

Abhinavgupta 45

Abhinavgupta’s 46

Abul A’la Maududi 268

Afro-Asian Muslim Societies 166

Ahle Hadith 50

Akhlaq 60

Akhlaqi Tarbiyat 193

Akhlaqiyat 64

Aligarh Rationalists 174

Aligarh Zannan Madarsa 223

Alim 236

Allahu Jameelun 47

Al-Ziyarat 103

Amir Khusraw 34

Ananda 45

Anjuman Punjab 200

Aql 32

Artistic 101

Arzal 197

Ashab-E-Suffa 60

Ashraf 197

Assertion of Identity 168

Association of Indians with Turkey 249

Ataliq 84

Awarif’al-Ma’arif 62

Awarif-Al-Ma’arif 53

Awarif-Ul-Ma’arif 57

B Baburnama 75, 85

Baraqa 61

Barlwees 50

Batniat 33

Berasm-I-Tora 79

Bhakti 31

Biddatis 158

Bijaganit 114

British Policies 151

Burhanul-Fozala 36

C Central Asian 67

Charpoy 237

Chengiznama 84

Chilla 58

Chishti 25

Chishtia 33, 62

Chishtiyya 237

Colonial Administration 154

Community Life 149

Compaign for A Zenana School 221

Contemporary Islam 259

Contemporary Islam 270

Cross Muslim Weltanschauung 165

Cultural 101

Culture 239

Culture Of Islam 53

Current Dynamics 259

286

Islam In India: History, Politics and Society

D Darwish 24

Hikmat 109

Hindoostan 197

Daulis 224

Deobandis 50

Dholak 28

Historical Perspective 212

Historiography 133

Hyderabad-Based Scholar 268

Diwan-E-Khas 155

Drawing Parallel 165

E

I

Ijtihad 173

Ikhlas 60

Episodic Developments 158

Epitomes of Sufi-Bhakti Poetry 34 Eshq-E-Haqeeqi 36

Ikrarnamah 159

Ilm-E-Safina 63 Ilm-E-Sina 63

Ethics 202

European Eyes 121

European Travellers 121

Imam Abu Hamid Al-Ghazali 266

Imam Ibn Taymiyya 266

Impiety 7

Evolution 150

F Fitna 142

Function 150

Furqan 108

Futuh 28

Futuhat-E-Makkiya 57

G Ghairat 246

Gharib Nawaz 21, 22

Giaour 124

Gleaned 121

Gurkhan 78

H

Indian Ideologue 268

Indian Press 246

Indian Response to Pan-Islamic

Movement 245

Indian Sufism 62 Indian Ulema 173

Indo-Central Asia 101

Intellectual 53

Iran-Wa-Turan 101

Islam 7

Islamic 41

Isteghna 37

J Jagir 72

Jahangir 79

Jahangirnama 102

Haal 59

Habl-Ul-Matin 246

Hadith 137

Hadith Expert 267

Hal 61

Halaf-Al-Fazul 49

Hanfiya 50 Haqiqa 23

Haqiqa 60

Heritage 41

Jamaat-E-Islami 268

K Kabir 34

Kadamparasti 214

Kafir 45 Kalima-E-Tayyeba 37

Karmayogi 204

Kashfu’l Mehjub 56

287

Index

Kashf-Ul-Mehjoob 53

Khanqah 58, 63, 64

Molacks 126

Khanqahs 102

Khanwadas 25

Khatarat 59

Mosques 149

Khilafat 139

Khilafat Movement 243

Khutba 154

Mudabbir 142

Khutba 84

Khwaja’s Creed 21

Kingship 138

Kitab-Ul-Luma 57

Kornish 34

Kuragoan 78

L Lalla 46, 47

Later Sufis 62 Literary 101

M Madrasahs 102

Mahabharat 104

Mahboob-I Ilahi 27

Manifestation 12

Mansabs 72

Mantic-ut-Tayer 56

Maqaam 59

Maqam 61

Mashaikhs 105

Morality 202

Moti Masjid 150

Mubin 75

Mughal Emperor 133

Mughal Identity 67

Mughal State 121

Muhabbat-I-Khas 22

Muhammad Ibn Abdul Wahhab 267

Mujaddid 111

Mulla 143

Mumin 45

Munatakhab 134

Muntakhab 135

Muqaddima 114

Mureed 59

Murshid 103

Musaddas 202

Muslim Community 158

Muslim Minds In Colonial Perspectives

243

Muslim Women 213

Muslim Women Discourses 211

Muslim Women Education 216

Muslims In India 149

Masjid-E Jahan Numa 153

Masjid-E-Jahan Numa 149

Masnawi 112

Masnawi 56

Musnand 237

Maulana Abdul Aleem Islahi 268

Maulana Wahiduddin Khan 269

Mawara-Un-Nahr 76

Najat-Ur Rashid 136

Medieval 41

Modern Education 195

Moksha 126

Nayak 244

N

Nafs 59

Najat-Al-Rashid 138

Namakin 84

Namaz 22, 59

Nirgun 37

Nuruddin 47

288

Islam In India: History, Politics and Society

O Oghlan 86

S Sacred Space 150

P Padshahi 154

Pallang 237

Saff 54

Sahib-i-Qirani 83

Sajjadanashin 27

Pan Turkism 168

Pan-Arabism 168

Pan-Islamism 166, 243

Salafiya 171 Salafiyah 179 Salient Features 59

Pardah 196

Piety 7

Pir Waer 46

Saliks 23

Sama 28, 58

Sama Majlis 23

Pluralism 41

Pratibijna 45

Progressive Strategies 259

Semnaries 63

Senusiya 179

Shah Waliullah Dehlavi 267

Prologue 165

Prominent 25

Promoting 195

Propagation 21, 22

Punjabi Akhabr 200

Q Qazi 108

Qila-I-Ark 112

Quam 225

Quranic 201, 225

R Rationality vs Regression 173

Realistic Assessment 259

Reflection 202

Shahrukhi 75

Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi (1564-1624)

266

Shaikh Muhammad Abdullah 221, 216

Sharia 58

Shariat 23, 60

Shi’i In India 233

Shia Muslims in India 235

Shikaftiyya 60

Shivam Sundarum 46

Shophos 54

Shriah 201

Shruks 49

Silsila 62, 111

Silsilah 25

Sir Syed Ahmed Khan 213

Reform Movements 165

Relation And Relationship 192

Religiosity 12

Religious Freedom 121

Sir Syed’s Aligarh Movement 211

Society 239

Religious Landscape of Shahjahanabad

10

Restoration 158

Suffa 60

Sufi 31 Sufi Contributions 53

Risala-E-Qusheria 57

Rivajparsti 214

Roza 59

Sufi Education 57 Sufi Manual 62 Sufi Saints 25

289

Index

Sufi Thought 22 Sufis 33 Suhrawardiyya 237

Sulhi Kul 46

Surat-e-Ikhlas 37

Suyurghal 109

Syed’s Enlightened 175

T Ta’ziya 236

Tabaqat 109

Tamhid 63

Tarikh-i-Rashidi 76

Tariqa 23, 24

Tariqat 60

Tasawwuf 55, 58

Tauhid 54

Tawakkul 60

Tawhid 22

Tazkiras 102

Tazkiratul-Auliya 57

Tehzibul Ikhlaq 215

Thanadars 83

Toquz 86

Tora 78

Tradition 31

Tula Dan 82

Turkish Reformers 169

U Ulama 155

Umma 138

Upnishadnic 204

Uprising 151

Uprising Of 1857 154

V

Vakil 72

Varied Manifestation of Religiosity 12

W Wahhabis 158

Wahhabi-Salafi 267 Wajib 270

Western Imperialism 169

Women Discourses in Aligarh

Movement 217

Y Yasa 78

Young Turks 246

Z Zafarnama 84

Zafarnamah 83

Zamindars 75

Zilla 60

Zillullah 34

Zuhad 60

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