Introduction to the Grammar of Hebrew Poetry in Byzantine Palestine 9781463204020, 1463204027

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Introduction to the Grammar of Hebrew Poetry in Byzantine Palestine

Gorgias Studies in Language and Linguistics

22

In this series Gorgias publishes monographs from younger scholars whose dissertations have made important contributions to the field of language and linguistics.

Introduction to the Grammar of Hebrew Poetry in Byzantine Palestine

Michael Rand

9

34 2014

Gorgias Press LLC, 954 River Road, Piscataway, NJ, 08854, USA www.gorgiaspress.com Copyright © 2014 by Gorgias Press LLC

All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning or otherwise without the prior written permission of Gorgias Press LLC. 2014

‫ܘ‬

9

ISBN 978-1-4632-0402-0

ISSN 1935-6870

Reprinted from the 2006 Gorgias Press edition. Cover: Or. 1080 13.56 (recto), reproduced with the permission of the Syndics of Cambridge University Library.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A Cataloging-in-Publication record is available from the Library of Congress. Printed in the United States of America

PREFACE

XII

WORKS CITED BY ABBREVIATION

XV

SIGLA

XVII

INTRODUCTION

1

§1 General Considerations §1a The State of Research §1b Theoretical Considerations §1c The Present Work

1 1 8 15

§2 The Corpus §2a The Texts §2b Additional Works

17 17 22

CHAPTER 1 – PHONOLOGY

25

§3 Phonological Phenomena in the Consonantal Orthography §3a Syncope of he §3b Failure of nun to Assimilate in First Radical Position

25 25 26

§4 Consonantal Equivalencies §4a /m/ = /n/ §4b /d/ = /t/ §4c /b/ = /w/ §4d /’/ = /‘/ §4e /’/ = /y/

27 27 28 28 28 28

§5 Vocalic Equivalencies §5a /e, i/ = /o, u/ Preceding Furtive pataʚ §5b /o/ = /u/ §5c /CV/ = /Ce’V/

28 28 29 29

CHAPTER 2 – MORPHOLOGY

31

§6 Suffixed Genitive Pronouns 31 §6a Genitive Pronoun with Singular Nouns/Participles and Subject Suffix on 31 Infinitive Construct §6b Prepositions (+ ³™) Taking the Singular Series 32

i

CONTENTS §6c Genitive Pronoun with Plural (and Dual) Nouns/Participles §6d Prepositions Taking the Plural Series

34 35

§7 Suffixed Accusative Pronouns §7a Accusative Pronoun with Perfect §7b Accusative Pronoun with Imperfect/Imperative Ending in a Consonant (Including Energic nun) and Object Suffix on Infinitive Construct §7c Accusative Pronoun with Imperfect/Imperative Ending in a Vowel and with III/h Imperfect/Imperative (and Infinitive Construct) §7d Accusative Suffixes with (Predicative) Particles

37 37

§8 Nominal Morphology §8a Biradical (Monosyllabic) Nouns §8b Biradical Nouns with a Nominal Suffix §8c Biradical Nouns with a Feminine Morpheme §8d Reduplicated Biradicals §8e Nouns Derived from a Strong Triradical Root §8f Nouns with a Nominal Prefix §8g Nouns with a Nominal Suffix(es) §8h Nouns with a Feminine Morpheme §8i Nouns with a Feminine Morpheme + Nominal Prefix §8j Nouns with a Feminine Morpheme + Nominal Suffix §8k Nouns with a Feminine Derivational Suffix §8l Nouns with a Nominal Prefix and a Feminine Derivational Suffix

43 44 45 45 45 45 58 59 60 63 63 63 64

38 41 43

§9 Nominal Morphology of the Weak Roots 65 §9a Roots (Originally) I/y 65 §9b Roots (Originally) I/y with a Nominal Prefix 67 §9c Roots (Originally) I/y with a Feminine Morpheme 68 §9d Roots (Originally) I/y with a Feminine Morpheme + Nominal Prefix 68 69 §9e Roots (Originally) I/n (+  °¥) with a Nominal Prefix §9f Roots (Originally) I/n with a Feminine Morpheme + Nominal Prefix 69 §9g Roots (Originally) II/’ 69 §9h Roots (Originally) II/’ with a Nominal Prefix 71 §9i Roots (Originally) II/’ with a Nominal Suffix 71 §9j Roots (Originally) II/’ with a Feminine Morpheme + Nominal Prefix 71 §9k Roots (Originally) II/’ with a Feminine Derivational Suffix 71 §9l Roots (Originally) II/w, y 71 §9m Roots (Originally) II/w, y with a Nominal Prefix 75 §9n Roots (Originally) II/w, y with a Nominal Suffix(es) 76 §9o Roots (Originally) II/w, y with a Feminine Morpheme 76 §9p Roots (Originally) II/w, y with a Feminine Morpheme + Nominal Prefix 77 §9q Roots (Originally) II/n 77 §9r Roots (Originally) II/n with a Feminine Morpheme 77 §9s Roots (Originally) III/’ 77 §9t Roots (Originally) III/’ with a Nominal Prefix 79 §9u Roots (Originally) III/’ with a Nominal Suffix 79 §9v Roots (Originally) III/’ with a Feminine Morpheme 79 §9w Roots (Originally) III/’ with a Feminine Morpheme + Nominal Suffix 80

ii

CONTENTS §9x Roots (Originally) III/h 80 §9y Roots (Originally) III/h with a Nominal Prefix 85 §9z Roots (Originally) III/h with a Nominal Suffix 86 86 §9aa Roots (Originally) III/h with Ž-, ³Ž-, ³â-, ³¢Š§9bb Roots (Originally) III/h with a Feminine Morpheme + Nominal Prefix 90 §9cc (Originally) Geminate Roots 91 §9dd (Originally) Geminate Roots with a Nominal Prefix 96 §9ee (Originally) Geminate Roots with a Nominal Suffix 96 §9ff (Originally) Geminate Roots with a Feminine Morpheme 96 §9gg (Originally) Geminate Roots with a Feminine Morpheme + Nominal Prefix 97 §9hh (Originally) Geminate Roots with a Feminine Derivational Suffix 98 §9ii Quadriliteral Roots 99 §9jj Quinqui-consanantal Nouns 100 §10 Construct = Absolute

100

§11 Verbal Morphology §11a Infinitive with Paragogic he §11b Stem Vowel Modification in the Infinitive §11c (Converted) Imperfect with Paragogic he §11d Stem Vowel Modification in the Imperfect §11e The ©¥¡°³ Imperfect §11f Stem Vowel Modification in the Imperative §11g 3rd Masc. Sing. Perfect with Paragogic he §11h Stem Vowel Modification in the Perfect §11i The Gerund §11j The Infinitive Absolute

100 100 101 102 103 104 104 105 105 105 110

§12 Verbal Morphology of the Weak Roots §12a Perfect Forms from Roots (Originally) I/y §12b Imperfect Forms from Roots (Originally) I/y (+ £¥) §12c Imperative Forms from Roots (Originally) I/y §12d Infinitive Construct from Roots (Originally) I/y (+ £¥) §12e Gerunds from Roots (Originally) I/y §12f (Active) Participles from Roots (Originally) I/y §12g Passive Participles from Roots (Originally) I/y §12h Perfect Forms from Roots (Originally) I/n (+  °¥) §12i Imperfect Forms from Roots (Originally) I/n (+  °¥) §12j Imperative Forms from Roots (Originally) I/n (+  °¥) §12k Infinitive Construct from Roots (Originally) I/n (+  °¥) §12l Gerunds from Roots (Originally) I/n (+  °¥) §12m (Active) Participles from Roots (Originally) I/n §12n Perfect Forms from the Root ¦™© §12o Imperfect Forms from the Root ¦™© §12p Participles from the Root ¦™© §12q Perfect Forms from Roots (Originally) II/w, y §12r Imperfect Forms from Roots (Originally) II/w, y §12s Imperative Forms from Roots (Originally) II/w, y

111 111 112 114 114 115 115 116 116 117 118 119 119 120 121 121 121 122 125 128

iii

CONTENTS §12t Infinitives Construct from Roots (Originally) II/w, y §12u Infinitives Absolute from Roots (Originally) II/w, y §12v Gerunds from Roots (Originally) II/w, y §12w (Active) Participles from Roots (Originally) II/w, y §12x Perfect Forms from Roots (Originally) III/’ §12y Imperfect Forms from Roots (Originally) III/’ §12z Imperative Forms from Roots (Originally) III/’ §12aa Infinitives Construct from Roots (Originally) III/’ §12bb Gerunds from Roots (Originally) III/’ §12cc (Active) Participles from Roots (Originally) III/’ §12dd Passive Participles from Roots (Originally) III/’ §12ee Perfect Forms from Roots (Originally) III/h §12ff Imperfect Forms from Roots (Originally) III/h §12gg Imperative Forms from Roots (Originally) III/h §12hh Infinitives Construct from Roots (Originally) III/h §12ii Gerunds derived from roots (Originally) III/h §12jj (Active) Participles from Roots (Originally) III/h §12kk Passive Participles from Roots (Originally) III/h §12ll Perfect Forms from (Originally) Geminate Roots §12mm Imperfect Forms from (Originally) Geminate Roots §12nn Imperative Forms from (Originally) Geminate Roots §12oo Infinitives Construct from (Originally) Geminate Roots §12pp Gerunds from (Originally) Geminate Roots §12qq (Active) Participles from (Originally) Geminate Roots §12rr Passive Participles from (Originally) Geminate Roots §12ss Perfect Forms from Quadriliteral Roots §12tt Imperfect Forms from Quadriliteral Roots §12uu Infinitives Construct from Quadriliteral Roots §12vv Gerunds from Quadriliteral Roots §12ww (Active) Participles from Quadriliteral Roots §12xx Summary Morphological Lists §13 Stem Usage §13a Stem Shifts towards the Qal §13b Semantic Shifts within the Qal §13c New Qal Coinage Resulting from Stem Shift §13d Qal Denominative §13e Extension of the Semantic Range of a BH Qal Verb §13f Qal De-adverbative Derived from an Idiom §13g Adverbial Qal §13h Non-Passive Use of the Qal qåtul Participle §13i Object Displacement with the Qal qåtul Participle §13j Stem Shifts towards the Nifal §13k Species of the Nifal §13l Stem Shifts towards the Piel §13m Species of the Piel §13n Extension of the Semantic Range of a BH Piel Verb §13o Uses of the Pilpel §13p Stem Shifts towards the Poel

iv

128 129 130 130 132 133 134 134 135 135 136 136 140 143 143 144 145 146 147 149 151 152 154 154 156 157 157 158 158 158 158 161 162 165 165 165 168 169 170 171 175 177 177 185 191 196 197 197

CONTENTS §13q Uses of the Poel §13r Uses of the Polel §13s Development of the Pual §13t Stem Shifts towards the Pual §13u Pual Usage Related to BH §13v Pual Usage Related to MH §13w Independent Pual Usage §13x Uses of the Pulpal §13y Stem Shifts towards the Poal §13z Uses of the Poal §13aa Uses of the Polal §13bb Uses of the Šufal §13cc Development of the Nitpaal/Hitpael §13dd Stem Shifts towards the Nitpaal/Hitpael §13ee Nitpaal/Hitpael usage related to BH §13ff Nitpaal/Hitpael Usage Related to MH §13gg Independent Nitpaal/Hitpael §13hh Uses of the N/Hitpalpel §13ii Uses of the Hitpoel §13jj Stem Shifts towards the N/Hitpolel §13kk Uses of the N/Hitpolel §13ll Uses of the Ništafal/Hištafel §13mm Development of the Hifil §13nn Stem Shifts towards the Hifil §13oo Semantic Shifts within the Hifil §13pp Adverbial Hifil §13qq Transitive Hifil §13rr Denominative Hifil §13ss Development of the Hofal §13tt Stem Shifts towards the Hofal §13uu Hofal Usage Related to BH §13vv Hofal Usage Related to MH §13ww Independent Hofal Usage §13xx Repetition of the Same Root in Different Stems §13yy Repetition of “Root + Stem” with a Change in Meaning

CHAPTER 3 – SYNTAX

198 199 199 199 201 205 205 206 206 207 207 207 208 208 210 211 213 213 214 214 214 214 215 216 221 225 226 231 235 235 236 238 239 240 241

243

§14 Nominal Syntax §14a Extrapositioning of the Subject §14b Extrapositioning of the Direct Object or Genitive §14c Cognate Nominative §14d Clause Functioning as Subject §14e Triple Construct Phrase §14f Quadruple Construct Phrase (Including ¥¤) §14g Construct Distributed over a Coordinated Noun Phrase §14h Interupted Construct Chain §14i (Relative) Clause Functioning as a Genitive

v

243 243 244 246 246 246 249 250 250 253

CONTENTS §14j Superlative Genitive §14k Cognate Genitive §14l Doubly Marked Plural of Attributive Constructs §14m Constructions of ¥¤ + Genitive §14n Marking of the (Definite) Direct Object §14o Use of the Particle ³™ as a Demonstrative Pronoun §14p Objective Accusative §14q Adverbial Accusative §14r “¢ + Predicate Noun/Participle” §14s “™¯§© + Predicate Noun/Participle” §14t “¨³©, ²«, ¦¢/ž ², ³¢² Passive + Predicate Noun” §14u “©§, ¦¢ª, ™±° Passive + Predicate Noun” §14v Directional he §14w Adverbial -åm §14x Gender, Number and Definiteness §14y Lack of Gender Concord §14z Lack of Chiastic Gender Concord in Cardinal Numbers §14aa Lack of Number Concord §14bb Lack of Definiteness Concord

255 255 257 257 258 261 261 264 272 273 273 273 274 274 275 275 277 277 278

§15 Monographic and Monosyllabic/Polysyllabic Prepositions §15a Uses of the Preposition -š §15b Uses of the Preposition -¤ (+ ž§¤) §15c Uses of the Preposition -¥ §15d Uses of the Preposition ¢± ™ §15e Uses of the Preposition ¥™ §15f Use of the Preposition ¥¯™ §15g Uses of the Preposition ³™ §15h Uses of the Preposition ¨¢š §15i Use of the Preposition ¢¥š (+ ¢¥š§) §15j Use of the Preposition ¢œ«¥š (+ ¢œ«¥š§) §15k Use of the Preposition œ«š §15l Use of the Preposition ³¥žŸ §15m Use of the Preposition ¦±¡ (+ -¥ ¦±¡, ¦±¡š) §15n Use of the Preposition ³™±°¥ §15o Use of the Preposition ¥ž§ (+ ¥ž§¥) §15p Uses of the Preposition ¨§ §15q Use of the Preposition  ¤ž© (+  ¤ž©¥) §15r Use of the Preposition š¢šª (+ š¢šªš) §15s Use of the Preposition ±žš« (+ ±žš«š) §15t Uses of the Preposition œ« (+ ¢œ«) §15u Uses of the Preposition ¥« (+ ¢¥«, ¥«§) §15v Use of the Preposition ¦« §15w Uses of the Preposition ³ ³

278 279 288 293 300 300 300 300 301 302 302 302 303 303 304 304 304 309 309 310 310 311 312 313

§16 BH Nouns Functioning as Prepositions §16a Use of the Preposition £±œ §16b Uses of the Preposition ¢©­ (+ ¢©­š, ¢©­¥, ¢©­§, ¢©­ ¥«) §16c Use of the Preposition ¦œ° (+ ¨§ ¦œ°)

313 313 313 315

vi

CONTENTS §16d Use of the Preposition ±ž§³

316

§17 Complex Prepositions §17a The Preposition ¨¢›š ‘for the sake of’ §17b The Preposition ¥¥›š ‘for the sake of’ §17c The Preposition ™¥š ‘without’ §17d The Preposition £ž³š ‘in (the midst of)’ §17e The Preposition œ›©¤ ‘corresponding to’ §17f The Prepositions -¥ ¥«§¥, -¥ ¥«§§ ‘above, over’ §17g The Preposition ¨«§¥ ‘for the sake of’ §17h The Preposition ¨¢«¥ ‘before’ (spatial) §17i The Preposition -鞐«¥† ‘before’ (spatial) §17j The Preposition ¢­¥ ‘in accordance with’ §17k The Preposition ¦²¥ ‘in accordance with’ §17l The Preposition ¨¢«§ ‘like’ §17m The Preposition ³±šœ ¥« ‘because of’ §17n The Preposition œ¢ ¥« Indicating Agency

316 316 316 316 317 317 317 317 318 318 318 318 319 319 320

§18 Verbal Syntax 320 §18a Suffix Conjugation of Fientive Verbs = (Definite) Past 324 §18b Suffix Conjugation of Fientive Verbs = Persistent Present 325 §18c Suffix Conjugation of Fientive Verbs = Instantaneous Present 325 §18d Suffix Conjugation of Fientive Verbs = Perfect 326 §18e Suffix Conjugation of Fientive Verbs = Future (Perfective) 328 §18f Suffix Conjugation of Fientive/Stative Verbs = Gnomic Tense 328 §18g Suffix Conjugation of Stative Verbs = Definite Past 329 §18h Suffix Conjugation of Stative Verbs = Present 329 §18i Prefix Conjugation = Progressive Present 330 §18j Prefix Conjugation Expressing a General State of Affairs with No Specific 330 Tense Value §18k Prefix Conjugation Expressing Speaker Volition 331 §18l Prefix Conjugation = Future 335 §18m Waw + Prefix Conjugation (wayyiqtol) 336 §18n Prefix Conjugation Expressing Purpose 337 §18o Predicate Participle Expressing a General State of Affairs with No 337 Specific Tense Value §18p Predicate Participle Expressing Past State of Affairs 338 §18q Predicate Participle = Concurrent Time/Present Continuous 340 §18r Predicate Participle = Future 341 341 §18s “¢ + Participle” Expressing the Progressive Aspect §18t Masculine Plural Participle used Impersonally 342 §19 Infinitive §19a Purpose Infinitive (+ Negative with ¨§) §19b Complementary Infinitive (+ Negative with ¨§) §19c Infinitive as Adverbial Accusative (+ Negative with ¨§) §19d Result Infinitive (+ Negative with ¨§) §19e Explanatory/Epexegetical Infinitive (+ Neg. with ¨§) §19f Infinitive with ¨§ in a Comparison of Capability

vii

342 343 345 346 347 348 350

CONTENTS §19g Modal Infinitive §19h Immanent Infinitive §19i Infinitive Apparently Functioning as a Finite Form §19j Exegetical Infinitive §19k Temporal Infinitive (Bare and with -š, -¤, ¢©­¥§, œ«) §19l Substantivized Infinitive as a Genitive §19m “œ¢³« + Infinitive” §19n “œ¢³« + Prepositional Phrase/Genitive” §19o Infinitive Absolute

351 352 352 354 355 360 360 361 362

§20 Gerund §20a Gerund in a Temporal Clause Construction §20b Gerund in a Purpose Clause Construction §20c Gerund in an Adverbial Construction §20d Gerund Constructed with š±

362 362 364 365 365

§21 Non-Predicate Participle §21a Relative Participle §21b Participle as Predicate Accusative of State §21c The Construction “™±© + -¤ + Participle”

366 366 368 369

§22 Adverbs §22a Constituent Adverbs §22b Adverbs of Location §22c Temporal Adverbs §22d Scalar Adverbs §22e Manner Adverbs §22f The Item Adverb ™¥ §22g Epexegetical Phrase Introduced by -š ™¥ ±²™ and -¤ ™¥² §22h Epexegetical Phrase Introduced by ™¥ž §22i Clausal Adverbs §22j Negation of the Perfect §22k Negation of the Imperfect §22l Negation of the Predicate Participle §22m Negation of Infinitive Clauses §22n Negation of Existential Clauses §22o Disjuncts §22p Coordinators §22q Logical Markers §22r Discourse Shifters §22s Restrictive Adverbs §22t Interrogative/Exclamatory Adverbs

369 370 370 371 375 376 379 380 380 381 381 381 384 385 386 388 389 391 393 395 396

§23 Other Particles §23a The Predicator of Existence ²¢ §23b The Noun ¢à Used Predicatively §23c The Presentative Exclamation © §23d The Presentative Exclamation ¨ §23e The Interjection ¢¥¥™

398 398 398 398 398 399

viii

CONTENTS §23f The Precative Particle ™© §23g The Filler Word ¥ª

399 399

§24 Emphatic Repetition

399

§25 Clause Coordination §25a Verbal Clauses Coordinated with -ž §25b Clausal -ž Followed by Non-Verb §25c Clausal -ž Followed by Verb (including “™¥ž + Verb”) §25d Clausal -ž Connecting Identically Conjugated Verbs §25e Direct Speech

400 400 400 404 408 411

§26 Subordinate Clauses §26a Conditional Clauses with ¦™ §26b Contrafactual Conditional Clauses with ¢¥ž¥ §26c Causal (Explanatory) Clauses with ¢¤ §26d Causal Clauses with -¤ §26e Causal Clauses with ¢¤ ¥« §26f Comparative Clauses with -¤ §26g Comparative Clauses with ž§¤ §26h Temporal Clauses with ¦±¡ (+ ¦±¡š, ¦±¡ œ«, ¦±¡ ³«) §26i Temporal Clauses with -¤ §26j Temporal Clauses with ž§š §26k Temporal Clauses with ±²™¤ §26l Temporal Clauses with -²¤ §26m Temporal Clauses with -²§ §26n Temporal Clauses with œ« §26o Temporal Clauses with -² œ« §26p Temporal Clauses with ™¥ œ« §26q Temporal Clauses with ™¥² œ« §26r Temporal Clauses with ³« (+ ³«š, ³«¥, ³«§) §26s Temporal Clauses with ¦œ° §26t (Quasi-)Predicative Constructions with ¨¢™š, ¨¢™§ §26u Indirect Speech §26v Relative Clauses §26w Dependent Relative Clauses Marked by ±²™ §26x Dependent Relative Clauses Marked by -² §26y Dependent Relative Clauses with No Marker §26z Independent Relative Clauses Marked by ¢§/§ §26aa Independent Relative Clauses with No Marker

414 414 416 417 418 419 419 420 421 422 427 427 427 428 428 429 429 431 431 432 433 435 436 436 437 437 438 438

CHAPTER 4 – RHETORICAL FIGURES §27 Paronomasia §27a Two Words Readable as One §27b Two Words from MT to be Read as One §27c One Word from MT to be Read as Two

ix

441 441 441 441 441

CONTENTS §27d Juxtaposition of Variants from MT Synoptic Sources §27e Root Homonymy §27f Root Metathesis §27g Paronomastic Metathesis §27h Bivalence Based on Homonymy

443 443 444 444 445

§28 Syntactic Features 445 §28a Beheading of Construct Phrase 445 §28b Beheading of “Noun + Dependent Relative Clause” 446 §28c Apocopation of Genitive in Construct Phrase 446 §28d Apocopation of Subjective Genitive in Infinitival Phrase 448 §28e Apocopation of Time Expressions 448 §28f Gapping of Counted Item in Numerical Expressions 449 §28g Apocopation of Material Headed by Relative Pronoun 450 §28h Apocopation of Object in BH “Verb + Object” Idiom 450 §28i Breakup of Construct Phrase into Binomial of Synonyms 450 §28j Transformation of Binomial into Construct Phrase 450 §28k Construct of Synonyms 451 §28l Breakup of a Binomial 452 §28m Binomials of Opposites Unattested in BH 452 §28n Binomials of Synonyms or Semantically Related Words Unattested in BH 454 §28o Inverted Construct 454 §28p Construct Phrases in Relation of Chiasm 457 §28q False Cognate Genitive 458 §28r False Cognate Accusative 459 §28s Paronomastic Accusative 459 §28t Metathesis of “Noun + Attributive Adjective” 459 §28u “Verb + Object” Å “Noun + Attributive Adjective” or “Construct + Genitive” 460 §28v “Numeral + Noun” Å “Noun + Numeral” 460 §28w Interruption of “Noun + Attributive Adjective” or “Noun + Relative 460 Participle” §28x Interruption of “Construct + Genitive” 460 §28y Grammatical Tuck 461 §28z Janus Syntax 464 §28aa Object Gapping + Double Status 465 §28bb Syntactic Bivalence 466 §29 Lexical Features §29a Modification of Material Quoted from MT §29b Sentence Built out of Integrated Biblical Verses §29c Crossworded Biblical Verses §29d Fake Biblical Verse §29e Lexical Substitution or Addition in BH Idiom/Collocation §29f Conflation of BH Idioms/Collocations §29g Mishnaic Idioms/Collocations and Technical Terms §29h Quotation of MH Sources §29i Aramaisms

x

467 467 478 479 479 480 482 483 487 489

CONTENTS §29j Aramaic Roots/Lexemes with BH Cognates §29k Aramaic Roots/Lexemes Attested in BH §29l Common BH Roots Exhibiting Aramaic Morphology §29m Aramaic Roots/Lexemes First Attested in MH §29n Aramaic Roots/Lexemes Unattested in BH and MH §29o Calqued Aramaic Idioms/Collocations §29p Quotation of Aramaic Sources §29q Graecisms Attested in MH §29r Use of Lists §29s Use of Modified MT GN as a Common Noun

489 490 495 496 498 500 501 501 503 514

§30 Iconic Features 515 515 §30a Similes Introduced by (-š) ¥ž²§ §30b Transformation of Simile into Metaphor 515 §30c Metonymy 515 §30d Catachresis 517 §30e Syllepsis 519 §30f Metonymic Reference by Means of Words Attributed to or Said About 520 Someone §30g Metonymic Reference to a Place by Means of Words Said with Reference to It 520 §30h Incorporation of Fixed Material (FV, F) 520 §30i Incorporation of Scriptural Material into Narrative 524 §30j Incorporation of Scriptural Material as Lemma 524 §30k Enjambment 526

BIBLIOGRAPHY

529

xi

PREFACE This book is a revised version of my 2003 NYU doctoral dissertation, which is entitled “Poetry and Grammar in the Works of Eleazar be-rabbi Qillir – A Grammatical Analysis of Selected Liturgical Poems.” My original intent in revising the dissertation was quantitative–i.e., the grammatical analysis propounded in the book was to rest on a greatly expanded database. This quantitative aim has been fully realized. However, the inclusion of additional material in the corpus of analyzed poems frequently necessitated the abandonment of old positions, the proposal of new analyses, the creation of new categories, etc. It is as though the dissertation served as a skeleton, but in the prosess of putting more “meat on the bones,” the skeleton itself was significantly transformed. The spirit of the work, however, remains essentially unchanged. It, just like its predecessor, relies on a thoroughgoing (not to say “exhaustive”) analysis of a limited textual corpus in order to build up a picture of the Qillirian dialect. I say “essentially” because the experience of several years of intensive examination of the Qillirian corpus has made me much more sensitive to its outstanding features and idiosyncracies than I was when I began working. So that in preparing this book, if a certain important feature did not happen to be attested in the limited corpus that I had selected, I was able to supply it from elsewhere in the Qillirian oeuvre. In this way, I believe that I have covered at least most of my bases, in the sense that the present volume is a reasonably accurate representation of the grammar of Qillirian piyyut. It is my hope that this book is but the first in a series of revised editions, the ultimate aim being a distilled version that relies less on large quantities of examples and more on the sort of mature, global evaluation that can only come after many more years of reading and thought. In saying this, I do not wish to undermine the reader’s confidence in the grammatical analysis offered here. Surely, there is a time and a place for a young scholar to wish to xii

PREFACE refrain from attempting a full-blown synthesis and to rely instead on concrete examples, in an attempt to build up the forest one tree at a time. And the advantages of such an approach to the reader are obvious, in that he can verify for himself the accuracy of the categories and analyses that I have proposed on the basis of the examples that I offer. To say that this work would have been impossible without the support, financial as well as personal, of a number of individuals and organizations is to say something that is concretely true. I cannot speak for other professions, but I can certainly attest to the fact that being a young academic specializing in Hebrew philology in the current cultural/financial climate requires a lot of what we rather euphemistically refer to as “compromises.” Without getting into details, I can say that my experience has taught me to identify with the words of my illustrious predecessor Abraham Ibn Ezra, who was more adept than I at turning self-pity into humor: š¤ ڎ ±šŽ ç† ¦¢±Š §† ՙ š±Œ «Œ ³«‹ ¥† ™ÕšÒ//š¤ ±Ž ±šŽ ç† ¦¢±Š §† ՙ ±Ý  ³¢š‹ ¥† ¦¢çŠ چ Ñ š¤Ž Õ¤ ¢¥Š ކ œ¥ Õ© ¢©Š «Ž Ú¢™Š ¥† ¢ŽÕ™//šçŽ چ §Š ¥Œ «ˆ ¢ ՙ šçŽ ±† §Œ ¥Œ «ˆ ¢ ՙ

The following, then, deserve the gratitude of a person who– compromises notwithstanding–has the rare priveledge of being able to devote himself to the thing that he loves as a direct result of their spiritual and financial generosity. My teacher, Professor Raymond Scheindlin of the Jewish Theological Seminary, has been unstinting in his support from the very inception of this project. The Shalom Spiegel Institute for Medieval Hebrew Poetry, of which he is the director, has kindly hosted me as a post-doctoral Fellow. I can only hope that this book will live up to the remarkably high standard of scholarship set by the Institute’s namesake, and that its support of me will consequently be considered justified. I would certainly deem it a great honor to be thought of as continuing the Seminary’s tradition of research in medieval Hebrew poetry. The contribution of my parents, Barry and Natalia Rand is incalculable, both literally and figuratively. Because of this circumstance, I could not even begin to surmise how much naʚas I would have to supply in exchange. In any case, I hope that this book can be considered a serious installment into that fund. I would also like to thank the Oxford Centre for Hebrew and Jewish Studies, at which I was a Visiting Fellow between October 2003 and March 2004. A large part of the work was done during that period, and it is difficult for me to imagine a place more xiii

PREFACE conducive to the sort of concentration that was required than Yarnton Manor. And finally, it is a pleasure to express my gratitude to the Library of the Jewish Theological Seminary, and especially to Sharon Mintz, the Curator of Jewish Art, for allowing me to use an image from the Rothschild Maʘzor on the cover. That having been said, I would like to dedicate this book to my sister, Masha Rand. I am supremely confident that she will never read it, and yet it is a great pleasure for me to symbolically dispose of my labors in this way. M. RAND

xiv

WORKS CITED BY ABBREVIATION B&L = H. Bauer & P. Leander, Historische Grammatik der Hebräschen Sprache des Alten Testamentes (Halle an der Saale: Max Niemeyer, 1922). Baer = Y. Baer, ¥™±²¢ ³œžš« ±œª (repr.; Berlin: Schocken, 1936). BDB = F. Brown, S.R. Driver & C.A. Briggs, A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament (Oxford: Clarendon, 1959). Ben Yehuda = E. Ben Yehuda, Thesaurus Totius Hebraitatis et Veteris et Recentioris (Tel Aviv: La’am, n.d.). Bergsträsser = G. Bergsträsser, Hebräische Grammatik (Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1962). BHS = Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia (Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 1967/77). CAD = The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago (Chicago: Oriental Institute, 1964-1999). Davidson = I. Davidson, ¡ž¢­ž ±¢² ±¯ž™ (repr.; Ktav: 1970). DSSC = M.G. Abegg, Jr. with J.E. Bowley & E.M. Cook, The Dead Sea Scrolls Concordance (Leiden/Boston: Brill, 2003). EJ = Encyclopaedia Judaica (Jerusalem: Keter, 1971). Even Shoshan = A. Even-Shosan, ²œ  ¨ž¥§ (Jerusalem: Kiryath Sepher, 1975). GKC = A.E. Cowley, Gesenius’ Hebrew Grammar as Edited and Enlarged by the Late E. Kautzsch (2nd English ed.; Oxford: Clarendon, 1990). HJ = J. Hoftijzer & K. Jongeling, Dictionary of the North-west Semitic Inscriptions (Handbuch der Orientalistik 21; Leiden/New York/Köln: Brill, 1995). Jastrow = M. Jastrow, Dictionary of the Tagumim, Talmud Babli, Yerushalmi and Midrashic Literature (New York: Judaica Press, 1992). Joüon = P. Joüon, A Grammar of Biblical Hebrew (T. Muraoka trans.; Subsidia Biblica 14/I-II; Rome: Editrice Pontificio Instituto Biblico, 2000). xv

ABBREVIATIONS KB = L. Koehler & W. Baumgartner, The Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament (Leiden/Boston/Köln: Brill, 1999). Kenaani = Y. Kenaani, ³ž©ž² ¢³ž­ž°³¥ ³¢±š« ¨ž²¥ ±¯ž™ (Jerusalem/Tel Aviv/Givatayim: Masada, 1960-89). Krauss = S. Krauss, Griechische und Lateinische Lehnwörter im Talmud, Midrasch und Targum (repr.; Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1964). Liddell&Scott = H. Liddell & R. Scott, A Greek-English Lexicon (9th ed.; Oxford: Clarendon, 1948). Moreshet = M. Moreshet, ¦¢™©³ ¨ž²¥š ²œ ³©² ¥«ž­ ¨ž°¢ª°¥ (RamatGan: Bar Ilan University Press, 1980). Qimron = E. Qimron, The Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls (HSS 29; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1986). Sokoloff = M. Sokoloff, A Dictionary of Jewish Palestinian Aramaic (Ramat-Gan: Bar Ilan University Press, 1992). Segal = M. Segal, ©²§ ¨ž²¥ °žœ°œ (Tel Aviv: Devir, 1936). W&O = B.K. Waltke & M. O’Connor, An Introduction to Biblical Hebrew Syntax (Winona Lake, IND: Eisenbrauns, 1990)

xvi

SIGLA The following sigla are employed in the grammar: A word is involved in the acrostic AN word is supplied by anadiplosis (±ž²±²) F word is a fixed word FV word is supplied by a framing verse FP scriptural material is supplied by a framing pericope mod. verb form is modified with respect to stem (cf. §12) R form stands in the rhyme position et passim form is attested five times or more v.l. varia lectionis (a variant reading[s]) construct state (when appearing after a Hebrew word) * reconstructed proto-form ** non-existent form // a) a stich boundary, or b) parallel structures The vowel symbols i, Ī, a, ć, u, Š are employed in the reconstructed proto-forms, whereas the symbols i, e, æ, a, å, o, u together with e, æ, a, o (i.e., the seven-vowel system) are used to transliterate Tiberian Hebrew forms.

xvii

INTRODUCTION §1 GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS §1a The State of Research In an overview of the state of Hebrew philological research written in 1970, Chaim Rabin has the following to say on the subject of the grammatical study of the piyyut literature: [T]he period immediately following the cessation of spoken Hebrew [ca. 200 AD] and until the eleventh century saw a type of religious poetry, the Piyyuʜ, which not only created thousands of new words, but also consistently treated triliteral roots containing the ‘weak’ elements w, y, and n as bilateral roots and introduced some revolutionary changes in the syntax. Yet, apart from lists of these phenomena drawn up by a historian of literature in 1855 [Zunz, Synagogale Poesie], this language has not been investigated by anyone; of a planned dictionary only a specimen appeared. 1 This apparent neglect was a result of the attitude accepted in linguistics in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, that only living, spoken languages were suitable for linguistic investigation. Even the revival of spoken Hebrew, and the absorption of Rabin is referring here to Y. Kenaani, – ¦¢¡ž¢­ ¨ž²¥¥ ¢©ž¢¯©œ±ž°©ž° ¨ž¥§ §›žœ¥ ³±šž  (Jerusalem: Payit, 1930-31). This work, written while Kenaani was still a student at the Hebrew University, is based on a reasonably complete corpus of the piyyutim of Yose ben Yose as well as a small number of piyyutim by Yannai, and despite its rather grandiose title is now practically useless. The same might be said of idem, "±¢¥° ¥² ž©ž²¥ ±¯ž™§" Leshonenu 10 (1939-40) 21-29, where a number of the poet’s neologisms are itemized by nominal and verbal pattern. In the interest of fairness, however, it should be pointed out that this material doubtless eventually made its way into Kenaani’s major lexicographical work– ³¢±š« ¨ž²¥ ±¯ž™ ³ž©ž² ¢³ž­ž°³¥–which, in addition to its other virtues, constitutes a major contribution to the lexicography of piyyut (cf. note 15). 1

1

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY many of these linguistic innovations of the Middle Ages into the modern language, only slowly produced a change towards greater interest in the structural phenomena of the intervening periods (as distinct from a purely practical interest in their vocabulary)…. The Academic Dictionary which is being prepared, under the editorship of Z. Ben-Hayyim, by the Hebrew Language Academy at Jerusalem, will, when completed, fill this lacuna completely from the lexical point of view, and to a large extent also as concerns grammar…. …In contrast to the Encyclopaedia Judaica of 1928-34 [published in Berlin], where the article on the Hebrew language, written by N.H. Torczyner (later Tur-Sinai), covered in effect only Biblical and Mishnaic Hebrew, the new Encyclopedia Judaica to be published at Jerusalem will cover the entire history of the language in at least its main periods. 2

Rabin’s assessment as to the beginnings of the grammatical study of piyyut is quite correct. In his Synagogale Poesie, Zunz devotes 10 pages to a discussion of topics that might be considered properly philological. 3 This discussion is supplemented by a number of lists appended at the end of the work. 4 An itemization of their titles should be sufficient to indicate to the reader the scope of Zunz’s interests: 5.

Aramäische Wörter aus I) [Bibel], Targum und II) Talmud im Piut Ungewöhnliche Plurale [Die Plural-Endung ³ž¢] Infinitive Die zweibuchstabigen Formationen ¤''š¥ vor dem Verbum finitum Beispeile von peitanischen Wörtern bei Saadia, Abitur und Gabirol, von talmudischen bei spanischen Dichtern Nominalformen [selected nominal patterns] Verbalformen [various roots conjugated in various stems] Partikeln in Verba verwandelt; II. Anomale Bildungen

6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 2

Ch. Rabin, “Hebrew,” Current Trends in Linguistics 6 (1970) 325-26. L. Zunz, Die synagogale Poesie des Mittelaters (2nd ed.; Frankfurt am Main: J. Kaufmann, 1920) 116-27. 4 Zunz, Synagogale Poesie, 372-497. 3

2

INTRODUCTION 15. Nachweis über verschiedene, vorzugsweise von den ältern Synagogal-Dichtern gebrauchte, oder ihnen eigentümliche Ausdrücke 16. [Bezeichnungen] [various epithets] 17. Der alte Bund und die alte Hilfe [expressions with ¨ž²™±, (¨ž)§œ°, ¨²ž©, ¨²¢] 18. Die in Selichas u.s.w. vorkommenden, Talmud und Midrasch entlehnten, Ausdrücke 19. Wörter und Wendungen, welche die poetischen aus den älteren Gebeten aufgennomen haben We see, therefore, that attention in these lists is evenly divided between morphology (6-9, 12-14) and the payyetanic lexicon (5, 11, 15-19). Only one list addresses syntax (10). In no case is a distinction maintained between Palestinian piyyut, with its Italian and German descendants, and the Hebrew poetry of Moslem Spain. Little progress has been made in the grammatical study of piyyut since the pioneering work of Zunz. And yet, between Zunz and all subsequent students of this area lies the discovery of the Cairo Genizah, an event that revolutionized all aspects of the study of piyyut. It is clear that the main reason for this lack of progress, as claimed by Rabin, is the overwhelming preference shown by linguists for the study of living languages, ideally on the basis of their spoken form. In the field of historical linguistics, this preference informs the classical formulation of the concept of analogy, the main mechanism of language change, i.e., the process of analogy is implicitly or explicitly defined as being speaker-driven. 5 Given this methodological framework, it is hardly surprising that the Hebrew of piyyut, a highly self-conscious and stylized idiom that is, moreover, subject to numerous and sometimes onerous formal pressures (rhyme, acrostic, etc.), interests neither the synchronic nor the diachronic linguist. In addition to this fundamental obstacle, however, one cannot help but suspect that Zunz himself is also partially to blame, to the extent that the various grammatical/lexical points discussed by him in connection with piyyut are represented as atomized curios, 5 Cf. R. Antilla, Historical and Comparative Linguistics (Current Issues in Linguistic Theory 6; 2nd ed.; Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins, 1989) 88-108.

3

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY isolated exhibits at a linguistic freak show, with no regard for their position within an integrated linguistic system. For the most part, those students of Wissenschaft des Judentums who have followed his lead have adopted this atomized approach, and the possibility of linguistic investigation along structuralist lines is thereby ignored from the outset. It is for this reason that the discovery of the Cairo Genizah, and the consequent availability of a huge number of reliable piyyut texts has failed thus far to stimulate a linguistic interest in piyyut to parallel the publication of new texts, and the study of its liturgical and literary/aesthetic aspects. Eloquent proof of this contention is furnished by Paul Kahle, a major figure in Genizah research. In discussing his interest in the qerovot of ³žœ, Kahle confesses: I must admit that it was not my special interest in this kind of poetry which induced me to study these poems for many years but problems of Hebrew Grammar. Many of these liturgical MSS in the Geniza are comparatively old and often provided with vowels of the Palestinian system which preceded in Palestine the vocalization developed in Tiberias. Texts of this kind are of importance in so far as they are still more or less independent of the influence of the Tiberian Masoretes who, in the course of the eighth century, began to reorganize the Hebrew language and to bring it into shape which is familiar to us from our grammars. 6

According to Kahle, therefore, piyyut texts hardly arouse linguistic interest in their own right. They may rather be exploited to play a subsidiary role in supporting Kahle’s (highly polemical) theory about the nature of masoretic activity and its implications for our understanding of certain problems in Biblical Hebrew phonology (especially the status of the guttural sounds). While this approach has ultimately yielded a very valuable study by Yosef Yahalom, 7 it is

6

P.E. Kahle, The Cairo Genizah (2nd ed.; Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1959)

38.

Y. Yahalom, ¨ž²¥ ³ž«­ž³ž ³ž±§²§¥ ³žœ ³ž³²žœ°š ¢¥™±²¢-®±™ œž°¢©" "ž©§§ ³ž¥ž« Leshonenu 34 (1969/70) and idem, Palestinian Vocalised Piyyut Manuscripts in the Cambridge Genizah Collections (Cambridge University Library Genizah Series 7; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997). For the utilization of piyyut texts for the sake of their contribution to the study of the phonological system revealed by the Palestinian vocalization, 7

4

INTRODUCTION hardly a harbinger of serious change in philologists’ assessments of the importance of piyyut as a linguistic corpus. The same sort of non-systemic approach to the linguistic study of the piyyut corpus characterizes the work of Kahle’s student Menachem Zulay. In a series of brilliant articles, he investigates some of the lexical peculiarities of the payyetanic corpus with a view to elucidating its relationship to Rabbinic Hebrew. 8 While these studies have helped to illuminate many obscure passages and have, moreover, shown the close relationship between the Hebrew of piyyut and that of the Palestinian rabbinic corpus, they do not really promote the structural study of the former any more than the research referred to above. Just as the desire to elucidate problems in the phonological structure of Biblical Hebrew as recorded by the Tiberian masoretes motivated Kahle to study piyyut texts, so the desire to restore a form of Mishnaic Hebrew free from the influence of Tiberian grammar seems to have motivated Henoch Yalon. In his grammatical writings, which are primarily concerned with rabbinic texts, he makes frequent reference to piyyut forms as a means of establishing a particular linguistic usage as being “authentically” Mishnaic. 9 The material thus gathered is abundant and in some cases extremely illuminating, but it is nevertheless secondary to Yalon’s main interest in Mishnaic Hebrew (and is therefore not given to convenient exploitation by a student of piyyut). Conceptually, however, it represents a great improvement over Kahle’s approach. This is so because ultimately, Kahle is not a grammarian but rather a historian of the MT. For him, therefore, the study of grammar is a tool for the elucidation of certain theories about the nature of the MT, while the grammar of piyyut, in the limited sense described above, is but one way in which this tool might be made more effective. Yalon also begins with an interest in the text of the Mishna. His task, however, is not circumscribed by see also A. Murtonen, Materials for a non-Masoretic Hebrew Grammar I – With a Contribution by G.J. Ormann (Helsinki, 1958). 8 Cf. M. Zulay, "¦¢©¡¢­ ¨ž²¥ ¥² ³ž§œ¥", " ¢² ¢¤­ž²ž ¦¢©¡¢¢­ ¢­§", "¦¢©¡¢¢­ ¨ž²¥š ³ž ¤²©", "¢¢©¢ ¢¡ž¢­š ¨ž²¥ ¢©ž¢«" in idem, – ¢¡ž¢­ž ¥™±²¢ ®±™ Ÿ¢©› ¢¡ž¢­š ¦¢±° § (E. Chazan ed.; Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1995) 415522. 9 See especially Ch. Yalon, ©²§ œž°¢©¥ ™žš§ (Jerusalem: Bialik, 1964) and idem, ¨ž²¥ ¢°±­ (Jerusalem: Bialik, 1971).

5

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY the need to defend polemical theories about the activities and motivations of its redactors and tradents (especially since in this case, the bare facts are reasonably clear and well-established), but to establish the grammatical facts of Mishnaic Hebrew as a natural, living language rather than a more-or-less imperfect reflection of Tiberian Biblical Hebrew. By utilizing the language of piyyut in order to promote his case, he is in effect implying that, albeit in limited respects, it is an outgrowth of this natural, living language, and can therefore not only illuminate its Mishnaic substratum but can also be viewed as a synchronic representative of an organically evolving system. In other words, he implicitly refuses to treat it as a hodgepodge of disconnected linguistic oddities with no parentage besides the perverse linguistic obscurantism of a handful of liturgical poets. This fundamentally new approach has definitely borne fruit. Thus, Yahalom has devoted an entire monograph to what might be termed “selected grammatical topics” in the study of piyyut. 10 While this work is far from a structural analysis of the corpus, it represents the first serious attempt to investigate Payyetanic Hebrew as an independent, synchronically real, linguistic Sache possessed of structural properties such as a system of verbal stems, a method of concatenating nouns into construct chains, etc. The independent status of this object is underlined, moreover, by a discussion of the ways in which it differs from Biblical and Mishnaic Hebrew, and suggestions as to the linguistic mechanisms, among them analogy, that brought about these differences. 11 Yisrael Yeivin has devoted an extensive article to developments in root morphology common to Mishnaic Hebrew and Payyetanic Hebrew. 12 In it, the two idioms are treated as equals for the purposes of linguistic analysis. He has also devoted an article to the investigation of a number of characteristic grammatical properties of piyyut, organized “historically” under the 10 Y. Yahalom, ¦žœ° ¢¥™±²¢-®±™ ¡ž¢­ ¥² ±¢² ³­² (Jerusalem: Magnes, 1985). 11 For the role of analogy in shaping the system of stems employed in piyyut, see M. Rand, “Fientivity, Transitivity and Stem Vowel Variation in Byzantine Piyyut,” JQR 93 (2003) 471-95, which takes as its starting point the findings of Yahalom. 12 Y. Yeivin, "¡ž¢­ ¨ž²¥šž ¦¢§¤  ¨ž²¥š ³ž±Ÿ› ¢­ž¥¢ " Meʚkarim be-Lashon 4 (1990) 161-204.

6

INTRODUCTION rubrics of: I. ¢™±°§ œžª¢, II. ¢¥''Ÿ  œžª¢, III. š¥²¤ ¡ž¢­ ¨ž²¥ ³¢±š« ¥² ³ž ³­³š, IV. ¡ž¢­ ¨ž²¥š ³¢§¯« ³ž ³­³. 13 A comparison of the list assembled by Yeivin with Zunz’s list, given above, offers a fairly accurate assessment of the progress that has been made in the study of piyyut grammar: I.1 £±™ž§ ±š« I.2 ¦¢©ž² ¦¢¢ž©¢¤ II.1 ¢''¥ £±œ ¥« ™''¥ ³¢¢¡© II.2 ž''« ¥¢«­ ±š«š ±ž²¢° ³«ž©³ II.3 ¥«­™ ¥°²§ ,¥° ¢žž¢¯ž œ¢³« III.1 ¨¢¢©« ±²°š °ª­ ³ž±ž¯ III.2 ¥«‹ ìŽ ¥°²§ ±š« III.3 ¦¢§¥² £±œ ¥« ¦¢¥ž­¤ ³¢¢¡© III.4 œ¢³« £±œ ¥« ±ž°§ ³¢¢¡© III.4.1 ¢''¥ ¢ © III.5 £±™ž§ ±ž°§ IV.1 ¦¢¥ž¥« ¦¢¥«­ ¥² "³±¯ž°§" ¢¢¡© IV.2 ¦¯« ³ž§² ¢²žœ¢  IV.3 ©''­ ³±Ÿ›š ¦¢¥«­ ³¢¢¡© It is clear that Yeivin’s formulation, though it deals exclusively with morphology, presents a system of analysis that has become greatly refined, both in terms of defining synchronic categories as well as evaluating their diachronic significance. To date, this article is the most sophisticated attempt at describing the language of piyyut. And what of the promises for the future made by Rabin in 1970? To date, they have only been realized in an attenuated form. Work on the Historical Hebrew Dictionary has generated an article by Reuven Mirkin, wherein a listing is given of all of the occurrences of a number of nominal and verbal patterns in the corpus of Yannai. 14 Beyond this, Ma’agarim, a CD-ROM database recently made available to the public by the Hebrew Language Academy has made it possible to subject the entire piyyut corpus, as Y. Yeivin, "¡ž¢­ ¨ž²¥ ¥² ¢¢­ž™" Studies in Hebrew and Jewish Languages Presented to Shelomo Morag (M. Bar-Asher ed.; Jerusalem: The Center for Jewish Languages and Literatures – Hebrew University of Jerusalem/Bialik Institute, 1996) 105-18. 14 R. Mirkin, "¢¢©¢ ¥² ¦¢¥§ ±¯ž™š ³¢©ž©›ªž ³¢°žœ°œ ©¢ š" in ¢±šœ ³žœ¢ ¢«œ§¥ ¢«¢š± ¢§¥ž« ª±›©ž° (Jerusalem: Ha-Igud ha-Leumi le-Madaei ha-Yahadut, 1965) 2.437-42. 13

7

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY edited by the Academy, to various types of word searches. The ability to create an ad hoc concordance entry, however, though it greatly aids lexical study in all of its aspects, 15 is far from representing a solution to the numerous linguistic problems posed by piyyut. As to the promise of a more comprehensive treatment of the history of Hebrew in the EJ, we now have an article on “Medieval Hebrew” (referring to all literary expressions of Hebrew chronologically bounded between Mishnaic and Modern/Israeli Hebrew) by Esther Goldenberg. This otherwise very illuminating article, however, represents a step back vis-à-vis the achievements crystallized in the work of Yeivin. First of all, her discussion is explicitly couched in precisely those methodological assumptions that are cited by Rabin as being detrimental to the study of the language of piyyut (for a critique of which, see below): The linguistic changes of the written language, unlike those of the spoken tongue, do not take place of their own accord, through the operation of analogy, leveling, attraction, etc. They owe their existence to the needs of artistic and stylistic embellishment and are premeditated rather than spontaneous…. They include changes in frequency–rare words become common–sometimes because of the different frequency in the language of influence, sometimes because of a deliberate choice of words felt to beautify the language. Some innovations rose from a linguistic understanding of the processes of analogical word formation (²î¢ Œ ) ‹ available in the language of their execution; others arose from the contact between written Hebrew and the spoken vernacular. 16

§1b Theoretical Considerations In discussing the specific features of the language of piyyut, Goldenberg essentially repeats the findings of Zunz. Most significantly of all, however, she makes explicit an assumption that lies at the very core of the Wissenschaft method of the study of payyetanic language and in the opinion of the present writer has 15 One of the benefits of the CD-ROM is that it allows one to identify the sources of quotes from the piyyut literature made in Kenaani (wherein all quotes from this corpus are generically labeled ¡¢­), thereby making this work a good deal more useful for purposes of linguistic investigation. 16 E. Goldenberg, “Hebrew Language, Medieval” in EJ 16.1608.

8

INTRODUCTION more than anything ensured its barrenness: “Criticism of the language of piyyut is intrinsically criticism of its style.” 17 Ultimately, it makes no difference that her verdict in this respect is negative, dubbing the payyetan “a deliberate, if inartistic, manipulator of language.” 18 The fundamental problem with this approach to the study of poetic language has been eloquently exposed by Roman Jakobson: Sometimes we hear that poetics in contradistinction to linguistics, is concerned with evaluation. This separation of the two fields from each other is based on a current but erroneous interpretation of the contrast between the structure of poetry and other types of verbal structure: the latter are said to be opposed by their “casual,” designless nature to the “noncasual,” purposeful character of poetic language. In point of fact, any verbal behavior is goal-directed, but the aims are different and the conformity of the means used to the effect aimed at is a problem that evermore preoccupies inquirers into the diverse kinds of verbal communication…. Unfortunately, the terminological confusion of “literary studies” with “criticism” tempts the student of literature to replace the description of the intrinsic values of a literary work with a subjective, censorious verdict. The label “literary critic” applied to an investigator of literature is as erroneous as “grammatical (or lexical) critic” would be applied to a linguist. Syntactic and morphological research cannot be supplanted by a normative grammar, and likewise no manifesto, foisting a critic’s own tastes and opinions on creative literature, can serve as a substitute for an objective scholarly analysis of verbal art. 19

Taking this position as the basis for an investigation of the poetic language of Qillir, we are still faced with the problem of defining the object of study vis-à-vis other linguistic corpora. What are its peculiarities in this respect, and what special methodological adjustments do these peculiarities demand of the researcher? It seems clear that in terms of the Saussurean dichotomy between “language” (langue, abstract code) and “speaking” (parole, concrete message), poetry–being the product of self-conscious 17

Goldenberg, “Hebrew Language, Medieval,” 1611. Goldenberg, “Hebrew Language, Medieval,” 1612. 19 R. Jakobson, “Linguistics and Poetics” in idem, Language in Literature (K. Pomorska and S. Rudy eds.; Cambridge/London: Belknap, 1987) 6364. 18

9

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY verbal creativity–is parole par excellence. Jakobson’s evaluation is similar, insofar as he proposes that The set (Einstellung) toward the message as such, focus on the message for its own sake, is the POETIC function of language…. The poetic function is not the sole function of verbal art but only its dominant, determining function, whereas in all other verbal activities it acts as a subsidiary, accessory constituent. 20

If this definition is more or less correct, then one can see that the tendency to exclude poetry from the linguistic investigation of speech is present at the very inception of the discipline, being inherent in Saussure’s own definition of (structural) linguistics: “One might if really necessary apply the term linguistics to each of the two disciplines [viz., “language” and “speaking”] and speak of a linguistics of speaking. But that science must not be confused with linguistics proper, whose sole object is language.” 21 A number of considerations, however, of both a historical as well as a theoretical nature, necessitate an adjustment of Saussure’s position. Let us assume as correct the scholarly communis opinio in accordance with which the major stages of the development of Hebrew as the living idiom of a fully functional speech community may be divided, gross modo, into three main phases–Biblical Hebrew, Mishnaic (Rabbinic) Hebrew, and Modern (Israeli) Hebrew–and that between the second and third phase lies a hiatus of ca. 1700 years (200-1910). 22 During this hiatus period, Hebrew clearly lacked a number of key aspects of a fully functional language: i.

It lacked an active vocabulary in many areas (you could not say train, pencil, teapot…) New sentences were not normally composed in it orally (although they were in writing)

ii.

20

Jakobson, “Linguistics and Poetics,” 69. F. de Saussure, Course in General Linguistics (W. Baskin trans.; C. Bally and A. Sechehaye eds.; New York/Toronto/London: McGraw-Hill, 1966) 19-20. 22 For the revival of spoken Hebrew in the Yishuv, cf. B. Harshav, Language in Time of Revolution (Berkeley/Los Angeles/London: University of California Press, 1993) 142-52. For Harshav, the true revival of Hebrew as the all-encompassing linguistic framework of a new society begins with the founding of Tel Aviv in 1909. 21

10

INTRODUCTION iii. iv.

No dialogue was normally conducted in this language Children were not raised in this language; it was no person’s “mother tongue” 23

At the same time, however, it is equally clear that Hebrew did not remain static, a mummy waiting to be re-animated by ideologically driven Jews striving to build a new society in the Yishuv. In fact, it evolved dynamically along with the social, cultural, spiritual, aesthetic and intellectual needs of its users, developing forms that are as different from one another as they are different from either of the two “living” phases that preceded them in time. On principle, the mechanisms that drive the language change observable during the hiatus period of Hebrew do not differ from the mechanisms at work in living, spoken language. Thus, one finds both internal (analogy, etc.) and external (language contact, etc.) factors in piyyut as easily as in Biblical Hebrew. 24 It is rather the conditions for the application of these mechanisms that are different. Since, however, the investigation of the mechanisms of change is properly the province of (diachronic) linguistics, then research into the language of piyyut can undoubtedly contribute to the study of Hebrew historical linguistics. Let us take the example of analogy. Saussure has the following to say about this phenomenon: Analogy is grammatical throughout, but let us hasten to add that its end result–creation–belongs at first only to speaking. It is the chance product of an isolated speaker. Here, at the very fringe of language, is where the phenomenon must first be sought…. Any creation must be preceded by an unconscious comparison of the materials deposited in the storehouse of 23

The list is drawn from Harshav, Language in Time of Revolution, 119. Blau makes a similar point with regard to a number of analogical forms in the Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls–J. Blau, “A Conservative View of the Language of the Dead Sea Scrolls,” Diggers at the Well – Proceedings of a Third International Symposium on the Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls and Ben Sira (STDJ XXXVI; F. García Martínez and A.S. Van der Woude eds.; Leiden/Boston/Köln: Brill, 2000) 24: “Yet such analogy need by no means be part and parcel of a spoken language, since such analogical formations occur in literary languages as well, not used in speech. Cf. e.g. Middle Arabic ’uqĪla ‘it was said’, for classical qĪla, formed by analogy with ordinary passive forms like kutiba, even in texts in which the internal passive has disappeared.” 24

11

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY language, where productive forms are arranged according to their syntagmatic and associative relations. 25

We have already observed that poetry, or rather the poetic function, parallels, in its relation to the other functions of language, Saussure’s “speaking” in the latter’s relation to “language.” To the extent, therefore, that the analogically minded speaker may interest the linguist, so may a poetic text by Qillir. Whereas the former applies “unconscious comparison” to a corpus consisting of the “storehouse of language,” however, the latter owes its existence qua linguistic product to the application of self-conscious (artistic) manipulations designed to extract and mold the linguistic material available in a corpus of texts (Bible, midrashim, etc.). In living language, analogy is driven by iconicity: “Language has a general iconic tendency, whereby semantic sameness is reflected also by formal sameness…. We often can predict the areas where analogy will enter, if it does enter, by noting such things as formal imbalance in a semantically symmetric situation.” 26 In the language of piyyut, on the other hand, the process of analogical change may be determined by semantics in combination with formal poetic factors. Thus, for example, Yahalom has shown that in the language of Yannai, the inherited biblical pair ¡­²§//°œ¯ may be remodeled into ¡­Œ ڌ //°œŒ ¯Œ within a parallelistic context: £œ¢ °œ¯š £©¢§¢ž//¡­¢²š Œ Ÿž ™ (œ°/›¢). 27 Just like any other analogical change, this one creates a more perfect icon of relation (cf. also the pair ¥¤Œ ñŒ //¥ Œ ñŒ in §27e). Unlike the case with living speech, however, it can only be explained in terms of a structural factor that is most prominently, though by no means exclusively, at work in poetry. If we take, for example, the typically payyetanic treatment of the prefect of roots I/y, we see that it can be described in terms that are familiar to the historical linguist. Thus, we might set up the following analogy: (root) œ±¢ : (3rd masc. sing.) œ± :: (root) ±¯¢ : (3rd masc. sing.) X, where X = ±¯. In this case, however, the analogical formula is based not on speech, but rather on the MT hapax legomenon œ± (Judg. 19:11; cf. §12a). 25

Saussure, Course, 165. Antilla, Historical and Comparative Linguistics, 89. 27 Yahalom, ±¢² ³­², 139. All forms from Yannai are cited by (page number/line number) from the edition of M. Zulay, ¢¢©¢ ¢¡ž¢­ (Berlin: Schocken, 1938). 26

12

INTRODUCTION Formal aspects of poetic structure can play a role in the realization of the dynamic tendency of language towards the elimination of free variation, i.e., “the iconic principle whose ideal is ‘one meaning, one form’.” 28 Thus, for example, the BH Qal and Piel infinitives show a free variant with the suffixed element Ž-. In the present corpus, this element has not only been extended to other stems, but the distribution of the two different forms of the infinitive has become complementary, with the suffixed form appearing in the rhyme position of stichoi whose rhymemes end in Ž-, and the short form appearing in all other positions (cf. §11a). 29 In this case, therefore, the principle “one meaning, one form” does not operate on a linguistic sign in the ordinary sense of “soundmeaning nexus,” but rather on a poetic sign whose “meaning” is definable in terms of pure relation, viz., the fact that it rhymes with (i.e., constitutes a partial sound-icon of) other words in analogous positions within the same strophe. The need to satisfy formal requirements can also serve as a mechanism for the creation of new syntagms. Thus, in Hebrew conditional sentences whose protasis is marked with ¦™, this marker is usually found in the first position. In the Corpus, on the other hand, the ¦™ appears in the second position in those cases where it would otherwise interfere with the acrostic requirement (cf. §26a). In such cases, the variation between the expected syntagm and the new one is a function of an aspect of formal poetic structure. It is to be hoped that these examples are sufficient to illustrate the fact that poetic language constitutes a legitimate object of linguistic inquiry, when once the role played by the formal aspects of poetic structure in providing the context for language change has been appreciated. The language of piyyut, however, cannot be treated in this respect on a par with most other poetic traditions. Edward Sapir has the following to say on the subject of the relationship between language and literature: An artist must utilize the native esthetic resources of his speech. He may be thankful if the given palette of colors is 28

Antilla, Historical and Comparative Linguistics, 100. For the concept of rhymeme (all the sounds repeated in all members of one rhyme), see B. Hrushovsky, “Prodody, Hebrew” in EJ 13.1207-10. 29

13

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY rich, if the springboard is light. But he deserves no special credit for felicities that are the language’s own. We must take for granted this language with all its qualities of flexibility or rigidity and see the artist’s work in relation to it. 30

In the study of poetics, Sapir’s advice that the linguistic idiom that constitutes a poet’s raw material be “taken for granted” is usually followed. That is to say that the researcher investigates certain linguistic aspects of a given work on the assumption, more or less tacit, that these are to be viewed against the backdrop of the larger language context. Thus, in order to study the degree to which the metrical stress in Russian syllabo-tonic poetry coincides with or contradicts the stresses of the words that make up any particular Russian poem, the researcher must assume that the reader is familiar with Russian stress. 31 Similarly, the statement that the verb ¥Ÿ™ in Biblical Hebrew is “mostly poet[ic]” 32 can only be meaningful on the assumption that the general lexical contours of Biblical Hebrew are known in this regard (i.e., ¥Ÿ™ versus £¥). One who would examine the poetic language of piyyut, one the other hand, cannot afford himself this luxury, for the obvious reason that for the Byzantine-period payyetan, there is no such thing as the “native esthetic resources” of Hebrew. He writes neither in the Biblical nor in the Mishnaic idiom, but rather employs these two (together with Aramaic, though to a much smaller degree) as a basis on which to mold the idiom that then becomes the linguistic raw material for his poetic production. For the researcher, the practical result of this fact is the necessity to establish a descriptive baseline against which certain phenomena may be viewed while using one and the same corpus in order to determine the baseline as well as the phenomena under investigation. For example, the fact that the present Corpus shows the use of the gerund in a temporal clause construction (cf. §20a) is at best an interesting detail, but becomes a significant statement about the Corpus’ system of morphosyntax only when viewed against the backdrop of its use of temporal infinitives (cf. §19k).

30 E. Sapir, Language – An Introduction to the Study of Speech (San Diego/New York/London: Harcourt Brace & Company, 1921) 225. 31 Cf. for example, Jakobson, “Linguistics and Poetics,” 75-77. 32 BDB, 23, s.v. ¥Ÿ™.

14

INTRODUCTION §1c The Present Work The present work represents the beginning of an attempt to address the special needs inherent in the linguistic investigation of piyyut, and has been written in the spirit of Jakobson, who declares that “If there are some critics who still doubt the competence of linguistics to embrace the field of poetics, I believe that the poetic incompetence of some bigoted linguists has been mistaken for an inadequacy of the linguistic science itself.” 33 At its basis lies a modified form of a descriptive grammar that is laid out in three major chapters: Phonology, Morphology and Syntax. 34 To these three canonical chapters is added a fourth, dealing with foreign elements in the lexicon, together with rhetorical features. These include all the relevant material that cannot be conveniently categorized under the first three headings. By “modified” is meant that not all topics are covered exhaustively, the way one would expect in a standard reference grammar. For example, the section on phonology does not address the special problems associated with the Palestinian vocalization mentioned by Kahle, but rather relies exclusively on the consonantal text as well as information that may be gathered from the treatment of the rhymeme in order to elucidate some of the Corpus’ peculiarities vis-à-vis the Tiberian tradition of Biblical Hebrew. Likewise in morphology, exhaustive paradigms of the conjugation of the strong verb are not provided. (Note also that direct quotes from external sources such as MT, to the extent that they represent the grammar of the source text, are not included in the present treatment.) The reason for these and 33

Jakobson, “Linguistics and Poetics,” 93-94. Cf. the comments of Z. Ben-Hayyim, A Grammar of Samaritan Hebrew – Based on the Recitation of the Law in Comparison with the Tiberian and Other Jewish Traditions (Jerusalem/Winona Lake, IN: Magnes/Eisenbrauns, 2000) §0.15: “One who approaches the task of composing a grammar of Hebrew finds that, when it comes to dividing the material into section, chapters, and even headings and subheadings, the path ahead has been smoothly paved and well marked for generations. Different grammars of Hebrew are distinguishable not on the basis of major divergences but rather in differences of detail, such as the order in which different parts of speech are treated. The reason for this is that every linguistic phenomenon in the Hebrew Bible has been subjected to comprehensive investigation over the years, to the point where its place in the grammar and lexicon of the Bible are well established.” 34

15

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY similar omissions has both a practical as well as a theoretical basis. Methodologically speaking, it is convenient to assume that the Qillirian dialect is based on Biblical Hebrew. The practical corollary to this assumption is that the reader can take for granted the fact that, unless stated otherwise, the dialect of the Corpus is like BH. This shortcut is, of course, quite convenient, since it allows the researcher to devote a greater proportion of his time to elucidating the ways in which the dialect of the Corpus is unique in the history of Hebrew. Sometimes, however, in order to elucidate a particular grammatical phenomenon from a systemic point of view, it was deemed necessary to describe all of the grammatical phenomena that relate to it, even if these are well documented in BH. Thus, for example, in order to show the significance of a particular function of the preposition -š, I have had to describe all of its other functions, even though these are quite well known in BH. Similarly with the use of verbs, it was necessary to draw a complete picture of the Corpus’ verbal system in order to more effectively bring out in relief those few ways in which it differs from BH. As indicated above, Chapters 1-3 of this grammar are laid out along the lines of a synchronic description of BH. Many of the subsections, however, are accompanied by comparative information, which is mostly drawn from the major post-Biblical Hebrew corpora–the Hebrew of Ben Sira, the Dead Sea Scrolls (DSSH), and the rabbinic literature (MH)–as well as from the various Aramaic dialects, with special emphasis on BA and JPA. The goal behind incorporating such data is to elucidate as much as possible all of the component sources of the Qillirian dialect. I have already said that this dialect is based on BH, but even the most cursory glance should make it quite clear that the two are far from being even superficially identical, i.e., Qillir’s Hebrew is not simply a slavish imitation of BH. Many of the points in which the former differs from the latter turn out, upon examination, to find analogues in one or another of the dialects listed above, and comparative study therefore confirms that Qillir’s Hebrew, while being largely based on BH, incorporates several additional components. After the origins of these components have been elucidated, a (small) number of features without any analogues are left over. These, by the process of elimination, may then be considered to be Qillir’s contributions, or those of the Byzantine16

INTRODUCTION period payyetanic dialect in general, to the development of the Hebrew language. It is clear from this brief description that in a number of important ways, the format of the grammar has been generated on an ad hoc basis. For this, the only defense that may be offered is that the present work is a first of its kind, and at every turn I have had to make methodological decisions about the most appropriate and effective way to present the grammatical information. The present work is only a beginning, but it is earnestly to be hoped that it turns out to represent a solid foundation on which to build the grammatical investigation of the language of piyyut.

§2 THE CORPUS §2a The Texts The Corpus on which the present work is based consists of a qedushta for Rosh Hashana (¥¢  ³™) along with Qillir’s teqiata (¤¢ª©™), a qedushta for Shavuot (¡§ ®±™), a rain shivata for Shemini Atzeret (¢±š ¬™), and a qerova for the Ninth of Av (£¢š™™) along with its complementary qina (¢«œ ™²™). Together, these works constitute ca. 5% of the Qillirian oeuvre as it is presently known. The only really meaningful criterion employed in its selection is difficulty, viz., all of the compositions included here may be classed as belonging to the “difficult” end of the spectrum of Qillir’s piyyutim. 35 All examples from the texts are cited by incipit and line number. Wherever this is relevant to the discussion, varia lectionis, especially from Genizah manuscripts, are cited from the apparatus criticus provided by the editor. The texts on which the present analysis is based have been Tiberianized by the editors, as is the accepted practice in the field of piyyut studies. In the present work, vocalization is only sporadically indicated. ¥¢  ³™ – Goldschmidt, ¦¢™±ž© ¦¢§¢, 1.65-86; cf.also Heidenheim, ¦ž¢ ©² ²™± ¥² ¨ž²™±, 4.12-25. Type Magen

Incipit ¥¢  ³™

Strophe-structure

Meter

4 stichoi/strophe

4 words/stich

35 For a discussion of the criterion of difficulty in Classical piyyut, see Sh. Elizur, "š''¢ ™§ œ« ž³¢²™±§ – ¢ ±Ÿ§ ¡ž¢­š ³ž¢³œ¢  ¢¥ž›¥›¥" Peamim 59 (1994) 14-21.

17

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY Mechayye Meshallesh Qiqlar Pseudo-qiqlar 37 38™¡ž¢±¡ª« Silluq

žŸ ³¥™³ ›ž  ¨š™ ¤¥§§ ³±œ™ °œ¯š ±²™ ¦™ ±Ÿ© œ¢­™™ ¡­²§š £¥§

4 stichoi/strophe 4 stichoi/strophe 9 stichoi/strophe 36 3 stichoi/strophe 2 stichoi/strophe None

4 words/stich 4 words/stich 2 words/stich 4 words/stich 3 words/stich None

List of variant readings adopted from apparatus criticus Ž  ¥] Ž ¯ ¢¥ ¤¥§§ ³±œ™: 13 ¯ˆ °œ¯š ±²™ ¦™: qadosh strophe – £¢³¥œ//œž°­³ šž¡¥//œž°­ ¨¤ ¢™¯™¯

²žœ°ž ™±ž©//œž°²¥ // 2 §ž›«] ›ž©« // 3 œ°²] œ°­ // 7 – ±²™  ž± ³²° ©²¢ ¢©™ ¨¤  ¢±­¥ ¥™ «²//©²ž²¤  ¢±­ž ³š±//©¢²§¤ ¯¢° // 5 ³ž©š] ³žž™©š ¡­²§š £¥§: 3 ®±™ ¥¤] ®±™ // 4 ¡¢°²¢] ¡ž°²³ // 5 ®±™] ®±™ (2x) // 6 ³ž­©¤ «š±™š] ³ž­©¤š // 7 ž«¢§²¢] «§ð¢ // 27 – ¨¢œ ¦ž¢¥ ³ž™ ³ž²«¥ ¨¤ž ™žž // 33 ¡­²§ (2nd)] ¡­²§š //35 °œ¯ ³§™š] °œ¯š ³§™ // 48 *] ™¢ ±²™

¢¤¥§ ¤¢ª©™ – Goldschmidt, ¦¢™±ž© ¦¢§¢, 1.233-37, 245-50, 259-65; cf. also Heidenheim, ©² ²™± ¥² ¨ž²™± ¦ž¢, 4.70-87. Type

Incipit

Strophe-structure

Meter

Malkhiyot Zikhronot Shofarot

¤¢ª©™ ±¤Ÿ °œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™

8 stichoi/strophe 8 stichoi/strophe 8 stichoi/strophe

2-3 words/stich 2-3 words/stich 2-3 words/stich

List of variant readings adopted from apparatus criticus ±¤Ÿ: 12 ±ž¤Ÿ¢] ±ž¤Ÿ¥ °œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™: 24 ¦«¡] ¦«ž© // 25 °žŸ ] °Ÿž  // 30 «¢§²¢] «§² // 31 ¥ž°š] ¥ž° // 34 ¥ž°§] ¥ž°š // 38 œž³«] ±³«

¢±š ¬™ – Goldschmidt, ³ž¤žª, 403-32; cf. also Heidenheim ¢©¢§² ±ž³ ³ §²ž ³±¯«, 46-60. Type

Incipit

Strophe-structure

Meter

36 The strophic structure of this piyyut has been analyzed in detail in Sh. Elizur, "³¢±¢¥° ™³²žœ°š ±¥°¢° ¥² ž©š§ž ž§ž°¢§ ¥«" Jerusalem Studies in Hebrew Literature 3 (1983) 149-52. 37 The term “pseudo-qiqlar” has been adapted from the analysis of piyyut 6 of the Qillirian qedushta provided in Elizur, "±¥°¢°" 140-55. In a typical Qillirian qedushta for the High Holidays, the qiqlar is immediately followed by the ™¡ž¢±¡ª«, with no psedo-qiqlar intervening. The present case is the only exception to this pattern, as is noted in ibid., 148, note 29. 38 For a discussion of this term and the type of piyyut that it designates, see E. Fleischer, "™³²žœ° ¢¡ž¢­š «š° ³ž¢©š³ ±° ¥" Sinai 65 (1969) ™¤-Ÿ§.

18

INTRODUCTION Ben. 1 Ben. 2 Reshut Sed. Yetzirah Sed. Yetzirah 41 Sed. Pesuqim Ben. 3 Ben. 5 Ben. 6 Ben. 7

¢±š ¬™  ¢±¡¢ °¢­™ ¡²°™ ¦©¤³  ³­¢ š« ®¢­¢ ¨©« ž±ž™

5 stichoi 5 stichoi 8 stichoi/strophe 4 stichoi/strophe 2 stichoi/strophe 4 stichoi/strophe 5 stichoi 5 stichoi 5 stichoi 5 stichoi

4 main stresses/stich 39 4 main stresses/stich 2 main stresses/stich 40 None None None 4 main stresses/stich 42 4 main stresses/stich 4 main stresses/stich 4 main stresses/stich

List of variant readings adopted from apparatus criticus °¢­™: 2 ž©ž™²] ¢©ž™² (cf. ¢­ªž§ in foll. stich) // 4 ¦¢§] ¦¢§ // 12 £¢±™¥ž] £¢±™¥ž // 13 ©¢š™] °¢­™ 17 ±²«š] ±²« (cf. also [³¥™³/10]) ¡²°™: 10 ³ž™±š] ³ž™¢±š // 11 žªªšž] Õªª¢† šâŠ // 12 ³¤² ¥] ³¤²  ¨¢š¥ // 16 ¨¢šž] ¨¢š¥ // 25 ³¢²²«¤] ³¢²²™¤ // 27 ¥ž°ž] ¥ž° // ¦¢§ ¥« ¦¢«±§] ¦¢§ ¥›¥›š // 28 ¦¢§] ¦¢§ // 30 ¨¤³] ¨ž¤³ // 33 ¦¢ ³ž­] ³žœž©¤ ¦¢ ž³­ // 37 ¥œš§ ž°] ¥œžš ¢§ ¢žž¢° // 38 ³ž¥ž°] ¥ž° // 39 ¥ž°] ¥¤ // 44 ¥šž¢ ±©] ±© ¥šž¢ ¦©¤³: 2 ¥°²] ¥°¢² // ¥š³] ™³¢¥ // 3 ³ž¯±] ³ž¯± // ¦ž¥² ¥] ¦ž¥²¥ // 7 ¦±Ÿ«š] ž±Ÿ«š // 11  ³­¢¥]  ž³­¥ // 13 ³²°²°ž] ³²°²° // 14 ¢¥ž ž] ¢¥ ž // 19 ±«²§] ±« چ §Š // žš £¢™] £¢™ // 21 ¦¥ž¥­] ¦¥¥¢­ // £¥] ™³¢¥  ³­¢: 2 ™©  °¢ ¦©]  ° // 8 ±­ ] £ // ž³³ ¥ž°¥] ³³ ±ž¤Ÿ // 11 ¦¢™²œ©¥] ¦¢™ž²©¥ // 37 ³ž±«¢ž] ³ž±¢¢«ž // 41 ¨žž¤] ¨‹ž¢¤ // ³¢°²©] ³°²© // 43 ¥ž¥™š ±š] ±š ¥ž¥™š // 44 ¢­¡©š] ¬¡Œ Œ ©š // 47 ®±™¥] ®±™ž // 49 œ›§§] œ›§ // 51 ¦¢©žŸ§] ¦¢žŸ§ //  ±¢š] ¢¥š š // 55 ¦¢±¡³] š¢±¡³ // 60 ²¢š¥§] ²¢¢š¥ // ¦¢§™ž©] ¢§™ž© ¢¤ // 64 ¬±«] ¢œ¢³« // ±¡§] ±¡§¢ // 66 ¬žª¤] ¬žª¤ ¢¥š // 71 £±«žª] £œ«ª // 74 ­¢¯ ] ©³ add // 75 ¨¢¤¥ ³¥­¤§] ¨¢¤ ¥¢¥ ³¥¢­¤§ // 80 ž±œ°¤] œ±¤ // 84 ¢ ž­©¥]  ¢­©¥ // 87 ž›œ¥ž] ž›œ¥ // 88 ¦¢§ž¢§¤] ¦¢§ž¢§ ž±ž™: 17 ž° ¦¢§] ž° œžœ ¦¢§ (variant taken from TS NS 276/98b) 43

39

The meter is described and the first two strophes are scanned in E. Fleischer, "§žœ° ²œž° ³±¢² ¥² ¥¢°² ¢¤±œš ¦¢©ž¢«" Ha-sifrut 7 (1977) 74. 40 The meter is described and a portion of the piyyut is scanned in Fleischer, "¥¢°² ¢¤±œ" 75. 41 This piyyut is a direct continuation of the preceding one, with a slightly altered strophe structure, designed to incorporate the poet’s “signature” in the acrostic. This fact is proven, inter alia, by the anaphoric pronoun in the first word–¦Ž©ç† ñ–that Š refers to the ¦¢§ ¢²™± in the last line of the previous piyyut. 42 In this and the following strophes, some stichoi seem to fall below this number, with only three main stresses.

19

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY ¡§ ®±™ – Elizur, ±ž³ ¨³§, 89-135; cf. also Frenkel, ³ž«žš², 182-229. Type

Incipit

Strophe-structure

Meter

Magen Mechayye Meshallesh Piyyut 4 Piyyut 5 44 Seder Olam Seder Diberin1 Seder Diberin2 Seder Diberin3 Seder Diberin4 Seder Diberin5 Seder Diberin6 Seder Diberin7 Seder Diberin8 Seder Diberin9 Seder Diberin10 Seder Diberin11 Seder Diberin12 Silluq

¡§ ®±™ ± ¨§ ²žœ° ¢¤©™ š³¤š Ÿ™ ¢©©° ¢¢ ž³™ ž³³ ±²™ ³ž«³ ¦² ³™ ³¢¥¤³ ¨žŸ™ ±ž³ ¥™ ° ±³ ¦ž¡™ ³žœž§ ³ ³žœ« ¥™

4 stichoi/strophe 4 stichoi/strophe 2 stichoi/strophe None 2 stichoi/strophe 7-17 stichoi/strophe 22 stichoi 22 stichoi 22 stichoi 22 stichoi 22 stichoi 22 stichoi 22 stichoi 22 stichoi 22 stichoi 26 stichoi 22 stichoi 28 stichoi None

3 main stresses/stich 3 main stresses/stich 4 main stresses/stich None 4 main streses/stich 4 main stresses/stich 3 main stresses/stich 3 main stresses/stich 3 main stresses/stich 3 main stresses/stich 3 main stresses/stich 3 main stresses/stich 3 main stresses/stich 3 main stresses/stich 3 main stresses/stich 3 main stresses/stich 3 main stresses/stich 3 main stresses/stich None

List of variant readings adopted from apparatus criticus 21 ³²ž¤] ³²ž // 28 ±¢¯¥] ±¢¯ // 35 ¦¢±²«š] ¦¢±²« // 37 ±¢«²] ±¢«²ž // 39 ±ž³] §¢§³ // 50 ²©«³] ²™š³ // 54 ¢œ¢«§ ¢œ¢«] ¢¢œ« ¢¢œª // 55 ¢¢±ž§] ¢‹±ž§ (emend. sugg. by ed.) // 57 ³¢±ž²™] ¢±ž²™ // ³¢±š«] ¢±š« // 58 ³¢±¯§] ¢±¯§ // ³¢±š«] ¢±š« // 68 œž°©] œž°©ž œž°© // 70 ±§²¢ž] ±§³¢ž // 71 ž¢³ž³ž™] ¢³ž³ž™ // 84 ¦¢°ž] ¦¢° // 86 ž°¢ š] ž¤¢ š // 99 ¢³¢¢] œž§« ¢³¢¢ // 111 ¥¤] ¥¤ // 114 ²™±¥ ¢¢ §ž] delete // 115 §ž] § // 125 ¦±] delete // 139 ž³«œ§] ž³«œš // ¢³«œ§] ¢³«œš // 144 ³«šž©] «šž© // 150 ¥™±²¢] ¢¢ ¥™±²¢ // 159 ž«±¤¢] ž«±¤© // 165 ™²©¤] ™²¢© // 172 ³¢¢³²§] ³¢³²§ // 173 ³¢¢³²§ž] ³¢¢³²§ // ž³³²ž] ž³²ž // 175 ¢³¢¢³²§] ¢³¢³²§§ // 178 ²™±] ²™±§ // 181 ³§ž±³¤] §ž±³¤ // 182 ²¢±­] ¦²¢±­¢ // 188 ¡©] ¦¡© // 190 ž³ž™] delete // 191 ¢³ž«š¯™š] ž¢³ž«š¯™š // 196 › ] ›ž  °  // 203-206, 208 ž¯§ž™š] ž¯§™š (5x) // 205 «ž±Ÿš] ž«ž±Ÿš // 206 ž²œž°¥ ž¥žšŸ] ¦²š ¥žšŸ ž²œ° // 212 ¢¢§¢§] ¢§¢§§ ¢§¢§ // 214 ¢§ž²] ¢§² // ¢°ž ] ž°ž  // 222 ³ž±¢œ›ž] ±¢œ›ž // 236 ±ž³š] ±³¤ // 252 œ ¢] œ ¢ ±°² // 253 ±­ž] ±­ // 263 ž©¢²«§§] ¥«§§ // ¦œ™] ¦œ™ // 274 ¢©¢«š] ¢©¢«¥ // 275 ®¯ž] ®¯ // 285 ¥¢­³] ¥¢­³ // 289 £¢™] £¢™ž // «œ§š] «œ§§ // ¨¢š¥] ¨¢§™¥ // 302 43 Reference to this manuscript, which does not appear in the ed.’s apparatus criticus, was kindly provided by Prof. E. Fleischer’s ±° ¥ ¥«­§ ¡ž¢­ž ±¢². 44 The alternative version (š  ªž©) of ll. 77-84 is not reckoned in this analysis.

20

INTRODUCTION œ¢ ¢š] œ¢ š // 304 ž²­©] œ¢ ¢ // 305 œ°§§ž] œ¢°¢§ž // 306 £™ž] £™ // 311 ¢¥ž¥ž] ¢¥ž¥ // 315 ¦©¤ž] ¦™ž©šž // 318 ¦©ž] delete // 319 š±¢°ž] š±ž°ž // 325 ± ™] œ ™ // 327 ž¥] ¦¥ // 330 ¦ž™©š] ¦™ž©šž // 348 ž™±š©¤] ž™±©¤ // 349 ¦«§ž²] ¦«§¢² // 355 ¦«±ž§] ¦« ¥ž§ // 357 ¦©°³] ¦«š° // ¦«š°] ¦«±° // 358 ¦«ª§ž] ¦«¯§§ž // 399 ¦¢²ž«] ²ž« // 404 ¦¥¥¯] ¦¥¥ž¯ // 410 ¦¢±±ž¯] ¦¢ ±žŸ // 414 ¦¢™²ž©] ¦¢™²© // 418 ¦¢¥š ] ¦¢¥š // 426 ¦¢± (2nd)] ¦¢±° // 431 ³¥ž¢™] ³ž¥™ // 440 ¦¢©™©²] ¦¢©©™² // 441 ³ž™ ¨¢š] š™ ¨¢š ³ž™ // 446 ›ž] › // 452 ³žœ¢³«š] ³ž±¢³«š // 454 £ž²¢š¥§] £¢²¢š¥§ (cf. app. crit. in Frenkel, ad loc.) // 458 ž³œ (2nd)] delete // 460 ­ž¯] ­¯ // 472 ³ž§ ²­©¥] ³ž§¥ ²­© // 474 ¦¢§°©] ¦¢§°©¢© // 480 ¦¢­™©§š] ¦¢­ž©¡š // 490 ³šž©›] ³š¢©› // ¦¢­ž©¢¡] ¦¢­ž©¡ // 491 ¦¢­ž©¢¡] ¦¢­ž©¡ (cf. app. crit. in Frenkel, ad loc.) // 497 ¦ ¥š] ¦ ¥¥ // 508 œ«±ž] «±ž // 512 ¦¢©ž©²] ¦¢©©ž² // 527 ¦¢¥š] ¦¢¥¤ // 528 ¦¢¥«ž©] ¦¢«¥žš // 536 ¦¢¥¢¤²§š] ¦¢¥¢¤²§¤ // 544 ¦¢¥¤ž™ ¦¢°ž³§] °³§ ¦¢¥¤™ // 545 ¦¢«š²š] ¦¢«²³š // 546 š™ ¢¥«] delete // 549 ¦¢±§ž²ž] ž§¢±§ž²ž // ¦²™±š] ¦²™±¥ // 550 ¦¢°©«ž] ¦¢°©« // ¦¢ §²ž] ¦¢ §²§ // 558 «§²©ž] «§²©¥ // 558 ž§¢œ° «§²©ž ²«©ž] delete // «§²©¥] «§²© // 560 ¢žž¥] ¢ž¥ž // ¦¢±²«šž] ±²«šž // 561 ž§¢¢°š ¦³ž™¯ž³] ž§ž¢°š ¦±™¢³ // 562 ž§™ž©¥] ž§«©¥ // 567 ¬™] delete // 570 ¥™²ž] ž¥™²ž // 572 ¦³ž™] ž³ž™ // 578 ¢©¢ª¥] ¢©¢ªš // 581 §¢™] §¢™ ¥² // 582 °¢³«š] °¢³«¤ // 583 ¦¢œ§ ©§] ¦¢œ§ © // ¦¢©³¢™] ¦¢©©³™ // 584 ³™] ¦³ž™ // 586 œ ™ ±žš¢œž] ³ž±š¢œ ¢©² // ž«¢§²¥] «¢§²š // 587 ž° ±ž] ž° ± // 592 ž§ž±§¥] ž§ž±§¥ž // 595 ±¢¯¥] ±ž¯¥ // 596 žš² ³] ž¢š² ³ // 600 ž¢©š¥] ¢©š¥ // 603 ž¢±¢ š¥] ž±¢ š¥ // 604 ¢žž¢¯ž] ¢žž¢¯š // 606 š] delete // 609 ²™±š] ²™±§ ¬žªš // 617 ž©³©ž] ž©³© // 619 ¥«§§ ¦¥] ª¤¥ ¥«§§ ±²™

£¢š™™ – Goldschmidt, ³ž©¢°, œ©°-ª°. 45 Type

Strophe-structure

Meter

Ben. 1

£¢š™™

7 stichoi [main strophe] + 3 stichoi [2ndary strophe]

[Ben. 2] [Ben. 3] [Ben. 4] [Ben. 5] [Ben. 6] [Ben. 7]

ž°š™ §›™ ¦žœ™ §™ ¢ž™ Ÿ™

Same Same Same Same Same Same

4 main stresses/stichoi 1-4; 2 main stresses/stichoi 5-6 [m. str.] 46 + none [2nd str.] Same Same Same Same Same Same

Incipit

45 Lines 3, 15 (2nd stich), and 51 (2nd stich) are not included in the analysis, as being corrupt. 46 The last stich in each of the main strophes is occupied by a direct quote from MT, introduced by the fixed word ¤¢™. With respect to such direct scriptural quotes, Fleischer, "¥¢°² ¢¤±œ" 76, note 30 formulates the following rule: ¦¢°žª­ ž¢­¥² (œ±­ª ¥¥ž¤) ³ž±žœ ¥¤ ¥² ³ž©¡¢¢­š «žš° °ž ... ³ž§ž¢ª ¨ž›¤) ¦¢¢©›±Õ™ ¦¢±ž¡¤ ¦¢™š ¦²¤ ™¥ ¦› ,¥°²§ ³šž  ¦¢š¢¢  ¦©¢™ ¦³±ž¯¤ ¦¢™š ³¢©¢¡©™Ÿ¢š ³ž©¡¢¢­š ¦› ¨¢œ ™ž .³ž¥ž°² ¡ž­ž±¡ªš (³ž¢™±°§.

21

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY [Ben. 8] [Ben. 9] [Ben. 10] [Ben. 11] [Ben. 12] [Ben. 13] [Ben. 14]

±ž ™ ¡™ ¤¢™ ¢©¥¤™ ¢¥™ ±§™ ©™

Same Same Same Same Same Same Same

Same Same Same Same Same Same Same

List of variant readings adopted from apparatus criticus 80 ž©³¥¢¥¢] ž©³¥¥¢ 

™²™ – Löffler, "°ž ±§¥ ¢«œ ™²™" 506-13. 47 Type Qina complement

Incipit ™²™ ®ž±«™ ž­­™ ¬¯­¯™ §ž°™ ¬žœ±™ ¦ž²™ ¢§ ³™ ¥™™ ¢¥¥™ ¥«™ ...... Ÿ™ ™±™

Strophe-structure

Meter

6 stichoi/strophe 6 stichoi/strophe 6 stichoi/strophe 6 stichoi/strophe 6 stichoi/strophe 6 stichoi/strophe 6 stichoi/strophe 6 stichoi/strophe 6 stichoi/strophe 6 stichoi/strophe 6 stichoi/strophe 6 stichoi/strophe 6 stichoi/strophe

None None None None None None None None None None None None None

List of variant readings adopted from apparatus criticus 28 ªž©] ¢ª¢© ¥« // ³¥¯š] ¢¥¯š // 35 ž©¢ ž¤¢¥] ž©¢¤ž ¢¥ (emend. sugg. by ed.)

§2b Additional Works In addition to the compositions cited above, which are collectively referred to as “the Corpus” and are analyzed exhaustively in this grammar, occasional references are made throughout (also by incipit and line number) to other Qillirian compositions. These are listed

47

Extremely likely restorations, indicated by the ed. by means of < >, are accetpted for analysis, unless explicitly stated otherwise. The following lines are not included in the analysis, as being damaged, corrupt or unintelligible: l. 5 (.. ...¥); l. 13 (¢²­³ ¡¢¡šž); l. 15 (¢²­ .......); l. 52 (whole stich; the first letter of the ed.’s reading ªž¤§ cannot be confirmed on the basis of the published photograph); l. 61 (whole stich); ll. 64-65 (both stichoi); ll. 67-70 (four stichoi).

22

INTRODUCTION below, organized by publication, with page numbers given in parentheses. Brody, "¦¢œ«ž© ¢³¥š ¦¢¡ž¢­": ±š› ¢§ (Ÿ¡-›¤). 48 Elizur, ±¢²ž ²žœ°: ¨ž©š¥§ ¢³™ (13-31); ©ž¢¤ ¦¢©š ¦™ (32-44); ³±«žª ¦™ (45-60); £¢§ž ¢©š ³™ (61-73); ¦¢©š§ ¦¢©š ¦™ (74-86). Elizur, ±¢²ž œž³š: ¢žž¢™ ¥ž¤²™ (41-45); ¦³™ ¨ž¢¯ ¢©šž (110-14). Elizur, ±ž³ ¨³§ ¦ž¢: ›ž  ¢ª­™ (143-54). Fleischer, "¦¢©š§": ¬¢œ«™ (224-29). Fleischer, "³ž¢±¢¥° ³ž¢¯¢Ÿž­§ž°": ¢¥²š ¤¢™ ¢¥™ (œ-™¢). Goldschmidt, ³ž©¢°: ž±žª ³š² (¥- ¥); ³¯™ ¤¢™ ( ¥-§); ›ž  œ« œ™™ (§›§); ¢³±™­³ ¤¢™ (›§-Ÿ§); š²¢ ¤¢™ (Ÿ§-š©); ¢¥™ ¤¢™ (š©-©); ±§™ ¤ ¢™ (Ÿ©-¡©); ±š¤ ±²™ ³™ ¤¢™ (¡©-ª); ž³­²™ ¤¢™ (ª-ž«); ¢¥™ ¡ (­-š­); Ÿ™ £ž¥š (°¯-°); ¢©ž§ ©³ £¢™ (š°-°); ž©™ ¤¢™ ±ž¤Ÿ (Ÿ§°-œ©°). Goldschmidt, ¦¢™±ž© ¦¢§¢: Ÿ™§ œ­ž™ (1.157-58); £¢¡­²§  ±™ ¬™ (1.16062); ¢±¢œ™ ®§ž™ (1.162-66). Goldschmidt, ³ž¤žª: ®« ¢±­  °™ (103-04); ³¢ Ÿ™ (105); ¨ž²™±š  °™ (106-10); ¢² ³±ž²³ (113-15); œžœ ³¤ª ¢žž™ (115-16); §œ™ (175); ¨«§¥ ¦¢§³ (192-97). Goldschmidt,  ª­: ¦¢±¢ª™ (108-12); ¥« ±²™ š±« (113); ¥¤ ¥« Ÿ™ (11415); £¢³ž±žš› ®§ž™ (118-19); ³ž¤§ ±²«š (120-25); ¦ž¢š ¦¢¥™ (225-34). Hacohen, "¥«³ ³©§¢™": ¥«³ ³©§¢™ (19-39). Rand, “Fientivity”: œ¢›™  ¯©§¥ (490-92); ±§ž™  ¯©§¥ (494-95). Rand, "Ÿ¥¥ Ÿ¥ žŸ¥ž™": žŸ¥ž™ (forthcoming). Scheiber, “Piyyutim”: ¨©³™ °¥  ¨³ (545-46). Scheiber, “Qalîr’s Qîna”: «¢© ¤¢™ (357-58). Spiegel, ¡ž¢­ ³žš™: §  ±ž™ (124-37); ¨§ž™ š™¢ž (187-205).

48

In the grammar, this piyyut is cited by incipit and page number, since the editor does not number the poetic lines.

23

CHAPTER 1 – PHONOLOGY §3 PHONOLOGICAL PHENOMENA IN THE CONSONANTAL ORTHOGRAPHY §3a Syncope of he As already in BH, the consonantal prefix /h/ of the Hifil infinitive construct may undergo intervocalic syncope. 49 It should be noted, however, that this phenomenon is by no means common in the Corpus. £¢† ±ˆ Š ™¥ ‘to heal’ (°¢­™/12; v.l. £¢±™¥) ¦³Õ™Ý Ž ¥ ‘to cause to be married’ ( ³­¢/12; cf. §12aa) ›¢ëŠ ¥ ‘to remove’ (£¢š™™/61; apud ed.’s ›¢ªŠ ¥) † ¦¢ Ž ߊ ¥ ‘to illumine, give light’ (±¤Ÿ/30) 50

1) 2) 3) 4)

Notes: The word £¢±™¥ rhymes with the Hifil forms £¢±™™ and £¢±™¥, both meaning ‘to do for a long time’. It is quite possible, therefore, that the syncope of the he is employed here to create a secondary morphological distinction between the two otherwise homophonous verbs. Such attribution of secondary semantic significance to the operation/blocking of phonological processes has already been noted by Yeivin in the piyyut literature (cf. under §3b). The fact that this word appears in the rhyme position makes it very unlikely that it is to be vocalized as a Piel.

49

Cf. Bergsträsser, 2.§19k. The ed., ad loc., indicates that others vocalize ¦¢ Ž ›Š ¥† or ¦‹ Ž ›¥,† interpreting the phrase as ‘for their healing’, on the basis of ‹ Ž › ‘healing’ in Prov. 17:22 and the verb › ‘to be healed’ in Hos. 5:13. These interpretations are equally possible, though the one cited above is perhaps to be preferred on the grounds that the opposition “dark” ~ “light” is prominent in the strophe in which the form in question is attested. 50

25

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY §3b Failure of nun to Assimilate in First Radical Position As already in BH, the /n/ of roots I/n sometimes fails to undergo assimilation in verbal conjugation. The retention of the /n/ in BH is rare and “always connected to the pause.” 51 As with syncope of the /h/ above, this phenomenon is not common in the Corpus. Further data on the non-assimilation of /n/ in the piyyut literature, including examples from Qillir, are given by Yeivin, who suggests that ³ž«§²§ ³© š¥ ³ž²§²§ §ž¢°šž © ³¥¢²©š ³ž±ž¯ ¦¢³«¥. He cites the following doublets: š¢›©§ ~ š¢ß§, «¢š©§ ~ «¢Þ§, ¬¢¡©¥ ~ ¬¢ä¥, ±¢¤©¥ ~ ±¢ç¥, ⫎ߩ† ❠~ «¢ß¢. 52 (¢¤¥§) ¤¢ª©™ (¤¢ª©™/1) š²©¢  (±«ªš ¦¢§™¥) ‘to buffet, as in a storm’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/23) ±¡©Ž (°¢­™/2) (¦²©)  ¢­©¥ ( ³­¢/84) ³¢²©™ (£¢š™™/4) ±¢³©™ ‘to cause to quiver, jump around’ (™²™/37) ¦¢§°©¢© (±ž³/474)

1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6) 7)

Notes: In BH, the root š²© is attested 2x in the Hifil imperfect. In both of these cases, the /n/ assimilates. All of the cases of the root ±¡© conjugated in the Hofal that are cited in the standard dictionaries are drawn from the piyyut literature. All show the non-assimilation of the /n/. This is probably connected to the fact that in BH this root sometimes appears with unassimilated /n/ in the Qal imperfect. 53 The root  ­© always shows assimilation on /n/ in conjugation in BH. It is possible that non-assimilation in the present case has a semantic basis. In ¢³ ì ¢¥«š ²­© (Job 31:39), the expression  ¢ì ²­© means ‘to cause (someone) to breathe out their life, cause to despair’ (cf. also ¦¢ ¢­§ ³ž²­© ‘causing people anguish’ [° ±³/498] and ¦²© ¢ ž­© ‘ones who have breathed out their life’ [§13h]). In case 4, ¦²©  ¢­©¥ ‘to quicken the breath, revive’ (cf. §13nn) is directly opposite in meaning. It may therefore be that the /n/ has been retained in order to signal this distinction. 51

GKC, §66f. Cf. also Bergsträsser, 2.§25a. Yeivin, "¢¢­ž™" 115-16. 53 Cf. Bergsträsser, 2.§25a. For non-assimilation of nun in the imperfect of the etymologically related root ±¯© in BH poetry, see A. Fitzgerald, “A Note on G-Stem ±¯©¢ Forms in the Old Testament,” ZAW 84 (1972) 9092. 52

26

PHONOLOGY Case 6 is drawn from what appears to be an ad hoc idiom expressive of distress and mental anguish: ±¢³©™ ¬«±ªž (¬™²™ž ¦žÜ™) ‘…and I will make [my] thought[s] to quiver.’ Such an interpretation is, furthermore, supported by the fact that the root ±³© ‘to jump’ is employed elsewhere in the Corpus within the context of speech/thought: ±šœ™ ¦¢±ž³© ¢­¡ ‘I will speak jumping droplets’ (°¢­™/9). If this interpretation is correct, then the nonassimilation may be understood as signaling the distinction between ±¢ñ ‘to loose, permit’, with /n/ consistently assimilated both in BH and MH, and ±¢³© ‘to cause to quiver’. Militating against such an explanation, however, is the fact that the only BH case of the Hifil of the latter root shows the expected assimilation: ¦¢ž› ±ñ ‹ 垍 ™± (Hab. 3:6). For a semantic explanation of non-assimilation in the case of ¤¢ª©™, see §13nn. All BH cases of the Nifal perfect of the root ¦°© show assimilation of the nun.

§4 CONSONANTAL EQUIVALENCIES The cases below are all drawn from the rhyme position. 54 §4a /m/ = /n/ MH shows a frequent interchange between the phonemes /m/ and /n/ in word-final position. 55 ¦ž¢œ­//¦ž¢//¦ž¢™//¦ž¢ (³™/9-10) ¦ž¢//¦ž¢//¨žœ™ (¢©©° ¢¢/94-96)

1) 2)

Notes: Case 1 seems to argue for the equivalence /m/ = /n/, since the common form of the last word is ¨ž¢œ­ (Exod. 21:30; Ps. 49:9). This may only be apparent, however, since MT attests the hapax legomenon ¦Õ¢œ† ìŠ in Num. 3:49.

For rhyme in Qillirian piyyut, see B. Hrushovsky, ¥² ³ž¢²™± ³ž¡¢²" "ž©¢§¢ œ« ¡ž¢­ ¨§ ¢±š« Ÿž±  Ha-sifrut 2 (1971) 721-49 and idem, “Prosody, Hebrew,” 1195-1239. 55 Cf. E.Y. Kutscher, "¥''Ÿ  ¨ž²¥" in idem, ³¢§±™šž ³¢±š«š ¦¢±° § (Z. Ben-Hayyim, A. Dotan and G. Sarfatti eds.; Jerusalem: Magnes, 1977) ­ and Sokoloff, "30 ¨°¢¡™ž œ¢-š³¤ ¢­¥ š± ³¢²™±š ¥² ³¢±š«" Leshonenu 33 (1969) 31-32. 54

27

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY §4b /d/ = /t/ The phonemes /t/ and /d/ are voiced and voiceless dental stops, respectively. œ ™//³ ‹  垍 //œ ¢//œ ™¤//œ ¢//³ ™//œ ™//œ ¢//œ ™¥ (¢©©° ¢¢/246-264) §4c /b/ = /w/ In the cases below, the voiced bilabial fricative /b/ and the voiced bilabial glide /w/ seem to have collapsed into a voiced labio-dental fricative. The interchange š ~ ž is encountered in MH. 56 1) 2)

«šŒ  ±//«š Û¥//«š ڌ //«žÚŒ ( ³­¢/53-54) ž±«š//šž //š¢¤²//ž™³//ž±//...//šž³¤ (¢©©° ¢¢/ 267-274)

§4d /’/ = /‘/ This case gives evidence of the weakening of the gutturals. The interchange of these two consonants is attested, albeit infrequently, in MH. 57 Cf. also §5c. ²«  ¢//ª« ¤ ކ //Û« § //ªÑ§† ¥Š //Û«  ©//Û« § (±¤Ÿ/1-2) §4e /’/ = /y/ The case cited here gives evidence of the ability of both alef and yod to serve as glide consonants. 1) 2)

¦Š¢Õߝ //¦Š¢â›ª† //¦Š¢â›à† //¦¢™Ž Š ß³† §Š //¦¢™‹ Š ›//¦Š¢Õß (¤¢ª©™/25) ¦Š¢â™±† //¦¢™¢ Š ±Š §† çŠ //¦¢™â± Š ކ //¦¢Šå  ¥ //¦¢Šå  //¦¢Šå   (±¤Ÿ/35)

§5 VOCALIC EQUIVALENCIES §5a /e, i/ = /o, u/ Preceding Furtive pataʚ In Tiberian phonology, the furtive pataʚ provides a phonetic bridge between a “long” high, front vowel /i/ or /e/ and a following guttural consonant /h/, /ʘ/ or /‘/. By itself, however, it does not constitute a syllable nucleus, but rather shares this function with the preceding vowel, i.e., the syllable nucleus is constituted by what

56 Cf. J.N. Epstein, ©²§  ªž©¥ ™žš§ (2nd ed.; Jerusalem/Tel Aviv: Magnes/Dvir, 1964) 1223-26 and Sokoloff, "š± ³¢²™±š" 30. 57 Cf. Epstein, ™žš§, 183-85, 1227 and Sokoloff, "š± ³¢²™±š" 32.

28

PHONOLOGY phonetically may be described as a diphthong. 58 It appears that in the case of a vowel that shares the syllable-nucleus slot with a following furtive pataʚ, the Corpus allows the equivalences /e, i/ = /o, u/. « °Õ³† ‹ ž//...//« °‹ ñŽ Š ކ //«¢  °Š چ  ¥† //« °ˆ ‹ «° ¥† //«¢  °Š š†  ¥† (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/25-26)   ñ‹ ­ ¥† // ¢  ñŠ ±† ¢//  ³‹ 슎 ¢//  ñ‹ ­† § ( ³­¢/5-6) «¢©¤§//«¢©¤//«ž©¯//«¢©¯//«¢©//«¢©§ (¨§ž™ š™¢ž/67-72) «‹  âڈ  ™//«¢²ž¥//«ÕÚ  (ž³­²™ ¤¢™/10)

1) 2) 3) 4)

§5b /o/ = /u/ ±â›Ò//±Õ›§Ž //±â›«Ž ç† //±â›ªŽ ( ³­¢/85-86) šÕ©›³//šâ©ñŽ //šÕ©›³ (¥™/491-493) Õ§™ž©//...//Õ§²¥//⧢¢ž™//⧢žª//Õ§¥//⧩//⧢œ°//...//Õ§«¥ (¥™/552-565)

1) 2) 3)

§5c /CV/ = /Ce’V/ The examples below indicate that alef is elided when it follows šewa. 59 A similar situation has been noted in DSSH: cf. œž§ = œž™§; ³¢±² = ³¢±™²; ¢ž± = ¢ž™±. 60 In MH, the spelling ž¥¢¤ = ž¥¢™¤ attests to the same phenomenon, and the spelling ¦¢¥¢³ = ¦¢¥¢³ shows the quiescence of he in the same position. 61 In MT, this phenomenon may be observed in the case of ¦§Õñ Š (Gen. 25:24) = ¦¢§ž™³, and ³¢±Š ڋ (I Chron. 12:39) = ³¢±™². 62 ³žš¥ž//³žš¥²//³Õ™Þ†   ³† §Š //³žš²//...//³žš±« (¡­²§š £¥§/58-62) ž¥ ¢§œ//ž¥žš›š//Õ™è† § ¥† (£¢š™™/52-54) ¨ê¢ÚŠ //(¨©™²)//¨Ò†©ÚŠ //(¨±™­§) (²žœ°/33-34)

1) 2) 3)

58

Cf. J.L. Malone, Tiberian Hebrew Phonology (Winona Lake, IND: Eisenbrauns, 1993) 196, s.v. pataʘ genuva. 59 In one case, it appears that ayin may also be elided in this environment: ¦¢¥žœ›ž//...//¦¢«¥žš//...//¦¢¥™ž (³žœž§ ³/524-537). The reading ¦¢«¥žš, however, though attested in a Genizah manuscript, is not certain (cf. the ed.’s comment, ad loc.). 60 The examples are quoted from Qimron, 200.11. Cf. also E.Y. Kutscher, The Language and Linguistic Background of the Isaiah Scroll (I Q Isaa) (Leiden: Brill, 1974) 498-500. 61 Cf. Sokoloff, "š± ³¢²™±š" 34, where further examples are given. 62 Cf. also Bergsträsser, 1.§15e.

29

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY Notes: For the root /™š , cf. the comments in §12aa/Nifal. In case 3, the šewa in question is silent.

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CHAPTER 2 – MORPHOLOGY §6 SUFFIXED GENITIVE PRONOUNS No unusual features have been observed with respect to the morphology of the genitive pronominal suffixes. As in BH, there are two series, one suffixed to singular nouns and a group of prepositions, and the other to plural nouns and another group of prepositions. §6a Genitive Pronoun with Singular Nouns/Participles and Subject Suffix on Infinitive Construct 1st c. s. 2nd m. pl. 2nd f. s. 3rd m. s. 3rd f. s.

¢Š£-/ Ž £Ž† (in pause) 63 (-) Õ-/ž- (post-vocalic) áŽ-/Ž (post-vocalic)

1st c. pl. 2nd m. pl. 2nd f. pl. 3rd m. pl. 3rd f. pl.

â©¢‹- (sic) ¦¤Œ ¦Ž- (+ ž§¢­, ¦¥ž¤)

Selected exemplification 1st comm. sing.: ¢¥«ž­ (±²™/396); ¢³©± (°¢­™/19); ¢±Ÿ§† (£¢š™™/59); ¢­ (¢©©° ¢¢/215, 216); ¢¥™²š Ž (°¢­™/3). † (™²™/50; R); £³±«ª 2nd masc. sing.: £²­© (° ±³/506); £¥«­ (£¢š™™/79); £œž­ (±²™/404); £¢­ (¨žŸ™/454); £²ì š (¡­²§š £¥§41). 3rd masc. sing.: ž³œ (²žœ°/34; ¨žŸ™/458; ¥™/572, 573), ³œ (³™/425; v.l. ž³œ); ž¥«­ (¡­²§š £¥§/24; ¥™/590); ž³¤±š (®¢­¢/11); ž¢­ ( £¥§ ¡­²§š/66; ¢©©° ¢¢/138, 216; ¥™/586); ž¤¥§š Ž (¡­²§š £¥§/8). 3rd fem. sing.: ᱤŸ (¨š™/8); Ž ™±§ Œ (¡²°™/26); 64 ᠞› (¦™/1); á±Þœš ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/119). 63 The question of whether and to what extent the phenomenon of pause, as it is known from the Tiberian tradition of vocalization, is to be found in Qillirian poetry is not at issue here. Therefore, the claim that a certain pausal form is attested in the Corpus is to be understood merely to mean that a grammatical form generated by the poet is vocalized as pausal on the basis of the fact it stands in a rhyme position whose terminal vocalism is directly determined by another such grammatical form, which in turn is quoted from MT and is vocalized there as pausal.

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 1st comm. pl.: ž©¢ ž¤ (™²™/33). 2nd masc. pl.: ¦¤¥ž° (£¢š™™/47; ™²™/75). 3rd masc. pl.: ¦¥«ž­ (¦ž¡™/518); ¦¥ž¤ (¡­²§š £¥§/50, et passim), ¦¥ž¤ (¥™/576, 577; R); ¦³°œ¯ (¦™/8); ¦«ž± ‘their shepherd’ (¢©©° ¢¢/365); ž§¢­ (¦ž¡™/512); ¦­ªÒš ( ³­¢/43). Notes: In BH, the 3rd masc. pl. suffix Õ§- is attested with singular nouns in the form Õ§¢ìŠ (3x), as well as following consonantal stems: ž§Ž¢±­ (Ps. 21:11), Õ§š¥  (Ps. 17:10), ž§Ÿ« (Ps. 89:18). 65 Its use in the Corpus’ form ž§¢­ is therefore a direct lexical borrowing from BH. The present case of Qillir’s use of ¦¥ž¤ is discussed by Ž ç (II Sam. 23:6; Yahalom, 66 who cites the unique BH form ¦ è pausal), 67 and notes that ¦¥ž¤ is attested in the MH of the Yerushalmi and Bereshit Rabbah, 68 a fact that he suggests may be attributed to the influence of Aramaic ¨ž¥ž¤. It is also possible, however, that the form in both MH and piyyut is to be seen in light of an analogy to such phonotactically similar Hebrew forms as ¦Œ éŽ «Š or ¦Œ èŽ Ú. Œ §6b Prepositions (+ ³™) Taking the Singular Series ¥¯™: ž¥¯™ (¢©©° ¢¢/188). ³™: ž³™ (¡­²§š £¥§/64; ¡²°™/6; ž³™/367); ¦³™ (¡²°™/14). ³™: ¢³™ (¢©©° ¢¢/91); £³ž™ (¨žŸ™/452, 457); ž³ž™ (¡­²§š £¥§/24, et passim); ᳞™ (¦©¤³/16;  ³­¢/13); ¦³ž™ (²žœ°/37; š³¤š Ÿ™/76; ³žœž§ ³/533); ¨³ž™ (¡­²§š £¥§/69, 72).

The ed. vocalizes this form áÒ±† §,  whereas the BH form of the substantive ™±§ Œ ‘appearance’ with the 3rd fem. sing. genitive pronoun is Ž ™Œ ±† §.  It is clearly preferable to follow BH in this respect. 65 Cf. GKC, §91l. 66 Yahalom, ±¢² ³­², 130-32, where Yannai is also cited: ¨³© ±²™ ¦¢±šœž ¦¥ž¤ ž™±°© ž§²¥ ¦ ¦›//¦¢¥« ž²­© (¡°/Ÿ¥). 67 In both cases, the ed., ad loc, vocalizes the form ¦ Œ 螐 Ž ç, presumably by analogy to the pausal BH form. Yahalom, on the other hand, vocalizes ¦Œ è † ç, i.e., as a context form (cf. BH ¦¤Œ è † ç). Cf. also GKC, §91c, note 1, where it is suggested that ¢Š©ž¥ ¥† ° §† èç (Jer. 15:10) be read as ¢Š©â¥è† °Š ¦Œ è † ç. 68 Cf. Sokoloff, "š± ³¢²™±š" 136, where 14 instances of ¦¥ž¤ are listed. 64

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MORPHOLOGY -š: ¢š (™²™/2, et pasim); £š (¦² ³™/430; ¨žŸ™/456); žš (¡­²§š £¥§/28, et passim); ᚠ(³™/11, et passim); ¦š (¦™/6, et passim), ¦š (¥™/577; R); ž§š (¡­²§š £¥§/75). Notes: The form ž§š is not attested in BH, which shows ¦Þ, Ž ¦Œ Þ, Ž and éŽ ‹ ގ (3x). It has apparently been generated by means of analogy to ž§¥ (see below). ¨¢›š: £‹† ©¢›š (£¢š™™/5). ¥¥›š: ¦¤¥¥›š (™²™/74). ¨¢š: ¢©¢š (¢©©° ¢¢/354); ž©¢š (¥™/593). œ«š: ¢œ«š (¡­²§š £¥§/51); £œ«š (¨žŸ™/455); žœ«š (± ¨§/24); ¦œ«š (±¤Ÿ/12; °¢­™/10). £ž³š: ¢¤ž³š (¤¢ª©™/4); ᤞ³š (¡­²§š £¥§/46). ³¥žŸ: ¢³¥žŸ (³±œ™/14); ž³¥žŸ ( ³­¢/5). -¥: ¢¥ (°¢­™/3, et passim); £¥ (£³­¢/11, et passim); £¥ † (f.s.) (¢©©° ¢¢/282); ž¥ (¡²°™/13, et passim); ᥠ(¨š™/7, et passim); ¦¥ (¢©©° ¢¢/131, et passim), ž§¥ (¨š™/12, et passim). Ž éŽ ‹ ¥Ž (Jer. Notes: With the 3rd masc. pl., BH shows ¦Œ ¥, 14:16), and Õ§¥, Ž the latter being attested in poetry. ¥ž§¥: ž¥ž§¥ (¥™/595); ¦¥ž§¥ (¤¢ª©™/28; but cf. under §6d). ¨«§¥: ¢©«§¥ (¢©©° ¢¢/195); £‹† ©«§¥ (¢©©° ¢¢/326); ž©«§¥ (±¤Ÿ/2; £¢š™™/10; ¢¢ ¢©©°/300); á©«§¥ (¢©©° ¢¢/107, 344).  ¤ž©¥: ž©¢ ¤ž©¥ (™²™/31; Gen. 1x v.l. ž©¢ ¤©). -鞐«¥† : ¦§«¥ (¦¢±¢ª™/12; cf. §17i). ³™±°¥: £† ³™±°¥ ‹ (¢©©° ¢¢/299). ¨§: ž©§§ (¢©©° ¢¢/179, 249 [Gen. 1x v.l. ž©§]), ž©§ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/12, et passim); ©§§ (¡²°™/24 [v.l. ©§]; ¦² ³™/433 [v.l. ©§]), ©§ (¨š™/10; ¡²°™/25); ¦§ (¡²°™/38, et passim). Notes: In BH, the form of this preposition with singular and 1st person plural genitive suffixes undergoes reduplication, with an assimilation of the nun: £Ž é† §Š (pausal æŽ éŒ §Š ), etc. 69 The underlying forms of the 3rd person singular suffixes are *-hu and *-ha, respectively, so that the derivation is *minminhu > âêéŒ §, Š and 69

Cf. GKC §103m, where this explanation is cited, but another is preferred to it.

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY *minminha > ŽêéŒ §, Š with the assimilated he represented by a dageš forte. If this explanation is correct, then the first person form ¢êŠ éŒ §Š is unusual in having a dageš forte in the nun (possibly by analogy to the 3rd person forms or to the 1st comm. sing. suffix in a form such as ¢Šê©Œ ¢™‹ ). In BH poetry, the form with the 1st comm. sing. suffix may also undergo the aphaeresis of the first, unstressed mem: ¢êŠ §Š (pausal ¢êŠ §Œ ). 70 This process is also attested once, in verse-final position, in the 3rd masc. sing.: ❆©§Œ (Job 4:12; note unassimilated he). In the Corpus, this (pausal) form with aphaeresis is attested in the 3rd masc. and fem. singular. 71 The BH forms showing reduplication are also retained.  ¤©: ¦ ¤© (œ¢­™™/7). ±žš«(š): ᱞš« (¦™/6), ᱞš«š (¢©©° ¢¢/120, 234). ¦«: ¢§« (¢©©° ¢¢/297); £§« (³¢¥¤³/448); ž§« (¥™/563); ¦§« (¥™/575). Notes: With the 1st comm. sing., BH attestests both ¢éŠ «Š as well as ¢œŠ éŽ «.Š With the 3rd masc. pl., both ¦éŽ «Š and ¦Œ éŽ «Š are attested. ±ž§³: ¢±ž§³ (±²™/408). §6c Genitive Pronoun with Plural (and Dual) Nouns/Participles 1st c. s. 2nd m. s. 2nd f. s. 3rd m. s. 3rd f. s.

¢(£Œ-) Ž £¢ Ž Œ£Š† ¢ž¢Ž¢ Ž Œ-

1st c. pl. 2nd m. pl. 2nd f. pl. 3rd m. pl. 3rd f. pl.

¦¢‹-/Õ§¢‹-/¦ŽŒ ¨¢ Œ ‹-

Selected exemplification 1st comm. sing.: ¢¢œš« (¢¤©™/44); ¢³­² ( ³­¢/81); ¢³ž«¢±¢ (³±œ™/10; ¢¢ ¢©©°/193); ¢³ž§ (£¢š™™/63); 72 ¢§¢§³§ (³±œ™/4).

70

Cf. the chart in GKC §103i. The pausal vocalization is based on the vocalization found in the traditional editions, which has been adopted by modern editors. 72 This unusual plural form, part of a quote of ¢¢ § ¢³ž§ Š šž¡ (Jon. 4:3), is discussed in Yahalom, ±¢² ³­², 127-28, where the author shows on the basis of a number of examples from Yannai that it is formed as a result of analogical attraction to its invariant plural antonym, i.e., ¦¢¢  ‘life’ ~ ¦¢³ž§ ‘death’. 71

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MORPHOLOGY 2nd masc. sing.: £¢§«± (™²™/8); 73 £«¢›¢ Œ (° ±³/505); £¢³¥œ (¦™/°); £¢³­² (¦ž¡™/510); £¢±ž (¨žŸ™/452); £¢²¢œ°§ (š«/9). 2nd fem. sing.: £¢³ž¯§ (¢©©° ¢¢/283). 3rd masc. sing.: ž¢©©« (± ¨§/19); ž¢¥›± (¢©©° ¢¢/207); ž¢³ž«š¯™ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/191); ž¢²«§ (¡­²§š £¥§/24); ž¢ ¡žš (£¢š™™/77). 3rd fem. sing.: ¢ ±­ (³™/9); ¢³ž§ž¯«³ (¥™/614); ¢›ž (¥™/606); ¢¥¥ § (³¢¥¤³/443). 3rd masc. pl.: ¦¢¤ª© (³ž«³/418); ¦¢«ž¡ (³ž«³/416); ¦¢›¢©§ (¥™/574); ž§¢¥«­§ (¥™/556); ž§¢© § (¥™/555); 74 ž§¢±¯ž© (ž³™/372); ¦³ž«¢±¢ (¢©©° ¢¢/193). Notes: The 3rd masc. pl. suffix Õ§¢‹- is attested in BH with nouns in the dual and plural. 75 The use of ¦Ž- with the nominal suffix ³Õ- is a feature of pre-Exilic BH, and is also characteristic of Ben Sira and DSSH. In the Corpus, ¦¢ Œ ³Õ-, ‹ which is typical of LBH 76 as well as MH, is not attested. 3rd fem. pl.: ¨¢§³ž  (³¥™³/5); ¨¢œ² (¦™/6). §6d Prepositions Taking the Plural Series ¢± ™: ž¢± ™ (¤¢ª©™/38; ³±œ™/2; £¢š™™/43); ¦¢± ™ (° ±³/502; ¥™/575). ¥™: ¢¥™ (³¥™³/12); ž¢¥™ (°¢­™/18; ± ¨§/28; ¢©©° ¢¢/ 119; ž³³/389); ¢¥™ (¢©©° ¢¢/239, 265, 323); ¦¤¢¥™ (™²™/73). ¢œ«¥š(§): ¢œ«¥š§ (¢¤©™/45); £¢œ«¥š (¦©¤³/17). ¥ž§¥: ¢¥ž§¥  (›ž  œ« œ™™/10; R). -鞫 ¥† : £¢§ž«¥ (™²™/11; cf. §17i). 77 73

For the interpretation of this form, see note 77. The sentence from which this form is drawn refers to the Ishmaelites and reads ž§¢© §š ¨©¢² šž©›³ ™¥ ‘He taught [the commandment] “Thou shalt not steal” in their encampments.’ I understand ž§¢© § as a plural noun, but the context does not preclude its interpretation as a singular. 75 Cf. GKC, §91l. 76 For a detailed discussion of this matter, see M. Bar-Asher, ¨ž²¥" "(¢›ž¥ž­±ž§š ¬¢«ªš ¨ž¢«) ¥''Ÿ  ¨ž²¥¥ ™±°§ ¨¢š ¨™±§ž° Megillot 2 (2004) 137-49. 77 There is no justification for the ed.’s vocalization £¢ † 鞫 Ž ¥,† which directly contradicts the evidence of the consonantal text. The word in question is attested in the rhyme position, in a series that is vocalized by 74

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY ¢©­¥: £¢©­¥ (±²™/405); ž¢©­¥ (¤¢ª©™/1, et passim); ¦¢©­¥ (¥™/574, 583); ž§¢©­¥ (¥™/553; R). Notes: The form ž§¢©­¥ is not attested in BH, which exclusively employs ¦¢©­¥ for the 3rd masc. pl. It is evidently the product of an analogy to a prepositional form such as ž§¢¥« (see below). œ«: ¢¢œ« (¢¤©™/46); ž¢œ« (³¥™³/10). ¥«(§): ž¢¥« (³™/6, et passim); ¢¥« (¡²°™/23); ¦¤¢¥«§ (™²™/77); ¦¢¥« (¢©©° ¢¢/141, et passim); ž§¢¥« (¥™/554, 556, 557; R). Notes: The form ž§¢¥« is attested 12x in BH poetry. 78 ³ ³: ž¢³ ³ (¡­²§š £¥§/46). the ed. as follows: £† éŽ « ކ //£¢† 鞐 Ž «¥† //£† §¢ Ž «†Š © è† §Š //£† §ˆ Ž «Ÿ //£¢† §ˆ Ž «± //£† éŽ «Š (™²™/7-12). The first, third, and sixth words in this series belong to scriptural quotes, and are vocalized in MT as follows: £Ž é† «,Š £Ž §Œ «† Ÿ, £Ž éŒ «.  The vocalization of the first word is, furthermore, attested given in the manuscript itself – £Ž §‹ «Š (or perhaps £Ž §Œ «). Š It is therefore absolutely certain that the terminal element of the rhymeme is £. Ž Since, furthermore, there is no reason to suppose that the plene writing £¢- represents anything other than the 2nd masc. sing. genitive pronoun when suffixed to a plural noun (i.e., there is no compelling reason to think that it may represent the pausal form of the same pronoun when suffixed to a singular noun), the only reasonable conclusion is that the word in question is to be vocalized £¢ Ž éž Œ « ¥† , and is to be understood as being morphologically plural. A similar argument applies to £¢ Ž §Œ «Ž ±† (to be vocalized thus, apud the ed.), though in this case, some doubt may be entertained on account of the fact that: 1) Qillir’s phrase £¢§«± ¥ž°§ is probably modeled on MT ¨§ £Ž §† «  ± ¥ž° (Ps. 104:7), and 2) the manuscript itself provides the partial vocalization £§«±. One might argue, however, that the grammatical number of the noun has been changed from singular to plural in response to the pressures of rhyme, and that the vocalization given in the manuscript reflects either the weakening of the guttural /‘/ (cf. Yahalom, "¢¥™±²¢-®±™ œž°¢©" 54-55) or a peculiarity of the Palestinian pronunciation of segolate plurals (cf. ibid., 36, where segolate plurals are listed with a Palestinian sign either over the first radical only, as in the present case, or over both the first and second radicals). Finally, in light of the foregoing, the fourth word should probably be vocalized as pausal £Ž §¢«©¥. Œ 78 GKC, §103f, note 3 suggest that ž§¢¥« in Job 20:23, 22:2, 27:23 is to be understood as having a singular pronominal referent (i.e., = ž¢¥«).

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MORPHOLOGY

§7 SUFFIXED ACCUSATIVE PRONOUNS As in BH, the accusative pronoun may be suffixed to the finite verb, both perfect and imperfect. In addition, the accusative pronoun may appear with the infinitive. §7a Accusative Pronoun with Perfect 1st c. s. 2nd m. s. 2nd f. s. 3rd m. s. 3rd f. s.

¢Š-/¢Š©£Ž

1st c. pl. 2nd m. pl. 2nd f. pl. 3rd m. pl. 3rd f. pl.

Õ-/ž-/âáŽ-/¢ŒŽ

â©-

¦Ž-/¦-

Exemplification Š ¢§§ (£¢š™™/20); ¢²¢­¤ (™²™/14; R); ¢³Š §† Ž 噊 1st comm. sing. (¢-): (£¢š™™/55); 79 ¢²è² (¡§ ®±™/11; R) ¢¤©™ (²žœ°/39; R); ¢¤©  (²žœ°/39; R); ¢§² (¢©©° ¢¢/214).  © (£¢š™™/43); ¢©Š ³ ¥¢™  (™²™/55; R); ¢©³¯³¢© 1st comm. sing. (¢©Š -): ¢Š© Ž (™²™/56; R); ¢©³¯ ¥ (™²™/57; R); ¢©³¯­  (™²™/58; R); ¢©žª¢© (™²™/76); ¢©Š ¡Ž  © (¢©©° ¢¢/188; R); ¢© ³§ (¢©©° ¢¢/187; R); ¢© ì¡ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/189; R); ¢©©î³ (¢©©° ¢¢/190; R); ¢©«š° (¢©©° ¢¢/191; R); ¢©²±­‹ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/192; R); ¢©¯é™ (¢©©° ¢¢/209); ¢©¤¢¥§ (¢©©° ¢¢/224); ¢©¥™² ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/233); ¢©±¢¤ (¢©©° ¢¢/281). Notes: See the discussion under §7c. The ed., ad loc., vocalizes this form ¢ñŠ § † 噐 , i.e., as a 1st comm. sing. Pual perf. Such an analysis, however, leads to a serious difficulty in the interpretation of the clause: ¢ °­ ¢©­š ³ž©¢° ³¥›§ ¢³§¢™. The ed. attempts to solve this problem by assuming that a complementary infinitive has been gapped (cf. his gloss ¤¢™ ³¥¢›§ ™ž±°¥ ¢³±Ÿ©). It is difficult, however, to imagine that the poet would allow the gapping of such a weighty syntactic/semantic element, without which the sentence is close to being nonsensical. It seems simpler to assume that ¤¢™ ³¥¢›§ is the subject, and to read ¢³Š §† Ž 噊 ‘it forewarned me’ (for ¢ °­ ¢©­š, see §16b). True, the ed. cites no varia lectionis that would support such a reading, but it is no surprise that a Hebrew scribe would automatically interpret the consonantal sequence ¢³§¢™ as a 1st comm. sing. perf. rather than as a 3rd fem. sing. perf. with a 1st person ¢Š- accusative suffix. Such forms are attested in JPA poetry–cf. ¢³° œ ‘she pushed me’, ¢³­ œ ‘she shoved me’, and ¢³š™ª ‘she defiled me’ in Y. Yahalom & M. Sokoloff, ¥² ¦¢¢§±™ ¦¢±¢² – ™š±«§ ¢©š ³±¢² ³¢¡©Ÿ¢š ­ž°³š ¥™±²¢-®±™ ¢œž¢ (Jerusalem: The Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, 1999) 85, ll. 8-9. 79

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 2nd masc. sing.: £ž§¢«© (³¢¥¤³/449); £ž±±ž› (¨žŸ™/453). 3rd masc. sing. (Õ-): ž¥¢«ž (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/10); žª ¢ (¡²°™/11); žªª¢š (¡²°™/11); žœ«ž (¡²°™/12); ž¤â³ (¡²°™/44); ž«±™ (£¢š™™/22); ž›© (± ¨§/20); ž±¢¡« (ž³³/389); Õ¥‡«Œ (¥™/592; R); Õ被Š (¥™/593; R). Notes: In the forms ž¥« and ž¥¢«, the accusative pronoun has been suffixed to the apocopated III/h verb stems: -¥« and -¥¢«, respectively (cf. under §12ee). In BH, such apocopated 3rd masc. sing. verb stems are attested with the 2nd masc. sing. accusative suffix–e.g., £Œ Ž ©°, Ž £Ž ۆ «Ž (Deut. 32:6; the first form is pausal). 3rd masc. sing. (ž-/â-): ž¢³±™¢š (¢¤©™/43); ž¢³¤¥§ (¢©©° ¢¢/224); ž¢³±¤ (¢©©° ¢¢/281); žž™©² (¢©©° ¢¢/329); ž¢³°²  (¥™/598). 3rd fem. sing. (áŽ-): ášÜ  (¨š™/8); ᜰ­ (¦™/1); ៩› (¡²°™/6); á§Û (™²™/4); ᱙¢š (š³¤š Ÿ™/67). Ž ¢ Ž š¢™ Œ ‘He loved her’ (¢¥²š ¤¢™ ¢¥™/85; R). 3rd fem. sing. (¢Œ-): Notes: The use of the suffix ¢ŒŽ is dictated by the rhyme scheme. 1st comm. pl.: ⩳† ¥¤²  (£¢š™™/79); ⩳† ¥¤  (£¢š™™/79); ž©³¥¥¢  (£¢š™™/80); ž©³¥¤™ (£¢š™™/80); ž©³™¥§ (£¢š™™/81); ž©³¥¤³ (£¢š™™/81). 3rd masc. pl. (¦Ž-): ¦™²© (¤¢ª©™/28); ¦œé¥ (³¥™³/1); ¦©ç³ (¦©¤³/1); ¦²¢±­¢ (¢©©° ¢¢/182); ¦ ³§ (¢©©° ¢¢/187); ¦ ì¡ (¢©©° ¢¢/189); ¦©ç³ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/190); ¦«š° (¢©©° ¢¢/191); ¦²±¢­ (¢©©° ¢¢/192); ¦«š° (¢©©° ¢¢/357); ¦«±° (¢©©° ¢¢/357); ¦«§¢² (¢©©° ¢¢/349; ž³™/377); ¦©Ÿ¢™ (ž³³/392); ¦²à° (¥™/560); ¦ª ¢¢ (¥™/561); ¦±™¢³ (¥™/561); ¦°¢šœ (¥™/562); ¦™±° (¥™/568); ¦¥¢  (¥™/568); ¦¥¢š (¥™/568); ¦š¢² (¥™/572); ¦œ¢§« (¥™/575); ¦š¢² (¥™/597). 3rd masc. pl. (¦-): ¦ž³¢¤ª (š³¤š Ÿ™/74); ¦¡© (¢©©° ¢¢/188); ¦žŸ ™ (ž³³/384). §7b Accusative Pronoun with Imperfect/Imperative Ending in a Consonant (Including Energic nun) and Object Suffix on Infinitive Construct 1st c. s. 2nd m. s. 2nd f. s. 3rd m. s. 3rd f. s.

¢Š-/¢©‹£-/ Ž £Ž† £‹† ÕáŽ-/¢ŒŽ

1st c. pl. 2nd m. pl. 2nd f. pl. 3rd m. pl. 3rd f. pl.

Exemplification – imperfect 38

â©¢‹¦¤Œ¦‹-/¦Ž-/¦¢‹Œ

MORPHOLOGY 1st comm. sing. (¢-): Š ¢¡­²¢ Š (¡­²§š £¥§/51; R) ¢ÚŽ Š ±¢Š (¢©©° ¢¢/341); ¢ °¢ (¢©©° ¢¢/342). ‹ (£¢š™™/68; R). 1st comm. sing. (¢Š©‹-): ¢ Š©§ª±¤³ nd 2 masc. sing.: £œ›™™ (™²™/51); £™±°¢ (¨žŸ™/457); £ ¢œ¢ (¥™/484). 3rd masc. sing.: Õ¥à›³ (¥™/596) žŸè«¢ (°¯œš ¢«œ ™²™/11); žŸ¢¥¢ ( ™²™ °œ¯š ¢«œ/11); žŸ¢›¢ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/12). 3rd fem. sing.: Ꮁ­ª¢ž (š³¤š Ÿ™/69); ᱧ³¢ž (š³¤š Ÿ™/70). 3rd fem. sing. (with energic nun): Žê¥¢«›³ Œ (³±œ™/15). rd 3 masc. pl. (¦‹-): ¦šŸ«³ ‹ (¨žŸ™/461); ¦«¢ª¢ž ‹ (¢©©° ¢¢/358); ¦‹±§²³ (³žœž§ ³/535). 3rd masc. pl. (¦Ž-): ¦¥¢«ž¢ Ž (±¤Ÿ/16; R); ¦«¢²ž¢ Ž (¢¥²š ¤¢™ ¢¥™/2; R). Notes: The use of the suffix ¦Ž- with the imperfect is dictated by the rhyme scheme. Exemplification – imperative ‹ (³¢¥¤³/450); ¦³±² (¨žŸ™/462). 3rd masc. pl.: ¦œÞ¤ Exemplification – infinitive construct 1st comm. sing. (¢Š-): ¢¡­²¥ (¡­²§š £¥§/50, 52; R); ¢°œ¯¥ ( £¥§ ¡­²§š/54; R); ¢°©¥ (¡­²§š £¥§/54, 55, 57; R); ¢š¢²°¥ ( ³­¢/77; R); ¢š¢™²¥ ( ³­¢/78; R); ¢²¢­¤¥ (™²™/16; R); ¢³²¥ Š (™²™/43); ¢²¥­¥ (¡§ ®±™/10; R); ¢©©ž›¥ (¡§ ®±™/13, 16; R). 1st comm. sing. (¢Š©‹-): ¢©§¢¯«š (£¢š™™/67; R); ¢©§¢Úš (£¢š™™/67; R); ¢©§¡ ¥ Ž (£¢š™™/69; R); ¢©§¡²¥ Ž (£¢š™™/69; R); ¢©§ ¥¥ Ž (£¢š™™/71; R). nd 2 masc. sing.: £± žš¥ (±²™/406); £¥ßª¥ (±²™/406); £±à™¥ ( ¢±¡¢/5); Ž (™²™/52; R); £Ž ¥œžš¥ † (±²™/407; R); £Ž §¢ Œ «©¥ (™²™/10; R); 80 £† ¥¢«ž¥ £³Õå  (¨žŸ™/455). 2nd fem. sing.: £‹† ©©ž›¥ (£¢š™™/5). 3rd masc. sing: ՟ ™¥ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/11) Õ«²«²¥ (¡²°™/6); ž³¢«š¥ ( ³­¢/76); ž ¢œ²¥ ( ³­¢/79); ž±à™¥ ( ³­¢/87); ž›œ¥ ( ³­¢/87; cf.

80 For the vocalization of this form, see note 77. In general, editors tend to vocalize the 2nd masc. sing. accusative pronoun with imperf./imperat. ending in consonant as £Ž-, † irrespective of whether or not the particular form in question appears in a position which may, for prosodic reasons, be interpreted as involving a pause in the speech stream.

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY §12xx); ž««ž±¥ (£¢š™™/23); ž™è§¥ (£¢š™™/52); 81 ž¥¥¥ (¢©©° ¢¢/92); ž¤±š¥ (¢©©° ¢¢/92); žš²¢¢¥ (¢©©° ¢¢/133); ž²¢°œ¥ (¦² ³™/436); ž›±ž¥ (° ±³/500); ž¥«¥ (¥™/596; cf. §12xx); ž¥¢œ›¥ (¥™/598). 3rd fem. sing. (áŽ-): á³¢²¥ ( ³­¢/63); á³ °¥ (¨š™/5); ᳞œ­ (¨š™/6); ᳞ž¥¥ (¦™/5); á°°ž²¥ (¡²°™/22; ¦©¤³/4); ᜢ§³¥ (¦©¤³/5); ᪩±­¥ (¦©¤³/15); á±¢š›¥ (¢©©° ¢¢/120); á±¢šª¥ (¢©©° ¢¢/121); á±Þœ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/235). Ž ¢ Ž ³ž ™¥ Œ (¨ž©š¥§ ¢³™/262; R); ¢ Ž §¤ ¥ Œ ( ¦™ 3rd fem. sing. (¢Œ-): ³±«žª/247); ¢ Ž ©Œ ©žš¥ (³±«žª ¦™/247; R); ¢ Ž ³¢²¥ Œ (³±«žª ¦™/262; R); ¢Œ Ž ±¢Ÿ ¥ (¢¥²š ¤¢™ ¢¥™/43; R); ¢Œ Ž ±Ÿ«¥ Ž (¢¥²š ¤¢™ ¢¥™/44; R); ¢ Ž š¥¥ Œ (¢¥²š ¤¢™ ¢¥™/85; R); ¢ Ž ™¢š¥ Œ (¢¥²š ¤¢™ ¢¥™/86; R); ¢ Ž š¢¢ ¥ Œ ( ¢¥™ ¢¥²š ¤¢™/86; R). Notes: The forms with the suffix ¢ Ž Œ- are dictated either directly by the needs of rhyme, or in the case of ¢§¤ ¥, through apposition to such a rhyme-determined form. ‹ (™²™/32); ž©¢ ¤²¥ (™²™/34). 1st comm. pl.: â©¢ çž¥ nd † (£¢š™™/11); ¦¤©¢¡²¥ (£¢š™™/46). 2 masc. pl.: ¦¤Œ ¥¢¥¡¥ 3rd masc. pl. (¦Ž-): ¦¥™›¥ Ž (£¢š™™/41); ¦±±­²¥ (±¤Ÿ/6); ¦¥«›¥ (±¤Ÿ/16); ¦¯é™¥ (±¤Ÿ/17); ¦¢ Ž ߊ ¥ (±¤Ÿ/30; cf. §3a); ¦³Õ™Ý Ž ¥ ( ³­¢/12); ¦§¢± ¥ (£¢š™™/64); ¦±ž²š (¥™/616). 3rd masc. pl. (¦¢‹-): Œ ¦¥¢¤²¥ (¥™/576; R); ¦¢³ž™±¥ (¥™/580; R). Notes: With the exception of the doubtful case of ¦¢ Œ ™‹ ­Ñ † (Deut. 32:26), ¦- does not occur in BH as a verbal suffix. 82 The forms ¦¥¢¤²¥ and ¦¢³ž™±¥ are therefore to be interpreted as having been generated on an ad hoc basis in order to satisfy the rhyme norm. The proper vocalization of the first form is uncertain: the ed. vocalizes ¦Œ ¥-, ‹ while Frenkel vocalizes ¦Œ ¥† (but cf. the v.l. ¦¢¥¢¤²¥, cited by him, ad loc.). The plene spelling of the second form demands the vocalization ¦¢ Œ ³Õ-. ‹

81 The ed., ad loc, interprets this form as a peculiar infinitive, generated by the pressure of rhyme. According to the interpretation proposed here, Š (cf. the final Õ- is an anaphoric 3rd masc. sing. pronoun referring to ¢§ª™ §19e, case 19). 82 Cf. GKC, §58a, note 1.

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MORPHOLOGY §7c Accusative Pronoun with Imperfect/Imperative Ending in a Vowel and with III/h Imperfect/Imperative (and Infinitive Construct) 1st c. s. 2nd m. s. 2nd f. s. 3rd m. s. 3rd f. s.

¢Š©£Ž â-/âꌝŽ

1st c. pl. 2nd m. pl. 2nd f. pl. 3rd m. pl. 3rd f. pl.

¦-

Exemplification – imperfect 1st comm. sing.: ¢©©«³ (°¢­™/24); ¢Š©â±Õ¢ (°¢­™/10); ¢©ž²±¢ (°¢­™/10). Œ (¦ž¡™/522; R); £ž§›±¢ (¨žŸ™/461); £ž±²™¢ 2nd masc. sing.: £Ž «±¢ (³žœž§ ³/537). 3rd masc. sing.: žž«²¢ (¦©¤³/12). 3rd masc. sing. (with energic nun, roots III/h): âêñ­ Œ ™ (³™/14). rd 3 fem. sing.: ¢Œ Ž ©²¢ž (š³¤š Ÿ™/70). rd ‹ (¢©©° ¢¢/358); ¦â©ñŠ† ¢ (¡­²§š £¥§/74). 3 masc. pl.: ¦ä¢ž Exemplification – imperative 3rd masc. sing.: žž±œ (œ¢­™™/2); žž°³ž (œ¢­™™/2; Gen. v.l. ž°³ž); žž²œ  (œ¢­™™/4; Gen. v.l. ž²œ ); žžœ ¢ (œ¢­™™/5); žž§§ž± (œ¢­™™/10). Exemplification – infinitive construct 3rd masc. sing.: ❯§¥ ‹ (›ž  œ« œ™™/7; R; see §12xx). Notes: As may be seen from the examples, the form of the 1st comm. sing. accusative pronoun in the Corpus alternates between ¢Š- and ¢©Š -, as opposed to the unitary BH ¢Š©-. In BH, a small number of cases is attested in which the suffixed form ¢Š- marks the object of an infinitive construct, and is therefore to be understood as the objective genitive: ¢§Š ލ† ¢ š™ ™¥ (Deut. 25:7); ¢ÞŠ ¯† «Ž ¢³¥š¥ (I Chron. 4:10). 83 These, however, are the exceptions to an otherwise wellestablished rule. On the basis of the data collected here, it is possible to at least partially identify the conditions for the alternation ¢Š- ~ ¢Š©-. If we examine the cases of the suffix with the imperfect/infinitive separately from those with the perfect, we note that the ¢Š©- form is employed in two distinct types of environment. Firstly, it appears 83

Cf. GKC, §115c.

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY in those cases where it is suffixed to a form ending in a vowel– ¢©©«³, ¢©ž±ž¢, ¢©ž²±¢–i.e., a phonologically defined environment. Secondly, it appears in those cases where it is demanded by the rhyme scheme, i.e., an environment defined on the basis of formal poetic structure. In such cases, the form to which it is suffixed ends in a consonant: ¢©§¢¯«š, ¢©§¢Úš, ¢©§¡ ¥, Ž ¢©§¡²¥, Ž ¢©§ ¥¥, Ž ¢©§ª±¤³. The suffix ¢Š-, on the other hand, shows the opposite distribution. It appears in those cases where it is suffixed to a form ending in a consonant–¢¡­²¥, ¢¡­²¢, ¢°œ¯¥, ¢îŠ ©¥† (for this infinitival stem, cf. under §12xx), ¢š¢²°¥, ¢š¢™²¥, ¢²¢­¤¥, ¢³²¥, Š ¢²¥­¥, ¢©©ž›¥, ¢ÚŽ Š ±¢Š , ¢ °¢–i.e., a phonologically defined environment. Most of these cases also incidentally participate in the rhyme scheme: ¢¡­²¥, ¢¡­²¢, ¢°œ¯¥, ¢îŠ ©¥,† ¢š¢²°¥, ¢š¢™²¥, ¢²¢­¤¥, ¢²¥­¥, ¢©©ž›¥. In this context, it is furthermore important to note that while it is true that the forms ¢¡­²¥ (¡­²§š £¥§/50), ¢°œ¯¥ (¡­²§š £¥§/54), and ¢©©ž›¥ (¡§ ®±™/13) are found in the rhyme position, they are attested in the first stich of their respective strophes, i.e., they are the ones determining the rhyme requirement to which all of the other such forms in their respective strophes are then subjected. In the case of the imperfect/infinitive stems, therefore, the Corpus seems to show a regular morphophonemic alternation ¢Š- ~ ¢Š©-, the first alternant being employed after an imperfect/infinitive stem ending in a consonant and the second after a stem ending in a vowel. This arrangement may incidentally satisfy the rhyme scheme. If, however, the forms predicted by this morphophoneme do not suit the rhyme scheme, the phonological condition defined for the incidence of the ¢Š©- alternant may be replaced by its opposite. Unfortunately, this mode of explanation cannot account for the alternation ¢Š- ~ ¢Š©- with the perfect, where the 3rd masc. sing. may take either suffix, irrespective of whether or not it is in the rhyme position. It is possible that the incorporation of additional data will necessitate a re-evaluation of this formula. In any case, it should be pointed out that the Corpus’ use of ¢Š- as the accusative suffix may have been influenced by contemporary usage in the several dialects of Western Aramaic. In CPA, ¢Š- is the only possible form of the accusative suffix of the first person, the form ¢Š©- being unknown. 84 84

Cf. C. Müller-Kessler, Grammatik des Christlich-PalästinischAramäischen – Teil I: Schriftlehre, Lautlehre, Formenlehre (Texte und Studien

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MORPHOLOGY In SA, the situation is apparently mixed, 85 but the accusative suffix ¢Š- has been noted by Ben-Hayyim in Samaritan poetry. 86 The same phenomenon has also been observed in JPA poetry. 87 §7d Accusative Suffixes with (Predicative) Particles ¢œ: ¢©¢¢œ (¢©©° ¢¢/193). Notes: This combination is not attested in BH, which shows the following forms: æŒ Ž åà,  ¦Žåà.  ©: ¢©© (¦™/2). œž«: žœž« (± ¨§/23). Notes: In BH, the adverb œž« may take subject suffixes, 88 the Œ (21x; form with the 3rd masc. sing. suffix being consistenly âêœÕ« also attested in Ben Sira 30:12). The MH form, on the other hand, is žœž«. 89 With the 1st comm. sing. suffix, however, BH shows the alternation ¢œÕ« Š (š/§) ~ ¢êŠ œÕ«. Œ The Corpus’ form žœž« was perhaps generated by analogy to this alternation.

§8 NOMINAL MORPHOLOGY For ease of exposition, I do not list the patterns in accordance with the paradigmatic root ¥¡°, but rather according to type-words. Because of its particular prominence within the Corpus, the segolate pattern is always listed first under every root-type. Wherever the word from the Corpus is also attested in BH, the siglum “=BH” is employed. The siglum “=MH” is used if the noun is unattested in BH but is found in MH. This system of notation gives primacy to BH, but the fact that the majority of the zur Orientalistik 6; Hildesheim/Zürich/New York: Georg Olms, 1991) 4.1.2.3. 85 Müller-Kessler, Christlich-Palästinisch-Aramäischen, 4.1.2.3: “Auch das SA scheint teilweise nur bloßes ¢- als Suffix für die 1. sg. Zu kennen.” 86 Z. Ben-Hayyim, ¥¢­³ž ©¢± ¥ž° (The Literary and Oral Tradition of Hebrew and Aramaic amongst the Samaritans Vol. III Part II; Jerusalem: The Academy of the Hebrew Language, 1967) 243. 87 Cf. Yahalom & Sokoloff, ™š±«§ ¢©š, 85, l. 25, s.v. ¢ ¥² ‘He sent me’. To the cases listed there are to be added: ¢œš« ‘He made me’ (p. 234, l. 44), ¢°¥¡ ‘He cast me’ (p. 348, l. 67). 88 Cf. Joüon, 1.§102k. 89 Cf. Segal, §288.

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY nominal lexicon is directly derived from it, as becomes clear from a quick scan of the lists, justifies such a procedure. Adjectives, marked “adj.,” are listed according to their masc. sing. form. §8a Biradical (Monosyllabic) Nouns ¢™:Š ¦¢¢™ ‘island’ (¤¢ª©™/21) =BH. ¥™: ‹ ¥™ (ž³™/376, et passim), -¥™ (¤¢ª©™/30, et passim), ¦¢¥™ (¤¢ª©™/30; ž³³/381; ¥™/616, 617) =BH. ¦™‹ : ¦™ (¨š™/4; ¦™/1) =BH. ®«: ‹ ¦¢¯« (¦ž¡™/517) =BH. ڙ: ‹ ²™ (¡²°™/5, et passim), -²™ (£¢š™™/80), -¢²¢™ (£¢š™™/57) =BH (sing. only; MH pl. ³ž-). ¨Þ‹ : ¨š (¥™/262), ¢©š (³ž«³/420; ° ±³/506), ¦¢©š (¨š™/3; ³¢¥¤³/441; ¨žŸ™/460), -¢©š (¤¢ª©™/19, et passim), ¢©š (¥™/600) =BH. ¦Ú‹ : ¦² (¡­²§š £¥§/47; ¡²°™/41 [3x]), -¦² (¬™/1; ¥™/483; ¢¢ ¢©©°/206; ¦² ³™/424), ¢§² (¢©©° ¢¢/245), £§² (¦©¤³/16), ž§² (±¤Ÿ/40, et passim), ¦§² (¥™/562), ³ž§² (³¥™³/6; ¢©©° ¢¢/127, 245; ¥™/561) =BH. ì: Œ ­ (œ¢­™™/9, et passim), -¢­ (¥™/543, 601, 602, 603), ¢­ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/215, 216), £¢­ (¨žŸ™/454), ž¢­ (¡­²§š £¥§/66; ¢©©° ¢¢/138, 216; ¥™/586), ž§¢­ (¦ž¡™/512), ³ž¢­ (£¢š™™/19) =BH. ÛŒ : ² (³™/12; £¢š™™/22) =BH. œà:  Õ§¢à‹ à (ž³™/368) =BH. ¢à:  ¢¢œ (¢¤©™/42; ¢©©° ¢¢/193), -¢œ (±¤Ÿ/38; ¦©¤³/19; ¨žŸ™/453), ¢©¢¢œ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/193) =BH; ¢œ ç† ‘fit’ (¢©©° ¢¢/282; adj.) =MH. ¦Š¢§:  ¦¢§ (¬™/2, et passim), -¢§ (¡²°™/37, et passim), -¢§¢§ (¢©©° ¢¢/212), ¢§¢§  (¢©©° ¢¢/212), ž¢§¢§ (¥™/571) =BH. ž°:  ž° (±¤Ÿ/33;  ³­¢/32) =BH. 90 œÚ:  œ² (™²™/63), ¦Š¢œ²  (¨žŸ™/453), ¢œ²  (£¢š™™/14), ¨¢œ² (¦™/6) =BH.

90 For ž° as a primary noun, see KB, 1081, s.v. I ž°. It should be noted, however, that in several cases (Zech. 1:16; I Kings 7:23; Jer. 31:39) the MT ketiv is ž°. This may indicate that the noun belongs to the triliteral root system, and that in most cases of the ketiv and all cases of the qere a final vowel, representing a weak third radical, has undergone aphaeresis.

44

MORPHOLOGY šÒ: š™ (¡­²§š £¥§/33; ³¢¥¤³/441), -³žš™ (¡­²§š £¥§/37; ±²™/403) =BH. ¦à: Ž ¦œ (±ž³/473), ¦¢§œ (±ž³/473) =BH. ³à: Ž ³œ (¢©©° ¢¢/267, et passim), -³œ (™²™/4, et passim), ž³œ (²žœ°/34; ¥™/572, 573; ¨žŸ™/458), ³œ (¦² ³™/425; v.l. ž³œ), ¦¢³œ (³ž«³/419) =BH. œŽ¢: œ¢ (¤¢ª©™/31; °¢­™/8), ¢œ¢ (±²™/401), £œ¢ (¦©¤³/17), žœ¢ ( £¥§ ¡­²§š/79;  ³­¢/5), ᜢ (³±œ™/8), ¦œ¢ (³žœž§ ³/533), -¢œ¢ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/273), ¢¢œ¢  (¢¤©™/49) =BH. ¨§: Ž ¨§ ‘manna’ (³¢¥¤³/444), -¨§ (±²™/405) =BH. ŸŽ±: Ÿ± (¤¢ª©™/39) (cf. §29m). §8b Biradical Nouns with a Nominal Suffix ¢©Š Ú: ‹ ¢©¢² (š³¤š Ÿ™/61 [2x], 62), ¢©² (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/16; adj.) =BH (fem. ³¢©Š ڋ only). §8c Biradical Nouns with a Feminine Morpheme Ò§: ‹ ¦Š¢³™§  (¡²°™/13; ¥™/547), ³ž™§ (¡²°™/9, et passim) =BH. ³Þ:  -³š (£¢š™™/44; š³¤š Ÿ™/58; ¢©©° ¢¢/317) =BH. ³Õ Ò: ³ž ™ (¨š™/7) =BH. §8d Reduplicated Biradicals ¥†Ž ¢¥ (< *laylay): ¥¢¥ (±¤Ÿ/29, et passim), ¥¢¥‹ ( ³­¢/75; £¢š™™/38), -¥¢¥ (™²™/58), ³ž¥¢¥ (±²™/398) =BH. §8e Nouns Derived from a Strong Triradical Root The list includes roots with guttural radicals that involve minor phonological alterations in BH without any morphological significance. Segolates attested in BH ¨šŒ ™Œ : -¨š™(¨š™/1; ¢©©° ¢¢/101 [2x], 197, 199), ¦¢©š™ (¨š™/3; ¨žŸ™/461; ³¢¥¤³/443); ¢©œ™ (£¢š™™/38), ¢©œ™ (¢©©° ¢¢/161); ±œ™ ‘praise, glory’ (¤¢ª©™/35); ¬¥™ (¡­²§š £¥§/73, et passim), ¦Š¢­¥™  (¢©©° ¢¢/86, 337, 338), -¢­¥™ (¡­²§š £¥§/60); ²§™ ‘night’ ( ³­¢/56; ³ž¤§ ±²«š/25); ®±™ (¡­²§š £¥§/7, et passim), ¯±™ ( ³­¢/68), ³ž¯±™ (¨©«/13; ¦©¤³/20); žœ›š (° ±³/500), ¦¢œ›š (³žœž§ ³/527); ¨¡š (¨š™/7); ¦¢¥«š 45

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY (³ž«³/411), -¢¥«š (¡²°™/22); «¯š (°¢­™/5; ³žœž§ ³/526), ¢«¯š (±¤Ÿ/31); £±š (³™/2,14; °¢­™/11), ž¤±š ‘knee’ (¢©©° ¢¢/90) (BH sing. 1x); «š› ‘hill’ (¤¢ª©™/23) (BH GN only; cf. «š›); ¦²› ( ¢±¡¢/4, 5; ¦©¤³/12;  ³­¢/11), ¦¢§²› (š«/9; °¢­™/6; ¦©¤³/20; ±²™/399), -¢§²› (¥™/588); £±œ (¡­²§š £¥§/33), ¦¢¤±œ (° ±³/498), ¢¤±œ (®¢­¢/11); ™²œ (š«/7); ¨²œ (³™/12; ³¥™³/10); ¦¢¥š (³ž«³/419; ³žœž§ ³/524), ¦¢¥š (³ž«³/418); ›± (±ž³/475);  šŸ (¢©©° ¢¢/303), -¢ šŸ (®¢­¢/12), ¦¢ šŸ (³ž«³/417); ¦«Ÿ (±¤Ÿ/32;  ³­¢/45; ¢©©° ¢¢/351), ¦¢§«Ÿ (±ž³/475) (BH sing. only); ¦±Ÿ (®¢­¢/10; ™²™/19); ¦«±Ÿ (¥™/483); ³±Ÿ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/190, 357); ±œ  (£¢š™™/8), -±œ  (±¤Ÿ/18; £¢š™™/50), ¦¢±œ  ( ³™ ¦²/432), -¢±œ  (¡­²§š £¥§/57); ®¥  ‘loin(s)’ (¥™/562); 91 œ§  (¥™/583), -œ§  (¤¢ª©™/17; ¢©©° ¢¢/307) (BH abs. only); œª  (±¤Ÿ/33); š±  (¢©©° ¢¢/305; ¦² ³™/425); ¦«¡ ( ³­¢/33; ¢©©° ¢¢/354, 360), -¦«¡ (±¤Ÿ/27), ¦¢§«¡ (°¢­™/9), ¦¢§«¡ (¥™/582) (BH sing. only); ¥š¤ (£¢š™™/28); ¥ª¤ (³™/3; ¡²°™/1); ¬ª¤ (³žœž§ ³/526); ª«¤ (±¤Ÿ/2; ¢©©° ¢¢/334), ¦¢ª«¤ (œ¢­™™/6) (BH pl. 1x); ¥­¤ (¦©¤³/10); ¦±¤ (³žœž§ ³/527); ¦¢§±¤ ( ³­¢/44); ¦¢­²¤ (¥™/481; invariant pl.); ±³¤ (¡­²§š £¥§/75), á±³¤ (¢©©° ¢¢/236), ¦¢±³¤ (¥™/559) (BH sing. only); -š¥ (±¤Ÿ/30; °œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/40); ¦¢¡¥ ( ³­¢/9) (BH 1x, sing.); ¦ ¥ (° ±³/497), ¦§ ¥ (±²™/401); ¢²Š  ¥ (™²™/17); ¦²¥ ( ¢±¡¢/4;  ³­¢/83); œ›§ ( ³­¢/49, 87); £¥§ (³±œ™/3, et passim), ¢¤¥§ (¤¢ª©™/1, 2), ¦¤¥§ (¥™/624), ¦¢¤¥§ (¤¢ª©™/19); °³§ (¥™/544) (BH 2x); ¦¢±œ© (¦² ³™/434); -¢¥ © (°¢­™/23; ¡²°™/17); -³ © ‘descent’ (¡²°™/36) (BH 1x); -¢«¡© ( ³­¢/55); ¦¢¤ª© (³ž«³/418); ®­© ‘shattering, destruction’ (±¤Ÿ/18) (BH 1x, ‘driving storm’); ²­© ( ³­¢/34, et passim), -²­© (±ž³/467), £²­© (° ±³/505), ž²­© (¢©©° ¢¢/296), ¦²­© (±ž³/475; ¥™/587), ³ž²­© (¡­²§š £¥§/28; ° ±³/498), -³ž²­© ( £¥§ ¡­²§š/46);  ¯© (£¢š™™/70); £²© (³žœž§ ³/532); ¬²© (£¢š™™/26); ±ª ‘month’ (¡§ ®±™/2) (BH ‘roundness’, 1x); ¦¢¥§ª (³ž«³/412) (BH In BH, this noun appears only in the dual–¦Š¢¯Ž ¥ˆ Ž   (Isa. 32:11; pausal), £¢ Ž ¯Œ ¥ˆ Ž   (Gen. 35:11), etc. Note that unlike the case of, e.g., ¦Š¢© ³† §, Ž the dual in this case is based on a plural, rather than a singular, stem. Qillir’s usage appears in the sentence ž§«©¥ ¦°¢šœ ®¥ ¥ ±žŸ™¤ž ‘He caused them to cleave to His pleasantness like a waistcloth to loin(s).’ A very similar collocation is found in Yannai: ®¥ ¥ ±žŸ¢™¤ £š ¦¢°žšœ (¦²/œ¥±). These statements are based on ¥™±²¢ ³¢š ¥¤ ³™ ¢¥™ ¢³°šœ ¨¤ ²¢™ ¢©³§ ¥™ ±žŸ™ °šœ¢ ±²™¤ ¢¤ (Jer. 13:11), and it is curious to note that in neither case is the replacement of the biblical ¦¢©³§ by the payyetanic ®¥  necessitated by formal requirements such as rhyme or meter. This fact seems to argue for Qillir’s dependence on Yannai in this instance. 91

46

MORPHOLOGY sing. only); ±«ª (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/23; ž³³/384); œš« (¨žŸ™/462; ³¢¥¤³/447); ¢¢œš«  (¢¤©™/44); -š¯« (±¤Ÿ/14); £§¯« (¥™/484; reflex. pron.), ³ž§¯« (¢©©° ¢¢/370); ¦¢š±« Š ‘evening’ (° ±³/495) (BH sing. and du. only); -œ ­ (¤¢ª©™/34; ¡²°™/33; ¥™/587), žœ ­ (¦² ³™/429); ›¥­ ( ¢±¡¢/4), -¢›¥­ (¦©¤³/2); ª¥­ (±¤Ÿ/33); ¦Š¢§«­  (°¢­™/3;  ³­¢/8), ¦¢§«­ Š (¡­²§š £¥§/70; ±ž³/468); ¦¢ ±­ ( ³­¢/49), ž¢ ±­ (±¤Ÿ/12), ¢ ±­ (³™/9); ®±­ ‘bursting forth’ ( ³­¢/3; for the gloss, cf. II Sam. 5:20); «²­ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/18; ¦©¤³/6;  ³­¢/2), ᫲­ ( ¢«œ ™²™ °œ¯š/33), -¢«²­ (£¢š™™/35); -¢ ³­ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/34); °œ¯ (±¤Ÿ/22, et passim), ¦°œ¯ (³¥™³/3; ¡­²§š £¥§/32; £¢š™™/77); ¦¥¯ (™²™/44; ¢¢ ¢©©°/240; ¨žŸ™/464); -¢§¥¯ (³ž«³/412); ¦«¥¯ ‘limping’ (¤¢ª©™/36); -¢ §¯ (±²™/400) (BH sing. only); -³ž±š° (³ž«³/418); ¦œ° (³¥™³/2; ¡²°™/10; ¥™/608); š¡° (³ž«³/411); -¢§ª° (¥™/570); š¯° (±¤Ÿ/38), ¦š¯° (¡²°™/37); ¬¯° (±¤Ÿ/8); š±° (³¥™³/3; ¡²°™/1); ¨±° (³¥™³/4), ³ž©±° (™²™/16);  ±° (¦©¤³/4); ³²° (³±œ™/5; ¡²°™/25;  ³­¢/20, 71), -³²° ( ³­¢/16); ¥›± ( ³­¢/41), -¢¥›± (¡­²§š £¥§/58), ž¢¥›± ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/207); «›± (£¢š™™/76; ±ž³/471); -²›± (±¤Ÿ/6) (BH 1x, abs.); š¤± ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/89); œ«± (¥™/542, 568); ¦«± ( ³­¢/45; ¢©©° ¢¢/350, 353), ¦¢§«± (±²™/399), £¢§«± (™²™/8) 92 (BH sing. only); ²«± (¡²°™/27; ¥™/542), ²«± (¥™/621); ²­± ( ³­¢/34) (BH 1x);  ¯± (£¢š™™/73, 75); «²± (°¯š ¢«œ ™²™/18;  ³­¢/1; ³žœž§ ³/525); -¬²± ( ¢«œ ™²™ °œ¯š/40), ¦¢­²± (¥™/484); ¢±š² (£¢š™™/25); ° Ú (³±œ™/9; ¡²°™/34), ¦¢° ² (± ¨§/29, et passim); ± ² (¢©©° ¢¢/275); ¬¡² (¡²°™/9); ›¥² (¡²°™/18, et passim); ¦¢ ¥² ( ³­¢/47), ¢ ¥²  (£¢š™™/9) (but mng. in BH differs; for the mng. ‘irrigation canal’ cf. MH); ²§² (¤¢ª©™/43, et passim); ¥«² ‘hollow of hand’ (¤¢ª©™/35; v.l. ¥«ž²) (cf. -¢¥ˆ ‹ «Ú [Ezek. 13:19]); ¡­² (Ÿ™§ œ­ž™/1), ¦¢¡­² (±¤Ÿ/28) (BH pl. only); «­² (¦©¤³/18) (BH 1x); ±­² ( ³­¢/26), ¦¢±­² (±¤Ÿ/21) (BH 1x, sing.; also as GN); (³¢²¢± ) ¬¯² (±¤Ÿ/4) (BH ¬¯° ¬¯² [Isa. 54:8] only); ±°² (±¤Ÿ/43), -±°² (¦ž¡™/520), ¦¢±°² (¦² ³™/431); ³ ³ (¢©©° ¢¢/195, 347) (BH adv. acc. and prep.); ¦¢§¥³ (±²™/400). ¦¢§ˆ Š  ± (invariant pl.): ¦¢§ ± (¡­²§š £¥§/21, 26; ±ž³/470). ±¤Œ Ÿ‹ : ¥š™ (£¢š™™/19), ž¥š™ (¢©©° ¢¢/333); ¥›™ ( ³­¢/42) (¥¡ ¢¥›™ [Job 38:28]); ¦¥™ (¡­²§š £¥§/34); £¥ ‘a going’ (¤¢ª©™/12) (cf. I Sam. 14:26); ±¤Ÿ (±¤Ÿ/3; °œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/38; ³™/4), -±¤Ÿ ( ³­¢/62, et passim), ᱤŸ (¨š™/7); -¢¥š  ‘pangs’ ( ³­¢/51); £°¥  (¥™/487, 492), ¦°¥  ( ³­¢/31); ¦¯­  (¨žŸ™/459); ±°  (±¤Ÿ/44); -±°  (±¤Ÿ/30; ¢©©° ¢¢/163);  ¯§ (£¢š™™/74); -¢¤š© (±²™/404); ¦¢¥š© ‘jars’ (³ž«³/415); ±Ÿ© (œ¢­™™/1; 92

For the vocalization of this form, see note 77.

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY ¡­²§š £¥§/75); ¬¡© ( ³­¢/44), 93 -¢­¡© ( ³­¢/56) (BH 1x, pl. constr.); ±¯© (³™/7), ¦¢±¯© (¦™/8) 94 (BH sing. only); ±­ª ( ³­¢/25, et passim), -±­ª (¤¢ª©™/6), ¦¢±­ª (±¤Ÿ/22); ±³ª (±¤Ÿ/38), ¦¢±³ª (±¤Ÿ/22); ¥›« ( ³­¢/42), ¦¢¥›« (ž³³/386); ¦¢©œ« (°¢­™/16); ±Ÿ« (¨žŸ™/459); ¢±Ÿ« ( ®±™ ¡§/15); ¦¢°§« ( ³­¢/62; ž³™/377), -¢°§« (¡²°™/15); ž¤±« ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/93), ¦¤±« (°¢­™/6), ¦¢¤±« (¥™/580) (BH sing. only); ®š± (¦©¤³/23); 95 ¦¢¡š² (¡­²§š £¥§/48; ¢©©° ¢¢/232); -«§² ‘sound’ (œ¢­™™/11; °œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/14, 30); «°³ (±¤Ÿ/40), (±­ž²) «°³ ( ¢«œ ™²™ °œ¯š/13) (±­ž² «°³ [Ps. 150:3]). ±°Œ Þ: ¢¥™ (³±œ™/10), ¦¢¥™ (¢©©° ¢¢/320; ³žœž§ ³/524), -¢¥™ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/316); ¦¢¥¤™ (¥™/544) (BH sing. only); ž¯§™ (¤¢ª©™/1) (BH 1x, abs.); ±§™ (¡²°™/37), -¢±§™ (±¤Ÿ/21; °¢­™/6 [Gen. v.l. ¢±§ž™]; ¨§ ±/30; ¢©©° ¢¢/364); ³ž ±™ (¨š™/7); £±™ (¡²°™/15); ±°š (±¤Ÿ/43; ³¥™³/10); ¦²žš (¢©©° ¢¢/359); ᚞› (¤¢ª©™/23; ž³³/387), ¦šž› ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/157), -¢š› (¡²°™/3); -¥œ› (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/39), ž¥œ› (¥™/588); ¢§¥› (±¤Ÿ/7); £¥«› (™²™/53) (BH 1x); ±­› ( ³­¢/25); ¢Š©±› (£¢š™™/1); ±žŸ (ž³™/370); -°Ÿž  (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/25; °¢­™/8); -±¡  (¤¢ª©™/15); ²­  ( ³­¢/33) (BH 1x, dub.; cf. also 1x BH ÚŽ ­†  )  š±  (°¢­™/12;  ³­¢/9, 35); £²  (±¤Ÿ/29; ³ž«³/416; ° ±³/495); ±¡ (¦©¤³/18), -±¡ (¤¢ª©™/18; ¡§ ®±™/9);  ±¡ (œ¢­™™/5), - ±¡ (¤¢ª©™/17; ±¤Ÿ/28); ±­¤ (±¤Ÿ/8); -ᛩ ( ³­¢/20), ¢›©  (£¢š™™/8) (BH sing. only); ¦«© ( ³­¢/46; ¢©©° ¢¢/348, 351, 364), -¦«ž© (±¤Ÿ/24; °œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/24), ž§«© (¥™/562); ³­© (¡­²§š £¥§/61); °§ž« (ž³™/376), -°§« ( ¢«œ ™²™ °œ¯š/5); ›©« (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/31); ±­« ( ³­¢/26), ¦¢±­« (±¤Ÿ/22); ±²« (±¤Ÿ/37); ¥«­ (¤¢ª©™/36; ±¤Ÿ/33; ¡²°™/20), -¥«ž­ (°¢­™/17; ³¢¥¤³/438), £¥«­ (™²™/50), ž¥«­ (±¤Ÿ/11; ¡­²§š £¥§/24; ¥™/590), 93 In the Genizah manuscripts, this word is vocalized ¬¡Œ Œ © (cf. the varia lectionis). The BH hapax legomenon, attested as a plural construct, is vocalized -¢­‹ ¡Š† © (Job 36:27). Based on the latter, the singular absolute may be reconstructed as ¬¡Ž Ž © (thus BDB, 643), ¬¡‹ Œ © (thus Even Shoshan, 848 and Kenaani, 3663), or ¬¡Œ Œ © (cf. BH œŒ›ÞŒ ~ -¢œ‹ ›† ފ ). The second option has been preferred, taking into account the fact that Genizah manuscripts frequently do not make a consistent distinction between the segol and the ʜere (the reference here is to manuscripts that employ the Tiberian signs in a manner analogous to the Palestinian vocalization), so that the reading ¬¡Œ Œ © could also be “Tiberianized” as ¬¡‹ Œ ©. 94 The Genizah v.l. ¦¢±¯ž© and ¦¢±ž¯ are both possible, but the text’s reading is supported by ±² ¢±¯© ¦ž ³žš™ žœ¥ž© ¢±²³š (BT Rosh Hash. 10b). 95 The ed. vocalizes ®šŒ Œ ±, but it seems preferable to follow the BH vocalization where such is available.

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MORPHOLOGY ¦¥«(ž)­ (³¥™³/3; ¦ž¡™/518); ¦Š¢± ¯ (³¥™³/10; °¢­™/24); ²œž° ( ³™ ¦²/436, et passim), ž²œž° (¢©©° ¢¢/206); «š± (¡²°™/13), -«š± ‘fourth part, quartet’ (±¤Ÿ/6); ¦¢§³± (±ž³/476); «šÛ( ³­¢/54), -«šÛ (¡²°™/36); -¥«² (ž±ž™/17); ²±² (¨š™/3), -²±² (±¤Ÿ/3); -¬°ž³ (¥™/589). Segolates – other £Œ † ±™: Œ £±™ ‘healing’ (¤¢ª©™/16) (cf. BH ¤â±ˆ Ž ™, also in [¤¢ª©™/16]); ¥š (±¤Ÿ/41; ¡²°™/27), ¦¢¥š (ž³³/384) 96 (cf. BH ³Õ/¥Ž Ž ތ ); ±§Ÿ (œ¢­™™/4;  ³­¢/21) =DSSH/MH (cf. BH ±§ŠŸ); °«Ÿ (°¢­™/7;  ³­¢/27) (cf. BH °Ž «†Ž Ÿ); ®±  ‘strict decision’ (¤¢ª©™/33) (cf. BH ¯Ž Ž ± Œ † ©); «š¡ (¨š™/9), -«š¡ ‘impression, nature, essence’ (±¤Ÿ/28; ™²™ °œ¯š ¢«œ/17) =MH; -«š¡ ‘sinking’ (¤¢ª©™/18) (cf. MH «¢š¡); ¬©¡ ‘defilement’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/18) (cf. MH ¬žê¡); -²­¡ ‘stupidity’ (±¤Ÿ/27) (cf. MH ³ž²­¡); ²§¤ ‘withering’ ( ³­¢/55; cf. §29m); °¥ (³™/9) (cf. ¦¢™¢š© ³°ˆ  ¥ [I Sam. 19:20]); ›¥§ ‘heat’ ( ³­¢/67); 97 ®±§ ( ³­¢/4, 71) =DSSH; 98 šœ© (¦©¤³/18) (cf. BH šŽ œ†Ž ©); -¥Ÿ© ‘flowing’ 96 The ed. vocalizes the plural form ¦¢¥Š  Ž ތ , following BH ³Õ¥Ž Þ, Œ but I prefer the vocalization ¦¢¥Š Ž ކ (i.e., as a plural segolate), in light of the singular ¥ Þ.  97 For a discussion of Qillir’s use of this word, see Yahalom, ±¢² ³­², 140-41. 98 In both cases, the item appears in a positive context, in the expression ®±§š ‘energetically, enthusiastically’. The BH root ®±§, whose original meaning was apparently ‘to be sick’ (cf. the cognates in Arabic, Aramaic and Akkadian), appears in the Nifal adjectival expressions ¥š  ®±§© ‘grievous destruction’ (Mic. 2:10) and ³¯±§© ¥¥° ‘grievous curse’ (I Kings 2:8) (cf. also ¦¢¯±§© ¦¢±šœ [§13k]), as well as in the Hifil–£¯¢±§¢ § ‘What is bothering you?’ (Job 16:3). In these contexts, the semantic range has been widened somewhat from ‘sick’ to ‘emphatically not salubrious’, but the negative connotation of the root has been retained. The segolate noun ®±§ first appears in DSS, in the expression ®±§ ¢¥š  ‘grievous pains’ (1QHa 3:11), which is clearly modeled on the BH prototype in Mic. 2:10. Subsequently, it is attested in the Corpus, with the distinction that the negative connotation is now lost, so that it is simply indicative of energetic activity. In this connection, it should be noted that in addition to the BH cases given above, the root is attested in ±²¢ ¢±§™ ž¯±§© § (Job 6:25). Here, the verb seems to indicate something positive, though the context is perhaps sarcastic. This passage is sometimes emended to ž¯¥§© § ‘how pleasant’ (cf. BDB, 599, s.v. ®±§, and also £³±§™ ¢¤ ¥ ž¯¥§© § [Ps. 119:103]), and this reading is even found in one biblical manuscript (cf. BHS, app. crit., ad loc.). However, given the evidence of the Corpus, it

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY (¦©¤³/4) (cf. -³¥¢Ÿ [®¢­¢/11; ¡²°™/36;  ³­¢/26]); 99 ¦²© ( ¢±¡¢/5;  ³­¢/84), ¦¢§²© (±²™/400; R) (cf. BH §Ž چ Ž ©); ¥›ª ‘possession’ ( ¥« Ÿ™ ¥¤/7) (cf. BH è›ª); £œ«ª ( ³­¢/71) =MH; ±°ª ‘looking’ (±¤Ÿ/43) (cf. Yannai ±¢°ª [œ²/œ°] and ¨¢« ±žîª in Yom Kippur viddui); -š±« ‘pleasantness’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/36); 100 ž¤±« ‘setting out’ (³™/4; cf. §28o) (cf. MH ¤¢±«); ®¥« ‘rejoicing’ (œ¢›™  ¯©§¥/9; ±§ž™  ¯©§¥/9) (cf. BH ³â¯¢¥« [1x] and ¯¢¥« [¢©©° ¢¢/298]); ®±« ‘sky, heavens’ ( £¥§ ¡­²§š/10, et passim); ±³« (š«/8), -±³« (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/38), ž±³« ‘prayer’ (±¤Ÿ/14) 101 (cf. MH ±¢³«, also in [³¥™³/11; ¡­²§š £¥§/67]); ›¥­ ‘interruption’ ( ³­¢/68);  ¯­ (£¢š™™/73); °±­ ‘period of time, occasion’ (³¥™³/11) =MH; ¥¯ ‘shrill cry’ (¤¢ª©™/35) (cf. MH ¥‰ Ž ¯); Ž ¨ ¯ ‘stench’ (±¤Ÿ/10) (cf. BH Ž© ˆ ¯);   ±¯ ‘crying’ ( ¢«œ ™²™ °œ¯š/31); «š± ‘fructification’ (¦©¤³/10;  ³­¢/54) (cf. MH «¢š±, also in [ ³­¢/40]); ² ± (°¢­™/20) =MH; ¥¤± ‘tale-bearing’ (¦ž¡™/513) (cf. MH ³â¥¢¤±); -Ÿ§± ‘sign, hint’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/35) =MH; ¦­«± ‘dripping’ ( ¢±¡¢/5; cf. Yannai ­¢«± [œ­±/Ÿ¥]); 102 -›™² (¤¢ª©™/18; °œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/28) (cf. BH Ž›ÒÚ); †  š² (¡²°™/41; ¥™/617) =MH. ¥œÕÞ: Œ ¥œžš ‘separation’ (¡²°™/37) (cf. MH ¥œš); ²§› ‘stretching’ ( ³­¢/55; cf. §29n); ²šž  (¤¢ª©™/16; ž³™/3), -²š  ‘bandaging, healing’ (¤¢ª©™/16; °œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/7); ±²  ‘rain(ing)’ (±¤Ÿ/37) (cf. seems possible to attribute an affectively ambivalent meaning to the root already in BH, so that the sentence in Job 6:25 might be glossed as ‘How effective are just words’. In light of this argument, all of the cases of ®Œ±§Œ encountered thus far in the Corpus may be attributed to the root ®±§, apud Even Shoshan, 785, who assigns the case in ( ³­¢/4) to a lexeme ®±§š ‘running, swiftness’, which he derives from ¯â± Ž §† /®â±§‹ . It seems preferable to invoke this latter lexeme only in those contexts where the idea of ‘running’ is explicitly mentioned. 99 The ed. vocalizes ¥ŒŸ©‹ , whereas the lemma in Even Shoshan, 840 is ¥ŒŸ©Œ . There appears to be no a priori reason to assume that the form deviates from the numerically predominant ¥¡Œ °Œ pattern. 100 The generic context in which this lexeme is attested–±­ž² š±« ¥ž°– makes it difficult to be certain about its meaning. However, deriving it from š±« ‘to be pleasant’ seems more likely, especially in light of the parallel ±­ž² ¦«ž© ¥ž° (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/24), than understanding it as šŒ±«‹ ‘mixture’, as suggested by the ed., ad loc. 101 This analysis is to be preferred to the ed.’s suggested Õ±³ˆ Ž « ‘the one praying before Him’, which he derives from the hapax legomenon ±³Ž «Ž ‘suppliant’ (Zeph. 3:10). 102 The ed. vocalizes ¦­‰ Ž «±Ž , whereas the lemma in Even Shoshan, 1292 is ¬«  ±.

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MORPHOLOGY ¦¢§ ³±Ú†   [II Sam. 22:12]); ²­© ‘rest’ ( ³­¢/33) (cf. Yannai ²¢­© [/ «] and Õ²¢­© [¦² ³™/435]); -¥›« ‘roundness’ (£¢š™™/1) =MH; 103 ¦²± ‘inscription’ ( ¢±¡¢/5) =MH. 104 Notes: As the mass of segolate nouns indicates, the pattern is a preferred one in the Corpus (cf. also the listings under the weak roots). The majority of the segolate nouns encountered thus far are from the BH stratum, with a residue of MH nouns and neologisms. In the case of °ˆ Ž ¥ (BH) Æ ° ¥,  Ž© ˆ ¯ (BH) Æ ¨  ¯,  Ž±Ú†   (BH) Æ ±Ú , Œ Ž±§Š† Ÿ (BH) Æ ±§Œ Œ Ÿ and ¥‰ Ž ¯Ž (MH) Æ ¥ ¯,  the apocopation of final Ž- does not necessitate a restructuring of the underlying phonotactic pattern, i.e., the process may be represented as *qVtlat Æ *qVtl. However, other nominal patterns may serve as sources from which the Corpus’ segolate nouns are derived. Thus, the pattern *qatalat, realized in BH as qetålå, may be employed: §Ž چ Ž© Æ ¦ÚŒ Œ ©, ¦¢§Š چ Ž © (thus also in the case of BH °«Ÿ, šœ© and ›™²). Similarly in the case of *qatŠlat: ¤â±ˆ Ž ™ Æ £Œ † ±™. Œ 105 This process may be compared to a pattern alternation observable in BH, as in the case of °Ž œŽ ¯† ~ °œŒ ¯. Œ Furthermore, patterns that employ a doubled radical may serve as the donor, so that the restructuring necessitated by the apocopation encompasses not only the vocalic structure of the truncated base, but also the simplification of a geminated consonant. This is the case with *qattalat, which yields BH ¥Ž Ž ތ (with virtually doubled he) Æ ¥ Þ,  ¦¢¥Š Ž Þ,† as well as *qatullat, which yields BH è Ž ›ª† Æ ¥Œ›ª. Œ The process of geminate simplification also plays a role in the creation of segolates from nouns with preformatives based of geminate roots, e.g., Žê Š ñ† (*taqillat) Æ ¨ ³. In a number of cases, it appears that the segolate pattern is employed in the creation of gerunds, a mechanism that Kutscher notes both in BH and in MH (cf. §11i). Of the cases that find no parallels in MH, the following may be cited: «š¡ ‘sinking’, ¬©¡ ‘defilement’, ²§¤ ‘withering’, ¥Ÿ© ‘flowing’, ±°ª ‘looking’, ®¥« ‘rejoicing’, £±« ‘setting out’, ±³« ‘prayer’, ›¥­ ‘interruption’,  ±¯ ‘crying’, «š± ‘fructification’, ¥¤± ‘tale-bearing’, ¬«± ‘dripping’, ¥œžš 103 For the sparse MH evidence, see Ben Yehuda, 4309, s.v. ¥Œ›« (incl. notes 1 and 2). In MH, the word means “pool of water.” 104 The ed. vocalizes ¦ÚŒ Œ ±, but (lacking a BH equivalent) it seems preferable to follow the MH vocalization where such is available. 105 Cf. B&L, §61xƢ.

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY ‘separation’, ²§› ‘stretching’, ²šž  ‘binding, healing’, ²­© ‘rest’. Among the weak roots, we find:  ¤ž ‘reproof’, ¦™ž© ‘speech’, ±±™ ‘curse’, ššœ ‘speech’, ¥¥§ ‘speech’, ¥¥­ ‘prayer’, ¨©± ‘(joyful) cry’. The noun ¢±§™ represents a tendency in BH towards an alternation whereby /o/ is replaced by /i/ in a closed, unaccented syllable, e.g., ±§™ ~ ž±§™;Š  ¤© ~ ž ¤Š©. 106 The Genizah v.l. ¢±§ž™ does not display this alternation. The same is true of the preposition ž©¢ ¤ž©¥ (™²™/31; Gen. 1x v.l. ž©¢ ¤©). In explaining similar forms attested in 1QIsaa (e.g., ©ž± = MT ê±), Š Kutscher proposes that they be attributed to hypercorrection (i.e., the analogical restoration of the /o/ vowel), 107 and this explanation is probably also the most suitable one for the cases given here. bi-syllabic ±¢šŠ ߆ : ž±¢š› (³¥™³/8) =BH; ±¢š› (¨š™/10) =BH; ž²¢­© ‘rest’ ( ³™ ¦²/435); ¨¢ ² (¦©¤³/14) =BH. Notes: The form ²¢­© ‘rest’ is a byform of the gerund ²¢­© (cf. Yannai ²¢­© [/ «] and also ²­© [ ³­¢/33]), formed by means of the apocopation of the final Ž-. ¦¤Œ Ú: † ¦§¤² (¨žŸ™/456) =BH. ²š à:† ²šœ (¦©¤³16) =BH; ¦¢¤±¤ ‘city’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/21) =MH; -¡«§ (¡²°™/1; Gen. 1x v.l. ¡ž«§) =BH; ±¡° ( ³­¢/51; cf. §29k). ¨§† Ž Ÿ: ¨§Ÿ (¤¢ª©™/39), -¨§Ÿ (°¢­™/15;  ³­¢/25), ¦¢©§Ÿ (³¢¥¤³/439) =BH; š³¤ (š³¤š Ÿ™/57), -š³¤ (¡§ ®±™/11; š³¤š Ÿ™/65; ž³™/372) =BH; š±° (±¤Ÿ/41; °¢­™/19 [2x]) =BH; ±¡² (¬™/2) =MH. ¦Õñ† : -¢¥™ (¥™/608) =BH; ²ž©™ (±¤Ÿ/44) =BH; ¦žœ (¤¢ª©™/35; £¢š™™/45), -¦žœ ( ³­¢/41), ž§žœ (ž±ž™/17; ¥™/564), ¦¢§žœ (±²™/397), ³ž§žœ (±š› ¢§/Ÿ¢) =BH (sing. only); «ž±Ÿ (¡²°™/22;  ³­¢/65), ž«ž±Ÿ (¢©©° ¢¢/205 [2x]) =BH; -±ž›  ( ³­¢/6) =BH; 108 ž©ž«¡ (° ±³/500); ±ž­¤ (¦©¤³/4) =BH; ³žšž ± (° ±³/504) =BH; °ž Û (™²™/4) =BH; ¦ž³ (¨š™/1, et passim), ³ž§ž³ (¡²°™/38), ¦¢§ž³ 106 The phenomenon is discussed in Kutscher, Isaiah, 454-72, in light of the more general “tendency of the short u to be displaced by i, [which] seems to have been endemic in Syria and Palestine…during the past three thousand years” (p. 452). 107 Kutscher, Isaiah, 477. 108 The ed., ad. loc., vocalizes the form ±â› , Ž but the fact that it is clearly in construct, as well as his own gloss ±ª™§, make this vocalization extremely unlikely.

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MORPHOLOGY (±²™/404), -³ž§ž³ (¡²°™/3; ¦©¤³/12) =BH (pl. in ³Õ-; but cf. ¢§ž³ [4Q502 6-10:7]). ¦â ¥† : -¥žš› (£¢š™™/44), ž¥žš› (£¢š™™/53) =BH; ¥žšŸ (¢©©° ¢¢/206), ¢¥žšŸ Š (³±œ™/4), ¦¢¥šŸ (ž³³/389) =BH (sing. only); šž±¤ (¡²°™/14), ¦¢šž±¤ (±¤Ÿ/23; ¡­²§š £¥§/68; ¥™/621) =BH; -²žš¥ (¨žŸ™/454) =BH, ž²žš¥ (¡²°™/42) =BH; ¦ž ¥ (³™/1) =BH (2x); žšž¤± (¢©©° ¢¢/203 [2x]) =BH (1x). ¦¢©Š ⰆŸ (invariant pl.): ¦¢©ž°Ÿ (¨žŸ™/461) =BH. ±šŽ ™: ‹ ¦¢±š¢™ (¦² ³™/430) = MH. ±ÕŸ™: ‹ ±žŸ™ (¥™/562) =BH. ¨â¡™: ‹ -¨ž¡™ (£¢š™™/50) =BH (1x); ¦¢©ž§™ ‘faithfulness’ (¨žŸ™/452) =BH. ±¢ªŠ Ò: ±¢ª™ (³¥™³/12), ¦¢±¢ª™ ( ³­¢/33) =BH; ¦¢°¢­™ (ž³™/376) =BH; ¦¢¥¢¯™ (™²™/22), -¢¥¢¯™ (¢©©° ¢¢/229) =BH (pl. only); ž±¢ š (¥™/603) =BH; ±¢Ÿ (¢©©° ¢¢/269) =Ben Sira/MH; ¦¢±¢¢ (¦ž¡™/514; adj.) =BH; œ¢ ¢ (¢©©° ¢¢/302), žœ¢ ¢ (¢©©° ¢¢/293), œ¢ ¢ (¢©©° ¢¢/304; adj.) =BH; -¢¤¢ª© (¢©©° ¢¢/117) =BH (pl. only); ¦¢«© ( ³­¢/21 [2x], 23), ¦¢§¢«© (¤¢ª©™/28; adj.) =BH; ¦¢š¢³© (° ±³/499) = BH (sing. only; cf. š¢³©, ³žš¢³©); ¦¢±¢Ú« (° ±³/497; adj.) =BH; ¦¢œ¢³« (¦² ³™/436; ¦ž¡™/517), -¢œ¢³« ( ³­¢/64; adj.) =BH; ¦¢¥¢ª­ (³ž«³/412) =BH; ±¢«¯ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/34; °¢­™/20; adj.) =BH; ¦¢©¢¯° (¤¢ª©™/37) =BH; 109 -±¢¯° (±¤Ÿ/27) =BH; «¢°± (¡²°™/23), -«¢°± (¡²°™/32), ¦¢«¢°± ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/356), -¢«¢°± (¦©¤³/20) =BH (sing. only);  ¢¥² (°¢­™/21) =MH; ¦¢²¢¥²Ž (¡§ ®±™/11) =BH (cf. Prov. 22:20 qer.); ±¢«² ‘hairy’ ( ¢«œ ™²™ °œ¯š/33; adj.) =BH; 110 ¦¢±¢«² ‘rain’ (°¢­™/15;  ³­¢/58), -¢±¢«² ( ³­¢/52) =BH (1x); ¦¢±¢«² ‘demons’ (¡²°™/33), -¢±¢«² (³ž«³/411) =BH; ž¢›¢±ÛŽ (±¤Ÿ/16) =BH; ¢¢œ¢±Û  (¢¤©™/55) =BH. ¦ÚÒ: ‹ ¦¢§²™ (š«/8; °¢­™/5; adj.) =BH; ±œ› (¢©©° ¢¢/222; ¦ž¡™/516) =BH; ¦¢©°Ÿ (³¢¥¤³/448, 449; adj.) =BH; ¦¢­¢©  (¦ž¡™/513; adj.) =BH; ±ª  (±¤Ÿ/38; adj.) =BH; œš¤ (£¢š™™/19; adj.) =BH; -³§¤ (¡²°™/27; adj.); ¢±²¤ (£¢š™™/27; adj.) =BH; ¢¢œˆ  ªŽ (¢¤©™/54) =BH (¢œˆ Š ÛŽ [Job 16:19]); °­ª (¢¤©™/50) =MH; ¦¢¥§« (³žœž§ ³/525) =BH; ¦¢š¢±« (° ±³/505; adj.) =BH; ¦¢¥±« (³ž«³/413; adj.) =BH; «¢§° ( ¢¢

109 This noun is ultimately derived from the root ¯° ‘to decide judicially’–cf. KB, 1122, s.v. ¨¢¯°. 110 Since the form is an epithet for Edom/Rome (cf. ±«Š Û Ž ²¢™ [Gen. 27:11]), the vocalization ±¢«Š ۋ ‘Seir’, cited by the ed., is also possible.

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY ¢©©°/205) =MH; 111 ¦¢«¢šÛ (° ±³/497), -¢«¢š² (¨žŸ™/456; adj.) =BH; ¦¥² (¢©©° ¢¢/293, 303), ¦¢§¢¥² (¥™/577; adj.) =BH. ±°Ž «Ž : ¥›™ ( ³­¢/69) =BH (¥¡ ¢¥›™ [Job 38:28]); 112 ¦œ™ (¢©©° ¢¢/117, et passim) =BH; ¢§ª™ Š (£¢š™™/52; apud ed.’s ¢§ª™),  -¢§ª™ (¡²°™/3) =BH; 113 ¦¢§²™ (°¢­™/6) =BH; -œ±š (¡²°™/18) =BH; 114 °±š (¡²°™/27), -°±š (±¤Ÿ/26;  ³­¢/59), ¦¢°±š (¥™/532; ž³³/382) =BH; ±²š (£¢š™™/47), ¦±²š (¦ž¡™/519), ¦¢±²š (¦² ³™/432) =BH (pl. 1x); -±šœ (±¤Ÿ/38; ¢©©° ¢¢/286; 115 ³žœž§ ³/533), ž±šœ (¢©©° ¢¢/291, 234), ᱚœ (¢©©° ¢¢/234), ¦¢±šœ (¦² ³™/433; ¦ž¡™/511; ³žœž§ ³/535), -¢±šœ (° ±³/503; ¥™/591; ž³™/378) =BH; ¨›œ ( ³­¢/14) =BH; ᱜ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/235) =BH; ¦¢²œ  (¤¢ª©™/24; adj.) =BH; ¦¤  (¢©©° ¢¢/239), ¦¢§¤  (¥™/581; adj.) =BH; š¥  (¦©¤³/16;  ³­¢/44; ž³™/368), -š¥  (¨žŸ™/453; apud ed.’s š¥Ž  ) Ž =BH; ¦Š¢¯¥   (™²™/50) =BH; ¦¢šŸ¤ (° ±³/506) =BH; -¬©¤ (¤¢ª©™/34), -¢­©¤ (¡²°™/17) =BH; ¦¢±­¤ (±¤Ÿ/21) =BH; ±¡§ (¬™/1, 3; ¨©«/14; °¢­™/2;  ³­¢/52), -±¡§ (¡²°™/37; ¦©¤³/11, 17), -³ž±¡§ ( ³­¢/72) =BH; ±© (¡²°™/44), -±© (³¢¥¤³/445), ¢±© (¢©©° ¢¢/145), ³ž±© (¢©©° ¢¢/145) =BH; ¦°© (¤¢ª©™/13; £¢š™™/16) =BH; ¦¥§« (° ±³/501) =BH; ¦¢­©« (¥™/488) =BH; ±­« (¢©©° ¢¢/184), ³ž±­« (±¤Ÿ/5) =BH (in pl., ³Õ- constr. only); -¢Þ¯« (³ž«³/413) =BH (pl. only); -³±°« (¨š™/11; adj.), ³ž±°« (¦™/8; This noun is apparently derived from the MH verb «§° ‘to wrap around’–cf. Moreshet, 327, s.v. «§°. 112 Another occurrence of this word is listed above as ¥›Œ ™ ‹ , which is the citation form of the BH hapax legomenon given by all the standard dictionaries. However, the present case cannot be vocalized thus, since it rhymes with ¥Ž›¥›Š //¥›¥›//¥Ž›«§. Both the ed. and Heidenheim, ad loc. vocalize the form ¥›™ˆ , with no explanation given for the choice. The lexeme thereby created is not recognized by any of the dictionaries. In such a situation, is seems preferable to assume that in order to make the word suitable in the present rhyme-context, Qillir exploits the ambiguity of the BH -¢¥‹ ›† ™Œ with respect to the sing. abs. form from which this pl. constr. may be derived. According to standard BH morphological rules, with adjustment for the phonetic influence of the first radical alef, both ¥Œ›™‹ as well as ¥Ž›Ò may yield -¢‹¥›† ™Œ . 113 The ed.’s vocalization -¢§ ‹ ªÒ † is erroneous. The proper vocalization is -¢§‹ ªÑ † , or perhaps -¢§‹ ª† ™Œ . 114 The ed. vocalizes ¦¢§ œŽ±ÞŽ , apparently understanding these to be nouns in apposition. I prefer to read them as a construct phrase, meaning ‘watery hail’. Note, however, that according to two Genizah manuscripts, the proper reading is ¦¢§ž œ±š. 115 Vocalizing with Frenkel, apud the ed. 111

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MORPHOLOGY adj.) =BH; ¥° (¨žŸ™/461), ž¥° (¥™/586), ¦¤¥° (™²™/76) =BH; ¦¢©¡° (³žœž§ ³/537, 538; adj.) =BH; š°± (³žœž§ ³/527; apud ed.’s -š°±) =BH; -¢«²± (¢©©° ¢¢/129) =BH; -±¤² (¥™/583) =BH; ¦¢¥­² (ž³³/388) =BH; ¦¢­±² (¥™/619), -¢­±² (œ¢­™™/8; ¡²°™/15) =BH. ¦ÕœÒ: ¦žœ™ (£¢š™™/44; adj.) =BH; ¨žœ™ (¤¢ª©™/30; ¦©¤³/23; ¢¢ ¢©©°/94), ¦¢©žœ™ (³¢¥¤³/439; ¨žŸ™/462), -¢©žœ™ (³¢¥¤³/439) =BH; ¦Š¢± ž ™ (³¥™³/9; °¢­™/24) =BH (no du.; cf. §14q/accusative of state); ¨ž§™ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/44; ¢©©° ¢¢/286; ¥™/621) =BH; ¥žœ› ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/332), ¦¢¥žœ› (±²™/402; ³žœž§ ³/537, 538; adj.) =BH; ¨ž±› (±¤Ÿ/40; ³¥™³/2; ¡­²§š £¥§/31), ¢©ž±› (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/6; £¢š™™/1) =BH; ±ž¡ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/17; adj.) =BH; œžš¤ (¢©©° ¢¢/254), -œžš¤ (¤¢ª©™/22; ±¤Ÿ/23; ¥™/552, 588) =BH; ¨ž²¥ (¤³¤š Ÿ™/57), £©ž²¥ (¦ž¡™/520) =BH; ³ž ž¤© (£¢š™™/62; adj.) =BH; °§« (¦©¤³/3; adj.) =BH; ±žÛ« ‘tenth day’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/31) =BH; ²žœ° ( £¥§ ¡­²§š/77, et passim), ¦¢²žœ° (œ¢­™™/10; ¢©©° ¢¢/232; adj.) =BH; ¦¢°ž ± (¢©©° ¢¢/280; adj.) =BH; šž¡± (£¢š™™/50; adj.) =BH; ¦ž¥² (¦©¤³/3) =BH. ±âÚÒ: £¢±ž²™ (±ž³/476) =BH. 116 ¥¤Õ±: ‹ ¦¢©§ž™ (¨žŸ™/456) =BH; ±šž« (™²™/20) =MH; 117 ¥¤ž± (™²™/26) =BH; °±žÛ (¢©©° ¢¢/220) =BH. ¨­Õ™:  ¨­ž™ (¡²°™/14) =BH. 118 ¦³Õ Ž  : ±¯ž™ (°¢­™/8;  ³­¢/65); -±¯ž™ (¡²°™/22; ¦©¤³/17), 119 -³ž±¯ž™ (¡­²§š £¥§/43; ¡²°™/18) =BH; ¦³ž  (¢©©° ¢¢/322, et passim), ³ž§³ž  (³¥™³/5; ¢©©° ¢¢/324), ¨¢§³ž  (³¥™³/5) =BH (sing. only); œžš¤ ( £¥§ ¡­²§š/36) =BH; ¦¥ž« (¡²°™/20, et passim), ¢§¥ž« (¢¤©™/42), ž§¥ž« 116 Since this noun is not attested in the singular absolute, either ±âÚÒ or ±âڈ™ could be posited as a lemma. However, since BH attests the byform ±âÜÑ, the former is to be preferred, on the analogy of, e.g., ±¢ªÒ Š ~ ±¢ëÑ. Š Cf. GKC, §84bg. 117 This lexeme is attested in a quote from MT: ±Þ ‹ « ³† §Š ±š‹ « (Prov. 26:17). In the original context, the word means ‘passerby’, whereas Qillir seems to understand it as ‘foetus’, i.e., the MH word traditionally vocalized as ±Þ Ž «. The ed. points out in his commentary ad loc. that '±Þ Ž «' [› ,Ÿ 'š¢] ±šÕ« ‹ èŽ ²Œ ž°¥  ¢©­§ :¥²§¥ ,©²§ ¥² ¦¢¡ª°¡ ³žš™š ±šÕ« ‹ œ°ž©¢ ¦¥ž«¥. 118 According to BDB, 66 the context form of this noun vaccilates between ¨­ž™  and ¨­ž™. Ž It appears, however, that all instances of the latter may be interpreted as pausal forms. 119 In (¡²°™/22), the ed. vocalizes ¦¢§² ±¯Õ™ Ž , but since this is manifestly a construct phrase, the proper vocalization is -±¯Õ™  .

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY (ž±ž™/17), ¦¢§¥ž« (±²™/402; ³žœž§ ³/537), ³ž§¥ž« (¡²°™/6) =BH (pl. in ¦¢-; MH pl. in ¦¢- and ³ž-); ±­ž² (³™/14, et passim), ³ž±­ž² (±¤Ÿ/6; °œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/17, 35; œ¢­™™/12), (®±«) ³ž±­ž² (¤¢ª©™/34; £¥§ ¡­²§š/12) =BH; ¨²ž² (°¯œš ¢«œ ™²™/42) =BH (cf. also fem. ©²ž²). ¨¤âà: Ž ¨¤žœ (±¤Ÿ/24) =MH. bi-syllabic, with doubled middle radical ±Þ‹ à:Š ³ž±š¢œ ‘commandments (alw. referring to the Decalogue)’ (™²™/10, et passim) =BH (¦š ¨¢™ ±Þ‹ àŠ †  ž [Jer. 5:13]); 120 ¦¢²±  (³ž«³/413; adj.) =BH; ¢ °­  (£¢š™™/55; adj.) =BH. 121 ±ëŽ ™:Š ±ª™ (¦² ³™/434) =BH; ¢©œ« (£¢š™™/37) (cf. §29n). 122 ±ÕÞߊ : -¢±žš› (œ¢­™™/2; ¥™/620) =BH; ³ž±ž©¯ (¡²°™/38) =BH (pl. 1x: £¢±ž©¯; MH pl. in ³Õ-). ±âçފ : (³¢²™±) ±ž¤š (±¤Ÿ/3; ¨š™/11), ¦¢±ž¤¢š ‘fist-fruits’ (¢©©° ¢¢/294) =BH (pl. only); -±ž¯š ‘prayer’ (±¤Ÿ/42; ¦©¤³/21); -¥ž³  ( ³­¢/63) =BH (1x); ¢±žš¢¡ Š (¢©©° ¢¢/172, 173) =MH (cf. ±žš¡ below); ¢¢œž°­  ‘precept’ (¢¤©™/55) =BH; «âÞ  ±Š ‘group of four’ (¡²°™/44) =MH (usu. meaning ‘square’, but cf. ¦¥ž« «žš± ‘the four cardinal compass points’); ¢ ž¥²  (£¢š™™/7) =BH; ¢ ž°±  (£¢š™™/57) =BH (1x); ±ž«² (¦©¤³/19) =MH (cf. BH ¦¢±Š «Ž چ ™§); ®ž°¢² (³ž«³/410), ¦¢¯ž°¢² (¦ž¡™/520, 521) =BH. Notes: The proper analysis of the qittul pattern is complicated by the fact that in the Corpus, as in MH, it has become a productive member of the Piel paradigm as (one of) the verbal noun(s) thereof, whereas it does not yet possess this specialized function in BH. I have therefore decided to assume a priori that all qittul-type nouns are to be analyzed as Piel verbal nouns unless they meet two criteria of exclusion from this category: 1) the noun in question is clearly dependent on BH, or on an MH lexeme with a

For this noun in Yannai, see Zulay, "¨ž²¥ ¢©ž¢«" 505, s.v. ±š¢œ. The form should be vocalized ¢  °† ì,Š apud the ed.’s ¢  °Ž ì.† He clearly understands this word to mean ‘clear-sighted persons’, since he glosses it ¦¢©¢š§. 122 The etymology of the Aramaic ¨œ« is not entirely clear, but according to KB, 1944, s.v. ¨œ«, it is to be derived from the root w‘d (= Hebr. œ«¢). Because of the etymological difficulty, the noun has simply been listed as if derived from a strong root. 120 121

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MORPHOLOGY concrete signification, 123 and 2) the noun in question is clearly a substantive, and therefore cannot be properly considered a verbal noun. Either criterion by itself may sometimes be difficult to apply, the first since qittul(im), though not productive, may still sometimes function as a gerund in BH (e.g., ±ì‹ çŠ Æ ¦¢±âì Š çŠ ), and the second because the semantic distinction between a substantive and an abstract noun may not always be immediately apparent in a given context. The two together, however, are sufficient in most cases for making the sought-after distinction between a productive verbal morphology and a lexicalized (i.e., frozen) nominal morphology. The classification of «žš± rests not only on its satisfying the two exclusion criteria, but also on the fact that the phrase in which it is attested–¦¢§ ¢²™± «žš±–is derived directly from ¦¢²™± «š±™ (Gen. 2:10), and this dependence points to the equivalence «žš±=«š±™ (cf. also §9x for ¢âÞ±Š = š±). ¬âèÑ: ¬ž¥™ (£¢š™™/69) =BH; -±žš¡ (¢©©° ¢¢/171 [2x]) =BH; œž§« ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/99), -¢œž§« (¢©©° ¢¢/99) =BH; ¦ž ± (š³¤š Ÿ™/83; adj.) =BH. ±¢àÑ: Š ¦¢±¢š™ (¦² ³™/428; adj.) =BH; ±¢œ™ (¡²°™/41; ¦² ³™/424), ¦¢±¢œ™ (¡²°™/41; ¦² ³™/424), ¢±¢œ™ (£¢š™™/21; adj.) =BH; ±¢š¤ (±¤Ÿ/24) =BH; ¦¢œ¢­¥ (¥™/542), -¢œ¢­¥ (ž³³/381) =BH; °¢œ¯ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/262, 268; ±ž³/467 adj.) =BH. ± Ñ: ‹ ± ™ (¥™/483), ¦¢± ™ (° ±³/496; ³žœž§ ³/531; adj.) =BH; ³ž¥°§ ‘rod’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/14) =BH (etym. unclear); ³±²( ¢¤™¥§) ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/360) =BH. Notes: The noun ³±² ‘religious ministry’, which appears to be a substantivized Piel infinitive, is attested 2x in BH, in the expression ³±²() ¢¥¤ (Num. 4:12; II Chron. 24:14). The phrase ³±² ¢¤™¥§ is common in MH. šŽêߍ : ¦¢š©› (° ±³/494) =BH; -³ž¥Ÿ§ (¦©¤³/15) =BH; ³š² (¦² ³™/434, 435 [apud ed.’s -³š²]), -³š² (³¢¥¤³/440) =BH. œâ§«:  ³ž ž¡š (°¢­™/23) =BH (1x); 124 -¢œž§« (¦©¤³/20) =BH; ¦ž ± (¡­²§š £¥§/71; adj.) =BH. ±ÞŽ « : ±š« (¨š™/5) =MH. 125 123

Cf. Segal, §116. The vocalization ³Õ âäÞ,  based on ¥™ ¢Ÿ¢›±§¥ ³Õ ä šž  (Job 12:6), is preferable to the ed.’s vocalization as a fem. pl. Qal passive participle ³ž â¡š.† The form is employed as an accusative of manner–cf. §14q. 124

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY bi-syllabic, with reduplication of 3rd radical ¨Ž©™ˆ Ú:  ¨©™² (²žœ°/34), ¦¢©©™² (³¢¥¤³/440; adj.) =BH. ¨â©š † ß: ¨ž©š› (¡§ ¨±™/6) =BH (2x, ¦¢ê©š›); ¬ž­ˆ™© (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/10) =BH (¢­ž­™© [Hos. 2:4]). tri-syllabic, with reduplication of 2nd and 3rd radicals ¥°Ž ¥† °ˆ  «: ³ž¥°¥°« (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/14; adj.) =BH.  Õ°  - ° ì† : ¢ ž°  - °­ (£¢š™™/56) =BH ( ž°- °­ [Isa. 61:1]). 126 §8f Nouns with a Nominal Prefix «Þ ¯† ™: Œ ³ž«š¯™ (¢©©° ¢¢/191), -³ž«š¯™ (£¢š™™/32), ž¢³ž«š¯™ (¢©©° ¢¢/191) =BH. šŽ©Ú† ™: Œ  ±Ÿ™ (±¤Ÿ/11) =BH; -¢š©²™ (° ±³/495), ¦¢š©²™ (° ±³/496) =BH (2x, sing. only). £† ³Ž ±Ñ: † Õçñ ±Ñ † ‘chariot(ry)’ (¢©©° ¢¢/89) (cf. §29n). ¡°‹ چ :  ¡°² ‘peace, quiet’ (¦™/5) =BH. Notes: This pattern is, strictly speaking, the Hifil infinitive absolute. Already in BH, however, a certain number of such forms have become substantivized, as may be seen in the case of ¡°² itself–¦¤³±žš› ¢³  ¡ššž ¡°²š (Isa. 30:15), ¦¥ž« œ«  ¡šž ¡°² (Isa. 32:17). In MH, which loses the infinitive absolute as a productive member of the verbal paradigm, this form, having undergone the anticipatory assimilation haqtel Æ hæqtel, serves as one of the forms of the Hifil gerund (cf. «­² [§11i]). 127 The form ¡°² clearly functions as a substantive in the Corpus, being the direct object of ™¯§ ‘she found’.   ކ ‹ Ÿ§: Š  šŸ§ (¢©©° ¢¢/304), - šŸ§ (¢©©° ¢¢/183) =BH. 125

But cf. note 117. GKC, §84bn dismiss this word in MT as “an evident mistake due to dittography.” B&L, §61lƥ list it as the only BH reflex of the proto-form qataltćl, but also speculate that it may have arisen by dittography. The fact that in the Corpus the form is the subject of a plural verb–¢ ž°  - °­ ⫎› ™¥– seems to indicate that Qillir treats it as a single morpho-semantic entity. The use of this form in piyyut and Andalusian poetry is discussed in Zunz, Synagogale Poesie, 445-46. 127 Cf. E.Y. Kutscher, “Hebrew, Mishnaic” in EJ 16.1601. Since Kutscher treats segol and pataʚ as allophones in MH and BH, he does not consider a phonological change to have taken place. 126

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MORPHOLOGY ±ìŽ ª† §Š : £¥¤™§ (¨žŸ™/454) =BH; -±§™§ (±¤Ÿ/20; ¢©©° ¢¢/216), ¢±§™§ ( Ÿ™ š³¤š/71) =BH (3x, sing. constr. only); š±™§ (° ±³/498) =BH; -«±›§ ‘measured/limited amount’ (¡²°™/24) (cf. BH «Ž Ž ±›† §Š ‘recess’ [1x]); ±šœ§ (±¤Ÿ/39) =BH; £¥§ (¥™/565), -£¥§ (¤¢ª©™/9; ¡²°™/24) =BH; (²§²)  ±Ÿ§ (¤¢ª©™/44) =BH; ¢¢œ§ˆ   § (¢¤©™/53) =BH; š¯ˆ § ‘thing hewn’ (³™/6; R) =MH (but mng. in MH is ‘quarry’; cf. BH š¯ˆ ‹  § ‘hewing’); ¦¢§«¡§ (±²™/401, 405) =BH; ¦¢°³§§ (ž³™/377) =BH; -±­ª§ (±¤Ÿ/5; ³¥™³/5; ¡²°™/13), ³ž±­ª§ (±¤Ÿ/6; R) =BH (in pl., 1x ¢‹- constr. only); ¦¢©œ«§ (³¢¥¤³/447), ¢©œ«§ (£¢š™™/37) =BH; -¢°§«§ (¥™/486) =BH; ¥«­§ (³™/5; ¡²°™/2), £¥«­§ (£¢š™™/51), ¦¥«­§ (±¤Ÿ/19), ¦¢¥«­§ (³žœž§ ³/536), ž§¢¥«­§ (¥™/556) =BH (ž¢¥«­§ [Prov. 8:22]); -œ°­§ (±¤Ÿ/30) =BH; ¦¢° ±§Œ (± ¨§/31) =BH; ¦¢¡±§Œ ( ³­¢/10); ž±¡²§ (¡­²§š £¥§/23) =BH (1x); ¨¤²§ (±¤Ÿ/23) =BH; ±«²§ (¦©¤³/19); ¡­²§ (¡­²§š £¥§/33, et passim), -¡­²§ (¤¢ª©™/12), ¦¢¡­²§ (±¤Ÿ/28), -¢¡­²§ (±¤Ÿ/25; ¡­²§š £¥§/52) =BH.   ñ‹ ­† §:  œš¤§ (£¢š™™/20) =MH;  ³­§ ( ³­¢/5), - ³­§ (¦©¤³/17) =BH.  Õ°  ¥† §:  ¢ ž°¥§  ‘jaws’ (£¢š™™/55) =BH; ¢ ž°¥§  ‘booty’ (£¢š™™/57) =BH. œâ§¥† ñ:  -³žœž§ ³ ‘covetous desire’ (³žœž§ ³/524); œž§¥³ (¥™/604), -œž§¥³ (¡­²§š £¥§/66; ¥™/581) =MH; ¦¢¯ž¥­³ ‘speech that causes shuddering’ (¦ž¡™/510). Notes: The pattern taqtul is well attested in BH, especially as an abstract plural–cf. ¦¢§ž ©³, ³ž¤­³, etc. 128 Qillir’s neologisms ³žœž§ ³ and ¦¢¯ž¥­³ belong to this semantic category. §8g Nouns with a Nominal Suffix(es) ¢ñŠ  † ñ:  ³¢³ ³ (¡²°™/21), ³ž¢³ ³ (¤¢ª©™/42), -³ž¢³ ³ (¡²°™/3; ±²™/397; adj.) =BH. ¢±Š ¤Ž† ©: ¢±¤© (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/8; adj.) =BH. ¢Ú¢ Š ¥Š Ú: † ³¢²¢±  (±¤Ÿ/4; adj.) =BH (³¢²¢±  ¦¢œ°  ž± [Jon. 4:8]); 129 ¢²¢¥² (¡§ ®±™/2, 9; ¢©©° ¢¢/256; ¥™/593), -³¢«¢š± (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/40), ¢«¢š² (³¢¥¤³/438), ¢©¢§² (°¢­™/22), ¢±¢²« (¢©©° ¢¢/258) =BH. Notes: The pattern qetili is used in BH for the ordinal numerals 3-5, 7-10. 128

For more examples, see GKC §85r. The precise meaning of the form in BH is obscure. The Corpus’ phrase ³¢²¢±  ¬¯² seems to mean something like ‘angry blast’. 129

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY ¨Õ±Ú† ç:Š ¨ž±²¤ (¡­²§š £¥§/32) =BH; ¨ž¡¥² (¢©©° ¢¢/309) =BH (2x). ¨ÕÞچ  : Œ ¨žš²  (™²™/62) =BH. ¨Õ§œ† Ñ: ¨ž§œ™ ‘reddish one’ [=Esau] (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/43; ¨š™/5; adj.) (cf. ¢©ž§œ™ [Gen. 25:25] and [¢³±™­³ ¤¢™/47; R]); ¨ž± ™ (¡­²§š £¥§/29; ¥™/609; adj.) =BH; ¨ž§±™ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/44), £©ž§±™ (£¢š™™/34) =BH; ¦¢©ž³ ³ (³¢¥¤³/438; adj.) =BH. ¨š±† à: Ž ³ž©žš±œ (°¢­™/13) =BH (1x). Notes: According to Kutscher, the BH nouns ³Õ©š±† àŽ (Qoh. 12:11) and ¨šŽ ±† àŽ (I Sam. 13:21) are both to be derived from the pattern *qutlćn . 130 According to the Tiberian Masoretic tradition, however, the qameʜ in the first syllable is a qameʜ gadol. ¨Õ±çŽ ŸŠ : ¨ž±¯š (¡­²§š £¥§/31) =BH (1x); ¨ž±¤Ÿ (¡­²§š £¥§/29), -¨ž±¤Ÿ (±¤Ÿ/8, 32), ³ž©ž±¤Ÿ (³¥™³/8) =BH; 131 -¨žš±  (°¢­™/12; ¡²°™/36) =BH (1x pl.). ¨ÞŽ ±† °: Ž ¨š±° (¢©©° ¢¢/293) =BH. (³)¢êŠ ± Õ ˆ™: ³¢©±ž ™ (£¢š™™/44; adj.) =BH. 132 ¢©Š Õ«­† ¯:Š ¢©ž«­¯ (¦ž¡™/515) =BH. ¢©Š Õ±š†  : Œ ¢©ž±š  (£¢š™™/3; adj.) =BH. ¢©Š Õ§œ† °:  ¦¢©ž§œ° (¢©©° ¢¢/98; ³¢¥¤³/444; adj.) =BH. §8h Nouns with a Feminine Morpheme bi-syllabic «Ž š† ›Š : «š› ( ³­¢/39; ¢©©° ¢¢/165, 167), -³«š› (¨š™/3; ¢©©° ¢¢/169), ¢³«š› (¢©©° ¢¢/167), ³ž«š› (¢©©° ¢¢/168), -³ž«š› (¢©©° ¢¢/163, 169) =BH; ³ž«§œ (¨š™/4) =BH; ±§Ÿ (¤¢ª©™/30) =BH; ©°Ÿ (¢©©° ¢¢/306) =BH; -³«²± (±ž³/467) =BH; -³ §² (¢©©° ¢¢/364; ¥™/622) =BH. Ž©œ† «: Œ ±š™ (¡§ ®±™/8) =BH; ¥§  (±¤Ÿ/32) =BH; 133 ±š« (œ¢­™™/8; ¢©©° ¢¢/334; ³žœž§ ³/534) =BH; ©œ« (¦™/2) =BH. E.Y. Kutscher, "¢™±°§ ¨ž¥¢§ ¢¥ž²š" Leshonenu 30 (1968) 18-21. It has been pointed out by J. Blau, ³ž±ž¯ž › ³±ž³ (Hakibbutz Hameuchad, 1972) 210 that since the phoneme /k/ does not tend to lose its doubling when followed by šewa (cf. GKC §20m), the abs. sing. ¨Õ±ŽçŸŠ and the constr. sing. -¨Õ±¤Š† Ÿ together with the pl. ³Õ©Õ±¤† ŸŠ properly belong to different patterns (qittålon and qitlon-, respectively). 132 BDB, 30, s.v. ³¢©± ™ point out that the form is “prop[erly] an adj. fem., cf. ³¢Šê± œ°.” † 130 131

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MORPHOLOGY §Ž ÚÑ: † §²™ (œ¢­™™/11), ¢³ž§²™ (£¢š™™/61) =BH; -³±²  (¡²°™/12;  ³­¢/29) =BH (1x); ©«¥ (£¢š™™/13; ¦ž¡™/519) =BH; -³¥ © (¨žŸ™/458) =BH. §Ž ±† «: Ž °Ÿ  (¡­²§š £¥§/48) =BH; §±« (³±œ™/9) =BH. tri-syllabic š¢ Ž ³†Š ©: ¤¢ª© (¢©©° ¢¢/102) (cf. BH £¢† ªŽŠ ©); š¢³© (¢©©° ¢¢/268) =BH; -³±¢­¯ ‘diadem’ (¤¢ª©™/36) =BH; ©¢¤² (¡²°™/10) =MH. Notes: The problems of classification posed by nominal patterns that became productive in the formation of the gerund in post-Biblical Hebrew are discussed under §8e/type ±âçÞ.Š œŽ °‹ «ˆ : §š (±¤Ÿ/42), ³ž§š (¢©©° ¢¢/242) =BH; -³¢¤±š (¡²°™/23; ¢¢ ¢©©°/148) =BH; ±¢œ› (¢©©° ¢¢/222) =BH; ±¢Ÿ› ‘decree, category’ ( £¥§ ¡­²§š/44; ¢©©° ¢¢/110), -³±Ÿ› (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/6) =MH; 134 ³ž¥¢Ÿ› (¥™/556) =BH; -³š¢©› ‘theft’ (¥™/490), ³žš¢©› (¥™/556) =BH (sing. only; mng. in BH is ‘thing stolen’); 135 -³¤²  (¡²°™/12) =BH; ³ž±š« ‘sin’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/31) =MH; œ¢°« (³™/12; ¢©©° ¢¢/304), -³œ°« (±¤Ÿ/13) =MH; §±« (³±œ™/7) =BH. ³Œ±šŒ ß:† ³²±™ (™²™/75) =BH (1x); ³±š› (³±œ™/3) =BH. ¤Ž Ž ±Þ:† §œ™ (±¤Ÿ/42; ¢©©° ¢¢/183), -³§œ™ ( ³­¢/26, 46, 58), ¢³§œ™ (£¢š™™/21), ³ž§œ™ (¢¥«) (¢©©° ¢¢/243) =BH; š™ (¢©©° ¢¢/281) =BH; ©§™ (¢©©° ¢¢/108, 346) =BH (2x);  ©™ (¢©©° ¢¢/331), ³ž ©™ (£¢š™™/81) =BH; -³°©™ (³¥™³/12; ¨š™/10) =BH; ¤±š (° ±³/502), -³¤±š (£¢š™™/53), ž³¤±š (®¢­¢/11), ³ž¤±š (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/17) =BH; ¤¥(¤) (¤¢ª©™/15; ³±œ™/2) =MH; -³œ±  (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/9) =BH; ±š¤ ( ³­¢/29) =BH (1x); ³ž°™© (°¢­™/14) =BH; ¢³ž§© (£¢š™™/63) =BH (sing. constr. only); §²© (±ž³/471), ³ž§²© (°¢­™/14; ³žœž§ ³/539; ¢¢ ¢©©°/237) =BH (cf. ¦ÚŒ Œ ©, ¦¢§²© [§8e]); ±«ª (œ¢­™™/8), -³±«ª ( ¢«œ ™²™ °œ¯š/23), £³±«ª (£¢š™™/79) =BH; ±¡« (¡­²§š £¥§/47) =BH; ³žš±« 133 Strictly speaking, the BH form ¥§ , Œ attested in ž¢¥« ž¢ ³¥§ š (Gen. 19:16) and ž³¥§ šž ž³š™š (Isa. 63:9), is an inf. constr. of the verb ¥§  ‘to spare’–cf. GKC, §45d. 134 E.Y. Kutscher, "(¨§­ž™° ¢''¤ ¢­¥) ¥''Ÿ  ¨ž²¥ °žœ°œš ¦¢±° §" in idem, ¦¢±° §, Ÿ¡° doubts that MH ±¢Ÿ› is related to BH Ž±Ÿ‹ ߆ ®Œ±™Œ (Lev. 16:22). 135 Since the Corpus employs ³ž/š¢©› as a nomen actionis, it is possible that the word is to be vocalized š¢Š Ž ©ß.† In the paired phrase ³ž¥¢Ÿ›šž ³žš¢©›š (¥™/556), on the other hand, the analogy to BH ³ž¥¢‹Ÿ›, which may either mean ‘thing seized’ or be used as a cognate accusative (Ezek. 18:7, 12, 16), seems to dictate the vocalization ³ž¥¢‹Ÿ›.

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY (¢©©° ¢¢/203) =BH; °œ¯ (¡­²§š £¥§/33, et passim), ¦³°œ¯ (¦™/8; Gen. 2x v.l. ¦°œ¯), ³ž°œ¯ (ž³™/375) =BH. ³Œ©Õ³ç† : ³©ž³¤ (¢©©° ¢¢/328) =BH. œÕšˆ Ž «: ³ž±ž­ª (±¤Ÿ/5) =BH (1x); œžš« (¢©©° ¢¢/279), ³žœžš« ( ¢«œ ™²™ °œ¯š/32) =BH (sing. only; MH pl. in ³Õ-). «âš Ž چ : ©ž§™ (±¤Ÿ/43; ¢©©° ¢¢/106, 344) =BH; ¤ž±™ ‘healing’ (¤¢ª©™/16) =BH; ¥ž³š ( ³­¢/47) =BH; ³ž¥žš› ( ³­¢/25) =BH; ±žš› ( ³­¢/30; ¥™/603), ³ž±žš› (°¢­™/12), -³ž±žš› (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/41, et passim) =BH; -³±žš  (° ±³/494) =MH; œž§  (¢©©° ¢¢/307) =BH (pl. only); ¤ž¥§ (³±œ™/3, et passim) =BH; œž«ª (¢©©° ¢¢/313) =MH; 136 «žš² (³¥™³/4), -³«žš² (¦² ³™/431, 434) =BH; ³ž«ž§² (¢©©° ¢¢/350) =BH. šŽ «Õñ: ‹ ³žš«ž³ (¥™/481) =BH. tri-syllabic, with doubled 2nd radical ³Œ±àÑ: Œ -³±œ™ (¤¢ª©™/37; ³±œ™/1) =BH; ¦¢¥ › (ž³³/381; ³žœž§ ³/533), -¢¥ › (±ž³/476) =BH; -³«š¡ (¢©©° ¢¢/325), ¢³«š¡ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/161) =BH; ³«±¯Ž (¦ž¡™/518) =BH. šŽ Ž ¥: Œ ³žš¥ (¡­²§š £¥§/62) =BH. Notes: In the form š¥, the second, guttural radical is virtually doubled. For ¦¢¥š, see note 96. ³Œ±íÞ:  ³±¯š (±¤Ÿ/37) =BH (1x). tri-syllabic, with doubled 3rd radical èŽ Š °:† ³ž¥° (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/13), -³ž¥° (œ¢­™™/10) =BH (2x, sing. only). Žß¥ ì:† ³ž›¥­ (¡²°™/19) =BH. 137 à Ž °ì† : ³žš±™ ( ³­¢/73), -³žš±™ ( ³­¢/3) =BH; ¥™› (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/30, 42), -³¥™› (£¢š™™/41) =BH; ¥œ› (œ¢­™™/2; £¢š™™/83) =BH; ¥§ (œ¢­™™/3) =BH; ¥³  (¤¢ª©™/16) =BH (1x); ©ž¤ (¥™/560) =BH; œž°© (š³¤š Ÿ™/68 [2x]) =BH (1x, pl.); ¥›ª (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/29) =BH; -³¥ž«­ (±¤Ÿ/11; ³ž«³/412) =BH; œž°­ (³™/1; ¢©©° ¢¢/306), -³œž°­ 136 Kutscher, "¥''Ÿ  ¨ž²¥ °žœ°œ" ›¤° surmises that despite the fact that the nomen actionis œž«ª is not attested in BH, which, however, possesses the Qal verb œ«ª ‘to sustain’, it is likely an “early” form. 137 The ed. vocalizes ³âߥ ì, † an otherwise unattested lexeme. It is preferable in this case to read ³Õߥ ì† ‘streams’, a well-established BH noun.

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MORPHOLOGY (±¤Ÿ/43; ° ±³/496) =BH; ²žœ° (œ¢­™™/1; ¥™/625), ³ž²žœ° ( £¥§ ¡­²§š/77, et passim) =MH. ŽêÚÕÚ:  ©²ž² (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/15; ¦™/7), -³©²ž² (ž³™/377) =BH (cf. also masc. ¨²ž²). §8i Nouns with a Feminine Morpheme + Nominal Prefix Þ Ž ç±Ñ: † -³žšž¤±™ (¢©©° ¢¢/207) =MH. §Ž  Ž ¥† §: Š § ¥§ (±¤Ÿ/41), ³ž§ ¥§ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/28) =BH. ¥Ž ‹ °† §:  ³ž¥°§ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/13) =BH (¦¢¥°§ [Ps. 26:12], ³ž¥°§ [68:27]). ³šŒ ڈ Œ  § : ³š² § (³™/5) =BH. Notes: The noun ³š² § serves both as an absolute (e.g., Ex. 35:33) and a construct (e.g., II Chron. 26:15) form in BH. ¤Ž ¥Ž §† §:  ¤¥§§ (¤¢ª©™/15; ³±œ™/1, 3), ž³¤¥§§ (¤¢ª©™/21), ³ž¤¥§§ (¤¢ª©™/5 [2x]), -³ž¤¥§§ (¢©©° ¢¢/125) =BH; ³žš¤±§ (²žœ°/35; Ÿ™ š³¤š/82) =BH. ³°Œ ¥ ˆ §:  ³°ž¥ § ‘disagreement’ (¦ž¡™/516) =BH (but mng. in BH differs; for this mng., cf. MH). §â¥ˆ Ž §:  ³ž§ž¥§ (° ±³/503) =BH (2x, pl.). ³šŒ Œ ¥† Ú:  ³žš¥² (¡­²§š £¥§/61) =BH (sing. only). ¥Ž «‹ ±† ñ:  ¦¢¥¢«±³ (³ž«³/418; R) =BH (2x, sing.) ¥âÞ Ž  † ñ:  ³ž¤ž¥³ (¤¢ª©™/6) =BH (³¤¥ ³ [Neh. 12:31]); ³ž¥žš ³ ( ³­¢/36) =BH; ¢³ž§ž¯«³ (¥™/614) =BH (³ž§¯«³ [Ps. 68:36]).  Ž ގ ڐ † ñ: ³ž š²ž³ (¥™/618) =DSSH/MH (cf. §29k). §8j Nouns with a Feminine Morpheme + Nominal Suffix Ž©Õ§¥† ¯:  -³©ž§¥¯ ‘storm’ (¡²°™/18; cf. §29s). §8k Nouns with a Feminine Derivational Suffix bi-syllabic ³¢±ˆ Š  Ñ: ³¢± ™ (¥™/608) =BH. ³â¥­† ¡: Š -³ž¥­¡ ‘defamation’ (¦ž¡™/514). ³â¤¥† § : ³ž±¤Ÿ (¦©¤³/10; Gen. v.l. 1x ³ž±¤¢Ÿ) =MH; ³ž ±¡ ( ³­¢/35) =MH; ³ž¤¥§ (¤¢ª©™/7, 8; ³±œ™/11), ¢³ž¤¥§ (¢¤©™/44), ž³ž¤¥§ (¤¢ª©™/4, 22; ¥™/578), ³ž¢¤¥§ (¤¢ª©™/17), ³ž¢¤¥ Š § (³¥™³/7) =BH 63

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY (pl. ³ž¢¤¥§); ³ž§© (™²™/47); ³žš°© (¦©¤³/10; cf. Gen. 1x v.l. ³š¢°©) =MH; ³žœš« (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/32) =BH; ³ž§›« (™²™/45). Notes: There is a distinction between BH and MH in the plural of nouns ending in ³â-. Whereas the BH ending is ³ž¢-, attested in ³Õ¢© ˆ (Jer. 37:16) and ³Õ¢¤¥† § (Dan. 8:22), the MH plural, as evidenced by manuscripts not corrected towards BH, is ³ž¢Š-. 138 tri-syllabic ³â©¢¯Š °:† ³ž¤¢ª© ‘princeship’ (¤¢ª©™/7), ³ž©¢¯° ‘rulership’ (³±œ™/11). Notes: The fact that these nouns, derived from BH £¢ª© ‘prince’ and ¨¢¯° ‘ruler’, respectively, are not attested in BH or MH indicates that the abstract ending ³â- serves as a productive morpheme within the Corpus (cf. also ³ž¥­¡, ³ž§©, ³ž§›« above, and ³ž¥¢š § [§8l], ³žž™© [§9bb]). Cf. also Yannai’s ³â°¢³žŽ Š ž (¡/ž©), derived from the MH adjective °¢³ž. §8l Nouns with a Nominal Prefix and a Feminine Derivational Suffix ³â¥¢ÞŠ  † §:  ³ž¥¢š § ( ³­¢/35). Notes: Both the ed. and Heidenheim vocalize the form ³Õ¥¢ÞŠ  † §,  i.e., as a Hifil fem. pl. participle. However, the word in question seems to be an abstract noun meaning ‘destruction’, and this impression is supported by the fact that it is parallel to ³â ±† ¡ ‘discomfort’ in the preceding stich. Further argument against this vocalization is the fact that the root ¥š  ‘to act corruptly/destroy’ is not conjugated in the Hifil in either BH of MH. 139 One might conjecture that the noun under consideration has been formed by analogy to BH ³¢ Š چ § ‘destruction’, with the ³â- ending suffixed as a morphological expression of its abstract signification. ³â¤¥Ž §† §:  -³ž¤¥§§ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/33; Gen. 1x v.l. ³¤¥§§) =BH. ³¢šŠ Ž ¥† Ú:  ³ž¢š¥² (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/40; R). The matter is discussed by Kutscher, "¥''Ÿ  ¨ž²¥ °žœ°œ" ¢°- °. The form in (¤¢ª©™/17) should probably be vocalized ³ž¢¤¥§, Š apud the ed., as it rhymes with ³ž¢¤Û§ Š and ³ž¢¤Û. Š 139 In fact, Even Shoshan does not recognize the existence of a Hifil of this root at all. Kenaani, 1138, on the other hand, exemplifies the entry ¥¢ÞŠ  † Œ with only one citation, the case presently under discussion. 138

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MORPHOLOGY Notes: Whereas this form might be explained as an unusual plural of BH ³š¥², generated by the rhyme norm, it is important to note in this context that the use of the suffix ³¢- is paralleled in this case by the Aramaic form ¢šŠ Ž ¥† Ú,  det. ™³¢š¥². 140 ³¢ â¥ Š §† ñ:  -³¢ ž¥§³ (¡²°™/34; cf. Gen. 1x v.l. ³ž ž¥§³). Notes: This pattern does not appear to be attested either in BH or MH, the closest parallel being the BH fem. pl. abstract pattern of the type ³Õ¥Þ † ñ.  141

§9 NOMINAL MORPHOLOGY OF THE WEAK ROOTS All forms are listed under their “original” roots–e.g., Û« § ‘deed’ is listed under roots III/h (along with Ûˆ Œ «§),  and ¨  ñ ‘supplication’ is listed under geminate roots (along with Žê Š ñ† ). For the reader’s convenience, two lists are provided at the end of the discussion of nominal and verbal morphology. These summarize: 1) the types of attested root transformations (e.g., Û«Ž ‘he did’ would be considered a III/h Æ II/w, y root transformation), and 2) the types of prefix and suffix incorporations attested in the Corpus (e.g., Û« § ‘deed’ would be considered a III/h Æ I/m prefix incorporation, and ¨  ñ ‘supplication’ would be considered a geminate Æ I/t prefix incorporation). §9a Roots (Originally) I/y segolate from a strong root ³ªŒ Œ ž: - ¤ž ‘reproof, reprimand’ (±¤Ÿ/33); ž³ªž ‘wonted way’ (±¤Ÿ/34) =MH. Notes: The first radical /w/ in  ¤ž is back-formed from the Hitpael verb  ¤žž³.  ±¢Œ: ±«¢ (£¢š™™/82) =BH;  ±¢ (±¤Ÿ/32; œ¢­™™/5), ¦¢ ±¢ ( ³­¢/49) =BH.

140 This is the JPA form, listed in Sokoloff, 551, s.v. ¢š¥². The other Western and Eastern Aramaic dialects in which this noun is attested show the same ending. 141 Cf. GKC, §85r. This is most likely the morphology intended by the Genizah variant noted above.

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY ±²Œ ¢: ±°¢ ‘expensiveness’ (±¤Ÿ/44) =MH; Ú°¢ ‘trap, evil device’ ( ™²™ °œ¯š ¢«œ/20), -²°¢ (±¤Ÿ/26); ±²¢ (±¤Ÿ/37; ¡­²§š £¥§/73), -±²¢ ( ™²™ °œ¯š ¢«œ/20; ¨š™/7), ž±²¢ (®¢­¢/11) =BH. Notes: The noun ²°ž¢ is attested in Yannai: ¢§Ÿž¢ ¦¢±¢¢ ³²ž±¢ ²°ž¢ (š¥±/¡§). bi-syllabic from a strong root ±¢¯†Š ¢: -«¢›¢ (° ±³/496), £«¢›¢ Œ (° ±³/505; pl.) =BH; ±¢¯¢ (¢©©° ¢¢/178; ³¢¥¤³/440), -±¢¯¢ (¨žŸ™/464) =MH. œÕª¢† : ³ž±ž™¢ ( ³­¢/38) =BH (pl. in ¦¢-); Š œžª¢ (¨š™/2; ³±œ™/7; ¢¢ ¢©©°/100), -œžª¢ (±¤Ÿ/19; ž³™/376), ¢œžª¢ (¢©©° ¢¢/100), ¦œžª¢ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/157), ³žœžª¢ (³±œ™/7) =BH; œž°¢ ‘burning’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/40; v.l. œž°¢ and œ¢°¢) =BH (ڙ‹ œÕ°¢çŠ œ°¢† œ°‹  ¢ [Isa. 10:16]). 142 ¨¢§Ž Š ¢: -œ¢¥¢ (±¤Ÿ/25) =BH; ¨¢§¢ (¡­²§š £¥§/68), -¨¢§¢ (£¢š™™/32) =BH. ¨ÚŽ ‹ ¢: ¢«¢›¢ (¨žŸ™/456; adj.) =BH; ¦¢©«¢ (£¢š™™/67) =BH (1x, qer.); ¦¢©²¢ (¦©¤³/7) -¢©²¢ (¡­²§š £¥§/15, 30; adj.) =BH; ±³¢ (±¤Ÿ/38; adj.) =MH. ±ÚŽ Ž ¢: ¦¢±²¢ (¡²°™/9; ¡§ ®±™/10; ¦² ³™/428; adj.) =BH; ¢± ²¢ (£¢š™™/27; adj.) =BH. ¦Õ³Ž¢: ¦¢¥ž¤¢ (³ž«³/414; adj.) =BH (vb. only, no adj.); 143 ¦¢§ž³¢ (³žœž§ ³/530) =BH. Notes: The adjective ¥ž¤¢ is attested in MH (cf. also BA ¥¤ŽŠ ¢, ¥Ž ¤Ž† ¢, ¨¢¥Š ¤Ž† ¢). ¥šÕ¢: ‹ ³ž¥šž¢ (£¢š™™/56) =BH (pl. ¦¢¥šž¢; MH pl. ³ž¥šž¢). ¥šâ¢:  -¥šž¢ (¡²°™/44) =BH (1x). aphaeresis of the 1st radical « à‹ : ¦«¢Ÿ (¢©©° ¢¢/359) (cf. -³«¢‹  Ÿ [§9c]); «¢œ (¥™/576), ¦«Ž œ‹ (³™/2) =BH (4x, Job only). Notes: In BH, the abstract noun, as well as infinitive, from roots I/y are formed by aphaeresis of the first radical and the suffixation of a feminine morpheme. The two basic possibilities are attested in the case of «œ¢: «Ž à‹ ~ ³« à . In the case of «¢  à, ‹ the vocalic feminine ending of the form «Ž à‹ has been apocopated, yielding the Strictly speaking, œž°¢ is an inf. constr. from the verb œ°¢ ‘to burn’. But cf. Joüon, 1.§75i, who suggests that an adjective “must be read” in ±šœ ¦¤³™ ¥¤â¢  £¥§ ¨¢™ ¢¤ (Jer. 38:5). 142 143

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MORPHOLOGY only I/y infinitive in BH exhibiting this morphology. 144 The form «¢‹  Ÿ Å «‹ Ž Ÿ is formed by analogy to «¢  à‹ Å «Ž à. ‹ Both represent the root transformation I/y Æ II/w, y. aphaeresis of the 1st radical, and reduplication of 2nd and 3rd radicals ™¯‡ Ž ™¯: Œ ¢™¯™¯ (¦™/°) = BH. §9b Roots (Originally) I/y with a Nominal Prefix ¨³¢ Ž ™: ‹ ¦¢©³¢™ (¨žŸ™/453; adj.) =BH. ±ÕÚ¢§: Š ±ž²¢§ (¤¢ª©™/15), -±ž²¢§ (¡­²§š £¥§/58) =BH. «íŽ §:  «œ§ (¢©©° ¢¢/289, 290), ¢«œ§ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/3) =BH; «¯§ (¦©¤³/7), ¦«¯§ (¢©©° ¢¢/358) =BH. Notes: In the BH I/y nouns «œ§, œª§ and «¯§ the first radical appears to behave like /n/ in assimilating to the following consonant. 145 Whereas «œ§ may be explained as an Aramaism (cf. §29k), the I/n-type morphology of «¯§ and œª§ is to be understood in light of the sibilant in the second radical position–a number of I/y roots with a second radical sibilant (especially ʜade) pattern like I/n roots in verbal conjugation. 146 Ú°Õ ‹ §: œ«ž§ (¤¢ª©™/39), -¢œ«ž§ (¢¤©™/55) 147 =BH; ³­ž§ ( £¥§ ¡­²§š/76) =BH; 148 ²°ž§ (³¥™³/2) =BH. œªÕ§: Ž -¢œªž§ (¢©©° ¢¢/126, 218) =BH; «œž§ ‘friend’ (¢©©° ¢¢/86) =BH; 149 ™±ž§ (œ¢­™™/7; ¡­²§š £¥§/63), -™±ž§ (¦² ³™/430) =BH (also III/’); š²ž§ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/23) =BH.

144

Cf. GKC, §69m. Cf. Joüon, 1.§88Le. 146 Cf. Joüon, 1. §77. Joüon proposes to explain these forms on the basis of quantitative metathesis (i.e., Qal imperf. *yĪʜat > yiʜʜat) followed by analogical spread, but the fact remains that in their surface realization they are indistinguishable from comparable I/n forms. 147 Understood as a pl. constr., in accordance with the ed.’s suggestion in the commentary, ad loc. 148 The etymology of this noun is unclear, though BDB, 68, s.v. ³­ž§ suggest that is is to be derived from the root ³­™ (cf. ±ªÕ§ ‹ < *ma’sir). It has been categorized as a mem-preformative noun from a root I/y purely because of its synchroninc resemblance to other nouns belonging to this pattern. 149 For this interpretation, cf. Frenkel’s comments, ad loc. 145

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY ¬ªâ§: Ž ¢œªž§ (¢©©° ¢¢/218) =BH; ¬ªž§ (¦©¤³/8), 150 ¦¢­ªž§ (°¢­™/22) =MH. Notes: This pattern represents the substantivized Hofal participle. ÚÕ±¢ñ:Š ²ž±¢³ ( ³­¢/14) =BH. ¥š‹ ñ: ‹ ¥š³ ( ³­¢/28; ¢©©° ¢¢/179, 184) =BH. 151 ¨§¢ Ž ñ: ‹ ¨§¢³ (¡­²§š £¥§/57) =BH. §9c Roots (Originally) I/y with a Feminine Morpheme tri-syllabic from a strong root «¢ Ž ±†Š ¢: -³±¢¯¢ (¡²°™/16) =MH; 152 «¢±¢ (¢©©° ¢¢/192), ¢³ž«¢±¢  (³±œ™/10; ¢©©° ¢¢/193), ¦³ž«¢±¢ (¢©©° ¢¢/193) =BH. «âÚ Ž ¢† : «ž²¢ (³¥™³/4) =BH. aphaeresis of the 1st radical Ž©Ú: ‹ -³«¢Ÿ ( ³­¢/17; ³žœž§ ³/531) =BH (1x); §  (±¤Ÿ/41), -³§  (¥™/483) =BH; ©¢² (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/41; ¦™/7) =BH. ³« à:  ³«œ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/7; £¢š™™/23), ¢³«œ (¢©©° ¢¢/139), ž³«œ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/139, 244; ¥™/552) =BH. §9d Roots (Originally) I/y with a Feminine Morpheme + Nominal Prefix œŽ °Õ † §: œ°ž§ (³™/2) =BH. ¯Ž «Õ§: ‹ ¯«ž§ (¢©©° ¢¢/297) =BH (pl. only). ²Ž Ž ±Õ§: -³²±ž§ (¢©©° ¢¢/341) =BH. ³¥Œ  Õñ: Œ ¦³¥ ž³ (±¤Ÿ/1) =BH; -³ ¤ž³ (±¤Ÿ/2) =BH. ¥Ž  Õ ‹ ñ: ¥ ž³ (¨š™/6) =DSSH (1QHa 9:14). Notes: This pattern is attested in BH–cf.  Ž ¤Õñ. ‹ 150 The ed.’s pointing of the word as a construct appears to be erroneous. 151 According to the etymology suggested in BDB, 385, s.v. ¥š³, this noun may be derived from a root ¥š¢. 152 In MH, ±¢¯¢ is best classed as a gerund (cf. also ³¢²™±š ³±¢¯¢ [§12e]). In the present case, however, since the word is parallel to the substantive ¢±š ‘creature’, it is to be treated as a substantive ‘created thing’.

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MORPHOLOGY Ò¯Õñ: Ž ¦³ž™¯ž³ (ž³™/377) =BH (also III/’). ³Õœ¥Õñ Ž (invariant pl.): ³žœ¥ž³ (±¤Ÿ/5) =BH (constr. only). ŽåÚâñ: Š ¢²ž³ (²žœ°/39) =BH. §9e Roots (Originally) I/n (+  °¥) with a Nominal Prefix  îŽ §: Š ¢ °§  (£¢š™™/56) =BH (1x, sing.). 153 «äŽ §:  «¡§ (°¢­™/13) =BH; ™²§ (¡²°™/14, 31), ž™²§ (¤¢ª©™/32) =BH (also III/’); -¨³§ (š³¤š Ÿ™/60, et passim) =BH. ¥âÞ§:  ¥žš§ (±¤Ÿ/32), -¥žš§ ( ³­¢/59; ¢©©° ¢¢/272), ³ž¥žš§ ( ³­¢/35) =BH (abs. sing. only). 154 §9f Roots (Originally) I/n with a Feminine Morpheme + Nominal Prefix œŽ Ž ßÑ: œ›™ (¥™/604), -³œ›™ ‘aggada’ (¥™/582) =MH. ¤Ž ë‹ §:  ³ž¤ª§ (³ž«³/412) =BH. ³« ä §:  ž³«¡§ ( ³­¢/75) =DSSH/MH. 155 Ž©ñŽ §:  -³©³§ (¡­²§š £¥§/43; ¡²°™/20; ¢©©° ¢¢/342) =BH. §9g Roots (Originally) II/’ segolate from a strong root ¦Ñ©: ¦™ž© (¢©©° ¢¢/315, 330), ž§™ž© ‘speaking, speech’ (ž±ž™/16; ¥™/552, 565); -±™ž³ (¢¤©™/49), ž±™ž³ (¤¢ª©™/43; ¦² ³™/429) =BH. monosyllabic from a weak root ڙ±: ¦ªž¤ (¦ž¡™/519) =BH; £©™¯ ( ³­¢/71) =BH; ²™± ‘head’ (¨š™/2, et passim), -²™± (¦™/1, et passim), £²™± (¡­²§š £¥§/47), ¦²™± (¤¢ª©™/38; ¦ž¡™/518), -¢²™± (¡­²§š £¥§/68; ¡²°™/44; ¢©©° ¢¢/226) =BH; ²™± ‘venom’ (¦ž¡™/519) =BH; ³žœž© (¡²°™/33) =BH. 153 The reason for ed.’s decision to vocalize this word ¢ °§  is unclear. The standard dictionaries do not list an item  îŽ §,  though  Ž îŽ § is attested, beginning with LBH (1x). 154 The etymology of this noun is not clear. It has therefore been categorized as I/n purely on the basis of the most obvious interpretation of its morphology. 155 Cf. ¦¥ž« ³«¡§¥ ±¯©  ¢±­¥ ž¢ž (1QHa 8:6). The noun ³«¡§ is listed in Qimron, §340.4*, under “nouns which are only masculine in BH having the feminine ending in DSS Hebrew.”

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY Notes: Historically, the nouns ²™± ‘head’ and ªž¤ belong to the segolate class, since the derivation is *ra’š > *rćš (quiescence of alef) > ro(’)š (Canaanite shift). 156 The noun ¨™¯ is similarly derived–cf. Ugaritic ʜin = /ʛa’n/. 157 The noun œž© is consistently spelled œ™© in BH. The ketiv œž™© (Judg. 4:18), however, may perhaps be taken to indicate that at an earlier stage the noun was pronounced œÕ™†©** (cf. 158 BH ¦¢§Õ™ Š ñ† Æ ¦§Õñ). Š ¦â§: ¦ž§ (¥™/577) =BH. Notes: The ketiv ¦ž™§ (Job 31:7 [¦â™§ in L, ¦â™§† in many Masoretic mss.]; Dan. 1:4) indicates that the common BH form ¦â§ is the result of the loss of alef following a vocal šewa (i.e., ¦â™§† Æ ¦â§). 159 bisyllabic from a strong root ±™‹ Þ:† ±™š ( ³­¢/8), ¢±™š (¢©©° ¢¢/146), ³ž±™š (¢©©° ¢¢/146) =BH; ¦¢š™Ÿ (° ±³/501) =BH; š™¤ (¦©¤³/14; ¨žŸ™/457) =BH; ±™­ (¤¢ª©™/34, 36; ž³™/375; ¥™/623), -±™­ (± ¨§/26; ¥™/621) =BH. Notes: This pattern is an Aramaic-type reflex of an original segolate pattern. In BH, it is attested especially well in the case of nouns II/’. 160 ±Ž¢Ú† : ¦Š¢± ¢ÚŠ (³¥™³/10) =MH (dual attested; cf. BH ±Òچ ). Notes: This noun gives evidence of the replacement of intervocalic alef by yod.

156 For an interpretation that attempts to simulataneously account for monosyllabic forms such as ²™± as well as bi-syllabic forms such as ±™š, see E. Qimron, "¢³ž¢ ™ž ڙ±" Leshonenu 65 (2003) 243-47. 157 Cf. B&L, 1.§61m’. The Arabic form ʘa’n, as well as the Phoenician and Moabite ¨™¯ support the derivation of Hebrew ¨™¯ from a *qatl pattern. On the other hand, the reflex of this noun in the Aramaic dialects is consistently spelled without alef–Imperial Aramaic ¨°, JPA ™Ž©«, Ž Samaritan ¨«, Syriac ™©«–and on the basis of this data, it seems to belong to the *qćl pattern. 158 Bergsträsser, 1.§15f considers the bi-syllabic form, attested with Babylonian vocalization, to be a back-formation on the basis of the analogy ¦¢§Õ™ Š ñ† ~ ¦§Õñ. Š 159 Cf. Bergsträsser, 1.§15e. 160 Cf. GKC, §93t.

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MORPHOLOGY ¦Õ™ñ:† [³ž±ž™¢–cf. I/y]; ¦¢é™¥ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/23) =BH; ¥ž™² (¥™/486) =BH; ±ž™Û (±¤Ÿ/10) =BH; ¦¢§ž™³ ( ³­¢/23) =BH (pl. only; 1x ¦§Õñ). Š §9h Roots (Originally) II/’ with a Nominal Prefix £Ò † ¥† §:  -¢¤™¥§ (¢©©° ¢¢/360), ¦¢¤™¥§ (¤¢ª©™/20; ¥™/622) =BH. §9i Roots (Originally) II/’ with a Nominal Suffix ¨Õ²™±:Š ¨ž²™± (¡­²§š £¥§/29; š³¤š Ÿ™/62; ³¢¥¤³/439; ¥™/609), ©ž²™± (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/16), ¦¢©ž²™± (š³¤š Ÿ™/73; adj.) =BH. §9j Roots (Originally) II/’ with a Feminine Morpheme + Nominal Prefix ¤™ Ž ¥Ž §: † -³¤™¥§ (¡²°™/1; ³¢¥¤³/446), ž³¤™¥§ (¤¢ª©™/22) =BH. Notes: The noun ¤™¥§ represents the II/’ realization of the *maqtalat pattern, the irregular vocalism being a result of the quiescence of alef: *mal’akat > mel(’)åkå. The construct form is based on the pattern *maqtalt: *mal’akt > *mal(’)akt > melækæt (cf. BH šŽ çŽ ±† §Œ ~ -³šŒ çŒ ±† §Š ). §9k Roots (Originally) II/’ with a Feminine Derivational Suffix ³¢Ú™ Š ±‹ : ³¢²™± (¨š™/11, et passim), á³¢²™± ( ³­¢/64) =BH. §9l Roots (Originally) II/w, y segolate from a strong root «žÚ: Œ «ž² ( ³­¢/9, 53), -«ž² (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/18) =BH (¢«†Š žÚ ¥ž° [Ps. 5:3]). ³Œž§Ž : ¨ž™ (¦ž¡™/513), ¦¢©ž™ (¨žŸ™/456) =BH; ³ž§ (±¤Ÿ/35; ±ž³/469, 472) =BH; [™ž²–cf. III/’]; £ž³ (³™/6) =BH. Notes: This type corresponds to the qatl pattern in the nouns from strong roots, with the additional assimilatory change /a/ > /å/, brought about by the bilabial glide /w/.

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY ³Š¢Þ : ¥¢™ ‘ram’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/19), ¦¢¥¢™ (ž³³/386) =BH; ³ž©¢š (£¢š™™/80) =BH; 161 ³¢š (¨š™/11, et passim); -³¢š (œ¢­™™/2;  ³­¢/32; £¢š™™/37), ¦¢³š (³žœž§ ³/524), ¦¢³š (° ±³/502) =BH; [™¢›–cf. III/’]; ¨¢¢Ÿ (¢¥¤) (¢©©° ¢¢/308; ° ±³/499) =MH; -¥¢  (¡²°™/15), ž¥¢  Š ¢ ˆ (¥™/620) =BH; -¨¢¢ (³ž«³/418) =BH; ¡¢« (¥™/587, 162 589), ¦¢¥¢Ž (¢©©° ¢¢/276) =BH; ¨¢« (°¢­™/18, et passim), -¨¢« (³±œ™/13; ¡²°™/3), ¦Š¢© ¢« ( ³­¢/87; ž³™/370), -¢©¢« (¢©©° ¢¢/274), ¢©¢« (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/39) =BH; -³ž©¢« (°¢­™/23), ¢³ž©¢¢«  ‘springs’ (¢©©° ¢¢/211) =BH; ®¢° (¡²°™/36) =BH. Notes: This type corresponds to the qatl pattern in the nouns from strong roots, with an /i/ vowel, homorganic with the second radical /y/, used for anaptyxis. segolate from a strong root, showing prefix incorporation £† šŒ §: Œ £š§ ‘confounding’ (£¢š™™/1) (cf. BH ¤âš Ž §† [§9p]). Notes: The incorporation of m- into a hollow root may be seen in the BH lexeme ¨Õœ§Ž ‘strife’, whose plural is variously † ¦¢©Š žŽ œ† §Š (qer. ¦¢©¢œ§), ¦¢©Žœ† §Š (qer. ¦¢©¢œ§). From realized: ¦¢©Š ¢Žœ† §, Š ¦¢©Š œŽ §, the plural ¦¢©Š œŽ §, † a singular ¨œŒ §Œ could easily be back-formed. The phonotactic relationship between input and output in ¤âš Ž §† Æ £† šŒ §Œ is paralleled in the Corpus by ¤â± Ž ™ˆ Æ £Œ † ±™Œ (cf. §8e/segolates). ±ÚŒ ñŒ : ±²³ ‘gift’ (³™/12) (cf. BH Ž±âÚñ† ). Notes: According to BDB, 1003, the hapax legomenon ±ž²³ ‘gift’ (I Sam. 9:7) is to be derived from the root ±ž². This form therefore represents the prefix incorporation II/w, y Æ I/t. segolate from a strong root, showing suffix incorporation In the Corpus, the item in question is drawn from the phrase ²™ ³ž©¢š ‘fire from between [the wheelwork]’, which refers to the instructions given to the “man clothed in linen” in ™¥§ž šž±¤¥ ³ ³ ¥™ ¥›¥›¥ ³ž©¢š ¥™ ™š ±¢« ¥« °±Ÿž ¦¢šž±¤¥ ³ž©¢š§ ²™ ¢¥ › £¢©­  (Ezek. 10:2; cf. also vv. 6, 7). In the scriptural source, however, the lexeme functions either as a simple preposition (cf. v. 7) or as part of the compound preposition ³ž©¢š(§/¥™) -¥. In the present case, on the other hand, it is a substantive meaning ‘area in between’ used as a genitive in a construct phrase. A syntactically identical usage is attested in the BH phrase ¦Š¢© ¢š ²¢™ ‘man in the space between the two armies’, used of Goliath in I Sam. 17:4, 23. 162 Reading Õ¥¢  ‹ with some manuscripts, rather than Õ¥¢ Š (cf. the ed.’s comment, ad loc.). 161

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MORPHOLOGY ³   ©: ³ © ( ³­¢/45, 69) =BH; ³ ² (±ž³/471; ¥™/486) =BH. ³²Œ Þ: á³²š ( ³­¢/63) =BH. bi-syllabic from a strong root ¦Õ¢Ò: ¦¢™ (³™/9; ¦™/8; œ¢­™™/1; adj.) =BH. š‹¢Õ™: ¦¢š¢ž™ (° ±³/500) =BH. bi-syllabic from a strong root, with doubled middle radical ±Õåç:Š ±ž¢¤ (±¤Ÿ/24) =BH. ¨Žåà:  ¦¢©¢¢œ (¨žŸ™/460) =BH (2x, sing. only); ¦¢¢° (¥™/615), ¦¢§¢¢° (±²™/403; adj.) =MH. monosyllabic, with 2nd radical represented by a vowel ¨¢àŠ : ²¢™ (™²™/51), -²¢™ (¤¢ª©™/2) =BH; ¨¢œ (³™/13, et passim), -¨¢œ (±ž³/475), ¢©¢œ (£¢š™™/39) =BH (sing. only); ž¢Ÿ (¡²°™/13), -ž¢Ÿ ( ³­¢/11) =MH (in BH only as month name); ¦«¢Ÿ ‘quaking’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/356); ¦¢°¢Ÿ ‘sparks’ (±²™/399; ¥™/542) =DSSH; ¥¢  (³™/1; œ¢­™™/7), -¥¢  (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/11), ž¥¢  (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/22) =BH; ¥¢§ ‘mile’ (¥™/587, 589) =MH; -¢©¢§ (¡­²§š £¥§/78; ¦©¤³/4;  ³­¢/28) =BH (pl. 1x only); š¢© (³¥™³/3; °¢­™/1), -š¢© ( ³­¢/53, 81) =BH; ž¢©¢© (¡­²§š £¥§/33, et passim) =BH (sing. only); ±¢« ( ¢«œ ™²™ °œ¯š/34; ™²™/26) =BH; ±¢¯ (°¢­™/21, et passim) =BH; ³ž±¢° ( ³™ ¦²/433; ° ±³/495) =BH; š¢± (±¤Ÿ/10) =BH; °¢± (³ž«³/411; ° ±³/501) =BH;  ¢² (±¤Ÿ/43;  ³­¢/23), - ¢² ( ³­¢/14;  ³­¢/79), ž ¢² (±¤Ÿ/16), ¦ ¢² ‘musing’ (¦©¤³/8) =BH; ¦¢ ¢² ‘shrubbery’ (°¢­™/15;  ³­¢/57) =BH; ±¢² (¤¢ª©™/41; ¡²°™/40; ¥™/618, 620) =BH. Notes: The Corpus’ plural form ¦¢°¢Ÿ is related to the unique BH plural ¦¢îŠŠ Ÿ (Prov. 26:18; no sing. attested), whose spelling in MT may have been influenced by the word ¦¢íŠ  , Š which appears immediately afterwards. In addition, BH shows the plural ³Õ°¢ŸŠ (Isa. 50:11 [2x]), to which the Aramaic ™°¢ Ž ŸŠ and might be compared. We also find ³ž°¢Ÿ in Ben Sira 43:13, which has been corrected to ¦¢°¢Ÿ in a marginal note in ms. B. 163 In the DSS, we find both the feminine ³ž°¢Ÿ (CD 5:13), as well as the masculine ¦œ ¢°¢Ÿ (1QM 6:3) 163 Cf. The Historical Hebrew Dictionary (ed.), ,±ž°§ – ™±¢ª ¨š ±­ª ¦¢¥§ ±¯ž™  ž³¢©ž ¢¯©œ±ž°©ž° (Jerusalem: The Academy of the Hebrew Language and the Shrine of the Book, 1973) 50.

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY and ¦¢°±šž ¦¢°Ÿ (1QHa 1:12). In MH, the plural ¨¢°¢ Š ŸŠ is attested (M Ber. 9:2). In light of these data, it seems reasonable to vocalize the Corpus’ form ¦¢°¢ Š ŸŠ , and to list it under the singular lemma °¢ŸŠ (rather than under a singular °‹Ÿ, derived from the BH masc. pl. hapax legomenon). œŸ‹ : œ¢™ (¦ž¡™/515), ¢œ™ Š (£¢š™™/20), ¦œ¢™ (° ±³/504) =BH; œŸ (¤¢ª©™/14; ¨š™/6), ¦¢œŸ (¤¢ª©™/13; £¢š™™/71; adj.) =BH; -±Ÿ (¤¢ª©™/14; £¢š™™/23) =BH; -°¢  (¢©©° ¢¢/174 [3x]), ¢°¢  (¢©©° ¢¢/174) =BH; ¦¢¯¥ (¦ž¡™/510) =BH; ±© (¢©©° ¢¢/103) =BH; ¢¢œ«  (¢¤©™/47, 54) =BH. ³ÚŽ : š« ( ­³¢/16, 63; ™²™/38), ¦¢š« (°¢­™/16;  ³­¢/50) =BH; ³ž³² (³¥™³/5; ¡²°™/7) =BH (1x + 1 dubious case). ¦Õ¢: šž™ (³¢¥¤³/445) =BH; ±ž™ (±¤Ÿ/9 [2x]), £±ž™ (³žœž§ ³/536) =BH; [³ž™–cf. III/h]; ¢ž› (£¢š™™/32), ¦¢ž› (¤¢ª©™/5, et passim) =BH; œžœ (±¤Ÿ/23; ž±ž™/17; °¢­™/4; ¡§ ®±™/4) =BH; ±žœ (¢©©° ¢¢/256, et passim), -±žœ (¦² ³™/424; ¥™/576), ¦¢±žœ (¦² ³™/424), ³ž±žœ (¡²°™/9, et passim), -³ž±žœ (¢©©° ¢¢/226) =BH; -œž (¤¢ª©™/32, et passim), žœž (¡²°™/42) =BH; ¨ž (¨žŸ™/458; ³žœž§ ³/533), -¨ž (° ±³/502) =BH; ¥ž  (±¤Ÿ/5) =BH; šž¡ (œ¢­™™/5, et passim), ¦¢šž¡ (° ±³/505; adj.) =BH; ¦ž¢ (³™/9, et passim), -¦ž¢ (³™/1, et passim), ¦§ž¢ ‘(by) day’ (¢©©° ¢¢/283), ¦Š¢§ž¢  (°¢­™/3; ¡²°™/6, 9), ¦¢§¢ (¢©©° ¢¢/296, et passim), -¢§¢ (°¢­™/21;  ³­¢/67), £¢§¢ (³¢¥¤³/449, 450) =BH; œžª (¤¢ª©™/30, 41; ³±œ™/8; ±ž³/467), -œžª (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/30), žœžª (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/29), ¢¢œžª  (¢¤©™/54) =BH; ¬žª (¢©©° ¢¢/116; ¥™/609 [2x]), -¬žª (¦©¤³/8; ¥™/613) =BH; ¬ž« (¦² ³™/432) =BH; ±ž« (¦² ³™/432), ¦±ž« (¦ž¡™/518) =BH; ¥ž° (³™/10, et passim) -¥ž° (¡²°™/27, et passim), ¢¥ž° (°¢­™/19; £¢š™™/8), £¥ž° (ž³³/394), ž¥ž° (¡²°™/39, et passim), ¦¤¥ž° (£¢š™™/47; ™²™/75), ³ž¥ž° (³¥™³/8, et passim), -³ž¥ž° ( ¢«œ ™²™ °œ¯š/33ǯ 37); (³ž¥ž°) ¢¥ž° ‹ (³žœž§ ³/539) =BH (pl. in ³Õ-, no constr. pl.); ¦¢¯ž° (¦ž¡™/511) =BH; ±ž² ( ³­¢/15, 18) =BH; ²ž² (°¢­™/3) =BH (Qal inf. abs.). ›â : ±ž™ (¥™/485) =BH; £žš ‘confounding’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/27) (Qal inf. constr.); ¦¢­ž› (¥™/480) =MH (cf. BH ³ž/­ž›); -±ž› ( ³­¢/26) =BH; ¢²ž› (¢©©° ¢¢/184) =BH (1x, qer.); ›ž  (¨š™/1; ž±ž™/16; ¢¢ ¢©©°/196) =BH; ®ž  (³¢¥¤³/446), ³ž¯ž  (¨©«/14, et passim) =BH; žšž¡ (¢©©° ¢¢/132) =BH; ®ž­ ‘dispersion, exile’ (™²™/29) (Qal inf. constr.); ±ž­ (¤¢ª©™/24) =BH; ¥ž¯ (¨š™/1;  ³­¢/6; £¢š™™/31), -¥ž¯ (¤¢ª©™/18) (cf. BH ¥â Ž ¯[§† ]); -¬ž¯ (¡§ ®±™/9) =BH; ±ž¯ (¤¢ª©™/8, et passim), ¦¢±ž¯ (¡­²§š £¥§/46) =BH;  ž± (¦™/7, et passim), - ž± (¤¢ª©™/8; ™²™ 74

MORPHOLOGY °œ¯š ¢«œ/12; £¢š™™/23), ¦³ž ž± (±²™/401) =BH; ¦ž± (¢©©° ¢¢/88, et passim), ᧞± (³±œ™/9) =BH; «ž² (³¥™³/1 [v.l. «žž²]; °¢­™/1 [v.l. «ž¢²]) Œ =BH. ¦¢±â™ Š (invariant pl.): -¢±ž™ (±¤Ÿ/25; apud ed.’s ¢±â™) Š =BH. reduplication of the 3rd radical ¦§Õ±:  ³ž§§ž± (¥™/624) =BH (2x). Notes: The noun ¦§ž± is attested in ¢©ž²¥ ³ ³ ¦§Õ±†  ž (Ps. 66:17), and in ¥™ ³Õ§§Õ± † (Ps. 149:6). The singular is also attested in the DSS (e.g., 1QM 4:8). ššÕÚ: Ž ¦¢ššž² ‘apostate’ (±¤Ÿ/4; adj.) =BH. §9m Roots (Originally) II/w, y with a Nominal Prefix from a strong root ¨Ž¢«† §:  ¨¢«§ (¡²°™/43), ¢©Š ¢¢«§ (¢©©° ¢¢/144), -³ž©¢¢«§ (¢©©° ¢¢/211) =BH. with 2nd radical represented by a vowel ¦Õ°§: Ž ³ž±ž™§ (±²™/398) =BH; ±ž›§ ‘dwelling-place’ ( ³­¢/86) =BH (with suffixes only); ¦žœ§ ‘place of exile’ (£¢š™™/43); 164 - ž©§ ( ³­¢/42) =BH; ž©ž«§ (£¢š™™/11), ¦¢©ž«§ (³¢¥¤³/444), ž¢©ž«§ ( ¨§ ±/17) =BH (sing. only); -¦ž°§ (¡­²§š £¥§/39, et passim), ž©¢§ž°§ (¥™/596; sing.), ¦§ž°§ (¤¢ª©™/27; ¢©©° ¢¢/358) =BH; ³ž±ž°§ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/147) =BH (sing. only); ¦ž±§ (¥™/599; ¢©©° ¢¢/317), ž§ž±§ (¥™/563, 592), ¦¢§ž±§ (±²™/396; ±ž³/473), ¢§ž±§ (¢©©° ¢¢/202) =BH. °â¯§: Ž ¦¢°ž¯§ ‘pillar’ (±¤Ÿ/19) =BH (®±™ ¢° ‹ ¯§† [I Sam. 2:8]). œ¢ŸŠ ©Ž : -œ¢Ÿ© (£¢š™™/44) =BH. šâ©ñ:† -šž©³ ( ³­¢/49) (cf. BH šž©³). Notes: This pattern, showing apocopation of the final Ž-, is first exemplified in Ben Sira, where ±ž§³ Å BH ±ž§³ is attested: ³ž©§¥™¥ ¥«š ±ž§³ž ¦¢§ž³¢¥ š™¤ ¢ (4:10; cf. also 3:14). œ¢§Š ñ: Ž œ¢§³ ( ³­¢/13;®¢­¢/12) =BH. 164

This word is a Qillirian neologism, defined by Kenaani, 2625, s.v. ¦žœ§ as ©¢œ§¥ ¢¡ž¢­ ¢ž©¢¤ (the first citation there is the present case). Zunz, Synagogale Poesie, 437 offers the gloss ‘stille Wüste’. It is quite likely that etymologically, this word is to be compared to §âà Ž = Edom (Isa. 21:11). According to this interpretation, ¦žœ§ is a kind of generic “Edom,” i.e., any place to which Israel is exiled.

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY §9n Roots (Originally) II/w, y with a Nominal Suffix(es) ¨ÕÚ¢™:Š (¥¢¥) ¨ž²¢™ (±¤Ÿ/29) =BH. ¨ÕœŽŸ: ¨žœŸ (±ž³/469), ³ž©žœŸ (±¤Ÿ/31) =BH (sing. only); ¨ž²² ( ¢«œ ™²™ °œ¯š/30) =BH. §9o Roots (Originally) II/w, y with a Feminine Morpheme bi-syllabic from a strong root «†Ž žÚ : ¥žž« (¢©©° ¢¢/278; ³žœž§ ³/534) =BH; «ž² (³¥™³/3), -³«ž² (¡­²§š £¥§/67; °¢­™/22) =BH. bi-syllabic from a weak root ¥¢ Ž ß:Š ©¢š (¢©©° ¢¢/107, 345), ³ž©¢š (°¢­™/13) =BH; ¥¢› ( ¢«œ ™²™ °œ¯š/30), -³¥¢› (°¢­™/3) =BH; œ¢  (¢©©° ¢¢/302), ž³œ¢  (®±™/8) =BH; ³ž³¢§ (³¢¥¤³/443) =MH; ©¢° (™²™/29), ³ž©¢° (£¢š™™/7, 55), ¦¢©¢° (£¢š™™/62) =BH (1x pl. ¦¢©°); Š -³ž ¢² (°¢­™/24) =BH (3x, sing. only); ±¢² (³¢¥¤³/441) =BH. §¢ Ž ™‹ : š¢™ (±ž³/466) =BH; §¢™ (¥™/542, 581), -³§¢™ ( £¥§ ¡­²§š/17; ¥™/566, 591), ³ž§¢™ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/27; ¢©©° ¢¢/241), ¦¢§¢™ (£¢š™™/56), ž¢§¢™ (³™/1) =BH; ³žœ« ‘testimonies’ (¥™/541) =BH; œ¢¯ ‘hunting’ (¢©©° ¢¢/314; R) (cf. BH œŠ¢¯).  Notes: The Corpus’ form œ¢¯ ‘hunting’ is found in ™ž¯¢ £™ ¢¢ž œ¢¯§ ™š ž¢ ™ž ™¯¢, which is a modified quote of Gen. 27:30. The Corpus’ œ¢¯§ corresponds to MT ՜¢í‹ §. Š In BH, the nouns œŠ¢¯ and œ¢ Ž ¯‹ are attested, both meaning ‘provision, food’. It appears, therefore, that Qillir has generated the doublet œ¢ Ž ¯‹ ‘hunting’ out of the BH form œŠ¢¯ ‘hunting’ on the basis of an analogy to œ¢¯ ~ œ¢¯ ‘provision, food’. šÕ¡: Ž ±ž™ (¡­²§š £¥§/66; ¥™/602) =BH; šž  (¢©©° ¢¢/273) =MH (cf. BH 1x šÕ ); šž¡ (¦™/°) =BH; ©ž¢ (£¢š™™/25), -³©ž¢ ( £¥§ ¡­²§š/34) =BH; 165 ³ž¡ž§ (±¤Ÿ/18) =BH. šâÚ: Ž šž² ‘repentance’ (±¤Ÿ/4; R) =BH (1x, mng. ‘return [from war]’). 166 tri-syllabic from a strong root 165 The lexeme ©ž¢ ‘dove’ is derived from the root ¨ž¢–i.e., *yawnat > yonå–as is indicated by the cognate JPA Ž©ž†ž¢ and Syriac ™Ž©ž¢. 166 The ed.’s suggestion, ad loc., that the form be understood as a (lemmaticized) masc. sing. imperative is also possible.

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MORPHOLOGY  Ž Ž ž¯:†  ž¯ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/35) =BH. Ž±¢ŽÚ: † ³ž±¢« ( ³­¢/37) =MH (pl. only, from ±¢«); Š ³ž±¢² ‘caravan’ ( ³­¢/38) =MH. §9p Roots (Originally) II/w, y with a Feminine Morpheme + Nominal Prefix š¢ Ž ±Š §: † š¢±§ ( ³­¢/22; in GN '§ ¢§) =BH. Ž±Õ©§: † (²§²) ³™žš§ (¤¢ª©™/44) (cf. BH ™žš§); ±ž©§ (¢©©° ¢¢/104) =BH; ©ž«§ (¢©©° ¢¢/205) =BH. ¤âš Ž §: † ¤žš§ (¤¢ª©™/16) =BH; -³±žœ§ (¦ž¡™/517) =BH (2x); §ž§ (±¤Ÿ/42) =BH; ¯ž±§ (¢©©° ¢¢/295) =BH. «â± Ž ñ† : (²™±/³¢²™±) ³™žš³ (±¤Ÿ/3; ¥™/613) =BH; ³ž©žš³ (°¢­™/13) =BH; -³©ž§³ (¡­²§š £¥§/61) =BH; œž«³ (¢©©° ¢¢/312, 316) =BH (3x); §ž±³ (¢©©° ¢¢/181) =BH; «ž±³ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/3; ³™/13; œ¢­™™/°; ¡­²§š £¥§/76) =BH; ¢³šž²³ (£¢š™™/29) =BH. §9q Roots (Originally) II/n ¦¢ÚŽ Š ©™ˆ (pl. of Ú¢™): Š ¦¢²©™ (³žœž§ ³/534) =BH. II/n reflexes of segolate proto-forms 167 £†  : ‹ £¢  (ž³™/377), ž¤¢  (¢©©° ¢¢/86) =BH. ¬Ñ: ¬™ (œ¢­™™/6; ¡­²§š £¥§/32; ±ž³/477) =BH; [³«–cf. III/h]. §9r Roots (Originally) II/n with a Feminine Morpheme ÜŽ ™:Š ²™ (¢©©° ¢¢/311), ž³²™ (¢©©° ¢¢/252) =BH; ¦¢¡  (±¤Ÿ/27) =BH. §9s Roots (Originally) III/’ III/’ reflexes of segolate proto-forms from a strong root 168 167 In the proto-base CVnC, the /n/ assimilates to the third radical (CVCC), and the resulting consonant cluster is simplified, thereby yielding a monosyllabic noun (CVC) whose third radical is restored before genitive suffixes (CVCC-). 168 According to GKC, §23a, “even in ™Ú Œ œ, Œ ™¥Œ ì…the Œ ™ only retains an orthographic significance.” Thus also according to B&L, §72o. Whereas this may very well be an accurate phonetic description, the category is nevertheless useful in accounting for the differences in morphology between nouns of the type ™ÚŒ àŒ and those of the type ™¡†  . ‹

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY ™ÚŒ à: Œ ¦¢™²œ ( ³­¢/15) =BH (sing. only); -™©¡ (¢©©° ¢¢/294) =BH; ¦™¥­ (±¤Ÿ/25), ³ž™¥­ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/36) =BH. ™šŒ ª: ¢™Š šž † ªŽ (™²™/39; pointed thus in ms.) =BH. with quiescent alef ™†¢ß : ™¢ß‹ (³™/13, et passim), -™¢› ( ³­¢/18, et passim) =BH (also I/y). Notes: In BH, the form ™¢ß‹ is used as an absolute (Zech. 14:4), along with ™¢ßŒ (Isa. 40:4). Whereas in BH the noun means ‘valley’, it is used in the meaning ‘earth’ in the piyyut literature. Yahalom has pointed out that the preference for the pseudo-construct form ™¢ß‹ was probably dictated by its homonymy with the Greek Ƥƨ ‘earth’. 169 ™¡†  : ‹ ™¡  (š«/8; °¢­™/8; ž³™/372), -™¡  (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/16) =BH. Notes: The noun ™¡  is a III/’ reflex of the *qitl pattern (cf. BH ՙ¡†  , Œ etc.), which has become monosyllabic owing to the quiescence of the alef. ™†žÚ: Ž ™ž² (¦² ³™/430; ¦ž¡™/514) =BH. bi-syllabic ™¢±Š §: † ™¢±§ ( ³­¢/15), ¦¢™¢±§ (±¤Ÿ/36) =BH. ™¢¥Š ì: Ž ¢°š (¡­²§š £¥§/57) =MH; 170 ž™¢²© (¤¢ª©™/31) =BH; ¦¢™¢¥­ (œ¢­™™/9; adj.) =BH. 171 Yahalom, ±¢² ³­², 42. The spelling ¢°š is a variant of the etymological spelling ™¢°š. In standard MH orthography, the alef is always restored in the feminine and plural forms of the adjective (i.e., ™¢°š, etc.). 171 The form is used here as a PN, and is derived from ¥™²³ Ÿ §¥ ¢™¥Š ­Œ ™žž ¢§²¥ (Judg. 13:18; cf. BHS apparatus, ad loc.: “pc Mss ™¢¥­”). This hapax legomenon is treated by the Masoretic qere as a pausal III/h segolate of the type ¢¥Š ­. Œ Apparently, the tradition utilized by Qillir treated the /’/ here as a strong radical and read the form as an adjective of the qåtil type. In BH, the fem. sing. form of this adjective is attested, once again as a qere, in ¢©§§ ³«œ ¢Ò¥Š ì† (Ps. 139:6). Ben Sira 3:19, which is based on this verse, avoids the difficult form, opting instead for the much more common noun: ²ž±œ³ ¥™ £§§ ³Õ™¥Ž ì† . The adjective does, however, appear in a variant reading, found in JT Chag. 2:1– °ž§«//«œ³ § £§§ ™¢¥­ ±¢ª ±š ¦²š ±Ÿ«¥™ '± ±ž° ³ § ¥ž™²§ (a number of variants appear elsewhere in rabbinic literature–cf. M. Segal, ¦¥² ™±¢ª ¨š ±­ª [2nd ed.; Jerusalem: Bialik, 1958] Ÿ¢– but none utilize ™¢¥­). That Rabbi Eleazar’s version understands ™¢¥­ to 169 170

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MORPHOLOGY ™§‹ ¡: Ž ™§¡ (¥™/545; adj.) =BH; ™¥§ ( ³­¢/17; ¢©©° ¢¢/239), ¦¢™¢¥§ (ž³™/375; adj.) =BH. ™šŽ ¯: Ž ³ž™š¯ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/36), -³ž™š¯ (¤¢ª©™/36; ¡²°™/35; ¥™/616), £¢™š¯ ( ³­¢/69), ž¢™š¯ (°¢­™/18) =BH (pl. + suff. usually with ³Õ-, but cf. žÒšŽ ¯† [Ps. 148:2] and ž¢™š¯ [Ps. 103:21]). ™§Õª Œ : ¦¢§žª ‘blind’ (³ž«³/413; adj.) =MH (cf. §29m). bi-syllabic, with doubled middle radical ™ë‹ ç:Š ™ª¤ (¡­²§š £¥§/36, 45, 50; š³¤š Ÿ™/63), -™ª¤ (¢©©° ¢¢/125), ž™ª¤ (¤¢ª©™/32) =BH. ™çŽ œ:  ( ž±) ¢™¤œ (¤¢ª©™/8) =BH. originally bi-syllabic, showing aphaeresis of final /e/ vowel ªç: ‹ ª¤ (³™/9, et passim), -ª¤ (¤¢ª©™/21) =BH (ᢠª¤ [Exod. 17:16]). §9t Roots (Originally) III/’ with a Nominal Prefix bi-syllabic ™Ž±°† §: Š ™±°§ ‘Scripture’ (¥™/604), -™±°§ ‘Scripture’ (¥™/581), -¢™±°§ ‘covocation’ (³¢¥¤³/439) =BH. Notes: The technical meaning ‘Scripture’ appears already in Neh. 8:8, and becomes common in MH. §9u Roots (Originally) III/’ with a Nominal Suffix ¨Õ™éŽ ¯:Š ¨ž™§¯ (¦©¤³/12), -¨ž™§¯ (¡²°™/38) =BH; -¨ž™­° ‘revelation’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/5) =BH (1x, mng. ‘congelation’). Notes: The nominal ¨ž™­° ‘revelation’ is to be compared to ³ž­°¥ ‘to reveal’ (§12aa). §9v Roots (Originally) III/’ with a Feminine Morpheme bi-syllabic Ò±† ¢Š : -³™±¢ (¨žŸ™/457; ±ž³/472) =BH (also I/y); ¢³™©° (£¢š™™/83) =BH; ™©² (¢©©° ¢¢/329) =BH.

be a feminine adjective is evidenced by the fact that it is paralleled to the adjective °ž§«. This may have been the version familiar to Qillir, who utilizes the second stich in ²±­§ž ±ž¯™, the fifth piyyut of his qedushta ¨§ž™ ³¥ž¯™ for Shabbat Parah (Baer, 693).

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY tri-syllabic Ò¢±Š Þ:† ³ž™¢±š (¡²°™/10; v.l. ³ž™±š) =BH (™±š¢ ™¢±š [Num. 16:30], but cf. v.l. Sam. Pent. ¢±š). Žå±Š Þ:† ¢±š (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/8;  ³­¢/61), -³¢±š (¡²°™/16), ³ž¢±š (¤¢ª©™/42) =MH. Notes: This pattern is the normal MH reflex of the BH pattern listed immediately above, arising as a result of the palatalization of intervocalic alef (cf. §9g/type ±Ž¢Ú). † In MH, furthermore, Kutscher notes the phonological process Žå¡Š °† Æ Ž¢¡† °Š in words containing reš, as a result of which, this word is frequently attested as Ž¢±¢† ފ (cf. already Ž¢±† ފ [Ezek. 34:20]). 172 §9w Roots (Originally) III/’ with a Feminine Morpheme + Nominal Suffix Žå™¢ Š ¥Š ì:† ³ž¢™¢¥­ (œžª) (¤¢ª©™/41; R). Notes: Since the phrase in question functions as an epithet for the angels, it is clear that the form ³ž¢™¢¥­ is derived from the adjective ™¢¥Š ì, Ž for which see note 171. §9x Roots (Originally) III/h III/h reflexes of segolate proto-forms Œ›: Œ › (±¤Ÿ/30), -› (œ¢­™™/3) =BH. ¢¥Š ç† : ¢¥™ ‘wailing’ (£¢š™™/67) (cf. ¢¥™ [§9aa]); ¦Ž¢ž† ¢ßŠ ‘body, corpse’ (³ž«³/419; ¥™/481; ° ±³/503) (cf. BH ŽåžŠ ß); † -¢¥Š ¤ (¨š™/9), -¢¥¤ ‹ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/308; ±ž³/469; ° ±³/499) =BH; ¢¥  (¦©¤³/14) =BH; -¢¯  (£¢š™™/1), ¦Ž¢¯  (¡²°™/16 [2x]) =BH; ᢭ž¢ (¥™/484) =BH; ¢¢ ¥ (£¢š™™/9) =BH; ¢© (£¢š™™/25; ž³³/385) =BH; ¢²© ‘earth’ ( ¢±¡¢/4; ¡²°™/21; ¦©¤³/15) (cf. BH å²©); ³ž±­ ( ³­¢/67) =BH (sing. only; pl. in MH); ¢š¯ ‘beauty, adornment’ (¤¢ª©™/35), -¢š¯ (³¢¥¤³/440) =BH; ¢™± ‘mirror’ (¤¢ª©™/24) =BH (1x). Notes: The two possible BH reflexes of the segolate base *CaCy are illustrated by two of the nominal derivatives from the root ¤š: ¢¤Š ކ (common) and ¤Œ ތ (Ezek. 10:1). In the first case, the segolate structure becomes apparent with the restoration of consonantal /y/ in suffixed forms: ¢Š¢¤† ފ (Ps. 6:9). For Bergsträsser, 172

Kutscher, "¥''Ÿ  ¨ž²¥" ›°-¡¯.

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MORPHOLOGY 1.§17q, the expected reflex of *CaCy is represented by the penultimately accented form ¢³Š ì, Œ whereas forms with šewa in the first syllable are labeled “Neubildungen.” Following this interpretation, one would claim that the type ¢¤Š ކ frequently shows the expected reflex in pause. The noun ¢Ú© is traditionally vocalized ¢ÚŒ Š ©, even in context. For the Corpus’ doublet ¢¥™ ~ ¢¥™, cf. the BH alternants ¢†Š © ~ Ž¢Š† © ‘wailing’. For the Corpus’ ¢Šžß† Å BH ŽåžŠ ß,† cf. the Corpus’ ¢ Š ñŒ Å MH Žå Š ñ.† The masculine ¢ž› is attested in ±²™ ±­™ž ±­« ™›¢ § Õ¢†žßŠ ¦±ž¢ ž¢¢ š (Ben Sira 10:9) as well as in Yannai: °§¢¢ Õ¢ž† ¢ßŠ ¨§²§ž (ž±/¥). It therefore appears to be a specifically poetic lexeme in post-Biblical Hebrew. ¢©Š «‰ : ¢­œ (±¤Ÿ/37) =BH (¢­Š à [Ps. 50:20; pausal]); -¢©« (£¢š™™/40) =BH; Š ‘irrigation’). 173 ¢°² ‘watering’ ( ³­¢/43) =MH (¢°Š ډ /¢°ÕÚ âñ: ž³ (³ž«³/411) =BH (cf. under ⟧, Ž below). segolate showing prefix incorporation ¨« § : ¥«§ (¤¢ª©™/35; ¡²°™/15; ¦©¤³/10; ¢©©° ¢¢/202), ¥«§¥ ( £¥§ ¡­²§š/58 [2x], 80) =BH; ¨«§ (°¢­™/1) (cf. BH Œ©«§; ¨«§¥); ²«§ (±¤Ÿ/1, 2; ¡²°™/2), -²«§ (±ž³/470) (cf. BH ²«§). Notes: These forms represent the prefix incorporation III/h Æ I/m. Cf. the BH noun ±« § ‘clear space’, derived from the root ±«. ⟧: Ž ¦¢žŸ§ ( ³­¢/51) = BH (â©¢‹žŸŽ §† [Ps. 144:13]). Notes: The derivation of this noun is comparable to that of â ÛŽ ‘swimming’ < *Ŕaʚw or ❏ñ < *tuhw. In these cases, the third radical waw, appearing word-finally as the second member of a consonant cluster, vocalizes, allowing the short vowels to undergo their respective changes in open syllables: /a/ > /å/, and /u/ > /o/ (note that the accent remains on the penult). In the case of ⟧, Ž derived from the root žŸ, this process involves the rejection of the third radical (presumably represented by a vowel), and the incorporation of the mem-preformative into the pattern: *mazwV > 173 The ed., in his commentary, ad loc., derives the Corpus’ usage from ¦¢š°¢ Ⱒڊ ‹ ‘the vats overflow’ (Joel 2:24; 4:13). Though a gloss ¢°² ‘abundance’ would suit the context well, it seems preferable to derive the word from the root °² ‘drink’, if only because this would not involve positing a root transformation.

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY *mazw > *mazu > måzu. 174 In the plural, the waw retains its status as a consonant, since it is no longer part of a consonant cluster: *mazawĪm > mezåwim. £† œŒ Œ ©: ž¤œ© ‘contriteness’ ( ³­¢/79; R) (cf. BH Nifal part. çŒ œŠ† ©). Notes: The noun phrase from which this item is drawn is  ¢  ۊ Õ眊† © ‘his contrite prayer’. Semantically, it may be compared to ¤œ©...š¥ ‘contrite…heart’ (Ps. 51:19), but whereas in the MT example ¤œ© is clearly functioning as an attributive adjective, it seems that the poet’s intention here is an attributive genitive of the type ž²œ° ± ‘His holy mountain’, where the genitive is an abstract noun. ¥¤Œ ñŒ : ¥¤³ ‘end’ (¤¢ª©™/11 [v.l. ¥ž¤¢³]; ¨š™/11; ¦™/1) (cf. BH ¥Ž ¤† ñŠ ); ¥«³ ‘healing’ (¤¢ª©™/36) (cf. BH ¥Ž «Ž ñ). † Notes: For the phonotactic processes involved in ¥Ž ¤† ñŠ Æ ¥¤Œ ñŒ and ¥Ž «Ž ñ† Æ ¥« ñ,  see the comments under §8e/segolates. These forms represent the prefix incorporation III/h Æ I/t, a process already attested in the BH word ±« ñ ‘razor’, from the root ±«. ¢ Š ñ: Œ ¢ ³ (³¥™³/14) (cf. MH Žå Š ñ). † 175 Notes: In traditional as well as modern editions this form is vocalized ¢ Š ñŒ in both pause and context. For this phenomenon, cf. the comments under type ¢¥Š ç,† above. segolate from a I/n root, showing prefix incorporation ()äŽ § : ä§¥ (¡­²§š £¥§/80; ¢©©° ¢¢/264) =BH. Notes: The situation with BH ()¡§, derived from the root ¡©, is analogous to the one described above for the type ¨«§, with the difference that in BH, this segolate structure is never attested independently of the directional he, though it does appear without a preposition. segolate showing suffix incorporation

174 Cf. B&L, 1.§72g’ and BDB, 265, s.v. žŸ§, who note that the “word [is] inflected as if §† were radical.” 175 The spelling Ž¢  Ž ñ† is found in ms. Kaufman of the Mishna, as well as in the Babylonian and Yemenite traditions. For this lexeme, cf. Kutscher, "¥''Ÿ  ¨ž²¥" œ°-›°.

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MORPHOLOGY ³¥Œ à: Œ ³¥œ (±²™/397), -¢³¥œ (°¢­¢/4), £¢³¥œ (¦™/°), ³ž³¥œ (³™/11), -³ž³¥œ (¢©©° ¢¢/198) =BH. Notes: The noun ³¥œ, apparently derived from a masculine form ¥œ ‘entryway, door’, 176 represents the expected BH reflex of *dalt. As with ³« below, it represents a suffix incorporation III/h Æ III/t. The plural ³ž³¥œ is therefore redundantly marked with two feminine morphemes. segolate from a II/n root, showing suffix incorporation ³«‹ : ³« (£¢š™™/17, 71), -³« (³¥™³/4; ¡­²§š £¥§/71; ¢©©° ¢¢/306; ¨žŸ™/461), ¦¢³« (¡­²§š £¥§/70), -¢³« ( ³­¢/30), ³« ‘now’ ( ³­¢/52) =BH. Notes: The noun ³«, derived from the root ©«, is a reflex of the segolate proto-form *‘int, i.e., the third radical has been entirely rejected and replaced with a feminine -t ending. It therefore represents a suffix incorporation III/h Æ III/t (cf. also the BH noun ³°Œ Ú ‘trough’, from the root °²). mono-syallbic ᢠ ©Š : ¢¢©  (£¢š™™/8). Notes: In BH, the root © ‘to wail’ yields the following Œ ©Š ކ £¢¥™ ž™²©ž [Ezek. 27:32]), nominal derivatives: ¢†Š ©, Ž¢Š† ©, ¢Š© (©¢° ¦¢ ¢Š (¢ž ›ž ¦¢©°Š [Ezek. 2:10]). It is clear that the latter two are not derived by means of normal BH morphological mechanisms, and– to the extent that they are not to be emended–they may perhaps be said to be onomatopoeic in origin. The present form, which is not attested elsewhere in Hebrew beyond the case under examination here, may also be viewed thus. In light of this explanation, one should probably refrain from treating it as a true case of the root transformation III/h Æ II/w, y. monosyllabic from a root II/y

176 This is the position adopted in E.Y. Kutscher, ¨¢³žœ¥ž³ž ¦¢¥§ (Jerusalem: Kiryath Sepher, 1965) 24, where Akk. daltu (sing.) ~ dalćti (pl.), Phoen. ¥œ ‘door’ and BH ¢³­² ¥œ ‘the portal of my lips’ (Ps. 141:3) are cited as evidence.

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY ¢ :  ¢  (ž³³/388, et passim), (¦¥ž«) ¢  (¥™/566), 177 ¦¢¢  (±¤Ÿ/35, et passim; adj.) =BH; ¦³¢¢  ‘soul, life’ (¡§ ®±™/3; š³¤š Ÿ™/73), 178 ³žå  ‘beasts’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/40; ¡­²§š £¥§/58; ¢©©° ¢¢/242; adj.) =BH; ¦¢¢  ‘life’ (±¤Ÿ/35;  ³­¢/31; ¥™/487), -¢¢  (¦©¤³/15), ž§¢¢  (¥™/554; invariant pl.) =BH. bi-syllabic from a strong root ¦Š¢§ ڎ (invariant pl.): ¦¢§² (¡­²§š £¥§/7, et passim), -¢§² ( £¥§ ¡­²§š/64, et passim) =BH. žŽ©«: Ž ž¢©« (± ¨§/18; ¢©©° ¢¢/339, 363), -¢ž©« (¢©©° ¢¢/128; adj.) =BH. bi-syllabic, with 3rd radical represented by final vowel ™‹ Œ ß: ™› ‘proud’ (¤¢ª©™/25), ¦¢™› (¤¢ª©™/25; adj.) =BH; ¦Š¢«§  (¦©¤³/14; R) =BH (only du./pl. constr. and with suffixes). Notes: On the basis of the BH morphological evidence, it is impossible to determine whether a dual or a plural is intended in the case of -¢«§. ¢°ŽŠ ©: ¢±¡ (±¤Ÿ/13; °œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/7), ¦³¢±¡ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/18; adj.) =BH; ¢°© (¡­²§š £¥§/55; ±ž³/470; adj.) =BH; ¦¢¢©« (³žœž§ ³/531; adj.) =BH; ¦¢©² ‘scarlet’ (¨žŸ™/454) =BH. ÚŒ °: Ž ž¢™¥¡ ( ³­¢/7) =BH; ­¢ Œ (¢©©° ¢¢/323), ¦¢­¢ (¥™/487; adj.) =BH; ¦¢©­ (¡²°™/13, et passim), -¢©­ (¦™/3;  ¢±¡¢/4; invariant pl.) =BH; ¦¢©­† (¦¢¥¤³/446) =BH (¦¢©Š ­† èŠ §Š [I Kings 6:29]); -³²° (¦™/7; adj.) =BH; ³žœ² ( ³­¢/37) =BH; Žž² ‘equivalent’ (¢©©° ¢¢/110; adj.) =MH (cf. BH Qal). Œ±Õ¢: ±ž¢ ‘rain’ ( ³­¢/37) =BH. originally bi-syllabic, showing aphaeresis of final /e/ vowel « ±‹ : ¦¢«± (³™/14;  ³­¢/23), £¢«± (¦©¤³/23; pl.) =BH. Notes: The common BH noun «± is derived from its rare double «Œ ±‹ by means of aphaeresis of the final /e/ vowel (protoform *ri‘ay; cf. also under §9a/type « à‹ ). 179 This final vowel is rejected as a matter of course in BH morphology, whenever a plural morpheme is added to a masculine III/h noun, as in Œ©ÕÞ ~ 177 For the vocalization (i.e., ¢   or ¢ ), ‹ see the bibliography cited by the ed. in the commentary, ad loc. 178 BDB, 312 list this usage under the lemma I ¢  ‘living thing, animal’. 179 Cf. GKC, §84ai.

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MORPHOLOGY ¦¢©Š ÕÞ. It is therefore theoretically possible that ¦¢«± (as well as the plural forms with genitive suffixes) is simply the plural of «Œ ±‹ , and that the singular «± is a back-formation. bi-syllabic, with doubled middle radical ¢âÞ±:Š (¦¢§) ¢žš± (¡²°™/42) =MH. Notes: The classification of ¢žš± as a noun rather than a gerund rests, in addition to its role as a noun in MH, on the fact that the phrase ¦¢š± ¦¢§ (Ezek. 43:2) is transformed in the Corpus in two ways: into either ¦¢§ ¢žš± (¡²°™/42) or ¦¢§ š± (¡²°™/40). Since š± is clearly a noun, the equivalence suggests that ¢žš± is to be treated as such as well (note the vacillation between III/h and geminate roots). ¢™àž  ž: ¢™œžž (¢¤©™/50; Gen. 2x v.l. ¢¢œžž) =MH. Notes: This MH adverb is derived from the root œž/¢. 180 Morphologically, it corresponds to the MH type ¢™êÞ,  ¢™ç  Ÿ, etc. In the Babylonian recension of MH, the final diphthong is represented by ¢™-, whereas in Palestinian texts, it is usually spelled ¢¢- or ¢- (e.g., in the name ¢¢©¢). 181 §9y Roots (Originally) III/h with a Nominal Prefix Þ‹ ±† :  š± (¥™/579) =BH. Notes: This pattern represents the Hifil infinitive absolute (cf. §8f/type ¡°‹ چ  ). In the Corpus, š± is lexicalized as an adverb. Œž°† §: Š (¦¢§) ‹ž°§ (¦©¤³/19; ¢©©° ¢¢/148, 150) =BH; £«±§ (¦ž¡™/521) =BH. ™Œ ±† § : -Ÿ § (¡²°™/42) =BH; ž§¢© § (¥™/555; pl.) =BH; ä§ (²žœ°/36), ³žä§ (±¤Ÿ/17 [2x]; 182 ¨š™/10) =BH (also I/n); -¡«§ (¡²°™/42) =BH (1x); -²«§ (¡­²§š £¥§/32, et passim), ž¢²«§ ( £¥§ ¡­²§š/24) =BH; ™±§ (¡²°™/26), -™±§ (¡²°™/25;  ³­¢/20; ¢¢ ¢©©°/322), Ž ™±§ Œ (¡²°™/26) =BH; ¦¢°²§ ‘drink’ (¥™/544) =BH. with doubled middle radical Cf. Segal, §289: žš ¦¢œž§ ¥¤² ±šœ. Cf. Kutscher, "¥''Ÿ  ¨ž²¥"  «-š­ and Sokoloff, "š± ³¢²™±š" 34-35. 182 Following a suggestion by the ed., ad loc., I understand ³žä§  ³žœ¢œ© as ‘the wanderings of the tribes [of Israel]’. 180 181

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY Œ±°Ž §: † ¦¢±°§ ‘beamwork’ (¦² ³™/433) =BH (1x, sing.). Notes: Morphologically, (substanivized) Piel participle.

this

pattern

represents

the

§9z Roots (Originally) III/h with a Nominal Suffix ¨âå¯:Š -¨ž¢¯ ‘sign’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/35) =BH. Notes: This noun is apparently derived from the root ž¯. According to B&L, §61vƩ ¨â- may be a dialect variant of ¨Õ-. ¨Õ¯±Ž : -¨ž™› (ž³³/390) =BH (also II/’); -¨ž§ (¤¢ª©™/42, et passim), £©ž§ (£¢š™™/35) =BH; ¨ž±  (¡­²§š £¥§/32), ¢©ž±  (£¢š™™/2) =BH; ³ž©ž« (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/32) =BH (also II/w); ¨ž¯± (³¥™³/4; £¥§ ¡­²§š/71; ¦©¤³/18) =BH; -¨ž™² ‘din’ (¤¢ª©™/42; ±¤Ÿ/36; ¢«œ ™²™ °œ¯š/21), ¢©ž™² (°¢­™/2), ž©ž™² (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/41) =BH (also II/’). Notes: This pattern shows the nominal derivational morpheme ¨Õ- suffixed to a base that has entirely rejected the third radical. ¨Õ¢§† à:Š ¨ž¢§œ (¡­²§š £¥§/61) =BH (1x); -¨ž¢²© ‘debt’ (¬™/2) (cf. BH ¢Ú† Š © [1x]); ¦ž¢œ­ (³™/10; R) =BH (1x; cf. §4a); -¨ž¢ ¯ (¡²°™/36; Gen. 2x v.l. ¨ž¢¯); ¨ž¢¡± ‘bandaging’ (¦³™ ¨ž¢¯ ¢©šž/49). ¨Õ¢¥† «: Œ ¨ž¢¥« (£¢š™™/32 [2x]), ¦¢©ž¢¥« (± ¨§/24; ¨žŸ™/455; adj.) =BH. ¨Õ¢èŽ ç:Š -¨ž¢¥› ‘tablet’ (¤¢ª©™/6) =BH; ¨ž¢¥› ‘exile’ (£¢š™™/33); ¨ž¢¥œ (£¢š™™/31); ¨ž¢¥¤ (¤¢ª©™/33; £¢š™™/31, 33) =BH. Notes: The lexemes ¨ž¢¥› ‘exile’ and ¨ž¢¥œ ‘a drawing out (i.e., rescue)’ are Qillirian neologisms that, along with ¨ž¢ ¯ above, underscore the productiveness of the ¨Õ- suffix in the Corpus. ¨Ž¢©† §Š : ³ž©¢©š (±¤Ÿ/38) =BH (sing. only); -¨¢©§ (³¥™³/6; ¥™/546) =MH; ¨¢¢©¢« (¥™/606), ž¢©¢¢©¢« (± ¨§/20) =BH (sing. only; Qoh. only); ¨¢¢©° (³žœž§ ³/525), -¨¢¢©° (š³¤š Ÿ™/60; ¥™/590, 597) =BH. §9aa Roots (Originally) III/h with Ž-, ³Ž-, ³â-, ³¢-Š monosyllabic ³Õ™: ³ž™ (³™/8, et passim), -³ž™ (±¤Ÿ/27, 43; ¡²°™/26;  ³­¢/16), ³ž¢³ž™ ‘letters’ (¥™/607), ³ž¢³ž™ ‘(heavenly) signs’ (¤¢ª©™/42; R), -¢³Õ³ž™ ‹ ‘letters’ (š³¤š Ÿ™/71; v.l. ž¢³ž³ž™) =BH (pl. in ³Õ-; MH pl. in ³Õ¢-). Š 86

MORPHOLOGY Notes: According to GKC, §95n the BH noun ³ž™, from the root ž™, is to be etymologically identified with the type Ž©Ú. Ž The derivation suggested there is *’awayat > *’ayat > *’ćt > ’ot. The plural ³ž³ž™ is therefore redundantly marked with two feminine morphemes. The technical meaning ‘letter’, with the plural ³ž¢³ž™, is attested in MH. 183 The constr. pl. form ¢³ž³ž™, showing a second (masculine) pl. constr. ending ¢‹-, is perhaps modeled on such BH plural constructs as ¢³Õ§ ‹ ގ and ¢³‹ ڙˆ ± §. ‹ 184 Cf. also the similarly marked forms -¢³Õ³ ‹ àŽ (›ž  ¢ª­™/4) and -¢³Õñ ‹ «Š (£¢³ž±žš› ®§ž™/13; thus in the MH expression š±« ¢³ž³«¥). bi-syllabic from a root II/w, y Žå¯:Š ¢¯ (±¤Ÿ/9; ¡²°™/36) =BH. Žâ:  ³žž (£¢š™™/25) =BH. bi-syllabic, with 3rd radical represented by consonant Žž±† «: Œ ž±« (¢©©° ¢¢/274) =BH. Žž™ˆ ߍ : ž™› (¤¢ª©™/17) =BH. Ž¢ž† ¥:Š (¨ ) ³¢ž¥ (¢©©° ¢¢/236) =BH. Ž¢¥† ™: Œ ¢¥™ ‘wailing’ (£¢š™™/67) (cf. §29k); -³¢§ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/34) =BH (£¢¥š© ³¢§ [Isa. 14:11]); -³Õ¢±† «Œ (¢¥›§) (¥™/480) =BH (abs. sing. only). Notes: In MH, ³ž¢±« serves as the suppletive plural of ž±«, so the Corpus’ form is a mishnaism. tri-syllabic, with 3rd radical represented by a consonant Žåڊ ©† : ŽåžŠž¥† ‘Leviteship’ (¥™/560) =MH (cf. BH ¢Šž¥); ‹ ¢²© (¨š™/1) =BH; ³ž¢¥« (¤¢ª©™/41; °œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/39) =BH; ¢¡± ‘plaster’ ( ™²™ °œ¯š ¢«œ/7) =MH; ¢™² ‘din, roar’ (¨š™/1), ³ž¢™² (¤¢ª©™/42) =BH (1x, sing., mng. ‘ruin’); ³ž¢¤Û (œ§ ) (¤¢ª©™/17) =BH (œ§  ³ž¢¤² [Isa. 2:16]). Žå¤‰ Š à: ³ž¢¤œ (¤¢ª©™/18; R) (cf. ¦Ž¢¤† àŽ [Ps. 93:3]).

183 The plural ³ž³ž™ ‘letters’ is, however, also attested in MH–cf. Sokoloff, "š± ³¢²™±š", 274, and the literature cited in note 158. 184 Cf. GKC, §87s. The reading ¢³ž³ž™ is based on four manuscripts, two of which are from the Genizah. The variant reading ž¢³ž³ž™, given in the body of the text, does not yield very good sense.

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY Notes: In BH, forms of this type are synchronically derived by suffixing the feminine morpheme Ž- onto a masculine morpheme of the type ¢±Š ì.† 185 The third radical /y/, restored in order to facilitate the suffixation of a vocalic morpheme, is secondarily doubled. Ž¢Ò±:† ¢™± ‘proof, argument’ (±¤Ÿ/14) =MH. bi-syllabic, with 3rd radical represented by (final) vowel Òª:† ™ª (¦©¤³/19) =BH (also II/’). ³Ž©§† : ž³©§ (³™/7) =BH. ³¢±Š ކ : ³¢±š (±¤Ÿ/16, et passim), -³¢±š (±²™/403; ¨žŸ™/453) =BH. Notes: This pattern is one possible feminine form corresponding to the masculine segolate type ¢¤š. It is derived from the proto-form *CVCyt, and is attested in BH in ³¢±š, as well as in the hapax legomenon ³¢¤š (Gen. 50:4). 186 It is probably the analogical source of the BH abstract ending ³¢Š-, not nearly as productive as its counterpart ³â-, but attested in nouns such as ³¢±™², ³¢²™± etc. 187 The suffix is much more productive in MH. 188 ³â¤†Ÿ: ³ž§œ (¢©©° ¢¢/240), -³ž§œ (¡­²§š £¥§/47; ™²™/44) =BH; ³ž¤Ÿ (¤¢ª©™/8; ±¤Ÿ/14; ¡­²§š £¥§/51; ¢©©° ¢¢/280), -³ž¤Ÿ (š³¤š Ÿ™/84), ³ž¢¤Ÿ (¤¢ª©™/18; œ¢­™™/4) 189 =MH; ³ž©Ÿ (¦ž¡™/521) =BH; -³žª¤ (³žœž§ ³/529) =BH; ³ž²± (¦©¤³/17; ¥™/598), -³ž²± (°¢­™/20) =MH. Notes: This pattern is the III/w counterpart of the III/y type above–i.e., it is derived from *CVCwt. In a manner similar to its 185

Cf. B&L, §74g and GKC, §95d. Cf. Bergsträsser, 1.§17q. In a discussion of segolate nouns from III/h roots, he writes that “Die Feminina ³â§à† usw., ³¢¤Š ކ usw. sind durch Anhängung von -t an die endbetonten Formen der Maskulina…gebildet worden.” 187 Cf. Joüon, 1.§88Mi, apud GKC, §95t, who claim that “the feminine ending ³¢Š- (apart from ''¥ forms like ³¢¤Š Þ…) † arises from the addition of the feminine ³ to the ending ¢Š-, which is employed to form adjectives, &c….” 188 Cf. Segal, §136. 189 In (¤¢ª©™/18), for reasons that are unclear to me, both the ed. and Heidenheim vocalize ³Õ夊 ŸŽ , though the form is clearly a plural of ³ž¤Ÿ ‘credit, merit’. 186

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MORPHOLOGY III/y counterpart, it is the original source of the abstract ³âending. 190 For the plural of this pattern, see under §8k/type ³â¤¥§ . šŽ ñ: ‹ š¢³ (¡­²§š £¥§/46; °¢­™/10; £¢š™™/13; ¢©©° ¢¢/270) =BH. ³â™‹ß: ³ž™› (¡§ ®±™/7) =BH. Ž©ÚŽ : ³ž¥™ (¦² ³™/431; ° ±³/503) =BH; §™ (³¢¥¤³/447) =BH; -³›œ (¦©¤³/13) =BH; ³ž§š (°¢­™/11) =BH; -³ž¯° (¡­²§š £¥§/3) =BH; ©² (³™/7, et passim), -³©² (£¢š™™/53), ¦¢©² (³¥™³/3; ¨žŸ™/462, 463) =BH; -³«² (¡­²§š £¥§/20) =MH; ­Û (±¤Ÿ/21; £¢š™™/1), ¦Š¢³­²  (™²™/75), -¢³­Û (£¢š™™/62), ¢³­Û  ( ³­¢/81) =BH. Notes: Diachronically, all nouns of this type are arrived at by intervocalic syncope of the third radical yod: *šanayat > *šanat > šånå, so that the third radical is, strictly speaking, not represented at all in the phonological string. Synchronically, these nouns are derived by rejecting the (imaginary) Œ- termination of the masculine and substituting the feminine morpheme–cf. Œ©ÕÞ ~ Ž©ÕÞ. 191 ³¢žŠ ŸŽ : ³ž¢žŸ (¢©©° ¢¢/152) =BH (pl. only). Notes: The BH noun ³¢žŠ ŸŽ , attested only in the plural ³Õ垊 ŸŽ , is explained as an Aramaizing participial morphology (i.e., derived from *zćwiyat). 192 ³â¥Žß: ³ž¤š (¤¢ª©™/7) =BH (1x); ³ž¢¥Ž Š › (±¤Ÿ/40; °œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/39; ™²™/46) 193 =BH (sing. only); ³ž«³ (³ž«³/410) =DSSH. Notes: BH forms such as ³ž¥Ž› ~ ¢³ž¥Ž› with and irreducible å are explained as having their origin in the Aramaic pariciple (i.e., ¥Ž Œ ß). 194 The lexeme ³ž«³, in addition to being attested in the DSS, is also found in Yannai–cf. (¤°/¥) and (ž¡±/¡¢). It is not attested in MH.

190

Cf. Joüon, 1.§88Mj. Cf. T.O. Lambdin, Introduction to Biblical Hebrew (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1971) 35: “The root in this class of verb [i.e., III/h participle] must be considered as variable in form, sometimes BN-, sometimes BNY.” 192 Cf. B&L, §61nƪ. 193 In (™²™/46) the ed. vocalizes ³ž¢ ¥›, but idicates in the app. crit. that one of the manuscripts reads ³ž¢¥›. Š 194 Cf. B&L, §61sƪ and Joüon, 1.§88Mj. 191

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY §Õ : Ž §ž  (±¤Ÿ/41), -³§ž  (±¤Ÿ/41), ³ž§ž  (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/28) =BH. tri-syllabic, with reduplication of 1st and 2nd radicals Òë™ † ª:  ™ª™ª ‘measure for measure’ (±¤Ÿ/34) =BH. Notes: This lexeme is derived from the rabbinic interpretation of Žêš¢ Œ ±Š ñ† ᠎ ¥† ڍ ކ Òë™ † ª ކ (Isa. 27:8), according to which ™ª™ª is to be understood as ™ª ™ª ‘seah for seah’: ž¥ ¨¢œœž§ š œœž§ ¦œ™² œ¢§š ™ª ™ªš "™ª™ªš" '«¡ ¢™§ (JT. Sota 1:7 [17a]). §9bb Roots (Originally) III/h with a Feminine Morpheme + Nominal Prefix Žž¯† §: Š ³žä§( ±œ ) (±¤Ÿ/18; £¢š™™/50) =BH (also I/n); ž¯§ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/269; ¥™/606), ³Õ¯§ (¢©©° ¢¢/367), -³Õ¯§ (¨žŸ™/458), £Š† ¢³ž¯§  ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/283) =BH; §±§ (¦ž¡™/513) =BH; ©²§ ‘Mishna’ (¥™/604), -³©²§ (¥™/580) =MH. ¥ˆ Ž «§:  ç§ (¤¢ª©™/16) =BH (also I/n); -³ž¥«§ ‘step’ (±²™/396), ¦³ž¥«§ (¢©©° ¢¢/391) =BH. ³¢™Š ±† §:  (¦¢§) ³¢™±§ (¡²°™/26; Gen. 1x v.l. ™±§) =MH (only in phrase ¨¢« ³¢™±§); ž³¢«±§ ( ³­¢/75) =BH; ³ž¢¤Û§ (¤¢ª©™/17) =BH; Š 175), 195 ¢³¢³²§ (¢©©° ¢¢/175) -³¢³²§ (¡²°™/7; ¢©©° ¢¢/172 [v.l. ³¢å³Š ܆ §], =MH. 195 In (¡²°™/7) the ed. points the form in question ³åñŠ Ú † § ç† ³ž³² ³² ¦¢§, as though it were the noun ŽåñŠ چ § in the construct state (thus also Heidenheim, ad loc., who reads -³åñŠ چ § ކ ). Such a noun is not attested, however, so that this vocalization should be rejected. The noun ³¢³²§ ‘foundation’, on the other hand, is attested in MH–e.g., °¢œ¯ ¨žª±¢ ³Õ³ÜŽ  ¢¤ š°«¢ ³™ ³±Ÿ« ™¥ž ³²¡©ž ³°±  ¦™ ¦¥ž«¥² ž©žš± [œ¢žœ] ž¢©­¥ ±§™ [›:™¢ '³] ¥«­ § ...¦¥ž« ¥² žœžª¢ž [ž³¢³²§ ™''©] ž³ž³²§ ™ž² (Ber. Rab. 75:11). From the point of view of morphology, it is important to note that from the verb used by Qillir in this passage, we may conclude that he derived the noun from a III/h root ³², apud Even Shoshan, 808, s.v. ³¢³²§, who derives it from the geminate root ³³². For comments on the root ³², see under §13qq. The import of the Corpus’ passage is that God laid the foundations of the Earth on water. This tradition is alluded to in ¦¢§ ¢œž§« «š² (¦©¤³/20) where the reference is to the seven pillars undergirding the Earth, which in turn rest on water. This tradition is attested in ¥« ³œ§ž« § ¥« ®±™ ...¦¢§ ¥« ¦¢œž§«...¦¢œž§« (BT Chag. 12b). There follows a dispute as to the number of pillars (the respective opinions being 12, 7, and 1), and the opinion on which Qillir bases himself is cited in the name of “others”: [™:¡ '²§] «š² ¢œž§« š¯  ±§™©² ¦¢œž§« 'Ÿ ™''¢ž.

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MORPHOLOGY ³âž™Ž©: ᳞ž™© ‘comeliness’ (¦™/5); ³â©ˆ«© ‘answering (i.e., God’s response to sacrifice)’ (žŸ¥ž™/19). Notes: The BH adjective Œž™Ž© ‘comely’ is most likely to be understood as a Nifal participle from the root ž™, with quiescent alef. 196 The form ³žž™©, therefore, is an abstract noun, formed by means of the apocopation of Œ- and the suffixation of ³â-. Likewise in the case of ³ž©«©, which is formed from the Nifal participle Œ©«ˆ © ‘answering’ (Ezek. 14:7; cf. also §13k/special use – ³ž©«¥). Both forms are Qillirian neologisms. For the derivation of an abstract noun by apocopation of final Œ- in a Nifal participle, but without suffixation of ³â-, see £† œŒ Œ © ‘contriteness’ (§9x). ¥ˆ Ž ™ñ : ž™³ (¢©©° ¢¢/272), -³ž™³ (³žœž§ ³/526) =BH; -³¥™³ (³¥™³/1) =BH (1x); œž³ (¢©©° ¢¢/303), -³žœž³ (±¤Ÿ/29) =BH (no constr. pl.) (also I/y); ±ž³ (¡­²§š £¥§/66, et passim), ³ž±ž³ (š³¤š Ÿ™/84) =BH (also I/y). ³¢©Š š† ñ:  ³¢©š³ (¡­²§š £¥§/45; ³ž«³/412) =BH; ³¢¥¤³ (²žœ°/40), -³¢¥¤³ (³¢¥¤³/438) =BH; ³¢š±³ (³žœž§ ³/532) =BH; -³¢§±³ (¦ž¡™/520) =BH. §9cc (Originally) Geminate Roots segolate from a strong root ššŒ àŒ : ±±™ (§œ™/1), ¦¢±±™ ‘curse’ (¦² ³™/431); ¦ššœ ‘speech, prayer’ (³™/10) (cf. BH ÞŽ àŠ ); -¢±± (³¥™³/12) =BH; -¢¥¥¡ (³¥™³/14; £¢š™™/11), ¦¢¥¥¡ (±²™/399) (cf. BH ¥¡ ; no pl.); -œœ§ ‘measure’ Š ( ³­¢/26) (cf. BH àŽ §); Š 197 ¥¥§ ‘speech’ (£¢š™™/20) (cf. BH èŽ §); ¦¢§§« (¤¢ª©™/28) =BH; ¥¥­ (¦©¤³/6), ¦¥¥¢­ ‘prayer’ (¦©¤³/21; v.l. ¦¥ž¥­) (cf. BH 1x ¥¢¥­); ¨©± (¡­²§š £¥§/10; ¡²°™/40), ¦¢©©± ‘(joyful) cry’ (³¢¥¤³/446) =DSSH 198 (cf. BH ¨±, Žê±,Š Ž©©Ž ±,† ¦¢©Š ©Ž ±† ¬©ç† [1x]). 196 Cf. GKC, §75x for this analysis of the verb Žž™ ˆ © (Ps. 93:5). Note that the 3rd masc. pl. form ➙Ž© (Isa. 52:7, Song 1:10) shows the quiescent alef, just like the adjective. 197 The ed., ad loc., interprets the sequence as an infinitival phrase, and vocalizes œà‹ § (¥† ). In his commentary, ad loc., Heidenheim proposes œœŒ §Œ as an alternative vocalization. 198 The DSSH form ¨©± is cited in Qimron, §330.4*, along with a number of other masculine by-forms of nouns that are only feminine in BH. The author notes: “The frequency of the special masculine by-forms

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY Notes: As opposed to the common BH reflexes of *qVll nouns, where the integrity of the geminate cluster prevents epenthesis (i.e., *‘uzz > Ÿ« rather than ŸŒŸ«**), the segolate nouns belonging to this pattern show a treatment of the geminate root as if it were strong. In the case of ±, the BH paradigm is mixed, commonly showing the monosyllabic form, but admitting the bisyllabic reflex in the singular with genitive suffix (e.g., ¢±Š ±†  [Ps. 30:8]), the plural construct (e.g., ¢‹±±ˆ  [Deut. 33:15]), and the plural with genitive suffix (¢Œ Ž ±±Ž ˆ [Deut. 8:9]). Similarly in the case of ¥¡, which has no plural in BH, but forms the plural ¦¢¥¥¡ in MH. segolate from a strong root, showing prefix incorporation «±Õ§: -«±ž§ ‘evil’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/6). Notes: This form finds a morphological parallel in BH £Œ † ±§ ‘tenderness’, derived from the geminate root £¤±. It shows the prefix incorporation geminate Æ I/m. ¥ Œ ñŒ : ¥ ³ (¨š™/11) (cf. èŽ  Š ñ† [§9gg]); ¨ ³ (¦©¤³/6) (cf. Žê Š ñ† [§9gg]). Notes: This pattern represents the prefix incorporation geminate Æ I/t. It is attested in the BH nouns ª§Œ ñŒ ‘melting’, derived from the root ªª§, and ¥šŒ ñŒ ‘confusion’, from the root ¥¥š. monosyllabic ¨¢ Š : ¨¢  (³™/4; °¢­™/11), -¨¢  (°¢­™/22;  ³­¢/10; £¢š™™/15) =BH (1x). Notes: The noun ¨¢  ‘entreaty’, derived from the root ¨© , represents the root transformation geminate Æ II/w, y. The noun is attested in Õ籆 «Œ ¨¢ Š (Job 41:4), for the Corpus’ interpetation of which, see §28o. ª©‹ : ¦¢š™ (¬™/2), -¢š™ ( ³­¢/47; £¢š™™/9) =BH; ¨  (¢©©° ¢¢/236), ¦Žê  (¡­²§š £¥§/43; ¡²°™/20) =BH; ¦¢¯  (¦ž¡™/512) =BH; ¨¤ ‘base’ (±¤Ÿ/24; R) =BH; š¥ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/10, 20; ³žœž§ ³/535), £š¥ (¥™/489), žš¥ (¢©©° ¢¢/133), ¦š¥ (±ž³/466, 472), ³žš¥ (¡­²§š £¥§/74) =BH; œ© (¡²°™/33) =BH; -¢ë‹ ©Š (¨š™/9; ™²™/28), ¢ª¢©  (±²™/402)

in Qumran (mostly in Shirot Olat Hashabbat) shed [sic] a new light on this phenomenon which is typical to the language of the piyyutim.” A qutl byform may also be attested in DSSH–cf. ¨©ž±[š ž³«œ] ¢©©±§ ž©©± ‘Sing [with] joy, those of you enjoying [His knowledge]’ (4Q403 1 i 36).

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MORPHOLOGY =BH; ¦¥¢¯ Ž (¡­²§š £¥§/30; ¥™/569); ®° (°¢­™/2; ¢©©° ¢¢/292), ¢¯° (£¢š™™/37) =BH. Notes: This type is the common BH reflex of the proto-form *qill. The BH alternation ¨ç‹ ~ Õêç represents a mixed paradigm. The case cited here is found in the rhyme position, the terminal element being -k/kan. Presumably, therefore, Qillir intended an absolute form with an /a/ vowel. š± : ¢àŒ š (¨š™/12) =BH; ±š ‘grain’ ( ³­¢/43) =BH; 199 ±šŽ ‘pure’ (¤¢ª©™/44;  ³­¢/30; adj.) =BH; 200 š› (™²™/8 [2x]) =BH; Õ©› (³™/14) =BH; ª› (°¢­™/18; adj.) =MH; £œ (ž³³/388), Õ¤œ ( ³­¢/80; adj.) =BH; -¢¥œ (¡­²§š £¥§/37) =BH; ± ( ³­¢/39, et passim), -± (œ¢­™™/12; ¥™/583, 601), ¦¢± (£¢š™™/34; ž³³/394; ¦² ³™/426), -¢± (£¢š™™/26) =BH (cf. also under segolate from a strong root); £Ÿ (¤¢ª©™/13; ®¢­¢/11), ¦¢¤Ÿ (¤¢ª©™/14; adj.) =BH; ›  (°¢­™/7), ¦¢›  (³ž«³/417) =BH; ¥¡ (± ¨§/30) =BH (cf. also under segolate from a strong root); ¬¤ (™²™/3 [2x]), £­¤ (™²™/52) =BH; -¢³¤Š (¥™/618) =MH;  ¥ (£¢š™™/50; adj.) =BH; ±§ (¢©©° ¢¢/332; adj.) =BH; Ÿ« ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/213), ¦¢Ÿ« (¢©©° ¢¢/213; adj.) =BH; ¦« (¡­²§š £¥§/77, et passim), -¦« (œ¢­™™/10 [Gen. v.l. ±¢«], et passim), ž§« (¥™/552, 565), ¦¢§« (¤¢ª©™/27 [2x]; ±²™/406, 407) =BH (cf. also under segolate from a strong root); Ÿ­ (³žœž§ ³/526) =BH;  ­ (¤¢ª©™/33; ±¤Ÿ/12; ±ž³/468) =BH; -œ¯ (¡­²§š £¥§/68) =BH;  ¯ (¦™/3; ¨žŸ™/463; ¥™/582), ³ž ¯ ( ¢±¡¢/4; adj.) =BH; ±¯ ‘enemy’ (™²™/2, 31) =BH; ¦¢¥° ( ³­¢/76; ž³³/382; adj.) =BH; ¦¢±° ( ³­¢/74; ¦² ³™/426; adj.) =BH; ²° (³žœž§ ³/533) =BH; š± (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/34; °¢­™/20), -š± (±¤Ÿ/33), š± (¨š™/1), ¦¢š± (¨š™/6; ¨©«/15; ° ±³/504), ³žš± ( £¥§ ¡­²§š/58; adj.) 201 =BH; ¤± (³±œ™/6; adj.) =BH; «± ‘badness, evil’ (¢©©° ¢¢/327; ³ž«³/422; ¥™/481) =BH; ±² (± ¨§/21), -±² (¬™/1), -¢±² (±¤Ÿ/15) =BH; ¦¢©³ (£¢š™™/67) =BH.

In BH, the absolute form is also vocalized ±Þ. Ž In BH, the masc. sing. form of the adjective may be vocalized either ±Þ or ±Þ. Ž 201 This form is found in the phrase ³žš± ¥«§¥ ¥«§¥ œ« ‘exceedingly great’, which is based on ¥«§¥ ⚎± ¢š ± ¢©šž (I Chron. 23:17). The ed. vocalizes our form ³ÕšŽ±, apparently in imitation of the MT form. But whereas the MT form is a perfect verb from the root š±, ours is clearly a participle/adjective, and therefore must be derived from the parallel geminate root šš±, and vocalized ³Õލ±. 199 200

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY Notes: This pattern is a BH reflex of the proto-form *qall, with some infiltration from *qill (as in the case of œ¯). ¦Ž¢: ¦¢ (±¤Ÿ/41), ¦¢§¢ (±²™/405) =BH; 202 ²« (³žœž§ ³/527) =BH; ¦³ (¢©©° ¢¢/312), §³ (¤¢ª©™/44; adj.) =BH. ° : ¦ž™ (¤¢ª©™/23; £¢š™™/32), ž§ž™ (¥™/561), ¦¢§ž™ (±²™/406), ³ž§™ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/27); (¦¥ž«) ³ž§ž™ (¥™/567) =BH (³Õ/¦¢é Š ™; no sing.); °œ (³±œ™/13;  ³­¢/17, 68) =BH; ¥žŸ ‘low price’ (±¤Ÿ/44) =MH; ¦  ( ³­¢/27) =BH; °  (³¥™³/8; ¡­²§š £¥§/29; ™²™/3), -°ž  (±¤Ÿ/30; ¥™/613), ¢°ž  (¢©©° ¢¢/200), ž°ž  (¢©©° ¢¢/214), ¦¢°ž  (± ¨§/30, et passim) =BH; -¢±ž  (¡­²§š £¥§/12) =BH;  ¤ (³™/7), - ¤ ( ¢«œ ™²™ °œ¯š/4; œ¢­™™/2; ¡²°™/25), ž©¢ ž¤ (™²™/33) =BH; ¥¤ (œ¢­™™/9, et passim), -¥¤ (š³¤š Ÿ™/68, et passim), ¦¥ž¤ (¢©©° ¢¢/159, et passim), ¦¥ž¤ (¥™/576, 577; cf. §6a) =BH; -¢›¥ (¦©¤³/9) =BH; Ÿ« (¤¢ª©™/1; ³¥™³/7), žŸž« (¤¢ª©™/9; ¢©©° ¢¢/204) =BH; ¥« (³±œ™/5), -¥ž« (¤¢ª©™/8, et passim), ¦¥« (±¤Ÿ/15) =BH; -š± (¡²°™/40) =BH; ¨ž± (³¥™³/2), -¨ž± (š³¤š Ÿ™/65) =BH; -«± (±¤Ÿ/10) =BH; œž² ( ¢«œ ™²™ °œ¯š/11) =BH. Notes: This pattern is a BH reflex of the proto-form *qull. bi-syllabic from a strong root š¢šŠ Ú: † ¥¢¥™ (¤¢ª©™/2), ¦¢¥¢¥™ (¤¢ª©™/29; ³ž«³/410, 411) =BH; ¦¢Ÿ¢Ÿ  (°¢­™/15) =BH (2x); ¦¢š¢š± (¡²°™/35; invariant pl.) =BH; ª¢ª± ( ³­¢/43), -¢ª¢ª± ‘drop (of dew)’ ( ³­¢/69) =BH (¥¢¥ ¢ª¢ª± [Song 5:2]); 203 š¢š² (°¢­™/16) =BH (cf. §29k). ¥¥†‹ ¢: ¥¥¢ (™²™/56) =BH (¨§²Š ¢ ¥¥¢ ‹ [Deut. 32:10]). œâœß:† -œžœ› ( ³­¢/38), ¦¢œžœ› (¥™/618) =BH; ¦¢¥ž¥¤ ‘(expensive) attire’ (³žœž§ ³/526); -ŸžŸ« (¤¢ª©™/31; apud ed.’s Ÿžã«) Š =BH. Notes: In her commentary, ad loc., the ed. compares the form ¦¢¥ž¥¤ to the BH hapax legomenon of the same meaning in £¢¥¤± § ¦¢¥ Š ¥¤† § ކ (Ezek. 27:24). 204 If her suggestion is correct, then Qillir’s neologism is arrived at by apocopation of the preformative mem. In BH, the singular, both absolute and construct, is vocalized ¦Ž¢, with the exception of the phrase ¬âª ¦¢. Cf. B&L, §71x. 203 The masc. sing. might also be reconstructed as ª¢ªŽ Š ±. According to BDB, 944, s.v. II ª¢ª±, the hapax legomenon in ¦¢ª¢ª± ¥žœ› ³¢š ¤ž (Amos 6:11) is not to be identified with ª¢ª± ‘drop (of dew)’. 204 One might also cite the phrase ¥Õ¥¤† §Š ¢Ú⚠‹ ¥† ‘dressed in expensive attire’ (Ezek. 23:12; 38:4). 202

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MORPHOLOGY ›¢›Š : Ž š¢š™ (°¢­™/15) =BH; ¢›¢› (°¢­™/5) =BH; š¢š  (°¢­™/16; adj.) =MH; ¢¢œ¢œ¢  (¢¤©™/43; adj.) =BH; ª¢ª« ( ³­¢/44) =BH; ¦¢¥¢¥­ ‘criminals’ (³žœž§ ³/529) =BH (but mng. in BH is ‘judge’); ¦¢§³ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/268; ±ž³/476), -¦¢§³ (±¤Ÿ/9), §¢§³ (²žœ°/39), ¦¢§¢§³ (±²™/403; ±ž³/468; adj.) =BH. ¨Ž©«: Ž ¦¢¥¥  (¤¢ª©™/29; ³ž«³/418) =BH; ¨©« ( ³­¢/16), ¦¢©©« (ž³³/389), -¢©©« (š«/7; ¥™/588), ž¢©©« (± ¨§/19) =BH; ¦¢¥¥² (³žœž§ ³/526) =BH (sing. only). bi-syllabic from a strong root, with doubled middle radical ¥âèß:Š ¦¢¥ž¥¢› (¤¢ª©™/29; ³ž«³/410; invariant pl.) =BH; ¦¢¥ž¥¢¤ ‘espoused ones’ (ž³³/392, 393). Notes: On the basis of the context, the form ¦¢¥ž¥¢¤ refers to the Israelites, to whom God proclaimed the Decalogue: «§¢² "¢¤©™" £¢¥¢§ ³«§² ¦¢¥ž¥¢¤¥//¦¢¥ž¥¢¤¥. Frenkel, in his commentary, ad loc., cites the MT phrase £¢³¥ž¥¤ ³š™ (Jer. 2:2), whence his gloss ¦¢¥ž¥¢¤ = ¦¢šž™. The interpretation proposed here is based on the use of the qittul pattern to express a substantivized passive participle, which is attested in BH–cf. œâ饊 ‘taught Æ disciple’ (thus also occasionally in MH and in ¢¢œž  §¥ž [¢¢©š] [³±«žª ¦™/48]). 205 On the other hand, the word in ¢¥ž¥¢¤  ³š™ ±¤Ÿ ™¥ž (©ž¢¤ ¦¢©š ¦™/6) clearly refers to the scriptural source in Jer. 2:2, and can only be interpreted to mean ‘betrothal’. ¥è‹ :  ¥¥ (œ¢­™™/3) =BH. Notes: The noun ¥¥ is a substantivized Piel infinitive absolute. The word as it appears in ž¢¥ ¥¥ž ¨§™ ¦« ¥¤ ž±§™¢ž (I Chron. 16:36) is most likely intended as an infinitive absolute in place of a finite verb, 206 but easily lends itself to interpretation as a substantive.

205 Cf. Sokoloff, "š± ³¢²™±š" 275. Kutscher, "¦¢©ž±§ž² ¥² ³¢§±™" Tarbiz 37 (1968) 405-06 points out that BH œâ饊 never occurs in the absolute singular form, and that therefore, on the basis of the sound shift /u/ > /o/ in unaccented syllables (e.g., ªÕ©§Ž ~ ªâ© Ž §), † the absolute singular is perhaps to be reconstructed as œÕ饊 *. In that case, it would be a (Qal) passive participle of the type œÕ芢. 206 For this construction, cf. W&O, 594-97. This interpretation is, incidentally, supported by LXX, which translates ¥¥ž as ƫƢƪ ƨƮƦƴưƮ ‘and they sang’.

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY bi-syllabic, with reduplication ®Õ¯¢©Š : ¦¢¯ž¯¢© (¦ž¡™/512) =BH (®ž¯¢© [Isa. 1:31]). ¥ß¥ † ß: ¥›¥› ( ³­¢/70), -¥›¥› (¡²°™/14, 27), ¦¢¥›¥› (ž³³/382; ¥™/621), -¢¥›¥› (¢©©° ¢¢/353) =BH (pl. ž¢èŽ ߊ ¥ † ß [Isa. 5:28; Jer. 47:3]); ±œ±œ (¦ž¡™/511) =BH. ¦¢«â Š ڈ«Ú (invariant pl.): ¦¢«ž²«² (¥™/597) =BH. §9dd (Originally) Geminate Roots with a Nominal Prefix ¨©³† ™: Œ ¦¢©©³™ ‘reward’ (¥™/583) =BH. ±¯ §: ‹ ±¯§ (°¢­™/7) =BH. ¨‹›§: Ž ¢©¢›§ (¡§ ®±™/15), ž©¢›§ (¡§ ®±™/16) =BH. ŸÕ«§: Ž žŸž«§ (¢©©° ¢¢/204) =BH. 207 ±â±§† ñ:  ¨ž©™³ ‘wailing’ (±¤Ÿ/26); ¨ž© ³ (±¤Ÿ/26), ¦¢©ž© ³ (¨žŸ™/455) =BH (pl. only); -¢±ž±§³ (™²™/45) =BH (pl. only). §9ee (Originally) Geminate Roots with a Nominal Suffix ¨Õè :  ³ž©ž¥  (¡­²§š £¥§/68, 69, 72) =BH. ¦è Ž ª: ¦¥ª (±¤Ÿ/15) =BH (1x). §9ff (Originally) Geminate Roots with a Feminine Morpheme bi-syllabic ŽêìŠ : š¢  (š³¤š Ÿ™/79), ž³š  (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/16) =MH; -³­¢¡ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/272), -¢­¡ (°¢­™/9) =MH; 208 ­¤ (¡²°™/23), -³­¤ ‘dome’ ( ³­¢/17) =MH; œ§ (¡²°™/30), -³œ§ (¡­²§š £¥§/26 [2x]; ¡²°™/30; ¢©©° ¢¢/132), ³žœ¢§ (¥™/561) =BH; ¥§ (œ¢­™™/3), ¦¢¥¢§ (ž³³/392), ¨¢¥§ (£¢š™™/20; v.l. ¦¢¥§), 209 £¢¥¢§ (ž³³/393) =BH; ª¢« ( ¢¢

207 For the suggestion that the BH noun ŸÕ«§ Ž ~ ¢Šã⫧, Ž etc. ‘refuge’ is to be referred to the root Ÿž« ‘to take/seek refuge’ rather than to the root ŸŸ« ‘to be strong’ (i.e., that the forms with suffixes are to be vocalized ¢ŠŸÕ«§, † etc.), see GKC, §85k. 208 This noun, synchronically attributable to a root ¬­¡, is in some way ultimately related to the root ¬¡© ‘drip’. 209 This lexeme is drawn from the sentence ¨¢¥§ «œ™, which is a citation of ¦¢¥§ «œ™ (Job 23:5). The plural ¨¢¥§ is attested 13x in BH, exclusively in Job. It would therefore seem that the form in which this quote appears in the piyyut is a (scribal?) hyper-correction.

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MORPHOLOGY ¢©©°/182) =MH; ©¢­ (¢©©° ¢¢/101 [2x]), -³©­ (¨š™/2), ¦¢©¢­ (³¢¥¤³/448; v.l. ¦¢©­œ) =BH; ©¢± (¥™/489), ¢³©± (°¢­™/19) =BH. Notes: Nouns of this pattern are the reflexes of *qillat. Kutscher has shown, however, that some are actually derived from *qullat, through the change /u/ > /i/ in a closed, unaccented syllable (cf. BH ¨± ~ Žê±Š ). 210 éŽ  :  ¥  (¢©©° ¢¢/182) =BH; -³§  (¡²°™/23;  ³­¢/55) 211 =BH; -³±° (¦©¤³/14) =BH; «± (œ¢­™™/°) =BH; ³ž±² (¦™/5) =BH. Notes: This pattern represents the reflexes of *qallat. ìŽ  :  -³­ž  (¢©©° ¢¢/235, 254, 298), ³ž­ž  (™²™/52) =BH (sing. only); ³ž°ž  (¥™/605), -³ž°ž  (³ž«³/419) =BH. Notes: This pattern represents the reflexes of *qullat. tri-syllabic, from a strong root  ¢ Ž  Š ¯:†  ¢ ¯ (£¢š™™/4) =BH (1x). šŽ šŽ ±:† ³žšš± (¡­²§š £¥§/60; š³¤š Ÿ™/81), -³žšš± (œ¢­™™/10) =BH; ³ž¥¥° (¦ž¡™/519) =BH; ³ž©©± ( ³­¢/77) =BH. Ž±Õ±§: † ³ž±ž±§ (™²™/39) =BH. tri-syllabic, with reduplication ³ÛŒ °Œ ۆ °:  ³²°²° (¦©¤³/13) =BH. §9gg (Originally) Geminate Roots with a Feminine Morpheme + Nominal Prefix Žê›Š §† : ±¢™§ ‘curse’ (° ±³/502) =BH; ¥›§ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/29), -³¥›§ (£¢š™™/55) =BH; -³©›§ (³™/14) =BH (1x); ¢³ž§Ÿ§ (£¢š™™/62) =BH; ¯¢ § (¡²°™/16; ¢©©° ¢¢ /300) 212 =MH. Notes: Judging from the context, the meaning of the word -³©›§ in (³™/14) is probably ‘shield’ (or perhaps ‘protection’), and it is therefore being used as a feminine variant of the BH ¨‹›§Ž ‘shield’. 210

Kutscher, Isaiah, 452-96. In ( ³­¢/55), both the ed. and Heidenheim, ad loc., vocalize -³é   . Since the word is most likely an abstract noun meaning ‘heat’, and since the item éŽ   ‘heat’ is attested in BH, it seems preferable to vocalize in accordance with BH. 212 In (¡²°™/16) the ed. vocalizes ¯¢ Ž  Š §, † a common spelling variant of íŽ  Š §. † 211

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY The latter noun has two plurals in BH: the masculine ¦¢êŠ ›Š §Ž and the feminine ³Õꛊ §Ž . Since in both cases the first vowel does not undergo reduction, the ed. vocalizes the word -³ê›Š §Ž . However, there exists a BH hapax legomenon Žê›Š §† (cf. Lam. 3:65) whose meaning in context is something like ‘covering’. Given the close relationship between ‘shield’ and ‘covering’, it seems preferable to vocalize the word in accordance with a known BH lexeme. Žê Š ñ:† ¥¢³ (¥™/617) =BH; ¥¢ ³ (š³¤š Ÿ™/64), -³¥ ³ (±¤Ÿ/1) =BH; ³ž© ³ (¡­²§š £¥§/69) =BH; ¥¢­³ (¢©©° ¢¢/285), -³¥­³ (°¢­™/2), ¦³¥¢­³ (¨žŸ™/462), ³ž¥­³ (¡­²§š £¥§/64, 79) =BH. §9hh (Originally) Geminate Roots with a Feminine Derivational Suffix bi-syllabic ³â± : ‹ -³ž±  (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/15) =MH. ³â蜍 : ³ž¥œ (±¤Ÿ/37) =MH. tri-syllabic, from a strong root ³¢ÚŠ ڈ Ž ™: ³¢²²™ ‘glass ball, lantern’ (¡²°™/25; Gen. v.l. ³ž²¢²™, ³¢²²«). Notes: This noun is to be compared to MH lexeme ³¢²²« ‘glass ball’ (Jastrow, 1127). In JPA, the lexeme (™³)¢²² is attested, which Sokoloff takes to be derived from the former by way of the weakening of the initial guttural: ¢²²« > ¢²²™ > ¢²² (Sokoloff, 568). The Corpus therefore attests to the heretofore-missing middle stage of this development. Since the word does not have any cognates in other Aramaic dialects, it is reasonable to suppose that it is Hebrew in origin. ³¢¥â¥ Š ñ:† ³ž¢¥ž¥³ ‘heavens’ (¤¢ª©™/42; R) =MH (but mng. there is ‘mound’). Notes: This form functions as an ad hoc epithet for the heavens. Since this meaning differs significantly from that of the MH lexeme, it may be reasonable to simply consider the form as a fem. pl. qåtul participle with a pleonastic genitilic suffix (i.e., ³ž¥ž¥³ Æ ³ž¢¥ž¥³). The (apparently) pleonastic use of ¢- in fem. pl. forms in the rhyme position is attested elsewhere in the teqiata–cf. ³ž¢™¢¥­ (§9w) and ³ž¢š¥² (§8l). 98

MORPHOLOGY §9ii Quadriliteral Roots bi-syllabic ìŒ ¥ž † « ‘swooning away’ (š³¤š Ÿ™/73) =BH. Notes: On the basis of the context, the form ­¥ž« would seem to be a 3rd fem. sing. perfect: ­¥ž« ¦³¢¢  ‘Their soul swooned away’. The rhyme ­Œ //­¥ž«, however, indicates that the final vowel is to be vocalized Œ- (cf. the discussion under §12xx). This noun is attested in ìŒ ¥ † « ž¢¥« œ² ¢¯« ¥¤ž (Ezek. 31:15). 213 ¥™‹ ±† ™Œ : ¦¢¥™±™ ‘er’elim (i.e., angels)’ (¢©©° ¢¢/300; ž³³/390) =BH. Notes: This lexeme, together with its meaning, is based on the rabbinic interpretation of the BH hapax legomenon in ž°«¯ ¦èŽ ™Œ ±† ™Œ ¨ ¯  (Isa. 33:7). 214 ¥çچ ™: Œ -³ž¥¤²™ (™²™/39) =BH. ڢڊ ±† ñ:  ¡¢š±² (™²™/62) =BH; -²¢²±³ (¡²°™/15) =BH. ‹¢±Ñ: † ¢±™ ( ³­¢/39) =BH. ¨ŒŸ±† ß: ¨Ÿ±› (£¢š™™/50 [2x]) =BH. ¨¡Ž ±† ª:  ¨¡±ª ( ³­¢/31) =MH; ¬«±ª (™²™/37) =BH (-Û; pl. only). œâ§¥ † ß: œž§¥› (¦™/4; adj.) =BH. ¨ Ž ¥† Ú:  £© ¥ž² (³¢¥¤³/447; ¥™/488) =BH. tri-syllabic ¥­Ž ‹ ±«ˆ : ¥­±« (¢©©° ¢¢/207), ž¥¢­±« (¥™/593), ¦¢¥­±« (ž³³/389) =BH (abs. sing. only). 215 tri-syllabic, with doubled 2nd consonant ¨œŒ ìÑ: Œ ž©œ­™ (¡§ ®±™/5) =BH (1x). tetra-syllabic ³¥Œ ¯Œ šˆ   : -³¥¯š  (¡­²§š £¥§/30) =BH (2x). 213 BHS, app. crit., ad loc., suggests the emendation â­è Ž «, on the basis of LXX ƦƸƦƬƶƩƨƴƢƮ. Segal, §206 lists three cases in the Bavli of the secondary quadriliteral verb ­Œ è† « ³Š† ¢, which is apparently derived from the hapax legomenon in Ezekiel. 214 Cf. Ber. Rab. 56:5. Cf. also BHS app. crit., ad loc.: “…pc Mss ¦¢è-.” 215 The plural (±¡) ¢¥­±« is attested in the shofarot £œžš¤ ¨©«š ³¢¥›© ³™ from the teqiata de-bei Rav. A plural form ™¢¥­±« is also attested in JPA poetry–cf. Yahalom & Sokoloff, ™š±«§ ¢©š, 114, l. 28.

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY §9jj Quinqui-consanantal Nouns ¨Õ¢±† ìÑ Š (™²™/15) =BH (1x); ¨Õ°¢¢±Š ¡Õ© Ž (¢¤©™/65; Gen. 1x v.l. ¨ž°¢±¡ž©) =MH; -±Õœ†ŸÕ±ì† (± ¨§/23) =MH.

§10 CONSTRUCT = ABSOLUTE 1) 2) 3) 4a) 4b) 4c)

™¢‹ß (³™/13, et passim) =BH ¥¢¥‹ ( ³­¢/75; £¢š™™/38) =BH ³šŒ ڈ Œ  § (³™/5) =BH ³±²« ¢ª¢© ‘ten miracles’ (™²™/28) ³±²« (¢©žª¢©) ‘they tried me ten times’ (™²™/76) ³±²« ¥¢¥ ‘the eve of the tenth [of Av]’ (™²™/58)

Notes: In the first three cases, BH serves as a precedent for the forms found in the Corpus. Whereas the common absolute forms are ™†¢ß , šŽ ڈ Ž  § and ¥†Ž ¢¥ (cf. also ¥Š¢¥ 3x), respectively, the forms commonly associated with the construct state are also attested in BH functioning as absolute nouns–e.g., œ™§ ¥žœ› ™¢‹ß (Zech. 14:4), «± ³š² § ³š² ž (Ezek. 38:10), § ±§² ¥¢¥§ § ±§² ¥¢¥§ ‹ (Isa. 21:11; cf. also 15:1). The examples given in cases 4a-c, which arise out of the requirement that the poet employ the number “10” in the fourth stich of every strophe of the composition, cannot be explained on the basis of BH precedents. In case 4a, both elements appear in the construct state, instead of the expected ±²« ¦¢ª¢©** (cf. the source in ²œ°§ ³¢šš ž©¢³žš™¥ ž²«© ¦¢ª© ±²« [M Avot 5:5]). Case 4b is similar, but here, the head noun is gapped, i.e., ³±²« [³ž©ž¢ª¢©] ¢©žª¢©, or the like. Case 4c involves the gapping of part of a standard date formula, i.e., [š™š] ³±²« ¥¢¥. All three examples, however, present what appears to be a real case of a construct morphology being employed to represent the absolute state.

§11 VERBAL MORPHOLOGY §11a Infinitive with Paragogic he The strong root in the Corpus does not show any systematic morphological peculiarities throughout most of the conjugation. Thus, the perfect, imperfect, imperative and participle (active and passive) are formed in accordance with the rules of BH morphology and may therefore be left out of consideration. There are several exceptions to this general statement. The first concerns 100

MORPHOLOGY the infinitive construct, to which a paragogic Ž- may be added. This phenomenon is attested in BH in the Qal and Piel. 216 In the Corpus its usage is expanded into other stems (for the Hifil, see §12t; for the Poel, see §12oo). This phenomenon is to be seen in light of the usefulness of the paragogic he in making a given infinitive form suitable for occupying the rhyme position–all of the expanded forms occupy this position. Qal: œ°Û¥ (³™/1; R); œ°Ú¥ (³™/11; R). Nifal: œ°­¥ (³™/11; R). Piel: «§²¥ (³¥™³/3; R). Hifil: œ¢«ª¥ (¢©©° ¢¢/310; R). §11b Stem Vowel Modification in the Infinitive In addition to modifying the infinitive construct by means of the addition of the paragogic he, the Corpus attests infinitives with modified stem vowel vocalism. These modifications occur exclusively in the rhyme position, and their very existence can only be established on the basis of rhyming words (aside from the non appearance of the mater lectionis yod in the consonantal representation of Hifil forms). Thus, Qal infinitives whose stem vowel is commonly /o/ may appear with an /a/ vowel instead. BH does attest Qal infinitives construct in /a/, but there are only two such cases, and they are both derived from intransitive verbs: š¤²¥  ‘to lie down’ (but cf. £š¤²š Ž Deut. 6:7, etc.), ¥­Ú  ‘to be low’. In the Corpus, on the other hand, the transitivity restriction is not observed. Piel and Hifil forms with modified stem vowels are also attested. In the Piel, we find infinitives with /a/, and in the Hifil the expected /i/ has been modified to either /e/ or /a/. For the Piel /a/-infinitive, which is unattested in BH, cf. §11d. In the Hifil case, neither the resulting ¥¡° ‹ nor ¥¡°  is entirely unprecedented with regard to the morphology of the BH Hifil infinitive. The former is the normal BH pattern for the Hifil infinitive absolute, and is attested several times as an infinitive construct–e.g., ¦¢ž› ¨ž¢¥« ¥ © ‹ š  (Deut. 32:8; but cf. Sam. ¥¢ ©). 217 The latter is also attested, though 216 For use of the paragogic he in the Qal stem, see GKC §45d; for the Piel, see GKC §52p. 217 For further examples, see Bergsträsser, 2.§19h.

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY apparently only 1x, as a Hifil infinitive construct: ¦¤Œ ±† 熍 Ÿ (Ezek. 21:29). 218 Qal /a/-infinitive: ªÑ§¥ ‘to reject’ (±¤Ÿ/1; R);  ±§¥ ‘to crush, wipe (out)’ (±¤Ÿ/12; R); ±¡«¥  ‘to crown’ (¬™/2; °¢­™/2; R). 219 Notes: In BH, the prefix conjugation of the root ª™§ consistently shows an /a/ vowel. No independent form of the infinitive construct is attested, but the suffixed forms ¦ª‰ Ž ™§Ž (Amos 2:4) and ¦¤Œ ªÒ † §Ž (Isa. 30:12; with ga‘ya accompanying the first qameʜ– cf. GKC, §9v) show an /o/ vowel, thereby indirectly suggesting the infinitive ªÕ™§. † The root  ±§ is attested in BH only in the form â ±† §Š† ¢ (Isa. 38:21). In MH, it is conjugated in the Piel, so that it is impossible to know the form of the infinitive construct from these two stages of the language. Piel /a/-infinitive: ±Þ›¥  ‘to make great’ (¦³™ ¨ž¢¯ ¢©šž/18; R); °ñ²¥  ‘to silence’ (¢¥™ ¡/4; R). Hifil /a/-infinitive: ±¡§¥  (¬™/1; R). Hifil /e/-infinitive: œš™¥ ‹ (£¢š™™/21; R); ±šª¥ ‹ (°¢­™/10; R); š²°¥ ‹ (±¤Ÿ/40; R). §11c (Converted) Imperfect with Paragogic he In BH, the ending Ž- is usually employed with the 1st comm. sing./pl. in the formation of the cohortative (for this form in the Corpus, see §18k). It may also be used with the 1st comm. sing./pl. in the converted imperfect. 220 This Ž- also occurs with the 3rd person in Ò՚³Ž ž† ...Ú¢ Ž  Ž Š ¢ (Isa. 5:19), where both forms convey an unambiguous volitive nuance. The meaning of ­ Ž «ñŽ (Job. 11:17) is The substantivized form ±¯ ­†  (I Sam. 15:23) is also listed in GKC, §53c, but it seems more appropriate to analyze it as an infinitive absolute, with BDB, 823, s.v. ±¯­. Cf. also the III/guttural form  ¤Õ  ¥† (Job 6:26). 219 These two cases are based in the ed.’s vocalization. There is no a priori reason, however, to reject a vocalization as a Piel or even a Hifil (with /h/ syncope) infinitive. Note also that the stem vowel of the BH Qal verb ±¡« may be established, but only indirectly. Since the imperfect form ž©±¡«³ † shows vowel reduction (rather than pretonic “lengthening”) with the addition of an accusative suffix, the stem vowel in the imperfect, and hence in the infinitive, is /o/. 220 Cf. GKC, §49e. It is noted there that this usage is particularly characteristic of LBH. 218

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MORPHOLOGY not entirely clear, though it is plausibly interpreted as a 3rd fem. sing. with concessive force, i.e., ‘though it be dark’. 221 Furthermore, the paragogic Ž- is suffixed to the 3rd fem. sing. converted imperfect in šŽ ߆ «† ñ  ž (Ezek. 23:20) and šŽ ߆ «† ñ  ž (Ezek. 23:16), without any apparent effect on the meaning. 2nd masc. sing.: ±¢«ª³ (™¥) (³±«žª ¦™/9; R). Ž «±Ž ³† ñ Š ž (¡§ ®±™/4; R). 3rd fem. sing.: Úˆ Notes: It is doubtless significant that this form rhymes with three 3rd fem. sing. perfect forms–²«±³³ž//²«±©//²«›³//²«±ž. The phonetic inertia of the repeated 3rd fem. sing. perfect ending Ž- apparently led to its being suffixed to an imperfect form. §11d Stem Vowel Modification in the Imperfect Much like the infinitive, the imperfect may also show a modified stem vowel. In the Piel stem in BH, where the expected stem vowel of the imperfect is /e/, Bergsträsser lists only one case with /a/, and even that is not in the imperfect, but in the related imperative: ›è ì (Ps. 55:10). 222 Of course, there is a regular replacement of /e/ by /a/ in the Piel imperfect/imperative in the context forms of verbs III/guttural (pausal forms take a furtive pataʚ), 223 but this phenomenon is defined at the morphophonemic level, whereas the Piel imperfect stem vowel replacement exemplified below is not definable in terms of the phonological conditions inherent within the form itself, but rather in terms of its phonological relationship to its positional equivalents in the other rhyme slots of the strophe. In the BH Hifil, the /e/ stem vowel is characteristic of the jussive form as well as the form with waw-consecutive. The former category is not applicable to the first person, and with respect to the latter, GKC, §53n notes that “î is almost always retained in the † ž Am. 29 (but generally without ¢, as ±ñŠ ªÑŽ † ž Ez 1st sing., e.g. œ¢§Š Úю 23 f. st Š «ê ž ] Neh 43.” Bergsträsser, 2.§5d lists 39 , &c.)…in 1 pl. only in [œ¢§ˆ the forms £† ¥Õ™Ž ‹ ž (Lev. 26:13; Deut. 29:4; Josh. 24:3; Amos 2:10), šÚҎ ‹ ž (Josh. 14:7; but cf. š¢ÚҎ Š ž [Neh. 2:20; 6:4]), and œ«ÒŽ ‹ ž (Jer. 32:10; but cf. œ«ÒŽ Š ž [I Kings 2:42] and œ¢«ÒŽ Š ž [Neh. 13:15]) as exceptions to this rule. These cases, however, are not really comparable to that of Cf. B&L, §40v, §56u’’, GKC, §48d and BDB, 734, s.v. II ¬ž«. Bergsträsser, 2.§17d. 223 Cf. Bergsträsser, 2.§23a. 221 222

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY the Corpus’ œš¤™, ‹ since the former are definable in terms of a bounded BH syntagm, whereas the latter may only be defined, as in the case of the Piel discussed above, in terms of its phonological relationship to its positional equivalents in the other rhyme slots of the strophe. Qal /a/-imperfect: š²©¢  ‘to buffet, toss about’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/23; R). Notes: In addition to its unusual stem vocalism, this form shows the non-assimilation of nun (cf. §3b). In BH, the Qal verb š²©, along with its doublet ¬²©, is attested only in the suffix conjugation. Piel /a/-imperfect: ¨©«ˆ ± ¢† ( ³­¢/15; R). 224 † (£¢š™™/20; R). Hifil /e/-imperfect (1st person): œÞ‹ ¤Ñ §11e The ©¥¡°³ Imperfect Unlike MH, in which the BH 3rd and 2nd fem. pl. imperfect ©¥¡°³ is no longer attested, this morpheme does appear in the Corpus. 3rd fem. pl.: ©¤²§³ (°¢­™/23); [©¢¯ž­³–cf. II/w]. §11f Stem Vowel Modification in the Imperative In BH, the Hifil masc. sing. imperative may appear with an /i/ vowel, instead of the expected /e/: ™¢¯ž Š (Isa. 43:8), ™¢š Š (Jer. 17:18), «¢  ­ž Š (Ps. 94:1). The /i/ vowel is, of course, expected in an open syllable: i.e., ¢¥¢Š ¡Š °† ,  etc. 225 Hifil /i/-imperative (masc. sing.): ±¢«ª Š (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/33; R).

The full clause is ¨©«±¢ ¦¢™²œ ¦²› ‘May the rain make the grass fresh.’ Both the ed. and Heidenheim, ad loc., vocalize the form ¨©«ˆ ±¢† , whereas Heidenheim’s comment–¦¢©©«±ž ¦¢©²œ ¦³ž™ ²«¢–indicates that the verb is meant to be active rather than passive. Given such a vocalization, however, this is impossible. It is clear, therefore, that the form must be interpreted as a Piel, and comparison with the other rhyme-words in the stich–¨Ž©«Ž //¨Ž©«‰ §Ž //¨© ‰ ¢Ž –indicates that the stem vowel is to be read as /a/. Even Shohan, 1730, s.v. ¨©«±, where this passage is quoted, lists the form under Piel, but vocalizes ¨‹©«ˆ ± ¢† , apparently ignoring the evidence of the other rhyme-words. 225 Cf. GKC, §53m. 224

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MORPHOLOGY §11g 3rd Masc. Sing. Perfect with Paragogic he The use of Ž- with the 3rd masc. sing. perfect has no parallels in Hebrew morphology outside of the piyyut literature. 226 For a possible explanation of this form, see §12xx. Hifil: œ¢ ™ ‘he caused to seize’ (¢©©° ¢¢/309; R; cf. §29n). §11h Stem Vowel Modification in the Perfect In the BH Hifil perfect, we find a regular morphophomenic alternation between the stem vowels /i/ and /a/, with the former appearing in the 3rd person, where the subject suffix is either ø or vocalic, and the latter in the 2nd and 1st persons, where the subject suffix is consonantal (i.e., ¥¢¡Š °† ,Š etc. ~ ñŽ ¥† ¡ °† ,Š etc). In the case below, we might say that the pressure imposed by rhyme has suppressed this morphophonemic alternation, and the /a/ vowel has penetrated into the 3rd masc. sing. Hifil /a/-perfect: «œÕ  ‘he proclaimed’ (¢©©° ¢¢/287; R). §11i The Gerund In BH, there is no single, morphologically productive category of verbal noun associated with each stem. In the case of MH, Kutscher lists the following patterns as being employed in the production of Qal gerunds: 1) ¥¢ Ž ¡Š °† (also in BH), 2) ¥¢ Ž ¡‹ °† (also in BH), 3) ¥Ž ¡Ž °† (also in BH), 4) ¥â¡°,† 5) ¥â¡ Ž °† (also in BH), 6) ¥â䰊 (association with Qal marginal; in BH only with the Piel), 7) ¥¡‹ °, Ž 8) ¥Õ¡ Ž °† (in BH only œžš«), 9) èŽ ¡ °,† 10) ¥¡Ž °† (also in BH, from Aramaic), 11) segolate patterns (also in BH), 12) mem-preformative patterns (also in BH, from Aramaic), 13) ¥â° Ž ñ† (rare in MH; in BH Yeivin, "¢¢­ž™" 106 (quoting three forms) claims that the perfect with Ž- was formed by analogy to the imperfect, imperative, and infinitive with the same morpheme. This position cannot be accepted, since: 1) whereas the imperfect, imperative and infinitive are isomorphic (i.e., they share the same base), the perfect belongs to a wholly different morphological type, and 2) whereas the addition of Ž- in the imperfect, imperative and infinitive does not render ineffectual any semantic distinctions (i.e., whereas in BH the distinction between šñ¤† ™Œ and šŽ ³† ¤† ™, Œ etc. is significant, the entire system of morphological oppsitions between the indicative and volitive moods in the prefix conjugation has collapsed in the Corpus–cf. §18k), the addition of Ž- in the perfect renders the 3rd masc. sing. homonymous with the 3rd fem. sing. 226

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY mostly associated with Hifil, but some examples from Qal also attested), 14) patterns in ³â- (also in BH); 15) patterns in ¨Õ-/¨Ž- (also in BH), 16) ¥Ž äŽ ° (only ¥°³, from Aramaic). 227 Of these 16 patterns, the most common and productive is ¥¢ Ž ¡Š °.† In the Piel, we find the Aramaic ¥Ž äŽ ° (limited) as well as ¥â䰊 (productive). In the Hifil, ¥¡‹ °† Œ (derived from the BH infinitive construct by anticipatory assimilation; limited) and ¥Ž ¡Ž °†  (productive) are attested. 228 Verbal nouns cannot be freely formed in the passive stems, but the Nifal form ³‹±ç, Ž derived from the infinitive ³‹±çŽ Š is attested. The Hitpael stem may form a Piel gerund–e.g., à Ž ž³† Š Æ ¢â࢞Šž. 229 To a large degree, the MH situation may be viewed as one of incipient consolidation of the verbal paradigm with respect to the gerund, whereby a limited inventory of productive morphological types is displacing, or rather covering over, an older inventory consisting of lexicalized items, or at least a greater variety of morphological types. 230 It is to be remarked, moreover, that in all stems Aramaic morphologies are employed in the production of the gerund. Whereas in the Qal stem they are marginal–¥¡Ž °† (e.g., š³Ž ç† ‘writing’), mem-preformatives (¥¤ˆ Ž ™§ ‘eating’), and patterns in ³â(³âÚ¢±Š ì† ‘separation’)–in the Piel the Aramaic ¥Ž äŽ ° is one, albeit the Kutscher, "¥''Ÿ  ¨ž²¥ °žœ°œ" ¥°-¢°. Use of the ¥¡° pattern to express the nomen actionis of the Hifil is known already in BH (cf. ¥¯, ±¤, etc.) and in Ben Sira (±¤Ÿ™ [3x], ™œž, ™±§, -³²›,  ©). 229 Cf. Kutscher, “Hebrew, Mishnaic,” 1601. 230 The incipient paradigmatization of ¥â䰊 is already observable in DSSH. The Piel verbal noun of the pattern qittul(im) is known in BH. For that period, qittul is represented by such forms as ¦âèڊ and °âÞ Š , while qittulim may be exemplified by ¦¢±âì Š çŠ and ¦¢§â  Š ©Š . In the Hodayot, we find the form ¦¢œž§¥ with the meaning ‘instruction, teaching’ (7:10, [14]; 8:36; [9:23]). The form also appears as žœž§¥ in 4Q434 1 i 4 (for the possibility that ž- in DSS orthography represents ž¢- see Qimron, §322.141). In BH, on the other hand, the form œâ饊 is a passive participle meaning ‘taught’ (thus also occasionally in MH–cf. Sokoloff, "š± ³¢²™±š" 275, and the literature cited ad loc.). It is reasonable to surmise that this shift in meaning is a symptom of the fact that already in DSSH, the pattern qittul(im) has become a productive member of the Piel paradigm, used in forming the verbal noun. Further evidence of this development may be seen in ¦¢±žª¢ ‘correction’ (1QHa 17:22, et al.), ¦¢žª© ‘trials’ (1QS 1:18, et al.), and ¨ž¤³ (cf. the list below). 227 228

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MORPHOLOGY non-productive one, of two possible patterns, and in the Hifil the Aramaic ¥Ž ¡Ž °†  is the productive morphology. Note that the two latter are borrowed from the BA system of infinitives, i.e., the Pael and Hafel. 231 The process of paradigmatization is fully realized in Modern Hebrew, which has developed a one-to-one equivalence between verbal stem and pattern–viz., Qal ¥¢ Ž ¡Š °;† Piel ¥âä°;Š Hifil ¥Ž ¡Ž °†  (the Nifal and Hitpael stems employ the suffix ³â-, which is added to the infinitival stem). 232 However, even in Modern Hebrew, the old, lexicalized types frequently remain in place–e.g., ¥â™ Ž ߆ ‘redemption’, ÚŽ îŽ Þ ‘request’, œª‹ ­† Œ ‘loss’. The morphological analysis of the gerund in the Corpus meets with two main obstacles. The first, consisting of the difficulty encountered in distinguishing between productive nomina actionis and fossilized lexemes, inherited from earlier Hebrew strata, has already been discussed under the nominal pattern ±âçފ (§8e). The second problem involves delimiting the morphological types to be listed under the heading “gerund.” Practically speaking, this difficulty arises only in the case of the Qal, where in addition to the pattern ¥¢ Ž ¡Š °,† the nomen actionis may be indicated by means of a segolate morphology, as in BH and MH–cf. under §8e/segolates. On the basis of the list assembled there, it is clear that this morphology is productive in the Corpus with respect to the 231

Cf. the complete list of infinitives attested in BA in H. Bauer and P. Leander, Grammatik des Biblisch-Aramäischen (Halle an der Saale: Max Niemeyer, 1927) §50u. It is important to note in this respect that the JPA dialect shows infinitival forms all of which are prefixed with mem (i.e., BA ¥Ž äŽ ° = JPA š³¤§; BA Ž¥¡Ž °†  = JPA ¥¡°§)–cf. G. Dalman, Grammatik des jüdisch-palästinischen Aramäisch (2nd ed.; Leipzig: J.C. Hinrichs, 1905) §63. The same is the case with the dialect of the Palestinian Targum fragments, where the forms are /meqattala/ and /maqtala/–cf. S.E. Fassberg, A Grammar of the Palestinian Targum Fragments from the Cairo Genizah (HSS 38; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1990) §126a. In Imperial Aramaic, the situation is mixed, with both types being attested–for details, cf. M.L. Folmer, The Aramaic Language of the Achaemenid Period – A Study in Linguistic Variation (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 68; Leuven/Paris/Sterling, VA: Uitgeverij Peeters en Departement Oosterse Studies, 1995) §3.1.2. 232 On the relationship between MH and Modern Hebrew with respect to expression of the nomen actionis within the verbal paradigm, see the highly instructive coments of H. Rosén, ³ž¡¢² ±ž™š ³ž§œ – ž©¥² ³¢±š« ³ž©²¥š (Tel Aviv: Am Oved, 1956) 54-56.

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY formation of gerunds. However, since the segolate pattern in the Corpus is a common nominal morphology that is, moreover, not reserved exclusively for the expression of the nomen actionis, it is preferable to list segolate gerunds along with other segolate nouns. The pattern ¥¢¡°, on the other hand, is to be considered as being primarily reserved for the expression of the Qal gerund, whereas the few remaining lexicalized items (e.g., ©¢¤² ‘Divine Presence’, ¢±š ‘creature’) are listed under nominal morphology. Ž±¢¤Š Ÿ† (Qal): ±¢§™ ‘saying’ (¢©©° ¢¢/334; ¥™/604); ©¢ š ‘careful examination’ (¢©©° ¢¢/106); ž³¤¢¥ ‘going’ (¤¢ª©™/22), ³ž¤¢¥ (¤¢ª©™/6) =BH (pl. constr./suff. only, except ¦³¤¢¥ [Nah. 2:6; qer.]); ±¢¤Ÿ (¨š™/12); ­¢¯  ‘undue haste’ ( ³­¢74); -³«¢š¡ ( ³­¢/34); ª¢©¤ (°¢­™/17); 233 -³¥¢­¤ ‘doubling’ ( ³­¢/75); ±¢¤§ ‘selling’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/327); -³¤¢šª (³¥™³/4);  ¢¥ª (¡­²§š £¥§/59; £¢š™™/29) =BH; ³ž¥¢°ª ‘stoning’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/16; R); ¯¢¥« ‘rejoicing’ (¢©©° ¢¢/298); -³±¢¯« (¦©¤³/6); ±¢³« ‘prayer’ (³¥™³/11; ¡­²§š £¥§/67; cf. ±³« [š«/8]); -³ ¢œ° (°¢­™/16); «¢š± ( ³­¢/40); -³§¢›± ‘stoning’ (³¢¥¤³/443); š¢¤² ‘lying down (with implication of sexual shame)’ (¢©©° ¢¢/273); -³›¢¥² (¡²°™/8; cf. §28o); ³ž«¢°³ (¡­²§š £¥§/80). 234 ³â«¢šŠ ±† (Qal): [³ž©¢©™–cf. §12pp]; [³ž¤¢§©–cf. §12v]; (¦¢§) ³ž¢«¢š± ‘occasion of rain’ (¦©¤³/9). Notes: The lexeme -³ž¢«¢š± clearly corresponds to the common MH gerund «¢š± ‘occasion of rain’, whose etymology is provided in BT Taan. 6b: ³™ «šž±² ±šœ «¢š± ¨ž²¥ ¢™§ žš™ ¢š± ±§™ ™ž ™«±™œ ¥«š ™±¡¢§ œž¢ š± ±§™œ œž¢ š±œ¤ «°±°. In addition to this word, however, there exists in MH a plural ³ž¢«¢š±–e.g., ¢³³©ž ³ž¢«¢š±š [œ:ž¤ '°¢ž] ¦³«š ¦¤¢§²› (Sifra 110d). 235 It is difficult to determine with absolute certainty whether the singular is to be 233

This form is attested in MH, where it may be used both as a gerund, with the meaning ‘entering’ (i.e., as opposed to ™¢¯¢), as well as with the partially substantivized meaning ‘assembly’, as in ª¢©¤ ¦ž¢ ‘day of assembly’ (M Meg. 1:1). The ed., ad loc. glosses the form as a true substantive: ¥°. 234 The lexeme «¢°³ is listed here as a gerund rather than as a common noun because in the present instance it is being used generically to mean ‘blowing the shofar’, rather than as the MH terminus technicus (i.e., in opposition to ¦¢±š² and «ž±³). 235 According to another interpretation, however, the word means ‘Wednesday’ (cf. œ''š™± ²ž±¢­, ad loc.).

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MORPHOLOGY reconstructed as ³¢«¢š± or ³â«¢š±, since both patterns form the same plural (in the case of the latter, this would be the so-called “Palestinian plural”–cf. §8k/type ³â¤¥† § ), but the analogy of ³ž©¢©™ and ³ž¤¢§© makes the latter more likely. ³‹±çŽ (Nifal): ³±¤ ‘divine punishment through premature death’ (³¢¥¤³/443). ¬â誊 (Piel): ¨žŸ™ ‘listening’ (±¤Ÿ/43); -«ž°š ‘splitting’ (±¤Ÿ/41); -±ž°š ‘checking’ (±¤Ÿ/22); 236 -«žœ› ‘hewing down’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/14); ±žšœ (š³¤š Ÿ™/58; ¥™/604), ᱞšœ (¢©©° ¢¢/119); -£ž¥ ‘going’ (¤¢ª©™/9; °œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/29); °ž©Ÿ ( ³­¢/42); -±žš¢  ‘union’ (¨žŸ™/451); -²žœ  ‘renewal’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/19); -±ž¯  ‘blowing (the trumpet)’ ( ¢«œ ™²™  below); ªž©¤ °œ¯š/32); 237 -¬ž±  (£¢š™™/75); ¦œžš¤ (¢¤©™/48; cf. ¢¢œžš¤ (³ž¢¥›) ‘ingathering’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/29); ¬žª¢¤ ( ³­¢/66); ±ž­¤ ‘atonement’ (±¤Ÿ/18; °¢­™/5); ž©¢¤ž ¢¥ ‘scorching’ (™²™/35); -¨ž›© (¤¢ª©™/28), ž©ž›© ‘playing’ (±¤Ÿ/29); (¦¢§) £žª© (°¢­™/21;  ³­¢/53); 238 ž¤žšª ‘getting entangled, bound’ (±¤Ÿ/14); ¬ž¥ª ‘exchange’ (¨š™/8); ¨žœ« ( ³­¢/49); -±ž¡¢« ‘decoration’ (¥™/550); ªž§« (¡²°™/31); ²ž°« ( ³­¢/61); šž±« (¡²°™/24); 239 ªž¥­ ‘weighing’ (³™/3;  ³­¢/55); 240 ²ž±¢­ ‘making clear’ (¢¤©™/43; ¥™/545); ³ž§¢¯ (™²™/43); -²žœ° (¤¢ª©™/22), ¦¢²žœ° ‘sanctifications’ (¥™/560); -¦ž²± ‘inscribing’ (±¤Ÿ/5); -²ž¥² (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/26, et passim); -±ž­² ‘improvement,

Cf. the BH hapax legomenon Ž±îŽ ލ ‘seeking’. The form attested in the Corpus is common in MH. 237 This form is denominative from BH ±¯¯  ‘trumpet’. Note that in the case of a quadrilateral root whose (non-guttural) 2nd and 3rd radicals are identical, there is no phonotactic distinction between a trilateral form ±âí Š and a quadrilateral ±â¯¯†  Š **. 238 This form, attested in MH, conveys the partially substantivized meaning ‘libation’. In both MH and the Corpus, it appears in the terminus technicus ¦¢§ £žª© ‘(Sukkot) water libation’ (cf. §29g). In MH, it is attested in other contexts as well. 239 This lexeme is used in the verbal sense of ‘mixing’, rather than as terminus technicus for the legal fiction that allows certain acts to be performed on the Sabbath and holidays. 240 In both cases, according to the ed.’s comments, ad loc., the meaning is concrete–‘scale’ (cf. BH ª¥Œ ìŒ ‘scale’). The abstract meaning ‘weighing’ is, however, equally plausible. 236

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY making pleasing’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/20); 241 -¬ž³² (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/35); -¨ž¤³ (¡²°™/30; v.l. ¨ç‹ ñ). Š 242 Notes: The present case of the form ¦¢²žœ° is not a true qittulim type (as opposed to MH ¨¢²žœ° ‘marriage’), but rather a plural substantive, as is shown by the fact that it is preceded by a number: ž§²¥ ¦²œ° ¦¢²žœ° ±²«š ‘He sanctified them unto His name by means of ten sanctifications (i.e., the Decalogue).’  ‘respect, ¦¢§âÜ Š ߊ (Piel): ¦¢§ž²› ‘rain-bearing’ (š«/7; R); 243 ¢¢œžš¤ honoring’ (¢¤©™/48; R; cf. ¦œžÞ¤ above); ¦¢œž§¢¥ ‘learning’ (¥™/581); 244 ¦¢­ž™¢© ‘adultery’ (¥™/484; R) =BH (2x); ¦¢¯ž™¢© ‘blasphemy’ (¦ž¡™/520; R); ¦¢±ž³© ‘jumping’ (°¢­™/9); ¦¢§ž²± ‘inscribing’ (°¢­™/6; R; cf. ¦ž²± above). Ž±ìŽ ç (Piel): ³ž±­¤ ‘atonement(s)’ (±¤Ÿ/6; R). ­Ž ¯Ž °†  (Hifil): ±Ÿ™ ‘warning’ (¥™/604; cf. §29l); ­¯° ( ³­¢/73); ³žœ§² (™²™/40). « ì‹ Ú† Œ (Hifil): «­² ‘(in) abundance’ (ž³™/369; A) (cf. «­²š [¦©¤³/18]). Ž±šˆ Ž « (Hifil): (±­ž²) ³±š« ‘causing to pass (of sound)’ ( ¢«œ ™²™ °œ¯š/8; v.l. ³±š«). Notes: This usage is derived from ž±¢š«³...«ž±³ ±­ž² ³±š«ž ±­ž² (Lev. 25:5). In MH, the gerund ±š« is sometimes attested with aphaeresis of the word-initial he. This phenomenon is akin to the MH expression ›¥­ ±žœ ‘the generation of the dispersal’, in which Ž›¥Ž ì† is equivalent to ›¥­. §11j The Infinitive Absolute The infinitive absolute is almost entirely absent from the Corpus. Qal: [™š–cf. II/w]; šÕ ªŽ (¤¢ª©™/29). 241 This form is found in the construct phrase ±­ž² ±ž­² ¥ž°, which parallels ±­ž² ²žœ  ¥ž° in the preceding stich. The two gerunds refer to a midrash on ±­ž² ²œ š ž«°³ (Ps. 81:4): ž±­² "±­ž²" ¦¤¢²«§ ž²œ  "²œ š" ¦¤¢²«§ (PDRK 23:8). 242 This gerund, which appears in neither BH nor MH, is well attested in DSSH–cf. DSSC, 762-63, s.v. ¨ž¤³, where over 50 instances are listed. 243 The ed., ad loc., vocalizes the form as a Qal passive participle– ¦¢§ž²›–but † the vocalization proposed here seems preferable. 244 For this form, cf. note 230.

110

MORPHOLOGY

§12 VERBAL MORPHOLOGY OF THE WEAK ROOTS In order to avoid the creation of split paradigms as a result of common payyetanic morphological processes such as the apocopation of the final vowel in the 3rd masc. sing. perfect, a form such as ž¯Ž ‘he commanded’ is listed as a Piel (rather than as a Qal). The siglum “mod.” (= “modified”) accompanies such forms. §12a Perfect Forms from Roots (Originally) I/y Qal/Type I 3rd masc. sing.: š¢ (š³¤š Ÿ™/79); ®«¢ (¡²°™/19); [™¯¢–cf. III/’]; ±¯¢ (¢©©° ¢¢/178); œ±¢ (¥™/563). 3rd fem. sing.: œ±¢ (¢©©° ¢¢/317). 1st comm. sing.: ¢³±¯¢ (¢©©° ¢¢/243). Qal/Type II 3rd masc. sing.: œª (¢©©° ¢¢/218; A); ±¯ (¡²°™/11, 12); œ± ( ³­¢/80; ²žœ°/35; š³¤š Ÿ™/81; ³¢¥¤³/444). 3rd comm. pl.: ž²± ( ³­¢/19). Notes: Forms of Type II represent the apocopation of the initial radical, with the consequent root transformation I/y Æ II/w, y. For a similar BH case, cf. œ± (Judg. 19:11). The vocalization of this form, however, makes it clear that the Masora does not consider it to derive from a root œž±** ‘to descend’. 245 Piel 3rd masc. sing.: ՜«ž (¡²°™/12); «œ¢¢ (¢©©° ¢¢/288); Õª ¢ (¡²°™/11), ¦ª ¢¢ (¥™/561); ±²¢ (¡²°™/20). Notes: The form žœ«ž is derived by means of back-formation from MH Hitpael/Nitpaal œ«ž³/© (cf. also œ« ‹ ž [§12c]). The secondary root œ«ž is well attested in MH. Nifal 3rd masc. sing.: «œž© (¢©©° ¢¢/267); œ¥ž© (¢©©° ¢¢/262); «²ž© (¢©©° ¢¢/305). 3rd comm. pl.: ž«œž© (¢©©° ¢¢/156). Pual 245

GKC, §19i dismisses this and similar cases as “old textual errors” (cf. also note 251).

111

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 3rd comm. pl.: ž±¯ž¢ (¡²°™/5). 246 Nitpaal/Type I 3rd fem. sing.: ²™¢³© (¦™/1); ©²¢³© (¦™/1). 3rd comm. pl.: ž«œ¢¢³© (¢©©° ¢¢/155). Nitpaal/Type II 3rd masc. sing.: «œžž³© (¢©©° ¢¢/288). 3rd comm. pl.: ž«œžž³© (¢©©° ¢¢/154). Notes: In the BH Hitpael, I/y roots may or may not show a reversion of the first root consonant to /y/–cf. «œž³™ (Num. 12:6) versus žœ¥¢³¢ž (Num. 1:18). As these two cases show, Semitic etymology is not a helpful means of predicting the form that the conjugation will take, since both roots are originally I/w. Hifil/Type I 3rd masc. sing.: «œž (¢©©° ¢¢/287; for the stem vowel, see §11h); ž¥¢«ž (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/10); ±ž (³¢¥¤³/448; ¥™/603); ±¢³ž (™²™/39). 1st comm. sing.: ¢³œ¥ž (¢©©° ¢¢/165). 3rd comm. pl.: ž±ž (³¢¥¤³/442). Hifil/Type II 3rd masc. sing.: °¢í (¢©©° ¢¢/179). 247 Hofal 3rd masc. sing.: ›í (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/9). §12b Imperfect Forms from Roots (Originally) I/y (+ £¥) Qal/Type I 1st masc. sing.: š²‹¢ (¤¢ª©™/32). 2nd masc. sing.: £¥ñ‹ (±ž³/477). 1st comm. sing.: «œ™‹ (£¢š™™/20). 3rd masc. pl.: ž¤¥¢ (¤¢ª©™/38); ž™¯‹¢ (¡­²§š £¥§/73). Qal/Type II 246 The ed. incorrectly vocalizes this form as a Hofal imperfect–Ɐ⢠Ž (for further comments, see under §13u). 247 Apud the ed.’s vocalization °¢¯. ‹ In BH, the root °ž¯ is only attested in the Qal, whereas the parallel °¯¢ is attested in both the Qal and the Hifil.

112

MORPHOLOGY 3rd masc. sing.: š¡¢Š  垍 (¥™/592); ¢ÚŽ Š ±¢Š (¢©©° ¢¢/341). nd 2 masc. sing.: ™±¢³ (¦² ³™/434). Qal/Type III 3rd masc. sing.: £¥¢ (¤¢ª©™/4; R). 3rd masc. pl.: ž¤¥¢ (¤¢ª©™/38). Notes: For the treatment of £¥ as a strong root in the Qal infinitive, see §12d. Qal/Type IV 3rd masc. sing.: ¥¤ž¢ (¤¢ª©™/7). Notes: The prefix conjugation of the root ¥¤¢ ‘to be able’ is irregular in having a /u/ prefix vowel. 248 Alternately, it might be considered a Qal passive. 249 Nifal 3rd masc. sing.: «œâ¢ (£¢š™™/76). Piel 2nd masc. sing.: ±Ü¢³ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/43). Hitpael 3rd masc. sing.: š²¢³¢ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/24). Hifil/Type I 3rd masc. sing.: «¢œž¢ (®¢­¢/11); ¦¥¢«ž¢ (±¤Ÿ/16); «¢­ž¢ (ž±ž™/17; £¢š™™/41). 2nd masc. sing.: «¢­ž³ (³±œ™/3). 3rd masc. pl.: ž ¢¤ž¢ (¡­²§š £¥§/24); ¢©ž±ž¢ (°¢­™/10). Hifil/Type II 1st comm. sing.: ¥¢¥¢™ (™²™/56). Notes: The non-reversion of first radical /y/ to /w/ implies that the root is to be reconstructed as yll–i.e., *’ahaylĪl- > ’elil-. Hofal 3rd masc. sing.: š¡ž¢ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/19; v.l. š¡¢¢). 248 249

Cf. GKC, §69r and Bergsträsser, 2.§§14f, 26e. Cf. B&L, §38m’.

113

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY Notes: In the case of this verb, BH shows a suppletive paradigm šž¡ ~ š¡¢. Neither root alternant is conjugated in the Hofal. Both may be conjugated in the Hifil, though the hollow root is only attested 3x in this stem, all in the perfect. Since the I/y alternant shows a Hifil imperfect, I have listed this case as a I/y root. It could, however, also be attributed to a hollow root. §12c Imperative Forms from Roots (Originally) I/y Qal masc. sing.: °¯ ( ³­¢/70; A). Notes: In BH, the masc. sing. imperative of °¯¢ ‘to pour out’ shows either the strong-type conjugation–°¯¢† (Ezek. 24:3)–or one with the first radical yod dropped by aphaeresis–°¯ (II Kings 4:41). If the ed.’s vocalization is correct, then the present case is a mixed type, showing the stem vowel of the BH strong type and the aphaeresis of the weak type (cf. also ±ž¡ ‘observe!’ [§12j]). Nifal fem. sing.: ¢¯«â¢ (¢©©° ¢¢/297). Piel masc. sing.: œ« ‹ ž ( ³­¢/24). Hifil masc. sing.: ™¯ž ( ³­¢/32). §12d Infinitive Construct from Roots (Originally) I/y (+ £¥) Qal/Type I: ž³š²Š (¡­²§š £¥§/50); ³«œ (¡²°™/7); ³¤¥¥ (¡²°™/34); ž³™¯š (¢©©° ¢¢/270), ³™¯¤ (¤¢ª©™/43); ž³œ±š Š (¥™/567), ¦³œ±Š (¡²°™/40). Qal/Type II: «œ¢  ¥‹ (¢©©° ¢¢/289, 292; R). Qal/Type III: £ž¥¥ (¤¢ª©™/3; R; ¡²°™/24 [Gen. 1x v.l. £† è‹  ¥† ]). Notes: Type I of the Qal infinitive shows the aphaeresis of the initial radical /y/, together with a compensatory expansion of the base by means of the feminine morpheme -t. This is the most common morphological type of I/y infinitive in BH. Type II emerges in MH by analogy to the prefix conjugation: «œ‹  ¢ Æ «œ¢  ¥. ‹ 250 250

Cf. Segal, §252.

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MORPHOLOGY The infinitive £† ¥ˆ is attested several times in BH, in addition to the much more common ³¤¥. Nifal: ¢«œâ¢š (¢©©° ¢¢/158). Piel: ž©¢ ¤ž¥ (™²™/32); š ‹ ¢¥† (³™/6); šÜ ‹ ¢¥† (±¤Ÿ/39), ¢šŠ ܍ † ¢Þ† ( ³­¢/77), žš²¢¢¥ (¢©©° ¢¢/133); ±²¢¥ (³™/2). Notes: The Corpus’ Piel infinitive usually shows the nonreversion of the initial radical /y/ to /w/. This is also the case in BH–cf. Žê§ˆ ‹  ¢¥† (Gen. 30:41). The first radical waw in ž©¢ ¤ž¥ is derived through back-formation from the Hitpael  ¤žž³, which is attested in BH (1x) and MH. Hitpael:  ¤ž³¥ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/5). Hifil: ³žœž¥ (¨©«/15); «¢œž¥ (¢©©° ¢¢/93; ¥™/576, 608); ¥¢«ž¥ (³¥™³/1; ³ž«³/414); ž«¢­žš (¤¢ª©™/4); ™¢¯ž¥ ( ³­¢/33; ³¢¥¤³/442); œ¢±ž¥ ( ³­¢/68; ± ¨§/26). §12e Gerunds from Roots (Originally) I/y Qal/Type I: -³«¢›¢ (³žœž§ ³/531; v.l. «¢›¢); (³¢²™±š) ³±¢¯¢ ( Ÿ™ š³¤š/59); œ¢°¢ ‘burning’ (¢©©° ¢¢/305; Gen. 1x v.l. œž°¢ [=inf. constr. + Ž-; cf. §9a]); [¢³ž™¢¯¢–cf. III/’]; -³œ¢±¢ (¦©¤³/3), ¦³œ¢±¢ (¥™/321). Qal/Type II: ¢³›¢¯ ‘standing’ (°¢­™/17), ¦³›¢ Ž ¯ (³™/9; A). Notes: The form -³›¢¯ represents the root transformation I/y Æ II/w, y–cf. BH ›¢í (the Qal is not attested in BH/MH). For the behavior of the initial radical /y/, cf. §9b/type «íŽ §.  Piel: [¢žœž–cf. I/y]; -šž²¢ (¡²°™/21), ՚ž²¢¢ (¢©©° ¢¢/134). §12f (Active) Participles from Roots (Originally) I/y Qal/Type I masc. sing.: ±¯ž¢ (±¤Ÿ/1; ¨š™/9; ¢©©° ¢¢/233; ±²™/400); š²ž¢ (±¤Ÿ/39; ¡­²§š £¥§/57, 66; ¢©©° ¢¢/316). masc. pl.: -¢«œž¢ (³±œ™/°; œ¢­™™/°), ž¢«œž¢ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/24); ¦¢¯«ž¢ (¦ž¡™/513); ¦¢œ±ž¢ (¢©©° ¢¢/321); ¦¢š²ž¢ (° ±³/498), -¢š²ž¢ (¤¢ª©™/33; ¡­²§š £¥§/12, 19; ¢©©° ¢¢/130). Qal/Type II masc. sing.: ›¯ ‘standing’ (± ¨§/23; cf. §12e). 115

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY Nifal masc. sing.: ™±ž© (¦™/°; œ¢­™™/7); ±¯ž© (™²™/44; ¢©©° ¢¢/227). Piel masc. pl.: £¢¥ ¢§ (¦™/8); -¢±²¢§ (±ž³/468). Hifil/Type I masc. sing.: ¥¢«ž§ (³¥™³/2). fem. sing.: ³«œž§ (¡²°™/26). masc. pl.: ¦¢¥¢šž§ (³ž«³/416; ³žœž§ ³/533); ¦¢­¢ªž§ (¥™/489; °¢­™/22); -¢±ž§ (¢¤©™/55). Hifil/Type II fem. sing.: ³«ã§ (¡²°™/23). Hifil/Type III masc. pl.: ¦¢°¢©§† (ž³™/368; Frenkel vocalizes ¦¢°¢ Š ©† §). ‹ Notes: The expected form of the Hifil participle from the root °©¢ is ³Õ°¢©Š ¢§‹ (Gen. 32:16), etc. The Corpus’ form shows the root transformation I/y Æ II/w, y, which is attested in ❰¢ ‹ ©Š ñ † ž (Exod. 2:9; but cf. Sam. ž°¢©¢³ž). Hofal masc. pl.: ¦¢°¯ž§ (±¤Ÿ/19). §12g Passive Participles from Roots (Originally) I/y Qal fem. sing.: «žœ¢ (³¢¥¤³/444). masc. pl.: ¦¢±ž¯¢ (±¤Ÿ/2; ¢©©° ¢¢/219; ¦² ³™/427). §12h Perfect Forms from Roots (Originally) I/n (+  °¥) Qal/Type I 3rd masc. sing.: «¡© (¡²°™/8); [¦™²©–cf. III/’]. 3rd fem. sing.: ©³© (¢©©° ¢¢/302). 1st comm. sing.: ¢³³© (¥™/598). 3rd comm. sing.: ž©³© (¥™/617). Qal/Type II 116

MORPHOLOGY 3rd masc. sing.: ¡š (¨š™/5; ¡²°™/20); ²› (± ¨§/28); «ª (™²™/34);  ° ( ³­¢/2). 3rd fem. sing.: «› (¡§ ®±™/12). 2nd masc. sing.: ³³ (¦©¤³/17). 1st comm. sing.: ¢³²› (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/5). 3rd comm. pl.: ž«› (£¢š™™/49, 56). Notes: The forms of Type II show the root transformation I/n Æ II/w, y. In addition, the forms ¡š and ž«› show the stem shift Hifil Æ Qal, while the form ²› shows the partial stem shift Nifal Æ Qal (see under §12m). The form ³³ is attested in II Sam. 22:41, whereas the synoptic source in Ps. 18:41 shows the expected ³³©. The form  °Ž is attested in Ezek. 17:5. 251 Nifal 3rd masc. sing.: ¨ñ© (³±œ™/4; š³¤š Ÿ™/64). 3rd comm. pl.: ž©ñ© (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/37; ¥™/541). Pual 3rd fem. sing.: ±ç© (¨š™/11). 3rd comm. pl.: ž¥ä© (¤¢ª©™/26). Hifil 3rd masc. sing.: ¥¢ã (± ¨§/29); [ä–cf. III/h]; [£ ‘he smote’–cf. III/h]; ¢©±¢ç (¢©©° ¢¢/281); ¥¢ì (¤¢ª©™/24). 1st comm. sing.: ¢³ß (¢©©° ¢¢/137); ž¢³±ç (¢©©° ¢¢/281). 3rd comm. pl.: ž¥¢ã (¥™/588); [žä™–cf. III/h]. Hofal 3rd masc. sing.: ±¡©Ž (°¢­™/2; cf. §3b). 3rd fem. sing.: ±ñ (³¥™³/11). §12i Imperfect Forms from Roots (Originally) I/n (+  °¥) Qal 3rd masc. sing.:  î¢ (¢©©° ¢¢/236), ¢ Š î¢ Ž (¢©©° ¢¢/342). nd 2 masc. sing.: ¨ñ³ (³ž«³/420, 421). 251

But see GKC, §66g, where it is labeled a “meaningless…mistake,” along with ¦ Ž °Ž (Hos. 11:3).

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 1st comm. sing.: ¥ä™ (°¢­™/20); [™ð™–cf. III/’]. 3rd masc. pl.: (¦)â©ñ¢ (¤¢ª©™/37; ¡­²§š £¥§/74; ¡²°™/38; ¦©¤³/1); [ž™²¢–cf. III/’]. Nifal 2nd masc. sing.: [°ê³–cf. III/h]; ¥¯ê³ (±ž³/477). Hifil ‹ 垍 –cf. III/h]; ¦«¢ ‹ 덊 垍 3rd masc. sing.: á¢ß¢ (±¤Ÿ/30); £ ¢à¢ (¥™/484); [¦ä (¢©©° ¢¢/358); ¥¢ì¢ (¤¢ª©™/23). 2nd masc. sing.: ±¢ñ³ ( ³­¢/72; š«/8). 1st comm. sing.: ³¢²©™ (£¢š™™/4; cf. §3b); ±¢ß™ (£¢š™™/13); ²¢ß™ (£¢š™™/15); ¬¢ä™ (£¢š™™/51); ­¢î™ (™²™/26); ±¢³©™ (™²™/37; cf. §3b). 3rd masc. pl.: ž±¢ç¢ (¡­²§š £¥§/2); ž°¢ð¢ (¦©¤³/11). §12j Imperative Forms from Roots (Originally) I/n (+  °¥) Qal/Type I masc. sing.:  ° (¨žŸ™/462); ¨³ ( ³­¢/88), ©³ ( ³­¢/74; ³ž«³/420). masc. pl.: ž™Û (¤¢ª©™/30). Qal/Type II fem. sing.: ¢ °¥ (¢©©° ¢¢/298). Notes: In BH, imperatives of the root  °¥ may either lose the lamed by aphaeresis– °,   Ž °,† ¢ Š °,† etc.–or may behave like strong verbs in retaining the lamed– ° ¥† (3x), ¢ Š °† ¥Š (I Kings 17:11). Qal/Type III masc. sing.: ±ž¯© (³¢¥¤³/442; A). Qal/Type IV masc. sing.: ±ž¡ (¥™/484; A). Notes: In BH, aphaeresis of the nun never takes place in the imperative of verbs that have an /o/ stem vowel in the imperfect– e.g. ±Õ¯†© (but cf. ڍß, etc. ~ ¢ÚŠ ß, âÚß [with accent on the penult.]). 252 In MH, /o/-imperatives lacking the radical nun are the norm–e.g., ±žœ ‘Vow!’, ¥ž¡ ‘Take!’, ¥ž­ ‘Fall!’. This morphology corresponds to

252

Cf. GKC, §66c.

118

MORPHOLOGY the JPA situation, where the form ±ž¡ is attested. 253 The variation in the Corpus between the BH type ±ž¯© and the MH/JPA type ±ž¡ is motivated by the acrostic requirement. Hifil masc. sing.: ¥ã ( ³­¢/20). §12k Infinitive Construct from Roots (Originally) I/n (+  °¥) Qal/Type I: ³ ° (±ž³/467), á³ ° Ž ¥ (¨š™/5); ³«› (¡²°™/1); ³³(¥) (¡²°™/16, et passim); ³™² (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/3; ¡²°™/31; ±ž³/469). Qal/Type II: £«›ž© (¦² ³™/430); [™žÛ©, ՙ²Ž©š–cf. III/’]; ²ž³© (¤¢ª©™/3). Qal/Type III: ¨³¢¥ (¥™/552, 557, 611). Notes: As expected from BH morphology, forms of Type I show aphaeresis of the first radical together with the compensatory feminine ending -t, yielding a segolate structure. In the case of ³³, the third radical is assimilated to this ending: *tint > *titt > tet. The root «›© is a mixed type in BH, showing both strong forms and forms with aphaeresis in the bare infinitive construct–«Õ›†  © ~ ³«  ß– whereas the infinitive with suffix always shows the strong form– e.g., Õ«›Ž† ©Þ† (Lev. 15:23). The root ™Û© shows both types in BH–cf. the bare infinitives construct ™ž²© (3x) versus ³™² (common) and the suffixed forms ¢™²© (Ps. 28:2) versus ¢³™², ž³™² (3x). The infinitive ²ž³© is attested in BH. The form ¨³¢¥ is an MH type, built by analogy to the imperfect: ¨ñŠ ‹ ¢ Æ ¨ñ¢ ‹ ¥.Š Nifal: ¥¯©¥ (¡­²§š £¥§/32); ¨³©¥ (¦©¤³/17). Piel: ² ©¥ (¥™/570); š²©¥ (±¤Ÿ/39). Hifil: «¢Þ¥ (¡²°™/1); ¦¢ Ž ߊ ¥ (±¤Ÿ/30; cf. §3a); [³žã¥–cf. III/h]; [ž³žçš–cf. III/h]; £§¢«©¥ (™²™/10);  ¢­©¥ ( ³­¢/84; cf. §3b); š¢í¥ ( ³­¢/36); [ž™¢ðš–cf. III/’]; ±¢ñ¥ ( ³­¢/51). §12l Gerunds from Roots (Originally) I/n (+  °¥) Qal/Type I: -³«¢¡© (¢©©° ¢¢/220); ¤¢²© (¦ž¡™/515); °¢²© (¥™/543). Qal/Type II: -³²¢› ‘approaching’ (³¥™³/5), -³¥¢Ÿ (¡²°™/36; ®¢­¢/11;  ³­¢/26); ³Õ«¢¡ ‘plant(ing)s’ (±²™/400); -³ ¢° ( ¤ ¢™ ±§™/19). 254 253

Cf. Sokoloff, 348, s.v. ±¡©.

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY Notes: Forms of Type II represent the root transformation I/n Æ II/w, y. Unlike the case of the participle ¦¢²› (cf. §12m), it is impossible to determine whether or not -³²¢› is to be analyzed as also representing the stem shift Nifal Æ Qal, since no gerund from the root ²›© is attested in BH. §12m (Active) Participles from Roots (Originally) I/n Qal/Type I masc. sing.: ¦ž© (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/28); ¨³ž© (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/27; ³™ ¦²/434); ®³ž© (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/28). masc. pl.: ¦¢°™ž© (±¤Ÿ/20); ¢«›ž© (¥™/485); ¦¢¥ © (³žœž§ ³/537); ¦¢­¡ž© (¢©©° ¢¢/359); ¦¢¥­ž© (³ž«³/415 [apud ed.’s ¦¢¥Ž ­žŽ † ©(ç† )]; ¥™/486); ž§¢±¯ž© (ž³™/372); ¦¢š°ž© (° ±³/495); [-¢™²ž©–cf. III/’]; ¦¢©³ž© (¨žŸ™/454). Qal/Type II masc. pl.: ¦¢²› (³™/1;  ³­¢/9). Notes: The form ¦¢²› represents the root transformation I/n Æ II/w, y. Since in BH the common active participial form appears in the Nifal along with the perfect, whereas the imperfect, imperative and infinitive are attested in the Qal, the Corpus’ participle ¦¢²› also represents a partial stem shift Nifal Æ Qal (cf. also ¢³²› [§12h]). Nifal/Type I masc. sing.: [™ð©–cf. III/’]. fem. sing.: [™ð©–cf. III/’]. masc. pl.: ¦¢¥ ©© (³žœž§ ³/527); ¦¢§°©¢© (±ž³/474; cf. §3b); [¦¢™ð©–cf. III/’]. Nifal/Type II masc. pl.: ¦¢°žã¢© (¥™/549).

254 This form, which is attested in Yannai, appears also in MH, as has been shown by A. Mirsky, "¡ž¢­ ¨ž²¥ ¢²±²" in idem, ®±™š ž³ž ³­³ – ¡ž¢­ ¥ž›šž ¥™±²¢ (Jerusalem: Magnes, 1990) 212-14.

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MORPHOLOGY Notes: This form is a hybrid between I/n morphology (dageš in the nun) and II/w, y morphology (/o/ stem vowel). Such hybrid forms are attested in MH in the perfect and the participle. 255 Piel fem. sing.: ³¯³©§ (¦² ³™/427). masc. pl.: ¦¢­™©§ (¥™/480); ¦¢¯­©§ (¦ž¡™/518). Pual fem. sing.: ±¤ž©§ (¢©©° ¢¢/328). Hifil masc. sing.: ¦›¢©§ (±²™/398); š¢ð§ (®¢­¢/10). masc. pl.: ¦¢›¢©§ (¥™/574); ¦¢ ¢ì§ (° ±³/498); ¦¢¥¢í§ (³ž«³/415); ¦¢­¢î§ (¥™/488), ¦¢°¢ð§ (ž³™/370). Hofal masc. pl.: ¦¢¥íž§ (³žœž§ ³/534). §12n Perfect Forms from the Root ¦™© 3rd masc. sing.: ¦© ( ³­¢/2; ™²™/33). 3rd comm. pl.: ž§© (¥™/558, 573). Notes: The suffix conjugation ¦©, etc., attested in MH, is arrived at through a phonetic process of aphaeresis of alef in a form such as ¦ÑŽ©. 256 As the imperfect and participial forms below show, the alef is not consistently dropped in the Corpus (cf. also the nomen actionis ¦Ñ© [§9g]). §12o Imperfect Forms from the Root ¦™© 3rd masc. pl.: ž§™©¢ (¨ž©š¥§ ¢³™/151, 156). §12p Participles from the Root ¦™© masc. pl.: -¢§™ž© ( ³­¢/60). fem. pl.: ³ž§™ž© (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/27).

255 256

Cf. Segal, §257 and Sokoloff, "š± ³¢²™±š" 272. Cf. Moreshet, 223-24, s.v. 2¦ž©.

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY §12q Perfect Forms from Roots (Originally) II/w, y Qal/Type I 3rd masc. sing.: ®™ (¤¢ª©™/10); ™š (¢©©° ¢¢/273); ±œ (¡²°™/10; ž³³/390); ®œ (± ¨§/22); ²œ (£¢š™™/2); «Ÿ (š³¤š Ÿ™/63); ²  (±¤Ÿ/19); ¥¤ (¡²°™/43; cf. Isa. 40:12); ¨¥ (¢©©° ¢¢/254); ±ª (¥™/569); ®¯ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/275); ®± (¢©©° ¢¢/295); š² (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/10; ¡²°™/22); ¦² (±¤Ÿ/28; ž±ž™/16), ¢§² (¢©©° ¢¢/214), ᧲ (™²™/4); ±² (¡²°™/22); ²² (± ¨§/22); ³² (¡²°™/42). 3rd fem. sing.: ±› (¡²°™/6); ²œ (¤¢ª©™/8); ¥  (¨š™/15); ¡§ ( ®±™ ¡§/1); ±ª (¢©©° ¢¢/333); ±« ‘to lay bare’ (³±œ™/7); ¯° (¢©©° ¢¢/296); §± (ᜢ) (³±œ™/8). 257 1st comm. sing.: ¢³©š (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/3); ¢³›  ‘to make a circle’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/141); ¢³¥  ‘to bear (in travail)’ (¢©©° ¢¢/164); ¢³²  (±²™/407); ¢³§° (°¢­™/19); ¢³š² (£¢š™™/44); ¢³±³ (±²™/406). 3rd comm. pl.: ž™š (¥™/569); ž«Ÿ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/14); ž¥  ‘to tremble’ (¥™/566); ž«© (³žœž§ ³/538; ¥™/565); ž­« (³žœž§ ³/539); ž¯± (ž³³/382); žš² (¥™/589); ž Û (š³¤š Ÿ™/76); ž±² ‘to see’ ( ¢«œ ™²™ °œ¯š/36); ž²² (¦™/5). Notes: The use of ±« here is directly dependent on œ« ⱫŽ ⱫŽ š œžª¢ (Ps. 137:7). Most moderns interpret the scriptural form as a Piel masc. pl. imperative from the root ±«, despite the fact that both instances are unusually accented on the penult. 258 However, in the present case the context unambiguously demands that the consonantal sequence ±« be interpreted as a 3rd fem. sing. perfect, and I therefore derive it from the root ±ž«, which is attested in BH: £³²° ±Õ«³‹ ¢±« ‘Your bow will be laid bare’ (Hab. 3:9). 259 Qal/Type II This form is taken as a finite verb on the basis of §± ž©œ¢ ž±§™¢ ¨­ (Deut. 32:27), where it is accented on the penult. 258 Cf. GKC, §75c and BDB, 788, s.v. ±«. In Even Shoshan, 1018, s.v. ±«™, however, this citation is accompanied by the note that ¢¤ ¦¢±šžª ²¢ ¦¢¥ž­¤ £±œš¤ ¥¢«¥§ ¨™¤ ©¢›© ¨¤² ,±±« ™ž ¨™¤ ²±ž². Both the ed. and Heidenheim, ad loc. vocalize the form Ž±«, ‹ though it is clearly feminine. 259 LXX reads ƦƮƵƦƪƮƺƮ ƦƮƵƦƮƦƪƳ here, and BHS, app. crit., ad loc. accordingly proposes the emendation Œ±«Ž ³† ±«. Ž It is more parsimonious, however, to simply assume that LXX reads yod instead of waw, i.e., ¢±« ±¢«³. The root is thereby preserved and only the stem is altered from Nifal to Hifil. 257

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MORPHOLOGY 3rd masc. pl.: ž¤š™ ‘to be confounded’ (£¢š™™/7; A); ž§™ ‘to murmur, discomfit’ (£¢š™™/27; A; ž©™ ¤¢™ ±ž¤Ÿ/4). Notes: According to the present analysis, the forms ž¤š™ and ž§™, satisfying an acrostic requirement that demands that the stich in which they are attested begin with -š™ and -™, respectively, represent the root transformation II/w, y Æ I/’ (for the root ¦¢, conjugated in the Qal, see under §12r). 260 For further evidence of this root transformation, see the discussion under §12r/Hifil/Type II. The form ž¤š™ furthermore represents the stem shift Nifal Æ Qal (cf. the Qal fem. sing. participle ¤žš™ ‘confounded’ [ ¦™ ³±«žª/34]). Piel: 3rd masc. sing.: ¨â¤ (¡²°™/22;  ³­¢/41), ¦åª (¡²°™/29), դⳠ(¡²°™/44). 3rd fem. sing.: ¢³Š §† Ž 噊 ‘it forewarned me’ (£¢š™™/55; cf. note 79). Notes: All of the forms listed here show the retention of the middle radical as a strong consonant. In BH, hollow roots are usually conjugated in the metaplastic Polel stem, rather than in the Piel. However, several roots show the Piel conjugation in late sources–¢Š©œ ↠«Š (Ps. 119:61); ¦å°Š (Esth. 9:31, 32), etc; ¦ñŒ š† 堊 (Dan. 1:10). This “strong” morphology is usually taken to be an Aramaic feature of LBH, 261 and becomes much more common in MH. 262 Pual/Type I 3rd fem. sing.: (³ž™) §¢žª ‘to be made (a sign)’ (³™/8; ³¢¥¤³/441). 1st comm. sing.: ¢³š¢  (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/6). 3rd comm. pl.: ž§¢¢ž™ ‘to be forewarned, singled out’ (¥™/560); ž§¢žª ‘to be marked, singled out’ (¥™/559). Pual/Type II  ™ (¬™/1). 3rd masc. sing.: ³ñ

260 In the case of ž§™, the transformation could also have been analyzed as III/h Æ I/’ (i.e., § Æ ¦™). 261 Cf. Bergsträsser, 2.§28r. 262 Cf. Segal, §262. Segal, ad loc., opines that the use of the Piel with hollow roots in place of the Polel is an inner-Hebrew development.

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY Notes: This form, being a denominative of ³ž™ ‘sign’, represents the root transformation hollow Æ geminate. 263 In BH, these two root types are frequently interchanged, as in  ž² ~   ² ‘sink down, crouch’. Pulpal 3rd masc. sing.: ¥¡¥ž¡ (¢©©° ¢¢/289). N/Hitpalpel 3rd comm. pl.: ž«Ÿ«œŸ© (¢©©° ¢¢/158). N/Hitpolel 3rd fem. sing.: ¥¥ž ³© ‘to be brought forth (in travail)’ (¢©©° ¢¢/136). 1st comm. sing.: ¢³¥¥ž ³© ‘to be brought forth (in travail)’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/136, 163). Hifil Ž (¥™/568); ¨¢¤ (¡²°™/10; 3rd masc. sing.: ±¢™ (ž±ž™/16); ¦¥¢   ³­¢/75; ¢©©° ¢¢/89); ¦¢° (ž³™/376); ¦š¢² Ž (¥™/572, 597); ³¢² (±¤Ÿ/4; ²žœ°/34). 3rd fem. sing.: §¢± (³±œ™/8); ¯¢° (¦™/7). 2nd masc. sing.: ³±« (±¤Ÿ/11). 1st comm. sing.: ¢³±™ (¢©©° ¢¢/137). 3rd comm. pl.: ž­¢© (¥™/588). Notes: In BH, the root ®¢° ‘to awake’ shares a suppletive paradigm with the root ®°¢. Whereas the former is conjugated in the Hifil perfect, imperfect, imperative, infinitive construct and participle, the latter is attested only in the Qal imperfect. Hofal 3rd masc. sing.: ¨¤ž (¡­²§š £¥§/27; š³¤š Ÿ™/60); ¦±ž (¢©©° ¢¢/181); ¦² (£¢š™™/32); ³²ž (± ¨§/21).

263 As indicated in §9aa, the noun ³ž™ is actually derived from the III/h root ž™, but synchronically, it may be treated as belonging to a hollow root.

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MORPHOLOGY 3rd fem. sing.: ¡ˆ Ž «â ‘to be made to dart, swoop’ (¡§ ®±™/8); 264 §²ž (£¢š™™/32). §12r Imperfect Forms from Roots (Originally) II/w, y Qal/Type I 3rd masc. sing.: ™š¢ (¤¢ª©™/19); ¨¢œ¢ (¡­²§š £¥§/28); ®ž±¢ ( ¢«œ ™²™ °œ¯š/11); ²¢²¢ ( ³­¢/43). 2nd masc. sing.: šž©³ (¥™/492). 1st comm. sing.: §¢™ ‘to roar’ (£¢š™™/26; cf. Ps. 55:3); 265 œž©™ (£¢š™™/80); ²ž©™ (£¢š™™/80; cf. Ps. 69:21); ­ž«™ (™²™/8). 3rd masc. pl.: ž ž©¢ (³¢¥¤³/448); ž±¢²¢ (¡²°™/40). 3rd fem. pl.: ©¢¯ž­³ (°¢­™/23). Notes: The form ©¢¯ž­³ represents the common form of the imperfect, whereby a vowel is interpolated between the verb stem and the subject suffix. 266 BH also attests forms without such a vowel, i.e., ©š²³, etc. Qal/Type II 3rd masc. sing.: Ꮁ§† ³Š† 垍 (¢©²¢ž) ‘and He repeated it once more’ ( Ÿ™ š³¤š/70). Notes: The lines from which this form is drawn seem to refer to the method whereby God transmitted the Torah to Moses: ¢ ᱧ³¢ž ¢©²¢ž//¢±§ž²¥ž ¢šž™¥//±°  ¦›ž ©¢¤//±­ª¢ž ™±. The reference here is to a midrash on Job 28:27 found in Ber. Rab. 24:5: ±§ž™ ''š° ¢² ±šœž ±šœ ¥¤ '§™ ¨¢©š± [Ÿ¤: ¤ šž¢™] 'ž›ž ±­ª¢ž ™± Ÿ™ ™± Ÿ™ ¦«¡ § ²§¥ '™ £¤ ± ™ž žš¥š ¦¢§«­ 'š '™ ¢ ²ž§¥ [ ¤ ,¦²] ¦œ™¥ ±§™¢ž £¤± ™ž ,œ  [¦²] ±°  ¦›ž ©¢¤ ,œ  [¦²]±­ª¢ž ²§ Ÿ

In light of this midrash, the words ᱧ³¢ž ¢©²¢ž refer to the third repetition, when the Torah was actually uttered to Moses I derive this form from the root ¡¢« ‘to dart greedily (like an ¡Š¢«)’,  apud the ed.’s vocalization ¡‰ Ž «žŽ (i.e., deriving the verb from the root ¡«)–cf. under §13uu. 265 For this analysis, cf. the proposal of T. Nöldeke, “Untersuchungen zur semitischen Grammatik,” Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesselschaft 37 (1883) 540. 266 Cf. Bergsträsser, 2.§28f. 264

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY (metonymically represented here by ¢±§ž²¥ž ¢šž™¥). In BH, the root ©² may mean ‘to speak again’ (cf. â©ÚŠ† ¢ ™¥ ¢±šœ ¢± ™ [Job 29:22]). 267 It appears, therefore, that ᱧ³¢ž should be understood adverbially as meaning ‘to do again’, and derived from the BH noun ±ž§³ ‘exchange’ (cf. also the payyetanic preposition ±ž§³ ‘instead of’ [§16d]). If this analysis is correct, then the denominative verbal root ±§³ represents the prefix incorporation II/w, y Æ I/t. Nifal 3rd masc. sing.: ¨žç¢ (¤¢ª©™/21). Piel 1st comm. sing.: ª¢›™ (°¢­™/18). Notes: For use of the Piel with hollow roots, cf. the comments under §12q. Polel 3rd masc. sing.: ¨©ž¤¢ (¡­²§š £¥§/14); ±±ž«¢ (¡­²§š £¥§/15). 2nd masc. sing.: ¨©ž¤³ (£¢š™™/34); ±±ž«³ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/41). 1st comm. sing.: ¨©ž°™ (™²™/28). N/Hitpolel 1st comm. sing.: ««ž±³™ (³™/14 = ³¥™³/14; R; cf. Ps. 108:10). Hifil/Type I 3rd masc. sing.: ՟¢›¢ ‘to cause to pass’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/12); ՟¢¥¢ ( ™²™ °œ¯š ¢«œ/11); ¦¢°¢ (± ¨§/32); «¢±¢ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/22). 2nd masc. sing.: ±¢«³ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/33; ³±œ™/°); «¢±³ (³±œ™/°); °¢±³ ( ³­¢/86); š¢²³ (³±œ™/15). 1st comm. sing.: ¨¢¤™ (±²™/401); °¢­™ (°¢­™/1, 13). 3rd masc. pl.: ž©¢š¢ (¡²°™/25); ž«¢±¢ (¤¢ª©™/42; ¡­²§š £¥§/8). 2nd masc. pl.: žŸ¢¥³ (™²™/75). Hifil/Type II 1st comm. sing.: £¢š™™ ‘to confound’ (£¢š™™/1; A); ®¢°™™ ‘to awaken (trans.)’ (£¢š™™/3; A).

There also seems to be a pun here on the number ¦¢©², since the reference is to the third utterance. 267

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MORPHOLOGY Notes: Both of the Type II forms, which are analyzed here as showing the root transformation II/w, y Æ I/’, are generated in order to satisfy an acrostic requirement that demands that the stichoi in which they are attested begin with -™™ (cf. also under §12q). 268 This type of root transformation may be attested in the case of BH ¬ªÒ ‹ ¬ªÒ (Zeph. 1:2); ¦­¢ ‹ ªˆ Š ™ ¬ªÒ ‘I will surely destroy them’ (Jer. 8:13). The emendations ¬ª‹ ™ ¬ªÒ and ¦­‹ ª† ™ ¬ªÒ, respectively, have been proposed for these passages (cf. GKC, §72aa, §113w, note 3), such that the syntagms are parsed as “Qal inf. absol. ¬ª™ + Qal 1st comm. sing. imperf. ¬ª™.” However, according to the Masoretic tradition the parsing is “Qal inf. absol. ¬ª™ + Hifil 1st comm. sing. imperf. ¬žª.” 269 In the latter case, we are faced with the suppletive alternation of a hollow root with a root I/’. A similar situation may be seen in âêÚ✆ Œ ¢ ÚÕœÒ ‘he threshes it thoroughly’ (Isa. 28:28), where the infinitive absolute is formed from a secondary root ²œ™, which is nowhere else attested. 270 Finally, note the alternation šžœ ~ šœ™ in the Hifil: ²­© ³Õš¢œŠ §† ‘causing the soul to pine away’ (Lev. 26:16) versus £²­© ³™ š¢œˆ Š ™¥ž  (I Sam. 2:33; with syncope of intervocalic he). Hofal 3rd masc. sing.: š²ž¢ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/24).

268

It would also be possible to derive the first form from the BH root £š™, which is attested in ¨²« ³ž™› ž¤š™³¢ž (Isa. 9:17). There, the verb seems to mean ‘to billow up (like smoke)’, so that £¢š™ ‘to cause to go up in smoke Æ to destroy’ could perhaps be defended. However, the presence of another derivative from the root £žš within the syntagm– ¦ž¢š £¢š™™ £š§–makes the etymology suggested here more plausible. The second case, in addition to being derivable from ®¢°, could also have beeen derived from the suppletive root ®°¢. Militating against such an analysis, however, is the analogy ®¢° Æ ®°™ :: £žš Æ £š™, as well as the fact that in BH ®°¢ is conjugated exclusively in the Qal, while ®¢° is attested exclusively in the Hifil. The present analysis therefore avoids the necessity of postulating a stem stift in addition to a root transformation. 269 This analysis is adopted by BDB, 62, s.v. ¬ª™ and 692, s.v. ¬žª. According to them, the infinitive absolute of ¬ª™ is “chosen for assonance.” 270 1QIsaa reads the infinitive absolute as ²œ (apud Kutscher, Isaiah, 505, who erroneously lists the form as ²žœ), i.e., as a Hifil. This is also problematic, however, since no Hifil of ²žœ is otherwise attested.

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY §12s Imperative Forms from Roots (Originally) II/w, y Qal/Type I masc. sing.: ±ž› ‘to fear’ (±ž³/475); ±žª (³ž«³/422; ¦² ³™/431; ±ž³/466); ±ž³ (±ž³/466). fem. sing.: ¢²¢² (¦™/6; v.l. ¢ §²). masc. pl.: žªž© (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/27). Qal/Type II masc. sing.:  © ‘to rest desist’ (³¢¥¤³/446; v.l.  ž©). Notes: In the BH root  ž©, the imperfect form  â©Ž  ¢ alternates with the converted imperfect  ©åŽž , where an /a/ vowel appears (instead of the expected /å/) because of the guttural ʚet. The unusual imperative form  © appears to be derived from the converted imperfect type, perhaps on the analogy of ¥¢¡Š °† ¢ ~ ¥¡‹ °† 垍 , ¥¡‹ °† .  Hifil/Type I masc. sing.: ¦° (¦©¤³/18). Hifil/Type II masc. pl.: (ž¥) ž ¢ê ‘to leave (alone)’ (¥™/597). Notes: In BH, the root  ž© shows a dual conjugation in the Hifil. With the meaning ‘to cause to rest’, it is conjugated in the expected manner. With the meaning ‘to set down, leave (alone)’, it is conjugated like a I/n verb. §12t Infinitives Construct from Roots (Originally) II/w, y Qal/Simple: ™žš(š) (™²™/2, 7; ° ±³/504), ž™žšš (¤¢ª©™/3, 25, 40); ¨¢¥ (±¤Ÿ/21);  ¢² (¦©¤³/8); ¢³²¥ Š (™²™/43), á³¢²¥ ( ³­¢/63); šž² (°¢­™/24), ¦šž²š (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/18); ±ž² (™²™/51), ᱞ²š ( ®±™ ¡§/4), ¦Ž±ž²š (¥™/616). Qal/With paragogic -åh: ªž ¥ (°¢­™/17; R). Piel: ¨å¯¥ (¦©¤³/8). Notes: For use of the Piel with hollow roots, see the comments under §12q. Polel/Simple: ¨©ž¤¥ (ž±ž™/17), (á)››ž§¥ ( ¢±¡¢/4; ¦©¤³/16), Õ««ž±¥ (£¢š™™/23), ±±ž²¥ (£¢š™™/58), á°°ž²¥ (¡²°™/22). 128

MORPHOLOGY Polel/With paragogic -ot: ³Õ©©ž¤¥ (°¢­™/14; R). Notes: For the infinitival ending ³Õ-, see under §12xx. N/Hitpalpel: ¦«Ÿ«œŸš (¢©©° ¢¢/347). N/Hitpolel: ¦§ž±³¥ (£¢š™™/65). Hifil/Type I/Simple: ®¢¥¥ (¡­²§š £¥§/51); ±¢§¥ (¨š™/7); ¬¢©¥ (¦©¤³/18); ¦¢°¥ (¥™/547); ¦¢±¥ (¤¢ª©™/41; °œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/1; £¢š™™/8); «¢±¥ (³™/10; ³±œ™/°), ¢«¢±š (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/4); °¢±¥ (¬™/1; ¡²°™/32); š¢²¥ (œ¢­™™/6); ³¢²¥ (±¤Ÿ/4). Hifil/Type I/With paragogic -åh: ­¢¯¥ ( ³­¢/73; R); š¢²¥ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/267). Hifil/Type II: š²¥ ‹ (±¤Ÿ/40; R; cf. §11b). Hifil/Type III: ›¢ëŠ ¥ ‘to remove’ (£¢š™™/61; cf. §3a). Notes: In BH, a number of hollow verbs in the Nifal perfect and in the Hifil/Hofal may show the doubling of the first radical in conjugation. 271 This is consistently the case with the Hifil of ›ž²/ª ‘to remove’. Hifil/Type IV: š¢š©¥ ‘to cause to grow’ (°¢­™/16); š¢š«¥ ‘to make clouds’ (¬™/1; °¢­™/15). Notes: The forms š¢š©¥ and š¢š«¥–the first derived from the root šž©, and the second a denominative of š«–both represent the root transformation hollow Æ geminate. Hifil/Type V: ³ž¡§¥ ‘to cause to totter’ (±¤Ÿ/18). Notes: This form, derived from the root ¡ž§, represents the root transformation II/w, y Æ III/h. 272 §12u Infinitives Absolute from Roots (Originally) II/w, y Qal: (™š¢) ™š (¤¢ª©™/19).

271

Cf. Bergsträsser, 2.§28q. The ed.’s sugestion, ad loc., that this verb means ‘to bring low’, and is to be derived from the adverb ¡§(¥) is much less likely, if only because such a derivation would imply the incorporation of the directional he into the root as the (vocalic) third radical. 272

129

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY §12v Gerunds from Roots (Originally) II/w, y Qal/Type I: ¥¢§ (¢©©° ¢¢/284). Qal/Type II: ³â¤¢§© ‘lowliness’ (¤¢ª©™/8). Notes: The Type II gerund represents the prefix incorporation II/w, y Æ I/n. The triliteral root £§© is derived from the Nifal participle £ž§© ‘lowly’. In MH, we find the original verbal root £ž§ (Hifil as well as Nifal participle), along with the new root £§©, which is conjugated in the Qal and Hifil: ¢³ž ž± ²¥²§ žš› ³¢ ²¥²§ [¤ž§© ™''©] ¤§© ³¢...£ž§© ³™ ¨¢™ž± ,³ ™  ž±§ [¤ž§© ™''©] ¤§©ž ...³ ™  ž±§ žš›ž ¢³ž ž± (T Eruv. 1[2]:14), ž¢š›§ £ž§©ž ž¤¢§©§ žš› (Sifrei Bamidbar 83). 273 Piel: [¢žž™–cf. III/h]; ¨žž¤ ‘directing’ (°¢­™/11); ¦ž¢ª ‘assigning’ ( ™²™ °œ¯š ¢«œ/29); [¢žž¯–cf. III/h]; [¢žž¢°–cf. III/h]; -¦ž¢° (±¤Ÿ/8), Õ§ž¢° ‘existence, essence’ (¥™/561); [¢žž±–cf. III/h]. Hifil: -³±« (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/42). §12w (Active) Participles from Roots (Originally) II/w, y Qal/Type I masc. sing.: ™š (¥™/570); ±œ (š³¤š Ÿ™/83; ¨žŸ™/455); ±Ÿ (³±œ™/12); ¦± (³±œ™/15; °¢­™/18; ²žœ°/35; ž³³/388). fem. sing.: ™š (¦² ³™/432); -³šŸ (¦©¤³/16); ±Ÿ (¢©©° ¢¢/279), -³±Ÿ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/9). masc. pl.: ¦¢¯™ (¦ž¡™/513); ¦¢™š (° ±³/496), -¢™š (¢©©° ¢¢/343; ¥™/566); ¦¢¥› (¥™/621); ¢Œ Ž ±› (¡§ ®±™/3); ¦¢©œ (³¢¥¤³/443); ¦¢¯œ (¦ž¡™/515); ¢Œ Ž ±œ (³™/13; ¡­²§š £¥§/17); ¦¢¥  (ž³³/385; ¥™/622); ¦¢ª¡ (¡²°™/17); ¦¢¯§ ‘draining, quaffing’ (¦ž¡™/519; v.l. ¦¢¯§§); ¦¢­« (¡²°™/32); ¦¢§° (±ž³/469); ¦¢§± (±²™/398); ¦¢¯± (¦ž¡™/515); ¦¢š² (¡­²§š £¥§/31; ¡²°™/28); ¦¢§Û (°¢­™/6; ±²™/401; ±ž³/472); ¦¢±Ú (¦² ³™/429); ¦¢±³ (¦² ³™/430). Notes: The form ¦¢¯§ is derived from a middle weak root, whereas we might have expected the use of either ¯§ or ®¯§, both of which are attested as Qal verbs in BH. It is possible that the verbal root ®ž§ ‘to drain’ is to be related to BH (š¥ ) ®¢§ ‘squeezing’ (Prov. 30:33) and ®§‹ ‘squeezer Æ extortioner’ (Isa. 16:4).

273

These are the only two MH sources listed in Moreshet, 229, s.v. £§©.

130

MORPHOLOGY fem. pl.: ³ž™š (¡­²§š £¥§/74); ³žš²ž ³ž¯± (¡­²§š £¥§/60); ¢³ž§° (£¢š™™/62). Notes: In the case of ³žš²ž ³ž¯±, Qillir appears to ignore the unexpected infinitive absolute form ™Õ¯±Ž in Ezek. 1:14. In any case, he clearly sees this form as being derived from the root ®ž±. Qal/Type II masc. pl.: ¦¢ššž© ‘to pray’ (³¥™³/5; cf. §13d). Notes: The form ¦¢ššž© represents the root transformation hollow Æ geminate (cf. also š¢š©¥ [§12t]). Qal/Type III masc. sing.: á Õ› Ž (¦™/1; derived from ¨¡š§ ¢ Š › ³™ [Ps. 22:10]). masc. pl.: ¦¢§ž ‘discomfiting, driving (into the Pit)’ (±ž³/471). fem. pl.: ³ž«žŸ ‘trembling’ (¡²°™/14). Notes: This type of participle shows the vowel shift /å/ Æ /o/. In forms other than the masc. sing. absolute, it therefore represents the root transformation II/w, y Æ III/h. 274 Such participles are attested in both BH–¦¢§Õ° Š (II Kings 16:7), ¡Õ¥ (Isa. 25:7), ¦¢ªÕÞ Š (Zech. 10:5)–and MH. 275 The form ¦¢§ž is clearly being used transitively, and therefore cannot be referred to BH § ‘to be boisterous’, which is consistently intransitive. Rather, it should be compred to ¥žœ› §ž§ ¦§Ž † Ž ž (Deut. 7:23). Nifal masc. sing.: ±ž™© (±¤Ÿ/10); ±žŸ© (™²™/55). fem. sing.: ©žœ© (¦™/2). masc. pl.: ¦¢©žš© (±¤Ÿ/24; ³¢¥¤³/442); ¢©žœ© (£¢š™™/38). 276 fem. pl.: ³ž©ž¤© (°¢­™/13). 274 This root transformation is discussed in Yalon, ™žš§, 172-73, where the present case of ³ž«žŸ is quoted. From the piyyut literature, Yalon also cites ¨³§¢™§ ³ž«žŸ from ¦¢¤™¥§ž ¦¢¥™±™ by the early Italian poet Amitai bar Shefatia–cf. J. Schirmann, ¢¥¡¢™š ³¢±š« ±¢² ± š§ (Berlin: Schocken, 1934) ¡-™¢. 275 Cf. Sokoloff, "š± ³¢²™±š" 273. 276 The ed., ad loc., points the form ¢©ÕàŠ©, but in light of the masc. sing. participle ¨ÕœŽ© (II Sam. 19:10), there is no compelling reason to prefer this vocalization to ¢©Õœ†©.

131

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY Piel masc. pl.: ¦¢š¢¢ § (° ±³/503). Polel masc. sing.: ¦¥¥ž § (±¤Ÿ/15). masc. pl.: ¦¢©©ž¤§ (¡²°™/17).

(¨žŸ™/458);

¦¢››ž§§

(¡²°™/36);

¦¢­­ž«§

Pilpel masc. pl.: ¦¢«Ÿ«Ÿ§ ( ³­¢/22). Pual masc. pl.: -¢šå §  (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/14). Hifil/Type I masc. sing.: ¨¢š§ (¢©©° ¢¢/106, 345); ¢š¢±§ (£¢š™™/15); «¢±§ ( ¢«œ ™²™ °œ¯š/26). masc. pl.: -¢©¢š§ ( ³­¢/30); ¦¢¯¢¥§ (¡­²§š £¥§/73); ¦¢°¢­§ (ž³™/368). Hifil/Type II masc. pl.: ¦¢«¢±³§ ‘to blow (the shofar)’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/22). Notes: This form, derived from the noun «ž±³, represents the prefix incorporation II/w, y Æ I/t. The secondary root «±³ is attested in MH, in the Hifil. 277 In the Corpus, the original verbal root «ž± is also attested (cf. §§12r, t and above). Hofal masc. sing.: ¨¤ž§ (±¤Ÿ/24). §12x Perfect Forms from Roots (Originally) III/’ Already in BH, we note the tendency for roots III/’ to be conjugated as III/h. 278 This tendency becomes more pronounced in MH. 279 Qal Cf. Moreshet, 395-96, s.v. 1«±³. Cf. GKC, §75nn-qq and Joüon, §78g. Sometimes, though much less commonly, the opposite tendency may also be observed–cf. GKC, §78rr and Joüon, §79l. 279 Cf. Segal, §273; Sokoloff, "š± ³¢²™±š" 273-74. 277 278

132

MORPHOLOGY 3rd masc. sing.: ™¯¢ (±¤Ÿ/32; ¢©©° ¢¢/299); ¦Ò²© (¤¢ª©™/28); ™±° ( ¨§ ±/18, et passim). 3rd fem. sing.: ™¯¢ (±¤Ÿ/2; ¡­²§š £¥§/44); ™¯§ (¦™/5); ™±° (¦™/3). 1st comm. sing.: ¢³™¥§ (¢©©° ¢¢/140); ¢³™²© (™²™/29). Nifal 3rd masc. sing.: ™±š© (¢©©° ¢¢/337, 338); ™¯§© (¢©©° ¢¢/256, 278, 293, 303); ™±°© (¦™/6; ¢©©° ¢¢/276, 277, 339). 1st comm. sing.: ¢³™±°© (¢©©° ¢¢/138). 3rd comm. pl.: ž™ð© (¢©©° ¢¢/166). Piel 3rd fem. sing.: ž©³™¥§ (£¢š™™/81; for this form as a Piel, see under §14p/double accusative). 3rd comm. pl.: ž™§¡ (¤¢ª©™/17). Hitpael/Nitpaal 1st comm. sing.: ¢³™²©³© (¢©©° ¢¢/166). Hifil 3rd masc. sing.: ™¢š  (¡²°™/3). Notes: For the root /™š , see under §12aa. §12y Imperfect Forms from Roots (Originally) III/’ Qal/Type I 3rd masc. sing.: ™±°åž ‘to call’ (¥™/592); £™±°¢ ‘to happen’ (¨žŸ™/457; v.l. £±°¢). 2nd masc. sing.: [™±¢³–cf. I/y]. 1st comm. sing.: ™±š™ (¢©©° ¢¢/107, 120, 133, 345); ™ð™ (°¢­™/18); ™±°™ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/2). 3rd masc. pl.: ž™²¢ (¦©¤³/7). Notes: For the verb meaning ‘to encounter, befall’, BH shows the doublet ™±° ~ ±°. According to B&L, §57t’’, s.v. ±°, note 2, “dieser Wechsel is wahrsch. ursemitisch.” Qal/Type II 1st comm. sing.: §›™ (£¢š™™/13). Notes: For the root /™§› ‘to swallow’, see under §12aa. 133

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY Nifal 3rd masc. pl.: ž™¥é¢ ( ³­¢/38, 84). Piel 2nd masc. sing.: ™¥§³ ( ³­¢/18). §12z Imperative Forms from Roots (Originally) III/’ Hifil masc. sing.: [™¯ž–cf. I/y]; ™­° ‘to thicken, condense’ ( ³­¢/19; Gen. 1x v.l. ™¢­°). Notes: For the root /™­°, see under §12aa. §12aa Infinitives Construct from Roots (Originally) III/’ Qal/Type I: ™ž¯§(¥) (±¤Ÿ/8; ³™/10; ¡­²§š £¥§/32); ™ž²© (¤¢ª©™/27), ՙ²Ž©š (¤¢ª©™/32); ™ž±°¥ (³¥™³/2). Qal/Type II: ³ž§› (¦©¤³/13). Notes: The form ³ž§› ‘to swallow’ is derived from the root ™§›, attested 2x in BH. In MH, the root is attested as a III/h–cf. ªž¤š ³ž§›¥ (JT Maaser. 3:8 [50d]). The same is the case in JPA: ¥ ¢§› ‘he swallows it’. 280 The weakening of the guttural is particularly remarkable in this case, since the root is also attested in MH with a third radical ayin: Õ«§› (JT M. Sheni 2:1 [53b]; cf. the Syriac «§› ‘to immerse’). The matter of this root in MH is discussed at length by Epstein, who determines that ¢©šž ,«§›¢ ,«¢§› :¦¢¥šš ž©² ©²§š §›¢ ,™§›¢ ,¢¢§› ,™¢§› :¥™±²¢. 281 It stands to reason that the Corpus shows the Palestinian reading. Nifal: ³ž™š ¥ (¡­²§š £¥§/30). Notes: Already in BH, a secondary root š , attested 4x, is beginning to develop from ™š . The new form is unambiguously attested only 1x, as an Aramaizing Qal masc. sing. imperative: ¢šˆ Š  (Isa. 26:20). In the Nifal infinitive construct š‹  Ž ‹ ¥† (2x), the form is Cited from Sokoloff, 131, s.v. ¢§›. See Epstein, ™žš§, 405-06. Cf. also Moreshet, 124, s.v. «§› and Sh. Sharvit, "¦¢§¤ -¨ž²¥š ³ž¢©ž±› ³²±­š ¦¢©ž¢«" Studies in the Hebrew Language and the Talmudic Literature Dedicated to the Memory of Dr. Menahem Moreshet (M.Z. Kaddari and Sh. Sharvit eds.; Ramat-Gan: Bar Ilan University Press, 1989) 229. 280 281

134

MORPHOLOGY orthographically III/h, but morphologically III/’. In the Nifal 3rd masc. sing. perfect ÞŽ  Œ † ©, it is orthographically III/h but morphologically ambiguous. The process of transformation from a root III/’ to a root III/h continues in MH. It is evident in the Corpus’ form ³ž™š ¥, which retains an alef in the orthography. The passive participle ¢žš  (§12dd) is conjugated as a normal III/h root. The perfect ™¢š  (§12x) and participles ³¢š © ‹ and ³ž™š ³§ (§12cc), on the other hand, are treated as verbs III/’, though in the case of ³¢š © ‹ the quiescent alef is not indicated in the orthography. Piel: ՙ¥§¥ (£¢š™™/52; cf. §5c). Hifil/Type I: [™¢¯ž¥–cf. I/y]; ž™¢ðš (¤¢ª©™/31); ™¢¯§¥ (¡²°™/30). Hifil/Type II: ¦³ž™ð¥ ‘to cause them to be married’ ( ³­¢/12); ³ž­°¥ ‘to reveal’ (³¥™³/3). Notes: In the case of ³ž­°¥, the analogous BH root belongs to the class III/’ (cf. also ¨ž™­° [§9u] and ™­° [§12z]). In MH, the root is already III/h. The form ¦³ž™²¥ is doubly weak, being both I/n and III/h (< III/’), and shows syncope of the he prefix. It should be vocalized ¦³Õ™Ý Ž ¥ (cf. BH ³Õ䝍 ¥), † the alef being a historical spelling, as in the case of ³ž™š ¥, above. §12bb Gerunds from Roots (Originally) III/’ Qal: ¢³ž™¢¯¢ (³¢¥¤³/442); -³™¢±° (±¤Ÿ/7). Piel: -¢ž¡š ‘expression’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/3). Notes: In BH, we find the root ™¡š ‘to speak rashly’ attested 3x in the Piel, along with the noun ™¡š§ (2x). On the other hand, a parallel III/h root is attested in ¡ÕÞ Œ (Prov. 12:18). Whereas it is difficult to determine the original form of this root, the weight of the evidence seems to incline towards the III/’ variant. 282 §12cc (Active) Participles from Roots (Originally) III/’ Qal masc. sing.: ™±žš (±²™/400), £™±žš (³ž«³/420); £™©Û (¢©©° ¢¢307).

282

Cf. B&L, §57t’’.

135

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY masc. pl.: ¦¢™²ž© ( ³­¢/11), -¢™²ž© (±¤Ÿ/18); ¦¢™±ž° (¦©¤³/11; ¥™/623), -¢™±ž° (¡­²§š £¥§/31). Nifal masc. sing.: ™±š© (±ž³/471); [™±ž©–cf. I/y]; ™ð© (°¢­™/18). fem. sing.: ³¢š © ‹ (š³¤š Ÿ™/65; R); ™ð© (¢©©° ¢¢/165). masc. pl.: ¦¢™ð© ( ³­¢/12; ³ž«³/414). fem. pl.: ³ž™¥­© (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/36). Notes: In BH, the fem. sing. participle usually takes the form ³™¥‹ ­Š† © (Deut. 30:11), with quiescent alef. The form ³¢š © is a phonetic spelling of this morphological type. With the root ™²©, the fem. sing. participle is attested as both ³™ÝŠ ‹ © (Zech. 5:7) and Ò݊ Ž© (Isa. 30:25). Piel masc. pl.: ¦¢™§¡§ (¥™/482). Hitpael masc. sing.: ™¥§³§ ( ³­¢/17). fem. pl.: ³ž™š ³§ (¡­²§š £¥§/61; cf. §5c). §12dd Passive Participles from Roots (Originally) III/’ Qal/Type I: masc. pl.: ¦¢™ž±š (±¤Ÿ/36); ¦¢™ž±° (¤¢ª©™/38); ¦¢™ž©² (¦ž¡™/517). Qal/Type II masc. sing.: ¢žš  (¦©¤³/3;  ³­¢/25). Notes: For the root /™š , see under §12aa. §12ee Perfect Forms from Roots (Originally) III/h Qal/Type I 3rd masc. sing.: ¥œ (¡²°™/43); ¢ (¢©©° ¢¢/100, et passim); ¢©Š  Ž © (£¢š™™/43); ¡© (¡§ ®±™/5), ¢©Š ¡Ž  © (¢©©° ¢¢/188), ¦¡© Ž (¢©©° ¢¢/188); ¡« (¡§ ®±™/7); ¥« (± ¨§/27, 28; ¢©©° ¢¢/275); š¯ (¨š™/5); ­¯ (¥™/610); ž± (¢©©° ¢¢/271). 3rd fem. sing.: ³¥« (¥™/552); ³©« (³¢¥¤³/441); ³œ­ (³¢¥¤³/440); ³š± (¦™/7). 2nd masc. sing.: ³¢¥™ (£¢š™™/69). 136

MORPHOLOGY 1st comm. sing.: ¢³¢¢ (¢©©° ¢¢/90, et passim); ¢³¢©« (™²™/11). 3rd comm. pl.: ž¢ (¢©©° ¢¢/359; ¥™/577); ž¤Ÿ (¢©©° ¢¢/284; ¥™/616); ž¡© (¢©©° ¢¢/356); ž©° (³žœž§ ³/525). 1st comm. pl.: ž©¢¢ (¢©©° ¢¢/105). Notes: The “archaic” ending -åt in the 3rd fem. sing. perfect of III/h verbs is attested in both BH (e.g., ³¥Ž ›† Ž [Jer. 13:19]) and MH, where roots originally III/’ may also show this form (e.g., ³™¯¢). 283 Qal/Type II 3rd masc. sing.: ™³™ (¤¢ª©™/26; ²žœ°/38 [Gen. 1x v.l. ³™]). Notes: In BH, the root ³™ may be conjugated as a III/’ verb in the perfect: â©³Ò Ž (Jer. 3:22). 284 Qal/Type III 3rd masc. sing.: ³™ (³™/1); ¥› ‘to reveal’ (¤¢ª©™/6; °¢­™/3); ¢  ‘to live’ (¤¢ª©™/11); ±  ‘to get angry’ (±¤Ÿ/4, 9); ²« (°ž ±§¥ ¢«œ ™²™/36; ¡²°™/23); ®­ (¡²°™/21, et passim). 3rd fem. sing.: ¯­ (³±œ™/13 [v.l. ³¯­,  ¯­, ¯ž­]; ¢©©° ¢¢/267). 1st comm. sing.: ¢³¯­ (™²™17; ¢¤©™/42). 3rd comm. pl.: ž¯­ (¦™/6 [v.l. ž ¯­ and Gen. v.l. ³ž¯­]; £¢š™™/62; ¨§ ±/25). Notes: Whereas the Type I forms represent the expected BH morphology of the perfect from a III/h root, the Type III forms represent the root transformation III/h Æ II/w, y. Graphically, the apocopation of Ž- in the 3rd masc. sing. forms of Type III leads to a situation whereby the 3rd fem. sing. perfect forms derived from transformed III/h Æ II/w, y roots is homographic with 3rd masc. sing. perfect forms of Type I. In a graphic system that marks wordaccent, these homographs may be easily distinguished, since a 3rd masc. sing. III/h form like ©š ‘he built’ is accented on the ultima, while a 3rd fem. sing. II/w, y form like ©š ‘she understood’ is accented on the penult. In the present analysis, it is assumed that such a phonemic distinction obtains in the Corpus, so that a form 283 For further examples in BH, see Bergsträsser, 2.§90l. For MH, see Sokoloff, "š± ³¢²™±š" 273. For the phenomenon in general, see J. Blau, "?¨ ³ž§âœ° ³Õ±â¯ ¦¢§¤  ¨Õ²¥Þ² ³Ž¢Ž ¨¢«§ ³±³ª© ³Õ±â¯ ¦™" Leshonenu 47 (1983) 158-59. 284 Cf. Joüon, 1.§79l.

137

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY like ¯­, which is clearly contextually feminine, is assumed to be accented on the penult and therefore represent the root transformation III/h Æ II/w, y. Note, moreover, that just as in the masculine, the Corpus shows a dual realization of originally III/h roots–i.e., š¯ ~ ³™–so in the feminine we have both the BH morphology as well as the new type III/h Æ II/w, y–i.e., ³š± ~ ¯­. The existence of these two possibilities leads to a further analytical problem in the 3rd comm. pl.–viz., is a form like ž¯­ to be understood as being accented on the ultima, and therefore analyzable as being derived from a III/h root, or is it rather to be understood as being accented on the penult, and therefore showing the root transformation III/h Æ II/w, y? In this case, the principle of not splitting paradigms needlessly must be our guide. Since not only the present Corpus but all of Byzantine piyyut commonly employs the apocopated form ®­ in the 3rd masc. sing. and the form ¯­ in the 3rd fem. sing., we must treat ž¯­ as also being derived synchronically from the root ®ž­ rather than the BH root ¯­ (but cf. ¦¢¯ž­ [v.l. ¦¢¯­] [§12jj]). The 3rd masc. sing. perf. ¢  is attested in BH more commonly than the non-apocopated form ¢ . 285 Nifal/Type I 3rd masc. sing.: §œ© (¥™/582); ™±© (¥™/579); ¯±© (¢©©° ¢¢/294). 3rd fem. sing.: ³°²© ( ³­¢/41). 1st comm. sing.: ¢³¢²«© (¢©©° ¢¢/222). 3rd comm. pl.: ž™±© (¢©©° ¢¢/348). Piel/Type I 3rd masc. sing.: ¥› (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/29); ©¤ (¡²°™/41); ž¯ ( ¨§ ±/28); ±°‹ (¡²°™/4); š± ( ³­¢/80); 286 ž² (¡²°™/42); ©² ( ™²™ °œ¯š ¢«œ/15). 285 Cf. GKC, §76i, where it is claimed that in BH the apocopated forms are “treated as a verb «''«.” 286 The sentence from which this form is drawn is as follows: š± ¦¢§ ž¤œ ±›¤. The ed., ad loc., vocalizes the form as an imperative. This, however, is impossible within the deictic/pronominal context, and the sentence should be translated ‘He made water abundant when His meek one [=Elijah] crouched.’ It is true that much of this composition consists of either direct adresses to God in the second person or expressions of the speaker’s volition. A number of additional cases of the 3rd person

138

MORPHOLOGY 3rd fem. sing.: ⩳† è çŠ (£¢š™™/79); ³ž¯ (¢©©° ¢¢/312). 2nd masc. sing.: ³¢©¤ ( ¢±¡¢/5). 1st comm. sing.: ¢³¢œž (°¢­™/6); ¢³¢ž¯ (¢¤©™/45). Piel/Type II 3rd masc. sing.: ¥¤ ‘to finish’ (¡²°™/4; mod.); ¥¤ ‘to purpose’ (¡²°™/21; mod.); 287 ž¥¢« ‘to bring up’ (¥™/593). Notes: In BH, the form of the 3rd masc. sing. perfect with a masc. sing. accusative suffix is ❎©«, Ž etc. The vocalic termination of the stem is apocopated in context forms with a 2nd masc. sing. accusative suffix, e.g., £Ž ۆ «. Ž In pause, the variation of the vocalism between £Ž† ©«Ž (Isa. 30:19; cf. also the same form in context in Jer. 23:37) and £Ž ©Œ °Ž (Deut. 32:6) makes it clear that we are dealing with a connecting vowel, rather than with the retention of the vocalic termination of the stem. 3rd

Piel/Type III 3rd fem. sing.: ⩳† ¥ ç† ñŠ ‘It (fem.) has put an end to us.’ (£¢š™™/81). Notes: This form represents the prefix incorporation III/h Æ I/t, for which cf. also ¥¤Œ ñŒ ‘end’ (§9x). Pual 3rd masc. sing.: ª© (°¢­™/17). Hitpael/Nitpaal 3rd masc. sing.: Ÿš³© (¢©©° ¢¢/274); ©§³© (¢©©° ¢¢/285, 365); ¥«³© ( ¨§ ±/27; ¢©©° ¢¢/277). Hifil/Type I 3rd masc. sing.: [±ž–cf. I/y]; ä (¡§ ®±™/6; ž³³/389; ¥™/563); œ« ‘to deck out’ (¢©©° ¢¢/308); ©« ‘to speak’ (¢©©° ¢¢/252); ž° (ž±ž™/17); ³² (¡²°™/7). 1st comm. sing.: ¢³¢š± ( ³­¢/77). perfect are found, however–cf. ±­ªš ³ž¥žš› ž¥š›Ž ( ³­¢/25); ¨ž¢¤ £¯±™ ( ³­¢/41); ž³¢«±§ ¨¢¤ ( ³­¢/75). 287 The sentence ³ž°²¥ ¥¤ seems to mean ‘He desired/purposed to water’. Heidenheim, ad loc., suggests that the form be compared to œžœ ¥¤ñ †ž ³™¯¥ £¥§ (II Sam. 13:39). Though there is clearly a textual problem in MT here, the suggestion seems to me to be correct, and I have therefore categorized ¥¤ as a modified Piel.

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 3rd comm. pl.: [ž±ž–cf. I/y]; žä™ (£¢š™™/50; for alef prefix, see §29l). Hifil/Type II 3rd masc. sing.: £ ‘to smite’ ( ³­¢/8; also I/n); ¥«  (›ž  ¢ª­™/54; R), Õ¥‡«Œ (¥™/592; R). Notes: For the BH form of the 3rd masc. sing. perfect stem with the 3rd masc. sing. accusative suffix, see under Piel/Type II. Hofal 3rd comm. pl.: ž³²ž (¢©©° ¢¢/173; v.l. ž³³²ž). §12ff Imperfect Forms from Roots (Originally) III/h Qal/Long (+ pl.) 3rd masc. sing.: ¢¢ (¢©©° ¢¢/113; ¥™/609); ¥«¢ (¢©©° ¢¢/112); ²«¢ (¡­²§š £¥§/23; £¢š™™/10); ±­¢ ( ³­¢/39; Gen. 1x v.l. '­† ¢); ™±¢ (£¢š™™/40); ¯±¢ (£¢š™™/77); ¢Œ Ž ©ÚŠ† 垍 (š³¤š Ÿ™/70). 288 2nd masc. sing.: ¢³ (³žœž§ ³/529); ¤Ÿ³ (¨žŸ™/463); ²«³ ( £¥§ ¡­²§š/40); ©­³ (¥™) (° ±³/506). 1st comm. sing.: ž™™ (™²™/50); ¥™™ (™²™/49); ¤š™ (£¢š™™/8); «›™ (£¢š™™/14); ›™ (£¢š™™/25); §™ (£¢š™™/25); ©«™ (™²™/9); «­™ (£¢š™™/14); ™±™ (£¢š™™/73). 3rd masc. pl.: ž¥«¢ (¡­²§š £¥§/15); ž™±¢ (° ±³/504); žš±¢ (³¢¥¤³/450). Qal/Short 3rd masc. sing.: ™Œœ‹åž (š³¤š Ÿ™/63); ¢¢ (¥™) (¦ž¡™/521); ¡«¢ (¤¢ª©™/13); ¥«¢ (¤¢ª©™/35; ±¤Ÿ/33); ²«¢ (±¤Ÿ/2); ¨­¢ (¤¢ª©™/18; ³¥™³/9; °¢­™/8); ™±¢ (±¤Ÿ/3; ³¥™³/10); ®±¢ (¤¢ª©™/34); «²¢ ( ¢«œ ™²™ °œ¯š/17). 2nd masc. sing.: ¢³ (¥™) (° ±³/506); «²³ ( ³­¢/2). 3rd masc. pl.: ž¢ (° ±³/505; v.l. ž¢¢). Notes: In BH, there is a well-attested distinction between the “long” and “short” imperfect of verbs from roots III/h. Synchronically, the distinction is based on the retraction of the accent to the prefix-syllable and the concomitant aphaeresis of the 288 In the body of the text, the ed. vocalizes the form as a Piel, but suggests the vocalization adopted here as an alternative in her commentary, ad loc.

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MORPHOLOGY final /e/ vowel: Œ©š† ¢Š Æ ¨šŒ ¢Š . 289 Historically, the distinction between the two forms may be represented by the distinction between the proto-form with final, short /u/–*yábniyu > yibnæ (contraction of final triphthong /iyu/ and forward shift of stress)–and the protoform lacking this vowel–*yábniy > *yábni (aphaeresis of final /y/, homorganic with the short vowel /i/) > *yábn (aphaeresis of final, short vowel) > *yíbn (analogical replacement of the prefix vowel) > yíbæn (epenthesis). 290 Functionally, the “long” form represents the non-perfective conjugation in BH, while the “short” form plays the role of the preterit, in both unbounded and bounded (i.e., mostly waw-consectutive) constructions, as well as the jussive. 291 From the examples above, it is clear that both forms are attested in the Corpus. We must also note that the waw-consecutive construction, a typical feature of BH, and one which creates a majority of the environments in which the “short” form is preserved, is only infrequently attested in the Corpus. Theoretically, then, with the massive regression of the waw-consecutive and the loss of a morphologically marked jussive (cf. §18k), one might have expected that the “short” form would be in a state of retreat as well, if not completely lacking. Two morphological factors, however, appear to have contributed to its retention, and even to the expansion of its functions, at the expense of the “long” form, into the indicative imperfect realm: 1) its participation in the morphological process of aphaeresis of final /e/, common in the Corpus’ morphology (cf. §12xx), and 2) its morphological patterning as a segolate structure, which is clearly a preferred one in the Corpus. In MH a functional (lexicalized) analogue of the BH “short” volitive form is found with the root ¢. In the 3rd and 2nd comm. pl., the forms ❆¢ and âñ† , showing aphaeresis of the second radical /y/, are in use. In the singular, the “short” volitive forms ¢†Š ¢, etc. are attested, along with forms with aphaeresis: ™† ‹ ¢, etc. 292 289

Cf. GKC, §75k. Cf. Blau, ™› ³±ž³, 182. 291 Cf. the comments in W&O, 496-502. 292 Cf. Segal, §282 and Sh. Sharvit, "©²§ ¨ž²¥š '¦¢©§Ÿ' ³¤±«§" Studies in Hebrew and Semitic Languages Dedicated to the Memory of Prof. Eduard Yechezkel Kutscher (G.B. Sarfatti, et al. eds.; Ramat-Gan: Bar-Ilan University Press, 1980) 123-24. The analogous forms in JPA are ¨ž¢ and ¨ž³ (cf. Sokoloff, 160, s.v. ¢ž). In BH, we find ™â†¢ ¦² ®« ¥ž­¢² ¦ž°§ (Qoh. 11:3), but the 290

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY Nifal 3rd masc. sing.: ²«‹¢ (¡­²§š £¥§/33). 2nd masc. sing.: °ê³ (¢¤©™/46). Piel 1st comm. sing.: ¤š™ (£¢š™™/9); ¥š™ (£¢š™™/8); ¥›™ (£¢š™™/14); ¯±™ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/4). 3rd masc. pl.: ž³­¢ (¦©¤³/6), ž­¯¢ (¡­²§š £¥§/17); žž±¢ ( ³­¢/14). Hitpael 2nd masc. sing.: ¯±³³ ( ³­¢/23). 3rd masc. pl.: žž™³¢ (¦©¤³/13). Hifil/Long (+ pl.) 3rd masc. sing.: ¦ä ‹ 垍 (¢©©° ¢¢/358). 3rd masc. pl.: [¢©ž±ž¢–cf. I/y]; ž¥«¢ (¤¢ª©™/34); ¢©ž²±¢ (°¢­™/10). Hifil/Short 3rd masc. sing.: ¥«¢ (¤¢ª©™/16; ¦©¤³/10). Hifil/Type III 3rd masc. sing.: ¢¡Š ±† ¢ ‘to provide (a cure)’ (¤¢ª©™/36). Notes: Since this verb is denominative from MH ¢¡± ‘plaster’, the expected form would have been ¡Œ ±† ¢**. It is difficult to imagine that our form represents the root transformation III/h Æ III/’, especially since there is no indication of a variant spelling with final alef (as in the case of ™¢±­¢ ‘to bear fruit’ [Hos. 13:15]). A III/h form is, moreover, attested in ¥ § ³ž¡±¥ ¦¢›¯ ( ³šš ­¯ ³ž§³/8). 293 In two cases in BH, a 3rd fem. sing./2nd masc. sing. III/h short imperfect form shows final ¢-Š (apparently standing in place of final Œ-): ¦² ¢©Š Ÿ† ñ Š ž ‘and she played the harlot there’ (Jer. 3:6); ¢ Š §† ñŒ ¥Ñ ‘do not efface!’ (Jer. 18:23; mil‘el tone). 294 It might be argued in the present case that the use of /i/ rather than /æ/ as a final vowel is determined by a tendency referent of the verb is singular, and the form is, in any case, very reasonably emended to ™â (cf. GKC, §75s). 293 The reference is to the meshallesh of Qillir’s qedushta for Yom Kippur §¢ž™ °§« ¨²ž² (Goldschmidt, ¦¢™±ž© ¦¢§¢, 2.339). 294 Cf. GKC, §75ii.

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MORPHOLOGY toward iconicity–i.e., reproducing in the denominative verb as many sounds as possible of the original substantive: reʞiyå Æ yarʞi. This tendency is also probably at work in the denominative verb ¢Š©«ˆ ¢ ‘to become poor’, attested in the piyyut ¬°ž³ ©³©ž, 295 though in this case the avoidance of homonymy with ©«¢ ‘he will answer’ also evidently plays a role. Hofal 3rd masc. pl.: ž²±¢ (¡²°™/32). Hofal/Type II Ž ‘it will be accepted’ (¨ž©š¥§ ¢³™/139; R). 3rd masc. sing.: ¯±ž¢ §12gg Imperative Forms from Roots (Originally) III/h Qal masc. sing.: ¥œ ( ³­¢/16); › (³¢¥¤³/446); ¥« (± ¨§/28); ²« (¨žŸ™/459); ­¯ (¨žŸ™/460); ™± ( ³­¢/79; £¢š™™/83); ¯± (£¢š™™/29); «² (¦™/7;  ³­¢/21, 53, 81). masc. pl.: ž©« (œ¢­™™/8). Piel/Long masc. sing.: â± (¨©«/14;  ³­¢/78). Piel/Short masc. sing.: ž¯ ( ³­¢/76; Gen. 1x v.l. ‹â¯).  Hifil/Short masc. sing.: ¥« (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/7). §12hh Infinitives Construct from Roots (Originally) III/h Qal: ᳞¥š (¦™/5); ³ž©š¥ (°¢­™/14); ³ž™œ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/35); ³ž œ ( ™²™ °œ¯š ¢«œ/16); ³ž¢(¥) (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/10, et passim), ³ž¢š (¢©©° ¢¢/103, 104); ³ž¯ ¥ (¦©¤³/1); ³ž¥¤ (¦™/2); ³ž±¢¥ ( ³­¢/37); ³ž¡©¥ (¡²°™/23); ³ž¥« (¡­²§š £¥§/37); ³ž©«(¥) (¡­²§š £¥§/71;  ³­¢/85; £¢š™™/1); ³ž²«¥ (¡­²§š £¥§/5); ³ž©­ ( ³­¢/68); ³ž™± (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/39; £¥§ ¡­²§š/60); ³ž«²(¥) (¡­²§š £¥§/71; ¡²°™/38); ³ž³²(¥) (¡²°™/43; ¦©¤³/3); 296 ³ž¥³ ( ³­¢/87). Goldschmidt, ¦¢™±ž© ¦¢§¢, 1.170. In (¦©¤³/3) the ed. vocalizes ³Õ³Ú, Ž but since the infinitive absolute is very rare in the Corpus, the vocalization ³Õ³Ú† seems preferable. 295 296

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY Nifal/Regular: ž³ž¥›š (¥™/578); ³ž©«¥ (¡­²§š £¥§/71); ³ž²«¥ (¡­²§š £¥§/27; Gen. v.l. ³ž²«¥); ³ž™±¥ (¡­²§š £¥§/75). Nifal/Type II: ¯Ž Œ ±¥ ‹ ‘to be desired’ (ž³­²™ ¤¢™/50; R). Piel/Regular: ³ž§œ¥ (¢©©° ¢¢/240); ³ž¤Ÿ¥ (¤¢ª©™/6); £³ž¢  (¨žŸ™/455); ³ž¤ ¥ (£¢š™™/10); ³ž¥  (¦™/3); ᳞ž¥¥ (¦™/5); ³ž™©¥ (¡­²§š £¥§/73); ³â¯¥ (¥™/611); ³žž± (°¢­™/16; ¦©¤³/5); ³ž¯±¥ (¨©«/14). Piel/Bare stem: ¢°©¥ ‘to purify me’ (£¥§/54, 55, 57). Piel/Type III: ë¤¥ Œ ‘to cover’ (£¢§ž ¢©š ³™/38; R). Hifil/Regular: ³ž¢ ¥ ( ¢±¡¢/6;  ³­¢/88); [³žœž¥–cf. I/y]; ³žã¥ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/150); ž³žçš (¤¢ª©™/21); ³ž¥«¥ ( ³­¢/4); ³ž±­¥ (¡²°™/37); ³ž™±(¥) (¡­²§š £¥§/76; ž±ž™/17;  ³­¢/71); ¦¢³ž™±¥ (¥™/580; for the suffix, cf. §7b); ³žš±¥ (¡­²§š £¥§/59); ³ž°²¥ (¡²°™/21). Hifil/Bare stem: ՛œ¥ ‘to multiply’ ( ³­¢/87); ¥«¥ (¤¢ª©™/36; R), ž¥«¥ (¥™/596; R); ¨«¥ ‘to speak’ (¦ž¢š ¦¢¥™/3; R); š±¥ ‘to multiply’ (ž³­²™ ¤¢™/52; R), £š±š (£¢š™™/35). Hifil/Type III: ¥¢«³¥ ‘to heal’ (³¥™³/1). Notes: The root ¥«³ is derived from the tav-prefixed BH noun ¥Ž «Ž ñ† ‘healing’. It therefore represents the prefix incorporation III/h Æ I/t (cf. also ¥« ñ [§9x]). Hifil/Type IV: ¥œ¥ Œ ‘to draw, bring up’ (¨ž©š¥§ ¢³™/272); ª§¥ ‘to cause to melt’ (£¢§ž ¢©š ³™/40; R); ž¯§¥ ‹ ‘to drain it out’ ( œ« œ™™ ›ž /7; R). Hitpael/Nitpaal/Regular: ³ž©«³¥ (¡­²§š £¥§/70). Hitpael/Nitpaal/Type II: è¤³¥ Œ ‘to come to an end’ ( ¤¢™ ¢³±™­³/46; R). Hištafel: ³ž ³²¥ (¥™/614). §12ii Gerunds derived from roots (Originally) III/h Qal: ³ž¢¤š (¤¢ª©™/18); -³¢¤ ‘growing dim’ (±¤Ÿ/13); -³¢©« ( ³­¢/62, et passim); 297 ¢±­ ( ³­¢/62), -³¢±­ (¦©¤³/10); 298 ¢™± (±¤Ÿ/13); -³¢³² ‘drinking’ (¡²°™/33); ¢³² (¨š™) (¢©©° ¢¢/197), -³¢¢³² ‘foundation’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/173).

297 298

The ed. vocalizes all of the forms -³¢©Ž «ˆ . Kutscher, "¥''Ÿ  ¨ž²¥" ¡¯ notes that the form is attested in MH as

¢Ž¢±† ì.Š

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MORPHOLOGY Piel: ¢žž™ (¦©¤³/14; £¢š™™/33, 59); ¢žœž ( ³­¢/23); ¢ž©¤ (¡­²§š £¥§/47), (¦²) ¢ž©¤ (¡²°™/41); ¢žž¢¯ (®¢­¢/10; ¨©«/13; ¥™/604); ¢žž¢° (¡²°™/37); ¢žž± (¨©«/13). Hifil: -³¢¯§ ( ³­¢/18). §12jj (Active) Participles from Roots (Originally) III/h Qal/Type I masc. sing.: ¥ž› ‘to reveal’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/5);  žœ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/31); ¢¤ž  ‘the One who waits for me’ (£¢š™™/58);  ž§ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/32); ¡ž« (¥™/602); ­ž¯ (œ¢­™™/9; ¦©¤³/5; ¥™/609); -™ž± (ž³³/388); «ž± (¤¢ª©™/40), ¢«ž± (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/4), £«ž± (±²™/405), ¦«ž± Ž ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/365). fem. sing.: ¢¤žš (£¢š™™/8); §ž (±¤Ÿ/42); ¡žª (±ž³/478), -³¡žª (¥™/484); ¢¢±ž­ (±¤Ÿ/14;  ³­¢/61; ¥™/488). Notes: The fem. sing. participle ¢±ž­, with consonantal representation of the third radical, is attested in Isa. 17:6, Ezek. 19:10 and Ps. 128:3. The participle ¢¤žš appears in Lam. 1:16. masc. pl.: -¢›ž (œ¢­™™/3), ¢›ž Ž (¥™/606); ¦¢§ž (±²™/397); ¦¢±ž (³¢¥¤³/448), £¢±ž (¨žŸ™/452); ž¢¤ž  Ž ‘the ones who wait for Him’ (¤¢ª©™/6); ¦¢«ž¡ (³ž«³/416); ¦¢¥ž« (¡²°™/28; ¢©©° ¢¢/321; ³žœž§ ³/530); ²ž« (±²™/399); ¦¢©ž­ (¡²°™/34); ¦¢¯ž­ (¦ž¡™/514; Gen. 1x v.l. ¦¢¯­); ¦¢­ž¯ (±ž³/468; ¥™/487); ¦¢©ž° (¨žŸ™/452); ¦¢™ž± (° ±³/495); ¦¢¡ž² ‘fools’ (±¤Ÿ/27). Qal/Type II masc. pl.: ¦¢™œ ‘to swoop’ (¡²°™/32). Notes: This form represents the root transformation III/h Æ II/w, y. The original III/h root ™œ is attested in the Corpus as well–cf. ™Œœ‹åž (§12ff) and ³Õ™à† (§12hh). Qillir also employs a metathetic root œ™ in ¦¢§² ›ž  œ« œ™™ (›ž  œ« œ™™/1), where the initial sequence -™™ satisfies the acrostic requirement. Nifal/Type I masc. sing.: ²«© (¡­²§š £¥§/20). masc. pl.: ¦¢©§© (³¢¥¤³/438); ¦¢©«© (³¢¥¤³/445); ¦¢©°© (³¢¥¤³/447); ¦¢™±© (¡²°™/28). Nifal/Type II 145

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY masc. sing.: Û«© (±¤Ÿ/1). 299 Piel masc. sing.:  ™§ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/32); ¢±Ÿ§ ‘the One who scatters me’ (£¢š™™/59); ¢¤ § ‘the one waiting for me’ (£¢š™™/59). masc. pl.: -¢¥›§ (¥™/480); ¦¢¤ § (¤¢ª©™/19); ¦¢¯©§ ‘stirring up (strife)’ (¦ž¡™/516); ¦¢°©§ (¢©©° ¢¢/372). Pual masc. sing.: ¥ž«§ (¢©©° ¢¢/241). fem. sing.: ©²§  (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/16). masc. pl.: ¦¢¥ž«§ (ž³³/383; ¥™/619). Hitapael/Nitapaal masc. pl.: ¦¢™›³§ (¤¢ª©™/25); ¦¢©«³§ (¨žŸ™/457). Hifil masc. sing.:  œ§ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/31);  §§ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/31);  ©§ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/32). fem. sing.: ™±§ (¡²°™/26). masc. pl.: [-¢±ž§–cf. I/y]; ¦¢©­§ (¨žŸ™/457); ¦¢©°§ (¨žŸ™/458). fem. pl.: ³žš±§ (¡­²§š £¥§/59). §12kk Passive Participles from Roots (Originally) III/h Qal/Type I masc. sing.: -¢ž³™ (³¥™³/9; °¢­™/24); ¢ž¥› (±¤Ÿ/38; ¦©¤³/3); ¢ž œ ( ™²™ °œ¯š ¢«œ/8); ¢ž±Ÿ (£¢š™™/22); ¢ž²« (¡­²§š £¥§/29). fem. sing.: ¢ž±¡ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/7); ¢ž±¤ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/8); -³¢žš² (¥™/599). masc. pl.: ¦¢ž›œ (¤¢ª©™/26); ¦¢¢ž¯  ( ³­¢/32); ¦¢ž›ª (¤¢ª©™/26); ž¢¢ž©° (±¤Ÿ/9); ¦¢ž™± (±¤Ÿ/36). 299 The ed.’s suggestion that this form be understood as an apocopated 1st comm. pl. imperfect is highly unlikely on syntactic grounds. It would be theoretically possible to parse it as a 3rd masc. sing. perfect. However, the context in which the form is found–²«© ©² ¥¤š ±²™//²«§ ¥¤ ³¥ ³ ±¤Ÿ– closely corresponds to the opening line of Qillir’s qedushta ¥ª ±¢¤Ÿ™ for Shabbat Zakhor: ¦¢²«©ž ¦¢±¤Ÿ© ¥™ ¦¢§¢š//¦¢²«§ ¨ž±¤Ÿ ¥ª ±¢¤Ÿ™ (Baer, 662). The unambiguous participial form in the latter source suggests that we ought to read ²«© as an apocopated participle.

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MORPHOLOGY fem. pl.: ³ž¢ž¥³ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/39). Notes: The form ¦¢ž›ª is derived from the root ›Û ‘to increase’, which is attested in BH together with its doublet ™›Û. Qal/Type II masc. pl.: ¦¢¥ž¥³ ‘dependent, stemming from’ (³žœž§ ³/535; R). Notes: The context makes it clear that the form in question is standing in for the expected ¦Š¢â¥ñ:† ¦¢¥ž¥³ "œž§ ³ ™¥"š ¦¢±šœ ¥™. §12ll Perfect Forms from (Originally) Geminate Roots Qal/Type I 3rd masc. sing.: °  (¢©©° ¢¢/195, 196; no 3rd pers. in BH); œ§ (¡²°™/30; ¡²°™/43), œœ§ (¢©©° ¢¢/87; BH alw. œœ §); Ž £² (£¢š™™/2; BH 1x perf., ¤¤²); ²³ (™²™/33). Qal/Type II 1st comm. sing.: ¢³°  (™²™/73) Notes: The Type II form is lacking the separating vowel, usually interpolated in BH between the stem and a consonantinitial subject suffix, e.g., £¢† ³Š  (Isa. 49:16). One such form is attested in BH: ⩧† ñ (Num. 17:28; Ps. 64:7), ⩧† ñŽ (Jer. 44:18; in pause). 300 Morphologically, such forms are indistinguishable from ones derived from hollow roots, and the present case therefore represents the root transformation geminate Æ II/w, y, as in Õ°â Þ† ¦ž³ ¢©­ ¥« ›ž  (Prov. 8:27) and ®±™ ¢œªž§ Õ°â Þ† (Prov. 8:29)–cf. §12oo. In light of this, the 3rd masc. sing. °  might also be considered as representing this transformation. Qal/Type III 3rd masc. sing.: ¦Ÿ¢ (³™/5; ¡²°™/19). 3rd fem. sing.: §Ÿ¢ (³±œ™/12). Notes: The root ¦Ÿ¢ ‘to lay plans’ is based on the MT ⧆Ÿ¢Ž (Gen. 11:6), which according to GKC, §67dd is to be understood as a 3rd masc. pl. imperfect from the geminate root ¦§Ÿ (i.e., = â鏟¢Ž). It must be admitted, however, that the context in the verse can easily support a parsing of the form as a 3rd masc. pl. perfect: ±¯š¢ ™¥ ³«ž 300

Cf. GKC, §67d.

147

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY ³ž²«¥ ž§Ÿ¢ ±²™ ¥¤ ¦§. 301 In either case, this form represents the root transformation geminate Æ I/y. Piel 3rd masc. sing.: Õªª¢š (¡²°™/11); °°Ÿ ‘establish’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/13); ¨©  (³¥™³/11); ¥¥¤ ‘to perfect, finish’ (¡²°™/5); ¥¥¢¤ ‘to include’ (¥™/562); ¨©¢² (¥™/555). 3rd fem. sing.: œœ› (³±œ™/10); ¥¥  (³±œ™/12), ž©³¥¥¢  (£¢š™™/80); ©©  (³¥™³/6); ¥¥­ (¨š™/6); œœÛ (³±œ™/10); œœÚ (³±œ™/10). Pilpel 3rd comm. pl.: ž­¯­¯ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/36). Poel 3rd comm. pl.: £ž±±ž› (¨žŸ™/453). Pual 3rd fem. sing.: ¥¥  (¨š™/6). 3rd comm. pl.: ž³³² ‘to be founded (subj. earth and the Abyss)’ (¨š™/2). Notes: The root ³³² ‘to set, appoint’ is attested 2x in BH (Ps. 49:15; 73:9) as a poetic by-form of the hollow root ³¢². 302 Note,  however, that since both cases are of the 3rd masc. pl. perfect âñÚ, the root owes its existence exclusively to the Tiberian masoretic tradition, which in these two cases has preferred to vocalize as a geminate verb rather than as the expected hollow form â³ÚŽ (attested 4x in MT). This root is not attested in MH. 303 Hitpael/Nitpaal 1st comm. sing.: ¢³¥¥³© (¢©©° ¢¢/142). N/Hitpalpel 3rd masc. sing.: «²«³²© (¢©©° ¢¢/119). 301 This, in fact, is the understanding of Ibn Ezra, who states in his commentary, ad loc.: ¦¢²±² ¢©² ¦ž ž§§Ÿ ž§¤ ž§Ÿ¢ ³¥§ž. Thus also in Kimʘi, ¦¢²±² ±­ª, s.v. ¦Ÿ¢: ¦ œ ™ ¦§Ž  Ÿž ¦Ÿ¢Ž ¨¢©«ž. 302 Cf. BDB, 1060, s.v. ³³². 303 But cf. Moreshet, 381, s.v. ³², who notes that in ¦¥ž« ³²© ©§§ (T 2 Kipp. 3[2]:6) the Vienna ms. reads ³³²© and the parallel passage in BT Yoma 54b reads ³³²ž. He notes there, however, that the reading ³²ž of the parallel in JT Yoma 5:2 (42c) is to be preferred (cf. also under §13qq).

148

MORPHOLOGY Hifil 3rd masc. sing.: ¥  (¡²°™/4); ±­ (¢©©° ¢¢/250, 251, 252, 253). §12mm Imperfect Forms from (Originally) Geminate Roots Qal/Type I 3rd masc. sing.: ¦¢Ž (¤¢ª©™/5); Ÿ«¢Ž (¤¢ª©™/12, 31). Notes: These forms represent the normal, weak BH conjugation of a geminate root from the proto-form *yaqlul(u) > *yaqull(u). 304 Qal/Type II 3rd masc. sing.: ³ ‹  垍 (¢©©° ¢¢/253).  ¢ (¡­²§š £¥§/17; ¦² ³™/428). 3rd masc. pl.: âñ ‹ Notes: These forms represent the normal, weak BH conjugation of a geminate root from the stative proto-form *yiqlal(u) > *yiqall(u). Qal/Type III 1st comm. sing.: ¦ã™Œ (¡²°™/1). Notes: This form represents the Aramaic-type conjugation, well attested in BH, which shows gemination of the first radical. 305 Note that in the perfect, however, this root is attested as ¦Ÿ¢ (cf. under §12ll). Nifal 3rd masc. sing.: ¨© ‹¢ (¡­²§š £¥§/20; Gen. v.l. ž©©ž ¢, ¨© ž¢). Notes: It appears that in BH, only one triliteral form from a geminate root is attested in the Nifal: šš‹ 芎 ¢ (Job 11:12). 306 Piel 2nd masc. sing.: ±±š³ ‘to establish’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/42). 1st comm. sing.: ±±§™ (£¢š™™/75). 3rd masc. pl.: ž©© ¢ (¡­²§š £¥§/37). Pilpel 304

For Qal/Type I and Qal/Type II, cf. Bergsträsser, 2.§27d. Cf. Bergsträsser, 2.§27o. 306 Thus according to GKC, §67cc. 305

149

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 1st comm. sing.: ¬¯­¯™ (™²™/19). Poel 3rd masc. sing.: ®¯ž­¢ (¦ž¡™/512). 2nd masc. sing.: ±±žŸ³ ‘to awaken’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/42); ±±ž­³ ( ¢«œ ™²™ °œ¯š/41). Pual 3rd masc. pl.: ž²²«¢ (£¢š™™/8). Pulpal  «ÚŽ ñ† (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/18). 3rd fem. sing.: «Ú‰ Poal 3rd fem. sing.: ±±ž­³ (¤¢ª©™/33). N/Hitpalpel 1st comm. sing.: ±§±§³™ (™²™/45). Hifil/Type I 3rd masc. sing.: ¦¢§œ¢ (°¢­™/); ¦¢§²¢ (°¢­™/5). 1st comm. sing.: ¦¢§œ™ (£¢š™™/19). Notes: In BH the verbal root ¦§œ regularly shows two root consonants, appearing as a triliteral only in the substantive §§œ. In MH, on the other hand, it is treated as a strong root in the Hifil. It seems, therefore, that the triliteral morphology shows the influence of MH (cf. also ¦¢§œ¥ [§12oo]). Note, however, that the strong morphology is already attested, though marginally, in BH–imperf. ¨Š©±™ (Job 29:13), ¨¢©±³ (Ps. 65:9); imperat. ž©¢©± (3x); inf. abs. ¦§² ‹ (Mi. 6:13); act. part. ¦¢§²§ (Ezek. 3:15). In BH and MH, the Hifil imperfect of the root ¦§² is conjugated exclusively in the weak manner, with gemination of the first radical–¦¢Ü Š ¢, etc.–though BH conjugation as a strong root is attested elsewhere in the Hifil paradigm (cf. above). Hifil/Type II 2nd masc. sing.: ±‹±œ† ñ ‘to free’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/42; R) Hifil/Type III 2nd masc. sing.: (¦¢©­) Ÿ¢«³ (¥™) ‘Do not make bold [your] face’ (¨žŸ™/459). 150

MORPHOLOGY 1st comm. sing.: ( ¯§) Ÿ¢«™ ‘I will make firm my brow’ (£¢š™™/74; cf. §29e). Notes: The form Ÿ¢«™ unambiguously shows the root transformation geminate Æ II/w, y. In light of this, it is best to interpret Ÿ¢«³ as also being derived from a hollow root. The ed. vocalizes Ÿ¢«³, ‹ i.e., as a jussive. Given the lack of a consistent morphological distinction between the “short” and “long” imperfect, however, it is equally possible to vocalize Ÿ¢«³. Š In MT, the vaccilation between the roots ŸŸ« ‘to be strong’ ~ Ÿž« ‘to seek refuge’ works in the opposite direction. The noun ŸÕ«§Ž ‘place of refuge’ shows a dageš in the zayin in forms with genitive suffixes– ¢ãŠ ⫧, Ž etc.–indicating that the Masoretes ascribed it to the root 307 ŸŸ«. Hofal/Type I 3rd masc. sing.: ±­ž¢ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/20). 3rd fem. sing.: ±­ž³ (œ¢­™™/11). Notes: In BH, the Hofal of the root ±±­ is attested 3x in the 3rd fem. sing. form ±­ž³. Hofal/Type II 3rd masc. sing.: ¨© Ž¢ ( ³­¢/15; R). 3rd

Notes: In BH, the Hofal of the root ¨©  is attested in the weak masc. sing. form ¨   ¢ (Isa. 26:10; Prov. 21:10).

§12nn Imperative Forms from (Originally) Geminate Roots Qal masc. sing.: ¨ž©› (¬™/13). 308 Piel masc. pl.: ž¥¥ (œ¢­™™/7).

307

Cf. GKC, §85k. The ed., ad loc., vocalizes the form as the infinitive absolute ¨Õ©Žß but given the fact that the infinitive absolute is barely attested in the Corpus, it seems preferable to vocalize as an imperative with Heidenheim, ad loc. 308

151

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY §12oo Infinitives Construct from (Originally) Geminate Roots Qal/Type I: ±Õ™¥Ž ‘to curse’ (±¤Ÿ/9); 309 ¨Õ ¥Ž (³¥™³/10); £žªš (™²™/38); Ÿ«š (¤¢ª©™/12). Note: The infinitive ¨ž ¥ is formed in accordance with the standard BH morphology of Qal infinitives construct derived from geminate roots. 310 However, the forms actually attested in MT follow different patterns. The root may be treated as being strong, as in Ꭹ©†  Œ (Ps. 102:14) and ¦¤†Œ ©©  ˆ (Isa. 30:18). The form ³Õꠍ (Ps. 77:10), on the other hand, is apparently formed by means of the suffixation of ³Õ- (by analogy to roots III/h). 311 The Corpus’ infinitival form ŸÕ« answers morphologically to the BH imperfect ŸÕ«Ž¢, etc. However, the only case of the infinitive construct in BH is ¦ž³ ³ž©¢« ŸÕŸˆ«Þ (Prov. 8:28)–cf. Type III, below. Qal/Type II/Simple: ¦Õॊ (£¢š™™/45); œžî¢¥ (¥™/614). Qal/Type II/With paragogic -åh: œÕî¢ Ž ¥Š (³™/2; R). 312 Notes: This type of infinitive is not attested in BH, and is formed by analogy to the BH Aramaizing imperfect form–i.e., ¦Õà™Œ Æ ¦Õà¥;Š œî¢Š Æ œÕ.Š 313 Qal/Type III: œœ§¥ (¡²°™/28); ŸžŸ«š (¢©©° ¢¢/212, 213); ¥ž¥² ( ¨§ ±/22). Notes: The form œœ§¥ represents the treatment of the geminate root as being strong, unlike the actually attested form in BH: œ§¥Ž (Zech. 2:6). In the 3rd masc. sing. perfect, the Corpus shows both œ§ and œœ§ (cf. §12ll). The form ŸžŸ«š is directly dependent on ¦ž³ ³ž©¢« ŸÕŸˆ«Þ (Prov. 8:28), which constitutes the first stich of the strophe in question (¢©©° ¢¢/210), and with which the cases cited here are parallel. The form ¥ž¥²¥ is attested 4x in BH, always with a prefixed -¥. 309 The ed.’s vocalization ±Õ™¥‹ seems to indicate that the form is to be classed as Qal/Type II (see below). However, given the BH imperfect ±Õ™ñ, Ž etc., the vocalization suggested here is preferable. 310 Cf. Bergsträsser, 2.§27e. 311 Thus Bergsträsser, 2.§27f, who lists the form as an “anscheinende Inf. auf ³Õ.” GKC, §67r claim that the form is to be treated as a III/h. 312 This is the vocalization given by Heidenheim, ad loc. It seems preferable to the ed.’s œÕ°¢ Ž ¥,Š which is more difficult to interpret. 313 Cf. GKC, §67g.

152

MORPHOLOGY Qal/Type IV: Õ°â Þ† (¢©©° ¢¢/197, 198, 199). Notes: The form ž°ž š, showing the root transformation geminate Æ II/w, y (cf. also under §12ll/Qal/Type II), is directly dependent on ¦ž³ ¢©­ ¥« ›ž  ž°ž š (Prov. 8:27), which constitutes the first stich of the strophe in question (¢©©° ¢¢/194), and with which the cases cited here are parallel. Qal/Type V: ³Õèڍ ¥† ‘to despoil’ (³¯™ ¤¢™/31). Notes: This form is analogous to BH ³Õꠍ (Ps. 77:10), etc.–cf. the discussion under §12xx. The expected form ¥ž¥² is also attested in the Corpus–cf. under Qal/Type III. Piel: ž¥¥¥ (¢©©° ¢¢/92); ž¥¥§š (¥™/586); ¥¥°¥ (¢©©° ¢¢/316). Poel/Simple: ¢©©ž›¥ (¡§ ®±™/16), £©©ž›¥ (£¢š™™/5); ««ž±¥ ‘to smash’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/43). Poel/with paragogic -åh: ««ž±¥ ‘to smash’ (³™/13 = ³¥™³/13; R). Hifil/Type I: ±°¥ ( ³­¢/9). Notes: The Hifil infinitive of the root ±±° is attested once in BH, in the metaplastic form ±¢°Š Ž (Jer. 6:7). The expected Hifil perfect Ž±°‹ ‹ is attested in the same verse. Hifil/Type II: ¢©Š §¢ ‹ ܊  ކ ‘to devastate’ (£¢š™™/67). 314 Notes: This form is generated by analogy to the BH/MH imperfect ¦¢Ü Š ¢ (cf. §12mm). Hifil/Type III: š¢š™¥ (°¢­™/15); ¦¢§œ¥ (¡­²§š £¥§/51); ¦¤¥¢¥¡¥ (£¢š™™/11); š¢š¥¥ (°¢­™/16); ¨¢©«¥ (¬™/1); ª¢ª«¥ ( ³­¢/44); š¢š±¥ (°¢­™/15). Notes: Many of the verbs in this category are denominative, derived from nouns which show both the second and third radical: š¢š™¥ < (š¢)š™; ¥¢¥¡¥ < (¦¢¥)¥¡; š¢š¥¥ < (š)š¥; ¨¢©«¥ < ¨©«; ª¢ª«¥ < ª¢ª«; š¢š±¥ < ¦¢š¢š±. Hifil/Type IV: ¨¢¯¥ ‘to cool (trans.)’ ( ³­¢/67).

The fact that the ed.’s vocalization ¢Š©§¢ ‹ ڊ  ކ lacks a dageš forte is probably just a printing error. 314

153

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY Notes: The form listed here represents the root transformation geminate Æ II/w, y. Such a transformation is attested in BH–cf. ±¢°Š Ž (Jer. 6:7) from the root ±±°. §12pp Gerunds from (Originally) Geminate Roots Qal/Ž©¢©Š «ˆ : ©¢©  (¢©©° ¢¢/345); -³­¢­¤ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/10); -³©¢©« ( ³­¢/16). Qal/³â©¢©Š ™ˆ : ³ž©¢©™ (£¢š™™/81); ³žœ¢œ© ‘wandering’ (±¤Ÿ/17). Notes: For another gerund built on the pattern qetilut, cf. the plural form ³ž¢«¢š± (§11i). The syntactic context would allow the vocalization of the form as the plural ³Õ©¢©™, but the form with ³â- is attested in MH, alongside ©¢©™. Piel/¥â衊 : ¬ž­™ ‘encompassing’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/10); ¬ž­› ‘embracing’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/9); -¨ž©  (¤¢ª©™/7); ¥ž¥¡ ( ³­¢/43); ž¥ž¥¢§ (¥™/590); -¥ž¥­ (³¥™³/6), ž¥ž¥­ ‘prayer’ (±¤Ÿ/12); ¨ž©± (±¤Ÿ/25). Piel/¦¢¥âè Š :Š ¦¢¥ž¥¢ ‘praise’ (¤¢ª©™/30; ³ž«³/420; ¥™/489; ¥™/620) =BH (2x); ¦¢¥ž¥¢  ‘desecration’ (³ž«³/420). Pilpel: °žœ°œ ‘(detailed) investigation’ (±¤Ÿ/44);  ž¥ ¥ ‘moistening’ (¡²°™/1); ¥žª¥ª ‘praise’ (¡­²§š £¥§/59); ¦¥ž°¥¢° ‘divination’ (¥™/570). Notes: The form ¥žª¥ª ‘praise’ is derived directly from the single attested BH usage Ž ¥ª¥ Œ ª ‘Praise her!’ (Prov. 4:8). The form ¥ž°¥¢° ‘divination’ is derived from a type of divinatory practive described as ¦¢í š ¥°¥° (Ezek. 21:26). §12qq (Active) Participles from (Originally) Geminate Roots Qal/Type I masc. sing.: œœž§ (¡²°™/25); ®¯ž© (¡²°™/27); ±±ž¯ ( ¢«œ ™²™ °œ¯š/41). fem. sing.: ³©©ž™ (£¢š™™/31); ³¥¥ž¯ (£¢š™™/31). masc. pl.: ¦¢§§žŸ (±ž³/467; ¦ž¡™/513), -¢§§žŸ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/14; £¢š™™/71); ¦¢››ž  (¦©¤³/21); ¦¢¯¯ž  (¡²°™/16); ¦¢¥¥ž¯ (³ž«³/410); ¦¢±±ž¯ ‘to be hostile’ (° ±³/496); ¦¢œœž² (° ±³/494, 500). Qal/Type II masc. pl.: ¦¢šÕ° Š ‘to curse’ (° ±³/503; Gen. 1x v.l. ¦¢«šž°). 154

MORPHOLOGY Notes: If this form is to be derived from the BH root šš° ‘to curse’ (as opposed to the [perhaps] related root š°©), then it shows the root transformation geminate Æ III/h. This transformation is attested in the form ¦¢œÕ° Š £¥ž ‘bowing down’. 315 In BH, we find the alternation of the roots ª² ~ ªª² ‘to plunder’–e.g., ¦¢ªŠ Ú œ¢š ¦©³¢ž ¦³ž™ âëÚ厞 (Judg. 2:13)–as well as ¥¥° ~ ¥° ‘to be trifiling’. Nifal masc. pl.: ¦¢°° © (ž³™/373; ¥™/545). Piel masc. pl.: ¦¢¥¥§ (¥™/618); ¢¥¥ § Ž (³¢¥¤³/443); -¢©© § ‘to entreat’ (±¤Ÿ/6); ¦¢¥¥¤§ ‘to crown’ (¥™/623); ¦¢¥¥§§ (³ž«³/413; ¥™/624). Pilpel masc. pl.: ¦¢­¯­¯§ ( ³­¢/85). Poel masc. sing.: ®¯ž­§ (ž³³/394). masc. pl.: -¢œœž›§ ( ³­¢/38); ¦¢ššžª§ (° ±³/504). Pual masc. pl.: ¦¢°°žŸ§ (¥™/548); ¦¢°°ž § (ž³™/374). 316 Pulpal masc. sing.: ¥°¥ž°§ (¢©©° ¢¢/258). N/Hitpalpel masc. sing.: ¥›¥›³§ (¢©©° ¢¢/353). fem. sing.: ³«²«³²§ (¢©©° ¢¢/90, 207). Hitpoel masc. pl.: ¦¢­­ž³ª§ (°¢­™/21); ¦¢««ž±³§ ‘to be broken asunder’ ( ™²™ °œ¯š ¢«œ/22). 315 Cited from ±«²¥ ¥¤ž¢ ¢§, piyyut 4 of Qillir’s qedushta ³ž§Ÿ Ÿ™§ Ÿ™ for Shabbat Shekalim (Baer, 651). An analogous development is cited in Yalon, ™žš§, 25-26 in the case of MH ¨¢Š©Õ¯ ‘cold water’, which Yalon derives from ¨¢©©ž¯ by haplology. 316 Vocalizing with Frenkel, apud the ed.’s ¦¢°Š °Õ  † §. † The form is best interpreted as a passive (being parallel to ¦¢°° © in the preceding stich), and whereas the Pual of °°  is attested 1x in BH–°îŽ   §† (Prov. 31:5)–the Poal is not.

155

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY Hifil/Type I masc. pl.: ¦¢š¢š±§ (¡²°™/35), -¢§¢§³§ (³±œ™/4). Notes: In the case of -¢§¢§³§, it should be noted that in BH, ¦§³ is always conjugated as a weak root, with the exception of the only occurring Hitpael ¦éŽ ñ ñŠ (II Sam. 22:26 = Ps. 18:26). The geminate is, however, attested as a strong root in the adjective ¦¢§³. In MH, on the other hand, this root is treated as strong in the Hifil. Hifil/Type II masc. pl.: ¦¢«‹ Š ±§† (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/22); ¦¢±¢Š ­‹ §† (¦² ³™/425); ¦¢é¢ Š ڊ §† (±ž³/471). Notes: For the plene spelling of ¦¢±¢­§, cf. already ±¢­‹ Ž ¥† (Zech. 11:10). In BH, the Hifil participle of the root ¦§² shows the strong conjugation: ¦¢§²§ (Ezek. 3:15). If the ed.’s vocalization is correct, then the Corpus’ participle is to be derived by analogy from the imperfect ¦é‹ چŠ ¢ž (I Sam. 5:6). Frenkel vocalizes ¦¢§¢ Š ܊ §,  for which cf. the Corpus’ infinitive form ¢©Š §¢ ‹ ܊  ކ (§12oo). Hifil/Type III masc. sing.: «¢  ±Š §‹ ‘evildoer’ (³±œ™/°; R). 317 Notes: In BH, the masc. sing. participle takes the form «±§. ‹ 318 The BH pl. is ¦¢«‹ Š ±§, † also attested in the Corpus (see above). The form listed here represents the root transformation geminate Æ II/w, y. Hofal masc. sing.: ¨©«§Ž ( ³­¢/16). §12rr Passive Participles from (Originally) Geminate Roots Qal masc. sing.: ¥ž¥š (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/2); ¬ž­  ‘sheltered’ ( ¢«œ ™²™ °œ¯š/10); °ž°  (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/15); ¬ž­¤ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/10); ¬ž­¯ ( ™²™ °œ¯š ¢«œ/9); ¨ž©² ‘sharpened’ (±¤Ÿ/26); ¥ž¥³ ‘high’ (¦©¤³/3).

317 In light of the fact that the Corpus’ rhyme norm allows the equivalence /e/ = /i/ when followed by a furtive pataʚ (cf. §5a), it would also be possible to vocalize «¢  ±¥ Š //«¢‹  ±§‹ //«¢  ±³ Š . 318 For the /a/ vowel in the second syllable, see GKC, §67v.

156

MORPHOLOGY fem. sing.: °ž°Ÿ ‘bound’ (¡­²§š £¥§/47); -³°ž°  (™²™/3); ¥ž¥¤ ‘perfect’ (¢©©° ¢¢/281); °ž°© (¡­²§š £¥§/46); °ž°­ (¡­²§š £¥§/46). masc. pl.: ¦¢¥ž¥š (¥™/622); ¦¢©ž©› (±¤Ÿ/39); ¦¢°ž°Ÿ ‘purified’ (³žœž§ ³/547); ž¢©ž©  ‘those favored by Him’ (±¤Ÿ/26); ¦¢°ž°  (¡²°™/15; ž³™/367; ¥™/545); ¦¢°ž°© (± ¨§/32); ¦¢­ž­¯ (±¤Ÿ/10); ¦¢±ž±¯ (¡²°™/32); ¦¢¥ž¥³ ‘high’ (ž³³/387). §12ss Perfect Forms from Quadriliteral Roots Piel 3rd masc. sing.: ¥›±³ (¡²°™/44). Notes: The root ¥›±³, expanded from ¥›± by means of a preformative tav, is attested 1x in BH: ¦¢±­™¥ ¢³¥›±³ (Hos. 11:3). This type of formation is also attested in BH in the case of Œ± ˆ ³ ñ† (Jer. 12:5); Œ± ˆ ³ §† (Jer. 22:15). 319 Šufal 1st comm. pl.: ¢³­ ¥² ‘I was expelled’ (£¢š™™/55; cf. §29n). 3rd comm. pl.: žš¥ž² (ž³³/381). Ništafal 3rd masc. sing.: ¥¥¤³²© (¢©©° ¢¢/216). §12tt Imperfect Forms from Quadriliteral Roots Piel 3rd masc. sing.: ¨©«±¢ ( ³­¢/15). 2nd masc. sing.: ¢©§ª±¤³ (£¢š™™/68). Notes: The quadriliteral ¨©«± is arrived at by means of reduplicating the third radical consonant of a triradical root. 320 A verbal conjugation of this root is attested 1x in BH–cf. the 3rd fem. sing. Ž©©Ž «ˆ ± (Job 15:32; pausal). The BH adjective ¨©«± occurs much more commonly than the verbal form. The root ¦ª±¤ is attested in ±«¢§ ±¢Ÿ  ©§ª±¤¢ (Ps. 80:14).

319 320

Cf. Bergsträsser, 2.§20e. Cf. GKC, §55d.

157

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY §12uu Infinitives Construct from Quadriliteral Roots Piel:  ©«­¥ ‘to reveal, interpret’ (± ¨§/20); ᪩±­¥ (¦©¤³/15); «°«°¥ ‘to exterminate’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/25); ¦Ž±±­²¥ ‘to adorn’ (±¤Ÿ/6). Notes: The root  ©«­ is a payyetanic neologism, derived from a midrashic interpretation of the name  ‹  ©«† ì ³©­† ¯Ž (Gen. 41:45), given to Joseph in Egypt: ±§ž¥ ž¥ ³ž ž©ž «¢­ž§ ³ž©ž­¯ ¨© ž¢ '± '§™ (Ber. Rab. 90:4). The root ª©±­, not attested in BH, is common in MH. The root ±±­² is derived from BH ±­² ‘to be beautiful’ through reduplication of the third radical. §12vv Gerunds from Quadriliteral Roots Piel: ¨ž©­™ (¢‹±ž™ ¢¡­²§ ‹ ) (±¤Ÿ/25). Notes: The precise meaning of the form in question is difficult to determine, though the reference is clearly to the divinatory device known as ¦¢§³ž ¦¢±ž™. This quadriliteral root is fairly common in Palestinian piyyut, in contexts that lead Zulay to gloss it as ³©°ž³§ ¢²«ž ,±¢¯¢ ¨ž²¥. 321 Of the several cases from Yannai cited by Zulay, the following belongs to the semantic field of illumination, as in the Corpus’ case: ±ž™ £±§™ ±ž™¢š ¨ž©­¢™ (™¢°/›¤). §12ww (Active) Participles from Quadriliteral Roots Pilpel masc. sing.: ±±§ (¢©©° ¢¢/132, 344; cf. §29m). §12xx Summary Morphological Lists Root transformations 322 Type I/y Æ Hollow

Nouns «œ¢ Æ « à‹

Verbs ±¯¢ Æ ±¯Ž

I/n Æ Hollow Hollow Æ I/’ Hollow Æ III/h Hollow Æ Geminate

¡š© Æ ¡ÞŽ ®¢° Æ ®¢°™™ «žŸ Æ ³Õ«ÕŸ ³ž™ Æ ³ñ ™

BH/MH precedent « à‹ (BH) œ± (BH) ñŽ ñ (BH) šžœ ~ šœ™ (BH) ¦¢§Õ° Š (BH) cf. ad loc.

321 See Zulay, "¨ž²¥ ¢©ž¢«" 457-58, s.v. ¨©­™, where a derivation from ±šœ ž¢©­™ ¥« ±šœ (Prov. 25:11) is suggested. 322 Examples are given in the form “root as listed in BDB Æ attested form.” Yeivin, "³ž±Ÿ› ¢­ž¥¢ ", 161-204 gives hundreds of examples of root transformations and suffix incorporations in the piyyut literature.

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MORPHOLOGY III/h Æ Hollow III/h Æ Geminate Geminate Æ I/y Geminate Æ Hollow Geminate Æ III/h

[© Æ á¢Š  ©]

³™ Æ ³Ò ¥³ Æ ¦¢¥â¥ Š ñ† ¦§Ÿ Æ ¦Ÿ¢Ž °°  Æ ¢³°  šš° Æ ¦¢šÕ° Š

¨©  Æ ¨¢ Š

ªª² ~ ª² (BH) ⧠†ŸŽ¢ (BH) ⩧† ñ (BH) ªª² ~ ª² (BH)

Prefix/suffix incorporations Type Hollow Æ I/t Hollow Æ I/n Hollow Æ I/t Hollow Æ III/t III/h Æ I/m III/h Æ I/n III/h Æ I/t III/h Æ III/t

Nouns £žš Æ £† šŒ §Œ ±ž² Æ ±ÚŒ ñŒ  ž© Æ ³  © ©« Æ ¨« § ¤œ Æ £Œ † œ©Œ ¥¤ Æ ¥Œ¤ñŒ ©« Æ ³«‹

Geminate Æ I/m Geminate Æ I/t

««± Æ «±ž§ ¥¥  Æ ¥ Œ ñŒ

Verbs ±ž§ Æ áŽ±§† ³Š† 垍 £ž§ Æ ³â¤¢§Š †©

BH/MH precedent ¦¢Š©œŽ §† (BH) £† §Ž  © (MH) ¦±ñŽ (MH) ³   © (BH) ¥« § (BH)

¥¤ Æ â©³† ¥ ç† ñŠ

±« ñ (BH) ³«‹ (BH) ³ªŒ Œ ç (MH) 323 £Œ † ±§ (BH) ª§Œ ñŒ (BH) ¥¢ Š ³† Š (MH)

Derivational morphemes 1) Derivational prefixes: -™, -, -§, -©, -², -³ 2) Derivational suffixes: ¢-, ³¢-, ¨Ž-, ¨ž-, ³ž3) Prefix + suffix: ³ž-§, ³ž-©, ³¢-³ 4) Suffix + suffix: ¢©ž-, (³)¢©ŽModifications of the infinitive 1) Internal (vocalic) modifications: /o/ > /a/ (Qal), /e/ > /a/ (Piel), /i/ > /a/ (Hifil), /i/ > /e/ (Hifil) 2) External (suffix) modifications: ø > Ž-, 324 ø > ³Õ-, ³Õ- > ø Modifications of the imperfect 1) Internal (vocalic) modifications: /o/ > /a/ (Qal), /e/ > /a/ (Piel), /i/ > /e/ (Hifil, 1st comm. sing.) 2) External (suffix) modifications: ø > Ž- (2nd masc. sing., 3rd fem. sing.; for 1st comm. sing., cf. §18k) Modifications of the perfect 1) Internal (vocalic) modifications: /i/ > /a/ (Hifil 3rd masc. sing.) Unless the derivation is from ª¢¤, as suggested by some authorities. For more examples of this phenomenon, drawn from the piyyut literature, see Yeivin, "¢¢­ž™" 113. 323 324

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 2)

External (suffix) modifications: ø > Ž- (3rd masc. sing.), Ž- > ø (3rd masc. sing. III/h)

Notes: In terms of the internal stem vowel modifications attested in both the infinitive and the imperfect, one might venture the preliminary observation that they always involve the replacement of a relatively high vowel by a relatively low vowel. This observation, if generally accurate, would imply that stem vowel modifications are impossible in (the imperfect of) the internal passive stems, since their stem vowel is /a/, the lowest in the vowel triangle. The external modifications to the infinitive/imperfect may be treated as being analogous to morphological processes that have been observed in the nominal sphere. Thus, just as the nominal morphology treats Ž- as a meaningless phonetic element, subject to apocopation, so too the verbal morphology allows for it to be suffixed to the infinitive and imperfect (cf. ±¢«ª³ ™¥ ‘do not storm’, ²«±³³ž ‘and it shook’, the infinitival forms with paragogic he, and the 1st comm. sing. forms with and without the cohortative ending Ž-), with no alteration in meaning. The other parts of this morphology have their roots in the infinitive from roots III/h. Thus, in addition to the normal III/h infinitive in ³Õ-, infinitives in Œ-, on the analogy of the imperfect, are also attested in Qillirian piyyut: ¯Ž Œ ±¥, ‹ ë¤¥, Œ ¥œ¥, Œ ª§¥, Œ ❯§¥, ‹ è¤³¥. Œ Furthermore, we have seen that the infinitive may appear with no ending at all: ¥«  ¥† , Õ¥ˆ« ¥,† ¨«  ¥,† Õߜ†  ¥,† ¢îŠ ©¥,† šŒ±Œ ¥,† £Ž ކ ±†  Þ.† We therefore conclude that there are three possible forms of the III/h infinitive: 1) bare-stem infinitive, 2) infinitive in Œ-, 3) infinitive in ³Õ-. It must be stressed, moreover, that the distribution of any one of these three alternants is not limited by phonological factors. In other words, they do not show a complementary distribution, but are rather interchangeable and equivalent. This fact implies that in the Corpus, the elements /ø/ ~ /e/ ~ /ot/ are meaningless infinitival suffixes for III/h roots, subject to being interchanged at will, or in light of the demands of rhyme. Confirmation of this assertion may be seen in the fact that in the Corpus a further phenomenon is attested–viz., ³Õ- may be found suffixed not only to infinitives from III/h roots, but to others as

160

MORPHOLOGY well, as in the case of ³Õ©©ž¤¥ and ³Õèڍ ¥.† 325 This situation once again finds parallels in the nominal sphere, where Ûˆ Œ «§ alternates with Û« §,  and the morphological type ³âž™Ž© ‘comeliness’ (< Œž™Ž©) alternates with £† œŒ Œ © ‘contriteness’ (< çŒ œŠ† ©), i.e., alternations that once again involve the vocalic elements /ø/ ~ /e/ ~ /ut/. 326 To the alternation /ø/ ~ /e/ ~ /ot/ in the III/h infinitive must be added the alternation /ø/ ~ /e/ ~ / å/ in the III/h imperfect. Thus, in addition to the expected “long” and “short” forms, we find one case of a 3rd masc. sing. form with an Žtermination: ¯±ž¢. Ž Within the nominal sphere, the alternation /e/ ~ / å/ in III/h roots is most commonly asscociated with the distinction between masculine and feminine in the participle and adjective, i.e., Œ©žš ~ Ž©žš. However, already in BH, it can represent a lexical free variation–cf. ¥ˆ Ž  § ~ ¥ˆ Œ  § ‘sickness’ (II Chron. 21:15); Ò±† § ~ ™Œ ±† § ‘vision’ (but the latter also means ‘appearance’). Similarly, III/h forms seem to provide the analogy for the external modifications of the perfect. Thus, we find 3rd masc. sing. perfect forms with an apocopated vocalic ending–e.g., Qal ¥Žß, Û«; Ž Piel ¥¤ ‘He finished’ (mod.), Õ被;Š Hifil £ ‘He smote’, ¥« ,  Õ¥‡«. Œ It seems reasonable to suppose that the alternation /ø/ ~ /å/ implied by such III/h forms for the ending of the 3rd masc. sing. perfect serves as the analogy for the form œ¢ Ž  ‡ Š ™Œ ‘he caused to seize’, which demonstrates the existence of the alternation /ø/ ~ /å/ in perfect forms derived from a strong root. Note, however, that whereas this alternation does not infringe on any morphosemantic distinctions in the III/h forms, in the strong root it violates the opposition between the 3rd masc. sing. and the 3rd fem. sing.

§13 STEM USAGE The following section presents all forms that are related to peculiarities of stem usage in the Corpus. In the lists below, stem

325

BH attests a number of infinitives from geminate roots ending in ³Õ-: ¢³Õé Š Ÿ (Ps. 17:3); ¢³Õè Š   (Ps. 77:11); ³Õꠍ (Ps. 77:10; Job 19:17 [?]); ³Õéڍ (Ezek. 36:33). Cf. Bergsträsser, 2.§27f. In Ben Sira we find the infinitival form ³ž©«³²¥ (44:8), which also seems to exhibit the ³Õ- ending. 326 In citing these alternations, I take for granted the phonological reorganization of the stem necessitated by the apocopation of the vocalic elements. For the equivalence /o/ = /u/, see §5b.

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY shifts are examined from the point of view of BH, unless stated otherwise. §13a Stem Shifts towards the Qal Piel Æ Qal (verbs of perception): ¦¢±°žª ‘to look at/for’ ( ³­¢/59). Notes: In BH, the verb ±°Û is attested in ¦¢©¢« ³ž±°Û§ ‘ogling with the eyes’ (Isa. 3:16). In MH, however, the verb (spelled with a samekh) is attested in the Qal. The Piel, on the other hand, it is reserved for the denominative meaning ‘to paint the eyes’, derived from the Aramaic ™±°ª ‘red paint’. Polel Æ Qal: ¢³¥  ¢©™ ©žš¥ ³«š› ‘to writhe in travail with, bear’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/164). Notes: The meaning of this verb in context is firmly established on the basis of the verb in the parallel line that follows: ¢³œ¥ž ¢©™ ™ðŠ© «š› (¢©©° ¢¢/165). Hifil Æ Qal (verbs of perception) 1) ¨ÕŸ‡™ ‘to listen’ (¨žŸ™/452; cf. ¨â㙊 ‘to listen’ [§13l] and ¦©ã¢™ ‘to cause to hear [§13m]) 2) ¡š ‘to see’ (¨š™/5; ¡²°™/20) 3) ³¤ª ‘to hear’ (¨š™/10) 4) š²° ‘to hear’ (¨š™/4), šž²° (¦©¤³/21) Notes: According to Yahalom, this stem shift comes about as a conscious result of the conviction of the Byzantine-period payyetanim that the Hifil stem is associated exclusively with the notion of causation. BH Hifil stems from verbs of perception, i.e., intransitive or internal Hifils, were therefore frequently remodeled into the Qal stem, with the Hifil reserved for causative transitive meanings–i.e., š²° ‘to listen’, š¢²° ‘to cause to listen, proclaim’. 327 It is to be noted, however, that this process by no means functioned systematically, and internal Hifils of the type ¨¢Ÿ™, ³¢¤ª, š¢²° ‘to hear/listen’ are encountered in the Corpus (cf. the data cited under §13oo). The root ³¤ª is attested in ¥™±²¢ «§²ž ³ç‹ ª†  (Deut. 27:9). It is usually glossed as ‘to be silent’, 328 but an alternative possibility would be ‘to listen’. The Nifal usage in Ben Sira–ž³¤ª© ¥¤ ±šžœ ±¢²« 327 328

Yahalom, ±¢² ³­², 77-85. Thus BDB, 698, s.v. ³¤ª and Even Shoshan, 920, s.v. ³¤ª.

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MORPHOLOGY (13:3)–does not help to resolve the quandary, since either gloss is theoretically possible, 329 though it does indicate that the root entered into the lexicon of post-Biblical Hebrew poetry. The root š²° is conjugated in the Hifil in BH, with the exception of the Qal in Ž©š† ڍ °† ñŠ (Isa. 32:3). In addition, the nominal types associated with the root–šÚŒ °Œ ‘attentiveness’, šÜŽ ° ‘attentive’, and šÜ ° ‘attentive’–are all associated with the Qal stem. Nevertheless, the most common BH verbal manifestation of š²° is in the Hifil, and for this reason it has been listed here. Hifil Æ Qal (verbs of movement): «› ‘to arrive’ (¡§ ®±™/12), ž«› (£¢š™™/49, 56). Hifil Æ Qal (other) 1) £¥œžš¥ ‘to separate, set apart’ (±²™/407) 2) š²©¢ ±«ªš ¦¢§™¥ ‘to blow/drive away’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/23; R) 3) ²ž±­¥ ‘to separate, set aside’ (¥™/612) Notes: Whereas BH does not conjugate the root ¥œš in the Qal stem, the intransitive form ¥œ‹ ގ ‘to keep aloof’ is attested in MH, along with the transitive ¥œ Þ–cf. Ž ³ž±›ž±›šž ¦¢±§³š ¥œžš (T Bab. Meʜ. 8:7). For the Corpus’ usage, cf. also the gerund ¥œÕÞ Œ ‘separation’ (§8e). The verb ²ž±­¥ ‘to separate’ is derived from MH ²¢±­ in a manner analogous to £¥œžš¥ Å BH ¥¢œš. The root š²© ‘to blow’ is attested 2x in BH. In ž ž± šÜ ‹ ¢ (Ps. 147:18) it has a causative meaning, whereas in ¦±š™ ¦³™ šÜ ‹ 垍 (Gen. 15:11) it means ‘to drive away’, a meaning perhaps derived from the notion of ‘blowing away’. This second usage is semantically comparable to the case cited here. Nifal Æ Qal (intransitive verbs) 330 1) ž¤š™ ‘to be confounded’ (£¢š™™/7; A) 2) ¦¢­ªž™ ‘to gather (mid.)’ (°¢­™/21)

329 Segal, ™±¢ª ¨š, ž­ seems to adopt a compromise solution in glossing ž¢±šœ¥ š¢²°¥ ¢œ¤ ¦¢²¢± §. It must be admitted that if one were to adopt an interpretation based on grammatical and semantic parallelism, the gloss ‘to listen’ would be preferable, since it would solidify the antonymic pair “speak//listen” to match the (implicitly) antonymic pair “rich man//everyone else.” 330 The list does not include Qal non-passive qåtul partiples, for which see below.

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 3) 4) 5)

²› ‘to approach’ (± ¨§/28), ¢³²› (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/5), ¦¢²› (³™/1;  ³­¢/9; cf. §12m) ¦¢«›ž± ‘to repose’ (¦©¤³/14) ¨Õ«Ú† ‘to lean/rely (on)’ (¨š™/2)

Notes: If Yahalom’s remarks concerning the stem shift Hifil Æ Qal are accepted, the shift Nifal Æ Qal may be explained on the same grounds, i.e., the association of Nifal primarily with the passive voice and the concomitant remodeling of some BH nonpassive, intransitive/middle Nifals into the Qal stem. The form ž¤š™, treated here as being dependent on a BH form of the type ⤏š©Ž (Joel 1:18), represents the root transformation II/w, y Æ I/’ (cf. §12q/Qal/Type II). Its existence is at least in part due to the need to satisfy the acrostic requirement -š™. Such a requirement precludes conjugation in the Nifal stem of either the original (i.e., ⤏š©Ž ) or the transformed root (i.e., ž¤š™©**). Hitpael/Hitpoel Æ Qal 1) ³Œ©©Œ ՙ ‘to complain’ (£¢š™™/31), ³â©¢©™ (£¢š™™/81) 2) ³ž©¢°š ž°š™ ‘to wallow (in dirges)’ (£¢š™™/7; A) 3) ¦¢°ªž« ‘to busy oneself’ (ž³™/373) Notes: In BH, the root ¨©™ is attested 2x, both in the Hitpoel stem. It is attested in this stem in the Qillirian corpus–³©©ž™³§ š¥š (©ž¢¤ ¦¢©š ¦™/2), ¢©©ž™³³ § (©ž¢¤ ¦¢©š ¦™/17). In MH, the root is conjugated in the Qal, at least in the participle–e.g., ¨¢¥š™³§ ž¢ ™¥ž š¥š ™¥™ ³ž©¢©™ ¨¢™² ¨¢©©ž™ ¥š™ (M Sanh. 6:6). It is most commonly known from the substantivized form ¨©ž™ ‘mourner’. The BH Nifal °š™© ‘to wrestle’ probably has no bearing on the expression ³ž©¢°š ž°š™, which I treat as being derived from the MH ¦¢¥›± ±­«š °š™³§ (M Avot 1:4). 331 The stem shift is presumably triggered by the need to fill an acrostic slot with the consonantal sequence -š™. The verbal root °Û« is attested 1x in BH, in the Hitpael, with a strong nuance of hostility: ž§« ž°Û«³ ¢¤ °ÛŒ «‹ ±™š ¦² ™±°¢ž (Gen. 26:20). In MH °ª« ‘to be engaged in, busy oneself’ is found in both the Qal and the Nitpaal, with little distinction in meaning.

Cf. also Moreshet, 99, s.v. 2°š™, note 2*: ¨¢™ž '°šÒ Ž '§ š¢¡©¢§ž©œ ™ž ¥«ž­ '°š ' ¥™ šž±° ™ž² ,™±°§š ¢™œ¢ ¢ ,(¤ ,š¥ '±š) "°š™¢ž" ¦« ž±²°¥. 331

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MORPHOLOGY §13b Semantic Shifts within the Qal BH Qal intransitive Æ Qal transitive 1) ¦¢§ž³ ¢¤š©š ¦¥Ž ¥Õ¯ † ‘to drown (trans.)’ (±²™/404; v.l. ¦¥¥¢¯), ¦¥¥¯¥ Ž (¢¥²š ¤¢™ ¢¥™/22) 2) ¦¢¯šž± ¦±²šš ³ž¥¥° ‘to cause to lie down’ (¦ž¡™/519; v.l. ¦¢¯¢š±§) Notes: The root ¥¥¯ ‘to sink, be submerged’ is attested 1x in BH: ¦¢±¢œ™ ¦¢§š ³±­ž«¤ ž¥¥¯ (Exod. 15:10). Alongside the case in question, it is employed in the Corpus with the expected intransitive meaning: ¦¢¥¥ž¯ ‘submerged ones Æ fish’ (³ž«³/410). In the piyyut literature, the transitive meaning may be expressed by means of the Hifil–cf. ¢±¯ ³žš¤±§ ³¥¥¯ (¦« ž±² Ÿ™/1) 332 and Qillir’s ³¥¥¯ ¦¢Ž­† àŽ (¥« ±²™ š±«/6), both referring to the Song of the Sea. §13c New Qal Coinage Resulting from Stem Shift ¦¢™ ª¤ ¢©­ ¦³›¢¯ ‘as they stand before the awful throne’ (³™/9), ¢³›¢¯š ª¢©¤ ¢©­ ‘as I stand before the gathering’ (°¢­™/17), ±žœŸž±­š ›¯ žœž« ³¢š ‘while he was yet standing in the vestibule of the house’ ( ¨§ ±/23). Notes: The root ›¯¢ is attested in BH in the Hifil, with the meaning ‘to set, place (i.e., to cause to stand)’. For further discussion of -³›¢¯, see §20a. §13d Qal Denominative The denominative function of the Qal is known in BH. 333 The following is a listing of Qal denominative usages, excluding those already attested in BH. qåtul participles 1) §žª™ ‘stored up’ (™²™/4) Å ¦ª™ ‘storehouse’ 2) ¥žšŸ ‘housed/resident in’ (¢©©° ¢¢/206) Å ¥žšŸ ³¢š ‘lofty residence’ (cf. ¥žšŸ ‘Temple’ [§28a]) 3) «žš¡ ‘the formed one’ [=earth] ( ³­¢/39), ¦¢«žš¡ (£¥§ ³«š¡š) ‘formed, created’ (¢©©° ¢¢/325) Å ³«š¡ ‘seal ring’ 332 The reference is to an early piyyut for the seventh day of Passover, published in Zulay, ¢¢©¢ ¢¡ž¢­, žª². 333 For a list of BH Qal denominatives, both fientive and stative, see W&O, 373.

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY ¢ž±¡ ‘the wounded one’ [=Israel] (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/7) Å ¢±¡ ¤§ ‘raw wound’ (Isa. 1:6) 5) ±ž³¤ ‘given as a crown’ (¡­²§š £¥§/67) Å ±³¤ ‘crown’ 334 6) °ž°© ‘hidden (as if in a rock cleft)’ (¡­²§š £¥§/46), ¦¢°ž°© ‘the hidden ones’ [=the dead] (± ¨§/32) Å «¥ª °¢°© ‘rock cleft’ 7) ¦¢¥ž›ª ‘the ones treasured as a special possession’ [=Israel] Å ¥ž›ª (¦«) ‘special possession’ (cf. £¥ßª¥ [§13m]) 8) ¢³ž§« ‘joined to’ ( ³­¢/84) Å ³¢§« ‘friend’ 9) («²±) ¢©ž ¯ ‘befouled’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/18) Å © ¯ ‘stench’ 10) ¦¢œž§¯ ‘joined to’ (¥™/488) Å œ§¯ ‘pair’ 11) ¦¢¥ž«² ‘the ones measured in the hollow of the hand’ [=waters] (ž³³/383) Å ¦¢§ ž¥«²š œœ§ ¢§ (Isa. 40:12) 4)

Notes: The use of «žš¡ as an epithet for the earth is based on ž«š¡Ž ¢©œ™ § ¥« (Job. 38:6). On the basis of a modified quote of this verse in the Corpus, however–ž«š¡ž ¢©œ™ž ®±™ ¢³«š¡š ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/161)–it appears that Qillir’s use of the qåtul participle is not to be interpreted as ‘the sunken one’, but rather as ‘the formed one’, i.e., as being denominative from ³«š¡ (cf. also §13vv). 335 In the case °ž°©, etc., the denominative meaning of the passive participle has extended beyond its original scope, to denote ‘being hidden’ in general. other 1) ❈Ò ‘to groan, moan’ (£¢š™™/27; A) Šᝈ Ž ™ ‘alas!’ 2) Œž™‡ ™Œ ‘to groan, moan’ (™²™/50; A) Å ¢Õ™ ‘woe!’ 336 334 This gloss is based on the understanding of ±ž³¤ ³œ²™ ž©¢§¢§ž as meaning ‘And from His right hand eshdat [=Torah] is granted [to Israel] as a crown’. This interpretation is advanced by the ed., ad loc., and is supported by the Targums to Deut. 33:4–™©¥ š¢ ™³¢±ž™ ™³²¢™ ž›§ (Onqelos), ¢§«¥ š¢ ³¢±ž™ž ™³²™ ¢š¥ ž› ¨§ ¢©¢§¢ ¡²­ž (Neofiti). Kenaani, 2323, s.v. ±â³ç, Ž on the other hand, lists this line under the gloss ¨ñŠ© ,±³¤§ ±³¤ ž¢¥«. 335 The interpretation ‘sunken one’ would in any case be quite ironic in light of God’s post-diluvian promise that the Earth would never again be submerged in water–cf. ¦¢§ ³«šž¡ ¢¥š ³¢±š ³ž™ ™¢›¥ ³«œž§ ‘[The rainbow] proclaims to the Earth a sign of the covenant, [to the effect that in the future] it will not drown in water’ (¡²°™/26). 336 Note also that J. Barth, Die Nominalbildung in den semitischen Sprachen (2nd ed.; Leipzig: J.C. Hinrichs, 1894) §127c assumes the existence of a root ž™ in his derivation of ¢Ó ‘jackal (i.e., howler)’.

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MORPHOLOGY 3) 4)

5) 6) 7) 8) 9) 10) 11) 12) 13)

±Õ±à† ‘to free’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/8; A) 337 Å ±ž±œ ‘freedom’ (cf. ±‹±œ† ñ [§13rr]) ž±² ¢ ‘to pour/empty out’ ( ³­¢/58), ±Ú ˆ ( ³­¢/29), ձچ  Ž ކ (®¢­¢/11), 338 ±²ž  (±²™/399) Å ¦¢§ ³±Ú†  Œ ‘water mass’ (II Sam. 22:12; cf. also ±²Œ   ‘rain(ing)’ [§8e]) ±¢ ‘to be arrogant, act arrogantly’ (³±œ™/14) Å ±¢¢ ‘arrogant’ ¢³›¥ verb of speaking (of Israel complaining to God) (™²™/59; A)Å ›¥ ‘study’ ¦¢ššž© ‘to pray’ (³¥™³/5) Å š¢© ‘speech’ (cf. §28c) 339 ©™ ‘to to wail’ (›ž  œ« œ™™/18) Å ¢© ‘wailing’ ¨©« ³©¢©« ‘the appearance of cloud[s]’ ( ³­¢/16) Å ¨©« ‘cloud’ (cf. ¨¢©«¥ [§13rr]; ¨©«§Ž [[§13ww]) ¬ž«¤ ³±­ž¯ ‘to fly’ (¦² ³™/432) Å ±ž­¯ ‘bird’ šž¡°¥ ‘to destroy’ (£¢š™™/49) Å š¡° ‘destruction’ ¬¯²¢ «›± ‘to be angry’ (£¢š™™/76) Å ¬¯° ¬¯² (see below) Ꮁ§† ³Š† 垍 ‘to do again’ (š³¤š Ÿ™/70) Å ±ž§³ ‘exchange’ (cf. under §12r/Qal/Type II)

Notes: The proposed etymology of ž™ is reinforced by the fact that the BH interjection from which it is derived shows two consonantal /h/ phonemes. Both of these are retained in the denominative root. In its present, stich-initial position, ž™ satisfies the acrostic requirement -™. It is attested in precisely the same prosodic environment in ±ªž ª±  ž™ (›ž  œ« œ™™/10). The Qal denominative usage of the root ±¢ is independent of MH, where the same meaning is expressed by means of the Hitpael stem.

337

The ed., ad loc., understands this form as a noun. His reading, however, leaves the noun phrase ¢±š ¥¤¥ ±ž±œ a grammatical isolate within the line. Following the interpretation of ±ž±œ as a Qal imperative (cf. also ²±à† in the preceding line), ¢±š ¥¤¥ is to be understood as a direct object (cf. also §28y). 338 The ed., ad loc., vocalizes the form as a Piel, but there is no support for this vocalization, and the form appears as Õ±²†  Ž š† in ms. T.S. H 7/6. 339 In BH, the root šž© ‘to bear fruit’ is conjugated once in the Polel, with the meaning ‘to cause to flourish’: ³ž¥³š ššž©¢ ²ž±¢³ž ¦¢±ž š ¨›œ (Zech. 9:17). Its use in the present case may be influenced by the Qal usage in ¢­ §¤  šž©¢ °¢œ¯ (Prov. 10:31).

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY The verb ¢³›¥ is employed by Qillir in the -¥ slot in cases where the poet is obliged to implement an alphabetic/acrostic list of verbs of speech–see also in (³¯™ ¤¢™/18). It is derived from a BH hapax legomenon, attested in Qoh. 12:12. In the original context, the word means ‘assiduous study (of texts)’. For a similar semantic stripping in the case of a verb of speech, see ¢žäš (§13n). The fact that the nomen rectum in ¨©« ³©¢©« is to be treated as a subjective genitive is certain. This may be confirmed on the basis of the Qillirian expression ³²° ³©¢©« ‘the appearance of the rainbow’ (¦ž¢š ¦¢¥™/70), where it would be difficult to claim that ³²° is the genitive of the effected object of the denominative gerund ©¢©«. 340 The verb ¬¯²¢ ‘to be angry’ is derived from a BH hapax legomenon: £§§ «›± ¢©­ ¢³±³ª ¬¯° ¬¯²š (Isa. 54:8). In the original context, ¬¯Œ ڌ is usually taken to be a byform of BH ¬¡Œ Ú, Œ and is understood to mean ‘flood, outpouring’. 341 Clearly, this meaning is known in Byzantine piyyut, since Yannai employs ¬¯Œ ڌ as a synonym of ¥žš§ ‘flood’ in referring to Noah and his family: ±žš«¢ œ« ¦¢©ž­¯ ¬¯²§ ¦¢¥ží© ž™¯¢ž//¬¯° ¦«Ÿ ( /¡¤). In the present case, it seems most reasonable to postulate an underlying process whereby the nomen rectum of the original construct phrase is apocopated, but the entire meaning of the original remains inherent in the former nomen regens–i.e., ¬¯° ¬¯² ‘outpouring of anger’ Æ ¬¯² ‘(outpouring of) anger’. Thus, we find ³¢²¢±  ¬¯² ‘angry blast’ (±¤Ÿ/4; cf. §28c). §13e Extension of the Semantic Range of a BH Qal Verb 1) 2) 3) 4) 5)

œ­™ ³ž¤¥§ ‘to be clothed in’ (³±œ™/11), ¤ž¥§ œ­™³ (³±œ™/9) Å œ­™ (see below) ¦¢¯±§© ¦¢±šœ ¦¢²¥ž› ‘uttering harsh words’ ( ¦ž¡™/511) Å ²¥› (see below) ¦œ™ ¢©š§ ¬ž œ ‘the worst of all people’ (¢©©° ¢¢/256) Å ¬ œ ‘to drive, hasten’ šž¡ ¥ (£¢š™™/50) ‘to cut down’ Å š¡  ‘to cut/gather wood’ š¯° ‘to allot, apportion’ (±¤Ÿ/7) Å š¯° ‘to cut off’

340 Cf. also Yannai’s expression ±ž­¯ ³©¢©« ‘a cloud of birds (i.e., a huge flock of birds that resembles a cloud)’ (™¢±/ ¥), discussed by M. Zulay, "¨ž²¥ ¢©ž¢«" 514. 341 Cf. BDB, 1009, s.v. ¬¡².

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MORPHOLOGY Notes: The BH denominative verb œ­™ ‘to gird (an ephod on s.o.)’, attested in the Qal (2x), is accompanied both times by the indirect object œ­™ šÚŒ  ‹ ކ . In the Corpus, on the other hand, œ­™ comes to mean simply ‘to be clothed in, wear’. Semantically, therefore, the Corpus’ use of œ­™ is the equivalent of BH ²š¥ (cf. also §30d). For the Hifil œ¢­™™, cf. §13rr. The root ²¥› is attested in BH in the expression ±œ«¤ £±«² œ«¥› ±§ ž²¥›² ¦¢Ÿ« (Song 4:1; 6:5), which is usually understood as referring to goats “sliding” or “gliding” down the side of a mountain. In the Corpus’ usage, ²¥› seems to mean ‘to pour out’, so that the sentence in question may be metonymically referring to words as water. In BH, the Qal passive participle ¦¢­ž œ means ‘in a great hurry’ (Esth. 3:15; 8:14), as does the Nifal. In the present instance, ¬ž œ acquires the ethical meaning ‘thrust aside, rejected’. The verb š¡  is attested in the Corpus in a context that apparently describes the destruction of the Temple: ³ž¡§ ±œ  ¨ž¡™ šž¡ ¥ ‘to cut down the yarn of the bedchamber (i.e., the cloth appurtenances of the Temple)’. In BH, it is used consistently to refer to the cutting and gathering of wood. 342 The use of this verb in the present context has probably been suggested by the fact that a homonymous root š¡  is attested in MT in the vicinity of the hapax legomenon ¨ž¡™: ¦¢±¯§ ¨ž¡™ ³Õš¡ˆ    ‘dyed Egyptian yarn’ (Pr. 7:16). For a parallel to the semantic development exemplified in the case of š¯°, cf. the Aramaism ±Ÿ› ‘to decree’ (§29k). §13f Qal De-adverbative Derived from an Idiom 1) ¤±­ ‘to subjugate, force to harsh labor’ (³±œ™/4) Å £±­š œ±/œ¢š«/œš« (BH) 2) ¢³±›³ ‘to complain’ (™²™/47) Å ±›³ ™±° (MH) Notes: In both cases, the adverbial modifier in an idiomatic expression is transformed into a verb with a meaning corresponding to the original expression. The use of £±­ ‘to subjugate’ was most likely promoted by the existence of a cognate MH verb £±­ ‘to crush, grind (vegetable matter, metal, etc.)’.

The import of the lone Pual usage in ³žš¡ §  ³¢žŸ¤ ž©¢³ž©š (Ps. 144:12) is not clear. 342

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY In addition to a derivation from the MH idiom ±›³ ™±°, one may explain the verbal root ±›³ as a secondary development, through incorporation of prefixed -t, from the BH root ±›. The latter is conjugated in the Hitpael with the meaning ‘to strive (with)’–note especially the apocopation of the final vowel in the imperative/prohibitive forms ±Žß³† Š (Deut. 2:24) and ±Žß³† ñŠ ¥™ (Deut. 2:9, 19). A tav-preformative hapax legomenon Ž±›† ñŠ ‘strife’ (Ps. 39:11) is, furthermore, attested. §13g Adverbial Qal 1a) ³¤¥¥ šž² ¦¢©ž­ ‘[They] turn to once again go.’ (¡²°™/34) 1b) á°°ž²¥ šÚ† Ž ž ¨‹âçŠ ‘He made a new decision to water it.’ (¡²°™/22; A) 1c) «š›ž ± ±­¢ šž²¢ ‘May mountain and hill once again be fruitful.’ ( ³­¢/39) 1d) ¥¢§ ±²« ¦¢©² žš²ž ž±Ÿ ž ‘And they once again returned [a distance of] 12 miles.’ (¥™/589) 1e) ¬ž­  ³ž¢ š² ‘He was once again sheltered.’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/10) 2a) ³¢²¥ ±  ¦™ ³¢²¢±  ¬¯² ‘if He has angrily imposed an angry blast’ (±¤Ÿ/4) 2b) ±ž™¥ ± ¤ ¢¯ ‘if He has angrily cursed the parched [earth]’ (±¤Ÿ/9) 3a) ¦¢§«§ £¥›ª¥ ¢³±³ ‘I made sure to make you [My] special possession from [among] the nations.’ (±²™/406) 3b) ¦¢§œ ¢²©™§ ±žªž ±ž³ ‘Make sure to stay away from murderous people!’ (±ž³/466) 4) ᱧ³¢ž ¢Œ©²¢ž ‘And He repeated it once more.’ (š³¤š Ÿ™/70) Notes: In BH, the root šž² may be employed adverbially in a hendiadys construction, in the meaning ‘to do again’. Such a construction may involve asyndetic coordination, as in ™±™ šž²™ £©™¯ (Gen. 30:31) and á³ °¥ šž²¥ (Deut. 24:4), or the creation of a verbal sequence by means of waw, as in š¤²åž š²åž (I Kings 19:6) and ¢³ °¥ž šž²™ (Hos. 2:11). 343 In MH, on the other hand, šâ² has become an independent adverb in its own right, meaning ‘again, furthermore’. 344 The data collected here indicate that the adverbial 343 Cf. A.B. Davidson, Hebrew Syntax (3rd ed.; Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1901) 113-15. 344 Cf. Segal, §288. Segal compares this usage to the Aramaic šž³. The process whereby a part of the verbal paradigm becomes separated out,

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MORPHOLOGY šž² within the Corpus more closely approximates the BH, rather than the MH, situation. Case 1a is not clear–it is possible that the poet intended for šž² to act as an independent adverb, but it is also possible that it is to be parsed as an infinitive construct, lacking the -¥ prefix, which is coordinated asyndetically with ³¤¥¥. In case 1b, the expected syntagm ¨ž¤ž š²** has apparently been reversed in order to satisfy the acrostic requirement. The verb ±  ‘to burn, be kindled (of anger)’ is commonly employed in BH in the idioms '¥­ ¬™ ±  and '¥­¥ ±  ‘s.o. was/got angry’. The Corpus, on the other hand, seems to employ the verb adverbially, with the meaning ‘to do something in an angry manner’. The verb ±ž³ ‘to seek out’ is not used adverbially in either BH or MH. In the cases cited from the Corpus, it appears to have acquired the adverbial meaning ‘to be careful /solicitous in doing something’, and may be used either in a hendiadys construction, as in case 3b, or with a complementary infinitive, as in case 3a. The stich in case 3a is paralleled by ¦¢§ž™§ ¢¥ £± žš¥ ¢³œ°², and the resulting pair ¢³±³//¢³œ°² confirms the adverbial usage, since œ°² may be so used in BH–cf. ž±§²ž Š žœ°²Š (Ezr. 8:29). For an analysis of the usage of the denominative verb ±§³ ‘to do again’ (§13d), see §12r/Qal/Type II. §13h Non-Passive Use of the Qal qåtul Participle 1a) ¦¢§ž¢ ³©ž§™ ‘the one who was faithful [to God] for 2,000 years [before the creation of the world]’ [=Torah] (¡²°™/9) 1b) ²™± ³©ž§™ ‘the pre-existent faithful one [=Torah]’ (¥™/611) =BH ¦¢©Š ⧇™ ‘faithful ones’ 2) ¦¢¯ž§™ ‘clinging [to God]’ (¬™/3) =BH Qal stative (cf. case 23) 3) ¦¢­žª™ ‘gathered (mid.)’ (°¢­™/21) =BH Nifal (cf. ¦¢­ª™© [§13k/Nifal reflexive]) 4) -¢ž³™ ‘having arrived’ (³¥™³/9; °¢­™/24) 5) ±ž§› ‘perfect (i.e., having been perfected, finished)’ (¥™/605) =MH (cf. case 15) 6) ¦¢ž›œ ‘the numerous ones’ [=Israel] (¤¢ª©™/26) (cf. š±¥ ž›œŠ¢ž ®±™ š±°š [Gen. 48:16]; ՛œ¥ ‘to cause him to multiply’ [§13qq]) (cf. case 21) turning into an independent particle or adverb, is attested in the case of BH Þ‹ ±† . 

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY ¥ž›œ ‘the conspicuous one’ [=Israel] (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/30) =BH (cf. šš±§ ¥ž›œ [Song 5:10], but reference to Israel based on ³ž¥›œ©¤ §¢™ [Song 6:4, 10]) 8) °ž œ ±Ÿ› ‘oppressive decree’ (¡­²§š £¥§/44) 9) ±žœ ‘the Splendid One’ [=God] (¤¢ª©™/9) =BH (ž²žš¥š ±žœ [Isa. 63:1]) 10) ¦¢œžšŸ predicator of existence (in a specific locale) (¡²°™/14) (cf. BH ™¯§©) 11) -¢žš  ‘hidden (mid.)’ ( ³­¢/25) =BH Nifal, Qal masc. sing. imperat. ¢šˆ Š   (Isa. 26:20) 12) ±ž›  ‘girded (mid.)’ (°¢­™/19) =BH 13) ±ž§  ™©² ‘grievous hatred’ (¢©©° ¢¢/329) =MH 14) ¨¢ ² ¢ ž±¡ ‘burdened with boils’ (¦©¤³/14) =MH Qal intransitive (cf. case 20) 15) ¥ž¥¤ ‘perfect (i.e., having been perfected, finished)’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/281) (cf. case 5) 16) ¬ž­¤ ‘contrite, bent’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/10) =BH 17) ¦¢§« ¢¡«§ ‘insiginificant among nations’ (¤¢ª©™/27) =Ben Sira (¦¢¡ž«§ Ÿžš [19:1])/MH (cf. also BH ¡« §† as adj. [Ps. 109:8; Qoh. 5:1]) 18a) ¦¢§ ³¥ž²§ ‘she who is like water’ [=Torah] (¡²°™/5) 18b) ¦¢°²§ž ¦¢¥¤™ °³§ ¥¤š ¦¢¥ž²§ ‘likened to all sweet fare’ [=words of Torah] (¥™/544) =BH Nifal 19) ²­© ¢ ž­© ‘ones who have breathed out their life (i.e., weary)’ ( ¢±¡¢/5) 20) ¥žšª ³ž©žœŸ ‘bearing arrogance’ (±¤Ÿ/31) (cf. case 14) 21) ¦¢ž›ª ‘the numerous ones’ [=Israel] (¤¢ª©™/26) (cf. BH ™¢ßŠ ª ‘great’) (cf. case 6) 22) ©ž›« ‘shut off’ (¦™/2) =BH Nifal 23) ¢³ž§«  ‘joined to’ ( ³­¢/82; Gen.1x v.l. ¢³¢§«) (cf. case 2) 24) ›ž©« ‘experiencing ›©«’ (¦™/2) =BH Qal stative, Pual 25) ¦¢§ž¯« ‘mighty, powerful’ (±²™/402) =BH 26) ¦¢œž§¯ ‘joined to’ (¥™/488) =BH Nifal 27a) ¬ž­¯ ‘straitened (of circumstances)’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/9) 27b) ¦¢­ž­¯ ‘crowded (of people in a space)’ (±¤Ÿ/10) =MH 28a) ¦±¡ ¦¢§žœ° ‘preceding’ (ž³™/376) 28b) ®±™ ¢§žœ° ‘the things that preceded the earth’ (¢©©° ¢¢/122, 131) (BH only GN ¦¢§žœ° ¥ © [Judg. 5:21]) 29) ¦¢©ž«² ‘leaning’ (³™/12) =BH Nifal 30) ¥ž¥³ ‘high’ (¦©¤³/3), ¦¢¥ž¥³ (ž³³/387) =BH 7)

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MORPHOLOGY Notes: A list of this sort has been prepared by Zunz. 345 As concerns the historical origins of such forms, the following is quoted from my article, which addresses the subject: 346 BH shows a substantial number of participles of the ¥ž¡° form which are non-passive in meaning. Blau has shown that such usage may be analyzed into several distinct categories: (substantivized) adjectives–«ž©¯ ‘modest’, ¦¢©ž§™ ‘faithful ones’; verbs of wearing and grasping–š±  ¢Ÿž ™ ‘grasping the sword’; verbs of motion–§ ¥§ ¢šž² ‘those who have returned from war’; other intransitives–¦¢­ž¡« ‘feeble’, ³ž±¯° ‘short’. 347 Such a usage might be explained by viewing the ¥ž¡° form as one that indicates a state resulting from a verbal action. In the case of a transitive verb, the state inheres in the object, thereby yielding a passive meaning. With intransitive (or reflexive) verbs, the state inheres in the subject, and the participle is therefore nonpassive (cf. the German past participle “Das Lied ist gesungen”–resulting state inhering in object–vs. “Ich bin gefahren”–resulting state inhering in subject.) 348 This usage is common in MH…. 349 345

Zunz, Synagogale Poesie, 422-26 (Beilage 13). Rand, “Fientivity,” 479. The footnotes from this article are integrated into the body of the present text. 347 J. Blau, "¡¢š¢¡°™ ™±žš ¥ž«­ ¢©ž©¢š" Leshonenu 18 (1952/53) 69-73. A few examples are given in J. Barth, Nominalbildung, 47. The very same construction, whereby an intransitive verb is found as a passive participle with active meaning, is found in JPA, as has been noted by E.Y. Kutscher, “Two ‘Passive’ Constructions in Aramaic in the Light of Persian” in idem, ¦¢±° §, 75-76, note 29. Cf. ¨¢œš« ¨š ™±š› ™žœ «¢§² ³™ §ž ‘How do you know that that man is the descendant of slaves?’ (Ber. Rab. 92:1 [cf. ed. Theodor & Albeck 3.1137 v.l., ad loc.]). In JPA, however, this construction is used specifically for expressing the perfect tense. As noted in ibid., 81, note 50, the passive participle with active meaning also appears in Ge’ez– cf. negŠš ‘king, ruler’ (from nagša ‘to rule’). Cf. A. Dillmann, Grammatik der äthiopischen Sprache (Leipzig: Weigel, 1857) §108 (2c). In the same footnote, Kutscher describes the usage as “panglottic.” See also the following note. 348 A similar explanation is offered in J. Kuryøowicz, Studies in Semitic Grammar and Metrics (Polska Akademia Nauk – Komitet JĚzykoznawstwa – Prace JĚzykoznawce 67; London: Curzon Press, 1973) 65 for the nonpassive use of the Akkadian paris permansive: “The basic form of the Akk. Stative is the verbal adjective qatil (qatul) denoting a state resulting from a previous action. The underlying fientive verb can be trans. or intrans. In the former case qatil (qatul) has as a rule a passive value. Trans. use of the 346

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY Several entries deserve special comment. Although the case of ²™±/¦¢§ž¢ ³©ž§™ is comparable to a BH non-passive qåtul participle, one must reckon with the fact that the epithet for the Torah in question is based on ¨Õ§Ò ž¥¯™ ¢™ž (Prov. 8:30). It is therefore quite possible that the form -³©ž§™ is not inended to be a fem. sing. qåtul participle, but rather a feminine variant of BH ¨ž§™. The gloss ¦¢¯ž§™ ‘clinging’ given here is based on a suggestion made by Yalon. 350 One might, however, also compare the BH adjective ¦¢íŠ §ˆ  ™ ‘strong’ (Zech. 6:3, 7; cf. also the PN ®Õ§Ò). The form ¦¢œžšŸ plays the syntactic role of a copula, predicating the existence of a certain thing in a certain place: ¦¢œžšŸ ¦³™ ‘there are found along with them’. In BH, this role is played by the verb ™¯§ in the Nifal stem–e.g., ³¥¤³ ž³™ ™¯§© ±²™ ²¢™ ¥¤ž (Ex. 35:23). In MH, an analogous function is found in the qåtul form ¨ž³©. 351 Since the root œšŸ means ‘to give (to someone)’, it is likely that the Corpus’ form ¦¢œžšŸ is a calque from MH. The classification of ¥ž²§ as a non-passive qåtul form is somewhat problematic. Viewed from the point of view of BH, where ¥²§© simply means ‘to be like’ and no Qal is attested, it would indeed appear to be non-passive. In MH, on the other hand, ¥²§© seems to have the passive connotation ‘to be compared (to something)’, and it is interchangeable with the qåtul participle. In fact, the expression ¦¢§ ³¥ž²§ is attested as ¦¢§š ¥ž²§² ±ž³ (Ber. Rab. 40[41]:9), for which parallel sources and varia lectionis read ¥²§©². It may therefore be that the form in question is treated as a passive by Qillir. The interpretation of ¦²© ¢ ž­© is based on the usage in Jer. 15:9–á²­©  Ž ­Ž † ©...¥¥§™ (cf. also the Hifil usage in ¢³ ìŠ ¢¥«š ²­© [Job 31:39]). 352 In BH, the passive participle refers to something stative in an exceptional fact. It is a context-conditionel [sic] hence secondary, function of paris (from trans. iprus, ipris) rendered possible by the relation iprus or ipris (intrans.) : paris (stative); e.g. ʜabtu ‘seized’ and ‘having seized’ (=possessing).” See also W. von Soden, Grundriss der Akkadischen Grammatik (3rd ed.; Analecta Orientalia 33; Rome: Editrice Pontifico Instituto Biblica, 1995) §77e. 349 Examples are listed in Blau, "¢©ž©¢š" 73-75. 350 See H. Yalon, ¨ž²¥ ¢°±­, 352: ''š°¥ ¦¢¥ž­¡ ,¦¢°žšœ. 351 Cf. the entries in Kenaani, 3875, s.v. ¨â³Ž© .š. 352 This seems preferable to the ed.’s suggestion, ad loc., that the expression be understood in light of ¦¢¢  ³§²© ž¢­™š  ­¢ž (Gen. 2:7), since

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MORPHOLOGY that has been blown upon, as in  ž­© ±¢ª ‘boiling/steaming pot’ (Jer. 1:13). 353 Since the verb  ­© is clearly transitive, the Corpus’ qåtul form can only be understood as a marker of perfective aspect. The form ©ž›« ‘shut off’, appearing in the phrase ³ž¢ ¥š¥ ©ž›«, is directly dependent on the BH hapax legomenon derived from this root: ²¢™¥ ³ž¢ ¢³¥š¥ Ž©›‹ «Ž ñ‹ ‘Would you shut yourselves off, so as not to belong to a man?’ (Ruth 1:13). Thus, the Corpus’ qåtul form is the equivalent of a would-be BH Nifal participle ›©«©** (and semantically independent of the MH terminus technicus ©ž›« ‘abandoned wife’). The form ¢³ž§« is a denominative from the BH ³¢§Š «Ž ‘friend’, which is based on the root §«, but evidently interpreted by Qillir as a noun of the qåtil pattern. It does not, therefore, represent the suffix incorporation III/h Æ III/t. In Byzantine piyyut, beginning with Yose ben Yose, the BH noun yields the root ³§« ‘to join (oneself to somebody)’: ž¥ ž³§«© ¦ ž¡š² ¢²™± (³©©ž¤ ³™/81). 354 §13i Object Displacement with the Qal qåtul Participle 1) 2) 3) 4) 5)

¦¢§ž¡™ ‘ones with shut up (ears)’ [=enemies of Israel] (£¢š™™/49) ¦¢¥ž¥š ¦¢§ž ²™ ¦¢¤™¥§ ‘angels mixed out of fire and water’ (¥™/622) (cf. case 4) Õ©ž«¡ ‘that with which he is loaded (i.e., his moveable property)’ (° ±³/500) 355 ¦¢§ž ²™ ¢¤ž³­ ‘mixed out of fire and water’ [=heavens] (¡²°™/5) (cf. case 2) ¦¢±ž±¯ ‘stopped up (of clouds that are prevented from shedding their water)’ (¡²°™/32)

Notes: This list includes verbal roots that are used transitively in BH or MH. Thus, ±±¯, which can be either transitive ‘to bind’ or intransitive ‘to be restricted’ in BH, is employed transitively with the context suggests reference to people who are wearied and exhausted for lack of water. 353 Cf. the gloss in BDB, 656, s.v.  ­©: “a blown (i.e., well-heated, boiling) pot.” 354 A. Mirsky, ¢ªž¢ ¨š ¢ªž¢ ¢¡ž¢­ (2nd ed.; Jerusalem: Bialik, 1991) 189. 355 For ¨ž«¡ ‘one carrying’ versus ¨ž«¡ ‘burden’, see Ben Yehuda, 1891, s.v. ¨ž«¡, where the present case is listed.

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY respect to water, i.e., with “water” as the direct object and “clouds” as an indirect/genitive object–cf. ž¢š«š ¦¢§ ±‹±¯ (Job 26:8), ¦¢§ ±±¯ ¢§ ¥§²š (Prov. 30:4), ¦¢±ž±¯ ¦¢§ ( ³­¢/72). Likewise, in MH, the verb £³­ ‘to mix’ takes as its direct object “fire and water”–cf. ''š° ¥¡© Ÿš Ÿ ¨¤³­ž ¦¢§ž ²™ (Ber. Rab. 4:7), Ÿš Ÿ ¨¢¤ž³­ œ±šž ²™ (Song Rab. to 3:11). The same applies to ¥¥š, which in both BH and MH takes as its object the materials that are mixed. In the Corpus, on the other hand, where the (implied) referent of ¦¢±ž±¯ is “clouds,” the (implied) referent of ¦¢¤ž³­ is “the heavens,” and the referent of ¦¢¥ž¥š is “the angels,” it would seems that the underlying transitive verbs take for their direct objects “clouds,” “the heavens,” and “the angels,” respectively. This type of development may be explained by the fact that water is conceived of as being an integral part of a cloud, just as water and fire are inalienable building blocks of the heavens and the angels. Analogously in English, it is possible to both “mix the ingredients,” as well as “mix the dough.” Such a semantic development is already attested in BH, where the verb ®¥  may mean either ‘to strip (off clothes)’–e.g., ®¥ ³ £¥«©ž £¥›± ¥«§ (Isa. 20:2; cf. also Deut. 25:9)–or ‘to strip (a part of one’s self)’–œ² ž¯¥  ['±°] ¦¢©³ ¦› (Lam. 4:3). Thus, despite the fact that in BH the relationship between ®¥  Ž and ¥«  © is that of verb and direct object, it is possible for the participle ®ž¥  to refer to a person who is stripped, as in ¥«© ®ž¥  ³¢š (Deut. 25:10; cf. ®ž¥  ‘stripped, exposed’ [£¢š™™/14]), rather than to the shoe. Cf. also ¥žŸ› ‘robbed’ (Deut. 28:29) versus ¥žŸ› ‘stolen’ (Deut. 28:31). This is also the case with verbs describing actions directed towards parts of the body, which may be considered as being semantically analogous to clothing, in that both are (in)alienable personal appurtenances. The verb ³±¤ ‘to cut off’, for example, may be used with “foreskin” as its object: ᩚ ³¥±« ³™ ³±¤³ž (Exod. 4:25). The qåtul participle, on the other hand, may be predicated of one whose privy member is severed–cf. the epexegetical construct phrase ¤Ž ­† ڎ ³â±ç† (Deut. 23:2), or simply ³â±çŽ (Lev. 22:24). Similarly, the BH verb ¦¡™ ‘to shut up’ may be employed with the object “ear” in order to indicate viciousness of character–e.g., ¥œ ³°«Ÿ§ ž©Ÿ™ ¦¡‹ ™ (Prov. 21:13; cf. also Ps. 58:5). 356 It is from an idiom of this sort that ¦¢§ž¡™ in case 1 is derived. In ¦¢§œ «§²§ ž©Ÿ™ ¦¡‹ ™ (Isa. 33:15), on the other hand, the expression is used to indicate a positive character trait. 356

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MORPHOLOGY §13j Stem Shifts towards the Nifal Qal Æ Nifal 1) ž«±¤© ‘to bow down’ (¢©©° ¢¢/159) (cf. «ž±¤[¥] [°¢­™/11; ¥™/616]) 2) žŸŸ«© ‘to be strong’ (¢©©° ¢¢/211, 212 [Gen. 1x v.l. žŸŸ«³[©]) 3) ¦¢­™²© ³ž§ ¢±œ ¥ ‘to long for’ (¥™/485) Notes: Whereas in (¢©©° ¢¢/211, 212) we find the Nifal conjugation ¢³ŸŸ«©, in a parallel position in l. 213 we find the adjectival construction ¢³¢¢ Ÿ«. The variation between BH ¬™² (cf. ¬™ž² ž§ž°§ ¥™ž [Qoh. 1:5]) and the Corpus’ ¬™²© is reminiscent of the variation within BH between the Qal and the Nifal of the root ¬ª¤ ‘to long for’. Qal/internal Hifil Æ Nifal: ¢³°³§© ‘to be sweet’ (¢©©° ¢¢/86). Notes: In BH, both the Qal and the Hifil of the root °³§ may be used with the stative meaning ‘to be sweet’. In the Corpus, °¢³§ acquires the causative meaning ‘to make sweet’ (cf. §13oo). Pual Æ Nifal: ³°²© Ž ‘to be watered’ ( ³­¢/41). Notes: A passive of the root °² is attested 1x in BH:  §ž îŒ چ  ¢ ž¢³§¯« ‘and his bone marrow is watered (i.e., refreshed)’ (Job 21:24). MH does not seem to possess a passive of this verb (the form ž°²ž in T Shev. 2:11 should be read ž²°ž; cf. ed. Lieberman, ad loc.). Pual/Hofal Æ Nifal: ¦¢°° © ±­ªš ‘to be inscribed’ (ž³™/373; ¥™/545) Notes: In the BH derived stems, the passive meaning ‘to be inscribed’ is attested 1x in the Pual–°° §  ‘that which is inscribed’ (Prov. 31:5; cf. ¦¢°°ž § [§13u])–and 1x in the Hofal–â°  Ž ¢ž† ±­ªš ¨³¢ ¢§ (Job 19:23). We also find the Qal passive participle ¦¢°°  (Ezek. 23:13; cf. ¦¢°ž°  [¡²°™/15; ž³™/367; ¥™/545]). §13k Species of the Nifal The following lists summarize the various species of the Nifal, including usages attested in BH, in an attempt to determine whether and to what extent this stem is productive in the Corpus. Nifal passive attested in BH 1) ±ª™¥ ‘to be bound’ (£¢š™™/28) 177

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 2) 3) 4) 5) 6) 7) 8) 9) 10) 11) 12) 13) 14) 15) 16) 17) 18) 19) 20) 21) 22) 23) 24) 25) 26) 27) 28)

«°Þš ‘to be cleft, broken up (of sound of the shofar)’ ( ™²™ °œ¯š ¢«œ/26) ™±š© ‘to be created’ (¢©©° ¢¢/337, 338), ™±š© (±ž³/471; part.) ±Ÿ›© ‘to be decreed’ (¦©¤³/6) (cf. Esth. 2:1) ¥›© ‘to be uncovered, revealed’ (™²™/62) ¦¢²±œ© ‘to be sought out Æ interpreted’ (¥™/546) (cf. I Chron. 26:31; common in MH) ±¤Ÿ¥ ‘to be remembered’ (¡­²§š £¥§/30; ± ¨§/25) °¥ © ‘to be divided’ (¢©©° ¢¢/350) ¨© ‹¢ ‘to be shown grace’ (¡­²§š £¥§/20; Gen. v.l. ž©©ž ¢, ¨© ž¢) 357 (cf. Jer. 22:23; also ¨© Ž¢, etc. [§13tt]) š¯ © ‘to be graven’ (³™/6) ²± © ‘to be ploughed up Æ to be razed’ (™²™/15) š² © ‘to be reckoned,considered’ (¥™/559) «œž© ‘to be made known’ (¢©©° ¢¢/287), ž«œž© (¢©©° ¢¢/156), ¢«œž¢š (¢©©° ¢¢/158) (cf. Nifal reflexive/middle) œ¥ž© ‘to be born’ (¢©©° ¢¢/262) ±¯ž© ‘to be created, formed’ (¢©©° ¢¢/227) (cf. Isa. 43:10) «²ž© ‘to be saved’ (¢©©° ¢¢/305) ¨žç¢ ‘to be established’ (¤¢ª©™/21) ž™¥é¢ ‘to be filled’ ( ³­¢/38, 84) ¦¢©§© ‘to be numbered’ (³¢¥¤³/438) ™¯§© ‘to be found’ (¢©©° ¢¢/278) (cf. Nifal ingressive) ¥¯©³ ‘to be delivered’ (±ž³/477), ¥¯©¥ (¡­²§š £¥§/32) ž™ð© ‘to be raised up, carried aloft’ (¢©©° ¢¢/166), ¦¢™ð© (³ž«³/414) (cf. Nifal adjectival) ¨ñŠ© ‘to be given’ (³±œ™/4; ¡­²§š £¥§/35), ž©ñ© (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/37; ¥™/541), ¨³ê¢ (¡­²§š £¥§/35), ¨³©¥ (¦©¤³/17) ¦¢©«© ‘to be answered, receive an answer’ (³¢¥¤³/445) (cf. ³ž©«¥ ‘to answer’, under “special use”) ž²©«© ‘to be punished’ (±¤Ÿ/28) ²«© Œ ‘to be made (into), performed’ (¡­²§š £¥§/20), ²«© (±¤Ÿ/1; cf. note 299), ³ž²«¥ (¡­²§š £¥§/27) (cf. Nifal impersonal) œ°­© ‘to be visited’ (³™/12; ¦™/3), œ°­¥ (³™/11) ž ³­© ‘to be opened’ ( ³­¢/73),  ³ì¢ ( ³­¢/5), ž ³ì¢ ( £¥§ ¡­²§š/72;  ³­¢/3),  ³ì¥ (¡­²§š £¥§/71)

The Poal ¨©ž ¢ is attested in MH, perhaps the only representative of this stem in that dialect–cf. note 410. 357

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MORPHOLOGY 29) 30) 31) 32) 33) 34) 35) 36) 37) 38)

¬±¯© ‘to be purified Æ to be tried’ (¢©©° ¢¢/278) (cf. Dan. 12:10) ²œ°© ‘to be consecrated’ (± ¨§/19) ³ž™±¥ ‘to be seen, appear’ (¡­²§š £¥§/75) ¯±© ‘to be found acceptable, accepted’ (¢©©° ¢¢/294) ¦¢ ¥²© ‘to be sent’ ( ³­¢/47, 48) (cf. Esth. 3:13) «§ð¢ ‘to be heard’ (¡­²§š £¥§/7) ¢¡­ð ‘to be judged’ (¡­²§š £¥§/53), ¦¢¡­²© (±¤Ÿ/28) ž¥°²© ‘to be weighed’ (¢©©° ¢¢/156) ¦¢­±²© ‘to be burned’ (¥™/485) «°ñš ‘to be blown (of shofar)’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/26)

Nifal passive – other 1) ³ž ™¥ ‘to be made to join’ (¨š™/8) (cf. also  ™§† [§13m]) 2) ©žœ© ‘to be judged’ (¦™/2) =MH 3) ¦¢­œ© ‘to be thrust, pushed’ (¥™/486) (pass. of BH ¬œ) 4) ¦¢°žã¢© ‘to be hurt, experience harm’ (¥™/549) 5) ¦¢°Ÿ © ‘to be made strong (of words of Torah)’ (¥™/546) (cf. ¦¢°Ÿž § [§13u]) 6a) ¦³ © ‘to be impressed as a seal’ (¢©©° ¢¢/231, 320) 6b) ž§³ © ‘to be minted, formed’ (¢©©° ¢¢/324) (denom. from ¦³ž ; cf. BH ¦³ © ‘to be sealed [of epistle]’) 7) ¢³¤²§© ‘to be drawn (after s.o.)’ (£¢š™™/43) =MH 8) ¦¢¥ ©© ‘to be made a possession’ (³žœž§ ³/527) (pass. of BH ¥ ©) 9) ¦¢¥šª© ‘to be borne (of a heavy load)’ (³ž«³/414) (pass. of BH ¥šª; cf. ¥âšªŽ ‘bearing’ [§13h]) 10) ±³«© ‘to be granted (of prayer)’ (³¥™³/12) (cf. ±³«¥ ‘to grant entreaty’, under Nifal tolerative) 11) ¦²±© ‘to be inscribed, written down’ (¢©©° ¢¢/340), ¦²±š (£¢š™™/32), ¦¢§²±© (°¢­™/6) =MH (cf. BH ¦âڎ± ‘inscribed’). 12) ¦¢±«²© ‘to be measured’ (¡²°™/15) 13) ¬¥²© ‘to be drawn out’ (¢©©° ¢¢/249) =MH (pass. of BH ¬¥²) 14) ž«°³© ‘to be fixed, implanted’ (¢©©° ¢¢/153) (but cf. ¢œ¢¥ ™ž ¢§ «°ñ¢ [Job 17:3]) Notes: In the case of ³ž ™¥, it should be noted that the denominative root  ™ is attested in MH, but the passive is expressed by means of the Hitpael, whereas the Nifal is unattested. Likewise in the case of ¦¢±«²©, which corresponds to a passive Hitpael in MH.

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY The root ¨žœ is conjugated 1x in the Nifal in BH (II Sam. 19:10), with a reciprocal signification. Analogical influence may have been exerted in the case of the Corpus’ passive usage by the closely related root ¡­², which is attested 3x as a Nifal passive in BH (thus also in the Corpus, as well as in MH) while the other 15 cases of the Nifal are reciprocal. 358 Both roots are found in the reciprocal usage in the Corpus as well. The use of the Nifal in the case of ¦¢°Ÿ © is to be attributed to the influence of ¦¢²±œ©, together with which our form appears in a hendiadys construction: ¦¢°Ÿ ©ž ¦¢²±œ© (cf. also under §13u/Pual passive dependent on BH Piel). In BH, the Nifal of the root £²§ is used specifically in the temporal sense ‘to be prolonged/postponed’. This meaning is also attested in MH. MH, however, also attests the meaning ‘to be drawn’: ³¤²§© ³¢ ™¥ž ¨ž¢¥¢°§¥ ³ž™ ¨¢¤²ž§ ž¢² ±­ (Ber. Rab. 86:2). The passive signification of the Nifal of ±³« is unusual, given that in BH it is exclusively employed in the tolerative sense ‘to grant entreaty’. Such a passive usage would appear to imply that the Qal stem of ±³« should mean something like ‘to grant (prayer)’. In BH, however, both the Qal and the Hifil stems from the root ±³« mean ‘to pray’. A partial resolution to this quandary might be obtained by reference to another unusual usage, found in ¢² ¥ ¥™¥ ±¢³«§ ‘to God, [who] grants my prayer’ (±§ž™  ¯©§¥/18), where ±¢³«§ occurs in the rhyming position. From the perspective of BH, we have here a case of the stem shift Nifal Æ Hifil, 359 which is made even more striking by the fact that the Hifil is used with the normal meaning ‘to supplicate’, also in the rhyming position, only two lines down: ±¢³«© ž§²¥ ³žœžž ¥¥šž ‘and we will make supplication to his name with praise and thanksgiving’ (  ¯©§¥ ±§ž™/20) (cf. also ±¢³«¥ ‘to supplicate’ [™²™/38]). In discussing the Nifal tolerativum, Joüon notes that it shares some properties with what he terms “the Hifil of consent”–e.g., ¥¢™² ‘to lend’ (i.e., to allow oneself to be successfully asked)’–in that both imply that the subject has allowed the action denoted by the verb to be effectively performed on himself. 360 It is possible that in the case of ¢² ¥ ¥™¥ Cf. BDB, 1048, s.v. ¡­². Even Shoshan, 1032, s.v. ±³«™ and Kenaani, 4560, s.v. ±¢³« cite only one passage where a similar usage is attested: £±¢³«¢ œ¢§³ž £³¥­³ ¥ž° «§²¢ž (A. Mirsky, ¨ž­¥¤-¨š™ ° ¯¢ '± ¢±¢² [Jerusalem: Bialik, 1961] 116). 360 Joüon, 1.§51c, note 2. 358 359

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MORPHOLOGY ±¢³«§, under the pressure imposed by rhyme, Qillir resorted to this Hifil usage. As to the theoretical Qal form ±³« ‘to grant’, we have already noted that in BH, the Hifil stem from ±³« is semantically equivalent to the Qal. If, then, a Hifil form ±¢³«§ ‘to grant’ is attested in the Qillirian corpus, it is quite possible to imagine that the Qal equivalent was at least considered a theoretical possibility by the payyetan. The data collected above on the stem transformation Hifil Æ Qal in verbs of perception make this an even more likely possibility, since ‘to grant entreaty’ may be considered to indicate perception, being semantically (and theologically) close to ‘hearing entreaty’. From this theoretical Qal the passive Nifal ±³«© ‘to be granted’ could then have been derived. 361 Nifal impersonal: °œ¯ž ¡­²§š ž¢©¢©¥ ²«‹¢ ‘His offspring will be treated (lit. it will be done to his offspring) with justice and righteousness.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/33) =BH. Notes: In a number of cases, the BH use of the Nifal of ²« approaches the impersonal, but in all of these, the verb is accompanied by a deictic adverb (¤, ¤¤, ¨¤), which endows the subject, expressed in English translation by means of the dummy pronoun “it,” with real semantic content–e.g. ¨¤ ³ž²«¥ £¥§ ±§™¢ž (Esth. 9:14). Since the Corpus’ usage also governs an adverbial modifier, though in this case a prepositional phrase, the two are comparable. Nifal adjectival 1) ±ž™© ‘to be light, brilliant’ (±¤Ÿ/10) =BH (³™ ±ž™© [Ps. 76:5]) 2) ¦¢©žš© ‘to be wise’ (±¤Ÿ/24; ³¢¥¤³/442) =BH 3) ¦¢¯±§© ¦¢±šœ ‘to be harsh, grievous’ (¦ž¡™/511) =BH 4) ™ð© ‘to be elevated’ (°¢­™/18), ™ð© (¢©©° ¢¢/165), ¦¢™ð© ( ³­¢/12) =BH 5) ±¯«© ‘to be gathered’ (°¢­™/8), ¦¢±¯«© (¦©¤³/8, 21) =MH 6) ³ž™¥­© ‘to be wonderful’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/36) =BH 361

In reality, it is not even necessary to postulate the existence of an active Qal from which a passive Nifal might be derived. Already in BH, the active : passive opposition may be expressed by means of the stems Hifil : Nifal (cf. W&O, 394-95), and the existence of a form ±¢³«§ ‘answering’ is therefore theoretically sufficient to justify the form ±³«© ‘was answered’.

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 7)

±š²© ‘to be broken (of spirit)’ ( ³­¢/29) =BH (cf. Ps. 51:19)

Nifal ingressive 1) ¦²™³‹ ‘to be found guilty’ (³ž«³/422) 2) ª©¤¥ ‘to enter’ (¥™/598) =MH 3) ¥²ç³ ‘to stumble’ (³ž«³/422) =BH (also Qal) 4) ™¯§© ‘to be found/turn out to be’ (¢©©° ¢¢/256, 293, 303) =BH 5) °ê³ ‘to be found innocent’ (¢¤©™/46) =BH 6) ¦¢±«ª© ‘to storm, be tempestuous’ (¦² ³™/429) =BH (1x) (cf. ±«²© [Ps. 50:3] and ¦¢±«³Û§ [§13ee]) 7) ³ž²«¥ ‘to become, turn into’ (¡­²§š £¥§/62) =MH 8) ¦¢±š²© ‘to become broken, break’ (³ž«³/415) =BH Notes: The ingressive usage of the Nifal is encountered in BH. 362 It is not, however, found there with ²«©, and the meaning ‘to become’ is usually conveyed by means of the verb ¢, with or without the preposition -¥. The ingressive meaning of ²«© is, however, common in MH. Nifal gerundive/desiderative 1) ¨§™© ‘faithful’ (¤¢ª©™/40; ± ¨§/21) =BH 2) ™±ž© ‘awesome’ (¦™/°; œ¢­™™/7; ¢©©° ¢¢/245) =BH 3) ¦¢œ§ © ‘desirable’ (¥™/583) =BH (cf. œž§  [¢©©° ¢¢/311]) 4) °² © ‘beloved’ (¥™/576) =Ben Sira (³°² © ²™ [40:19]; cf. BH ¦¢š™© [II Sam. 1:23]) 5) œš¤© ‘honorable’ (¢©©° ¢¢/245) =BH 6) ¦¢§°©¢© ‘subject to vengeance’ (±ž³/474) =BH (cf. Exod. 21:20) Notes: In English translation, the gerundive function of the Nifal is best conveyed by the adjectival suffixes -able, -ful, etc. 363 Nifal reflexive/middle 1) ¦¢­ª™© ‘to gather (mid.)’ (°¢­™/22) =BH 2) ž³ž¥ßš ‘to reveal oneself’ (¥™/578) =BH 3) ¦¥ §œ© ¨¢§ž¢ °¢³«¤ ‘to liken oneself, appear as’ (¥™/582) =MH 4) ¦¢­°Ÿ© ‘to raise oneself up, to get up’ (¥™/486) =MH 5) ³ž™š ¥ ‘to hide oneself, be hidden’ (¡­²§š £¥§/30), ³¢š © ( Ÿ™ š³¤š/65) =BH 6) «œâ¢ ‘to make oneself known’ (£¢š™™/76) =BH 362 363

Cf. W&O, 386. Cf. W&O, 387.

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MORPHOLOGY œšç™ ‘to enjoy honor (for oneself)’ (£¢š™™/19) =BH 364 œ±ì¥ ‘to divide (mid.)’ (¡²°™/44;  ³­™/40) =BH «±ì¢ ž³ªŒž ‘to be repayed (subj. bad deeds)’ (±¤Ÿ/34) ™±© ‘to show oneself ’ (¥™/579), ž™±© (¢©©° ¢¢/348), ¦¢¥ž«¤ ¦¢™±© ‘to appear’ (¡²°™/28; cf. §21c) =BH 11) ²«±© ‘to quake’ (¡§ ®±™/3) =BH (Jer. 50:46) (cf. BH Qal and ²«± [¡§ ®±™/1]) 12) ©«ð™ ‘to lean oneself’ (¡­²§š £¥§/49) =BH 7) 8) 9) 10)

Notes: The reflexive function of the Nifal, a special case of the more general category of “double status Nifal” (i.e., reflexive, reciprocal, benefactive, etc.) is well attested in BH. 365 The case of «±ì¢ ‘to be avenged’ is unusual. In MH, the Nifal ¨§ «±­© is used in the active sense ‘to collect payment from, to punish’. The same usage is attested in the MH Qal, as well as in ¦¢±²š§ž ±ž«§ ³«±ž­ ‘punishing skin and flesh’ (¦² ³™/432). The Corpus’ Nifal, on the other hand, takes for its subject the bad deeds that bring down punishment upon their agent. Nifal reciprocal 1) ž§¢±šœ© ‘to speak with one another’ (ž³™/373) =BH 2) ¢©žœ© ‘to contend with s.o.’ (£¢š™™/38) =BH (cf. Nifal passive) 3) ¢§« ™© ¢¯«ž¢ ‘to take counsel with s.o.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/297) =BH 4) £¥§© ¢§š ‘to take counsel with s.o.’ (¤¢ª©™/10), £¥§¢¥ žš ¨¢™ (™²™/27) =BH (cf. Neh. 5:7) 5) ¡­²© ‘to enter into judgment with s.o.’ (³™/3) =BH Nifal tolerative 1) ±³«¥ ‘to grant entreaty’ (³¥™³/12) =BH 2) ±Ÿ© ‘to let oneself be warned Æ be careful’ (¢©©° ¢¢/270) =BH Notes: The tolerative Nifal, another type of “double status” usage, combines the reflexive notion with the notion of permission. It is well known in BH. 366 In the case of ±³«¥, the meaning is something like ‘to allow oneself to be persuaded through entreaty’. The full stich reads œšç™ž  ³­ ™¯™ ™¥ž ¦žœ™. For the meaning of the verb in question the ed., ad loc., suggests the parallel £³¢šš š²ž œšç ‘stay home and enjoy your glory’ (II Kings 14:10). If this parallel is correct, we must assume that Qillir intended a somewhat different semantic nuance– something like ‘to maintain a stance of proud isolation’. 365 Cf. W&O, 387-88. 366 Cf. W&O, 389-90. 364

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY special use: ³ž©«¥ ‘to answer, respond’ (¡­²§š £¥§/71; Gen. v.l. ³ž©«¥) =BH (Ezek. 14:4, 7). Notes: The unusual use of the Nifal of ©« with the meaning ‘to answer’ has probably developed by analogy to such tolerative usages as ²±œ© and ±³«©, both of which mean ‘to respond’. Nifal denominative 1a) ¢³¥š›©ž ¢³›  ›ž  ¦¢¥«ž ‘to become a boundary’ (¢©©° ¢¢/141) 1b) ¢³¥š›© ¢©¢ª ³«š›¥ ¦¥ž« ³ž«š›§ž ‘to settle (on)’ (¢©©° ¢¢/169) 1c) ¦¢¥š›© ± š¢šªš ‘to be placed around a boundary’ (ž³³/391) (cf. š¢šª ¦« ³™ ³¥š›ž [Exod. 19:12] and ¦¢¥š›ž§ [§13ww]) Å ¥žš› ‘boundary’ 2a) ¦¢¥›œ© ‘the ones gathered according to [their] standards’ [=Israel] (ž³³/390; ¥™/617) 2b) ¦¢¥›œ© ³­³¥ ‘marked out’ (³ž«³/419; v.l. ¦¢¥›±©) Å ¥›œ ‘standard’ 4) ³²°¥© ‘the one in need of the late rain’ [=earth] ( ³­¢/19) Å ²ž°¥§ ‘late/spring rain’ Notes: The denominaive verb ¥š› is attested in BH only in the Qal and Hifil stems (cf. the discussion under ž¥š›Ž [§13uu]). All of the usages attested in the Corpus are Qillirian neologisms. The denominative Nifal ¥›œ© is attested in BH in ³Õ¥ŽßœŠ† ©ç é Ž 噈 (Song 6:4, 10), where it is predicated of the Shulamite. This usage has probably influenced the emergence of the epithet ¦¢¥›œ© for the Israelites (cf. also ¥ž›œ ‘Israel’ [§13h]). The meaning ‘to be marked out’ is a Qillirian neologism, apparently created on an ad hoc basis. Its etymology, however, is clear–cf. the informal English idiom “to flag something.” The interpretation of ³²°¥© as a desiderative is supported by a similar Qillirian usage in the Hofal, where the form in question is practically glossed in the second stich: ¦™ ²ž°¥§ž//³²°¥§ ¦™ ¢¯ ³²°š§ (¦ž¢š ¦¢¥™/69). Nifal inchoative/perfective: 1) ±¤ã¥ ‘to remember’ (¨š™/12), ±¤ã (¡­²§š £¥§/42) =MH 2) ¦¢©°© £¥ ±²™ §™ž œš« ‘to be bought Æ to belong to’ (³¢¥¤³/447) Notes: This function of the Nifal is attested in MH, whereas it is not known in BH. Kutscher illustrates its derivation as follows: 184

MORPHOLOGY ±¤Ÿ© ¢©™ ‘It comes to my mind Æ I remember’. 367 Case 2 represents a semantic development of the passive BH/MH ©°© ‘to be bought’ (2x in BH). Cf. also ž¢¢ž©° ‘those who belong to Him’ (±¤Ÿ/9). §13l Stem Shifts towards the Piel Qal Æ Piel: 1) §ä™™ ‘to seal’ (£¢š™™/1; cf. ¦¢§ž¡™ ‘ones with shut up (ears)’ [§13i]) 2) ¨é™ ‘to instruct’ (¦©¤³/1) 3) œà› ‘to tear down’ (³±œ™/10) 4) šÞœ ‘to say/speak’ (¦™/2) (cf. ¦¢©ž© ³ ¥ž°š žššžœ [£ž¥š Ÿ™/5]) 5) ՜«ž ‘to establish, allocate’ (¡²°™/12;  ³­¢/24) 6) ¢¤©  ‘to teach, educate’ (²žœ°/39) 7) ­ë ™ ‘to uncover, to utter (dir. obj. speech)’ (¡²°™/2), ¦¢­ª § (°¢­™/22) 8) ¥¤ ‘to perfect, finish’ (¡²°™/4; mod.), ¥ç ¥è¤ (¡²°™/5) (cf. ¥ž¥¤ ‘perfect’ [§13h]) 9) ž§²š ¦§² ¥¥¢¤ ‘to include’ (¥™/562; v.l. ¥¥¤, ¥¥š) 10) ᳞⥥ ‘to accompany’ (¦™/5) 11) ¯ ¢¥ ‘to oppress’ (³±œ™/13) (cf. ¢©³¯ ¥ [§13nn]) 12) ±àª ‘to arrange’ (¡²°™/30) (cf. ±žœª ‘set in order’ [¥™/606]) 13) ±°«¥ (¦™ ³«¡¥ ¦™) ‘to uproot’ (±¤Ÿ/44; R) (cf. ±ž°«¥ ³«ž ³«¡¥ ³« «ž¡© [Qoh. 3:2]) 14a) ²±¢­ ‘to interpret Æ to set out’ (¢©©° ¢¢/255) 14b) ²ž±¢­š ‘explicitly’ (¢¤©™/43; ¥™/545) (cf. §29g) 15a) ¦ð±¥ ‘to inscribe Æ to decree’ ( ³­¢/83) 15b) -¦žð± ‘inscribing’ (±¤Ÿ/5), ¦¢§žð± ¢±§™ ‘inscribed sayings’ (°¢­™/6) 16) ¥î¢² ‘to grant (i.e., to weigh out [to s.o.])’ (¦©¤³/2) Notes: It has been pointed out that MH shows a marked tendency to conjugate in the Piel roots that are attested in the Qal stem in BH, and Ben-Hayyim claims that the initial motivation for this tendency is to be sought in the greater “expressiveness” of the stem with doubled middle radical. 368 The verbs ¦¡™, ® ¥, and ¥°² are conjugated in the Qal both in BH as well as in MH. The Corpus’ Piel usages are therefore an independent manifestation of 367

Kutscher, “Hebrew, Mishnaic,” 1598. Z. Ben-Hayyim, ¦¢ ³ž¥¢›§ ¥² ¨ž²¥ ³±žª§¥ ³°¢Ÿž ¦¢©ž±§ž² ³±žª§" "¥''Ÿ  ¨ž²¥¥ž  ¥§ Leshonenu 22 (1957/58) 236-42. 368

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY the Qal Æ Piel tendency. The Piel usage ¨§™ ‘to instruct’, attested in MH and DSSH, 369 is to be traced back to BH locutions of the type ªœ ³™ ¨§™ ¢¢ž (Esth. 2:7). Thus also with he root £© , which is attested in the Qal in BH, and in the Piel in MH. In BH, the root œœ› is attested 1x in the Qal, though the context is too obscure to be certain about the meaning: ²­© ¥« âà՛Ž¢ °¢œ¯ (Ps. 94:21). 370 In addition, it is common in the Hitpoel with the meaning ‘to cut oneself (for ritual purposes)’, implying the theoretical possibility of a Poel œœÕß ‹ ** ‘to cut, tear’. In MH œœ› ‘to cut off’ may be conjugated in either the Qal or the Piel. On the basis of BH ÞŽ àŠ ‘evil report’ and Akk. dabćbu ‘to speak, litigate, complain’, 371 it appears that BH inherited a root ššœ ‘to speak, etc.’, which is used exclusively in the pejorative sense ‘to speak poorly of someone’, and is only attested in the nominal form cited above. In MH, this root shows two further usages: šâšœŽ ‘enemy’ and ššŽ œ† ¥«š ‘opponent’ 372 In addition, a second root ššœ ‘to glide, flow’ is attested once in MT, in the Qal participle: ¨¢¢¤ £ç ž ¦¢©²¢ ¢³­² ššžœ ¦¢±²¢§¥ ¢œžœ¥ £¥ž šž¡ (Song 7:10). That MH is familiar with this meaning in this verse is evidenced by the first part of a homily based on it: œ¢§ ž¢¥« ž«š¯™ ¦œ™  ¢©§² ¨ž¢¤ ¦¢š©« ¥² ±§¤ § ...ššžœ (BT Yeb. 97a). The apodosis of the homily, however, makes it clear that the two roots have become intertwined, and that the first ššœ now means ‘to speak softly, murmur’: ¦¤  œ¢§¥³ ¥¤ £¤... ±š°š ³žššžœ ž¢³ž³­² Ÿ ¦¥ž«š ž¢­§ «ž§² ±šœ ¦¢±§ž™². It is predominantly in light of this new MH meaning that the Corpus’ ššœ may be categorized as representing the stem shift Qal Æ Piel. The root ¬²  ‘to strip off, make bare’ is well attested in BH, where it appears only in the Qal. It is not inherited by MH, but

Cf. Even Shoshan, 56, s.v. ¨§™. For DSSH, cf. also D.J.A. Clines, The Dictionary of Classical Hebrew (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1998) 1.315, s.v. ¨§™. 370 See BDB, 151, s.v. œœ› for the plausible suggestion that the form is a denominative of œžœ› ‘band’. 371 For a full listing, cf. CAD 3.4-14. It is important to note that while the Akk. form can have either a pejorative sense ‘devise a plot’ or a juridicial sense ‘plead in court, litigate’, it may also be used as a neutral verb of speaking. 372 The latter is borrowed from the Akk. bĔl dabćbi ‘adversary (in court)’ via Aramaic. 369

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MORPHOLOGY appears 2x in Ben Sira, again in the Qal. 373 In Ben Sira 42:1, the verb takes ‘secret’ as a direct object: œžª ¥¤ ¬žª §ž // «§²³ ±šœ ³ž©²§ ¯«. It is attested in precisely the same sense in the Corpus: ¦ž¢ œžª ¥ž›œ¥ ž­ª š Ž //¥™› (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/30). Note furthermore that a case of the Qal in the Corpus–¦¢­ªž  ¦¢§ £žë© (°¢­™/21)–appears to be using the root in the BH meaning ‘to draw (water)’, which is attested in Isa. 30:14 and Hag. 2:16. This meaning is probably secondarily present in the Piel cases as well, since in both of them the speech concerns water–¦¢§ ¥«­§ ²«§ ¨¢«§ ­ª ™ ‘I will recount something like a story of hydrological activity’, ¦¢­ª § ¦¢§ ³«ž² ‘uttering the prayer for water’. The meaning of the Corpus’ Piel œ«Š ‹ ž (back-formed from MH œ«žž³) corresponds to BH Qal œ«Ž  ¢: ᜫ¢ ¦² ¦¢ ¬ž  ¥™ž ¨ž¥°²™ ¥™ (Jer. 47:7). The Piel usage ¥è¤ ‘to finish, perfect’ is to be compared to the statement ¦¢¤¥žž ¦¢ ž³§ ž¢ž ¦¢²«§ ž¢ ¦¢¥¥ž¤§ (Ber. Rab. 10:5). This is the only case of the Pual (participle) of the root ¥¥¤ in MH, whereas the Piel is not attested with this meaning. The statement in Bereshit Rabbah is, in turn, an exegesis of ®±™ž ¦¢§² â萤¢† ž (Gen. 2:1). In BH, the verbal root ¥¥¤ ‘to perfect’ is attested 2x in the Qal: £¢­¢ ž¥¥¤ (Ezek. 27:4, 11). It seems clear that in this particular case, the observed stem shift Qal Æ Piel is a direct result of the influence of the BH Piel è¤, together with its Pual counterpart. The Piel usage ¥¥¢¤ ‘to include’ appears to be a development of the MH Qal usage of the same meaning–e.g., ¨§« ³ž¢¤¥§ ¥¥ž¤ž (M Rosh Hash. 4:5). Although a verbal form from the root ±œª is not attested in BH, which shows only the nominal forms ¦¢±Š œŽ ª† (Job 10:22) and ³Õ±œ‹ ۆ , it is attested in DSSH in the Qal: ³ž¤±«§ ¥¤ ³™ ¦² ±œªž (1QM 15:5-6). In post-Biblical Hebrew, the root is also conjugated in the Piel. This stem usage is first attested in Ben Sira: ¨ž¢¥« ³ž¤±«§ ±œª¥ (50:14), and is found alongside the Qal in MH. 374 The root ²±­ ‘make distinct’ is attested 1x in BH, in the Qal– ž¢ ¢­ ¥« ¦¥ ²±­¥ (Lev. 24:12)–though the passive is in the Pual (Num. 15:34; Neh. 8:8). 375 In MH, it is attested in the Piel, together with the (substantivized) nomen actionis ²ž±¢­ ‘explanation, Cf. Historical Hebrew Dictionary (ed.), ™±¢ª ¨š ±­ª, 150. Cf. Moreshet, 241-42, s.v. ±œª. 375 The meaning of the unique Nifal ³žÚ±­© (Ezek. 34:12) is unclear. 373 374

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY commentary’. The adverbial expression ²ž±¢­š is, moreover, a clear mishnaism. The root ¦²± is attested once in BH, as a Qal passive participle. The lexeme ¦žð± is attested in MH with the substantivized meaning ‘mark, trace’. gerunds 1) ¬žì™ ‘to surround’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/10 (cf. ³ž§ ¢¥š  ¢©ž­­™ [Ps. 18:5; 116:3], etc.) 2) ¬žë¢¤ ‘to yearn’ ( ³­¢/66) (cf. also BH ¬ª¤© ‘to yearn’ and ¦¢­žª¤ ‘desirable’ [¥™/490]) 3) ªžé« ‘to load’ (¡²°™/30) (cf. ª§«¥ ‘to carry’ [¡²°™/13]) Notes: The morphological category “gerund” has been listed separately, since it is unclear whether the existence of a qittul gerund alone necessarily implies the stem shift Qal Æ Piel. As has already been pointed out (§11i), Kutscher notes that this pattern is employed, albeit marginally, in MH as the gerund of the Qal stem. The possibility that this is also the case in the Corpus is therefore not to be ruled out. Nifal Æ Piel (gerunds only) 1) ¥œÕš ¢§‹ ¢žâ¢° ‘to gather (intr.)’ (¡²°™/37) 2) [¬žë¢¤ ‘to yearn’–see under Qal Æ Piel] Notes: The usage in case 1 does not refer directly to ¦¢§ âžîŠŽ ¢ ¦¢§² ³ ³§ (Gen. 1:9), but rather to ¨¢š ¥¢œš§ ¢¢ž ¦¢§ £ž³š «¢°± ¢¢ ¦¢§¥ ¦¢§ (Gen. 1:6), since the allusion is to the heavenly, rather than the earthly, waters. On the assumption that the former verse influenced Qillir’s usage here, however, I have adopted the present analysis. Polel Æ Piel 1a) ¨â¤ ‘to establish, decide’ (¡²°™/22;  ³­¢/41) =MH 1b) -¨ââçŠ ‘to direct’ (°¢­™/11; cf. §28o) =MH 2) -¦žå° (±¤Ÿ/8), ž§žå° ‘existence, essence’ (¥™/561) =LBH/MH Notes: This stem shift involves a switch from a metaplastic conjugation to one based on a strong root, which is formed by means of filling the second radical position with a glide consonant. It does not, therefore, imply any change in the semantics of the stem system, but rather parallels a morphological trend that is attested in the transition from BH to MH (cf. §12q). For BH ¨©ž¤ ‘to 188

MORPHOLOGY direct’, see ...±° ¥ ¨©ž¤ ‘Direct [your heart] to the investigation of…’ (Job 8:8). Hitpael Æ Piel 1) ±¢³« ¨ê  ‘to pray’ (³¥™³/11), ©ê  (³¥™³/6), ž©ê ¢ ( £¥§ ¡­²§š/37), ³ž±­¤¥ ¢©ê § (±¤Ÿ/6), -¨žê  (¤¢ª©™/7) 2) ¢³¢àž ‘to confess, pray’ (°¢­™/6), -¢žàž ( ³­¢/23) 3) ¥è­ ‘to pray’ (¨š™/6), -¥žè­ (³¥™³/6) gerunds 1) ¦¢©ž§™ ±žÞ  ‘to unite (intr.)’ (¨žŸ™/452) 2) ¦¢§ šž±«‹ ‘to mix (intr.)’ (¡²°™/24; based on ¨¢š±«³§ ¨©¢™ž [Ber. Rab. 4:5]) 3) ±­ž² ¬žñ² ¥ž° ‘to mix (intr.)’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/35) Notes: In BH, the roots ¥¥­ and ¨©  in the meaning ‘to pray/implore favor’ are conjugated in the Hitpael, which in this case is understood to be benefactive-reflexive–i.e., ‘to make a mediation by asking for oneself/to seek grace for oneself’. 376 In the case of ¥¥­, the stem shift Hitpael Æ Piel attested in MH: ³™±°© ³ž©ž²¥ ±²« [ž¤:¡ 'šœ] ¢¢ ¥™ ¥¥­³™ž ±§™©² ¥ž¥­ ³™±°©...¥­³ (Sifrei Devarim 26). It should be stressed, however, that MH lacks a productive pattern for the Hitpael gerund, and the Piel pattern qittul is sometimes employed as a substitute (§11i). This is the case with MH ¢žàž, which functions as the regular MH gerund of ³žœž³¥. The Qillirian neologism ¢³¢àž is back-formed on analogy with the gerund. The MH lexeme ¬ž³² ‘partnership’ is a gerund derived from the verb ¬³³² ‘to join in a partnership’. The root is not attested in BH. In the present instance, the phrase means ‘the participation of the sound of the shofar (lit. the sound of the participation of the shofar)’. 377 Hifil Æ Piel 1) ²åš¥ ‘to put to shame’ ( ³­¢/60) 2) ᱜ ³­ž ¥ Ꮁކ œ ‘to lead away’ (¢©©° ¢¢/235) (cf. §29k) 376

Cf. W&O, 430. The stich in which the phrase in question occurs alludes to Gideon’s victory over the Midianites, won at night by 300 men who blew trumpets and smashed earthenware jugs in which torches were hidden (Judg. 7:9-22). I follow the ed.’s suggestion, ad loc., that the phrase be taken to refer to the mixing of the sounds of the trumpets with those of the jugs being smashed. 377

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY ¦¢°ž ž ³ž±ž³ ±¢Ÿ ‘to teach’ (š³¤š Ÿ™/84) (cf. ³™ ¦³™ ³±Ÿž ³±ž³ ³™ž ¦¢°  [Exod. 18:20]) 4a) žšð¢¢¥ ‘to settle (the world with creatures, etc.)’ (¢©©° ¢¢/133), žšžð¢¢ (¢©©° ¢¢/134) 4b) š²ž¢ž ±šœ§š šð¢¥ ¦¢©ž©› ‘to settle (s.o. in a place)’ (±¤Ÿ/39) 5) ¥ã© ‘to cause to flow’ ( ³­¢/56; A) 6) šð©¥  ž±ž ¦²› ‘to cause to blow’ (±¤Ÿ/39) (cf. ž ž± šÜ ‹ ¢ [Ps. 147:18] and under §29h) 7) ...³ž™§ «²³ ¦§ ±š¢«ž ‘to cause to pass’ (¥™/612) 8) Õ被 ¢²¢¥² ¦« ¨¢š¥ ž©¢šž ‘to raise’ (¥™/593; for the morphology, see §12ee) 9) ±¢«¯ž š± œ ‹ ­ ‘to frighten’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/34; A) (cf. ¢³ž§¯« š± œ¢ ­ [Job 4:14]) 10) ž¤è²š œŸ ±Ÿ ‘to cast aside’ (¤¢ª©™/14) 3)

Notes: The Piel of the root ²žš is attested in MH as well as in Ben Sira–²¢²[¢ ²]ž©™ ²¢¢š³ ¥™ (8:6)–as opposed to BH, which employs the Hifil in order to express the meaning in question. Although the Piel of š²¢ is attested 1x in BH with the meaning ‘to set, place’ (Ezek. 25:4), the meaning ‘to cause to be inhabited’ is conveyed by means of the Hifil (cf. Isa. 54:3; Ezek. 36:33). The Piel, along with the gerund šžð¢ ‘settling Æ settlement’ is attested in MH. In BH, the root ¥Ÿ© is conjugated in the Hifil 1x: ¥¢ã ±ž¯§ ¦¢§ ž§¥ (Isa. 48:21). Cf. also the Corpus’ ¦¢°ž  ¢±§™...¥¢ã (± ¨§/29-30), ž¥¢ã...³žšœ© ¢§²› (¥™/588). A causative Piel is attested in MH. The import of the context in which ±š¢« ‘to cause to pass’ is attested is that whereas 1,000 human generations were supposed to have preceded the giving of the Torah, God made 974 of them pass, so that He could give it to the 26th. The Piel of ±š« is attested 2x in BH, once with the meaning ‘to impregnate’ (Job 21:10), and once in an architectural context: ±¢šœ ¢©­¥ šŸ ['±°] ³ž°ž³±š ±š«¢ž (I Kings 6:21). Since neither of these uses answers to the present case, it has been analyzed as though deriving from ±¢š«. The Piel of ¥« is attested in MH, where it acquires the ethical meaning ‘to praise’. The usage attested in the Corpus is closely paralleled in Yannai: ³¤±¢š ž³ž™ ±²™ ¨›§š//³¢¥¢« ®±™ ¢©¢›§ ¥«ž (ž¤/-ž© Ÿ©). gerunds: ¨žŸ™ ‘to listen’ (±¤Ÿ/43; cf. ¨ÕŸ‡™ ‘to listen’ [§13a]).

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MORPHOLOGY §13m Species of the Piel The following lists document those usages of the Piel that are not directly dependent on BH. Piel transitive 1) ž¥¤¢™ ‘to consume (subj. fire)’ (£¢š™™/57) (cf. BH/MH Pual passive) 2) ¬žì› ‘to embrace’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/9) (cf. §29m) 3) ¥³ ¢ ‘to wrap up (so as to obscure)’ (±¤Ÿ/27) (cf. BH ¥žñ  ‘bandage’ [Ezek. 30:21] and Pual/Hofal pass. ³¥³  ™¥ ¥ñ‹  † Ž [Ezek. 16:4]) 4) ¦¢¯­©§ ¦±ž«š ³«±¯ ‘to cause to spread, scatter’ (¦ž¡™/518) =MH (cf. BH ®­Ž  © ‘to be scattered’) 378 5) ¦¢¯©§...¦¢©œ§ ‘to rouse (strife)’ (¦ž¡™/516) (cf. BH Nifal ‘to struggle together’) 6) Õ¤žÞª ‘to entangle, bind’ (±¤Ÿ/13) (cf. BH Qal pass. part. and Pual pass.) 379 7) °ìªŠ ‘to supply in quantity’ (¡²°™/30), °­ª ( ³­¢/60) =MH (cf. BH °­ ێ ‘to suffice’) 8) š¤«¢ ‘to prevent’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/6) =MH 9) ՟¥«¢ ‘to cause to rejoice’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/11) (cf. BH ®/ª/Ÿ¥ «Ž , ®¢¥«¥ [§13qq], and Yannai: £žªè«¢ ¦ £¢©¢¢©¢° [©±/Ÿ¢]) 10) ±ß­ ‘to destroy’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/33) =MH (cf. BH Piel intrans. ‘to be exhausted’ and JPA Pael ‘to destroy, break up’) 11) ¢ÚŠ è† ­ ¥† ‘to reveal, interpret’ (¡§ ®±™/10), ¦²žè­ (±š› ¢§/¡¢) =MH 12) ᪩±­¥ ‘to supply’ (¦©¤³/15) =MH 13) ¡²°™ ‘to adorn, prepare’ (¡²°™/1) =MH 14) «ìڍ ‘to cause to flow’ ( ³­¢/84) =MH (cf. also «¢­²¢ [§13qq]) 15a) ±ì²Š ‘to adorn’ (±¤Ÿ/7), -±žì² (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/20; cf. note 241) =MH (cf. the BH Aramaism ±­ ڎ ‘to be beautiful’) 15b) ¦±±­²¥ ‘to adorn’ (±¤Ÿ/6) 378 It is possible that the Piel in ¦² ¦¢ñŠ ¯† ìŠ  ©ž...¦¢š ³ž±šœ ¦§¢²™ ¢©™ž ‘…and will break them up there’ (I Kings 5:23) is to be assigned to ®­© ‘to scatter’. In that case, the Corpus’ usage would have a BH precedent. The BH dictionaries, however, assign this case to ®­© ‘to smash’ (cf. BDB, 1125 [addenda et corrigenda] and KB, 711, s.v. I ®­©). 379 The phrase Õ¤žÞª is a synonym for ° ¯¢ ³œ°«, with the root £šª being employed as a reference to the ram, Isaac’s replacement on the altar, who was £šªš Ÿ ™© ‘caught in the thicket’ (Gen. 22:13).

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY Notes: In MH, ²è­ is commonly employed in the concrete sense ‘to penetrate’. It may, however, be used in the ethical sense ‘to reveal’–cf. ¦¢šž¡ ¦¢²«§ ¦¥ ²¥­¥ ¢¥« [¢:ª '³] ¢««ž±³ ³²¥­ ¢¥« (JT Sanh. 10:2 [29b]). This meaning is attested in the yoʜer for Rosh Hashana ±žš› ±žŸ™ £¥§, 380 which is attributed to Qillir– œžª ²è­ £¥§ ¦¢°¢§«§–as well as in a pre-classical qedushta for Shavuot– ¢¥ ²¥¢­ ±ž¡ž ™§¡. 381 The root ¡²° ‘to adorn’ is first attested in Hebrew in MH, where it is conjugated in the Piel. 382 This verb is also attested in the Pael in JPA. 383 Piel doubly causative: ¦¢¥§ ²™±...¦©Ÿ¢™ ‘to cause to hear’ (ž³³/392). Notes: This usage is to be compared to the causative Hifil ¨¢Ÿ™³ (§13oo). In the Corpus, the Qal ¨ÕŸ‡™ ‘to listen’ is also attested (§13a), along with a Piel gerund ¨â㙊 ‘to listen’ (§13l). The form in question here is part of the parallelistic doublet «é¢²//¦©ã¢™. The second member is attested 2x in BH–¦« (¥¤) ³™ ¥ž™² «é²¢ž (1 Sam. 15:4; 23:8)–and the neologism was probably coined by analogy (for a similar case of analogical influence, see under §13u/Pual passive dependent on BH Piel). Piel factitive 1) ž±œ™¥ ‘to make ±¢œ™’ ( ³­¢/87) Å ±¢œ™ ‘majestic’ 2) ¦¥™™ ‘to make ¦è™’ (£¢š™™/2), ³§¥¢™ (™²™/58) Å ¦è™ ‘dumb’ 3) ¥¢ ¥ ‘to strengthen’ ( ³­¢/71) Å ¥¢  ‘strength’ 4) ³Õ™Ž©¥ ‘to make ™©’ (¡­²§š £¥§/73) Å ™© ‘comely’ 5) ¨©«±¢ ‘to make ¨©«±’ (¨©«±¢/15) Å ¨©«± ‘luxuriant’ Notes: The factitive is one of the primary functions of the Piel in BH. 384 This function continues on into MH. The Piel of the root ™© is attested in MH with the meaning encountered in the Corpus. In the present case, moreover, we are clearly dealing with a

Goldschmidt, ¦¢™±ž© ¦¢§¢, 1.46. E. Fleischer, "±ž³ ¨³§ ¦ž¢¥ ³¢¢©¢-¦œ° ™³²žœ° – ™³²žœ° ³ž¢©ž§œ°¥" Hasifrut 2 (1970) 412 (piyyut Ÿ¤, l. 6). 382 Cf. Moreshet, 341, s.v. ¡²°. 1 383 Cf. Sokoloff, 508, s.v. 2# ¡²°. It is important to observe in this connection that this verb is not attested in any besides the Jewish Aramaic dialects, i.e., in JPA and TBA. 384 Cf. W&O, 400-02 and Joüon, 1.§52d. 380 381

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MORPHOLOGY mishnaism, for a factitive usage derived from BH ž™© may have been expected to take the form ³Õ♍©¥** (cf. ³âž™Ž© [§9bb]). Piel delocutive/estimative 1) £±à™¥ ‘to declare ±¢œ™’ ( ¢±¡¢/5) Å ±¢œ™ ‘majestic’ (BH) 2) žž±œ ‘to declare ±žœ’ (œ¢­™™/2) Å ±žœ ‘exalted’ (BH) 385 3) žž°³ž ‘to declare °¢³ž’ (œ¢­™™/3) Å °¢³ž ‘enduring, trustworthy’ (MH) 4) žžœ ¢ ‘to declare œ¢ ¢ (œ¢­™™/5) Å œ¢ ¢ ‘unitary’ (MH) 5) ¢©³ ¥¢™ ‘to consider  ¥™©’ (™²™/55) Å  ¥™© ‘corrupt’ (BH) Notes: The delocutive/estimative Piel, a sub-type of the denominative, is already well attested in BH. 386 Delocutives with God as the object, as in cases 1-4, become prominent in MH, with the introduction of a number of technical terms pertaining to the liturgy–cf. œ ¢ ‘to declare the unity of God in the recitation of the shema’, and ²œ° ‘to declare the holiness of God in the recitation of the qedusha’. In the former case, moreover, while the adjective œ¢ ¢ is attested in BH, in contradistinction to MH it is never predicated of God. We are therefore justified in considering this particular aspect of the delocutive function as being directly dependent on MH usage. Piel denominative 1)  ™§ ‘to join’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/32) =MH Å  ™ ‘brother’ (cf. also ³ž ™¥ ‹ passive [§13k]) 2) ⥆噊 ‘to jump (subj. time)’ (£¢š™™/56) 387 Å ¥ŽåÑ ‘stag’ 3) ¢³Š §† Ž 噊 ‘to frighten, forewarn’ (£¢š™™/55; for the vocalization, see note 79) =MH Å §¢ Ž ™‹ ‘terror’ 4) £œ›™™ ‘to gather into a group’ (™²™/51) (=MH Qal) Å à Ž ›™ˆ ‘band’ For the argument that the payyetanic root ±œ (as opposed to BH ±œ ‘to rush, dash’) is to be treated as a metathetic variant of the common BH/MH root ±œ, see M. Rand, “Metathesis as a Poetic Technique in Hodayot Poetry and its Relevance to the Development of Hebrew Rhyme,” DSD 8 (2001) 61-62. 386 Cf. W&O, 413-14. 387 The derivation of the verb in the expression ³ž¥šž¢ §¤ ž¥å™ ‘How many jubilees have passed (lit. jumped)!’ is best understood if it is kept in mind that the primary meaning of ƄƉ ¥šÕ¢ ‹ is ‘ram’. Translated “etymologically,” Qillir’s expression becomes a pun: ‘How many rams (³ž¥šž¢) have acted like stags (ž¥¢™)!’ 385

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY ¢¤†Š ©™Š §¢§³ ‘to straighten Æ to teach’ (²žœ°/39) Å £Ž† ©™ˆ ‘plummet’ 6) Õªª¢š ‘to found’ (¡²°™/11) =MH Å ª¢ªš ‘basis’ Å ƣƢƴƪƳ (cf. §29q) 7) ªå›™ ‘to enlist’ (°¢­™/18) =MH Å ª¢› ‘troop’ 8) ¨éŸ ‘to summon, appoint’ (¡²°™/13) =MH (cf. LBH ¦¢³« ³ž/¦¢©§Ÿ§) Å ¨§Ÿ ‘time’ 9) Ÿã  ¦¢§ ‘to rain down’ ( ³­¢/30) Å Ÿ¢Ÿ  ‘thunder-cloud’ (cf. Ÿ¢Ÿ ¥ [§13rr]) 10) ªç¡ ‘to set up’ (¡²°™/18) Å ª¤¡ Å ª¢ª¤¡ ‘array, order’ Å ƵƢƯƪƳ (cf. §29q) 11) Õª ¢ ‘to distinguish, give (the) rank (of)’ (¡²°™/11), ¦ª ¢¢ Ž (¥™/561) =MH (cf. BH passive/reflexive Û ¢³) Å ª/Û ¢ ‘genealogy’ 12) ¦¢¥¥¤§ ±™­ ‘to crown’ (¥™/623) Å ¥¢¥Š ç† ‘crown’ (cf. §29n and Yannai: ¦¥ ³¥¥¢¤ ¦³¥ž¥¤ [¤°/Ÿ¤]) 13) £¥›ª¥ ‘to make a special possession’ (±²™/406) Å ¥ž›ª (¦«) ‘special possession’ (cf. ¦¢¥ž›ª [§13d]) 14) ¦¢ÞŠ « §† ‘to cover with clouds’ ( ³­¢/50) 388 =MH Å š« ‘cloud’ (cf. š¢š«¥ [§13rr]) 15) ¨à«¥ ‘to pamper/make luxuriant’ ( ³­¢/11), -¨žà« ( ³­¢/49) =MH Å ¨œ« ‘dainty’ 16)  ©«­¥ ‘to reveal, interpret’ (± ¨§/20) Å  ‹  ©«† ì ³©­† ¯Ž (Gen. 41:45; cf. §12uu) 17) ¨å¯¥ ‘to mark, mention’ (¦©¤³/8) =MH Å ¨â寊 ‘sign-post’ 18a) ²¥²¢...-³ž±­ž² œ ­ (¤¢ª©™/34), ³ž±­ž² ²¥²¢ (¡­²§š £¥§/12), ³ž±­ž² ²¥²³ (œ¢­™™/12), ²¥²™...²¥²§  ¨±° (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/38), ²žè² (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/26) 18b) ³ž²œ° ž²¥²¢ (¡­²§š £¥§/77), ²œ° ²¥²™ (œ¢­™™/12), ²œ° ²âè² (œ¢­™™/1) 18c) «¢š± ž²¥²¢ ‘to perform in a threefold manner/do three times’ ( ³­¢/40), «š± ²¥²¥ ( ³­¢/54) =MH Å ²ž¥² ‘three’ 19) ¢ÚŠ è† ÚŠ ¦¢²¢¥² š³¤ ‘to transmit (i.e., act as a third/middleman)’ 389 (¡§ ®±™/11) Å ²ž¥² ‘three’ 5)

The ed.’s vocalization ¦¢šŠ «Ž §‹ is incorrect. For this interpretation, see Frenkel’s commentary, ad loc. The import of the line is that Moses, serving as an intermediary between God and the Israelites, transmitted the Torah to the latter–cf. also ¦« ¨¢š¥ ž©¢šž Õ諊 ¢²¢¥² (¥™/593). 388 389

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MORPHOLOGY 20) ¥š³¥ ‘to make tasty’ ( ³­¢/28; ¢©©° ¢¢/182) =MH Å ¥š³, ¨¢¥Š š† ñ ‘mixture, spice’ 21) ¦±™¢³ ‘to adorn’ (¥™/561) =MH Å ±Ñ³ (­¢) ‘form’ 22) Õ¤ž³ ‘to divide’ (¡²°™/44) =MH Å £ž³ ‘middle’ Notes: The form ¦¢š«§ is derived from the stich ¦¢š«§ ¦¢§ ¦¢ ¢±¡§ ‘Water burdens the clouds’, which is a paraphrase of ¢±š ¬™ š«  ¢±¡¢ (Job 37:11). The substantivized participle ¦¢š«§ is based directly on the rabbinic etymology of š«: «¢°± ³™ š«§ ™ž² š« (JT Taan. 3:3 [66c]; but cf. the parallel source in Gen. Rab. 13:12, which reads šš«§ [v.l. š¢š«§]). The form ¦±™¢³ is drawn from a stich whose interpretation is difficult: ž§ž¢°š ¦±™¢³ ³žœ§ ±²« ²ž¥²šž. 390 The poetic context deals with the ways in which Israel was sanctified and raised above the other nations by virtue of its special relationship with God. In light of this, I interpret the ³žœ§ ±²« ²ž¥² as the Thirteen Attributes (Exod. 34:6-7), and take the whole to mean ‘He adorned them with the Thirteen Attributes, [an expression of] His essence’. The denominative verb ±™³‹ ‘to adorn’ is attested in MH: ž±™³§  ž¥¢› ž­¢¢§ž (Bam. Rab. 10:10). gerunds 1) ¨ž©­™ ¢‹±ž™ ¢¡­²§ (±¤Ÿ/25) Å ž¢©­™ ¥« ±šœ ±šœ (Prov. 25:11) (cf. §12vv) 2) -±žíš ‘to pray’ (±¤Ÿ/42; ¦©¤³/21) =MH Å ž¢ ™±°™ ¢¥ ±í ލ (II Sam. 22:7) 3) ¦¢§žð› ¢©©« ‘to rain’ (š«/7) Å ¦²› ‘rain’ 4) ±­ž² ±ží  ‘to blow’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/32) Å ±¯¯  ‘trumpet’ 5) ª¢ª± ¥žè¡ ‘to dew’ ( ³­¢/43) Å ¥¡ ‘dew’ (cf. ¦¤¥¢¥¡¥ [§13rr]) 6) ¥›§ Š ¦žåª ‘to assign’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/29) =MH Å ¨§¢ª ‘sign’ Å ƴƨƭƦƪưƮ (cf. §29q) Notes: The lexeme ±ž¯š ‘prayer’ is based on the midrash in Sifrei Devarim 26: ¢¥ ±í ލ ±§™©² ™¢±°ž [±ž¯š ™''©] ±¯š...¥­³ ³™±°© ³ž©ž²¥ ±²« [Ÿ:š¤ š''²] ' ™±°™. It is therefore derived from a combination of “preposition + noun.”

390 The ed. reads the final two words as ž§¢¢°š ¦³ž™¯ž³, whereas I have adopted the reading attested in a Genizah manuscript. For her interpretation, which differs substantially from mine, see her comments, ad loc.

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY In LBH, we find a denominative Piel attested in the qere ¦¢±¯ Š í†   §† (II Chron. 5:13). In addition, the qere form ¦¢±¯ Š ¯†  † § (apparently meant as a Hifil) is attested 5x. Cf. also ž¥¯¥¯ Å ¦¢¥¯¥¯ (§13oo). §13n Extension of the Semantic Range of a BH Piel Verb 1) 2) 3)

«ž±³ ¢âäފ ‘to express, give utterance (to s.th.)’ ( ¢«œ ™²™ °œ¯š/3) Å ™äš ‘to speak rashly’ ±±š³ ¥™› ‘to establish, bring about’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/42) (see below) °îŸ ‘to set aside, establish’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/13) (see below)

Notes: The BH verb /™¡š ‘to speak rashly’, conjugated in the Qal and Piel, together with the noun ™¡š§ ‘rash utterance’, bears a strongly negative connotation. The gerund ¢ž¡š is attested in MH, where it also bears the negative connotation of ‘rash speech’–e.g., ¦¢³­² ¢ž¡š ¥«...¨¢š¢  ¨¢™ (M Hor. 2:5). In the Corpus, the verb’s meaning is neutral. It is employed by Qillir as a semantically neutral verb of speech in the -š slot in a qina wherein the poet is obliged to implement an alphabetic/acrostic list of verbs of speech: ž©¢¡š ¨¤šž "ž©¥ ¢ § ¢¢ ±ž¤Ÿ" (³¯™ ¤¢™/3). For a similar process of semantic stripping in the case of a verb of speech, see the comments on ¢³›¥ (§13d). The root ±±š generally means ‘to purify, select’ in BH. These meanings are also attested in MH, where the meaning ‘to ascertain’ is also found. Yalon and Zulay have demonstrated, on the basis of a number of examples from MH and the piyyut literature, that this root may also convey the meaning ‘to strengthen, establish’. 391 The Corpus’ usage in ±±š³ ¥™› reflects this meaning. Furthermore, it appears that the BH root °°Ÿ ‘to refine, purify’ underwent the same semantic development. This is reflected in the Corpus’ usage in Ÿ ±­ž² «°³ ¥ž°...°°Ÿ...³ž¥ž° ¥¤§ ‘This One [=God], out of all the sounds…, established [for Israel] the sound of the blowing of the shofar.’

391 Zulay, "¨ž²¥ ¢©ž¢«" 463-65, s.v. ±±š. This semantic development may already be adumbrated in DSSH, where we find the doublet ¨¤³//±±š–cf. ž¢¤±œ ¦³¤ ¨¤³¥ ¦ ž¤ž//¥™ ¢°ž  ³§™š ¦³«œ ±±š¥ (1QS 1:12-13).

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MORPHOLOGY §13o Uses of the Pilpel In BH, the Pilpel is the semantic equivalent of the Piel, utilized with quadriliteral roots. Its close relationship to the Piel is further evidenced by the existence of a passive Polpal (i.e., the equivalent of the Pual) and a Hitpalpel (i.e., the equivalent of the Hitpael). 392 Segal states that these stems are more productive in MH than in BH. 393 Pilpel intransitive 1) °žœ°œ ‘to investigate (minutely)’ (±¤Ÿ/44) =MH 2) ±±§ ‘to meditate, muse’ (¢©©° ¢¢/132) =MH 3) ž­¯­¯ ‘to chirp Æ to sing’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/36) =BH 4) ¦¥ž°¥¢° ‘to practive divination’ (¥™/570) =BH (cf. ¦¢í š ¥°¥° [Ezek. 21:26]) 5) «°«°¥ ‘to exterminate’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/25) =MH (cf. also BH «°ˆ  «° ‘tattoo’ [Lev. 19:28]) Pilpel factitive:  ž¥ ¥ ‘to moisten’ (¡²°™/1) Å  ¥ ‘moist’ (BH/MH) Notes: This usage corresponds to the MH Nitpalpel passive (the Piel is not attested). Pilpel denominative: ­ž¯ ¥¤ ž¥¯¥¯ ‘to celebrate (s.o.)’ (œ¢­™™/9) =MH Å ¦¢¥¯¥¯ ‘cymbals’ (BH/MH) (cf. ±âí Š [§13m]). §13p Stem Shifts towards the Poel The Poel stem is semantically equivalent to the Piel. In BH, this rather rare stem is occasionally employed with geminate roots, in a manner analogous to the Polel with roots II/w, y, 394 but it is also attested with strong triliterals–e.g., ¢ñŠ «† œÕ¢  (I Sam. 21:3). 395 The Poel is 396 only vestigially present in MH. Qal/Hifil Æ Poel: ¢©©ž›¥ ‘to defend’ (¡§ ®±™/13), £©©ž›¥ (£¢š™™/5). Notes: The BH paradigm of the root ¨©› is split–in the Qal, the perfect and infinitive absolute are attested (cf. the Corpus’ ¨Õ©ß†

392

Cf. GKC, §55f. Segal, §§263, 271. 394 Cf. GKC, §67l. 395 Cf. GKC, §55b. 396 Cf. Segal, §208. 393

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY [§12nn] and ¦¢©â©› [§12rr]), while the imperfect is conjugated in the Hifil. §13q Uses of the Poel Poel transitive 1) ¦¢©³¢™ ³¢±šš £ž±±ž› ‘to drag Æ to induct’ (¨žŸ™/453) 2) ±±žŸ³ ¦¢©¤ž² ‘to resurrect, revive’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/42) =BH 3) ¦¢©©ž¤§ ‘to set up, establish’ (¨žŸ™/458) =BH 4) ¦¢ššžª§...¦³²šŽ ‘to drag around/about’ (° ±³/504) 5a) ®¯ž­§ ‘to shatter’ (ž³³/394) =BH 5b) ¦¢¯ž¯¢© ®¯ž­¢ ‘to shower (sparks)’ (¦ž¡™/512) 6) ±±ž­³ ‘to cleave Æ to destroy’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/41) =BH ( ³™ ¦¢ £Ÿ«š ³±±ž­ [Ps. 74:13]) 7) ««ž±¥ ‘to smash’ (³™/13 = ³¥™³/13) Notes: The root ±±› is attested 1x in BH in the Poal stem, in the technical (denominative) meaning ‘to be sawn (with a saw)’ (I Kings 7:9). It is also attested 1x as a Hitpoel participle, with the meaning ‘sweeping, roaring (of a whirlwind)’ (Jer. 30:23). The verb ±±žŸ is attested in the story of the revival of the dead boy by Elisha: ¦¢§«­ «š² œ« ±«© ±±žŸ¢ž (II Kings 4:35). In BH, the verb means ‘to sneeze’, but Qillir employs it with the meaning ‘to revive’. The Poel of ššª is well attested in BH, with the meaning ‘to encompass, march around’. In MH, on the other hand, the Piel may have the meaning ‘to carry around from place to place’ (cf. ¨¢ššª§ ³§ ¨¤ž³¥ ‘One may carry around a corpse within them’ [M Kel. 1:7]). The Corpus’ usage therefore appears to be semantically equivalent to the MH Piel. In BH, the Poel of ®¯­ is attested 1x, with “rock” as an object (Jer. 23:29). The Corpus’ usage ¦¢¯ž¯¢© ®¯ž­¢ represents a semantic shift, whereby the verb describes the by-product of the action of smashing rocks, viz., the showering of sparks. In BH, a Hitpoel from the root ««± is attested with the meaning ‘to be broken asunder’ (Isa. 24:19; Prov. 18:24). Poel denominative: œžœ› ¢œœž›§ ‘to gather (a company)’ ( ³­¢/38) Å œžœ› ‘company’. Notes: In BH, a Hitpoel œœž›³ ‘to gather in troops (mid.)’ is attested 2x (Jer. 5:7; Mich. 4:14). 198

MORPHOLOGY §13r Uses of the Polel The Polel stem, which is derived from roots II/w, y by means of the reduplication of the final radical, is semantically equivalent to the Piel. According to Segal, it is less common in MH than in BH. 397 Polel transitive 1) ¦¥¥ž § Ž ‘to beget (of God begetting Israel)’ (±¤Ÿ/15) =BH (cf. £¥¥ § ¥™ [Deut. 32:18]) 2) ±±ž«³ ‘to awaken’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/41) =BH 3) ¦§ž±¢ ‘to elevate, exalt’ (¤¢ª©™/44) =BH 4) Õ««ž±¥ ‘to announce’ (£¢š™™/23) 398 Notes: In BH, a passive, impersonal Polal meaning ‘to be uttered’ is attested in ««Ž ±¢† ™¥ (Isa. 16:10). In addition, a Hitpolel ‘to shout in triumph/joy’ is attested 3x in BH (cf. also ««ž±³™ [§13kk]). §13s Development of the Pual Yahalom claims that in Byzantine piyyut, there is a marked preference for conjugating intransitive (rather than passive) verbs in the Pual and Hofal–i.e., in the so-called “internal passive” stems. 399 In this respect, the piyyut corpus is supposed to differ from MH, where the Pual as a complete verbal paradigm is becoming moribund, being represented predominantly by the participle, and the function of indicating the passive voice has passed to the Nitpaal/Hitpael. 400 The aim of the lists that follow is to empirically examine this claim by investigating the usages to which the Pual stem is put within the Corpus. In order to achieve comprehensiveness, all Pual forms are listed according to their several categories, including those that are directly derived from BH. §13t Stem Shifts towards the Pual Nifal Æ Pual 397

Segal, §263. The ed., ad loc., glosses this infinitive as «¢±¤ ž¥ ³³¥, i.e., he interprets it as a denominative of «‹  ± ‘friend’. While such a derivation is certainly possible, the etymology proposed above yields equally good sense. 399 Yahalom, ±¢² ³­², 50-66. 400 Cf. Segal, §203-205. 398

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 1) 2) 3) 4) 5)

¨ š ‘to be tried’ (³¥™³/7;  ³­¢/7) ž«¡ž© ‘to be planted, fixed’ (¢©©° ¢¢/152) ±¤ž©§ ³©ž³¤ ‘well-known, illustrious’ (¢©©° ¢¢/328) ž¤ªž© ¦œ™ ¢¤¢ª© ‘to be installed’ (¢©©° ¢¢/117) ¥ž«§ ‘exalted’ (¢©©° ¢¢/241), ¦¢¥ž«§ (ž³³/383; ¥™/619)

Notes: In BH, the Nifal stem is employed in forming the passive of the verb ¨ š (Gen. 42:15, 16; Job 34:36). The passive Pual is attested in Yannai: ³ž© žš§...£¢³ž³­¢² (¡©/¡- ). The root ±¤© ‘to recognize’ is employed in the story of Joseph’s coat: á±¢¤¢ž...™© ±ç‹  (Gen. 37:32-33). In BH and MH, the passive is expressed by means of the Nifal. The passive Nifal of £ª© is attested 1x in BH: ¢³¤ëŠ© ¦¥ž«§ (Prov. 8:23). Cf. also ²™± ³¤žª© ‘the one installed from the beginning’ [=Torah] (¥™/613). Whereas in BH, the notion of ‘exaltedness’ is expressed by means of the Nifal of ¥«–cf. ¥«© Ž œ™§ (Ps. 47:10), ³¢¥«© œ™§ (Ps. 97:9)–the participle ¥ž«§ ‘distinguished, exalted’ is attested in MH. The Corpus’ usage is therefore to be considered a mishnaism. The verbs ž«¡ž© and ž¤ªž©, both I/n, may represent the Nufal conjugation, cases of which have been identified in MH (cf. also ž¥¡© [§13u]). 401 Hitpael Æ Pual: ž¯¥­ ‘to (shudder from) fear’ (³™/9) (cf. ¨ž¯¥­³¢ [Job 9:6]). Hofal Æ Pual: °Ÿ §  ‘to be known (as)’ (¡­²§š £¥§/47; R). Notes: The proposed analysis of °Ÿ §  is based on the interpretation of °Ÿ §...¥™±²¢ ¦²šž as meaning ‘And [the crown is] known…by the name “Israel”.’ If this interpretation is correct, then the Corpus’ Pual usage appears to be based on the common MH Hofal usage of the root °Ÿ  with the meaning ‘to be known as’. The latter is denominative, being derived from the MH °Ÿ  ‘presumption, legal status.’ Since in the present case, the rhyme scheme would have permitted the employment of the Hofal, it is to be suspected that the Pual usage is here at least partially due to attraction to the Pual °Ÿ«§, which occupies the rhyme position in 401 Cf. M. Moreshet, "³¢™±°§-±³š ³¢±š«š ¥«­â© ¨¢¢©š ¥«" Studies in Hebrew and Semitic Languages Dedicated to the Memory of Prof. Eduard Yechezkel Kutscher (G.B. Sarfatti, et al. eds.; Ramat-Gan: Bar-Ilan University Press, 1980) 12639, esp. 135-39.

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MORPHOLOGY the immediately following stich (cf. also under §13u/Pual passive dependent on BH Piel). §13u Pual Usage Related to BH Pual passive attested in BH 1) ¦¢§«§ ž­ª™¢ ‘to be gathered’ (¤¢ª©™/27) (cf. ¦¢ž›§ ¬ª™§ ¦« [Ezek. 38:12]) 2) ž±²™¢ ‘to be made happy’ ( ³­¢/57) 3) ±¤š ‘to be made preeminent’ (¨š™/11) 4) ±šžœ¢ ±²™ ¥¤ ‘to be spoken, uttered’ (¥™/600) 5) ©²œ ‘to be filled, saturated’ (¦™/7) 6) ž©§Ÿ ‘to be appointed’ (¦©¤³/4), ¨§Ÿ§ ¦ž¢ (¤¢ª©™/39) (BH only ³ž/¦¢©§Ÿ§ ¦¢³«) 7) ¦¢°°ž § ‘to be inscribed, decreed’ (ž³™/374; for vocalization, see note 316) 8) ¦¢°²ž § ‘to be bound together (of words of Torah)’ (¥™/546) 9) ž±¯ž¢ ‘to be formed’ (¡²°™/5) 402 10) žœšž¤¢ž ‘to be honored’ (¥™/617) 11) ¦¢©§§  ‘to be appointed’ (¦©¤³/15) 12) ±­ª§ ‘to be told, bespoken Æ to be appointed’ ( ¢«œ ™²™ °œ¯š/19) 13) ž­œ± ‘to be chased’ (£¢š™™/28) 14) ²¥²§  ¨±° ‘thrice-blown (of shofar)’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/38) 15) ž©Ú ‘to be changed’ (£¢š™™/37), ©²§  ‘to be different’ ( ¢«œ ™²™ °œ¯š/16) 16) ¨¤³ ‘to be fixed, established’ (¤¢ª©™/43) Notes: Though not matching entirely in its semantics, the form ±¤š may, for practical purposes, be identified with the BH Pual in ±¤š¢ ±²™ ±ž¤š ‘a firstborn who is constituted as the firstling (for purposes of taboo)’ (Lev. 27:26). Though it could be argued that the BH usage is stative–i.e., ‘constitutes a firstling’–the existence of a Piel transitive ±ç‹ š ¥† ‘to constitute as the firstborn’ (Deut. 21:16) militates against this possibility. The Pual of ±šœ is attested 2x in BH. Unlike the Corpus’ usage, both BH cases are impersonal–£š ±šœ§ ³žœš¤© (Ps. 87:3), ¦ž¢š 402 The full clause reads ¦¢§ž ²™ ¢¤ž³­ ž±¯ž¢ ¦±¡š, and the ed. points the form in question Ɐâ¢, Ž i.e., a Hofal imperfect. However, this sentence is clearly modeled on âœè Ž ¢ ¦¢± ¦±¡š (Ps. 90:2), so that a Pual perfect is to be preferred.

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY š ±šœ¢² (Song 8:8). A personal usage is implied by the relative clause attested in Ben Sira: £§²š ±šœ ¨žŸ  ¦°‹ ž Ž (36:20). For the interpetation of ¦¢°²ž §, cf. Frenkel’s commentary, ad loc. The semantics of this verb, applied to the words of Torah, are difficult to pin down with certainty (cf. also in this connection ¦¢°Ÿž §, below), but it seems to be based on the BH terminus technicus °ð  ‘to clasp together by means of rings’, which is derived from ¦¢°ž²  ‘rings for binding a pillar (of the tabernacle)’. The Pual is attested in the phrase ¬ª¤ ¦¢°² §  (Ex. 27:17; 38:17). A Pual of the root ©² is attested in ™Œêچ  ¢ ž¢©­ Ÿ« (Qoh. 8:1). 403 An active, transitive Piel is also well attested. The participle ©ž²§, with the stative meaning ‘strange, different’, is well attested in MH. A Pual of the root ¨¤³ is attested in ¨¤³§ ¬ª¤ ‘the silver that was measured out’ (II Kings 12:12). The meaning ‘to fix, establish’ is, however, attested in the Piel–e.g., ¢œž§« ¢³©¤³Š ¢¤©™ (Ps. 75:4). Pual passive dependent on BH Piel 1) ±™žš§ ‘to be explained, clarified (of [words of] Torah)’ (¥™/603), ¦¢±™žš§ (¥™/543) 2) ¦¢°Ÿž § ‘to be made strong (of words of Torah)’ (¥™/543; cf. ¦¢°Ÿ © [§13k]) 3) ¢³š¢  ‘to be liable, guilty’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/6), ³ž¥¢°ª ¢š¢ §  ( ™²™ °œ¯š ¢«œ/14) 4) ±¤© ‘to be regarded as a foreigner’ (¨š™/11) 5) ž¥¡© ‘to be elevated, exalted’ (¤¢ª©™/26), ¥¡ž©§ (¢©©° ¢¢/280) 6) ª© ‘to be tried, tested’ (°¢­™/17; cf. ª©³© ³ž©ž¢ª© ±²« [M Avot 5:3]) 7) ±¡«§ ‘to be crowned, decorated’ (°¢­™/1 [2x]) 8) š±ž° ‘to be brought near’ (¢©©° ¢¢/319) 9) ° ž± ‘to be removed, put away’ (¢©©° ¢¢/319) 10) ¦¢¯°ž²§ ‘to be (regarded as) detestable’ (¦ž¡™/517) 11) ¨°³§ ‘to be established/arranged’ (¡­²§š £¥§/36) Notes: The Pual ¢³š¢ ,  etc. is comparable to the unique usage of the root šž  in BH: £¥§¥ ¢²™± ³™ ¦³š¢ ž Š (Dan.1:10). The passive participle š¢ž § is common in MH.

403 For the spelling with alef, see GKC, §75rr. This expression appears in 4Q462, l. 16, with the Pual changed to a Hitpael (without the expected metathesis): ©²³¢ ¢©­ Ÿ«ž.

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MORPHOLOGY The form ±¤© seems to be related to the BH denominative Piel form, which may mean ‘to treat as a foreign thing’–cf. ³™ ž±¤©¢ž Ÿ ¦ž°§ ‘and have treated this place as a foreign thing’ (Jer. 19:4). The verb ž¥¡© may represent a (defectively spelled) Nufal conjugation. Several cases of this root in the Nufal in MH have been gathered by Moreshet. 404 Cases 8 and 9 are parallel–¦³ ²¢™ š±ž°ž œ² ²¢™ ° ž±–so that it is reasonable to suppose that they exert an influence on one another with respect to stem usage. Similarly, cases 1 (¦¢±™žš§) and 2 belong to a hediadys construction: ¦¢°Ÿž §ž ¦¢±™žš§. Here too, mutual influence in terms of stem usage is evident (cf. °Ÿ«§//°Ÿ §  under §13t/Hofal Æ Pual and ¦¢°Ÿ ©ž ¦¢²±œ© under §13k/Nifal passive – other). Pual passive dependent on BH Qal transitive 1) ¢©œ« ž¡™¥ ‘my times (i.e., the time of my redemption) have been hidden’ (£¢š™™/37) (cf. ž¢©­ ³™ ¡™¥ £¥§ž [II Sam. 19:5]) 2) ±¡©§ ®° ‘the [properly] observed [holiday] time’ (°¢­™/2) 3) ±¡­§ š¢© ‘free-flowing speech’ (°¢­™/1) 4) §¯ž­ ‘to be broken asunder (subj. earth)’ (ž³³/383) (cf. ᳧¯­ ®±™ ³²«± [Ps. 60:4]) 5) ¦²ž± ‘to be inscribed, written’ (š³¤š Ÿ™/71; cf. Piel [§13l] and Nifal [§13k]) 6) ž³³² ‘to be placed’ (¨š™/2) Notes: In BH, the root ±¡© ‘to guard’ is an Aramaizing doublet of the more common form ±¯© (cf. §29k). Both are attested exclusively in the Qal, and the latter may be used in the ethical sense of ‘observing laws’–e.g., ž±¯©¢ £³¢±šž £³±§™ ž±§² ¢¤ (Deut. 33:9). The interpretation of ±¡©§ ®° offered here is furthermore supported by the Hofal usage found in ±¯©§ ³ž±žœ¥ž ¡­²§¥ Õ°°ˆ  ‘[God] made it (i.e., Rosh Hashana) a law, and it is observed for [all] generations’ (Ÿ™§ œ­ž™/4). The vocalization as a Hofal in the latter case raises the possibility that here too, a Hofal was intended (cf. Pual/Hofal, under §13xx). The expression ±¡­§ š¢© is derived from ¨žœ§ ³¢²™± ¦¢§ ±¡Õ­ ‘Letting loose of water is the beginning of strife’ (Prov. 17:14). 405 Moreshet, "¥«­â© ¨¢¢©š" 136. This suggestion is put forward by Heidenheim, ad loc. Ƌt is interesting to note, moreover, that LXX understands ¦¢§ ±¡ž­ as referring to speech: ƦƯưƶƴƪƢƮ ƥƪƥƺƴƪƮ ƬưƤưƪƳ ‘He gives power to words’. BHS, app. 404 405

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY The root ±¡­, with one exception (for which see the preceding footnote) is attested in the Qal in BH. The biblical expression is perfectly suitable as a source for Qillir’s usage, since metonymic reference to speech as water is not only common in the biblical tradition, but also appears elsewhere in the piyyut in question. The context in which ¦²ž± is attested is difficult to interpret with precision, but it appears that the verb is being used impersonally: "¢±§™ ¦¢§«© ¤¢³¤ š¢¢"//¢±§™§ ¢³ž³ž™ «±­§¥ ¦²ž±. The reference here is to the fact that spelled backwards, ¢¤©™ (the first word in the Decalogue) may be read as an acronym for š¢¢ 'ž¤ž (cf. PDRK 12:24). The translation adopted here is therefore ‘A backwards writing was made, [and] the letters of its sayings [stand for:] “Given [¢], written[¤], pleasant [©] are its sayings [™].”’ Pual passive dependent on BH Qal stative: ¢Ž  ›©† âÚܐ † «¢† ‘My eyes (lit. brightnesses) are worn out’ (£¢š™™/8). Notes: In BH, the verb Úڋ «Ž means ‘to be in a state of wasting away’. In the Corpus’ usage, the Pual is most likely to be treated as a true passive. The missing link between these two stems is provided by a factitive Piel, attested in Qillir’s Ÿž  ¥¤ ¢š™: ¨¢« ¥¤ Ú܋ «† ¢. 406 Pual middle dependent on BH Qal: ž­¯° ‘to be the object of anger (i.e., to have somebody be angry at one)’ ( ³­¢/73). Notes: In BH, the Pual is never employed with a middle sense. The only apparent exception is ©«³ ™¥ ±²™ ²­© ¥¤ ‘everyone who does not afflict himself’ (Lev. 23:29). In MH, on the other hand, this sense is attested in, e.g., ™š ¦¥ž« ¢¢ § ±²žš§ ™¢ (JT Kil. 9:4 [32b]; cf. Hitpael in §13ee).

crit., ad loc. even suggests that ¦¢§ be emended to ¦¢¥§ on the basis of this translation. The ed.’s suggestion to derive the expression from ­²š ž±¢¡­¢ (Ps. 22:8) cannot be correct, since this refers specifically to derisive speech, and is thus understood by the rabbinic tradition–cf. ¦¢«©«©§ž ¦¢³ž³­²š ¦¢±¢¡­§ž ¦¢²™±š (Pesik. Rab. 37)–as well as by Yannai (in speaking of the generation of the Tower of Babel)– ¢›ž«¥ž ­² ¢œ  ¦« £¢™ž ­² ž±¢¡­ž ­ ž ³­//­² (š¢/ ¥). It is therefore directly opposed to the meaning of ±¡­§ š¢© in the present context. 406 The composition is piyyut 5 of Qillir’s qedushta for Shabbat Haʗodesh ¦¢œžœ ³« ³¢³™ (cf. Baer, 700).

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MORPHOLOGY §13v Pual Usage Related to MH In accordance with what was said above about the moribund state of the Pual paradigm in MH, “related to MH” is to be understood in the sense of “corresponding to a ¥«ž­§ participle attested in MH,” unless otherwise specified. Pual passive attested in MH 1) ¬±ž¡ ‘to be dragged along’ (¢©©° ¢¢/296) 407 2) §¢žª ‘to be marked, designated’ (³™/8; ³¢¥¤³/441), ž§¢žª (¥™/559) Pual passive dependent on MH Piel 1) ž§¢¢ž™ ‘to be forewarned Æ to be singled out (for)’ (¥™/560; cf. §13m/Piel denominative) 2) ±­²§  ‘to be adorned, made beautiful (of sacrificial animal)’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/19; cf. §13m/Piel transitive) Pual passive dependent on MH Qal transitive: ²¥  ™°±™š ²ž¥  ¥ž° ‘to be cast’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/37). Notes: The MH Qal verb ²¥  ‘to cast’–cf. ž¢³ž«§ ³™ ²¥ž  ™¢² ¤²¥š (M Arakh. 9:4)–is derived from a rabbinic interpretation ²¥  in Exod. 17:13– ³ž¥±ž› ¨¢¥« ¥¢¡ ž±§™ ž©¢³žš± [›¢:Ÿ¢ '§²] "«²ž¢ ²ž¥ ¢ž" ³ž©§ ¥« ¦¢²¥  ž¥¢¡¢ ±²™¤ž ™''œ¤ (PDRK 3). A similar interpretation is applied to ¦¢ž› ¥« ²¥ž  (Isa. 14:12): ³ž¤¥§ ¢¥žœ› ¥« ±ž­ ¥¢¡§ ¢² œ§¥§ (BT Shab. 149b). §13w Independent Pual Usage Pual passive/denominative 1) ³³™ ‘to be fixed as a sign (subj. ¦²)’ Å ³ž™ ‘sign’ (BH/MH) 2) «š± ‘to be made one of four’ (¨š™/3) Å «š±™ ‘four’ (BH/MH) 3) °Ÿ«§ ‘to be set about in a circle’ (¡­²§š £¥§/48) Å °Ÿ« ‘ring’ (BA) 408 For this verb in MH, see Moreshet, 184-86, s.v. 2¬±¡. The gloss provided by Kenaani, 4286, s.v. °ã« (note that the present case is the only example cited there) is š¡¢ °ã .  This interpretation is based on a corrupt text, cited there in full, according to which the participle °Ÿ«§ is parallel to °Ÿ §  in the preceding line. The ed., ad loc., indicates that the traditional text is corrupt, and I have attempted to restore a more pristine version with the help of a Genizah manuscript (see 407 408

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY §13x Uses of the Pulpal The Pulpal stem is the passive of the Pilpel. It is attested in BH in the verbs â¥ç† ¥† çŽ ‘to receive supplies’ (I Kings 20:27) and â«Ú‰ † «ÚŽ ñ† ‘to be dandled, pampered’ (Isa. 66:12). It is more common in MH, where, as in the case of the Pual, only the participle is employed. 409 Pulpal passive found in BH: «²«²³ ¦³¢±¡ ‘to be pampered Æ to be healed’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/18). Pulpal passive/middle found in MH 1) ¥¡¥ž¡ ‘to be led astray, become confused’ (¢©©° ¢¢/289) 2)  ¯ ¯¢ ‘to be made to glisten’ ( ³­¢/83) (cf. ³ ¯ ž¯§ ¢±¥°­ª¢™ [Vayik. Rab. 1:14]) 3) ¥°¥ž°§ ‘to be corrupt, ruined’ (¢©©° ¢¢/258) Notes: The Pilpel ¥¡¥¡ ‘to hurl’ is attested 1x in BH (Isa. 22:17). The Corpus’ usage, referring to a mental state, corresponds to the MH Pulpal participle. §13y Stem Shifts towards the Poal In BH, the Poal stem is the passive of the Poel. It is not attested in MH. 410 Hitpoel Æ Poal: ®±™ ±±ž­³ ±ž­ ‘to be cleft’ (¤¢ª©™/33) Å ±±ž­³ ±ž­ ®±™ (Isa. 24:19) (cf. Poel in §13q).

§2a). According to this version, °Ÿ § modifies ±¡« ‘crown’, while °Ÿ«§ modifies ¦¢¡š² ³ž§œ ‘the likeness of the [twelve] tribes’, so that Kenaani’s gloss is to be discarded. My interpretation, for which see §29k, takes its cue from the ed., who associates the root °Ÿ« with the meaning ‘ring’ in his commentary, ad loc. 409 Cf. Segal, §§263, 271. 410 Cf. Segal, §208. Segal, §269, however, lists ž©©ž ¢ (M Sot. 9:15) as a possibility. The form appears in ž©©ž ¢ ™¥ž ±¢«¥ ±¢«§ žššžª¢ ¥¢¥› ¢²©™ž, and is vocalized ⩎©Õ †¢ in ed. Albeck & Yalon. Yalon, ™žš§, 140-41 makes it clear, however, that from a morpho-semantic point of view, a Nifal is to be preferred. The following explanation is given for the vocalization adopted in the Mishna: ¨¢™ .¦¥ž -¦¥ž  ,'žššžª¢'¥ ¥š° 'ž©©ž ¢' ¡žªš² ©²§š...² ™±© ž©¢™² ¥«­ œž°¢© ¢³œ°¢© ™¥ .¥«­© ¨¢¢©š ±¤š¥ž ž''¢ž ³™ ±ž°«¥ ¢³¢¢ ±žª™² ±§ž¥ £±ž¯ ...¦¢§¤  ¨ž²¥  ž±¥.

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MORPHOLOGY §13z Uses of the Poal Poal passive dependent on BH Poel: ž§±Ÿ ¦¢§ ‘to be poured out’ ( ³­¢/28). Notes: The present case is directly dependent on ³žš« ¦¢§ ž§±Ÿ (Ps. 77:18). Modern authorities usually interpret this verb as a Poel, with “clouds” as the subject and “water” as object. 411 If this interpretation is correct, then Corpus’ clause must be analyzed as a passive transformation of the MT verse, with “water” as subject of a passive Poal verb. §13aa Uses of the Polal As with the Polel, the Polal is moribund in MH. Polal passive found in BH: ž¥¥ž  ‘to be brought forth, born’ (¦™/8). §13bb Uses of the Šufal The Šufal is the passive counterpart of the Šafel, and it is structurally identical to the Pual, with the difference that whereas in the latter the -CC- slot in the phonotactic pattern CVCCVC is occupied by a doubled middle radical, in the former it is occupied by the first and second radicals. It is possible that etymologically, the š- prefix is a reflex of the same proto-Semitic prefix that yields the causative hprefix in the Hebrew Hifil. In BH, it is attested in the nouns ³š¥² ‘flame’ (< š¥), ¥ž¥š² ‘snail (as being slimy)’ (< ¥¥š), ±ž±«°² ‘depression’ (< ±«°). 412 In addition, it is probably to be recognized in the first radical of the verb ®î² ‘to abhor’ (< ®ž° ‘to feel a loathing’; cf. Modern Hebrew ¦î² ‘to rebuild’ < ¦ž° ‘to arise’). In MH, it is attested in the following verbs: ±± ², œš«², ¥¥¤², °š¥², ¦§«², šš±². 413 Šufal passive/middle: 1) ¦¢¥ › ¢œ¢­¥ žš¥ž² ‘to be set on fire, burn’ (ž³³/381) 2) ¢³­ ¥² ‘to be expelled’ (£¢š™™/55; cf. §29n) Cf. BDB, 281, s.v. ¦±Ÿ and Bergsträsser, 2.§20b. This list is taken from GKC, §55i. 413 This list is taken from Segal, §212. For further discussion of the Šafel, see Ch. Rabin, "ž™¯ž§ž ž³ž§ – ³¢§±™šž ³¢±š«š ¥«­²" Eretz-Israel 9 (1969) 148-58 and S. Kaufman, The Akkadian Influences on Aramaic (Assyriological Studies; Chicago/London: The University of Chicago Press, 1974) 123-24. 411 412

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY Notes: The Šufal participle š¥ž²§ is attested in MH: ž¢² ¢­¥ ¨¥«§ ¥² ²™ ³§ § ¨¢š¥ž²§ ¥™±²¢ (Mekhilta Yitro, Masekhta debaʚodesh 9). The verbal root š¥² is attested in JPA and CPA, but in MH it seems to be derived directly from the BH noun ³š¥². 414 §13cc Development of the Nitpaal/Hitpael The Hitpael stem is well attested in BH in double-status, passive and denominative uses. 415 In MH, the stem expands, predominantly at the expense of the Pual, 416 while its functions remain essentially the same. Segal lists the following: reflexive, middle, inchoative, reciprocal, and passive. 417 In MH, the perfect is marked by the prefix nit-, which replaces the BH prefix hit- by analogy to the Nifal stem. In the other parts of the verbal paradigm, the Nitpaal is indistinguishable from the Hitpael. 418 The aim of the lists below is to examine the claim made by Yahalom that piyyut shows a marked preference for using the “internal passive” Pual rather than the MH Nitpaal/Hitpael (see under §13s). §13dd Stem Shifts towards the Nitpaal/Hitpael Qal Æ Nitpaal/Hitpael: ²«±³³ž ‘to shake (subj. earth)’ (¡§ ®±™/4). Notes: In BH, the root ²«±, with the earth as subject, is conjugated in the Qal, and 1x in the Nifal (Jer. 50:46). As with most of the verbs listed under Nifal Æ Hitpaal/Nitpael, the present case belongs to the middle/inchoative species. Nifal Æ Nitpaal/Hitpael 1) ¥š³© ‘to become scared’ (¨š™/5) =DSSH/MH 2) Ÿš³© ‘to be(come) despicable’ (¢©©° ¢¢/274) =MH 3) §³ ³© ‘to be sealed (subj. the covenant of circumcision, in Abraham’s flesh)’ (¢©©° ¢¢/285; Gen. 2x v.l. §³ ©) =MH 414 Thus Moreshet, 367, note 30*, s.v. š¥²: ¦² ¨§ ±¢²¢ ¥«ž­ ±žŸ› ¢™œž '³š¥²'. For JPA and CPA, see Sokoloff, 551, s.v. š¥². 415 Cf. W&O, 429-32. 416 Cf. Segal, §203. 417 Segal, §207. 418 But see M. Bar-Asher, “The Different Traditions of Mishnaic Hebrew,” Working With No Data – Semitic and Egyptian Studies Presented to Thomas O. Lambdin (D.M. Golomb ed.; Winona Lake, IND: Eisenbrauns, 1987) 28, who mentions rare MH Nitpaal participles with initial nun.

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MORPHOLOGY 4) 5) 6)

²™¢³© ‘to despair’ (¦™/1) =MH [²«±³³ž ‘to shake (subj. earth)’ (¡§ ®±™/4; cf. under Qal Æ Nitpaal/Hitpael)] ž«§³²© ‘to be heard Æ become manifested’ (¢©©° ¢¢/157)

Notes: Cases 1-2 and 4-5 belong to the middle/inchoative species of usage, common in MH. For the Hitapael of ¥š in the DSS, see ¢³š ™¢ ³¥š³§ § ±§™ž³ž °ž©¢¥ ³¥š³§ (4Q215:1-3:5), ±§ ¦¢§¢ ž¥š³¢ž (4Q385 4:2). The Nifal of ¦³  is attested 2x is LBH (Esth. 3:12; 8:8), both times referring to the sealing of letters. Moreshet notes that the Nifal and Nitpaal alternate as varia lectionis in MH manuscripts. 419 Pual Æ Nitpaal/Hitpael 1) ³²°š³§ ‘to be sought’ ( ³­¢/19) =MH 2) ©§³© ‘to be appointed’ (¢©©° ¢¢/285, 365) =MH Notes: The form ³²°š³§ is an epithet for the Torah, derived from ¬ª¤š ©²°š³ ¦™ (Prov. 2:4). The Pual of ©§ is attested 1x in BH, as the participle ¦¢©§§  (I Chron. 9:29). Hitpolel Æ Nitpaal/Hitpael 1) ²¢š³³ ‘to be ashamed/put to shame’ ( ³­¢/59) =MH 2) ž©žž¤³© ‘to be established, stationed’ (¢©©° ¢¢/355) =MH (cf. Piel in §13l/Polel Æ Piel) Notes: This stem shift merely involves a shift from a metaplastic conjugation to one based on a strong root. Hifil Æ Nitpaal/Hitpael: ¥¤³ª ‘to consider’ (¡­²§š £¥§/45) =MH. Notes: The common MH verbal conjugation ¥¤³ª is related to the BH Hifil usage ¥¢¤Û ‘to consider’. Hofal Æ Nitpaal/Hitpael: ¦¢°Ÿ ³§ ‘to belong to a category’ (¥™/548). Notes: The gloss offered here is based on the interpretation of the line ¦¢°Ÿ ³§ "²«³ ™¥"š ²§ ž ¦¢²²ž ³ž™§ ²ž¥²ž as meaning ‘and 365 belong to the category of negative commandments.’ 420 This Moreshet, "¥«­â© ¨¢¢©š" 129, note 19. The issue at hand is that of the Torah’s 613 commandments, 248 are positive and 365 are negative. The root °Ÿ  is employed in connection 419 420

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY interpretation in based on the MH usage °Ÿ ž ‘to be known for, presumed to be’ (cf. °Ÿ §  under §13t/Hofal Æ Pual). §13ee Nitpaal/Hitpael usage related to BH Nitpaal/Hitpael passive/middle first attested in BH 1) ³¯§™³§ ‘to be strong’ (¢©©° ¢¢/202) 2) °­™³© ‘to restrain onesef, be patient’ (¢©©° ¢¢/234) 3) £±š³¥ ‘to be blessed’ (¥™/606) =MH 4) ±²š³ ‘to receive good news (i.e., have announced to one)’ (¦™/3; Gen. v.l. ±²š³©), ±²š³¥ (£¢š™™/29) =MH 5) ±š›³§ ‘to become strong/be arrogant’ (°¢­™/9), ±š›³¥ (°¢­™/23) =MH 6) ²«›³ ‘to shake’ (¡§ ®±™/2) =MH 7) ¢³¥¥³© ‘to be praised’ (¢©©° ¢¢/142) =MH 8) «œžž³© ‘to become known’ (¢©©° ¢¢/288), ž«œžž³© (¢©©° ¢¢/154), ž«œ¢¢³© (¢©©° ¢¢/155) =MH 9)  ¤ž³¥ ‘to argue (with s.o.)’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/5) =MH 10) ±š ³³ ‘to join oneself (to s.o.)’ (¦ž¡™/510) =MH 11) ²œ ³© ‘to become renewed, renew oneself’ (¦™/5) =MH 12) °Ÿ ³™ ‘to strengthen oneself, gain strength’ (¡­²§š £¥§/49) =MH 13) š² ³¢ ‘to be reckoned (as), considered (to be)’ ( ¢«œ ™²™ °œ¯š/24) =MH 14) ¦¢©³ ³§ ‘to form a marriage alliance (subj. groom’s parents)’ (¨žŸ™/459) (MH only of groom) 15) ¢³™²©³© ‘to be elevated, exalted’ (¢©©° ¢¢/166) =MH 16) ¥«³© ‘to be elevated’ (± ¨§/27; ¢©©° ¢¢/277) =MH 17) ³ž©«³¥ ‘to humble oneself (by fasting, etc.)’ (¡­²§š £¥§/70; ¨žŸ™/457) =MH 18) š±«³³ ‘to become mixed, have fellowship (with s.o.)’ (¥™/480) =MH 19) ±²«³³ ‘to become wealthy’ (¢¤©™/51) =MH with the words of Torah elsewhere in the silluq strophe from which this case is drawn: ¦¢°Ÿž §ž ¦¢±™žš§//...//¦¢°ž²  ¦«¥ ž©ñŠ© ±²™//¦¢° ž  ³žœ« ¥™ (¥™/543), ¦¢°Ÿ ©ž ¦¢²±œ© "ž¥›œž" ¨¢©§//¦¢°²ž § ±ž¡ ¦¢©­ «²³ž ¦¢«š±™ (¥™/546). While its meaning in these two cases is difficult to pin down exactly, it may plausibly be glossed ‘to be made strong’ (cf. §§13k, u). In the present case, on the other hand, this gloss does not seem to be applicable, even in a vague sense.

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MORPHOLOGY 20) °œ¡¯¥ ‘to justify oneself’ (¡­²§š £¥§/18) =MH 21) ¦¢±«³Û§ ‘to storm (i.e., put oneself in a state of commotion)’ (¡²°™/33) (cf. also ¦¢±«ª© [§13k]) 22) žž™³¢ ‘to desire (for oneself)’ (¦©¤³/13) =MH Notes: Cases 4, 9, 11, 13, 16, and 19-21 depend on one-time BH usages in the Hitpael. Nitpaal/Hitpael indicating iterated action first attested in BH: ¢¤¥³š ‘to walk about’ (¤¢ª©™/1), ¦¢¤¥³§ (¤¢ª©™/20). §13ff Nitpaal/Hitpael Usage Related to MH Nitpaal/Hitpael passive/middle first attested in MH 1) ¦¢™›³§ ‘to be proud, boastful’ (¤¢ª©™/25) 2) ¦¢ ž±³§ ‘to find easement’ (¦©¤³14) 3) ¯±³³ ‘to be appeased’ ( ³­¢/23) Notes: Case 2 is based directly on ¦¢ ¢ž±§ ¦¢¥ž  ¬™ (Ber. Rab. 13:15). Though the text reads a Hifil here, four v.l. attest to the Nitpaal/Hitpael ¨¢ (ž)ž±³§ (see ed. Theodor & Albeck). The middle signification of ¯±³ is clearly based on MH, since in BH the Hitpael has the reflexive meaning ‘to make oneself acceptable’: ž¢©œ™ ¥™ Ÿ ¯±³¢ §š (I Sam. 29:4). Nitpaal/Hitpael inchoative first attested in MH 1) ©²¢³© ‘to become old’ (¦™/1) 2) ™¥§³§ ‘to become filled’ ( ³­¢/17) 3) ±š«³§ ‘to be(come) pregnant’ (™²™/20) (cf. BH ±Þ «Š ‘to impregnate’ [Job 21:10]) Notes: The Hitpael ™¥§³, though attested 1x in BH (Job 16:10), is nevertheless dependent on MH, since in Job the meaning is apparently ‘to gang up against’. Case 3 is drawn from the stich ±š«³§ ±šž«¤ ²­© ±§š  ±¯™, where the last two words are a quotation from Prov. 26:17. The ed. correctly points out in his commentary, ad loc., that ±šž« in this context is to be understood as ‘foetus’ rather than ‘passerby’, as in the scriptural context (cf. note 117). For the verb ±š«³§ he proposes the gloss ¦¥ž« ±¢žž™¥ ž³™¯š °«ž¯, so that the poetic image is one of a shrilly crying infant. This, however, is unacceptable from the semantic point of view, since the Hitpael of the root ±š«

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY means ‘to become full (i.e., pregnant)’, 421 and can therefore only be predicated of the mother. The literary trope “childbirth = anguish” is common in Biblical poetry–see, for example, œ¥ž¢ ¢±¢¯¤ ¢©žŸ ™ ¦¢±¢¯ (Isa. 21:3). 422 The difficulty with applying this trope to the interpretation of the present case lies in the fact that ±š«³§ is masculine. Although men can neither become pregnant nor give birth in real life, this is possible in the world of literary metaphor, and therefore in the world of grammar. In Jer. 30:6, we read of men looking as though they are about to give birth: ±š› ¥¤ ¢³¢™± «žœ§ ±¤Ÿ œ¥‹ ¢ ¦™ ž™±ž ™© ž¥™² œ¥ž¢¤ ž¢¯¥  ¥« ž¢œ¢ (cf. also ž¥ ž™š¢ œ¥ž¢ ¢¥š  [Hos. 13:13]). It is probable, moreover, that Qillir had this verse in mind in the course of composing the present qina, since the prepositional phrase ¥« ž¢¯¥  is echoed by œž­ª ¦¢¯¥  ¥« (™²™/50). 423 In light of this literary precedent from MT, the stich in question may be translated ‘I cry in the bitterness of [my] soul, like one pregnant with a foetus.’ The correspondence, however, between the biblical and the Qillirian images is not precise. Whereas in the former case, anguish is likened to childbirth, in the latter it is conceived of as pregnancy. Nitpaal/Hitpael reflexive first attested in MH: ³ž²±­³§ ‘to separate oneself’ (¡­²§š £¥§/77). Notes: The gloss ‘to separate oneself’ is based on the interpretation of ³ ™ž//³ž²±­³§ ²žœ° ¦«¥ ¦¢³²//³ž²œ° ž²¥²¢ ¦¢¥™ Ÿ™ž ³ž²¢œ°§ ²žœ° ²™±š in light of the midrash in Vayik. Rab. 24:8 (cited by the ed., ad loc.): ²ž¥² ''š° ¢©­¥ ¦¢±¢³¤§ ¦¢©ž¢¥« ¦ž¢ž ¦ž¢ ¥¤ ¥™±²¢ ¥² ¨²™±š ¦¢³²ž ³ ™ ž²™±š ¨³ž© ²ž« '° §...³ž²žœ°. That is to say that of the three qedushot, two are reserved by God for Israel. On the basis of the midrash, one would have expected to find a verb form with God as the subject, but it seems that Qillir represents the hypostatized qedushot themselves as the actors in this scene (for ³ž²¢œ°§, see §14aa). Cf. H. Yalon, ™žš§, 201-02: ™±°§š ¢ž¥¢§ ¨ž²¥ '±š«' . A reasonably complete list of examples of this trope may be assembled by reference to the entry œ‹ Ž ¥Õ¢ in a concordance. The expression (œ¥¥ ¨¢™  ¤ž) ±š²§ œ« ¦¢©š ž™š (II Kings 19:3 = Isa. 37:3) is also to be included. This trope is developed extensively, with special attention to the word ±š²§, in 1QHa 3:7-12. 423 Cf. also ¦² œ«± ¢©³Ÿ ™ (£¢š™™/44), which is based on ¦² ¦³Ÿ ™ œ«± œ¥ž¢¤ ¥¢  (Ps. 48:7). 421 422

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MORPHOLOGY §13gg Independent Nitpaal/Hitpael Nitpaal/Hitpael passive/middle 1) š²¢³¢ ³«¥ ‘to be seated (of God sitting on His throne)’ ( ™²™ °œ¯š ¢«œ/24) 2) ³²°©³§ ‘to tremble’ ( ³­¢/20) Notes: A Nitpaal/Hitpael š²¢³©/ is attested in MH, but the meaning there is either ‘to be settled’ or ‘to be at ease’. In the Corpus’ usage, the verb is not only reflexive, but also has a strong inchoative nuance, underlined by the the temporal conjunction ³«¥. The precise meaning of ³²°©³§ is difficult to determine, since the word is apparently an epithet for the earth that does not, moreover, appear in a strongly defined context. However, the preceding stich makes reference to the giving of the Torah on Mt. Sinai, so it is reasonable to gloss the word as ‘the trembling one’, on the basis of ²«›³ ¢²¢¥² ±ªš//²«±ž ¡§ ®±™ (¡§ ®±™/1-2), which uses another Hitpael to describe the same occasion. In the present case, the ed., ad loc., proposes that the word be understood in light of BA ¨ÚŽ °Ž† © ™œ¥ ™œ ᳚¤±™ž ‘His knees were knocking against one another’ (Dan. 5:6; cf. also žŸ¥ žŸ [³ž°²ž© ™''©] ³ž²°ž© ž¢³žšž¤±™ ¨¢™ [M Bekh. 7:6]). It is furthermore clear that ³²°©³§ is independent of BH, since the Hitpael of this root in BH means ‘to strike at, plot against’: ¢²­©š ²°©³§ (I Sam. 28:9). It is unattested in MH. §13hh Uses of the N/Hitpalpel The N/Hitpalpel is more common in MH than in BH. 424 N/Hitpalpel passive/middle first attested in BH 1) ¥›¥›³§ ‘to roll, come on (subj. thunderous voice)’ (¢©©° ¢¢/353) 2) ±§±§³™ ‘to be(come) embittered’ (™²™/45) 3) «²«³²© ‘to delight oneself, sport’ (¢©©° ¢¢/119), ³«²«³²§ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/90, 207) N/Hitpalpel passive/middle first attested in MH: ž«Ÿ«œŸ© ‘to shake, tremble’ (¢©©° ¢¢/158), ¦«Ÿ«œŸš (¢©©° ¢¢/347) (cf. BH 1x Pilpel trans.).

424

Cf. GKC, §55g and Segal, §§263, 271.

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY §13ii Uses of the Hitpoel In BH, the Hitpoel is attested in the roots ²«› and Û/ªÚ, as well as a number of geminate roots. This stem is nearly extinct in MH, being attested in the verb ¨°ž±³©, as well as a very few geminates. 425 Hitpoel passive/middle first attested in BH: ¦¢««ž±³§ ‘to be broken, smashed’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/22). Hitpoel denominative first attested in BH: ¦¢­­ž³ª§ ‘to gather on the threshold’ (°¢­™/21). §13jj Stem Shifts towards the N/Hitpolel Polal Æ N/Hitpolel: ¥¥ž ³© ‘to be brought forth’ (¢©©° ¢¢/136), ¢³¥¥ž ³© (¢©©° ¢¢/136, 163; R). Notes: In BH, the meaning ‘to be brought forth (in travail)’ is conveyed by means of the Polal and 1x by the Hofal (Isa. 66:8). In the present case, the poet is hinting at the former BH usage, since both instances of ¢³¥¥ž ³© are immediately preceded in the rhyming position by the synonymous ¢³¥¥ž –i.e., ¢³¥¥ž ³©//¢³¥¥ž  ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/135-136, 162-163). For the active, transitive Polel in the Corpus, see §13r. §13kk Uses of the N/Hitpolel According to Segal, the N/Hitpolel is less common in MH than in BH. 426 N/Hitpolel passive/middle first attested in BH 1) ¦§ž±³ ‘to be exalted’ (£¢š™™/65) 2) ««ž±³™ ‘to shout in triumph’ (³™/14 = ³¥™³/14) §13ll Uses of the Ništafal/Hištafel Hištafel first attested in BH: ³ž ³²¥ ‘to bow down’ (¥™/614). Ništafal first attested in MH: ¥¥¤³²© ‘to be finished, perfected’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/216; cf. §29m).

425 426

Cf. Segal, §§208, 269. Segal, §263.

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MORPHOLOGY §13mm Development of the Hifil The stem shift Qal Æ Hifil is discussed by Moreshet, in an article worth summarizing here. 427 The author first reviews the evidence for the stem shift within BH, noting that it is attested in the case of both transitive and intransitive verbs. He then subcategorizes the shift according to the following rubrics, some diachronic and some synchronic: 1) 2) 3a) 3b) 4a) 4b) 4c) 4d) 5a) 5b) 6)

Roots usually conjugated in Qal in BH Æ Hifil in LBH:  ©Ÿ, ¥œ›, ¨°Ÿ, š«¥ (attested in as metathetic Qal š¥« in MH), ›«¥, ¨§² Roots usually conjugated in Qal in BH Æ Hifil in LBH together with either DSS or BS: Ÿš, œ«±, ° Û (?) Qal Æ Hifil attested in BS: ¨§¡, °­ª, ¦¢Û Qal Æ Hifil attested exclusively in BS: «§œ, ¬Ÿ©, £±« Qal and Hifil in MH (trans. roots attested in BH): ¨§¡, œ±¡, £²§, ™²©, ¡§² Qal and Hifil in MH (intrans. roots attested in BH): ¦¤ , §³ Qal and Hifil in MH (intrans./trans. roots attested in BH): ¥š¡, œ­ª, ® ±, ¨¡² MH Hofal passive of Qal: ¥ , ©­ Qal and Hifil in MH (trans. roots first attested in MH): ²œ›, ¦Ÿ , ¨§¤, ±œª Qal and Hifil in MH (intrans. roots first attested in MH): œ¥›, ±Ÿ , ¨³§ 1x Qal in BH Æ Hifil in MH: ®§ , ¨«¡, ² ¤, °Û­, «Û­, ² ±, ± ²

In addition to these categories, Moreshet lists rare cases, the special case of roots II/y (see under §13nn), cases in which a root is conjugated in the Hifil by attraction, and cases wherein a midrash based on a scriptural verse conjugates in the Hifil a root that appears in the former in the Qal. In attempting to explain the phenomenon of the stem shift Qal Æ Hifil, Moreshet, in a number of instances, considers the possibility of Aramaic influence. This influence may be either direct (i.e., where Hebrew and Aramaic share a common root that is normally conjugated in the Afel in the latter) or indirect (i.e., where a Hebrew root comes to be conjugated in the Hifil under the M. Moreshet, ¨ž²¥¥ ™žž²š) ¥''Ÿ  ¨ž²¥š ¥° ¨§ ¥œš ™¥¥ ¥¢«­" "(™±°§ Sefer Bar-Ilan 13 (1996) 249-81. 427

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY influence of a semantically, and sometimes etymologically, related Aramaic root that is normally conjugated in the Afel). He furthermore cites the general, dynamic tendency of Hebrew in its evolution from BH onwards to shift from conjugation in the Qal stem to conjugation in the derived stems, the latter being more “expressive” (cf. also under §13l). §13nn Stem Shifts towards the Hifil Qal Æ Hifil (fientive) 1) ՟¢›¢ â꧌ ‘to cause to pass’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/12) 2) ¥¢«›¥ ‘to reject (as loathsome)’ (³¥™³/2), ©¥¢«›³ (³±œ™/15) 3)  œ§ ›©« ‘to push aside Æ to supercede’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/31; cf. §13xx) 4) ¡¢š ¥ ‘to strike (one’s breast)’ (™²™/63) 5) ©² ¦¢«²³¥ ¡¢© ¥ ±¯© ‘to cause to sprout Æ to bear’ (³™/7) 428 6) ¢©³¯ ¥ ‘to oppress’ (™²™/57) (cf. ¯ ¢¥ [§13l]) 7) ¦²©  ¢­©¥ ‘to revive’ ( ³­¢/84; cf. ¦¢¢  ³§²© ž¢­™š  ì¢ž [Gen. 2:7]; cf. §3b) 8) ¢¤¥§ ¤¢ª©™ ‘to install as king Æ proclaim (God’s) kingship’ (¤¢ª©™/1) 9) ž™¢ðš œ¢ ŸžŸ« ‘to lift, raise’ (¤¢ª©™/31) 10) œ¢«ª¥ ž³ž™ ¤ž¥§ ‘to support, sustain’ (¢©©° ¢¢/310) 11) œ« ž³™ ¨¢¢Ÿ ¢¥¤ ‘to deck out’ (¢©©° ¢¢/308), ¢²§ž ²² œ«™ £¢¥›œ (¨ž©š¥§ ¢³™/4) 12) ¦¢©©« Õ±¢¡« ‘to surround’ (ž³³/389; cf. ž©±¡«³ ¨ž¯± [Ps. 5:13]) 13) ±°²...©«ž "©«³ ™¥" ±­ ‘to speak’ (¢©©° ¢¢/252; cf. ž¢ ™š ©« ±°² [Deut. 19:18]), and ¨«¥ (¦ž¢š ¦¢¥™/3). 14) £¢±«¥ ‘to arrange, set out’ (°¢­™/11), £¢±«§ (°¢­™/11), £¢±« ³­³ (¡²°™/8; cf. ³­³ ¥ž§³™§ £ž±« [Isa. 30:33]) (cf. Moreshet’s category 3b) 15) ž²¢ ±¢ ¦ššœ ¥ž° ‘to cause to stir (of sound)’ (³™/10) (cf. Moreshet’s category 6) 428

This verb seems to have been associated with Sarah in the piyyut literature–cf. ᱚ¢ª ¡¢©  ¦¢«²³¥ž ‘And at the age of 90, she bore her hope[d for son]’ (¦¢©š§ ¦¢©š ¦™/72). Thus also in piyyut 6 of the qedushta ªž™§ ¨š™ for the seder beginning with ™ž©² ¢¤ ¢¢ ™±¢ž (Gen. 29:31) by Shimon bar Megas: ¦¢©š ¡¢© ž ™ž©² ±œž™ (J. Schirmann, ¨§ ¦¢²œ  ¦¢±¢² Ÿ¢©› [Jerusalem: The Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, 1965] 7, l. 35).

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MORPHOLOGY 16) ¦žœ «¢°± ‘to spread out’ (¡²°™/4; cf. ®±™ «°± [Isa. 42:5, et al.]) 17) ¦¤©¢¡²¥ ‘to act as an adversary (against someone)’ (£¢š™™/46) (cf. Moreshet’s category 4c) Notes: The stem shift Qal Æ Hifil in the case of fientive verbs is attested already within BH. Thus, for example, the root ¨­¯ ‘to hide’ is conjugated in the Qal in the majority of cases, but the Hifil is also attested: ¢©©ì¯ Š ñ (Job 14:13), Õ©¢­¯ (Ex. 2:3). This process is reflected in the Corpus’ form ¨¢­¯ (¡²°™/9). Likewise in the case of  § ‘to wipe out’, conjugated mostly in the Qal, but also attested in the Hifil: ¢œª   § ñŒ ¥™ (Neh. 13:14; cf. also Jer. 18:23 and Prov. 31:3). This variation is reflected in the Corpus’ ³ž±š«  ž§ ³ž©ž«//...// §§ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/31-32; cf. §13xx). 429 In BH, the verb Ÿž› ‘to pass over’ is attested as a Qal intransitive in ²¢  Ÿ› ‘It passes quickly’ (Ps. 90:10). It is also attested as a transitive/causative Qal, meaning ‘to cause to pass’: ¨§ ¦¢ž¥² ŸŽ›åŽž ¦¢ (Num. 11:31; BHS, app. crit., ad loc.: “l ŸŒ›¢ž ?”). 430 This second meaning is expressed by means of the Hifil in the Corpus. The Hifil usage ¥¢«›¥, etc. is apparently based on the one such case in BH: ¥«Š ›† ¢ ™¥ž ±Þ «Š ž±ž² ‘His bull impregnates [the cow] and doesn’t reject [her] as loathsome’ (Job 21:10). However, all other cases of the root ¥«› with the meaning ‘to abhor, reject’ are found in the Qal, and the defective spelling of the verb in Job 21:10 leads to the suspicion that it too was originally intended as a Qal (cf. also ¦¥‰ Ž «›Ž ¥† ‘to reject them’ [±¤Ÿ/16], ¦¢¥ž«› ‘loathsome’ [³ž«³/417]). The case of ¡¢© ¥ corresponds to the BH hapax legomenon in the transitive usage ¢›­ ¡©  ©™³ (Song 2:13). It must be noted, however, that in MH, the verb ¡©  may be used intransitively in the sense of ‘to form (of fruits)’, 431 and ¡¢© ¥ may therefore be considered to be the causative of this MH usage.

429

For further examples, together with bibliography, see Moreshet, "¥¢«­" 250-52. 430 Note that in the Neofiti Targum, ad loc., the Hebrew Qal is glossed as an Afel: ™§¢ ¨§ ¨¢¢ž¥ª ¨ž¥ Ÿ¢›™ž. A transitive Afel is attested elsewhere in JPA–cf. Sokoloff, 122, s.v. Ÿž›. 431 Cf. Jastrow, 482, s.v. ¡©  (e.g., ž¢³ž±¢­ ž¡© ² ›ž±³™ ‘an etrog-tree whose fruits were formed’ [BT Rosh Hash. 14b]).

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY Ibn Ezra critiques the case of ¤¢ª©™ in his commentary to Qoh. 5:1: 432 ¢¤¥§ ¤¢ª©™' ž§¤ ,³ž¥žœ› ³ž¢«¡ ¦š ²¢ ²œ° ¨ž²¥š ¦² ³ž¥§ ž¥¢­™ ¥° ¨¢©š ¨§ ™žž ,[ž:š '³] "¢¤¥§ ¢³¤ª© ¢©™ž" – ¨¢©« Ÿ§ ™¯§©ž .'ž¢©­¥ .'±žœ™'ž '¥ž­™' ž§¤ ,'£žª©™' ž™ '£žª™' – œ¢³«ž .'¢³±œ©'ž '¢³¥­©' ¥°²§ ¥« ž™ '£¢ª™' ±§™¢ '£¢ª' ¨§ ¨¤ž ,'¥¢­™' – œ¢³«ž ,'¥¢­' ±§™¢ œš¤ ¨¢©š ¨§ž ²ž±¢­ ¢¢ ©ž .[š¤: '§š] "£±¢ ¥¢­©¥ž" ž§¤ ,¨''ž© ³ž™±š '£¢ª©™' .[œ:Ÿ¡ '³] "¦œ§ ¦¢¤ª© £¢ª™ ¥š" ž§¤ ,£žª© ž©§§ ²«™ – '¢¤¥§ ¤¢ª©™' ³ž«¡ ¢³ ,³§™ ²ž±¢­ ¢ ¦™ž ,¢³ ²§ ž§¤ "¢¤¥§ ¢³¤ª©" ¦¢²±­§ ²¢ž .³¢©²

As pointed out by Ibn Ezra, Qillir’s expression is derived from Ps. 2:6. The use of the Hifil is perhaps motivated by analogy to such a declarative/estimative Hifil as £¢¥§ ‘to proclaim to be king’. The retention of /n/ in conjugation (cf. §3b) helps to distinguish between ¤¢ª©™ ‘to proclaim to be king’ and £¢ë™ ‘to pour out a libation’ (cf. Ps. 16:4, as cited by Ibn Ezra). In BH, the Qal verb œ«ª may take a double accusative–e.g., ¦ ¥ ³­ £š¥ œ«ª† (Judg. 19:5). 433 In BH, the verbal root œ« is usually employed in the reflexive sense ‘to deck oneself’. In ¢œ« £† à‹ «† ™Ž Œ ž (Ezek. 16:11), however, the Qal is, rather unusually for a verb of wearing, doubly transitive. 434 In the Corpus, this grammatical anomaly has been resolved by conjugating the verb as a Hifil. In the case of the root ©«, the stem shift Qal Æ Hifil may have an analogical basis in phonology, since the imperfect Œ©«ˆ ¢, being both I/guttural and III/h, may be parsed as either a Qal or a Hifil. 435 The BH Qal ² ± is attested in šž¡ ±šœ ¢š¥ ² ± (Ps. 45:2). Moreshet indicates that in MH, the root ² ± is conjugated with the intransitive meaning ‘to stir (subj. lips)’ in the Qal, Piel and Hifil, while the transitive meaning is found in the Hifil: ³ž©©± ²¢ ±¢ £©ž²¥ (BT Ber. 17a). In the Corpus, the Qal means simply ‘to pray’: ¢³² ± ³ž¢¥«¥ ‘I pray to the roof chambers [=heavens]’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/39). 432 The text of this excursus on the poetics of piyyut is printed in Yahalom, ±¢² ³­², 184-96. 433 For further examples, see BDB, 703, s.v. œ«ª. 434 Some commentators therefore propose that the verb be revocalized as a Hifil: £œ«Ñž (cf. BDB, 725, s.v. II œ«). 435 It is possible that this stem shift is attested already in BH–cf. ¢¤ žš¥ ³ §²š ©«§ ¦¢¥™ (Qoh. 5:19). This is the only case of the Hifil in BH, and its meaning in context is obscure.

218

MORPHOLOGY gerund 1) ™¥‹ §Ž ¢§‹ ³¢¯§ ‘to drain out’ ( ³­¢/18; A) 2) ­¯° ¢§‹ ‘to be angry’ ( ³­¢/73) Notes: The phrase ™¥§ ¢§ ³¢¯§ is derived from â¯éŠ Ž ¢ ™¥‹ §Ž ¢§â ‹ (Ps. 73:10), with ¢§ transformed from a passive subject into an objective genitive. In the root ¯§, the active meaning ‘to drain (out)’ is expressed by means of the Qal in BH, whereas MH employs the Piel. The Corpus’ Hifil is perhaps to be attributed to the need to fill a he slot in the acrostic. Case 2 is a direct reference to the Flood, and the use of the root ¬¯° may therefore be compared to ¥« œž«  © ¢§‹ ±š«§‹ ¢³«š²© ±²™ £¢¥« ¬¯î§Š ¢³«š²© ¨¤ ®±™ (Isa. 54:9). In MH, as well as in BH, the Hifil of this root is exclusively employed with the causative meaning ‘to anger’. Qal Æ Hifil (internal) 1) ᢞ³™ ‘to be astounded’ (™²™/46) (BA ឳ = BH ᧳; cf. §29n) 2) ¢§¢§³§  ‘to be perfect’ (³±œ™/4) Notes: The use of Hifil alongside Qal in the case of verbs whose signification is internal is already attested in BH. Thus, we find, e.g., both ¨°Ÿ ‹ and ¨¢°Ÿ ‘to grow old’, £²  and £¢²  ‘to be(come) dark’, ¡°² and ¡¢°² ‘to be quiet’. In the case of ᢞ³™ ‘to be astounded’, note that the cognate ᢧ³™ is used causatively two stichoi above (™²™/44; cf. §13qq). On the other hand, MH does attest to an internal Hifil usage in the case of ᧳, alongside the common internal Qal usage (Ber. Rab. 98:12): ¦¢±§ž™ ž¢ž ¦¢¥« [¨¢¢§³ž ™''©] ¨¢¢§³§ž ¨³ž™ ¨¢™ž± ¦¥ž« ³ž§ž™ ž¢ž ¦¢©žœ™¥ ¦¢™ž± ¦³¢¢ ž¥™ [¨¢§³§ ™''©] ¨¢¢§³§ ¦³™ ž¥¢™ ¥« ¥™±²¢ ¦¥ [¢§³¥ ™''©] §³¥ ¦¤¥ ¢ ±ž³š ¨¢°ªž« ž¥™ ¥²

The vacillation in the manuscripts between the Qal, Hifil, and Hitpael shows, however, that the Hifil is not very strongly entrenched in this role. The form ¢§¢§³§  corresponds semantically to the Qal usage in ¦³¢™ Ÿ™ (Ps. 19:14; BHS app. crit., ad loc.: “Pc mss ¦ñŽ ™”), Œ and to the BH adjective ¦³ ‘perfect’, which is to be classed as a Qal stative participle. It attests to an internal usage of the Hifil in opposition to BH, where the Hifil is always a causative with respect to the notion of ‘complete(d)ness’. Qal Æ Hifil (special case of roots II/y) 219

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 1) 2)

¦¢²¥ ¬™ (œ¢­™™/6) ¨©™² ³¢² ¨¢ª (²žœ°/34), ³¢² ±²™ šž² (±¤Ÿ/4), ³¢²¥...³¢²¢±  (±¤Ÿ/4)

¬¯²

Notes: In normative Hebrew morphology, the Qal imperfect from a root II/y is indistinguishable from a Hifil imperfect from the same root type. In BH, this homophony gives rise to a process whereby the entire paradigm of a particular root originally conjugated in the Qal is re-modeled in the Hifil, by analogy to the re-interpreted imperfect. The parade example of this phenomenon is the root ¨¢š, which is frequently attested in the Hifil with no semantic distinction from the Qal. The process is not nearly so advanced in the case of ¦¢/žÛ (the dictionaries usually list three cases of the Hifil), but at least one clear example is attested: ³ž™¥ ž¢³§Ûˆ Š ž (Ezek. 14:8). The form attested in ¦¢²¥ ¬™ clearly depends this type of analogy, being based on the BH ¬™ ž§¢²¢ (Job 36:13). The Qal conjugation of ¦¢/žÛ is also attested in the Corpus (cf. ¦², ¢§², ᧲ [§12q] and ¦¢§² [§12w]). In the case of the root ³¢², BH overwhelmingly employs the Qal (cf. also the Corpus’ ³² [§12q] and á³¢²¥, ¢³²¥ Š [§12t]), but the Hofal ³Ú⢠ is attested 1x (Exod. 21:30). While this BH form may plausibly be parsed as a Qal passive, 436 no such possibility exists in the case of the Corpus’ ³²ž (§13uu). Piel Æ Hifil 1) ž³¢«š¢ ‘to terrify’ ( ³­¢/34), Õ³¢«š¥ ( ³­¢/76) =MH 2) á±¢š›¥ ‘to make great’ (¢©©° ¢¢/120) =MH 3) ¦¢¥¢œ›§ ¦± ™ª¤ ¥« š²ž¢¥ ‘to magnify’ (¥™/619), ž¢³ž™±ž© ŸžŸ« ¦¢¥¢œ›§ (¥™/624) 4) œœ§¥ ¦¢§¢œ°§ ‘to begin (by doing X)’ (¡²°™/28) =MH 5) ¦›¢©§ ‘to lead, conduct’ (±²™/398), ¦¢›¢©§ (¥™/574) =MH 6) ¦¢§¢¥²§ ²­©š ²­© ‘make good, pay back’ (±ž³/474; v.l. ¦¢§¥²§) (cf. ±ž² ³ ³ ±ž² ¦¥²¢ ¦¥² [Exod. 21:36]) Notes: A Hifil of ±š› is attested 2x in BH, but the meaning ‘to make (s.o./s.th.) great’ is expressed by means of the Piel–e.g., ¢³±Þ›ž œž¢ ³¢š ³™ (Zech. 10:6). While a causative Hifil of the verb ¥œ› is attested in BH, the declarative/estimative sense ‘to magnify, extol’ is conveyed by means of the Piel–cf. ¢³™ ž¢¥ ž¥à› (Ps. 34:4), œž³š ž©¥à›™ž (Ps. 436

Cf. Bergsträsser, 2.§15c.

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MORPHOLOGY 69:31). An estimative Hifil may be attested in DSSH–cf. ¢²žœ° ž¥¢œ°¢ œžš¤ £¥§¥ ¦¢ž¥™ in the Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice (4Q403 1 i 31), where the verb is probably to be understood as ž¥¢œ›¢. The substantivized participle ›¢©§ ‘leader’ is attested in MH, along with the Qal and Hifil of the root ›©. In BH, this root may be conjugated in either the Qal or the Piel but the meaning ‘to lead/guide (people)’ is usually expressed by means of the Piel. The adverbial usage of the Hifil of ¦œ° is comparable to the Piel in BH:  ±š¥ ¢³§à° (Jon. 4:2). Cf. also the DSS usage ¦à°¥ ™¥ž ¦¢³« (1QS 1:14) and the Corpus’ absolute usage Ÿ™§ ¢³§à° ‘I was pre-existent’ (¢©©° ¢¢/98). Syntactically, the Corpus’ construction differs from the one encountered in MH, where we find two verbs in a hendiadys construction–cf. ¦¢¥°² ³²±­š ¨¢±ž°ž ¨¢§¢œ°§ (JT Meg. 1:4 [70d]). Polel Æ Hifil: š¢š©¥ ¦¢©œ« ‘to cause (dainty fruit) to grow’ (°¢­™/16; R). Notes: This usage is semantically identical to the BH Polel of the root šž©, attested 1x: ššž©¢ ²ž±¢³ž...¨›œ (Zech. 9:17). Since the Polel stem is the metaplastic equivalent of the Piel, this stem shift may be considered a sub-type of Piel Æ Hifil. §13oo Semantic Shifts within the Hifil BH internal Hifil Æ causative Hifil (verbs of perception) 1) ¨¢Ÿ™ ‘to hear’ Æ ¨¢Ÿ™³ ‘to cause to hear, proclaim’ (œ¢­™™/11; cf. ¦©ã¢™ ‘to cause to hear’ [§13m]) 2) š¢²° ‘to listen’ Æ ¢š¢²°¥ ‘to cause to listen’ ( ³­¢/77) Notes: As a corollary to his claim that piyyut prefers to reconjugate BH internal Hifils, especially verbs of perception, in the Qal stem, Yahalom opines that in the piyyut corpus the Hifil stem is seen as serving an exclusively causative function. 437 This semantic shift is not consistent within the Corpus, as is indicated by ³ž© ³ š¢²°¢ž ³ž¥­³ ¨¢Ÿ™¢ ‘He hears prayers and gives heed to supplications’ (¡­²§š £¥§/69), ¨ž© ³ š¢²°¢ ‘Let Him hear supplication’ (±¤Ÿ/26), š²°¥ ‹ ¨ž±› ‘to hear prayer (lit. throat)’ Yahalom, ±¢² ³­², 78-82. The general statement is given on p. 78: ³±ž¯ ¦³±ž¯² ¦¢¥«­ ¥¤š ³ž™±¥ ³²°š§ ,§›§ ¥ž« ¦¢°¢³« ¦¢¡ž¢­šž ³ž©ž² ³ž²±œš ,¨ž²¥š ³œœžš§ ±ž¯ ™¢ ¥¢«­ ³±ž¯²¤ ,±°¢«š...³§±ž› ¦³ž«§²§² ¦¢¥«­ ,¥¢«Š ­† Š ...¥«­© ž™ ¥° ³ž±ž¯ œ¯¥ ¨¢™². 437

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY (±¤Ÿ/40), "«œ³ «žœ¢" ž±šœ ¥« š¢²° ‘He heard concening…’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/291), ­ ¥™ ­§ ¦ž³¢¤ª ‘They heard them from…’ ( Ÿ™ š³¤š/74). The simultaneous use of both an internal and a causative signification of a Hifil verb is found also in BH and MH. Thus, for example, the form ¢°¢š§ ‘the One who makes me bright (i.e., morally pure)’ (¡­²§š £¥§/56) employs the causative meaning of °¢š, while in MH the verb may mean both ‘to be bright’ and ‘to make bright’. This verb finds a semantic parallel in BH ¨¢š¥, which can mean both ‘to be white/pure’ (e.g., ž©¢š¥¢ ›¥²¤ [Isa. 1:18]) and ‘to make white/pure’ (®° ³« œ« ¨Þ‹ ¥† ¥ [Dan. 11:35]). 438 In all but two BH cases of š¢²°, the meaning is internal (cf. also 1x Qal in Isa. 32:3). In £©Ÿ™ §¤ ¥ š¢²°¥ (Prov. 2:2), however, as well as in £©Ÿ™ š¢²°³ ¦š¥ ¨¢¤³ (Ps. 10:17), it has been suggested that the usage is causative, with “ear” as the object. 439 It is quite possible, however, that in both cases £©Ÿ™ is to be understood as the subject. In Ps. 10:17, moreover, š¢²°³ may also be parsed as a 2nd masc. sing., with £©Ÿ™ as an adverbial accusative, as in £¥ž° ¢¥¯ (Isa. 10:30). If, however, the first interpretation is adopted, we see that a usage that is commonly considered to be symptomatic of piyyut is, in fact, attested in BH. BH internal Hifil Æ causative Hifil (other verbs) 1) ®¢°Š ‹ ‘to wake up (intrans.)’ Æ ®¢°™™ ‘to cause to wake up’ (£¢š™™/2) 2) °¢ð ‘to touch (intrans.)’ Æ ³ž°¢ð§ ‘to cause to touch, bring together’ (¡­²§š £¥§/59), ¦¢§¥ ¦¢§ ž°¢Ü¢ (¦©¤³/11), 440 ²šž  ¦¢°¢ð§ ³ž§¯«¥ (ž³™/370)

438 Cf. also the BH causative Hifil °¢Ÿ  ‘to strengthen’ versus the LBH internal meaning ‘to be strong’, attested in II Chron. 26:8 and Dan. 11:32, or ®¢­ ‘to scatter (transit.)’ versus ®¢­ ‘to scatter (mid.)’. 439 Cf. BDB, 904, s.v. š²°. 440 The full phrase is ¦¢§¥ ¦¢§ ž°¢²¢ œ« Ÿ¥ Ÿ ¦¢™±ž°, and the ed., ad loc., glosses the verb in question žœ§¯¢¢, thereby making it clear that he considers the usage intransitive, the subject of the verb being ¦¢§. Since it is fairly clear, however, that the passage is based on ™±ž° ¦ž³ ¥™ ¦ž³ (Ps. 42:8; cf. [¡²°™/38] and the ed.’s comments, ad loc.), it follows that the implied subject here is ³ž§ž³. From this it follows that the abysses call to one another, ‘until they make [the underground] water touch [the rain-] water’. This interpretation is fully supported by the saying in Ber. Rab. 13:13–¦¢¢ ­¡ žœ›©¤ ¥«§ ®±™ ¨¢™² ¨¥«§¥§ œ±ž¢  ­¡ £¥ ¨¢™ ™''š²± ±§™.

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MORPHOLOGY 3) 4)

5) 6)

¬¢ä ‘to drip (intrans.)’ Æ ¦­¢«±š ‘to cause to drip’ (¡²°™/33) °¢³§ ‘to be sweet/do something in a pleasant manner’ Æ °¢³§¥ ‘to cause to be sweet, desalinate’ (¡²°™/34), °¢³§¢ (£¢š™™/58) (cf. ¢³°³§© [§13j]) œ¢«± ‘to tremble’ Æ ž§žœ œ¢«± ‘to cause to tremble’ (¥™/564) ¬¢«± ‘to trickle’ Æ ¬¢«±¥ ‘to cause to fall (obj. rain)’ ( ³­¢/52)

Notes: The form ®¢°™™, in addition to showing a semantic shift, also exemplifies the root transformation II/w, y Æ I/’ (cf. under §12r/Hifil). Yahalom cites a medieval grammatical controversy over the use of the Hifil of the root ®¢° with the transitive meaning ‘to rouse’, rather than the BH intransitive meaning ‘to awake’, in the poetic prayer ³§²© from the Sabbath Verses of Song–¦¢§œ±© ®¢°§ ‘the One who wakes the dead’–with Abraham Ibn Ezra and Joseph Kimʘi condemning the transitive usage and David Kimʘi defending it. Yahalom quotes a transitive usage from ±­« ¢©¤ž² ¦¢§ž¡™//±­ž² ¥ž°š ®¢°¥ ¥¡ (¦ž¢š ¦¢¥™/48). 441 Note, however, that this semantic shift is not consistent in Qillir’s oeuvre, since the Corpus also attests an internal usage: ©¢²§¤ ¯¢° ‘she awoke as if from sleep’ (¦™/7). The Hifil of the root °²© is attested once in BH, in a passage describing the wings of the cherubs: ¥™ ²™ ³ž°¢²§ ³ž¢  ¢­©¤ ¥ž°ž ³ž ™ (Ezek. 3:13). The context of the usage in (¡­²§š £¥§/59), which is directly dependent on this verse, makes it clear that the verb is being used transitively: ³ž°¢²§ž ³žœ±ž­ ‘separating and bringing together [their wings]’. The Hifil of °³§ is attested several times in Ben Sira (38:5; 40:30; 49:1) in all cases with an internal signification. 442 The usage in Job 20:12 is also internal (while œžª °¢³§© žœ ¢ [Ps. 55:15] is Yahalom, ±¢² ³­², 80-81 Ben Sira 38:5 reads ¦¢§ ž°¢³§¢ ®«š ™¥, which Kenaani, 3477, s.v. °¢³§ unaccountably classifies as a transitive usage (the gloss there is ²« °ž³§ ¢¢²). The verse in Ben Sira is a direct reference to the story of the waters of Marah, as described in the words ¦¢§ ¥™ £¥²¢ž ®« ž¢ ž±ž¢ž ¦¢§ ž°³§¢ž (Ex. 15:25), showing the replacement of the BH internal Qal by an internal Hifil. This point is made by Segal, ™±¢ª ¨š, ž§±-§±, in his commentary, ad loc. 441 442

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY perhaps adverbial). In MH, the causative notion is usually expressed by means of the Piel. The Corpus’ usage is therefore independent. The Hifil of œ«± is attested 2x in BH (Dan. 10:11; Ezr. 10:9), both times with internal signification. An internal Hifil is also attested in Ben Sira: œ¢«±§ ³¢© š ±™­³§ ‘the one who glories in a spear trembles’ (38:25). The causative signification is attested in MH. The Hifil of ¬«± is attested 1x in BH: ¦¢° ²ž//¥«§§ ¦¢§² ž­¢«± ¥¡ ž¥ã¢ (Isa. 45:5). Its signification there appears to be internal. This conclusion is supported by Deut. 32:2 and Job 36:28, which set up the Qal//Qal parallelism ¬«±//¥Ÿ©. BH causative Hifil Æ singly transitive Hifil 1) £¢±š ‘cause to bend the knee’ Æ £¢±š¥ £±š ‘to bend the knee’ (°¢­™/11) 2) £¢±œ ‘to cause to tread’ Æ £¢±œ¥ ³ž§š ‘to tread’ (°¢­™/11) 3) ±­ ‘to cause to bear fruit’ Æ ¦¢§ ±¡§ ³ž±­¥ ‘to bear fruit’ (¡²°™/37) Notes: The analysis of case 1 is based on the unique Hifil usage attested in BH: ¦¢¥§› £‹±š¢ž (Gen. 24:11; cf. also the Qal £±šŠ¢ž ž¢¤±š ¥« [II Chron. 6:13]). The basis for case 2 is the BH idiom £±œ -¢³§š ¥« (cf. Deut. 33:29; Mich. 1:3; Job 9:8), also attested once with a causative Hifil: ¢Š©¤‹ ±Š œ† ¢ ¢³ž§š  ¥«ž (Hab. 3:19). But whereas in the BH Hifil the direct object of the verb is the person doing the knee bending/treading, in the Corpus, the direct object is the thing being bent/treaded. In case 3, it must be observed that a marginal BH precedent is attested for the development seen here. Whereas the BH Hifil ±­ is usually causative, though the object of bearing is always omitted, a singly transitive Hifil is attested, though again with a gapped object: ...™¢±­¢ ¦¢ ™ ¨Þ‹ ™ž ¢¤ ‘Though he flourish among the reeds…’ (Hos. 13:15; note the III/’ morphology). BH causative Hifil Æ internal Hifil: ¢³ßž (¢³±™) ‘to be luminous, shed light’ (¢©©° ¢¢/137). Notes: In BH, the Hifil of the root ›© is transitive/causative: ¢¤²  ¢ß¢ (II Sam. 22:29 = Ps. 18:29), ž±ž™ ¢ß¢ ™¥  ±¢ž (Isa. 13:10). Similar usages are attested in the Corpus: š¥š ¢ß¢ ¥¢¥ œ°­§ ±°  ¥¢¥ ‘May He illumine the depths of [Israel’s] nocturnal straying 224

MORPHOLOGY with the flame of the night’ (±¤Ÿ/30), 443 ¦¢ Ž ߊ ¥ ‘to illumine them, give them light’ (±¤Ÿ/30). In the present case, on the other hand, it is employed internally. This sort of semantic shift is paralleled in the case of BH ±¢™, which may be employed with an internal signification, e.g. £¥ ±¢™¢ ™¥  ±¢ (Isa. 60:19), as well as in a causative sense: ¢±© ±¢™³ ³™ (Ps. 18:29). 444 §13pp Adverbial Hifil The adverbial Hifil describes a mode of action–i.e., ‘to do something in such and such a manner’–and is an outgrowth of the internal Hifil. 445 Cf. also the discussion under §20d. 1) 2) 3) 4) 5)

¦¢§¢«Ÿ§ ³ž§ ¢¥¤ ³™² ‘to do angrily’ (±ž³/469; cf. §13qq) œÞ‹ ¤Ñ † ¥¥Œ §Œ ‘to do heavily, harshly’ (£¢š™™/20) ¬¢œ«™ ‘to do continuously, still be doing’ (™²™/10) (see below) œœ§¥ ¦¢§¢œ°§ ‘to begin by doing X’ (¡²°™/28; cf. §13nn/Piel Æ Hifil) ¦«© ¢±§™ ±¢­²§ ‘to do beautifully’ ( ³­¢/46; cf. §28u)

Notes: The stich in which case 3 is attested is very difficult to interpret: £§¢«©¥§ ±²« ³ž±š¢œ ¬¢œ«™. 446 However, reference to a number of other passages in the Qillirian corpus shed some light on its meaning. In BH, ¬¢œ« (1x) means ‘to have a surplus’: ™¥ž š±§ ¬¢œ« (Ex. 16:18). This meaning is clearly unsuitable. The MH adverbial meaning ‘to do more (than enough)’ is much closer to the mark, though the precise nuance not suitable to the present context. For this, we must look at a Qillirian qerova for Hanukkah: ³ž±© Ûâۚ ©ž§² ¥¤ ¬¢œ«™ ‘I will persist for eight days in the rejoicing of the [Hanukkah] candles’ (¬¢œ«™/1). 447 In the Qillirian usage, therefore, ¬¢œ« is employed in an adverbial sense, and governs an infinitive through a preposition.

443 The precise import of ¥¢¥ œ°­§ ±°  is unclear, though the phrase seems to refer to the darkness of exile. My interpretation of œ°­§ is based on the meaning ‘to be missing’ of the Nifal œ°­©. 444 Cf. Yalon, ¨ž²¥ ¢°±­, 112. 445 Cf. Joüon, 1.§54d. 446 The ed., ad loc., simply states ž²ž±¢­ ¢³«œ¢ ™¥. 447 In his edition, Fleischer vocalizes ÛÕۚ, i.e., as though the item were a noun, but a vocalization as an infinitive seems preferable in light of the present analysis.

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY In the same qerova for Hanukkah, we read ž§§ž±ž ž§¢«© £§²¥ž (¬¢œ«™/9). The BH verb ¦§ž± ‘to extol’ is frequently used with God as the object, and if we compare the Qillirian line to ¢³™ ž¢¥ ž¥œ› žœ ¢ ž§² §§ž±©ž (Ps. 34:4) we conclude that in the former, -¥ is not a dative preposition, but rather serves as a marker of the direct object. If, then we treat the dyad ž§§ž±ž ž§¢«© as a pair of synonyms, it appears that ¦¢«© can mean something like ‘to praise’. Applying this to our case, we may therefore gloss £§¢«©¥§...¬¢œ«™ as ‘I am still…unable to praise You’ (for the separative use of ¨§, cf. §19c). What have the Ten Commandments to do with this? In the silluq for his qedushta for Shabbat Zakhor ¥ª ±¢¤Ÿ™, Qillir attributes to the enemies of Israel the sin of preventing the latter from uttering the Ten Commandments: âšç† «Š ¦¢±šœ ±²«§ ž§¤ž ...³Õ©ˆ«§‹ ¦« . 448 Though this accusation is not part of the familiar cluster of concepts related to the sufferings of Israel in exile, it seems that Qillir attributes some importance to the recital of the Decalogue. This fact is almost certainly related directly to the Palestinian liturgical custom of reciting the Ten Commandments during the Morning Prayer. 449 In light of this, I propose that the sentence be translated as ‘I am still unable to praise You [by uttering] the Ten Commandments.’ §13qq Transitive Hifil singly transitive – causative/factitive 1) £¢š™™ ‘to cause to be confounded, to confound’ (£¢š™™/1) (cf. BH £ÕšŽ † © ‘to be confused’) 2) ¦¢°¢š§ ¦¢©¢«ž ‘to cause to shine, to illumine’ (¥™/550), ±žŸ ¦¢°¢š§ ¦¢©¢«¥ (¢©©° ¢¢/370) (cf. ¦¢©¢« ³±¢™§ [Ps. 19:9]) =MH 3) ž§žœ...²¢«› ‘to cause to quake’ (¥™/564) (cf. BH Qal, Pual, Hitpael, Hitpoel intrans.) =MH 4) ¦¢š¢™œ§...³ž­²© ‘to cause to languish’ (° ±³/498; v.l. ¦¢š¢œ™§) (cf. BH Qal stative) 5) ՛œ¥ ‘to cause to multiply’ ( ³­¢/87) (cf. BH 1x Qal intrans.) 448

Baer, 668-69. Cf. E. Fleischer, Ÿ¢©› ³­ž°³š ¦¢¢¥™±²¢-®±™ ¥¢­³ ¢›©§ž ¥¢­³ (Jerusalem: Magnes, 1988) 271: ³¢± ² ³¥¢­³š ³ž±š¢œ ³±²« ±§ž¥ ›©§ ¥™±²¢ ®±™ ³ž¥¢°š ¢¢œ§¥ ®ž­©ž ¦žœ° ›©§...¢. The whole question of the role of the Decalogue in the Palestinian liturgy is discussed in extenso on pp. 279-91. 449

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MORPHOLOGY ž¥¢ Ÿ¢ ‘to cause to flow’ (¡²°™/38) =MH Ÿ¢­ § ‘to cause to be alarmed’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/27) (cf. BH Qal, Nifal intrans.) 8) ¢²¢­ ¥ ‘to (cause to be) free’ (™²™/16) (cf. BH 1x Pual pass.) 9) ¦³Õ™Ý Ž ¥ ‘to cause to be married’ ( ³­¢/12; for the gloss, cf. [¦©¤³/10]) =MH 10) ³¢²©™ ‘to cause to be parched’ (£¢š™™/4) (cf. BH Qal stative) 11) °¢­ª§ ‘to cause to be sufficient, provide (in sufficient quantity)’ (¦©¤³/7) =Ben Sira (°¢­ª¢ ž³«š £±ž¯ ¥¤ž [39:16])/MH 12a) ±¢«ª¢  ž± ‘to cause to blow’ (¤¢ª©™/40) 12b) ±¢«ª ‘to cause to rage, discomfit’ (²žœ°/37), ±¢«ª ( ¢«œ ™²™ °œ¯š/33; imperat.) =Ben Sira (³±«ª ¦¢§« [47:17]) (cf. also ¦¢±«ª© [§13k] and ¦¢±«³Û§ [§13ee]). 13) ®¢¥«¥ ‘to cause to rejoice’ ( ³­¢/47) =Ben Sira ( ±¤²ž [¨¢¢] š¥ ž¯¢¥«¢ [40:20]) (cf. also žŸè«¢ [§13m]) 14) ¨¢¯¥ ‘to cause to be cool’ ( ³­¢/67) =MH ( ž¥ [¨¢¯¥ ™''©] ¨©¯¥ ¨¢§  ³™ [T Shab. 3:8]) 15) ³¢š ³§œ° ¬¥™¥ ‘to casue to precede’ (š³¤š Ÿ™/59) =MH 16) ž° ‘to (cause to) gather’ (ž±ž™/17) =MH (cf. BH Nifal ‘to be gathered’) 17) ¦¢©°§ £¥...¨ž ³¥ © ‘to cause to acquire, to provide’ (¨žŸ™/458) =Ben Sira (£²­© ²™¥ ™©°³ ¥™ [9:2])/MH 450 18) ¦¢¡¢±§ ‘to cause to run’ ( ³­¢/9) =BH ®¢± (cf. §29k) 19) «¢­²¢ ‘to cause to be abundant, give abundantly’ (£¢š™™/53), « ì‹ Ú†  ‘in abundance’ (ž³™/369; cf. §11i) =MH 20) ᢧ³™ ‘to cause (s.o. to) marvel (at s.o.)’ (™²™/44) =MH (?) 451 6) 7)

Notes: The verbal root in ¦¢š¢™œ§...³ž²­©, formally comparable to the stative BH root š™œ ‘to become faint, languish’, is probably to be treated as being a doublet of both BH šžœ–cf. ²­© ³žš¢œ§ (Lev. 26:16)–and BH šœ™–cf. £²­© ³™ š¢œˆ Š ™¥ (I Sam. 2:33). This possibility

In BH, the only case of the Hifil of ©° is ¢©©° ¦œ™ (Zech. 13:5), whose meaning in context is unclear. In DSS, the Hifil has an internal siginification: ¨ž ¢©°§ ‘possessors of wealth’ (1QS 11:2). 451 The dictionaries list one MH case in which the Hifil of ᧳ means ‘to cause wonder’: ¨¢¢§³§ ¨§ ™¥™ ž©¢™ ¦¢¥²ž±¢š ³¥¤³ ¥¢¡§ ¥¤ ™¥ž (BT Men. 40a). Jastrow, 1675, s.v. ᧳ notes, however that the Munich ms. reads a Hofal participle instead. Cf. also the etymologically related form ᢞ³™ ‘to be astounded’, under §13nn/Qal Æ Hifil (internal). 450

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY is all the more likely in view of the fact that in both the Corpus as well as in MT, the verb takes ²­© as its object. In BH, the Hifil of ¦œ° is attested 2x, with the meaning ‘to come in front, to confront’. The meaning ‘to casue to precede’ is common in MH. In cases 1 and 16 (cf. also 7) a relationship exists between the Corpus’ Hifil and a BH Nifal. Such Hifil : Nifal pairs (i.e., ones in which the Qal is bypassed entirely) are known in the case of several BH verbs: ±Ÿ, ™š , ¨ž¤, «©¤, œ§². 452 singly transitive – other 1) ¦¢­¢©™§...¥™ ³§  ‘to arouse (anger)’ (¥™/483; cf. BH Qal, Hitpael ‘to be angry’) 2) ¦¢«Ÿ³ ‘to treat (s.o.) angrily’ ( ³­¢/22; cf. §13pp) 3) ±¢³  ‘to destroy’ (™²™/40) 4a) ¦¢¥¢­¤§...£²©ž ‘to double, magnify’ (³žœž§ ³/532; cf. BH Qal ‘to double over, fold’ and ¥¢¥ ³¥¢­¤ ‘doubling of the night’ [ ³­¢/75]) 4b) ¥¢­¤¢ ¦¢²œ  ‘to create a second time, create anew’ (¤¢ª©™/24) 5a) žŸ¢¥³ ‘to speak arrogantly (obj. speech)’ (™²™/75) 5b) ՟¢¥¢ ‘to denounce’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/11) =DSSH/MH (cf. under §14q/non-cognate internal accusative) 6a) £§¢«©¥ ‘to praise’ (™²™/10; cf. the discussion under §13pp) 6b) ¦¢§¢«©§...¨ž›© ‘to sing (a song of praise)’ (¤¢ª©™/28), ±¢² ¦¢§¢«©§ ¦¢¥ž¥¢ (¥™/620) =MH 6c) £ž§¢«© ‘to treat well, be solicitous of one’s comfort’ (³¢¥¤³/449) =MH 7) á±¢šª¥ ‘to make clear Æ reveal (obj. Torah)’ (¢©©° ¢¢/121) =MH 8) ¢©§¢¯«š ‘to overpower, be too strong (for s.o.)’ (£¢š™™) 9) ¦²¢±­¢ ‘to separate, set aside’ (¢©©° ¢¢/182) =MH 10) ¥¢­°¢ ‘to fold’ (¤¢ª©™/24) (cf. MH Qal, Piel transit.) 11) ¦¢§...«¢š±¥ ‘to bring down (water)’ (¦©¤³/10; cf. §29k) 12) œ¢ ¢ ¦¢¥² ‘to render oneself up (to death)’ (¢©©° ¢¢/304) 13) ¦¢¥²³ ¥™¥ š¥ ‘to be devoted’ (³žœž§ ³/535) (cf. BH ¦¥² (š)š¥) 14) ³² ‘to found, implant’ (¡²°™/7) (cf. MH Hofal and ³²ž, ž³²ž [§13vv])

452

For further discussion, see W&O, 394-35.

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MORPHOLOGY Notes: Case 2 is derived from ™¥ š¢±§ ¢§š// ¦¢«Ÿ«Ÿ§ ¥ž°ž ¦¢§ ¦¢«Ÿ³ ‘Do not treat the waters and the ones giving forth their voice [=heavens] angrily because of [the sin of] Mei Merivah’. 453 This interpretation follows Heidenheim, ad loc. The Hifil of ¦«Ÿ is attested in Ben Sira, in the context of a divine theophany– ž ž¤šž ¦¢± ¦¢«Ÿ¢ (43:16)–where it clearly means ‘to cause to tremble’. This meaning is inappropriate in the Corpus’ case, however, since the MT context on which the Ben Sira passage is based unambiguously specifies that the trembling of the waters leads to rain (i.e., is a good thing): ¦¢° ² ž©³© ¥ž° ³žš« ¦¢§ ž§±Ÿ...ž¥¢ ¢ ¦¢§ £ž™± ¦¢¥™ ¦¢§ £ž™± (Ps. 77:17-18). In our case, on the other hand, the action described by the verb ¦¢«Ÿ³ is something that prevents the heavens from shedding their water. The approximate meaning of the verb ±¢³  can only be determined on the basis of context– ³žœ§² ±²«š ¢³¢š¢±ž ¢³ ­¡ ±²™ ±¢³  ‘He [ ]ed with ten destructions those whom I dandled and raised (i.e., my children)’–where the adverbial prepositional phrase seems to imply the gloss ‘to destroy’. In BH and MH, the verb ±³  ‘to dig’ (not attested in the Hifil) may be used to describe the activity of burglars digging into houses (cf. Job 24:16). From this, Qillir seems to have abstracted the notions of criminality and destructiveness, such that the verb comes to generically refer to destruction. The meaning of ¢©§¢¯«š can be determined on the basis of parallelism: ¢©§¢²š ¦¢©«¢¤ ¢¥™//¢©§¢¯«š ¦¢©³¤ ¢¥™ ‘As jackal cries overpower me//As ostrich wailing ravages me’. In BH, the Hifil of 453 The sin of Mei Merivah refers to the occasion on which the Israelites complained for lack of water in the desert. In response, God instructed Moses to take his rod and speak to the rock, thereby causing it to yield up its water. Moses, however, chose to strike the rock instead, an act for which he and Aaron were punished with the decree that neither of them would enter the Promised Land (Num. 20:7-13). In the distich under discussion here, the poet asks that this sin not be reckoned to the detriment of the people’s need for water. Ironically, however, he also refers to this occasion in ¦¢§²š ¦¢§ ¨ž§ ³³ ±ž¤Ÿ//¦¢§«­ £ ±™š ¦¢§ ‘Remember the one who smote the water [and] the well twice [=Moses] so as to provide abundant water in the heavens’ ( ³­¢/8; for the epithet referring to Moses, cf. ±™¢š ±²™ ¦¢§ ³™ £¢ž ¡§š ¦±¢ž [Ex. 7:20] and ³™ £¢ž ¦¢§«­ ž¡§š «¥ª [Num. 20:11]). In this context, God is specifically asked to remember the circumstances of the sin of Mei Merivah so as to satisfy the people’s need for water.

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY the root ¦¯«, attested 1x, means ‘to cause to be (more) numerous (than)’: ž¢Ž±íŽ §Š ❧‹ ¯«¢ž Š (Ps. 105:24). In MH, the verb means ‘to close (the eyes)’. It would appear, therefore, that the present usage has been arrived at independently. The most likely interpretation of the idiom œ¢ ¢ ¦¢¥² is that it is based on the meaning of the Aramaic Afel ¦¥²™ ‘to render up, hand over’ (cf. §29o). It may also, however, be compared to the MH expression ¦²­© §¥² ‘they died’ (Pesik. Rab. 6). The verbal root ³² owes its existence in MH to a rabbinic etymology of the ¢¢³² ¨š™, the foundation stone located in the Holy of Holies (M Yoma 5:2)–cf. ³²ž ©§§² ¢¢³² ¨š™ §² ™±°© §¥ ¦¥ž« (JT Yoma 5:2 [42c]), and the parallel source in T Kipp. 3(2):6, where the reading is ³²©. 454 Cf. also the Qal gerund -³¢³² (§12ii). doubly causative 1) œ¢ ™ ž³ž™ ¨ž¡¥² ‘to cause to grasp/seize’ (¢©©° ¢¢/309; cf. §29n) 2) ¢²¥­¥ ¥¢›± ¦¢±²¢ ‘to teach’ (¡§ ®±™/10; for double acc., see §28aa) 3) ¢š¢™²¥ Š ...¦¢§ ‘to cause to draw’ ( ³­¢/78) (cf. Yannai: £«²¢ ¢§ ž©š¢™² [Ÿ¤²/š¥°]) Notes: The interpretation of case 2 adopted here is ‘He taught [me] the upright things [=words of Torah], revealing them to me.’ In MH, we find a singly transitive Hifil with the meaning ‘to accustom, make familiar with’–e.g., ¦œ™ ³™ ¨¢¥¢›±§ ²™± ³ž¥°ž °ž ² ž±«¥ (M Avot 3:13). 455 doubly causative, based on MH idiom: ±Þ‹ ª†  ¥† ¦œ«š ‘to implore on their behalf’ (°¢­™/10) Å ¦¢©­ ±¢šª ‘to treat kindly’

454 For all of the relevant varia lectionis in this passage, see the comments in S. Lieberman œ«ž§ ±œª – ¡ž²­¤ ™³­ªž³ (Jerusalem: JTSA, 1992), 772-73. In the opinion of Lieberman, the verb is to be associated with ¢³² ‘warp’, and its basic meaning is therefore ‘to weave’. This view is supported by Moreshet, 381, s.v. 2³². 455 Cf. also the BH quadriliteral verb in ¦¢±­™¥ ¢³¥›±³ ‘I taught Ephraim to walk’ (Hos. 11:3). Whereas the semantics of the BH verb retain a clear indication of its denominative origins, the Corpus’ usage, along with that of MH, has become disassociated from the noun ¥›± to a considerable extent.

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MORPHOLOGY Notes: It seems that the most likely explanation of the present usage is to treat the Hifil as being a causative applied to the expression ¦¢©­ ±¢šª ‘to treat kindly’–i.e., ‘to cause [God] to treat [Israel] kindly Æ to implore (God on Israel’s behalf)’. §13rr Denominative Hifil The following is a list of denominative Hifils that are independent of either BH or MH. meteorological verbs 1) ¦¢§ ³§¤ °¢±š¥ ‘to illuminate (subj. lightning)’ (¡²°™/27) Å °±š (BH/MH) (cf. BH denom. Qal °Ž±ÞŽ °Õ±Þ† [Ps. 144:6]) 2) [Ÿ¢Ÿ ¥ ‘to make clouds’ (¬™/1, acc. to Gen. 1x v.l.) Å Ÿ¢Ÿ  (BH)] 456 3) ¦¤¥¢¥¡¥ ‘to cover with dew’ (£¢š™™/11) Å ¥¡ (BH/MH) 4) š¢š«¥ ‘to make clouds’ (may take obj.) (¬™/1; °¢­™/15) Å š« (BH/MH) (cf. BH denom. Hifil š¢«¢ [Lam. 2:1] and MH denom. Piel šÞ«) 5) ¨¢©«¥ ‘to make clouds’ (¬™/1) Å ¨©« (BH/MH) (cf. BH denom. Piel ¨©« ¢©Š ©† « ކ [Gen. 9:14]) 6) š¢š±¥ ¦¢±¢«² ‘to bring down (rain)’ (°¢­™/15), ¦¢§ ¦¢š¢š±§ (¡²°™/35) Å ¦¢š¢š± (BH/MH) 7) ¦¢§¢«±§ ¨©± ‘to thunder’ (¡²°™/40), ¦«± ¦¢«±¥ ( ³­¢/45), ³ž¥ž° ž§¢«± (ž³³/382), ¦¢«±§ (¡²°™/40;  ³­¢/24) Å ¦«± (BH/MH) (cf. BH denom. Hifil ¦¢«± ‘to bellow (intr.)’; also ᧢ Ž «Š ï†  ‘to cause to murmur’ [I Sam. 1:6] and thus in MH) Notes: The meteorological verbs listed here are best explained as analogical formations, based on BH ¦¢²› and ±¢¡§–cf. ¦¢§¢²›§ (š«/7); ±¡§¥  (¬™/1), ±¢¡§¥ (°¢­™/14), ±¡§ ( ³­¢/64). The verb ¦¢«± is listed here because in three of the Corpus’ usages it takes an accusative, as opposed to the normal BH usage. other 1) š¢š™¥ ‘to make fresh/green’ (°¢­™/15) Å š™, ‹ š¢š™ ‘freshness’ (BH/MH) 2) ¨¢š™™ ‘to be silent (like a stone) (£¢š™™/2) Å ¨š™ ‘stone’ (BH/MH) According to Ber. Rab. 13:12, Ÿ¢Ÿ  is a synonym of š« ‘cloud’. Judging by š¢š±¥ ¦¢Ÿ¢Ÿ  (°¢­™/15), this is also the understanding of Qillir. 456

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 3) 4) 5) 6) 7) 8) 9) 10) 11) 12) 13) 14) 15) 16) 17)

¦¢™ ±Ÿ© œ¢­™™ ‘to cause to wear (as a mark of distinction)’ Å œž­™ ‘ephod’ (BH) (cf. Qal œ­™ [§13e]) ¥¢­™¢ ‘to cover in darkness’ (¤¢ª©™/23) Å ¥­™, ¥­™ ‘darkness’ (BH) ¦¢ ¢±™§ ‘to prepare (a meal)’ ( ³­¢/50) Å  ž±™ ‘meal’ (BH) £¢±™¥ ‘to heal’ (°¢­™/12) Å ¤ž±™ ‘healing’ (BH/MH) ¥¢±›¥ ‘to distribute’ (¡²°™/29) Å ¥±ž› ‘lot’ (BH/MH) ±‹±œ³ ‘to (set) free’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/42) Å ±ž±œ ‘freedom’ (BH) š¢±¡³ ‘cause to bring forth leaves’ ( ³­¢/55; v.l. š¢¡±³) 457 Å ¬/š±¡ ‘leaf’ (BH/JPA) 458 š¢š¥¥ ‘to strengthen, enlarge’ (°¢­™/16) Å (š)š¥ ‘heart’ (BH/MH) (cf. BH denom. Piel ¢©³šÞ¥ Š [Song 4:9] and §29k) ¦¢š¢¥§...¨¢¢Ÿ ¢¥¤ ‘to brandish (a weapon)’ (° ±³/499) Å š¥ ‘spear point, blade’ (BH) ±¢šª ‘to give hope of, promise’ (¨š™/10) Å ±šª/±š² ‘hope’ (BH/MH) ª¢ª«¥ ‘to make juicy’ ( ³­¢/44) Å ª¢ª« ‘sweet wine’ (BH) ¦¢­¢©¯§ ¥™¥ ¦¢¥ž¥¢ ²œž° ‘to crown’ (¥™/489) Å ¬¢©¯, ³­©¯§ (BH/MH) œ¢­° ‘to cause anguish’ (³±œ™/11) Å œŽ ­Ž °† ‘anguish’ (BH) ¥«³ ¢¡Š ±† ¢ ‘to provide (a cure)’ (¤¢ª©™/36) Å ¢¡± ‘bandage’ (MH) ᜢ§³¥ ‘to supply permanently’ (¦©¤³/5) Å œ¢§³ ‘continuity’ (BH/MH)

Notes: The form ¨¢š™™ is understood by the ed., ad loc., to be a by-form of the root ¨¢š ‘to understand’, such that the meaning is ‘to cause to understand’. The present explanation seems preferable, however, if for no other reason than that the trope of silence is very prominent within the first two lines of the strophe in which the verb is found–cf. ­² ¥¤ §¡™™ and ­ ¥¤ ¦¥™™ (£¢š™™/1-2). Stones are proverbially silent (cf. ¨š™¤ ž§œ¢ [Ex. 15:16]), so that it is quite reasonable to propose a semantic development ‘to be stonelike Æ to be silent’. 459 The metathesis š¢±¡ ~ š¢¡± is attested in the midrashic literature– cf. Sokoloff, "š± ³¢²™±š" 31, note 30 and the literature cited ad loc. 458 Cf. Sokoloff, 231-32, s.v. ¬±¡, š±¡. 459 If this etymology is accepted, then the whole stich may be glossed ‘I am [now] silent for over 900 [years], since He has not treaded Babylon (lit. the product of My threshing floor–cf. Isa. 21:10).’ The speaker here is 457

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MORPHOLOGY A denominative ¥¢­™ ‘to darken (trans.)’ is attested in MH. No denominative use of the root  ±™ is attested in either BH or MH. In addition to the present case, it is encountered in the Qillirian corpus in the Qal stem, with the meaning ‘to eat a meal’: ž ±™ ³ ™ž ¦¢²² ‘they ate 61 [meals]’ (¦ž¢š ¦¢¥™/9). Semantically, the form ¥¢±›¥ ‘to distribute’ is independent of the MH usage, whose meaning is ‘to cast lots’.

the personified Israel, who mourns her subjugation under the foreign yoke. This interpretation opens up an old sore in Qillirian studies, viz., the question of whether or not this passage is to be used to date the poet’s period of activity. First of all, it is usually assumed that ¢©±› ¨š (Isa. 21:10) is employed as an epithet for Israel (thus S.D. Luzatto, ™§ž± ¢©š ±žŸ §¥ ™žš§ [D. Goldschmidt ed.; Tel Aviv: Devir, 1966] 30), or for the Messiah (thus I. Elbogen, Jewish Liturgy – A Comprehensive History [R. Scheindlin trans.; Philadelphia/New York/Jerusalem: JPS/JTSA, 1993] 244). This, however, does not seem to be the case. The passage in Isa. 21:9-10 reads as follows: ¢©±› ¨šž ¢³²œ§ ®±™¥ ±š² ¢¥™ ¢¥¢ª­ ¥¤ž ¥šš ¥­© ¥­©. Without prejudice to the real import of the last two noun phrases, they are most reasonably taken as being appositive to the other references to Babylon. The Targum–on which Luzatto, oddly enough, relies to advance his case– clearly takes them as referring to Babylon: ¥« ¨ž³¢ ™š±° ™ ›™¥ ¨¢©§ž™œ ¨¢¤¥§ ™±œ¢™ ³¢ ²œ§¥ ¨§ž™œ ™±¤¢™¤ ™ Ÿš¢§¥ ‘Kings who are skilled at waging war will come against it (i.e., Babylon) in order to despoil [it], just like a farmer who is skilled at threshing grain.’ It is thus reasonable to conclude that the poet uses ¢©±› ¨š to refer to Babylon. Secondly, the number “over 900,” if taken seriously (as is done, for example, by S.L. Rappoport, ³žœ¥ž³ [repr.; Makor: Jerusalem, 1969] 199-200, who makes Qillir a contemporary of Sherira Gaon), seems to indicate that the poet is writing at least in the tenth century (i.e., from the point of view of the destruction of the Second Temple). Such a date grossly contradicts the communis opinio, according to which Qillir is to be dated to the early seventh century. This, however, is a non-difficulty, since it is now clear that in the course of recopying, scribes occasionally altered dates contained in compositions in order to “update” them with respect to their own times. This process was aided by the fact that in piyyut, dates are typically extrametrical, and an alteration therefore does no damage to the formal structure of the composition. In the present case, note the Genizah v.l. ¦¢«²³ž ³ž™§ «²³ ¢± ¦¢©² ²ž¥²ž, cited in Löffler, "°ž ±§¥ ¢«œ ™²™" 503. From this reading Löffler, ad loc. concludes: ¥² ž™ œ¢-š³¤ ¥² ž³°³« ¨§Ÿ ³™ ¦¢œ§¥ ž©™ ¨™¤§ ±¢­ª¥ 1063-1064 ±§ž¥¤ ,¨š±ž ¥ 993 :ž±ž°§.

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY A denominative ±¢±œ ‘to set free’ is attested in Yannai: ¦§ œŽ ¦™ ž©±¢±œ¢ թ՞à (™§°/›°). In addition to the Hifil attested here, the Corpus also employs a transitive Qal (cf. §13d). The Hifil š¢±¡ ~ š¢¡± is attested in MH, but whereas the Corpus’ usage is causative, the MH usage is either internal or singly transitive: ‘to sprout (leaves, etc.)’. An internal Afel is also attested in JPA. 460 The Corpus’ use of œ¢­™™ and ¦¢­¢©¯§ is semantically comparable to the denominative verbs ±ä« ‘to crown’ (BH) and ±¢³¤ ‘to crown, praise’ (MH; cf. the discussion under ±³¤ in §13vv). In BH, the denominative Qal verb œ­™ means ‘do dress someone (in an ephod)’. A BH Qal ¬©¯ is attested, 1x with the meaning ‘to wind up’–­‹ Ž ©¯† £­©¯¢ ¬ž©¯ (Isa. 22:18)–and 1x with the technical meaning ‘to bind one’s head in a turban’–¬©¯¢ œš ³­©¯§šž (Lev. 16:4). In both cases therefore, the Corpus’ usage is independent of that of BH. In BH we find the noun ±šÛ ‘hope’, together with the Piel of the same root, in the meaning ‘to hope’. The noun is also attested in MH (spelled ±šª), whereas the verbal usage has changed, to consist of the Qal ‘to hope, imagine’, and the Hifil ‘to make clear’ (cf. á±¢šª¥ [§13qq]), together with the idiomatic expression ±¢šª ¦¢©­ ‘to treat kindly’ (cf. §13qq/doubly causative, based on MH idiom). The present Hifil usage, appearing in the phrase ¦¢©² ³ž¡§ ±¢šª ©§ ‘He promised two tribes (i.e., gave hope of two tribes that would arise) from her’, seems to be independent of MH, and directly derived from the noun ±šª/Û. 461 The case of œ¢­° is doubtful, since in addition to the possibility that it is a denominative from the BH hapax legomenon œŽ ­Ž °† ‘anguish’ (Ezek. 7:25), the usage may also depend on the MH œ¢­°, which is usually attested as an internal Hifil meaning ‘to lose one’s temper, to be particular’, but may also be employed as a transitive ‘to provoke, insult’. 462

Cf. Sokoloff, 230, s.v. š±¡. For a direct parallel, cf. Ge’ez tasfć ‘hope’, together with the CD verb ’asaffawa ‘to promise (i.e., cause someone to hope)’. 462 Note, however, that only one such usage is cited by Jastrow, 1398, s.v. œ­° (JT Ket. 28d), and Sokoloff, 499, s.v. œ­° notes that this particular usage has a JPA parallel (JT BQ 6c), which happens to be the only attested case of a transitive Afel in this root (the rest being internal, as in MH). 460 461

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MORPHOLOGY §13ss Development of the Hofal In MH, the Hofal stem is productive as the passive of the Hifil, 463 as opposed to the Pual, which is restricted to the participle. §13tt Stem Shifts towards the Hofal Qal stative/adjective Æ Hofal 1) š¡ž¢ ‘to be good’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/19) 2) ¦«©ž ‘to be pleasant’ (¢©©° ¢¢/247), ¦«©ž§ (¢©©° ¢¢/361) 3) ¦¢§¥²ž§ž ¦¢§¢¥² ‘to be whole, sound’ (¥™/577) Nifal Æ Hofal 1) š™ž§ ‘to be beloved’ (š³¤š Ÿ™/80; cf. ¦¢š™© [II Sam. 1:23]) 2) ž¥œš ‘to be separated’ (¡²°™/37) 3) ž«¥š ‘to be swallowed up’ (£¢š™™/38) (cf. also BH Pual and Hitpael) 4) ³«š¢ ‘to be terrified’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/23; v.l. ³¢«š¢) 5) ±¤Ÿ¢ ‘to be remembered’ (³™/4; Gen. 2x v.l. ±¤Ÿ¢¢), ž±¤Ÿ¢ (±¤Ÿ/25) 6) ¨© Ž¢ ‘to be shown grace’ ( ³­¢/15), ž©© ž¢ (£¢§ž ¢©š ³™/14 (cf. Nifal pass. [§13k]) 7) ¦³ ³Ž ‘to be sealed’ (¦™/2) (cf. Nifal pass. [§13k]) 8) ²©‰«Ž ‘to be punished’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/10; cf. Nifal pass. [§13k]) 9) ž±¯«Ž¢ ‘to be shut in, restrained’ (¬™/2; Gen. 1x v.l. ž±¯«‹¢) 10) žœ°­ ‘to be visited’ (¦™/8; Gen. v.l. žœ°­©), œ°­ž (¦™/3; cf. Nifal pass. [§13k]) 11) ²œ°¢ ‘to be recognized as being holy/sanctified’ ( £¥§ ¡­²§š/79), ²œ°³ (³±œ™/°) (cf. MH Nitpaal/Hitpael) 12) ¡­²¢ ‘to be judged’ (³™/3; cf. Nifal pass. [§13k]) Notes: In BH, the Nifal of the root ¥œš usually conveys the reflexive meaning ‘to separate oneself’, but in two LBH cases (Ezr. 10:8; I Chron. 23:13), the signification is passive. Since no Hofal is attested, this latter signification is to be considered the BH passive counterpart of the Hifil ¥¢œš (for Hifil : Nifal pairs in BH, cf. the comments under §13qq). The passive Hofal is, however, already attested in DSSH–e.g., ±¡ ¨§ ¥œšžž (1QS 8:24)–and represented in MH by the participle. The situation is much the same with the root ±¤Ÿ, of which no Hofal is attested in BH, so that the Corpus’ ±¤Ÿ¢ corresponds in meaning to the BH Nifal, which in turn is the passive counterpart of the Hifil ‘to cause to be remembered, 463

Cf. Segal, §211.

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY mention’. A Hofal of ±¤Ÿ is, however, attested in MH, in the meaning ‘to be mentioned’, whereas the MH Nifal has come to mean ‘to be reminded, remember’ (cf. the discussion of the Nifal inchoative/perfective in §13k). In the case of žœ°­, etc., note that in BH, one case of the Hofal with the meaning ‘to be visited’ is attested. This usage, however, appears to be impersonal: œ°­Ž ±¢« ™¢ (Jer. 6:6). All other cases of the BH Hofal are unrelated, meaning either ‘to be deposited’ or ‘to be made overseer’. Pual Æ Hofal: ž±¡Ž¢ ‘to be cleansed’ (¦©¤³/19). Notes: This analysis is based on one case of the Pual in BH: Ž±Ž ¡§† ™¥ ®±™ (Ezek. 22:24). 464 The passive Pual participle is also attested in MH. Hitpael Æ Hofal: ž©š¥Ž ‘to be purified’ (°¢­™/5). Notes: The Hitpael of ¨š¥ is attested 1x in BH: ž±±š³¢ ¦¢š±...ž©š¥³¢ž (Dan. 12:10). §13uu Hofal Usage Related to BH Hofal passive attested in BH: 1) ›¯ ‘to be made to stand’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/9) (cf. ¦¤±°šž ¦¤©™¯ °± ›í Ž ¢ [Exod. 10:24]) 2) ¦¢°¯ž§ ‘to be poured out, cast’ (±¤Ÿ/19) 3) ¨¤ž ‘to be established, prepared’ (¡­²§š £¥§/27), ¨¤ž§ (±¤Ÿ/24) 4) ¥²¤ ‘to be made to stumble’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/9) (cf. ['±°] ž¢¢ž £¢©­¥ ¦¢¥²¤§ [Jer. 18:23]) 5) £¥§ ‘to be made/recognized as king’ (¤¢ª©™/9), £¥§§ (¤¢ª©™/10) (cf. ¦¢œ²¤ ³ž¤¥§ ¥« £¥§Ž [Dan. 9:1]) 6) ¦¢¥¯ž§ ‘to be rescued, spared’ (³žœž§ ³/534) (cf. ¥¯§ œž™¤ ²™§/­±²§ [Amos 4:11; Zech. 3:2]) 7) œ§«ž ‘to be caused to stand’ (¥™/593) 8) ±­ž¢ ‘to be frustrated, abrogated’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/20) 9) š²ž¢ ‘to be returned’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/24)

464 But cf. BHS, app. crit., ad loc. for the emendation Ž±ä Ž § (§† ), which is made on the basis of the LXX reading ƣƲƦƸưƭƦƮƨ, and is all the more plausible since the second part of the verse continues to speak of rain: ™¥ ¦«Ÿ ¦ž¢š §²›.

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MORPHOLOGY 10) ¦² ‘to be placed, made’ (£¢š™™/32), §²ž (£¢š™™/32) (cf. ket. ¦²¢¢ž, qer. ¦Ûâ卞 [Gen. 24:33]) 465 11) £¥²ž ‘to be cast, thrown out’ (¢©©° ¢¢/184), ž¤¥²ž (™²™/22), ž¤¥²¢ (¤¢ª©™/29) 12) ³²ž ‘to be placed, made’ (± ¨§/21; cf. ³¢², etc. [§13nn]) Hofal as passive of BH Hifil 1) ¦¢§²›§ ³ž¢...¦¢§ ‘to be rained’ (š«/8) 2) ±­ Ž¢ ‘to be put to shame’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/20) 3)  ±¡ ‘to be loaded, set (of trap)’ (±¤Ÿ/12) (cf. š«  ¢±¡¢ ¢±š ¬™ [Job 37:11]) 4) ±ñ ‘to be loosed (of a woman’s womb) Æ to become pregnant’ (³¥™³/11) 5) ¦¯«Ž ‘to be made strong, abundant’ (¦©¤³/6) 6) š²°¢ ‘to be heard’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/23; cf. §15c/lamed marking goal of vebs of perception) 7) ¦«±ž§ ¥ž° ‘to be thundered, thundering’ (¢©©° ¢¢/352; cf. ³ž¥ž° ž§¢«± [§13rr]) 8) ³š²ž¢ ‘to be caused to cease (from work on the Sabbath)’ (³¢¥¤³/445) Hofal as passive of BH Qal 1) ž¥š›Ž ‘to be made (subj. ³ž¥žš›)’ ( ³­¢/25) 2) ±¡©Ž ‘to be guarded’ (°¢­™/2) 3) ¡«ž ‘to be made to dart, fly’ (¡§ ®±™/8) 4) ¬¥² ‘to be drawn (of weapon)’ (±¤Ÿ/26) 5) ±­²¢ ‘to be made beautiful (of moral attitude)’ ( ¢«œ ™²™ °œ¯š/20) (cf. Pual pass. [§13v]) Notes: In BH, the denominative verb ¥š› is attested both in the Qal (3x) as well as in the Hifil (2x). The present case has been analyzed as a passive transformation of the sort of Qal usage attested in ¦¢©ž²™± ž¥š› ±²™...¥žš› (Deut. 19:14). The BH Hifil, on the other hand, means ‘to enclose within a boundary’, and the object is the area/group to be enclosed.

465 It is also likely that the form ¦Û¢Š Œ 垍 (Gen. 50:26) is to be parsed as a Hofal (cf. Sam. Pent. v.l. ¦²ž¢ž). This form is generated by the Hebrew phonetic rule uyC > ĪC (i.e., *wayyuyŔæm > wayyĪŔæm). For further discussion of this phenomenon, see J. Blau, “Marginalia Semitica I,” Israel Oriental Studies 1 (1971) 2.

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY My understanding of the verb ±¡© is based on the interpretation of ±¡© ¢©ž™² as ‘my prayer is guarded’, with the implied agent being God–cf. ¢³­² ¥œ ¥« Ž±íŠ† © (Ps. 141:3). Case 3 is based on the interpretation of the line ±š« ¥«¤ ž³œ¢  ¡«ž as referring to the descent, as it were, of the Torah onto Mt. Sinai: ‘His Riddle [=Torah] was made to dart, as on pinion[s].’ If this interpretation is correct, then the Hofal ¡«ž is to be assigned to the denoninative verbal root ¡¢« ‘to dart (like a bird of prey)’. This verb is attested 2x in BH, both in the Qal– ¥™ ¦« ['±°] ¡«  垍 ['±°] ¥¥² (I Sam. 14:32); ¥¥² ¥™ ¡« ñ  ž (I Sam. 15:19). 466 §13vv Hofal Usage Related to MH Hofal passive attested in MH 1) ±³¤ ‘to be crowned (of an answered prayer)’ (³¥™³/12) (cf. ±¢³¤¥ [²žœ°/36]) 2) ž²±¢ ‘to be permitted’ (¡²°™/32) 3) ³²ž ‘to be founded, implanted’ (¡²°™/7), ž³²ž ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/173) (cf. under §13qq) Notes: The denominative verb ±¢³¤ ‘to crown’ is attested in MH (cf. also ±¢³¤¥ [²žœ°/36]). For the Hofal (participle), cf. ¢¤œ±§ ¢ žªž§¢©š ±³¤ž§ (BT Meg. 12b). In BH, the Hifil (Hab. 1:4), along with the Piel, mean ‘to surround’. The denominative meaning may be present in ¦¢°¢œ¯ ž±³¤ Š ¢ ¢š (Ps. 142:8) and ³«œ ž±³¤ Š ¢ ¦¢§ž±«ž (Prov. 14:18), but such an interpretation is problematic on the grounds that ±³¤ ‘crown’ is only attested in the late book of Esther. 467 Hofal as passive of MH Hifil 1) ±­ªš ¡±‰ Ž ‘to be incised Æ to be written’ (±¤Ÿ/8) (cf. ¢ž ¡¢± § ž©¢™ ¦™...¦¢±¡¥­ ³ž©š¥ ¯ž± ™ž² £¥§¥...ž¢©­¥ ¦¥ž« ³™ ¡¢± § ...ž¢³žœžª¢ ®±™š [PRE 3]) 2) ¨§¤§  Ÿ± ‘to be hidden’ (¤¢ª©™/39) Notes: In MH, the verb ¨¢§¤ ‘to hide (trans.)’ is used in the technical sense ‘to place witnesses in an ambush (so as to catch an offender in the act)’. 468 In the present case, on the other hand, its meaning is generic.

466

Cf. GKC, §72ff. Cf. BDB, 509, s.v. ±³¤. 468 Cf. Moreshet, 192, s.v. ¨§¤. 467

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MORPHOLOGY Hofal as passive of MH Qal 1) ž«š¡ž ¢©œ™ž ®±™ ¢³«š¡š ‘to be minted, struck’ (¢©©° ¢¢/161; Gen. 1x v.l. ž«š¡¢©) 2) ª©° ‘to be imposed (of punishment)’ (±¤Ÿ/42) Notes: The Hofal «š¡Ž is attested 3x in BH, with the meaning ‘to be sunk, planted’. It is in this sense that it appears in ¢©œ™ § ¥« ž«š¡Ž (Job 38:6), on which the case cited from the Corpus is based. The addition of instrumental ¢³«š¡š makes it clear that Qillir is employing the verb as a passive of the MH denominative «š¡ ‘to coin, mint’. For further cases of this verb in the Corpus, see «žš¡, ¦¢«žš¡ (§13d). §13ww Independent Hofal Usage Hofal denominative 1) ¦¢¥š›ž§ ž¢ ¦¢œ¯±§ ‘to be placed around a boundary’ (ž³³/385) Å ¥žš› ‘boundary’ (cf. also ž¥š›Ž [§13uu]) 2) ¨©«§Ž š« ‘to be made (subj. cloud)’ ( ³­¢/16; cf. ¨¢©«¥ [§13rr] and Yannai: ¨©«ž ¥™š ±[²]™ ¨©« [š¤°/Ÿ¢]) Å ¨©« ‘cloud’ Notes: Case 1 is part of a description of the cataclysm that occurred during the giving of the Torah on Mt. Sinai, which was chosen from among the other mountains as the site of the revelation. The rejected mountains look on jealously (¦¢œ¯±§), in a description based on ¦¢©©š› ¦¢± ¨žœ¯±³ §¥ (Ps. 68:17). The substantivized participle ¦¢¥š›ž§ refers to the mountains, which have, as it were, gathered around Mt. Sinai. The origin of the epithet may therefore be sought in the instructions given to Moses concerning the setting of bounds around Mt. Sinai in anticipation of the revelation: ± ³™ ¥š› ‹ (Exod. 19:23; cf. also v. 12). In that case, it would mean something like ‘the ones outside of the boundary’, which is directly comparable to ¦¢¥š›©, predicated of the Israelites (cf. §13k/Nifal denominative). 469

469 The association of the Hebrew root ¥š› with Arabic jabal ‘mountain’ is tempting in this connection, though probably not relevant.

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY §13xx Repetition of the Same Root in Different Stems 470 Qal/Nifal: ¦¢­ª™©//¦¢­ªž™//¦¢­žª™ (°¢­™/21-22). Qal/Nifal/Hitpael: ²«±³ñž//²«±©//²«± (¡§ ®±™/1-4). Qal pass. part./Nifal: ¦¢°° ©//¦¢°ž°  (¥™/545). Qal/Piel 1) ¦¢­ª §//¦¢­ªž  (°¢­™/21-22; cf. §13l) 2) çš™//¤š™ (£¢š™™/8-9) 3) ¢ç §//¢¤Õ  (£¢š™™/58-59; this doublet is attested in Isa. 30:18) Qal pass. part./Pual: ¦¢°°žŸ§//¦¢°ž°Ÿ (¥™/547-548). Qal/Hifil 1) œ ¢ ±°² ž³²™ ¦« ©«ž "©«³ ™¥" ±­ (¢©©° ¢¢/252) 2)  œ§ ›©«// žœ ±ž²« (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/31) 3)  ž§ ³ž©ž«//...// §§ ³ž±š« (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/31-32) Qal stat./Hofal: ¦¢§¥²ž§ž ¦¢§¢¥² (¥™/577). Nifal/Pual 1) ¦¢°°ž §//¦¢°° © (ž³™/373-374) 2) ¦¢°Ÿ ©ž//¦¢°Ÿž §ž ¦¢±™žš§ (¥™/543-546) Nifal/Nitpaal 1a) «œžž³©//«œž© (¢©©° ¢¢/287-288) 1b) ž«œž©//ž«œ¢¢³©//ž«œžž³© (¢©©° ¢¢/154-156) Notes: In case 1b the Nitpaal is doubly realized as a root I/w and I/y. Piel/Hifil 1) ¦¢§¢²›§//¦¢§â𛠢©©« (š«/7) 2) œš™¥ ‹ ¢±¢œ™//œš™ ¢³§œ™ (£¢š™™/21) 3) £¢¥¢§ ³«§² ¦¢¥ž¥¢¤¥ ¦¢¥ž¥¢¤¥ «§¢² "¢¤©™" (ž³³/392-393; AN) 4) «œ¢¢//«œž (¢©©° ¢¢/287-288) 5) ž¥¢«//ž¥« (¥™/592-593) 6) ž™ð©š ž¢ªž§«//...//ž™¢ðš œ¢ ŸžŸ« (¤¢ª©™/31)

470 For the use of this technique in the piyyutim of Shemuel HaShelishi, see N. Katsumata, ¢²¢¥² ¥™ž§² ¢¡ž¢­š ¢±š« ¨ž©›ª (Leiden/Boston: Brill/Styx, 2003) 199.

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MORPHOLOGY Notes: The two clauses in case 3 belong to the last stich of a primary strophe, and the first stich of a secondary stophe, respectively. Formally, the two are only required to be connected by anadiplosis, but in this case, they are entirely parallel. Pual/Hofal: ±¡©Ž ¢©ž™²//±¡©§ ®°š (°¢­™/2). Polal/Nitpolel 1a) ¢³¥¥ž ³© ¥¥ž ³© ™¥ œ« ®±™//¢³¥¥ž  ³ž§ž³ ¨¢™š (¢©©° ¢¢/135-136) 1b) ¢³¥¥ž ³© ¦¥ž« ³ž«š› ±° //¢³¥¥ž  ³ž«š› ¢©­¥ (¢©©° ¢¢/162-163) Notes: In both cases, the first stich is a quote from Prov. 8:24 and v. 25, respectively. Hofal/Nifal: œ°­©//œ°­ž (¦™/3) §13yy Repetition of “Root + Stem” with a Change in Meaning Hifil (internal and causative): ©²¢ ¢©™... ¢±­¥...//... ¢±­ž ³š± (¦™/7)

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CHAPTER 3 – SYNTAX §14 NOMINAL SYNTAX The discussion below is organized in accordance with the three case functions that may be described for any Hebrew dialect: the nominative, genitive and accusative. §14a Extrapositioning of the Subject 471 with finite verb 1) ³ °¥ š¯//¥  ™¥² ¡š¤ ¨ž§œ™ ‘The Reddish One [=Esau], when he saw that she had not given birth (lit. writhed), wished to take her.’ (¨š™/5; A) 2a) ±¢šª ©§ ¦¢©² ³ž¡§//±¢š› ³°©™ ³¤ª¤ ¢ ‘God, when He heard the cry of the Master [=Jacob], promised [that] two tribes [would arise] from her.’ (¨š™/10; A) 2b) ¦¢§...¦©  ³©³§ ³³ ±ð¢//...¡š¤ ¢ ‘God, when He looked…kindly gave water gratis…’ (¡²°™/20; A [2x]) 3) ©²œ ¥¤³š ²™¢³© ž§š//©²¢³© °œ¯š ±²™ ¦™ ‘The Mother who had grown old in righteousness [=Sarah], [just] when she had given up hope, was fattened in the end.’ (¦™/1; A [2x]) 4) ¦¤¥ž°š «§²¢ ™ž ±²š ¥¤ ™­ž± ‘The One who heals all flesh [=God], He will hear your voice.’ (£¢š™™/47; A) 5) ¢²±¢ ™ž...²§ Ÿ ‘This Moses…he will inherit me.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/339341) with temporal infinitive

471

In adition to the cases of extraposition listed below, the Corpus shows a case in which the nominative absolute does not correspond to any resumptive element within the following clause: ²žœ°ž//ž³ž¤¥§ œžš¤ £¥§¢ ¥¤ ¨¢«¥//ž³¤™¥§ ž±§›¤//ž³¤¢¥ ‘As to the glory of His kingdom and the holiness of His ways…’ (¤¢ª©™/22). This example may also be regarded as a special case of anacoluthon.

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 1) 2) 3) 4) 5)

ž¤±«š ¨¢œ £Ÿ ‘the Pure One [=God], when He sets judgment in order’ (¤¢ª©™/13; A) £¥§¥ ž™šš ™› ‘the Proud One [=God], when He comes to rule’ (¤¢ª©™/25) ¨§¢³§ ž™šš//¨§™© «ž± ‘the Faithful Shepherd [=God], when He comes from Teiman’ (¤¢ª©™/40; A) ¦¥«§š ž¢›¢±² ‘His tendrils (i.e., offspring), when/if they act unfaithfully’ (±¤Ÿ/16; A) «²­§ ¦šž²š//«²± ¢©ž ¯ ¬©¡ ‘the sin-reeking soiled ones, when they return from iniquity’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/18; A)

Notes: In addition to the cases listed here, there is an instance wherein the subject of the infinitival clause is represented first by a genitive pronoun, and then by a noun phrase, which is probably best understood as a delayed nominative absolute: ¥™ Ÿž« ¥ž° ž³³ ¦¢¥ › ¢œ¢­¥ žš¥ž²//¦¢¥™ ‘When He gave forth His powerful voice, i.e., the God of gods, fiery torches burned’ (ž³³/381; A). §14b Extrapositioning of the Direct Object or Genitive direct object 1) ±§Ÿ žž²œ //³ž¢¤Ÿ œ«¥ ±¤žŸ ‘The One who remembers merits forever [=God], sing Him a new song!’ (œ¢­™™/4; A [2x]) 2) žžœ ¢// ±¡ ª§ž« šž¡ ‘The Good One, who caries the burden [=God], declare him to be One!’ (œ¢­™™/5; A [2x]) 3) ᳞™ £§²¥ ³²œ°//¦¢§ ¢¥ © ®±™ ²šœž š¥  ³šŸ ‘One flowing with milk and honey, a land of torrents of water, You sanctified it unto Your name.’ (¦©¤³/16; A [2x]) 4) ¦³ž™²¥ Ž //¦¢™ð©ž ¦¢Ÿž©› ¦¢§ ‘the hidden (i.e., lower) and elevated waters, to marry them’ ( ³­¢/12; F) 5) ²±œ ᳞™ œ¢§³//²™±§ ²ž±œ ³™ ‘The one looked after from the beginning [of the year until the end of the year] [=the land of Israel], look after it always!’ ( ³­¢/13; FV) 6) ž«±™ § Úî‹ Þ ²¤ ¢ž±Ÿ œšž™ ‘As to the one wandering scattered like a sheep [=Israel], seek out what has happened to him!’ (£¢š™™/22; AN; A) 7) ¦§¢± ¥ ¦¢§° ‘those who rise up [against Israel], to destroy them’ (£¢š™™/64) 8) ¦¢¥š ¦žŸ ™ ¦¢§« ‘As for the nations, terrors seized them.’ (ž³³/384; A)

244

SYNTAX ¦œ¢§« ¦¥ž¤...±žœž ±žœ ¥¤ ‘Every generation…all of them, He caused them to stand.’ (¥™/574-575) 10) ±¤Ÿ¢ ¦±±­²¥//³ž±­ž² ²›±//³ž±­¤¥ ¢©© §//³ž±­ª§ «š± ‘The multitudinous dust-cloud, those praying for atonement [=Israel], may He remember the tumult of the shofarot so as to adorn them.’ (±¤Ÿ/6; A) 11) žŸ ™¥ ®ž±¢ °œ¯ ‘Righteousness, let him run to grasp it.’ ( ¢«œ ™²™ °œ¯š/11) 9)

Notes: Case 5 is unusual in that the nominative absolute is marked as a direct object by means of the particle ³™, which is then mapped into the main clause. This construction is necessitated by the fact that the ³™ is supplied by the framing verse. It is attested, though rarely, in BH–e.g., ©©³™ £¥ ™± ³™ ±²™ ®±™ ¥¤ ³™ (Gen. 13:15). 472 prepositional object 1) ±¡«¥ ™¢› ¦š ¦¢š™ ‘green shoots, to crown the earth with them’ (¬™/2; A) 2) ±¡§ ¢¥™ž² ¦š ¨ž©› ¦¢¯ž§™ ‘As to the ones clinging to God [=Patriarchs], protect through them those who ask for rain [=Israel]!’ (¬™/3; A) 3) ™²™ ¨¢« ž¢¥™//™²©ž ¦± ±ž¯ ‘The Rock, high and elevated [=God], to Him I will lift my eye[s].’ (°¢­™/18; A) genitive 1) ¡­²§š ±¤Ÿ¢ ž¤±« ¨¢ //"¡­²§ ²«¢ ™¥" ±¤Ÿ ‘As to the memory of [the One who said,] Shall [the Judge of the whole earth] not perform justice?” [=Abraham], may his supplicatory prayer be remembered at the time of judgment.’ (³™/4; A [2x]) 2) ±§™š ¢ž¥³ ¦š¯°//¦¢§§ ž¥œš ±²™ ¥œžš ¢§ ¢žž¢° ‘As to the gathering of the separate waters, which were separated from the water, their fixed place is suspended from the Divine Utterance.’ (¡²°™/37; A [2x]) 3)  ³­§ žœ¢š ¢¢ ‘The Lord, in His hand is the key [to the heavens].’ ( ³­¢/5; FV; A) 4) ž³¢«±§ ¨¢¤ ¥¢¥ ³¥¢­¤§//ž³«¡§ ²œ° «±Ÿ ‘The holy seed, His planting [=Israel], from [the time of] the doubling of the night (i.e., wintertime) He has prepared its pasturage.’ ( ³­¢/75; FV)

472

Cf. W&O, 183.

245

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 5) 6)

²«±© ¦³¢¢  ¢±› ‘As for its dwellers, their living [soul] quaked.’ (¡§ ®±™/3; A) ¥«³ ¢¡±¢ ¦«¥¯¥//¥«­ ¥¤ ³ž™š¯ ‘As for the hosts of all Creation, He will provide a cure for their hurt (lit. limping).’ (¤¢ª©™/36; A)

§14c Cognate Nominative 1) 2)

³ž±¢¥ ±ž¢ ±¡§ ‘may the yoreh-rain pierce’ ( ³­¢/37; cf. §19g) ®±™ ¥¤ ¥« £¥§ ¢š £¥§ ‘The King over the whole earth [=God] ruled through me.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/223)

§14d Clause Functioning as Subject 1) 2)

"¦œ™ ¢©­ ¦¢©­"...¦¢±§ž™ "ž©§ ©¢ Ÿ" ‘“This one will comfort us,” (Gen. 5:29) say…“their face is the face of a man” [=angels] (Ezek. 1:10).’ (¢©©° ¢¢/263) ž¥ž§¥ ž²«± "¨žœžœ¢ ¨žœžœ¢" ‘“They flutter about” [=angels] (Ps. 68:13) quaked before Him.’ (¥™/595)

§14e Triple Construct Phrase material occupying entire stich (not including F or FV):  ¤ ¢±žš› ¥œ› (œ¢­™™/2; A [2x]); ¥§  › ¢›ž (œ¢­™™/3; A [2x]); ¥¢ š ¢³±²§ ‹ ™±ž§ (œ¢­™™/7; A [2x]); ¦¢²žœ° ¦« ³ž¥° (œ¢­™™/10; A [2x]); ¥ž° «§² ±­ž² (œ¢­™™/11; A [2x]); ®±« ¢§² ³žš±™ ( ³­¢/3; A); ™¥‹ §Ž ¢§‹ ³¢¯§ ( ³­¢/18; A; cf. ž§¥ ž¯é¢ Ž ™¥§ ¢§ž [Ps. 73:10]); ±­› ¢žš  ¨§Ÿ ( ³­¢/25; A); 473 ±š ¢³« ¢©¢š§ ( ³­¢/30); ³ž±¢² œžœ› ¢œœž›§ ( ³­¢/38); šž©³ ¨žœ« ¦¢ ±­ ( ³­¢/49); «ž² ¢±¢¤Ÿ§ š¢© ( ³­¢/53; A); ²§¤ ³é  ¢«¡© ( ³­¢/55; A); ¢²¢¥² ¬ž¯ ±ž¡ (¡§ ®±™/9; A); ¦¢©©™² ³š² ¢š¯ (³¢¥¤³/440; A); ¦¢¯ž°¢² ±°² ³¢§±³ (¦ž¡™/510; A); ¦¢¥¢¢  ¢±žš› ³ž™š¯ (¥™/620); ¨ž© š ³ž¤š ¥ž° (¤¢ª©™/7); ³ž¢¤š ¥ž° ›™² (¤¢ª©™/18); ³ž¤¢§©  ž± ¢™¤œ (¤¢ª©™/8; A); ¤žš§ ¦ž¢ £±™¥ (¤¢ª©™/16); ³ž¢¤œ ¥ž¯ «š¡ (¤¢ª©™/18); ®±« ³ž±­ž² œ ­ (¤¢ª©™/34; A); ³ž¢±š ¨ž§ ¨ž™² (¤¢ª©™/42; A); ¨ž§ ¦¢™ž±š ¨ž™² (±¤Ÿ/36; A); ³¢²™± ±ž¤š ²±² (±¤Ÿ/3; A); ±­ª Ÿ ¨ž±¤Ÿ ¦ž¢° (±¤Ÿ/8; A); ±ž™² «± ¨ ¯ (±¤Ÿ/10; A); «²± ¢©ž ¯ ¬©¡ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/18; A); ³ž¡ž§ ¥« ¢™²ž© (±¤Ÿ/18; A); ³ž¡§ ±œ  ®­© (±¤Ÿ/18; A); ¨¤žœ ¥ž° ¦«ž© (±¤Ÿ/24); ¨ž©­™ ¢‹±ž™ ¢¡­²§ (±¤Ÿ/25); ¨ž©² °±š ²°¢ (±¤Ÿ/26); ±¢¯° ³ž™ 473 The ed., ad loc., vocalizes ¢žš  as an absolute. It seems preferable, however, to vocalize ±­Œ › ¢âšˆ  ‘the one hidden in [an ark of] gopher-wood’, on the model of phrases such as ¢³¢ Š š‹ ¢‹±ßŽ (Job 19:15).

246

SYNTAX ¦¢¡  (±¤Ÿ/27); ¦¢¡­² ³«š±™  ±¡ (±¤Ÿ/28; A); ¥¢¥ ¢¡­²§ ³žœž³ (±¤Ÿ/29); ¥¢¥ œ°­§ ±°  (±¤Ÿ/30; A); §ž ¥ž° ±ž¯š (±¤Ÿ/42; A); ³ž™ ±°š ³œž°­ (±¤Ÿ/43; A); ³ž™ Ÿ§± ¨ž¢¯ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/35; A); ¨³§ ³ž¥ž° ²¥² (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/37; A). material occupying entire stich where 1st word is fixed (F): ²™± ±¤Ÿ ³ž±­« (±¤Ÿ/5; A); ±­ª ³™¢±° ±¤Ÿ (±¤Ÿ/7; A);  ±Ÿ™ ³¥«­ ±¤Ÿ (±¤Ÿ/11; A); ¢±ž§ ³œ°« ±¤Ÿ (±¤Ÿ/13; A); ³ž¡§ ¢šž°© ±¤Ÿ (±¤Ÿ/17; A); ¦¢±­¤ ¨¢¥ ±¤Ÿ (±¤Ÿ/21; A); ¨¤²§ œžš¤ ±¤Ÿ (±¤Ÿ/23; A); ¨ž© œ¢¥¢ ±¤Ÿ (±¤Ÿ/25; A); ¦«¡ ±¤Ÿ ¦¢¡­ž² (±¤Ÿ/27; A); ¥¢¥ ³ž¯  ±¤Ÿ (±¤Ÿ/29; A). material occupying entire stich where 1st word is fixed (F) and 3rd word is a key-word: ±­ž² ¨³§ ¥ž°š (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/3); ±­ž²  ¤ ¥ž°š (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/4); ±­ž² ¨ž™­° ¥ž°š (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/5); ±­ž² ²š  ¥ž°š (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/7); ±­ž² ³±š« ¥ž°š (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/8); ±­ž² ³œ±  ¥ž°š (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/9); ±­ž² ³­¢­¤ ¥ž°š (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/10); ±­ž² ¥¢  ¥ž°š (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/11); ±­ž²  ž± ¥ž°š (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/12); ±­ž² «°³ ¥ž° (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/13); ±­ž² «§² ¥ž°š (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/14, 30); ³ž±  ¥ž°š ±­ž² (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/15); ±­ž² ³œ ¥ž°š (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/17); «ž² ¥ž°š ±­ž² (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/18); ±­ž² ²žœ  ¥ž°¥ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/19); ±žì² ¥ž°š ±­ž² (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/20); ±­ž² ¨ž™² ¥ž°š (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/21); ³±«ª ¥ž°š ±­ž² (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/23); ±­ž² ¦«ž© ¥ž°š (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/24; v.l. ¦«¡ ¥ž°); ±­ž² °Ÿž  ¥ž°š (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/25); ±­ž² ²žè² ¥ž°š (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/26); ±­ž² ›™² ¥ž°š (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/28); ±­ž² £ž¥ ¥ž°š (°œ¯ ¢«œ ™²™/29); ¥ž° ±­ž²  ±¯ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/31); ±­ž² ±ží  ¥ž° (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/32); ¥ž°š ±­ž² ³ž¥ž° (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/33); ±­ž² ³¢§ ¥ž°š (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/34); ¥ž°š ±­ž² ¨ž§ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/43); ±­ž² ¬žñ² ¥ž°š (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/35); ¥ž°š ±­ž² š±« (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/36); ±­ž² ±³« ¥ž°š (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/38); ¥ž°š ±­ž² ¥œ› (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/39); ±­ž² š¥ ¥ž°š (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/40); ¥ž°š ±­ž² ³ž±žš› (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/41); ±­ž² ³±« ¥ž°š (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/42). material where 3rd word is a key-word (®±™): ®±™ ¢š²ž¢ ¢±ž  ( £¥§ ¡­²§š/12); ®±™ ³ž¤¥§§ ™ª¤ (¡­²§š £¥§/13). material where 3rd word is a key-word (¦¢§): ¦¢§ ³¤™¥§  ž¥ ¥ (¡²°™/1); ¦¢§ ¥«­§ ²«§ (¡²°™/2); ¦¢§ ¢°§« £±™ (¡²°™/15); «±›§Š ¦¢§ ¢­¡© (¡²°™/24); ¦¢§ œœž§ ‹  ¤ (¡²°™/25); ¦¢§ ³œ§ ¨ž¤³ (¡²°™/30); ¦¢§ ³¥¢Ÿ ³ © (¡²°™/36); ¦¢§ ›¥² Ÿ § (¡²°™/42); ¥ž° ¦¢§ ¢žš± (¡²°™/42); ¦¢§ ¢²™± «žš± (¡²°™/44); ¦¢§ ¢­¡© «‹  ±› §† (¦©¤³/6); ¦¢§ «š± ³ž±¤Ÿ (¦©¤³/10); ¦¢§ ³žš°© ³¢±­ (¦©¤³/10); ±¡§ «²¢ ¦¢§ (¦©¤³/11); ¦¢§ ³±° ¢žž™ (¦©¤³/14); ¦¢§ ¢¥ © ®±™ (¦©¤³/16; =Deut. 8:7); ¦¢§ ±¡§  ³­§ (¦©¤³/17); ¦¢§ ž°§ ±«²§ (¦©¤³/19). 247

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY material where 3rd word is a key-word (²™±): ²™± ¦œ° ¢¥™ (¥™/608); ²™± ³¤žª© °ž  (¥™/613). other material: œž°­ ¦ž¢ ¥¢  (³™/1); œ°« ² ¨²œ (³™/12); ¥ž¥­ ¨¢©§¥ («²³) ³ž§² (³¥™³/6); ž±¢š› £±š§† ±¤Ÿ (³¥™³/8); ¦¢±© ¢ž³™ šž™ (³¥™³/9); ¦¢šž±¤ ¢²™± œ¯š (¡­²§š £¥§/68); ³ž™š¯ ¢¥™ ²™±š ( £¥§ ¡­²§š/74); ±¡§ ±² ¦² (¬™/1); ¥«§ ¢­±² ¥¢  (¡²°™/15); ¨žš±  ¨ž¢ ¯ ®¢° (¡²°™/36); ¥œžš ¢§ ¢žž¢° (¡²°™/37); ¦² ¢ž©¤  š² (¡²°™/41); œž°« ¢©š ±Õ›ˆ  ( ³­¢/6); ²™± ±ž¤š  ¢² ( ³­¢/14); °œ ³­¤ ³«Ÿ ( ³­¢/17); ±ž² ¢±°«§ ™¢› ( ³­¢/18); ³ž¯±™ ¢žž± ¨©« (¨©«/13); ¢©±Ž› ¢¯  ¥›« (£¢š™™/1; cf. ¥›« ¨±› ¢¯  [M Sanh. 4:3]); ³«œ  ž± ±Ÿ (£¢š™™/23); ¨ž¢¥« ¨¢§¢ ³ž«š¯™ (£¢š™™/32); ¦¥ž« ¦« ¢©‰« (£¢š™™/40; note alliteration); ¦žœ™ ³š ¥žš› (£¢š™™/44); ³ž¡§ ±œ  ¨ž¡™ (£¢š™™/50; A); šž¡ ³©² ³¤±š (£¢š™™/53); ¢¢œ¢ ²«§ ±™ž³ (¢¤©™/49); ³¢²™± ¨¢¢©° ¨³§ (š³¤š Ÿ™/60); "¢¤©™" ³œ ¨ž± ( Ÿ™ š³¤š/65); ¦¥ž« ³ž«š› ±°  (¢©©° ¢¢/163); ®±™ ³ž±žœ ¢²™± (¢©©° ¢¢/226); ¦œ™ ²«§ ¦²š (¢©©° ¢¢/257); (¦¢° ²) ¨¤ž² «š¯™ š³¤ (ž³™/372); š¥  ¢œ ¦¢œ² (¨žŸ™/453); ¦¢± ™ «¢›¢ ³œž°­ (° ±³/496); ™ž² ³žœ« ³ž¥­¡ (¦ž¡™/514); ¦¥ž« ¢  ³§¢™§ (¥™/566); ž¥œ› œžš¤ ¢©©« (¥™/588). Notes: Though construct chains containing more than two members, are attested in BH, they are a fairly rare phenomenon. 474 Frequently, when a potential for such a chain exists, it is resolved in BH by a periphrastic construction. 475 As may be ascertained from the list above, on the other hand, the construction is rather commonly attested in the Corpus. It is preferred under three formal conditions: 1) in stichoi whose metrical structure may be satisfied by 3 words per stich, 2) in stichoi beginning with a fixed word, and 3) in stichoi whose rhyme scheme is based on a repeated (terminal) key word. Sometimes, all three conditions are satisfied simulataneously. In certain cases, the triple construct chain can be shown to be an expanded version of a phrase consisting of two elements, such that the expanded chain satisfies the first condition, e.g.,  ¤ ¢±žš› ¥œ› is expanded from  ¤ ¢±š› (Ps. 103:20), which is also attested as such in (¢² ³±ž²³/6). Similarly in the case of ²™± ¦œ° ¢¥™ Å ¢¥™ ¦œ° (Deut. 33:27), ³ž¤¢§©  ž± ¢™¤œ Å  ž± ¢™¤œ (Ps. 34:19), ±­ž² --- ¥ž° Å the common BH phrase ±­ž² ¥ž°, and ¦¢¥¢¢  ¢±žš› ³ž™š¯ Å the

474 475

Cf. GKC, §128a. Cf. GKC, §129d.

248

SYNTAX common BH phrase ¥¢  ¢±žš›. Likewise in the case of ¥§ › ¢›ž (³¢ Ÿ™/9) Å ¥§ ¢›ž. Chains may also be built up by means of prefixing different words to a stable construct pair–i.e., ³ž¡§ ±œ  ®­© ‘the destruction of the bedchamber [=Temple]’ and ³ž¡§ ±œ  ¨ž¡™ ‘the yarn of the bedchmber [=Temple]’; ³ž¤š ¥ž° ¨ž©  ‘the tearful sound of praying’ and ³ž¢¤š ¥ž° ›™² ‘the tearful sound of roaring’. Furthermore, a chain may be varied by substituting one cognate synonym for another–i.e., ±­ž² ³¢§ ¥ž° ‘the sound of the roaring of the shorar’ and ±­ž² ¨ž§ ¥ž° ‘the sound of the din of the shofar’. For pairs of chains involving construct phrases in a relation of chiasm, see §28p. §14f Quadruple Construct Phrase (Including ¥¤) ¢²¢¥² œžª¢ ²™± ³©­ ‘the cornerstone of the third foundation [=Jacob]’ (¨š™/2) 2) ¦¢©­ «š± ±­ª§ ž¢Ÿ ‘the glorious [total] number of the fourfold complement[s] of “faces”’ (¡²°™/13; A; cf. §30c) 3) ³²° ™±§ ᛩ œž ‘the glorious brightness of the appearance of the rainbow’ ( ³­¢/20) 4) ±­« ±ž› ³§œ™ œœŒ §Œ ‘the measure of the land of the whelp [=Judah/Israel]’ ( ³­¢/26) 5) ¢±š ¥¤ ²ž°« ²«§ ‘the perverted act[s] of every creature’ ( ³­¢/61; FV) 6a) ¦¢©ž³ ³ž ¦ž± ¥«ž­ ¥¤ ³¢¥¤³ ‘the end of the whole creation of the height[s] and the lower spheres’ (³¢¥¤³/438; A) (cf. £¥§ ¥¤ ¥¤³ [¤¢ª©™/11] and ¥«­ ¥¤ ³ž™š¯ [¤¢ª©™/36]) 6b) ²«§ ¥¤ ³¥ ³ ±¤Ÿ ‘the remembrance of the beginning of all Creation’ (±¤Ÿ/1; F; A) 6c) ¥«­ ¥¤  ¤ž ±¤Ÿ ‘the rememberance of the reproof of all Creation’ (±¤Ÿ/33; F; A) 8) ±ž™ ¢œ±ž§ ¨ž­¯ ±¤Ÿ ‘the remembrance of the one hidden from among those who rebelled against the light [=Noah]’ (±¤Ÿ/9) 1)

Notes: In cases 2 and 3 the first word in the chain is an abstract noun, for whose role in the creating of construct chains in piyyut see the discussion in §28o. Quadruple chains are rare in BH, but they are attested–e.g., ®±™ ¦« ¢²™± š¥ (Job 12:24). 476

476

Cf. W&O, 140.

249

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY §14g Construct Distributed over a Coordinated Noun Phrase ¦¢§²ž ®±™ ›ž  (¡²°™/4); ¦¢©ž³ ³ž ¦ž± ¥«ž­ (³¢¥¤³/438; cf. ³žœ¥ž³ ®±™ž ¦¢§² [Gen. 2:4]); ¦¢§ž ²™ ¢¤ž³­ (¡²°™/5); ¦¢§ž ²™ ¢­©¤ (¡²°™/17); ª¢ª«ž š¥  ¬¡© ( ³­¢/44); ³ž¯ž ž ®±™ ³¢ñŠ چ § (¢©©° ¢¢/172, 175); ¦¢©­ž † ®ž  ³¤™¥§ (³¢¥¤³/446); ³¢šž ¨ž ³¥ © (¨žŸ™/458); ±±žª ³œ ¦¢©šš ±ž§ž (¨žŸ™/460; R; cf. ±ž§ž ±±žª ¨š [Deut. 21:18, 20]); ²™ ³±žœ§ ¦¢¯«ž (¦ž¡™/460; cf. š± ¦¢¯«ž ²™ á³±œ§ [Isa. 30:33]); ¦¢³š ³žœž§ ³ ¦¢¥™ž (³žœž§ ³/524); ¦¢°²§ž ¦¢¥¤™ °³§ (¥™/544); ¦¢° ž  ³¢±š ±§™§ (±¤Ÿ/20); ±²«ž ³ž¥œ ±¤Ÿ (±¤Ÿ/37; F); § ž ¥š ±¤Ÿ (±¤Ÿ/41; F); ©ž§™ ±¤Ÿ ±°²ž (±¤Ÿ/43; F); ±³ªž ¢ž¥› ±šœ (±¤Ÿ/38); ±³¢ž ±ª  ¢œ ‘a sufficiency [between] lacking and excess’ (±¤Ÿ/38); ¢œ« ¦¢±¯«©ž «š² ¦¢››ž  ±žíš ¦¢§ (¦©¤³/21); ¦¢«§ ¢¥ ž š™¤ž ¨¢ ² ¢ ž±¡ (¦©¤³/14). Notes: As the data make clear, such distributive structures are encountered in those cases where the coordinated noun phrase consists of semantically related dyads or triads. The same phenomenon has been observed in the case of BH: “The more closely related the genitives are, the more likely they are to form such a phrase.” 477 §14h Interupted Construct Chain participle + prepositional phrase 1) ³ž±­¤¥ ¢©© § ‘those praying for atonement’ (±¤Ÿ/6) 2) ™±ž§ ¥¢ š ¢³±²§ ‘those who serve while trembling with fear’ (œ¢­™™/7) 3) ¨ž±›š ¢™±ž°ž ±­ž²š ¢«°ž³ ‘those who blow the shofar and cry out loudly’ (¡­²§š £¥§/31) 4) £š ¢«¢›¢ ‘those who toil for you’ (¨žŸ™/456) participle + temporal adverb(ial phrase) + nomen rectum/prep. phr. 1) ³ž¤Ÿ ¨¢œ ¦ž¢š ¢²­ § ‘those who seek merit on the Day of Judgment’ (¤¢ª©™/8; R) 2) £³¥³ ±¢² ³š²š ¢¤±ž« ‘those who set out a song praising You on the Sabbath’ (³±«žª ¦™/31) 3) ¨±°š ¦ž¢ ¢«°ž³ ‘those who blow the horn today’ (œ¢­™™/°) Notes: In cases 1 and 2, a rearrangement of the sentence constituents yields the syntactically normal sequence ¦ž¢š ³ž¤Ÿ ¢²­ § ¨¢œ and ³š²š £³¥³ ±¢² ¢¤±ž«. 477

W&O, 139.

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SYNTAX participle + -¥ + complementary infinitive 1) «¢±¥ ¢«œž¢ ‹ ‘those who know how to sound the shofar blast’ (³±œ™/°; cf. «ž±³ ¢«œž¢ [œ¢­™™/°] = Ps. 89:16) 2) ¢©§ ¥Ž ¥† ¢§§žŸ ‹ ‘those who plot to battle against me’ (£¢š™™/71) Notes: In BH, prepositional phrases standing after a construct are most frequently attested after participles. This fact is most readily explained by the ambivalent grammatical status of the participle, which is part noun and part verb, and therefore capable of either nominal or verbal government. In the majority of cases where a participle in construct governs a mediated object in the genitive, the preposition is suppressed, owing to the nominal nature of the construction–cf. ž§°§š š¤‹ ² ¢¥«ž (I Sam. 3:2; participle as verb) versus ±š° ¢š¤ ‹ ² (Ps. 88:6; participle as noun). 478 This type of construction is attested in the Corpus–cf. ¨ž±š  ¢‹©²¢ ‹ ( £¥§ ¡­²§š/30). In some cases, however, the preposition is not suppressed–e.g., ¨¢œ§ ¥« ¢š² ‹ ¢ (Judg. 5:10; quoted in [¡­²§š £¥§/19]); ³ž§¥¯ ®±™š ¢š² ‹ ¢ (Isa. 9:1)–and the result is a broken construct chain. 479 Likewise, we find the expected objective genitive in ¢œšž« ¥«š (II Kings 10:19, 21), whereas the def. dir. obj. marker is not suppressed in the case of ¢³Š ™ ¢³±²§ ‹ (Jer. 33:22; cf. ¢³±²§  in v. 21). For the participle in construct governing a complementary infinitive, cf. ¦â° ¢§¢ ‹ çŠ Ú† § (Ps. 127:2) and «‹  ±Ž ¢œ‹ é ¥Š (Jer. 13:23). In both of these BH cases, the -¥ prefix is not employed, as opposed to the Corpus, which shows a much greater degree of cohesion between the -¥ and the infinitive than does BH (cf. §19). In analyzing the data listed here, one might conclude that in the Corpus, the masc. pl. construct morpheme ¢‹- seems to occur in free variation with the expected masc. pl. abs. morpheme ¦¢Š-. Thus, “predicate participle + prepositional phrase” is found in ¦¢›™ž² °¥š (³™/11), while “predicate participle + -¥ + complementary infinitive” is found in «¢±¥ ¦¢²›ž± (³™/10). This free variation is the morphological expression, evidenced in the consonantal orthography, of the dual status of participles as both noun and verb. Already in BH, any syntactic structure of the type “participle + object” is a priori ambivalent, capable of being analyzed as an objective genitive, genitive of mediated object, etc. or as a (quasi-) 478

Cf. also W&O, 615-19. For further examples, see W&O, 155 and Joüon, 2.§§121n, 129m. For the broken construct chain in general, see W&O, 140. 479

251

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY verbal predication. In many cases, the presence of explicit morphological markers makes this distinction obvious. Thus, the marking of a participle with a construct morpheme argues unambiguously for the former–e.g., ¢§ ¥ ¢‹©³ž© (Hos. 2:7)–while the absence thereof, and/or the presence of the def. dir. obj. marker ³™ argues for the latter–e.g., ¦¢³²¥­ ¦« ¦¢§ ¥© (I Sam. 17:19); ³™ ¬œ‹ ± ™±ª¢ª (Judg. 4:22). At times, the distinction can only be made on the basis of the vocalic structure of the participle in question, as determined by the Masoretic tradition. In such cases, a substantial degree of vacillation may be observed already in MT–cf. ¦¢œš ڐš¥Ž (Ezek. 9:2) versus ¦¢œš ڐš¥† (Ezek. 9:11); ž³©³¤ «â±  °Ž (II Sam. 15:32) versus ¦¢œ›š ¢«â± ‹ °† (II Sam. 13:31); ¢œš¥ ¦¢§² ¡Œ © versus ®±™ «° ± ['±°] ¢³™§, which are two parallel hemistichs in Isa. 44:24. The free variation we observe between the morphemes ¢‹- and ¦¢Š- is precisely the same type of vacillation, transferred over to the consonantal plane. It does not represent a typologically new phenomenon. noun + prepositional phrase: ±«ª š¢šª ¢­±² ‹ ‘seraphs around the stormwind’ (œ¢­™™/8; Gen. v.l. ¦¢­±²).

252

SYNTAX §14i (Relative) Clause Functioning as a Genitive 480 genitive (nomen rectum) = quoted material 1) "¡­²§ ²«¢ ™¥" ±¤‹ Œ Ÿ ‘the memory of [the one who said,] Shall [the Judge of the whole earth] not perform justice?” (Gen. 18:25)’ (³™/4) 2) "™±ž© §" ¦ž°§† ‘the place [about which Jacob said,] “How awesome [is this place]!” (Gen. 28:17)’ (¡­²§š £¥§/64) Notes: As a parallel to this construction, we may cite a number of cases in BH where a relative clause appears after a noun in construct or after a complex preposition–e.g., œŠžœŽ Ž© Ž ³¢±† °Š ‘the city [in which] David encamped’ (Isa. 29:1),  ¥Ž چ ñŠ œ¢Þ† ‘by the hand of [the man whom] you will send’ (Ex. 4:13). 481 Thus, case 2 is to be compared to the numerous cases in BH in which the nomen regens -¦ž°§ appears in construct with a relative clause–e.g., ±š° ¦ÚŽ ¦ž°§† ¥™±²¢š (Ezek. 39:11),   ¢©  ¢± ¦² ž©³© ±²™ ¦ž°§† (Ezek. 6:13). genitive (with time-word as nomen regens) = quoted material 1) ¥™ "± ™¢ ™¥ž ™š¢ ™š ¢¤" ³«‹ ‘a time [of which Scripture says,] God “will surely come and will not tarry” (Hab. 2:3)’ (£¢š™™/17)

480 One case is attested wherein the clause in question has been lemmaticized, so that in effect, it functions as a noun: "²«©" "«§²©"¥ ¦±¡ ž§© ‘Before “we hear,” they said “we obey”’ (¥™/558). Such lemmatization may also take place in cases where the clause functions as a direct object: "šž©›³ ™¥" ±­ ‘He violated [the commandment] “Thou shalt not steal”’ (¢©©° ¢¢/251), "©«³ ™¥" ±­ ‘He violated [the commandment] “Thou shalt not bear [false witness]”’ (¢©©° ¢¢/252), "œž§ ³ ™¥" ±­ ‘He violated [the commandment] “Thou shalt not covet”’ (¢©©° ¢¢/253), ™¥" £±« ž§¢©­¥ " ¯±³ ‘He set out [the commandment] “Thou shalt not kill” before them’ (¥™/553), ž§¢© §š ¨©¢² "šž©›³ ™¥" ‘He taught [the commandment] “Thou shalt not steal” in their encampments’ (¥™/555). Such cases are syntactically (and sometimes semantically) very close to direct speech. Finally, lemmatization may lead to the grammatical re-analysis of a scriptural source. Thus, in its original context ¦œ™ ³žœ¥ž³ ±­ª Ÿ (Gen. 5:1) is a nominal clause. However, when incorporated into the poetic text, it may become a noun phrase: ¦œ™ ³žœ¥ž³ ±­ª Ÿ ²±¢­ ‘He set out this book of the generations of man’ (¢©©° ¢¢/255), ³ž§ž²± ¦œ™ ³žœ¥ž³ ±­ª Ÿ//³ž§²© ‘souls, which are listed [in] this book of the generations of man’ (¢©©° ¢¢/238); ¦ž¢° ±­ª Ÿ ¨ž±¤Ÿ ‘the existence of the memory of this book’ (±¤Ÿ/8). 481 Cf. W&O, 155-56 and GKC, §130d.

253

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 2)

"®±™ ™±°¢ž ±šœ" ¦ž¢§ ‘from the day [of which Scripture says,] “He spoke and called forth the earth” (Ps. 50:1)’ (¢©©° ¢¢/225)

Notes: In BH, several compounds based on ³« may function as subordinating conjunctions, governing an immediately following finite verb (cf. §26r). Case 1, however, is not strictly comparable to this BH syntagm. For case 2, cf. £¢¥™ ¢³±šœ ¦ž¢§ (Jer. 36:2). In BH, both -¦ž¢ and -¢§¢ (frequently preceded by a preposition) may govern a finite verbal clause, with or without ±²™. 482 genitive (prepositional object) = quoted material 1) "°œ¯š ¡«§ šž¡"¥ ±¤ã ‘Remember [the verse] “A little thing, when accompanied by righteousness, is better [than…]” (Prov. 16:8)!’ (¡­²§š £¥§/42) 2) "ž§ž°§§ £ž±š"¥ ¥žª¥ª ‘praise to [the One who is addressed with the words] “Blessed [be the Glory of the Lord] from His place.” (Ezek. 3:12)’ (¡­²§š £¥§/59) Notes: Cf. also §15a/special use – bet citing a scriptural text. genitive (nomen rectum) = verbal clause 1) ª© ±²« ¥«­ ‘the deed[s] of [the one who] was proved in ten [trials] [=Abraham]’ (°¢­™/17) 2) ¦¢° ®±™ ¢ª­™ ³ž¤Ÿš ‘by the merit of [the one who] established the extremities of the earth [=Abraham]’ (š³¤š Ÿ™/84) 3) ¦¢¡±š ¥í­ ¨¢  ‘the supplication of [the one who] peeled [the staves] in the troughs [=Jacob]’ ( ³­¢/10) 4) ¦¥  ¦¥ª ±¤‹ Œ Ÿ ‘the memory of [the one who] saw the ladder in a dream [=Jacob]’ (±¤Ÿ/15) 5) ¨¤² œžœ ¦ž°§† ‘the place where the Lover [=God] dwelt [=Tabernacle]’ (±¤Ÿ/23) genitive (prepositional object) = verbal clause 1) ±²« ¨ š ¦Ú‹ ¥† ‘in accordance with [the one who] was proved in ten [trials] [=Abraham]’ (³¥™³/7) 2) ³²°š³§ ¢²¢¥²š ž²±¥ ‘for [the ones who] inherited the sought one [=Torah] in the third [month] [=Israel]’ ( ³­¢/19) 3) ³ž§¥« ³›¢© ±ž§³ ±²« ³ž¢¥› ‘ten exiles in place of [the fact that] You guided [us in our] youth’ (™²™/46; cf. ³â§-¥« ž©›©¢ ™ž [Ps. 48:15] and Targ., ad loc., ™©³ž¢¥¡ ¢§ž¢¤)

482

For examples, see BDB, 400, s.v. ¦ž¢ 7d.

254

SYNTAX 4)

±²« «ª¤ ‘like [the One who] moved ten [stages] [=God]’ (™²™/34)

§14j Superlative Genitive The superlative genitive is in use both in BH and MH. 483 Below, I examine cases consisting of two instances of a single noun, since certain combinations are characteristic of one or the other dialect. ¦¢¥™ ¥™ (¤¢ª©™/30; ž³³/381) =BH (Dan. 11:36) ¦¢±žœ ±žœ (¦² ³™/424) =BH (Isa. 51:8; Ps. 72:5; 102:25) ¦¢©žœ™ ¢©žœ™ (³¢¥¤³/439) =BH (Deut. 10:17; Ps. 136:3) (±­ž²) ³ž¥ž° ¥ž° (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/33; v.l. ¥¯ ¥ž°, ¥›¤ ¥ž°, «°³ ¥ž°, £žš ¥ž°) 4b) ³ž¥ž° ¢¥ž° (³žœž§ ³/539) =MH (cf. ¢¥ž° [Ÿ¡:¡¢ '§²] ³ž¥ž° ¢¢ž ³ž¥ž° [Mekhilta Yitro, Masekhta de-baʚodesh 3])

1) 2) 3) 4a)

§14k Cognate Genitive verb + prepositional object 1) ±çš...³¢²™± ±â皤 ‘She was made pre-eminent…like the very first fruit.’ (¨š™/11) 2) ž¥ ¥«­¢ ž¥«­¤ž ‘And according to his deed[s] will He do to him.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/24) 3a) ¦¢§ ³¢ñŠ چ § ç† ³ž³² ³² ‘He made foundations, (like) a foundation of water.’ (¡²°™/7) 3b) ¦¢§ ³¢³Š ܆ §Š ³²ž ¥¤ ‘Everything was founded on the drinking of water.’ (¡²°™/7) 4) ³ž›¥­¥...›¥­¥ ‘to divide into streams’ (¡²°™/19) 5) œ§š œ§ ‘He measured with a measure.’ (¡²°™/30) 6) £š§ ¦ž¢š £¢š™™ ‘I will confound on the day of confounding.’ (£¢š™™/1) 7) ž©ž«§ ¢¥¥¡š ¦¤¥¢¥¥¡¥ ‘to cover you with the dew of His habitation’ (£¢š™™/11) 8) Ÿ™§ ¢³§œ° ¦¢©ž§œ° ¦±¡š ‘Before the pre-existent things, I was pre-existent.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/98) 9) ¦±ž §ž±³¤ ‘[Adam] was elevated/offered like a sacred offering.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/181) 10) ®±™ ¢œªž§ ¢œªž§š œª ‘In my foundation, He founded the foundations of the earth.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/218; A) 483

Cf. W&O, 154 and Segal, §162.

255

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 11) ¯ž±§š ®± ‘He ran eagerly.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/295) 12) ¦³œ¢±¢š ¦¢œ±¢ž ¦³ž¥«§š ¦¢¥ž« ‘ascending in their ascents and descending in their descent’ (¢©©° ¢¢/321) 13a) ž«š¡ž ¢©œ™ž ®±™ ¢³«š¡š ‘The earth and its pedestals were formed with My seal ring.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/161; cf. Job 38:6) 13b) ¦¢«žš¡ £¥§ ³«š¡š ‘formed with the King’s seal ring’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/325) 14) ¦«ž© ¢±§™ ³ §²š...ž §²¢ž ‘And…rejoiced in the joy of the delightful sayings [=Torah].’ (¢©©° ¢¢/364) Notes: Examples 3a and 3b represent adjacent stichoi. They are both ultimately concerned with the etymology of the MH term ¨š™ ¢³², i.e., the “foundation stone” that was found in the Holy of Holies. The etymology provided in the rabbinic sources is as follows: ¦¥ž« ³²ž ©§§² ¢¢³² ¨š™ §² ™±°© §¥ (JT Yoma 5:2 [42c]). It appears, furthermore, that according to this source, the noun, as well as the Hofal verb, are to be derived from the root ³² ‘to weave’ (for details, cf. the discussion under §13qq). In case 3b it appears that Qillir is proposing his own etymology, which connects the verb ³²ž with the root ³² ‘to drink’. At the same time, however, he does not abandon the traditional association of ³², ³²ž with the root ³² ‘to weave Æ to found’, as is proven by case 3a, where the verb is associated with the cognate genitive ³¢³²§ ‘foundation’. In this way, he seems to be simultaneously advancing two competing etymologies, both of which rely on the technique of cognate genitive. verb + nomen rectum: ¦¢§¢«©§...//¦¢§¢«© ¨ž›© ‘singing a pleasant melody…’ (¤¢ª©™/28). participle + objective genitive 1) ¥§  › ¢›ž ‘those who utter sound[s] of roaring’ [=angels] (œ¢­™™/3) 2) ³ž±¢² œžœ› ¢œœž›§ ‘those who assemble caravans’ [=Gad] ( ³­¢/38; cf. Gen. 49:19) infinitive + subjective genitive: ¦¢Ÿ« ŸžŸ«š ‘when the strong ones [=waters] were strong’ (¢©©° ¢¢/213). gerund + genitive 1) ¨©« ³©¢©« ‘the appearance of cloud[s]’ ( ³­¢/16; cf. Gen. 9:14) 2) (£è...) £¥§ £žè ‘a going of a journey’ (¤¢ª©™/9) 256

SYNTAX nomen regens + nomen rectum 1) š±  ¨žš±  ‘parching drought’ (°¢­™/12) (cf. ®¢° ¨žš±  [¡²°™/36] and §§² šŒ±  ³Õš±†  Ž [Ezek. 29:10]) 2) œž§  œ§  ‘ingratiating graciousness’ (¢©©° ¢¢/307) with estimative bet: ¦¢±¢œ™š ±¢œ™ ‘Mighty among the mighty ones’ [=God] (¦² ³™/424). §14l Doubly Marked Plural of Attributive Constructs 1a) 1b) 2) 3) 4)

¦¢°ž  ¢±§™ ‘legal sayings’ [=Torah] (± ¨§/30; R) ¦¢±­² ¢±§™ ‘beautiful sayings’ (±¤Ÿ/21; R) ¦¢š±« ¢š©²™ ‘the lattices of evening’ (° ±³/495) ³ž¥™ ¢±šœ ‘words of imprecation’ (° ±³/503) ¦¢¥¢¢  ¢±žš› ‘valiant warriors’ [=angels] (¥™/620)

Notes: This phenomenon is well attested in DSSH and MH. 484 It is occasionally encountered in BH, mostly in the late books. 485 As may be seen from the paucity of examples, the redundant marking of attributive constructs is relatively rare the Corpus. Cases 1a, b and 3 may be compared to MH compounds with -¢±šœ, e.g., ¢±šœ ¨¢²žÞ¤ (M Taan. 2:1). Case 1b is, furthermore, derived from ±­² ¢±§™ (Gen. 49:21). Case 4 is attested in BH (I Chron. 7:5, 7, 11, 40), which otherwise employs ¥¢ () ¢±žš›. §14m Constructions of ¥¤ + Genitive In general, the genitive constructions into which ¥¤ may enter in the Corpus do not differ from those commonly encountered in BH, and have therefore not been explicitly noted. 486 However, several particular constructions deserve special mention. 484

Cf. Qimron, §400.06* and Segal, §155. Cf. A. Hurvitz, ¢©§² ³¢š ¢§¢š ™±°§ ¨ž²¥ ³žœ¥ž³¥ – ¨ž²¥¥ ¨ž²¥ ¨¢š (Jerusalem: Bialik, 1972) 37-38. 486 One rather unusual case deserves mention: ©² ¥¤š ³ž©¢°š ž°š™ ᚠž¤š™//¢ ž¥² ‘Every year, my emissaries wallow in dirges//On this [annual] occasion, they are confounded’ (£¢š™™/7). If my interpretation is correct (and there seems to be no other possible antecedent of the pronominal element in áš), then the 3rd fem. sing. pronoun áanaphorically refers to the expression ©² ¥¤. While syntactically this may be acceptable–since both elements are formally singular–the Hebrew expression '¥­ ¥¤ implies a plurality of things, and the Qillirian construction therefore seems semantically awkward. 485

257

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY '¥­ž '¥­ ¥¤ 1) ™¢›ž ™¢› ¥¤ ‘every land’ (¡²°™/43) 2) œ ™ž œ ™ ¥¤ ‘each one’ (¦©¤³/1; ¢©©° ¢¢/233; ¥™/579) (cf. œ ™ ¥¤ [±¤Ÿ/36]) 3) œž°©ž œž°© ¥¤ ‘every point’ (š³¤š Ÿ™/68) 4) ±žœž ±žœ ¥¤ ‘every generation’ (±¤Ÿ/7; ¥™/574) Notes: Qimron, who lists seven cases of this construction in DSSH, notes that it “is only attested in the Hebrew of the Second Temple period and thereafter; it is common in late biblical, Mishnaic and Aramaic usage.” 487 '¥­ ¢©¢§ ¥¤: ³ž²œ° ¢©¢§ ¥¤ ‘all manner of holiness(es)’ (¡­²§š £¥§/78; cf. ¥š³ ¢©¢§ ³²² [ ³­¢/28]). Notes: In BH, the noun ¨¢§ is attested exclusively in the form -©¢§¥, governing a 3rd person pronominal suffix. The construction in question is already attested in DSSH: ¦³ž ž± ¢©¢§ ¥ž¤¥ (1QS 3:14). It is common in MH. §14n Marking of the (Definite) Direct Object definite direct object unmarked: ±Ü ‹ ¢¥† ¦«Ž œ‹ (³™/2); ¬ªž¢š ©¢œ ¬ž¥¢ª ³ž ©¥ (¨š™/8; A); ¤±  ¢¥žšŸ (³±œ™/4; A); ¤±­ ¢§¢§³§  (³±œ™/4); £¢¥ ¢§...°¢œ¯³ (¦™/8); ­ž¯ ¥¤ ž¥¯¥¯ (œ¢­™™/9; Gen. v.l. ¥¤¥); œ¢ ­¢ ®±™ ¢š²ž¢ ¢±ž  (¡­²§š £¥§/12); ®±™ ³ž¤¥§§ ™ª¤ £­¢ ( £¥§ ¡­²§š/13); ®±™ ¥¤ ²ž²§ ¨©ž¤¢ (¡­²§š £¥§/14); ™°±™ ¢š²ž¢ ¥Þ ¥ ( £¥§ ¡­²§š/44); 488 ¢¡­²§ ¢¥«š...¦¢§œ¥ (¡­²§š £¥§/51); šž¡ £±šœ ¦°‹ Ž (¦©¤³/18); ¥ ‹ ©¥† £¢«± (¦©¤³/22; A); šÕÚ°† ¦¥¥¢­ (¦©¤³/21; A); ³¢ž¥ž £¢™š¯ ( ³­¢/69; FV; A); ž±²Ž¢ ¢¤±œ «¢œž¢ (®¢­¢/11); ³ž¯« ¥žœ› ³žœž¥ (¨©«/15); ž§¥ž« ¨©ž¤¥ (ž±ž™/17); ž§ž¥²...³žš± (ž±ž™/18); ¢¯  ¥›«...£¢š™™ ¢©±› (£¢š™™/1); œÞ™ ¢³§œ™ (£¢š™™/21; A); ¢³šž²³ ¯± ‹ (£¢š™™/29);  ž¥ª¥  (£¢š™™/49); ¢ ž°± ž¥ç¢™ £©ž§ ¢«²­ (£¢š™™/35); 489 šž¡°¥ ¢¥ž¡© (£¢š™™/57); ¢³ž§© ±¢š¤™ (£¢š™™/63); ¡© ž©œ­™ œž (¡§ ®±™/5; A); ¨¢ª ¨©™² ³¢² (²žœ°/34); ¨©¢²...ž³œ (²žœ°/34); ¢³ž¤¥§ ¥ž« ž¥š°²¤ (¢¤©™/44); £¢©§ž™ œš¤ (¢¤©™/44); ®±™ ³ž¤¥§§ ¦œ° (¢©©° ¢¢/125; v.l. ³ž¤¥§§¥); ®±™ ³ž±žœ ¢²™±...™±° (¢©©° ¢¢/226); ¢§² ™±° (¢©©° ¢¢/245); £¢³ž¯§ ±ž§²¥ 487

Qimron, §400.15*. This case is listed on the assumption that BA syntax applies, and that ™°±™ is consequently to be parsed as fem. sing. determined. 489 In BH, the transgression or person to be forgiven is always marked by -¥. 488

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SYNTAX (¢©©° ¢¢/283); «œ¢¢ £§² (¢©©° ¢¢/288); ¦¢¥¤ ™¥...¢©¢ª Ÿ (ž³³/388; A); ¨ž™› «¢§² ž¥ž° (ž³³/390; A); ¦¢¥¢šž§...¦¢«ž¡ (³ž«³/416; A; v.l. ¦¢¥šž§); ¢³ž™¢¯¢ ±ž¯© (³¢¥¤³/442); ¦¢­©¡§...¦¢ž¢› (¥™/481; A); £«¢›¢ ¬žª™ (° ±³/505); £¢³­² ¦ž¡™ (¦ž¡™/510); ¦¢¯§ ¦ªž¤ (¦ž¡™/519); £©ž²¥ ±ž§² (¦ž¡™/520); ¦§² ¥¥¢¤ (¥™/562); ž§ž±§ ¢§² ¡ (¥™/563); ž§žœ...²¢«› (¥™/564); ž§¥ž« œ¢±  (¥™/564); ž§™ž© Õ«¢§²¤ (¥™/565); ¦¥¢ ©¥ ž³œ (¥™/572); ¦¥¢¤²¥ ž³œ (¥™/573); ž¥š° ž³ž¤¥§ (¥™/578); ž¥ž¥¢§ «§²† (¥™/590); ž¥«­ ¨¢¢©°...±Þœ (¥™/590); ž¥° ¢±šœ...«§²¢ž (¥™/591); ¢¤¢¥§š ž¯§Ò (¤¢ª©™/1); £¥²¢ ¢¤™¥§ ²¢™ (¤¢ª©™/2); ž³¤™¥§ ž±§Ž›¤ (¤¢ª©™/22); ž™¢²© ¦¢±¥ (¤¢ª©™/31); ž¢ª§«  ž™ð©š (¤¢ª©™/31; A); ±¤Ÿ¢ ž¢¢ž©° (±¤Ÿ/9);  ±§¥ ž¢ ±­ (±¤Ÿ/12); ±œ  ®­© ±¤Ÿ¢...³ž¡§ (±¤Ÿ/18; A); ±¤Ÿ¢ ž²œ° ±šœ (±¤Ÿ/20; Å ž²œ° ±šœ ³™ ±¤Ÿ [Ps. 105:42]); ±¤Ÿ¢ ž©ž›© (±¤Ÿ/29); ¢«ž±Ÿ ž¯é™š (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/4); ž¢ª™ž§ «¢°š¥ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/25; A); «°«°¥ ž¢œ›žš (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/25); ž¢œ±ž§ «¢°²¥ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/25; A); ±¢«³ ᫲­ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/33; A); ž©ž™² ±±ž­³ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/41). Notes: The present list, consisting of 72 entries, treats only those cases where the object is either explicitly marked in the surface structure as definite–i.e., provided with the definite article or a genitive pronoun, or in construct with a definite noun–or is definite by virtue of being a proper noun. Excluded are the frequently occurring cases of objects constituted by epithets whose referents are unique entities/individuals–e.g., œ¢­° ³™Ÿ (³±œ™/11), where ³™Ÿ = Israel. definite direct object marked by ³™ (with pronominal suffix): ž¢²«§ž ž³ž™ ž ¢¤ž¢ (¡­²§š £¥§/24); ᳞™...³²œ° (¦©¤³/16); ²ž±œ ³™ ²±œ ᳞™ œ¢§³//²™±§ ( ³­¢/13; FV; for ³™ marking the nom. abs., cf. §14b); ä ž³ž™ (¡§ ®±™/6); ±¢«ª ¦³ž™ (²žœ°/37); ³ž°²¥...¦³ž™ (š³¤š Ÿ™/76); ž¤±«š Ž ¢³™ (¢©©° ¢¢/91); ³ž§œ¥ ž³ž™ (¢©©° ¢¢/240); ž³ž™ ¢ °¥ (¢©©° ¢¢/298); œ« ž³™ (¢©©° ¢¢/308); œ¢ ™ ž³ž™ (¢©©° ¢¢/309); ž³ž™ œ¢«ª¥ (¢©©° ¢¢/310); ¦¢©ž° £³ž™ (¨žŸ™/452); ¦¢¥¤ž™ ¦³ž™ (³žœž§ ³/533); ¦¥™ž²š Ž ž³ž™ (¥™/572). definite direct object marked by ³™ (other): «‹ چ //«ž² ¢±¢¤Ÿ§ š¢© ³™ ( ³­¢/53; FV); ž¢ ¡žš ³™ ¯±¢ (£¢š™™/77); ¦¢¥ž¥¢ ¥ ž§² ³™ ¨³³ ¥™ (³ž«³/420) [+ ¦² ³™ ¨³³ ¥™ ¦¢¥ž¥¢ ¥ (³ž«³/421; AN, R; cf. §28c)].

259

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY direct object marked by -¥ (with pronominal suffix): ¢š¢²°¥ £¥ ‘to cause You to listen to me’ ( ³­¢/77); ¦¢±¢­§ ᥠ(¦² ³™/425); 490 ž¥ ¦¢³±²§ (¦² ³™/429; A; cf. ž¢¥ ¦¢³±²§ [II Chron. 13:10]); ¦¢©²œ§ £¥ (¨žŸ™/453). direct object marked by -¥ (other): ¤¢¥§ ¥Þ¥ ‹ (³±œ™/2; A); «ž±³ ¢«œž¢¥...¡è‹ § (œ¢­™™/°); °œ¯¥ «±Ÿ (¡­²§š £¥§/34; cf. °œ¯ «±Ÿ ¦¢¢©«¥ [PRE 33]); ¦²© ¢ ž­©¥...«¢›±¥ ( ¢±¡¢/5; Gen. 2x v.l. ¢ ž­©); ¨é™ œ ™ž œ ™ ¥¤¥ (¦©¤³/1); ™¥§³ ±ž² ¢±°«§ ™¢›¥ ( ³­¢/18); ¢¤¥§¥ ¢³¤ª© ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/118; cf. ¢¤¥§ ¢³¤ª© [Ps. 2:6]); ¦¥ž«¥ ¬¢¯¢ ™¥² (¢©©° ¢¢/199; cf. ™¥² ¦¥ž« ³™ ¬¢¯¢ [Tanʚuma Bereshit 1]); ¦¢°©§...ž§¢±¯ž©¥ (ž³™/372; A); ¦¢°ªž« ¦š ¥¤¥ ¦¢°¢œ¯§ (ž³™/373); ¦¢©žœ™¥ œš«¤ ¦³±² ‘Serve them, like a slave [serving] masters!’ (¨žŸ™/462); ¦¢§ž ³ ²š ž§¥¯š ™±š©¥ ‘driving one created in His image into the Pit’ (±ž³/471; A); ¦¢­¢°§ £© ¥ž²¥ (¥™/488; cf. §28z); ¦¢­¢©¯§ ¥™¥ ¦¢¥ž¥¢ ²œž° ‘crowning God with holy praise’ (¥™/489); ¦¢š¢³© ¢±šž« ¥¤¥ ¥žŸ›¥ (° ±³/499); ±™­ £ž±šž ²žœ°¥ ¦¢¥¥¤§ ‘crowning the Holy and Blessed One [=God] with a turban’ (¥™/623; Gen. 1x v.l. ²žœ°š); ¥¢­¢ ᚏ› ¥¤¥ (¤¢ª©™/23; A); ¦™ ¥¤¥ ¥¢­™¢ (¤¢ª©™/23; A); ¥¢­°¢ ¢™±¥ (¤¢ª©™/24; A); £¥§¥ ž¤¢¥§¢ (¤¢ª©™/37); ±¤Ÿ¢...¦¢±­‰« ¢©²¥ (±¤Ÿ/22; A); ±¤Ÿ¢ œ ™ ¥¤¥ (±¤Ÿ/36); ±ž±œ ¢±š ¥¤¥ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/8). Notes: In the majority of cases, the definite direct object marker ³™ is employed with an accusative suffix, rather than a nominal object. 491 Thus, its distribution in the Corpus is the opposite of that of the direct object marker -¥, which mostly governs nouns, rather than pronominal objects. The use of -¥ to mark the direct object, both definite and indefinite, is attested in BH, 492 as well as in MH. 493 This usage,

490 The full stich fom which this case is drawn reads ¦¢±¢­§ ᥥ š±  ³œ ‘His Law is a sword against those who abrogate it’ (¦² ³™/425). The use of the object-marker -¥, therefore, together with the O-V order in the relative participial phrase, generates the unusual concatenation -¥¥. 491 For a discussion of the use of ³™ in BH, see W&O, 177-83. For its role in MH, see Segal, §381. Segal notes there that this particle is not as common in MH as it is in classical BH prose, as opposed to BH poetry and LBH prose, where it is also relatively uncommon. 492 Cf. W&O, 184, 210-11. 493 Cf. Segal, §304.

260

SYNTAX however, is an outstanding feature of Aramaic, and it has therefore been suggested that the BH usage may reflect Aramaic influence. 494 §14o Use of the Particle ³™ as a Demonstrative Pronoun 1) 2)

³ž©ž¥  ¨³ž™ ‘those windows’ (¡­²§š £¥§/69, 72) ¦ž¢ ž³ž™ ‘that day’, ¥¢¥ ž³ž™ ‘that night’ (§  ±ž™/73)

Notes: The use of ³™, together with the appropriate genitive suffix and the definite article, as a deictic pronoun is an MH feature. 495 This construction is not attested in BH. §14p Objective Accusative In this section are itemized several types of objective accusative. All of the categories listed below are defined for BH, unless otherwise noted. 496 cognate objective accusative 1) £¢±š¥ £±š ‘to bend the knee’ (°¢­™/11) 2) ±¢™ ž±ž™ ‘He caused His light to shine.’ (ž±ž™/16) 3) ¥¤ ¥è¤ ‘He perfected everything.’ (¡²°™/5) 4) ™²§ ³™² ‘to carry a load’ (¡²°™/31) 5) ±¢² ž±¢²¢ ‘They sing a song.’ (¡²°™/40) 6) ¦¢¤ª©§ £žª© ‘pouring out a libation’ (¦©¤³/9) 7) ±²  ±š¤ ³±²  ‘Pour out the sifted watery mass!’ ( ³­¢/29) 8) ±Ÿ› ž² ±¢Ÿ› ‘He issued a decree equally applying to all.’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/110) 497 9) ¢³›  ›ž  ‘I drew a boundary-circle.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/141; cf. ›ž  ž°â š [Prov. 8:27]) 10) ¦¢°ž  ²¥² °  ‘He made three boundaries.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/195) 11) ®±™ ¢œªž§...œª ‘He laid…the foundations of the earth.’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/218) 12a) ±¤Ÿ¢...¦¢±­¤ ¨¢¥ ±¤Ÿ ‘May He remember the memory of the lodging in the hamlets…’ (±¤Ÿ/21; F) 12b) ±¤Ÿ¢ ¢  ¢ ...¦¢¢  ±¤Ÿ ‘The Truly Living [God] will remember the memory of the living…’ (±¤Ÿ/35; F)

494

Cf. W&O, 210, note 85. Cf. Segal, §78. 496 Cf. W&O, 166-69 and 173-77. 497 For this translation of ž² ±¢Ÿ›, see the ed.’s comment, ad loc. 495

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 12c) ±¤Ÿ¢ ™ž...±²«ž ³ž¥œ ±¤Ÿ ‘May He remember the memory of povery and wealth…’ (±¤Ÿ/37; F) 12d) ±¤Ÿ¢...§ ž ¥š ±¤Ÿ ‘May He remember the memory of dismay and wrath…’ (±¤Ÿ/41; F) 13) ±¤Ÿ¢...¥žš  ±¢ ¨ž±¤Ÿ ‘May He remember the memory of the month Bul…’ (±¤Ÿ/32; A) cognate objective accusative – relative clauses 1) ±¯¢ ±²™ ±¢¯¢ ‘the creature whom He created’ (¢©©° ¢¢/178) 2) ¦¢¥§« ž©° ±²™ ¨¢¢©° ‘the property that those who toil have acquired’ (³žœž§ ³/525) double accusative 1a) ¦¢™ ±Ÿ© œ¢­™™ ‘I will crown the Awesome One [=God] with a diadem.’ (œ¢­™™/1) 1b) ±¡§ ³¥­³ ±¡«¥ ‘to crown [God] with the rain prayer’ (°¢­™/2; 1st obj. gapped) 1c) ¦¢­¢©¯§ ¥™¥ ¦¢¥ž¥¢ ²œž° ‘crowning God with holy praise’ (¥™/489) 1d) ¦¢¥¥¤§ ±™­ £ž±šž ²žœ°¥ ‘crowning the Holy and Blessed One [=God] with a turban’ (¥™/623; Gen. 1x v.l. ²žœ°š) 1e) ¦¢¥­±«ž ¦¢©©« ž±¢¡« ‘He surrounded it with clouds and cloudmasses.’ (ž³³/389) 2) £§¢«©¥...±²« ³ž±š¢œ ‘to praise You [by uttering] the Ten Commandments’ (™²™/10) 3) ¦¢§² Õª ¢ ‘He appointed it to the heavens.’ (¡²°™/11) 4a) ¦¢§...¢²© ³ž°²¥ ‘to irrigate the earth with water’ (¡²°™/21) 4b) ®±™ ž± ¦¢§ ‘Saturate the earth with water!’ (¨©«/14) 4c) ¦¢§ ᪩±­¥ ‘to supply it with water’ (¦©¤³/15) 4d) ¢³ž§« °°ž² ¦¢§ ‘Fill those who are joined to me with water!’ ( ³­¢/82) 4e) ¦¢§ «šÛ «¢š²¥ ®¢° ¨žš±  ¨ž¢ ¯ ‘to sate the dryness of the summer drought with the satiety of water’ (¡²°™/36; 2nd obj. cognate) 4f) «š ڌ ³ž¯±™ «Þ ۍ ...«š² ¦¢§²› ‘Sate the seven lands with seven rains!’ (¦©¤³/20) 5a) ™¥§³ ±ž² ¢±°«§ ™¢›¥//...¦¢§ ‘Fill the land of those who hamstrung the ox [=Simeon & Levi] with water…!’ ( ³­¢/18) 5b) ž©³™è§ ³ž ©™ ‘It has filled us with groaning.’ (£¢š™™/81). 6a) ¦¢§ ›¥² Ÿ § ž²žš¥ ¡«§ ³² ‘He has made the cloak clothing Him into something resembling watery snow.’ (¡²°™/42) 262

SYNTAX ¦¢§ á³¢²¥ ‘to turn it into water’ ( ³­¢/63-64) ¨©™² ³¢² ¨¢ª ‘He made [Mt.] Sinai secure.’ (²žœ°/34) °ž ² á§Û ‘He has made it a laughingstock.’ (™²™/4) ž°ž  ¦¢¥« ¢§Š ێ ‘He placed me upon them as His boundary.’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/214) 8) ¥›± ¦žœ ¨ž¢¤ £¯±™ ‘Your land [O Israel] He has established as a footstool.’ ( ³­¢/41) (cf. ®±™š ¥³ ¦¥²ž±¢ ³™ ¦¢²¢ œ«ž ¨©ž¤¢ œ« [Isa. 62:7]) 9)  ¢ ¯ ³¢²©™ ¢©ž±› ‘I will parch my throat, [so that it is like] scorched land.’ (£¢š™™/4) 10a) ž©³¢ § œ ™ž œ ™ ¥¤¥ ¨é™ ‘He instructed each one that which they should give.’ (¦©¤³/1) 10b) ¢²¥­¥ ¥¢›± ¦¢±²¢ ‘He taught [me] the upright things [=words of Torah], revealing them to me.’ (¡§ ®±™/10; 1st obj. gapped–cf. §28aa) 10c) ¢¤©™ §¢§³ ‘He taught me the perfect one [=Torah].’ (²žœ°/39) 10d) ¢¤©  ¢²ž³ ‘He instructed me in wisdom [=Torah].’ (²žœ°/39) 10e) ¦¢°ž ž ³ž±ž³ ±¢Ÿ ‘He taught [them] laws and statutes.’ ( Ÿ™ š³¤š/84; 1st obj. gapped–cf. ³±ž³ ³™ž ¦¢°  ³™ ¦³™ ³±Ÿž [Exod. 18:20]) 11) ²¢™ ¢©š £œ›™™ ‘I will gather people unto You.’ (™²™/51) 12) ³±²« ¢©žª¢© ‘They tried Me ten [times].’ (™²™/76) 13a) ¦¥ž« ³²±ž§ ¢ÚŽ Š ±¢Š ‘He will inherit me as an eternal possession.’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/341) 13b) ¦¥ž« ³©³§ ¢ °¢ ‘He will take me as an eternal gift. (¢©©° ¢¢/342) 13c) á±³¤ ¨  ³¢ž¥  °¢ž ‘And [who] will take its crown as a beautiful wreath.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/236) 14) œ« ž³™ ¨¢¢Ÿ ¢¥¤ ‘He decked him out in weapons of war.’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/308) 15) œ¢«ª¥ ž³ž™ ¤ž¥§ ‘to sustain him with kingship’ (¢©©° ¢¢/310) 16) ¦¢©²œ§ £¥ ¦¢œ² š¥  ¢œ ‘fattening you with an abundance of breast-milk’ (¨žŸ™/453) 6b) 6c) 7a) 7b)

double accusative – two-place causative construction 1) š« ᜢ¥žž ‘And the cloud causes it (i.e., the earth) to bear [vegetation].’ ( ³­¢/63; FV; 2nd obj. gapped) 2) ³ž±­ á ¢§¯ž ‘And it (i.e., the rain) makes it (i.e., the earth) to bloom with fruit.” ( ³­¢/67; FV) 3) ¢š¢™²¥...¦¢§ ‘to cause me to draw water’ ( ³­¢/78) 4) œ¢ ™ ž³ž™ ¨ž¡¥² ‘He caused him to seize dominion.’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/309) 263

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY ¦¢¥§ ²™±...¦©Ÿ¢™ ‘He caused them to hear the beginning of [His] words…’ (ž³³/392) 6) ¦¢©² ²žš¥ £¢²¢š¥§ ‘who cause you to wear scarlet raiment’ (¨žŸ™/454) 7) ¦¥¢ ©¥ ž³œ ‘to cause them to inherit His Law’ (¥™/572) 8a) ¦¥¢¤²¥ ž³œ ‘to teach them (lit. cause them to consider) His Law’ (¥™/573) 8b) ¦¥¢¤²¥ ³«œž ¦«¡ šž¡ ‘to teach them discernment and knowledge’ (¥™/576; cf. ¢©œé¥ ³«œž ¦«¡ šž¡ [Ps. 119:66]) 5)

retained object accusative 1a) ±²« ¨ š ‘[the one who] was proved in ten [trials]’ (³¥™³/7; v.l. ±²«š; cf. ¬±¯© ±²«š [¢©©° ¢¢/278] and ³±²« ¢©žª¢© [™²™/76]) 1b) ª© ±²« (°¢­™/17; v.l. ±²«š) 2) ±¡§ ±² ¦² ³³™ ¢±š ¬™ ‘The name of the chief of rain has been designated Af Beri.’ (¬™/1; cf. ž²« ž§² ™±°¢ž [Gen. 25:25]) 3) ¦¢¡­²© ž²©«© ¦™//¦¢¡­² ³«š±™  ±¡ ‘if the defendants have been punished with the burden of the four judgments’ (±¤Ÿ/28; cf. Ezek. 14:21) 4) ¨¢œš ¢³š¢  ¦™//¨¢œž ³œ ³±Ÿ› ‘if I have been sentenced in judgment with a decree of law and judgment’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/6) Notes: This category encompasses those cases where a twoplace transitive verb undergoes a passive transformation, such that the first object becomes the subject, whereas the second object is retained in the accusative function. The same phenomenon may be observed in BH–cf. the two-place transitive in šŸ ¦³™ ³¢­¯ž (Ex. 25:23, etc.) versus the passive šŸ ¦¢­¯§ (Ex. 26:32). §14q Adverbial Accusative cognate effected accusative 1) £¥§¥ ž¤¢¥§¢ ‘They will proclaim the King to be king.’ (¤¢ª©™/37) 2) ¦«± ¦¢«±¥ ‘to (make) thunder’ ( ³­¢/45) 3) ¥¥¢ ¥¢¥¢™ ‘to howl’ (™²™/56) 4) ¦³ž  ¢³§³  ‘I have placed a seal.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/326) 5) [³ž¥žš› ž¥š›Ž ( ³­¢/25) Å ³ž¥žš› ¥¢š›] 6) [¦¥  ±²™ ³ž§ž¥  (¢©©° ¢¢/329) Å ³ž§ž¥  ¦¥ ] non-cognate effected accusative

264

SYNTAX 1a) š¢š±¥ ¦¢±¢«² ‘to bring down rains’ (°¢­™/15; cf. ¦¢š¢š±¤ž//¦¢±¢«²¤ [Deut. 32:2]) 1b) ¦¢§ ¦¢š¢š±§ ‘bringing down water’ (¡²°™/35) 2) š¢š«¥ ¦¢Ÿ¢Ÿ  ‘to make thunder-clouds’ (°¢­™/15) 3) š¢š©¥ ¦¢©œ« ‘to cause dainty fruit to grow’ (°¢­™/16) 4) ¦¢©œ ³ž³¢§ ¢¥¥ §¥ ‘Death sentences are meted out to those who profane it.’ (³¢¥¤³/443) 5) ¦¥  ¦¥ª ‘He saw a ladder in his dream.’ (±¤Ÿ/15) Notes: The use of the verb ¨¢œ seen in case 4 is not paralleled in either BH or MH. The BH verb ¦¥  ‘to dream’ is either used absolutely, or with the cognate effected object accusative ¦ž¥ –e.g., ¯±™ š¯§ ¦¥ª ©ž ¦¥ ¢ž (Gen. 28:12) or ¦ž¥  ¬ªž¢ ¦¥ ¢ž (Gen. 37:5). In case 5, on the other hand, the content of the dream vision constitutes the effected object of the verb. cognate internal accusative 1a) §¤ £¥§ £¥¥ ‘to go a certain distance’ (¡²°™/24; cf. case 4 under non-cognate internal accusative – other) 1b) £èŠ ³ž™§ ²§  £¥§ £žè ‘He went a going of a journey of 500 [years].’ (¤¢ª©™/9) 2) ¦¥ž« ³¥™ › ¦¥™›¥ ‘to redeem them forever’ (£¢š™™/41) 3) ±¢¤§ ±ž¤§¥ ‘to make a sale’ (¢©©° ¢¢/327) 4) ™©² žž™©² ‘They hated him bitterly.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/329) 5) ±¢§™ ±§ž¥ ‘to say’ (¢©©° ¢¢/334) non-cognate internal accusative – verbs of expression 1a) ¨©± ž ¯­¢ ‘They will burst out into a joyful cry.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/10) 1b) ž ¯­¢...±¢² ‘They will burst out into song…’ (¤¢ª©™/41) 2) ±¢² ³©« ‘It raised its voice in song.’ (³¢¥¤³/441) 3a) ¦¢§¢«±§ ¨©± ‘thundering with song’ (¡²°™/40) 3b) ¦¢¥›¥› ž§¢«± ³ž¥ž° ‘The whirlwinds thundered with loud voices.’ (ž³³/382) 4) ž©©±¢...¥¯ ‘They will cry out with exultation…’ (¤¢ª©™/35; cf. ...ž¥¯ž//....âꎱ [Jer. 31:7]) 5) ¢³¢œž...¦¢§ž²± ¢±§™ ‘I confessed…the inscribed sayings (i.e., recited the confessional formula).’ (°¢­™/6) 6) žŸ¢¥³ § ¦¢³­² ³²±™ ‘Why do you arrogantly speak the request of [your] lips?’ (™²™/75) 7) ¢©...§™ ‘I will murmur…lamentation.’ (£¢š™™/25) 8) ¦¢¥¥§ž ¦¢±™­§ ³ž š²ž³ž ±¢² ‘glorifying and lauding with song and praises’ (¥™/618) 265

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY ¦¢©ž© ³ £œ«š ¦¢°«žŸ ‘crying out with supplications on your behalf’ (¨žŸ™/455) 10) ¦¢šž° ¦¢¥« ³ž¥™ ¢±šœ ‘cursing themselves with words of imprecation’ (° ±³/503) 9)

non-cognate internal accusative – other 1) ¦¢¥  œ¥ž¢¤ ¢© ‘writhing with wailing, like a woman giving birth’ (ž³³/385; cf. ¨ž¥¢ ¢ œ¥ž¢¤ [Isa. 13:8] and ¨ž¢¯ ³š...¢¥ž  œ¥ž¢¤ [Mich. 4:10]) 2) ¢±ž­ š™ž¤ ¦™//¢±¡ š¯« ‘if the fruitful one [=Israel] is experiencing the pain of a grievous wound’ (±¤Ÿ/14) 3) ¦¢§³š œ«¯³ £¢±ž²™ ‘Guide your steps (lit. march with your steps) uprightly!’ (±ž³/476) 4) ž§« ž«© £¥§ «š±™ž ¦¢±²« ‘His people went tottering for a distance of 24 [miles].’ (¥™/565; cf. case 1 under cognate internal accusative) Notes: Both cognate and non-cognate internal accusatives occur in BH, the latter frequently with verbs of expression. 498 The idiom ê±Š  ¯­ is common in BH. In the two cases where the substantive ©± is absent, the verb  ¯­ is co-ordinated with the verb ¨©± in a hendiadys construction: ž©ê±(ž) ž ¯­Š (Isa. 52:9; Ps. 98:4). The root Ÿ¢¥ ‘to speak evil’ is not attested in BH (but cf. BH ®¢¥ ‘to scorn’ and ¦¢³­² ³âŸ¥† ‘crookedness of the lips’ [Prov. 4:24]). It appears for the first time in DSSH, and continues into MH. In both of these, however, the verb is used intransitively, with the object of scorn governed by a preposition–e.g. ¥ž« ³­²š ¢¥« žŸ¢¥¢ž (1QHa 5:24). In the Corpus, in addition to the usage illustrated above, it may take for a direct object the person being spoken against: ՟¢¥†Š ¢ ¨¢œšž//ÕŸè† «† ¢ œž² ¦™ž (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/11). complement accusative 1a) ³ž±ž™¢ ž™¥é¢ ¦¢§ ‘May the streams fill with water.’ ( ³­¢/38) 1b) ¦²› ¦¢š« ž™¥é¢ ‘Let the clouds fill with rain.’ ( ³­¢/84) 1c) ¢³™¥§ ¢¡­²§ ‘I was filled with my law (i.e., the laws contained in me).’ (¢©©° ¢¢/140) 1d) ³ž§¤ž  ™¥§ ‘full of wisdom’ (¢©©° ¢¢/239) 1e) ¦¢™¢¥§ ³ž°œ¯ ‘full of righteousness’ (ž³™/375) 2a) ¦¢§ «šž© ¢©¢¢«§ ¢ ‘My spring was flowing with water.’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/144) 498

Cf. W&O, 167.

266

SYNTAX 2b) ¦¢§ ³«šž© ¢±™š ‘My well was flowing with water.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/146) 3) ¦¢±«³²§ ¦¢±¢«² œ ­ ‘storming with demon-fear (i.e., inspiring fear, as of demons)’ (¡²°™/33) 4) ¢³¥  ¢©™ ©žš¥ ³«š› ‘I writhed [in travail] with the hill of incense.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/164) 5) ¨¢œ °§« ¥ž›//¨¢œš  ¤ž³¥ ‘to argue in judgment with the One who reveals the depth of judgment’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/5; A [2nd stich]; but cf.  ¤ž³¢ ¥™±²¢ ¦« [Mich. 6:2]) accusative of place – static 1) ¦¢§² ±œ ‘He lived in the heavens.’ (¡²°™/10) 499 2) ¦¢§ ³«šž¡ ‘drowning in water’ (¡²°™/26) 3) ±œ  ¤š™ ‘I will weep in [my] chamber (i.e., in secret).’ (£¢š™™/8; cf. case 4 below) 4)  ³­ ®šž± ‘the one lying at the entrance’ (£¢š™™/46; cf.  ³­¥ ®š± ³™¡  [Gen. 4:7]) 5) ³ž§ž²± ¦œ™ ³žœ¥ž³ ±­ª Ÿ//³ž§²© ‘souls, which are listed in “this book of the generations of man” (Gen. 5:1).’ (¢©©° ¢¢/238) 6) ¦¢š²ž¢ ¦¢¤±œ ¥« š±™§ ‘sitting in ambush on the roads’ (° ±³/498; cf. ¦¢±¯  š±™§š š²¢ [Ps. 10:8]) accusative of place – dynamic (referring to the extent of an action) 1a) ¦¢±ž ™ šž² ‘to ignore (lit. to return backwards)’ (°¢­™/24; R) 1b) ¢³š²...³¢©±ž ™ ‘I returned…backwards.’ (£¢š™™/44) 2) ¢³¤²§© ž¢± ™...¦œ°ž ±ž ™ ‘I was drawn behind him backwards and forwards…’ (£¢š™™/43) 3) ž¤±™ž žš ž± ¦¥ž« œœ§ ™¥ œ« ‘before He had measured out the world, width-wise and length-wise’ (¢©©° ¢¢/87; R) 4) ¦¢±œ  ™š ‘entering inside’ (¦² ³™/432; for a static use of ±œ , cf. case 3 above) 5a) ¥¢§ ±²« ¦¢©² ž° ± ‘They retreated 12 miles.’ (¥™/587) 5b) ¥¢§ ±²« ¦¢©² žš²ž ž±Ÿ  ‘They came back 12 miles.’ (¥™/589) Notes: In case 1a, as well as in case 1 under “non-cognate accusative of state” below, ¦¢±ž ™ rhymes with ¦¢±© ¢ž³™ [=Abraham], and we are probably dealing with a more or less fixed 499 A number of similar constructions are attested, in which the verb is clearly conjugated as a participle. It is therefore impossible to determine whether the construction is to be interpreted as a construct chain or as “verb + accusative”: ¦¢©ž¢¥« ±œ ‘the One Living in the highest [heavens]’ (¨žŸ™/455), ¦¢° ² ¨¤ž² ‘the One Dwelling in the heavens’ (¥™/543).

267

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY rhyming pair. This supposition is confirmed by comparing cases 1a and 1b: whereas 1a employs the dual ¦¢±ž ™ with the verb šž², 500 1b uses the BH lexeme ³¢©±ž ™. It should, however, be noted that neither one of these syntagms corresponds precisely to the BH analogue, which is ±ž ™ š². 501 Case 3 is directly comparable to žš¤±ž ž¤±™ œœ§ (Ezek. 40:20). In BH, however, we find a similar expression in the form of a prepositional phrase: ᚠŽ±¥ž ᤱҥ...£¥³ (Gen. 13:17). accusative of place – dynamic (other) 1) ±²  ±š¤ ³±²  ¦¢§² ‘Pour out the sifted watery mass from the heavens!’ ( ³­¢/29; FV) 2a) ¨²š ž°©Ÿ¢...¦¢§ ‘May water…leap from Bashan.’ ( ³­¢/42; cf. °©Ÿ¢ ¨²š ¨§ [Deut. 33:22]) 2b) ¦¢°©Ÿ§ ¦¢¢  ±ž°§ ‘leaping from the source of life’ (ž³™/369) 3) ¥›«§ ¥© ‘Lead [Israel] in the path!’ ( ³­¢/69; cf. °œ¯ ¢¥›«§š ¢© ©¢ [Ps. 23:3]) 4) ¦¢­œ© ¥ž™² ¢°§«§ ‘thrust into the depths of Sheol’ (¥™/486; cf. ¥ž™²...ž³š¢Û ³™ ³œ±žž [I Kings 2:9]) accusative of time – with numeral 1) ¦¢­ªž™ ›  ¢§¢ ³«š² ‘gathering for the seven days of Sukkot’ (°¢­™/21) 2) œž«ž ³ž™§ «²³ ¨¢š™™ ‘I am [now] silent for over 900 [years].’ (£¢š™™/2; Gen. v.l. ¦¢©² ²¥²ž ¦¢«²³ž ³ž™§ «²³ ¢±) 3) ³±²« ¥¢¥ ³§¥¢™ ‘You silenced [me] on the eve of the tenth [of Av].’ (™²™/58) 4) ¢©žª¢© ©² ¦¢«š±™ ‘They tried Me for 40 years.’ (™²™/76) 5) «š² ²œ°© ‘He was consecrated over a period of seven [days].’ (± ¨§/19) 6) ³ž±žœ ²²ž ¦¢±²« ™ª¤ ¥ž§ ™œ¢ž ¬¥™ «Ÿ ‘The alef trembled and darted opposite [God’s] Throne for 26 generations.’ ( Ÿ™ š³¤š/63) 7) ž¤¢ š ¢³°³§© ©² ¦¢­¥™ ‘I was sweet in His palate for 2,000 years.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/86) 500 Cf. also ...//¦¢±© ¦±™//¦¢± ²ž š±«//¦Š¢± Õ ˆ ™ ¦¢šŠ ڎ //¦¢±­™ in ll. 169-172 of Qillir’s qerova for the Ninth of Av ®ž« «­™ ¤¢™, published in E. Fleischer, "±¢¥° ¢š±¢š ±Ÿ«¥™ '± ³™§ š™š «²³¥ ³¢²¢§  šž±°" Sinai 63 (1968) Ÿ¥-¡§. 501 Cf. BDB, 30, s.v. ±ž ™.

268

SYNTAX 8) 9)

œ ™ ¦ž¢ ¨¥ ™¥ œžš¤ ³­ž š ‘He didn’t lodge in the glorious bridal canopy [even] for one day.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/254) ¬±ž¡ ¦¢§¢ ²¥² ‘He was dragged along for three days.’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/296)

accusative of time – with nouns referring to the division of the day 1) ¦¢±¯ž ±°š...¦¢²› ‘approaching…in the morning and afternoon’ (³¥™³/10) 2a) ¥¢¥ž ¦§ž¢ £¢³ž¯§ ±ž§²¥ ‘to observe your commandments day and night’ (¢©©° ¢¢/283) 2b) ¦¢§¢ž ³ž¥¢¥ ¦›¢©§ ‘conducting them during the nights and days’ (±²™/398) 3) ±¤Ÿ¢ ž©ž›© ¥¢¥ ¨ž²¢™š £²  ‘May He remember his (i.e., David’s) playing during the darkness, in the depth of the night (i.e., of exile).’ (±¤Ÿ/29) accusative of time – referring to the temporal contour of an action 1) ²±œ ᳞™ œ¢§³ ‘Look after it always!’ ( ³­¢/13; thus in BH) 2) ¬¯²¢ «›± ¢¤ «œâ¢  ¯© ‘He will make Himself known for eternity, for He is angry [but] for a moment.’ (£¢š™™/76) accusative of time – other 1) ³ž§ž³ ž©³¢ ¥ž°//¦¢§ ¦§ ž¥¢ Ÿ¢ ¢¤ ³ž±ž©¯ ¥ž° ‘At the sound of the sluices, [which indicates] that they would cause water to flow from themselves, the abysses cry out’ (¡²°™/38; A; cf. ¦ž³ £¢±ž©¯ ¥ž°¥ ™±ž° ¦ž³ ¥™ [Ps. 42:8]) 2) "¢¤©™" ®­ ³¢¥¤³ ‘At the end [of the scriptural verse], He said “¢¤©™” (cf. Ps. 50:7)’ (²žœ°/40; for this interpretation, see Frenkel’s comment, ad loc.) cognate accusative of state: ¤¢ª© ¢³¤ëŠ© ‘I was installed as a princess.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/102) non-cognate accusative of state 1) ¦¢±ž ™...œž°« ‘who [was] bound…[with his hands] behind his back’ (³¥™³/9; R) 2) £¥§ °žœš ¢¥ ¢§ ‘Whom do I have in the veil [=heavens] as king?’ (³±œ™/13) 3) ¢³¥¥ž ³© ¦¥ž« ³ž«š› ±°  ‘I was brought forth as the source/root of the eternal hills.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/163; for this mng. of ±° , cf. ±°  ™¯§³ ž¥™ [Job 11:7]) 4) ¦¢š¢í§ ¦¢§ž±« ¦¢±¢²« ‘making (lit. stationing) the rich naked’ (° ±³/497) 269

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 5) 6) 7)

¦¢¯§ ¦ªž¤ ©«¥ž ²™± ‘quaffing their cup, full of poison and wormwood’ (¦ž¡™/519) ž¥¢« ¢²¢¥² ‘He brought him up as a third (i.e., intermediary).’ (¥™/593) ž¥±ž›ž ž°¥  ³©§ ž¥ ³³¥ ¦ž±§ ³¢žš² ‘to give him the one captured from on high [=Torah] as his special portion and lot’ (¥™/599)

accusative of manner 1a) ¦¢š± ¥¥­ ‘She prayed extensively.’ (¨š™/5) 1b) ³žœž¥ ¦¢š± ‘to greatly laud’ (¨©«/15) 1c) ¢šð¢š ³ž©©± ¦¢š± ‘as I implore greatly’ ( ³­¢/77) 2) ¦¢§ ­¥ ³Õ â䚍 ©¤²§³ ‘Let them securely conduct water for the mouth.’ (°¢­™/23) 3) ¦©  ³©³§ ³³ ‘to give gratis’ (¡²°™/20; cf. ¦©  ³©³§š [ £¥§ ¡­²§š/43]) 4) ±§ž ¥žœ› °«¯ ‘He cried out loudly and bitterly’ (¢©©° ¢¢/332; Gen. 2x v.l. °«¯ °«¯–cf. ±§ž ¥œ› °«¯ °«¯¢ž [Gen. 27:34]) 5a) ¦¢°ž°  š¡¢ ±™š ‘inscribed very clearly’ (ž³™/367; cf. ³™...³š³¤ž š¡¢ ±™š ³™Ÿ ±ž³ ¢±šœ ¥¤ [Deut. 27:8]) 5b) ±™žš§ š¡¢ ±™š ‘explicated very clearly’ (¥™/603) 6) ¦¢°©Ÿ§...«­² ‘leaping…in abundance’ (ž³™/369; cf. «­²š [¦©¤³/18]) 7) ...³ž¢©ž©¢š ¦¢©­//...//¦¥ ™±© š± ¦¢©­ž ‘And He appeared to them in many guises…a middle guise…’ (¥™/579-582; v.l. ¦¢©­šž) Notes: In BH, adjectives may be used adverbially, but if the adjective is plural, it is feminine–cf. ³ž™¥­©...¦«±¢ (Job 37:5). 502 It is therefore to be remarked that in cases 1a-c, the adverbial adjective is masculine plural. accusative of limitation 1a) œž°¢¥ £±š ‘to prostrate [themselves on their] knee[s]’ (³™/2) 1b) ²™± œž°¢¥ ‘to bow the head’ (¥™/614) 2) ©ðœ  ¤ ‘She was fattened with respect to strength.’ (³™/7) 3) ±¯š ™¥ ±²™ «ž² ±¯š ¢¥ š¢ ±¢ Ÿ ‘May This One [=God] grant me respite from [my] straits in the form of an unconstrained prayer.’ (°¢­™/7) 4a) ¦¢§ ¥¢±›¥ § ‘what to distribute in terms of water’ (¡²°™/29) 502

Cf. GKC, §§118n-p.

270

SYNTAX 4b) ¦¢§ ž©³¢ § ‘what they should give in terms of water’ (¦©¤³/1) accusative of specification 1a) ¦¢°° © ™§¡ ¦¢©­ «²³ž ¦¢«š±™ ‘inscribed having 49 aspects of impurity’ (¥™/545) 1b) ¦¢°²ž § ±ž¡ ¦¢©­ «²³ž ¦¢«š±™ ‘bound together having 49 aspects of purity’ (¥™/546) 2) ¦¢°Ÿ ©ž ¦¢²±œ© "ž¥›œž" ¨¢©§ ‘interpreted and made strong according to the numerical value of the word ž¥›œž (Song 2:4)’ (¥™/546) 3) ¦¢¥ž¥š ¦¢§ž ²™ ‘mixed out of fire and water’ (¥™/622) (cf. ¦¢§ž ²™ ¢¤ž³­ [¡²°™/5]) 4) ¦¢§«­  £ ±™š ‘He smote the well twice.’ ( ³­¢/8) 5) ³ž©ž­¯ ¦¢§«­ž Š ³ž ž³­ ¦¢§«­ Š ‘Sometimes [they are] open, and sometimes closed.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/70) 6) ±²« «ª ‘[the One who] moved ten [stages] [=God]’ (™²™/34) Notes: Cases 1-2 are consecutive stichoi that refer to the words of the Torah, which may be interpreted in 49 different ways with regard to purity, and 49 with regard to impurity. They are preceded by a summational statement employing the bet of specification: ¦¢°ž°  ²ž±¢­š ¦¢©­ ©ž§²ž ¦¢«²³š ‘inscribed clearly in 98 aspects’ (¥™/545). In BH, the substantive ¦«­ may be employed with the meaning ‘occasion’ in the singular, dual and plural. It is to be noted, however, that the plural is always accompanied by some word indicating quantity, most frequently a numeral. The indefinite notion ‘sometimes’ is expressed in BH by means of the singular: ³žš ±š ¦«­ ®ž š ¦«­ (Prov. 7:12). MH, on the other hand, typically employs the plural for this purpose– ¦œ™ ³ž¤Ÿš ¦¢œ±ž¢ ¦¢§²›² ¦¢§«­ œ ™ (JT Taan. 3:2 [66c]); ¨¢ªž¤§ ¦¢§«­ ¨¢¥ž›§ ¦¢§«­ (Song Rab. 7:2). The Corpus’ usage in case 5 is therefore a mishnaism. accusative of instrument 1) ¦³ž  œ ™ ¦¢«žš¡ £¥§ ³«š¡š ‘formed with the King’s seal ring, with one seal’ (¢©©° ¢¢/325; Gen. 1x v.l. œ ™¤) 2) ¦¢¯ ž§ ¤¢²© ¢©ž«­¯¤ ‘wounding with a sting, like an viper’ (¦ž¡™/515)

271

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY Notes: The existence of this category in BH is doubtful. 503 In case 1, we might adopt the variant reading œ ™¤ attested in the Genizah. Case 2 might be alternately analyzed as an inverted construct, i.e., as deriving from ¦¢¯ ž§ ¢©ž«­¯ ³¤¢²©¤. Note that if these alternatives were adopted, we would in both cases be faced with a prepositional phrase governed by -¤, which has “absorbed” and instrumental -š. §14r “¢ + Predicate Noun/Participle” with suffix conjugation 1) Ÿ™§ œž§« ¢³¢¢ ‘I was a pillar of old.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/99) 2) Ÿ™§ ©¢­ ¨š™ ¢³¢¢ ‘I was the cornerstone of old.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/101) 3) ³ž¯ž ž ®±™ ³¢³²§ ¢ ¢±žš¡ ‘My navel was the foundation of the whole world.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/172) 4) ¥š³ ³ž±­« ²™± ¢ ™ž ‘He was the first [collection] of dust in the world.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/185) 5) žšž¤± ¢³¢¢ ‘I was His chariot.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/203) 6) žŸž«§ ¢³¢¢ ‘I was His refuge.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/204) 7) ¢³¢¢ Ÿ« ‘I was mighty.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/213) 8) œ ™ ¢ ‘He was single.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/247) 9) ¦¥ž¤ ž¢ ¦¢§¥²ž§ž ¦¢§¢¥² ‘All of them were sound and whole.’ (¥™/577) with prefix conjugation 1) ¦¢š¢±« ž¢ £²­©¥ ‘May they be pleasant to your soul.’ (° ±³/505) 2) £«±§ ¢¢ ¥™ ³ž©Ÿž ¦¢¯ž°¢² ‘Let your pasturage not be detestable things and fornication.’ (¦ž¡™/521) with infinitive 1) ©²ž²¥ ³ž¢ ³ž™ §¢ª ‘She was singled out to be a sign for the lily [=Israel].’ (³™/8; cf. §14u, case 3) 2) œ ™ ³ž¢ šž¡ ™¥ ‘It is not good [for Adam] to be single.’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/248; cf. žœš¥ ¦œ™ ³ž¢ šž¡ ™¥ [Gen. 2:18]) 3) ³ž¢š¥² ¬²±//³ž¢¥ œž°¢¥ ‘to be a burning, a blazing fire’ ( ™²™ °œ¯š ¢«œ/40; A [2nd stich]) Notes: In the “¢ + predicate noun” construction, the noun is to be viewed as an implicit accusative. 504 In the analogous BH 503 504

Cf. Joüon, 2.§127l. Cf. BDB, 226, s.v. ¢.

272

SYNTAX construction, the noun may or may not be marked by the preposition -¥ (cf. case 3, where both syntagms are attested). Whereas in the Corpus the noun may either precede or follow ¢, in BH it always follows. §14s “™¯§© + Predicate Noun/Participle” 1) 2) 3) 4)

¦œ™ ¢©š§ ¬ž œ ¢²¢¥² ±žœ ™¯§© ‘The third generation turned out to be the worst of all people.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/256) ™¯§© žœ¢ ¢ ¦¥² ¨š±° ‘His only [son] was found to be a perfect sacrifice.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/293) œž³  šŸ¤ ¦¥² ™¯§© ‘He was found to be perfect as a thanksgiving sacrifice.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/303) ¦¢¥žª­ ž™¯§© ‘They were found to be unfit.’ (ž³³/387)

§14t “¨³©, ²«, ¦¢/ž ², ³¢² Passive + Predicate Noun” 1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6)

³ž±šœ¥ ¥¢ ³ ¨ñŠ© ‘It (i.e., alef) was made the beginning of the Decalogue.’ (š³¤š Ÿ™/64) (cf. ¨³©¢ ±¢¯  ¦œ™ ¨š [Isa. 51:12]) ¨ž±¤Ÿ °  ¢ž²« ™žž ‘And it constitutes (lit. is made) a law of remembrance.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/29) ®±™¥ ±œ› ¢³¢²«© ‘I was made into a fence for the earth.’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/222) ³ž™ ³ž²«¥ ‘to be made [into] a sign’ (¡­²§š £¥§/27) ¦² ³ž™ ¨ž¢¥« §²ž...±²™ ¦ž™ ‘A nation that was made preeminent…was made a sign.’ (£¢š™™/32; cf. ¨ž¢¥« £¢¥™ ž¢ £©³©ž [Deut. 28:1]) ³¢š¥ ³²ž ¨§™©ž ±² He was made a prince and an intimate of [God’s] house.’ (± ¨§/21)

Notes: The verb ²« frequently governs a double accusative in BH–e.g., ³ž›« ž³™ ž²«ž (Num. 11:8). Though a passive transformation of such a structure, resulting in the suppression of the direct object (i.e., ³ž›ž« ²«©**) would be theoretically possible, no such construction is attested in BH. The syntagm “²«© + predicate noun” is, however, employed in MH–cf. the expression ¦¢§œ ²«© ‘to be converted into cash’. §14u “©§, ¦¢ª, ™±° Passive + Predicate Noun” 1)

¥¢­³ ¥¤¥ ²™± ©§³© ‘He was designated the beginning of the whole tefilla (i.e., the eighteen benedictions).’ (¢©©° ¢¢/285) 273

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 2) 3) 4) 5) 6)

¦«ž± ±¢¯ ©§³© ‘The messeger [=Moses] was designated their shepherd.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/365) ¦¢©š¥ š™ ¨¢š ³ž™ §¢žª ‘It was made a sign between the Father [=God] and the children [=Israel]’ (³¢¥¤³/441; v.l. œ«¥ž ³ž«¥; cf. also §28bb) ¡¢« ™±°© ‘He was called a falcon.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/276) ™±°© ¨ž§ š™ ‘He was called the “father of multitudes.”’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/277; cf. £¢³³© ¦¢ž› ¨ž§ š™ [Gen. 17:5]) ¦¥ž«§ ž¢©« ™±°© ±²™ ²§ Ÿ ‘This Moses, who has been called “the humble one” of old.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/339)

§14v Directional he 1a) 1b) 1c) 1d) 1e) 1f) 2a) 2b) 3)

¥«§¥ ¥«§¥ œ« ‘exceedingly’ (¡­²§š £¥§/58; cf. §22d) ¥«§è§ ‘from above’ (¡­²§š £¥§/80; cf. ¥«§§ [§22b]) ¥«§§ ‘from above’ (± ¨§/26) ¥«§§ ‘above’ (¢©©° ¢¢/263; v.l. ¥«§¥§, ¥«§§) ¥«§š ‘on high’ (± ¨§/25) ¥«§ ¢©­ ¥« ‘on the face of the heavens’ (¢©©° ¢¢/276) ¡§è§ ‘from below’ (¡­²§š £¥§/80; but cf. ³ ³§ [§22b]) ¡§¥ ‘below’ (¢©©° ¢¢/264) ¯±™ ³ž©­ ‘to turn earthward’ ( ³­¢/68)

Notes: In BH, the compound prepositional phrase ¥«§¥§ usually means ‘above’, 505 i.e., the preposition ¨§ appears to convert the dynamic force of ...¥ into a static meaning. The same is always the case with its opposite ¡§¥§. 506 The only exception is found in ¥«§¥§ ¦¢œ±¢ ¦¢§ (Jos. 3:13, 16), where the ¨§ plays the expected role of marking source, as in ¥šš§ ‘from Babylon’ (Jer. 27:16). The forms ¥«§§ and ¥«§š are not attested in BH. §14w Adverbial -åm 1) ¦ê  ‘gratis’ (¡­²§š £¥§/43) =BH 2) ¥¢¥ž ¦§ž¢ ‘by day and night’ (¢©©° ¢¢/283) =BH 3) ¦©§ž™ ‘indeed, surely’ (¢©©° ¢¢/303) =BH

505 Cf. BDB, 752, s.v. ¥«§, who note that this expression is “the more usual prose syn[onym] of ¥«§§.” 506 Cf. BDB, 641, s.v. ¡§.

274

SYNTAX Notes: The adverbial ending -åm, most likely the remnant of an adverbial accusative suffix, 507 is no longer productive in BH. §14x Gender, Number and Definiteness The following sections examine gender, number and definiteness agreement in the Corpus, which generally exhibits the same rules of concord one finds in both BH and MH, including chiastic concord with the cardinal numbers. §14y Lack of Gender Concord noun + attributive adjective: ¬ž²  «ž±Ÿ ( ³­¢/65; R; ±²™ ³™ ¤¢™ ±š¤/34; R); œœž© ±ž­¯ (£¢š™™/80); ¢±š« ¨ž²¥ (š³¤š Ÿ™/57; R). Notes: The disagreement in the case of «ž±Ÿ is only apparent, since this BH noun, though usually taking feminine agreement, may also be masculine–e.g., ž¡­²¢ ¦¢§« ¢« ±Ÿ (Isa. 51:5). The masculine agreement is necessitated in the Corpus by the rhyme requirement. The usage is, nevertheless, somewhat surprising, in view of £«±Ÿ ­ž²  (Ezek. 4:7). BH ±ž­¯ is usually feminine, but it takes masculine agreement in œœžš ±ž­¯ (Ps. 102:8) and ž©©°¢ ¦¢±­¯ (Ps. 104:17). BH ¨ž²¥ is usually feminine, but it too may take masculine agreement–cf. œ ™ šŸ ¨ž²¥ (Josh. 7:21). ad sensum agreement with epithets 1) ž¢©¢© ž±¯°¢//°œ¯¥ «±Ÿ ¦¥™ ³©ž¢¤ž (¡­²§š £¥§/34) (¦¥™ ³©ž¢ ‘mute dove’ = Isaac) 2) ៩›//...¨ž§™ ž¥¯™ ±› (¡²°™/6); ¨ž§™  žž¯ (¢©©° ¢¢/286) (¨ž§™ ‘artificer’ = Torah) 508 3) ¦¢§ ³«šž¡ ¢¥š ³¢±š ³ž™ ™¢›¥ (¡²°™/26) (™¢› ‘valley’ = ®±™) Notes: In these cases, the disagreement results from the treatment of an epithet that bears a particular grammatical gender as bearing (the opposite) gender of the underlying referent for purposes of concord. Note also that BH ™¢›, while usually taking

507

Cf. A.F. Rainey, Canaanite in the Amarna Tablets – A Linguistic Analysis of the Mixed Dialect Used by the Scribes from Canaan (Leiden/New York/Köln: Brill, 1996) 3.1-4. 508 The verse from which this epithet is derived has the Torah speaking of herself in the feminine: ³« ¥¤š ž¢©­¥ ³° ²§...¨ž§™ ž¥¯™ ¢™ž (Prov. 8:30).

275

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY masculine agreement, is also attested once as a feminine noun: ™¢› œ™§ ¥žœ› (Zech. 14:4). agreement with the nomen rectum in a construct phrase 1) ±¯°³ ™¥ œ¢ °Ÿ  (°¢­™/8) (agrees with œ¢; cf. also under §29f) 2) ž ³ì¢...//®±« ¢§² ³žš±™ ( ³­¢/3) (agrees with ®±« ¢§²) 3) ž«±Ÿ ¢­§  ¤ð³ ™¥ ¢¤//Õ««ž±¥ ³«œ  ž± ±Ÿ (£¢š™™/23-24; 2nd stich = Deut. 31:21) (agrees with ³«œ  ž±) 4) ³¢š ©..."¢¤©™" ³œ ¨ž± (š³¤š Ÿ™/65) (agrees with "¢¤ž©™" ³œ) 5) ³œ­//¦¢©©™² ³š² ¢š¯ (³¢¥¤³/440) (agrees with ¦¢©©™² ³š²) 6) ²è  ™°±™š//²ž¥  ¥ž° (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/37) (agrees with ²ž¥ ) other 1) °Ÿ š ¨¤² ž¢­³¤ ¨¢šž//°Ÿ«§ ™¢ ±²™ ¦¢¡š² ³ž§œšž ( £¥§ ¡­²§š/48; cf. ¨¤² ž¢­³¤ ¨¢šž [Deut. 33:12]) 2) ™±ž©  ±°¤ «¢°± ³ž§œ//™±ž§š ¢ž¡© ¦¢²™± ¥«ž (¡­²§š £¥§/63) 3) ¦² ³ž™//¨ž¢¥« §²ž ¢ž› ¥¤ ¥« ±²™ ¦ž™ (£¢š™™/32) Notes: Case 2 is directly dependent on «¢°± ³ž§œž ¦¢²™± ¥« ¢ž¡© ™±ž©  ±° ¤ (Ezekiel 1:22), the material shown in outline having been omitted. Whereas in Ezekiel’s version the subject of ¢ž¡© is the masculine «¢°±, the elimination of the redundant prepositional phrase ¢  ¢²™± ¥« leads to the new string «¢°± ³ž§œ, which is re-interpreted as a construct phrase and becomes the new subject of ¢ž¡©. Case 3 is rather unusual, in that the noun ¦ž™ is coordinated with a feminine and masculine form of the same verb in two adjacent stichoi. This gender bivalence is probably to be explained by the fact that in BH, the corresponding noun is only attested in the plural, both as ³Õ鐙 and ¦¢é Š ™, with no possibility of determining gender on the basis of agreement. 509 The Corpus’ singular ¦ž™ (not attested in MH) is therefore back-formed from these plural forms, and assigned a variable gender. The treatment of ¦ž™ as feminine is known elsewhere in Byzantine piyyut–cf. ¦² ³Ñ§‹ ¡† ¦ž™ in l. 36 of Yose ben Yose’s seliʚa ž©¢§²™ ¦©§™. 510 special case – 3rd masc. sing. of passive stems 1) ¤Ž ±Ñ † ᥠ¨ñŠ  © ‘An extension was given her.’ (³±œ™/4; cf. §29l) 2a) ...°œ¯š ³§™ ¦³¥ ¨ñ©¤ž ‘And just as truth was given in righteousness to the perfect one [=Jacob]…’ (¡­²§š £¥§/35) 509 510

Cf. also BA, where the singular is éŽ ™ while the plural is ™Žåé ™.  Mirsky, ¢ªž¢, 121.

276

SYNTAX 2b) °œ¯ž ³§™ ž¢©¢©¥ ¨³ê¢... ‘…truth and righteousness will be given to his descendants.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/35; v.l. ¨³©³; Gen. v.l. ³§™š °œ¯, °œ¯ ¦ž¢) 3a) ¦¢§ ³±¢¯« ±Ÿ›© ‘A water stoppage has been decreed.’ (¦©¤³/6; v.l. ±Ÿ›©; v.l. ³±¢¯«š) 3b) §ž§ ª©° ‘Discomfiture has been imposed (as a punishment).’ (±¤Ÿ/42) 3c) ³± © ¢¥« ¦¢©¢°//"³±§Ÿž ¢Ÿ«" ±ž§³ž ‘And instead of “[God is] my strength and my song” (Exod. 15:2), dirges have been decreed for her.’ (š²¢ ¤¢™/36) 4) ³ ™ ž©§§ ¬¥²© ‘One [rib] was drawn out of him.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/249; v.l. œ ™ «¥¯) 5) ¥žž« žš ™¯§© ™¥ ‘Iniquity was not found in him.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/278) Notes: The most plausible explanation of these cases is that in them, the passive stem is being treated as a quasi-impersonal. In case 4, the variant reading treats «¥¯ as a masculine noun. In BH, it is most commonly treated as feminine, but it may also take masculine agreement–œ ™ ¨¤²§ «¥¯ (Exod. 26:26), ¦¢«¥¯ ¢©² (I Kings 6:34). Case 5, which treats ¥žž« as masculine noun, is directly comparable to ž¢³­²š ™¯§© ™¥ ¥ž«ž (Mal. 2:6) and ™¯§© œ« £š ³Ž ¥†Ž ž« (Ezek. 28:5). §14z Lack of Chiastic Gender Concord in Cardinal Numbers ¦¢§ ³ž¢«¢š± ³²¥² (¦©¤³/9); ³ž±šœ ²ž¥² (¢©©° ¢¢/250; v.l. ²¥²); «š² ³ž™¢±š (¡²°™/10); «²³ ³ž±­ž² (¤¢ª©™/17; R); ±²« ³ž¢¥› (™²™/46). Notes: Most of the cases listed here appear to be unmotivated exceptions. In the case of «²³ ³ž±­ž², the need to satisfy the rhyme norm may be cited, along with the fact that this phrase is immediately preceded in the line by the parallel phrase «²³ ³ž¤±š. §14aa Lack of Number Concord 1) °ž°© ᤞ³š ¦¢±ž¯ ³ž²­©ž (¡­²§š £¥§/46; R) 2) ³ž²¢œ°§ ²žœ° ²™±š ³ ™ž //³ž²±­³§...¦¢³² (¡­²§š £¥§/78; R) ‹ ( ³­¢/61; FV) 3) ž±¯«¢ ™¥//...²ž°« ²«§ 4) ¦¤¥°...¢©Š â뢩Š (™²™/76)

277

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 5) 6) 7) 8)

¢³ž§  šž¡ (£¢š™™/63; R; cf. ¢¢ § ¢³ž§ Š šž¡ [Jon. 4:3]) 511 ¦¢¥›œ© ³­ž³¥ ¦¢ž¢› (³ž«³/419; R) ¦¢±±™ž ³ž¥™ ᚠ£ž±« (¦² ³™/431) ¦¢§°©¢© ¦œ™š ¦œ™ ¦œ £­ž² (±ž³/474; R)

Notes: The disagreement in case 3 is only apparent–cf. under §30h/ad hoc interpretation. Case 4 shows ad sensum agreement–cf. © žšž²¢ ¥žœ› ¥° (Jer. 31:8). §14bb Lack of Definiteness Concord šž¡ ± ‘the Good Mountain’ [=Jerusalem] (£¢š™™/49). Notes: This epithet for Jerusalem is based on Ÿ šž¡ ± (Deut. 3:25). In addition to the present case, it is attested in ¨¤ ³žœ­ šž¡ ±¥ ²¢ ³ (¨§ž™ š™¢ž/101), as well as in «š¡ž¤ ± šž¡ ( ¤¢™ «¢©/55). Though in both of these cases the usage is subject to syntactic irregularity–viz. the failure of the definite article to syncopate when preceded by -¥ in the first case, and the word order “attributive adjective + head noun” in the second case– agreement in definiteness between head noun and attributive adjective is maintained. It is therefore difficult to explain the lack of such agreement in the case cited from the Corpus. In BH, one occasionally finds cases wherein the attributive adjective is definite and the noun indefinite–e.g., šž¡ ©° (Jer. 6:20), ¥žœ› ± (Zech. 4:7). 512 This phenomenon is even more common in MH. 513

§15 MONOGRAPHIC AND MONOSYLLABIC/POLYSYLLABIC PREPOSITIONS In many instances, an exhaustive listing of cases is not only impracticable by reason of sheer volume, but also unnecessary for the purposes of establishing the existence of a particular usage. In such cases, a few examples are provided, together with a figure indicating the total number of usages found in the Corpus. Cf. Yahalom, ±¢² ³­², 127-28, who cites three cases of the pair ž¢³ž§š//ž¢¢ š in Yannai. Yahalom argues that the second member of the dyad was formed by analogy to the first. 512 Cf. W&O, 260. The authors note there that the phenomenon is particularly to be observed “with unique referents…, all of which are definite in themselves.” The Corpus’ case falls under this designation. 513 Cf. Segal, §86. 511

278

SYNTAX §15a Uses of the Preposition -š Unless otherwise noted, all of the functions of -š described here are common in BH. 514 For the use of -š with the infinitive and the gerund, see §19k and §20a, respectively. locative bet 1) ¢«œ§š ¢³©š ‘I contemplate in my mind.’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/3) 2) ¦²±š ‘in the inscription [=Torah]’ ( ¢±¡¢/5) 3) ¥›«  ž©§š ‘in the resting place of the calf [=Dan]’ ( ³­¢/42; cf. I Kings 12:29) 4) ž²œ° ¦²š ¥žšŸ ¢³¢¢ ‘I was residing in His holy name.’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/206) 5) œ¢ ¢š œ¢ ¢ ‘the [one called] œ¢ ¢ in the unique one [=Torah]’ [=Isaac] (¢©©° ¢¢/302) 6) š¢™ ¦š¥š ¦¢±§ž² ‘harboring enimity in their heart[s]’ (±ž³/466) 7) ¢³™¥§ ¢¡­²§ š± ¦ž³š ‘And [being] in the great Abyss, I was filled with my law (i.e., the laws contained in me).’ (¢©©° ¢¢/140) Total: 114 bet indicating a being in a state or condition 1) š±°š¤ ¢³§° ‘I stand, as if in battle.’ (°¢­™/19) 2) ¬ž­¯ š¢±š ›¯ ‘He has been made to stand in a straitened trial.’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/9) 3) £¥ž ®ž­š ‘walking along in exile’ (™²™/29) 4) ³ž©¢°š ž°š™ ‘They wallow in dirges.’ (£¢š™™/7; cf. under §30d) 5) ¦³œ¢±¢š ¦¢œ±ž¢ž ¦³ž¥«§š ¦¢¥ž« ‘ascending in their ascents and descending in their descent’ (¢©©° ¢¢/321) 6) ¦¢©ž§™ ±žš¢ š £¢±ž ‘those who bore you [while] in a faithful union (i.e., marriage)’ (¨žŸ™/452) 7) ž§¢¥«­§ ¦ ³ž¥¢Ÿ›šž ³žš¢©›š ‘Their activities are in [the realm of] theft and stealing.’ (¥™/556) 8) ³ž¤¥§š ¢©™ ‘I am possessed of kingship (i.e., I rule).’ (¤¢ª©™/7) bet indicating inclusion within a domain 1) ³ž²œ° ²ž¥²š ³ ™ ‘one among the three qedushot’ ( £¥§ ¡­²§š/79) 2) ³ž©š ³žš±š...³ž§²© ‘souls…[numbered] among “many young women” [=Israel]’ (°¢­™/14) 3) ©¢¤² ¦š ±² ‘He made the Divine Presence to dwell among them.’ (¡²°™/10) 514

Cf. W&O, 196-99.

279

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 4)

5) 6) 7) 8)

"¦¢§" ¦²š ©¤ ¦² ¢ž©¤  š² ‘He has referred to the glory of the substitute [Divine] Name in the name “water” (i.e., in the name “water” is contained a reference to God)’ (¡²°™/41; cf. ¢œ² ¥ž°¤ ¦¢š± ¦¢§ ¥ž°¤ [Ezek. 1:24]); ¦¢§¥ ¦¢±¢œ™ "±¢œ™" ¦²š ¬ñ² ‘He has made the “mighty ones” of the water partners in [His own] name “Mighty One” (i.e., both God and water are called (¦¢)±¢œ™)’ (¡²°™/41; cf. ž¢ ¦ž±§š ±¢œ™ ¦¢ ¢±š²§ ¦¢±¢œ™ [Ps. 93:4]); ž§²š ¦§² ¥¥¢¤ ‘He included their name in His name.’ (¥™/562) ¦¢§² ³ž¥Ÿ§š ³±ª§ ¢²© ¥¤ ¢¢  ‘You handed over the life of the whole world to [the jurisdiction of] the heavenly constellations.’ (¦©¤³/15) ¦š ¢ ™¥ ¦ž§ ¥¤ ‘There was no blemish among them.’ (¥™/577) ¦¢­ž› ³ž¢±« ¢¥›§š//¦¢­™©§š š±«³³ ¥™ ‘Do not get mixed up with adulterers, with those who reveal bodies’ pudenda.’ (¥™/480) ±­ž²š ¥ž¥š ¥ž° ‘a voice mixed with [the sound of] the shofar’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/2; cf. ±­ž² ¦« ¥ž° [°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/6]) Total: 13

bet marking goal or area/domain moved into/through 1) ¦š ž™¯¢ž ‘and through them will come out’ (¡­²§š £¥§/73) 2) ®š±š ¥©¥ ‘to lead to a resting-place’ (¦©¤³/22) 3) ¨žš²  ¥¤š ±žš«™ ‘I go through every calculation.’ (™²™/62) 4) ¦¢¥¢šž§ £² š ¦¢«ž¡ ‘leading those who stray after them into darkness’ (³ž«³/416) 5) ¦¢©³¢™ ³¢±šš £ž±±ž› ‘They inducted you into the covenant of the enduring ones [=circumcision].’ (¨žŸ™/453) 6) ¦¢­¢¥ § ± ™ ¦²š ¦«±Ÿ ‘rendering their progeny up to another name (said of adulterers, whose offspring bears the name of another man)’ (¥™/483; Gen. 1x v.l. ¦²¥) 7) ¦¢š±« ¢š©²™š ¦¢™ž± ‘peeping into evening lattices (i.e., into lattices by night)’ (° ±³/495) 8) ¦¢ššžª§ ³žšž ±š ¦³²š ‘dragging their shame through the streets’ (° ±³/504) temporal bet 1) °±­ Ÿš ‘on this occasion’ (³¥™³/10) 2) ¡­²§š ‘at the time of judgment’ (³™/4; ¡­²§š £¥§/60) 3) «š² ¬žªš ‘at the end of seven [days]’ (¦©¤³/8)

280

SYNTAX 4) 5) 6) 7) 8)

¦¢«©  ¢²š ‘during [the course of] the pleasant musing (i.e., prayer)’ ( ³­¢/23) ¥š³ ¢©¢§ ³²²š ‘during the six types [of season] of the earth’ ( ³­¢/28) 515 ª¢ª± ¥ž¥¡š ¥ž¥™š ±š ¦­ª™š ‘as they gather grain during Elul, when the dew appears’ ( ³­¢/43) ¦¢©³¢™ ¢¥š š ‘during the pangs of Eitanim/Tishrei’ ( ³­¢/51) ±žœž ±žœ ¥¤š ‘in every generation’ (±¤Ÿ/7) Total: 69

bet marking accompanying physical/mental circumstances 1) ¨ž±›š ™ž±° ‘to cry out loudly’ (³¥™³/2); ¢©ž±›š ³ž©« ‘to speak loudly’ (£¢š™™/1; pron. pleonastic) 2) ±­ž²š ¥ž¥š ¥ž°š...™±°™ ‘I will cry out…with a voice mixed with [the sound of] the shofar.’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/2); ¬ž³² ¥ž°š... ž¯ ±­ž² ‘shouting…along with the participation of the sound of the shofar’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/35) 3) ¦±Ÿš ¬¯­¯™ ‘I will chirp profusely.’ (™²™/19) 4) ¥­¤š ‘in double wise’ (¦©¤³/10); ¦Š¢¥­¤š  (¨ž©š¥§ ¢³™/49; ¦¢©š ¦™ ©ž¢¤/47); ¦¢¥­¤ ¢¥­¤š (¨ž©š¥§ ¢³™/56) 5) «­²š ‘abundantly’ (¦©¤³/18) 6) °Ÿ š ‘firmly’ (¡­²§š £¥§/48) 7) ¦¤±«š ‘in their [proper] order’ (°¢­™/6) 8) ®±§š ‘energetically’ ( ³­¢/4, 71); ¯ž±§š ®± ‘He ran eagerly.’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/295) 9) ®± ž ¨ž¢¥¢¤š//®±™ ±±ž­³ ±ž­ ‘The earth will be utterly cleft, with a decisive destruction.’ (¤¢ª©™/33) 10) £¥š ‘precipitously, quickly’ (¤¢ª©™/12) 11) ±žš›š ‘gloriously’ ( ³­¢/30); ¥œ›š ‘with greatness’ (£¢š™™/83) 12) £ž¥§¥ žŸ«š ‘to rule in His might (i.e., mightily)’ (¤¢ª©™/9) 13) ³ž¥žš ³š ‘cleverly’ ( ³­¢/36) 14) ²ž±¢­š ‘clearly, distinctly’ (¢¤©™/43; ¥™/545) 515 The reference here is to the scriptural verse that immediately follows: ¥¢¥ž ¦ž¢ž ¬± ž ®¢°ž ¦ ž ±°ž ±¢¯°ž «±Ÿ ®±™ ¢§¢ ¥¤ œ« (Gen. 8:22). In his commentary, Rashi, ad loc., interprets the verse to refer to “6 periods [of the year]…composed of two months each.” Ibn Ezra, ad loc., on the other hand, sees two independent types of year-reckoning here: the first one being a division into ±¢¯°ž «±Ÿ (the year being thereby divided into two halves), and the other into four tequfot (seasons). Qillir’s interpretation seems to be analogous to that of Rashi.

281

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 15) ©¢ šš ‘with scrutiny’ (¢©©° ¢¢/106); ±° ž °žœ°œš ‘with investigation and inquiry’ (±¤Ÿ/44) 16) ©¢šš ‘with understanding’ (¢©©° ¢¢/107, 345) 17) žšž¡ ³œ§š ±±§ ‘musing in His attribute of goodness’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/132) 18) ³ž§² ¦¥ ™±° ž³«œš ‘In his knowledge, he called them by name.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/244) 19) ª›  ž±š ‘arrogantly’ (°¢­™/18); ¨žœŸš (±ž³/469); ž™›š (¤¢ª©™/17) 20) ™±ž§ ¥¢ š ¢³±²§ ‘those who serve while trembling with fear’ (œ¢­™™/7) 21) ™±ž§š ‘fearsomely’ (¡­²§š £¥§/63); ¥šš ‘in a scary manner’ (¡²°™/27) 22) š¢ š ‘lovingly’ (š³¤š Ÿ™/79); ¥ž¥¤ š™š ‘with perfect love’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/281); œž§  œ§ š ‘with ingratiating graciousness’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/307) 23) ¦«Ÿš ™¥ž ³ ©š ‘gently rather than angrily’ ( ³­¢/45); ³ ©š ( ³­¢/69); ±š«š...ª«¤š ‘angrily…furiously’ (¢©©° ¢¢/334); ª«¤š (±¤Ÿ/2) 24) ¦«ž©š ‘delightfully (i.e., bringing delight)’ (¢©©° ¢¢/348) 25) °œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™ ‘I will make my opinion known in righteousness.’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/2); ©²¢³© °œ¯š ‘She had grown old in righteousness (i.e., as a righteous person).’ (¦™/1) 26) ©¢© š ‘compassionately’ (¢©©° ¢¢/345) 27) ¦¢§³š ‘uprightly’ (±ž³/476, 477); ±ž²¢§š ‘justly’ (¤¢ª©™/15; cf. BH ¦¢±²¢§š) 28) ²§› ªž¥­š ±š ¬ª™¥ ‘to gather grain such that [its] weighing is characterized by stretching [of the scale] (i.e., such that the scale is overloaded)’ ( ³­¢/55) 29) ¬ž²  «ž±Ÿš  ³­ £œ¢ ‘Open your hand, with a bare arm!’ ( ³­¢/65) 30) ¬¥™ ¦¢©²ž ¦¢±²« ³žš¤±§š œ± ¦± ‘The Exalted One [=God] came down with 22,000 chariots.’ (²žœ°/35) 31) ¦¢§«¡§ ¨§š £«ž± ‘guiding you with tasty manna’ (±²™/405) Total: 108 Notes: Many of the expressions belonging to this category are best translated into English as adverbs (see also ¢™œžžš [§22e]). Judging by the number and variety of examples, this usage is quite popular in the Corpus. 282

SYNTAX instrumental/agentive bet 1) œ°²¥ ¦ž ¥ ¥¤ ž¢§¢™š ‘to chastise all flesh by means of its terror (i.e., the terror inspired by the Day of Judgment)’ (³™/1) 2) ¢ ³ ¢¥¥¡š ‘by the [power of] resurrection-bringing dew’ (³¥™³/14) 3) ¦¢ ¥² ¢š™š ¥ž³š ®¢¥«¥ ‘to gladden Virgo [=Israel] with sprouts [growing by] canals’ ( ³­¢/47) 4)  ¯ ¯¢ ¡š² ¢¥œš ‘May it (i.e., agricultural produce) be made to glisten with the water (lit. bucket) of Shevat.’ ( ³­¢/83) 5) ¢³™±°© ž¢­š ‘I was called forth by His mouth.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/138) 6) ž§¢¢  ¦ ¦š± š ‘Their lives are by their sword.’ (¥™/554) 7) ž§ž¢°š ¦±™¢³ ³žœ¢§ ±²« ²¥²š ‘He adorned them with the Thirteen Attributes, [an expression of] His essence.’ (¥™/561; cf. under §13m/Piel denominative) 8) "¢¤©™"š  ³­ ‘He began [the Decalogue] with “¢¤©™.”’ (²žœ°/40; ¥™/607; thus in MH) 9) ¢³«œš ž«°š© ž³«œš ž«°š© ³«š ‘When they were rent open at His behest (lit. by His knowledge), they were rent open at my behest.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/139; cf. ž«°š© ³ž§ž³ ž³«œš [Prov. 3:20]) 10) ¨±°š...¢«°ž³ ‘those who blow the horn’ (œ¢­™™/°); ±­ž²š ¢«°ž³ ‘those who blow the shofar’ (¡­²§š £¥§/31) Total: 109 bet of exchange (bet pretii) 1) ³ž ©¥ ¬ªž¢š ©¢œ ¬ž¥¢ª ‘to effect the exchange of Dinah for Joseph’ (¨š™/8) 2) ¬¥™ ¦¢©²ž ¦¢±²«š ±ž­ª ¡§ ‘a tribe reckoned at 22,000 [people]’ (²žœ°/36) 3) ¦¢§¢¥²§ ²­©š ²­© ‘paying life for life’ (±ž³/474; cf. ²­©š ²­© [Deut. 19:21] versus ²­© ³ ³ ²­© [Exod. 21:23; Lev. 24:18]) 4) ¦¢©ž° £³ž™ ³ž±¢³«š ‘acquiring you with [their] prayers’ (¨žŸ™/452) Notes: The bet of exchange is a sub-type of the instrumental usage, since it marks the thing by means of which or through which an exchange is made possible. By extension, it may refer to a numerical standard in terms of which something is measured. bet of specification 1) ᳞ž™©š ±²©¤ ²œ ³© ‘She was renewed like an eagle in her comeliness.’ (¦™/5) 2) ¨¢œš ¦¢§ ± ¨¢™ ‘There is no mercy in judgment’ (¡­²§š £¥§/21); ±¤Ÿ¢ ¥š š¢±š ±ž™² «± ¨ ¯ ‘May He not remember the stench of 283

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY

3) 4) 5) 6) 7) 8) 9) 10) 11) 12) 13)

the evil of the leaven (i.e., man’s evil inclination) in judgment’ (±¤Ÿ/10); ¨¢œš  ¤ž³¥ ‘to argue at law’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/5) ³ž²œ° ¢©¢§ ¥¤š ²žœ° ‘holy with regard to all manner of holiness(es)’ (¡­²§š £¥§/78) ¦¢§š ᜢ§³¥ ‘to supply it permanently with water’ (¦©¤³/5) ¦¢§ ³±° ¢žž™š ¦¢ ž±³§ ‘finding easement with regard to [their] desire for the coolness of water’ (¦©¤³/14) ª¢ª«ž š¥  ¬¡©š ª¢ª«¥ ¦¢§±¤ ‘to make vineyards juicy with milk and sweet wine’ ( ³­¢/44) ¦¢ ±­ šž©³ ¨žœ«š ¦¢ ±¢ œ›§ £±š¥ž ‘and to bless the bounty of the moons with the making luxuriant of plant produce’ ( ³­¢/49) ±²š³¥  ¢¥ªš ‘to receive good news with regard to pardon’ (£¢š™™/29) °­ªš ¬™ "¬™©³ ™¥" ‘Do not commit adultery (Deut. 20:14), even with regard to doubtful cases.’ (¢¤©™/50) «œž§ ±šœš ¨ž§™  žž¯ ‘The artificer [=Torah] cried out with regard to the word of the Friend [=God].’ (¢©©° ¢¢/286; for this interpretation, see Frenkel, ad loc.) ¦«ž© ¢±§™ ³ §²š//¦« ¥¤ ž §²¢ž ‘And all the people rejoiced in the joy of the delightful sayings [=Torah].’ (¢©©° ¢¢/364) ¦¢­¢ ¦¢¢ š £°¥ š  §² ‘Rejoice in your portion in a good life!’ (¥™/487) ¬ž­› ³±Ÿš//¬ž­™©š ¥²¤ ‘He was made to stumble with regard to adultery, with regard to the embracing of a strange woman.’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/9) Total: 40

bet of norm 1) °œ¯ ²«³ ¦©  ³©³§š ‘You will perform righteousness gratis.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/43) 2) ¢¡­²¥ ¢¥š ¦¢ž› ¢¡­²§š ‘will not include (lit. judge) me in the judgments meted out to the nations’ (¡­²§š £¥§/52; cf. §19i) 3) ¦¢§ ª¥­¥ žš  ž±¥ ¥°²§ ¦² ‘He assigned to the wind a weight (i.e., a carrying capacity) in accordance with which to weigh out water.’ (¡²°™/29) 4) ¦¢§ ¢°§« £±™š ¦¢±«²© ‘measured in accordance with the length of the watery depths’ (¡²°™/15) 516

516

In this passage, which relates to the dimensions of the angels, I follow the interpretation proposed by Heidenheim, ad loc.: ¥''Ÿ ž±§™² ž§¤

284

SYNTAX 5) 6) 7)

³ž§œšž ¦¥¯š ±¯ž© ‘created in the image and likeness [of God]’ (™²™/44) ¦¢°²§ž ¦¢¥¤™ °³§ ¥¤š ¦¢¥ž²§ ‘likened to all sweet fare’ [=words of Torah] (¥™/544) ±ž¤Ÿ¥§ ™ª™ªš «±ì¢ ž³ªŒž ‘May his wonted way be repayed without being remembered according to [the standard of] measure for measure.’ (±¤Ÿ/34) Total: 10

special use – bet citing a scriptural text 1) ¢°©¥ "°©¢ ™¥ °©"š ‘to purify me in accordance with [the verse] “[He] purifies, He will not purify.” (Ex. 34:7)’ ( £¥§ ¡­²§š/55) 517 2) "£¥ž° ¢¥¯"š...¨©ž°™ ‘I will wail…with [the words] “Give a shrill cry!” (Isa. 10:30).’ (™²™/28) 3) ¦¢¥š°§ ³œ "«§²©ž ²«©"š ‘Receiving the Law with [the words] “We obey and hear.” (Exod. 24:7)’ (ž³³/391) 4) ¦¢¥ž¥³ "œž§ ³ ™¥"š ¦¢±šœ ¥™ ‘These matters stem from [the commandment] “Thou shalt not covet” (Exod. 20:17).’ (³žœž§ ³/535) Notes: This usage is a specific application of the bet of norm, where the norm according to which one acts or speaks is specified by means of a scriptural text. estimative bet 1) «¢±¥ ¢«œž¢š ²œ°³ ‘You will be recognized as holy among those who know how to sound the shofar blast [=Israel].’ (³±œ™/°) 2) ¢³¥¥³©...¦¢©¢©³š ‘I was praised among the sea monsters…’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/142) 3) ³ž§²š ™±ž©ž œš¤© ¢§² ‘My name, the honored and awesome among names’ (¢©©° ¢¢/245) 4) ¦œ™š ¥°¥ž°§ ¢±¢²« ±žœ ‘the tenth generation, corrupt among men’ (¢©©° ¢¢/228) 5) ¦œ™š °¢œ¯ ¨š ‘a son righteous among men’ (¢©©° ¢¢/262) 6) ¦¢±¢œ™š ±¢œ™ ‘Mighty among the mighty ones’ [=God] ( ³™ ¦²/424) ²¢²±³ ž§²² ¦¢ °§ž«¤ ¦¢žš› ¦². He does not indicate the source of this tradition. 517 Qillir’s use of this scriptural text is based on the interpretation found in ¦¢š² ¨¢™²¥ °©§ ¨¢™ž ,¦¢š²¥ ™ž °©§ ,°©ž '§ž™ ±Ÿ«¥ '± (T Kipp. 4:9).

285

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 7) 8)

¦¢©šš ±ž§ž ±±žª ‘stubborn and recalcitrant among sons’ (¨žŸ™/460) ¢›žš £±š³¥ ‘to be blessed among those who contemplate it’ (¥™/606)

bet of identity (beth essentiae) 1) ²§™ ¢­¡©š ¥Ÿ© ¦¢§ ‘Cause water to flow as drops of the night!’ ( ³­¢/56) 2) "¢œ" ¢§¥ž«¥ Ÿ™§ ¢³¯­ ¢œ² ¥™ ¦²š ¢¤©™ ‘I, as (the name) El Shaddai, said “Enough!” to My world of old.’ (¢¤©™/41-42; cf. ¥™š...™Ž±™Ž ‹ž ¢œ² [Exod. 6:3]) 3) ¦¢§«¡§š ¨¢¤™ ¦§ ¥ ‘I prepare their food as dainties.’ (±²™/401) 4) ²™±š ¢¢ ¢§ž ²™±š ¥«¢ ¢§ ‘who will rise as the chief, and who will be the chief’ (¢©©° ¢¢/112-113) 5) ...±Ÿ™š ¢žž¢¯š ±¢§™š ±žš¢œš//...³œ//±ž ž±¢ š¥ ‘He taught His chosen one [=Moses] the Law…as speech, as saying, as command, 518 as warning…’ (¥™/603-604) causal bet 1) °œ¯š ¦³ ³ž ‘She was sealed because of [her] merit’ (¦™/2; v.l. °œ¯¥); £¢¥ ¢§ ¦³°œ¯š °¢œ¯³ ‘You will acquit Those who trust in You [=Israel] because of their merit.’ (¦™/8) 2) ¢±ž§ ³¢©« ±¤Ÿš ¢±­ ž­¡«¢ ¦¢°§« ‘May the valleys cover themselves in produce as a result of the memory of the answering [of Abraham] at [Mt.] Moriah.’ ( ³­¢/62; stereotyped phrase also appearing in ll. 66, 70, 74, 78, 82, 86) 3) ¦¢§²™ ™¡ š ¦¢±ž¯« ‘shut up because of the sin of the guilty’ (š«/8); «²­š žšŸ¤ ¦™ ¦¢§ ‘if water has failed because of transgression’ ( ³­¢/2) 4) ¦¢¡±š ¥¯­ ¨¢ š ‘in response to the supplication of [the one who] peeled [the staves] in the troughs [=Jacob]’ ( ³­¢/10); ²™± ±ž¤š  ¢²š ‘in response to the musing of the chief firstborn [=Reuben]’ ( ³­¢/14) 5)  ¯± ¬ž± š ±±§™ ‘I will complain bitterly because of the murderous taunts [of my enemies].’ (£¢š™™/75) 6) ­¥ž« ¦³¢¢  ¦¢©ž²™± ¦¢©²š ‘At (i.e., because of) the two first [commandments], their soul swooned away.’ (š³¤š Ÿ™/73; A) 7) ¦¢§¢§³ ³žš™ ³¢±šš £±Ÿž« ‘helping you because of [the merit of] the covenant of the perfect forefathers’ (±²™/403) The nouns ±žš¢œ, ±¢§™, are ¢žž¢¯ given in a list of ten terms for prophesy in Ber. Rab. 44:6. 518

286

SYNTAX 8)

³ž¤š ¥ž° ¨ž© š ³ž¤¢ª© ³¤±žœ ‘[Rome/Byzantium] wields princeship because of the tearful sound of [Esau’s] praying.’ (¤¢ª©™/7) Total: 28

bet in rection with verbs of perception/speech 519 1) -šž™š ¨­¢ž ‘And He will look at the one beloved (by)’ (³¥™³/9); ¦¢±¯©š ¨­³ ‘May You consider the sprouts [=Patriarchs].’ (¦™/8) 520 3) ¦¢§ ³¤™¥§  ž¥ ¥š...¦ã™ ‘I will speak…of the moistening brought about by hydrological activity.’ (¡²°™/1) 4) ¨¢« ᚠ­ž¯ ‘[God’s] eye watches it.’ (¦©¤³/5) 5) ¥«­ ¥¤š ¡š¤ ‘when He looked at all of Creation’ (¡²°™/20) 6) «ž±Ÿ ¢¥«šš ±²¤ ‘when He saw the violent men’ (¡²°™/22) 7) šž¡ ¥¤š ¬¢ä™ ‘I will speak of all [things] good.’ (£¢š™™/51) Total: 14 bet indicating the patient of an act/occurrence 1) ³ž™ šž¡¥ ž§š ³ž²« ‘to perform a sign for them (i.e., Israel) for good’ (¡­²§š £¥§/75; cf. šž¡¥ ³ž™ ¢§« ²« [Ps. 86:17]) 2) «±™¢ žš ±²™ «± ¦™ž šž¡ ¦™ž ‘whether it be good or bad that befall him’ (±¤Ÿ/34) ‘judgment being performed over him’ ( £¥§ 3) ¨¢œ žš ²«© Œ ¡­²§š/20) 4) §ž§ ª©° ¦™//§ššž ¦œ™š ‘if discomfiture has been imposed (as a punishment) upon man and beast’ (±¤Ÿ/42) Notes: For the use of -š ²« in a hostile sense, cf. ¨ž±  ³¢²« ™¥ °¥§«š ž­™ (I Sam. 28:18). The corresponding Nifal usage is attested in ¦¢¥²ž±¢š ³²«© ±²™¤ ¦¢§² ¥¤ ³ ³ ³²«© ™¥ ±²™ ¥žœ› «± (Dan. 9:12). 521 As in case 1, however, -š ²« can also indicate acts that are beneficial to the patient, as in BH–cf. ž¢±§²§šž ¢¥™ ³¢šš ¢³¢²« ¢œª   (Neh. 13:14). Examples of this usage in MH are given in Yalon, ¨ž²¥ ¢°±­, 40-41. For -š ©­, see Zulay, "³ž ¤²©" 447-49, s.v. ¥¤³ªž ™± = ©­. Though most of the examples from Qillir cited by Zulay show this prepositional rection, the author also notes a number of cases where the verb ©­ directly governs the accusative. This latter syntagm is also attested in the Corpus: ¨­¢...³ž¢¤Ÿ ±¡ (¤¢ª©™/18). 521 For all of the cases of -š ²«, see BDB, 794, s.v. ²«, where it is noted that the usage is rare, and usually indicative “of executing judgment upon.” 519 520

287

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY bet in rection with verbs indicating aggressive acts 522 1) ¤±š ³«š ‘She fell upon the delicate one [=Israel].’ (³±œ™/6) 2) £¥§ ª¤š ±¢ ‘She acted arrogantly towards the King’s [=God’s] Throne.’ (³±œ™/14) 3) ±¯ ¢š ™šš ‘when the enemy comes against me’ (™²™/2) 4) žš £«›ž© ‘if you come into contact with it’ (¦² ³™/430) 5) Ÿ¢›±¢ ®±™ ¢š²ž¢š  ­ ‘He will incite a trap against the inhabitants of the earth.’ (¤¢ª©™/33) 6) ³ž™œ ¨¢œ§š  ž¯ ‘shouting swooping down on Midian’ ( ¢«œ ™²™ °œ¯š/35) 7) ²¥  ™°±™š//²ž¥  ¥ž° ‘The sound of weakness was cast upon the earth.’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/37) bet in rection with verbs indicating the exercise of authority 1) £¥§¢ ¦š ‘He will rule over them.’ (¤¢ª©™/18) 2) £¥§¢ ¦²™±š ‘He will rule at their head.’ (¤¢ª©™/38) bet in rection with verbs of psychological states/activities 1) £¥§© ¢§š ‘With whom has he taken counsel?’ (¤¢ª©™/10); žš ¨¢™ £¥§¥ ‘There is none with whom to take counsel.’ (™²™/27) (thus in MH) 2) ®±¢ ¦š ‘He will desire (i.e., be kindly disposed toward) them.’ (¤¢ª©™/34) 3) ¢š ž©¢§™¢ ‘They will believe in me.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/343) 4) ¦¢°ªž« ¦š ¥¤ ‘all those who engage in them’ (ž³™/373) repetition of bet in a deictic construction 1) ®°š žš ‘at that time’ (¦¢±¢ª™/6) 2) œ§š š ‘in that way’ (³ž¤§ ±²«š/16) Notes: This syntagm is characteristic of MH–e.g., ¦ž¢š žš. 523 §15b Uses of the Preposition -¤ (+ ž§¤) For the uses of -¤ with the infinitive, see §19k. For the construction -¤ ™±© with the participle, see under §21c. kaf indicating agreement in kind 524

522 Cf. Joüon, 2.§133c: “with a nuance of hostility [-š] has the (frequent) meaning of against.” 523 Cf. Segal, §366. 524 Cf. W&O, 202-03.

288

SYNTAX 1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6) 7) 8) 9) 10) 11) 12) 13) 14) 15) 16) 17) 18) 19) 20)

±¢š« ±¯ž¢ ¢¥¤¤ «š¡ ‘He changed [her] nature as [though she were] a potter’s vessel.’ (¨š™/9) ±ç©...³¢š ³±°«¤ ‘She was looked upon as foreign, like a barren housewife.’ (¨š™/11) ³žš¥² ¢­²± ³­©¤ ³ž­¢¡§ ‘dripping flaming sparks like honey’ (¡­²§š £¥§/61) ™±ž©  ±°¤ «¢°± ³ž§œ ‘a likeness of a firmament, like the terrible ice’ (¡­²§š £¥§/63; cf. ™±ž©  ±° ¨¢«¤ [Ezek. 1:22]) ¦¢§ ¢¥ ©¤ ±š›³¥ ‘to wax strong, like wadies filled with water’ (°¢­™/23) ¦¢§ ²¢²±³¤ ¥«§ ¢­±² ¥¢  ‘The army of the heavenly seraphs is like the watery tarshish.’ (¡²°™/15) ¦¢§ ³¤±š¤ ²« ‘He made something resembling a pool of water.’ (¡²°™/23; cf. ¤±š¥ §žœ «¢°± [Ber. Rab. 4:5]) ¦¢¡Š Ž ±† §¤ Œ ±Þ› ¦¢§ ‘Make the water strong, like [in/from] pipes!’ ( ³­¢/10) ³ž¥žš§¤ ³ž ±¡ ™¥ ‘Let there be no overburdening, like [during] floods.’ ( ³­¢/35) ²¢š³³ ¥žš ¥žš§¤ ¨­ ‘lest it be put to shame, as [during] the Flood that happened in Bul/Cheshvan’ ( ³­¢/59) ¥žš§¤ ¦«Ÿ ‘anger like [the anger displayed during] the Flood’ (±¤Ÿ/32) ²™ °±š¤ ¦¢±°žª ®±™ ‘The world gazes longingly at the thing that resembles fiery lightning (i.e., the rainbow).’ ( ³­¢/59) ž¤¢œ²¥ ®šž± ¢œ›¤ ‘to make him peaceful, like a stretched-out kid’ ( ³­¢/79) ¦²¥¤  ¯ ¯¢ ‘May it be made to glisten like leshem-stone.’ ( ³­¢/83; Gen. 1x v.l. ¦²¥š) ¦¢°ž  ¢±§™ ¥¡¤//¦¢° ²§ ¥¢ã ¦¢¥™ ‘God caused the legal sayings [=Torah] to drip, like dew, from the heavens.’ (± ¨§/29-30) ¦¢¯ ž§ ¤¢²© ¢©ž«­¯¤ ‘wounding with a sting, like a viper’ (¦ž¡™/515) ž§«©¥ ¦°¢šœ ®¥ ¥ ±žŸ™¤ ‘He caused them to cleave to His pleasantness like a waistcloth to loin(s).’ (¥™/562) (cf. ±²™¤ ¢¤ ¥™±²¢ ³¢š ¥¤ ³™ ¢¥™ ¢³°šœ ¨¤ ²¢™ ¢©³§ ¥™ ±žŸ™ °šœ¢ [Jer. 13:11]) ¦¢¥¢¤²§¤ ±¢Ÿ¢ £±ž™ ‘Your light will shine like [the light of] the wise.’ (³žœž§ ³/526; cf. «¢°± ±Ÿ¤ ž±¢Ÿ¢ ¦¢¥¤²§ž Š [Dan. 12:3]) ¦¢¥¥  ž§¤ šž ªŽ ‘dragged off like the slain’ (¤¢ª©™/29) ±­ž²¤ ™±ž° ¥ž° ‘“a sound calling” (Isa. 40:3) like [the sound of] a shofar’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/44) 289

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY Total: 42 Notes: Cases 7 and 12 illustrate a peculiarity of -¤ among the BH prepositions, viz., its ability to act as a quasi-nominal phrasal head. 525 In cases 11, 18 and 20, -¤ is employed in a pregnant usage, a phenomenon also attested in BH–cf. ³ž¥¢™¤ ¢¥›± ž²§ (Ps. 18:34). 526 Cases 8-11 illustrate another property of the syntax of -¤ in BH, viz., its tendency to “absorb” other prepositions. 527 kaf indicating agreement in kind, governing material from MT 1) "œ°ž§ ¥«"¤ ±²¢¥ ¦«œ ‘to present (lit. to make straight) their thought[s] as “on a hearth” (Lev. 6:2)’ (³™/2) 2) š¯ © £ž³š "¦œ°ž ±ž ™"¤ ‘He was graven in the middle, as [it is said,] “from behind and from the front” (Ps. 139:5).’ (³™/6) 528 3) "¦¢§ ¢«žš§ ¥«"¤ ®š±š ¥©¥ £¢«± ‘to lead Your friends [=Israel] to a resting-place, as “to springs of water” (Isa. 49:10)’ (¦©¤³/22) kaf indicating agreement in manner/norm 529 1) ©¢²§¤ ¯¢° ‘She awoke as if from sleep.’ (¦™/7) 2) ©²ž²¤...³š± ‘She waxed…in the manner of a lily.’ (¦™/7) 3) ¨¢œ ž¥ ¥«­¢ ž¥«­¤ ‘He will perform judgment in his case in accordance with his deeds.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/24) 4) ³ž²œ° ²ž¥² ¥«§¥§ ž§¤//³ž«¢°³ ²ž¥² ¡§¥§ ž¥ š±«¢ ‘And may the threefold repetition of shofar blasts from below be pleasing to Him, like the threefold repetition of qedushot from above.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/80) 5) ±š›³§¤ ‘in the manner of an arrogant person’ (°¢­™/9) 6) š±°š¤ ¢³§° ‘I stand, as if in battle.’ (°¢­™/19) 7) ¦¢§ ¬¡²š¤ ³ž±žœ...±¢š« ‘He made…generations to pass as if by a flood of water.’ (¡²°™/9) 8) -¢žž¯¤ ‘according to the command of’ (®¢­¢/10; cf. -¢žž¯š, under §15a/causal bet) 525

Cf. W&O, 204. Cf. Joüon, 2.§133h. 527 Cf. Joüon, 2.§133h. 528 The full quote from Ps. 139:5 is ¢©³±¯ ¦œ°ž ±ž ™. It is usually understood by the midrash to refer to the gigantic proportions of the First Man: ¨¢¢©§ š±«§¥  ±Ÿ§§ ž™±š ž¥¤ ¦¥ž« ¥¤ ™¥§ ¨ž²™± ¦œ™ ³™ ''š° ™±š² «²š ¢©³±¯ ¦œ°ž ±ž ™ ±§™©² (Ber. Rab. 24:2). In the present case, the verse is used by Qillir as a prooftext for the contention that Abraham was created in the middle of the generations, i.e., between the beginning and the end. 529 Cf. W&O, 203. 526

290

SYNTAX 9) ³žœž©¤ ¦¢ ž³­ ‘open in the manner of skin-bottles’ (¡²°™/33) 10) š±°« ¦ž°§š¤ á³²š ¥ž³  š« ‘a cloud, a covering of its (i.e., the earth’s) shame, as in the place of the scorpion [=desert]’ ( ³­¢/63) 530 11) ¦¢¢  ¦¢§š ¥œ› ¨¡±ª¤ ¦¢¢ š ¦°¥  §²ž ‘And there their portion is in life, like a crab growing up in flowing water.’ ( ³­¢/31) 12) ²¤ ¢ž±Ÿ ‘scattered like a sheep’ (£¢š™™/22) 13) ¥« ± ²¤ž  ±Ÿ§§ ®¯ ‘He shone from the east and rose like the dawn.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/275) 14) ²§²¤ ª¤ ¨¤³ ‘The throne [of the Messiah] will be established like the sun.’ (¤¢ª©™/43; cf. ¢œ›© ²§²¤ ž™ª¤ž [Ps. 89:37]) 15) ¨ž§¢²¢š¤ œ«¯³ ‘You will march as though in the wilderness.’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/44; cf. ¨ž§¢²¢š £œ«¯š [Ps. 68:8]) Total: 26 Notes: The combination of -§¤, seen in case 1, is attested only 2x in BH (Gen. 38:24; Lev. 26:37). The combination -š¤ is highly restricted in BH, appearing only in the idiomatic ©²™±š¤ and ¥ ³š¤ (the case of ¢¯ š¤ [I Sam. 14:14] is textually suspect). It is, however, attested in cases 6, 7, 10 and 15. kaf indicating agreement in manner/norm, governing material from MT: ¡«ž "±š™ ¥«"¤ ž³œ¢  ‘His Riddle [=Torah] was made to dart, as “on pinion[s]” (cf. Deut. 32:11).’ (¡§ ®±™/8) kaf veritatis 531 1) ¢°š¤ ¨§¢³ ¢±œ š š²ž¢ ‘sitting in the chambers of the south, in every way knowledgeable’ (¡­²§š £¥§/57) 2) ±šž«¤ š¢³ ¢©­ ‘in [my] capacity of precentor’ (°¢­™/10)

530

The analysis of the strophe from which this example is taken is quite complex (see also §30k). With regard to the material quoted here, the apposition of ‘cloud’ with ‘covering (of shame)’ seems to be based on Š (Job 38:9). As to the reference to the desert, the ž³¥³  ¥­±«ž ž²š¥ ¨©« ¢§âۚ word š±°« is necessitated by requirement that the constellation of Scorpio be mentioned. The phrase š±°« ¦ž°§, in turn, is a direct reference to the desert in which the Israelites wandered after the Exodus, following š±°«ž ¬±² ² © ™±ž©ž ¥œ› ±šœ§š £¤¢¥ž§ (Ex. 8:15). The connection between the cloud and the desert is made on the basis of the cloud that accompanied the Israelites by day and provided them with cover (i.e., the connection is occasioned by -¥ž³ )–cf. £ª§¥ ¨©« ²±­ (Ps. 105:39). 531 Cf. W&O, 203.

291

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 3) 4) 5) 6) 7)

¦¢§ ³¢ñŠ چ § ç† ³Õ³ÚŽ ³² ‘He made foundations, (like) a foundation of water.’ (¡²°™/7) ¨²š °©Ÿ¢ ¥›™ °ž©Ÿ¤ ¦¢§ ‘May water leap from Bashan, (like) the leaping of drop[s].’ ( ³­¢/42) ¦¢¥¤ ™¥ £œ¤ ¢©¢ª Ÿ ‘He did not put this [Mt.] Sinai to shame as/for being puny.’ (ž³³/388) ¦¥ §œ©  ¯ž ¨¢§ž¢ °¢³«¤ ‘He appeared to them as the Ancient of Days and the Dazzling One.’ (¥™/582; v.l. °¢³«š) £¥§¢ «ž±Ÿ ±ž™¤ ‘He will reign as the light sown [for the righteous].’ (¤¢ª©™/23; cf. °¢œ¯¥ «±Ÿ ±ž™ [Ps. 97:11])

special use – ¦ž¢¤ 532 1) ©²œ...¦ž¢¤ ž³©§ ‘His wife (lit. portion) was fattened…[a long time ago] on this day.’ (³™/7) 2) ¦ž¢¤ ž²¢ ±¢ ¦ššœ ¥ž° ‘They cause the sound of their speech to stir on this day.’ (³™/10) 3) ¦ž¢¤ ž¥¥ž  ±²™ ¦¢±¯© ‘the sprouts [=Patriarchs], who were brought forth [a long time ago] on this day’ (¦™/8; Gen. 2x v.l. ¦ž¢) Notes: This usage is based on the BH use of -¤ as a marker of temporal approximation, 533 and finds a partial parallel in BH ¦ž¢¤ (Ÿ). 534 The form ¦ž¢¤ is attested 2x in BH with the meaning ‘just about right now’–I Sam. 9:13 (with imperf.) and Neh. 5:11 (with imperat.). This corresponds to the usage in case 2. The expression Ÿ ¦ž¢¤, on the other hand, usually has the comparative meaning ‘as (it is) on this day’, but it is used 1x in a narrative to indicate the occasion during which a particular action took place: Ÿ ¦ž¢¤ ¢¢ž ³¢š ™š¢ž ‘And on a certain [not very well specified] day, he came home’ (Gen. 39:11). The Corpus uses ¦ž¢¤ with reference to both present and past–it refers either to the here-and-now, or to a day in the past corresponding, in a calendrical sense, to the here-and-now. The latter usage corresponds to the BH use of Ÿ ¦ž¢¤ illustrated above, with the distinction that in BH the point in the past being referred to is not correlated with the present. The Corpus, on the Cf. also ¦ž¢ ‘[a long time ago] on this day’ (¨š™/3, 8), where the v.l. in both cases is ¦ž¢¤. 533 Cf. W&O, 205. 534 Cf. BDB, 400, s.v. ¦ž¢. A closely related expression–Ÿ ¦žåç–is  also attested, but it has been left out of the discussion on account of its morphological distinctness from the syntagm under consideration. 532

292

SYNTAX other hand, makes such a correlation. The intermediate stage between the BH usage and the Corpus’ usage is represented by the MH expression Ÿ ¦ž¢¤ ‘a long time ago on this day’–cf. the ¥« ¦¢ª© pericope inserted into the hoda’ah benediction of the amida on Hanukkah: Ÿ ¦¢¤...«ž²³ ³¢²« ¥™±²¢ £§«¥ž. The development may therefore be represented as follows: Ÿ ¦ž¢¤ ‘on a certain day’ (BH) Æ Ÿ ¦ž¢¤ ‘a long time ago today’ (MH) Æ ¦ž¢¤ ‘a long time ago today’. It appears, therefore, that the Corpus’ usage is a mishnaism slightly altered by means of the apocopation of the demonstrative pronoun. Note also that just as in BH/MH, the sequence ¦ž¢ is treated as a lexical item (rather than being analyzed as “definite article + the absolute noun ¦ž¢”), and therefore the he does not undergo syncope together with the prefixation of the preposition. 535 §15c Uses of the Preposition -¥ All of the functions of the preposition -¥ described below are common in BH. 536 For the uses of -¥ with the infinitive and the gerund, see §§19a-j, 20b. locative/directional lamed 1) ¢¡­²§ ™¢¯ž¢ ±ž™¥ ‘He will bring my [favorable] judgment into the light.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/52; cf. ±ž™¥ ¨³¢ ž¡­²§ [Zeph. 3:5] and ¡­²§ ™¢¯ž¢ ³§™¥ [Isa. 42:3]) 2) ™²¢ ¢¥ ¦¢©­ ‘He will raise his countenance unto me’ (°¢­™/17) 3) ¦¢™²ž© £¥ ¨¢« ž¢Ÿ ‘raising [their] glorious eye[s] unto You’ ( ³­¢/11) 4) ¦¢©¢« £¥ ³ž¥³ ‘to lift the eyes unto You’ ( ³­¢/87) 5) ª¢›™ ž¥ ž¢™š¯ ‘I will gather his hosts unto Him.’ (°¢­™/19) 6) ¦¢§¥ ¦¢§ ž°¢ð¢ ‘They cause water to touch water.’ (¦©¤³/11) 7) ¦¢­²±¥ £ ¢à¢ ¥™ ᢭ž¢ ‘May her beauty not thrust you into the hellfires.’ (¥™/484) 8) ¦¢¯¥¥ ±š ³³ ¥š ‘Do not join youself unto scorners.’ (¦ž¡™/510) Total: 26

535 The form ¦Õåç is attested in BH, but according to GKC, §35n the distinction between ¦ž¢¤ and ¦žåç has been lexicalized. This position is doubtful, and is not supported by BDB, 400, s.v. ¦ž¢. 536 Cf. W&O, 205-12.

293

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY Notes: Case 2 is to be compared to £¢¥™ ž¢©­...™²¢ (Num. 6:26) and £¢©­ ±ž™ ž©¢¥« ª†Ž © (Ps. 4:7). Cases 3 and 4 are to be compared to BH ¨¢« ™²©. In choosing between the prepositions ¥™ and -¥, the BH idiom selects the former in all cases but one: ¦¤¢©¢« ¦¢§²¥ ž™² (Isa. 51:6). Case 8 is to be compared to the BH usage ¦« ±š ³ (II Chron. 20:35, 37). temporal/terminative lamed (conj. ³«¥–cf. §26r) 1) ©² ¦¢«²³¥ ‘at the age of ninety’ (³™/7) 2) ³« ™¥¥ ‘at an unexpected time’ (¦™/4; Gen. 1x v.l. ³« ™¥¥) 3) œž°­ ¦ž¢¥ ©°Ÿ ³«¥ ‘in [his] old age, at the time of visitation (i.e., death)’ (¢©©° ¢¢/306); ¦¢©ž°Ÿ ³«¥ ‘in [their] old age’ (¨žŸ™/461) 4) ¦¢±­ª ±ž°š ³«¥ ‘at the time of the investigation of the books’ (±¤Ÿ/22; A) 5) ¦¢±žœ ±žœ¥ ž±¤Ÿ £ž±š ‘Blessed is His memory for all generations.’ (¦² ³™/424) 6) ³ž±žœ ²²ž ¦¢±²« ¬žª¥ ‘at the end of 26 generation’ (¥™/613) 7) £¥§¥ ¨ž¢¯§ ¥¢­ ±ž­ Ÿ ¦ž¢¥ ‘He has cast the lot (i.e., determined) to rule from Zion on this day.’ (¤¢ª©™/24; A) [œ«¥,  ¯©¥, ¦¥ž«¥, ¦¢§¥ž«¥–cf. §22c] Total: 11 Notes: The temporal phrase ³« ™¥¥ in case 2 might be compared to the BH construction whereby -¥ governs a construct phrase consisting of “³« + substantive/infinitive”–e.g., š±« ³«¥ ‘at evening time’ (Gen. 8:11). In the present case, the negated substantive ³« ™¥ ‘unexpected time’ takes the place of the BH construct phrase (cf. §22f). The expression ©°Ÿ ³«¥ in case 3 is attested in Ps. 71:9 (cf. also §¥² ³©°Ÿ ³«¥ [I Kings 11:4] and ž³©°Ÿ ³«¥ [I Kings 15:23]). In the Corpus, this expression is paralleled to œž°­ ¦ž¢¥, which refers to death due to natural causes. In BH, on the other hand, we find the related expression ¦³œ°­ ³«š (Jer. 8:12; 10:15 = 51:18), which refers to the visitation of divine wrath as punishment for misdeeds. lamed indicating specification 1) ±¤Ÿ¢ ±ž­¤¥ ³ž¡§ ±œ  ®­© ‘May He remember the destruction of the bedchamber [=Temple] with regard to/for [Israel’s] atonement.’ (±¤Ÿ/18) 2) œž°­³ šž¡¥ ‘You will visit for good.’ (¦™/°) 3) ¨¢œ ¦ž¢¥ ³ž™ ³ž²«¥ ‘to be made a sign of/for the Day of Judgment’ (¡­²§š £¥§/27) 294

SYNTAX 4) 5) 6) 7) 8) 9) 10) 11) 12) 13) 14) 15) 16) 17)

¢¡­²¢ ³ž¤Ÿ¥ ‘He will judge me for acquittal.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/51) ±¤Ÿ¢ ³ž¤Ÿ¥ž ¢™±¥ ž±³« ‘May He remember [Isaac’s] prayer as an argument [in their favor] and for acquittal.’ (±¤Ÿ/14) ¦ž¥²¥ ³ží± ‘to pacify [it] for peace’ (¦©¤³/3) ¦¢§ ¬¢©¥ ±¡¥ šœ©¥ ¨ž¯±¥ ‘to shed water for good-will, largess [and] purity’ (¦©¤³/18) «²¢¥ ®±™  ³­¢ ‘May He open up the earth for salvation.’ ( ³­¢/1; cf. «²¢ ž±­¢ž ®±™  ³­³ [Isa. 45:8]) ž¤œ©  ¢² ™±† «±žŸ¥ ‘With regard to the sower, look upon his contrite prayer’ ( ³­¢/79) (cf. £¢³«§² ¥™«§²¢¥ž [Gen. 17:20]) °ž ¥ ¬¤ ³°ž°  ‘inscribed on [God’s] palm as a thing decreed’ [=Jerusalem] (™²™/3) ¢³«š› §œ° «š›ž ± ¥¤¥ ‘My hill preceded (i.e., was first with regard to) every mountain and hill.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/167) ³ž§²©¥ ²™± ¦œ™ ‘Adam, first with regard to souls’ (¢©©° ¢¢/237) ¥¢§¥ ž¤Ÿ ™¥ ‘They did not merit (lit. were not meritorious with regard to) circumcision.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/284) ¦¢š¢«±§ ¦ ¥¥ ¦¢«¢š² ‘making hungry those who are full with regard to food’ (° ±³/497) ¦¢¯™ ¥¤±¥ ‘hasty in tale-bearing’ (¦ž¡™/513; cf. ¦¢±šœš ®™ [Prov. 29:20]) ž§¢¢ž™ ¢ž¥ž ©ž¤¥ž ¤ž¥§¥ ‘They were singled out for kingship and for priesthood and leviteship.’ (¥™/560) ±¤Ÿ¢ š¯Œ °Œ ¥† ±³¢ž ±ª  ¢œ ‘He will remember to distribute (i.e., with regard to distribution) a sufficiency [between] lacking and excess.’ (±¤Ÿ/38) Total: 49

lamed marking the topic of a verb of saying 1) "¨ž¢¥¤¥ ¢žž™" ¨ž¢¥›¥ ±§ž™ ‘I will say of the exile, “The desirable thing [=Temple] [has become] a desolation.’’’ (£¢š™™/33) 2) "¢©¢¢œ" ±§™ ™¥ ¢³ž«¢±¢¥ ‘With regard to my curtains, He did not say “I’ve had enough.”’ (¢©©° ¢¢/193) lamed marking manner 1) žž«²¢ ¨ž™§¯¥ ‘They look to it thirstily.’ (¦©š³/12) 2) ¦¢ ¥²© ¦¢›¥­¥ ¦¢§ ‘Water is sent forth in streams (i.e., streamwise).’ ( ³­¢/48) 3) «š²¥ ¥ © ¦¢§ ‘Apportion water abundantly!’ ( ³­¢/54) (cf. the BH phrase Ú­Œ Œ ꝍ «š Û¥† ) lamed indicating class and type (cf. also ¦²¥ [§17k]) 295

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 1) 2) 3)

«²³ ³ž§² ¥ž¥­ ¨¢©§¥ ‘in numerical accordance with the prayer of [Hannah, making] nine [references to the Divine] Name(s)’ (³¥™³/6) ±­« ±ž› ³§œ™ œœ§¥...¦¢§...ž¥š›Ž ‘Water…was allocated… according to the measure of the land of the whelp [=Judah].’ ( ³­¢/26) ¦¢¤±« ³©²§¥ ³ž¢©ž©¢š ¦¢©­ ‘a middle guise corresponding to their Mishna tractates’ (¥™/580-582; cf. §28o)

lamed marking the goal of verbs of giving 1) ¦¢§ ¦¥ž«¥...³³ ‘to give the world water…’ (¡²°™/20); ®±™¥ ¦¢§ ³ž¯ ¥ ³ž¯ž ž ‘to distribute water to the whole world’ (¦©¤³/1); ¦¢§ ž§¥ °¢­ª§ ‘providing them with water’ (¦©¤³/7) 2) ¢±š« ³š¥ ³¥ © ‘You caused the daughter of the Hebrew [=Israel] to inherit [the Torah]’ (š³¤š Ÿ™/58); šŸ§ ¦¢œ§ © ¥¢ © ¦«¥ ‘He caused the nation…to inherit the things that are more desirable than gold [=words of Torah].’ (š³¤š Ÿ™/80) 3) ¦¢¥ ©©  ž±¥ ¦±¤ž œ² ‘Field and vineyard are given over to the wind.’ (³žœž§ ³/527) 4) ¦¢©°§ £¥ ³¢šž ¨ž ³¥ © ‘causing you to acquire an inheritance of wealth and real estate’ (¨žŸ™/458) 5) œ°«¥ž  šŸ§¥ œ¢ ¢ ¦¢¥² ‘He rendered up his only [soul] to the altar and to the binding.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/304) Total: 28 Notes: The construction -¥ ¥¢ © in case 2 is only paralleled 1x in BH: ¦¤¢± ™ ¦¤¢©š¥ ¦³¥ ©ž (I Chron. 28:8). Otherwise, BH ¥¢ © governs a double accusative construction (cf. ³žšš± ¥¢ ©¥ ‘to cause the myriads [of Israel] to inherit [the Torah]’ [š³¤š Ÿ™/81]). lamed marking the goal of verbs of expression/perception 1) ¨¢œ¥ ž­¯¢ ‘They will look expectantly to [the time of] judgment.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/17) 2) ž§¥ ±¤ã¥ ‘so that [God] remember them’ (¨š™/12) 3) "°œ¯š ¡«§ šž¡"¥ ±¤ã ‘Remember [the scriptural verse] “A little thing, when accompanied by righteousness, is better [than…]” (Prov. 16:8)!’ (¡­²§š £¥§/42) 4) ™¢›¥ ³«œž§ ‘proclaiming to the earth’ (¡²°™/26) 5) ¦¢§ ¨ž™§¯¥ ³ž«² ‘to kindly regard (i.e., give heed to) the thirst for water (¡²°™/38; cf. also žž«²¢ ¨ž™§¯¥ [¦©¤³/12], under lamed marking manner) (cf. BH ¥™ «²) 296

SYNTAX 6) 7) 8) 9) 10) 11) 12) 13) 14)

15) 16)

Ÿ¥ Ÿ ¦¢™±ž° ‘calling out to one another’ (¦©¤³/11; but cf. ¦ž³ ™±ž° ¦ž³ ¥™ [Ps. 42:8]) ž³œ±¥ žž™³¢ ‘They yearn for it to come down.’ (¦©¤³/13) ³ž¤ ¥ ¢¥™¥ ‘to wait for my God’ (£¢š™™/10) ¢¤ž ¥ ±±ž²¥ ‘to sing to the One who waits for me [=God]’ (£¢š™™/58) ¢¥ ¥› ‘He has revealed to me.’ (°¢­™/3) (cf. ž¢œš« ¥™ žœžª ¥› [Amos 3:7]) ž¢©¢¢©¢« ž¥  ©«­¥ ‘to reveal His matters (i.e., the words of the Torah) to him’ (± ¨§/20) ¦¢©­§ £³ž™ ¥™ ³™±¢¥ ‘causing you to turn to the fear of God’ (¨žŸ™/457) ¦¢°§« ³©²ž²¥ ¦«§¢² ‘He proclaimed them to the lily of the valleys [=Israel]’ (ž³™/377); ¦¢¥ž¥¢¤¥ «§¢² "¢¤©™" ‘He proclaimed “¢¤©™” to the espoused ones [=Israel].’ (ž³³/392) ¦¢¥›œ©¥ «¢§² ž¥ž° ¨ž™› ‘He caused the ones gathered according to [their] standards [=Israel] to hear His majestic voice’ (ž³³/390); ž¥°¥ «¢§²š "žŸ ¦¢³²" ‘when [God] proclaimed the “two that [I heard]” (Ps. 62:12) to his congregation’ (¥™/586) ¦¥ ™±© š± ¦¢©­ ‘He appeared to them in many guises.’ (¥™/579) š²°¢¤ ž¥ž°¥ ‘when its sound is heard’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/23; A) Total: 60

Notes: In BH, the goal of the verb ­¯ is marked with the preposition -¥ only in a hostile sense: °¢œ¯¥ «²± ­¯ (Ps. 37:32). In the Piel, the verb may be used with ¥™–«¢²ž¢ ™¥ ¢ž› ¥™ ž©¢ì¯ (Lam. 4:17)–or with -š–¢«²¢ ¢¥™¥ ¥¢ ž™ ì¯™ ž¢š (Mic. 7:7; note the parallelism with -¥). When -¥ is employed with the verb ±¤Ÿ (for the Nifal here, see §13k/Nifal inchoative), it usually marks a dativus (in)commodi (cf. case 2, immediately below). It can, however, also mark the goal of ‘remembering’–cf. œž« ±¤Ÿ™ ™¥ ¦³™¡ ¥ž (Jer. 31:34). The verbal rection -¥ ±¤Ÿ© ‘to remember (s.th.)’ is well attested in MH. 537 In cases 13 and 14, we see that the Corpus’ causative Piel «é² and Hifil «¢§² govern the personal object of causation by means of -¥. With these verbs in BH (the Piel is attested 2x), the personal object is treated as an accusative direct object. Cf. H. Yalon, ¨ž²¥ ¢°±­, 41, where several examples from the piyyut literature are also cited. 537

297

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY Case 16 probably represents an incomplete passive transformation from an active sentence š¢²°¢¤ ž¥ž°¥. The -¥ has been retained, in order to satisfy the acrostic requirement, despite the fact that in the resulting passive sentence ž¥ž° is the grammatical subject. Alternately, one might treat the Hofal š²°¢ as an impersonal usage. lamed of interest/(dis)advantage 1) ž¥ á³ °¥ ‘to take her for himself’ (¨š™/5) 2) ¢¥ ±¤Ÿ¢ ‘May He remember for my sake.’ (°¢­™/17) 3) ¨¢œ ž¥ ¥«­¢/²«¢ ‘He will perform judgment in his case.’ ( £¥§ ¡­²§š/23, 24) 4) ³ž²±­³§ ²žœ° ¦«¥ ‘set aside for the holy people [=Israel]’ ( £¥§ ¡­²§š/77) 5) ¦¢§ ­¥ ³ž ž¡š ©¤²§³ ‘Let them securely conduct water for the mouth.’ (°¢­™/23) 6) ¦¢­­ž³ª§¥  ¢¥² ‘a messenger [in the service] of those who gather on the threshold’ (°¢­™/21) 7) £§²¥ ³²à° ‘You sanctified [the Land of Israel] unto Your name.’ (¦©¤³/16) 8) ¦¢©¢« £¥ ³ž¥³ ¥¤Õ™ ‹ ¥Ž ‘It is incumbent upon him who eats to lift [his] eyes unto You.’ ( ³­¢/87; FV) (cf. ³™ ³«œ¥ ¦¤¥ ™ž¥ ¡­²§ [Mich. 3:1]) 9) ž«±¤© ¦¥ž¤ ¢±ž§ ±¥ ‘All of them bowed before Mt. Moriah.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/159) 10) ¦¢©žœ™ ¢©žœ™¥ ²žœ° ‘holy to the Lord of lords’ (³¢¥¤³/439) 11) £¥ ±Ÿ« ¦¢¤§žª ‘staying you with a helper [=wife]’ (¨žŸ™/459) (cf. ž¢³¤§ª ²ž±¢³ž ¨›œ [Gen. 27:37] and ¢©¤§ª³ š¢œ©  ž±ž [Ps. 51:14]) 12) ¦¢­™²© ³ž§ ¢±œ ¥ ‘longing for the halls of death’ (¥™/485; cf. ³ž§ ¢±œ  ¥™ ³žœ±¢ [Prov. 7:27]) 13) ¦¢§³± ¢¥ ›§ £¥  ±š ‘Flee from the coals of broom-plant!’ (±ž³/476) 14) ž¥ ž ¢© ‘Leave him be!’ (¥™/597) 15) ¢«ž± ¢¥ í±™ ‘I will make my Shepherd kindly disposed toward me.’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/4; v.l. ¢«ž±¥ ¯Ž Œ ±™) ‹ Total: 79 lamed of purpose/telic lamed 1) ¨ž©™³¥ ¬¥² ¦™ ¨ž©² °±š ²°¢ ‘if the trap of the blade of the whetted [sword] has been unsheathed unto wailing’ (±¤Ÿ/26)

298

SYNTAX 2) 3) 4) 5) 6) 7) 8) 9) 10) 11) 12) 13) 14) 15)

¦¢§ ³©ž§¥¯¥ §  ³±«ª¥ ¦¢©ž§¡ ‘laid up for a raging gale, a watery storm’ (¡²°™/18) ³ž›¥­¥...›¥­¥ ‘to divide (tr.) into streams’ (¡²°™/19) ²­ ¥ ¦¢±¢ª™ ™¢¯ž¥ ‘to bring out prisoners to freedom’ ( ³­¢/33; cf. ¢²­ ¥ ™¯¢ [Ex. 21:2]) ¨ž¢¥¤¥ ¥ž¯ ¢³±› ‘I dwell in the depths, unto [my own] annihilation’ (£¢š™™/31); ¨ž¢¥¤¥ ¢žž™ ‘The desirable thing [=Temple] [has turned into] a desolation.’ (£¢š™™/33) ±¢³ž ¢™šžª¥ ³ž±ž±§ ³ž¥¤²™ ‘He has left poisonous grapes to [be] my drink.’ (™²™/39) ³ž§¢¯¥ ¢³²¥ Š ‘to destroy me’ (™²™/43) ¢³¥š›© ¢©¢ª ³«š›¥ ¦¥ž« ³ž«š›§ ‘From the eternal hills, I settled on Sinai Hill.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/169) ¦¢¥›œ© ³­³¥ ¦¢ž¢› ‘Their corpse[s] are marked out for Hell.’ (³ž«³/419) ³ž§¥ ²­© ¦¢œ±ž¡ ‘importuning a soul unto death’ (±ž¡/472) ¦¢¥ž¥¢ ¥ ž§² ³™ ¨³³ ¥™ ‘Do not render His name up to desecration.’ (³ž«³/420) ¦¢š²ž  °¢±¥ ¦¥§« Ÿ ‘This effort of theirs is considered to [be] emptiness.’ (° ±³/501); š² ³¢ šž¡ ³ž™¥ ‘It will be considered to [be] a good sign.’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/24) ¦¢š¢¢ § ³ž§ž¥§¥ ¦¢ž¢› ‘Their bodies are sentenced to beatings.’ (° ±³/503) ž§ž™¥ ¦ª ¢¢ ‘He distinguished them to [be] His people.’ (¥™/561) ¦¥ž« ±Ÿž  ž¢§¢§¥ ¦ž¢ ™§² ‘Is the world about to return its watery [state] today?’ (¥™/571) Total: 30

lamed marking predicate noun with ¢ (cf. also §14r) 1) ²™±¥ ¬žªš ¢¢ ™ž ‘In the end, it will [once again] become chief.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/116) 2) ³ž¢¥ œž°¢¥ ‘to be a burning’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/40) lamed indicating possession 1) ᥠ±²™ ¥¤ ‘everything belonging to it’ (³žœž§ ³/528) 2) ž²¢­© ³š² ¦ž¢ ¦¢±§ž²¥ ‘The rest of the Sabbath day belongs to those who observe it.’ (¦² ³™/435) 3) ¦¢©°© £¥ ±²™ §™ž œš« ‘the slave and handmaid who belong to you’ (³¢¥¤³/447) lamed marking the agent associated with a passive verb 299

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 1) 2)

š™ž§ ž¥ ¦« ‘a nation beloved unto Him’ (š³¤š Ÿ™/80) ¥™¥ ¦¢™ž©² ‘hated by God’ (¦ž¡™/517)

§15d Uses of the Preposition ¢± ™ locative/directional 1) ž¤¥¢ ž¢± ™ ‘They will walk behind Him.’ (¤¢ª©™/38) 2) ¤¥ ž¢± ™ ‘She walked behind him.’ (³±œ™/2) temporal 1) ¦¢šŸž« ™¥ ¦¢± ™ ¤±š ¨ž ‘not leaving the well-gotten wealth after themselves’ (° ±³/502) 2) ¦¢± ™ œž§«¥ ¦¢œ¢³« ‘those who will rise after them’ (¥™/575) §15e Uses of the Preposition ¥™ directional 1) ™²™ ¨¢« ž¢¥™ ‘I will raise my eye unto Him’ (°¢­™/18) (cf. ™²™ ¦¢± ¥™ ¢©¢« [Ps. 121:1]) 2) ¦¢§ ¥™ ¦¢š² ‘returning to the waters’ (¡²°™/28; Gen. v.l. ¢¥™) Total: 7 marking datival object 1) ±³«¥ ¢¥™ ‘Answer me!’ (³¥™³/12) 2) ¦¤¢¥™ ¢³°  ‘I determined concerning you.’ (™²™/73) 3) ž¢¥™ ž¯ ‘He commanded him.’ (± ¨§/28) 4) ³ ™ ¥™ ³ ™ ž©§§ ¬¥²© ‘One [rib] was drawn out of him for [creating] one [woman].’ (¢©©° ¢¢/249; cf. ²™¥...«¥¯ ³™...¨š¢ž [Gen. 2:22]) Total: 7 Notes: In BH, the Nifal of the verb ±³« is typically employed with the preposition -¥. §15f Use of the Preposition ¥¯™ indicating proximity 1) ¢©¡© ž¥¯™ ‘He stretched me out next to Himself.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/188) 2) ¦¥ž¤ ž™š ¥™ž§° ¥¯™ ‘They all came to Kemuel [=Balaam].’ (¥™/569) §15g Uses of the Preposition ³™ indicating accompaniment 300

SYNTAX 1) 2)

™±ž© ™±² ž³™ ‘with Him abides light’ (¡­²§š £¥¯/64; cf. ™±ž©ž ™±² §« [Dan. 2:22]) ž³™ ‘[together] with Him’ (¡²°™/6) Total: 3

indicating temporal proximity: ±­› ¢žš  ¨§Ÿ ³™ ‘during the time of the one hidden in [an ark of] gopher-wood [=Noah]’ ( ³­¢/25; FV). Notes: No temporal usage of ³™ is attested in BH. In the stich under consideration, the particle is supplied by the framing verse, where it functions as the def. dir. obj. marker. §15h Uses of the Preposition ¨¢š indicating spatial relations 1) ¦¢§ ³¤²  ¨¢š¥ ¦¢§ ³±²  ¨¢š ‘between the watery mass and the watery darkness’ (¡²°™/12; v.l. ³¤² ¥, ³¤²  ¨¢šž) 2) ¦¢§ ¨¢š¥ ²™ ¨¢š ‘between fire and water’ (¡²°™/16; v.l. ¨¢šž) 3) ¦« ¨¢š¥ ž©¢š ‘between Himself and the people’ (¥™/593; v.l. ¨¢šž) 4) ¦« ¨¢šž ¢©¢š ‘between Me and the people’ (¢©©° ¢¢/354; v.l. ¨¢š¥) 5) ¦¢©š¥ š™ ¨¢š ‘between the Father [=God] and the children [=Israel]’ (³¢¥¤³/441) 6) ³ž¯ž ž ®±™ ¨¢š ‘between the Land [of Israel] and the outer regions’ (¢©©° ¢¢/176; cf. ³ž¯ž ž ®±™ [Prov. 8:26]) Notes: In BH, the preposition ¨¢š is frequently attested in two types of paired constructions: ...¨¢šž...¨¢š (126x) and ...¥...¨¢š (30x). 538 The construction ...¨¢š¥...¨¢š, found in cases 1-3, is only attested 1x in BH: ¦¤¢¥™ ¨¢š¥ ¦¤©¢š (Isa. 59:2). It seems to be the result of the interpenetration of the two “canonical” structures. In MH, the most common structure is ...¥...¨¢š, 539 but the structure ...¨¢š¥...¨¢š is also attested, especially in those cases where the first instance of the preposition governs a genitive pronominal suffix (as in the BH case, and case 3 in the Corpus). 540 Given this syntactic restriction in MH, the generalization of the structure’s employment in the Corpus must be considered an independent development. It is to be noted, moreover, that in all three cases of this construction in 538

Cf. W&O, 199. The structure ...¥...¨¢š is the only one attested in the DSS–cf. Qimron, §400.17. 540 Cf. Segal, §296. 539

301

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY the Corpus, variant readings restore either one of the two “canonical” BH structures. A comparison between cases 3 and 4 is also instructive in this respect. The anomalous construction ...ž...¨¢š in case 6 results from the fact that the noun phrase governed by the preposition is quoted directly from MT. §15i Use of the Preposition ¢¥š (+ ¢¥š§) separative ¢¥š 1) ¦¢§ ¢¥š ‘without water’ (¡²°™/20; Gen. 1x v.l. ™¥š) 2) ¦¢§ šž±« ¢¥š ‘without a mixing of waters’ (¡²°™/24) 3) ®±­ ¢¥š ‘without a bursting forth’ ( ³­¢/3) 4) ¬žª¢¤ ¢¥š ¢¯¥ œ°­ ¦¢§ ‘Allocate water to the parched [earth] without yearning (i.e., so that it does not desire more)!’ ( ³­¢/66) Total: 7 separative ¢¥š§: °œ¯ ¢¥š§ righteousness’ (¡­²§š £¥§/42).

¦¢²«§

‘deeds

without/lacking

Notes: The meaning ‘without’ is attested in BH–e.g., ¥­³ ¥¤™‹¢ˆ  ¥§ ¢¥š§ (Job. 6:6). 541 It is to be noted, however, that in most cases encountered in BH the preposition ¨§ retains its original force as a marker of cause, as in ž¢ ³¥¤¢ ¢¥š§ ‘because of the Lord’s lack of ability’ (Deut. 9:28). Sometimes, the combination as a whole may also mark negative result–e.g., š²¢ ¢¥š§ [ž¯³© '±°] ³íŠ© ž¢±« (Jer. 2:15). §15j Use of the Preposition ¢œ«¥š (+ ¢œ«¥š§) separative ¢œ«¥š: £¢œ«¥š ¨³©¥ ¨¢™ ³ž²± ‘Permission cannot be granted without You’ (¦©¤³/17). separative ¢œ«¥š§: ¢¢œ«¥š§ ± ™ ¥™ ‘another god apart from Me’ (¢¤©™/45). §15k Use of the Preposition œ«š ethical 1) ±žª™ œ«š ±¢³« ¨©  ‘He prayed graciously on behalf of the imprisoned one [=Rebecca].’ (³¥™³/11) 2) ¥ ž³ œ«š...¥¥­ž ‘And she prayed…for the sake of [her] hope.’ (¨š™/6) 541

For further examples, see BDB, 115 s.v. ¢¥š.

302

SYNTAX 3) 4)

¢œ«š ®¢¥¥ ‘to speak on my behalf’ (¡­²§š £¥§/51) ¢±¤© œ«š//¢ž±¤¥ ¢ž œ ‘thrust into an excavated [pit] on account of a foreign woman’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/8) Total: 12

Notes: The import of case 4 is somewhat obscure, but in the present context ¢±¤© seems to be a metonym for Babylon/Rome, the foreign oppressor, who has imposed her religion on Israel–cf. ¤¥ ž¢± ™ž ¤¢¥§ ¥š¥ (³±œ™/2). If this interpretation is correct, then the present case is comparable to œ«š ¢¥™ ¦™±° ³«š «§² ¢©©¢™ ¢¤ ¦³«± ‘for I will not listen when they call to me on account of their disaster’ (Jer. 11:14), where œ«š indicates the cause of distress. with verbs of closing 1) ³¢š žœ«š ž¥«© ¦¢©ž¢¥« ‘The celestial creatures shut the house (i.e., God’s heavenly abode) before him.’ (± ¨§/24) 2) ¦¢§ž œ«š ±›žª ³¥œ ‘shutting the door against the roaring [waters]’ (±²™/397) §15l Use of the Preposition ³¥žŸ exceptive 1) £¥§ ¨¢™ ¢³¥žŸ ‘There is no besides me.’ (³±œ™/14; cf. ¨¢™ ¢³¥žŸ ¦¢¥™ [Isa.45:5]) 2)  ³ì¢ Ž ¢¥š ž³¥žŸ// ³­§ žœ¢š ¢¢ ‘The Lord, in His hand is the key. Other than [with] it [the source of water in the heavens] cannot be opened.’ ( ³­¢/5) Notes: If the interpretation of case 2 is correct, then it would appear that in the Corpus, the preposition ³¥žŸ has the property of “swallowing” other prepositions. This property has already been mentioned with respect to the preposition -¤ in BH (cf. §15b). One could also surmise that in this case ž³¥žŸ means ‘without it’, but this preposition does not have a separative meaning in BH. It is unattested in MH. §15m Use of the Preposition ¦±¡ (+ -¥ ¦±¡, ¦±¡š) temporal ¦±¡ 1) Ÿ™§ ¤¢ª© ¢³¤ëŠ© ¦¢¤žª© ¦±¡ ‘Before the installed [princes] I was installed as a princess of old.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/102) 2) ¦¢°¢­™ œžª¢ ¦±¡ ¦¢§žœ° ‘preceding the foundation of the channels’ (ž³™/376) 303

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY temporal -¥ ¦±¡: ž§© "²«©" "«§²©"¥ ¦±¡ ‘Before “we hear,” they said “we obey” (cf. Exod. 24:7)’ (¥™/558). temporal ¦±¡š: Ÿ™§ ¢³§œ° ¦¢©ž§œ° ¦±¡š ‘Before the pre-existent things, I was pre-existent’ (¢©©° ¢¢/98; A). Notes: The uses of ¦±¡ in case 1 and of ¦±¡š are comparable to the Corpus’ use of the temporal preposition ¦œ° (§16c). The construction “qåtul participle + ¦±¡” in case 2 is comparable to “qåtul participle + ¨§ ¦œ°” (§16c). In BH, ¦±¡(š) functions mostly as an adverb and a subordinating conjunction. This function is attested in the Corpus (§26h). However, in one case ¦±¡š governs an infinitive– ³œ¥ ¦±¡š °  (Zeph. 2:2); cf. also ¨š™ ¥™ ¨š™ ¦â² ¦±¡§ (Hag. 2:15). This latter usage is also attested in DSSH–e.g., [²œž]° ¢¤™¥§¥ ¦³ž¢ ¦±¡š (1QHa 1:10-11). In two other cases it governs a substantive–ž©©¢™ ±°š ¦±¡š (Isa. 17:14), ®¢° ¦±¡š ±žçš¤ Š (Isa. 28:4). §15n Use of the Preposition ³™±°¥ directional: ™¯¢ £³™±°¥ ‘He went out towards you’ (¢©©° ¢¢/299). §15o Use of the Preposition ¥ž§ (+ ¥ž§¥) ¥ž§ locative 1) ¦¢§ ±«² ¥ž§ ‘opposite the Water Gate’ (°¢­™/4) 2) ¢š¢± § ¥ž§ ‘before my destroyer’ (£¢š™™/14) 3) ¢³ž§° ¥ž§ ‘in front of those who rise up against me’ (£¢š™™/62) Total: 5 ¥ž§¥ locative 1) ž¥ž§¥ ž²«± ‘[The angels] quaked before him.’ (¥™/595) 2) ¦¢§¢«©§ ¦¥ž§¥//¦¢§¢«© ¨ž›© ‘singing a pleasant melody before them’ (¤¢ª©™/28) ¥ž§ logical: «²³ ³ž±­ž² ¥ž§//«²³ ³ž¤±š «š¡ ‘the nine benediction formulas [of the Rosh Hashana Additional Service] corresponding to the nine [blasts of the] shofar(s)’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/17; v.l. ¥ž§¥). Notes: Semantically, the logical use of ¥ž§ corresponds to the preposition œ›©¤ (§17e). §15p Uses of the Preposition ¨§ For the use of ¨§ with the infinitive, see under §19. 304

SYNTAX marking origin/source 1) ±¢šª ©§ ¦¢©² ³ž¡§ ‘He promised [that] two tribes [would arise] from her.’ (¨š™/10) 2) ¥«§¥§...¡§¥§ ‘from below…from above’ (¡­²§š £¥§/80; cf. §14v) 3) ¦²› ›¥­§ ‘rain from the [heavenly] channel’ ( ¢±¡¢/4) 4) ¦¢§ ³¢³Ü§ ³²ž ¥¤ ‘Everything was founded on the drinking of water.’ (¡²°™/7) 542 5) ¦¢§ ³¢³ ³§ ¢²© ³ž°²¥ ‘to irrigate the earth from the nether region’ (¡²°™/21) 6) ¥š³¥ ±­« £¥²ž ¢²ž›§ ‘From my clod dust was cast to the world.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/184) 7) «²¢ ¦§ ±ž¡//...//«²³ ³ž¤±š «š¡ ‘The Pure One [=God] will hear (lit. regard) from them the nine benediction formulas [of the Rosh Hashana Additional Service]…’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/17) 543 Total: 68 ablative used in an ethical sense 1) žŸ¢›¢ žê§ ‘He will cause it (i.e., sin) to pass from him.’ ( ¢«œ ™²™ °œ¯š/12) 2) œ‹ã§ ᳞œ­ ‘to rescue her from the arrogant one [=Esau]’ (¨š™/6) 3) ©¢²§¤ ¯¢° ‘she awoke as if from sleep’ (¦™/7; cf. š°«¢ ®°¢ž ž³©²§ [Gen. 28:16]) 4) «±§ ¡è§ ‘Save…from evil!’ (œ¢­™™/°) 5) ¨ž± ž ¬™§ ¥¯©¥ ‘to be rescued from [God’s] anger and rage’ (¡­²§š £¥§/32) 6) š¢š² ³ ¢œ°§ š¢š©¥ ¦¢©œ« ‘to cause dainty fruit to grow [and protect them] from the scorching of fire’ (°¢­™/16) 7) ¦¢§«§ £¥›ª¥...//¦¢§ž™§ ¢¥ £± žš¥ ‘to choose you for Myself from [among] the peoples…to make you [My] special possession from [among] the nations’ (±²™/406) 542 For purposes of this categorization, it might be more effective to gloss idiomatically: ‘The basis of all [life] is the drinking of water’. It should be pointed out that in MH too, the verb ³²ž appears with the preposition ¨§ (see the discussion under §13qq). 543 In the app. crit., ad loc., the ed. proposes that the preposition be emended to ¦¥ or ¦¢¥™. This, however, is not necessary, since Qillir employs «² with ¨§ in exactly the same sense in ™±°™ ±²™ ¨¢  ¦«¡ ¥™‹ ¢Šê¢§Š «‹ چ //¨ž±›š (¢žž¢™ ¥ž¤²™/25-26).

305

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 8) 9)

¦¢±²š§ž ±ž«§ ³«±ž­ ‘collecting payment from (i.e., punishing) skin and flesh’ (¦² ³™/432; thus in MH) ¦¢©­¥§ ±¢¯¢ ¨¢œ§ ³œ­//¦¢©©™² ³š² ¢š¯ ‘The beautiful Sabbath of the ones at ease [=Israel] redeemed the creature [=Adam] from judgment a long time ago.’ (³¢¥¤³/440) Total: 26

temporal (Ÿ™§, ³«§–cf. under §22c) 1) ¦ž¢§ ‘from today onwards’ (±¤Ÿ/39; ¦©¤³/8) 2) ²™±§ ‘from the beginning’ ( ³­¢/13 cf. ©² ³¢²‹±§ [Deut. 11:12], et passim) 3) ³¢²™±š§ ‘from the beginning [of Creation]’ (±¤Ÿ/3) 4) ¥¢¥ ³¥¢­¤§ ‘from the [time of] the doubling of the night (i.e., wintertime)’ ( ³­¢/75) 5) £¢§¢§ £ž§¢«© ‘They have been solicitous of your comfort from [the beginning of] your days.’ (³¢¥¤³/449) Total: 14 marking material 1) ¦¢§ ³›¢¥²§ ³­³ £¢±« ‘He set up Hell from snowy waters’ (¡²°™/7; cf. §28o/genitive of species) 2) ¦¢§ ªž§«§ ™²§ ‘a load consisting of a cargo of water’ (¡²°™/31) 3) ™¥§³§ °œ ³­¤ ³«‹Ÿ§ ‘filling up with the sweat of the heavenly dome’ ( ³­¢/17) 4) ¦«¢Ÿ§ ¦²žš ¦¢­¡ž© ‘dripping spice [made up] of their sweat’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/359) 5) ª¢«§ ¥ ¤ ‘like challah-bread from dough’ (¢©©° ¢¢/182) Total: 8 marking cause/means 1) ¨¢œ ³§¢™§...ž³ ¢ž ‘And they will be dismayed because of dread of [God’s] judgment.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/17) 2) ™²§§ ³ž«žŸ ‘trembling from the burden’ (¡²°™/14) 3) ¦¢§ ³ž¥ž°§ ³ž²«ž± ‘quaking from the sounds of the water’ (¡²°™/14); ¦¢§ ³ž¥ž°§ ¥¤ ¦¢²¢«±§ ‘making everything quake from the sounds of water’ (¡²°™/39) (cf. ¢³²«± ž³¥ì§ ¥ž°§ ¦¢ž› [Ezek. 31:16]) 4) ­¯° ¢§§ ž­¯° ¦¢ž› ‘Nations experienced [God’s] anger in the form of the raging waters.’ ( ³­¢/73; Gen. 1x v.l. ­¯° ¢§š) 5) ¦¢§² œ›§§ ž›œ¥ ž±à™¥ ‘to make him majestic [and] to make him multiply through the bounty of the heavens’ ( ³­¢/87) 306

SYNTAX 6)

¥™§ ™±¢³ ‘Fear God!’ (¦² ³™/434) Total: 17

partitive 1) «Þ± ¦¢©š™ «š±™§ ‘She was made [one] of four stones.’ (¨š™/3) 2) ¦§ œ ™ž œ ™ ¥¤ ¦« ‘with each one of them’ (¥™/579) 3) «š±™ž ¦¢«š²ž ³ž™§ «²³ ¦§ ±š¢« ‘He made 974 of those [generations] to pass.’ (¥™/612) Total: 6 privative 1) §±«§ ±«š ‘She is foolish, for lack of craftiness.’ (³±œ™/9; cf. ³«œ§...±«š© [Jer. 10:14 = 51:17]) 2) «œ§§ ¥¡¥ž¡ ‘He was led astray from knowledge.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/289) 3) £¥§§ ©¥¢«›³ ‘You will reject her from [being] a king.’ (³±œ™/15; cf. v.l. £¥§ £ž¥§§) 4) ¦¢§//¢±ž­ ™¢›§ ž±¯«¢ ™¥ ‘May they not withhold water from the fruitful earth.’ ( ³­¢/61-62) 5) ¢§ª™ ±ª ¢ ¥š šž¡§ ‘May my storehouse not be lacking for good [things].’ (£¢š™™/52; cf. šž¡§ ¢²­© ³™ ±ë‹   §† [Qoh. 4:8]) 6) ¦¢¯ž¥­³§ £¢³­² ¦ž¡™ ‘Seal your lips against [saying] horrendous things.’ (¦ž¡™/510) Notes: The usage in the case 3 is similar to the BH construction ¥ž¡°¥§ ±¯«/ª™§–e.g., ¥™±²¢ ¥« £¥§§ £¢³ª™§ ¢©™ž (I Sam. 16:1; cf. also 8:7; 15:26; Hos. 4:6). A similar syntagm is attested in the Corpus: £ž¥§§ ¬‹© Ž ²Õ³†© (¤¢ª©™/3; cf. §19a). In BH, however, one also encounters an exact parallel of the usage attested in the Corpus: £† ¥Œ éŒ §Š £ª™§¢ž (I Sam. 15:23). This very syntagm is repeated several verses later, with the “dummy” infinitive construct ³ž¢ supplied as the object of ¨§: £¥§ ³ž¢§ ž¢ £ª™§¢ž (I Sam. 15:26). It therefore appears that the v.l. £¥§ £ž¥§§ is an attempt to bring the construction attested in the Corpus in line with the common form of the BH construction while maintaining the rhyme-word £¥Œ §Œ that appears throughout the strophe. comparative 1) ê² Ÿ ¦ž¢//©² ¥¤§ ¢  ‘The Living [God] made this day different from all the [other days of the] year.’ ( ¢«œ ™²™ °œ¯š/15) 2) ¦Š¢§ž¢§  ¦ž¢ ÛžÛ ‘the joy of the day [that is different] from [the other] days [=Shemini Atzeret]’ (°¢­™/3; R) 307

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 3) 4) 5)

©ž²™±§ ¢©²//©²§  ž³š  ‘Its second esteem[ed quality] is different from the first.’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/16) ¦œ™ ¢©š§ ¬ž œ ‘the worst of all people’ (¢©©° ¢¢/256) ¦¢°ž²  ¥¤§ ‘beloved above all else’ (ž³™/371) Total: 11

Notes: The expression in case 2 is attested in MH–e.g., ¨¢±šž›š ±š› §ž ž¥ ±§™ ¦¢§¢§ ¦ž¢ § ¢¥ ±§™ «''± ³™ ¥™² «²± ªž­ž±ªž©¡ (Gen. Rab. 11:5). The use of the dual ¦¢§ž¢ is probably a result of the pressure imposed by the rhyme scheme. 544 special use – marking the source for poetic inspiration: «¡§§ ³ž©žš³ °¢­™//³ž©š±œ ‘From a planting of goads [=the wisdom of the sages], I will express wise [words]’ (°¢­™/13). Notes: This case is analyzed in detail under §30d. There, it is noted that it is very similar in syntax and semantics to the standard reshut formula. The two are set out below, with parallel stichoi indicated by means of solid and dotted underlining, respectively: 545 ...//¦¢©©±ž ±¢²š ¢­  ³­™//...//¦¢©žš©ž ¦¢§¤  œžª§ ³ž©žš³ °¢­™//³ž©š±œ «¡§§

In both cases, the preposition ¨§ marks the source of the poet’s inspiration, i.e., ‘Out of my store of knowledge of the wisdom of the sages…’ This usage is not attested in BH, but there are two instances of it in the Hodayot corpus in the DSS– °ž±¯§ ¢³±šœ ¢³«œ¤ ±§  ±¯¢ ‘I spoke in accordance with my knowledge, from the 544 Note, however, that the common form of this expression in MH is, in fact, ¦Š¢§Õ¢§  ¦ž¢ §. This form is rejected in favor of ¦¢§¢§ ¦ž¢ in Yalon, ¨ž²¥ ¢°±­, 57-60, on the basis of textual evidence cited there. 545 Davidson, 3.158 [1922 §], also cites the following reshut, which is prefaced to Qillir’s Passover qedushta ±²ž¤š ±²™ ¦¢±¢ª™ in the Turin Maʘzor (the Seder ʙibbur Berakhot): ¢œž§¥ œ§¥§ž//¦¢±²ž¢§ ³ž¯§š ¦¢¥šžª§ ¦¢­ž¥™ œžª§ ¥ž°š ¦¢©©±ž ³ž±¢§Ÿ ¢­  ³­™//¦¢±²¤ ¥™±²¢ ³œ« ¢©¢« ³ž²±§ž//¦¢±²¤© ²«§š ª© ¦¢±¢ª™ ³ž±²ž¤š ™¢¯ž§ ¦ž ± ¢©­ ³ž¥ ¥//¦¢±¥ (cf. also I. Davidson, “Review of The ʙibbur Berakot” JQR [NS] 21 [1931] 250). Despite the fact that this composition is signed with the acrostic ±Ÿ«¥™ and is found prefixed to a Qillirian composition, Davidson records the following doubts as to its authorship, expressed by S. Schechter: ,±¢¥°¥ ™¢ ³™Ÿ  ¢³­ ¦™ ¢©°­žª§ '¢ª š ª¢©¤ ±¢¥° ¥² ž¡ž¢­ ¦« ±²°² ¨ž¢¤§ž ³ž™ ¬¢ªž ± ž™§ ¨¡¢­² ¢¥ ™±© ±³ž¢ž ±Ÿ«¥™. The short reshut prefaced to a Yom Kippur qedushta by Yannai shows a similar structure: ¢±ž¯¥ ¥¥™ ¢­  ³­™//¦¢±š  œ§¥§ž//¦¢§¤  œžª§ (­²/™).

308

SYNTAX position of being a pinching of a clay-form’ (1QHa 12:32), [£œž™] ¢š ³³© ±²™ ³ž ž±§ ‘[I will laud You] at the behest of the spirits that You placed in me’ (1QHa 17:17). 546 §15q Use of the Preposition  ¤ž© (+  ¤ž©¥) locative  ¤ž©: ¦ ¤© ‘opposite them’ (œ¢­™™/7). Notes: The context in which this usage is found– ¥¢ š ¢³±²§ ™±ž© ž¥¥ ¦ ¤©//™±ž§–is reminiscent of the short prose text that bridges between the first and second verses of the liturgical qedusha recited during the weekday amida: ž±§™¢ £ž±š ¦³§ž«¥. locative  ¤ž©¥: ž©¢ ¤ž©¥ ±¯ ®­ "›¢²™ ¬žœ±™" ‘The enemy said, facing us, “I will pursue, I will capture” (Exod. 15:9).’ (™²™/31; Gen. v.l. ž©¢ ¤©). Notes: The form  ¤©¥ is attested in BH, 1x in an adverbial usage and 2x as a preposition. §15r Use of the Preposition š¢šª (+ š¢šªš) locative š¢šª: ±«ª š¢šª ¢­±ª ‘seraphs surrounding/around the storm wind’ (œ¢­™™/8; Gen. 2x v.l. ±«ª ¢š¢šª/²–cf. œ™§ ±«²© ž¢š¢šªž [Ps. 50:3]). 547 locative š¢šªš: ± š¢šªš ‘around the mountain’ (ž³³/391; A).

546 These two cases are discussed in Rand, “Metathesis,” 60-61, note 37. It now seems to me that the following cases of the same prepositional usage might be added to this list–¤³©¢š§ ¢³«œ¢ ¥™ (1QHa 1:21), ¢³«œ¢ ¢©™ž £³©¢š§ (1QHa 14:12), ¦¤³©¢š§ ž©«œ¢ ¥™ (1QM 10:16). Furthermore, similar expressions in the Hodayot corpus show that in the function in question, ¨§ and -š were interchangeable–¢š ³³© ±²™  ž±š ¢¥™ ¤¢³«œ¢ ¥¢¤²§ ¢©™ž (1QHa 12:11-12), £³©¢šš ¢³«œ¢ ¢©™ž (1QHa 15:12). 547 The ed., ad loc., interprets the phrase in question to mean that the seraphs are surrounded by the divine storm wind, rather than surrounding it. Despite the fact that the heavenly geography of the hekhalot literature is notoriously confusing, this interpretation is less likely than the one adopted here, as may be seen, e.g., from the samekh-line of the rahit ¢±¢œ™ §¢™, which immediately follows the present composition: ¦¢ššžª ¦¢­±². Here, the seraphs are clearly surrounding, rather than being surrounded.

309

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY Notes: The compound š¢šªš, dictated by the needs of the acrostic, might be compared to ¦¢¥²ž±¢ ¢š¢šªš ‘in the environs of Jerusalem’ (Jer. 32:44; 33:14). §15s Use of the Preposition ±žš« (+ ±žš«š) ±žš« marking focus/object of interest: ™±°© ±žš« "¢²¢²ž ¢Ÿ¥«" ‘“Exult and rejoice,” (cf. Zeph. 3:14) was proclaimed about her’ (¦™/6). ±žš«š marking focus/object of interest 1) ©§™ ±žš«š ©¢šš ¦¥ž« ™±š™ ‘I will create the world with understanding for the sake of the compact [=Torah].’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/107-108, 345-346) 2) ᱞš«š °­™³© ‘He was patient for her sake.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/234) Total: 4 Notes: In BH and MH, the prepositional element ±žš« only appears as part of the complex preposition ±žš«š. The Corpus’ ±žš« is therefore independent of both. §15t Uses of the Preposition œ« (+ ¢œ«) For the use of œ« with the infinitive, see under §19k. directional 1) ž¢œ« ¦¢²› ‘approaching Him’ (³¥™³/10) 2) ¦žœ™ œ« ¢© © ‘He has brought me to Edom.’ (£¢š™™/43) temporal 1) ¤¥ž§ ³« œ« ‘[She] reigns [right] up to the present moment.’ (³±œ«/6) 2) £¥§¢ œš¥ ™ž £¥§ ¥¤ ¥¤³ œ« ‘Until the end of every king, He will rule by Himself.’ (¤¢ª©™/11) 3) š¢š™ ¨§Ÿ œ« ‘until springtime’ (°¢­™/15); š¢š™ œ« ‘until spring’ ( ³­¢/3) 4) ¦ž¢ Ÿ œ« ‘until this very day’ (¢©©° ¢¢/96) Notes: The use of the preposition in case 2 is, strictly speaking, illogical, since the intended meaning is that God will rule after all worldly kingdoms have come to an end. The phrase ¥¤³ œ« £¥§ ¥¤ is paralleled by £¥§-£¥§ Ž ¢©­¥§ in the beginning of the line. The use of œ« is thereby rendered particularly odd, since the

310

SYNTAX expected antonym of ¢©­¥§ would have been the contextually appropriate ¢± ™. expressing measure/degree 1) §±« œžª¢ œ« ‘She is tricky to [her very] core.’ (³±œ™/7) [¥«§¥ ¥«§¥ œ« ‘exceedingly’–cf. under §22d] marking focus/object of interest 548 1) ¢œ« ž¯­ ‘they said concerning her’ (¦™/6) 2) ¦¢±­™ ¢œ« ¢©©«³ ‘Answer me as regards Ephraim!’ (°¢­™/24) 3) ¦¢§ ¢œ« ¦¢±¯«© ‘gathered with regards to [the request for] water’ (¦©¤³/21) 4) ¢¢œ« °©³ ‘You will be considered innocent by Me.’ (¢¤©™/46) 5) ±¤Ÿ¢ ž¤žšª ¢±«ž ¦±«‹ ¢œ« ‘May He remember his entanglement (i.e., the binding of Isaac) for [the sake of the one who is] “naked and bare” (Ezek. 16:7) [=Israel].’ (±¤Ÿ/13) §15u Uses of the Preposition ¥« (+ ¢¥«, ¥«§) ¥« marking spatial relations 1) ¢¥« ¦¢©ž«² ‘relying upon (lit. leaning against) her’ (³™/11; cf. ᚠ¨ž«² [¨š™/2]) 2)  ž± ¥« žªª¢š ‘He founded it on the wind.’ (¡²°™/11) 3) ­¤ ¢¥« ³ž¡©¥ ‘to spread a dome over it’ (¡²°™/23) 4) «žš¡ ¢¥«...®š±¢ ‘May it lie…on the formed one [=earth].’ ( ³­¢/39) 5) ¦žœ ¥« ²¢± ™ ‘I will be silent upon the footstool [=earth].’ (£¢š™™/45) 6) œž­ª ¦¢¯¥  ¥« ‘to lament [by striking the] loins’ (™²™/50; cf. ¥« ¦¢œ­ª ¦Š¢œ ڎ [Isa. 32:12]) 7) ¡¢š ¥ œ² ¥« ‘to strike the breast’ (™²™/63) 8) ³ž§œ™ ¢¥« ‘upon the earth’ (¢©©° ¢¢/243; thus in Ps. 49:12) 9) ž™²©š ž¢œ¢//ž™²§ ¦ž± ¥« ‘when He lifts up His hands to the high heaven (lit. heaven of elevation)’ (¤¢ª©™/32) Total: 22 ¥«§ marking spatial relations (ablative): ¦¤¢¥«§ ¢³° ± ‘I became estranged from you’ (™²™/77). ¥« marking hierarchical relations or hostility Cf. W&O, 216, and the example given there: ¨©žš³™ ¦¤¢œ«ž ‘I gave my attention to you’ (Job 32:12). 548

311

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY £¥§ ¥¤ ¥« ¦± ‘elevated above every king’ (³±œ™/15) ®±™ ¥¤ ¥« ¦¢©§§  ‘appointed over every land’ (¦©¤³/15) ¢ °§  ¢¥« ¦¢§¢±«§ ‘conspiring against my goods’ (£¢š™™/56) ¦ž³ ¥¤ ¥« ¢³¢¢ Ÿ« ‘I was strong upon (i.e., stronger than) the whole Abyss.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/213) 5) šž³¤ ¥¤ ¥« ž¯§ ‘commandment[s] written with jurisdiction over all’ (¢©©° ¢¢/269) 6) ±š› ž¢¥«  ©™ ‘Groaning overpowered him.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/331) 7) ¦¢§¢§³ ¥« ¦¢š±ž™ ‘lying in wait for the innocent’ (±ž³/468; cf. žš±™¢ ¦§œ¥ [Prov. 1:18]) 8) ¦¢š¢¥§ ž¢¥« ¨¢¢Ÿ ¢¥¤ ‘brandishing weapons against him’ (° ±³/499) 9) ¦¢¯šž° ¦²™± ¥« ¦¥«ž­ ‘bringing [the results of] their activity on their own head[s]’ (¦ž¡™/518; cf. žª§  žœ°œ° ¥«ž ž²™±š ž¥§« šž²¢ œ±¢ [Ps. 7:17]) 10) ¦¢¥« ¢©¢ªš ž³ž¥›š ‘when He revealed Himself over them on [Mt.] Sinai’ (¥™/578) Total: 21 1) 2) 3) 4)

Notes: The usage in case 10 is somewhat unusual, and may be compared to BH ¥™/-¥ ¥›© ‘to reveal oneself/be revealed to’. In the present context, the poet seems to be stressing God’s role as sovereign King over Israel. ¥« governing an object of interest 1) ¦¢©š ¥« ¤š§ ‘weeping for [her] sons’ (¨š™/4) 2) ¬¤ ³°ž°  ¥« ¬¤ °ž­ª™ ‘I will clap [my] hand[s] for the one inscribed on [God’s] palm [=Jerusalem].’ (™²™/3) 3) ±²« ¢ª¢© ¥« ¨©ž°™ ‘I will wail for the ten miracles.’ (™²™/28) 4) ž©¢¤ž ¢¥ ¥« ž©©›± ‘We murmur concerning of our having been scorched.’ (™²™/35) 4) £¥«­ ¥« œž­ª ‘to lament concerning Your deed[s]’ (™²™/50) Total: 12 §15v Use of the Preposition ¦« marking accompaniment 1) ¢±œ ¦« ™¢› ‘the earth along with those who dwell on it’ (³™/13; but cf. ¢±œž ®±™ [¡­²§š £¥§/17]) 2) ¦¢§Š ێ ¦« ¢³¢œž ‘I confessed along with those who have appointed [me].’ (°¢­™/6) 312

SYNTAX 3) 4) 5)

£¢²¢œ°§ ¦«...±¢³³...¦¢§ ‘Release the waters…along with those who sanctify you [=Israel]!’ (š«/8-9; Gen. 1x v.l. ¦«)  549 ᱚœ ¦« ž±šœ ¢ž ‘And His word was with her word (i.e., He spoke with her).’ (¢©©° ¢¢/234; cf. under ¦¢©­š ¦¢©­, §22e) œ ¢ ±°² ž³²™ ¦« ©« ‘He spoke falsehood together with his wife.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/252) Total: 15

§15w Uses of the Preposition ³ ³ locative: ž¢³ ³ ‘underneath it’ (¡­²§š £¥§/46). marking exchange: ¦œ™ ³ ³ ¦œ™ ‘a man instead of (i.e., to replace) Adam’ (¢©©° ¢¢/265).

§16 BH NOUNS FUNCTIONING AS PREPOSITIONS §16a Use of the Preposition £±œ indicating passage ‘through’: ³ž©ž¥  ¨³ž™ £±œ ‘through those windows’ (¡­²§š £¥§/69). Notes: This usage is attested in BH– ±«² £±œ ™¯¢...¨ž­¯ ±«² £±œ ™š š›© (Ezek. 46:9)–and in MH. §16b Uses of the Preposition ¢©­ (+ ¢©­š, ¢©­¥, ¢©­§, ¢©­ ¥«) spatial ¢©­ 1) ¦¢™ ª¤ ¢©­ ¦³›¢¯ ‘as they stand before the awful throne’ (³™/9); ª¢©¤ ¢©­ ¢³›¢¯š ‘as I stand before the gathering’ (°¢­™/17) 2) ±šž«¤ š¢³ ¢©­ ‘in [my] capacity as precentor (lit. one who passes before the ark)’ (°¢­™/10; cf. §29g) Total: 5 Notes: In BH the masc. pl. constr. noun ¢©­ may be the second element of a compound preposition, being preceded by the monographic prepositions -š (rare) and -¥ (common), or by the monosyllabic proclitics ¥™ and ³™. In one case, it functions alone as a preposition: ¥™ž±¢ ±šœ§ ¢©­ ¥ © ¬žªš ¦³™ ¦³™¯§ž (II Chron. 20:16).

549 The ed., ad loc., proposes an entirely different interpretation, based on an equivalence ¦«Š = ¥«. No such usage of ¦« is known to me from either Hebrew or Aramaic, however.

313

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY spatial ¢©­¥ 1) ž¢©­¥ ±žš« ‘to pass before Him’ (³™/8) 2) °œ¯ šž™ ¢©­¥ ž±§™¢ ‘they will say before the Lover of justice’ (¡­²§š £¥§/38) Total: 8 spatial ¢©­ ¥« 1) ¦ž³ ¢©­ ¥« ¢³² ¨š™ ž°ž š ‘when He engraved the foundation stone upon the face of the Abyss’ (¢©©° ¢¢/197); ¢©­ ¥« ²žš¤ ¢°ž  ¦ž³ ‘My boundary was impressed upon the face of the Abyss.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/197; cf. ¦ž³ ¢©­ ¥« ›ž  ž°ž š [Prov. 8:27]) 2) ¥«§ ¢©­ ¥«  ±ž­ ‘flying on the face of the heavens’ (¢©©° ¢¢/276) temporal ¢©­¥ 1) ¦¢©­¥ žœ§« ±²™...±žœž ±žœ ¥¤ ‘every generation…that had risen before them’ (¥™/574) 2) ¢±¡ ¢©­¥//¢¡± ¥«ž ²±œ ‘Seek out and provide a bandage before the wound!’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/7) ethical ¢©­:  ¯ ¢©­ ¤Ÿ³ ‘You will have merit before the Dazzling One [=God]’ (¨žŸ™/463). ethical ¢©­š: ¢ °­  ¢©­š ‘before my sages’ (£¢š™™/55). Notes: This complex preposition is attested in BH, where it is employed “mostly in partic[ular] phrases, with hostile import”–e.g., ¢©­š ©« ‘to give evidence against’. 550 Similarly, in MH, it is frequently employed in juridical contexts: ¦³ © ¢©­š ™¥ ¥š™ š³¤© ¢©­š (M Gitt. 2:1). The present case seems to answer to this semantic specialization: ¢©­š ³ž©¢° ³¥¢›§ ¢³Š §† Ž 噊 //¢ ž°¥§š  ¢³­ ¥² "çŒ Ž åÑ"§ ¤¢™ ¢ °­  ‘How was I cast out of [the place where God said to me] “Where art thou?” [=Eden] because of my jaws (i.e., my sin in eating the fruit). The Scroll of Lamentations forewarned me before my sages [that I would likewise be cast out of the land of Israel].’ 551 Cf. BDB, 816, s.v. ©­. The import of this distich is that, on the basis of the identity of the consonantal sequence ¤¢™ in both contexts, the expulsion from Eden is considered to be analogous to the destruction of the Temple: ¦œ™ § ¢³©©ž°ž ¨¢²ž±¢›šž ¦¢ ž¥¢²š ž³ž™ ¢³©œž ¢žž¢¯ ¥« ±š«ž ž¢³¢ž¢¯ž ¨œ« ¨›¥ ž¢³ª©¤ ¨ž²™± ¦¢³¢ž¢¯ž ¥™±²¢ ®±™¥ ¦¢³ª©¤ ž¢©š ¬™ '³¤ ¤¢™ [¡:› '±š] ¤¢™ ž¥ ±§™¢ž...¤¢™ ž¢¥« [™:™ ¤¢™] œœš š²¢ ¤¢™...¤¢™ ¦¢¥« ¢³©©ž°ž...¦¢³©œž ¢žž¢¯ ¥« ž±š«ž (Ber. Rab. 19:9). According to a tradition referred to by Qillir, a series of ancient personages, beginning with Adam, had foreknowledge of the destruction 550 551

314

SYNTAX ethical ¢©­¥ 1) ž¢©­¥ š¡¢¢ž ‘It seemed good to Him.’ (¥™/592) 2) ±¤Ÿ¢ ž¢©­¥ ±­ª Ÿ ¨ž±¤Ÿ ¦ž¢° ‘Let Him remember to Himself the existence of the memory of “this book” (cf. Gen. 5:1).’ (±¤Ÿ/8; R) 552 causal ¢©­§: ±ª ž¥š™ ¢©­§ ²œž°  ž± ‘The Holy Spirit left [him] because of his mourning’ (¢©©° ¢¢/333). ¢©­ in rection:  ¯ ¢©­ ³ž¥  ‘to entreat the Dazzling One [=God]’ (¦™/3) (cf. BH (ž¢) ¢©­ ¥ ). §16c Use of the Preposition ¦œ° (+ ¨§ ¦œ°) temporal ¦œ° 1) Ÿ™§ ¢³¢¢ ¦ž± ¢œž§« ¦œ° ‘Before the pillars of the height[s] [=heavens], I was of old.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/99) 2) Ÿ™§ ©¢­ ¨š™ ¢³¢¢ ©¢­ ¨š™ ¦œ° ‘Before the cornerstone [=the foundation stone], I was the cornerstone of old.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/101) 3) Ÿ™§ ž©¢¢ ¢©™ž ™ž ¥™ ¥¤ ¦œ° ‘Before all these, He and I existed of old.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/105) temporal ¨§ ¦œ°: ¬¥™§ ¦œ° §žª™ ‘the one stored up before 1,000 [generations]’ [=Torah] (™²™/4). Notes: In BH, the noun ¦œŒ °Œ ‘east, front, aforetime’ is not employed as a preposition. This is also the case with MH. In BA and JPA, on the other hand, ¦œ‰ Ž ° serves as a preposition in both a of the Temple: «œž© ž¯žñ© ³ž±žœ ¢²™±¥ Ÿ™//«œ›§ žžŸ  ¦¢©ž§œ°ž ‘And the ancients saw it (i.e., the Temple) hewn down. Of old, its destruction was made known to the eldest generations’ (±š¤ ±²™ ³™ ¤¢™/5-6). Although Lamentations only describes the destruction of the first Temple, from the point of view of the generations that came after 70 AD, it can be said to have “forewarned” of the second destruction as well. And the ancient sages, who had foreknowledge of both destructions, were therefore witnesses to this warning. 552 This obscure sentence seems to suggest that God’s remembering “this book,” in which all of the generations and their deeds are inscribed, will lead to His treating sinful humanity mercifully on Rosh Hashana (cf. the ed.’s comments, ad loc.). Given the Corpus’ Qal verb ±¤Ÿ¢, the prepositional phrase ž¢©­¥ must be understood reflexively, thereby yielding a very unusual syntagm. On the other hand, a Nifal passive with ¢©­¥ is attested in BH: ¦¤¢¥™ ž¢ ¢©­¥ ¦³±¤Ÿ©ž (Num. 10:9).

315

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY spatial as well as a temporal sense. The present case therefore seems to be an independent development within Hebrew, which is perhaps influenced by Aramaic (cf. also the discussion of the temporal conjunction ¦œ°, under §26s). §16d Use of the Preposition ±ž§³ ‘instead of’ 1) ¢±¢² ±ž§³ ¢© ‘lamentation instead of my [former] songs’ (£¢š™™/25) 2) ³ž§¥« ³›¢© ±ž§³ ‘in place of [the fact that] You guided [us in our] youth’ (™²™/46; cf. §14i/genitive=verbal clause) 3) £¥ ¢¢ ™¥ ¢±ž§³ ‘Thou shalt have [no god] besides Me.’ (±²™/408; v.l. ¥™ ¢±ž§³) Notes: In BH, the lexeme ±ž§³ is a substantive meaning ‘exchange, recompense’. In Ben Sira, the apocopated form ±ž§³ is attested 2x, in prepositional usages–³ž©§¥™¥ ¥«š ±ž§³ ‘in place of a husband to widows’ (4:10), [«¡©³ ™''©] «³©³ ™¢ ³™¡  ±ž§³ ‘it will be planted [firmly] instead of sin’ (3:14). Cases 1 and 2 show an unambiguous prepositional usage, while in case 3 ¢±ž§³ may be interpreted as a substantive meaning ‘one instead of me’ (but cf. the v.l., where the addition of the substantive ¥™ leaves ±ž§³ to play a purely prepositional role).

§17 COMPLEX PREPOSITIONS A complex preposition is one composed of “preposition + particle/adverb/noun.” §17a The Preposition ¨¢›š ‘for the sake of’ £©¢›š ‘for your sake’ (£¢š™™/5; cf. under §29n). §17b The Preposition ¥¥›š ‘for the sake of’ ¦¤¥¥›š ‘for your sakes’ (™²™/74). §17c The Preposition ™¥š ‘without’ °œ¯ ™¥š ¡­²§ ³ž²« ‘to perform judgment without righteousness’ (¡­²§š £¥§/39; v.l. ¢¥š).

316

SYNTAX Notes: Use of the preposition ™¥š is attested in BH, Ben Sira (e.g., ±šœ ¥«­³ ¥™ ¯« ™¥š [35:19]), DSSH (e.g., ©¢š ™¥š ž«©ž [1QHa 1:22-23]) and MH. §17d The Preposition £ž³š ‘in (the midst of)’ 1) °ž°© ᤞ³š ‘hidden inside it’ (¡­²§š £¥§/46) 2) ¢±šž² £ž³š ‘in the midst of my destroyers’ (£¢š™™/26) Total: 3 §17e The Preposition œ›©¤ ‘corresponding to’ ²™±§ ­¯² ³ž±žœ ¬¥™ œ›©¤//²™±š  ³­ ¬¥™ ³ž™š §¥ ‘Why did He begin with the letter alef in the beginning? [This] corresponded to the 1,000 generations that He anticipated from the beginning’ (¥™/610). Notes: In BH, this preposition is attested only in the phrase žœ›©¤ ±Ÿ« (Gen. 2:18, 20). It is common in MH, having both locative and logical significations. §17f The Prepositions -¥ ¥«§¥, -¥ ¥«§§ ‘above, over’ 1) «¢°±¥ ¥«§¥ ‘above the firmament’ (¡²°™/23) 2) ª¤¥ ¥«§§ ‘above the [Divine] Throne’ (¥™/619) Notes: The complex preposition -¥ ¥«§¥ is not attested in either BH or MH. It appears to be based, however, on the analogous structure -¥ ¥«§§ in BH–cf. «¢°±¥ ¥«§§ (Ezek. 1:26). 553 Other, similar structures are BH ²™± ¥«§¥ (Ezr. 9:6), ¦¢¥ˆ«§‹ ¥«§¥ (II Chron. 34:4) and MH £§§ ¥«§¥ (M Avot 2:1). §17g The Preposition ¨«§¥ ‘for the sake of’ 1) ž©«§¥ ‘for His own sake’ (±¤Ÿ/2; £¢š™™/10) 2) ¦³ž  ¢³§³  £©«§¥ «ž±Ÿ ¥«ž š¥ ¥« ‘I have placed a seal on [My] heart and on [My] arm for your sake.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/326) Total: 7 Notes: This preposition is very common in BH, where it also functions as a conjunction. It does not seem to be attested in MH.

553

For further examples, see BDB, 751, s.v. ¥«§.

317

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY §17h The Preposition ¨¢«¥ ‘before’ (spatial) 1) 2)

£¥§¢ ¥¤ ¨¢«¥ ‘He will rule before all (i.e., openly).’ (¤¢ª©™/22) £¥§ ¨¢«¥ ¯­ ‘She said before the King [=God].’ (³±œ™/13)

Notes: The BH phrase -¢©¢«¥ cannot be considered a preposition in the full sense, i.e., a “form word” stripped of its original semantics, since in the overwhelming majority of cases it governs an animate noun that refers to something of which possession of eyes may be predicated in a non-metaphorical way. However, the case of ³™Ÿ ²§² ¢©¢«¥ (II Sam. 12:11) shows that already in BH the expression is beginning to lose its literal meaning. The singular form of the preposition attested here is based on the analogy of a number of BH prepositions that show both a singular and a plural morphology–cf. ± ™ ~ ¢± ™, š¢šª ~ ¢š¢šª. §17i The Preposition -鞐«¥† ‘before’ (spatial) £¢ Ž 鞐 Œ «¥† ¢³¢©« ‘I say before You’ (™²™/11; R). Notes: In BH, this preposition is attested in the form -³é  «¥† , and 1x with the feminine plural morpheme: ¦¢°¥  œ ™ ³Õ鐫¥† (Ezek. 45:7). The preposition -¥ is consistently prefixed, with the exception of £¥¢ ¨¤ ™ÞŽ ڌ ³é  «-¥çŽ (Qoh. 5:15), where the form in question is part of a complex conjunction. 554 The preposition is also attested, though rarely, in MH–e.g., ± ™ ¦ž°§§ ³ž±­ ¨³§«¥ °ªž­ (M Ket. 5:8). §17j The Preposition ¢­¥ ‘in accordance with’ 1) ž±¡²§ ¢­¥ ‘in accordance with his promissory note’ ( £¥§ ¡­²§š/23) 2) ³«› ¡«§ ¢­¥ ‘according to [my] limited ability’ (¡²°™/1) 3) ®±™ ¥¤ ¢­¥ ¦¢¢ª ‘He determined, in accordance with each land.’ (¡²°™/29) §17k The Preposition ¦²¥ ‘in accordance with’ ±²« ¨ š ¦²¥ ³ž«žš¡ ‘instituted in accordance with the one who was proved in ten [trials] [=Abraham]’ (³¥™³/7).

It is, however, likely that this conjunction is to be read -² ³é  «¥† çŠ (cf. BDB, 769, s.v. é Ž «). 554

318

SYNTAX Notes: As we have seen above (§15c), this meaning may be conveyed by the simple preposition -¥. The combination ¦²¥, occurring 23x in BH (15x in the expression ž¢ ¦²¥) is usually best rendered literally. In the case of ³±™­³¥ž ¥³¥ ¨ž²² ¦²¥ ¢¥ ³¢ž (Jer. 33:9), however, it appears that ¦²¥ is the equivalent of -¥, and that both are a part of the predicative construction whose typical structure is “¢ + -¥ + noun.” Furthermore ¢œŠ š† çŽ Š ¦ž¢ ¦²¥ ¦¥ ¢ž (Ezek. 39:13) easily supports the same interpretation. 555 Whereas the prepositional use of ¦²¥ in BH is marginal at best, it is quite common in MH, with the meaning of ‘for the purpose/sake of, with reference to’. 556 §17l The Preposition ¨¢«§ ‘like’ ¦¢§ ¥«­§ ²«§ ¨¢«§ ‘something like a story of hydrological activity’ (¡²°™/2). Notes: The preposition ¨¢«§, unknown in BH, is common in MH. It is derived from a combination of partitive ¨§ with ¨¢« ‘visible surface, appearance’, as in ž©¢« ³™ «›© £­ ™¥ (Lev. 13:55). An outstanding feature of this preposition is that, like -¤ in BH, it can serve as a quasi-nominal phrasal head, as in the case above–cf. the liturgical expression «±™§ ¨¢«§ ‘something in the spirit of the occasion’. Furthermore, again like -¤ in BH, MH ¨¢«§ may “absorb” other prepositions–e.g., «± ¨¢«§ šž¡ ¥«ž šž¡ ¨¢«§ «± ¥« £±š§ (M Ber. 9:3). 557 §17m The Preposition ³±šœ ¥« ‘because of’ ±¤ž©§ ³©ž³¤ ³±šœ ¥«//±¢¤§ ±ž¤§¥ ‘to make a sale (i.e., to sell Joseph) because of [his] well-known coat’ (¢©©° ¢¢/327-328). 555

Such, however, would go against the Masoretic accentuation, which marks ¦²¥ with atnaʚ. 556 Cf. Jastrow, 1590, s.v. ¦² II. 557 Note, however, that the citation given here is according to the textus receptus (ed. Albeck & Yalon). Ms. Kaufman of the Mishnah, on the other hand, reads the following: ¨¢«§ šž¡ ¥« šž¡ ¥« ¨¢«§ž «± ¥« £±š§ «± ¥«. A later hand has indicated that the waw in ¨¢«§ž is to be deleted, and has instead added a waw to ¥«. Kutscher, “Hebrew, Mishnaic,” 1602 ignores this correction: “The copulative ž (waw) sometimes acts as an explicative ž (waw), e.g., «± ¥« ¨¢«§ž šž¡ ¥« £±š§ [sic!]…(in German: und zwar).”

319

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY Notes: The noun ±šœ ‘cause, suit’ is attested 1x in BH: ¥™ž ¢³±šœ ¦¢²™ ¦¢¥™ (Job 5:8). It is attested 2x as part of the complex preposition ³±šœ ¥« ‘because of, with regard to’ (Qoh. 3:18; 8:2). In Qoh. 7:14, it is found as part of the subordinating conjunction ¥« -² ³±šœ ‘in order that’ (cf. BA ¢œ ³±šœ ¥« [Dan. 2:30]). It appears 1x in the form ¢³±šœ Š ¥« (Ps. 110:4) with the meaning ‘in the manner of’. §17n The Preposition œ¢ ¥« Indicating Agency ¥¡š žœ¢ ¥« ±Ÿ œžš« ‘Idol worship ceased through him’ (¢©©° ¢¢/279). Notes: In LBH, we find the complex preposition œ¢ ¥«, more frequently ¢œ†‹ ¢ ¥«, meaning ‘at the guidance/direction of’. 558 Both of these forms are attested in MH, where ¢œ¢ ¥« again predominates. 559

§18 VERBAL SYNTAX The principal aim of the following section is to investigate the verbal system as it is attested in the Corpus. The approach employed here follows the standard practice of describing this system by means of a detailed investigation of its component parts, i.e., the various morphological categories belonging to the Corpus’ verbal paradigm. In this respect, the analysis is relatively simple, since the core inventory of morphemes has remained remarkably stable throughout the history of the Hebrew language. Along with the strictly descriptive aspect, however, I am also attempting a comparative analysis, whose aim is to establish the relationship of the Corpus’ verbal system to that of BH and MH. While details of specific constructions and usages are provided in the notes accompanying the various subheadings, it would be useful in this respect to give a gross modo comparative description at the outset, in order that the reader might have the global, systemic relations in mind while examining the details. In a somewhat oversimplified manner, the BH verbal system might be described as relying mainly on the aspectual opposition perfect : imperfect. 560 The perfective aspect refers to an action that Cf. BDB, 391, s.v. œ¢ 5h. Cf. Segal, §300. 560 An excellent summary of the BH verbal system may be found in W.R. Garr, “Driver’s Treatise and the Study of Hebrew: Then and Now,” which is prefaced to a reprint of S.R. Driver, A Treatise on the Use of the 558 559

320

SYNTAX is viewed from the outside as a complete, undifferentiated event, and therefore refers primarily to the past. It is expressed by means of the suffix conjugation. The imperfective aspect refers to an action that is viewed from the inside as being internally articulated, incomplete or ongoing, and therefore refers primarily to the present and future. It is expressed by means of the “long” prefix conjugation, which is derived from ENWS yaqtulu. In classical narrative, rather than sequencing long strings of either perfects or imperfects, BH frequently employs the waw-consecutive construction, whereby a perfect is followed by a series of imperfects to which a waw has been prefixed, and vice versa. Since this construction appears to “switch” the time reference of the forms to which waw is prefixed, it is sometimes also referred to as the waw-conversive. The prefixation of waw is not simply a matter of morphemic concatenation, but involves morpho-phonological changes in the verb form itself. In the case of “waw + imperfect,” the prefix consonant is doubled and, in context forms, the accent is retracted, causing vocalic changes in a number of Qal root types (primarily II/w, y and III/h), as well as in the Hifil. This is the “short” prefix conjugation, which is derived from ENWS yaqtul. In cases where no vocalic changes are in evidence, the form is nevertheless considered to be a “short” imperfect, by analogy to those where they are. Whereas the “waw + imperfect” construction preserves the ENWS yaqtul in a bounded syntagm, the “waw + perfect” construction seems to be descended from the use of the perfect in the apodosis of conditional clauses. This use is still in evidence in BH: ³§ž ž¢š™ ³™ šŸ«ž ‘If he leaves his father, he will die (lit. he’s dead)’ (Gen. 44:22). In the case of “waw + perfect,” the accent may be thrown forward in context forms of the 1st comm. sing. and 2nd masc. sing. The “short” imperfect is also employed in the volitional system, where it serves as the (2nd and) 3rd person form, i.e., the jussive. The 2nd person form, the imperative, is built on the bare imperfect stem, together with the gender/number suffixes. The 1st person form, the cohortative, is formed by suffixing Ž- to the imperfect stem. As the indicative forms enter into waw-consecutive constructions, so the volitional forms may enter into constructions Tenses in Hebrew and Some Other Syntactical Questions (Grand Rapids, MICH/Cambridge, U.K.: Eerdmans, 1998) xviii-lxxxvi.

321

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY based on simple waw. The most prominent among these is the purposive construction “volitive + simple waw + imperfect (or cohortative)”–e.g., «§²™ž† ...šž³¤ ‘write…so that I may send’. 561 The infinitive construct, which shares a stem with the imperfect, may be governed by a variety of prepositions in various adverbial or quasi-verbal functions. It is most frequently constructed with the preposition -¥, and the Masoretic vocalization acknowledges this special relationship phonologically through the plosive realization of the ³''­¤œ›š consonants when these open the second syllable (i.e., šç چ ¥Š [Gen. 34:7] versus ¥­©† ފ [Job 4:13]). 562 As to the other prepositions, we should single out for mention the “embedded clause” construction, whereby the infinitive, sometimes with subject suffix, may be governed by temporal -¤/-š. The infinitive absolute is put to a variety of uses, most notably as a substitute for a finite form and in hendiadys constructions of the type ¤šâ Ž £Õ¥Ž ...£¥¢ž (II Sam. 3:16), where the action indicated by the main verb is “unpacked” by means of the infinitive absolute. Finally, we note the predicative participle, 563 which is employed in BH in anterior, concurrent, and subsequent time frames. 564 Of particular interest is the “¢ + participle” construction, used primarily in LBH to mark iterativity or durativity. Although in BH the participle has not entered the system of finite verbs, it is certainly making inroads, as might be seen by comparing a common comparative clause of the type œš«¤ ¥¯ ¬™²¢ (Job 7:2) to a completely analogous participial construction in ¦¢ª¤§ ¦¢¥ ¦¢§¤ (Isa. 11:9). 565 561

Cf. Lambdin, Introduction, 119. Cf. GKC, §45g. 563 For a useful analysis of the function of the predicative participle, see Driver, Treatise, 165-73. 564 For a thorough survey of the use of the predicative participle in BH, LBH, Ben Sira, and DSS, see M.S. Smith, “Gramatically Speaking: The Participle as a Main Verb of Clauses (Predicative Participle) in Direct Discourse and Narrative in pre-Mishnaic Hebrew,” Sirach, Scrolls and Sages – Proceedings of a Second International Symposium on the Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls, Ben Sira, and the Mishnah, held at Leiden University, 15-17 December 1997 (STDJ XXXIII; T. Muraoka and J.F. Elwolde eds.; Leiden/Boston/Köln: Brill, 1999) 278-332. 565 Driver, Treatise, 173, whence this example is drawn, points out that it is unique in BH. For “general characterization” expressed by the participle in (L)BH, see Smith, “Gramatically Speaking,” 296, 310. 562

322

SYNTAX The MH system rests on the tense opposition past : present/future. 566 The former is expressed by the suffix conjugation, while for the latter the participle is employed. 567 The future tense, especially when a special emphasis is required, may also be expressed the periphrastic construction “œ¢³« + infinitive.” 568 The perfect may be indicated by a passive participle acting as predicate–e.g., ¥šž°§ ¢©™ ‘I have received’. Iterativity, etc. is expressed by means of the periphrastic construction “¢ (in the prefix conjugation, suffix conjugation, imperative, or infinitive) + participle.” The waw-consecutive constructions are no longer utilized. The jussive and cohortative are lost, while the imperative remains stable. The prefix conjugation (in which the 3rd/2nd fem. pl. ©¥¡°³ is replaced by ž¥¡°¢ and ž¥¡°³, respectively) is employed modally, expressing wish or intention in the first person and command in the third person. It is likewise used as a subjunctive after the relative pronoun -². The infinitive absolute is lost, and the infinitive construct becomes fused with the preposition -¥. The temporal infinitival construction “-¤/-š + infinitive construct” no longer occurs. The morphological restriction and syntactic shrinkage of the infinitive leads to a proliferation of relative clauses governed by -²(¤). Otherwise, verbal complementation may be achieved by means of the infinitive or the participle (e.g., ¤žš ¥¢ ³ ‘he began crying’). In order to indicate purpose, the constructions “³©§ ¥« + infinitive” and “¢œ¤ + infinitive” are utilized. The BH infinitive construct without -¥, particularly when constructed with subject suffixes, is replaced in MH by a new addition to the verbal paradigm–a productive verbal noun, or gerund (see the discussion under §11i).

566 An excellent, though brief, summary of the MH verbal system is provided by Kutscher, “Hebrew, Mishnaic,” 1600-01. 567 The commonly held view that in MH the future is expressed by the prefix conjugation (cf. Segal, §216) is apparently incorrect–cf. Sharvit, "³¤±«§" 110-25. It is, however, difficult to explain such sequences as ™ž œ«¥ ž©¥§›¢ ™ž ž©¥§ž› ™ž ž©¥§› ™ž ž©¥ š¢¡¢ ™ž š¢¡§ ™ž š¢¡ (4th benedicion of the Grace after Meals) by any other means. 568 The related construction “œ§ž« + infinitive” may also sometimes be used to express the future.

323

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY §18a Suffix Conjugation of Fientive Verbs = (Definite) Past 1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6) 7) 8) 9) 10) 11) 12) 13)

14) 15) 16)

š¯  ±ž¯ ³š² §š ¦Ÿ¢//š¯  ¥«­§ ¥¤ ¦±¡ ‘Before He hewed out all of Creation, He imagined in His thought the rock [which] was hewn [=Abraham].’ (³™/5) ¦œé¥Š £ž±« «ž²//¥¢«³¥ ®­ ¤ žŸ ³¥™³ ‘When He wished to cure the curse of the one who [=Israel], He taught them to set out [their] prayer.’ (³¥™³/1) ¥š³©ž ž¥ ³ °¥ š¯ ‘He wished to take her for himself, and she became scared.’ (¨š™/5) °œ¯ž ¡­²§ £±œ š™ ±§²¤ ‘just as the father [=Abraham] kept to the path of justice and righteousness’ (¡­²§š £¥§/33) ¢³¢œž ‘I confessed (i.e., on Yom Kippur).’ (°¢­™/6) ž° ¦¢§...›ž  ¦²ž...±¢™ ž±ž™ ‘He caused His light to shine…and placed a vault…He gathered the waters.’ (ž±ž™/16-17) ¦¢§ ¢§ª™ ±¯™ ‘He laid up storehouses of water.’ (¡²°™/3) ¨ž§™ ž¥¯™ ±› ‘The artificer [=Torah] lived with Him.’ (¡²°™/6) ¦¢§² ±œ ¦œ° ‘before He dwelt in the heavens’ (¡²°™/10) œ ™ž œ ™ ¥¤¥ ¨é™ ‘He instructed each one.’ (¦©¤³/1) ±­ªš ³ž¥žš› ž¥š›Ž //±­› ¢žš  ¨§Ÿ ³™ ‘During the time of the one hidden in [an ark of] gopher-wood [=Noah], borders were laid out in the book [=Torah].’ ( ³­¢/25; cf. Gen. 9:18-19) ³žš±™ ž ³­©¤...ž­¯° ¦¢ž› ‘Nations experienced [God’s] anger… when the sluices [of heaven] were opened.’ ( ³­¢/73) "¤ œ«ž ¤ œ«" œ±¤ Õçœ ±Ž  ›¤ ÞŽ ±Š ¦¢§ ‘He made water abundant when the meek one [=Elijah] crouched, as [Ahab] went down [on the occasion of which it is said] “meanwhile.”’ ( ³­¢/80; cf. I Kings 18:42-45) ¦žœ™ œ« ¢© ©ž ¢³¤²§© ž¢± ™ ‘I was drawn after Him, and He brought me to Edom.’ (£¢š™™/43) ³±²« ¥¢¥ ³§¥¢™ ‘You silenced [me] on the eve of the tenth [of Av].’ (™²™/58) ¢©žë¢© ©² ¦¢«š±™ ‘They tried me for 40 years.’ (™²™/76) Total: 451

Notes: The use of the suffix conjugation to refer to the past is well attested in BH. 569 As case 16 shows, it may refer to a complex situation in the past, as in BH. Judging by the number of examples, 569

Cf. W&O, 486-87.

324

SYNTAX derived from both independent and subordinate clauses, this is one of the primary significations of the suffix conjugation attested in the Corpus. In this respect it is significant that in MH this conjugation is restricted to past time reference. §18b Suffix Conjugation of Fientive Verbs = Persistent Present 1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6) 7) 8)

³ž¤¥§ ¥«š ²œ//...//³ž¤¢§©  ž± ¢™¤œ ‘She tramples the lowly ones crushed in spirit…with the yoke of [her] kingship.’(¤¢ª©™/8) ¤¥§ ™¥ œž«ž//¤¥² § ¥«//¤¥§§ ³±œ™ ‘Why has the royal cloak [=Israel] been cast down, whereas she has not yet reigned?’ (³±œ™/1) ¤±­ ¢§¢§³§  ‘She has forced my Perfect Ones into harsh labor.’ (³±œ™/4) £ž¥§¥ ®™ ‘He is in a rush to rule.’ (¤¢ª©™/10) ¢©ž±  £² ™¥ ‘My anger is/has not abated.’ (£¢š™™/2) œš¤§š ¢§§ ¦¢©² §¤ ¢œŠ ™‹ ‘For how many years now does my distress discomfit me with a broom!’ (£¢š™™/20) ¢©³¯ ¥ œž«ž ³¯­ "³ž±œ° ¦¢§² ²¢š¥™" ‘You said “I will clothe the heavens in gloom” (Isa. 50:3), whereas You still oppress me.’ (™²™/57) £¢§¢§ £ž§¢«© ¦¢©°Ÿž ‘Now [your] elderly [parents] have been solicitous of your comfort from [the beginning of] your days.’ (³¢¥¤³/449) Total: 11

Notes: This usage of the suffix conjugation is attested in BH. 570 It denotes a situation that began in the past and continues into the present. §18c Suffix Conjugation of Fientive Verbs = Instantaneous Present 1) 2) 3) 4)

³ž¢¥«¥ ¢³² ± ‘I pray to the roof chambers [=heavens].’ ( ¢«œ ™²™ °œ¯š/39) ¢«œ§š ¢³©š ‘I contemplate in my mind.’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/3) ¢ ±­ ž¯¥­ ‘Her buds (i.e., offspring) shudder.’ (³™/9) š±°š¤ ¢³§° ‘I stand, as if in battle.’ (°¢­™/19)

570

Cf. W&O, 487-88.

325

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 5) 6) 7)

±¡©Ž ¢©ž™² ±¡©§ ®°š ‘At the [properly] observed [holiday] time (i.e., as I speak), my prayer is guarded [by God].’ (°¢­™/2) ¢š¢²°¥ £¥ ¢³¢š± ¢šð¢š ³ž©©± ¦¢š± ‘As I implore greatly, I make You listen to me intently (lit. abundantly).’ ( ³­¢/77) ¢±²¤ ž§™//¢±²¢ ž™ ‘My upright ones groan. My fit ones murmur.’ (£¢š™™/27) Total: 19

Notes: In BH, the suffix conjugation refers to the instantaneous present most commonly with verbs of speaking. It is, however, found with other verbs as well. 571 All of the cases listed here can be reasonably seen as referring to the real-time context of the liturgy itself. §18d Suffix Conjugation of Fientive Verbs = Perfect present perfect in independent clauses 1) ¨¢œ ¦ž¢š ¢³²› ‘I have approached on the Day of Judgment.’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/5) 2) œž°­ ¦ž¢ ¥¢  ³™ ‘The trembling of the Day of Visitation has come.’ (³™/1) 3) ³ž²œ° ¢³² ¨³© žœ¢§ž ‘And from His hand, He has granted two qedushot.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/79) 4) ¦¢§ ¦²š ©¤ ¦² ¢ž©¤  š² ‘He has referred to the glory of the substitute [Divine] Name in the name “water” (i.e., in the name “water” is contained a reference to God).’ (¡²°™/41) 5) ¦¢§ ›¥² Ÿ § ž²žš¥ ¡«§ ³² ‘He has made the cloak clothing Him into something resembling watery snow.’ (¡²°™/42) 6) ¦¢§ ¢žš± ¥ž°¤ žœž ¥ž° ž² ‘He has likened His glorious voice to the sound of a multitude of waters.’ (¡²°™/42) 7) ¢©±› ¨š ²œ ™¥ ‘He has not threshed “the product of my threshing floor” (Isa. 21:10) [=Rome/Babylon].’ (£¢š™™/2) 8) ¢©œ« ž¡™¥ž ž©²ž  ¢í° ¥Ÿ™ ‘My term has expired and my times (i.e., the time of my redemption) have been changed and hidden.’ (£¢š™™/37) 9) ¢ ž°  - °­ ž«› ™¥ž ³ž¥šž¢ §¤ ž¥å™ ‘How many jubilees have passed, whereas my liberation has not [yet] come!’ (£¢š™™/56)

571

Cf. W&O, 488.

326

SYNTAX 10) ¡¢š±² ¥›© ™¥ž ¨žš²  ¥¤š ±žš«™ ‘I go through every calculation [of the end-time], but the scepter has not been revealed.’ (™²™/62) Total: 55 present perfect in subordinate (incl. relative) or epexegetical clauses 1) ª«¤š ™¯¢ ¦™//²«§ ³ ¤ž³ ‘if the rebuking of deed[s] has gone out angrily’ (±¤Ÿ/2) 3) ±¯« ¦™ ™¡  ‘if sin has stopped up [the water]’ (°¢­™/8) 4) ¦¢§ ³±¢¯« ±Ÿ›©ž ¦¯« ¦™ «²­ ‘if sin has been made abundant and a water stoppage has been decreed’ (¦©¤³/6) 5) ³ž§œ™ ¢¥« ¢³±¯¢ ¦¥ž¤ž//³ž§šž ³ž¢  ¥« ž™±ž§ž ‘And fear of him (i.e., Adam) is upon the beasts and the animals, all of whom I have created upon the earth.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/242-243) 6) ¦¥ž«§ ž¢©« ™±°© ±²™ ²§ Ÿ ‘This Moses, who has been called “the humble one” of old.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/339) 7) ±¤Ÿ¢ ¦¢ššž²¥ ³¢² ±²™ šž² ‘Let Him remember the repentance that He has instituted for apostates.’ (±¤Ÿ/4) Total: 20 pluperfect in subordinate (incl. relative) or explanatory clauses 1) ¥  ™¥² ¡š¤ ¨ž§œ™ ‘the Reddish One [=Esau], when he saw that she had not given birth’ (¨š™/5) 2) ²™¢³© ž§š ‘[just] when she had given up hope’ (¦™/1) 3) ¦¢©² ³ž§¥ž« ž³™ ¥«­ ៩›//(...¨ž§™ ž¥¯™ ±›) ‘The artificer [=Torah] lived with Him…[since] He had stored her up in order [for her] to make the two worlds together with Him.’ (¡²°™/6) 4) ³¢²™± ¨¢¢©° ¨³§ Ÿ™§ ¨¤ž ¢¤ ‘for the giving of the first possession [=Torah] had been prepared of old.’ (š³¤š Ÿ™/60) 5) ž¤³±™ š¤± ž¥ ¨¢¤ ¦œ°ž//...¦ž±  ³§ ¦±¡š//...¦¥ž« œœ§ ™¥ œ« ‘before He had measured out the world…before He had stretched out the height[s]…and before He had prepared Himself His chariot’ (¢©©° ¢¢/86-88) 6) ³ž¯ž œž§  ²™ §œ° ¢¥ž¥ ‘if the desirable woman [=Rebecca] had not anticipated [the situation] and commanded’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/311-312) Total: 24

327

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY §18e Suffix Conjugation of Fientive Verbs = Future (Perfective) 1)

2)

3) 4)

£ž¥§¥ ž™šš ™›//¦¢™›³§ žœ«§//¦¢™› ž§//¦¢ž› ž¡§ ‘The nations will stumble, the proud will rage (cf. Ps. 46:7), the arrogant will totter when the Proud One [=God] comes to rule.’ (¤¢ª©™/25) £¥§¥ ™³™ ³«//¦¢ž› £¥§//¦¢ž›ª ž¥¡©//¦¢ž›œ ž¤¥§ ‘The teeming ones [=Israel] will rule, the numerous ones [=Israel] will be elevated when the King of the nations [=God] comes to rule.’ (¤¢ª©™/26) £ž¥§¥ ¦¢¥«//¦¢§§«§ ¦™²© ‘He will bear them up from among the nations to rule over them.’ (¤¢ª©™/28) ²§²¤ ª¤ ¨¤³ ‘The throne [of the Messiah] will be established like the sun.’ (¤¢ª©™/43; cf. ¢œ›© ²§²¤ ž™ª¤ž ¢¢ ¦¥ž«¥ ž«±Ÿ [Ps. 89:37])

Notes: The use of the suffix conjugation to refer to “a future situation both as complete and as independent” is attested in BH. 572 It is particularly common in prophetic literature, and is therefore sometimes referred to as the “prophetic perfect.” In the Corpus, it is attested only in the malkhiyot, and refers to a future time when God will rule as the undisputed King of a liberated Israel. §18f Suffix Conjugation of Fientive/Stative Verbs = Gnomic Tense 1) 2) 3) 4)

¥š³ ¢©¢§ ³²²š ¥š³¥ ž§±Ÿ ¦¢§ ‘Water is poured out so as to make [produce] tasty during the six types [of season] of the earth.’ ( ³­¢/28) ¥›±š ¨›¤ ³°²© ™¥ ‘It is not watered like a garden, by means of [one’s] feet.’ ( ³­¢/41; cf. °±¢ ¨›¤ £¥›±š ³¢°²ž [Deut. 11:10]) ±¡° ±¢³¥ ¦¢©³¢™ ¢¥š š ±¡©ž ‘And He waits to loose the knot (i.e., release the rainwater) during the pangs of Eitanim/Tishrei.’ ( ³­¢/51) ¢ è²  ³ž¥¤ œ« ¦¢©­š ¦¢©­ š ž¤š™//¢ ž¥²  ©² ¥¤ ³ž©¢°š ž°š™ ‘Every year, my emissaries wallow in dirges. On this [annual] occasion, they are confounded, face to face [with God, and this situation will persist] until the end of my exile.’ (£¢š™™/7) 572

Cf. W&O, 489-90.

328

SYNTAX 5)

š™ ±²™ ¦« ‘a nation that He loves’ (š³¤š Ÿ™/79)

Notes: The gnomic, or proverbial, perfective, is attested in BH. In addition to the cases listed here, the gnomic perfective appears in instances that are directly borrowed from a framing verse–Isa. 55:10–where they serve the same function: ž± ( ³­¢/51), ᜢ¥žž ( ³­¢/63), á ¢§¯ž ( ³­¢/67), ¨³©ž ( ³­¢/71). The verb in case 3 is coordinated with the first of these. 573

§18g Suffix Conjugation of Stative Verbs = Definite Past 1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6)

±°¢ ¦š ‘She achieved honor because of them (i.e., her breasts).’ (¦™/6) ¤±™ž š ± ‘She grew broad and long (i.e., waxed).’ (³±œ™/5) ž©¢ ž¤ ²³ ‘Our strength was exhausted.’ (™²™/33) ž¤¢ š ¢³°³§© ‘I was sweet in His palate.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/86) ¦¥ž« ¦« œž§«š ¥™ ¥¤ ž§¥² ‘All these came to an end when the eternal people arose.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/336) ¢³™¥§ ¢¡­²§ ‘I was filled with my law (i.e., the laws contained in me).’ (¢©©° ¢¢/140) Total: 15

Notes: As in the case of fientive verbs, the use of statives in the suffix conjugation to refer to the past is common in BH. 574 §18h Suffix Conjugation of Stative Verbs = Present 1) 2) 3) 4) 5)

§±« ‘She is tricky.’ (³±œ™/7) §± œ¢ ‘Her hand is elevated.’ (³±œ™/8) œ­™ ³ž¤¥§ ‘She is clothed in kingship.’ (³±œ™/11; cf. §18i) œ­± ³ž©¢¯° ‘She is decked with rulership.’ (³±œ™/11) ¢©³¯­  ™¥ ‘You no [longer] delight in me.’ (™²™/58) Total: 8

Notes: The use of statives in the suffix conjugation to refer to the present is common in BH. 575

573

Cf. W&O, 488 (fientive verbs) and 492 (stative verbs). Cf. W&O, 491-92. 575 Cf. W&O, 492-93. 574

329

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY §18i Prefix Conjugation = Progressive Present 1a) ¦¢¤™¥§¤ ž¢©­¥//¦¢¤¥³§ ž±š«¢ ‘They pass, walking along before Him like angels.’ (¤¢ª©™/20) 1b) ¦¢™¢±§¤ ž¢©­¥ ž±š«¢//¦¢™ž±š ¨ž™² ¨ž§ ‘The noisy multitude of created beings pass before Him like fatlings.’ (±¤Ÿ/36; cf. ¨¢±šž« ¨ž±§ ¢©š¤ ž¢©­¥ [M Rosh Hash. 1:2]) 2) ¥«¢ ª¥­ž ž°š//¥«­ ¥¤  ¤ž ±¤Ÿ ‘The rememberance of the reproof of all Creation is going up into the measuring line and the scale (i.e., on this day of Rosh Hashana).’ (±¤Ÿ/33) 3) (¦ž¢œ­ ™ž¯§¥ «¢±¥ ¦¢²›ž±)//¦ž¢¤ ž²¢ ±¢ ¦ššœ ¥ž° ‘They cause the sound of their speech to stir on this day.’ (³™/10) 4) ±²« ³ž¢¤¥§ Ÿ« ž±¢§™¢ ‘They proclaim the ten Kingship Verses denoting [God’s] strength.’ (³¥™³/7) 5) ±¢¤Ÿ ¦ž¢š œ§«³ ¢œš¥ ‘She stands up in defense of her branches (i.e., offspring) on the Day of Remembrance.’ (¨š™/12) 6) ¤ž¥§ œ­™³ ‘She is clothed in kingship.’ (³±œ™/9; cf. §18h) 7) ž™²¢ ¨¢« ‘They lift up [their] eye[s].’ (¦©¤³/7) 8) žŸ¢¥³ § ¦¢³­² ³²±™ ‘Why do you arrogantly speak the request of [your] lips?’ (™²™/75) Notes: This usage is common in BH, 576 and absent from MH. The prefix conjugation expressing the progressive present may be coordinated with another verb form, as in case 3. The same type of coordination is attested in BH. Participles are coordinated with imperfects in «¢š¢ ¦ž¢¥ ¦ž¢//«¢°± œ¢›§ ž¢œ¢ ²«§ž ¥™ œžš¤ ¦¢±­ª§ ¦¢§² ³«œ ž ¢ ¥¢¥¥ ¥¢¥ž ±§™ (Ps. 19:2-3). §18j Prefix Conjugation Expressing a General State of Affairs with No Specific Tense Value 1) 2)

3)

³ž© ³ š¢²°¢ž ³ž¥­³ ¨¢Ÿ™¢ ‘He hears prayers and gives heed to supplications.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/69) ³ž²œ° ²ž¥²š ³ ™š ²œ°¢ž (//³ž²œ° ¢³² ¨³© žœ¢§ž) ‘And He is sanctified by one among the three qedushot.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/79; cf. ¥™±²¢ ¥² ¨²™±š ¦¢³²ž ³ ™ [²œ°] ž²™±š ¨³ž© ²ž« '° § [Vayik. Rab. 24:9]) ¦¢§ œœž§  ¤ ž©¢š¢ ¥¤ Žê§Œ ‘From it, everybody understands the strength of Him who measures the waters.’ (¡²°™/25) 576

Cf. W&O, 504-05, where it is labeled the “progressive nonperfective.”

330

SYNTAX ³ž§ž³ ž©³¢ ¥ž° ‘The abysses cry out.’ (¡²°™/38; cf. ¥™ ¦ž³ ™±ž° ¦ž³ [Ps. 42:8]) 5) žž«²¢ ¨ž™§¯¥ ‘They look to it thirstily.’ (¦©¤³/12) 6) ž³œ±¥ žž™³¢ ‘They yearn for it to come down.’ (¦©¤³/13) 7) ž±²™¢ žš ¦¢ ¢² ¥¤ ‘All plants are made happy by it (i.e., the rain).’ ( ³­¢/57) 8) ¬¯²¢ «›± ‘He is angry [but] for a moment.’ (£¢š™™/76; cf. «›± ž­™š [Ps. 30:6]) 9) ¦¢§«¡§š ¨¢¤™ ¦§ ¥ (//¦¢§Û ¢œ¢š ¦³ž ž± ¥¤) ‘I prepare their food as dainties.’ (±²™/401) 10) (¦¢±«ª© žœ ­§ ¦¥ž¤)//¦¢±¢š™ ž©§ ž³ ¢ ‘The mighty are dismayed by Him.’ (¦² ³™/428-429) 11) ¦¢¯ž¯¢© ®¯ž­¢ ž§¢­ž (//¦¢¯ ¤ ¦©ž²¥ ¦¢©©ž²) ‘And their mouth showers sparks.’ (¦ž¡™/512) Total: 14 4)

Notes: This usage is known in BH, where it is paralleled by the gnomic perfective. 577 Case 2 is part of a distich whose first member employs the suffix conjugation. For the coordination of the suffix with the prefix conjugation in gnomic statements in BH, cf. ¦¥ž«¥ ¦ž°¢ ž¢ ±šœž//®¢¯ ¥š© ±¢¯  ²š¢ (Isa. 40:8). In cases 9-11, the prefix conjugation is paired with a predicate participle (cf. §18i). §18k Prefix Conjugation Expressing Speaker Volition The list below consists of independent clauses. For negative clauses, see under §22k. 1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6)

¡­²§š ±¤Ÿ¢ ž¤±« ¨¢  ‘May his supplicatory prayer be remembered at the time of judgment.’ (³™/4) ¦¢±© ¢ž³™ ¢¥ ±¤Ÿ³ ‘Remember for my sake the one who came from Naharaim [=Abraham]!’ (°¢­™/24) œž°­³ šž¡¥ ‘May You remember for good.’ (¦™/°; parallel to imperat. œž°­) ¨¢Ÿ™³ ±­ž² ¥ž° «§²‹ ‘May You hear the sound of the shofar’s call.’ (œ¢­™™/11) °œ¯ ²«³ ¦©  ³©³§šž//("°œ¯š ¡«§ šž¡"¥ ±¤ã) ‘And [then] perform righteousness gratis!’ (¡­²§š £¥§/42-43) š±«¢ ¢¥ž° ‘May my voice be pleasing’ (°¢­™/19; cf. ¢ ¢² ž¢¥« š±«¢ [Ps. 104:34]) 577

Cf. W&O, 506.

331

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 7) 8) 9) 10) 11) 12) 13) 14) 15) 16) 17) 18) 19) 20) 21) 22)

¦¢§²™ «¯š ¦¢§œ¢ ¥š ¢›¢› ‘May the sin of the guilty not silence my musing.’ (°¢­™/5) ±¯°³ ™¥ œ¢ °Ÿ  ‘May the strength of [my] hand not be insufficient.’ (°¢­™/8) ±¯«© ¦«š ¨­¢//±¯« ¦™ ™¡  ‘If sin has stopped up [the water], let Him look at the gathered people.’ (°¢­™/8; Gen. v.l. ¨­¢ž) 578 ±¢³³ ®±« ³ž±¡§¥ ¦¢±ž±¯ ¦¢§ ‘Release the water stopped up for powerful rains!’ ( ³­¢/72) ¦¢±­™ ¢œ« ¢©©«³ ‘Answer me as regards Ephraim!’ (°¢­™/24) ±¯š ¢¥ š¢ ±¢ ‘May He grant me respite from [my] straits.’ (°¢­™/7) 579  ¢³±¢ ¥ž¯š ¦¢§ ‘May He make the water in the depth[s] boil.’ ( ³­¢/6) ¦¢™ž²©¥ ¦²› œ‹±¢‹ ‘May rain come down for the ones borne [by God].’ ( ³­¢/11; FV [in original verse, verb is timeless]) ²™± ±ž¤š  ¢²š žâ±¢//²ž±¢³ž ¨›œ ¦¢§ ‘May water sate the grain and the must in response to the musing of the chief firstborn [=Reuben].’ ( ³­¢/14) «žš¡ ¢¥« ¢±™¤ ®š±¢//«š›ž ± ±­¢ šž²¢ ‘May mountain and hill once again be fruitful. May it (i.e., the rain) lie like a lion on the formed one [=earth].’ ( ³­¢/39) š¢±¡³ ²§¤ ³é  ¢«¡© ³™ ‘Cover the plants [that grow in] withering heat with foliage.’ ( ³­¢/55) ±¡§¢//...¦¢§ ‘Let Him rain down water…’ ( ³­¢/64; note the jussive morphology; v.l. ±¡§ and Gen. 1x v.l. ±¢¡§¢) ¥œ›š «¢§²³ ‘May You proclaim with greatness.’ (£¢š™™/83; parallel to imperat. ™±) ¦¢©¢­ ¥¤š £§« ž ž©¢ ᚠ‘Let them rest on it (i.e., the Sabbath) along with you, in all corners.’ (³¢¥¤³/448; cf. the imperat. ¨ðœ in the preceding line) ¦¢§³š œ«¯³ £¢±ž²™ ‘Guide your steps uprightly!’ (±ž³/476; cf. the imperat.  ±š in the preceding stich) ¦¢š¢±« ž¢ £²­©¥ž ¥ž¤™ ‘Eat, and may they be pleasing to your soul.’ (° ±³/505; v.l. ž¢¢) Total: 100

578 For similar conditional sentences with an imperative in the apodosis, see §26a, cases 1 and 13. 579 The source of this statement–¢¥ ³š ± ±¯š (Ps. 4:2)–is a parade example of the so-called “precative perfective” (cf. W&O, 494-95), since the perfect ³š ± is paralleled in the verse by three imperatives.

332

SYNTAX Notes: Pragmatically, there is only a very fine distinction between the indicative future tense and the various modalities, including volition, which in BH may be expressed by one and the same imperfect form. 580 By dint of the human condition, a person can never be absolutely certain that an event will take place, so that by definition any expression of futurity is at the same time an expression of modality–expectation, hope, apprehension, fear, etc. 581 The situation is further complicated in the Corpus, which does not make the BH morpho-semantic distinction between the “long” imperfect and the jussive/cohortative (i.e., it uses the two morphological types interchangeably; for ž¢ in case 22, see §12ff). Thus, while in BH the latter may be employed to mark modality, modal analysis of the Corpus, excluding those cases where a prefixed verb form is paralleled by an imperative, must depend on interpretation. The collapse of the morpho-semantic distinction between the “long” imperfect and the jussive/cohortative in the Corpus may most conveniently be demonstrated in the case of the cohortative. In a Qillirian composition, with the exception of the reshut, which is entirely designed for the payyetan to proclaim his role as the community’s emissary, 1st person prefix forms tend to appear at the very beginning and/or at the very end of a given piyyut, where the poet injects himself directly into the discourse. The following are all of the cases attested in the Corpus (forms appearing at the beginning or the end of a piyyut are marked with “B” and “E,” respectively): without Ž-: ™±°™ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/2; B); ¯±™ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/4); ±­ž²š â곌 ­™ (³™/14 = ³¥™³/14; E); ¦¢™ ±Ÿ© œ¢­™™ (œ¢­™™/1; B); ²œ° ²¥²™ž ²œ°š (œ¢­™™/12; E); ¨«§ °¢­™ (°¢­™/1); ±¡­™ ™¥ž «ž² £±«™ (°¢­™/1); ±š ™ ¦¢§«¡ (°¢­™/9); ±šœ™ ¦¢±ž³© ¢­¡ (°¢­™/9); ³ž©žš³ °¢­™ (°¢­™/13); ³ž©ž¤© ±šœ™ (°¢­™/13); ™ð™ ¨¢« (°¢­™/18); š±°™ ¦±¡ ¥ä™...³ž²± (°¢­™/20); ±²š™ ² ± (°¢­™/20); ¦ã™ (¡²°™/1; B). with Ž-: ¤¢ª©™ (¤¢ª©™/1; B); ¥™²™ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/1; B); ²¥²™ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/38; R); ««ž±³™ ž©›š (³™/14 = ³¥™³/14; R; E); ¦š 580

For volitional uses of the imperfect in BH, see W&O, 509-10. Cf. also the comment of J. Lyons, Introduction to Theoretical Linguistics (Cambridge/New York/Melbourne: Cambridge University Press, 1968) 310: “For general syntactic theory, it may be taken as axiomatic that ‘futurity’ is a notion that cuts across the distinction of mood and tense.” 581

333

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY °Ÿ ³™ ¦šž ©«ð™ (¡­²§š £¥§/49; R; E [of a strophe]); ª¢›™ (°¢­™/18; R); ¡²°™ (¡²°™/1; B); ­ª ™ (¡²°™/2; B). An examination of these cases leads to the conclusion that the cohortative ending Ž- is treated as an optional morphological element that may, moreover, be employed on occasion for the purposes of satisfying the rhyme norm. Nowhere, however, can it be shown to be marking a modality whereby the poet is exhorting himself or wishing that he might be able to perform a given action, as opposed to making a statement about the future devoid of any such nuance. In addition to the cases indicated above, the 1st person singular prefix form may be used throughout a composition to satisfy a compound acrostic requirement whereby ™ must precede each letter in an alphabetic series. These cases are as follows: without Ž-: £¢š™™ (£¢š™™/1); ¦¥™™ (£¢š™™/2); ¨¢š™™ (£¢š™™/2); ®¢°™™ (£¢š™™/3); ¤š™ (£¢š™™/8); ¥š™ (£¢š™™/8); çš™ (£¢š™™/9); §›™ (£¢š™™/13); ±¢ß™ (£¢š™™/13); «­™ž «›™ (£¢š™™/14); ¥›™ (£¢š™™/14); ²¢ß™ (£¢š™™/15); œšç™ž ( ³­ ™¯™ ™¥ž ¦žœ™) (£¢š™™/19; parentheses = Job 31:34; R); ¦¢§œ™ (£¢š™™/19); œÞ‹ ¤Ñ † ¥šž (¨¢¥§ «œ™) (£¢š™™/20; parentheses = Job 23:5; R); §™ (£¢š™™/25); ›™ (£¢š™™/25); £¥™ (£¢š™™/26); ²¢± ™ (£¢š™™/45); ¬¢ä™ (£¢š™™/51); š³¤™ (£¢š™™/62); ±¢š¤™ (£¢š™™/63); Ÿ¢±¤™ (£¢š™™/63); ±±§™ (£¢š™™/75); œž©™ (£¢š™™/80); °ž­ª™ (™²™/3); ©«™ (™²™/9); ¬¢œ«™ (™²™/10); ¬¯­¯™ (™²™/19);  ±¯™ (™²™/20); °«¯™ (™²™/21); £¥™ž (ššžª™ž ™© §ž°™) (™²™/25; parentheses = Song 3:2; R); ¨©ž°™ (™²™/28); ±¢³©™ ¬«±ªž (¬™²™ž ¦ð™) (™²™/37; parentheses = Isa. 42:14; R); ᢧ³™ (™²™/44); ±§±§³™ (™²™/45); ¢ž³™ (™²™/46); ¥™™ (™²™/49); ž™™ (™²™/50); £œ›™™ (™²™/51); ±ž™™ (™²™/52); ±žš«™ (™²™/62). with Ž-: §¡™™ (£¢š™™/1); §¢™ (£¢š™™/26; cf. Ps. 55:3); ±§Õ™ (£¢š™™/33); ©â¤™ (£¢š™™/62); ²ž©™ (£¢š™™/80; cf. Ps. 69:21); ­ž«™ (™²™/8); ­¢î™ (...ššžª™ž...§ž°™) (™²™/26; verbs in parentheses are from Song 3:2); ¥¢¥¢™ (™²™/56). In these cases as well, it is impossible to attribute a semantic function to the Ž- suffix. The cohortative forms §¢™ and ²ž©™ are probably imitations of the corresponding rare biblical forms, and ­¢î™ follows a morphological pattern set by a quote from MT. With the other cases, the poet’s choice of a cohortative as opposed

334

SYNTAX to a simple prefix form cannot be explained, even on an ad hoc basis. §18l Prefix Conjugation = Future The list below consists of independent clauses. For negative clauses, cf. under §22k. 1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6) 7) 8)

9)

10) 11) 12) 13)

¡­²¢ ªž¥­š ¥œž «ž² ‘Rich and poor will be judged by weighing.’ (³™/3) «¢±³ž ±¢«³ ‘You will awaken [Your angry zeal] and give a blast.’ (³±œ™/°) «¢±¥ ¢«œž¢š ²œ°³ ‘You will be recognized as holy among those who know how to sound the shofar blast [=Israel].’ (³±œ™/°) ¤ž¥§ š¢²³ £¥ ‘You will return kingship to Yourself.’ (³±œ™/15) £¢¥ ¢§ ¦³°œ¯š °¢œ¯³ ‘You will acquit those who trust in You (i.e., Israel) because of their (i.e., the Patriarchs’) merit.’ (¦™/8) ±­ž³ §²™ž ‘And guilt will be abrogated.’(œ¢­™™/11) ®±™ ¡ž°²³ ¡­²§¥ ž§ž°š ‘When He arises for judgment, the earth will fall silent.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/4) ®±™ ¬©¤§ ³ž±¢§Ÿ ž¥«¢ž ®±™ ¢©²¢ ¥¤ ±±ž«¢ž ®±™ ¥ž¤ ²ž²§ ¨©ž¤¢ ‘He will establish the joy of the whole earth [=Jerusalem], and revive those who sleep in the earth, and songs will ascend from the end of the earth.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/14-15) °œ¯ž ¡­²§š ž¢©¢©¥ ²«‹¢ °œ¯ž ¡­²§ £±œ š™ ±§²¤ ‘Just as the father [=Abraham] kept to the path of justice and righteousness, so will his descendants be treated with justice and righteousness.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/33) 582 ±šª¥ ¦œ«š ¢©ž²±¢//...//±šœ™ § ¢©ž±ž¢ ‘They will instruct me in what I should say…They will permit me to implore [God] on their behalf.’ (°¢­™/10) ¦¢§ ¢­¡© «±›§ ž³­¢ ‘They will persuade the One who restrains the water drops [=God].’ (¦©š³/6) ²¢²¢ ¢°²š ¥¤ ‘Everyone will rejoice in the watering.’ ( ³­¢/43) £¢§¢ žš±¢ž ¥ª ¦œš¤ ‘Honor them, selah, and your days will be long!’ (³¢¥¤³/450; cf. £¢§¢ ¨ž¤±™¢ Š ¨«§¥ £§™ ³™ž £¢š™ ³™ œš¤ [Deut. 20:12])

582 This case represents a statement about the future based on an explicit exegetical analogy. This technique, based on the midrashic exegetical principle ž©¢¯§ §, is encountered throughout the piyyut literature (cf. under §29r).

335

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY Total: 141 §18m Waw + Prefix Conjugation (wayyiqtol) 1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6) 7) 8) 9)

¦³ ³ž ‘And she was sealed.’ (¦™/2; A) ™œ¢ž ¬¥™ «Ÿ ‘The alef trembled and darted.’ (š³¤š Ÿ™/63) ³ ¢ž ¥¤™ž œ§ ž ‘And he coveted, and ate, and was dismayed.’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/253) ᱧ³¢ž ¢©²¢ž (...[Ÿ¤: ¤ šž¢™] "±°  ¦›ž ©¢¤ ±­ª¢ž ™±" ¢) ‘And He repeated it once more.’ (š³¤š Ÿ™/70; for the interpretation, see §12r/Qal/Type II) ¦«¯§§ž ¦§ž°§§ ¦«¢ª¢ž ¦¡¢ž ‘And He inclined them, and He moved them from their place and from their couch (i.e., fixed position).’ (¢©©° ¢¢/358) ž¥ š±« ¦›ž ž¢©­¥ š¡¢¢ž (//ž¥° ¢±šœ ¥™‹ [ ¤: 'šœ] "«§²¢ž") ‘And it seemed good to Him, and was also pleasing to Him.’ (¥™/592) ¦¢¥›œ© š žœšž¤¢ž (//¦¢¥ž›ª ž¤Ÿ ³œ ¨³§¥ ¢¤) ‘And the ones gathered according to [their] standards [=Israel] were honored with it.’ (¥™/616-617) 583 ²«±³³ž ᱞ²š œžœ ‘When the Lover [=God] looked upon it, it shook.’ (¡§ ®±™/4) ¦« ¥¤ ž §²¢ž ‘And all the people rejoiced.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/364)

Notes: This usage, one of the characteristics of the BH verbal system, is quite rare in the Corpus. In case 1, it seems to be motivated by the need to fill the waw-slot in the acrostic sequence. In cases 2 and 3, the wayyiqtol form constitutes the coda in a pair/triplet of verbs that is otherwise composed of suffix forms expressing the definite past. In cases 4 and 5, we see a pair of wayyiqtol forms. In case 4 the pair finishes out a mixed verbal series quoted from MT, and in case 5 it is apparently generated by the internal parallelism of the stich. In case 6 we again see a verbal pair in an internally parallel stich, but this time, the wayyiqtol form is the first member of the pair, while the second is constituted by a suffix form. Case 7 consists of two parallel stichoi, the first of which shows a suffix form, paralleled by a wayyiqtol form in the second. Case 8 is 583 The interpretation of žœšž¤¢ž as a wayyiqtol form follows a suggestion made by the ed. in her commentary, ad loc. In a Genizah manuscript, the stich in question reads ¦¢¥›œ© £ž³š žœžš¤ ³³, and the ed. opines that this reading may represent the original.

336

SYNTAX particularly remarkable, since it shows a pleonastic Ž- ending on a 3rd fem. sing. prefix form, the only one of its kind in the Corpus (cf. §11c). Since the rhymeme in this case is Úˆ Ž «-, it is difficult to see why the poet didn’t simply avail himself of the suffix form ²«±³ž. Case 9 is drawn from a transitional strophe consisting of three stichoi, all of which begin with “waw + verb”: [œ¢:¡¢ '§²] "¦« ¥™ ± ¨§ ²§ œŒ±å‹ž "//...©§³©ž//...ž §²¢ž. It is clear from these data that no common denominator, either syntactic or prosodic, is to be found in all of the occurrences of the wayyiqtol form in the Corpus. §18n Prefix Conjugation Expressing Purpose ¦¢§ ³ž¢«¢š± ³²¥² ±œªš £±«¥ ¦š//¦¢§ ¢›¥ ³²¥² ¦¢¤ª©§ £žª© ¦¢§ ³žš°© ³¢±­ ³ ³§ ¥­¤š ¥«¢ //¦¢§ «š± ³ž±¤Ÿ «¢š±¥ ¥«§§ (¦©¤³/9-10) Notes: This passage has been cited in full because of the highly unusual nature of the construction. The translation (following the notes of Heidenheim, ad loc.) is as follows: ‘They pour out a libation, three logs of water, in order that by dint of them [God] might set out in [their] proper sequence the three occasions of rain, that [He] might bring down from above the fructifying maleness [brought about by] water, [and] bring up from below, in double wise, the feminine fruitfulness [brought about by] water’–cf. ¦¢¢ ­¡ žœ›©¤ ¥«§ ®±™ ¨¢™² ¨¥«§¥§ œ±ž¢  ­¡ £¥ ¨¢™ ™''š²± ±§™ (Ber. Rab. 13:13). The near-perfect parallelism of the third and fourth stichoi leave no doubt as to the identity of the purpose infinitive «¢š±¥ and the imperfect form ¥«¢, but since the latter is in the acrostic position, the expected infinitival form ³ž¥«¥ is not permissible. For the same reason it would not have been possible to express purpose by means of waw–¥«  ¢ž† (as in case 12, under §25c/logically sequential). 584 §18o Predicate Participle Expressing a General State of Affairs with No Specific Tense Value The list below consists of independent clauses. For negative clauses, cf. under §22l. For “-ž (+ intervening material) + prefix conjugation” continuing an infinitive construct in BH, see Joüon, 2.§124q. 584

337

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY ¨§Ÿž œ«ž§¥ ¦ž²±//¨§Ÿ§ Ÿ ¦ž¢¥//¨§¤§ Ÿ± ‘The hidden secret is appointed for this day. [It] is inscribed for an appointed time and a season.’ (¤¢ª©™/39) 2) °ž°© ᤞ³š ¦¢±ž¯ ³ž²­© ‘The souls of the rocks [=Patriarchs] are hidden in it.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/46) 3) ¨§¢³ ¢±œ š š²ž¢ž...³žš±«š š¤ž± ™ž ‘He rides in Aravot…and sits in the Chambers of the South.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/56-57) 4) ±ž³¤ ³œ²™ ž©¢§¢§ž ±¢³« ³«ž² «§ž² ¦²§ž...±ž™ ¡ž« š²ž¢ žšž ‘And on it sits the One who wraps Himself in light…and from there He hears the cry of prayer, and from His right hand eshdat [=Torah] is granted [to Israel] as a crown.’ ( £¥§ ¡­²§š/66-67) 5) ¦¢§ ³ž¥ž°§ ³ž²«ž±ž ™²§§ ³ž«žŸ ‘[The heavenly creatures] tremble from the burden and quake from the sounds of the water.’ (¡²°™/14) 6) ±ž© ¢œ ±©š ¦¢«šž¡...¦¢­ž«§ž ¦¢ª¡ ‘[The cherubs] fly and hover…[they] sink in the fiery river.’ (¡²°™/17) 7) ±§™š ¢ž¥³ ¦š¯° ‘Their fixed place is suspended from the Divine Utterance.’ (¡²°™/37) 8) ¦¢§¢«±§ ¨©±...¥ž° ¦¢™²ž©ž ¦¢²›ž±...¥¤ ¦¢²¢«±§ž ¦¢²«ž± ‘[The cloud sluices] quake and make everything quake…[they] throng and lift [their] voice[s]…[they] thunder with song.’ (¡²°™/39-40) 9) Ÿ¥ Ÿ ¦¢™±ž° ‘[The abysses] call out to one another.’ (¦©¤³/11) 10) ®±™ ¥¤ ¥« ¦¢©§§  ‘[The constellations] are appointed over every land.’ (¦©¤³/15) 11) ¦¢°ž³§ ²šœ§ž ¦¢­ž¯ ³­ž©§ž//¦¢°²§ž ¦¢¥¤™ °³§ ¥¤š ¦¢¥ž²§ ‘[They] are likened to all sweet fare and are sweeter than honey from the comb and honey.’ (¥™/544) Total: 161 1)

§18p Predicate Participle Expressing Past State of Affairs following a suffix form 1) ¦¢¥  œ¥ž¢¤ ¢© (//¦¢¥š ž ¦¢±¢¯ ±«ª//¦¢¥š ¦žŸ ™ ¦¢§«) ‘[They] were writhing with wailing, like a woman giving birth.’ (ž³³/384-385)

338

SYNTAX 2)

¦¢¥¥§ž ¦¢±™­§ ³ž š²ž³ž ±¢²//...¦¢œžœ› ¨ž§ž (//... š² ž©³©) ‘And the multitude of [angelic] troops…were glorifying and lauding with song and praises.’ (¥™/617-618) 585 Total: 8

following a temporal construction with -š 1a) ¦¢§ £²ž§ ¢±© ³ž±© ¨¢™š ‘Before there were rivers, my river was conducting water.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/145) 1b) ¦¢§ ³«šž© ¢±™š ³ž±™š ¨¢™š ‘Before there were wells, my well was flowing with water.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/146) 2) ¦ž³ ¢©­ ¥« ²žš¤ ¢°ž  ›ž  ž°ž š ‘When He inscribed a boundarycircle, my boundary was impressed upon the face of the Abyss.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/197) following œž«: ³¢š žœ«š ž¥«© ¦¢©ž¢¥«//³¢š ±žœŸž±­š ›¯ žœž« ‘While he (i.e., Moses) was yet standing in the vestibule of the house (i.e., God’s heavenly abode), the celestial creatures shut the house before him’ (± ¨§/23-24). in a relative clause: ¦¢°™ž© ¬žªš ±²™ ¦¢°©ž¢ ¢­§ ‘from the mouth[s] of infants, who were groaning at the [Sea of] Reeds’ (±¤Ÿ/20). Notes: The use of the participle to express a past state of affairs is attested in BH, especially in various types of circumstantial clauses. 586 We also find it constructed with œž«: Ÿ œž« ™š Ÿž ±šœ§ (Job 1:16). There is an important distinction, however, between the BH construction with œž« and that of the Corpus. Whereas in BH, the main clause is preceded by a disjunctive waw, this is not the case in the Corpus. 587 The Corpus’ use of the participle as a narrative tense, coordinated with the suffix conjugation, is comparable to a usage 585

This case, comprising a series of 7 predicate participles, describes the praise offered to God by the angels, when the latter witnessed Him giving the Torah to Israel–i.e., a specific, historical occasion (ll. 616-622). It is quoted from the last strophe of the silluq, and leads seamlessly to a general description of the angels’ praise of God in the hekhalot world (ll. 623-625). According to the analysis adopted here, the switch from one description to the other is marked by the words ¦¢¥™ž²ž ¦¢™±ž° Ÿ ¥™ Ÿž (¥™/622), which allude to the locus classicus of the trishagion. 586 Cf. W&O, 625-26 and Driver, Treatise, 166. 587 Examples of the BH construction have been gathered in Driver, Treatise, 211.

339

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY noted by Sokoloff in the Hebrew of Bereshit Rabbah–e.g. ²«§ ³ ™ ¥¥ž« ™±ž ³šž²ž ž§±¤¥ ™¯¢² œ ™ œ¢ª š (Ber. Rab. 29:2). 588 Use of the participle referring to the past following temporal constructions with -š, whether the temporal infinitive or a phrase governed by ¨¢™š (cf. §26t), does not appear to have any parallels in either BH or MH. §18q Predicate Participle = Concurrent Time/Present Continuous The lists below consist of independent clauses. following a suffix form 1) ³ž¢ž¥³ ¢©¢«ž (//³ž¢¥«¥ ¢³² ±) ‘And my eyes are lifted up.’ ( ¢«œ ™²™ °œ¯š/39) 2) ¤¥ž§ ³« œ«ž (//...//¤±š ³«šŠ ) ‘And [she] reigns [right] up to the present moment.’ (³±œ™/6; v.l. ¤¥§) 3) ¢ °§  ¢¥« ¦¢§¢±«§ ¦¢§¢™ (//...⥆噊 ) ‘Scary people are conspiring against my goods.’ (£¢š™™/56) following a prefix form 1) ...¦¢¤ž§³//...¦¢›™ž²//...¦¢©ž«²//...¦¢²›ž± (//...ž²¢ ±¢) ‘[They are] thronging…relying…roaring…supported…’ (³™/10-12) 2) ...¦¢¤ª©§ £žª©//...¦¢²›ž±//...¦¢±¯«© (//...ž™²¢ ¨¢«) ‘[They are] gathered…thronging…pouring out a libation…’ (¦©¤³/8-9) following ©: ›ž©« ¢©© ‘I am experiencing ›©«’ (¦™/2). not coordinated 1) ¦¢¤ § ž¥ Ÿ ¦ž¢//¦¢¤¥§ ¢©š ž¢¥«//¦¢¤¢¥²§ š¢ ‘The sons of kings [=Israel] cast [their] burden on Him. On this day (i.e., Rosh Hashana) they wait for Him.’ (¤¢ª©™/19) 2) ±ž™© ¢©­ ¦¢­ž­¯ ‘[They] stand crowded before the Brilliant One [=God].’ (±¤Ÿ/10) 3) ¦¢«¢°²§ ¦¢¤±¤//¦¢«¢°š§ ™¢›//¦¢«°ž³ ¦ ³«¤ ‘Now they are blowing [the shofar], splitting the earth, causing towns to sink down.’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/21) 4) ¦¢²› £¥ [They] are approaching You.’ ( ³­¢/9) 588 Cf. Sokoloff, "š± ³¢²™±š" 144 (cited according to the author’s text, ad loc.). Sokoloff states there that this usage is not found in the MH of the tannaim, and suggests that its presence in the Hebrew of the amoraim is the result of Aramaic influence.

340

SYNTAX 5) 6)

¦¢©š ¥« ¤š§ ³ž«§œ ‘[Rachel] is crying tears for [her] sons.’ (¨š™/4; cf. ¢©š ¥« ¤š§ ¥ ± [Jer. 31:14]) ©žœ© ¢©™ ¦ž¢ ‘Today, I am being judged.’ (¦™/2) Total: 16

§18r Predicate Participle = Future The lists below consist of independent clauses. as a futurum instans 1) ¤ž±œ © ‘[Rome] is about to be trampled.’ (³±œ™/6) 589 2) ¦¥ž« ±Ÿž  ž¢§¢§¥ ¦ž¢ ™§² ‘Is the world about to return its watery [state] today?’ (¥™/571) Notes: The use of the futurum instans participle is well known in BH, in particular together with the presentative particle ©. 590 as future: £¥§¥ ¦¢¥«//¦¢§§«§ ¦™²©//¦¢§¢«©§ ¦¥ž§¥//¦¢§¢«© ¨ž›© ‘[The nations] will sing a pleasant melody before them. He will bear them up from among the nations to rule over them’ (¤¢ª©™/28). Notes: The image conveyed by this stich is one of the triumphant Israelites being conveyed back to their land by (God and) the nations during the Messianic age (cf. Isa. 14:2). The preceding stich, which treats the same subject, conveys the future time reference by means of a prefix form: ž­ª™¢//¦¢§« ¢š¢œ© £ž¥§¥ ¦§ž°§ ¥™//¦¢§« ¢¡«§ ™ž²©//¦¢§«§ (¤¢ª©™/27; cf. ž­ª™© ¦¢§« ¢š¢œ© [Ps. 47:10]). The stich in question, on the other hand, does so by means of a participle and a suffix form (cf. §18e). §18s “¢ + Participle” Expressing the Progressive Aspect with suffix conjugation 1) ž¤±š ¥« ³«²«³²§ ¢³¢¢ ‘I was sporting on His knee.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/90)

589 According to the commentary of the ed., ad loc., the participle ¤ž±œ refers to Israel, who has been trampled by Rome. This is unlikely, since every single feminine verb in the strophe has the personified Rome for a subject, whereas Israel, or its metonyms, appears only as object. Furthermore, the ed.’s interpretation eliminates the strongly ironic paronomasia formed by the juxtaposition of ¤±œ ³²° ‘She pressed the bow’ (³±œ™/5) and ¤ž±œ © ‘She, herself, is about to be pressed’ (³±œ™/6). 590 Cf. W&O, 627-28.

341

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 2) 3) 4) 5)

©¢ šš ¨¢š§//©ž§™ ¥™ ¢ž ‘And the faithful God was contemplating with scrutiny.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/106) ¥«§ ¢§ž±§š ¢³¢¢ ³¯§™³§ ‘I was strong on high.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/202) ¦«¢Ÿ§ ¦²žš ¦¢­¡ž© ž¢ž ‘And they were dripping spice [made up] of their sweat.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/359) ¦¢¥š›ž§ ž¢ ¦¢œ¯±§ ‘The ones placed outside the boundary (i.e., the rival mountains) were looking on jealously.’ (ž³³/385) Total: 11

with infinitive 1) ³ž¢ ¦¢©²¢ ‘to be sleeping’ (¦©¤³7) 2) ¦¢§¢²›§ ³ž¢ ‘to be bringing rain’ (š«/7) 3) ¦¢§²›§ ³ž¢ ‘to be rained (subj. water)’ (š«/8) 4) ¦ž³ ¢©­ ¥« ²ž±­ £²  ³ž¢šž ‘and while the darkness was spread upon the face of the Abyss’ (¢©©° ¢¢/104) Notes: The periphrastic construction of ¢ with a participle is already well attested in BH, 591 though it is usually considered to be a feature typical of MH, where it may be combined with ¢ in the perfect, the imperative, and the infinitive. 592 §18t Masculine Plural Participle used Impersonally 1) 2) 3)

¦¢©œ ³ž³¢§ ¢¥¥ §¥ ‘Death sentences are meted out to those who profane it.’ (³¢¥¤³/443) ¦¢š²ž  °¢±¥ ¦¥§« Ÿ ‘This effort of theirs is considered to [be] emptiness.’ (° ±³/501) ¦¢š¢¢ § ³ž§ž¥§¥ ¦¢ž¢› ‘Their bodies are sentenced to beatings.’ (° ±³/503)

Notes: This use of the masc. pl. participle is typical of MH. 593 It is the equivalent of a periphrastic passive.

§19 INFINITIVE The Corpus’ infinitive construct is well attested as an independent morpheme without -¥, though a marked tendency towards the prefixation of -¥ is discernible.

591

Cf. W&O, 628-29. Cf. Segal, §§230-232. 593 Cf. Segal, §235. 592

342

SYNTAX §19a Purpose Infinitive (+ Negative with ¨§) 1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6) 7)

8) 9) 10) 11) 12) 13)

œ°²¥ ¦ž ¥ ¥¤ ž¢§¢™š//œ°­ ¦ž¢ ¥¢  ³™ ‘The trembling of the Day of Visitation has come, so as to chastise all flesh with its terror.’ (³™/1) ¢«²¥ š ¨ž«² ž³³² ‘[The foundations of the earth] were placed [at Jacob’s headrest] so as [for Israel] to rely on it in order to be heard.’ (¨š™/2) ¢²© ¢©­ ››ž§¥ ¦²›...›è‹ ­ ¥†  ¢±¡¢ ‘He will load [the cloud-mass] in order to distribute rain…[and] to soften the earth’s surface.’ ( ¢±¡¢/4) ±š›¥ ¦¢¥¢  ±š ™ ¦¢§«¡ ‘I will compose arguments, so as to exert greater force [on God].’ (°¢­™/9) ¦¢©¢« ³ž™¥§ ³žš› ª§«¥ ž¥ ¨éŠ ‹ Ÿ ‘He summoned Himself wheels (lit. rims) full of eyes in order to bear [Him].’ (¡²°™/13) ¦¢§ ³ž¯ ¥ ³ž¯ž ž ®±™¥ ¦©¤³ ‘He set them (i.e., the four rivers) up in order to distribute water to the whole world.’ (¦©¤³/1) ¦¢§ ¦¥ °¢­ª§ ™žž...³ž¢ ¦¢©²¢//...š¤ž±¥ ž™ð¢ ¨¢« ‘They lift up their eyes to the One who rides [=God]…to the end that they might be sleeping…while He provides them with water.’ (¦©¤³/7) ®±™  ž³­¥//¦¢§ ³žš°© ³¢±­...¥«¢ ‘He brings up…feminine fruitfulness [brought about by] water, so as to open up the earth.’ (¦©¤³/10-11) ¥š³¥ ž§±Ÿ ¦¢§ ‘Water is poured out so as to make [produce] tasty.’ ( ³­¢/28) ¥š³¥ ¦²¢±­¢ ª¢«§ ¥ ¤ ‘He set them (i.e., Adam and Eve) aside like challah-bread from dough in order to make [the world] tasty.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/182) ³ž¥žš› ¥¤ š¢í¥ ¬Û //...¦¢§ ‘Lay bare the water…so as to make fast all boundaries.’ ( ³­¢/36) ¦¢ ±¢ œ›§ £±š¥ž//¦¢¥™ ±¢«  §²¥//¦¢ ¥²© ¦¢›¥­¥ ¦¢§ ‘Water is sent forth in streams in order to gladden God’s city and to bless the bounty of the moons.’ ( ³­¢/48-49; FV – £±š¥ž) ®±™ ¥‹å  ¥† ³ž™±¥ ³²° ‘to show the rainbow so as to strengthen the earth’ ( ³­¢/71)

343

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 14) ¦¢§¢²›§ ³ž¢ ™²œ ¢¥«//¦¢§ž²› ¢©©« š« ‘[He will load] the cloudmass, rain-bearing clouds, so as [for them] to be raining on the grass.’ (š«/7) 594 15) ¦¢§²›§ ³ž¢ ±¢³³...¦¢§ ‘Release the waters…, so that they are discharged as rain!’ (š«/8) 16) ž§ž¥² ±©¤ ³žš±//ž§¥ž« ¨©ž¤¥ «¢­ž¢ ‘He will manifest Himself in order to establish His world, to make His peace abundant like a river.’ (ž±ž™/17-18; A [2nd inf.]) 17) £¥«­§ ±ž² ²¢™ ¢©š £œ›™™ ‘I will gather people unto You in order that [they might] look upon Your deed[s].’ (™²™/51) 18) ¦¢©ž¢¥« ±œ ž§¥ £³Õ堍 //¦¢©ž© ³ £œ«š ¦¢°«žŸ ‘crying out with supplications on your behalf, in order that the One who lives on high [=God] might preserve you for them’ (¨žŸ™/455; A [2x]) Total with -¥: 134, Total without -¥: 22 Notes: The majority of cases utilizes -¥. This is also the preposition commonly found with this species of infinitive construct in BH, 595 though other combinations are possible–cf. ¢¤ £œ¢š ž³³ ¨«§¥...ž ž± ³™ £¢¥™ ž¢ ²° (Deut. 2:30). Thus, the Corpus seems to follow BH usage, with the exception of those cases where the bare infinitive expresses purpose. Cf. also the rare Qillirian usage ¦³¢ ² ¨«§¥ (³ž¤§ ±²«š/18). negative 1) £ž¥§§ ¬©  ²ž³© ‘to pull down the profane one so that he doesn’t rule’ (¤¢ª©™/3) 2) ³ž™š ³§ ¨ž¢§œ ³©ž§³ ³ž™±§ ‘hiding so as not to see the Semblance of a Likeness [=God]’ (¡­²§š £¥§/61) 3) ž³«š £¯±™ ±¡§ ³³¥ ž¯//Õ³¢«š¥§ ¦¢¥° ¦¢§ ‘In order that the swift waters not frighten him, command that the rain of Your land (i.e., Israel) be given in its [proper] time!’ ( ³­¢/76) 4) ³ž©«§ ­² ¥¤ §¡™™ ‘I will seal all lips so that [they] cannot speak.’ (£¢š™™/1) 5) ¦¢¥«³ ¨¢« ¥™ œž§ ¥§ ‘Avert your eye so as not to covet these things.’ (³žœž§ ³/528) Total with -¥: 2, Total without -¥: 3 594 The governing verb  ¢±¡¢, which along with the following word š« is derived from the framing verse, must be assumed from the analogous position in previous strophe (cf. under §30h). 595 Cf. W&O, 606.

344

SYNTAX Notes: In these cases negative purpose is expressed by means of the preposition ¨§, as in BH. 596 §19b Complementary Infinitive (+ Negative with ¨§) For the complementary infinitive in indirect speech, see §26u. 1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6) 7) 8) 9) 10) 11) 12) 13) 14)

©²ž²¥ ³ž¢ ³ž™ §¢ª ‘She was singled out to be a sign for the lily [=Israel].’ (³™/8) ¦ž¢œ­ ™ž¯§¥ «¢±¥ ¦¢²›ž± ‘thronging to give a blast, to acquire redemption’ (³™/10) ¦œé¥ £ž±« «ž² ‘He taught them to set out [their] prayer.’ (³¥™³/1) «¢±¥ ¢«œž¢ ‘those who know how to sound the shofar blast’ (³±œ™/°; cf. §14h) ³ž©«³¥ ¦ ¦¢³« ‘Those are times to humble oneself.’ ( £¥§ ¡­²§š/70) ³ž©«¥ž ³ž«²¥...®­ ¢²¤ž ‘And when He wishes to hearken and answer…’ (¡­²§š £¥§/71) ³ž°²¥ ¥¤ ‘He purposed to water.’ (¡²°™/21; for the gloss, see note 287) á°°ž²¥ š²ž ¨â¤ ‘He made a new decision to water it.’ (¡²°™/22; for š², see §13g) ¦¢§ ¥¢±›¥ § ‘that which to distribute in terms of water’ (¡²°™/29) ¦¢§ ¦ž°§ ¥™ ³¤¥¥ šž² ¦¢©ž­ ‘[They] turn to go once again to the place of the waters’ (¡²°™/34; for šž², see §13g)  ž³­¥...³ž²± ‘permission…to open’ (¦©¤³/17) ¦¢§ «­²š ³³ šž¡ £±šœ ‘Your good word to give water in abundance’ (¦©¤³/18) ±¡° ±¢ñ¥ ¦¢©³¢™ ¢¥š š ±¡©ž ‘And He waits to loose the knot (i.e., release the rainwater) during the pangs of Eitanim/Tishrei.’ ( ³­¢/51) ¦¢§§žŸ °¢œ¯ ²­© ³ ° ‘conspiring to take a righteous man’s life’ (±ž³/467; A) Total with -¥: 53, Total without -¥: 12

Notes: As in BH, the infinitival verbal complement may be governed by -¥ or may be directly dependent on the (finite) verb. 597 596 597

Cf. W&O, 604. Cf. W&O, 602, 606-07.

345

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY Note that in the cases 5, 9, 11 and 12 the infinitive serves as an adverbial modifier after a substantive. This type of syntagm is attested, though rarely, in BH–e.g., ¨ž¥¥ ¦ž°§ (Gen. 24:25). negative 1) £ž¥§§ ¬¥ ¢ ‘He will cease to rule.’ (¤¢ª©™/12) 2) ¢²¢­ ¥§ ³ž©±° ±²« žª­™ ‘The ten horns [=pagan kingdoms] have ceased to give me freedom.’ (™²™/16) 3) «œ¢¥§ ®° ž¢©¢©¥ ¦±› ‘He prevented his offspring from knowing the end [of the Egyptian exile].’ (¢©©° ¢¢/292) 4) ¦¢§œš ™¢› ¬¢© ¥§ ¥œ  ‘Stop polluting the earth with blood!’ (±ž³/473) Total with -¥: 3, Total without -¥: 1 Notes: In MH, where this syntagm is attested, the -¥ is retained–e.g., ¦¢¢°¥§ž «ž±Ÿ¥§ ¨¢±žª™ (M Kil. 8:1). A similar syntagm is attested in JPA poetry–¢¢©š  ¥²§¥ ¨§ «±­ š±ª ¨¢™ ‘if Phraraoh refuses to send [God’s] sons’. 598 §19c Infinitive as Adverbial Accusative (+ Negative with ¨§) 1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6)

³¢²¥ ±  ¦™ ³¢²¢±  ¬¯² ‘if He has angrily imposed an angry blast’ (±¤Ÿ/4) ³³ ±ð¢ ‘He kindly gave’ (¡²°™/20) (cf. ³¤¥ ±Ü Œ ¢¢† ©žš³ ²¢™ [Pr. 15:21]) 599 œœ§¥ ¦¢§¢œ°§ ‘beginning by measuring (i.e., drawing water in measured quantities as a first step)’ (¡²°™/28; cf. §13nn) ¢š¢²°¥ £¥ ¢³¢š± ‘I make You listen to me intently (lit. abundantly).’ ( ³­¢/77)  ž¥ª¥ £š±š ‘when You abundantly forgive’ (£¢š™™/35) ¦¢§¢«Ÿ§ ³ž§ ¢¥¤ ³™² ‘angrily wielding deadly weapons’ (±ž³/469; A) Total with -¥: 6, Total without -¥: 2

Notes: This construction is properly a subtype of the complementary infinitive, whereby the infinitive is construed as an adverbial accusative of a finite verb with an adverbial force. In

Yahalom & Sokoloff, ™š±«§ ¢©š, 90, l. 5. Because of this BH parallel, I prefer this interpretation to the ed.’s, ad loc., who takes the verb ±²¢ to be a denominative of ±ž²³ ‘gift’. 598 599

346

SYNTAX cases 4 and 5, š± is both causative and adverbial–i.e., ‘to cause something to happen a lot’. 600 It is common in BH. 601 negative: £§¢«©¥§ ±²« ³ž±š¢œ ¬¢œ«™ ‘I am still unable to praise You [by uttering] the Ten Commandments.’ (™²™/10; for this interpretation, see §13pp) §19d Result Infinitive (+ Negative with ¨§) ±¢§¥ ±Þ Ž «//³ž ±™ ±²¢ ¥ ±¤Ÿ ‘He remembered for her sake the righteousness of [her] ways, with the result that He exchanged the foetus.’ (¨š™/7) 2) ³ž ©¥ ¬ªž¢š ©¢œ ¬ž¥ª//³ž ™¥ ᱤŸ ¦ž¢ ášð  ‘He considered her on this day, with the result that her memory was joined [to that of her sisters, and] He effected the exchange of Dinah for Joseph.’ (¨š™/8) 3) ©ž›« ³ž¢ ¥š¥...¦³ ³ž ‘And she was sealed…, with the result that she was no longer shut off.’ (¦™/2) 4) ¦¢§ ¢²™± «žš±¥ œ±­¥ ž¤â³ ‘He divided it, with the result that it split into four headwaters.’ (¡²°™/44) 5) ᛛž§¥ ᳞™...³²à° ‘You sanctified it…with the result that [You] soften it.’ (¦©¤³/16) 6) ¦¢§²š ¦¢§ ¨ž§ ³³ ±ž¤Ÿ//¦¢§«­ £ ±™š ¦¢§ ‘Remember [the one who] smote the water [and] the well twice [=Moses], so as to provide abundant water in the heavens.’ ( ³­¢/8) 7) ²§› ªž¥­š ±š ¬ª™¥ š¢±¡³//²§¤ ³§  ¢«¡© ³™ ‘Cover the plants [that grow in] withering heat with foliage, with the result that one gathers grain such that [its] weighing is characterized by stretching [of the scale] (i.e., the scale is overloaded).’ ( ³­¢/55) 8) ›¥²ž ¦²› œ¢±ž¥ °œ§//›¥­ ¢¥š ¯±™ ³ž©­ ¦¢§ ‘Let the water turn earthward without interruption, thereby bringing down rain and snow from the heavens.’ ( ³­¢/68) 9) Õ¤¢œ²¥ ®šž± ¢œ›¤//Õ¤œ©  ¢² ™± ‘Look upon his contrite prayer, with the result that [You] make him peaceful, like a stretchedout kid.’ ( ³­¢/79) 10) ž¥¢ ©¥ ¦¢«ž²«² ¨¢¢©°//ž¥«¥ ž©¢§ž°§¥ ž¢š² ³ § ‘Why do You consider him (i.e., man), so as to elevate him to our realm 1)

600 In the Corpus, in addition to governing infinitives, š± may also govern gerunds (cf. §20d). 601 Cf. W&O, 602.

347

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY [and] to give him the delightful possession [=Torah] as an inheritance?’ (¥™/596-597) Total with -¥: 27 (incl. case 3), Total without -¥: 2 Notes: In BH, infinitival result clauses are governed by -¥. 602 The Corpus agrees with this usage in most cases. negative 1) ±ž¤Ÿ¥§ ¥³ ¢ ¦¢¡ž² ²­¡ ‘May He wrap up the stupidity of fools, so as to not remember [it].’ (±¤Ÿ/27) 2) ¦¢±ž ™ šž²§//¦¢±© ¢ž³™ ¢¥ ±¤Ÿ³ ‘Remember for my sake the one who came from Naharaim [=Abraham], so as to not ignore [me].’ (°¢­™/24) 3) ¥š ¥§ Ÿž§³š ¦ //¥š°¥ °«Ÿ ¦¢§² ‘May the heavens accept [my] cry, with the result that heat does not destroy [vegetation] during Tammuz.’ ( ³­¢/27) 4) ¦¤©¢¡²¥§  ³­ ®šž± ¦œ¢ ‘The one lying at the entrance [=sin/Satan] will fall silent, and will therefore not act as your adversary.’ (£¢š™™/46) 5) ±¢³«¥§ š« £žªš ‘when a cloud covered [You], so that [we] could not pray [to You]’ (™²™/38) Total with -¥: 4, Total without -¥: 1 §19e Explanatory/Epexegetical Infinitive (+ Neg. with ¨§) 1) 2) 3) 4) 5)

¦¢²¥ ¬™ ¥š¥//¦¢ª«¤ ¥¤ ²šž¤ ‘the One who subdues all anger in not imposing [His] wrath’ (œ¢­™™/6) ¨¢œš °œ¡¯¥ ž©¥¢¤¢ ¢§ž ‘And who will endure it (i.e., the Day of Judgment) by justifying oneself at the time of judgment?’ ( £¥§ ¡­²§š/18) °œ¯ ²«§š ¥š³ ¡ž­²¥//°œ¯ ²«³ ¡­²§š ³™ž ‘But You, perform righteousness in judgment by judging the earth through an act of righteousness.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/40) °œ¯ ³ž±¯ž™ ž§¥  ž³­¥//°œ¯ ²«³ ¦©  ³©³§šž ‘And perform righteousness gratis by opening the storehouses of righteousness for them!’ (¡­²§š £¥§/43) ¦¢§ž¢ Õ«²«²¥ ¨ž§™ ž¥¯™ ±› ‘The artificer [=Torah] lived with Him, delighting Him for two thousand years.’ (¡²°™/6; cf. ¦ž¢ ¦ž¢ ¦¢«²«²  ¢™ž ¨ž§™ ž¥¯™ ¢™ž [Prov. 8:30])

602

Cf. W&O, 607.

348

SYNTAX 6) 7) 8) 9) 10) 11) 12) 13) 14) 15) 16) 17) 18) 19) 20) 21) 22)

¯¢ § ³³ ¦¢¯¯ž  ‘[They] effect a separation by providing a barrier.’ (¡²°™/16) ¦¢§ «š² «¢š²¥ ®¢° ¨žš±  ¨ž¢ ¯...¦¢››ž§§ ¢¯ ‘[They] soften the parched [earth]…by way of sating the dryness of the summer drought with the satiety of water.’ (¡²°™/36) ¦¢§ ¨ž™§¯¥ ³ž«² ³ž§ž³ ž©³¢ ¥ž° ‘The abysses cry out by way of giving heed (i.e., responding) to the thirst for water.’ (¡²°™/38) ¦¢§ ª©±­¥ £¢™ ®±™ ¥¤ ¥« ¦¢©§§  ‘[The constellations] are appointed over every land, in terms of how to supply it with water.’ (¦©¤³/15) ¦¢§ ¬¢©¥...šž¡ £±šœ ¦° ‘Carry out Your good word…by shedding water!’ (¦©¤³/18) «²± ¡§ ±š²¥//«²¢¥ ®±™  ³­¢ ‘May He open up the earth for salvation by breaking the staff of wickedness.’ ( ³­¢/1) ±¡§ ¢±¢«² ¬¢«±¥//±¡™¢ ¥š ³«§ ¦¢§ ‘May He, in causing rains to fall, not shut up the water from here on in.’ ( ³­¢/52) «š± ²¥²¥ ¦™± ¢©±°¥//«šÛ¥ ¥ © ¦¢§ ‘Apportion water abundantly, by providing three occasions of rain for the Horns of the Wild Ox [=Ephraim & Manasseh].’ ( ³­¢/54; Gen. 1x v.l. ²ž¥¢²¥) "®±™ ™‹ž‡ " ›¥²¥ ±§™¥ ±¢ñ³//...¦¢§ ‘Release the water…by saying to the snow “Fall to the ground” (cf. Job 37:6)!’ ( ³­¢/72) ...š¢²¥ ž¢¥«//šž³¤ ³œ ¯­ ‘The written law said, answering concerning him…’ (¢©©° ¢¢/267) ...±¢§™ ±§ž¥...®­ ‘He said…saying…’ (¢©©° ¢¢/334) ¢š¢™²¥ ž± ¦¢§ ‘Sate [me] by making me draw water!’ ( ³­¢/78) ±ž›«¤ ¦¢­¯­¯§ ³ž©«¥//±ž›ª ¥¤  ³­¥§ Œž¥† ³Š ™¥ ‘You will not be too weary to open all that is closed, in answering those who chirp like the crane (i.e., Israel).’ ( ³­¢/85; for finite verb, see §30h) ՙ觥 ¢§ª™ ±ª ¢ ¥š šž¡§ ‘May my storehouse not be lacking for good [things] in [God’s] filling it.’ (£¢š™™/52) œž­ª ¦¢¯¥  ¥« ž™™ ‘I will groan, lamenting [by striking my] loins.’ (™²™/50) ¥«§§ œ¢±ž¥  ¡š§ ±™­//¥«§š ±¤Ÿ¥ ²ž©™ § ‘What is man, that he should be remembered on high, that he should bring the glorious refuge [=Torah] from on high?’ (± ¨§/25) £¢³ž¯§ ±ž§²¥...£¥ ™ž ¢œ¤  ‘He is fit for you…with regard to observing your commandments.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/282-283)

349

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 23) «œ¢¥ž ¨¢§™¥//«œ§§ ¥¡¥ž¡ £¢™ ‘How was he was led astray from knowledge, with regard to believing and knowing?’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/289; cf. «±ž šž¡ ³«œ¥ ž©§§ œ ™¤ ¢ ¦œ™ ¨ [Gen. 3:22]) 24) £¥¥ ž™šš ‘when He comes a-walking’ (¤¢ª©™/3) 25) ±¤Ÿ¢...²ž©™ ±°«¥ ¦™ ³«¡¥ ¦™ ‘He will remember man…whether for planting or for uprooting.’ (±¤Ÿ/44) 26) ±­ž² ¥ž°š ³ž œ//©² ¥¤ ™¡ //©ž²™±§ ¢©²//©²§  ž³š  ‘Its second esteem[ed quality] is different from the first–to push aside the sin[s] of the entire year by means of the sound of the shofar.’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/16) 27) ±­ž² ¬ž³² ¥ž°š//³ž™œ ¨¢œ§š  ž¯//³ž™§ ²¥² ³ž±­ž²//³ž™ Ÿ§± ¨ž¢¯ ‘A sign [of the power of the shofar] are the three hundred shofarot [of Gideon’s men]–shouting swooping down on Midian, along with the participation of the sound of the shofar.’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/35) Total with -¥: 46, Total without -¥: 6 Notes: The explanatory infinitive is governed by -¥ in BH. 603 negative 1) ±ž¤Ÿ¥§ ™ª™ªš «±ì¢ ž³ªžŒ ‘May his wonted way be repayed without being remembered according to [the standard of] measure for measure.’ (±¤Ÿ/34) 2) ¦¢±¥§ ¢¥ž° ±œ  ¤š™ ‘I will weep in [my] chamber, without raising my voice.’ (£¢š™™/8) Total with -¥: 2 §19f Infinitive with ¨§ in a Comparison of Capability 1) 2) 3)

±¯ž™  ³­§ ±¯°³ ™¥ œ¢ °Ÿ  ‘May the strength of [my] hand not be insufficient (lit. too short) to open the storehouse.’ (°¢­™/8) ±ž›ª ¥¤  ³­¥§ Œž¥† ³Š ™¥ ‘You will not be too weary to open all that is closed.’ ( ³­¢/85; FV; for finite verb, see §30h) ž¥ž° œž «ž§²§ ¦²­©  ±­ ‘They were dismayed at hearing (i.e., were not able to hear) His glorious voice.’ (¥™/587) Total with -¥: 1, Total without -¥: 2

Notes: This use of comparative ¨§ with infinitives is attested in BH–e.g., ™²©§ ¢©ž« ¥žœ› (Gen. 4:13). 604

603 604

Cf. W&O, 608-09. Cf. W&O, 266-67.

350

SYNTAX §19g Modal Infinitive precative 1) ³ž¢¥ œž°¢¥ ³ž¢  ³¢«¢š± ‘May the fouth of the beasts be a burning.’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/40) 2) ±³«¥ ¢¥™ ‘Answer me!’ (³¥™³/12) 3) ¥š°¥ °«Ÿ ¦¢§² ‘May the heavens accept [my] cry.’ ( ³­¢/27) 4) ³ž±«¢ž ³žœ²//³ž±¢¥ ±ž¢ ±¡§ ‘May the yoreh-rain pierce the fields and forests.’ ( ³­¢/37) 5) ª¢ª«¥ ¦¢§±¤ ¦¢§ ‘May water make the vineyards juicy.’ ( ³­¢/44) 6) ¦«± ¦¢«±¥ ž³«š ‘May He make thunder in [its] proper time.’ ( ³­¢/45) 7) ¦«© ¢±§™ ±¢­²§ ³§œ™š ¦«¡ ³³¥ ¦¢§ ‘May water provide taste (i.e., tasty vegetation) in the land of the one who says beautiful, pleasant things [=Naphtali].’ ( ³­¢/46) 8) ¯±™ ³ž©­ ¦¢§ ‘Let the water turn earthward.’ ( ³­¢/68) 9) ¦ð±¥ ¨²œž ¨§² ¦ ¥ ‘May [God] decree oily and rich bread.’ ( ³­¢/83) 10) ¢©©ž›¥ ž©¢›§š//¢©¢›§ž ¢±Ÿ« ‘My Help and my Shield, may He protect me with His shield.’ (¡§ ®±™/15-16) Total with -¥: 9, Total without -¥: 1 indicating impossibility 1) ¦¢§ ¢¥š ³ž¢  ¨¢™ ‘It is impossible to live without water.’ (¡²°™/20) 605 2) £¢œ«¥š ¨³©¥ ¨¢™ ³ž²± ‘Permission cannot be granted without You.’ (¦©¤³/17) Total with -¥: 1, Total without -¥: 1 indicating obligation 1) ¦¢©¢« £¥ ³ž¥³ ¥¤ž™¥ ‘It is incumbent upon him who eats to lift [his] eyes unto You.’ ( ³­¢/87; FV) 2) ³ž¤ ¥ ¢¥™¥ ‘It is necessary to await my God.’ (£¢š™™/10) 3) ³ž§œ¥ ž³ž™ ¦¥¯šž ³ž§œšž (//³ž§¤  ™¥§ ¦¤  ©) ‘…and one should consider him [as being created] in the image and likeness [of God].’ (¢©©° ¢¢/239-240) Total with -¥: 2, Total without -¥: 1 605 Both the ed. and Heidenheim, ad loc., point the form as the fem. pl. noun ³Õå .  Both interpretations rely on the saying ¨¢™ ¦™ž ±¡§ ¨¢™ ®±™ ¨¢™ ¦™ ¦œ™ ¨¢™ ¦¢©² ¨¢™ ¦™ž ®±™ ¨¢™ ±¡§ (Ber. Rab. 13:3).

351

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY Notes: In BH, an infinitive with -¥ may be used modally, indicating impossibility, permission or obligation. Such a construction may be preceded by ¨¢™/²¢, and the subject of the action, with regard to whom the modality is being predicated, is usually marked by either -¥ or ¥«–e.g. ¡­²§ ³™ ³«œ¥ ¦¤¥ ™ž¥ (Mich. 3:1). In BH poetry, the prepositional phrase may be dispensed with: ¢§±¤¥ œž« ³ž²«¥ § ‘What else could I do for My vineyard?’ (Isa. 5:4). The Corpus’ precative cases with -¥ have direct parallels in DSSH–e.g. ¦³ž™ ¥¢œš¥ ž³¢±šš žš² © ™ž¥ ±²™ ¥ž¤ ™¢¤ (1QS 5:17-18). 606 §19h Immanent Infinitive 1) 2)

©² ²™±š ž¢©­¥ ±žš«//©²ž²¥ ³ž¢ ³ž™ §¢ª ‘She was singled out to be a sign for the lily [=Israel] [that the lily] would pass before Him on Rosh Hashana.’ (³™/8) ±ž©¢œ ±© ³ž²«¥//³žš¥² ¢­²±...³ž­¢¡§ž ‘And [the Beasts] drip…flaming sparks [that] are [destined] to turn into a river of fire.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/61-62) Total with -¥: 1, Total without -¥: 1

Notes: The immanent infinitive is attested in BH as an “independent clause,” is always constructed with -¥, and usually refers to an event that is about to happen–e.g., ¦«¢œž¥ ž³¢±šž ‘And He will make known to them His covenant’ (Ps. 25:14). 607 The present usage is therefore substantially different, since it appears in what is effectively a relative clause, may or may not be governed by a preposition, and refers to an event that will periodically recur in the future, or is an ongoing process outside of the bounds of time, the future reference being derived solely from the point of view of the act which immediately precedes it. Additional data are needed in order to more precisely determine the nature of this construction. §19i Infinitive Apparently Functioning as a Finite Form as a prefix conjugation

606 607

Cf. Qimron, §400.02*. Cf. W&O, 610.

352

SYNTAX 1) 2)

¢¡­²¥ ¢¥š ¦¢ž› ¢¡­²§šž//¢¡­²¢ ³ž¤Ÿ¥ž ‘And He will judge me favorably, and will not include (lit. judge) me in the judgments meted out to the nations.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/51-52) ¡¢š ¥ œ² ¥«ž ¦¢©³¤ œ­ª§ ²«™ ‘I will lament like jackals, and will strike [my] breast.’ (™²™/63)

as a predicate participle: ¦¢§ ±¡§ ³ž±­¥ ±§™š ¢ž¥³ ¦š¯° ‘Their fixed place is suspended from the Divine Utterance, [and they] bear water-bringing rain’ (¡²°™/37). Notes: In rare cases in BH, the infinitive preceded by -¥ž follows a finite form or a participle, and is analyzed as an equivalent thereof. 608 For a case following the prefix conjugation, cf. ²«™ ¨¤ ³­³¤ ³™Ÿ ±¢« ³™ ³³¥ž...Ÿ ¦ž°§¥ (Jer. 19:12). For an infinitive following a participle, cf. ¦¢¤ª© ¥ £ª¥ž ¦¢§² ³¤¥§¥ ¦¢±¢¡°§ ž© ©™ (Jer. 44:19). Note, however, that the analysis of cases 1 and 2 as a quasi-finite verb is rather precarious, resting as it does solely on the conjunction -ž, for without it ¢¡­²¥ and ¡¢š ¥ may easily be treated as explanatory infinitives. DSSH attests the same usage: ™¢¤ ¦¢§« ¢±žš› ¥¢­²¥ ±­« ¢«±ž¤ œ¢šž ³ž¯±™ ¥ž¤ ¢š¢[ž™] ±¢›ª³ ¦¢©ž¢š™ œ¢š ²œ°³¥ž ¥œ›³¥ž...³ž²«¥¨...°¢œ¯¥ž...š¢²¥ (1QM 11:13-15). 609 The last case is analyzed as a quasi-finite form primarily on pragmatic grounds–i.e., there is no identifiable logical relationship (besides apposition) between the two verbal propositions, viz., that the waters are suspended from the Divine Utterance and that they yield rain. Neither is there a relationship indicated in the midrashic source, where the two are distinct statements: ¦¢ž¥³ ¦¢©ž¢¥« ¦¢§ ¦¢§²› ž¥™ ¨¢³ž±¢­ž ™¥¢œ©° ¨¢œ¤ ™ ™ š± ±§™ ±§™§š (Ber. Rab. 4:3). It seems best, therefore, to treat them as being seriated. In this case as well, a parallel may be attested in DSSH. Qimron notes that in the weapon inscription ¥™ ¬™š ¦¢¥¥  ¥¢­¥ ¦œ ¢°¢Ÿ (1QM 6:3), the “infinitive…should be regarded as equivalent to a participle, by comparison with the adjoining passage ¨ž™ ¢¥¥  ³¥¤ž™ š±  ³šž¥² ¥™ ¡­²§š (ib.).”

608

Cf. Joüon, Grammar, 2.§124p. Cf. Qimron, §400.02*, whence this and the following examples are cited. Qimron notes there that the use of the infinitive as indicative is less frequent than its use to denote commands. 609

353

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY §19j Exegetical Infinitive 1a) «ž±³š ³ž¥« "¨¢œš [¢:Ÿ§ '³] ¥Ž «ˆ © " ‘Exalted in judgment–this refers to “going up in a [shofar] blast” (cf. «ž±³š ¦¢¥™ ¥« [Ps. 47:6]).’ (³™/13; cf. Vayik. Rab. 29:3) 1b) «ž±³š ³ž¥« "¨¢œš [™:š« '³] £¥Œ §Œ " ‘King in judgment–this refers to “going up in a [shofar] blast” (cf. «ž±³š ¦¢¥™ ¥« [Ps. 47:6]).’ (³¥™³/13; cf. Vayik. Rab. 29:3) 2a) ¢°œ¯¥ [™¢: ²''²] "ŸìŽ ¦³Œ çŒ Õ²™±" ‘His head is the purest gold– this refers to acquitting me.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/54) 2b) ¢°©¥ [¡:Ÿ '©œ] "±Žâ Š ›¥ ³† çŠ áÚ⚠‹ ¥† " ‘His raiment is like white snow– this refers to purifying me.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/54) 2c) ¢°©¥ "°©¢ ™¥ °©"š [¡:Ÿ '©œ] "¢°ŽŠ © ±§ˆ  «ç áڙ‹ ‹ ± ±« Û⠆ " ‘And the hair of his head is like pure wool–this refers to purifying me in accordance with [the verse] “[He] purifies, He will not purify” (Ex. 34:7).’ (¡­²§š £¥§/55; cf. note 517) 3) «š±™ ¦¢²™±¥ œ±­¥ «¢š± ž²¥²¢ ¦¢§ ‘May the water bring three occasions of rain (rebi‘å)–[this word is to be understood in light of the ur-river in Eden] dividing into four (’arbå‘å) streams (cf. Gen. 2:10).’ ( ³­¢/40) 4) ³ž™±¥ ³²°...£œ«ª £©™¯ ¨³©ž ‘And Your flock [=Israel] recounts Your [deeds of] support…–this refers to showing the rainbow (cf. Gen. 9:14).’ ( ³­¢/71; FV; for finite verb, see §30h) 5) ¦¢§ ž°§§ ³žŸ¥ [›¢:Ÿ¢ '±¢] "¢¢ ¥™±²¢ ž°§" ¦¢§ ž°§ ¨¢™š ‘Before there was a pool (miqvæ) of water, the Lord [was] Israel’s hope/pool (miqvæ)–this refers to sprinkling [them] from a pool of water.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/149-150) 6) œ¢«ª¥ ž³ž™ ¤ž¥§ [›:Ÿ¤ '±š] "œ² ™¯ž" ‘And go out into the field–this refers to [Isaac’s] sustaining him with kingship.’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/310; Gen. 1x v.l. œ¢«ª) 7) ¦¥¢ ©¥ ž³œ [™¢:¡¤ '³] "¨³¢ ž§«¥ Ÿž« ¢¢" ‘The Lord gives His people strength–this refers to [His] causing them to inherit His Law.’ (¥™/572) Total with -¥: 7, Total without -¥: 2 Notes: Case 3 is difficult to interpret, as there seems to be no sense relation between the verbal proposition and the following infinitival phrase, whose formal/structural function is to foreshadow the scriptural verse that is quoted verbatim immediately following. The only relationship between the two seems to be one of paronomasia–i.e., Qillir is proposing a playful 354

SYNTAX etymology of the noun «¢š± ‘occasion of rain’ in the sense that just as the rain is divided into three such distinct occasions, so the primordial river is divided into four («š±™) streams. Case 5 is interpreted in light of Rabbi Akiva’s reading of Jer. 17:13 with regard to purification from sin: [›¢:Ÿ¢ '±¢] "' ¥™±²¢ ž°§" ¥™±²¢ ³™ ±¡§ ™ž £ž±š ²žœ° ¬™ ¦¢™§¡ ³™ ±¡§ ž°§ § (M Yoma 8:9). This reading depends on the homonymy between ž°§ ‘hope’ and ž°§ ‘pool’. Case 6 is part of a three-line series (¢©©° ¢¢/308-310), in which Gen. 27:3 is interpreted piece-by-piece (cf. §30j): œ« ž³™ ¨¢¢Ÿ ¢¥¤ "£¢¥¤ ™© ™²" œ¢ ™ ž³ž™ ¨ž¡¥² "£³²°ž £¢¥³" œ¢«ª¥ ž³ž™ ¤ž¥§ "œ² ™¯ž"

It is unclear why in the first two lines the exegesis is implemented by means of the suffix conjugation, while the third shows an exegetical infinitive. In light of the parallelism, we should perhaps accept the variant reading œ¢«ª, understanding it as a 3rd masc. sing. perf. with paragogic Ž- (cf. §11g). §19k Temporal Infinitive (Bare and with -š, -¤, ¢©­¥§, œ«) In comparing the cases listed below to the classical BH use of infinitival/temporal clauses with -¤/-š, two main disctinctions are immediately apparent. The classical BH construction employs the “embedded clause”–i.e., ...¥¡°¤/š ¢¢ž and ...¥¡°¤/š ¢ž. In the Corpus, on the other hand, the infinitive is almost exclusively governed by -š (of the 5 cases where -¤ governs the infinitive, 3 are from a silluq, i.e., a narrative-type piyyut, ©œ« ³ž¥¤¤ may be based on a biblical model, and ž±§›¤ is influenced by the acrostic structure), and the infinitival clause is never embedded after ¢ž/¢¢ž. It is very significant, therefore, that precisely these features characterize the use of the temporal infintive construction in DSSH. Qimron, who points out that embedding after ¢ž/¢¢ž is already in retreat in LBH, states that it is “practically absent from DSS,” and notes furthermore that “forms with kaf (ž¥¡°¤ž etc. – temporal) do not occur.” 610 610 Qimron, §400.03*. One further disctinction between classical BH and DSSH pointed out by Qimron, ad loc., is that whereas in the former, the embedded clause is followed almost always by a converted tense–i.e.,

355

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY bare infinitive followed by imperfect 1) £¥§¢...¤¥§§ ±¡ ...¤ž¥§ ž²œ  ‘When He renews the kingship… the royal branch [=Messiah]…will rule.’ (¤¢ª©™/15; A) 2) ž±¢²¢ ¥¤ ¦³œ± ‘When they come down, everyone sings.’ (¡²°™/40; A) 3) ¦¢±š¢™ £š žœ«±¢ žš £«›ž© ‘When/If you touch it, your organs will quake.’ (¦² ³™/430; A) bare infinitive followed by perfect: ¢œ¢­¥ žš¥ž²//¦¢¥™ ¥™ Ÿž« ¥ž° ž³³ ¦¢¥ › ‘When the God of gods gave forth [His] powerful voice, fiery torches burned’ (ž³³/381; A; cf. under §14a). imperfect followed by bare infinitive: £§« ¡­²§š ™žš š± ¨ž§ ®ž±«™ ‘I stand in awe of the great multitude as [I] enter into judgment with You’ (™²™/7). -š/inf. followed by imperfect 1) £¥§¢ž Ÿ« ±Ÿ™¢//¢¤¢¥§š ž¯§™ ‘As I declare the kingship of His might, He will gird on strength and rule.’ (¤¢ª©™/1) 2) ¦¥¢«ž¢ ž ¢²//¦¥«›¥ ±§™¢ž//¦¥«§š ž¢›¢±² ‘When/If his tendrils (i.e., Jacob’s offspring) act unfaithfully and He determine to reject them, may his musing benefit them.’ (±¤Ÿ/16; note coordination with finite verbal clause) 3) ®±™ ³ž¢³ ³ ž«¢±¢ Ÿ™//®±™ ¥¤ ¥« ž¤¥§šž ‘And when He reigns over the whole earth, then the nether regions of the earth will raise a shout.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/8) 4) ¢¡­ž² ¢©­¥ ¦¥¤ žœ§«¢//¢¡­²¥ Ž ™ª¤š ž³š²š ‘When He sits in [His] Throne to judge me, all of them will stand before my Judge.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/50) 5) ž±²¢ ¢¤±œ «¢œž¢ £Ÿ//ž±² š...¦¢§ ‘When He pours out water…, the Pure One [=God] will make known His upright ways.’ (®¢­¢/11; cf. under §28y) 6) ¦¢š± ž™±¢ ™šš ¦œ¢™ ‘When their calamity comes, many will see [it].’ (° ±³/504) Total: 22 ¥¡°¤/š ¢¢ž followed by a wayyiqtol form, etc.–in the latter, the infinitival/temporal clause is “practically always followed by a simple imperfect.” In the Corpus as well, the infinitival/temporal clause is constructed with a converted tense (wayyiqtol) only 1x, a situation that is due to the fact that wayyiqtol is very rare (cf. §18m) and weqåtal nonexistent.

356

SYNTAX -š/inf. followed by converted imperfect: ²«±³³ž ᱞ²š œžœ ‘When the Lover [=God] looked upon it, it shook’ (¡§ ®±™/4). -š/inf. followed by imperative: šž¡"¥ ±¤ã °œ¯ ¢¥š§ ¦¢²«§ £²ì šž "°œ¯š ¡«§ ‘And when You search out deeds without righteousness, remember [the verse] “A little thing, when accompanied by righteousness, is better [than…]” (Prov. 16:8)!’ (¡­²§š £¥§/42) -š/inf. followed by perfect 1) ¢š¢²°¥ £¥ ¢³¢š±//¢šð¢š ³ž©©± ¦¢š± ‘As I implore greatly, I make You listen to me intently (lit. abundantly).’ ( ³­¢/77) 2) ž«Ÿ«œŸ© ¢©¢ªš ¢«œž¢š ‘When I was made known on [Mt.] Sinai, they shook.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/158) 3) ¦ž³ ¢©­ ¥« ›ž  °  "ž°ž  ¦¢¥ ž§ž²š" ‘“When He assigned the sea its limits” (Prov. 8:29), He inscribed a boundary-circle on the face of the Abyss.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/196; cf. under §28y) 4) ž§¥ž« œ¢±  ž±šœš œ ™ ‘When He uttered one [commandment], He made His world to tremble.’ (¥™/564) 5) ¦¥ž« ³ž§ž™ ž²«±//¦¥ž« ¦«¥ ±šœ¥ ž³œ±š ‘When He descended to speak to the eternal people [=Israel], the nations of the world quaked.’ (¥™/567) 6) ¦¢¥™ ¥™¥ ¥¢³ž  š² ž©³©//...//¦¢¥™ ³ž™š¯ ¦±ž²š ‘When the angelic hosts saw them…they offered praise and lauding to the God of gods.’ (¥™/616-617) Total: 17 -š/inf. followed by predicate participle: ¢©­ ¥« ²žš¤ ¢°ž  "›ž  ž°ž š" ¦ž³ ‘“When He inscribed a boundary circle” (Prov. 8:27), my boundary was impressed upon the face of the Abyss’ (¢©©° ¢¢/197). -š/inf. followed by “¢ + participle” 1a) ¥«§ ¢§ž±§š ¢³¢¢ ³¯§™³§//"¥«§§ ¦¢° ² ž¯§™š" ‘“When He made the heavens above strong” (Prov. 8:28), I was strong on high.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/201-202) 1b) ž²œ° ¦²š ¥žšŸ ¢³¢¢//ž²œž°¥ ¥žšŸ ž¯§™š ‘When He made Zevul His firm sanctuaty, I was residing in His holy name.’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/206) 1c) ž¢¥›± ³žšž¤±™ ¥« ³«²«³²§ ¢³¢¢//''ž¢¥›± ³ ³ ¥­±«" ž¯§™š ‘When He made “the thick cloud beneath His feet” (II Sam. 22:10 = Ps. 18:10) strong, I was sporting on His knees.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/207)

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY ¢ž + -š/inf. followed by “-ž + perfect”: Ÿ™§ ž¢¥™ ¢ž ᱞޜš «²«³²©ž//ᱚœš ‘And so, when she spoke to Him of old, He delighted in her speech’ (¢©©° ¢¢/119; F). Notes: This construction is not comparable to the BH “embedded clause” construction, since neither ¢ž nor «²«³²©ž are converted tenses. Furthermore, the case cited here is peculiar, in that it is drawn from a short quasi-refrain strophe that always begins with ¢ž (cf. [¢©©° ¢¢/106, 119, 132, 234, 344]), 611 which is consequently to be considered a fixed word in this position. imperfect followed by -š/inf. 1) ¢¤¥³š ž¢©­¥//¢¤¥§ ¤¢ª©™ ‘I will proclaim my King’s [=God’s] kingship as I walk before Him.’ (¤¢ª©™/1) 2) £¥§ ¡­²§ Ÿ«š//£¥§ Ÿ«¢ §ž ‘And how can a [mortal] king be strong when/since the judgment of the King is strong?’ (¤¢ª©™/12) 3) ž±š«š Ž ¦¢§ ¦±Ÿ ®¢­¢ ‘[The angel of rain] will scatter the watery downpour when it passes.’ (®¢­¢/10) 4) ž±¢²¤š œ¢§³ ¢ šŸ//ž±²¢ ¢¤±œ «¢œž¢ £Ÿ ‘The Pure One [=God] will make known His upright ways when He declares the perpetual sacrifices to be fit.’ (®¢­¢/11-12; cf. under §28y) 5) ±š ¥ž¥™š ¦­ªÒš ²¢²¢ ¢°²š ¥¤ ‘Everyone will rejoice because of the watering, as they gather grain during Elul.’ ( ³­¢/43) 6) ¢š±°š š¢³ ¢©­ ©«¥ §›™ ‘I will swallow wormwood as I approach the ark.’ (£¢š™™/13) 7) °ž œ¥ ±¯ ¢¥ ™šš "¦§ ¢©­ ±¢³ª™" ‘“I will hide my face from them” (Deut. 32:20) when the enemy comes against me in order to oppress.’ (™²™/2) Total: 13 imperative followed by -š/inf.: ¦¢§¤ š¥ £¥ ¦¤­²š šÚ° ¦¥¥¢­ ‘Listen to their prayer, as they pour out [their] heart[s] to You like water!’ (¦©¤³/21) perf. followed by -š/inf.

611 The first of these quasi-refrains actually begins with ¥¯™ ¨ž§™ ¢™Žž ¨žœ™ (¢©©° ¢¢/94), which is based directly on ¨ž§™ ž¥¯™ ¢™ž (Prov. 8:30). However, in all subsequent iterations of the quasi-refrain, the converted tense is modified to simple ¢ž.

358

SYNTAX 1) 2) 3) 4) 5)

£ž¥§¥ ž™šš ™›//¦¢™›³§ žœ«§//¦¢™› ž§//¦¢ž› ž¡§ ‘The nations will stumble, the proud will rage, the arrogant will totter when the Proud One [=God] comes to rule.’ (¤¢ª©™/25) ¨ž¢¥« ¨¢§¢ ³ž«š¯™š ¦²±š ‹ ¦² ³ž™//...±²™ ¦ž™ ‘a nation that…was made a sign when [it] was inscribed by the fingers of the Most High’s right hand.’ (£¢š™™/32) š¢³ ¨§ ž³™¯š ±Ÿ© ™¥ ‘He was not careful when he left the ark.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/270) ¦¥ž« ¦« œž§«š ¥™ ¥¤ ž§¥² ‘All these came to an end when the eternal people arose.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/336) ¦¥™ž²š ž³ž™ ¦š¢² ‘He answered them when they asked him.’ (¥™/572) Total: 10

Notes: The infinitival clause in case 1 is paralleled by a finite subordinate clause in the following line: £¥§//¦¢ž›ª ž¥¡©//¦¢ž›œ ž¤¥§ £ž¥§¥ ™³™ ³«//¦¢ž› (¤¢ª©™/26). For the future refernce of the finite verbs in these lines, see §18e. predicate participle followed by -š/inf. 1) «°šš ±¯°§//«°³š £¢±™§ ‘[One] prolongs when a teqia is blown, [one] shortens when it is broken up (i.e., when a terua is blown).’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/26) 2) ¦¢§ ¦­¢«±š ¦¢±«³²§ ‘[They] storm while dripping water.’ (¡²°™/33) “¢ + participle” followed by -š/inf.: ¥« ³«²«³²§ ¢³¢¢ ž¤±«š ¢³™ "¥š³š ³° ²§"//ž¤±š ‘I was sporting on His knee, “playing in the world” (Prov. 8:31) when He set me out’ (¢©©° ¢¢/90). -š/inf. without construction 1) ...¢¥™ ¢¥™"//¢©§¢Úš ¦¢©«¢¤ ¢¥™//¢©§¢¯«š ¦¢©³¤ ¢¥™ ‘As jackal cries overpower me, as ostrich wailing ravages me, [I cry out,] “My God, my God…”’ (£¢š™™/67-68) 2) ±­ž² «§² ¥ž°š//¥¢›ž ¨ž²²//¥ž›ª¥ ž­ª š//¥™› ¦ž¢ œžª ‘When He revealed the secret of the day of redemption to [His] special possession [=Israel], [there was] happiness and rejoicing accompanied by the sound of the report of the shofar.’ ( ™²™ °œ¯š ¢«œ/30) -¤/inf. followed by imperfect

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 1) 2)

°œ¯ ³žš™...ž©© ¢...±­ž² ³ž¥«¤ž ‘And when the shofar [blast] goes up…, the fathers of righteousness [=Patriarchs] will make entreaty…’ (¡­²§š £¥§/37) £¥§¢ ¥¤ ¨¢«¥//ž³¤™¥§ ž±§›¤ ‘When He finishes His work, He will rule before all (i.e., openly).’ (¤¢ª©™/22; A)

-¤/inf. followed by perfect: "...£±š¢ ¢¢" ¦¥ž¤ ž§© ¨¤ ¦«§²¤ž ‘And when they heard, they then all said, “The Lord will bless…”’ (¥™/573). perfect followed by -¤/inf.: ž§™ž© ž«¢§²¤ "žŸ ¦¢³²"//ž§« ž«©... ‘His people went tottering…when He proclaimed the “two that [I heard]” (Ps. 62:12), His speech’ (¥™/565; Gen. 1x v.l. ž«§¢²š and v.l. ž«¢§²š). ©-clause followed by -¤/inf.: ©œ« ³ž¥¤¤ ›ž©« ¢©© ‘I am experiencing ›©« [at a time] when sexual delight has come to an end’ (¦™/2; cf. ¢ Š ¤ ³ž¥¤¤ [Ps. 71:9]). ¢©­¥§ + infinitive: £¥§ ¦¢©­¥§ ¢ //£¥§-£¥§ Ž ¢©­¥§ž ‘And before a [mortal] king ruled, the King lived of old’ (¤¢ª©™/11; cf. -£¥§ Ž ¢©­¥ ¥™±²¢ ¢©š¥ £¥§ [Gen. 36:31]). œ« + infinitive: ¢ žè²  ³ž¥¤ œ« ‘until the end of my exile’ (£¢š™™/7). §19l Substantivized Infinitive as a Genitive in a construct chain 1) ¦¢±­¤ ¨¢¥ ±¤Ÿ ‘the memory of the lodging in the hamlets’ (±¤Ÿ/21) 2) ³«› ¡«§ ¢­¥ ‘according to [my] limited ability’ (¡²°™/1) Notes: In BH, the infinitive may appear after a nomen rectum– e.g., «²± ³ž¤ ¨š (Deut. 25:2). 612 prepositional object: ž³œ±¥ žž™³¢ ‘They yearn for it to come down’ (¦©¤³/13). §19m “œ¢³« + Infinitive” 1) 2)

ž²¢œ°¥ ²œž°š ¦¢œ¢³« ‘[They] will sanctify Him in the sanctuary.’ (¦² ³™/436) ¦¢± ™ œž§«¥ ¦¢œ¢³« ‘those who will arise after them’ (¥™/575) 612

Cf. W&O, 601.

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SYNTAX Notes: In MH, the future may be expressed periphrastically, by means of the construction “œ¢³« + inf.,” where the adjective agrees in gender and number with the logical subject–e.g., ¢©­¥...«œ ¨žš² ž ¨¢œ ¨ñ‹ ¥Š œ¢³« ³™ ¢§ (M. Av. 3:1; cf. also the expression ™žš¥ œ¢³«/²/¥). 613 This syntagm is also attested in JPA. 614 §19n “œ¢³« + Prepositional Phrase/Genitive” œ¢³« + prepositional phrase: ¦¢¯«ž ²™ ³±žœ§¥ ¦¢œ¢³« ‘destined for the pyre of fire and wood’ (¦ž¡™/517). Notes: This syntagm is attested in BH, though the meaning of œ¢³« there is ‘ready for’–±Õœ¢ç¥ Š œ¢³« £¥§ ‘ready for the onset (?)’ (Job 15:24); Ÿ ¦ž¢¥ ¦¢œ¢³« ‘ready for this day’ (Esth. 3:14; 8:13 [ket. ¦¢œž³«]). œ¢³« + genitive: "á³²±¥ §² ¦¢±šž«"¥ ±¡§¢//á³¢²™± ¢œ¢³« ‹ ‘Let Him rain down [that which] will be its renewal (i.e., water) for “those who are passing there to inherit it” (Deut. 11:11)’ ( ³­¢/64; cf. also §30k). Notes: If the present analysis is correct, then this genitive construction based on œ¢³« appears to be unique to the Corpus. The ed.’s text, ad loc, reads á³¢²™± ¬±«, but all three relevant Genizah manuscripts agree in the reading adopted here. The interpretation of this passage is difficult, but the words á³¢²™± ¢œ¢³« appear to refer to the role of water in the regeneration of the earth or the Land of Israel in the Messianic future. Two prophetic verses referring to this role are quoted by Qillir in the course of the seder pesuqim from which this example is drawn: ¦¢§ ž™¯¢ ™ž ¦ž¢š ¢ž ¦¥²ž±¢§ ¦¢¢  (Zech. 14:8; after l. 32); œž¢ ¢°¢­™ ¥¤...™ž ¦ž¢š ¢ž ¦¢¡² ¥ © ³™ °²ž ™¯¢ ž¢ ³¢š§ ¨¢«§ž ¦¢§ ž¤¥¢ (Joel 4:18; after l. 44). The eschatological role of water, together with the MH œ¢³« construction, also appears in M Sheq. 6:3, in an etiology of the name of the Temple’s Water Gate (¦¢§ ±«², referred to in [°¢­™/4]): ¦¢¤­§ ¦¢§ žš ±§ž™ š°«¢ ¨š ±Ÿ«¢¥™ ¢š± ¦¢§ ±«² ž§² ™±°© §¥ž ³¢š ¨³­§ ³ ³§ ¨¢™¯ž¢ ³ž¢¥ ¨¢œ¢³«ž.

613 614

Cf. Sharvit, "³¤±«§", 113-14. For examples, see Sokoloff, 422, s.v. œ¢³«.

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY §19o Infinitive Absolute The infinitive absolute is almost entirely moribund in the Corpus, only two cases being attested. paronomastic infinitive: £¥§¥ ™š¢ ™š ‘He will surely come to rule’ (¤¢ª©™/19). Notes: This combination of infinitive absolute and imperfect verb is attested 8x in BH–e.g., ¨¤ ™š¢ ™š ¦™ž (Lev. 14:48). The Corpus’ usage is therefore directly based on a more or less fixed BH expression. as adverbial complement: ž§¤ šž ª//¦¢¥ž¥› ¨ž¢¤//¦¢¥¢¥™ ³ž¤ª £ž¥§¥ ¢¥š ž¤¥²¢//¦¢¥¥  ‘Sikkut of the idols, and Kiyyun of the images, being dragged off like the slain, will be thrown out without ruling’ (¤¢ª©™/29; cf. ¦¤¢§¥¯ ¨ž¢¤ ³™ž ¦¤¤¥§ ³ž¤ª ³™ ¦³™²©ž [Amos 5:26]). Notes: This funcion of the infinitive absolte is attested in BH. 615 The infinitive absolute in question here is so used in ³±žš° £† ¥‹ چ †  ž šÕ ªŽ ±šî¢ ±ž§  (Jer. 22:19).

§20 GERUND We have seen above (cf. §11i) that the Corpus shows a productive use of the gerund, as does MH. In the latter the gerund replaces some of the nominal functions of the BH infinitive construct. In the Corpus, the gerund adopts some of the infinitive’s adverbial and quasi-verbal functions as well. For example, the gerund, governed by -¥, is capable of indicating purpose. It may also be constructed with a subject suffix in a temporal clause, thereby approximating the BH “-¤/-š + infinitive construct” usage. §20a Gerund in a Temporal Clause Construction perfect followed by gerund without marker: ¦¢™ ª¤ ¢©­ ¦³›¢¯//...ž¯¥­ ‘They shudder…as they stand before [God’s] awful throne’ (³™/9). imperfect followed by temporal -š + gerund: ¢©­ ¢³›¢¯š//™²¢ ¢¥™ ¦¢©­ ª¢©¤ ‘May He lift His countenance to me, as I stand before the gathering’ (°¢­™/17). predicate participle followed by temporal -š + gerund: ³²¢›š ¦¢ššž© «²³ ³ž§³ž  ‘[They] are praying, as the nine seals (i.e., the nine 615

Cf. W&O, 588-89.

362

SYNTAX benedictions of the Rosh Hashana Additional Service) approach [before God]’ (³¥™³/5; 1x v.l. ³²›š). Notes: Already in BH one encounters, though very rarely, an analogous construction, whereby a nomen actionis is employed in a syntagm that is otherwise nearly identical to the standard “-¤/-š + infinitive construct” construction. Thus, we find ²™ ±«š³ ¢›¢›š ‘As I muse, a fire burns’ (Ps. 39:4) or ž«š²¢ž ¦³¢«±§¤ ‘When they fed, they became full’ (Hos. 13:6). 616 The few data gathered here make only the most tentative statement possible, but it seems fairly clear that as in the case of the temporal infinitive (§19k) so also with the temporal gerund, the use of the preposition -¤/-š is not obligatory. Furthermore, the fact that the two gerunds attested in the construction show an identical morphology is probably not accidental. As I have defined them above (cf. §§12e, l), the two show the root transformation I/n or I/y Æ middle weak. In effect, this means that the lemmata ›¢¯ and ²¢› appear to be derived from the roots ›ž¯ ‘to stand’ and ²ž› ‘to approach’, respectively. However, it is important to note that all three of the cases attested thus far show the gerund in the construct state, viz., -³›¢¯ and -³²¢›. In this form, the gerunds are identical in consonantal structure to the corresponding infinitives construct from the original roots, which show aphaeresis of the initial radical and compensatory suffixation of -t, viz., -³Ú¢  ߊ corresponds to ³ÚŒ Œ ß/-³Ú† ߊ (=BH), and -³›¢¯Š corresponds to a theoretical form ³Œ›¯Œ **/-ñ›† ¯Š ** (not attested in BH/MH, for lack of a Qal stem of this root). A case of this sort is attested in MT: ™žž ¦¢© §š Õ³š¢ Ž ڊ š† £¥§ ³™ ¥¤¥¤ (II Sam. 19:33). The expected form here Š which is attested in several Hebrew would have been Õñš† ²š, manuscripts and reflected by the Versions (cf. BHS app. crit., ad loc.). As it stands, however, the form ž³š¢² appears to be a gerund from a root šž² ‘to dwell’. We have seen, moreover, in our discussion of the segolate pattern, that the Corpus shows a propensity for vocalic restructuring in the generation of segolates from other “parent” patterns (§8e). While it is true that in the context of that discussion, 616 Cf. BDB, 454, s.v. ¤ for further examples of “temporal -¤ + verbal noun.” Cf. also ¦¢±š²§ ¥ž¤ ž²¢  ž³¢±š ‘At his birth, all the breakers rush about’ (1QHa 3:10-11), though in this case, the suffix is objective rather than subjective.

363

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY the direction of transformation is “parent” Æ segolate, it may be tentatively suggested that according to the morphological analysis assumed by the poet, the gerunds under discussion represent a reversal of the direction of transformation, viz., qælæt/qilt- Æ qĪlat-. An even more plausible formulation would be to say that for Qillir, both states of the posited transformation represent by-forms of one another. In addition to the above cases, there are a number of examples of the temporal clause construction employing nouns that belong to morphological categories other than the gerund proper, but are nevertheless quite close to it. Thus, we see ¦™ž© ‘speech, speaking’ (for the use of the segolate pattern in the formation of the nomen actionis, see §8e) and «¢ŸŠ ‘trembling’ (Å «¢Š Ž Ÿ) employed in this manner: 1) 2) 3)

œ±  œ±  "™ž­¢™ ¢§" ¦™ž©šž ‘And with the words “Who then [is the one who hunted game…?]” (Gen. 27:33) he trembled violently.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/315; Gen. 1x v.l. ž§™©¤) ±š« ²­© "™© ±¤" ¦™ž©šž ‘And at the words “Please examine [this–is it your son’s tunic or not?]” (Gen. 37:32) [Jacob’s] soul passed.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/330; Gen. 1x v.l. ¦§™©šž) ¦«¢ŸŠ š ž¡© ¦¢«¢°± «š²ž ‘And the seven heavens inclined as they quaked.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/356; v.l. ¦«žŸš)

Cases 1 and 2 also admit of a phonological explanation. The variant readings of the Genizah suggest that the noun ¦ÑÕ© is understood by the poet as the pronominal state of the infinitive construct -§™‰ žŽ©, with the subject suffix omitted. In case 3, it may be preferable to read ¦«âŸš, Ž i.e., as a standard infinitive construct from a root II/w. This reading may have support from a Genizah manuscript (cf. the ed.’s app. crit., ad loc.). §20b Gerund in a Purpose Clause Construction 1) 2)

¥žš ¥ ™¯¢ ¦™//¥žš§¤ ¦«Ÿ ‘if anger like like [the anger displayed during] the Flood has gone out [from before God] so as to destroy’ (±¤Ÿ/32) ¢«²¥ š ¨ž«² ž³³² ‘[The foundations of the earth] were placed [at Jacob’s headrest] so as [for Israel] to rely on it in order to be heard.’ (¨š™/2)

364

SYNTAX Notes: As indicated above, the majority of purpose infinitives within the Corpus are marked by -¥ (§19a), and the construction of a gerund with -¥ in order to indicate purpose appears to be directly analogous. Additional data are, however, required for a more definitive analysis. The use of “-¥ + gerund” to indicate purpose may be paralleled in ™ž² ³­©š ¦¢ž› ­©¥ ¯ ¢ ±™ž¯ œ« ¬¡ž² ¥ ©¤ ž ž±ž (Isa. 30:28). 617 §20c Gerund in an Adverbial Construction 1) 2)

±¢³« ¨ê  ‘He prayed graciously.’ (³¥™³/11) ¦«© ¢±§™ ±¢­²§ ‘saying beautiful, pleasant things’ ( ³­¢/46)

Notes: In the Corpus, ¨ê  may simply mean ‘to make supplication’–e.g., ©ê  ‘She made supplication’ (³¥™³/6). For the present analysis, cf. the unique use of ¨ê  in BH wherein it is transitive: ž¥ž° ¨© ¢ ‘He makes gracious his voice’ (Pr. 26:25). For case 2, where the segolate pattern being employed as a nomen actionis, see §8e. §20d Gerund Constructed with š± ³žš±§ "ž§ž°§ £ž±š"¥ ¥žª¥ª ‘rendering abundant praise to [the One who is addressed with the words] “Blessed [be the Glory of the Lord] from His place” (Ezek. 3:12)’ (¡­²§š £¥§/59). Notes: In BH, the Hifil verb š± may govern an infinitive construct in an adverbial construction with the meaning ‘to X abundantly’ (two cases are also attested wherein a finite form is used). 618 This type of syntagm is attested in the Corpus (§19c). This construction is attested in MH–cf. ¦¢œ« ³™ ±ž° ¥ š±§ ¢ž (M Avot 1:9)–which also shows an analogous syntagm in which š± governs the gerund–cf. ²™ ¦«  ¢² š±³ ¥™ (M Avot 1:5). The present construction is therefore a mishnaism.

617

According to GKC, §72z and Joüon, 2.§80n, who cite the Hafel infinitive in BA for comparison, ­©¥ is to be understood as an infinitive construct with a suffixed Ž-. While this analysis is probably correct from the point of view of BH, speakers of later dialects would have understood the form as a gerund. 618 Cf. BDB, 915, s.v. š±.

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY

§21 NON-PREDICATE PARTICIPLE For the predicate participle, see under §§18o-t. Since the nonpredicate participle “in itself expresses neither time nor aspect,” 619 it must be treated separately from the former. §21a Relative Participle The following section addresses the relationship between the participle used as an attribute and its antecedent. Only those cases that can be analyzed independently of vocalization are listed. agreeing in definiteness with antecedent (indefinite) 1) ž¢œ« ¦¢²›//¦¢±¢² ‘the remnants [=Israel], who approach Him’ (³¥™³/10) 2) ...³ž«žš¡//±²« ³ž¢¤¥§ Ÿ« ‘ten Kingship Verses denoting [God’s] strength, which are instituted…’ (³¥™³/7) 3) ¦¢©žš ³ª™§  ²±² ³«š› ‘the hill that constitutes a root [=Rachel], who was “rejected by the builders” (cf. Ps. 118:22)’ (¨š™/3) 4) ª¤ ±¯ Ÿ™§ ¨ž¤© ‘He fashioned the Throne that is set up of old.’ (¡²°™/11; cf. Ÿ™§ £™ª¤ ¨ž¤© [Ps. 93:2]) 5) ¦¢¢ž¯  ž°šž ¦¢­ž²  ¦¢§ ‘water that is exposed and divided by a line’ ( ³­¢/31) 6) ³ž¥žš ³š ¦¢©ž§¡ ¦¢§ ‘water that is cleverly hidden’ ( ³­¢/36) 7) ±ž›ª ¥¤ ‘all that is closed’ ( ³­¢/85; Gen. 1x v.l. lacking ¥¤) 8) ¦¢°ªž« ¦š ¥¤ ‘all those who engage in them’ (ž³™/373) 9) ¦¢¥¥³§ ¦š ¥¤ ‘all those who glory in them’ (³ž«³/416) Total: 111 agreeing in definiteness with antecedent (definite) 1) œž°«//¦¢±© ¢ž³™ šžˆ™ ‘the one beloved by the one who came from Naharaim [=Isaac, son of Abraham], who was bound’ (³¥™³/9) 2) ¢³§¢™§ ¦¢±¢¤Ÿ§ ¢³ ­² ‘my lips, that are mentioning [the mishna that begins with the word] ¢³§¢™§ (Taan. 1:1)’ ( ³­¢/81) 3) ³ž§²š ™±ž©ž œš¤© ¢§² ‘my name, the honored and awesome among names’ (¢©©° ¢¢/245) 4) ¦«©ž§ ž²œ°§ ‘His pleasant sanctuary’ (¢©©° ¢¢/361) Total: 9 no agreement in definiteness (indef. head, def. part.) 619

Joüon, Grammar, 2.§121i.

366

SYNTAX 1) 2) 3) 4) 5)

¨§¤§  Ÿ± ‘the hidden secret’ (¤¢ª©™/39) ±­ª§ ¦ž¢ ‘the bespoken (i.e., appointed) day’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/19) ¦¢§ ¦¢š¢š±§ ¦¢š¢š± ³ž™š¯ ‘hosts of showers that rain down water’ (¡²°™/35) ¦¢§ ¨ž§š ¦¢¥œ› ³²°²° ³›œ ‘the scaly fish that grow in the abundant waters’ (¦©¤³/13) ±¤ž©§ ³©ž³¤ ‘well-known coat’ (¢©©° ¢¢/328) Total: 7

Notes: Lack of agreement in definiteness is encountered in BH. 620 The treatment of epithets or names for God in the Corpus is inconsistent in this respect. The relevant cases are listed below: 1) 2) 3) 4) 5)

 ±¡ ª§ž« šž¡ ‘the Good One, who carries the burden’ (œ¢­™™/5) ¦¢±§ž²¥ ³š² ¨³ž© ¥™ ‘God, who gives the Sabbath to those who observe [it]’ (¦² ³™/434; cf. ¢³™ ©« ¥™¥Ž [Gen. 35:3]) ±ž™ ¡ž« £¥§ ‘the King, who wraps Himself in light’ (¥™/602; cf. §¥²¤ ±ž™ ¡« [Ps. 104:2]) ³žš±« ¨¤ž² ᢠ‘the Lord, who dwells in Aravot’ (š³¤š Ÿ™/81) ¦¢° ²š ±œ ¦ž ± ‘The Meciful One, who lives in the heavens’ (š³¤š Ÿ™/83)

special case – seriated relative participles in the seder diberin  ¢±Ÿ§//...±›žª...//...±œž›//...©žš//(¦¢§³ ¢¥«ž­ ¥¤ ±²™)//"£¢¥™ ¢¢ ¢¤©™" ³ž«¢¡//...±²ž //...²ž« ¦¢°¢Ÿ//¦¢§¢ž ³ž¥¢¥ ¦›¢©§ž//¦¢§± ³ž±ž™§ £œž­//¦¢©³¢™ ³¢±šš £±Ÿž«//...//...¢ §ž ³¢§§//...//...™±žšž ±¯ž¢//...¥œ›§ ¦¢§«¡§ ¨§š £«ž±//¦¢§¢ £¢©­¥ «±ž°//¦¢§ž³ ¢¤¤©š ¦¥¥ž¯//¦¢§©« ³ž¥šª§ ‘I am the Lord you God (Exod. 20:2)…who builds…fences… closes…causes the lofty luminaries to rise and drives them nights and days…makes sparks…pours out…raises plants…fashions and creates…kills and revives…helped you because of [the merit of] the covenant of the perfect [forefathers], redeemed you from the burdens of the Anamim [=Egyptians], drowned them in the sources of the abysses, tore open the seas before you, [and] guided you with tasty manna.’ (ž³³/395-±²™/405) £¢­š £¥¤™§ž//¦¢©² ²žš¥ £¢²¢š¥§//¦¢©²œ§...//...//¦¢©ž°...//...£¢±ž ¦¢©ž™ ¢«¢š² £š ¢«¢›¢//... £¢©«ž¡//...//...¦¢°«žŸ//¦¢©³ž© (¨žŸ™/452-456) ¨§™ ¢œ¢ ²«§ž//¦¢­¢© §ž ®±™ ¦¢™§¡§//...//...¦¢­©¡§//...//...¦¢­™©§ ¦¢­¢©™§...//¦¢­¢¥ §...//¦¢­¥ª§ (¥™/480-483) 620

Cf. W&O, 621.

367

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY §±§ž ¨ž™ ¦¢§§žŸ//...//¦¢¯ ¤ ¦©ž²¥ ¦¢©©ž²//...¦¢«±žŸ...//...¦¢²¥ž›//...¦¢¯¥ œ¢™¥ž ¦¢¯± «±¥//¦¢¯ ž§...//¦¢¯±ž° ¨¢«...//¦¢¯ž­...//¦¢¯™...//¦¢¯«ž¢ //...//¦¢§°ž²§ž ¥™¥ ¦¢™ž©²//¦¢¯±ž­ ±œ›ž ³°ž¥ § ¦¢©³ž©//¦¢¯©§...//¦¢¯œ ¦¢¯§...//¦¢¯šž±...//¦¢­¯©§...//¦¢¯šž°... (¦ž¡™/510-519) Notes: Several of the piyyutim included within the seder diberin are composed, to one degree or another, of a string of relative participles, all of them depending on a head noun. These relative participles are frequently, though not always, used to satisfy the acrostic requirement of the piyyut. Listed in this section are those cases where the he-slot is occupied by a participle preceded by the definite article. Since the other participles in the series are not preceded by the definite article (irrespective of whether or not they are used to satisfy an acrostic requirement), the series is inconsistent, such that around the “fulcrum” constituted by the marked relative participle in the he-slot are organized the other relative participles, which are not so marked. §21b Participle as Predicate Accusative of State 1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6) 7) 8)

¢°¢š§ ³žš±«š š¤ž± ™žž ‘And He rides in Aravot, as the One who makes me bright (i.e., morally pure).’ (¡­²§š £¥§/56) 621 ±ž³ œž§¥³ ž¢­§ š¯ž //±ž™ ¡ž« š²ž¢ žšž ‘And on it sits the One who wraps Himself in light, hewing knowledge (lit. the study of the Law) from His mouth.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/66; v.l. š¯ž ž) š±° ¢¥¤ ±ž› ...¢³§° ‘I stand…girded with weapons of war.’ (°¢­™/19) ¦¢±ž±¯ ¦¢œ§ž« ‘[They] stand still, stopped up.’ (¡²°™/32) ¢›©  ...¢¤žš èš™ ‘I will wear down my eyes (lit. brightnesses) [with] weeping…’ (£¢š™™/8) ¢š¢± § ¥ž§ ®ž¥  ¢œ² è›™ ‘I will expose my breasts, stripped before my destroyer.’ (£¢š™™/14) ²¤ ¢ž±Ÿ œšž™ ‘the one wandering scattered like a sheep’ [=Israel] (£¢š™™/22) £¥ž ®ž­š ¢³™²© ©¢° ‘I take up the dirge, walking along in exile.’ (™²™/29)

621 Support for the analysis of ¢°¢š§ as an adverbial accusative (rather than, e.g., being in apposition with the pronominal subject) may be found in the parallel stich, where the analogous position is occupied by a prepositional phrase: ¢°š¤ ¨§¢³ ¢±œ š š²ž¢ž (¡­²§š £¥§/57).

368

SYNTAX 9) 10) 11) 12) 13)

...¦¢¤¢¥§§ œ ¢//¦¢¤™¥§¤ ž¢©­¥//¦¢¤¥³§ ž±š«¢ ‘They pass, walking along, before Him like angels, together proclaiming [His] kingship…’ (¤¢ª©™/20) ¥›¥›³§ £¥ž//¦«±ž§ ¥ž° ‘a thunderous sound, coming on’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/353; v.l. ¥›¥›³§ž; cf. BDB, 233, s.v. £¥ 4d.) ¦¢¥¢šž§ ™¥ ¦œ¢š ¨ž ±šœ//¦¢¥šž§ ³ž±š°¥ ¦ ™¥ ‘Surely they are brought to [their] graves not bringing any property in their hand[s].’ (³žœž§ ³/532-533) ¦§ œ ™ž œ ™ ¥¤ ¦« "¢¤©™" ±šœ§//¦¥ ™±© š± ¦¢©­ž ‘And He appeared to them in many guises, speaking “¢¤©™” with each one of them.’ (¥™/579) ±ž§™  ¢¥² ¢­§ ™¥ž £™¥§ ¢­§ ™¥//±ž³ ž¥š° ¢©¢ª ±§ ‘They received the Torah from Mt. Sinai, spoken not from the mouth of an angel and not from the mouth of a messenger.’ (¥™/601)

Notes: This type of syntagm is attested in BH, where the participle may be used predicatively with reference to the subject or to the object. 622 §21c The Construction “™±© + -¤ + Participle” ¦¢§§ ¦¢¥ž«¤ ¦¢™±© ‘[They] appear to be coming up out of the water’ (¡²°™/28). Notes: This construction is attested in MH–e.g., ¦¢¥¤ž™¤ ¦¢™±© (Ber. Rab. 48:14), ¨¢šž™¤ ¨¢™±© (M Avot 2:3). It must therefore be considered a mishnaism within the Corpus.

§22 ADVERBS There exists no morphologically unified class of adverbs in Hebrew, or in any Semitic language, for that matter. I have already had occasion to discuss the adverbial function–cf. the adverbial accusative and the various adverbial usages of the infinitive construct. Below, I am exclusively concerned with those items that may be labeled “adverbs” as a part-of-speech designation, i.e., are used either exclusively or primarily as adverbs.

622

Cf. Joüon, 2.§126b.

369

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY §22a Constituent Adverbs Constituent adverbs are those that modify the predicate by specifying time, place or manner. 623 §22b Adverbs of Location Adverbs of location may be divided into two basic categories: deictics and independent adverbs. Whereas the former are dependent on the context of speaking, the latter are not. deictics – ¦² 1) ™±ž© ™±² ž³™ ¦² ‘There, with Him, abides light.’ ( £¥§ ¡­²§š/64) 2) ³ž©ž¥  ²¢ ¨¢§¢š ¦² ‘There, on [His] right side, there are windows.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/68) Total: 4 independents ¥«§§: ¥«§§ ‘from above’ (¦©¤³/10) ³ ³§: ³ ñ§...¥«¢ ‘that He might bring up from below…’ (¦©¤³/10) Notes: As opposed to its dynamic signification in the Corpus, the phrase ³ ³§, when employed adverbially, always has the static meaning ‘below’ in BH (i.e., it is the equivalent of the less common ³ ³ ‘below’). 624 Exactly the same is true of ¥«§§ (in this case, the form without ¨§ is not attested in BH at all). 625 For ¥«§¥§ and ¡§¥§, see §14v. ¦¢©Š ­† ¥:Š ¦¢©­¥ ª©¤¥ ‘to enter inside’ (¥™/598). ¦¢©Š ­† ފ §: Š ¦¢©­š§ ™¢¯ž¥ ¢¥š ™²§ ‘so as not to bring out a load from inside’ (³¢¥¤³/442). Notes: The substantive ¦¢©Š ì† ‘inside’ is attested in the Corpus: ¦¢©­ž ®ž  ³¤™¥§ (³¢¥¤³/446). In BH, the related locative adverb is formed by means of the suffixation of directional he: §¢ Ž ©Š ì.† In addition to this form, BH attests the combination (¨ž¯¢ ¥ž) §¢©­¥ ‘within’ (I Kings 6:30) and (¨ž¯¢ ¥ž) ¦¢©­¥§ ‘within’ (I Kings 6:29). The form ¦¢©­¥ is the MH equivalent of BH §¢©­. The compound ¦¢©­š§ is also attested in MH, but the meaning tends to be static 623

Cf. W&O, 657-58. Cf. BDB, 1065, s.v. ³ ³. 625 Cf. BDB, 751 s.v. ¥«§. 624

370

SYNTAX (i.e., the ¨§ is pleonastic). In the Corpus, on the other hand, ¦¢©­š§ has a dynamic signification. ¤ œ«ž ¤ œ«: ¤ œ«ž ¤ œ« ¦ž±  ³§ ¦±¡š ‘before He had stretched out the height[s] from one end to the other’ (¢©©° ¢¢/88). Notes: This adverbial phrase is attested 1x in BH, probably with the temporal meaning ‘meanwhile’: ¦¢§²ž ¤ œ«ž ¤ œ« ¢¢ž ¦¢š« ž±œ°³ (I Kings 18:45). It is employed 2x in the Corpus. In one case, it seems to function as a lemma referring directly to the MT source: "¤ œ«ž ¤ œ«" œ±¤ Õçœ ±Ž  ›¤ ÞŽ ±Š ¦¢§ ‘He made water abundant when the Meek One [=Elijah] crouched, as [Ahab] went down [on the occasion of which it is said] “meanwhile”’ ( ³­¢/80). In the case listed here, it is employed to indicate extension in space, a usage that is semantically similar to BH ­¥ ­Œ and ­ ¥™ ­§. §22c Temporal Adverbs Ÿ™: The basic meaning of Ÿ™ in the Corpus is ‘at that time, then’, as in BH. In both corpora it may refer to both past and future time. Ÿ™ + perfect (referring to past time) 1) ...±³¤¤ Ÿ™ ±¢ª™ ³°©™ ‘As the cry of the prisoner [=Isaac] was crowned [with success] back then…’ (³¥™³/12) 2) ¢±š« ³š¥ ³¥ ©//...//¢±ž²™ š³¤š Ÿ™ ‘Back then, in the Assyrian writing…You caused the daughter of the Hebrew [=Israel] to inherit [the Torah].’ (š³¤š Ÿ™/57-58) 3) ¯±© Ÿ™ ¦¢±ž¤¢š ™©¡¤ž ‘And at that time, he was accepted like a basked of firstfruits.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/294) Ÿ™ + imperfect (referring to future time) 1) £¥§¢ Ÿ™ž  ¥²¢ ¢¤™¥§ ²¢™ ‘He will send the man promised by Malachi [=Elijah], and then He will rule.’ (¤¢ª©™/2) 2) £¥§¢ Ÿ™ž//£¥§™ ž³ž¤¥§š ‘I will rule through His kingship, and then He will rule.’ (¤¢ª©™/4) 3) ®±™ ³ž¢³ ³ ž«¢±¢ Ÿ™ ®±™ ¥¤ ¥« ž¤¥§šž ‘And when He reigns over the whole earth, then the nether regions of the earth will raise a shout.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/8) 4) ®±«š ¨©± ž ¯­¢ Ÿ™ž ‘And then they will burst out into a joyful cry in the heavens.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/10) 5) ³ž²œ° ž²¥²¢ ¦¢¥™ Ÿ™ž ‘And then the angels will utter the threefold qedush(ot).’ (¡­²§š £¥§/77)

371

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 6)

 ¢¥¯³ Ÿ™...¦±§²³ ¦™ ‘If you observe them…then you will succeed.’ (³žœž§ ³/535-536; cf. §26a)

¢Ÿ™: In the Corpus, ¢Ÿ™ seems to function as a variant form of Ÿ™. In BH, on the other hand, it is only attested 3x (Ps. 124:3, 4, 5), and in each of these cases it marks an apodosis after a contrafactual protasis introduced by ¢¥â¥. ‹ Its usage in BH is therefore syntactically restricted. ¢Ÿ™ + imperfect: ¢©¢œ °¢œ¯™ ¢Ÿ™ ‘Then will I declare [God’s] judgment to be just’ (£¢š™™/39). Ÿ™§: In BH, the adverb Ÿ™ may be compounded with the preposition ¨§ into the form Ÿ™§ (cf. also Ÿ™ ¨§ [Jer. 44:18]). This compound may either be used absolutely, with the meaning ‘of old’, or with a following genitive (including an “infinitive construct + subject suffix”) or relative clause, with the meaning ‘from the time of/that’. Only the former usage is attested in the Corpus. 1) ¦¢§¥ ³œ šžÜ¢ Ÿ™§ ³³ ®­¤ ‘when, a long time ago, He determined to provide a permanent dwelling place for the water’ (¡²°™/21) 2) ¦¢²™± ¨¢¢©° ¨³§ Ÿ™§ ¨¤ž ‘The giving of the first possession [=Torah] had been prepared of old.’ (š³¤š Ÿ™/60) 3) Ÿ™§ ¢³§à° ¦¢©ž§œ° ¦±¡š ‘Before the pre-eistent things, I was preexistent.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/98) 4) Ÿ™§ ¢³¢¢ ¦ž± ¢œž§« ¦œ° ‘Before the pillars of the height[s] [=heavens], I existed of old.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/99) 5) ᱚœš Ÿ™§ ž¢¥™ ¢ž ‘and so, when she spoke to Him of old’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/119) Total: 14 ¨¤ ¢± ™: This adverb is common in BH (cf. also 3x ¨¤ ± ™). Its MH equivalent is £¤ ± ™. ¢§² ™±° ¨¤ ¢± ™ž ‘And afterward, he called My name’ (¢©©° ¢¢/245). œ¢§: This adverb, not attested in BH, is an MH calque of the Greek phrase Ʀƫ ƸƦƪƲưƳ ‘forthwith’. œ°­© œ¢§ ‘She was immediately visited’ (¦™/3; Gen. v.l. žš). ±š¤: This adverb is not attested in BH. It appears in both MH and JPA. ¢³¢©« ±š¤ ‘I have already answered’ (©ž¢¤ ¦¢©š ¦™/19). 372

SYNTAX  ¯©¥: As with œ«¥ below, this adverb indicates extent in time and is composed of temporal/terminative -¥ and  ¯© ‘perpetuity’. In BH, the compound is vocalized  ¯Œ  ©¥Ž (cf. under œ«¥, below). The bare form  ¯Œ  © is also attested in BH in the role of a temporal adverb, though less frequently. 1)  ¯©¥ ™¥ ¢©§¡²³ ‘You will bear a grudge against me, [but] not forever.’ (£¢š™™/70) 2)  ¯©¥ ³žš±  ³§™ ‘Truly the ruins [of the Temple] are everlasting.’ (£¢š™™/75; cf. Ps. 9:7) œ«¥: This independent temporal adverb indicates extent in time. Etymologically, it is a prepositional phrase, composed of temporal/terminative -¥ and the noun œ« ‘perpetuity’. Already in BH, this combination has been partially lexicalized, as is indicated by the Tiberian vocalization œ« ¥. Ž 626 1) ³ž¢¤Ÿ œ«¥ ±¤žŸ ‘the One who remembers merits forever’ [=God] (œ¢­™™/4) 2) ¦¢°žŸ¢© ™¥ œ«¥ ¦¢±§ž² ‘Those who observe them never eperience harm.’ (¥™/549) ¦¥ž«¥: This adverb is extremely common in BH, being composed of temporal/terminative -¥ and ¦¥ž« ‘perpetuity’. ¦¥ž«¥ ¢š ž©¢§™¢ ‘They will believe in me forever’ (¢©©° ¢¢/343). ¦¥ž«§: This adverb is common in BH, meaning ‘of old’–e.g., ¨ž¤© ³™ ¦¥ž«§//Ÿ™§ £™ª¤ (Ps. 93:2) 1) ¦¥ž«§ ž¢©« ™±°© ±²™ ‘who has been called “the humble one” of old’ (¢©©° ¢¢/339) 2) ¦¥ž«§ ¢š ¦²±© "²§ ¥™ ¢¢ ±šœ¢ž" ‘[The words] “the Lord spoke to Moses” have been written in me of old.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/340) ¦¢§¥ž«¥: This by-form of ¦¥ž«¥ is attested 2x in BH (Ps. 77:8; Qoh. 1:10), along with the compound form œ« ¢§¥ž« œ« (Isa. 45:17). The replacement of ¦¥ž«(¥) by ¦¢§¥ž«(¥) is a feature of post-Biblical Hebrew, which may have been promoted by Aramaic. 627 1) ¦¢§¥ž«¥ ¢  ¢©™ ‘I live forever.’ (±²™/402; R) 2) ¦¢§¢¢° ¦¢§¥ž«¥...¢ª¢© ‘My miracles…exist forever.’ (±²™/403)

626 627

Cf. GKC, §102i. Cf. Hurvitz, ¨ž²¥¥ ¨ž²¥ ¨¢š, 100-04.

373

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY œž«: The basic meaning of this adverb is one of temporal extension: ‘still, yet, again’. 1) ±°¢ ¦š œž«ž ¨¢œ² ž°§¯ ‘Their breasts shriveled, whereas she (i.e., Sarah) was honored by means of them (i.e., her breasts).’ (¦™/6) 2) ¢©³¯ ¥ œž«ž ³¯­ "³ž±œ° ¦¢§² ²¢š¥™" ‘You said “I will clothe the heavens in gloom” (Isa. 50:3), whereas You still oppress me.’ (™²™/57) œž« + participle: ³¢š žœ«š ž¥«© ¦¢©ž¢¥«//³¢š ±žœŸž±­š ›¯ žœž« ‘While he was yet standing in the vestibule of the house (i.e., God’s heavenly abode), the celestial creatures shut the house before him’ ( ¨§ ±/23-24; cf. §18p). ™¥ œž« + perfect: ¤¥§ ™¥ œž« ‘She has not yet reigned’ (³±œ™/1). Notes: This combination, in the sense of German “noch nicht,” is securely attested only 1x in BH–¦šš¥ ž©¢¤ ™¥ ¦« œž« ‘the people had not yet made fast their hearts’ (II Chron. 20:33)– whereas the idea is commonly expressed by means of ¦±¡. 628 The meaning of this compound in the Corpus is identical to the BH usage. Since the compound ™¥ œž« is rare in BH, whereas in MH the notion “noch nicht” is commonly expressed by means of the compound ™¥ ¨¢¢œ™, it is likely that the usage is a calque from MH. ™¥ œž« + imperfect 1) ¦²¢¢š™ ™¥ œž« ‘I will no longer put them to shame.’ ( ¢³™ ¨ž©š¥§/42) 2) ¦¢±«ª¢© ™ž¢ ™¥ œž« ‘They will no longer be storm-tossed.’ ( ¢³™ ¨ž©š¥§/275) 3) ±«žª¢ ™¥ œž« £¥ž™ ‘Your tent [=Temple] will no longer be storm-tossed.’ (¦¢©š§ ¦¢©š ¦™/34) ¥š œž« + imperfect 1) ±¤Ÿ¢ ¥š œž« ¥žšª ³ž©žœŸ ‘Let Him no longer remember the one bearing arrogance (i.e., the the sinner).’ (±¤Ÿ/31) 2) ¢¤ ¥ ¢©ž²¥ °šœ³ ¥š œž«ž ‘And my tongue will no longer cleave to my palate.’ (£¢š™™/60; cf. Ps. 137:6)

628 Cf. BDB, 728, s.v. œž«, where šž²¢ ™¥ ž©œž« (Jer. 40:5) is also listed. This case seems to have suffered from textual corruption, however, and the meaning is not clear.

374

SYNTAX ³«¤: In the Corpus, as in BH, the adverb ³«¤ is functionally synonymous with ³«. ¦¢«°ž³ ¦ ³«¤ ‘Now they are blowing [the shofar]’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/21; A). ³«: In the Corpus, as in BH, ³« functions as a static temporal deictic meaning ‘now, the present moment’. It is derived from ³« ‘time’, to which the adverbial/directional he has been added. ±¢³³...³«...¦¢§ ‘Release the waters…now!’ (š«/8) ³«§: The combination of “¨§ + ³«” is already attested in BH, both by itself as well as in the stereotyped adverbial phrase œ«ž ³«§ ¦¥ž«. 629 ±¡™¢ ¥š ³«§ ¦¢§ ‘May He not shut up the water from here on in’ ( ³­¢/52). ³« œ«: This combination is attested in BH, with the meaning ‘up until now’. ¤¥ž§ ³« œ« ‘She reigns [right] up to the present moment’ (³±œ™/6). ¦¢©Š ­Ž è† §: Š This compound is attested 1x in BH, in a case where the temporal force of the ¨§ is still quite apparent: ¦¢©­¥§//²™±§ (Isa. 41:26). In the Corpus’ usage, the ¨§ has become virtually pleonastic. 1) £¥§ ¦¢©­¥§ ¢  ‘The King [=God] lived of old.’ (¤¢ª©™/11) 2) ¦¢©­¥§ ±¢¯¢ ¨¢œ§ ³œ­ ‘She redeemed the creature [=Adam] from judgment a long time ago.’ (³¢¥¤³/440) «›±¤: This compound is attested 3x in BH, in all cases appearing in the context of speedy and utter destruction. ¦¢é¢Ú§ §²© «›±¤ ‘destroying a soul suddenly’ (±ž³/471). §22d Scalar Adverbs š±: Strictly speaking, this adverb is a Hifil infinitive absolute. In BH, it may be employed as a quasi-quantifier, either by itself or in the compound œ™§ š±. ¦¥ ™±© š± ¦¢©­ž ‘And He appeared to them in many guises’ (¥™/579).

629

Cf. BDB, 774, s.v. ³«.

375

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY ±³ž¢: This adverb is attested only in the late books of Esther and Qohelet. It appears 1x with the preposition ¨§: ³ž²«¥ £¥§ ®­ ¢ ¢§¥ ¢©§§ ±³ž¢ ±°¢ (Esth. 6:6). ¢© ³§ ¦§ ±³ž¢ ‘He stretched me out more than them’ (¢©©° ¢¢/187). œ™§¥: This form is attested in BH only in the unique compound œ« œ™§¥ (II Chron. 16:14). It is also comparable to the LBH compounds œ™§ š±¥ (2x) and œ™§ š±¥ (4x). ž± œ™§¥ ‘He was exceedingly saturated (with drink)’ (¢©©° ¢¢/271). œž«: The use of this adverb with the meaning ‘again, more’ is attested in BH. œž«ž ³ž™§ «²³ ¨¢š™™ ‘I am [now] silent for over 900 [years]’ (£¢š™™/2; Gen. v.l. ¦¢©² ²¥²ž ¦¢«²³ž ³ž™§ «²³ ¢±). ¢œ ¢¥š œ«: This adverbial expression is attested 1x in BH: ¦¤¥ ¢³°¢±ž ¢œ ¢¥š œ« ¤±š (Mal. 3:10). Etymolgically, it apparently means ‘until there is no sufficiency (i.e., until the store is exhausted)’. ¢¢œ ¢¥š œ« ±²«³³ž "šž©›³ ™¥" ‘“Do not steal” (Exod. 20:15), and you will become exceedingly wealthy’ (¢¤©™/51). ¥«§¥ œ«: This usage is analogous to the BH phrase œ™§ œ« ‘exceedingly’. It is attested in LBH (II Chron. 16:12; 17:12; 26:8). ³žš± ¥«§¥ ¥«§¥ œ« ‘exceedingly great’ (¡­²§š £¥§/58; cf. §24). §22e Manner Adverbs ¢™œžžš: This adverb is drawn from MH. ¢™œžžš ²™š³ ¨­ °­ªš ¬™ "¬™©³ ™¥" ‘“Do not commit adultery” (Deut. 20:14), even with regard to doubtful cases, lest you become obviously odious’ (¢¤©™/50). œ ¢: All of the adverbial meanings of œ ¢ exemplified below are attested in BH. 1) ž³œ±¥ žž™³¢...³²°²° ³›œ œ ¢ ‘All the scaly fish together… yearn for it to come down.’ (¦©¤³/13) 2) ¦¢§ ¬¢©¥ ±¡¥ šœ©¥ ¨ž¯±¥ œ ¢ ‘to shed water alike for good-will, largess [and] purity’ (¦©¤³/18) 3) œ ¢ ¦«©ž//œ ™ ¢ ³«š ‘When he was single, he was altogether pleasant.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/247) 4) œ ¢ ±­ ³ž±šœ ²ž¥² ‘He violated three commandments all together.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/250) 376

SYNTAX 5) 6) 7) 8)

œ ¢ ±°² ž³²™ ¦« ©« ‘He spoke falsehood together with his wife.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/252) ᚞›š ž ±¡ ¦¢¥ž¥³ ¥¤ž ±žš³ œ ¢ ‘[Mt.] Tabor, together with all the high [mountains], took pains with regard to height.’ (ž³³/387) ¦¢šž± ž›±ž¥ ¦› œ ¢ ‘storming/raging together to kill him’ (° ±³/500; A) ¦¢¤¢¥§§ œ ¢ ‘together proclaiming [His] kingship’ (¤¢ª©™/20)

Notes: The asyndetic coordination of the prepositional phrases in case 2 is perhaps significant, to the extent that in analogous cases with œ ¢ BH employs the conjunction -ž. The combination ¦› œ ¢ in case 7 is probably metathesized from œ ¢ ¦› (cf. Ps. 133:1) to suit the acrostic. œ ™¤, ³ ™¤: These adverbs are semantically identical to BH œ ¢. The form œ ™¤ is attested in LBH. 630 The form ³ ™¤ is not attested in BH, but appears in MH (along with œ ™¤). 631 Both constitute a calque of Aramaic œ ¤ ‘together’ (thus in Dan. 2:35, JPA and SA; cf. CPA ™œ  £¢). 632 1) ¦¢§ ³ž³² ³ ™¤ ¢žš ž ¢ž¥› ¥ž¥³ž °ž§« ‘in order that the deep and the lofty, the revealed and the hidden alike drink water’ (¦©¤³/3) 2) œ ™¤ š©› ¦« °¥  ‘He shared [the stolen fruit] together with the thief.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/251) ³œ¤, ¤¥¤, ±œª¤, ¨¢¢©«¤: Adverbial ³œ¤ is attested 2x in Esther (1:8; 4:16). The phrases ¤¥¤ and ±œª¤ are common in MH, but the latter appears to always be attested with a genitive pronominal suffix. The two are found together in ¦³¤¥¤ ¦¢­ªž§ž ¦±œª¤ ¦¢œ¢§³, in the fourth benediction of the amida of the Additional Service. The expression ¨¢©«¤ is also attested in MH–cf. š¢²§ž ¨¢©«¤ ¥™ž² ¤¥¤ (M Avot 5:7). Semantically, all four phrases are close to BH ¡­²§¤.  1) ¤¥¤ž ³œ¤//¤ž¥§ Õ²à  ‘when He renews the kingship properly and fittingly’ (¤¢ª©™/15) Cf. BDB, 25, s.v. œ ™. Cf. Segal, §289. 632 Cf. Sokoloff, 255, s.v. œ ¤. This adverb is also attested in DSS Aramaic–cf. J. Fitzmyer The Genesis Apocryphon of Qumran Cave I – A Commentary (2nd ed.; Biblica et Orientalia 18A; Rome: Biblical Institute Press, 1971) 214 (App. II D3b). 630 631

377

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 2) 3) 4)

¤¥¤ ™¥²//¤¥ ž¢± ™ ‘She improperly walked behind him.’ (³±œ™/2; for the negative, see §22g) ¦¢§ ³ž«¢š± ³²¥² ±œª¤ £±«¥ ‘to set out in order the three occasions for rain’ (¦©¤³/9) ±žœª ¨¢¢©¢«¤ ᚲ ž¯§ ¥¤ž ‘And every commandment that is [contained] in it is set out in order/properly.’ (¥™/606)

œš¥: This adverb, meaning ‘alone’, is attested in BH, where it usually takes a pronominal suffix. 1) £¥§¢ œš¥ ™ž ‘He alone will rule.’ (¤¢ª©™/11) 2) ¦¢§ ¢›¥­ œš¥ ¥š³ ³ž±­« ²™±¥ ¥°²//...//¦¢§ ³ž¯ ¥ ³ž¯ž ž ®±™¥ ¦©¤³ ‘He set them (i.e., the four rivers) up in order to distribute water to the whole world…[but] He weighed out [heavenly] water channels for the first [collection] of dust in the world [=Israel] only.’ (¦©¤³/1-2) «±­§¥: This adverb is drawn from MH, where it may take a genitive suffix–e.g., ®§ž  ²«© ™ž ž«±­§¥ (JT Gitt. 3:8 [45b]). ¢±§™ ¦¢§¢«© š¢³¤ š¢¢//¢±§™§ ¢³ž³ž™ «±­§¥ ¦²ž± ‘A backwards writing was made, [and] the letters of its sayings [stand for:] “Given [¢], written[¤], pleasant [©] are its sayings [™]”’ (š³¤š Ÿ™/71-72; cf. PDRK 12:24). ¦¢©­š ¦¢©­, ­¥/¥™ ­§: In BH, the adverbial phrase ¦¢©­š ¦¢©­ is attested in ¦¤§« ž¢ ±šœ ¦¢©­š ¦¢©­ (Deut. 5:4). More commonly, however, it appears as ¦¢©­ ¥™ ¦¢©­ (5x). The expression always refers to direct contact between the human and the divine realms. Related to this locution is the Corpus’ peculiar use of the expression ­ ¥™ ­§, which is attested 1x in BH, with the local meaning ‘from one end to the other’: ­ ¥™ ­§ ž™¥§ (Ezr. 9:11). In the Corpus, on the other hand, it is used to describe the circumstances under which the Israelites received the Torah from God, i.e., directly from His mouth. In this context, the second half of the idiom is pleonastic. For a similarly pleonastic construction, cf. ᱚœ ¦« ž±šœ ¢ž ‘And His word was with her word (i.e., He spoke with her)’ (¢©©° ¢¢/234). 1) ¢ žè²  ³ž¥¤ œ« ¦¢©­š ¦¢©­ ᚠž¤š™ ‘On this [annual] occasion, they are confounded, face to face [with God, and this situation will persist] until the end of my exile.’ (£¢š™™/7) 2) ¦¢©­š ¦¢©­ ž§¥ ᱙¢š ‘He expounded (i.e., revealed) it to them face to face.’ (š³¤š Ÿ™/67) 378

SYNTAX 3) 4) 5) 6)

¦¢³ž™±¥ ¦¢©­š ¦¢©­ ‘to cause them to see [Him] face to face’ (¥™/580) ž¥ ±šœ ¦¢©­š ¦¢©­ ‘He spoke with him (i.e., Moses) face to face.’ (¥™/594) ­ ¥™ ­§ ¦ž³¢¤ª ‘They heard them from [God’s] mouth (to [their] mouth).’ (š³¤š Ÿ™/74) ³žž¯§ ¢­¥ ¢­§ ‘commanded from My mouth (to her mouth)’ (³±«žª ¦™/82)

³ž¢§§ž°: This adverb, meaning ‘with upright back’, is attested in ³ž¢§§ž° ¦¤³™ £¥ž™ž (Lev. 26:13). It shows an unusual combination of the gentilic ¢Š- together with the abstract ³â-. ž¤¥¢ ³ž¢§§ž° ‘They will go [back to their Land] with upright back’ (¤¢ª©™/38). §22f The Item Adverb ™¥ An item adverb is one modifying an individual word or phrase. 1)  §¯ ³« ™¥¥ œž§¥› ‘A barren woman unexpectedly (lit. at a non-time) bloomed.’ (¦™/4; Gen. 1x v.l. ³« ™¥¥) 2) ¦¢§¢ ™¥š ³ž§¥ ²­© ¦¢œ±ž¡ ‘importuning a soul unto death before its time’ (±ž³/472) 3)  ¯©¥ ™¥ ¢©§¡²³ ‘You will bear a grudge against me, [but] not forever.’ (£¢š™™/70; AN) 4) ¦¢š±ž™ ž§¥ ™¥¥ ‘lying in wait for that which is not theirs’ (° ±³/494) Notes: The combination ³« ™¥ is attested once in BH, in a very similar function: ³« ™¥ž ž¡§° ±²™ ‘who were snatched away unexpectedly/in an untimely manner’ (Job 22:16). Case 2 is to be compared to the prepositional phrase in ™¥§³ ž§ž¢ ™¥š ‘He will wither before his time’ (Job 15:32); cf. also ᳜© ³« ™¥š (Lev. 15:25), £³« ™¥š (Qoh. 7:17), ›™œ ¨¢°Ÿ³ ³« ™¥šž (Ben Sira 30:24). It is interesting to note that a similar combination is attested in Phoenician: ¢³« ¥š ‘before my time’. 633 633

The form is cited in Z. Harris, A Grammar of the Phoenician Language (New Haven: American Oriental Society, 1936) 62 (from CIS I 3.3). In Phoenician ¥š is the commonly employed negative adverb. The funerary context of the Phoenician inscription corresponds to the opening line of piyyut 6 of Qillir’s qedushta ¥ª ±¢¤Ÿ™ for Shabbat Zakhor: «¢ž› ±²™ ²¢™ ±ž¤Ÿ ž³« ™¥¥ š™ (Baer, 665).

379

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY The compound  ¯©¥ ™¥ is fairly common in BH–e.g.,  ¯©¥ ™¥ ¬ž¯°™ (Isa. 57:16)–where it consistently precedes the verb. In the present case, the position of the verb at the front of the sentence is fixed by anadiplosis. The syntagm attested in case 4 is found, albeit rarely, in BH– e.g., ¦¥ ™¥ ®±™š (Gen. 15:13). 634 §22g Epexegetical Phrase Introduced by -š ™¥ ±²™ and -¤ ™¥² 1) 2)

¤¥¤ ™¥²//¤¥ ž¢± ™ ‘She improperly walked behind him.’ (³±œ™/2; Gen. v.l. ¤¥¢) ±¯š ™¥ ±²™ «ž² ‘an unconstrained prayer’ (°¢­™/7; cf. ™¥ £«ž² ±¯š [Job 36:19])

Notes: This structure is first attested in LBH– ±²™ £¥§ ¥™ ™žš™ ³œ¤ ™¥ (Esth. 4:16), £³±ž³¤ ™¥ ±²™ ³ž ¢²...ž±¤ (Ps. 119:85). 635 It is encountred in DSSH in the form -š ™¥ ±²™, 636 and is well attested in MH in the form -¤/-š ™¥²–e.g., ¢ž™±¤ ™¥² ¦¢©­š ¥«©ž (M Bab. Meʜ. 3:10), ¨±œª¤ ™¥² ¨±¢š« (M Nid. 9:7). §22h Epexegetical Phrase Introduced by ™¥ž 1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6)

±š›³§¤ ™¥ž ±šœ™ ¦¢±ž³© ¢­¡ ‘I will speak jumping droplets, and not in the manner of an arrogant person.’ (°¢­™/9) ª›  ž±š ™¥ž ª¢›™ ž¥ ž¢™š¯ ‘I will gather His hosts unto Him, and not arrogantly.’ (°¢­™/18) ¦«Ÿš ™¥ž ³ ©š ‘gently rather than angrily’ ( ³­¢/45) ¦¢°¢± ™¥ž ¦¢™¢¥§ ³ž°œ¯ ‘full of righteousness, and not empty’ (ž³™/375) ¦¢¥¥§§ ™¥ž ¦¢²±  ¦¢§žª ‘blind, deaf, and non-speaking’ (³ž«³/413) ¦¢¥§ž  ™¥ž ¦¢ª§ž  ¦¢§ž³¢ ‘wronging orphans mercilessly’ (³žœž§ ³/530)

Notes: This type of construction is attested in BH–cf. ²« ¡­²§š ™¥ž ±²« (Jer. 17:11), ¦¢©žš© ™¥ž § ¦¢¥¤ª ¦¢©š (Jer. 4:22). A For a complete listing, see BDB, 519, s.v. ™¥ 2c. To this list are to be added ž¥ ™¥ š±§ (Hab. 2:6) and ᥠ™¥¥ ¢©š  ¢²° (Job 39:16). 635 Cf. Hurvitz, ¨ž²¥¥ ¨ž²¥ ¨¢š, 142-44. As the author points out, the structure is also attested in BA ¨¢œ¢š ™¥ ¢œ ¨š™ ³±Ÿ›³ (Dan. 2:34), and is widespread in the Middle Aramaic dialects. 636 Cf. Qimron, §400.14*. 634

380

SYNTAX similar adverbial use of ™¥(ž) is noted by Katsumata in the piyyutim of Shemuel Ha-Shelishi–e.g., ±ž¯¤ ™¥ž ¨ž²¢™¤...¥¢¥š ™¥ ¦ž¢šž. 637 In the Corpus, ™¥ž also introduces circumstantial verbal clauses (cf. §25c). §22i Clausal Adverbs “Clausal adverbs…modify…[entire] clauses…that is, they negate, emphasize, or restrict what they modify in relation to some other grammatical feature.” 638 §22j Negation of the Perfect independent and subordinate clauses 1) ¥¥  ™¥ ‘She was not defiled.’ (¨š™/6) 2) ¥›±š ¨›¤ ³°²© ™¥ ‘It (i.e., the land of Israel) is not watered like a garden, by means of [one’s] feet.’ ( ³­¢/41) 3) ¢ ž°  - °­ ž«› ™¥ ‘My liberation has not [yet] come.’ (£¢š™™/56) 4) ¡¢š±² ¥›© ™¥ ‘The scepter has not been revealed.’ (™²™/62) 5) "¢©¢¢œ" ±§™ ™¥ ¢³ž«¢±¢¥ ‘With regard to my curtains, He did not say “I’ve had enough.”’ (¢©©° ¢¢/193) 6) ¯° ™¥ ž²­© ‘His soul did not experience dread.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/296) Total: 19 §22k Negation of the Imperfect independent clauses – negation with ™¥ 1) ±¯°³ ™¥ œ¢ °Ÿ  ‘May the strength of [my] hand not be insufficient.’ (°¢­™/8) 2) ¦¢«Ÿ³ ™¥...¦¢«Ÿ«Ÿ§ ¥ž°ž ¦¢§ ‘Do not treat the waters and the ones giving forth their voice [=heavens] angrily…’ ( ³­¢/22) 3) ¦¢§//¢±ž­ ™¢›§ ž±¯«¢ ™¥//¢±š ¥¤ ²ž°« ²«§ ‘May the perverted act[s] of all creature[s] not withhold water from the fruitful earth.’ ( ³­¢/61; cf. §30k) 4) ¢­ ¥« ž±š«¢ ™¥ ¨¤ ‘In like manner they may not transgress my command.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/215) Total: 6 independent clauses – negation with ¥š

637 638

Katsumata, ¢²¢¥² ¥™ž§², 215-16. W&O, 657.

381

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6) 7)

±¤Ÿ¢ ¥š ±¯ž¢ ª™§¥ ¦³¥ ž³ ‘May the One who forms [=God] not remember to spurn their hope.’ (±¤Ÿ/1) ±¤Ÿ¢ ¥š š¢±š ±ž™² «± ¨ ¯ ‘May He not remember the stench of the evil of the leaven (i.e., man’s evil inclination) in judgment.’ (±¤Ÿ/10) ¦¢§²™ «¯š ¦¢§œ¢ ¥š ¢›¢› ‘May the sin of the guilty not silence my musing.’ (°¢­™/5) ²­© ¬± § ž³¢«š¢ ¥š...¦¢§ ‘May water…not terrify the one who reproaches [his] life [=Zebulun].’ ( ³­¢/34; v.l. ¥š¥) ±¡™¢ ¥š ³«§ ¦¢§ ‘May He not shut up the water from here on in.’ ( ³­¢/52) ¢§ª™ ±ª ¢ ¥š šž¡§ ‘May my storehouse not be lacking for good [things].’ (£¢š™™/52) ¦¢¯¥¥ ±š ³³ ¥š ‘Do not join youself unto scorners.’ (¦ž¡™/510)

Notes: In BH, the negative ¥š is “a poet[ic] syn[onym] of ™¥, of comparatively rare occurrence.” 639 With the exception of the case of ¥š œž«, which is treated separately (§22c), the Corpus’ use of ¥š seems to be limited to the negation of 3rd and 2nd person volitive. In this function, it appears to be interchangeable with ™¥ (cf. above). In MH, ¥š is employed exclusively in referring to scriptural prohibitions–e.g., ™¯é¢ ¥ššž ™±‹¢ ¥šš ž¢¥« ¦¢±Ÿž§² (M Pes. 3:3). 640 independent clauses – negation with ¢¥š:  ³ì¢ ¢¥š ž³¥žŸ ‘Without it (i.e., the key), it cannot be opened’ ( ³­¢/5; Gen. 1x v.l. ¥š). Notes: The negative ¢¥š is only very rarely employed in BH in the negation of finite verbs. It is attested 2x with the perfect (Gen. 31:20; Isa. 14:6) and 4x with the imperfect (Isa. 32:10; Hos. 8:7, 9:16 [ket.]; Job 41:18). independent clauses – negation with ¥™ 1) ¦¢¥ž¥¢ ¥ ž§² ³™ ¨³³ ¥™ ‘Do not render up His name to desecration.’ (³ž«³/420) 2) ¦¢©­ Ÿ¢«³ ¥™ ‘Do not make bold [your] face.’ (¨žŸ™/459) 3) ¦¢­™©§š š±«³³ ¥™ ‘Do not get mixed up with adulterers.’ (¥™/480) 4) ¦¢­²±¥ £ ¢œ¢ ¥™ ᢭¢ ‘May her beauty not thrust you into the hellfires.’ (¥™/484) 639 640

Cf. BDB, 115, s.v. ¥š. Cf. Segal, §289.

382

SYNTAX 5) 6)

¦¢šŸ¤ ¢¡² ¦« ¢³ ¥™//¦¢š± ¥™ ¢©š ©­³ ¥™ ‘Do not turn, my son, to the arrogant. Do not be with the followers of falsehood.’ (° ±³/506) £«±§ ¢¢ ¥™ ³ž©Ÿž ¦¢¯ž°¢² ‘Let your pasturage not be detestable things and fornication.’ (¦ž¡™/521)

Notes: The negative ¥™ is employed in BH with all three grammatical persons of the volitive system: jussive, imperative (prohibitive), and cohortative. If, however, special “emphasis” is required, negative injunctions are formulated with ™¥ rather than with ¥™. 641 This is most famously so in the case of the Decalogue. It is therefore relevant to note that all of the cases of ¥™ in the Corpus are drawn from the seder diberin, which is devoted to the poetic elaboration of the Ten Commandments. Qimron notes for DSSH that “in contrast to the Pentateuchal prohibitions, which are by and large construed with ™¥, many of the prohibitions laid down by the Dead Sea Sect are formulated with ¥™.” He explains this incursion of ¥™ into the domain of ™¥ by “the (at least partial) collapse of the verbal moods in the Hebrew of the Second Temple Period.” 642 This condition obtains in the Corpus as well (cf. §18k). subordinate clauses – negation with ¨­ 1) Ú嚳³ ¥žš ¥žš§¤ ¨­//²™ °±š¤ ¦¢±°žª ®±™ ‘The world gazes longingly at the thing that resembles fiery lightning (i.e., the rainbow), [fearing] lest it be put to shame, as [during] the Flood that happened in Bul/Cheshvan.’ ( ³­¢/59) 2) ¢™œžžš ²™š³ ¨­ °­ªš ¬™ "¬™©³ ™¥" ‘“Do not commit adultery” (Deut. 20:14), even with regard to doubtful cases, lest you become obviously odious.’ (¢¤©™/50) 3) ¦²™³ž ¥²¤³ ¨­ «±§ ±žª ‘Turn aside from evil, lest you stumble and be found guilty.’ (³ž«³/422) 4) ¦¢©¢¢œ ¢©­¥ £žœ¢§«¢ ¨­//...¦¯­  ²« ‘Do their will…lest they bring you up in front of judges.’ (¨žŸ™/459-460) 5) ¦¢©ž°Ÿ ³«¥ ¦šŸ«³ ¨­ ™± ‘See to it that you do not abandon them in [their] old age.’ (¨žŸ™/461) Notes: In BH, finite purpose clauses are commonly negated with ¨­. The pregnant sense attested in case 1 is found in the idiom ¨­ (¢³)±§™ ¢¤, “implying always that some precaution has been taken 641 642

Cf. GKC, §107o. Qimron, §400.13*.

383

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY to avert the dreaded contingency,” as well as in cases where ¨­ stands “at the beginning of a sentence, with a dissuasive force, (Beware) lest.” 643 Negative purpose may also be expressed in the Corpus by means of “™¥ž + imperfect” (§25c). subordinate clauses – negation with ¥š¥ 1) £¥§¢ ¥š¥  ë¢ (//£ž¥§ ¢¥š) ¦¢™› ³¢š ‘He will tear down the house of the proud so that it doesn’t rule.’ (¤¢ª©™/3; cf. Prov. 15:25) 2) ž±¯«Ž¢ ¥š¥ ‘so that they are not stopped up’ (¬™/2) Notes: In BH, ¥š is employed in independent clauses, whereas the concatenation ¥š¥ is not attested. In the Corpus, ¥š¥ negates the infinitive construct (§22m), and seems to have penetrated thence into the sphere of the finite verb. 644 Due to the paucity of data, it is impossible to determine at present whether “¥š¥ + imperfect” is reserved for negative purpose clauses, or may be employed with independent clauses as well. In case 1, the negative finite clause £¥§¢ ¥š¥ is paralleled by the synonymous infinitival clause £ž¥§ ¢¥š, both depending on  ª¢ (cf. §28y). §22l Negation of the Predicate Participle independent clauses – negation with ™¥ 1) ¦¢¥¢¯§ ™¥ž ¦¢±Ÿž« ™¥//¦¢¥ž¤¢ ™¥ ¥¢«ž¥ §ž™§ ‘[The idols] are incapable of being at all useful. [They] do not help and do not save.’ (³ž«³/414-415) 2) ¦¢±³ ™¥ ™ž²¥ ž§² ™±ž§//¦¢±² ™¥ ž±™ž³ž ¦¢³±²§ ž¥...¦¥ž¤ ‘Everyone…serves Him but does not see His form. [They] do not contemplate His fearful Name in vain.’ (¦² ³™/429-430) 3) ¦¢©«© ™¥ ᚠšž™ ¢±šž  ‘Necromancers are not answered on it.’ (³¢¥¤³/445) 4) ¦¢­°Ÿ© ™¥ ³ ²¥ ¦¢¥­ž© ‘[All adulterers] fall into the pit [and] do not rise.’ (¥™/486; v.l. ™¥ž) 5) ¦¢¥¯ž§ ™¥ ±š« ¦ž¢š ‘[They] are not saved on the day of [God’s] wrath.’ (³žœž§ ³/534)

BDB, 814, s.v. ¨­. It could be argued that ¥š¥ in its role as negator of the finite verb is inherited directly from the BH ¥š. The prefixation of the -¥, however, can only be explained on the grounds of the primacy of the association of ¥š¥ with the infinitive. 643 644

384

SYNTAX 6)

¦¢°žŸ¢© ™¥ œ«¥ ¦¢±§ž² ‘Those who observe them never experience harm.’ (¥™/549)

Notes: According to Driver, in BH “™¥ is not used with the ptcp. except on the rarest occasions.” 645 One rather finds the participle negated there by means of ¨¢™. The use of ™¥ in the Corpus for this purpose may be taken as indication of the incorporation of the predicate participle into the verbal system proper. subordinate clauses – negation with ¢¥š: ¢¥š ³¢±š ³ž™ ™¢›¥ ³«œž§ ¦¢§ ³«šž¡ ‘[The rainbow] proclaims to the earth a sign of the covenant, [to the effect that in the future] it will not drown in water’ (¡²°™/26). Notes: A similar construction is attested in BH, whereby ¢¥š is used to negate a relative participle: ¤ž­ ¢¥š ›« ¢ ¦¢±­™ (Hos. 7:8) and ¨§²š  ¢  ڊ §Ž ¢¥š ¥ž™² ¨›§ (II Sam. 1:21; BHS app. crit., ad loc.: “mlt Ž Cf. also ±ª ¢³¥š ³ç § (Isa. 14:6). Mss Q2 Mss  âÚ§”). §22m Negation of Infinitive Clauses For negation with ¨§, see §§19a-f. negation with ¢³¥š¥: ±­¤ ™ž¯§ ¢³¥š¥//±­ªš ¡± Ž ¦™ ¬¯° ‘if anger has been inscribed in [God’s] book, so that atonement cannot be found’ (±¤Ÿ/8). negation with ¥š¥ 1) ©ž›« ³ž¢ ¥š¥ ‘with the result that she was no longer shut off’ (¦™/2; v.l. ¢³¥š¥) 2) ¦¢²¥ ¬™ ¥š¥ ‘in not imposing [His] wrath’ (œ¢­™™/6) Notes: In BH, the infinitive is typically negated by means of either ¢³¥š¥ or ¨§. 646 The particle ¥š is most frequently employed with finite verbs, though it is also attested with an adjective (Prov. 24:23) a noun (Isa. 40:24) prepositions (Prov. 23:7; Ps. 16:2), and an infinitive construct in £¢¥™ šž±° ¥š (Ps. 32:9; meaning obscure). Note that in Phoenician/Punic, the infinitive construct is negated by means of ¥š™ (derived from ¢™ + ¥š). 647 It appears clear that the 645 Driver, Treatise, 205. For a somewhat less categorical statement, see Joüon, 2.§160b. 646 Cf. W&O, 661. 647 Cf. Harris, Phoenician, 62.

385

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY prefixed -¥ in ¥š¥ is borrowed, by analogy, from the BH ¢³¥š¥. Whenever the latter negates an infinitive construct in BH, the infinitive always follows immediately, with no intervening material. In the overwhelming majority of cases, the -¥ prefixed to ¢³¥š¥ is not repeated with the infinitive. The only exception is ±¢š«¥ ¢³¥š¥ (II Kings 23:10). In the Corpus, the non-copying of -¥ is observed when the infinitive immediately follows the negative, as in case 1. If an element intervenes, however, as in case 2, the -¥ is copied onto the infinitive. negation with ¢¥š 1) (£¥§¢ ¥š¥)  ë¢//£ž¥§ ¢¥š ¦¢™› ³¢š ‘He will tear down the house of the proud so that it doesn’t rule.’ (¤¢ª©™/3; cf. Prov. 15:25) 2) £ž¥§¥ ¢¥š ž¤¥²¢ ‘They will be thrown out without ruling.’ (¤¢ª©™/29) 3) ¢¡­²¥ ¢¥š ‘will not judge me’ (¡­²§š £¥§/52; cf. §19i) 4) ¦¢§ á³¢²¥ ¢¥š ‘without turning it into [a] water[y mass]’ ( ³­¢/63-64) 5) ¦¢©­š§ ™¢¯ž¥ ¢¥š ™²§//...¢³ž™¢¯¢ ±ž¯© ‘Observe [the rules pertaining to] the transfer of items from domain to domain on it (i.e., the Sabbath)…, so as not to bring out a load from inside!’ (³¢¥¤³/442) Notes: The negative ¢¥š may be employed in BH with the finite verb, an adjective/participle, or a substantive. It is attested in MH in the quasi-substantive §¢¥š ‘nothingness’ and the compound preposition ¢¥š§ ‘without’. The present usage therefore appears to be independent of either corpus. In case 1, the negative infinitival clause £ž¥§ ¢¥š is paralleled by the synonymous finite clause £¥§¢ ¥š¥, both depending on  ª¢ (cf. §28y). negation with ¨¢™ 1) ¦¢§ ¢¥š ³ž¢  ¨¢™ ‘It is impossible to live without water.’ (¡²°™/20) 2) ¨³©¥ ¨¢™ ³ž²± ‘Permission cannot be granted.’ (¦©¤³/17) Notes: This particle is commonly employed in BH to negate a modal infinitive (cf. §19g). §22n Negation of Existential Clauses For (quasi-)predicative constructions with ¨¢™š and ¨¢™§, see §26t. negation with ¨¢™ 386

SYNTAX 1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6) 7)

£¥§ ¨¢™ ¢³¥žŸ ‘There is no king besides me.’ (³±œ™/14) ¨¢œš ¦¢§ ± ¨¢™ ‘There is no mercy in judgment.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/21) ¦¢§ ±ž«² žš ¨¢™ ‘It lacks a [proper] quantity of water.’ (¦©¤³/19) ±šœ¥ § ¨¢™ ‘There is nothing to say.’ (™²™/21) £¥§¢¥ žš ¨¢™ ‘There is none with whom to take counsel.’ (™²™/27) ¢¢œ«¥š ¨¢™ ‘There is none besides Me.’ (¢¤©™/56; cf. ¢œ«¥š ª­™ [Isa. 45:6]) ž¤±«¤ ¨¢™ ‘There is none to match Him.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/94; cf. £¤±«¤ ¨¢™ £³¥žŸ ¨¢™ž [Sabbath yoʜer benediction of the shema]) Total: 10

negation with ª­™: £¥§ ¢ª­™ž ¢©™ ‘Only myself, and there is no king besides me’ (³±œ™/14; cf. œž« ¢ª­™ž ¢©™ [Zeph. 2:15; Isa. 47:8, 10]). Notes: In BH, ª­™ may be used as an equivalent of ¨¢™ in its function of predicator of non-existence–cf. ¦ž°§ ª­™ œ« (Isa. 5:8) versus ±­ª§ ¨¢™ œ« (Ps. 40:3), and case 6 above. 648 In the BH expression œž« ¢ª­™ž, which serves as a model for the usage encountered in the Corpus, the yod is most likely paragogic, and the meaning is ‘there is none besides’–cf. œž« ¨¢™ž (Isa. 45:5, 6, 14, 18, 21). 649 Qillir, on the other hand, employs the yod as a genitive suffix of the 1st person singular, presumably on the basis of his interpretation of œž« ¢ª­™ž. However, unlike ¨¢™, which is a simple predicator of non-existence, it is clear that Qillir employs ª­™ in the sense ‘there is none besides’, i.e., as a combination of ¨¢™ together with ³¥žŸ. Accordingly, there are two synonymous expressions in the distich £¥§ ¢ª­™ž ¢©™//£¥§ ¨¢™ ¢³¥žŸ. negation with ™¥: ³ž¥¢š § š™ š± š ™¥ž//³ž¥žš§¤ ³ž ±¡ ™¥ ‘Let there be no overburdening, like [during] floods and no destruction during the heat of Av’ ( ³­¢/35; FV).

648 For further exemplification, see BDB, 67, s.v. ª­™. The equivalence is encountered in the pericope £žœž¢ ¥¤ from the Sabbath yoʜer benediction of the shema: £¥ §žœ ¢§ž £³¥š ª­™//£³¥žŸ ¨¢™ž £¤±«¤ ¨¢™. 649 This is the interpretation offered in GKC, §90l, where the yod is referred to as ʚireq compaginis. Joüon, 2.§160n differs: “In the sentence ¢©™ œž« ¢ª­™ž…the i appears to be the suffix and not the paragogic i. The expression can be translated literally as ‘Me, and my exclusivity still (is),’ that is to say ‘Me, and me exclusively (=only me), I exist!’”

387

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY Notes: It appears clear from context that these parallel verbless clauses are both expressive of a volitive modality. In this respect, they are reminiscent of ¦¤¢¥« ±¡§ ¥™ž ¥¡ ¥™ «š¥›š ¢± (II Sam. 1:21; cf. also Isa. 62:6 and Ps. 83:1), where ¥™ also marks the speaker’s volition. The negative ™¥ is not employed in this manner in BH. §22o Disjuncts Disjuncts specify how the clausal proposition is to be understood. As such, they indicate the speaker’s attitude toward the utterance. ¢¥ž™: This adverb is attested in BH. ¨¢œ ³«²š ¨© ‹¢ ¢¥ž™ ‘Perhaps he will be shown grace at the hour of judgment’ (¡­²§š £¥§/20). ¦©§™: This BH adverb shows the adverbial ending -åm. Related BH forms are Ž©§Ò † and ¦Ž©§ † ™, used in polar questions with interrogative he. ...©°Ÿ ³«¥ £™...œž³  šŸ¤ ¦¥² ™¯§© ¦©§ž™ ‘It is true that he was found to be perfect as a thanksgiving sacrifice…. However, in [his] old age…’ (¢©©° ¢¢/303-306). ³§™: This substantive may function as an adverb meaning ‘truly’. This function is attested in BH–e.g., ³§™ ¦¢¥™ ž¢ž (Jer. 10:10)– where it is also performed by the prepositional phrase ³§™š. 650  ¯©¥ ³žš±  ³§™ ‘Truly the ruins [of the Temple] are everlasting’ (£¢š™™/75; cf. Ps. 9:7). ™¥: This BH compound may either mark a rhetorical question inviting an affirmative answer, or be used to affirm the speaker’s conviction that the truth of the following statement is selfevident. 651 1) £ž¥§¥ ®™ ¢¤ £¥§© ¢§š ™¥ ‘With whom, pray, has he taken counsel, that he is in such a rush to rule?’ (¤¢ª©™/10; A) 2) ±¤Ÿ¢ œ ™ ¥¤¥ ¦¢ž™± ž§¤ ™¥ ‘Surely He will remember each one as he deserves (lit. they deserve).’ (±¤Ÿ/36; A)

650 651

Cf. BDB, 54, s.v. ³§™ 5. Cf. BDB, 520, s.v. ™¥.

388

SYNTAX 3)

¦¢¥¢šž§ ™¥ ¦œ¢š ¨ž ±šœ//¦¢¥šž§ ³ž±š°¥ ¦ ™¥ ‘Surely they are brought to [their] graves not bringing any property in their hand[s].’ (³žœž§ ³/532-533; A)

Notes: The use in case 1, called forth by the acrostic requirement, is anomalous. Since ™¥ formally signifies a question– ‘nonne?’–its use with a clause that is in itself a question–£¥§© ¢§š–is redundant. It has been pointed out, on the other hand, that in certain cases in BH, the meaning of ™¥ approaches that of the presentative particle ©–cf. the formulaic expression §/¦ ™¥ ¦¢šž³¤, interchangeable with ¦¢šž³¤ ¦ŽêŠ /©. 652 The Corpus’ usage in case 1 may therefore be explained on the assumption of a semantic/syntactic equivalence ™¥ = ©. It is still unusual, however, in that © would have been the less marked lexeme to employ in filling the he-slot. ™§²: This adverb is attested in MH, where it is a calque from Aramaic. Yalon argues convincingly that it is to be compared to CPA ™§œ and Samaritan §œ, rather than to Aramaic forms with -¥, such as BA §¥ ¢œ or JPA §¥¢œ/§¥œ. 653 In addition to meaning ‘perhaps, lest’, it may be used, as below, to indicate apprehension on the part of the speaker. ¦¥ž« ±Ÿž  ž¢§¢§¥ ¦ž¢ ™§² ‘Is the world about to return its watery [state] today?’ (¥™/571). §22p Coordinators The two major coordinators in BH are ¬™ and ¦›. A choice between two coordinated options may be indicated by means of ¦™(ž)...¦™ ‘whether…or’. 654 Cf. Joüon, 2.§161c. The two formulas are conflated in ¦¢šž³¤ ¦© ™¥ (II Chron. 25:26). Ben-Hayyim, Samaritan Hebrew, §6.3.12 has also suggested on the basis of the SH ™ž¥ /ååluu/, where the pronuniation of the second syllable does not correspond to the pronunciation of the negative particle ™¥ /låå/, that Hebrew ™¥ is not to be understood as “interrogative - + negative ™¥,” but rather as “an exclamation that shares a common origin…with Old Aramaic ž¥ and Biblical Aramaic ⥈™ (akin to ⱈ™).” (For typographical reasons, I have indicated length by means of double vowels.) 653 Yalon, ™žš§, 113-14. For the comparanda, see Sokoloff, 150-51, s.v. §¥œ, §¥¢œ. 654 For examples, see BDB, 50, s.v. ¦™ 1b. 652

389

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY emphatic ¬™: °­ªš ¬™ "¬™©³ ™¥" ‘Do not commit adultery (Deut. 20:14), [not] even with regard to doubtful cases’ (¢¤©™/50). Notes: In BH, (¢¤) ¬™ is used to indicate an argument a fortiori– i.e., “situation A is clear enough, and situation B all the more so.” Thus, we read ±§  ¢³š ¢©¤² ¬™...¨¢§™¢ ™¥ ž¢œš«š ¨ ‘He doesn’t even trust His servants…how much less [does He trust] those who dwell in houses of clay’ (Job 4:18-19). In the Corpus’ usage, ¬™ marks the exact opposite relationship–i.e., “situation A (the prohibition against commiting adultery) is clear, and applies, contrary to what you may have expected, to situation B (doubtful cases).” Thus, the Corpus’ use of ¬™ corresponds to MH ž¥¢­™. coordinating ¦› 1) ž ž©¢ áš...§™ž œš« ¦› ‘Let both the slave and the handmaid…rest on it….’ (³¢¥¤³/447-448; A) 2) ±²¢ ¦›ž ¢­œ (//±² ž ³±¯š//±²«ž ³ž¥œ ±¤Ÿ) ‘faultiness and also uprightness’ (±¤Ÿ/37) 3) ±š«š ¦›ž ª«¤š ‘angrily and also furiously’ (¢©©° ¢¢/334) 4) ž¥ š±« ¦›ž ž¢©­¥ š¡¢¢ž ‘And it seemed good to Him, and was also pleasing to Him.’ (¥™/592) Notes: The structure -ž...¦› in case 1 is to be compared to the BH structures ¦›...¦› (common) and ¦›ž...¦› (rare). The use of ¦›ž as a simple coordinator in cases 2-4 is paralleled by the use of ¦› in BH poetry. 655 emphatic ¦›: ¦¢§ ³¥ž²§š ¥¤ ¥¥¤ž ±§›//¦¢§ž ²™ ¢¤ž³­ ž±¯ž¢ ¦±¡š ¦› ‘Even before those that are mixed out of fire and water [=heavens] were formed, He finished and perfected everything through her who is like water [=Torah]’ (¡²°™/5). Notes: The emphatic function of ¦› is well attested in BH. 656 For ¦› œ ¢ (=œ ¢ ¦›) ‘together’, see §22e. coordination with ¦™...¦™

655 Cf. BDB, 169, s.v. ¦›: “N.B. In poetry independence and emphasis is sts. given by ¦ß to a new idea, where in English we should be satisfied with and.” The examples given are Ps. 107:5; 137:1; Job 24:19; Song 7:14; Lam. 4:15. 656 Cf. W&O, 663-664.

390

SYNTAX 1) 2)

±¤Ÿ¢ ¢  ¢ //¦¢¢ ¥ ¦™ ³ž§¥ ¦™ ¨//...//¦¢¢  ±¤Ÿ ‘The Truly Living [God] will remember the memory of the living…–whether [they are destined] for death or for life.’ (±¤Ÿ/35; F + A [2x]) ±¤Ÿ¢...//...²ž©™//±°«¥ ¦™ ³«¡¥ ¦™//±°¢¥ ¦™ ¥žŸ¥ ¦™ ‘He will remember man…, whether for low prices or high, whether for planting or for uprooting.’ (±¤Ÿ/44)

Notes: The expresion ¦¢¢ ¥ ¦™ ³ž§¥ ¦™ is attested in II Sam. 15:21. Note also that the cases of ¥«§š ¦™ž œ±§š ¦™ (Josh. 22:22) and «± ¦™ž šž¡ ¦™ (Jer. 42:6) are incorporated into the text in (±¤Ÿ/33, 34). Clearly, this syntactic structure is associated in the mind of the payyetan with the main theme of the zikhronot. The use of ¨ is case 1 is dictated by the acrostic structure. coordination with ¦™: ¦¢ ¥²© ®±™¥ ¡š²¥ ¦™ ‘[The rains] are sent either for [the sake of] the rod (i.e., the afflictions endured by Israel), [or] for [the sake of] the Land’ ( ³­¢/47; FV). Notes: This case depends on ❙‹ ¯Š § † ¢ œª ¥ ¦™ ž¯±™¥ ¦™ ¡š²¥ ¦™ (Job 37:13); cf. the midrash in JT Taan. 2:3 [66:3]– ¦¢±šœ '› ³ž¤Ÿš ¨¢±žª¢¢ ³ž¤Ÿš œª  ³ž¤Ÿš ®±™ ³ž¤Ÿš ¨¢œ±ž¢ ¦¢§²›. In the MT source, the prepositional phrases are co-ordinated by means of ¦™, repeated before every element. It is remarkable, therefore, that the verse is paraphrased here without repetition of the conjunction. Cf. also ¦¢§ ™¢¯§¥ œª ¥ ®±™¥ ¡š²¥ ±àª ‘He arranged to make water available [either] because of the rod [or] because of the Land [or] because of goodness’ (¡²°™/30), where ¦™ is not employed at all. §22q Logical Markers ¨¤: In BH, the adverb ¨¤ may be employed in the marking of an apodosis in a comparative sentence of the type “±²™¤ + protasis, ¨¤ + apodosis.” When it does not constitute part of such a logical structure, “it has a general comparative sense with no specific referent…[which] is usually clear from the context.” 657 not correlated 1) œž°­ ¨¤ ¢™¯™¯ ‘Visit her offspring in like manner!’ (¦™/°) 2) ©²¢ ¢©™ ¨¤  ¢±­¥ ¥™ «² (//©²ž²¤  ¢±­ž ³š±//...±²™  ž± ³²°) ‘Hearken [unto me] God, and so cause “I am asleep” [=Israel] to blossom in like manner!’ (¦™/7) 657

W&O, 666.

391

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 3)

¢­ ¥« ž±š«¢ ™¥ ¨¤ "ž¢­ ¥« ž±š«¢ ™¥ ¦¢§ž" ‘“And the waters never transgress His command” (Prov. 8:29)–in like manner they may not transgress my command.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/215)

Notes: In the case 1, the ¨¤ serves to incorporate the verse fragment at the head of the piyyut–±§™ ±²™¤ ±² ³™ œ°­ ¢¢ž (¨¤šž) (Gen. 21:1)–into the framework of the discourse. Similarly in case 3, where the verse fragment is fully incorporated into the poem. correlated with ž§¤ 1) ՟¢›¢ â꧌ ¨¤ž//"žŸš ™¢¯ž§ž//žŸš ª¢©¤§" ž§¤ž ‘And just as [with the shofar] “one blows into one end and out the other” (PDRK 23:8), so also He will cause [sin] to pass from him.’ ( ¢«œ ™²™ °œ¯š/12; A [2x]) 2) «œžž³© ž§² ¨¤//«œ¢¢ £§² ž§¤ž//«œž© ¨¤//«œž ž§¤ ¢¤ ‘Surely just as [Abraham] proclaimed [Your name], so he was made known, and just as he made Your name known, so he became known.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/287-288) Notes: For the logical structure ¨¤...ž§¤, see §26g. The -ž of ¨¤ž in case 1 is pleonastic, being generated by the acrostic structure. correlated with temporal -¤: ...¦¥ž¤ ž§© ¨¤ ¦«§²¤ž ‘And when they heard, they then all said…’ (¢©©° ¢¢/573). Notes: This is a rather peculiar usage, mixing as it does a temporal protasis and a logical apodosis. It should be noted, moreover, that the use of -¤ with a temporal infinitive is quite rare in the Corpus (cf. §19k). It is possible, though not very likely in my opinion, that ¨¤ is to be taken as introducing the direct speech that immediately follows – i.e., ‘And when they heard, they said thus…’ The logical structure ¨¤...¤ is employed in Qillir’s hoshana ³«²ž¤ ¦¢¥™: ™© «²ž ¨¤...œž¥š ¦¢¥™ ³«²ž¤ (cf. also §29r). 658 ¨¤š: The use of ¨¤š attested here, introducing “a proposed or anticipated response after a statement of certain conditions,” is paralleled in BH by the adverbial ¨¤‹ ¥. Ž 659 The form ¨¤š does not appear in BH (but cf. ¨¤šž in §22r). ³ž©«³¥ ¦ ¦¢³« ¨¤š//³ž©ž­¯ ¦¢§«­ž ³ž ž³­ ¦¢§«­ ‘Sometimes [the celestial windows] are open, and sometimes closed. Accordingly, those are times to humble oneself’ (¡­²§š £¥§/70). 658 659

Cf. Goldschmidt, ³ž¤žª, 181-82. Cf. W&O, 666.

392

SYNTAX ¨¤¥: The common BH form ¨¤¥ ‘therefore’ is semantically equivalent to ¨¤ ¥«. The MH equivalents are £¤¢­¥ and £¤ ¦ž²§. 1) "¢¤©™"š  ³­ ¨¤¥//"¢¤©™" ®­ ³¢¥¤³ ‘At the end [of the verse], He said “¢¤©™” (cf. Ps. 50:7). Therefore, He began [the Decalogue] with “¢¤©™.”’ (²žœ°/40) 2) ¦¢¥Ÿž© ž¤­© ¦œ¥ ¨¤¥//¦¢¥¥ž« ¦œ ¦¢§¤ ž¤­² ¦ ‘They (i.e., the Egyptians) spilled the blood of their children like water. Therefore, their waters were turned to blood.’ (³ž¤§ ±²«š/17) Notes: Case 2 is the first of 11 parallel sentences describing the Ten Plagues all of whose apodoses begin with ¨¤¥. ¨¤ ¥«: The complex adverb ¨¤ ¥« ‘therefore’ is common in BH. It does not seem to be attested in MH. "¢²­©  ©Ÿ³ ¢¢ §¥"//¢² ¥š ¢³¯­ ¨¤ ¥«//¢²¢­ ¥§ ³ž©±° ±²« žª­™ ‘The ten horns [=pagan kingdoms] have ceased to give me freedom. Therefore I utter quietly, “Why, O Lord, do You reject my soul?” (Ps. 88:15)’ (™²™/16-18; cf. also ™²™/5, 11, 23, 29, 35, 41, 47, 53, 59, 71, 77). Notes: The examples referred to here all belong to a structural pattern, whereby the fifth stich of every strophe begins with ¨¤ ¥«, which introduces an acrostic series of expressions denoting speech. These expressions, in turn, introduce scriptural quotes in the sixth stich of every strophe. §22r Discourse Shifters ¨¤šž: In the Corpus, the adverb ¨¤šž is used to modify the direction of discourse, while remaining essentially on the same topic, and is therefore analyzed separately from the logical ¨¤š. In this respect, its function is similar to that of BH ³«ž. 660 The form ¨¤šž is attested twice in LBH. In the first case, it functions as a (temporal) sequencer–£¥§ ¥™ ™žš™ ¨¤šž ¨¤ ¦ž¯™ ¢³±«©ž ¢©™ ¦› ‘I too, along with my ladies in waiting, will fast thus, and then I will go to the king (Esth. 4:16)–whereas in the second, its function is similar to the one observed in the Corpus– ¢³¢™± ¨¤šž...¢š¥ ³™ ¨ž³©ž ¢³¢™± Ÿ ¥¤ ³™ ...¦¢«²± ‘All of this I saw and considered carefully…. And so, I saw the wicked…’ (Qoh. 8:9-10). Note also that perhaps the most Cf. W&O, 667, who describe ³«ž in Isa. 5:1-5 as “introducing a shift in argumentative tack with a continuity in subject and reference.” 660

393

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY widely recognized case of the use of ¨¤šž in all of Hebrew literature appears in the High Holiday liturgy, in the three paragraphs added to the third benediction of the amida: ¨¤šž...œžš¤ ¨³ ¨¤šž...£œ ­ ¨³ ¨¤šž ¦¢°¢œ¯. 661 Here, too, the three paragraphs all treat of the same basic subject–God’s holiness and majesty–from three slightly different points of view: the awe that it is to inspire in all of creation, the glory that it is to confer upon Israel, and the joy that it is to bring to the righteous (while wickedness vanishes). The continuation of the clause in case 1 makes it reminiscent of the first of these paragraphs–®±™ ¢š²ž¢ ¢±ž  œ¢ ­¢ž//®±« ³ž±­ž² ²¥²¢ ¨¤šž. 1) ®±« ³ž±­ž² ²¥²¢ ¨¤šž//...//®±«š ¨©± ž ¯­¢ Ÿ™ž ‘And then they will burst out into a joyful cry in the heavens…. And now, He will thrice sound the heavenly shofars.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/10-12) 2) "¦«š œ« œ±" ž¢©«¥ ±§™ ¨¤šž//...//"¦«¡ Ÿ §" ³±² ¢¤™¥§ ž±§™ž ‘And the ministering angels said, “What is this thing?…” And so, He said to the humble one [=Moses], “Go down, warn the people.” (Exod. 19:21)’ (¢©©° ¢¢/360-363) Notes: Case 2 is the last line of the seder olam, which leads into the transitional strophe to the seder diberin. ¢¤: In its emphatic/logical function BH ¢¤ emphasizes some aspect of the discourse with regard to some other aspect. 1) £ž¥§¥ ®™ ¢¤ £¥§© ¢§š ‘With whom has he taken counsel, that he is in such a rush to rule?’ (¤¢ª©™/10) 662 2) ³ž¥­³ ¨¢Ÿ™¢//³ž©ž¥  ¨³ž™ £±œ ¢¤//...//³ž©ž¥  ²¢ ¨¢§¢š ¦²ž ‘And there, on [His] right side, there are windows…. Through these very windows He hears prayers.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/68) 3) ž ³ì¢...//®±« ¢§² ³žš±™ ¢¤//«²³ž ¦¢§ ¡«§  ° ±¤Ÿ//«²­š žšã¤ ¦™ ¦¢§ ‘If water has failed because of transgression, remember the one who took a little water [=Abraham] and look [upon my prayer with favor. And if that happens, then] surely the sluices of the awe-inspiring heavens will open…’ ( ³­¢/2-3; FV [¢¤])

661 For the third instance of ¨¤šž, see Goldschmidt, ¦¢™±ž© ¦¢§¢, 1.10, app. crit.: ¢''¤ ¥¤ Ÿ™ž (i.e., all manuscripts read Ÿ™ž rather than ¨¤šž). 662 Examples of this use in BH are listed in BDB, 472, s.v. ¢¤ 1f: “that, expressing consecution, esp. afer a question implying surprise or deprecation.”

394

SYNTAX 4) 5)

²¢²¢ ¢°²š ¥¤ ¢¤//...¨²š ž°©Ÿ¢//...¦¢§ ‘May water…leap from Bashan. [And if that happens, then] surely everyone will rejoice in the watering.’ ( ³­¢/42-43; FV [¢¤]) «œ§§ ¥¡¥ž¡ £¢™ž//...//«œž© ¨¤//«œž ž§¤ ¢¤ ‘Surely just as [Abraham] proclaimed [Your name], so he became known…. How, then, was he was led astray from knowledge?’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/287-289)

§22s Restrictive Adverbs Restrictive adverbs serve to negate the continuity between two clauses. 663 £™: This is the most common restrictive adverb in BH. œž§  œ§ š £™©²¥ ™±°//œž°­ ¦ž¢¥ ©°Ÿ ³«¥ £™//...¦©§ž™ ‘It is true that…. However, in [his] old age, at the time of visitation (i.e., death), he called the one who hates You [=Esau] with ingratiating graciousness’ (¢©©° ¢¢/303-307). ¢¤: The use of restrictive ¢¤ after a negative clause is attested in BH. 664 1) ¢¡­²§ ™¢¯ž¢ ±ž™¥ ¢¤//¢¡­²¥ ¢¥š ¦¢ž› ¢¡­²§š ‘[He] will not include (lit. judge) me in the judgments meted out to the nations, but will rather bring my [favorable] judgment into the light.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/52; cf. §19i) 2) ¦¥ž¤ ž¢ ¦¢§¥²ž§ž ¦¢§¢¥² ¢¤//¦š ¢ ™¥ ¦ž§ ¥¤ ‘There was no blemish among them, but rather all of them were sound and whole.’ (¥™/577) ¦™ ¢¤: In BH, we find ¦™ ¢¤, followed by either a verbal clause or a noun (phrase), used restrictively after a negative clause. 1) ¢¢œ§ § ¦™ ¢¤ "œž§ ³ ™¥" ‘“Don’t covet” (Exod. 20:17) [anything] besides My precious things.’ (¢¤©™/53) 2) ±ž™ ¡ž« £¥§ ¢­§ ¦™ ¢¤//±ž§™  ¢¥² ¢­§ ™¥ž £™¥§ ¢­§ ™¥ ‘spoken not from the mouth of an angel and not from the mouth of a messenger, but rather from the mouth of the King who wraps Himself in light’ (¥™/601)

663 664

Cf. W&O, 668-73. Cf. W&O, 671.

395

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY §22t Interrogative/Exclamatory Adverbs £¢™: This interrogative adverb is common in BH/MH in either direct or indirect sentences. direct 1) ž±¡Ž¢ £¢™ £¢§¢§³ ‘How will Your perfect ones [=Israel] be cleansed?’ (¦©¤³/19) 2) «œ¢¥ž ¨¢§™¥//«œ§§ ¥¡¥ž¡ £¢™ ‘How was he was led astray from knowledge, with regard to believing and knowing?’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/289; cf. ±Ÿ© ™¥ §¥ [¢©©° ¢¢/270]) indirect: ¦¢§ ᪩±­¥ £¢™ ®±™ ¥¤ ¥« ¦¢©§§  ‘[The constellations] are appointed over every land in terms of how to supply it with water’ (¦©¤³/15). exclamatory: °ž ² ᧲ £¢™ ‘How has He made it a laughingstock!’ (™²™/4). ¤¢™: This by-form of £¢™ is attested in BH/MH. exclamatory 1) "¢©ž±› ± Š© ¢™±°š ¢³«›¢" ¤¢™ ‘How “weary am I with calling, my throat is dry” (Ps. 69:4)!’ (£¢š™™/3; cf. also £¢š™™/9, 15, 21, 27, 33, 51, 57, 69) 2) ¢³­ ¥² ...¤¢™ ‘How was I cast out…!’ (£¢š™™/55) Notes: The examples alluded to in case 1 are drawn from a structural pattern, whereby the last stich of every primary strophe begins with the word ¤¢™, which in turn introduces a scriptural quote. In the cases indicated above, the quote consists of a declarative sentence, so that the combination “¤¢™ + declarative sentence” yields a syntactically acceptable exclamatory sentence. However, the pattern also yields the following syntactically unacceptable outputs: 1) 2) 3) 4) 5)

Ž ¥†  " ¤¢™ (£¢š™™/39; interrogative he) [ :Ÿ« '³] "¢©œ™  ©Ÿ¢ ¦¢§Š ¥Õ« [›¢: ªž§«] "¦œ¢ ™¢ ³«š ¥¢¤²§ ¨¤‹ ¥Ž " ¤¢™ (£¢š™™/45; adverb) [œ:ž '³] "...œ™§ ¥š© ¢ÚŠ ­† © ž† " ¤¢™ (£¢š™™/63; conjunction) [š:›¢ '³] "...¢¢ Ž©Ò œ« " ¤¢™ (£¢š™™/75; interrogative adverbial) [¢:¡ª '³] "ž©³¥¤™ £³¢š ³™©° ¢çŠ " ¤¢™ (£¢š™™/81; adverb)

396

SYNTAX §: The use of the interrogative pronoun § as an adverb ‘how, why’ is common in BH, especially “in expressing what is regarded as an impossibility.” 665 direct 1) £¥§ Ÿ«¢ § ‘How can a [mortal] king be strong?’ (¤¢ª©™/12) 2) ¦¢§²¢ § ¨¡ž² ‘How can the Adversary destroy [me]?’ (°¢­™/5) 3) žŸ¢¥³ § ‘Why do you arrogantly speak?’ (™²™/75) 4) ž¥«¥ ž©¢§ž°§¥ ž¢š² ³ §ž//...²ž©™ § ‘What is man…? And why do You consider him, so as to elevate him to our realm?’ (¥™/596) §¤: This interrogative is attested in BH/MH. exclamatory 1) œš¤§š ¢§§ˆ Ž  ¦¢©² §¤ ¢œŠ ™‹ ‘For how many years now does my distress discomfit me with a broom!’ (£¢š™™/20) 2) ³ž¥šž¢ §¤ ⥆噊 ‘How many jubilees have passed!’ (£¢š™™/56) §¤ œ«: This interrogative is attested 1x in BH in the phrase §¤ œ« ¦¢§«­ ‘how many times’ (I Kings 22:16 = II Chron. 18:15). indirect: ±¤Ÿ¢ ¢  ¢ //...//¦¢¢  ¦ §¤ œ«//¦¢¢  ±¤Ÿ ‘The Truly Living [God] will remember the memory of the living–how long they are to live…’ (±¤Ÿ/35). §¥: This interrogative is attested in BH/MH. direct 1) š¢³ ¨§ ž³™¯š ±Ÿ© ™¥ §¥ ‘Why was he not careful when he left the ark?’ (¢©©° ¢¢/270) 2) ¦¢¥¢¥­¤ ¢³ §¥ ‘Why should you be like the criminals?’ (³žœž§ ³/529) 3)  ³­ ¬¥™ ³ž™š §¥ ‘Why did He begin with the letter alef?’ (¥™/610) § ¥«: This interrogative is well attested in BH, though much less frequently than §¥. direct 1) £¥§ § ¥«//£¥§§  ¥š ‘Why does the enthroned Bel [=Babylon/Rome] rule?’ (¤¢ª©™/10) 2) ¤¥² § ¥«//¤¥§§ ³±œ™ ‘Why has the royal cloak [=Israel] been cast down?’ (³±œ™/1) 665

BDB, 553, s.v. §.

397

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY ¢³§: This interrogative is common in BH. In MH, it takes the form ¢³§¢™. direct: œ«¥ ž§ž° ¢³§ ‘When is His rising forever?’ (£¢š™™/64; AN).

§23 OTHER PARTICLES §23a The Predicator of Existence ²¢ For ¨¢™, see §22n. 1) °œ¯ ²¢ ¡­²§ ¨¢™š ‘Without justice there is righteousness.’ ( £¥§ ¡­²§š/40) 2) ³ž©ž¥  ²¢ ¨¢§¢š ¦² ‘There, on [His] right side, there are windows.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/68) 3) ¢©² ¦¥ž« ²¢ ‘There is a second world (i.e., the world to come).’ (š³¤š Ÿ™/61) §23b The Noun ¢à Used Predicatively 1) 2)

"¢¢œ" ¢§¥ž«¥ Ÿ™§ ¢³¯­ ‘I said “Enough!” to My world of old.’ (¢¤©™/42) "¢©¢¢œ" ±§™ ™¥ ¢³ž«¢±¢¥ž "¢¢œ" ±§™ ¦³ž«¢±¢¥ ‘To their (i.e., the heavens’) curtains He said “Enough!” but with regard to my curtains, He did not say “I’ve had enough.”’ (¢©©° ¢¢/193)

Notes: This usage is not attested in BH. It is a mishnaism in the Corpus, based on the statement ¢¢œ ¦¥ž«¥ ¢³±§™² ¢©™ (Ber. Rab. 5:8). §23c The Presentative Exclamation © pointing to a person: ³ž§¤  ™¥§ ¦¤  © ‘Here is a wise man, full of wisdom’ (¢©©° ¢¢/239). with participle 1) ›ž©« ¢©© ‘I am experiencing ›©«.’ (¦™/2; cf. §18q) 2) ¤ž±œ © ‘[Rome] is about to be trampled.’ (³±œ™/6; cf. §18r) §23d The Presentative Exclamation ¨ 1)

±¤Ÿ¢ ¢  ¢ //¦¢¢ ¥ ¦™ ³ž§¥ ¦™ ¨//¦¢¢  ¦ §¤ œ«//¦¢¢  ±¤Ÿ ‘The Truly Living [God] will remember the memory of the living– how long they are to live, whether [they are destined] for death or for life.’ (±¤Ÿ/35; A) 398

SYNTAX 2)

¦¢§¢¥²§ ²­©š ²­© ¨ ‘[They] pay life for life.’ (±ž³/474; A)

Notes: In BH, ¨ is the less common variant of ©. In the cases cited here, it functions as a filler, called forth by the acrostic. §23e The Interjection ¢¥¥™ ¢©³ ¥¢™ ±žŸ©¤ ¢¤ ¢¥¥™ ‘Woe [to me], for You have declared me to be corrupt, like one estranged’ (™²™/55). Notes: In BH this interjection is attested 2x, and in both cases it is followed by ¢¥. In the present case, the cry of woe stands alone, and is followed by the subordinating conjunction ¢¤, which governs a clause explaining the speaker’s distress. A similar syntagm is attested in BH: š™ž§ œ¢š ¦³ž™ ³³¥ ¥™ ¦¢¤¥§ ³²¥²¥ ž¢ ™±° ¢¤ ᝙ (II Kings 3:10). §23f The Precative Particle ™© ¢§« ™© ¢¯«ž¢ ‘Take counsel wih Me!’ (¢©©° ¢¢/297). Notes: Use of ™© following a volitive form is a BH characteristic. 666 As the paucity of cases makes clear, it is very rare in the Corpus. §23g The Filler Word ¥ª 1) 2)

¦¢§¢¢° ¦¢§¥ž«¥ ¥ª//¦¢§ž¯«ž ¦¢¥žœ› ¢ª¢© (±²™/402-403; A [2x]) £¢§¢ žš±¢ž ¥ª ¦œÞ¤ (³¢¥¤³/450; cf. ¨«§¥ £§™ ³™ž £¢š™ ³™ œš¤ £¢§¢ ¨ž¤±™¢ Š [Exod. 20:12])

Notes: As used in the Corpus, this word does not carry any particular semantic load. In case 1 it is used to satisfy the acrostic requirement, but its appearance in case 2 cannot be explained in terms of formal factors.

§24 EMPHATIC REPETITION 1) 2)

±¤Ÿ¢ ¢  ¢  ‘The Truly Living [God] will remember.’ (±¤Ÿ/35) ³žš± ¥«§¥ ¥«§¥ œ« ‘exceedingly great’ (¡­²§š £¥§/58)

666

Cf. W&O, 578-79.

399

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY Notes: This syntactic feature is attested in BH. 667 The sequence, though not the meaning, in case 1 corresponds to ¢  ¢  £œž¢ ™ž ‘Only the living can give thanks to You’ (Isa. 38:19). The repetition of ¥«§ for emphasis is encountered in BH, though not in a scalar usage: ¥«§ ¥«§...¥«¢ ‘he will rise very high’ (Deut. 28:43). Emphatic repetition of a scalar adverb is attested in the BH phrase œ™§ œ™§ ‘exceedingly’.

§25 CLAUSE COORDINATION §25a Verbal Clauses Coordinated with -ž In the paragraphs that follow only verbal (including participial) clauses are reckoned. For BH, Lambdin defines the “-ž + nonverb” construction as disjunctive, i.e., one “in which the second clause may be in various relations, all non-sequential, with the first,” whereas the “-ž + verb” construction is conjunctive, i.e., one “in which the second clause is temporally or logically posterior or consequent to the first.” 668 This distinction no longr obtains in the Corpus. §25b Clausal -ž Followed by Non-Verb logically sequential (usually marking result) 1) žŸ ™¥ ®ž±¢ °œ¯ž//...//žŸ¥«¢ œž² ¦™ž ‘And if ruin give him pleasure (i.e., if he is tempted to do evil)…then righteousness, let him run to grasp it.’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/11; A [2x]) 669 2) ¡­²¢...¥œž «ž²ž//¡­²©...±¯ž¢ ‘The One who forms…has entered into judgment, and so rich and poor…will be judged.’ (³™/3) 3) ±­ž³ §²™ž ¨¢Ÿ™³//±­ž² ¥ž° «§²‹ ‘You will hear the sound of the shofar’s call, and guilt will be abrogated.’ (œ¢­™™/11) 4) ¢¡­²¢ ³ž¤Ÿ¥ž//¢œ«š ®¢¥¥ ‘to plead on my behalf, so that He will judge me favorably’ (¡­²§š £¥§/51) 5) ¦¢§²¢ § ¨¡ž²ž//¦¢§²™ ±ž­¤š ž©š¥Ž ‘[The guilty] were purified in the course of the atonement of sins, so how can the Adversary destroy [me]?’ (°¢­™/5)

667

Cf. GKC, §123e. Lambdin, Introduction, 162. 669 The concatenation of waw of apodosis and a nominative absolute is grammatically awkward. The waw is necessitated by the acrosic structure. 668

400

SYNTAX ¦¢ ¢±™§ £¥§ ¢©œ«§ž//¦¢ ¢±¡§ ¦¢ÞŠ « §† ¦¢§ ‘Water burdens the clouds and so prepares royal dainties.’ ( ³­¢/50) 7) ž±¢²«¢ ¦œ‹ ± ³§œ™ž//ž±² ¢ ¦¢±¢«² ¦¢§ ‘May the rains pour out water, and so enrich the land of “the one who rules them” (Ps. 68:28) [=Benjamin].’ ( ³­¢/58) 8) ¢¤ ¥ ¢©ž²¥ °šœ³ ¥š œž«ž//¢ç § ¢žž™¥ ¢±Ÿ§ ¬žª™¢ ‘The One who scatters me [=God] will gather me to the desirable thing [=Temple] waiting for me, and my tongue will thereby no longer cleave to my palate.’ (£¢š™™/60) 9) šž©³ šž¡šž £°¥ š  §² ‘[Only] rejoice in your portion, and you will bear fruit in goodness (i.e., while living the good life).’ (¥™/492) 10) ©ž™³ ™¥ £¢¥™ «±ž//©«³ ™¥ £«±š ¦¢šŸ¤ ‘Do not speak lies against your fellow, and evil will not befall you.’ (° ±³/507-508) 11) £«±¢ ™ž šž¡ «±§šž//£«±§ ¢¢ ¥™ ³ž©Ÿž ¦¢¯ž°¢² ‘Let your pasturage not be detestable things and fornication, and He will pasture you in a good pasturage.’ (¦ž¡™/521-522) 12) ¦¥ž¤ ž™š ¥™ž§° ¥¯™ž//...žœ«±ž ž±«ª ‘They stormed and trembled…and so they all came to Kemuel [=Balaam].’ (¥™/569) Total: 17

6)

logically non-sequential (disjunctive) 1) ...¢³§œ° ¦¥ ¢©™ž//®±™ ¢š²ž¢¥ ž§œ° šž²³ž ¥™±²¢ ‘Israel and repentance preceded the inhabitants of the earth, whereas I preceded them…’ (¢©©° ¢¢/130-131) 2) "¢©¢¢œ" ±§™ ™¥ ¢³ž«¢±¢¥ž "¢¢œ" ±§™ ¦³ž«¢±¢¥ ‘To their (i.e., the heavens’) curtains He said “Enough!” but with regard to my curtains, He did not say “I’ve had enough.”’ (¢©©° ¢¢/193) 3) ¯° ™¥ ž²­©ž ¬±ž¡ ¦¢§¢ ²¥² ‘He was dragged along for three days, but his soul did not experience dread.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/296) 4) ¦¢±² ™¥ ž±™ž³ž ¦¢³±²§ ž¥ ‘[Everyone] serves Him, but does not see His form.’ (¦² ³™/429) temporally sequential 1) £¥§¢ ™žž ¦¢//³ž¤¥§§ž ¦¢ž› ‘He will discomfit nations and kingdoms and then He will rule.’ (¤¢ª©™/5) 2) «§ð¢ ¥ž°ž//...//®±™ ¡ž°²³ ‘The earth will fall silent…and a sound will be heard.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/4-7) 3) °œ¯ ²«³ ¦©  ³©³§šž//"°œ¯š ¡«§ šž¡"¥ ±¤ã ‘Remember [the scriptural verse] “A little thing, when accompanied by 401

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY

4) 5) 6) 7)

righteousness, is better [than…],” (Prov. 16:8) and [then] perform righteousness gratis!’ (¡­²§š £¥§/42-43) ¡ ž³ž™ ¨ž©š› ¥«ž//¡© ž©œ­™ œž ‘He inclined His glorious tent [=heavens], and spread it out over the peak [=Mt. Sinai].’ ( ®±™ ¡§/5-6) ±¢«ª ¦³ž™ž//±¢«²ž ¨±™­š ¨©¢² ‘He taught [the Torah] in Paran [=to Ishmael] and Seir [=to Esau], and [then] He discomfited them (i.e., after they refused to accept it).’ (²žœ°/37) ...ž¢³±™¢š ¨²ššž//"¢¢œ" ¢§¥ž«¥ Ÿ™§ ¢³¯­//"¢œ² ¥™" ¦²š ¢¤©™ ‘I, as the name El Shaddai, said “Enough!” to My world of old. And [then] I explained it in Bashan…’ (¢¤©™/41-43) ž«±¤© ¦¥ž¤ ¢±ž§ ±¥ž//ž«Ÿ«œŸ© ¢©¢ªš ¢«œž¢š ‘When I was made known on [Mt.] Sinai, they shook, and [then] all of them bowed before Mt. Moriah.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/158) Total: 18

referring to the same general (block of) time/situation as the preceding predication 1) ¤¥ ž¢± ™ž//¤¢¥§ ¥š¥ ‘She made Bel king, and walked behind him.’ (³±œ™/2) 2) ž¤¥¢ ž¢± ™ž//ž¤¥§¢ ¦¢™ž±° ‘The summoned ones [=Israel] will rule, and will walk behind (i.e., follow) Him.’ (¤¢ª©™/38) 3) ¤¥ž§ ³« œ«ž//...//¤±š ³«š ‘She fell upon the delicate one [=Israel]…and reigns up to the present moment.’ (³±œ™/6) 4) §±« œžª¢ œ«ž//...±«//§±« ³žœžª¢ ‘She exposed…the foundations of the heap [=Israel], and is tricky to [her very] core.’ (³±œ™/7) 5) §± œ¢ž//§¢±« œžªž//§¢± ²™± ‘She lifted her head, and concocted a crafty plan, and her hand is elevated.’ (³±œ™/8) 6) œ¢­° ³™Ÿž//...//œ­± ³ž©¢¯° ‘She is decked with rulership…and has caused this one [=Israel] anguish.’ (³±œ™/11) 7) ³žš±«š š¤ž± ™žž//...//...Ÿ­ ¦³¤ ž²™± ‘His head is the purest gold…and He rides in Aravot.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/54-57) 8) ¦¢§² ¦« ¢³¢œž//...//¦¢§ž²± ¢±§™ž//...//¦¢§²™ ±ž­¤š ž©š¥Ž ‘[The guilty] were purified in the course of the atonement of sins…and I confessed, along with those who have appointed [me], the inscribed sayings (i.e., recited the confessional formula)…’ (°¢­™/6) 9) ¨© Ž¢ žš ™¢±§ž ±ž²ž//¨©«±¢ ¦¢™²œ ¦²› ‘May the rain make the grass fresh, and may ox and fatling be shown grace by means of it.’ ( ³­¢/15) 402

SYNTAX 10) ¢²¢­¤ ±­«šž ¬±¡ ž­™ ‘[In] His anger He tore [me] and made me to cower in the ashes.’ (™²™/14; cf. Job 16:9 and Lam. 3:16) 11) ±¢³©™ ¬«±ªž ¬™²™ž ¦ž²™ ‘I will pant and gasp, and will make [my] thought[s] to quiver.’ (™²™/37; cf. Isa. 42:14) 12) ¯±© Ÿ™ ¦¢±ž¤¢š ™©¡¤ž//™¯§© žœ¢ ¢ ¦¥² ¨š±° ‘His only [son] was found to be a perfect sacrifice, and at that time, he was accepted like a basket of firstfruits.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/293-294) Total: 63 shifting the discourse – at the beginning of a strophe 670 1) ¨ž±¤Ÿ °  ¢ž²« ™žž ‘Now it constitutes a law of remembrance.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/29) 2) £¢§¢§ £ž§¢«© ¦¢©°Ÿž ‘‘Now [your] elderly [parents] have been solicitous of your comfort from [the beginning of] your days.’ (³¢¥¤³/449; AN) 3) ±ž³ ž¥š¢° ¢©¢ª ±§ž ‘Now they received the Torah from Mt. Sinai.’ (¥™/601) 4) ..."¢¤ž©™"š  ³­...¬¥™šž ‘Now by means of the letter alef…He began [the Decalogue] with “¢¤©™.”’ (¥™/607) shifting the discourse – other 1) ¨¢œš °«Ÿ³ ±¢°§ ¨š™ž ‘Indeed, the very stone[s] in the wall will scream at the time of judgment.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/25; cf. Hab. 2:11) 2) ¨¢œ ¦ž¢¥ ³ž™ ³ž²«¥ ¨¤ž ™žž ‘Now this has been established so as to be made a sign of the Day of Judgment.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/27) 3) °œ¯š ¨°³§ œžš¤ ™ª¤ž ‘Now the Throne of Glory is established in righteousness.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/36) 4) ¦š ¢ ™¥ ¦ž§ ¥¤ž ‘Now there was no blemish among them.’ (¥™/577) epexegetical 1) ¨¢œ¢ žš ³ž²­© ¥¤ž//¨¢œ ¦ž¢¥ ³ž™ ³ž²«¥ ‘to be made a sign of the Day of Judgment, on which He will judge all souls’ ( £¥§ ¡­²§š/28) 2) °ž°© ¤ž³š ¦¢±ž¯ ³ž²­©ž//...š³š ‘at the chest…in which the souls of the rocks [=Patriarchs] are hidden’ (¡­²§š £¥§/46) 3) ±ž™ ¡ž« š²ž¢ žšž//±™­³ ª¤ ‘the Glorious Throne, on which sits the One who wraps Himself in light’ (¡­²§š £¥§/65-66)

670

Cf. W&O, 651-52 and Lambdin, Introduction, 164.

403

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 4) 5)

6) 7)

³ž§œ™ ¢¥« ¢³±¯¢ ¦¥ž¤ž//³ž§šž ³ž¢  ¥« ž™±ž§ ‘Fear of him (i.e., Adam) is upon the beasts and the animals, all of whom I have created upon the earth.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/242-243) ³ž²œ° ¢³² ¨³© žœ¢§ž//...²žœ° ²™±š ³ ™ž//...²žœ° ¦«¥ ¦¢³² ‘Two [qedushot] for the Holy People [=Israel]…, and one on the head of the Holy One…–i.e., from His hand, He has granted two qedushot [to Israel].’ (¡­²§š £¥§/79) žè¢« ¢²¢¥² ¦« ¨¢š¥ ž©¢šž//ž¥« ž§ž±§¥ ‘He elevated him to His height–i.e., He brought him up as a third (i.e., intermediary) between Himself and the people.’ (¥™/592-593) ¥š³¥ ±­« £¥²ž ¢²ž›§ž//¥š³ ³ž±­« ²™± §œ™  šŸ§ ‘The earthen altar is [made of] the first [collection] of dust in the world, and it was from my clod that dust was cast to the world.’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/183-184) Total: 8

circumstantial/explanatory 1) ª¤ ±¯ Ÿ™§ ¨ž¤©ž//...©¢¤² ¦š ±² ‘He made the Divine Presence to dwell among them (i.e., the seven pre-existent things)…, having fashioned the Throne that is set up of old.’ (¡²°™/10) 2) ¦¢§ ž§¥ °¢­ª§ ™žž «¯§š ³ž¢ ¦¢©²¢ ‘to be sleeping in [their] bed[s] while He provides them with water’ (¦©¤³/7) 3) ¦¢­ž¯ ¥¤ž...£°¥ š  §² ‘Rejoice in your portion…while everyone looks on!’ (¥™/487) 4) ž©³¥¤² ±«¢ ³¢ ž ¦¢¥ž« ž© ©™ ©™ ‘Whither are we going, seeing as the beast of the field has bereaved us?’ (£¢š™™/79) 5) ž©³¥¤ £³±«ªž £ ž±§ £¥™ ©™ ‘Whither will I flee from Your spirit, seeing as Your stormwind has finished us?’ (£¢š™™/79) §25c Clausal -ž Followed by Verb (including “™¥ž + Verb”) logically sequential (usually marking result) 1) ¦¢±© ¢ž³™ šž™š ¨­¢ž//...//±²« ³ž¢¤¥§ Ÿ« ž±¢§™¢ ‘They proclaim the ten Kingship Verses denoting [God’s] strength…and He will, as a result, look upon the one beloved by the one who came from Naharaim [=Isaac, son of Abraham].’ (³¥™³/7-9) 2) ¥¥  ™¥ž...//...¦¢š± ¥¥­ž//¥š³©ž ž¥ á³ °¥ š¯ ‘He wished to take her for himself, and so she became scared. And [in order to prevent this,] she prayed extensively…and was consequently not defiled.’ (¨š™/5)

404

SYNTAX 3) 4) 5) 6) 7) 8) 9) 10) 11) 12)

®±™...¢±ž  œ¢ ­¢ž//...³ž±­ž² ²¥²¢ ‘He will blow the shofars thrice…and will frighten the nobles…of the earth.’ ( £¥§ ¡­²§š/12) ³ž©ž¥  ¨³ž™ ž ³ì¢ž ±Ÿ›¢ ‘He will decree and those windows will open.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/72) ¦¢§ ³±¢¯« ±Ÿ›©ž ¦¯«Ž ¦™ «²­ ‘if sin has been made abundant and a water stoppage has been decreed as a result’ (¦©¤³/6) ¦¢§¤ š¥ £­²ž ¨ š ‘[Isaac] was tried and in response poured [his] heart out like water.’ ( ³­¢/7) «²³ž ¦¢§ ¡«§  ° ±¤Ÿ ‘Remember [the one who] took a little water [=Abraham] and so look [upon my prayer with favor]!’ ( ³­¢/2) ...¥œ›š «¢§²³ž ¢³™©°š ™‹ ±† ‘Witness my zeal, and so proclaim with greatness…!’ (£¢š™™/83)  ¯± ™±™ ™¥ž "¦«­ ³ž§™" ‘“Let me die now” (Gen. 46:30), lest I witness murder.’ (£¢š™™/73) ¢¢œ« °©³ž ™ž²¥ ¦² ™²³ ™¥ ‘Thou shalt not take [My] name in vain, and will thereby be considered innocent by Me.’ (¢¤©™/46) ¥«³©ž ™±°© ¨ž§ š™ ‘[Abraham] was called “the father of multitudes,” and was thereby elevated.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/277) £¢§¢ žš±¢ž ¥ª ¦œš¤ ‘Honor them, selah, and your days will be long!’ (³¢¥¤³/450; cf. £¢§¢ ¨ž¤±™¢ Š ¨«§¥ £§™ ³™ž £¢š™ ³™ œš¤ [Deut. 20:12] and BDB, 254, s.v. ž 3.) Total: 32

logically non-sequential (disjunctive) 1) ³ž²œ° ²ž¥²š ³ ™š ²œ°¢ž//³ž²œ° ¢³² ¨³© žœ¢§ ‘From His hand, He has granted two qedushot [to Israel], whereas He will be sanctified by means of one among the three the qedushot.’ ( £¥§ ¡­²§š/79) 2) ¢ ž°  - °­ ž«› ™¥ž ³ž¥šž¢ §¤ ⥆噊 ‘How many jubilees have passed, whereas my liberation has not [yet] come!’ (£¢š™™/56) 3) ¡¢š±² ¥›© ™¥ž ¨žš²  ¥¤š ±žš«™ ‘I go through every calculation [of the end-time], but the scepter has not been revealed.’ (™²™/62) 4) ¥žž« žš ™¯§© ™¥ž ¬±¯© ±²«š ‘He was proven in ten [trials], but iniquity was not found in him.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/278) 5) ¦¢¥šŸ ž¢¥™ ¡ž//¦¢¥¤ ™¥ £œ¤ ¢©¢ª Ÿ ‘[God] did not put this [Mt.] Sinai to shame as being puny, but rather bent the heavens to it.’ (ž³³/388) 405

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 6) 7)

œ°§§ž š± § «²ž©ž//œ¢°«¥ž  šŸ§¥ œ¢ ¢ ¦¢¥² ‘He rendered up his only [soul] to the altar and to the binding, but was saved from the sword and the altar-hearth.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/304-305) ¦¢¥žª­ ž™¯§©ž ᚞›š ž ±¡ ‘[The mountains] took pains with regard to height, but were found to be unfit.’ (ž³³/387)

temporally sequential 1) ¬ž­  ³ž¢ š²ž//¬ž­™š ²©«Ž ‘He was punished with encompassing (i.e., being encompassed by evils), and was then once again sheltered.’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/10) 2) ›ž  ¦Ûž...±¢™ ž±ž™ ‘He made His light to shine…and then made a firmament.’ (ž±ž™/16) 3) ¦¢§² Õª ¢ž ª¤ ±¯ Ÿ™§ ¨ž¤© ‘He fashioned the Throne that is set up of old, and appointed it to the heavens.’ (¡²°™/11) 4) ±¡° ±¢ñ¥ ¦¢©³¢™ ¢¥š š//±¡©ž ¦¢žŸ§ ž± ‘He fills the granaries and then waits to loose the knot (i.e., release the rainwater) during the pangs of Eitanim/Tishrei.’ ( ³­¢/51) 5) ž©«§¥ ²«¢ž ³ž¤ ¥ ¢¥™¥ ‘It is necessary to await my God, and He will then act for His own sake.’ (£¢š™™/10) 6) ¦žœ™ œ« ¢© ©ž ¢³¤²§© ž¢± ™ ‘I was drawn after Him, and He brought me to Edom.’ (£¢š™™/43) Total: 45 referring to the same general (block of) time/situation as the preceding predication 1) ¤±™ ¥ ¨ñŠ©ž//...//¤±  ¢¥žšŸ ‘She burned down my Temple…and an extension has been given to her.’ (³±œ™/4) 2) ¤ž¥§ œ­™³ž//᧞± ° ² œ« ‘Her height is unto heaven, and she is clothed in kingship.’ (³±œ™/9) 3) ¤ž¥§ ¥¥ ž//...//œ±§ž §Ÿ¢ ‘She laid plans and rebelled…and defiled [God’s] kingship.’ (³±œ™/12) 4) ¨¢œš ¦¢©­ ™²¢ ™¥ž//¨¢œš ¦¢§ ± ¨¢™ ¢¤ ‘For there is no mercy in judgment, and He does not show partiality in judgment.’ ( £¥§ ¡­²§š/21) 5)  ž± ¥« žªª¢šž //¦¢§² Õª ¢ ‘He appointed it (i.e., His Throne) to the heavens, and founded it on the wind.’ (¡²°™/11) 6) ¦¢§² ±°ž ¦žœ «¢°± ¦š ‘On them (i.e., the primordial waters) He spread out the footstool [=earth] and laid the beams of the heavens.’ (¡²°™/4)

406

SYNTAX 7) 8)

¦²› ¦¢š« ž™¥é¢ž//¦²©  ¢­©¥ «ì² ¦¢§ ‘Make water to flow so as to revive [humanity], and let the clouds fill with rain.’ ( ³­¢/84; Gen. 1x v.l. ž™¥§¢)  ¯ ¢©­ ¤Ÿ³ž £¢±™³ ¦¢©²ž ‘You will both have a long life and have merit before the Dazzling One [=God].’ (¨žŸ™/463-464; AN) 671 Total: 35

shifting the discourse: ...³ž«¢°³ ²žè² ¡§¥§ ž¥ š±«¢ž ‘[All this having been said,] may the threefold repetition of shofar blasts from below be pleasing to Him’ (¡­²§š £¥§/80). epexegetical 1) «š±™ž ¦¢«š²ž ³ž™§ «²³ ¦§ ±š¢«ž...²™±§ ­¯² ³ž±žœ ¬¥™ ‘1,000 generations that He anticipated from the beginning…, of which He made 974 to pass’ (¥™/610-612) 2) œ ™¤ š©› ¦« °¥ ž "šž©›³ ™¥" ±­ ‘He violated [the commandment] “Thou shalt not steal” by sharing [the stolen fruit] together with the thief.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/251) 3) œ ¢ ±°² ž³²™ ¦« ©«ž "©«³ ™¥" ±­ ‘He violated [the commandment] “Thou shalt not bear [false witness]” by speaking falsehood together with his wife.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/252) 4) œ§ ž "œž§ ³ ™¥" ±­ ‘He violated [the commandment] “Thou shalt not covet” by coveting.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/253) circumstantial/explanatory 1) £¥§¥ ž¤¢¥§¢ž ž©³¢ ¥ž° ‘They will cry out, proclaiming the King to be king.’ (¤¢ª©™/37) 2) °œ¯ œ§¥¢ž œž§«¢ ž¢©­¥ ‘He will stand before Him, speaking favorably.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/36) 3)  ³­ ™¯™ ™¥ž ¦žœ™ ‘I will be silent, not going outdoors.’ (£¢š™™/19; cf.  ³­ ™¯™ ™¥ ¦œ™ [Job 31:34]) 4) ¢©³¯­  ™¥ž ³±²« ¥¢¥ ³§¥¢™ ‘You silenced [me] on the eve of the tenth [of Av], no [longer] delighting in me.’ (™²™/58) Total: 6 Notes: For epexegetical phrases introduced corresponding to the clauses in cases 3-4, see §22h.

by

™¥ž,

671 The structure ...-ž...-ž is generated by the anadiplosis, which brings down the word ¦¢©²ž from the end of the preceding stich. It is not attested elsewhere in the Corpus.

407

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY §25d Clausal -ž Connecting Identically Conjugated Verbs Under this heading I list synonyms, merisms and other paired structures. constituting a complete stich 1) £¥§¢ž Ÿ«¢ ‘He will rule in force.’ (¤¢ª©™/31) 672 2) «°ž³ž «¢±§ ‘blowing teruot and teqiot’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/26) 3) ±¢«ªž ±›­ ‘Thwart and discomfit!’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/33) 4) ±¢«š³ž «¢°²³ ‘May You cause to sink and burn.’ ( ¢«œ ™²™ °œ¯š/34) 5) «¢±³ž ±¢«³ ‘You will awaken [Your angry zeal] and give a blast.’ (³±œ™/°) 6) ¤±™ž š ± ‘She expanded.’ (³±œ™/5; A) 7) §¢± ž ±« ‘She laid bare and destroyed.’ (³±œ™/7) 8) œœÛž ²±  ‘She ploughed and harrowed.’ (³±œ™/10) 9) œ±§ž §Ÿ¢ ‘She laid plans and rebelled.’ (³±œ™/12; A) 10) £¢±™¥ž ²š ¥ ‘to bind and heal’ (°¢­™/12; cf. ¤ž±™ ²š  [¤¢ª©™/10]) 11) «œ¢¥ž ¨¢§™¥ ‘to believe and to know’ (¢©©° ¢¢/289) 12) ¦¢°Ÿž §ž ¦¢±™žš§ ‘clarified and made strong’ (¥™/543) 13) ±¡§¥ž  °¢±¥ ¨¢©«¥ž š¢š«¥ ‘to make clouds and bring rain’ (¬™/1; Gen. v.l. ¨¢©«¥, ±¡§¥; Gen. 1x v.l. + Ÿ¢Ÿ ¥ betw. 1st and 2nd) 14) ¥«³©ž ¥« ±š›ž œ«¯ ‘He marched boldly, went up and was elevated.’ (± ¨§/27; A) other (where 1st member satisfies the acrostic requirement) 1) ¢²¢²ž ¢Ÿ¥« ‘Exult and rejoice!’ (¦™/6; cf. ¢Ÿ¥«ž ¢ §² [Zeph. 3:14]) 2) ®œž ²² ‘He rejoiced and was glad.’ (± ¨§/22) 3)  ¢±­ž ³š± ‘She waxed and blossomed.’ (¦™/7) 4) ¥¥¤ž ±§› ‘He finished and perfected.’ (¡²°™/5) 5) ³²ž £±œ ‘He set out and founded.’ (¡²°™/7) 6) £¢±«ž ±šœ ‘He spoke and set up.’ (¡²°™/8)

672

In addition to the case cited here, the malkhiyot show a number of cases in which the fourth stich of the line is composed of two identically conjugated verbs, which are neither synonymous nor constitute a merism, the first of which either has its own subject, as in £¥§¢ž ¨ž¤¢//ž³¤¥§§ ª¤ (¤¢ª©™/21) or governs its own object, as in £¥§¢ž Ÿ« ±Ÿ™¢ (¤¢ª©™/1), ¡«¢ ¦°© £¥§¢ž (¤¢ª©™/2), £¥§¢ž š²¢//ž™ª¤ œž ¥« (¤¢ª©™/32), Ÿ¢›±¢//®±™ ¢š²ž¢š  ­ £¥§¢ž (¤¢ª©™/33), £¥§¢ž ¦§ž±¢//²§²¤ ±š §³ (¤¢ª©™/44).

408

SYNTAX 7a) (¦¢§ ¢›¥­ ¥« ¥ž³²) «¡©ž ²±œ ‘He sought and planted (i.e., sought to plant)…’ (¡²°™/8) 7b) (¢¡±) ¥«ž ²±œ ‘Seek out and provide…!’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/7) 8) ¦¢±«²©ž ¦¢°ž°  ‘minted and measured’ (¡²°™/15) 9a) ¦¢­­ž«§ž ¦¢ª¡ ‘flying and hovering’ (¡²°™/17) 9b) ¦¢­«ž ¦¢ª¡ ‘flying and hovering’ (œžœ ³¤ª ¢žž™/9) 9c) ¦¢™œž ¦¢­« ‘flying and swooping’ (¡²°™/32; cf. ™œ‹ Œ 垍 ¬¥Ò Œ «ŽŸ [ Ÿ™ š³¤š/63]) 10) ±¯™ž ¦Ÿ¢ ‘He planned and laid up.’ (¡²°™/19) 11) œ§ž °ìª ‘He supplied and measured.’ (¡²°™/30) 12) ¥ž° ¦¢™²ž©ž ¦¢²›ž± ‘thronging and lifting [their] voice[s]’ (¡²°™/39) 13) ¦¢²¢«±§ž ¦¢²«ž± ‘quaking and causing to quake’ (¡²°™/39) 14) ¦¢ ž±³§ž ¦¢«›ž± ‘reposing and finding easement’ (¦©¤³/14) 15) «­™ž «›™ ‘I will low and groan.’ (£¢š™™/14) 16) ™±žšž ±¯ž¢ ‘forming and creating’ (±²™/400) 17) ±žªž ±ž³ ‘Make sure to stay away!’ (±ž³/466) 18) ¦¢­±ž¡ž ¦¢­¡ž  ‘seizing and rending’ (° ±³/501) 19) (¦¢§) ¥œž ±Ÿ›ž ¥¤ž ¨¤³ ‘He measured, and comprehended, and ordained and drew…’ (¡²°™/43) other (where 1st member does not satisfy the acrostic requirement) 1) ž«œ¢ž ž±¢¤¢ ‘They will recognize and know.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/2; cf. ¥š³ ¢š²ž¢ ¥¤ ž«œ¢ž ž±¢¤¢ [2nd part of aleinu]) 2) žœ± ¢ž ž³ ¢ ‘They will be dismayed and tremble.’ ( £¥§ ¡­²§š/17; cf. BH ™±¢//³³ ) 673 3) ž«¢›­¢ž ž©© ¢ ‘They will make entreaty and pray.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/37) 4) ³ž°¢²§ž ³žœ±ž­ ‘separating and bringing together [their wings]’ (¡­²§š £¥§/59) 5) ±¢š›¥ž ¦¢¯«¥ (¦¢¥¢  ¢ª©) ‘to make…numerous and strong’ (¨š™/9; cf. ±Þ›¢ ¦¢¥¢  [Qoh. 10:10]) 6) ¥¤ž ¥  ‘He began and finished.’ (¡²°™/4; cf. è‹ ¤† ž ¥ ‹ Ž [I Sam. 3:12]) 7) ¦ž³ ž ±ž¯« ‘shut up and sealed’ (£¢š™™/16) 8) (¢©œ«) ž¡™¥ž ž©Ú ‘…have been changed and hidden.’ (£¢š™™/37) 9) ( ¯§) Ÿ¢«™ž Ÿ¢›±™ ‘I will cause to quake and make firm…’ (£¢š™™/74; cf. §29e)

673

A list of the occurrences of this pair in BH is provided in BDB, 369, s.v. ³³ .

409

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 10) £¥™ž ššžª™ž ™© §ž°™ ‘I will arise and walk about.’ (™²™/25; R; cf. ±¢«š ššžª™ž ™© §ž°™ [Song 3:2]) 11) ²«±ž ¡§ (®±™) ‘…tottered and shook.’ (¡§ ®±™/1) 12) ¥«ž ²› ‘He approached and went up.’ (± ¨§/28) 13) ᱧ³åž ¢Œ©²¢ž ‘And He repeated it once more.’ (š³¤š Ÿ™/70) 14) ¦«¢ªåž ¦¡åž ‘And He inclined them and moved them.’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/358) 15) ž¤±š¥ž ž¥¥¥ ‘to praise Him and bless Him.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/92) 16) ¦¢¥¥§ž ¦¢±™­§ ‘glorifying and lauding’ (¥™/618) 17) ²ž±œ¥ž ±ž° ¥ ‘to investigate and seek out’ (¢©©° ¢¢/111; ¥™/614) 18) ¢³ßž ¢³±™ ‘I was light and luminous.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/137) 19) ¦¢¥ž«›ž ¦¢ªž™§ ‘rejected and loathsome’ (³ž«³/417) 20) ¦¢š¢™œ§ž ¦¢ ¢ì§ (³ž²­©) ‘causing anguish and languishment…’ (° ±³/498) 21) ¦¢¥Ÿž›ž ¦¢ª§ž  ‘wronging and stealing’ (³žœž§ ³/525) 22) ¦¢°Ÿ ©ž ¦¢²±œ© ‘interpreted and made strong’ (¥™/546) 23) (ž§žœ) œ¢«±ž ²¢«±ž ²¢«› ‘He caused…to quake and shake and tremble.’ (¥™/564) 24) (¦¥ž« ¢™š ¥¤) ž¥ ž žŸ›± ‘…quaked and shook.’ (¥™/566) 25) ¦¢¥ ž ¦¢œ¥ª§ ‘trembling and quaking [for joy]’ (¥™/622) 26) žœ«±ž ž±«ª ‘They stormed and trembled.’ (¥™/569) 27) ž¥¢ãž ž­¢© (³žšœ© ¢§²›) ‘They shed and brought down…’ (¥™/588) 28) ²™± œž°¢¥ž «ž±¤¥ž ³ž ³²¥ ‘to prostrate oneself, and to bow down, and to bow the head’ (¥™/614) 29) ¦¢¥™ž²ž ¦¢™±ž° ‘crying out and asking’ (¥™/623) Notes: The use of co-ordinated verbs in a dyadic construction is a well-known stylistic device in BH–e.g., ®§™ž °Ÿ , ž™±ž ž«œ. In the Corpus, this construction may constitute a two-word stich. The dyadic verbal structure may be expanded by means of the incorporation of a second element in such a way as to create a perfectly internally parallel stich: 1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6) 7)

°Ÿ ³™ ¦šž ©«²™ ¦š (¡­²§š £¥§/49) ³ž© ³ š¢²°¢ž ³ž¥­³ ¨¢Ÿ™¢ (¡­²§š £¥§/69) œš¤™ ¥¥§ž ¨¢¥§ «œ™ (£¢š™™/20; A) ¥« ± ²¤ž  ±Ÿ§§ ®¯ (¢©©° ¢¢/275; A) ¦³ ²¢™ š±ž°ž œ² ²¢™ ° ž± (¢©©° ¢¢/319; A) ¦¢¥¢¯§ ™¥ž ¦¢±Ÿž« ™¥ (³ž«³/415; A) ¦¢°¢š§ ¦¢©¢«ž š¥ ¦¢ §²§ (¥™/550) 410

SYNTAX Sometimes, the resulting structure is only partially parallel: 1) ž±¢š«§ž  ž± š¢²§ (®¢­¢/10; R; cf. ¦²› œ¢±ž§ž  ž± š¢²§ [2nd benediction of the amida]) 674 2) ž¥ ž±§™ž ±¢¯¥ ž±šœ (¥™/589; R); ž¥ ž±§™ž ±ž¯¥ ž±šœ (¥™/595; R) 3) ¦¢§ ¢œ« ¦¢±¯«©ž «š² ¦¢››ž  (±žíš) (¦©¤³/21) 4) ¦¢§ ³ž¥ž°§ ³ž²«ž±ž ™²§§ ³ž«žŸ (¡²°™/14) Finally, the dyadic structure may contain two identical verbs with different referents, as a means of indicating reciprocity of action: 1) 2)

ž¢³¤¥§ž ¢©¤¢¥§ ‘We treated each other as king.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/224) ž¢³±¤ž ¢©±¢¤ ‘We took note of each other.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/281)

§25e Direct Speech It is remarkable that in most of the cases of direct speech encountered in the Corpus (with the exception of the seder olam ¢¢ ¢©©°, part of which constitutes a dialogue between God and the Torah), the speech material is either a verbatim or a modified quote from MT. This fact is especially in evidence in ¢«œ ™²™, where the last line of every strophe is constituted by a biblical quote that is presented as the object of a verb of speaking in the first person–cf. (™²™/6, 12, 18, 24, 30, 36, 42, 48, 54, 60, 66, 72). In BH, direct speech is frequently marked by ±§™¥. This usage is not found in MH, and it is not attested in the Corpus (but cf. case 14, under “object of verb of speaking”). as object of verb of perception 1) "¦¢©š ¦™ ¢«©§" š²° ‘She heard, “Hold back [your tears], mother of sons!” (cf. Jer. 31:16 and Ps. 113:9).’ (¨š™/4) 2) "°œ¯š ¡«§ šž¡"¥ ±¤ã ‘Remember [the verse] “A little thing, when accompanied by righteousness, is better [than…]” (Prov. 16:8)!’ (¡­²§š £¥§/42; cf. §15c) 3) "«œ³ «žœ¢" ž±šœ ¥« š¢²° ‘He heard, concerning his word, “Know for sure […]” (Gen. 15:13).’ (¢©©° ¢¢/291) as object of verb of speaking, thought or legal pronouncement 1) "©žœ© ¢©™ ¦ž¢" ššœ ‘She said, “Today, I am being judged.”’ (¦™/2) 674 This syntactic structure is attested in the piyyutim of Shemuel HaShelishi–cf. especially ¦° ž²ž ¦¢¢ž›¥  ¡ž², ž© žšž š¥ ±°ž  (cited from Katsumata, ¢²¢¥² ¥™ž§², 174).

411

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 2) 3)

4) 5) 6) 7) 8) 9)

10)

11)

12) 13) 14)

" §² ¦¢©š ¦™" ž«é²Š ¥¤ ‘Everyone proclaimed, “The mother of sons is happy” (Ps. 113:9).’ (¦™/4) "®±™ ¥›³ £¥§ ¢¢//®±™ ¥¤ ™¥§ žœžš¤"//...¨©± ž ¯­¢ Ÿ™ž ‘And then they will burst out into a joyful cry…, “His Glory is that which fills the whole earth, the Lord reigns, let the earth rejoice!” (cf. Isa. 6:3 and Ps. 97:1).’ (¡­²§š £¥§/10-11) "®±™ ¥¤š £§² ±¢œ™ §"//...¥¤ ±§™¢ž ‘And all…will say, “How majestic is Your name over all the earth!” (Ps. 8:2).’ ( £¥§ ¡­²§š/13-14) "®±™ ¥¤ ¢¢¥ ž±¢²"//...³ž±¢§Ÿ ž¥«¢ž ‘And songs will ascend…“Sing to the Lord, all [you] earth!” (Ps. 96:1).’ (¡­²§š £¥§/15-16; Gen. 2x v.l. ž©«¢ž) "®±™ ™ž" ›¥²¥ ±§™¥ ±¢ñ³...¦¢§ ‘Release the water…by saying to the snow “Fall to the ground!” (cf. Job 37:6).’ ( ³­¢/72) ³©©ž™ "¨ž¢¥¤¥ ¥ž¯ ¢³±› ¢¤ ¢¥ ¢ž™" ‘“Woe unto me, that I dwell in the depths, unto [my own] annihilation,” (cf. Ps. 120:5) [she] complains.’ (£¢š™™/31) "œ ¢ ¦«©ž//œ ™ ¢ ³«š"//œ ™¥ ±ž³ š¢² ž¢¥« ‘Concerning him, the Torah answered the One [God], “When he was single, he was altogether pleasant.” (¢©©° ¢¢/246-254) "«œž© ¨¤//«œž ž§¤ ¢¤"//«œž§ ±šœš ¨ž§™  žž¯ ‘The artificer [=Torah] cried out with regard to the word of the Friend [=God], “Surely just as [Abraham] proclaimed [Your name], so he was made known.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/286-292) "œž³  šŸ¤ ¦¥² ™¯§© ¦©§ž™"//œ¢ ¢š œ¢ ¢ ¥« ³œ ©³© ¥ž° ‘The Law cried out concerning the [one called] “œ¢ ¢” in the unique one [=Torah] (i.e., Isaac), “It is true that he was found to be perfect as a thanksgiving sacrifice.”’ (¢©©° ¢¢/302-318) "œ«ž ¥° £ž³š ¢¢ £ž±š ¦›"//œ±¢ ¦ž±§§ ¥ž° ³š ¢¥ž¥... ‘…had the divine voice not come down from on high, “He too will be blessed (Gen. 27:33) in the midst of the congregation and the assembly.”’ (¢©©° ¢¢/317-318) œ±  œ±  "™ž­¢™ ¢§" ¦™ž©šž ‘And with the words “Who then [is the one who hunted game…?]” (Gen. 27:33) he trembled violently.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/315) ±§ž ¥žœ› °«¯ "¬±ž¡" ‘He cried out “[Joseph] has been torn!” (Gen. 37:33) loudly and bitterly.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/332) "±³ª© ¢¤±œ ¢¢§"//±¢§™ ±§ž¥...®­ ‘He said…saying, “My way is hidden from the Lord” (cf. Isa. 40:27).’ (¢©©° ¢¢/334-335)

412

SYNTAX 15) ž§© "²«©" "«§²©"¥ ¦±¡ ‘Before “we hear,” they said “we obey” (cf. Exod. 24:7).’ (¥™/558; cf. note 480) 16) "¦¥ž«¥ ™š Ÿ §" ž¥™² ‘They asked, “What is coming upon the world?”’ (¥™/570) 17) "£¥§¢ ¢¢" ¦¢¤¢¥§§ œ ¢ ‘together proclaiming [His] kingship–“The Lord will rule” (Exod. 15:18).’ (¤¢ª©™/20) Total: 67 Notes: In case 6, the direct speech is the object of the semantically meaningful infinitive ±§™¥ ‘to say’–i.e., the form does not merely play the role of a grammatical marker (as in BH). In case 14, the epexegetical infinitival phrase ±¢§™ ±§ž¥ plays the syntactic role of BH ±§™¥. in the construction “¢±§ž™/¢§™ž© (+ ¢¤ ) + direct speech” 1) "²¢ ±¡§¥ š™" ¢¤ ¢§™ž© ‘those who say, “Does the rain have a father?” (cf. Job 38:28)’ ( ³­¢/60; Gen. 1x v.l. ¢¤ lacking) 2) "¦¢ž¥™š £ž§¤ ¨¢™" ¢±§ž™ ‘those who say “There is none like You among the gods” (Ps. 86:8).’ (ž³™/379) Notes: This syntagm may be considered to be a subtype of the category “clause functioning as a genitive” (§14i). In case 1, the quoted material is governed both by the verb of speaking, viz., as an objective genitive, as well as by the particle ¢¤, and we are therefore faced with a case of double marking. In BH, ¢¤ is often used to mark direct speech–e.g., "¢œ¢§  °³ ³ž²š¤ «š² ³™" ¢¤ ±§™¢ž (Gen. 21:30). as object of verb denoting affect (speech/thought implied) 1) "£¥§ ¢ª­™ž ¢©™//£¥§ ¨¢™ ¢³¥žŸ"//...±¢ ‘She arrogantly [said]…, “There is no king besides me. [Only] myself, and there is no king besides me” (cf. Zeph. 2:15; Isa. 47:8, 10).’ (³±œ™/14) 2) " §¯ ³« ™¥¥ œž§¥› ¢¤"// §² "³«Ÿ «§² ¥¤ ° ¯¢" ‘“Everyone who hears this will laugh,” (cf. Gen. 21:6) she joyfully [said], “that a barren woman unexpectedly bloomed.”’ (¦™/4) 3)  ¯§ «¢Ÿ™ž Ÿ¢›±™ "¢ ¤ ¦¢©š™  ¤ ¦™" ‘“Is my strength the strength of a rock,” (Job 6:12) I will [say as I] cause to quake and make firm my brow.’ (£¢š™™/74) 4) " ¯©¥ ³žš±  ³§™"...±±§™ ‘I will complain bitterly…, “Truly the ruins [of the Temple] are everlasting” (cf. Ps. 9:7).’ (£¢š™™/75)

413

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 5)

"³ž§¥« ³›¢© ±ž§³ ±²« ³ž¢¥›" ᢞ³™ ‘I will be astounded, [thinking,] “Ten exiles in place of [the fact that] You guided [us in our] youth!”’ (™²™/46)

as subject of passive verbs of speaking, hearing, writing 1) ™±°© ᱞš« "¢²¢²ž ¢Ÿ¥«" ‘“Exult and rejoice,” (cf. Zeph. 3:14) was proclaimed about her.’ (¦™/6) 2) "®±™ ¥¤š £§² ±¢œ™ §"//...«§ð¢ ¥ž°ž ‘And a voice will be heard…, “How majestic is Your name over all the earth!” (Ps. 8:2).’ (¡­²§š £¥§/7) 3) ¦¥ž«§ ¢š ¦²±© "²§ ¥™ ¢¢ ±šœ¢ž" ‘[The words] “the Lord spoke to Moses” have been written in me of old.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/340)

§26 SUBORDINATE CLAUSES For negative clauses, see under §§22j-l. §26a Conditional Clauses with ¦™ ¦™ + perfect + main clause 1) ...³¢©š³š ¥¤³ª//...//°ž œ ±Ÿ› ™¯¢ ¦™ž ‘And if an oppressive decree has gone out…, then look at the figure [of Jacob]…!’ (¡­²§š £¥§/44-45) 2) ²«¢ ž©«§¥ £§ž³//ª«¤š ™¯¢ ¦™//²«§ ³ ¤ž³ ‘If the rebuking of deed[s] has gone out angrily, let the Supporter [=God] act for His own sake.’ (±¤Ÿ/2; A) 3) ±¤Ÿ¢...//...šž²//³¢²¥ ±  ¦™//³¢²¢±  ¬¯² ‘If He has angrily imposed an angry blast, let Him remember the repentance…’ (±¤Ÿ/4; A) 4) ±¤Ÿ¢ ž¢©­¥//±­ª Ÿ ¨ž±¤Ÿ ¦ž¢°//...//±­ªš ¡±  ¦™ ¬¯° ‘If anger has been inscribed in [God’s] book…, let Him remember to Himself the existence of the memory of “this book” (cf. Gen. 5:1).’ (±¤Ÿ/8; A) 5)  ±¯¢ ž¥ž¥­//...// ±¡  ¦™  ­ ‘If a trap has been set…let his (i.e., Abraham’s) prayer cry out.’ (±¤Ÿ/12; A) 6) ¨ž© ³ š¢²°¢//¨ž©™³¥ ¬¥² ¦™//¨ž©² °±š ²°¢ ‘If the trap of the blade of the whetted [sword] has been unsheathed unto wailing, let Him hear supplication.’ (±¤Ÿ/26; A) 7) ±¤Ÿ¢ ¦² ±²™//¦¢¡­²§ «š¡//¦¢¡­²© ž²©«© ¦™//¦¢¡­² ³«š±™  ±¡ ‘If the defendants have been punished with the burden of the four judgments, let Him remember the essence of the laws that He gave [to them].’ (±¤Ÿ/28; A) 414

SYNTAX 8)

9)

10)

11) 12) 13)

±¤Ÿ¢...//¥žš  ±¢ ¨ž±¤Ÿ//¥žš ¥ ™¯¢ ¦™//¥žš§¤ ¦«Ÿ ‘If anger like [the anger displayed during] the Flood has gone out [from before God] so as to destroy, let Him remember the memory of the month of Bul…’ (±¤Ÿ/32; A) ±¤Ÿ¢...//§ž ¥ž° ±ž¯š//§ž§ ª©° ¦™//§ššž ¦œ™š ‘If discomfiture has been imposed (as a punishment) upon man and beast, let Him remember the loud prayer of the murmuring one [=Israel]…’ (±¤Ÿ/42; A) ¨¢œ «±ž§ š¤«¢ ¢©ž±›//¨¢œš ¢³š¢  ¦™//¨¢œž ³œ ³±Ÿ› ‘If I have been sentenced in judgment with a decree of law and judgment, may my prayer (lit. throat) prevent the evil judgment.’ ( ¢«œ ™²™ °œ¯š/6; A) ±¯«© ¦«š ¨­¢//±¯« ¦™ ™¡  ‘If sin has stopped up [the water], let Him look at the gathered people.’ (°¢­™/8; A; Gen. 1x v.l. ¨­¢ž) ¦¢§ ¢­¡© «±›§ ž³­¢...//...¦¯«Ž ¦™ «²­ ‘If sin has been made abundant…, they will persuade the One who restrains the water drops.’ (¦©¤³/6; A) «²³ž ¦¢§ ¡«§  ° ±¤Ÿ//«²­š žšã¤ ¦™ ¦¢§ ‘If water has failed because of transgression, remember the one who took a little water [=Abraham] and look [upon my prayer with favor]!’ ( ³­¢/2; F; A)

Notes: The most common BH marker for a protasis indicating a real condition is ¦™. 675 In case 1, the ¦™ is in first position, as expected. In all other cases, ¦™ is in second position, the first position being occupied by a sentence element that satisfies either the acrostic requirement, as in cases 2-12, or constitutes a fixed word, as in case 13 (where ¦™ occupies the alefslot). 676 ¦™ + imperfect + main clause 675

Cf. W&O, 636-37. The same phenomenon is attested in JPA poetry, in the case of ¨¢™ ‘if’. In the acrostic poem ²§ ¥Ÿ™ we find it in second position in the zayinline: ™±©š ™ž ¨¢™ °±Ÿ ‘if he casts into the river’, and in the tet-line: ¨¢™ ªž©±¢¡ ™ž ‘if he is a tyrant’. In the the he-line it follows the presentative particle: «±­ š±ª ¨¢™ ™ ‘behold, if Pharaoh refuses’, and in the waw-line it follows the conjunction: ¥ž œ¢ ™¥ ¨¢™ž ‘and if he doesn’t fear’ (Yahalom & Sokoloff, ™š±«§ ¢©š, 90-92). The ¨¢™ is similarly delayed because of the acrostic requirement in ibid., 244-26, ll. 13, 25, 29, 33, 37, 41, 49, 57, 61 (as pointed out by the eds. on pp. 38-39). 676

415

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 1) 2) 3)

žŸ ™¥ ®ž±¢ °œ¯ž//...//žŸ¥«¢ œž² ¦™ž ‘And if ruin give him pleasure (i.e., if he is tempted to do evil)…then righteousness, let him run to grasp it.’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/11; A [2x]) ¦¢©«³§ ¦ £™±°¢ ¦™ š™¤ ‘If pain befalls you, they afflict themselves.’ (¨žŸ™/457; A)  ¢¥¯³ Ÿ™//...¦±§²³ ¦™ ‘If you observe them…then you will succeed.’ (³žœž§ ³/535-536; A [2x])

Notes: In case 1, the concatenation of waw, which is necessitated by the acrostic structure, and a nominative absolute is grammatically awkward. The waw is necessitated by the acrosic structure. In BH, the structure ...Ÿ™...¦™, seen in case 3, is attested, albeit rarely–e.g., ž¢ ¥« ›©«³³ Ÿ™...£¢¥›¥ ³š²§ š¢²³ ¦™ (Isa. 58:1314). ¦™ + nominal clause + main clause: ¨§ ž³™¯š ±Ÿ© ™¥ §¥...™ž °¢œ¯ ¦™ š³ ‘If he is a righteous man…then why was he not careful when he left the ark?’ (¢©©° ¢¢/268-270). main clause + ¦™ + imperfect 1) " ¯±³ ™¥" ¦™ ¦¥¯ ±¢¯¢// ¯ ¢©­ ¤Ÿ³ž £¢±™³ ¦¢©²ž ‘You will both have a long life and have merit before the Dazzling One [=God] if you do not murder one created in [His] image.’ (¨žŸ™/463-464) 2) "¬™©³ ™¥" ¦™ ¡žª//¬™§ ¥¯©³ ‘You will be spared [God’s] wrath if you do not commit adultery [with] a faithless woman.’ (±ž³/477-478) Notes: Both cases are drawn from the connecting strophes of the seder diberin, designed to terminate in a verbatim reference to one of the commandments. In both cases, ¦™ occupies the second position in its clause. main clause + ¦™ + predicator of (non-)existence: ž±¡Ž¢ £¢™ £¢§¢§³ ¦¢§ žš ¨¢™ ¦™ ‘How will Your perfect ones [=Israel] be cleansed if it lacks a [proper] quantity of water?’ (¦©¤³/19). §26b Contrafactual Conditional Clauses with ¢¥ž¥ 1)

¦œ™š °¢œ¯ ¨š œ¥ž© ¢¥ž¥//¦œ™ ³™  §™ ¢¢ ±§™¢ž ‘And the Lord said, “I will efface man” (Gen. 6:7). [And He would have done so,] had not a righteous son been born among men.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/261262) 416

SYNTAX 2)

3)

œž§  ²™ §œ° ¢¥ž¥//...//œ« ž³™ ¨¢Ÿ ¢¥¤ "£¢¥¤ ™© ™²" ‘“Take up your weapons” (Gen. 27:3)–He decked him out in weapons of war…. [And Isaac’s blessing of Esau would have been fulfilled,] if the desirable woman [=Rebecca] had not anticipated [the situation].’ (¢©©° ¢¢/308-311) œ±¢ ¦ž±§§ ¥ž° ³š ¢¥ž¥//œž«³ ¢¥™š š²ž¢ ¥¥°¥ ²°š ‘[Isaac] sought to curse the one dwelling in the tents of the Testimony [=Jacob]. [And his curse would have been fulfilled,] had the divine voice not come down from on high.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/316-317)

Notes: The apodosis is not explicitly stated in any of the three cases listed here. 677 §26c Causal (Explanatory) Clauses with ¢¤ main clause + ¢¤ + perfect 1) ¢©ž±  £² ™¥ ¢¤ ­ ¥¤ ¦¥™™ ‘I will silence every mouth because My anger has not abated.’ (£¢š™™/2) 2) ¢©±› ¨š ²œ ™¥ ¢¤ œž«ž ³ž™§ «²³ ¨¢š™™ ‘I am [now] silent for over 900 [years], for He has not threshed “the product of my threshing floor” (Isa. 21:10) [=Rome/Babylon].’ (£¢š™™/2; cf. note 459) 3) ¢šž±° ° ± ¢¤ «­™ž «›™ ‘I will low and groan because the One close to me [=God] is far.’ (£¢š™™/14) 4) ž©³¥¥¢  ¢¤ œœž© ±ž­¯¤ œž©™ ‘I will flutter like a stray bird, for [the beast] has destroyed us.’ (£¢š™™/80) 5) ³¢²™± ¨¢¢©° ¨³§ Ÿ™§ ¨¤ž ¢¤//³¢²™±š ³±¢¯¢š ³¢š ³§œ° ¬¥™¥ ‘You caused bet to precede alef in the work of Creation, for the giving of the first possession [=Torah] had been prepared of old.’ (š³¤š Ÿ™/59-60) Total: 9 main clause + ¢¤ + imperfect 1a) £¥§¢ ¢¤ ¨žœ™¥//¦¢¥ž¥ž ±§Ÿ ž™² ‘Offer up song[s] and praise to the Lord, for He reigns.’ (¤¢ª©™/30) 1b) £¥§¢ ¢¤ ž¥«¢//®±™ ¬©¤§ ±™­ ‘They will offer up glory [to God] from the end[s] of the earth, for He reigns.’ (¤¢ª©™/34) 677 The same phenomenon may be observed in JPA poetry: ™«šž ³š™ ¥¢™ ¢¥ž¥//¢³¢ ™œšž§¥ ‘And [Esau] sought to kill him. [And he would have done so,] were it not for the God of his fathers’ (Yahalom & Sokoloff, ™š±«§ ¢©š, 170, l. 15).

417

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 2)

¬¯²¢ «›±¥ ¢¤ «œâ¢  ¯© ‘He will make Himself known for eternity, for He is angry [but] for a moment.’ (£¢š™™/76) Total: 8

main clause + ¢¤ + nominal clause 1) ¢š±°§ ¨¢™ ¢¤...¨¢« ±¢ß™ ‘I will cause my eye to flow…for there is none to bring me near [unto God].’ (£¢š™™/13) 2) œš¤ ¥š™ ¢¤ ³ž¢­ ¥¤ ¦¢§œ™ ‘I will silence all mouths, for the mourning is heavy.’ (£¢š™™/19) 3) ¨¢œš ¦¢§ ± ¨¢™//¢¤ ¨¢œ ³«²š ¨© ‹¢ ¢¥ž™ ‘Perhaps he will be shown grace at the hour of judgment, since there is no mercy in judgment.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/20-21) 4a) ±šœ¥ ³«ž ³ž² ¥ ³« ¢¤ ±šª¥ ‹ ¦œ«š ¢©ž²±¢ ‘They will allow me to plead on their behalf, since “there is a time to be silent and a time to speak” (Qoh. 3:7).’ (°¢­™/10) 4b) £¢±™¥ ³«ž ±¯°¥ ³« ¢¤ £¢±™™ ³ž±žš› ±šœ¥ ‘I will tell of [God’s] mighty deeds, since there is a time to be succinct and a time to be long-winded.’ (°¢­™/12; cf. §29d) 5) ¢¢œ« ¢©² ¦ ¢¤ ±Õ§²ž Ž ±Õ¤ŽŸ ‘Rememer and observe [the Sabbath], since these [commandments] are My two witnesses.’ (¢¤©™/47) 6) ¢œžš¤  ¦œžš¤ ¢¤ £¢©§ž™ œš¤ ‘Honor your parents, since honoring them is [the equivalent of] honoring Me.’ (¢¤©™/48) Total: 9 Notes: The use of ¢¤ to mark causal clauses is very common in BH. 678 This particle is not employed for this purpose in MH. §26d Causal Clauses with -¤ main clause + -¤ + perfect 1) ¢©œ™ ž«¥š¤ ª§  £¢¥™ °«Ÿ™ ‘I will cry out “Violence!” to You because my pedestals [=Temple] were swallowed up.’ (£¢š™™/38) 2) ±šž° ¨¢™ž ž¤¥²¤ ±²« ¦¢¥¢¯™//...š¥ š™¤§ °«¯™ ‘I will cry out from bitterness of heart…because the ten nobles [=Ten Martyrs] were cast out with none to bury [them].’ (™²™/21-22) 3) ¢©³¢¯¢¤ ¢³›¥ ‘I complain because You set me on fire.’ (™²™/59; cf. ¢©³¯³¢© ¢¤...¥¢¥¢™ [™²™/56]) Notes: See the discussion under §26i. 678

Cf. W&O, 640.

418

SYNTAX §26e Causal Clauses with ¢¤ ¥« This complex subordinating conjunction is attested 5x in BH, where it is a less common variant of ±²™ ¥«. ¢¤ ¥« + nominal clause + perfect 1a) ž§¢¥« ±ž³ ¥ž« ž¥š° ™¥//ž§¢¢  ¦ ¦š± š ¢¤ ¥« ‘Since their lives are by their sword, they did not accept the yoke of Torah upon themselves.’ (¥™/554) 1b) ž§¢¥« ±ž³ ¥ž« ž¥š° ™¥//ž§¢¥«­§ ¦ ³ž¥¢Ÿ›šž ³žš¢©›š ¢¤ ¥« ‘Since their activities are in [the realm of] theft and stealing, they did not accept the yoke of Torah upon themselves.’ (¥™/556) §26f Comparative Clauses with -¤ -¤ + perfect + main clause 679 1) ...±³«¥ ¢¥™//±³¤¤ Ÿ™ ±¢ª™ ³°©™ ‘As the cry of the Prisoner [=Isaac] was crowned [with success] back then, answer me…!’ (³¥™³/12; v.l. ±³¤ž; cf. §28y) 2a) °œ¯ž ¡­²§š ž¢©¢©¥ ²«‹¢//°œ¯ž ¡­²§ £±œ š™ ±§²¤ ‘Just as the father [=Abraham] kept to the path of justice and righteousness, so will his descendants be treated with justice and righteousness.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/33) 2b) °œ¯ž ³§™ ž¢©¢© ž±¯°¢//°œ¯¥ «±Ÿ ¦¥™ ³©ž¢¤ ‘Just as the mute dove [=Isaac] sowed righteousness, so will his descendants reap truth and righteousness.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/34) 2c) °œ¯ž ³§™ ž¢©¢©¥ ¨³ê¢//°œ¯š ³§™ ¦³¥ ¨ñŠ©¤ ‘Just as truth was given to the perfect one [=Jacob] in righteousness, so truth and righteousness will be given to his descendants.’ ( £¥§ ¡­²§š/35) Notes: In BH, both protasis and apodosis are usually explicitly marked with a particle, the most common formula being “±²™¤ + protasis, ¨¤ + apodosis.” 680 The condition of double marking does not seem to be operative in the Corpus in those cases where -¤ marks the protasis (but cf. ¦¥ž¤ ž§© ¨¤ ¦«§²¤ž [§22q], and further under §26g). Explicit marking of the apodosis is also lacking in a 679 In addition to those cases where -¤ governs finite clauses referring to the past, it may also govern a temporal adverb: Ÿ™§¤ žš//¦¥«ž «š±™ ¢±² ±¤Ÿ¢ ‘May He remember the princes of the four [kingdoms] and their yoke on it (i.e., on Rosh Hashana), as [He did] of old’ (±¤Ÿ/15). 680 Cf. W&O, 641-42.

419

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY case where ±²™¤ (drawn from the framing verse) is employed: ±²™¤ ¦¢§ž¢§ ž¢™¥¡ ž¢ ¢//¦¢§¤ š¥ £­²ž ¨ š ‘Just as [Isaac] was tried and poured [his] heart out like water, [so] may his lambs [=Israel] come to life after two days’ ( ³­¢/7; cf. Hos. 6:2, which is connected with the Binding of Isaac in Ber. Rab. 56:1). main clause + -¤ + perfect 1) ±°« ©© ¤...¦¢ššž© ‘praying…like the barren one [=Hannah] prayed’ (³¥™³/5-6) 2) ¦¥ž« ™±š© ™¥² œ« ¦¢­¥™ ž§¥²¤//¦¥ž« ¦« œž§«š ¥™ ¥¤ ž§¥² ‘All these came to an end when the eternal people arose, just like 2,000 [years] had passed before the world had been created.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/336-337) 3) ¦¢©žš© ž±ž¤ ¢³ž™¢¯¢ ±ž¯© ‘Observe [the rules pertaining to] the transfer of items from domain to domain on it (i.e., the Sabbath) as the wise have taught.’ (³¢¥¤³/442) §26g Comparative Clauses with ž§¤ The morpheme ž§¤ is a freestanding, variant form of the monographic -¤. As indicated below (§26i), it is already employed in BH on three occasions as a conjunction, both temporal and comparative. ž§¤ + perfect + ¨¤ + main clause: 681 £§² ž§¤ž//«œž© ¨¤//«œž ž§¤ ¢¤ «œžž³© ž§² ¨¤//«œ¢¢ ‘Surely just as [Abraham] proclaimed [Your name], so he was made known, and just as he made Your name known, so he became known.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/287-288) ž§¤ + participle + main clause: ±¤Ÿ¢ œ ™ ¥¤¥//¦¢ž™± ž§¤ ‘As they deserve, so will He remember each one.’ (±¤Ÿ/36) ž§¤ + participle + ¨¤ + main clause: ¨¤ž//"žŸš ™¢¯ž§ž//žŸš ª¢©¤§" ž§¤ž ՟¢›¢ â꧌ ‘And just as [with the shofar] “one blows into one end and out the other” (PDRK 23:8), so also He will cause [sin] to pass from him’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/12; A [2x]). Notes: The structure “ž§¤ + protasis, ¨¤ + apodosis” is attested 1x in BH: ™ž ¨¤ ž²­©š ±«² ž§¤ ¢¤ (Prov. 23:7). Elsewhere in 681 Cf. Yannai’s ³™¯ž ž³ž™ ³ž²±š ¨¤¥//³©­¯ ž³ž™ ³ž²±š ž§¤ (š/ž), where both particles satisfy the acrostic requirement. In the Qilirian corpus, we find the formula ³œ§² ¦³ž™ œ§š áš//³œ§  ±²™ ¦« žê« ž§¤ž (³ž¤§ ±²«š/16).

420

SYNTAX BH, the logical relationship is expressed by means of the syntagm “±²™¤ + protasis, ¨¤ + apodosis.” Thus, the Corpus’ ž§¤ = BH ±²™¤ (cf. also under §26i). main clause + ž§¤ + perfect 1) ±³«© ž§¤ ±³«¥ ¢¥™ ‘Answer me, just as it (i.e., Isaac’s prayer) was answered!’ (³¥™³/12; Gen. 1x v.l. ±³ž§ ¦™¤; cf. §28y) 2) ±¤Ÿ© ž§¤ ž§¥ ±¤Ÿ¥ //±¢¤Ÿ ¦ž¢š œž§«³ ¢œš¥ ‘She (i.e., Rachel) stands up in defense of her branches (i.e., offspring) on the Day of Remembrance, so that [God] may remember them, just as she was remembered.’ (¨š™/12; Gen. 1x v.l. ¦™¤) Notes: The cases cited here constitute the last stichoi of the mechaye and meshalesh, respectively. It is interesting to note in this conection that Katsumata observes a similar rhetorical phenomenon in Shemuel Ha-Shelishi: ,±š«š ¥™±²¢ ¦«¥ ²« ™ž² § ³™ ³ž²«¥ ¥™ ¨§ ²°š§ ¨¡¢¢­ œ ž¢§š ³™Ÿ ²ž« ™ž .¬''¤ ³ž™ ³ž«¯§™š ž™ 'ž§¤' ³¢¥¢§ ³ž«¯§™š .¤ž§¤ ¢§ž ±ž™§ ¨ž›¤ ,±¯ž¢ ³¤±«§ ¥² ¦¢©¡° ¦¢°¥  ¥² ¨ž± ™ ±ž¡š

From among the examples cited by Katsumata, cf. ±¢«²§ ³ ±Ÿ¤ Ž  ±Ÿ† and ³Õé Ž  ž§¤ ¦Õ ž¢š¢± §ž. 682 §26h Temporal Clauses with ¦±¡ (+ ¦±¡š, ¦±¡ œ«, ¦±¡ ³«) ¦±¡ + perfect + main clause 1) ...¦Ÿ¢//š¯  ¥«­§ ¥¤ ¦±¡ ‘Before He hewed out all of Creation, He imagined…’ (³™/5) 2) œ°­© œ¢§ ™±° ¦±¡ ‘[Even] before she called, she was immediately visited.’ (¦™/3) 3a) ¢© ­¡ ³œ ²™ ž©¢§¢§ ¦ ­¡ ¦±¡ ¨¢§¢š ‘Before He had spread them out with [His] right hand, He extended me from His right hand as a fiery law.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/189) 3b) ¢©©°³ ᚠ¦©¤³ ¦±¡ ³±Ÿš ‘Before He had measured them with the span, He established me with it (i.e., the same span-measure).’ (¢©©° ¢¢/190) 3c) ¢©«š° ž¢³ž«š¯™š ¦«š° ¦±¡ ³ž«š¯™š ‘Before He had established them with [His] fingers, He established me with His fingers.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/191) ¦±¡š + perfect + main clause 682

Katsumata, ¢²¢¥² ¥™ž§², 214.

421

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 1) 2)

...¥¥¤ž ±§›//¦¢§ž ²™ ¢¤ž³­ ž±í⢠¦±¡š ‘Before those that are mixed out of fire and water [=heavens] were formed, He finished and perfected…’ (¡²°™/5) ž¤±š ¥« ³«²«³²§ ¢³¢¢//...//...¦ž±  ³§ ¦±¡š ‘Before He had stretched out the height[s]…I was sporting on His knee.’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/88-90)

¦±¡ œ« + perfect + main clause: ¢©¡© ž¥¯™ ¦¡© ¦±¡ œ« °žœ¤ ‘Before He had spread them out like a veil, He spread me out by Him’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/188; parallel to 3a-c, above). ¦±¡ ³« + perfect + main clause: ¢© ³§ ¦§ ±³ž¢ ¦ ³§ ¦±¡ ³« ¥™¤ ‘Before He had stretched them out like a tent, He stretched me out more than them’ (¢©©° ¢¢/187) (¢©©° ¢¢/187; parallel to 3a-c, above). main clause + ¦±¡ + imperfect: š±°™ ¦±¡ ¥ä™...³ž²± ‘I will ask the permission of…before I approach [the Ark]’ (°¢­™/20). Notes: In BH, ¦±¡ is commonly found, as either an adverb or a subordinating conjunction, with the imperfect. It is attested with the perfect only 2x: ±šœ¥ ¥¤ ¦±¡ ™ž ¢¢ž (Gen. 24:15), ¦±¡ ¥™ž§²ž ž¢ ³™ «œ¢ (I Sam. 3:7). In both cases it functions as an adverb. It is also noteworthy that in all BH cases of “¦±¡ + verb,” no material intervenes between the two. The more common compound ¦±¡š, however, is attested 2x with the perfect and an intervening subject: žœ¥¢ ¦¢± ¦±¡š (Ps. 90:2), ž«š¡ ¦¢± ¦±¡š (Prov. 8:25). These are the only two cases of “¦±¡š + perfect” in BH. The combinations ³«/œ« ¦±¡ are not attested in BH. §26i Temporal Clauses with -¤ The construction of -¤ with verbs as a subordinating conjunction is typically considered to be a prominent aspect of the payyetanic style. 683 Given the usages to be noted below, it would be possible to analyze such syntagms as being equivalent to BH “±²™¤ + finite verb,” with the relative pronoun deleted, and the remaining monosyllabic element prefixed directly to the verb, i.e., ³¤ª ±²™¤ Æ ³¤ª¤ ‘when He heard’, etc. In fact, a similar analysis has been proposed in BH for relatively common comparative clauses of the 683 Cf. the remarks of Zunz, Synagogale Poesie, 121: “Das Kaf, von dem Hebräer nur dem Nennworte, selten dem Mittelworte, vorangestellt, verbindet der synagogale Dichter in der Bedeutung als mit der Vergangenheit, in der Bedeutung wenn mit der Zukunft.”

422

SYNTAX type ¥¯ ¬™²¢ œš«¤ (Job 7:2). Whereas the usually accepted interpretation is to consider the -¤ as directly governing only the immediately following noun, the rest being considered a relative clause with deleted relative pronoun (i.e., Å ¥¯ ¬™²¢ ±²™ œš«¤), it is possible to view the entire SVO sequence as a complete clause governed by the subordinating conjunction -¤ (which in turn is an apocopated form of the expected ±²™¤). 684 This interpretation is clearly the one adopted in the Corpus, as may be ascertained from the following triplet of parallel stichoi (¡­²§š £¥§/33-35): ...//°œ¯ž ¡­²§ £±œ š™ ±§²¤ž ...//°œ¯¥ «±Ÿ ¦¥™ ³©ž¢¤ž ...//°œ¯š ³§™ ¦³¥ ¨ñŠ©¤ž

In this case, we note that the first and third clauses, unambiguously employing -¤ as a conjunction, surround a structure that is syntactically identical to ¥¯ ¬™²¢ œš«¤. It seems to be the case, therefore, that the two types of syntagm are considered by Qillir to be equivalent. Furthermore, it should be noted that in BH a given lexeme may function simultaneously as a preposition (i.e., show nominal government) and as a conjunction (i.e., show verbal government). This occurs, for example in the case of ¨«¢ and œ«–cf. £¢³š«ž³ ¥¤ ¨«¢ (Ezek. 5:9) versus ž¢ ±šœ ³™ ³ª™§ ¨«¢ (I Sam. 15:23); ¨±  œ« ž™š¢ž (Gen. 11:31) versus ¦¢­œ± žš² œ« (Josh. 2:22). Both ¨«¢ and œ«, moreover, may be used to support the analysis of ±²™-deletion, since in their function as conjunctions they are also frequently attested as ±²™ ¨«¢ and ±²™ œ«. The relative pronoun seems to have been considered an optional element, employable, but not necessarily so, as a means of allowing the prepositions to govern finite verbal forms. Though -¤ itself is not attested in BH as a conjunction, 685 its expanded variant form ž§¤ is found 3x in this function: ± ² ž§¤ž 684 Cf. GKC, §155g. According to them, the latter interpretation “can hardly be right.” 685 Apud W&O, 202 note 49, who write: “Alone, k is used rarely as a conjunction; see, e.g., Gen. 12:14; k in #7 may better be taken as a conjunction.” The relevant part of Gen. 12:14 reads §¢±¯§ ¦±š™ ™š¤ ¢¢ž, while “#7” refers to ž¢§¢±§ ³™ž ¡š² ¬¢Š©¤ Ž (Isa. 10:15). Both examples seem to be straightforward cases of “temporal/comparative -¤ + infinitive construct.” I have not been able to identify any cases of -¤ prefixed directly to a finite verb in MT.

423

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY ¥« ‘and when the dawn rose’ (Gen. 19:15), ž²­©š ±«² ž§¤ ¢¤ ‘for according as he reckoned in his soul’ (Pr. 23:7), žš± ž§¤ žš±ž ‘and they will increase as they increased’ (Zech. 10:8). We see, therefore, that a BH precedent exists for treating -¤ as a subordinating conjunction. In addition to this precedent, juxtaposition of the verbal systems of BH and the Corpus demonstrates the occurrence of a shift that appreas to have promoted the development of a highly productive syntagm involving clause subordination by means of -¤. A distinctive feature of the BH verbal system is the employment of infinitival embedded clauses of the type ...¥¡°¤/š ¢¢ž and ¢ž ...¥¡°¤/š. This construction lives on in the verbal system attested in the Corpus in an attenuated form, viz., the temporal infinitive is no longer preceded by ¢ž/¢¢ž, and it is almost exclusively governed by -š (cf. §19k). The emergence of the use of -¤ to mark the temporal subordination of a finite verbal clause should therefore be seen in light of the restriction of the government of infinitival clauses to -š. Whereas -š is specialized in the government of infinitives (and gerunds–cf. §20a), thereby constituting a continuation the BH syntagm, -¤ is shifted to the government of finite verbs, since it no longer plays any role in this syntagm. In essence, this is a case of the application of the principle of “one meaning, one form” (cf. §1b). One more point deserves consideration. Morphologically, ¢¤ is identical to the Aramaic relative pronoun ¢œ, which like the former is used as a subordinating conjunction. In the case of indirect speech and causal clauses, in fact, the two are identical in function. 686 Already in DSS Aramaic, ¢œ may lose its status as an independent word and become a proclitic: -œ. In JPA -œ becomes the standard form of the relative pronoun/conjunction. 687 Now the fact that both ¢¤ and -¤ are used in the Corpus to govern causal clauses (§§26c, d) probably argues for a direct development ¢¤ Æ -¤, at least in this function. It is, moreover, likely that the Aramaic phonological process ¢œ Æ -œ reinforced the use of -¤ as a logical/temporal conjunction in the Corpus, especially in the case of causal clauses, where Aramaic -œ/¢œ and the Corpus’ -¤/¢¤ overlap. 686 687

For BA, see BDB, 1088, s.v. ¢œ. Cf. Dalman, Grammatik, §18 and Sokoloff, 144, s.v. ¢œ, -œ.

424

SYNTAX -¤ + perfect + main clause 1) ±¤Ÿ¢ ž¢¢ž©°//±ž™¥ ± ¤ ¢¯ ‘If He has angrily cursed the parched [earth], let Him remember those who belong to Him [=Israel].’ (±¤Ÿ/9) 2) š²ž§ ¥¤ ³«š¢//š²°¢¤ ž¥ž°¥ ‘When its sound is heard, every dwelling place will be terrified.’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/23) 3) ¥›§ ¦ž¢ª//¥›ª¥ ¨¢ªš//¥›¤ žœžª ‘When He revealed His secret to the treasured possession [=Israel] on [Mt.] Sinai, [this constituted] the assigning (i.e., giving) of the scroll [=Torah].’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/29) 4) ¥¢«ž¥ ¦œé¥ £ž±« «ž²//¥¢«³¥ ®­ ¤ žŸ ³¥™³ ‘When He wished to heal the curse of the one who [=Israel], He taught them to set out [their] prayer so as to benefit [themselves].’ (³¥™³/1) 5) ...á³ °¥ š¯//¥  ™¥² ¡š¤ ¨ž§œ™ ‘The Reddish One [=Esau], when he saw that she had not given birth (lit. writhed), wished to take her…’ (¨š™/5) 6) ±¢šª ©§ ¦¢©² ³ž¡§//±¢š› ³°©™ ³¤ª¤ ¢ ‘God, when He heard the cry of the Master [=Jacob], promised [that] two tribes [would arise] from her.’ (¨š™/10) 7) œ°­ ±²š³¤ ³™Ÿ ‘After this was announced to her, she was visited.’ (¦™/3) 8) ¦¢§ ³¤²  ¨¢š¥ ¦¢§ ³±²  ¨¢š ՜«ž//¦¢§ Õ¥«²š œœ§ž ³¢²™±š ²«§ ±¯¤ž ‘And when He fashioned the work of Creation, and measured the water in the hollow of His hand, He established it (i.e., His Throne) between the watery mass and the watery darkness.’ (¡²°™/12) 9) ¦¢§ ¦¥ž«¥ ¦©  ³©³§ ³³ ±²¢//...¥«­ ¥¤š ¡š¤ ¢ ‘God, when He looked at all of Creation…kindly gave the world water gratis.’ (¡²°™/20) 10) ...¢²© ³ž°²¥ ¥¤//¦¢§¥ ³œ šž²¢ Ÿ™§ ³³ ®­¤ ‘When, a long time ago, He determined to provide a permanent dwelling place for the water, He purposed to irrigate the earth…’ (¡²°™/21) 11) á°°ž²¥ š²ž ¨ž¤...±²¤ ‘When He saw…He made a new decision to water it.’ (¡²°™/22) 12) ž©¢ ž¤ ²³ ¦©¤ "®±™š ¦ž±™" ‘When he said, “I will be exalted in the earth,” (Ps. 46:11) our strength was exhausted.’ (™²™/33) 13) ¢³™²©³© °œ¯š ž™ð©¤ ³ž«š› ‘When the hills were elevated in righteousness, I was exalted.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/166) 14) ¦«§¢² "ž©«§² žŸ ¦¢³²"//¦«ž©š ž™±©¤ ³ž¥ž° «š² ‘When the seven sounds appeared delightfully (i.e., bringing delight), He caused 425

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY them to hear “the two that we heard” (cf. Ps. 62:12).’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/348-349) 15) ž§™ž© œžš¤ ¢©¢ª§ ™š//ž§«¥ ±ž³ ¨³¢¥ ž³«œ ¥« ³¥«¤ž ‘And when it occurred to Him to give the Torah to His people, His glorious speech came fom [Mt.] Sinai.’ (¥™/552) Notes: Case 1 is more logical than temporal–cf. ¦™ ³¢²¢±  ¬¯² ³¢²¥ ±  (±¤Ÿ/4). -¤ + participle + main clause: ¦¢¥š©¤ ¦¢±š²© ¦¢¥­ž©¤ ‘When [they] fall, they break like jars’ (³ž«³/415). 688 main clause + -¤ + perfect 1) ³žš±™ ž ³­©¤...ž­¯° ¦¢ž› ‘Nations experienced [God’s] anger…when the sluices [of heaven] were opened.’ ( ³­¢/73) 2) ...œ±¤//ž¤œ ±Ž  ›¤ ÞŽ ±Š ¦¢§ ‘He made water abundant when the meek one [=Elijah] crouched, as [Ahab] went down…’ ( ³­¢/80; cf. I Kings 18:42-44) 3) ±š²§¥ ¦¢©š ž™š¤ ¢³ ž¯ I cry out as the sons reach the breach.’ (™²™/23; cf. II Kings 19:3) 4) ³ž™¥­© ²«¤ ±ž¯//³ž™¥­ ž±²¤//³ž™š¯ ž­¯­¯ ‘The hosts [of Israel] sang when they saw the wonders, when the Rock [=God] performed the miracles.’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/36) 5) ±­ž²š ž©³©¤...//²¥² ¨³§ ³ž¥ž°//²¥  ™°±™š//²ž¥  ¥ž° ‘The sound of weakness was cast upon the earth when the sounds of the giving of the tri[partite scriptures] were given forth… with a shofar.’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/37) Notes: It appears on the basis of these data that in the case of the “temporal -¤ + perfect” construction, the preferred order is Protasis-Apodosis. 689 This preference may be inherited from the BH “-¤/-š + infinitive construct” embedded clause structure, where the temporal clause usually precedes the main clause. 690 This

688 The ed. vocalizes ¦¢¥Ž ­žŽ Š ©ç,† but there is no reason to emend away the construction suggested by the consonantal text. 689 The case of ²± ©¤ ¨ž¢±­™ ‘when the palanquin [=Temple] was razed’ (™²™/15) is unclear, since these words are followed by a half-line long lacuna, thereby making it difficult to determine the syntactic relations between this clause and its surrounding context. 690 This is always the case where the infinitival clause is part of the structure “¢ž/¢¢ž + embedded clause + finite verb.” Outside of this

426

SYNTAX fact further supports the contention that from a systemic point of view, the Corpus’ use of the temporal conjunction -¤ is genetically related to the BH temporal infinitive construction. §26j Temporal Clauses with ž§š ž§š + perfect + main clause: ©²œ ¥¤³š ²™¢³© ž§š ‘[Just] when she had given up hope, she was fattened in the end’ (¦™/1; A). Notes: The conjunction ž§š is probably to be viewed as a variant of -¤, called forth by the needs of the acrostic. §26k Temporal Clauses with ±²™¤ ±²™¤ + imperfect + main clause: ¨ž™§¯¥//...›¥²ž ¦²› œ±‹¢ ±²™¤ ³ž©¢« žž«²¢ ‘When the rain and the snow come down…the springs look to it thirstily’ (¦©¤³/12). ±²™¤ + participle + main clause: ±­ž²¤ «¢±¢ ¥ž°//¦¢«¢±³§ ¦ ±²™¤ ‘When they blow the shofar, a sound blares out, like [the sound of] the shofar’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/22). 691 Notes: The temporal conjunction ±²™¤ is common in BH, where it may be employed with both the perfect and imperfect. 692 §26l Temporal Clauses with -²¤ -²¤ + perfect + main clause: ...¢³¢ž¯//¢¢œš« ¢³ž¤¥§ ¥ž« ž¥š¢°²¤ž ‘And when My servants accepted the yoke of My kingship, I commanded…’ (¢¤©™/44; Gen. 1x v.l. ž¥š¢°¤ž).

syntagm, however, the order Apodasis-Protasis is also, and not infrequently, attested–e.g., £¢³ž¯§ ¥¤ ¥™ ¢¡¢šš ²žš™ ™¥ Ÿ™ (Ps. 119:6). 691 The use of the verb «¢± with the subject ¥ž° is highly unsual, and the text of the apodosis clause may be corrupt. 692 The meaning of ±ž¤Ÿ¥ ±žœž ±žœ ¥¤š//±­ªš ž¥ š¯°//±­² ¢§¥Ž› ±²™ (±¤Ÿ/7) is not entirely clear (cf. the ed.’s comments, ad loc.). However, it appears that the most appropriate gloss is ‘When He adorned my inchoate matter (i.e., when God beheld Adam in his primeval state–cf. Ps. 139:16), He allotted for him in the book (cf. Gen. 5:1) to remember [sinful humanity] in every generation.’ If this interpretation is correct, then ±²™ is to be taken as meaning ‘when’. A similar usage is attested in BH–cf. BDB, 83, s.v. ±²™ 8d.

427

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY -²¤ + imperfect + main clause: ...±Ÿ›¢...¦ž ± ®­ ¢²¤ž ‘And when the Merciful One wishes…, He will decree…’ (¡­²§š £¥§/71-72). Notes: The temporal use of -²¤, whose common BH equivalent is ±²™¤, is attested 2x in LBH–Qoh. 9:10; 10:3. This conjunction is common in MH. §26m Temporal Clauses with -²§ -²§ + perfect: ³ž™§ «š±™ž ¦¢­¥™ž//¦¥ž« ™±š© ™¥² œ« ¦¢­¥™ ž§¥²¤... ¦¥ž« ™±š©²§ ©ž§²ž ¦¢«š±™ž ‘…just like 2,000 [years] had passed before the world had been created, and 2,448 since the world had been created’ (¢©©° ¢¢/337-338). Notes: This temporal conjunction is attested in MH. The logical conjunction ±²™§ ‘since, because’ is attested 1x in BH: ±²™§ ³œš¤© ¢©¢«š ³±°¢ (Isa. 43:4). §26n Temporal Clauses with œ« main clause + œ« + perfect 1) £¥§ œ« ±žœ//£¥ ³ž™§ ²§ //£¥§ £žè ‘The Splendid One [=God] went a going of a journey of 500 [years], until He was recognized as king.’ (¤¢ª©™/9) 2) ±³ œ« ±žª™ œ«š//±¢³« ¨©  ‘He prayed graciously on behalf of the imprisoned one [=Rebecca] until she (i.e., her barren womb) was loosed.’ (³¥™³/11) main clause + œ« + imperfect 1) £¥§¢ ±ž¯ œ«//³ž¤¥§ ¥«š ²œ//...//³ž¤¢§©  ž± ¢™¤œ ‘She tramples the lowly ones crushed in spirit…with the yoke of [her] kingship, [and this will continue] until the Rock [=God] comes to reign.’(¤¢ª©™/8) 2) ¤ž¥§ «¢­ž³ œ«//...//¤¥§ ¢¥« ‘She has been made ruler over her…until [God’s] kingdom is manifested.’ (³±œ™/3) 3) ¦¢§ °¢±¥ ž²±¢ œ« ¦¢±ž±¯ ¦¢œ§ž« ‘[They] stand still, stopped up, until they are allowed to empty [their] water.’ (¡²°™/32) 4) ¦¢§¥ ¦¢§ ž°¢ð¢ œ« Ÿ¥ ¥ ¦¢™±ž° ‘[They] call to one another until they cause water to touch water.’ (¦©¤³/11) 5) ¢›©  ž²²«¢ œ« ¢¤žš èš™ ‘I will wear down my eyes (lit. brightnesses) [with] weeping, until they are worn out.’ (£¢š™™/8) 428

SYNTAX Notes: The conjunction œ« in the temporal sense is attested in BH with both the perfect and the imperfect. §26o Temporal Clauses with -² œ« main clause + -² œ« + perfect: ³ž±šœ¥ ¥¢ ³ ¨ñ©² œ«...™œ¢ž ¬¥™ «Ÿ ‘The alef trembled and darted…until it was made the beginning of the Decalogue’ (š³¤š Ÿ™/63-64). Notes: The temporal conjunctions ±²™ œ« and -² œ« are both attested in BH. Whereas the latter appears in BH 3x, it is common in MH. §26p Temporal Clauses with ™¥ œ« main clause + (predicative) ™¥ œ«: ™¥ œ« ³ž™¢±š «š² ¨¢¤ (¦¢§² ±œŽ ¦œ° ©¢¤² ¦š ±²)//¦¢§² ‘He prepared the seven [preexistent] created things before the heavens [existed]’ (¡²°™/10). ™¥ œ« + perfect + main clause 1) ³«²«³²§ ¢³¢¢ (//...¨¢¤ ¦œ°ž//... ³§ ¦±¡š)//...¦¥ž« œœ§ ™¥ œ« ‘Before He had measured out the world…I was sporting on His knee.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/87-90) 2) ¢³¥¥ž ³© ¥¥ž ³© ™¥ œ« ®±™ (//¢³¥¥ž  ³ž§ž³ ¨¢™š) ‘Before the earth had been brought forth, I was brought forth.’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/136) Notes: The subordinating conjunction ™¥ œ« is attested 1x in (Prov. 8:24-26): 693 ¦¢§ ¢œš¤© ³ž©¢«§ ¨¢™š//¢³¥¥ž  ³ž§ž³ ¨¢™š ¢³¥¥ž  ³ž«š› ¢©­¥//ž«š¡ ¦¢± ¦±¡š ¥š³ ³ž±­« ²™±ž//³ž¯ž ž ®±™ ²« ™¥ œ«

Taking the syntax at its face value, it would appear that these verses take ¨¢™š and ¢©­¥ to be temporal prepositions (for more on the former, see §26t), while ¦±¡š and ™¥ œ« are temporal conjunctions, both governing the perfect. The surface syntax of the case in (¡²°™/10) opposes what appears to be a temporal preposition ™¥ œ« to the temporal conjunction ¦œ°. The remaining two cases, however, point towards the interpretation of ™¥ œ« in the Corpus as a conjunction. In addition to the BH evidence cited above, we may note that in JPA 693

There is an additional, though doubtful, case in Isa. 47:7.

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY ™¥(œ) œ« functions as a temporal conjunction, governing the imperfect. 694 Furthermore, the form ™¥ œ« has a rather prominent history in the Byzantine piyyut literature itself. It is probably best well known from the refrain of a series of piyyutim that are recited in the Ashkenazic liturgy during the Additional Service of Yom Kippur, immediately preceding the avoda composition: ¨ž¤§ ™¥ œ« ¨ž¤© £™ª¤. 695 In the early avoda ¥¤ ¨¢™š Ÿ™, 696 moreover, a series of patterned tetrastichoi that constitutes an integral part of the composition itself (ll. 35-70) also employs ™¥ œ« as part of a syntactic pattern. Here, for example, are ll. 55-56, with the elements demanded by the pattern underlined: ¦«Ÿ ³§²› ¦ž¢š//ž ³­ž¢ ™¥ œ«//³žšž±™ ¢š©²™//³¥«© ¢¥ž¥¤š

Out of the tetrastichoi wherein the third stich is not damaged, ™¥ œ« governs a noun 2x, a perfect 2x, and an imperfect 13x. A similar pattern is encountered throughout the confessional piyyut ž©³³ ²™±¥ Ÿ™ by Yose ben Yose. 697 Here is the first line, with the fixed element underlined: ²™± ¢§ ž©¢ž±//²™±š ¨ž¤© ™¥ œ«//²™± Ž©ñŠ† © ž©§©ž//ž©³³ ²™±¥ Ÿ™

In these tetrastichoi, ™¥ œ« governs a noun 2x, a perfect 10x, and an imperfect 4x. Furthermore, an alphabetical piyyut based on a series of distichoi following the pattern ...¦±¡š//...™¥ œ« is attested in the context of the Qillirian qedushta for Shavuot ›ž  ¢ª­™ (though the nature of its structural position within that composition is unclear, and probably secondary). 698 Here is the first distich, with the fixed elements underlined: 694 Cf. Sokoloff, 396, s.v. ™¥ œ«. As parallels, Sokoloff cites CPA and SA ™¥ œ«. Note further that the compounded form ™¥ œ« ¦œž° is also attested in JPA (cf. ibid., 478). In JPA poetry, we also find ³¢¥¢¥¤² ³¢¥œ œ« ‘before I completed’ (Yahalom & Sokoloff, ™š±«§ ¢©š, 112, l. 16). 695 Goldschmidt, ¦¢™±ž© ¦¢§¢, 2.431-33. The two piyyutim printed there are ¦¢°Ÿ  ³±œ™ and ¦¢ ž³§ ³¥™, of which the latter is often attributed to Qillir himself. Cf. also M. Rand, “The Development of the Seder Beriyot in Byzantine-Era Piyyut,” JQR 95 (2005) 667-83. 696 Y. Yahalom, ¦¢±ž­¢¤ ¦ž¢¥ ¦žœ° ¢¥™±²¢-®±™ œžš« ±œª – ¥¤ ¨¢™š Ÿ™ (Jerusalem: Magnes, 1996). 697 Mirsky, ¢ªž¢, 219-221. 698 Cf. Sh. Elizur, ±ž³ ¨³§ ¦ž¢¥ ³ž™³²žœ° – ±¢¥° ¢š±š ±Ÿ«¥™ ¢š± (Jerusalem: Mekize Nirdamim, 2000) 169-71.

430

SYNTAX ¦¢°Ÿ  ³ž¢±š ¦±¡š//¦¢° ² ®é™ ™¥ œ«

In these distichoi, ™¥ œ« governs a noun 1x and a perfect 11x. From these, albeit partial, data it seems clear that in the Byzantine piyyut, ™¥ œ« functions primarily as a conjunction, governing either the perfect or the imperfect. It therefore seems preferable to analyze the case in (¡²°™/10) as a conjunction as well, and assume that a copula has been gapped. §26q Temporal Clauses with ™¥² œ« main clause + ™¥² œ« + perfect: ¦¥ž« ™±š© ™¥² œ« ¦¢­¥™ ž§¥²¤... ‘…just like 2,000 [years] had passed before the world had been created’ (¢©©° ¢¢/337). Notes: The conjunction ™¥² œ« is attested in MH–e.g., ™¥² œ« ¢™œ¤ ¢©¢™ ¢³±¯ž© (BT Ber. 17a). For JPA ™¥(œ) œ« and ³¢¥œ œ«, see the discussion under §26p. Furthermore, Sokoloff notes the compound conjunction ™¥² œ« ¦œž° in the Hebrew of Bereshit Rabbah. 699 §26r Temporal Clauses with ³« (+ ³«š, ³«¥, ³«§) ³« + perfect + main clause: ¢©²±­ «¢±¢¤ ¦²±¢­ ³« ‘When He stretched them out like a curtain, He stretched me out’ (¢©©° ¢¢/192). ³«š + perfect + main clause 1) ¢³«œš ž«°š© ž³«œš ž«°š© ³«š ‘When they were rent open at His behest, they were rent open at my behest.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/139) 2) œ ¢ ¦«©ž œ ™ ¢ ³«š ‘When he was single, he was altogether pleasant.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/247) ³«§ + perfect + main clause: ¥¢­³ ¥¤¥ ²™± ©§³© žš §³ ³© ³«§ ‘(From the time) when it was sealed in him (i.e., the covenant of circumcision in Abraham’s flesh), he was designated the beginning of the whole tefilla (i.e., the eighteen benedictions)’ (¢©©° ¢¢/285). main clause + ³« + perfect: £ž¥§¥ ™³™ ³«//¦¢ž› £¥§//...//¦¢ž›œ ž¤¥§ ‘The teeming ones [=Israel] will rule…when the King of the nations [=God] comes to rule’ (¤¢ª©™/26). Notes: The finite temporal clause exemplified here is paralleled by an infinitival clause in the preceding line: ž§//¦¢ž› ž¡§

699

Sokoloff, "š± ³¢²™±š" 142-43.

431

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY £ž¥§¥ ž™šš ™›//¦¢™›³§ žœ«§//¦¢™› (¤¢ª©™/25). For the future refernce of the finite verbs in these lines, see §18e. main clause + ³«¥ + perfect: ¢²¢¥² ²œ š «› ³«¥//¢²è² ¦¢²¢¥² š³¤ ‘He transmitted the tripartite scriptures to me when [Israel] arrived [at Mt. Sinai] on the third month’ (¡§ ®±™/11-12; A [2x]). main clause + ³«š + imperfect: £¥§¢ ³«š ¥«¢//¤§¥ ¥³  ‘He will provide a bandage for the wound when He reigns’ (¤¢ª©™/16). main clause + ³«¥ + imperfect 1) š²¢³¢ ³«¥//...//š²ž¢ ž¢«œž¢¥ ‘[The sound of the shofar] will be returned to those who know it [=Israel]…when He is seated [on His Throne].’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/24) 2) ¦¢œŸ «¢©¤³ ³«¥ ¢©§ ©³ šžª³ ‘You will turn and comfort me when You subdue the arrogant ones.’ (£¢š™™/70-71) Notes: In BH, the substantive ³« ‘time’ functions as a Ž ±Š œ† Š ³« (Jer. subordinating conjunction only in the case of ᤢ 51:33). 700 It may also govern a subordinate clause when part of the following compounds: ³«š (4x), ³«¥ (1x), ³« œ« (1x), ³«§ (1x). 701 For ¦±¡ ³«, see §26h. §26s Temporal Clauses with ¦œ° main clause + ¦œ° + perfect: ¦š ±² (//¦¢§² ™¥ œ« ³ž™¢±š «š² ¨¢¤) ¦¢§² ±œŽ ¦œ° ©¢¤² ‘He made the Divine Presence to dwell among them before He dwelt in the heavens’ (¡²°™/10). ¦œ° + perfect + main clause 1) ...³«²«³²§ ¢³¢¢//...š¤± ž¥ ¨¢¤ ¦œ°ž (//... ³§ ¦±¡š//...œœ§ ™¥ œ«) ‘and before He had prepared Himself His chariot…, I was sporting…’ (¢©©° ¢¢/86-88) 2) Ÿ™§ ¢œžª¢ ¢ œžª¢ ¥«­ ¦œ° ‘Before He had made the foundation [of the earth], my foundation was of old.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/100) Notes: The temporal conjunction ¦œŒ °Œ is not attested in BH. However, the related form -³§œ° is attested in ³§ œ† î ÚŒ ³ž©› ±¢¯ ¤ ž¢¢

700 Cf. Bergsträsser, 2.§19l. Some grammarians, however, interpret this verb as an anomalous Hifil infinitive with /i/–cf. Joüon, 1.§54c. 701 Cf. GKC, §155l. BDB, 773, s.v. ³« 1d observe that such usages are either “poet[ic] or late.”

432

SYNTAX ²šŽ ‹ ¢ ¬¥ ڎ (Ps. 129:6), where it is usually taken to be an Aramaism. 702 The conjunction -œ ¦œž° is attested 1x in JPA, but the more common form is the compound ™¥ œ« ¦œž°, which may govern either the imperfect or the perfect. 703 The closely related œ« ¦œž° ™¥² is attested in the Hebrew of Genesis Rabbah, concerning which Sokoloff claims that it is not to be seen as an Aramaism, but rather as an inner-Hebrew development, deriving from the standard MH ™¥² œ«. Cf. also under §26q. 704 §26t (Quasi-)Predicative Constructions with ¨¢™š, ¨¢™§ with ¨¢™š 1) °œ¯ ²¢ ¡­²§ ¨¢™š ‘Without judgment righteousness is possible.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/40) 2) ¢± ܍ † ¢§† ¨¢™š ¬²© ¢±š £¥™ ‘I will walk about in the shadowy mountains, for lack of one to lead me straight.’ (£¢š™™/26) 3) ¦¢§ ± ¨¢™š ¦¢ ¯ž± ¢°© ‘murdering the innocent without pity’ (±ž³/470; v.l. ™¥š) 4a) ¢³›ž ¢³±™ "¦ž³ ¢©­ ¥« £² " ¨¢™š ‘Before “the darkness was upon the face of the Abyss,” (Gen. 1:2) I was light and luminous.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/137) 4b) ¢³™±°© ž¢­š "¦ž³ ¥™ ¦ž³ ™±ž°" ¨¢™š ‘Before “abyss was calling out to abyss,” (cf. Ps. 42:8) I was called forth by His muouth.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/138) 5a) ¦¢§ «šž© ¢©¢¢«§ ¢ "¦¢§ ¢œš¤© ³ž©¢¢«§ ¨¢™š" ‘“Before there were springs heavy with water,” (Prov. 8:24) my spring was flowing with water.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/143-144) 5b) ¦¢§ £²ž§ ¢±© ³ž±© ¨¢™š ‘Before there were rivers, my river was conducting water.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/145) 5c) ¦¢§ ³«šž© ¢±™š ³ž±™š ¨¢™š ‘Before there were wells, my well was flowing with water.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/146) 5d) ¦¢§ ¦¢¢  ¢±ž°§ ³ž±ž°§ ¨¢™š ‘Before there were springs, my spring was living waters.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/147)

Cf. BDB, 870, s.v. §œ°. Cf. Sokoloff, 478, s.v. ¦œž° and ™¥ œ« ¦œž°. 704 Sokoloff, "š± ³¢²™±š" 142-43. The author suggests in note 128 that the form developed from a structure of the type œ« ©² ¦¢«š±™ ¦œž° ¥šš¥ ¥™±²¢ ž¥› ™¥² (L. Ginzberg, Yerushalmi Fragments from the Genizah [New York: JTSA, 1909] 181, l. 2). 702 703

433

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 5e) ¦¢§ ³¤¢±š¤ ¢³¢¢ ¦¢§ ¨¢™š ‘Before there was water, I was like a pool of water.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/148) 5f) "¢¢ ¥™±²¢ ž°§" ¦¢§ ž°§ ¨¢™š ‘Before there was a pool (miqvæ) of water, “the Lord [was] Israel’s hope/pool (miqvæ)” (Jer. 17:13).’ (¢©©° ¢¢/149-150) Notes: The form ¨¢™š is attested 10x in BH, 8 of the cases being found in Proverbs. Fundamentally, it marks circumstantial constructions meaning ‘when there is/was no (s.th.)’, being compounded out of the temporal -š and ¨¢™. 705 This temporal/circumstantial nuance predominates in most of the BH cases of ¨¢™š, as in ¢³¥¥ž  ³ž§³ ¨¢™š ‘There was still no deep when I was brought forth’ (Prov. 8:24). However, there are cases in BH where ¨¢™š loses most of its circumstantial (predicative) value and approaches the function of a preposition meaning ‘for lack of, without’, as in ¦« «±ì¢ ¨žŸ  ¨¢™š ‘For lack of vision people lose restraint’ (Prov. 29:18). In Ben Sira, ¨¢™š is attested 6x, with the circumstantial (predicative) value weakened to some extent, but still clearly discernible: §¤  ±ª ³ ³«œ ¨¢™šž//±ž™ ±ª ¢ ¨ž²¢™ ¨¢™š (3:25), £³¢ ²¢ ¥¢¯§ ¨¢™š (8:16), [±ž³³ ™''©] ± ™³ ¥™ [¯« ™''©] š¯« ¨¢™š (11:9), ¦±¤ ±«žš¢ ±¢œ› ¨¢™š (36:30). In the DSS, ¨¢™š is attested 1x. Here, too, its circumstantial (predicative) value is weakened, but the fact that its construction is paralleled by a subordinate clause indicates that the author was conscious of its predicative function: § ¤©ž¯± ¨¢™š [(?) ¥¢¤²™=] ¥¢²¤™ ¤¢™ž ¢©³œ§« ™¥š//°Ÿ ³™ (1QHa 10:6). In early piyyut literature, on the other hand, the temporal/circumstantial value may be strongly evident–e.g., ³¢¢ ¥¤ ³™//¥¤ ¨¢™š Ÿ™. 706 In the Corpus, the use of ¨¢™š may either approach that of a preposition, as in cases 1-3 (especially 3), or be strongly predicative, as in cases 4 and 5. with ¨¢™§: ¨ž¢¥œ ¨¢™§ ³¥¥ž¯ ‘sinking for lack of a drawing-out’ (£¢š™™/31). Notes: The form ¨¢™§, compounded out of privative ¨§ and ¨¢™, is attested in BH–e.g., ³ž›­ ¨¢™§...±›© ¢©¢« ‘My eye flows…without respite’ (Lam. 3:49). It may, as in the case listed

705 In this respect, it is comparable to the common circumstantial use of ¨¢™ž in BH–e.g., œ¢± § ¨¢™ž ¦³š¤²ž (Lev. 26:6). 706 Yahalom, ¥¤ ¨¢™š Ÿ™, 63.

434

SYNTAX here, convey the nuance of causation: ¦¢§ ¨¢™§ ¦³›œ ²™š³ ‘Their fish stinks for lack of water’ (Isa. 50:2). §26u Indirect Speech marked by -² 1) ¥  ™¥² ¡š¤ ‘when he saw that she had not given birth’ (¨š™/5) 2) ²™± ¦œ° ¢¥™ ™ž² «¢œž¥ ‘to make known that He is a preexistent God’ (¥™/608; cf. cases 6a-b below) Notes: This use of -² is reasonably well attested in BH–e.g., ¥š Ÿ ¦›² ¢³±§™ (Qoh. 8:14)–and not exclusively in LBH (cf. Judg. 6:17). Syntactically, this function is identical with the use of the much more common particle ±²™ as a subordinator of indirect speech. In MH, ±²™ as an indirect speech marker is entirely supplanted by -². 707 marked by ¢¤ 1) ®±™ ³ž¯° ™±žš ™ž ¢¤//...//®±™ ¥¤ ž«œ¢ž ž±¢¤¢ ‘All the earth will recognize and know…that He is the Creator of the ends of the earth.’ (¡­²§š £¥§/2-3) 2) ¦¢§ ³¢³²§ ³²ž ¥¤ ¢¤ ³«œ ‘to know that everything was founded on the drinking of water’ (¡²°™/7) 3) ¦¢§ ¢¥š ³ž¢  ¨¢™ ¢¤ ¥«­ ¥¤š ¡š ‘He looked at all of Creation, [and saw] that it is impossible to live without water.’ (¡²°™/20) 4) ¦¢§ žª§ ¢ ¢¤ «ž±Ÿ ¢¥«šš ±² ‘He saw the violent men, that they would seize water.’ (¡²°™/22) 5) ...¦¢§ ¦§ ž¥¢ Ÿ¢ ¢¤ ³ž±ž©¯ ¥ž° ‘At the sound of the sluices, [which indicates] that they would cause water to flow from themselves…’ (¡²°™/38) 708 6a) ž¤±«¤ ¨¢™ ¢¤...«¢œž¥ ‘to make known…that there is none to match Him’ (¢©©° ¢¢/94; cf. case 2, under “marked by -²”) 6b) ¦¥ž¤§ °² © «¢œ ±žœ ¢¤ «¢œž¥ ‘to make known that the generation of knowledge [=the Exodus generation] was beloved above all of them.’ (¥™/576) Total: 11 707

Cf. Segal, §6. The interpretation of this line depends on the source in PRE 5 (cited by the ed., ad loc.): ¨¢«¢§²§ ¦¢§¢ž ¦¢§¢¥ ¨¢³ž±ž©¢¯ ¥ž° ³™ ¦¢«¢§²§ ¦¢š« ¦¢š«¥ ¨³¢¥ž ¦¢§ ³ž¥«¥ [ :š§ '³] ™±ž° ¦ž³ ¥™ ¦ž³ž ³ž§ž³¥ ¨¢³ž±ž©¯ ¥ž° ³™. 708

435

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY Notes: The use of ¢¤ to mark indirect speech is widespread in BH. 709 with participial clause: ¦¢§ ³«šž¡ ¢¥š ³¢±š ³ž™ ™¢›¥ ³«œž§ ‘[The rainbow] proclaims to the earth a sign of the covenant, [to the effect that in the future] it will not drown in water’ (¡²°™/26) (cf. §22l). with complementary infinitive 1) ³ž°²¥  °± ¨¢¢§ ¦³ž™ ±œ¢ ¥™ ž ² ‘They told Yered [=Moses] to give them to drink of the spiced wine (i.e., to transmit the Torah to them).’ (š³¤š Ÿ™/76) 2) ¦¢¡¥ š±  ±°¥//¦¢¡¢±§ «ž²ž ¦¢²› £¥ ‘[They] are approaching You and imploring [You] to cool the heat of the flames.’ ( ³­¢/9) §26v Relative Clauses Relative clauses may be of two types: dependent and independent. In the former, the relative clause modifies a head noun, and is functionally very similar to an attributive adjective. The latter type does not depend on a head noun, and may be used as a major constituent of a verbal clause–i.e., subject, object, or genitive. 710 §26w Dependent Relative Clauses Marked by ±²™ The lists below, and in §26x, include cases with the predicate participle. with resumptive element 1) «±™¢ žš ±²™ «± ¦™ž šž¡ ¦™ž ‘whether it be good or bad that befall him’ (±¤Ÿ/34) 2) œ°­© žš ±²™ ±²³ ‘a gift with which she was visited’ (³™/12) 3) ¯¢° ±²™  ž± ³²° ‘the one heavy of spirit who woke up’ [=Sarah] (¦™/7) 4) °Ÿ«§ ™¢ ±²™ ¦¢¡š² ³ž§œ ‘the likeness of the [twelve] tribes, which is set about [God] in a circle’ (¡­²§š £¥§/48) 5) ¦¢§§ ž¥œš ±²™ ¥œžš ¢§ ¢žž¢° ‘the gathering of the separate waters, which were separated from the water’ (¡²°™/37)

709 710

Cf. BDB, 471, s.v. ¢¤. Cf. W&O, 330-31.

436

SYNTAX 6)

¦¢©­¥ žœ§« ±²™...±žœž ±žœ ¥¤ ‘every generation…that had risen before them’ (¥™/574) Total: 16

without resumptive element 1) ¦¢§ ±«² ¥ž§ ±²™ ¦¢§² ¢³¥œ ‘the doors of Heaven, which are opposite the Water Gate’ (°¢­™/4) 2) ¢³ž§Ÿ§  ¢³­² ž¯­ ±²™ ¦¢©¢° ‘the dirges that my knowledgeable lips utter’ (£¢š™™/62) 3) š™ ±²™ ¦«¥ ‘a nation that He loves’ (š³¤š Ÿ™/79) 4) ᥠ±²™ ¥¤ ‘everything that belongs to it’ (³žœž§ ³/528) Total: 23 §26x Dependent Relative Clauses Marked by -² with resumptive element 1) žœ°­²  ³ž±°« ²¥² ‘the three barren ones who were visited’ (¦™/8) 2) ¨¢œ žš ²«©² Œ ¥¤ ‘everyone over whom judgment is being performed’ (¡­²§š £¥§/20) 3) ²™± ³ž¢³ž™ ¥¤¥ ™ž² ¬¥™ ‘alef, which is the first of all the letters’ (¥™/607) Notes: In BH, the use of -² as a relative pronoun is similar to that of ±²™, 711 though the former is much more rarely attested. In MH, -² is the regular relative pronoun. without resumptive element 1) ³¢²™±š§² ±¤Ÿ ‘the rememberance that is from the beginning [of Creation]’ (±¤Ÿ/4) 2) ᚲ ž¯§ ¥¤ ‘every commandment that is [contained] in it’ (¥™/606) 3) ²™±§ ­¯² ³ž±žœ ¬¥™ ‘the 1,000 generations that He anticipated from the beginning’ (¥™/610) §26y Dependent Relative Clauses with No Marker 1) 2)

 ±Ÿ§§ ³±«  ±Ÿ™ ‘the native whom You roused from the east’ [=Abraham] (±¤Ÿ/11) š¯  ±ž¯ ‘the rock [that] was hewn’ [=Abraham] (³™/5; cf. ž¡¢š ¦³š¯  ±ž¯ ¥™ [Isa. 51:1]) 711

Cf. W&O, 335.

437

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 3) 4)

«š² œ¥¢ ±°« ‘the barren one [who] bore seven’ [=Hannah] (³¥™³/6; cf. «š² œ¥¢ ±°« œ« [I Sam. 2:5]) ¥œ› ±«¢š ³ª­ž± ‘the trampling [beast who] grew up in the forest’ (£¢š™™/82) Notes: This type of relative clause is common in BH poetry. 712

§26z Independent Relative Clauses Marked by ¢§/§ with finite verb 1) ±šœ™ § ¢©ž±ž¢ ‘They will instruct me in what I should say.’ (°¢­™/10) 2) ¦¢§ ž©³¢ § œ ™ž œ ™ ¥¤¥ ¨é™ ‘He instructed each one that which they should give in terms of water.’ (¦©¤³/1; cf. case 1, below) 3) Õ«±™ § ²°š ‘Find out what happened to him!’ (£¢š™™/22) 4) ²™±š ¢¢ ¢§ž//²™±š ¥«¢ ¢§//...²ž±œ¥ž ±ž° ¥ ‘to investigate and seek out…who will rise as the chief, and who will be the chief’ (¢©©° ¢¢/111-113) 5) ²™±§ ¬žªš ¢¢ § ­ž¯ ‘seeing what will be in the end from the beginning’ (¥™/609) with infinitive (cf. the comments under §19b) 1) ¦¢§ ¥¢±›¥ § ®±™ ¥¤ ¢­¥ ¦åª ‘He determined, in accordance with each land, that which to distribute in terms of water.’ (¡²°™/29; cf. case 2, above) 2) ±šœ¥ § ¨¢™ ‘There is nothing to say.’ (™²™/21) 3) ᱜ  ³­ž ¥ á±Þœ ¢§//...//ᱚœ ¦« ž±šœ ¢ž ‘And His word was with her word (i.e., He spoke with her)…[concerning] who would lead her to her glorious bridal canopy.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/234) §26aa Independent Relative Clauses with No Marker 1) ¦¢§ ¡«§  ° ±¤Ÿ ‘Remember [the one who] took a little water [=Abraham]!’ ( ³­¢/2) 2) ±¤Ÿ ¦¢§«­ £ ±™š ¦¢§ ‘Remember [the one who] smote the water [and] the well twice [=Moses]!’ ( ³­¢/8) Notes: In BH, asyndetic independent relatives most frequently occur as prepositional objects–e.g., ž¥™² ™ž¥¥ ¢³²±œ© (Isa. 65:1). 713 There does not seem to be a case of an independent/substantivized 712 713

Cf. W&O, 338. Cf. W&O, 338 and also the examples listed in Joüon, 2.§158d.

438

SYNTAX relative clause serving as a direct object, as in the two instances listed here.

439

CHAPTER 4 – RHETORICAL FIGURES The categories defined below do not possess the same degree of logical coherence that is observable in the three canonical grammatical divisions of phonology, morphology and syntax. Instead, under this heading are gathered all phenomena relevant to the Corpus for which a place has not been defined under these three. Included are all forms of paronomasia, syntactic phenomena not usually treated in discussions of Hebrew syntax, and other features that in a handbook on classical philology would typically have found their place under the heading of “rhetorical figures.” It is difficult to observe a logical order when dealing with such an eclectic collection of phenomena, but an attempt has been made to mirror a traditional philological treatment by progressing from those that are primarily morphological, to the syntactic, to the semantic.

§27 PARONOMASIA §27a Two Words Readable as One ¥¢ Š ³Ò (³™/1) = ¥¢ Š ³Ñ † ‘I will begin’. This paronomasia was already noted by Shmuel bar Avshalom, author of œ ­™ž œ«±™, a reshut for this qedushta. 714 The last line there is ¥¢ ³™ ¢¤ ¢ ¥ª¥ ±§ž, so that the last word is connected by anadiplosis to the first two words of Qillir’s magen. §27b Two Words from MT to be Read as One ³â§¥† « (³›¢©) ‘youth’ (™²™/46) Å ³ž§-¥« (ž©›©¢ ™ž) (Ps. 48:15; BHS app. crit., ad. loc.: “mlt Mss ³ž§¥«”; cf. Targ., ad loc.: ™©³ž¢¥¡ ¢§ž¢¤). §27c One Word from MT to be Read as Two 1)

 ¯ ¥¯š ‘in the shadow of the Brilliant One [=God]’ ( £¥§ ¡­²§š/57) Å  ¯¥¯š (¨¢§¢©š ¥žš›š) (I Sam. 10:2) 714

Cf. Goldschmidt, ¦¢™±ž© ¦¢§¢, 1.64.

441

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 2) 3)

³œ ²™ ‘the fire of the law’ [=Torah] (¡­²§š £¥§/67; ¢©©° ¢¢/189) Å ³œ²™ (ž©¢§¢§ž) (Deut. 33:4) «¢  à‹ ±Õœ ‘generation of knowledge’ [=the Exodus generation] (¥™/576) Å (¥ž § ¢©š) «à ±† œ (I Kings 5:11)

Notes: The technique of scriptural exegesis whereby one word is read as two is quite old, as might be ascertained by briefly sketching the tradition of interpretation that lies behind the second example. The obscure MT word ³œ²™ is already translated by both Aquila and Symmachus as if it were a construct phrase: ƱƶƲ ƥưƤƭƢ (Symm.), ƱƶƲƪƮưƳ ƮưƭưƳ (Aq.). 715 The targums also understand ³œ²™ as two separate words: ™©¥ š¢ ™³¢±ž™ ™³²¢™ ž›§ (Onqelos), ¡²­ž ¢§«¥ š¢ ³¢±ž™ž ™³²™ ¢š¥ ž› ¨§ ¢©¢§¢ (Neofiti). In the targums, however, they are treated as nouns in apposition, i.e., as though MT were to be read ž§¥ ³œ ,²™ ž©¢§¢§ž. This tradition is also attested in a note in the masora marginalis, ad loc.– ¥¢§ '³š ¢'' ¨§ œ  .'±° ³œ ²™ '¢±³ '±°ž œ –as well as in midrashic exegesis–cf. 'šœ] ž§¥ ³œ ²™ ž©§¢§ ¥ž¤¢ ¦œ™ ¨¢™ §« ³³©² ³œ ™¥ž¥™...²™š ¦¢¥ž²§ ±ž³ ¢±šœ² œ¢›§ [š:›¥ š œž§«¥ (Sifrei Devarim 343). 716 It is therefore quite natural to find it being utilized in the Corpus. Case 3 is based on a midrashic interpretation attested in ™±ž° ™ž §¥ž ±šœ§ ±žœ Ÿ [™¢: ™''¥§] «œ±œž «¢œ ¦¢™¢¥§ ¦¥ž¤ ž¢² «œ±œ ž³ž™ (PDRK 4:3). It is not the case, however, that the poet is always dependent on a pre-existent tradition for the employment of this technique. Thus, in case 1, it does not appear that Qillir is directly dependent on a pre-existent midrashic tradition that saw in the GN  ¯¥¯ a reference to the location of the Temple, viz., in God’s protective shadow. Two interpretations of the name, the first reminiscent of Qillir’s, are attributed to the tannaitic period–cf. ¢š± [š:¢ ™''§²]  ¯¥¯ ±§™²  ¯ ¥¯ ±§ž™ ™š¢°« ¢š± ,¦ž¢ ¥² [ž ¯¤ , ¯] (ž ¯) ¥¯ ±§ž™ ¢¥¢¥› ¢ªž¢ [™¢:¥ '±š] ž™¯¢ £¢¯¥ § ¦¢¤¥§ž ¨°Ÿ (Midr. Shemuel 14:6 [ed. Buber])– but neither can be supposed to be the direct source of the poet’s own fanciful etymology. In a case that is typologically related to the ones under discussion here, a scriptural verse is quoted in the Corpus not in 715

Cf. F. Field, Origenis Hexaplorum (Oxford: Clarendon, 1871) 1.324 and J.W. Wevers, Septuaginta – Deuteronomium (Göttingen: Vanderhoeck & Ruprecht, 1977) 363 (app. crit., ad loc.). 716 For further details on the history of interpretation of ³œ²™, see R.C. Steiner, “Critical Notes – ³àŽ and ¨¢«: ‹ Two Verbs Masquerading as Nouns in Moses’ Blessing (Deuteronomy 33:2, 28),” JBL 115 (1996) 693-98.

442

RHEORICAL FIGURES the form in which it appears in MT, but rather in the form in which is is cited in rabbinic literature. Thus, ¦¥ž« ¥žš› ›ë³ ‹ ¥™ (Prov. 22:28; 23:10) is quoted in ¦¢¥ž« ¥žš› ›¢²¥ ¦¢ ±ž¡ (³žœž§ ³/530; R). This reading is found in "¦¢¥ž« ¥žš› ›¢ª³ ¥™" ±§™© Ÿ ¥« ¦¢¢©« ³™ ¥Ÿž› Ÿ ¢± (M Peah 5:6). The Mishna here presumably attests to a case of qereketiv that is not known from other sources. §27d Juxtaposition of Variants from MT Synoptic Sources 1)

2)

¦¢§ ³¤²  ¨¢š¥ ¦¢§ ³±²  ¨¢š ‘between the watery mass and the watery darkness’ (¡²°™/12) Å ¦¢° ² ¢š« ¦¢§ ³±²  (II Sam. 22:12) // ¦¢° ² ¢š« ¦¢§ ³¤²  (Ps. 18:12) ±ž§²ž ±ž¤Ÿ ‘Remember and observe [the Sabbath]!’ (¢¤©™/47) Å ³š² ¦ž¢ ³™ ±ž¤Ÿ (Exod. 20:8) // ³š² ¦ž¢ ³™ ±ž§² (Deut. 5:12)

§27e Root Homonymy antonyms (or words belonging to opposed semantic fields) 1) Žå«Š چ //Žå™Š چ ‘desolation//hearing (i.e., the hearing of prayer)’ (¨š™/1-2; ¢¥™ ¤¢™/15-16) 2) ¥¤Œ ñŒ //¥ Œ ñŒ ‘beginning//end’ (¨š™/11) 3) ®Œ±«Œ //®Œ±™Œ ‘earth//heaven’ (¡­²§š £¥§/10-12; ¢©©° ¢¢/122-131, 217-233) 4) ¦¢¥ž¥¢ //¦¢¥ž¥¢ ‘praise//desecration’ (³ž«³/420) 5) š™³//š«³ ‘to detest//to desire’ (®« ¢±­  °™/13) 6) ¦¢±š«//¦¢±ž« ‘the blind ones [=Egyptians]//Hebrews’ (¦¢±¢ª™/11) 7) £³±š™//£³±š« ‘Your wrath//Your pinions (i.e., protection)’ (¦¢±¢ª™/11) 8) ¥™³//¥«³ ‘healing//curse’ (¥« ±²™ š±«/3) 717 Notes: The pair in case 1 is attested already in the piyyutim of Yannai: Žå¢™Š Ú⠆ éŽ ڍ âۈ«© ž† âÚñž † ©ž† //Žå¢«Š چ ¦Ú‹ Õ§¥Ž ³Õۈ« ⧫ ¡Ž (›¢/›ª), ¢«²¥ ¢³ š ¦³±¡©//¢™²¥ ¢³ š ¦³™§¡© (§°/žª). 718 The origins of the pair in case 3 are discussed by Yahalom, who points out that

A similar pair is attested in Yannai: ¥«³ ¥™³ £ž³§ž (™§°/ž¡°). The origins of Yanai’s phrase ¢¢«² ¦² are discussed in Yahalom, ±¢² ³­², 136, note 7. He suggests there that they are to be sought in Ben Sira: [³ž«²¥ ,³ž«³²¥ ™''©] ³ž©«³²¥ ¦² ž ¢© ¦§ ²¢ž (44:8). 717 718

443

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY ®±« is frequently attested in the Qillirian corpus as part of the construct phrase ®±« ¢§² (cf. §28a). 719 synonyms: ¦¢§«//¦¢§ž™ ‘nations//peoples’ (±²™/406). words belonging to same semantic field 1) š¢š™//š¢š™¥//š¢š«¥ ‘to make clouds//to make fresh//spring’ (°¢­™/15) 2) ±²ž™³//±²ž«³ ‘to be given abundance//to be declared happy’ (³±«žª ¦™/156-157) §27f Root Metathesis 720 within the stich: «¢±³ž ±¢«³ (³±œ™/°) (cf.  ¢±¯¢ ¬™ «¢±¢ ™©° ±¢«¢ [Isa. 42:13]). in adjacent stichoi, all members occupying rhyme position 1) ¥¢›œ ³¢šš žž±œ//¥œ›  ¤ ¢±žš› (œ¢­™™/12) 2) ¢ž±¡¥ ³«œ//¢±¡ ¢©­¥//¢¡± ¥«ž ²ž±œ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/7) in adjacent stichoi, one member occupying rhyme position 1) ©ž›« ³ž¢ ¥š¥...//...›ž©« ¢©© (¦™/2) 2) ž±¢²«¢ ¦œ‹ ± ³§œ™ž//ž±Ú ¢ ¦¢±¢«² ¦¢§ ( ³­¢/58) Notes: Both types of possible root metathesis are attested: 1) adjacent (i.e., C1C2C3 Æ C2C1C3, C1C2C3 Æ C1C3C2), and 2) flipflop (i.e., C1C2C3 Æ C3C2C1). §27g Paronomastic Metathesis As opposed to root metathesis, which operates at the level of the root, paronomastic metathesis is defined to operate at the level of the nominal pattern, and therefore takes into account afformatives and consonantal assimilation. within the stich: ¦¢§ ªâ髊 §‹ ™ÝŽ § ‘a load consisting of a cargo of water’ (¡²°™/31).

Yahalom, ±¢² ³­², 139-40. For a discussion of this technique, see Rand, “Metathesis.” For its employment in the piyyutim of Shemuel Ha-Shelishi, see Katsumata, ¥™ž§² ¢²¢¥², 202 (esp. ¥¢›œ³ž ¦¢©š ¥¢œ›³). In addition to the cases listed here, cf. the variation between BH £±š ‘knee’ and MH šž¤±™ ‘knee’: ³«²«³²§ ¢³¢¢ ž¤±š ¥« (¢©©° ¢¢/90) versus ž¢¥›± ³žšž¤±™ ¥« ³«²«³²§ ¢³¢¢ (¢©©° ¢¢/207). 719 720

444

RHEORICAL FIGURES Notes: The metathesis exemplified here operates on the consonants ™-Û-§ ~ ª-§-«. It is also significant that the roots ™²© ‘to bear’ and ª§« ‘to load/carry’ overlap semantically. In MT, the two are found together in ­‹ Ž ¢«ˆ ¥ ™ÝŽ § ³Õªâ§ˆ« ¦¤¢ Œ ³‹ ™Û†  © (Isa. 46:1), ¦ ± ¢©§ ¦¢™²©  ¨¡š ¢©§ ¦¢ª§«  (Isa. 46:3) and ¦¢ÛŠ §† « ¥šŒ ªŒ ލ ¦¢™Š ۏ† Ꝇ ž (Neh. 4:11). §27h Bivalence Based on Homonymy œ°­© žš ±²™ ±²³//œ°« ² ¨²œš ¦¢¤ž§³ (³™/12). The word ±²³ may be interpreted as either meaning ‘gift’ (i.e., derived from BH ±ž²³), in which case it is appositive to œ°« ², or as the month name Tishrei (i.e., apocopated from ¢±²³), in which case it is an accusative of time modifying ¦¢¤ž§³. The editor, ad loc., suggests both interpretations, preferring the latter. I have preferred the former in the analyses above. ±¢ñ³ ±³«š...¦¢§ (š«/8). The most obvious interpretation of these words is ‘Release the waters…in answer to prayer!’ It is, however, possible to interpret ±³« as being derived from the Aramaic root meaning ‘to be abundant’ (=Heb. ±²«), which is already attested in BH. The meaning of the sentence then becomes ‘Release the waters…in copious amounts!’ A similar paronomasia, this one based on the homonymy of ±³« ‘prayer’ and MH ±³« ‘pitchfork’, is attested in BT Yeb. 64a: ™žš³ £­§ Ÿ ±³« § ±³«¤ ¦¢°¢œ¯ ¥² ¨³¥­³ ¥²§© §¥ ° ¯¢ ±''™ ³œ§§ ''š° ¥² ž¢³žœ§ ³¤­§ ¦¢°¢œ¯ ¥² ¦³¥­³ £¤ ¦ž°§¥ ¦ž°§§ ³ž©§ ± ³œ§¥ ³ž©Ÿ›±

¦¢§ ³¥¢Ÿ ³ © (¡²°™/36). By dint of its association with -³¥¢Ÿ ‘flowing’, the most likely interpretation of -³ © is ‘descent’, i.e., a segolate noun derived from the root ³ © ‘to go down’. This is the gloss provided by the ed., ad loc. However, it is also possible that -³ © is to be interpreted as ‘comfort’, and derived from the root  ž© ‘to rest’. In the latter, case, the entire phrase would mean ‘the comfort [brought about by] the flowing of water.’

§28 SYNTACTIC FEATURES §28a Beheading of Construct Phrase In the examples that follow, the semantics of the former nomen regens are transferred onto the former nomen rectum. 445

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6)

ž©œ­™ ‘tent’ [=heavens] (¡§ ®±™/5) Å ž©œ­™ ¢¥™ ‹ (Dan. 11:45) 721 ¨ž©š› ‘Mt. Sinai’ (¡§ ®±™/6) Å ¦¢©©š› ± (...¦¢¥™ ±) (Ps. 68:16) ¥žšŸ (±¤Ÿ/31), ¢¥žšŸ ‘Temple’ (³±œ™/4) Å ¥žšŸ ³¢š ‘lofty residence’ (I Kings 8:13 = II Chron. 6:2) (thus in MH) ¢²© ‘earth’ (¨š™/1; cf. ¢²© [§9x]) Å ¢²© ®±™ ‘land of forgetfulness’ (Ps. 88:13) ®±« ‘heaven’ (¡­²§š £¥§/10, 12) Å ®±« ¢§² ‘aweinspiring/strong heavens’ ( ³­¢/3; ¢©©° ¢¢/124, 231) ¢¯ ‘earth’ (±¤Ÿ/9; ¡²°™/36;  ³­¢/66) Å ¢¯ ®±™ ‘land of drought’ (Isa. 41:18, et passim)

Notes: As the examples show, the source expression is either drawn from MT or from the piyyut literature itself. The latter is the case with ®±« ¢§², which is a payyetanic neologism derived from °¯ž§ ¢™±¤ ¦¢°Ÿ //¦¢° ²¥ ž§« «¢°±³ (Job 37:18). Beheading seems to have been encouraged in this case by the fact that the resulting lexeme ®±« ‘heaven’ is homonymous with ®±™ ‘earth’ (cf. §27e). §28b Beheading of “Noun + Dependent Relative Clause” žŸ ³¥™³ ‘the curse of the “one whom” [=Israel]’ (³¥™³/1) Å ³¥™³* ³¥™› žŸ ¦« ‘the curse of “the people whom You redeemed” (Ex. 15:13)’. 722 Notes: In ³ž¯§ ¢¥«š žŸ ¦«š ¨¤ (¨ž²™±š  °™/23, 24), Qillir employs this epithet without beheading. The present case is complicated by the fact that the relative clause žŸ ¦« is further apocopated, so that only the relative pronoun žŸ remains (§28g). §28c Apocopation of Genitive in Construct Phrase In the examples that follow, the semantics of the entire original phrase are retained after the apocopation. 1)

¦žœ ‘earth’ (¡²°™/4; £¢š™™/45), ž§žœ (¥™/564), ¦¢§žœ (±²™/397) Å ¢¥›± ¦œ (®±™) (Isa. 66:1) (cf. ¥›± ¦žœ [ ³­¢/41] and ž§žœ ¥«² [ž±ž™/17; §29e])

721 The scriptural locus classicus for the description of the heavens as a tent is ³š²¥ ¥™¤ ¦ ³§¢ž ¦¢§² °œ¤ ¡ž© (Isa. 40:22; cf. also §30b). 722 The epithet could just as easily be derived from ³¢©° žŸ ¦« (Ex. 15:16) or ¢¥ ¢³±¯¢ žŸ ¦« (Isa. 43:21).

446

RHEORICAL FIGURES š¢© ‘speech’ (³¥™³/3; °¢­™/1;  ³­¢/53) Å ¦¢³­² š¢© ‘fruit of the lips’ (Isa.57:19) (cf. ¢³­² š¢© [ ³­¢/81]) 3) ³ž¯°§ (¦¢™¢²© ¥«§) ‘ends of the earth’ (¨©«/13; R) Å ¥«§) ®±™ ¯°§ (¦¢™²© Š (Ps. 135:7) 723 4) ³ž¥žš› (¥¤ š¢¯¥) ‘the boundaries of the earth’ ( ³­¢/36; R) Å ®±™ ³ž¥žš› (¥¤ ³š¯ ³™) (Ps. 74:17) 5) ³¢³ ³ ‘the [watery] nether region’ (¡²°™/21) Å ®±™ ³ž¢³ ³ (Isa. 44:23) (cf. ¦¢§žœ ³ž¢³ ³ [±²™/397; §29e]) 6) ¥ž³š ‘Virgo/Israel’ ( ³­¢/47) Å ¥™±²¢ ³¥ž³š, et al. 7) ³žš±™ (ž ³­©) ‘the sluices of heaven’ ( ³­¢/73) Å ¦¢§² ³š± ™ (ž ³­©) (Gen. 7:11) (cf. ®±« ¢§² ³žš±™ [ ³­¢/3]) 8) (±š¤) ³±²  ‘watery mass’ ( ³­¢/29) Å ¦¢§ ³±²  (II Sam. 22.12; thus in [¡²°™/12]) 9) ³ž§œšž ¦¥¯š ‘in the image and likeness [of God]’ (™²™/44), ¦¥¯šž ³ž§œš (¢©©° ¢¢/240) Å ž©³ž§œ¤ ž©§¥¯š (Gen. 1:26) 10) (¦¢°° ©) ±­ªš (ž§¢±šœ©) ‘the Book of Remembrance’ (ž³™/373) Å (ž¢©­¥) ¨ž±¤Ÿ ±­ª (š³ç¢ž...ž¢ ¢™±¢ ž±šœ© Ÿ™) (Mal. 3:16) 11a) ¦² (³™ ¨³³ ¥™ ¦¢¥ž¥¢ ¥) ‘Do not render [His] name up to desecration.’ (³ž«³/421; AN; R) Å (¦¢¥ž¥¢ ¥) ž§² (³™ ¨³³ ¥™) (³ž«³/420) 11b) ¦² (³™ ™²³ ™¥) ‘Thou shalt not take [God’s] name [in vain].’ (³ž«³/423; R) Å (™ž²¥) £¢¥™ ž¢ ¦² (³™ ™²³ ™¥) (Exod. 20:7) 12) (³¢²¢± ) ¬¯² ‘anger’ (±¤Ÿ/4) Å ¬¯° ¬¯² (Isa. 54:8) (cf. §13d) 13) ³ž±­« ²™± ‘the chief [collection] of dust in the world’ [=Adam] (±¤Ÿ/5; R) Å ¥š³ ³ž±­« ²™± (Prov. 8:26; thus in ¥š³ ³ž±­« ²™± [¦©¤³/2; ¢©©° ¢¢/178, 185]) 14) «°³ ‘the blowing [of the shofar]’ (±¤Ÿ/40) Å ±­ž² «°³ (Ps. 150:3; thus in ±­ž² «°³ [™²™/13]) 15) ¦¢©¤ž² ‘the dead’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/42) Å ±­« ¢©¤² (Isa. 26:19) 2)

Notes: In BH, the noun ¦œ always appears in construct with ¦¢¥›±, in a phrase meaning ‘footstool’. The only exception is ¦œ £¢¥›±¥ (Ps. 110:1), but it has been suggested that this is to be considered an interrupted construct phrase. 724 Case 5 presents a slight analytical difficulty, since BH attests both the phrase ³(ž)¢³ ³ ®±™ (Ezek. 26:20; 31:14, 16, 18; 32:18, 24), as well as ®±™() ³ž¢³ ³ (Isa 44:23; Ps. 63:10; 139:15). However, in 723 724

Cf. also ³žž¯°š ¦¢­«ž ¦¢ª¡ (œžœ ³¤ª ¢žž™/9). Cf. BDB, 213, s.v. ¦œ.

447

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY most of these passages, the reference is unambiguously to the nether region of the dead, whereas the Corpus uses the term to designate a watery region that constitutes a potential source of the earth’s water. Within this context, it is explicitly opposed to the ¦¢§² ±¯ž™ (¡²°™/22), the heavenly storehouse of rain. For this reason, it seems likely that the Corpus’ usage of ³¢³ ³ is to be derived from ®±™ ³ž¢³ ³ ž«¢±//ž¢ ²« ¢¤ ¦¢§² ž©± (Isa. 44:23). Case 8 is notable, since not only does it involve the apocopation of the MT hapax legomenon ¦¢§ ³±² , but the apocopated form is provided with a new nomen rectum, such that the new whole means ‘sifted watery mass.’ The noun ±š¤ ‘sieve’ is derived in this context from ¨¢§¤ [¦¢§ ³™] ¨³ž™ ¨¢±²ž ...¦¢©©«ž [š¢:š¤ š''²] ¦¢° ² ¢š« ¦¢§ ³±²  '³¤œ...±š¤ (Ber. Rab. 13:10). Cases 11a-b constitute the first and last stich, respectively, of a transitional strophe. Case 11a is a re-statement of the preceding stich (the formal requirement being merely that the two be connected by anadiplosis), while case 11b is an apocopated version of the commandment in Exod. 20:7. In both, the definite genitive phrases ž§² and £¢¥™ ž¢ ¦² are apocopated such that only the nomen regens ¦² is retained. This creates a grammatically anomalous situation, whereby an indefinite direct object is marked by ³™. It is likely that in both cases, ¦², being a noun with a unique referent, is understood to be the equivalent on the common post-biblical circumlocution ¦² ‘Divine Name’. This contention is supported by ™ž²¥ ¦² ™²³ ™¥ (¢¤©™/46), where the grammatical difficulty is avoided by the deletion of ³™. §28d Apocopation of Subjective Genitive in Infinitival Phrase ³ž§¤ ‘like the roaring [of the sea]’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/28; R) Å ³ž§¤ ¦¢§¢ (Isa. 17:12). §28e Apocopation of Time Expressions 1) 2)

§¤ £¥§ £¥¥ ‘to go a distance of a number [of years]’ (¡²°™/24) Å ¦¢©² §¤ £¥§ (Ber. Rab. 4:5) (cf. §28f, case 10b) ³¢± ™ œ«ž ³¢²™± ‘[from] the beginning [of the year] until the end [of the year]’ (¦©¤³/5), ²™±§ ‘from the beginning [of the year]’ ( ³­¢/13) Å ©² ³¢± ™ œ«ž ©² ³¢²‹±§ (Deut. 11:12)

448

RHEORICAL FIGURES §28f Gapping of Counted Item in Numerical Expressions 1) «š±™ ¢±² ‘the princes of the four [kingdoms]’ (±¤Ÿ/15) 2a) «š² ¬žª ‘the end of the seven [days of Sukkot]’ (¦©¤³/8) 2b) «š² £žª© ‘the libation of the seven [days of Sukkot]’ ( ³­¢/53; note implicit lack of gender agreement) 3) «š² ²œ°© ‘He was consecrated over a period of seven [days].’ (± ¨§/19) (cf. «š² ¨©«š ²œ°³© ²§ [Mekhilta de-Rashbi to Exod. 19:19]) 4) ¢³š² ©ž§² ‘I went back eight [stages].’ (£¢š™™/44; cf. ž«ª©ž ³ž«ª§ ©ž§² ¨¢±ž ™¥ [JT Yoma 1:1[38b]) 5) ±²« ³œ ‘the Law of the Ten [Commandments]’ (™²™/4) 6) ±²« «ª ‘[the One who] moved ten [stages]’ [=God] (™²™/34) (cf. ©¢¤² «ª© 'ž«ª§ ±²« [PDRK 13:11]) 7) ³±²« ¥¢¥ ‘the eve of the tenth [of Av]’ (™²™/58; cf. §10) 8) ³±²« ¢©žª¢© ‘They tried Me ten [times].’ (™²™/76) (cf. §10 and ±šœ§š ™ž £ž±š ¦ž°§ ³™ ž©¢³žš™ žª© ³ž©ž¢ª© ±²« [M Avot 5:4]) 9) ±²« ¨ š ‘[the one who] was proved in ten [trials]’ [=Abraham] (³¥™³/7); ª© ±²« (°¢­™/17); ¬±¯© ±²«š (¢©©° ¢¢/278) (cf. ±²«š ž©¢š™ ¦±š™ ª©³© ³ž©ž¢ª© [M Avot 5:4] and ¦¢ª© ±²«š ª©§ [ ¨«§¥ ¦¢§³/2]) 10a) ž§« ž«© £¥§ «š±™ž ¦¢±²« ‘His people went tottering for a distance of 24 [miles].’ (¥™/565) (cf. ž±Ÿ ž...¥¢§ ±²« ¦¢©² ž° ±ž ¥¢§ ±²« ¦¢©² žš²ž [¥™/587-589] and §28v) 10b) £¥ ³ž™§ ²§ //£¥§ £žè ‘He went a going of a journey of 500 [years].’ (¤¢ª©™/9) 11) ¦¢°ž°Ÿ ±²« ²ž¥²ž ³ž™§ ²²š ‘purified with the 613 [commandments]’ (¥™/547) 12) œž«ž ³ž™§ «²³ ¨¢š™™ ‘I am [now] silent for over 900 [years].’ (£¢š™™/2; Gen. v.l. ¦¢©² ²¥²ž ¦¢«²³ž ³ž™§ «²³ ¢±–cf. note 459) 13) ¬¥™§ ¦œ° §žª™ ‘the one stored up before 1,000 [generations]’ [=Torah] (™²™/4) 14) ¦¥ž« ™±š© ™¥² œ« ¦¢­¥™ ž§¥²¤ ‘just like 2,000 [years] had passed before the world had been created’ (¢©©° ¢¢/337; cf. ™¢ §œ°² ©² ¦¢­¥™ ¦¥ž«¥² ž³¢¢±š¥ [±ž³] [Ber. Rab. 8:2] and ©² ¦¢­¥™ ž¤¢ š ¢³°³§© [¢©©° ¢¢/86]) 15) ¦¥ž« ™±š©²§ ©ž§²ž ¦¢«š±™ž ³ž™§ «š±™ž ¦¢­¥™ž ‘and 2,448 [years] since the world had been created.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/338; cf. ³©²] ™¢ ±¢¯¢¥  ''§³ ¦¢­¥™ 'š ³©² [¦¢±¯§ ³™¢¯¢ [Seder Olam Zuta 1])

449

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY §28g Apocopation of Material Headed by Relative Pronoun 1) 2)

žŸ ‘the one whom’ [=Israel] Å ³¥™› žŸ ¦« (Ex. 15:13; cf. §28b) žŸ ¦¢³² ‘the two [commandments] that’ (¥™/565, 586) Å ¦¢³² ¢³«§² žŸ (Ps. 62:12)

§28h Apocopation of Object in BH “Verb + Object” Idiom In the examples that follow, the semantics of the entire original expression are retained after the apocopation. 1) 2)

±¢«³ ‘You will awaken [Your angry zeal].’ (³±œ™/°) Å § /™©° ±¢« (cf. Isa. 42:13; Ps. 78:38) ®­ (¡²°™/21, et passim) ‘to say, determine’ Å ¦¢³­²/­ ¯­

§28i Breakup of Construct Phrase into Binomial of Synonyms 1) ¨ž± ž ¬™ ‘anger and rage’ (¡­²§š £¥§/32) Å (¢¢) ¬™ ¨ž±  2) ¦¢©²ž ¦¢§¢ ‘days and years’ (¨žŸ™/462) Å ž¢©² ¢§¢ (Qoh. 6:3) and ž©¢³ž©² ¢§¢ (Ps. 90:10) 3) ¦¢¥™ž ¦¢³š ‘houses and tents (i.e., real estate)’ (³žœž§ ³/524) Å ¢³¢š Š ¥™ (Ps. 132:3) (cf. also ¥™ ³¢š [I Chron. 9:23]) 3) ¦¢¢™//¦¢³¤ ‘Kittim//the coastlands’ (¤¢ª©™/21) Å ¦¢³¤ ¢¢™ (Jer. 2:10; Ezek. 27:6 [qer. ¦¢¢³¤]) Notes: The breakup of the construct phrase ¬™ ¨ž±  is attested already in biblical poetry: ž§¥š¢ ž©ž± šž//ž­™š ž§¢¥™ ±šœ¢ Ÿ™ (Ps. 2:5). 725 In addition to the doublet attested here, Qillir also employs the triplet ª«¤ž ¬™ ¨ž±  (£¢¡­²§  ±™ ¬™/14). §28j Transformation of Binomial into Construct Phrase Avishur has shown that in many cases in MT (especially in poetry), pairs of synonyms that appear in parallel positions in parallelismus membrorum or are attested in noun phrases of the type “X + -ž + Y” may also appear in a construct relation. 726 He has succeeded in tracing the evolution of this stylistic device in the post-biblical poetry of DSS and Ben Sira as well as in the targums, and has shown that is quite prominent in the piyyutim of Yannai. 727 725 The synonym pair ¬™//¨ž±  is noted in Y. Avishur, ¦¢­œ±© ³ž¢ž¤¢§ª ³¢™±°§ ¯¢¥§š (Jerusalem: Kiryat Sepher, 1977) 39. 726 Avishur, ³ž¢ž¤¢§ª, 9-106. 727 Avishur, ³ž¢ž¤¢§ª, 106-86.

450

RHEORICAL FIGURES 1) 2)

ž¥œŽ› œžš¤ ‘His great glory’ (¥™/588) Å ¥œ›ž œžš¤ (Deut. 5:24; Ezek. 31:18) ž§ž±§ ¢§² ‘His high heavens’ (¥™/563) Å ž²œ° ¦ž±§§ ¬¢°² ¢¤ ¡¢š ®±™ ¥™ ¦¢§²§//ž¢ (Ps. 102:20), ¨§ ž¢ ³™ ž¥¥ ¦¢§ž±§š žž¥¥//¦¢§² (Ps. 148:1), ¢œ²ž//¢œ« ¦¢§²š © ³« ¦› ¦¢§ž±§š (Job 16:19)

§28k Construct of Synonyms Hebrew/Hebrew pairs 1) «ž² š¢© ‘prayer’ (³¥™³/3) 2) ¨ž¢§œ ³©ž§³ ‘Semblance of a Likeness’ [=God] ( £¥§ ¡­²§š/61) 728 3) ±­« ±ž› ‘whelp’ [=Judah] ( ³­¢/26) (cf. œž¢ ¢±™ ±ž› [Gen. 49:9]) 4) ±¡§ ¢±¢«² ‘rains’ ( ³­¢/51) 729 5) ¥«§ ¢§ž±§š ‘on high’ (¢©©° ¢¢/202) 6) ¦¢©©³™ ±¤² ‘their rewards/wages’ (¥™/583) 7) ¦¥ž°¥¢° ¢§ª° ‘their divinations’ (¥™/570) 8) ž°¥  ³©§ ‘his special portion’ (¥™/599; thus in ¢°¥  ³©§ [Ps. 16:5]) 9) ²™± ¦œ° (¢¥™) ‘a pre-existent God’ (¥™/608) Notes: As the juxtaposition of case 6 versus cases 4, 5 and 7 indicates, in construct chains of synonyms either the nomen regens or the nomen rectum may carry the plural morpheme. In case 3, it should be noted that the BH lexeme ±­« refers only to the young of a deer or gazelle, whereas ±ž› always refers to the young of a lion or jackal. In the present case, the two seem to be equated on the basis of the fact that they intersect in the meaning ‘young animal’. 730 In case 4, the present analysis assumes that BH ¦¢±¢«², which is a hapax legomenon, is a synonym of ±¡§, 728 Cf. Zulay, "³ž ¤²©" 440-43, s.v. ³ž§œž ™±§ = ¨ž¢§œ. Further examples of the use of ¨ž¢§œ in the piyyut literature are listed in Zulay, "¨ž²¥ ¢©ž¢«" 469-70. 729 Cf. the construct of the BH pair ±¡§//¦²› in ®±™ ™ž ±§™¢ ›¥²¥ ¢¤ Õ㐫 ³Õ±¡† §Š ¦ÚŒ Œ ›ž† ±¡Ž §Ž ¦ÚŒ Œ ›ž† (Job 37:6) and ¦ÚŒ Œ ß-±¡ §† (Zech. 10:1). Note also the construct pair ¦Œ±ŸŒ ®­Œ Œ © ‘downpour’ (1QHa 2:27), derived from the coordinated phrase ¦±ŸŽž ®­© (Isa. 30:30). 730 Cf. Heidenheim’s comment, ad loc.: ¥« ž±ž¢ ¦¢©² ¢¤ ±ž› ¦«¡¤ ±­ž« ¦«¡ž ³ž± š.

451

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY rather than denoting a specific type of rain, as in the case of, e.g., ±ž¢ ‘early rain’. In cases 6 and 7, the second member of the pair is a terminus technicus whose meaning is neutralized within the paired construction. Thus, BH ¨©³™ means ‘the hire of a harlot’, whereas in the Corpus it simply means ‘wage, reward’; BH ¥°¥° refers specifically to divination by means of arrows (cf. ¦¢¯ š ¥°¥° [Ezek. 21:26]), whereas in the Corpus it acquires the generic meaning ‘divination’. The pair ¨©³™//±¤² is attested in Yannai: ³ž²­© ±¤² ¢¤ ³ž²­© ¨©³™ (¥/¡¥). 731 Aramaic/Hebrew and Hebrew/Aramaic pairs 1) ³ž±¢² œžœ› ‘bands, caravans’ ( ³­¢/38) 2) ž¤³±™ š¤± ‘His chariot’ (¢©©° ¢¢/89) 3) ž¥¢  ¬°ž³ ‘His might’ (¥™/589) Notes: Elizur first called attention to the existence of such pairs in the Qillirian corpus. In addition to case 2 above, she lists £¢³žœ¢³¢ ¢ç‹ ªŠ ‘Your pegs’ and ±«Ž ۋ ³­¢¡² ‘hair’. 732 triplet: ³ž™ Ÿ§± ¨ž¢¯ ‘sign’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/35). §28l Breakup of a Binomial ž¢©¢© ‘children, descendants’ (¢©©° ¢¢/274, 292) Å œ¤©Žž ¨¢© (Isa. 14:22; cf. also Gen. 21:23; Job 18:19) (cf. §28m, case 2d). §28m Binomials of Opposites Unattested in BH 1a) ¥œž «ž² (³™/3) (cf. ¥œ ¢©­¥ «ž² ±¤© ™¥ž [Job 34:19]) 1b) ±²«ž ³ž¥œ (±¤Ÿ/37) (cf. ¥œž...±¢²« [Exod. 30:15] and ¦™ž ¥œ ¦™ ±¢²« [Ruth 3:10]) 2a) ±¢«¯ž š± (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/34; R) 2b) š±ž ±¢«¯ (°¢­™/20; R) (cf. ±¢«¯ œš«¢ š±ž [Gen. 25:23]) 733 731 For other cases of ¨©³™ = ±¤² in Yannai and Qillir, see Zulay, ¢ž©¢«" "¨ž²¥ 504, s.v. ¨©³™. 732 Elizur, ±ž³ ¨³§ ¦ž¢, 82, note 226. Elizur also points out that a similar phenomenon is attested in MH (referring to cases such as ¬ž¯±­ ¦¢©­ ‘face’, ¨°ž¢œ ³ž§œ ‘likeness’). An analogous syntagm is also attested in JPA poetry: §¢œ ªž›¥­ ‘sea’ (Yahalom & Sokoloff, ™š±«§ ¢©š, 226, l. 34). 733 This pair is probably also influenced by the JPA merism ±¢«Ÿž š±. For a case of this pair in JPA poetry, see ±¢«Ÿž š± ¨ž¥›œ ³«² ‘when old

452

RHEORICAL FIGURES 2c) £¢±ž› ¦« £¢²¢²¢ (¢³±™­³ ¤¢™/29) (cf. ¦¢²¢²¢//¦¢±«© [Job 29:8] and ¦¢²¢²¢//±¢«¯ [Job 32:6]) 734 2d) ¦¢©¢© ¦¢©°Ÿ (ž³­²™ ¤¢™/56; A [2nd word]) 3) ¥ž¥³ž °§« (¦©¤³/3) 4a) ¢žš ž ¢ž¥› (¦©¤³/3) 4b) ±³ªž ¢ž¥› (±¤Ÿ/38) (cf. ³ž¥›©ž...³ž±³ª© [Deut. 29:28] and ¢ž¥›š...±³ªš [M Ketub. 6:1]) 5) ³ž§ž³ªž ³ž ž³­ ‘open and sealed (of words of Torah)’ ( Ÿ™ š³¤š/78) (cf. ³ž©ž­¯ ¦¢§«­ž ³ž ž³­ ¦¢§«­ [¡­²§š £¥§/70] and §28n, case 11) 6) ¦¢™ð©ž ¦¢Ÿž©› (¦¢§) ( ³­¢/12) (cf. ±²™ ¦¢§... «¢°±¥ ³ ³§ ±²™ ¦¢§ «¢°±¥ ¥«§ [Gen. 1:7]) 7) ³ž±¢¢«ž ³žœ² ‘town and country’ ( ³­¢/37; v.l. ³ž±«¢ž) (cf. ¢œ² ‹ ¦¢±« [Neh. 12:44]) 8) š²ž¢ž ±šœ§ ‘wilderness and settled areas’ (±¤Ÿ/39) 735 9a) ¦¢©­ž ®ž  ‘inside and out(side)’ (³¢¥¤³/446) 9b) ®ž š§ž ¦¢©­š§ (¢³±™­³ ¤¢™/33) (cf. ¨ž¯¢ ¥ž ¦¢©­¥§ [I Kings 6:29] and ¨ž¯¢ ¥ž §¢©­¥ [I Kings 6:30]) 10) ¦¢°²§ž ¦¢¥¤™ ‘food and drink’ (¥™/544) (cf. ³²§ž ¥¤™§ [Ezra 3:7]) 11) ²™±šž ¬žªš ‘in the end and in the beginning (i.e., for all time)’ (¥™/609) (cf. ¬žª œ«ž ²™±§ [Qoh. 3:11]) 12) ±² ž ³±¯š ‘drought and raining’ (±¤Ÿ/37) 13) ±²¢ ¦›ž ¢­œ ‘faultiness and also uprightness’ (±¤Ÿ/37) 14) ±³žªž ³ž©¢©š ‘building and tearing down’ (±¤Ÿ/38) 736 15) ±³¢ž ±ª  ‘lacking and excess’ (±¤Ÿ/38) 16) ±°²ž ©ž§™ (±¤Ÿ/43) (cf. ¥ž« ¨¢™ž ©ž§™ ¥™‹ [Deut. 32:4]) 17) ±°¢¥ ¦™ ¥žŸ¥ ¦™ (±¤Ÿ/44) (cf. ¥¥žŸ§ ±°¢ ™¢¯ž³ ¦™ [Jer. 15:19])

and young were exiled’ (Yahalom & Sokoloff, ™š±«§ ¢©š, 152, l. 42). Further examples may be found in Sokoloff, 511-12, s.v. š±. 734 A triplet is also attested: °©ž¢ž ¥¥ž« ²¢²¢ (¢©ž§ ©³ £¢™/20). 735 For Qal š²¢ ‘to be inhabited’, cf. š²³ ™¥ž  ¥§ ®±™ (Jer. 17:6). The lexeme š²ž¢ ‘setttled area’ (i.e., = šž²¢) is attested in MH–cf. Epstein, ™žš§, 2.1256, where the present case is also cited. 736 The context makes it clear that abstract concepts, rather than concrete substantives, are intended. Both items in the pair are therefore metonymic.

453

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY §28n Binomials of Synonyms or Semantically Related Words Unattested in BH 1) 2) 3) 4) 5a) 5b) 5c) 6) 7) 8) 9) 10) 11) 12) 13) 14) 15) 16) 17) 18) 19) 20) 21) 22)

±Ÿ©ž ±³¤ ‘a crown and a diadem’ (¡­²§š £¥§/75) š±°ž ¥ª¤ ‘loins and innards’ (¡²°™/1) ¥¥­ž ¨ ³ ‘supplication and prayer’ (¦©¤³/6) 737 ¦¢©©±ž ³ž²žœ° ‘sanctifications and joyful cries’ (³¢¥¤³/446) ¥¢³ž  š² ‘praise and lauding’ (¥™/617) ³ž š²ž³ž ±¢² ‘song and praises’ (¥™/618) ¦¢¥ž¥ž ±§Ÿ ‘song[s] and praise’ (¤¢ª©™/30) ²­©ž ¦«¡ ‘taste [for plants] and rest [for people]’ ( ³­¢/33) ª¢ª«ž š¥  ‘milk and sweet wine’ ( ³­¢/44; R) (cf. ¦¢± ž­¡¢ š¥  ©¤¥³ ³ž«š›ž//ª¢ª« [Joel 4:18]) šž¡±ž  ¥ ‘moist and fresh’ (£¢š™™/50) ¨§™©ž ±² ‘prince and intimate’ (± ¨§/21) (cf. ¡­²ž ±² ²¢™ [Exod. 2:14]) ³ž§¢«©ž ³žšž¯° ‘(well) ordered and pleasant (of words of Torah)’ (š³¤š Ÿ™/77) ³ž§ž³ ž ³ž§ž²± ‘listed and sealed (of words of Torah)’ ( Ÿ™ š³¤š/78) (cf. §28m, case 5) ¦¢±±™ž ³ž¥™ ‘imprecations and curses’ (¦² ³™/431) ¦¢©°Ÿž ¦¢±ž ‘parents and elders’ (³¢¥¤³/448) žœ›šž ž©ž«¡ ‘that with which he is loaded and his garment (i.e., moveable property)’ (° ±³/500) ³ž©Ÿž ¦¢¯ž°¢² ‘detestable things and fornication’ (¦ž¡™/521) ³ž¥¢Ÿ›šž ³žš¢©›š ‘in [the realm of] theft and stealing’ (¥™/556) ¦¢¥™±™ ¢³¤ž ¦¢œžœ› ¨ž§ ‘a multitude of (angelic) hosts and bands of er’elim’ (¥™/618) ³ž¢™¢¥­ œžªž ³ž¢¥« ¨™©² ‘the shin’an of the heavens and the secret, incomprehensible ones’ (¤¢ª©™/41) ¤¥¤ž ³œ¤ ‘properly and fittingly’ (¤¢ª©™/15) ª¥­ž ž° ‘the measuring line and the scale’ (±¤Ÿ/33) § ž ¥š ‘dismay and wrath’ (±¤Ÿ/41; cf. BH § ž ¬™) ±° ž °žœ°œ ‘investigation and inquiry’ (±¤Ÿ/44)

§28o Inverted Construct derived from an objective genitive 1) ¬žì› ³±Ÿ ‘the embracing of a strange woman’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/9) Å ±Ÿ ¬ž­›* 737

For comments on this pair, see Yahalom, ±¢² ³­², 142-43.

454

RHEORICAL FIGURES ž¤±« ¨¢  ‘the setting out of his prayer’ (³™/4; A; thus in Job 41:4) Å ž©¢  £±«* 3) «¢±¤ £±š ‘bending of the knee’ (³™/14; R; Gen. 2x v.l. £±š «ž±¤) Å £±š ³«¢±¤* derived from an attributive genitive 1) ³ž¢¤² œ§  ‘beautiful ornaments’ [=Temple] (¤¢ª©™/17) Å œ§  ³ž¢¤² (Isa. 2:16) 2) ¨¢  ¨žž¤ ‘a prayer of proper intent’ (°¢­™/11; A) Å ¨žž¤ ¨¢ * (cf. ³ž©ž¤§ ³ž°™© [°¢­™/14]) 3) ž¥ž° ¨ž™› ‘His majestic voice’ (ž³³/390) Å ž©ž™› ¥ž° (Job 37:4) derived from a genitive of species 1) ³ž¡ž§ ¥« ‘bar of yoke’ (±¤Ÿ/18; R) Å ¦¤¥« ³¡§ (Lev. 26:13), ¦¥« ³ž¡§ (Ezek. 34:27) 2) ±¡² ¨ž¢²© ‘note of indebtedness’ (¬™/2; R) Å ¨ž¢²© ±¡²* (Å šž  ±¡² [cf. §29g]) 3) ž§žœ ¥«² ‘His footstool’ (ž±ž™/17; R) Å ž¥«² ¦žœ* (Å ¦žœ ž¢¥›± [cf. §29e]) 738 4) ¦¢§ ³›¢¥² ‘water made by snow(ing)’ (¡²°™/8; R) 739 Å ¢§‹ * ›¢¥² (cf. ›¥² ¢§ [ ³­¢/67]) 5) ¦¢§ ³¢³² ‘water for drinking’ (¡²°™/33; R) Å ¢³² ¢§* 6) ¥›™ ¢ª¢ª± ‘drops of dew’ ( ³­¢/69; R) Å ª¢ª± ¢¥›™* (cf. ¥¡ ¢¥›™ [Job 38:28]) 7) ¦¢¤±« ³©²§ ‘their Mishna tractates’ (¥™/580; R) Å ¢¤±«* ¦³©²§ (cf. §29g) derived from a genitive of genus 1) ²™± ³©­ (¨š™/2) Å ©­ ²™± (Ps. 118:22) 2)

738 It appears that Qillir takes ¥«², whose common meaning in BH is ‘hollow of the hand’, to mean ‘foot’ or ‘bottom part’. This gloss is probably based on an interpretation of ¦« ¥¤¥ ¦¢¥«²¥ ¨ž±§² ±­« °­Û¢ ¦™ ¢¥›±š ±²™ (I Kings 20:10) as referring to the feet of the soldiers. Such an interpretation is also adopted by the Pseudo-Jonathan Targum: °ž­ª¢ ¦« ¢§«œ ™§« ¢¥›± ³ª±­ ¢¥ž²š šª§¥ ¨ž±§ž²œ ™±­«. 739 The entire clause reads ¦¢§ ³›¢¥²§ ³­³ £¢±« ‘He set up Hell from ¦¢§ ³›¢¥²’, and is clearly based on (ž™¡ ) ¥ž™² ›¥² ¢§¢ ‹ §‹ (ž¥Ÿ›¢ ¦  ¦› ¢¯) (Job 24:19). Whereas in Job the verse likely means ‘May dryness and heat steal [their] snowy waters, Sheol those who have sinned’, it appears that Qillir has taken the three words set off by parentheses out of context and interpreted them to mean ‘Sheol is [made of] snowy waters’. It is even possible that instead of ¥ž™² ›¥² ¢§¢ ‹ §‹ he reads ¥ž™² ›¥² ¢é¢ ‹ §Š .

455

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 2a) ³¢²™± ±âçފ (±¤Ÿ/3; R; ¨š™/11) Å (£³§œ™) ¢±ž¤š ³¢²™± (Ex. 23:19, 34:26) 2b) ³¢²™± ³™žš³ [=Israel] (±¤Ÿ/3; R), ²™± ³™žš³ (¥™/113; R) Å ³™žš³ ³¢²™± (Jer. 2:3) 3) ¨ž±²¤ ²«§ (¡­²§š £¥§/32; R) Å ²«§ ¨ž±²¤ (Qoh. 4:4) derived from a genitive of material: ›ž  ¨š™ ‘stone vault’ (¨š™/1; A) Å ¨š™ ›ž * (cf. ¦¢§² ›ž  [›ž  œ« œ™™/1] and ®±™ ›ž  [¡²°™/4]). derived from a topical genitive: ³ž¢¤¥§ Ÿ« ‘Kingship verses about [God’s] strength’ (³¥™³/7) Å Ÿ« ³ž¢¤¥§* Notes: The BH genitive construction is neutral with respect to which element of the “construct + genitive” string is the modified and which the modifier. 740 For example, in a genitive of species (or an attributive genitive), the construct is modified by the genitive, which serves to make a generic category more specific–e.g., ®« ¢²±  ‘workers in wood’ (II Sam. 5:11). The relation is reversed in a genitive of genus, where the genitive is the generic category–e.g., ¦œ™ ¥¢ª¤ ‘a fool of a man’ (Prov. 15:20). Thus, for example, the BH genitives of genus ¦¢±ž¤š ³¢²™± ‘firstness of first-fruits (i.e., very first fruits)’ and ²«§ ¨ž±²¤ ‘skill of work (i.e., skilful work)’ may, without a notable semantic change, be converted into the Corpus’ attributive genitives ³¢²™± ±ž¤š ‘first-fruit of firstness (i.e., very first fruit)’ and ¨ž±²¤ ²«§ ‘work of skill (i.e., skilful work)’. Yahalom suggests that a regular relationship of metathesis exists between the attributive genitive of the type ²œž° ³š² (i.e., “concrete noun + abstract noun”; construct modified by genitive), commonly occurring in early post-biblical Hebrew poetic corpora, and the genitive of genus of the type ³š² ³²žœ° (i.e., “abstract noun + concrete noun”; genitive modified by construct), commonly employed in piyyut–e.g., ¦¢©©™² ³š² ¢š¯ (³¢¥¤³/440). 741 In his opinion, therefore, in phrases such as ¦¢©¢©³ ¬°ž³...¦¢§§ ³Ž ¯±² ‘You caused strong sea monsters (lit. the strength of sea monsters) to swarm from the water’ the logical head noun has become the genitive. 742 Furthermore, he claims that the popularity of the 740

For a summary of the two types of relationship between construct and genitive, see W&O, 154. 741 Yahalom, ±¢² ³­², 97-100. 742 The line is quoted from Yose ben Yose–cf. Yahalom ±¢² ³­², 99. This situation may sometimes be observed in the Corpus–e.g., «š± ±ì ª† §Š ž¢Ÿ ¦¢©­ (¡²°™/13; A), ¦Ú‹ ¢âêçŠ  š ڌ (¡²°™/41; A), ¢©±› ¢¯  ¥›« (£¢š™™/1; cf.

456

RHEORICAL FIGURES “abstract + concrete” type of construct phrase may have been promoted in the piyyut literature by means of calques from Greek, citing the following equivalents: ƦƶƱƲưƴưƱƦƺ = ¦¢©­ šž¡/¢­ž¢, ƦƶƬưƤƪƢ = ¥ž° (³š)/±žÞœŠ ¢ž©/¢­ž¢, ƱƢƬƪƤƦƮƮƦƴƪƢ = ¦¥ž« ²âœ , Š ƭƦƤƢƬưƱƲƦƱƦƪƢ = ¦¢¥«­§/¦¢²«§ ¢âßۊ /³âš±† . 743 Yahalom’s argument, which attempts to explain the origins of one sub-category of the inverted construct, can be substantiated on the basis of examples from BH–cf. Žž±† «Œ ±Û ކ ‘unclean flesh (lit. flesh of uncleanness)’ (Ex. 28:42) versus ±šŽ àŽ ³ž±† «Œ ‘anything indecent (lit. the indecency of something)’ (Deut. 23:15). His mode of explanation is applicable to the cases listed under the heading “derived from an attributive genitive,” as well as to Ÿ« ³ž¢¤¥§* Æ Ÿ« ³ž¢¤¥§. 744 In the case of ¨š™ ›ž * Æ ›ž  ¨š™ a BH precedent exists for placing the word denoting material in the position of the nomen regens–cf. ²¢§¥  ±ž¯ ‘rock of flint’ (Deut. 8:15) versus ±ž¯ ²¢§¥  ‘flint of rock’ (Deut. 32:13). It is perhaps also not accidental that the latter phrase, i.e., the one we would refer to as being “inverted,” is found in the poetic account. 745 §28p Construct Phrases in Relation of Chiasm 1) ¦¢§ ³žš°© ³¢±­//¦¢§ «š± ³ž±¤Ÿ ‘fructifying maleness [brought about by] water//feminine fruitfulness [brought about by] water’ (¦©¤³/10) 2) ³ž¢±š ¨ž§ ¨ž™² (¤¢ª©™/42) vs. ¦¢™ž±š ¨ž™² ¨ž§ (±¤Ÿ/36) 3) ±­ž² «§² ¥ž° (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/14 [F + R]; 30 [F + R]) vs. ¥ž° «§² ±­ž² (œ¢­™™/11; A [2x]) 4) ±­ž² ¦«ž© ¥ž° (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/24; F; R) vs. ¨¤žœ ¥ž° ¦«ž© (±¤Ÿ/24) 5) ±­ž² ›™² ¥ž° (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/28) vs. ³ž¢¤š ¥ž° ›™² (¤¢ª©™/18) ¥›« ¨±› ¢¯  [M. Sanh. 4:3]), «²­§ ¦šž²š//«ÚŒ  ± ¢‹©â ¯† ¬Œ©¡Œ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/18; A; note the lack of agreement between the extraposed subject and the resumptive pronoun), ¥ž° ¦«Õ©  (¨ž©š¥§ ¢³™/130). In these cases, the first position is occupied by an abstract term, while the true head noun is realized as a genitive. 743 Yahalom, ±¢² ³­², 102-06. 744 Yahalom, ±¢² ³­², 101 also points out that construct phrases with the nomen regens Ÿ« are common in the piyyut literature–cf. ³œ Ÿž«, ©³§ Ÿž«, both of which are epithets for the Torah. 745 In this connection, it is also interesting to compare the prosaic «±­ ž²™± ±«² (Num. 6:5) to the poetic š¢ž™ ³ž«±­ ²™± (Deut. 32:42).

457

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY Notes: The pair cited in case 1 is based on ¦ž³ ¥™ ¦ž³ '«¡ ¢™§ ³žš°© ¦¢©ž³ ³ž ¦¢±¤Ÿ ¦¢©ž¢¥« ¦¢§ ¢ž¥ '± ±§™ [ :š§ '³] 'ž›ž ™±ž° (Ber. Rab. 13:13). The construct phrase «š± ³ž±¤Ÿ ‘fructifying maleness’ is equivalent to ³žš°© ³¢±­ ‘female fruitfulness’. This equivalence is signaled not only through the formal poetic means of parallelism of the two phrases, but also syntactically, in that they both govern the (subjective) genitive ¦¢§. In both members of the pair in case 3, the order of elements in the triple construct string is entirely determined by the exigency of the fixed word and rhyme on the one hand, and a double acrostic requirement on the other. In cases 4 and 5, the concrete noun ¥ž° is paired with an abstract noun. In those cases where ¥ž° is the nomen regens, we are faced with an attributive genitive. Those where ¥ž° is the nomen rectum represent genitives of genus. Such pairs of construct phrases support Yahalom’s arguments regarding the origins of the inverted construct (cf. §28o). §28q False Cognate Genitive based on root suppletion: œœž© ±ž­¯¤ œž©™ ‘I will flutter like a stray bird’ (£¢š™™/80) Å œœ©/œž© ‘to flutter, wander’. based on root homonymy (verb + genitive): ¦¢±«³²§ ¦¢±¢«² œ ­ ‘[The clouds] storm with demon-fear (i.e., inspire fear, as of demons)’ (¡²°™/33) Å ±¢«Û ‘demon’ + ±«Û ‘to whirl away’. Notes: The interpretation of this case is based on a rabbinic etymology of the word ¦¢±¢«² ‘rains’:  ž± žŸ [š:š¥ 'šœ] ™²œ ¢¥« ¦¢±¢«²¤ ±¢«²¤ ¦¥ž« ³™ ³±«ª§² ³¢ ±Ÿ§ (BT Bab. Bat. 25a). For ±¢«² ‘demon’, cf. œ² ™¥™ ±¢«² ¨¢™ (Sifrei Devarim 306). The idea that clouds are frightening is expressed elsewhere within the composition–cf. ¥¤ ¦¢²¢«±§ž ¦¢²«ž± ‘[The cloud sluices] quake and make everything quake’ (¡²°™/39). based on root homonymy (nomen regens + nomen rectum): 1) ±š« ±¢š«§ ‘the One who causes anger to pass away’ [=God] (œ¢­™™/8) Å ±š« ‘to move through’ + ±š« ‘anger’ 2) ±­ž² ±ž­² (¥ž°) ‘the improvement wrought by the shofar’ ( ™²™ °œ¯š ¢«œ/20) Å ±­² ‘to be fair’ + ±­ž² ‘shofar’ (cf. note 241)

458

RHEORICAL FIGURES §28r False Cognate Accusative 1) (¦¢§ ³¢³²§¤) ³ž³² ³² ‘He made foundations, (like) a foundation of water.’ (¡²°™/7; cf. §14k) 2) ¥š³ ¢°ž¯§† °¢í ‘He cast the supports of the earth [=the righteous].’ (¢©©° ¢¢/179) Notes: In BH, the noun ³Õ³ÚŽ ‘foundations’ (Ps. 11:3 and perhaps Isa. 19:10) is usually derived from the root ³¢² ‘to put’. 746 If this is the etymology assumed by Qillir, we are faced with a case of false cognate accusative. However, BH attests the semantically related noun ³Ú‹ ‘buttocks’, on the basis of whose plural ¦¢ Œ ³Õ³ ‹ چ (II Sam. 10:4) the root is determined to be ³². 747 If the etymology assumed by Qillir relies on this latter form, the present case may be considered to be one of a true cognate accusative. §28s Paronomastic Accusative 1) ¥¢«³¥ ®­ ¤ žŸ ³¥™³ ‘when he wished to cure the curse of the one whom [=Israel]’ (³¥™³/1; cf. §27e) 2) «š ڌ ³ž¯±™ «Þ ۍ ...«Ž š† ڊ ¦¢§²› ‘Sate the seven lands (i.e., the earth, which has seven names) with the seven rains (i.e., with rain, which has seven names)…!’ (¦©¤³/20) 3) ž³³¤š ¦¢ñ¤ ‘when He crushes the Kittim’ (¤¢ª©™/21) 4) ³«² ¦©ž°¯ «ž² ‘You heard their their plaintive cry.’ (¦¢±¢ª™/1) Notes: The basis for the paronomasia «šÛ ~ «šÚ in case 2 is a midrashic interpretation of £¢©­ ³™ ³ž §² «š Û (Ps. 16:11): ¢±°³ ¥™ ³ž¤žª › š² ³ž¯§ 'Ÿ ž¥™ «š² ™¥™ «šž² (Midr. Teh., ad loc.; cf. also [¢² ³±ž²³/9-10]). The paronomasia in case 4 is promoted by the root transformation III/h Æ II/w, y in the verb ³«² ‘You heard.’ §28t Metathesis of “Noun + Attributive Adjective” 1) 2) 3)

¦¢§ ¦¢¢  (¢±ž°§) ‘living waters’ (¢©©° ¢¢/147; R) Å ¦¢¢  ¦¢§ (cf. esp. ¦¢¢  ¦¢§ ±ž°§ [Jer. 2:13; 17:13]) ¦¢§ ¦¢­ž©¡ ‘polluted waters’ (¥™/491; AN) Å ¦¢­ž©¡ ¦¢§ (¥™/490) ¦³ž  œ ™ ‘one seal’ (¢©©° ¢¢/325) Å œ ™ ¦³ž *

746 747

Cf. BDB, 1011, s.v. ³ÚŽ . Cf. BDB, 1059, s.v. ³Ú. ‹

459

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY §28u “Verb + Object” Å “Noun + Attributive Adjective” or “Construct + Genitive” These structures characterized by the use of a denominative verb. 1a) ±§Ÿ žž²œ  ‘Sing him a new song!’ (œ¢­™™/4) 1b) ¢²œ  ¨©± ±§Ÿ (¨ž©š¥§ ¢³™/75) Å ²œ  ±¢² (Isa. 24:10, et passim) 2) (¦«©) ¢±§™ ±¢­²§ ‘saying beautiful, pleasant things’ [=Naphtali] ( ³­¢/46) Å ±­² ¢±§™ (¨³©) (Gen. 46:21) §28v “Numeral + Noun” Å “Noun + Numeral” 1) £¥§ ³ž™§ ²§  ‘a distance of 500 [years]’ (¦¢±¢ª™/16; ±²«š ³ž¤§/11) Å ³ž™§ ²§  £¥§ (¤¢ª©™/9) 2) £¥§ «š±™ž ¦¢±²« ‘a distance of 24 [miles]’ (¥™/565) Å £¥§* «š±™ž ¦¢±²« §28w Interruption of “Noun + Attributive Adjective” or “Noun + Relative Participle” 1) 2)

©ž²™±§ ¢©²//©²§  ž³š  ‘Its second esteem[ed quality] is different from the first.’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/16) ª¤ ±¯ Ÿ™§ ¨ž¤© ‘He fashioned the Throne that is set up of old.’ (¡²°™/11; cf. Ÿ™§ £™ª¤ ¨ž¤© [Ps. 93:2])

Notes: In case 2, the participle is not only separated from its head noun, but also positioned before it. §28x Interruption of “Construct + Genitive” 1) 2)

(°Ÿ §  ) ¢ž©¤š "¥™±²¢" ¦²šž ‘And [the crown is] known by the name-giving of the name “Israel.”’ (¡­²§š £¥§/47) ¢©žœ© ¥¢¥š ¢³©¢›© ±¤Ÿ™ (£¢š™™/38)

Notes: In case 1, the PN “Israel” is sandwiched in between two nouns meaning ‘name’. The reconstructed clause may be represented as °Ÿ §  "¥™±²¢" ¦² ¢ž©¤šž (cf. ¦² ¢ž©¤ [¡²°™/41]). The construct phrase ¦² ¢ž©¤š has been split and the elements inverted, the PN has been inserted between the nomen rectum and nomen regens, and the preposition -š has been copied from the latter to the former. It is likely that the order of elements has been influenced by ©¤¢ ¥™±²¢ ¦²šž (Isa. 44:5). The interpretation of the stich in case 2 is difficult, but it seems that Qillir intends something like ‘I will call to mind at night 460

RHEORICAL FIGURES the derisive song of those who contend with me.’ That is to say that the “underlying” word-order is ¥¢¥š ¢©žœ© ¢³©¢›© ±¤Ÿ™. If this is the case, then the poet is using ¥¢¥ as an absolute form (cf. §10), and interpreting ¢³©¢›© as a construct form with the ʚireq compaginis. 748 §28y Grammatical Tuck By grammatical tuck is meant a figure whereby two or more identical, subordinate syntagms are interrupted by an element that governs all of them. According to the definition adopted here, the syntagms may be in a relationship of asyndeton or coordination. 749 In the following lists, the “tucked” element is indicated by means of boldface, with the subordinate elements in normal type, and a second level of subordination marked by underlining, where appropriate. vocative: ¦¢²«ž± ³žšš± žž§§ž±//¦¢²žœ° ¦« ³ž¥° ‘Extol Him, ye congregations of holy beings, hosts of quaking ones!’ (œ¢­™™/10). subject: ¥«²§ ±œ™ž//¥«¢ ¦žœ§ ¢š¯ ‘Adornment will go up from the footstool [=earth], and glory from the hollow of the hand [=sea]’ (¤¢ª©™/35). predicate noun: ³ž¢š¥² ¬²±//³ž¢¥ œž°¢¥ ‘to be a burning, a blazing fire’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/40; A [2nd stich]). direct object 1) «žš² ³¢±šž ¨±° ³¤¢šª//«ž²¢ ¦ž¢ž ¨ž¯± ³«//«Ž é† Ú ¥† ...¦¥«­ Ž ‘to proclaim their deed[s]…, [and] a time of goodwill and a day of salvation, the entanglement of the horn and the sworn covenant’ (³¥™³/3-4) 2) š± ¥°š °œ¯//...±²š™ ² ± ‘I will utter prayer…, righteousness in the midst of the great congregation.’ (°¢­™/20) 3) ¦¢§ ¢›¥ ³²¥² ¦¢¤ª©§ £žª© ‘[They] pour out a libation, three logs of water.’ (¦©¤³/9) 750 4) ¢¢© ¥ž° ¦¢±¥§ ¢¥ž° ‘without raising my voice, the sound of my wailing’ (£¢š™™/8)

748

Cf. GKC, §90l. For similar constructions in the piyyutim of Shemuel Ha-Shelishi, see Katsumata, ¢²¢¥² ¥™ž§², 175-76, 191-92. 750 The first object may also be categorized as an adverbial accusative. 749

461

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 5) 6) 7) 8)

ž§™ž© ž«¢§²¤ žŸ ¦¢³² ‘when He proclaimed the “two that [I heard]” (Ps. 62:12), His speech’ (¥™/565) ¦¢©©³™ ±¤²ž ¦¢šž¡ ³ž¯§ž ¦¢°ž ž//¦¢©­¥ £±«...¦¢œ§ © ‘He set out before them…the desirable things [=Torah], along with good laws and commandments, and their rewards.’ (¥™/583) ³Õ¤¥Ž §† § ž±ß§š//³ž¤¥§§ ³±š› ‘when He casts down the mistress of kingdoms, [and] kingdoms’ (¤¢ª©™/5) 751 ¢±š ¥¤¥ ±ž±œ//¢±¤© œ«š//¢ž±¤¥ ¢ž œ ‘Free the one thrust into an excavated [pit] on account of a foreign woman, [along with] every [other] creature!’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/8)

prepositional phrase 1) «¢±¤ £±ššž âêñŒ ­ˆ  ™ ±­ž²š ‘I will placate Him with the shofar, with the bending of the knee.’ (³™/14 = ³¥™³/14) 2) ¦¢§ ¥›¥›š ¦«± ¥ž° ²«±š (¦ž©) ‘The sound of thunder growls with quaking in the watery whirlwind.’ (¡²°™/27; cf. £§«± ¥ž° ¥›¥›š [Ps. 77:19]) 3) £¥«­ ¥« œž­ª ¦¢¯¥  ¥« ‘to lament concerning Your deed[s] [by striking the] loins’ (™²™/50) 752 4) ž§ž¢°š ¦±™¢³ ³žœ¢§ ±²« ²¥²š ‘He adorned them with the Thirteen Attributes, [an expression of] His essence.’ (¥™/561) infinitival phrase 1) ¥¢«›¥ ²°ž§ ¨ž±›š ™ž±°//¥¢«ž§ ¦œ° ¢±± ¨ž±//¥¢«ž¥ ¦œŽ é† ¥Š £ž±« «ž² ‘He taught them to set out [their] prayer so as to derive benefit, to loudly recite the effective supplication of the ancient mountains [=Patriarchs] so as for [God] to reject the Trap [=Satan] as loathsome.’ (³¥™³/1-2) 2) ¦¢§ ¦³ ¢²š ±¢¤Ÿ¥ ¦¢±¯«© ¦ž¢§  ¢² ‘[They] are gathered to muse from today onwards, to mention water in their musing.’ (¦©¤³/8) Notes: Case 1 is complex by dint of the fact that it involves two levels of government. Thus, God ‘taught’ the Israelites ‘to set out [their] prayer so as to derive benefit’ and ‘to loudly recite the effective supplication of the ancient mountains [=Patriarchs] so as [for God] to reject the trap [=Satan] as loathsome’–i.e., in both cases a complementary infinitive governs a purpose infinitive. The 751 The last word might also be vocalized ³â¤¥† é  §. Š For the equivalence /o/ = /u/, see §5b. 752 For the pregnant sense of œ­ª, cf. ¦¢œ­ª ¦Š¢œ Ú Ž ¥« (Isa. 32:12).

462

RHEORICAL FIGURES finite verb ¦œ§¥, however (i.e., the element ultimately governing all four infinitives), is not interposed at the point in the string separating the two sets, but is rather inserted into the first set, where it separates the complementary from the purpose infinitive. temporal infinitive 1) ž±¢²¤š œ¢§³ ¢ šŸ//ž±²¢ ¢¤±œ «¢œž¢ £Ÿ//ž±ð š...¦¢§ ‘The Pure One [=God] will make known His upright ways as He pours forth water…[and] declares the daily sacrifices to be acceptable.’ (®¢­¢/11-12) 2) ...//¦ž³ ¢©­ ¥« ¢³² ¨š™ ž°ž š//¦ž³ ¢©­ ¥« ›ž  °  ž°ž  ¦¢¥ ž§ž²š ‘When He assigned the sea its limits (Prov. 8:29), He inscribed a boundary-circle on (the face of) the Abyss, when He inscribed the foundation stone on (the face of) the Abyss…’ (¢©©° ¢¢/196-198) 3) ¢«ž±Ÿ ž¯§™š//¢«ž± ¢¥ ¯±™//¢«¢±š žš ‘When I blow it (i.e., the shofar), I will make my Shepherd kindly disposed toward me, as He strengthens my arm.’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/4) purpose clause: £¥§¢ ¥š¥  ª¢//£ž¥§ ¢¥š ¦¢™› ³¢š ‘So that it doesn’t rule, He will tear down the house of the proud, so that it doesn’t rule’ (¤¢ª©™/3; cf. ž¢  ª¢ ¦¢™› ³¢š [Prov. 15:25]). Notes: In this case, an infinitival clause is the syntactic equivalent of a subordinate finite clause. nominal predicate 1) ...ž¯§š ±¢¯ž//š¢³©š ¦¢§³ž ™ž °¢œ¯ ¦™ ‘If he is a righteous man, and sound in [his] way[s], and careful with regard to the commandment…’ (¢©©° ¢¢/268-269) 2) ¦¢°©«ž ¨  ³¢ž¥ ±™­//"(¦¢°¢Ÿ §¥) ™¢ ¦¢¢  ®«" ‘“It is a tree of life for those who grasp [it],” (Prov. 3:18) a head-dress, a beautiful wreath and a necklace (cf. Prov. 1:9).’ (ž³™/374-375) comparative clause: ±³«© ž§¤ ±³«¥ ¢¥™//±³¤¤ Ÿ™ ±¢ª™ ³°©™ ‘Just as the cry of the Prisoner [=Isaac] was crowned [with success] back then, answer me, just as it was answered!’ (³¥™³/12; for precative infinitive, cf. §19g). direct speech 1) " §¯ ³« ™¥¥ œž§¥› ¢¤"// Ž §‹ ێ "³™Ÿ «§‹ ² ¥¤ ° ¯¢" ‘“Everyone who hears this will laugh,” (cf. Gen. 21:6) she joyfully [said], “that a barren woman unexpectedly bloomed.”’ (¦™/4) 463

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 2)

"±­ž² £žš ¥ž°§"//³ž§™ž© "žªž©" ‘“Flee,” [they] say, “from the confounding sound of the shofar!”’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/27)

§28z Janus Syntax By Janus syntax is meant any construction whereby a syntagm not only simultaneously fulfills two different syntactic functions, but the two different functions can only be identified by reference to some other element(s). A relatively simple example may be seen in the Qillirian phrase ³Œ±ìŒ ª §† ±ÚÕ¢ Œ ®¢¥Š §‹ ç† ³¢Ûˆ ‹ «© (¥«³ ³©§¢™/99), said of the hypostatized Repentance. The word ±²ž¢, when first encountered by the reader, is processed as the genitive of the construct ®¢¥§, i.e., as the nomen rectum in the post-biblical Hebrew expression ±²ž¢ ®¢¥§. As one reads further, however, it becomes clear that ±²ž¢ is also the accusative direct object of the predicate participle ³±­ª§. The syntactic analysis of ±²ž¢ is bivalent, depending on whether one looks to the right or to the left. ³ž²¢œ°§ ²žœ° ²™±š ³ ™ž (¡­²§š £¥§/78; cf. §14aa). This example is analogous to the case of ³±­ª§ ±²ž¢ ®¢¥§ above. The adjective ²žœ° is simultaneously the nomen rectum of ²™±–‘one [qedusha rests] on the head of the Holy One’–and the object of ³ž²¢œ°§–‘one [qedusha] sanctifies the Holy One’. (¦¢©¢« ³ž™¥§ ³žš›) ª§«¥ ž¥ ¨éŸ (¡²°™/13). The prepositional phrase ž¥ may be taken as both the benefactive dative of ¨éŸ–‘He summoned for Himself’–as well as the direct object marker of ª§«¥–‘to bear Him’. The sentence may therefore be translated as ‘He summoned for Himself wheels full of eyes to bear Him.’ ¬¥² ¢š±  °¢±™ (™²™/32). The first two words are a direct quote from Exod. 15:9–‘I will bare my sword.’ However, the word ¢š±  must also stand in as the object of the transitive verb ¬¥² ‘to unsheathe (a sword)’, despite the fact that the 1st person possessive pronoun makes it incompatible with a verb in the 3rd person: ‘He unsheathed [his] sword.’ ¦¢­¢°§ £© ¥ž²¥ ¦¢œž§¯ (¥™/488). Taking the first two words, £© ¥ž²¥ functions as a prepositional phrase: ‘joined to your table’ (cf. £¢©š £© ¥²¥  š¢šª ¦¢³¢Ÿ ¢¥³²¤ Š [Ps. 128:3]). Taking the last two, it becomes a direct object: ‘surrounding your table’. ¦¢§³ ±ž¯ ²«§ (¦¢œš™§) (±ž³/470; R). On the surface, the construct phrase ¦¢§³ ±ž¯ ²«§ is ungrammatical, since ¦¢§³ would have 464

RHEORICAL FIGURES been expected. The most reasonable resolution for this difficulty is to read ¦¢§³ ±ž¯ as an apocopated reference to ž¥‰«­Ž ¦¢§³ ±ž¯ ‘As for the Rock, His ways are perfect’ (Deut. 32:4). If this solution is accepted, then ±ž¯ is simultaneously a nomen rectum (±ž¯ ²«§) and a nominative absolute ([ž¥«­] ¦¢§³ ±ž¯). (š²ž¢ž ±šœ§š)//šð¢¥ ¦¢©ž©› ±¤Ÿ (±¤Ÿ/39; F). In the zikhronot, all odd lines begin with the word ±¤Ÿ, which together with the following word(s) usually constitutes a construct phrase that occupies the entire first stich of the line. In the present case, the construct phrase is ¦¢©ž©› ±¤Ÿ ‘the remembrance of the protected ones [=Israel]’. However, ¦¢©ž©› also constitutes the direct object of the following infinitive–‘to settle the protected ones’. §28aa Object Gapping + Double Status A construction closely resembling the Janus type seen above is one in which an object that is gapped appears later in the stich in the guise of another sentence element, whether from the same or another clause. This sentence element, therefore, occupies both its own syntactic slot, as well as the slot that is left “empty” through elision. In the examples below, “[---]” represents the empty slot, and the double-status element is printed in outline. 1) 2) 3) 4) 5)

š¢™²¥ [---] ‹â± ¦¢§ ‘Sate me by making me draw water!’ ( ³­¢/78) ¢žž™¥ ±Ÿ§ [---] ¬žª™¢ ‘The One who scatters me will gather me to the desirable thing [=Temple].’ (£¢š™™/59) ³¯­  ™¥ž ³±²« ¥¢¥ [---] ³§¥¢™ ‘You silenced me on the eve of the tenth [of Av], no [longer] delighting in me.’ (™²™/58) ²¥­¥ [---] ¥¢›± ¦¢±²¢ ‘He taught me the upright things [=words of Torah], revealing them to me.’ (¡§ ®±™/10) ž²²« ¢ œ« ¢¤žš [---] èš™ ‘I will wear down my eyes (lit. brightnesses) [with] weeping, until they are worn out.’ (£¢š™™/8)

Notes: In case 5, the noun ¢›© serves both as the object of ¥š™ and as the subject of ž²²«¢. This case is slightly different from the others, in that it involves a noun rather than a pronominal suffix. The verb ž²²«¢, furthermore, does not require an explicit subject.

465

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY §28bb Syntactic Bivalence The following cases are ones where at least two syntactic analyses are possible. Whereas in some, one appears to be more likely than the other, in others a determination can hardly be made. Nevertheless, for purposes of analysis in other areas of the grammar, one variant is adopted in every instance. ©² ²™±š ž¢©­¥ ±žš«//©²ž²¥ ³ž¢ ³ž™ §åª (³™/8). On the analysis adopted in this grammar, the infinitive ³ž¢ is a complementary infinitive dependent on the finite verb §åª and governing the predicate noun ³ž™ (§14r), and the translation is accordingly ‘She was singled out to be a sign for the lily [=Israel] [that the lily] would pass before Him on Rosh Hashana.’ However, it is also possible to take ³ž™ §¢ª as an independent syntagm, consisting of “finite verb + adverbial accusative,” i.e., ‘She was singled out as a sign’ (cf. ¦¢©š¥ š™ ¨¢š ³ž™ §¢žª [³¢¥¤³/441]). In this case, ³ž¢ is analyzable as a modal infinitive which, in turn, governs the immanent infinitive ±žš«, 753 i.e., ‘She was singled out as a sign [that] it would be the lily’s [=Israel’s] lot to pass before Him on Rosh Hashana.’ ...ž±¯«Ž¢ ¥š¥//±¡«¥ ™¢› ¦š ¦¢š™ ¦¢§//±¡§¥ž  °¢±¥... (¬™/1-2). Since both in the Corpus as well as in BH the verb °¢±, when used in the sense of bringing rain, takes a direct object–¦¢§ °¢±¥ (¡²°™/32), °¢±³ ¦¢§ ( ³­¢/86), ¤±š ¦¤¥ ¢³°¢±ž ¦¢§² ³žš±™ ³™ ¦¤¥  ³­™ (Mal. 3:10), ž°¢±¢ ®±™ ¥« ¦²› (Qoh. 11:3)–and ±¢¡§ may also take an effected/direct object in BH (i.e., ±¡§, ¦ ¥, etc.), it is natural to suppose that in the present case, the word ¦¢§ represents an enjambment, and is to be taken as the direct object of ±¡§¥ž  °¢±¥. In that case, ¦¢š™ becomes the subject of ž±¯«¢, and ±¡§¥ ™¢› ¦š is to be taken as functioning relatively. On the other hand, and particularly on account of the rarity of enjambment in the Corpus (cf. §30k), we might be led to interpret ±¡§¥ž °¢±¥ as internal Hifils. This parsing avoids the problem of enjambment, and implies that ¦¢§ becomes the subject of ž±¯«¢, while ¦¢š™ is taken to be the extraposed prepositional object of ±¡«¥, resumed by the anaphoric pronoun in ¦š (§14b). I have adopted the second solution.

753 For “¢ + immanent infinitive” construction, see W&O, 610, esp. note 35. A good parallel to the present case would be «°š¥ ¢³ ™©ž (Ezek. 30:16).

466

RHEORICAL FIGURES ¦¢§²™ Ž ±ž­¤š ž©š¥Ž //¦¢§²™ ‹ «¯š//¦¢§œ¢ ¥š ¢›¢› (°¢­™/5). One possible translation of the last clause is ‘Sins were purified on [Yom] Kippur’. On the other hand, the parsing preferred here takes ±ž­¤ as a verbal noun in construct with ¦¢§²™. The translation then becomes ‘May the iniquity of the guilty not silence my musing. They (i.e., the guilty) were purified in the course of the atonement of sins.’

§29 LEXICAL FEATURES §29a Modification of Material Quoted from MT None of the lists below takes account of the following: 1) use or non-use of the definite article and the def. dir. obj. marker ³™, 2) the interchange of BH noun variants (e.g., ±ž™ ~ ±ž™; ª¤ ~ ™ª¤) and 3) the substitution of one grammatical person for another–e.g., the 1st person for the 3rd person in adaptations of MT narrative material into direct speech. In the seder pesuqim ®±™  ³­¢, the flow of poetic speech is interrupted by a scriptural verse(s) that is inserted after every second strophe. In order to represent this fact within the framework of the poem itself, Qillir reserves the last stich of every second strophe, or at least its latter portion, for the incorporation of a lexical cataphora–i.e., a number of words proleptically referring to the scriptural verse that immediately follows. Sometimes these words are a direct quote from the verse, and sometimes they are a modified version of some portion thereof. In the majority of cases, the quoted material is fully integrated into the syntactic context of the poem. 754 These and similar cases are not

There seem to be two exceptions. The first is ³ž¥«¥ œ™ ¦¢§ ®±™š ¢¢ ¦±¡//®±§š ( ³­¢/4; foll. by Gen. 2:5). The ed., ad loc., glosses this line as follows: ®±™ ¥« ¦¢§ ¢¢ ¦±¡ ³ž¥«¥ œ™. Within the larger context, however, which is a discussion of how the earth is to be watered by means of rainfall, this explanation makes no sense. I have no further suggestions for the interpretation of this line. The second case is œ±¤//ž¤œ ±›¤ Þ±Š ¦¢§ ¤ œ«ž ¤ œ« ( ³­¢/80; foll. by I Kings 18:45). I have provisionally translated this line as ‘He made water abundant when the meek one [=Elijah] crouched, as [Ahab] went down [on the occasion of which it is said] “meanwhile” (cf. I Kings 18:42-45).’ According to this interpretation, however, the quoted prepositional phrase is incorporated into the syntax 754

467

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY included in the analysis below, on account of being dictated exclusively by formal/structural considerations. 1) reordering ®±™ ¥š ™¥§ žœžš¤ (¡­²§š £¥§/11; R) Å žœžš¤ ®±™ ¥¤ ™¥§ (Isa. 6:3) °œ¯ž ¡­²§ £™ª¤ ¨ž¤§ž (¡­²§š £¥§/41; R) Å £™ª¤ ¨ž¤§ ¡­²§ž °œ¯ (Ps. 89:15) š±°³ ž¢©­¥ ¢³©± (°¢­™/19; R) Å £¢©­¥ ¢³©± š±°³ (Ps. 119:169) ¦¢§² ž±Ÿ«š š¤ž± (¦©¤³/7; R) Å £±Ÿ«š ¦¢§² š¤ž± (Deut. 33:26) ¦ž³ ¥™ ¦ž³ ™±ž° (¨¢™š) (¢©©° ¢¢/138) Å ™±ž° ¦ž³ ¥™ ¦ž³ (Ps. 42:8) ±³ª© ¢¤±œ ¢¢§ (¢©©° ¢¢/335; R) Å ž¢§ ¢¤±œ ±³ª© (Isa. 40:27) ©ž™³ ™¥ £¢¥™ «± (° ±³/508; R) Å «± £¢¥™ ©™³ ™¥ (Ps. 91:10) 2a) addition of element(s) in the rhyme position (and re-ordering) ³ž¤¢§©  ž± ¢™¤œ (¤¢ª©™/8) Å  ž± ¢™¤œ (Ps. 34:19) ¥œ›  ¤ ¢±žš› (œ¢­™™/2) Å  ¤ ¢±žš› (Ps. 103:20) ®±™š ž­™š §²© ±²™ (¥¤) (¡­²§š £¥§/13) Å ž­™š §²© ±²™ (¦œ™) (Isa. 2:22) ¨¢œš ¦¢©­ ™²¢ ™¥ž (¡­²§š £¥§/21) Å ¦¢©­ ™²¢ ™¥ (Deut. 10:17) ¨¢œš ©©«¢ ®«§ ª¢­¤ž//¨¢œš °«Ÿ³ ±¢°§ ¨š™ ¢¤ (¡­²§š £¥§/25) Å °«Ÿ³ ±¢°§ ¨š™ ¢¤ ©©«¢ ®«§ ª¢­¤ž (Hab. 2:11) °Ÿ š ¨¤² ž¢­³¤ ¨¢šž (¡­²§š £¥§/48) Å ¨¤² ž¢­³¤ ¨¢šž (Deut. 33:12) ¢¡­²š ¢³ ±ž™¤ ›©ž (¡­²§š £¥§/53) Å ¢³ ±ž™¤ ›©ž (Hab. 3:4) ¢°œ¯¥ Ÿ­ ¦³¤ ž²™± (¡­²§š £¥§/54) Å Ÿ­ ¦³¤ ž²™± (Song 5:11) ¢î©¥  ¯¥¯š ¨¢§¢©š ¥žš›š (¡­²§š £¥§/57) Å  ¯¥¯š ¨¢§¢©š ¥žš›š (I Sam. 10:2) ¦¢§ ³ž§ž³ž ³ž©¢« (¦©¤³/12) Å ³§³ž ³©¢« (Deut. 8:7) ¥™ ± ™¢ ™¥ž ™š¢ ™š ¢¤ (£¢š™™/17) Å ± ™¢ ™¥ ™š¢ ™š ¢¤ (Hab. 2:3) 755 ¢©œ«§ ³¢š¥ ¢³™š © ¢³±§™ Ÿ™ (£¢š™™/37) Å ¢³™š © ¢³±§™ Ÿ™ (Ps. 40:8)  ¯­š ¨ž± ™ ±žœ ±§™ (£¢š™™/73) Å ¨ž± ™ ±žœ ±§™(ž) (Deut. 29:21) ®±™š °¢œ¯ ²¢™  ©(¥) (¢©©° ¢¢/228) Å °¢œ¯ ²¢™  © (Gen. 6:9) ¦¢­žª¤ ¦¢§ £±žš§ ³² (¥™/490) Å £±žš§ ¦¢§ ³² (Prov. 5:15) ¦¢°¢­§ ¦¯«¥ ™­±§ž ²­©¥ °ž³§ (¥™/551) Å ¦¯«¥...°ž³§ (Prov. 16:24) ž§¥ «¢­ž ¨±™­ ±§(ž) (¥™/555) Å ¨±™­ ±§ «¢­ž (Deut. 33:2) ¦¢©©³™ ±¤²ž ¦¢šž¡ ³ž¯§ž ¦¢°ž (ž) (¥™/583) Å ¦¢šž¡ ³ž¯§ž ¦¢°  (Neh. 9:13) 2b) addition of element(s) not in the rhyme position (and re-ordering) ®±™ ¥¤ ž«œ¢ž ž±¢¤¢ (¡­²§š £¥§/2) Å ®±™ ¥¤ ž«œ¢ž (I Sam. 17:46) 756 ²«±ž ¡§ ®±™ (¡§ ®±™/1) Å ²«± ®±™ (Judg. 5:4; Ps. 68:9) ¦ž³ ¢©­ ¥« ²ž±­ £²  ³ž¢šž (¢©©° ¢¢/104) Å ¦ž³ ¢©­ ¥« £² ž (Gen. 1:2)

of the sentence in an entirely ad hoc manner. Once again, I have no better suggestions. 755

Cf. BHS apparatus criticus, ad loc.: “mlt Mss…™¥ž.” The addition of the verb is clearly influenced by ¢š²ž¢ ¥¤ ž«œ¢ž ž±¢¤¢ ¥š³ in the aleinu. 756

468

RHEORICAL FIGURES ¦¢§ ¦¢¢  ¢±ž°§ Š (¢©©° ¢¢/147; R) Å ¦¢¢  ¦¢§ ±ž°§† (Jer. 2:13; 17:13) 3) suppression of element(s) (and re-ordering) ž¤±œ Ÿ ™¢ (¤¢ª©™/13) Å ž¤±œ °¢œ¯ Ÿ ™¢ž (Job 17:9) £¥§¢ °œ¯¥ ¨ (¤¢ª©™/36; R) Å £¥§ £¥§¢ °œ¯¥ ¨ (Isa. 32:1) ¦¢¥™ ¢©š žš (¤¢ª©™/30) Å ¦¢¥™ ¢©š ž¢¥ žš (Ps. 29:1) ²§² ¢©­¥ ž§² (¤¢ª©™/43; R) Å ž§² ['±°] ¨ž©¢ ²§² ¢©­¥ (Ps. 72:17) ±¤Ÿ¢ ¦¢©² š±°š (±¤Ÿ/11) Å ±¤Ÿ³ ¦ ± Ÿ›±š «¢œž³ ¦¢©² š±°š (Hab. 3:2) ¦¢°©ž¢ ¢­§ (±¤Ÿ/20) Å ¦¢°©¢ž ¦¢¥¥ž« ¢­§ (Ps. 8:3) °œ¯ «§²Š (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/2) Å °œ¯ ž¢ «§² (Ps. 17:1) ²ž¥  ¥ž° (°¯š ¢œ ™²™/37) Å ²ž¥  ³ž©« ¥ž° (Exod. 32:18) ší  ±ž¯ (³™/5; R) Å ¦³ší  ±ž¯ (Isa. 51:1) ®±™š °œ¯ž ¡­²§ ²ž« (¡­²§š £¥§/4) Å ®±™š °œ¯ž ¡­²§ œª  ²« (Jer. 9:23) ž§ž°§§ £ž±š (¡­²§š £¥§/59) Å ž§ž°§ ž¢ œžš¤ £ž±š (Ezek. 3:12) ³žš¥² ¢­²± (¡­²§š £¥§/61; R) Å ¢³š¥² ²™ ¢­²± (Song 8:6) ™±ž© § ¦ž°§† (¡­²§š £¥§/64; R) Å Ÿ ¦ž°§ ™±ž© § (Gen. 28:17) ¦¢§ ¢©­ ¥« ³­ ±§  ž± (¡²°™/11) Å ¦¢§ ¢©­ ¥« ³­ ±§ ¦¢¥™  ž±ž (Gen. 1:2) ¦¢©¢« ³ž™¥§ ³žš› (¡²°™/13; R) Å ¦¢©¢« ³™¥§ ¦³š›ž (Ezek. 1:18) ¦¢§ ³ž¥ž°§ (¡²°™/14; R; 39; R) Å ¦¢š± ¦¢§ ³ž¥°§ (Ps. 93:4) §  ³±«ª (¡²°™/18) Å §  ž¢ ³±«ª (Jer. 23:19//30:23) ¦¢§ ™¥§ ›¥­ (¡²°™/19; R) Å ¦¢§ ™¥§ ¦¢¥™ ›¥­ (Ps. 65:10) ³ž ž±ž ¦¢™¢²© (¡²°™/28; Gen. 1x v.l.  ž±ž) Å  ž±ž ¦¢™¢²© (Prov. 25:14) ³¢± ™ œ«ž ³¢²™± (¦©¤³/5) Å ©² ³¢± ™ œ«ž ©² ³¢²‹±§ (Deut. 11:12) ®±™¥ ¡š²¥ ¦™ ( ³­¢/47) Å ž¯±™¥ ¦™ ¡š²¥ ¦™ (Job 37:13) ³žš±™ ž ³­© ( ³­¢/73) Å ž ³­© ¦¢§² ³žš± ™ (Gen. 7:11) ¨²œž ¨§² ¦ ¥ž ( ³­¢/83; A [¨§²]) Å ¨§²ž ¨²œ ¢ž §œ™ ³™žš³ ¦ ¥ž (Isa. 30:23) £©›œ ³™ ¨³™ ¦™ (£¢š™™/4; R) Å £¢š¢™¥ ¥¤™§ œž« £©›œ ³™ ¨³ ¦™ (Isa. 62:8)  ¯©¥ ™± ¥š ž¢©­ ±¢³ª ¢³±§™ (£¢š™™/74) Å ™± ¥š ž¢©­ ±¢³ª ¥™  ¤² žš¥š ±§™  ¯©¥ (Ps. 10:11) ¨™©² ¢­¥™(š) (²žœ°/33) Å ¨™©² ¢­¥™ ¦¢³š± (Ps. 68:18) ¦¢³žš± š¤± (¢©©° ¢¢/355) Å ¨™©² ¢­¥™ ¦¢³š± ¦¢¥™ š¤± (Ps. 68:18) ™ž²¥ ¦² ™²³ ™¥ (¢¤©™/46) Å ™ž²¥ £¢¥™ ž¢ ¦² ³™ ™²³ ™¥ (Exod. 20:7) ³ž°¢²©§ ¢©°²¢ (š³¤š Ÿ™/75; R) Å ž¢­ ³ž°¢²©§ ¢©°²¢ (Song 1:2) ¦¢° ®±™ ¢ª­™ (š³¤š Ÿ™/84) Å ®±™ ¢ª­™ ¥¤ ¦¢° (¢§) (Prov. 30:4) ž³«œš ž«°š© (¢©©° ¢¢/139) Å ž«°š© ³ž§ž³ ž³«œš (Prov. 3:20) ®±™š ±²™ ¦¢²žœ°¥ (¢©©° ¢¢/232; R) Å § ®±™š ±²™ ¦¢²žœ°¥ (Ps. 16:3) ¨ž§ š™ (¢©©° ¢¢/277) Å ¦¢ž› ¨ž§ š™ (Gen. 17:4, 5) œ¢¯§ ™š ž¢ ™ž ™¯¢ ™ž¯¢ £™ ¢¢ž (¢©©° ¢¢/314; R) Å ¢©­ ³™§ š°«¢ ™¯¢ ™¯¢ £™ ¢¢ž žœ¢¯§ ™š ž¢ ™ ž²«ž ž¢š™ ° ¯¢ (Gen. 27:30) ®±™ Ÿ¢›±§ (¦² ³™/426) Š᧞°§§ ®±™ Ÿ¢›±§ (Job. 9:6) ¦¢±¯¥ ¦°ž© (¦² ³™/428; R) Å ž¢±¯¥ ž¢ ¦°© (Nah. 1:2) ¦¢§³ ±ž¯ (±ž³/470; R) Å ž¥«­Ž ¦¢§³ ±ž¯ (Deut. 32:4)

469

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY ¦¢°¢Ÿ §¥ ™¢ ¦¢¢  ®« (ž³™/374; R; ¥™/551; R) Šᚠ¦¢°¢Ÿ §¥ ™¢ ¦¢¢  ®« (Prov. 3:18) ¦¥ž«¥ š²¢ ¥žœ§¥ ¢¢ (¥™/571) Å ¦¥ž«¥ £¥§ ž¢ š²¢ž š²¢ ¥žš§¥ ž¢ (Ps. 29:10) ž¥±ž›ž ž°¥  ³©§ (¥™/599; R) Å ¢¥±ž› £¢§ž³ ³™ ¢ªž¤ž ¢°¥  ³©§ ž¢ (Ps. 16:5) 4a) lexical substitution (and re-ordering) ¢¤¥§ ¦ž¢ ™žš ¢©­¥ (¤¢ª©™/2; R) Å ž¢ ¦ž¢ ™žš ¢©­¥ (¤¢ª©™/2) ¦¢™› ž§//¦¢ž› ž¡§ (¤¢ª©™/25; A; R) Å ³ž¤¥§§ ž¡§ ¦¢ž› ž§ (Ps. 46:7) ²§² ³™¯¤ ž±™³Ž (¤¢ª©™/43; A) Å ²§² ³™¯¤ ž¢š™(ž) (Judg. 5:31) ¥ª¤ œ ¢ ±¯ž¢ (³™/3) Å ¦š¥ œ ¢ ±¯ž¢ (Ps. 33:15) £¥§ ¢ª­™ž ¢©™ (³±œ™/14; R) Å œž« ¢ª­™ž ¢©™ (Isa. 47:8, 10; Zeph. 2:15) ¢²¢²ž ¢Ÿ¥« (¦™/6; cf. v.l. ¢ §²ž) Å ¢Ÿ¥«ž ¢ §² (Zeph. 3:14) š±° ¢¥¤ ±ž›  (°¢­™/19; R) Å § ¥§ ¢¥¤ ±ž›  (Judg. 18:11)  ³­¥ œž°« ¢©š (±ž› ) ( ³­¢/6; R) Å ³ž§³ ¢©š  ³­¥ (Ps. 102:21) ¢±­ ž­¡«¢ ¦¢°§« ( ³­¢/62; R) Å ±š ž­¡«¢ ¦¢°§« (Ps. 65:14) ®±« ³ž±¡§ ( ³­¢/72; R) Å žŸ« ³ž±¡§ (Job 37:6) ©ž¢¤ §™ (£¢š™™/25) Å ©ž¢¤ ›™ (Isa. 38:14) (cf. ›© › ¦¢©ž¢¤ [Isa. 59:11]) ¢©§ª±¤³ £³§ š ¥™ž ¢© ¢¤ž³ £­™š ¥™ (£¢š™™/68; R) Å £³§ š ¥™ž ¢© ¢¤ž³ £­™š ¥™ ¢©±ª¢³ (Ps. 6:2) £¢©§ž™ œš¤ (¢¤©™/48) Å £§™ ³™ž £¢š™ ³™ œš¤ (Exod. 20:12) ¢¢œ«¥š ¨¢™ ¢¤ (¢¤©™/56) Å ¢œ«¥š ª­™ ¢¤ (Isa. 45:6) ¨žœ™ ¥¯™ ¨ž§™ ¢™ž (¢©©° ¢¢/94; R) Å ¨ž§™ ž¥¯™ ¢™ž (Prov. 8:30) ¦œžª¢ ¢±° §ž ¦šž› ³ž­«ž³ (¢©©° ¢¢/157) Å ¦¢± ³ž­«ž³ž ®±™ ¢±° § (Ps. 95:4) ¦ž³ ¢©­ ¥« ›ž  °  (¢©©° ¢¢/196) Å ¦ž³ ¢©­ ¥« ›  °  (Job 26:10) ¦œ™ ²«§ ¦²š ™ž±°¥ ¥ ž Ÿ™ (¢©©° ¢¢/257; R) Å ž¢ ¦²š ™±°¥ ¥ ž Ÿ™ (Gen. 4:26) š¢¤² £ž³š ¥›³¢ž (¢©©° ¢¢/273; R) Å ¥Ò £ž³š ¥›³¢ž (Gen. 9:21)  ±Ÿ§§ ®¯ (¢©©° ¢¢/275; A) Å  ±Ÿ§§ ±¢« (¢§) (Isa. 41:2) ¦¢¥ž›¢­ °±§ ¦¢ šŸ (³ž«³/417; A; R) Å ¦¢¥¤ ¦¢¥›­ ['±°] °±§ž (Isa. 65:4) ¦¢±ž¯¢ ž¥¢¤¢ ™¥ ž§«Ÿ (¦² ³™/427; A; R) Å ž§«Ÿ ¦¢ž› ž¥¤¢Š ™¥(ž) (Jer. 10:10) ©«³ ™¥ £«±š ¦¢šŸ¤ (° ±³/494; R) Å ±°² œ« £«±š ©«³ ™¥ (Exod. 20:16) and ™ž² œ« £«±š ©«³ ™¥ž (Deut. 5:20) ±ž¡ ž³™±¢ (¥™/602) Å ±ž¡ ž¢ ³™±¢ (Ps. 19:10) 4b) grammatical substitution (and re-ordering) ®±™ ±±­³ ±ž­ (¤¢ª©™/33) Å ®±™ ±±ž­³ ±ž­ (Isa. 24:19) ±ž™¥ ³³ ¦¡­²§ (±¤Ÿ/10) Å ±ž™¥ ¨³¢ ž¡­²§ (Zeph. 3:5) °œ¯ °œ¯ ¬œž± (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/2; R) Å ¬œ±³ °œ¯ °œ¯ (Deut. 16:20) ¢«œ ³™² °ž ±§¥ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/3; R) Å °ž ±§¥ ¢«œ ™²™ (Job 36:3) ¥¢«ž¥ ¦œé¥ (³¥™³/1) Å ¥¢«ž¥ £œ§¥§ (Isa. 48:17) «¢±¥ ¢«œž¢ (³±œ™/°; R) Å «ž±³ ¢«œž¢ (Ps. 89:16) ®±™ ¢¡­ž² žž³¤ ³ž²«¥ (¡­²§š £¥§/5; R) Å ²« ž³¤ ®±™ ¢¡­² (Isa. 40:23) ®±™ ³ž¢³ ³ ž«¢±¢ (Ÿ™) (¡­²§š £¥§/8; R) Å ®±™ ³ž¢³ ³ ž«¢±Ž (Isa. 44:23)

470

RHEORICAL FIGURES ³žš²ž ³ž¯± °Ÿš ™±§¤ (¡­²§š £¥§/60; R) Å °Ÿš ™±§¤ šž²ž ™ž¯± (Ezek. 1:14) ±š›¥ ¦¢¥¢  (°¢­™/9; ™²™/19; R) Å ±Þ›¢ ¦¢¥¢  (Qoh. 10:10) ¦¢§ ¢­¡© «±›† §Š (¡²°™/24), ¦¢§ ¢­¡© «‹  ±› §† (¦©¤³/6) Å ¦¢§ ¢­¡© «±›¢ (Job. 36:27) ¦¢§ ¢žš± ¥ž°¤ (¡²°™/42; R) Å ¦¢š± ¦¢§ ¥ž°¤ (Ezek. 43:2) ž±š«š Ž ¦¢§ ¦±Ÿ (®¢­¢/10; R) Å ±š« ¦¢§ ¦±Ÿ (Hab. 3:10) ³ž¯« ¥žœ› (¨©«/15; R) Å ¯« ¥œ› (Jer. 32:19) ©¯ž ¨›§ °¢Ÿ ™ (£¢š™™/5) Å ©¯ž ¨›§ °‹Ÿ  (Ps. 35:2) ¦¢§¢ ³ž§¤ §¢™ (£¢š™™/26; R) Å ¨ž¢§¢ ¦¢§¢ ³ž§¤ (Isa. 17:12) ¢³¤²§© ž¢± ™ (£¢š™™/43) Å £¢± ™ ¢©¤²§Ž (Song 1:4) ¦œ¢™ ¦ž¢ š±° (£¢š™™/65) Å ¦œ¢™ ¦ž¢ šž±° (Deut. 32:35) ¢©§¡²¥ ¬™š (£¢š™™/69) Å ¢©ž§¡²¢ ¬™š(ž) (Ps. 55:4) £§« ¡­²§š ™žš (™²™/7; R) Å ¡­²§š £§« ™š¢ (Job 22:4) ¢²¢­¤ ±­™š (™²™/14; R) Å ±­™š ¢©²¢­¤ (Lam. 3:16) ³ž°²¥  °± ¨¢¢§ ¦³ž™ (š³¤š Ÿ™/76; R) Å  °± ¨¢¢§ £°²™ (Song 8:2) ³ž§¢¤ § ¢³­ (š³¤š Ÿ™/77; R) Å ¢³­ ³§¢¤ § (Ps. 19:8) ž¤¢ š ¢³°³§© (¢©©° ¢¢/86; R) Å ¦¢°³§§ ž¤  (Song 5:16) ¦ ³§ ¦±¡ ³« ¥™¤ (¢©©° ¢¢/187) Å ¥™¤ ¦ ³§¢ž (Isa. 40:22) ®±™š «±žŸ ° ¯¢ (¢©©° ¢¢/230) Å ®±™š ° ¯¢ «±Ÿ¢ž (Gen. 26:12) ¦¢°ž³§ ²šœ§ ¦¢­ž¯ ³­ž©§ž (ž³™/369; R) Å ¦¢­ž¯ ³­©ž ²šœ§ ¦¢°ž³§ž (Ps. 19:11) ¦¢°ž³§ ²šœ§ž ¦¢­ž¯ ³­ž©§ž (¥™/544; Gen. v.l. 1x ²šœ§; R) ¦¢¥›¥› ž§¢«± ³ž¥ž° (ž³³/382; R) Å ¥›¥›š £§«± ¥ž° (Ps. 77:19) ¦¢¥šª© ¬³¤ ¥« ¦¢™ð© (³ž«³/414; A; R) Å ž¥šª¢ ¬³¤ ¥« ž™ð¢ (Isa. 46:7) ¦¢¥š ¢­ž¢ž ¨  ±°² (³žœž§ ³/524; R) Å ¢­¢ ¥šž ¨  ±°² (Prov. 31:30) ž¥œ›³ ¢¤ ²ž©™ § (¥™/596; R) Å ž©¥œ›³ ¢¤ ²ž©™ § (Job 7:17) 4c) lexical and grammatical substitution (and re-ordering) °œ¯ ¢¥«ž­¥ ³³//°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/1) Å ¨³™ ¢¥«­¥(ž) °ž ±§¥ ¢«œ ™²™ °œ¯ (Job 36:3) ©ž›« ³ž¢ ¥š¥ (¦™/2; R) Å ²¢™¥ ³ž¢ ¢³¥š¥ (Ruth 1:13) ®±™ ¬©¤§ ³ž±¢§Ÿ ž¥«¢ž (¡­²§š £¥§/15; Gen. 2x v.l. ž©«¢ž; R) Å ³±§Ÿ Š ®±™ ¬©¤§ ž©«§² (Isa. 24:16) ³ž™ šž¡¥ ž§š ³ž²« (¡­²§š £¥§/75; R) Å šž¡¥ ³ž™ ¢§« ²ˆ« (Ps. 86:17)  ¢™ž ¨ž§™ ž¥¯™ ¢™ž ¦¢§ž¢ ž«²«²¥ ¨ž§™ ž¥¯™ ±› (¡²°™/6; A; R) Å ¦¢«²«² ¦ž¢ ¦ž¢ (Prov. 8:30)  ž±¥ ¥°²§ ¦Û (¡²°™/29; A) Å ¥°²§  ž±¥ ³ž²«¥ (Job 28:25) œ«¥ ž§ž° ¢³§ (£¢š™™/64) Å œ«¥ ¢§ž° ¦ž¢¥ (Zeph. 3:8)  ¯©¥ ³žš±  ³§™ (£¢š™™/75) Å  ¯©¥ ³žš±  ž§³ (Ps. 9:7) ¬¯²¢ «›± ¢¤ (£¢š™™/76; R) Å ž­™š «›± ¢¤ (Ps. 30:6) žšž žž³ ¦¥ž« ³ž¢š (¢©©° ¢¢/103) Å žšž ž³ ³¢ ®±™(ž) (Gen. 1:2) ¥š³ ¦¢¥« ³²¢ž ¥š³ ¢°ž¯§ °¢¯ (¢©©° ¢¢/179-180) Å ¦¢¥« ³²¢ž ®±™ ¢°¯§ ž¢¥ ¥š³ (I Sam. 2:8)

471

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY ¢¢œ«¥š§ ± ™ ¥™ £¥ ¢¢ ™¥ (¢¤©™/45; R) Å ¢©­ ¥« ¦¢± ™ ¦¢¥™ £¥ ¢¢ ™¥ (Exod. 20:3) ¢¢œ« °©³ž (¢¤©™/46; R) Å ž¢ °©¢ ™¥ ¢¤ (Exod. 20:7) ¦¡© ¦±¡ œ« °žœ¤ (¢©©° ¢¢/188) Å ¦¢§² °œ¤ ¡ž© (Isa. 40:22) ¦¢° ² ¨¤ž² «š¯™ š³¤ (ž³™/372; R) Å ¦¢¥™ «š¯™š ¦¢š³¤  (Exod. 31:18) ¦¢§©« ³ž¥šª§ £œž­ (±²™/404; A; R) Å ¦¢±¯§ ³ž¥šª ³ ³§ ¦¤³™ ™¢¯ž§ (Exod. 6:7) ¦¢©­š§ ™¢¯ž¥ ¢¥š ™²§ (³¢¥¤³/442; A; R) Å ¦¤¢³š§ ™²§ ž™¢¯ž³ ™¥(ž) (Jer. 17:22) ¦¢­™²© ³ž§ ¢±œ ¥ (¥™/485; A; R) Å ³ž§ ¢±œ  ¥™ ³žœ±¢ (Prov. 7:27) ¦¢¯ ¤ ¦©ž²¥ ¦¢©©ž² (¦ž¡™/512; A; R) Å ¦©ž²¥ š± ¤ ž©©² ±²™ (Ps. 64:4) ¦¢¯©§ ¦¢ ™ ¨¢š ¦¢©œ§ (¦ž¡™/516; A; R) Å ¦¢ ™ ¨¢š ¦¢©œ§  ¥²§(ž) (Prov. 6:19) ¦¢¥šž  ©§¥™ ³žª¤ (³žœž§ ³/529; A; R) Å ©§¥™ œ›š ¥š ³ (™¥ž) (Deut. 24:17) ¦¢¥ž« ¥žš› ›¢²¥ (³žœž§ ³/530; R; cf. §28c) Å ¦¥ž« ¥žš› ›ª³ (¥™) (Prov. 22:28; 23:10) ¦¢°¢š§ ¦¢©¢«(ž) š¥ ¦¢ §²§ (¥™/550; R) Å ¦¢©¢« ³±¢™§...š¥ ¢ §²§ (Ps. 19:9) ž§™ž© œžš¤ ¢©¢ª§ ™š (¥™/552; R) Å ™š ¢©¢ª§ ž¢ (Deut. 33:2) ž±šœš ³ ™ (¥™/564) Å ¦¢¥™ ±šœ ³ ™ (Ps. 62:12) ¦¥¢¤²¥ ³«œž ¦«¡ šž¡ (¥™/576; R) Å ¢©œ§¥ ³«œž ¦«¡ šž¡ (Ps. 119:66) ¦¢¥™ž²ž ¦¢™±ž° Ÿ ¥™ Ÿž (¥™/623; R) Å ±§™ž Ÿ ¥™ Ÿ ™±°ž (Isa. 6:3) ¦¢¥¢œ›§ ž¢³ž™±ž© ŸžŸ«ž (¥™/624; R) Å ž±§™¢ £¢³ž™±ž© ŸžŸ«ž (Ps. 145:6) 5a) suppression and addition (and re-ordering) – MT material made to constitute complete stichoi £ž¥§§ ¬©  ²ž³© (¤¢ª©™/3) Å ¬©  ¦œ™ £¥§§ (Job 34:30) £¥§¢ ¥š¥  ª¢//£ž¥§ ¢¥š ¦¢™› ³¢š (¤¢ª©™/3) Å ž¢  ª¢ ¦¢™› ³¢š (Prov. 15:25) ®±™¥ ³ ³§ ¦¢§š ±²™ž//®±™¥ ¥«§§ ¦¢§²š ±²™ž (¡­²§š £¥§/9-10) Å ±²™ ®±™¥ ³ ³§ ¦¢§š ±²™ž ³ ³§ ®±™š ±²™ž ¥«§§ ¦¢§²š (Ex. 20:4) ¨¢œš °œ¡¯¥ ž©¥¢¤¢ ¢§ž//¨¢œ ¦ž¢ ¥žœ› ¢¤ (¡­²§š £¥§/18) Å ™±ž©ž ž¢ ¦ž¢ ¥žœ› ¢¤ ž©¥¢¤¢ ¢§ž œ™§ (Joel 2:11) ™±ž©  ±°¤ «¢°± ³ž§œ//™±ž§š ¢ž¡© ¦¢²™± ¥«ž (¡­²§š £¥§/63) Å ¢²™± ¥« ³ž§œž ¥«§¥§ ¦¢²™± ¥« ¢ž¡© ™±ž©  ±° ¨¢«¤ «¢°± ¢  (Ezek. 1:22) ±™­³ ª¤ ±¢­ª ™±§¤//±°¢ ¨š™¤ «¢°±¥ ¥«§§ž (¡­²§š £¥§/65) Å «¢°±¥ ¥«§§ž ™ª¤ ³ž§œ ±¢­ª ¨š™ ™±§¤ ¦²™± ¥« ±²™ (Ezek. 1:26) ±¯š ™¥ ±²™ «ž² (°¢­™/7) Å ±¯š ™¥ £«ž² (Job 36:19) ¦¢§ ³ž±žš› «¢§²¥ ¨¢š§ ¢©­ ³™ (¡²°™/2) Å §¤  ¨¢š§ ¢©­ ³™ (Prov. 17:24) ¢©žœ© ¥¢¥š ¢³©¢›© ±¤Ÿ™ (£¢š™™/38) Å ¢šš¥ ¦« ¥¢¥š ¢³©¢›© ±¤Ÿ™ (Ps. 77:7) ¢³ž§²™ ›¢ª¥ šž²¢ ¢š £™ (£¢š™™/61) Å ¦ž¢ ¥¤ žœ¢ £­¢ šž²¢ ¢š £™ (Lam. 3:3) £¥™ž ššžª™ž ™© §ž°™ (™²™/25) Å ±¢«š ššžª™ž ™© §ž°™ (Song 3:2) ž± œ™§¥ž ±¤²¢ž ³²¢ž (¢©©° ¢¢/271) Å ±¤²¢ž ¨¢¢ ¨§ ³²¢ž (Gen. 9:21) ¨±™­§ «¢­ž ²žœ° (²žœ°/33; A) Å ¨±™­ ±§ «¢­ž (Deut. 33:2) ¢¢œ§ § ¦™ ¢¤ œž§ ³ ™¥ (¢¤©™/53) Å £«± ³¢š œ§ ³ ™¥ (Exod. 20:17) á±°  ¦›ž á©¢¤ á±­ª¢ž ᙱ ¢ (š³¤š Ÿ™/69; A) Å á±°  ¦›ž á©¢¤ á±­ª¢ž ᙱ Ÿ™ (Job 28:27)

472

RHEORICAL FIGURES ž¤±š¥ž ž¥¥¥ ž¢©­¥ ³° ²§//ž¤±«š ¢³™ ¥š³š ³° ²§ (¢©©° ¢¢/91-92) Å ³° ²§ ž¯±™ ¥š³š ³° ²§ ³« ¥¤š ž¢©­¥ (Prov. 8:30-31) ¦ž¢ Ÿ œ« ³° ²§ (¢©©° ¢¢/96) Å ³« ¥¤š ž¢©­¥ ³° ²§ (Prov. 8:30) ²™±¥ ¬žªš ¢¢ ™ž//²™±§ ¢² § (¢©©° ¢¢/115-116) Å ¢¢² ™ž ¢² § (Qoh. 1:9) ¦¢§² ¥«§ ±²™ ¦¢§ž//¦¢§² ¢§²ž ¦¢§² ž¯§™š (¢©©° ¢¢/208) Å ¢§² žž¥¥ ¦¢§² ¥«§ ±²™ ¦¢§ž ¦¢§² (Ps. 148:4) ¯ž  ±§ ž°«¯//¯¢ §§ ¦¢¥™±™ ž©«§¥ž (¢©©° ¢¢/300-301) Å ¯  ž°«¯ ¦¥™±™ ž ¨ž¢¤š¢ ±§ ¦¢¥² ¢¤™¥§ (Isa. 33:7) (for MT ¦Ž¥™±™ = ¦¢¥™±™, cf. §9ii) ¦¢°©«ž ¨  ³¢ž¥ ±™­ (ž³™/375; A) Å £¢³±›±›¥ ¦¢°©«ž £²™±¥ ¦ ¨  ³¢ž¥ ¢¤ ¦¢§°©¢© ¦œ™š ¦œ™ ¦œ £­ž²ž (±ž³/474; A) Å £­ð¢ ž§œ ¦œ™š ¦œ™ ¦œ £­² (Gen. 9:6) ž¥ž¥¢§ «§²ž ³™ š±° (¥™/590) Å ž©¢¥™ ž¢ ±§™¢ ±²™ ¥¤ ³™ «§²ž ³™ š±° (Deut. 5:27) ž¥ž° ³§¢™§ ³ž§© ¨­//ž¥«­ ¨¢¢©° ž©§« ±šœž (¥™/590) Å ¥™ž «§²©ž ž©§« ³™ ±šœ ³ž§© ¨­ ¦¢¥™ ž©§« ±šœ¢ (Exod. 20:19) ž¥¢­±« ¥™ ²ß©ž œ§«žž (¥™/593) Å ¥­±« ¥™ ²ß© ²§ž (Exod. 20:21) ž¥«¥ ž©¢§ž°§¥ ž¢š² ³ § (¥™/596) Å žš² ³ž ²ž©™ ¨š ž«œ³ž ¦œ™ § ž¢ (Ps. 144:3) 5b) suppression and addition (and re-ordering) – other ±ž³¤ ³œ²™ ž©¢§¢§ (¡­²§š £¥§/67; R) Å ž§¥ ³œ²™ ž©¢§¢§ (Deut. 33:2) ¢© ­¡ ³œ²™ ž©¢§¢§ (¢©©° ¢¢/189; R) ³™Ÿ «§‹ ² ¥¤ ° ¯¢ (¦™/4; A) Å ¢¥ ° ¯¢ «§² ¥¤ (Gen. 21:6) ª¤ ±¯ Ÿ™§ ¨ž¤©ž (¡²°™/11; R) Å Ÿ™§ £™ª¤ ¨ž¤© (Ps. 93:2) ¦¢§ ¥›¥›š ¦«± ¥ž° (¡²°™/27; R) Å ¥›¥›š £§«± ¥ž° (Ps. 77:19) ¢¤¥§¥ ¢³¤ª©ž (¢©©° ¢¢/118) Å ¢¤¥§ ¢³¤ª© ¢©™ž (Ps. 2:6) 6a) lexical/grammatical substitution and addition (and re-ordering) – MT material made to constitute complete stichoi ¨§¢³§ ž™šš//¨§™© «ž± (¤¢ª©™/40; A) Å ™žš¢ ¨§¢³§ ž¥™ (Hab. 3:3) ¦¢§«§ ž­ª™ ¢//¦¢§« ¢š¢œ© (¤¢ª©™/27) Å ž­ª™© ¦¢§« ¢š¢œ© (Ps. 47:10) ՙ²©š ž¢œ¢//ž™²§ ¦ž± ¥« (¤¢ª©™/32; A) Å ™²© ž¢œ¢ ¦ž± (Hab. 3:10) ¨ž§¢²¢š¤ œ«¯³ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/44; A) Å ¨ž§¢²¢š £œ«¯š (Ps. 68:8) ±¢š›¥ž ¦¢¯«¥ ¦¢¥¢  ¢ª© (¨š™/9; A) Å ±Þ›¢ ¦¢¥¢  (Qoh. 10:10) £¥§ °žœš ¢¥ ¢§ (³±œ™/13) Å ¦¢§²š ¢¥ ¢§ (Ps. 73:25) ᳞ž™©š ±²©¤ ²œ ³© (¦™/5; A) Å ¢¤¢±ž«© ±²©¤ ²œ ³³ (Ps. 103:5) ®±™ ¢«²± ¥¤ ±«©¥ (¡­²§š £¥§/6) Å (©§§) ¦¢«²± ž±«ê¢ž (Job 38:13) ®±™ ³ž¤¥§§ ™ª¤ £­¢ž (¡­²§š £¥§/13) Å ³ž¤¥§§ ™ª¤ ¢³¤­ž (Hag. 2:22) ¨¢œ ¦ž³ ¢ ¦œ™ ¥¤ œ¢šž//¨¢œš ž²«§ ®±™š ³«œ¥ (¡­²§š £¥§/22-23) Å ¦œ™ ¥¤ œ¢š ‹ ¥¤ ³«œ¥ ¦ž³ ¢ (Job 37:7) ž²«§ ¢²©™ °Ÿ §  ¢ž©¤š ¥™±²¢ ¦²šž (¡­²§š £¥§/47) Å ©¤¢ ¥™±²¢ ¦²šž (Isa. 44:5) š± ¥°š °œ¯//š±«¢ž ±²š™ ² ± (°¢­™/20; A) Å š± ¥°š °œ¯ ¢³±²š (Ps. 40:10)

473

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY £¢±™™ ³ž±žš› ±šœ¥ (°¢­™/12) Å ž±šœ¢ £³±žš› (Ps 145:11) 757 ¦¢§ ±¡§ «²¢ ž±­¢ž ®±™  ž³­¥ (¦©¤³/11; A) Å «²¢ ž±­¢ž ®±™  ³­³ (Isa. 45:8) ¦¢¥™ ±¢«  §²¥//¦¢ ¥²© ¦¢›¥­¥ ¦¢§ ( ³­¢/48; F; A) Å ±¢« ž §²¢ ž¢›¥­ ±© ¦¢¥™ (Ps. 46:5) ž§ž³ ¢©­ ¥« ›ž  ¦²ž (ž±ž™/16; A) Å ¦ž³ ¢©­ ¥« ›ž  ž°ž š (Prov. 8:27) ¨ž¢¥¤¥ ¥ž¯ ¢³±› ¢¤ ¢¥ ¢ž™ (£¢š™™/31) Å £²§ ¢³±› ¢¤ ¢¥ ¢ž™ (Ps. 120:5) £¢§«± ¥ž°§ š› ¥™ š›§ ­ž«™ (™²™/8; A) Å ¨žŸ­ ¢ £§«± ¥ž° ¨§ (Ps. 104:7) ž©¢ ¤ž©¥ ±¯ ®­ ›¢²™ ¬žœ±™ (™²™/31; A) Å ›¢²™ ¬œ±™ š¢ž™ ±§™ (Exod. 15:9) ¥«§§ œ¢±ž¥  ¡š§ ±™­ (± ¨§/26; A) Å  ¡š§ Ÿ« œ±¢ž (Prov. 21:22) ¢³™¥§ ¢¡­²§ š± ¦ž (¢©©° ¢¢/140) Å š± ¦ž³ £¡­²§ (Ps. 36:7) ¯ž±§š ®±  š¡¥ ²¤ (¢©©° ¢¢/295) Å ¥šž¢  š¡¥ ²¤ (Isa. 53:7) ¦«¥ ³ž§ž¯«³ž Ÿž« ¨³ž© ™ž ¥™±²¢ ¥™//¦«©ž§ ž²œ°§§ ¦¢¥™ ™±ž© (¢©©° ¢¢/361) Å ¦«¥...¥™ £¢²œ°§§ ¦¢¥™ ™±ž© (Ps. 68:36) ¦¢¥  œ¥ž¢¤ ¢©//¦¢¥š ž ¦¢±¢¯ ±«ª//¦¢¥š ¦žŸ ™ ¦¢§« (ž³³/384-385; A [3x]) Å ¨ž¥¢ ¢ œ¥ž¢¤ ¨žŸ ™¢ ¦¢¥š ž ¦¢±¢¯ (Isa. 13:7) ¦¢±³ ™¥ ™ž²¥ ž§² ™±ž§ (¦² ³™/424; A) Å ™ž²¥ £¢¥™ ž¢ ¦² ³™ ™²³ ™¥ (Exod. 20:7) ¦¢§œ ¢²©™§ ±žªž ±ž³ (±ž³/466; A) Å ¢Šê§Œ ž±žª ¦¢§œ ¢²©™(ž) (Ps. 139:19) ¦¢šŸ¤ ¢¡² ¦« ¢³ ¥™//¦¢š± ¥™ ¢©š ©­³ ¥™ (° ±³/506; A [2x]) Å ¥™ ©­ ™¥(ž) šŸ¤ ¢¡²ž ¦¢š± (Ps. 40:5) £«±¢ ™ž šž¡ «±§š (¦ž¡™/522) Å ¦³™ «±™ šž¡ «±§š (Ezek. 34:14) ¦¢¥œž ¦¢¢©« ¦¢­¡ž  (³žœž§ ³/531; A) Å ¢©« ¬¡ ¢ (Ps. 10:9) ¦¢¥šž§ ³ž±š°¥ ¦ ™¥ (³žœž§ ³/532; A) Å ¥šž¢ ³ž±š°¥ ™ž(ž) (Job 21:32) ž§« ž¢²žœ° ¥¤ž ™ž œ±¢ž (¥™/563) Å ž§« ¦¢²œ° ¥¤ ¢¥™ ž¢ ™šž (Zech. 14:5) 758

ž§™ž© ž«¢§²¤ žŸ ¦¢³² (¥™/565) Å ¢³«§² žŸ ¦¢³² (Ps. 62:12) 6b) lexical/grammatical substitution and addition (and re-ordering) – other Ÿ™§ ¤¢ª© ¢³¤ë© (¢©©° ¢¢/102; R) Å ¢³¤ë© ¦¥ž«§ (Prov. 8:23) œ ™¤ š©› ¦« °¥  (¢©©° ¢¢/251; R) Å š©› ¦« °¥ž  (Prov. 29:24)

ž§¢¢  ¦ ¦š± š (¥™/554; R) Å ¢ ³ £š±  ¥«(ž) (Gen. 27:40)

7) lexical/grammatical substitution and suppression (and re-ordering) ¢¤¥§ ¤¢ª©™ (¤¢ª©™/1; A) Å ¢¤¥§ ¢³¤ª© ¢©™ž (Ps. 2:6) ž³¤¢¥ ²žà° (¤¢ª©™/22; R) Å ²œ°š ¢¤¥§ ¢¥™ ³ž¤¢¥ (Ps. 68:25) ¥¢­²¢ «š›ž ±ž (¤¢ª©™/23; R) Å ž¥­²¢ «š›ž ± ¥¤ž (Isa. 40:4)  ±Ÿ§§ ³±« (±¤Ÿ/11) Å  ±Ÿ§§ ±¢« ¢§ (Isa. 41:2) ±¤Ÿ¢ ž²œ°Ž ±šœ (±¤Ÿ/20; R) Å ž²œ° ±šœ ³™ ±¤Ÿ ¢¤ (Ps. 105:42) ±¤Ÿ¢ ¦¢±ž«© œª  (±¤Ÿ/23; R) Å £¢±ž«© œª  £¥ ¢³±¤Ÿ (Jer. 2:2) ±î«¥ ¦™ ³«¡¥ ¦™ (±¤Ÿ/44; R) Å «ž¡© ±ž°«¥ ³«ž ³«¡¥ ³« (Qoh. 3:2) 757 758

Cf. BHS app. crit., ad loc.: “Hier[onymus] pl.” Cf. BHS app. crit., ad loc.: “…mlt Mss…¥¤†ž.”

474

RHEORICAL FIGURES ¢«ž±Ÿ ž¯é™š (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/4; A; R) Å ž©¯§™³ ¢«ž±Ÿ ¬™ (Ps. 89:22) ±­ ±ž²§ š¡ž¢ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/19; A) Å ±­ ±ž²§ ž¢¥ š¡¢³ž (Ps. 69:32) ±­ž² °Ÿ  ¥ž°(š) (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/25; R) Å œ™§ °Ÿ  ±­² ¥°ž (Exod. 19:16) ±­ž² £žè ¥ž°(š) (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/29; R) Å œ™§ °Ÿ ž £¥ž ±­ž² ¥ž° (Exod. 19:19) ³ž§¤ ¦ž© (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/28; A; R) Å ¨ž¢§¢ ¦¢§¢ ³ž§¤ (Isa. 17:12) ±±ž¯¥ ¥ž§› ¦¥²¥ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/41; R) Å ž¢š¢™¥ ¥ž§› ¦¥²§ (Isa. 66:6) «§²¥ ¦¢©² š±°š ¦¥«­ (³¥™³/3; R) Å «¢œž³ ¦¢©² š±°š ž¢¢ ³ ¦¢©² š±°š £¥«­... (Hab. 3:2) §±«§ ±«š (³±œ™/9; R) Å ³«œ§ ¦œ™ ¥¤ ±«š© (Jer. 10:14 = 51:17) ®±™ ¡ž°²³ ¡­²§¥ ž§ž°š (¡­²§š £¥§/4; R) Å ¡­²§¥ ¦ž°š ¡°²ž ™±¢ ®±™ ¦¢¥™ (Ps. 76:9-10) ®±™ ¥¤ ¥« ž¤¥§šž Ž (¡­²§š £¥§/8; R) Å ®±™ ¥¤ ¥« ¥žœ› £¥§ (Ps. 47:3) ™²¢ ¢¥ ¦¢©­ (°¢­™/17; R) Å £¢¥™ ž¢©­ ž¢ ™²¢ (Num. 6:26) ¦¢§ œœž§ (¡²°™/25; R) Å ¦¢§ ž¥«²š œœ§ ¢§ (Isa. 40:12) ¦¢§ ¢¥š¢ ¥« ¦¢š±«¤ ¦¢ §ž¯ (¡²°™/35; A; R) Å ¢¥š¢ ¥« ¦¢š±«¤ ±¢¯  ¨¢š‹ ކ ž §¯ž ¦¢§ (Isa. 44:4) ³ž±ž©¯ ¥ž° (¡²°™/38; A) Å £¢±ž©¯ ¥ž°¥ (Ps. 42:8) ¥ž° ¦¢™²ž© (¡²°™/39) Å ¦¥ž° ³ž±© ž™²© (Ps. 93:3) ¦¢§ š± ¥« ¦¢«±§ (¡²°™/40; R) Å ¦¢š± ¦¢§ ¥« ž¢ ¦¢«±... (Ps. 29:3) šž¡ £±šœ ¦°‹ Ž (¦©¤³/18; A) Å šž¡ ¢±šœ ³™ ¦¤¢¥« ¢³§°ž Š (Jer. 29:10) ¦¢§¤ š¥ ¦¤­²š (¦©¤³/21; R), ¦¢§¤ š¥ £­² ( ³­¢/7; R) Å £š¥ ¦¢§¤ ¢¤­ÚŠ (Lam. 2:19) «²± ¡§ ±š²¥ ( ³­¢/1; R) Å ¦¢«²± ¡§ ž¢ ±š² (Isa. 14:5) ¦¢§ ¡«§  ° ( ³­¢/2) Å ¦¢§ ¡«§ ™©  °¢ (Gen. 18:4) ¦¢§«­ £ ±™š ( ³­¢/8; R) Å ¦¢§«­ ž¡§š «¥ª ³™ £¢ž (Num. 20:11) ™¥§ ¢§ ³¢¯§ ( ³­¢/18; R) Å ž§¥ ž¯é¢ ™¥§ ¢§ (Ps. 73:10) ¥›«§ ¥© ³ ©š ( ³­¢/69/R) Å °œ¯ ¢¥›«§š ¢© ©¢...¢©¥©¢ ³ž ©§ ¢§ ¥« (Ps. 23:2-3) ±ž›«¤ ¦¢­¯­¯§ ( ³­¢/85; R) Å ¬¯­¯™ ¨¤ ±ž›« ªžª¤ (Isa. 38:14) ¦¢§ž¢§ ³ž¢ ¥ ( ³­¢/88) Å ¦¢§¢§ ž©¢ ¢ (Hos. 6:2) ³ž¯°§ ¦¢™¢²© ¥«§ (¨©«/13; R) Å ®±™ ¯°§ ¦¢™²© Š ¥«§ (Ps. 135:7) ¢©±› ¨š ²œ (™¥) (£¢š™™/2) Å ¢©±› ¨šž ¢³²œ§ (Isa. 21:10) §œ³ ™¥ž ¨¢« ±¢ß™ (£¢š™™/13) Å §œ³ ™¥ž ±ß© ¢©¢« (Lam. 3:49) ¨ž¢¥« §Ûž ¢ž› ¥¤ ¥« (£¢š™™/32; R) Å ®±™ ¢¢ž› ¥¤ ¥« ¨ž¢¥« £¢¥™ ž¢ £©³©ž (Deut. 28:1) 759 ¢³ž§  šž¡ (£¢š™™/63; R) Å ¢¢ § ¢³ž§ Š šž¡ (Jon. 4:3)  ¯± ¬ž±  (£¢š™™/75; R) Å ¢±±ž¯ ¢©ž­±  ¢³ž§¯«š  ¯±š (Ps. 42:11) ²­© ±§š  ±¯™ (™²™/20; A) Å ¢²­© ±§š ±šœ™ (Job 10:1) (cf. ¢ ž± ±¯š ±šœ™ ¢²­© ±§š  ¢²™ [Job 7:11]) ³ž§¥« ³›¢© (™²™/46) Å ³ž§-¥« ž©›©¢ ™ž (Ps. 48:15) £Õ§ † ³† ¢¥±ž› (¡§ ®±™/13; AN) Å ¢¥±ž› £¢† §Õñ Š ³™ (Ps. 16:5) 759

Cf. BHS app. crit., ad loc.: “pc Mss ¢ž›.”

475

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY ³¢š ³žž© ¥ž¥² (± ¨§/22; R) Å ¥¥² °¥ ³ ³¢š ³ž©(ž) (Ps. 68:13) ¢¢œ¢«š ±°² ©«³ ™¥ (¢¤©™/52; R) Å ±°² œ« £«±š ©«³ ™¥ (Exod. 20:16) ³¢²™± ¨¢¢©° (š³¤š Ÿ™/60; R) Å ž¤±œ ³¢²™± ¢©©° ž¢ (Prov. 8:22) ¦¢°©ž¢ ¢­§ Ÿž« œª¢ (š³¤š Ÿ™/83; R) Å Ÿ« ³œª¢ ¦¢°©¢ž ¦¢¥¥ž« ¢­§ (Ps. 8:3) ¢³¥¥³© ³ž§ž³š ±²™ ¦¢©¢©³š (¢©©° ¢¢/142; R) Å ¥¤ž ¦¢©¢©³ ®±™ ¨§ ž¢ ³™ ž¥¥ ³ž§³ (Ps. 148:7) °œ¯š ž™ð©¤ ³ž«š›ž (¢©©° ¢¢/166) Å °œ¯š ³ž«š›ž ¦«¥ ¦ž¥² ¦¢± ž™²¢ (Ps. 72:3) ¢³›¥¢œ ³ž«š›¥ ³ž«š›§ (¢©©° ¢¢/168; R) Å ³ž«š› ¥« ®­°§ ¦¢ ¥« ›¥œ§ (Song 2:8) ¦ ­¡ ¦±¡ ¨¢§¢š (¢©©° ¢¢/189) Å ¦¢§²  ­¡ ¢©¢§¢(ž) (Isa. 48:13) ³ž§šž ³ž¢  ¥« ž™±ž§ž (¢©©° ¢¢/242; R) Å ¥«ž ®±™ ³¢  ¥¤ ¥« ¢¢ ¦¤³ ž ¦¤™±ž§ž ¦¢§² ¬ž« ¥¤ (Gen. 9:2) ³ž§² ¦¥ ™±° (¢©©° ¢¢/244; R) Å §š ¥¤¥ ³ž§² ¦œ™ ™±°¢ž (Gen. 2:20) œ ™ ³ž¢ šž¡ ™¥ (¢©©° ¢¢/248; R) Å žœš¥ ¦œ™ ³ž¢ šž¡ ™¥ (Gen. 2:18) œž«ª ²«¢ž ™š¢ž  °¢ž £¥¢ž (¢©©° ¢¢/313; R) Å ¦¢§«¡§ ž§™ ²«³ž ž§™¥ ™š¢ž  °¢ž £¥¢ž (Gen. 27:14) œ±  ±œ  (¢©©° ¢¢/315; R) Å œ™§ œ« ¥œ› œ±  ° ¯¢ œ± ¢ž (Gen. 27:33) ¦«Ÿ«œŸš ³ ³ž ¦ž± ³žœ¥ž³ (¢©©° ¢¢/347; A; R) Å ®±™ž ¦¢§² ³žœ¥ž³ ¥™ ¦™±Þš (Gen. 2:4) (cf. §29e) ¦¢©¢©­§ ¦¢±°¢ (ž³™/371) Å ['±°] ¦¢©¢©­§ ™¢ ±°¢ (Prov. 3:15) ¦¢§ž±§ ³ž¥«§ ©žš (±²™/396; R) Å ž³ž¥«§ Ž ¦¢§²š ©žš (Amos 9:6) £¥ ¢¢ ™¥ ¢±ž§³ (±²™/408; R; v.l. ¥™ ¢±ž§³) Å ¢©­ ¥« ¦¢± ™ ¦¢¥™ £¥ ¢¢ ™¥ (Exod. 20:3) ¦¢¥¥³§ ¦š ¥¤ ž²žš¢ (³ž«³/416; R) Å ¦¢¥¢¥™š ¦¢¥¥³§ ¥ª­ ¢œš« ¥¤ ž²š¢ (Ps. 97:7) ¦¢±«žš ž©§ ²™ ¢¥ › (¦² ³™/425; A; R) Å ²™ ¢¥ › ž±«š žœ›© ᛏ©§ (II Sam. 22:13) ¦¢±° š¢± §ž (¦² ³™/426; R) Å š¢±  ³ž±© ¥¤ž (Nah. 1:4) ¦¢±ž¯ ³¯³©§ ž³§  (¦² ³™/427; R) Å ž©§§ ž¯ñ© ¦¢±¯ž ²™¤ ¤ñ© ž³§  (Nah. 1:6) ¦¢§ž±§¥ ¦œ °«¯¢ (±ž³/473; R) Å ¢¥™ ¦¢°«¯ £¢ ™ ¢§œ ¥ž° (Gen. 4:10) ¦¢°°žŸ§ ¦¢³«š² ¥¢¥«š (¥™/548; R) Å ¦¢³«š² °°Ÿ§ ®±™¥ ¥¢¥«š ¬ž±¯ ¬ª¤ (Ps. 12:7) ž§«¥ Ÿž« ¨³¢¥ (¥™/557; R) Å ¨³¢ ž§«¥ Ÿ« ž¢ (Ps. 29:11) ž¥° ¢±šœ ¥™ «§²¢ž (¥™/591; R) Å ¦¤¢±šœ ¥ž° ³™ ž¢ «§²¢ž (Deut. 5:28) 8a) lexical/grammatical substitution and suppression and addition (and reordering) – MT material made to constitute complete stichoi ¦¢¤¥§ ¢©š ž¢¥«//¦¢¤¢¥²§ š¢ (¤¢ª©™/19; A) Å £š¢ ž¢ ¥« £¥² (Ps. 55:23) ¥¢¥ ¢¡­²§ ³žœž³ž//¥¢¥ ³ž¯  ±¤Ÿ (±¤Ÿ/29; F) Å ¥« £¥ ³žœž¥ ¦ž°™ ¥¢¥ ³ž¯  £°œ¯ ¢¡­²§ (Ps. 119:62) ¥¢¥ž ¦§ž¢ › °  (±¤Ÿ/30; A) Å ¥¢¥ž ¦§ž¢ žš ³¢›ž (Josh. 1:8) ±¤Ÿ¢ ¦¢«›±¥//±°š ³œ°­ ³ž™ (±¤Ÿ/43; A; R [2x]) Å ž©© š³ ¦¢«›±¥ ¦¢±°š¥ ž©œ°­³ž (Job 7:18)

476

RHEORICAL FIGURES ¦¢§¤ š¥ ž¥ ¢¤­²š Ž (°¢­™/4) Å £š¥ ¦¢§¤ ¢¤­²Š (Lam. 2:19) ¦¢§ ¢›¥­ ³žš ±š//¦¢§ ³ž©¢« ©¢¯ž­³ (°¢­™/23; A [©¢¯ž­³]) Å ¯ž  £¢³©¢«§ ž¯ž­¢ ¦¢§ ¢›¥­ ³žš ±š (Prov. 5:16) ¦¢§² «¢°± ¢©­ ¥« ¦¢™œž ¦¢­« (¡²°™/32; A) Å «¢°± ¢©­ ¥« ®±™ ¥« ¬­ž«¢ ¬ž«ž ¦¢§² (Gen. 1:20) ¦¢§š ᜢ§³¥ ¨¢« š ­¯ (¦©¤³/5; A) Šᚠ£¢¥™ ž¢ ¢©¢« œ¢§³ (Deut. 11:12) «²¢¥ ®±™  ³­¢ ( ³­¢/1; FV; A) Å «²¢ ž±­¢ž ®±™  ³­³ (Isa. 45:8) ¦¢§ž¢§ ž¢™¥¡ ž¢ ¢ ( ³­¢/7) Å ¦¢§¢§ ž©¢ †¢ (Hos. 6:2) ¥›±š ¨›¤ ³°²© ™¥ž ( ³­¢/41) Å °±¢ ¨›¤ £¥›±š ³¢°²ž (Deut. 11:10) ž«œž©ž ž¥°²© ¢š ¦¢©Ÿ™§šž ª¥­š (¢©©° ¢¢/156) Å ¦¢©Ÿ™§š ³ž«š›ž ¦¢± ª¥­š ¥°²(ž) (Isa. 40:12) œ ™ ¦ž¢ ¨¥ ™¥ œžš¤ ³­ž š (¢©©° ¢¢/254) Å ¨¢¥¢ ¥š ±°¢š ¦œ™ž (Ps. 49:13) ™¯¢ £³™±°¥ œ²š  ž²¥ (¢©©° ¢¢/299) Å œ²š  ž²¥ ° ¯¢ ™¯åž (Gen. 24:63) ¦³ž  ¢³§³  £©«§¥ «ž±Ÿ ¥«ž š¥ ¥« (¢©©° ¢¢/326) Å ¥« ¦³ž ¤ £š¥ ¥« ¦³ž ¤ ¢©§¢² £«ž±Ÿ (Song 8:6) ±ž§  ™©² žž™©² ¦¥  ±²™ ³ž§ž¥  ¥« (¢©©° ¢¢/329) Å ¥« ž³™ ™©² œž« ž­ª¢ž Š ž¢³§¥  (Gen. 37:8) ¦¢¥™ ¥™ Ÿž« ¥ž° ž³³ (ž³³/381; A) Å Ÿ« ¥ž° ž¥ž°š ¨³¢ ¨ (Ps. 68:34) ¦¢¥¢™ ž§¤ ¨²šž ¥§±¤//¦¢¥›«¤ ¨ž¢±²ž ¨ž©š¥ (ž³³/386; A [2x]) Å ¥›« ž§¤ ¦œ¢°±¢ž ¦¢§™± ¨š ž§¤ ¨ž¢±²ž ¨ž©š¥ (Ps. 29:6) 760 ¦¢§³ ¢¥«ž­ ¥¤ ±²™ (±²™/396; A) Å ž¥«­Ž ¦¢§³ ±ž¯ (Deut. 32:4) ¦¢§° ¨žœŸš «¢± ¦œ ¥« (±ž³/469; A) Å £«± ¦œ ¥« œ§«³ ™¥ (Lev. 19:16) ¦¢¥¢¤²§¤ ±¢Ÿ¢ £±ž™ (³žœž§ ³/536; A) Å «¢°± ±Ÿ¤ ž±¢Ÿ¢ ¦¢¥¤²§ Š (ž) (Dan. 12:3) ¦¢§«Ÿž š±  ¢©­§ ±ž› (±ž³/475) Å š±  ¢©­§ ¦¤¥ ž±ž› (Job 19:29) ¦¢°©«ž ±ž¡¢« ¦³ž±›±›¥ž//¦¢°¢©«§ ¦²™±š ¨  ³¢ž¢¥ (¥™/549-550) Å ¦ ¨  ³¢ž¥ ¢¤ £¢³±›±›¥ ¦¢°©«ž £²™±¥ (Prov. 1:9)

ž¥¢Ÿž ž­¢© ³žšœ© ¢§²› (¥™/588) Å ¦¢¥™ ¬¢©³ ³žšœ© ¦²› (Ps. 68:10) 8b) lexical/grammatical substitution and suppression and addition (and re-ordering) – other ­²š ¦¢±­ ¢§¥²§ (±¤Ÿ/21) Å ž©¢³­² ¦¢±­ §¥²©ž (Hos. 14:3) ¦¢§ ™¢¯§¥ œª ¥ ®±™¥ ¡š²¥ (¡²°™/30; R) Å œª ¥ ¦™ ž¯±™¥ ¦™ ¡š²¥ ¦™ ž™¯§ Š ¢ (Job 37:13) ¦¢§ ³¢³² œ©¤ ª©ç† (¡²°™/33; R) Å ¦¢ ¢§ œ©¤ ª‹©ç (Ps. 33:7) ¦¢§ ¢²™± «žš±¥ œ±­¥ (¡²°™/44; R) Å ¦¢²™± «š±™¥ ¢ž œ±­¢ (Gen. 2:10) ¦¢§ ¡«§ â꧌ ³ž§› (¦©¤³/13; R) Å ¦¢§ ¡«§ ™© ¢©¢™¢§› (Gen. 24:17) ¥«§š ±¤Ÿ¥ ²ž©™ § (± ¨§/25; R) Å ž©±¤Ÿ³ ¢¤ ²ž©™ § (Ps. 8:5)

760 According to the analysis of MT, the major pause (atnaʚ) in the verse falls on the word ¥›«. According to the analysis implied by the Qillirian distich, on the other hand, the verse is apparently to be read as ¦¢§™± ¨š ž§¤ ,¨ž¢±²ž ¨ž©š¥ ¥›« ž§¤ ¦œ¢°±¢ž.

477

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY §29b Sentence Built out of Integrated Biblical Verses ±­ž²¤ ¦¢±¥ ¥ž°//œ°¯ ¢¡­²§ ¥™²™ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/1) Å °œ¯ ¢¡­²§ ¢©ž¥™²¢ (Isa. 58:2) + £¥ž° ¦± ±­ž²¤ (Isa. 58:1) ¦¢©š ¦™ ¢«©§ (¨š™/4) Å ¢¤š§ £¥ž° ¢«©§ (Jer. 31:16) +  §² ¦¢©š ¦™ (Ps. 113:9) ¢¡­²§ ™¢¯ž¢ ±ž™¥ (¡­²§š £¥§/52) Å ±ž™¥ ¨³¢ ž¡­²§ (Zeph. 3:5) + ™¢¯ž¢ ³§™¥ ¡­²§ (Isa. 42:3) (°œ¯ ™¥š) ¡­²§ ³ž²«§‹ //°œ¯š ±šœ§† £¥ ¥¢¥  (¡­²§š £¥§/38-39) Å ¥¢¥  ¡­²§ ²«¢ ™¥ ®±™ ¥¤ ¡­²...Ÿ ±šœ¤ ³ž²«§ £¥ (Gen. 18:25) + ¢©™ °œ¯š ±šœ§ (Isa. 63:1) °œ¯ ²«§š ¥š³ ¡ž­²¥ (¡­²§š £¥§/41) Å °œ¯š ¥š³ ¡­²¢ (Ps. 96:13) + ¦ž¥²¥ °œ¯ ²«§ ¢ž (Isa. 32:17) ¢°© ¢™ ¡¥§†¢ ±§™š (¡­²§š £¥§/56) Å £¥ ¦°¢ž ±§ž™ ±Ÿ›³ž (Job 22:28) + ¢™ ¡¥§¢ ¢°© (Job 22:30) 761 ±¯ ¥¤š ™±°™//±¯§§ °«Ÿ (°¢­™/7; cf. v.l. ³«š) Å ¢ ¢³™±° ±¯§ ¨§ (Ps. 118:5) + ž¢ ™±°™ ¢¥ ±¯š (Ps. 18:7) ±¯š ž¥ ±²™ «ž²//±¯š ¢¥ š¢ ±¢ Ÿ (°¢­™/7) Å ¢¥ ³š ± ±¯š (Ps. 4:2) + £±«¢ ±¯š ™¥ £«ž² (Job 36:19) ¦¢§ ¥« ž¥ž° ±¢œ™ (¡²°™/39) Å ž¢ ¦ž±§š ±¢œ™ (Ps. 93:4) + ¦¢§ ¥« ž¢ ¥ž° (Ps. 29:3) Ÿ¥ Ÿ ¦¢™±ž° (subj. abysses) (¦©¤³/11) Å ™±ž° ¦ž³ ¥™ ¦ž³ (Ps. 42:8) + ™±°ž Ÿ ¥™ Ÿ (Isa. 6:3) ¦¢§ ¢«žš§ ¥«¤ ®š±š ¥©¥ (£¢«±) (¦©¤³/23) Å ¢©¥©¢ ³ž ©§ ¢§ ¥« ¢©¯¢š±¢ ™²œ ³ž™©š (Ps. 23:2) + ¦¥©¢ ¦¢§ ¢«žš§ ¥«ž (Isa. 49:10) «²± ¡§ ±š²¥//«²¢¥ ®±™  ³­¢ ( ³­¢/1; FV; A) Å «²¢ ž±­¢ž ®±™  ³­³ (Isa. 45:8) + ¦¢«²± ¡§ ž¢ ±š² (Isa. 14:5) ¦² œ«± ¢©³Ÿ ™ (£¢š™™/44) Å ¦² ¦³Ÿ ™ œ«± (Ps. 48:7) + ¢©³Ÿ ™ ­«¥Ÿ (Ps. 119:53) ¢©§¢²³ ªž™§ž ¢ ª §¥ ¢¥™ ¢¥™ (£¢š™™/68) Å ¢©³šŸ« §¥ ¢¥™ ¢¥™ (Ps. 22:2) + ¢ ª ž©§¢²³ ªž™§ž (Lam. 3:45) ²«±ž ¡§ ®±™ (¡§ ®±™/1) Å ²«± ®±™ (Judg. 5:4; Ps. 68:9) + ¡¡ž§¡ ¡ž§ ®±™ (Isa. 24:19) ¢¢œ«¥š ¨¢™ ¢¤ ž™± (¢¤©™/56) Å ¢œ§« ¦¢¥™ ¨¢™ž ™ž ¢©™ ¢©™ ¢¤ ³« ž™± (Deut. 32:39) + ¢œ«¥š ª­™ ¢¤ (Isa. 45:6) 761 This combination of verses refers to the exegesis found in JT Taan. 3:12 [67a]: ³™ž ¨¢¤ ±§™ ™ž ž¥¢­™ ™¥™ £¥ ¥''³ § [ ¤:š¤ šž¢™] £¥ ¦°¢ž ±§ž™ ±Ÿ›³ž ¡¥§¢ ³±§™ ³™ž [¥ ¦²] ¢°© ¢™ ¡¥§¢ ¢³±§™ ¢©™...™§¢¢° ™¥ ¢œ¢œž ™§¢¢° £œ¢œ ¨¢¤ ±§™ ™§¢¢° ™¥ ¢œ¢œž ™§¢¢° £œ¢œ ¢°© ž©¢™² ­''«™. However, whereas in BH ¢™ functions as a negative particle (i.e., ¢°© ¢™ ‘not pure’), the Talmudic exegesis takes it as the Aramaic conditional particle (i.e., ¢°© ¢™ ‘if [he is] pure’). Qillir’s usage seems to presuppose the former, and cannot therefore be directly dependent on the Yerushalmi material.

478

RHEORICAL FIGURES ¦œ™ž ¦¢¥™ ¢©¢«š šž¡ ¥¤²ž ¨  ™¯§ž Ž (¢©©° ¢¢/266) Å ž¢ ¢©¢«š ¨  ™¯§Ž  ©ž (Gen. 6:8) + ¦œ™ž ¦¢¥™ ¢©¢«š šž¡ ¥¤²ž ¨  ™¯§ž † (Prov. 3:4) ¦¢§©« ³ž¥šª§ £œž­ (±²™/404; A) Å ¦¢±¯§ ³ž¥šª ³ ³§ ¦¤³™ ™¢¯ž§ (Exod. 6:7) + ¦¢œš« ³¢š§ £œž­ (Exod. 13:6) ž§« ž¢²žœ° ¥¤ž ™ž œ±¢ž//ž§ž±§ ¢§² ¡ ¢©¢ª¥ž (¥™/563) Å œ±¢ž ¦¢§² ¡¢ž (II Sam. 22:10 = Ps. 18:10) + ž§« ¦¢²œ° ¥¤ ¢¥™ ž¢ ™šž (Zech. 14:5; cf. note 758) ¦¥¢š œ¥ž¢¤ ¥¢ //¦¥¢  œ«±ž ¦™±° œ ­ (¥™/568) Å œ«±ž ¢©™±° œ ­ (Job 4:14) + œ¥ž¢¤ ¥¢  ¦² ¦³Ÿ ™ œ«± (Ps. 48:7) ¦¢¥¢œ›§ ™²¢©ž ¦± ™ª¤ ¥« š²ž¢¥ (¥™/619) Å ™²©ž ¦± ™ª¤ ¥« š²¢ (Isa. 6:1) + ¢³™ ž¢¥ ž¥à› (Ps. 34:4)

§29c Crossworded Biblical Verses In a number of cases, an MT verse modified in one of the ways described above may begin with a word that belongs to a framing verse. Such a word, therefore, simultaneously participates in two embedded scriptural quotes–the “vertical” framing verse that runs down the right side of the stichic column and the “horizontal” modified verse that runs right to left. Through this word, moreover, a rhetorical association is created between the two verses. modified verse: «²± ¡§ ±š²¥//«²¢¥ ®±™  ³­¢ ( ³­¢/1) framing verse: ...šž¡ ž±¯ž™ ³™ £¥ ž¢  ³­¢ (Deut. 28:12) modified verse: ¦¢ ¥²© ®±™¥ ¡š²¥ ¦™ ( ³­¢/47; cf. §22p) framing verse: ...®±™ ³™ ž± ¦™ ¢¤ šž²¢ ™¥ §²ž... (Isa. 55:10) modified verse: ¦Ü±¥ ¨²œž ¨§² ¦ ¥ž ( ³­¢/83) framing verse: ¥¤™¥ ¦ ¥ž «±Ÿ¥ «±Ÿ ¨³©ž... (Isa. 55:10) §29d Fake Biblical Verse To a certain extent, this type is only subjectively distinguishable from sentences built out of combined biblical verses. The difference, however, consists of the fact that whereas the latter are based on MT materials, the type under consideration here is an entirely new creation that relies on the familiarity of a biblical pattern in order to appear to be drawn from the MT. £¢±™¥ ³«ž ±¯°¥ ³« ¢¤ (//...//±šœ¥ ³«ž ³ž² ¥ ³« ¢¤) (°¢­™/10-12). Whereas the first sentence quoted here is drawn from v. 7 of the list in Qoh. 3:1-8, the second is newly coined by the poet on the model provided there. 479

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY §29e Lexical Substitution or Addition in BH Idiom/Collocation verbal 1) ¤¢±™ ¥« (³±œ™/5; R) Å ¥« ª¢§«/œ¢š¤ (cf. §30d) 2) š±°ž ¥ª¤ ¡²°™ (¡²°™/1) Å ¦Š¢© ³§ ±› /±Ÿ™ 3) ¦¢¡¢±§ «ž² ‘to implore’ ( ³­¢/9) Å ¦¢œ¢ ®¢± (Ps. 68:32) (cf. §29k) 4) ¦¢«Ÿ«Ÿ§ ¥ž° ( ³­¢/22; R) Å ¥ž° ¨³© (cf. ©³© ¥ž° [¢©©° ¢¢/302]) 5)  ñ­¥ (œž°« ¢©š) ±Õ›ˆ  ( ³­¢/6) Å -³ž/¢‹±ªž§  ñ­ (Ps. 116:16; Job 39:5) 762 6) ¦¢™²ž© £¥ ¨¢« ž¢Ÿ ( ³­¢/11) Å ¥™ ¨¢« ™²© (cf. ž™²¢ ¨¢« [¦©¤³/7]) 7) ¢©ž±  £² ™¥ (£¢š™™/2) Å £¥§ ³§  £²¤ (Esth. 2:1), £¥§ ³§ ž ¤¤² (Esth. 7:10) 8)  ¯§ Ÿ¢«™ž (Ÿ¢›±™) (£¢š™™/74; R) Å ¢©­ Ÿ« (Pr. 7:13) (cf. Ÿ¢«³ ¥™ ¦¢©­ [¨žŸ™/459; R]) 763 9) ¦¢©²ž ¦¢§¢ £¢±™³ (¨žŸ™/462; R) Å ¦¢§¢ £¢±™ 10) ¦¢§¢±«§ œžª ³«²± (±ž³/467; A) Å œžª ž§¢±«¢ (Ps. 83:4) 764 11) ¦¢š¢³© ¢±šž« (° ±³/499; R) Å £±œ/ ±™ ±šž« (cf. case 7 under “nominal – other,” below) 12) ¦¢§«­ ¢±‹ ²¢§† (±ž³/468; R) Å ¦³ž ±™ ¦¢±²¢§† (Prov. 9:15) and ±²¢¢ ³¤¥ (Prov. 15:21) 13) ¦¢­±²© ±â™š (¥™/485) Å ²™š ¬±²©/¬±² 14) ¦¢¯œ œ¢™¥ (¦ž¡™/515) Å œ¢™¥  §² (Prov. 17:5) 15) ž³«œ ¥« ³¥« (¥™/552) Å  ž±/(š)š¥ ¥™/¥« ¥« (cf. BDB, 749, s.v. ¥« 7) Notes: In case 2, the single term ¦¢©³§ ‘loins’ from the BH expression is replaced by the doublet š±°ž ¥ª¤ ‘loins and innards’. Case 3 is drawn from the sentence ¦¢¡¢±§ «ž²ž ¦¢²› £¥, whose verb sequence is reminiscent of ž¢œ¢ ®¢±³ ²ž¤//¦¢±¯§ ¢©§ ¦¢©§²  ž¢³™¢ ¦¢¥™¥ (Ps. 68:32). Since, however, the MT expression in question is only attested 1x (and does not appear to have become a current in any of the later Hebrew dialects), one cannot assert with any degree of certainty that it served as a model for the Qillirian

Cf. also «²± ³žš¯±   ñ­ (Isa. 58:6). Cf. also °Ÿ   ¯§. 764 Cf. also the antonymous expression œžª °¢³§© (Ps. 55:15). 762 763

480

RHEORICAL FIGURES idiom. 765 It is furthermore worth noting in this regard that in addition to «ž² ¡¢± ‘to implore (lit. to cause supplication to run)’, Qillir employs another expression whose idiomatic meaning is identical but literally means the exact opposite: ¢šŠ 𢚠³ž©©± ‘to implore (lit. to cause cries to sit)’ ( ³­¢/77). In case 4, the phrase ¦¢«Ÿ«Ÿ§ ¥ž° functions as an epithet meaning ‘heavens’ (apud ed.’s comment, ad loc.)–cf. ¦¢° ² ž©³© ¥ž° (Ps. 77:18). Cases 6 and 10 employ the construct structure “abstract + concrete.” In the former, the abstract ž¢Ÿ is supplied as a means of making reference to the month of Iyyar. For the popularity of the construct structure “abstract + concrete” in the piyyut literature, see the comments under §28o. nominal – binomials (cf. also §28n) 1) ¦¢«±ž ¦¢§ž™³ ‘twins and friends’ ( ³­¢/23) Å «±ž  ™ (Job 30:29; Ps. 35:14, 122:8) (cf. ¦¢ ™ž ¦¢«± [³ž¤§ ±²«š/46; ¨©³™ °¥  ¨³/25]) 2a) °§ž«ž ¦ž± (ž³™/376; A) 766 2b) ³ ³ž ¦ž± (¢©©° ¢¢/347) (cf. ¦ž³ ¥«ž ³ ³ ¥«ž ¦ž± ¥« [¢©©° ¢¢/195]) 2c) ¦¢©ž³ ³ž ¦ž± (³¢¥¤³/438; R) Å ®±™ž ¦¢§² 3) ž³ž °¢± (±²™/411; A) Å ž³ž ª­™ (Isa. 40:17) and ž³ž  ž± (Isa. 41:29) 4) ¦¢©­ž ®ž  (³¢¥¤³/446; R) Å ®ž ...³¢š (Lev. 18:9), ³¢š(§)...®ž (š) (Ezek. 7:15) 5) ¬ª¤ž Ÿ­ (³žœž§ ³/526; A) Å ¬ª¤ž šŸ 6) ®± ž ¨ž¢¥¤ (¤¢ª©™/33; R) Å ¯± ©ž ¥¤ (Isa. 10:23; 28:22; Dan. 9:27) 7) ¥¢›ž ¨ž²² (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/30; R) Å  §²ž ¨ž²² Notes: In case 1, the lexical substitution is necessitated by the requirement that reference be made to the constellation of Gemini.

In Medieval Hebrew, the idiom ³±›™ ®¢± ‘to send a letter’ is employed. Cf. Kenaani, 5473, s.v ®¢±, whose earliest source is Rashi (comment on Num. 22:5). 766 Cf. °§ž«¥ ¦ž± ¨¢š in l. 10 of ¨¤ ³™¯š Ÿ™, a pre-classical piyyut for Yom Kippur published in Y. Yahalom, "¢¥™±²¢-®±™ ¡ž¢­š ³ž¥Ÿ§ ¥›¥›" Jerusalem Studies in Hebrew Literature 9 (1986) 319-20. 765

481

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY The pairs in cases 2a-c may be compared to the pair ™¤§ž ™§ž±, attested in JPA poetry. 767 nominal – other 1) ž§žœ ¥«² (ž±ž™/17; R) Å ž¢¥›± ¦žœ 2) ¦¢ ¥² ¢Þ™ ‘sprouts [growing by] canals’ ( ³­¢/47), ¢ ¥² ¢Þ™ (£¢š™™/9) Å ¥ © ¢Þ™ (Song 6:11) 3) ¢²¢¥² ±ª (¡§ ®±™/2) Å ¢²¢¥² ²œ  4) ¦ž± ¢œž§« (¢©©° ¢¢/99) Å ¦¢§² ¢œž§« (Job 26:11) (cf. case 2 under “nominal – binomials,” above) 5) ¢©¢ª ³«š›¥ (¦¥ž« ³ž«š›§) (¢©©° ¢¢/169) Å ¢©¢ª ± (for ¦¥ž« ³ž«š› see Deut. 33:15; Hab. 3:6) 6) ¦¢§žœ ³ž¢³ ³ (±²™/397; R) Å ®±™ ³ž¢³ ³ (thus in [ £¥§ ¡­²§š/8]) 7) š¢³©š ¦¢§³ (¢©©° ¢¢/268) Å £±œ ¢§¢§³ (Ps. 119:1; Prov. 11:20) 8) ²§² ³™žš§ œ«ž//²§²  ±Ÿ§§ (¤¢ª©™/44; R) Å œ«(ž) ²§²  ±Ÿ§§ ž™žš§ (Mal. 1:11; Ps. 50:1; 113:3) 9) ²§²¤ ±š (¤¢ª©™/44; R) Å § ¤ ±š (Song 6:10) 10) ¨ž© œ¢¥¢ (±¤Ÿ/25; A) Å ¨ž©-¨š («²ž¢) Notes: Case 1 is a phrase whose meaning is obscured by means of a combination of techniques: lexical substitution and inversion of the construct (for ¥«² = ¥›±, see §28o). This technique is also attested in the case of ±¡² ¨ž¢²© (§29g). §29f Conflation of BH Idioms/Collocations verbal clauses 1) ±¯°³ ™¥ œ¢ °Ÿ  (°¢­™/8) Å œ¢ ±¯° + œ¢ °Ÿ  2) ž™¢ðš œ¢ ŸžŸ« (¤¢ª©™/31) Å £œ¢ Ÿ«³ (Ps. 89:14) + œ¢ ™²© 3) ­ ž ¯­ (œ¢­™™/9) Å ­ ¯­ + ê±  ¯­ construct phrases 1) šž™ ¢±šž  (³¢¥¤³/445) Å šž™ ¥™²ž ±š  ±š ž (Deut. 18:11) 2) ¦¢§ž³ ¢¤š© (±²™/404) Å ³¤¥³ ¦ž³ ±° šž ¦¢ ¢¤š© œ« ³™šˆ (Job 38:16) 3) ³ž¢š¥² ¬²± (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/40) Å ¢³š¥² ²™ ¢­²± (Song 8:6)

767 Cf. Yahalom & Sokoloff, ™š±«§ ¢©š, 112, l. 16. The authors point out in their comentry, ad loc., that this pair is also common in Samaritan Aramaic poetry.

482

RHEORICAL FIGURES §29g Mishnaic Idioms/Collocations and Technical Terms unmodified/verbal – relating to the divine service: ¥ä™...-³ž²± ‘to ask (for the congregation’s permission to pray on their behalf)’ (°¢­™/20). unmodified/verbal – other 1) ³ž¢ž¥³ ¢©¢« ‘to look at (expectantly)’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/39); ¦¢©¢«...³ž¥³ ( ³­¢/87) 2) -š  ³­ ‘to open a discourse with (s.th.)’ (²žœ°/40; ¥™/607) 3)  œ§ (›©«)// žœ (±ž²«) ‘to supercede (in legal importance)’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/31; cf. §13xx) unmodified/nominal – relating to the divine service 1) ²œ° ‘trishagion’ (œ¢­™™/1, et passim) 2) ¦¢§ £žª© ‘the [Sukkot] water libation’ (°¢­™/21) 3) ¢­ªž§(š) ‘Additional Service’ (°¢­™/2); ¦¢­ªž§ (°¢­™/21; R); ¬ªž§š (¦©¤³/8) 4) ¦²› ³ž±žš› the insertion ¦²› œ¢±ž§ž  ž± š¢²§ in the 2nd benediction of the amida ( ¢±¡¢/6; R; Gen. v.l. ¦²›); ³ž±žš› ¦¢§²› (š«/9; Gen. v.l. ³±žš›) 5) ¥¢­³ ‘tefilla (i.e., the eighteen benedictions)’ (¢©©° ¢¢/285; v.l. ¥¢­³) 6) ³žœ¢§ ±²« ²¥² ‘the Thirteen Attributes [of God]’ (¥™/561; for this interpretation, see under §13m/Piel denominative) unmodified/nominal – legal terms 1) ¢™œžž(š)...°­ª(š) ‘doubtful…certain’ (¢¤©™/50) 2) ±²¢ ¦¢¯¢¥§ ‘legal defenders’ (¡­²§š £¥§/73) 3) ¦¢ž™± ‘fit, deserving’ (±¤Ÿ/36) 4) ¦¢¥žª­ ‘unfit’ (ž³³/387) 5) ³ž¥¢°ª (¢š ¢ §  ) ‘stoning’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/14; R) 6) ³±¤ ‘divine punishment through premature death’ (³¢¥¤³/443) 7) ¡žª ‘adulterous woman/wife’ (±ž³/478) unmodified/nominal – cosmological terms 1) ³¢²™±š ²«§ ‘Creation’ (¡²°™/12) 2) ¢³² ¨š™ ‘the foundation stone’ (¢©©° ¢¢/197) unmodified/nominal – other 1) ¦©  ³©³§ ‘gratis’ (¡­²§š £¥§/43; ¡²°™/20) 2) ª›  ž± ‘arrogance’ (°¢­™/18) (MH  ž± ª›) 3) ²ž±¢­š ‘clearly, distinctly’ (¢¤©™/43; ¥™/545) 483

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 4) 5) 6) 7) 8a) 8b) 9) 10) 11) 12) 13)

±ž³ œž§¥³ ‘the study of the Law’ (¡­²§š £¥§/66) ¦¢§ž¢§ ¦ž¢ ‘a day [that is different] from [the other] days’ [=Shemini Atzeret] (°¢­™/3; see under §15p/comparative ¨§) «ž±Ÿ ¢¥«š ‘violent people’ (¡²°™/22) (cf. «ž±Ÿ ²¢™ [Job 22:8]) ±²« ³ž±š¢œ ‘Decalogue’ (™²™/10); ³ž±šœ (š³¤š Ÿ™/64) ¢³ž¤¥§ ¥ž« ‘the yoke of the kingdom (of God)’ (¢¤©™/44) ±ž³ ¥ž« ‘the yoke of Torah’ (¥™/554, 556, 557) ž² ±¢Ÿ› ‘an argument from analogy Æ a decree equally [applying to all]’ (¢©©° ¢¢/110) ¨¢¢Ÿ ¢¥¤ ‘weapons’ (¢©©° ¢¢/308; ° ±³/499) (cf. BH § ¥§ ¢¥¤ and š±° ¢¥¤ [°¢­™/19]) ¥ž° ³š ‘divine voice’ (¢©©° ¢¢/317) ±žš› ¢­§ ‘from God’s mouth’ (¥™/603) ¦¢¢°ž ¢  (¥™) ‘living and enduring’ (¥™/615) [³/œ ™¤; ±œª¤, ¤¥¤, ¨¢¢©«¤; «±­§¥–cf. §22e]

Notes: The expression in case 8a, when referring to God’s kingdom, is attested as ¦¢§² ³ž¤¥§ ¥ž« (cf. M Ber. 2:2). In the unqualified form ³ž¤¥§ ¥ž«, it refers to the authority of temporal government, as in M Avot 3:5. In case 9, the hermeneutic terminus technicus appears to be employed in a generic sense (cf. the ed.’s comment, ad loc.). modified/verbal – relating to the divine service: ±šž«¤ š¢³ ¢©­ ‘to pass (i.e., approach) before the Ark’ (°¢­™/10), ¢š±°š š¢³ ¢©­ (£¢š™™/13) Å š¢³ ¢©­¥ ±š«. modified/verbal – legal terms 1a) °œ¯ œ§¥¢ (¡­²§š £¥§/36; R) 1b) °œ¯...œ§¥¥ ‘to speak in favor (of s.o.)’ (Ÿ™§ œ­ž™/6) Å ³ž¤Ÿ œé¥ 2) ¢¡­²¢ ³ž¤Ÿ¥ ‘to judge favorably’ (¡­²§š £¥§/51; R) Å ¬¤¥ ¨œ ³ž¤Ÿ 3) ¢©¢œ °¢œ¯™ ‘to declare [God’s] judgment to be just’ (£¢š™™/39) Å ¨¢œ °žœ¢¯ 4) šž  ¢œ¢¥ ™š ‘to incur guilt’ (¢©©° ¢¢/273; R) Å ±š« ¢œ¢¥ ™š (cf. M Avot 3:1) modified/verbal – other 1a) ±š« ²­© (¢©©° ¢¢/330; R) 1b) ž­« ³ž§²© (³žœž§ ³/539) 1c) ¦²­©  ±­ ‘to swoon, be terrified’ (¥™/587) Å ž³§²©  ±­

484

RHEORICAL FIGURES Notes: The expression ¢³§²© ³ ±­ ‘he died’ is also attested in JPA poetry. 768 modified/nominal – relating to the divine service 1) ³ž¤±š «š¡ ‘benediction formula’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/17; A) Å «š¡§ ¤±š (¥²) 2) ±²« ³ž¥ž°ž ³ž©ž±¤Ÿ ° ...±²« ³ž¢¤¥§ Ÿ« (³¥™³/7-8) Å ³ž©ž±¤Ÿ ³ž¢¤¥§ ³ž±­ž²ž 3)  ±¢ ²žœ  ‘the new moon’ (œ¢­™™/5) Å ²œ  ²™± 4)  ¢¥² ‘emissary [of the community]’ (°¢­™/21) Å ±žš¯  ¢¥² 5) ¦¢§ ³ž±žš› (¡²°™/2) Å ¦¢§²› ³ž±žš› (cf. above) 6) ¦¢§ ³±¢¯« ‘drought’ (¦©¤³/6) Å ¦¢§²› ³±¢¯« 7) ³ž©¢° ³¥›§ Š ‘the Scroll of Lamentations’ (£¢š™™/55) Å ¤¢™ ³¥¢›§ modified/nominal – legal terms 1) °ž œ ±Ÿ› ‘oppressive decree’ (¡­²§š £¥§/44; R) Å ²° ±Ÿ› 2) ¢¡­²§ ¥«š ‘legal adversary, accuser’ (¡­²§š £¥§/51; R) Å ¥«š ššœ, ¨¢œ ¥«š 3a) ±¡² ¨ž¢²© ‘note of indebtedness’ (¬™/2; R) (cf. §28o) 3b) ³ž±¡² ¢ÚŒ Š © (ž§¥ ž«±­) (¬¢œ«™/88; R) Å šž  ±¡² 4) (¦¢©š™) ³§¢›± ‘stoning’ (³¢¥¤³/443) Å ¥¢°ª (cf. above) 5) (¦¢­ž›) ³ž¢±« ¢¥›§ ‘those who uncover nakedness’ (¥™/480) Å ³ž¢±« ¢ž¥¢› Notes: The MH terminus technicus ³ž¢±« ¢ž¥¢› refers to incest. The expression in case 5, on the other hand, is employed within the context of adultery. modified/nominal – cosmological terms 1) ³¢²™±š ³±¢¯¢ ‘Creation’ (š³¤š Ÿ™/59) Å ³¢²™±š ²«§ (cf. above) 2) ™²¢©ž ¦± ™ª¤ ‘the exalted and elevated Throne [of God]’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/124) Å œžš¤ ™ª¤ 3) ©¢­ ¨š™ ‘cornertone’ [=foundation stone] (¢©©° ¢¢/101 [2x], 199) Å ¢³² ¨š™ (cf. above) Notes: Case 2 employs an expression from Isaiah’s vision of the divine throne (Isa. 6:1). However, it appears here within the context of a list of the seven things that preceded Creation (cf. Ber. Rab. 1:4). In this list, the throne is referred to by means of the MH terminus technicus œžš¤ ™ª¤. Likewise in case 3, the expression ©­ ¨š™ 768

Cf. Yahalom & Sokoloff, ™š±«§ ¢©š, 148, l. 15.

485

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY ‘cornerstone’ is attested in BH, in the context of creation of the world (Job 38:6). This is the context within which the term appears in the Corpus, but it seems likely that the poet has in mind the MH term ¢³² ¨š™. This is especially evident in light of the following juxtaposition: ¦ž³ ¢©­ ¥« ¢³² ¨š™ ž°ž š (¢©©° ¢¢/197) versus ¨š™ ž°ž š ¦ž³ ¦¥ž«¥ ¬¢¯¢ ™¥² ©¢­ (¢©©° ¢¢/199). modified/nominal – other 1) ²±² (³«š›) ‘the hill that constitutes a root’ [=Rachel] (¨š™/3) Å (³¢š) ±°¢« (cf. ¥² ž±°¢« ³¢ ° ¯¢ '± ±§™ [™¥:¡¤ '±š] ±°« ¥ ±ž ³¢š [Gen. Rab. 71:2]). 2) ³«œ  ž± ±Ÿ ‘the crown of the spirit of knowledge [=Torah]’ (£¢š™™/23; cf. ³«œ  ž± [Isa. 11:2]) Å ±ž³ ±³¤ 3a) ²¥² ¨³§ ‘the giving of the tri[partite scriptures]’ ( ¢«œ ™²™ °œ¯š/37) 3b) ³¢²™± ¨¢¢©° ¨³§ ‘the giving of the first possession [=Torah]’ ( Ÿ™ š³¤š/60) 3c) ³œ ¨³§ ‘the giving of the Law’ (¥™/616) 3d) ¨ž§™ ¨³§ ‘the giving of the artificer [=Torah]’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/44; ¥™/621) Å ±ž³ ¨³§ 4a) (™¯§© žœ¢ ¢) ¦¥² ¨š±° ‘a perfect sacrifice’ (¢©©° ¢¢/293) 4b) œž³  šŸ¤ ¦¥² (™¯§©) ‘perfect as a thanksgiving sacrifice’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/303) Å §¢§³ ¥ž« ([° ¯¢] ³™) (Ber. Rab. 64:3) 5) ¢©¢² ¦¥ž« ‘a second world’ (š³¤š Ÿ™/61) Å ™š ¦¥ž« (cf. also ³ž§¥ž« ¢©² [³žœž§ ³/537]) 6) ³ž§¯«¥ ²šž  ‘healing for the bones’ (ž³™/370) Å ³ž§¯« ®ž¥¢  (cf. BT Ber. 16b and ®¢¥ ¢ £¢³§¯« [Isa. 58:11]). 7) ¦¢¤±« ³©²§ ‘their Mishna tractates’ (¥™/580) Å ¦³©²§ ¢±œª (cf. §28o) 8) šž¡ ³ž™ ‘auspicious sign’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/24) Å ­¢ ¨§¢ª (cf. ¢¢ž ±­ž² ±§™©² ¦ž°§ ¥¤ ¦¢šž³¤š ­¢ ¨§¢ª Ÿ ¢± [¡¢:¡¢ '§²] ±­ž² ¥ž° ¥™±²¢¥ ­¢ ¨§¢ª Ÿ ¢± [Mekhilta Yitro, Masekhta de-baʚodesh 4]) Notes: In addition to being applied to familiar expressions from MH, the technique of lexical modification may be employed self-referentially, by being applied to expressions generated by the piyyut literature itself. Thus, for example, ¢žš² ‘the captive one’ is a common epithet for the Torah, on the basis of ¢š² ³¢š² ¦ž±§¥ ³¢¥« (Ps. 68:19), which is taken to refer to Moses’ ascent to Mt. Sinai. BH ¢š² ‘captivity, captives’ may be used as a partial synonym of  ž°¥§ ‘booty, prey’ (cf. Num. 31:12, 26; Isa. 49:24, 25). On the basis 486

RHEORICAL FIGURES of this equivalence,  ž°¥§ may be used to refer to the Torah: ¢²¢™ ¢ ž°¢± ž¥¤¢™//¢ ž°¥§  ‘The fires [emanating] from my prey [=Torah] have devoured my unguents’ (£¢š™™/57). 769 Similarly in the case of the expression œž«³ ¢¥™š š²ž¢ ‘the one dwelling in the tents of the testimony’ [=Jacob] (¢©©° ¢¢/316; R). This epithet is derived from a midrash on ¦¢¥™ š²¢ ¦³ ²¢™ š°«¢ž (Gen. 25:27), which understands ¥™ to refer to ²±œ§ ³¢š ‘house of study’ (Ber. Rab. 63:10), thereby making Jacob a learned man. In Qillir, the scriptural ¦¢¥™ becomes ±ž³ ¢¥™–cf. ±ž³ ¢¥™š ¥ß± ž«±Ÿ (¢±¢œ™ ®§ž™/8; R)–and then further lexically modified on the basis of the equivalence ±ž³ = œž«³. §29h Quotation of MH Sources Although direct quotation from biblical sources is much more common in the Corpus, and in the Qillirian corpus in general, than quotation from rabbinic literature, the latter is, nevertheless, attested. In the case of late midrashic collections such as Shir haShirim Rabbah, it is not, of course, claimed that they were available to Qillir in their present form. It rather appears that both record earlier interpretive traditions. (For lists, see §29r.) Mishna 1a) ¦¢¤™¥§¤ ž¢©­¥//¦¢¤¥³§ ž±š«¢ (¤¢ª©™/20) 1b) ¦¢™¢±§¤ ž¢©­¥ ž±š«¢//¦¢™ž±š ¨ž™² ¨ž§ (±¤Ÿ/36) 1c) ©² ²™±š ž¢©­¥ ±žš« (³™/8) Å ¨¢±šž« ¦¥ž« ¢™š ¥¤ ©² ²™±š ¨ž±§ ¢©š¤ ž¢©­¥ (Rosh Hash. 1:2) 2) ±­ž² ²ž¥² ¥ž°š «°ž³ž «¢±§ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/26) Å «°ž³ž «¢±§ž «°ž³ ¦¢§«­ ²¥² (Rosh Hash. 4:9) 3) ¨¢œ ¥«šž œ« ™žž (¡­²§š £¥§/22) Å ¨¢œ ¥«š ™ž œ« ™ž (Av. 4:22) 4) "¢³§¢™§" (¦¢±¢¤Ÿ§ ¢³­²) ( ³­¢/81) Å ³ž±žš› ¨¢±¢¤Ÿ§ ¢³§¢™§ ...¦¢§²› (Taan. 1:1) Notes: In cases 1a-b, the enigmatic MH ¨ž±§ ¢©š is glossed either as ¦¢¤™¥§ or ¦¢™¢±§. The first gloss results from reading word-final /n/ as an equivalent of /m/–i.e., ¨ž±§ ¢©š = ¦ž±§ ¢©š (cf. §4). The second gloss is reminiscent of the image of God a shepherd described in the piyyut ¬°ž³ ©³©ž: ž¢©­¥ ¨ž±š«¢ ¦¥ž« ¢™š ¥¤ž 769 The import of this statement is that God’s Law is like a devouring fire (cf. ³œ²™ [Deut. 33:4]) that has destroyed effete Israel together with all of its dainties.

487

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY ž¡š² ³ ³ ž©™¯ ±¢š«§//ž±œ« «ž± ³±°š¤//¨ž±§ ¢©š¤. 770 Some scholars have suggested that ¨ž±§ ¢©š is to be read as ¨ž±§ž©š¤ and interpreted in light of the Latin numerus–i.e., as referring to a fixed number of bodies passing before, and being reviewed by God. 771 It is not clear that the gloss ¦¢™¢±§, together with the implied image of a shepherd reviewing his flock, lends direct support this suggestion. Yerushalmi 1) ¦¢§ ³±¢¯¢ ¦Ž¢¯ ž ²™ ³¢±š ¦Ž¢¯  (¡²°™/16; R) Å ž¢¯  (ž§¯« £™¥§) ²™ ž¢¯ ž ¦¢§ (Rosh Hash. 2:6 [58a]) 2) ¢±š« ¨ž²¥šž ¢±ž²™ š³¤š (Ÿ™) (š³¤š Ÿ™/57) Å ¢±ž²™ ³š¤ (¦¥ ž± š) ¢±š« ¨ž²¥ž (Meg. 1:8 [71b]) Bereshit Rabbah 1) ¦¢§ ³§ § ³«Ÿ§ ­¤ (¡²°™/23; R) Å ³«Ÿ§ ­¤  ±š ³§ §ž (4:5) 2) §¤ £¥§ £¥¥ (¡²°™/24; A) Å ¦¢©² §¤ £¥§ (4:5) 3) ±§™š ¢ž¥³ (¦š¯°//...¥œžš ¢§ ¢žž¢°) (¡²°™/37) Å (¦¢©ž¢¥« ¦¢§) ±§™§š ¦¢ž¥³ (4:3) 4) ®±™¥ ž§œ° «š² ¦¢±šœ (¢©©° ¢¢/123; R) Å ¦¥ž« ³¢¢±š¥ ž§œ° ¦¢±šœ 'ž (1:4) 772 5) ±ª ž¥š™ ¢©­§ ²œž°  ž± (¢©©° ¢¢/333; R) Å (¬ªž¢ š©›©² ¦ž¢§) ž©§§ ²œž°  ž± °¥³ª© (91:6) Shir ha-Shirim Rabbah: ³ž°¢²© ¥¤ ™¥ž "³ž°¢²©§ ¢©°²¢" (š³¤š Ÿ™/75; Gen. 1x v.l. ³ž°¢²©) Å ³ž°¢²© ¥¤ ™¥ž [š:™ ²''²] "ž¢­ ³ž°¢²©§ ¢©°²¢" (1:2). Eicha Rabbah: œš¤§š ¢§§ (£¢š™™/20) Å œ¢š¤§š¤ ¦§§ (Petiʚta 5). Pesikta de-Rav Kahana: žŸš ™¢¯ž§ž žŸš ª¢©¤§ ž§¤ž (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/12) Å žŸš ™¢¯ž§ž žŸš ª¢©¤§ (Ÿ ±­ž² §) (23:8). Mekhilta: (±ž§™)  ¢¥² ¢­§ ™¥ž £™¥§ ¢­§ ™¥ (¥™/601) Å ¢œ¢ ¥« ™¥  ¢¥² ¢œ¢ ¥« ™¥ž £™¥§ (Bo, Masekhta de-Pisʚa 7). Tanʘuma: ¦ž³ ¦¥ž«¥ ¬¢¯¢ ™¥² (¢©©° ¢¢/199; R) Å (³™ ¦³  [±ž³š] šž) ¦¥ž« ³™ ¬¢¯¢ ™¥² ¦ž³ (Bereshit 1). liturgical texts Goldschmidt, ¦¢™±ž© ¦¢§¢, 1.169-70. Cf. the note in ed. Albeck & Yalon, ad loc. 772 For the numerical inconsistency, cf. the ed.’s comments, ad loc. 770 771

488

RHEORICAL FIGURES 1a) ž±¢š«§ž  ž± š¢²§ (®¢­¢/10; R) 1b) š²©¥  ž±ž ¦²› (±¤Ÿ/39; A; R) Å ¦²› œ¢±ž§ž  ž± š¢²§ (insertion into the 2nd benediction of the amida) 2) ±­ž² ¥œ› ¥ž°š ³ž¢¥› ªžê¤ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/39) Å ¥žœ› ±­ž²š «°³ ž©¢³ž¢¥› ®š°¥ (ª© ™²ž ž©³ž± ¥) (closing pericope for the shofarot verses of the Additional Service of Rosh Hashana) 3) ¦¢©§Ÿ ¢™±°§¥ ¨ž²™± (³¢¥¤³/339; A; R) Å ²œž° ¢™±°§¥ ¥¢ ³ (kiddush for Sabbath Eve) 4) ±ž³ ¨³ž© £ž±š (¥™/606) Å ±ž³ ¨³ž© ¢¢ ³™ £ž±š (benediction for the Torah reading) 773 5) ž¥ž° œž «ž§² (¥™/587) Å £¥ž° œž ³™ ¦«¢§²³ž (teqiata de-bei Rav for the shofarot verses of the Additional Service of Rosh Hashana) 6) (¦¢¥¥¤§ ±™­) "£ž±š"ž "²žœ°"¥ (¥™/623) Å ¢¢ ²žœ° ²žœ° ²žœ°" [š¢:› 'Ÿ ¢] "ž§ž°§§ ¢¢ œžš¤ £ž±š" ,[›:ž '«²¢] "...³ž™š¯ (first two verses of the liturgical trishagion) §29i Aramaisms Zunz has assembled a list of Aramaisms found in piyyut, 774 which he explains as follows: “Da nun das Studium des Talmud in Schrifterklärung und Gottesdienst mit der aramäischen Sprache zusammenstieß, so ist auch dieser ein Zutritt zu dem hebräischen Piut gestattet worden; wo Reim und Akrostichon geboten, zuweilen auch der seltenheit der Form halber, wurde dem hebräischen Worte das aramäische vorgezogen.” 775 §29j Aramaic Roots/Lexemes with BH Cognates °±™ ‘earth’ (= ®±™): ™°Ž ±Ñ † (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/37; ¡­²§š £¥§/44). Qillir does not employ the common Middle Aramaic form ™«±™, but rather the form showing the Old/Imperial Aramaic orthography, which is attested in Jer. 10:11 (alongside ™«±™).

773 For this text in the Palestinian liturgy, see Fleischer, ¢›©§ž ¥¢­³ ¥¢­³, 269. 774 Zunz, Syngogale Poesie, 372-75. 775 Zunz, Synagogale Poesie, 118.

489

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY §29k Aramaic Roots/Lexemes Attested in BH ¥Ÿ™ ‘to go’: ¢í° ¥Ÿ™ (£¢š™™/37). This root is securely attested 4x in BH, mostly in poetic contexts. ¢¥‡ Š ™, Ž¢¥† ™Œ ‘weeping, wailing’: ¦¢©«¢¤ ¢¥™//¦¢©³¤ ¢¥™ (£¢š™™/67). The root ¥™ ‘to wail’ is attested 1x in BH: ¢¥‡ Š ™ ‘wail (fem. sing.)!’ (Jon. 1:8). The fem. noun ³¢¥™ (sing. det.), ¨¢¢¥™ (pl. abs.) ‘wailing’ is attested in JPA. 776 Furthermore, we read the following statement in JT Meg. 1:8 [71b] = Sot. 7:2 [21c]: ¨š ²§³²¢² ¦¢™© ³ž©ž²¥ «š±™ ±žš¢œ¥ ¢±š« ™¢¢¥¢™¥ ¢ª±žª š±°¥ ¢§ž± ±§Ÿ¥ Ÿ«¥ ¨ ž¥¢™ž ¦¥ž«. Since the context here is entirely Hebrew, we are led to conclude that the noun ™¢Ž¢¥¢† ™Š was borrowed into MH. The parallel masculine form ¢¥‡ Š ™ is a Qillirian neologism. ¨Ž¢©† ފ ‘building, structure’: ³ž©¢©š (±¤Ÿ/38). This form, showing the Aramaic ¨Ž- suffix, is an Aramaic loanword in BH. 777 ±Ÿ› ‘to decree’: ±Ÿ›Ž (¢©©° ¢¢/110); ±Ÿ›© (¦©¤³/6). The root ±Ÿ› ‘to cut, divide’ is attested in BH. The meaning ‘to decree’ is an Aramaism, attested 1x in the Qal–±§ž™ ±Ÿ›³ž (Job 22:28)–and 1x in the Nifal– ¢¥« ±Ÿ›© (Esth. 2:1). 778 Ž±Ÿ‹ ߆ ‘decree’: °ž œ ±Ÿ› (¡­²§š £¥§/44; cf. §29g), ž² ±¢Ÿ› ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/110; cf. §29g). ±šœ ‘to lead (captive)’: ᱜ ³­ž ¥ á±Þœ (¢©©° ¢¢/235). This root is apparently attested 2x in BH, in the Hifil: ž©¢³ ³/¢³ ³ ¦¢§« ±Þœ ‹ ¢ž (Ps. 18:48; 47:4). In JPA, the active, transitive verb may be conjugated in either the Peal or the Pael. 779 ž¢ŸŠ ‘glory, splendor’: ¦¢©­ «š± ±­ª§ ž¢Ÿ (¡²°™/13; R); ¨¢« ž¢Ÿ ( ³­¢/11). This noun is only attested in BH as the name of the second month according to the Canaanite calendar (I Kings 6:1, 37). The Targum, ad loc., associates this name with the Aramaic common noun: ž¢Ÿ  ±¢ ™¢©¯¢©. In the second case listed here, ž¢Ÿ secondarily constitutes a lexical reference to the month of Iyyar. The noun is well attested in BA, and is derived from Akkadian zĪm/wu ‘countenance, glow’. 780 Cf. Sokoloff, 59, s.v. ¢¥™. Cf. KB, 140, s.v. ¨¢©š. 778 Cf. BDB, 160, s.v. ±Ÿ›. 779 Cf. Sokoloff, 138-39, s.v. ±šœ. 780 Cf. KB, 265-66, s.v. žŸ and Kaufman, Akkadian Influences, 113. In note 13, Kaufman writes that “the origin [of the lexeme in Aramaic] must 776 777

490

RHEORICAL FIGURES ¨§Ÿ ‘to summon’: ¨éŸ (¡²°™/13); ¨§Ÿ§ Ÿ ¦ž¢¥ (¤¢ª©™/39). This verb is attested 3x in LBH (Ezr. 10:14; Neh. 10:35; 13:31) as a Pual participle, in the phrase ³ž/¦¢©§Ÿ§ ¦¢³«. It is common in MH. ¨§†  Ÿ ‘time, season’: ¨§Ÿ œ«ž§ (¤¢ª©™/39); š¢š™ ¨§Ÿ (°¢­™/16); ¢™±°§ ¦¢©§Ÿ (³¢¥¤³/439). This noun is attested several times in LBH. It is very common in MH. 781 ¬©¡ ‘to soil, defile’: ¦¢­ž©¡† (¥™/490, 491 [AN]); ¦¢­©¡§ ³žš«ž³š ¦¢ž¢› (¥™/481). This root is attested 1x in BH–¦­ê¡™ ¤¤¢™ (Song 5:3)– where it is considered a “poet[ic] Aramaism.” 782 ¬Œ©¡Œ ‘soiling, defilement’: -¬©¡ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/19). ¦« ¡ ‘argument, matter’: ±š ™ ¦¢§«¡ (°¢­™/9); ¦« ¨¢šž ¢©¢š ¢©¢š ¦«¡ ¢¥ ²¢ (¢©©° ¢¢/354); ¦«¡ Ÿ § (¢©©° ¢¢/360). In BH, the noun ¦«¡ commonly means ‘taste’. Only in Jon. 3:7 is it employed in the Aramaic sense ‘decision, decree’. This is presumably the sense that gave rise to the meanings that we see in the cases listed here. 783 «àŽ § ‘knowledge’: «à§ (¢©©° ¢¢/289, 290); ¢«à§ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/3). This lexeme is attested in LBH, where it is an Aramaic loanword, semantically equivalent to native BH «œ and ³«œ. The word is identifiable as an Aramaism by the geminatation of the /d/ as a means of representing the first radical. š¢ ‘to give, place’: šŽ  ¢ (š³¤š Ÿ™/79); š ‹ ¢¥† (³™/6; Heidenheim vocalizes š¢  ¥). Š The verbal root š¢ is attested in BH, but its paradigm is defective, consisting exclusively of the Qal imperative, which has, moreover, in some cases, lost its verbal character and devolved into a particle of exhortation, as in ¦¢©š¥ ©š¥© š (Gen. 11:3). In JPA the meaning ‘to give’ is expressed by means of a suppletive paradigm, consisting of the roots š¢ and ¨³©, and the infinitive employs the latter. The Corpus’ us of this root as an infinitive cannot, therefore, be attributed directly to Aramaic.

be Babylonian, for the Akkadian definitely has original /m/. Thus, I find it hard to see how this late borrowing could be the correct etymology of the BH month name zîw.” 781 The transmission of this word, ultimately borrowed from Akkadian simćnu, is discussed by P.V. Mankowski, Akkadian Loanwords in Biblical Hebrew (HSS 47; Winona Lake, IND: Eisenbrauns, 2000) 54-55. 782 BDB, 380, s.v. ¬©¡. 783 Cf. Mankowski, Akkadian Loanwords, 58-60.

491

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY ¨§¤ ‘to hide’: ¨§¤§  Ÿ± (¤¢ª©™/39). This root is attested in MH in the Qal and the Hifil. It appears in the LBH hapax legomenon šŸ ¢©§¤§ ¬ª¤ž (Dan. 11:43). 784 š³Ž ç† ‘writing’: š³¤ (š³¤š Ÿ™/57); -š³¤ (¡§ ®±™/11; š³¤š Ÿ™/65; ž³™/372). šš¥ ‘to strengthen, enlarge’: š¢š¥¥ ¦¢š« (°¢­™/16). The present usage is related to the unique BH use of the Piel: ¥¤ ¢³ ™ ¢©³šÞ¥ Š £¢©¢«§ œ ™š ¢©¢³šÞ¥ (Song 4:9). The meaning of the verb in MT is not entirely clear, but it is likely that it is to be compared to the Syriac denominative Pael ‘to encourage, inspirit’. This meaning seems to be appropriate for the present context, though it must be kept in mind that the verb has several other significations in the piyyut literature. 785 ³   © ‘descent’: ¦¢§ ³¥¢Ÿ ³ © (¡²°™/36). The verbal root ³ © ‘to go down’ is well attested in BH, where it is regarded as “Aram[aic] and  © and adjective ³ Ž ‹ © are both hapax legomena poet[ic].” 786 The noun ³  in BH. This root is not attested in MH. ±¡© ‘to keep/guard’ (=Heb. ±¯©): ±¡° ±¢ñ¥...±¡© ( ³­¢/51); £§¯« ±ž¡ (¥™/484); ±¡©§ ®° (°¢­™/2); ±¡©Ž ¢©ž™² (°¢­™/2). ±œª ‘to set in order’: ±žœª (¥™/606); ±àª (¡²°™/30). This root is represented in BH only by the nominal forms ¦¢±Š œŽ ª† (Job 10:22) and ³Õ±œ‹ Û. † The verb is common in MH and in both Wesern and Eastern Aramaic. In the targums, ±œª frequently translates Hebrew £±«, and in MH usage it tends to replace the latter. 787 In the Corpus, on the other hand, £±« may be used instead of the expected ±œª, as in ¦¢¤±« ³©²§ (¥™/580) Å ¦³©²§ ¢±œª (cf. §29g). °Ÿ« ‘to surround’: °Ž Ž 㫐 §† (¡­²§š £¥§/48; R). This entry is based on an interpretation of °Ÿ«§ ¢ ±²™ ¦¢¡š² ³ž§œ as meaning ‘the likeness of the [twelve] tribes, which is set about [God] in a circle’. 784 Cf. Moreshet, 192, s.v. ¨§¤, esp. note 8**: ,³¢§±™§ ¥ž™² ™±©¤ ²±ž² ± ž™§ ¢™±°§ ±­ªš ¦² ³«­žš £¤¥ Ÿ§±ž. 785 A thorough lexicographical discussion appears in Zulay, "¨ž²¥ ¢©ž¢«" 488-92. 786 BDB, 639, s.v. ³ ©. 787 For further details, cf. Moreshet, 241-242, s.v. ±œª, esp. note 6**: ¬™ ¨¢™ ,...°¢³« ³¢±š«š ¦› ¢² , ¢©¥ ¦¢©ž³© ²¢ž ,™±°§š ±Ÿ›© ¦²š œžª¢ ž¥ ²¢² ¢­ ¥« ... ''¥š ¥«ž­ ³¢¢¥«¥ «¢­² ³¢§±™² ,°­ª.

492

RHEORICAL FIGURES The basis for such an interpretation is a hekhalot fragment, cited by the ed., ad loc.: Ÿ§ž Ÿ§ ž¢­³¤ ¢³² ¥« ¦¢¡š² ±²« ¦¢©²ž. In BH and MH, the root °Ÿ« is encountered primarily in agricultural contexts, where it means ‘to dig about’ (BH Piel [1x], MH Qal). Since this meaning is clearly unsuitable in the present context, it appears likely that °Ÿ«§ is to be understood as a denominative from the Aramaic °Ÿ« ‘(signet-)ring’, which is attested in Imperial, Biblical, and Late Aramaic, both Eastern and Western. 788 In one MH case, the root means ‘to hold fast’, said of a boy holding an egg in his mouth: °Ÿž« ž¢­š ³ ™ (BT Hull. 94a). It is likely that this usage is denominative from the Aramaic °Ÿ«, which also bears the derived meaning ‘anus’–i.e., the boy is forming an annulus around the egg with his mouth. ¨Ž¢©† «Š ‘occupation, matter’: ¨¢¢©¢« (¥™/606); ž¢©¢¢©¢« (± ¨§/20). In BH, this noun is attested only in Qohelet.  ±­ ‘to fly’: ¦²­©  ±­ (¥™/587; cf. §29g);  ±ž­ (¢©©° ¢¢/276); ¦¢ ±ž­ (¡²°™/34). This root is attested only 2x in BH, as an active participle, in a doubtful passage in Ezek. 13:20. It is common in MH. ±¡ °† ‘knot’ (=Heb. ±²°): ±¡° ±¢ñ¥ ( ³­¢/51). The root ±¡° ‘to tie, bind’ is attested in both Eastern and Western Aramaic. In BH, it may stand behind the passive participle in ³ž±¡°  ³ž±¯  (Ezek. 46:22), though the usage is obscure (LXX reads ƭƪƫƲƢ = ³ž©¡°; M Midd. 2:5 glosses ³ž±°§ ¨©¢™² ™¥™ ³ž±¡° ¨¢™ž, which may be comparable to Syriac ™±¢¡° ™³š ‘huts of wattle’). It is employed in MH in a deliberately fanciful etymology of the name of Abraham’s wife Keturah, designed to prove that “Keturah” actually refers to Hagar: ¦¢šž¡ ¦¢²«§ž ³žž¯§ ±¡¢°² ¢¥ ±§™ [™:¤ '±š] ±ž¡° ᧲ž (Ber. Rab. 61:4). ¨Ž¢©† °Š ‘property’: ¨¢¢©° (³žœž§ ³/525); -¨¢¢©° (š³¤š Ÿ™/60; ¥™/590, 597). This form, showing the Aramaic ¨Ž- suffix, may be an Aramaism in BH. 789 šŽ±°† ‘battle, war’: § ¥§ž š±° (±¤Ÿ/41); š±°š¤ ¢³§° (°¢­™/19); ¢¥¤ ±ž›  š±° (°¢­™/19).

788 789

For bibliography, see HJ, 2.836, s.v. ‘zqh. Cf. KB, 1114, s.v. ¨¢©°.

493

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY ¡± ‘to run’ (=Heb. ®ž±): ¦¢¡¢±§ «ž² ( ³­¢/9). This root is attested in BH in the nouns ¦¢¡± ‘lock of hair (?)’ (Song 7:6) and â©¡¢ ‹  Š ± ‘boards (?)’ (Song 1:17; qer.). In both cases, the meaning as well as the connection to Aramaic ¡± ‘to run’ are obscure. In the Corpus, the root is employed as an equivalent of Heb. ®ž± (cf. §29e). «š± ‘to lie down’ (=Heb. ®š±): «¢š±¥ (¦©¤³/10). In BH, this root is attested 3x in the Qal and 1x in the Hifil. With one exception (Ps. 139:3), it is used to refer to forbidden intercourse either between a woman and a domesticated animal (Qal–Lev. 18:23; 20:16) or between two different sorts of domesticated animal (Hifil–Lev. 19:19). The sexual connotation is evident in the present context: ¦¢§ «š± ³ž±¤Ÿ «¢š±¥ ¥«§§ ‘to bring down from above the fructifying maleness [brought about by] water’. This passage is furthermore to be understood as an etymology of the word ³ž¢«¢š± ‘occasions of rain’. This etymology follows the rabbinic understanding of the noun: ±§™œ œž¢ š±œ¤ «°±° ³™ «šž±² ±šœ «¢š± ¨ž²¥ ¢™§ žš™ ¢š± ±§™ ™ž ™«±™œ ¥«š ™±¡¢§ œž¢ š± (BT Taan. 6b; cf. also T Taan 1:4). «¢ Ž šŠ ±† ‘occasion of rain’: «¢š± ( ³­¢/40). ³â«¢šŠ ±† ‘occasion of rain’: ³ž¢«¢š± (¦©¤³/9). «šŒ  ± ‘fructification’: ¦¢§ «š± (¦©¤³/10). ««± ‘to break’ (= Heb. ®¯±): ««ž±¥ ¢±œ ¦« ™¢› (³™/13 = ³¥™³/13); ¦¢««ž±³§ ž¥¢ š (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/22). š¢šŠ چ ‘fire, flame’: š¢š² ³ ¢œ°§ (°¢­™/16). This noun is a hapax legomenon in BH–Job 18:5. It is attested in Ben Sira (8:10, etc.).  š ڌ ‘praise’: ¦² ¢ž©¤  š² (¡²°™/41);  š² ž©³© (¥™/617). This root, which is attested only in LBH and only as a verb in the Piel and Hitpael, is an Aramaism. 790 The root is common, both as a noun and as a verb, in MH.  Ž ގ Úâñ † ‘praise’: ³ž š²ž³ž ±¢² (¥™/618). The form cited here is attested in MH, along with the by-form  š²³.Š The form with /u/ is apparently the only one attested in JPA. 791 In DSSH, the following major types are attested: ³ žš²³ (constr. sing.), ³ž žš²³

790 791

Cf. BDB, 986, s.v. II  š². Cf. Sokoloff, 578-79, s.v.  š²ž³.

494

RHEORICAL FIGURES (pl.) and ³ž š²ž³ (pl.; 4Q403 1 i 31). The last of these may attest to the existence of a DSSH parallel to the Corpus’ form. 792 ±šª/² ‘to wait, hope’: ±¢šª ‘to promise’ (¨š™/10; cf. §13rr); ±šª¥ (°¢­™/10; cf. §13qq). ›ª/² ‘to be/grow great’: ¦¢ž›ª (¤¢ª©™/26). This root is attested in LBH in the parallel forms ™›² (Job) and ›² (Psalms and Job). œ‹ ªŽ /ێ ‘witness’: ¢¢œª (¢¤©™/54). This noun is attested in ¢œˆ Š ÛŽ (Job 16:19). In addition, the Aramaic abstract noun ™³âœˆ Ž ÛŽ is attested in Gen. 31:47. ±« چ §Š ‘quantity’: ¦¢§ ž°§ ±«²§ (¦©¤³/19). The denominative verb ±«² ‘to reckon’ is attested 1x in BH (Qal–Prov. 23:7), as is the noun ±«² ‘measure’ (Gen. 26:12). 793 Both the verb (Piel, Hitpael) and the noun are common in MH. The mem-preformative noun appears to be a neologism of Byzantine piyyut. 794 œ°Û ‘to reprove’: œ°²¥ ¦ž ¥ ¥¤ (³™/1; R). The root is a hapax legomenon in BH whose meaning is obscure: ¢«²­ ¥« œ° ۊ † © (Lam. 1:14). Rashi, ad loc. compares the JPA root œ°ª, ‘to train, goad’ (Piel). The same etymology is suggested by the ed. in the case of the passage in question. ¬°Õñ Œ ‘power, strength’: ž¥¢  ¬°ž³ (¥™/589). This root is represented in LBH by a Qal verb, and the nominal forms ¬°³ and ¬¢î³. §29l Common BH Roots Exhibiting Aramaic Morphology £±™ ‘to be long’: ¤Ž ±Ñ † ᥎ ¨ñŠ  © ‘An extension was given her.’ (³±œ™/4); ³¤±™ ž§¥ ¤±™ (³ž¤§ ±²«š/1). This sentence is directly dependent on the BA ¨œ«ž ¨§Ÿ œ« ¨ž¥ ³š¢¢ ¨¢¢ š ¤±™ž (Dan. 7:12). The term ¤Ž ±Ñ † seems to have become a technical term in rabbinic literature meaning ‘extension of the rule of an evil kingdom’, and is attested in a Hebrew context: ¨§ «±­ ¬žªš¥ž ¤±™ ¦¥ ¨³© (Bam. Rab. 14:6). 792 For a review of the Hebrew and Aramaic evidence, see E. Qimron, “The Derivation of the Noun ³ žš²³ in the Dead Sea Scrolls” in Sirach, Scrolls, and Sages – Proceedings of a Second International Symposium on the Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls, Ben Sira, and the Mishnah, held at Leiden University, 1517 December 1997 (STDJ XXXIII; T. Muraoka and J.F. Elwolde eds.; Leiden/New York/Köln: Brill, 1999) 244-52. 793 For ±«² as a denominative, see Sokoloff, 562, s.v. ±«². 794 Cf. Even Shoshan, 803, s.v. ±«²§.

495

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY ±Ÿ ‘to warn’: ±Ÿ™ ‘warning’ (¥™/604). The root ±Ÿ ‘to warn’ is attested in BH, in the Nifal and Hifil. 795 It is attested in the Corpus in the Nifal ±Ÿ© (¢©©° ¢¢/270) and Piel ±¢Ÿ (š³¤š Ÿ™/84; cf. §13l), together with the adjectival form ±¢Ÿ (¢©©° ¢¢/265). Morphologically, ±Ÿ™ is an Aramaizing gerund employing the -™ prefix of the Afel instead of - (cf. §11i). This form has been lexicalized in MH, where it may be employed with the technical meaning ‘prohibition explicitly stated in scipture’. For its meaning in the present context, see under §29r/synonyms. œ›© ‘to tell’ (Hif.): ¦¢§«¡ ³œ›™ (¥™/582); ...œ›™š œž§¥³š (¥™/604). Morphologically, the Aramaizing gerund œ›™ is comparable to ±Ÿ™ above. In MH, as well as in the Corpus, the noun is employed in a technical sense, referring to non-halakhic rabbinic materials. ¡© ‘to incline, bend’: â䙊 ‘they bent’ (£¢š™™/50; A). The root ¡© is very common in Hebrew, whereas in the Aramaic sphere it is only attested in the Jewish dialects of JPA and TBA. 796 The present case is explained entirely by the need to begin the stich with the consonantal sequence -¡™, thereby ruling out the use of the Hifil. Whereas the editor vocalizes the form with /i/ as a prefix vowel, thereby creating a mixed Hifil/Afel conjugation, there is no a priori reason to reject the purely Aramaic vocalization âäÑ. §29m Aramaic Roots/Lexemes First Attested in MH «±™ ‘to befall’: Õ«±™ § ²îš (£¢š™™/22); «±™¢ žš ±²™ (±¤Ÿ/34). The root «±™ is the dissimilatory variant of IA °±« = DSS Aramaic «±«. The dissimilated form is attested in JPA (alongside the rare «±«), CPA, and Syriac. 797 ¬­› ‘to embrace’: ¬žì› ³±Ÿ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/9). This root is attested in in JPA, CPA, and Samaritan. 798

795

For the question of whether or not it is to be identified with the root ±Ÿ ‘to shine’, see the bibliography cited in KB, 265, s.v. II ±Ÿ. 796 Cf. Sokoloff, 348, s.v. ¢¡©. 797 Cf. Moreshet, 106-07, note 16**. 798 Cf. Moreshet, 127-28, s.v. ¬­›. According to note 28*, ad loc., this 1 root is not to be connected with BH ¬› ‘body, self’.

496

RHEORICAL FIGURES ±± ‘to muse’: ±±§ (¢©©° ¢¢/132, 344). This quadriliteral root is attested in BA, in the noun ¨¢±Š ±†  (Dan. 4:2). It is also attested in the various targums, as well as in TBA and Syriac. 799 ¨¢Š¢Ÿ ‘weapon’: ¨¢¢Ÿ ¢¥¤ (¢©©° ¢¢/308; ° ±³/499). This noun is ultimately derived from Persian. 800 In MH, it is frequently attested in the collocation ¨¢¢Ÿ ¢¥¤ (§29g). ­¢ Ž ¯ˆ Š   ‘undue haste’: Ž©ñ† ­¢¯  ¢¥š ¦¢±° ¦¢§ ( ³­¢/74). The root ¬¯  ‘to be arrogant, barefaced’ is attested in both Eastern and Western Aramaic. In MH, it is attested as the adjective/passive participle ¬ž/¢¯ –e.g. ®±™ ™¢ ­¢¯  § ™±ž ™žš ±¢«Ÿ '± '§™ ³ž±¢­ ²ž« ™¢² '²¢ (JT Taan. 4:6 [69b]). Ú§Œ çŒ ‘withering’: ²§¤ ³é  ¢«¡© ( ³­¢/55). This root is attested in both Eastern and Western Aramaic. In MH, it is attested in the Qal, with the meaning ‘to dry up, wither’, primarily as an adjective/passive participle ²ž/¢§¤. 801 ™§ª ‘to be blind’: ¦¢§žª (³ž«³/413). In the Qal, this root is attested in MH only in the participial form, both active and passive. 802 It is attested in both Eastern and Western Aramaic, and is possibly cognate with Akkadian samû ‘to be anxious, falter’. «±­ ‘to collect (a debt) Æ punish’: ¦¢±²š§ž ±ž«§ ³«±ž­ (¦² ³™/432); «±ì¢ Õ³ªŒž (±¤Ÿ/34). This root is attested in OA, and continues into both Eastern and Western Aramaic. 803 š¯ ‘to desire’: šŽ ¯Ž (¨š™/5; A). The only MH derivative of this root is the noun ¨ž¢š¯ ‘desire, pleasure’. ŸŽ± ‘secret’: ¨§¤§  Ÿ± (¤¢ª©™/39). This noun is attested in BA, where it is a Persian loanword.

799 Cf. Moreshet, 142-43, s.v. ±±, esp. note 6**: ±œ  ¢«š± ¥«ž­ ¢¤ ,™±© ...³¢§±™§ ³ž±¢²¢. 800 Cf. Sokoloff, 175, s.v. ¨¢¢Ÿ. 801 Cf. Moreshet, 193, s.v. ²§¤. Cf. also the nominal and verbal uses of ²§¤ in the piyyutim of Shemuel Ha-Shelishi listed in Katsumata, ¥™ž§² ¢²¢¥², 264: ¨ÕÚéŽ ç,Š Ú§ ç, Ž ³ÕÚâ§ç,† ³âÚ¢§Š ç,† Úé¢ ‹ ç,Š Úâé¢ç.Š 802 Cf. Moreshet, 248-49, s.v. ™§ª. According to Yalon, ™žš§, 21, note 43, the proper vocalization of the masc. sing. active participle is ™§Õª. Œ 803 Cf. Moreshet, 295-96, s.v. «±­. 3

497

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY £œÚ ‘to be at ease’: ž¤¢œ²¥ ®šž± ¢œ›¤ ( ³­¢/79). This root is attested in IA, where it is conjugated in the Afel with the meaning ‘to appease’. 804 It is then attested in both Eastern and Western Aramaic. In MH, it is attested in the Piel. 805 ¡² ‘to lose one’s mind’: ¦¢¡ž² ²­¡ (±¤Ÿ/27). This root is widely attested in both Western and Eastern Aramaic. 806 Ž±¢ŽÚ† ‘caravan’: ³ž±¢² œžœ› ¢œœž›§ ( ³­¢/38). The root ±ž² ‘to journey (in line)’ is attested in BH, in at least one clear case: ¨§²š £¥§¥ ¢±² ³ž Ž (Isa. 57:9). The noun ±¢², however, seems to be of Aramaic origin. It is first attested in Palmyrene, 807 and then in both Eastern and Western Aramaic (JPA). ¥¥¤² ‘to perfect, complete’: ¦¥ž« ¥¥¤³²© (¢©©° ¢¢/216). The root ¥¥¤ ‘to complete, perfect’ is attested 1x in BH: £¢­¢ ž¥¥¤Ž £¢©š (Ezek. 27:4). A quadriliteral Šafel ¥¥¤² is attested in BA, along with a passive Hištafal. A Piel of the quadriliteral root is attested in MH, together with a Pual participle. 808 ¬³Ú ‘to join’: ¬ñ‹ ڊ (¡²°™/41); ±­ž² ¬žñ² ¥ž° (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/35). This root is apparently borrowed in Aramaic from the Akkadian šutćpu ‘partner’ (verb not attested). It entered MH from Aramaic. 809 §29n Aramaic Roots/Lexemes Unattested in BH and MH œ ™ ‘to seize’ (=Heb. Ÿ ™): œ¢ ™ ž³ž™ ¨ž¡¥² (¢©©° ¢¢/309; R). The interpretation of the sentence from which this form is drawn as ‘[Isaac] caused him (i.e., Esau) to seize dominion’ is suggested by the editor in her commentary, ad loc. ¨¢›Š ކ ‘because of’ (prep.): £©¢›š ‘for your sake’ (£¢š™™/5). This lexeme is attested in JPA, where it functions as a conjunction (-œ ¨¢›š ‘in order that’), and a preposition. 810

804

Cf. HJ, 2.1111, s.v. šdk. For details and further bibliography, see Moreshet, 356, s.v. £œ². 806 Cf. Moreshet, 364, s.v. ¡². 807 Cf. HJ, 2.1130, s.v. šyrh. 808 For details and further bibliography, see Moreshet, 366, s.v. ¥¥¤², esp. note 23**: ³¢§±™ ¥² ¤žž¢³š ¥''Ÿ  ¥² ³¢±š«¥ ±œ  [¥¥¤² ¥«ž­]² ±š³ª§ž. 809 For details and further bibliography, see Moreshet, 381-82, s.v. ¬³². 810 Cf. Sokoloff, 84-85, s.v. ¨¢›š conj., ¨¢›š prep. 805

498

RHEORICAL FIGURES Ú§Œ ß ‘stretching’: ²§› ªžè­ ‘weighing that is characterized by stretching [of the scale]’ ( ³­¢/55). The root ²§› ‘to stretch’ is apparently attested 1x in TBA: ¢²¢± ²¢§›œ ¨¢©§¢Ÿ ‘sometimes its head is bent’ or ‘sometimes it bends its head’ (BT Yoma 67a). 811 It seems likely that this root was introduced into Modern Hebrew through the piyyut literature, where it appears to have been specifically associated with agricultural abundance–cf. ²§›³¢ ž¥žš› ¥¤ šž¡š ‘May his border[s] be weighed down with good [stuff]’ (¦« ¢±²™/28). 812 ¥¥¤ ‘to crown’: ¦¢¥¥¤§ ±™­ £ž±šž ²žœ°¥ (¥™/623). This Piel verb is a denominative of ¥¢¥¤ ‘crown’. Both the noun and the verb are attested in JPA, CPA and SA. 813 The noun ¥¢¥¤ is attested in DSSH, especially in the phrase œžš¤ ¥¢¥¤. 814 The phrase ³±™­³ ¥¢¥¤ is attested in the poetic pericope ²§  §²¢, which is inserted into the fourth benediction of the amida during the Sabbath Morning Service. ¨àŽ «:Š ‘time’: ¢©œ« ž¡™¥ž ž©² ‘My times (i.e., the time of my redemption) have been changed and hidden’ (£¢š™™/37). This common Aramaic noun is most likely to be derived from the root w/y‘d. Cf. also below, under §29o. £† ñŽ ±Ñ † ‘chariot’: žç³±™ š¤± (¢©©° ¢¢/89). This noun is attested in JPA. 815 ¬ ¥² ‘to expel (i.e., to cause to pass)’: ¢ñŠ ­†   ¥† ڐ ‘I was expelled’ (£¢š™™/55). This quadriliteral root is attested in JPA, where it means ‘to (ex)change’. 816 Etymologically, it is a Šafel stem based on a metathetic variant of the root ¬¥  ‘to pass’, which latter is well attested in BH and MH. 817 811

Cf. M. Sokoloff, A Dictionary of Jewish Babylonian Aramaic (RamatGan/Baltimore/London: Bar Ilan University Press/Johns Hopkins University Press) 293, s.v. ²§›. 812 The reference is to the yoʜer for Simʘat Torah ¦« ¢±²™ by Moshe bar Shmuel (Goldschmidt, ³ž¤žª, 339). This is the only citation listed s.v. ²§› in Ben Yehuda, 806. Cf. also Katsumata, ¢²¢¥² ¥™ž§², 108, who notes the noun ¨ÕÚ§† ߊ as well as the Piel Úé› in Shemuel Ha-Shelishi. 813 Cf. Sokoloff, 260, s.v. ¥¢¥¤ and 261, s.v. 2# ¥¥¤. 814 Cf. DSSC, 382, s.v. ¥¢¥¤. 815 Cf. Sokoloff, 78, s.v. £³±™. 816 Cf. Sokoloff, 552, s.v. ¬ ¥² and Rabin, "¥«­²" 149. 817 It should also be noted that the lexical choice in this case is probably dictated by the fact that ¬ ¥² constitutes a paronomastic

499

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY ឳ ‘to be astounded’: ᢞ³™ ‘I will be astounded’ (™²™/46). This root is a doublet of ᧳, which is attested both in Hebrew as well as Eastern and Western Aramaic (cf. ᢧ³™ [™²™/44]). The root ž³ is attested in BA and in Syriac, in both dialects alongside the doublet with mem. 818 §29o Calqued Aramaic Idioms/Collocations 1)

2)

3) 4)

¢©œ« ž¡™¥ž ž©² ‘My times (i.e., the time of my redemption) have been changed and hidden’ (£¢š™™/37), ê² ¢¥« ¨œ« ‘He changed my time (i.e., ruined me)’ (¢©ž§ ©³ £¢™/3), ¢©§Ÿ ³¢©² ( ¤¢™ ±ž¤Ÿ ž©™/26; apud ed.’s ¢‹©§Ÿ) Å ™©³²¢ ™©œ« ¢œ œ« (Dan. 2:9), ™©²§ ™žž ™¢©§Ÿž ™¢©œ« (Dan. 2:21) œ¢°«¥ž  šŸ§¥ œ¢ ¢ ¦¢¥² ‘He rendered up his [only] soul to the altar and to the binding.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/304; v.l. ž²­©), ¦¢¥²§ £Ÿ ²­© œ°«š (¢±¢œ™ ®§ž™/7) Å ¢¢±ž§ ±ž¡š œ°«³™ œ¤ ¦¢¥²™ ¢²­© ( ¥¯™ ™©³ /15), ¢¢ œ ™¤¥§¥ á²­© ‹ ¦¢¥²™ (¨žžš™ ¦œ/4) 819 ¦¢¥§ ²™± ‘the beginning of [God’s] words’ (ž³³/392) Å ²™± ¨¢¥§ (Dan. 7:1) (cf. also ™³¥§ ¢œ ™­žª [Dan. 7:28]) ¨§Ÿž œ«ž§¥ ‘for an appointed time and a season’ (¤¢ª©™/39) Å ¨œ«ž ¨§Ÿ œ« (Dan. 7:12), ¨¢©§Ÿ¥ž ¨¢©œ¢«¥ (±Ÿ ± š³™/2) 820

Notes: While the lexical parallels make it rather likely that the Corpus’ expression in case 1 is calqued directly from the Aramaic of Daniel (cf. also ¢©œ« ¨ž©³²™ and ¢ž©œ¢« ¢©² in JPA poetry), 821 note that the notion of God as Master of Time is also attested in the language of Hebrew liturgy–cf. the expression ³™ ¬¢¥ §ž ¦¢³« ©²§ ¦¢©§Ÿ in the maariv aravim benediction of the evening shema. The expression in case 2 is based on the meaning ‘to hand over, surrender’ of the H/Afel ¦¥²™/, which is attested in BA and JPA. 822 It is attested, in the form ž§¯«/ž²­© ¦¢¥² in late midrashic reference to the word ¦¢ ž¥¢² ‘expulsion, divorce’. For further discussion of this distich, see note 551. 818 For the interchange of bilabial /m/ and /w/ in Aramaic roots, cf. JPA ¢é  versus Syriac ¢â  ‘to show’. The sequence ❞†žñŽ ❧† ñŽ is attested in Shemuel Ha-Shelishi–cf. Katsumata, ¢²¢¥² ¥™ž§², 163. 819 The lines are drawn from JPA poems published in Yahalom & Sokoloff, ™š±«§ ¢©š, 262-67 and 286-89, respectively. 820 The reference is to Yahalom & Sokoloff, ™š±«§ ¢©š, 222. 821 Yahalom & Sokoloff, ™š±«§ ¢©š, 104, l. 8 and 150, l. 35, respectively. 822 Cf. BDB, 1116, s.v. ¦¥² and Sokoloff, 555, s.v. ¦¥².

500

RHEORICAL FIGURES collections and in Ashkenazic piyyut. 823

medieval

Hebrew

literature,

including

§29p Quotation of Aramaic Sources MT (Daniel) 1) ¢°ŽŠ © ±§«¤ ²™± ±«²ž//(¢îŠ ©¥† ) ±ž  ›¥³¤ ²žš¥ (¡­²§š £¥§/54; R) Å ™°† ‹ © ±§«¤ ²™± ±«²ž ±ž  ›¥³¤ ²žš¥ (7:9) 2) ¨¢§ž¢ °¢³« (¥™/582) = 7:9 3) ™±ž© ™±² ž³™ (¡­²§š £¥§/64; v.l. ¢§«) Å ™±² §« ™±ž©ž (2:22) 4a) ±ž© ¢œ ±© (¡­²§š £¥§/62) = 7:10 4b) œ›© ±ž© ¢œ ±© (¡²°™/17) = 7:10 Notes: Cases 1 and 3 are instances of double embedding, i.e., of Aramaic syntagms within a Hebrew discourse framework, and of Hebrew elements within or subordinated to the Aramaic syntagms. In case 1 Hebrew ¢°ŽŠ © is substituted for the Aramaic ™°† ‹ © in order to make the stich fit into the rhyme pattern. In case 3 the Hebrew Õñ™Š is substituted for Aramaic é‹ «Š for no apparent reason. rabbinic literature 1) ³¢š¢ ³¢š³¤ ¢²­© ™©™ (¢¤©™) (š³¤š Ÿ™/66) Å (™ž ¨ž°¢±¡ž© ¨ž²¥ ¢¤©™) ³¢š¢ ³¢š³¤ ¢²­© ™©™ (PDRK 12:24) 2) ¢±§™ ¦¢§¢«© š¢³¤ š¢¢ (¢±§™§ ¢³ž³ž™ «±­§¥ ¦²ž±) (š³¤š Ÿ™/72) Å ¢±§™ ¦¢§¢«© š¢³¤ š¢¢ («±­§¥ ™''œ) (PDRK 12:24) §29q Graecisms Attested in MH ªªš ‘to found’: Õªª¢š (¡²°™/11). This verb is a denominative of ª¢ªš ‘basis’, which is attested in both MH as well as J/CPA. The noun, in turn, is borrowed from Greek ƣƢƴƪƳ. ª¤¡ ‘to found’: ªç¡ (¡²°™/18). This verb is a neologism of Byzantine piyyut. Its ultimate source is in the Greek ƵƢƯƪƳ, which was adopted into MH as ª¢ª¤¡, a process that was presumably aided by the fact that the Greek word corresponds to a native Hebrew pattern that shows reduplication of the last radical–e.g., ±¢±›², ±¢±›ª, etc. From this MH noun, medieval Hebrew forms the denominative Piel ªª¤¡. 824 In a separate development, which seems to have its roots in Byzantine-period poetry (but may also be 823 824

Cf. the examples cited in Ben Yehuda, 7182-83, s.v. ¦¥². Cf. Kenaani, 1629, s.v. ªª¤¡.

501

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY connected to J/CPA–see below), the MH noun ª¢ª¤¡ was apocopated to yield the segolate form ª¤¡. The earliest attestation of this variant is to be found in the hekhalot hymn ©ž§™ž ³±œ™: ¦¢§¥ž« ¢ ¥ ±¡ž ª¤¡. 825 It is on this form of the noun that the Piel denominative is based. Both the noun ª¤¡ as well as the denominative verb are attested in J/CPA. 826 Ÿ±¤ ‘to proclaim’: ¢³ž§ šž¡ Ÿ¢±¤™ (£¢š™™/63). This verb is attested in MH, where it is borrowed from Aramaic. A Hafel is attested in BA, along with the agent noun ™ŽŸÕ±ç. Ž The root is found in both Eastern and Western Aramaic. Ultimately, both agent noun and verb depend on Greek ƫƨƲƶƯ ‘herald’. 827 ¥¢§Š ‘mile’: ¥¢§ ±²« ¦¢©² (¥™/587). This unit is attested both in MH as well as in Aramaic sources. It is derived from ƭƪƬƪưƮ ‘a Roman mile’. 828 ¨Õ°¢±Š ¡Õ© Ž ‘tachygraphy, acronym’: ¨ž°¢¢±¡ž© š³¤ (š³¤š Ÿ™/65). The consonantal text printed by the ed. indicates the traditional Ashkenazic reading ¨Õ°¢‹¢±† ¡â©  . The vocalization given in the lemma corresponds to the reading found in Genizah manuscripts (cf. the ed.’s comments, ad loc). This MH noun is derived from an assumed Greek form **ƮưƵƢƲƪƫưƮ. 829 ¦¢ª ‘to indicate, assign’: ¥›§ Š ¦žåª (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/29); ¥¢±›¥ §...¦åªŠ ¦¢§ (¡²°™/29); ³ž™ §¢žª (³™/8; ³¢¥¤³/441); ž§¢žª ¦¢±³¤ ¢©²¥ (¥™/559). This verb may be a denominative based on the MH noun ¨§¢ª ‘sign’, itself borrowed from the Greek ƴƨƭƦƪưƮ. 830 The exclusion of the nun from the verbal root may easily be explained as Goldschmidt, ¦¢™±ž© ¦¢§¢, 2.143. Cf. also the brief discussion in Yahalom, ±¢² ³­², 44. 827 Cf. Moreshet, 196-97, s.v. Ÿ±¤, where doubts are expressed about the Greek origin of the root. 828 Cf. Krauss, 2.334-35, s.v. ¥¢§ and Liddell&Scott, 1134, s.v. ƭƪƬƪưƮ, Ƶư. 829 Cf. Krauss, 2.356, s.v. ¨ž°¢±¡ž©. No adjective **ƮưƵƢƲƪƫưƮ is listed by Liddell&Scott, but the -ƪƫ- morpheme reflected by the Hebrew seems to indicate that it existed in Greek, derived from such Latin forms as notarium ‘shorthand writing’, and notarius ‘notary’. 830 Apud Jastrow, 965, s.v. ¦žª (v. ¦žÛ) and Even Shoshan, 914, s.v. ¦¢ª [¦¢Û ¥² Œ©²§-³±ž¯], who subsume the meanings ‘to finish’ and ‘to indicate’ under the same lemma. The BH root ¦¢² ‘to put, place’ probably (secondarily) influenced the semantic development of ¦¢ª. 825 826

502

RHEORICAL FIGURES a result of the re-analysis of the noun as consisting of the base -§¢ª together with the nominal suffix ¨Ž-. ±Õœ†ŸÕ±ì† ‘vestibule’: ³¢š ±žœŸž±­š ›¯ žœž« (± ¨§/23). This noun is derived from Greek ƱƲưƩƶƲưƮ. ª©° ‘to fine’: §ž§ ª©° ¦™//§ššž ¦œ™š (±¤Ÿ/42). This verb is derived from Greek ƫƨƮƴưƳ ‘census, poll-tax’, which is in turn borrowed from Latin census. 831 §29r Use of Lists This style is a feature inherited from the earliest strata of the piyyut literature, where it finds its most obvious expression in compositions that consist exclusively of a list of poetic synonyms, ordered according to the acrostic principle. Such are prominent among the hoshanot, 832 where we find a bare listing of synonyms in a straight alphabetical order. Thus, we find synonyms for Jerusalem or the Temple: ³ž¢­¥³ ¥³//£œžš¤ ³©¢¤²//...//±¢ š ³¢š//¢³² ¨š™, 833 or for Israel: ¦¢¤ž§³//™© «²ž ¦¢›™ž²//...//§ ¤ ±š//§ž  ¢©™ ¦™ £¢¥«. 834 In a more ramified variant, the synonyms may be embedded within a fixed phrasal structure, where the only variation occurs within the slot reserved for the synonym itself: «²ž ž©¢¥™ £©«§¥ '© ' ž©«ž± '¥//'© ' ž©²žœ° '¥//...//'© ' ž©™±žš '¥//™©. 835 Qillir himself composed hoshanot that are only slightly more complex variants of this type. In one version, we have a term denoting either a means of agricultural production or a product, according to a straight alphabetical order, followed by a term for some sort of agricultural disaster, governed by the preposition ¨§. The whole is to be understood as dependent on ™© «²ž: //...//³¥¤²§§ §š//±±™§ §œ™ Cf. Moreshet, 330, s.v. ª©°. For this genre, see J. Heinemann, Prayer in the Talmud (Studia Judaica 9; Berlin/New York: de Gruyter, 1977) 139-155, esp. 141: “[The hoshanot] are extremely primitive; it is difficult to concieve of them as artistic compositions per se…. They are…the result of a simple technique: the mechanical conjunction of similar lines in which equivalent adjectives, et al., alternate with one another…. Even the well-known Payyetanim…wrote their hoshanot in accordance with this primitive form!” 833 Goldschmidt, ³ž¤žª, 171-72. 834 Goldschmidt, ³ž¤žª, 175-76. 835 Goldschmidt, ³ž¤žª, 169-170. The last two letters of the alphabet are not represented. 831 832

503

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY ¥¢ª § ™žš³//¨ž§©¯§ ³¥š². 836 In another composition, the word ³«²ž¤ is followed by a term for Israel. This time, the epithets cover only the odd letters of a straight alphabet, the even ones being reserved for phrases not subject to a predetermined pattern: ¦¢²ž±œ//¦¢¥™ž ¢ž› '¤ //'© ' ¨¤ £§« «²¢¥ £³™¯š//£§« œž¥š ¦¢¥™ ³«²ž¤ '© ' ¨¤ ¦¢¥™ «²¢¥. 837 In effect, this style represents a poetic thesaurus, in which synonyms (or near-synonyms) are listed according to an alphabetic principle. A variant of the above type is represented by those hoshanot where not synonyms, but rather series ordered according to some logical (usually historical/chronological) principle are given, again according to an alphabetical order. In the following example, we have a list of phrases referring to historical personages, beginning with Abraham and ending with Daniel (the last two lines of the piyyut are excluded from the series), in a straight alphabetical order. Each is governed by the preposition ¨«§¥ and ends with the word ²™: ¦¢²žœ° '¥//...//²™ž ¦¢¯« ¥« œ°«© ¨š '¥//²™ š¥š °±Ÿ© ¨³¢™ ¨«§¥ ²™ ¢±©ž Ÿ  ¨žš± žš± '¥//²™š ¦¢¤¥²§. 838 Qillir employs this technique in a rather complex, stanzaic hoshana composition. Every stanza is composed of four stichoi, of which the first is reserved for a series of references to historical personages, beginning with Noah and ending with Ezra (once again, the last two stanzas are excluded), governed by the preposition ¨«§¥, in a reverse alphabetical order. The last stich of every stanza is primarily reserved for references to Israel (there are several exceptions), given according to a straight alphabetical order, and governed by the preposition -¥: 839 ž¢³ž°œ¯ š±š ¡¥§©//ž¢³ž±žœš ¦¢§³ '¥ ³™ ž©¢š™ ™© «¢²žž ™© «²ž §ž  ¢©™ ¦™¥//¦¢§ ¥žš§ ™žšš ¬³²§ ¥¯§ ¦¢ª© ±²«š ª©§//¦¢²«§ ¥¤š ¦¥² '¥ '™ '™ ™© «¢²žž ™© «²ž § ¤ ±š¥//¦¢§ ¡«§ ™©  °¢ ¦© ¦¢¤™¥§ ±²¤

As the first type is a poetic thesaurus, so this type represents a poetic onomasticon.

Goldschmidt, ³ž¤žª, 175. For an analysis of a rahit by Yannai built on a similar pattern, see Yahalom, ±¢² ³­², 134-35. 837 Goldschmidt, ³ž¤žª, 181-82. 838 Goldschmidt, ³ž¤žª, 177-79. 839 Goldschmidt, ³ž¤žª, 192-97. It is noteworthy in this respect that the first four references to Israel are exactly those found in the piyyut ¢©™ ¦™ §ž , quoted in the preceding paragraph. 836

504

RHEORICAL FIGURES In the case of the Qillirian hoshana ž¢³ž±žœš ¦¢§³ ¨«§¥, we note that the lists serve to organize the composition at the stanzaic level–i.e., the stanza is determined by the presence of an item from the list of historical personages in its first stich and of an item from the list of synonyms for Israel in its last stich. As an organizational principle, therefore, the lists are on a par with the rhyme/fixed word scheme–i.e., each stanza may be identified by the fact that its first two stichoi rhyme with one another, while the third stich shows the fixed word ¦¢§ in the terminal position, and the fourth stich always ends with the fixed litany formula '™ '™ '© 'ž '© '. From the structural point of view, given the fact that the primary form of macro-organization in Qillirian piyyut is stanzaic, there is no cause for surprise in the fact that (alphabetical) lists are employed as a means of organizing stichoi into stanzas. The division into stanzas is not, however, the most extensive possible within the framework of any given composition, since one also finds division into groups of two stanzas. Usually, each pair consists of a primary and secondary stanza, and the two are easily distinguishable from one another on formal grounds (as is the case with £¢š™™). 840 In the case of the seder pesuqim ®±™  ³­¢, however, this distinction into primary and secondary does not hold. There, the division into pairs of stanzas is most obviously accomplished by means that, strictly speaking, exist outside of the formal, poetic structure of the composition–i.e., by means of a scriptural verse relating to water is cited after every pair of strophes. This fact is reflected within the formal/poetic structure in that the fourth (i.e., last) stich of every second strophe contains an obligatory lexical foreshadowing of the verse that immediately follows. The strophes are furthermore distinguishable in the following way: every first strophe opens with a stich whose first word is drawn from the framing verse Deut. 28:12, and closes with a fourth stich that contains an obligatory reference, seriatim, to one item from a list of 3 Patriarchs + 12 Tribal names + 7 ³ž¢©« (M Taan. 2:4), while every second strophe opens with a stich whose first word is drawn from the framing verse Isa. 55:10 and has a second stich that contains an obligatory reference, seriatim, to one item from a list of 12 “month 840 The division into pairs of stanzas is encountered primarily in shivatot of the type that Fleischer calls “choral,” as well as in certain qerovot for fast days and Purim–cf. E. Fleischer, ¦¢¢©¢š-¢§¢š ³¢±š« ²œž°-³±¢² (Jerusalem: Keter, 1975) 188, 200.

505

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY + zodiac sign” pairs (with the exception of l. 23, where the reference to the zodiac sign is embedded in the first stich). 841 We see, therefore, that in addition to helping to determine the division of a piyyut into stanzas, lists may be employed in segmenting a piyyut into stanza pairs. By themselves, neither synonym-lists nor series-lists can truly be said to constitute poetry. They rather find their primary employment in the litany genre, which is usually associated with public cult occasions, and may, to a certain, limited extent, be viewed as the forerunner of liturgical poetry. 842 When combined with the sort of more-or-less simple form of textual organization we have seen above, however, they become very productive models, or even principles, for the composition of piyyut. In a monograph examining formal/literary structures in piyyut, Mirsky has demonstrated that these forms of textual organization are ultimately related to the exegetical literature–the midrashei halakha and aggada–where they serve as exegetical techniques. 843 One such principle is ž©¢¯§ §, and it appears among the thirteen exegetical principles of Rabbi Ishmael under the name š™ ¨¢¢©š. 844 This principle is formulated in the midrash according to the pattern § ...£¤/¬™...(-š ž©¢¯§), where A is compared to B in terms of some tertium quid. Thus, for example, we find in Ber. Rab. 33:1– ¦¢± § ¬žª ¦¥ ¨¢™ ¦¢°¢œ¯ £¤ ¬žª ¨¥ ¨¢™ ž¥¥. Such statements may be strung together into “stanzas,” such that A and B remain stable, while the 841

Since the even strophes must seriate 22 items in all while the odd strophes must seriate 24 items–there being 22 strophes in all, in accordance with a full alphabetic acrostic–each of the last two “month + zodiac sign” pairs is given as a unit within one stich. 842 The association of litanies with public worship is to be understood as a general tendency rather than as a phenomenological necessity. As a matter of fact, the litany genre is well-represented among the hekhalot hymns, which, whatever their true function, were almost certainly not a part of public worship. For litanies in hekhalot hymns, see A. Altman, ¢±¢²" "§žœ° ³ž¥¤¢ ³ž±­ªš ²žœ° Melilah 2 (1946) 2-24 and M.D. Swartz, Mystical Prayer in Ancient Judaism – An Analysis of Ma‘aseh Merkavah (Texte und Studien zum antiken Judentum 28; Tübingen: J.C.B. Mohr, 1992). 843 A. Mirsky, -®±™ ±¢² ³ž±ž¯ ¥² ¨³ž ³­³ž ¨³ ¢§¯ – ¡ž¢­ ³ž±ž¯ ¢œžª¢ §žœ° ³¢¥™±²¢ (Jerusalem: Magnes, 1985). 844 Mirsky, ³ž±ž¯ ¢œžª¢, 11-34. For the principle of š™ ¨¢¢©š, see H.L. Strack & G. Stemberger, Introduction to the Talmud and Midrash (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1992) 22.

506

RHEORICAL FIGURES tertium quid changes from line to line. As Mirsky notes, formally, the Qillirian hoshana ¦¢¥™ ³«²ž¤ is based on this pattern, though it has been adjusted slightly to make it suitable for a prayer of entreaty. 845 Term A is “God, You saved Israel in the past,” term B is “God, thus may You save Israel,” while term C is constituted by the historical occasion on which God saved Israel–i.e., from Egypt, on the Red Sea, from Babylon (the same term C may be repeated in several lines). The formal pattern of the composition is ¨¤...³«²ž¤ '© ', where B is completely invariant and C is implicit in the reference to Israel. 846 Yet another principle employed in the midrash literature is known as ž¤ž­¢ž ±šœ ‘a thing and its opposite’. 847 This one has no canonical formulation, but its structure consists of a juxtaposition of something with its logical opposite. Clearly, such a form is ideally suited for incorporating lists of either the thesaurus or onomasticon type, and Mirsky demonstrates that the Qillir utilizes it in his hoshana ±±™§ §œ™, quoted above. We have seen, therefore, that lists, when combined with formal, logical/syntactic formulas derived from midrash, yield some of the poetic structures encountered in the piyyut literature. 848 By Mirsky, ³ž±ž¯ ¢œžª¢, 30-31. As Mirsky, ³ž±ž¯ ¢œžª¢, 31 notes, Qillir has biblicized the formula by substituting BH ¨¤ for MH £¤. He also notes there that the direct literary ancestor of this type of hoshana (i.e., “As you saved X, thus…”) is to be found in the fast-day liturgy reported in ¦¤³™ ©«¢ ™ž...©«² ¢§ (M Taan. 2:4). For the relationship between the fast-day liturgy and the hoshanot, see Heinemann, Prayer, 150-55, esp. 151: “[T]he selichot are not very different in origin and function from the hoshanot. True, the hoshanot were recited on a joyous and festive occasion, while the selichot were recited on days of distress and fasting; but this is not a substantive difference. Essentially hoshanot, too, are prayers of supplication and entreaty–primarily pleas for rainfall and a successful harvest–which were recited during the festival of Sukkot, that occasion on which ‘the world is judged with respect to rainfall’.” 847 Cf. Mirsky, ³ž±ž¯ ¢œžª¢, 68-80. 848 Mirsky actually goes further, in claiming that the origins of the prosody (i.e., “meter”) of piyyut are also to be explained as resulting from its utilization of the exegetical principles. See, for example, Mirsky, ¢œžª¢ ³ž±ž¯, 24: ¨™¤ž ,œ›™¥ ª©¤©ž ¤¥ ¨§ ™¯ž¢ ™ž² 'ž©¢¯§ §' ¥² ž¢¥ž›¥› ³™ ž©¢™± ž³ž²±§ ¦¢™¯ž¢ ž©™ ¨™¤ž...ž³±ž¯ ±§›¥ «¢›§ ™ž² œ« ,š¯°³§ž £¥ž ,«¯°³§ž £¥ž ™ž ...¡ž¢­ ³ž²±¥ ¦¢ª©¤©ž ²±œ§ ¥². He also makes the principle of ž² ±¢Ÿ› 845 846

507

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY itself, this fact is not particularly remarkable, since lists, being by their very nature rhythmical to a greater or lesser extent, are ideally suited for use in poetic structures which are metrically, or at least stichically, organized. 849 What is remarkable, on the other hand, is the very productive role that onomastic lists come to play in Qillirian compositions (i.e., at the end, rather than at the beginning of the developmental trajectory of Palestinian piyyut), which make extensive use of the technique of integrating fixed lists of historical personages, the names of the 12 tribes, the names of the 24 priestly and/or levitical courses, month names, zodiac names, etc., into a pre-determined place within a strophe, such that the series is built up by the strophic sequence. 850 Perhaps the most complex example of this technique in the whole history of Byzantine piyyut is to be found in his qerova for the Ninth of Av ¢¥²š ¤¢™ ¢¥™. 851 On a lexical level, moreover, we should note that when incorporated within the piyyut, the thesaurus-type list, by dint of the necessity to create ever new names for one and the same thing, becomes a very productive mechanism for the generation of poetic epithets, which constitute one of the characteristic properties of Palestinian (as well as Ashkenazic) piyyut. For all of these reasons, therefore, an examination of the role played by lexical lists in the Corpus is of great importance in terms of characterizing it as a linguistic and literary phenomenon. It should also be noted that insofar as parallelism is really a matter of projecting the paradigmatic plane (i.e., sameness) of language onto the syntagmatic plane (i.e., nearness), the listing of synonyms easily takes on the trappings of parallelism. 852 Since the (see Strack & Stemberger, Talmud, 21) responsible for the development of rhyme, by yielding structures where the key-word is repeated at the end of every line–cf. A. Mirsky, "Ÿž±  ¥² ž³¥¢ ³" in idem, ®±™š ž³ž ³­³ – ¡ž¢­ ¥ž›šž ¥™±²¢ (Jerusalem: Magnes, 1990) 302-14. 849 Cf. the famous example of the “Catalogue of Ships” in The Iliad II.484-760. 850 Fleischer refers to these lists as «š° ¢™²ž© (or ¦¢¢§ž±¡ ¦¢™²ž©), and gives a brief description of their use in Palesitinian piyyut in ²œž°-³±¢², 110-13. 851 Cf. E. Fleisher, "š™š «²³¥ ³ž¢±¢¥° ³ž¢¯¢Ÿž­§ž°" HUCA 45 (1974) š: ³¢©š³² ,³± ž™§ žŸš ™¥ž §žœ° ³ž©¡¢¢­š ™¥ ,³¢©ž¢¯¢Ÿž­§ž° ±¢¯¢ œž« ¨¢™² §žœ§¤ ±³ž¢ ¤žšª. 852 Cf. Jakobson, “Linguistics and Poetics,” 71. In that article, the author determines that “The poetic function [i.e., the self-consciously

508

RHEORICAL FIGURES listing of synonyms mostly, if not exclusively, relates to the use of poetic epithets, however, it has been listed together with lexical, rather than iconic, features. In addition to their appearance in exegetical contexts, one sometimes encounters bare onomastic lists in the MH literature. Thus, for example, we find a list of synonyms of ‘cloud’ in ²§  Ÿ¢Ÿ  ™¢²© ¨©« š« œ¢™ ž¥ ž™±°© ³ž§² (JT Taan. 3:3 [66c]). There undoubtedly exists a relationship between such synonym lists and the piyyut literature, one of whose most obvious characteristics is the tendency to refer to common things by means of rare or obscure expressions. And while the precise nature of the relationship is not yet clear, it seems plausible to consider the onomastica a ready source for some of the epithets later employed by the payyetanim, viz., a sort of poetic thesaurus. 853 In a discussion of the relationship between lists in rabbinic and piyyut literature, moreover, Yahalom has shown that they may constitute the environment within which neologisms are created on the basis of message-oriented function of language] projects the principle of equivalence from the axis of selection into the axis of combination. Equivalence is promoted to the constitutive device of the sequence.” In order to appreciate the full force of this definition, it needs to be remembered that for Jakobson, parallelism is the primary manifestation of poetry–cf. his citation of Gerard Manley Hopkins: “The artificial part of poetry, perhaps we shall be right to say all artifice, reduces itself to the principle of parallelism. The structure of poetry is that of continuous parallelism, ranging from the technical so-called Parallelisms of Hebrew poetry and the antiphons of Church music up to the intricacy of Greek or Italian or English verse” (p. 82). 853 Another, rare and wholly unusual, manner of employing lists is one in which every member of a list of synonyms is hypostatized, i.e., acquires an albeit tenuous, but nevertheless independent existence. Thus, we read ¦¢§ ¢œž§« ³«š²ž «š² ³ž¯±™ «Þ ۍ //¦¢§² ¢«¢°± «š²§ «š² ¦¢§²› (¦©¤³/20). According to the rabbinic sources, there exist seven different types of rain, seven heavens, and seven pillars supporting the Earth (for the references, see the ed.’s comments, ad loc.). The reference to “seven lands,” however, is different, in that it it rests not on an onomasticon that gives the names of seven different lands, but rather on a synonym list: ¦¥ž«¥ ¥š³ ¢¢²© ¢¢¯ ™¢› ™°±™ §œ™ ®±™ ,š¢š  ³¢«¢š² ³ž¯±™š...š¢š  ¢«¢š². According to the plain sense of the words «š² ³ž¯±™, however, one would be led to conclude that the reference is to seven distinct lands. It seems clear that in the present case the parallelism with «š² ¦¢§²›, etc. plays a role in creating this impression.

509

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY attraction (i.e., non-proportional analogy), thereby demonstrating once again the creative power of the poetic function, which projects sameness into nearness. His observations are worth quoting in full, for the light they shed on one of the outstanding properties of piyyut literature, i.e., the propensity for combining roots with nominal patterns that are not ordinarily associated with them: 854 ž³¥ž«­¥ ¦¢©ž² ¦¢±°§š ¦¢­¢ ¢™©³² ¨žž¢¤§ ,³ž§¢²± ³¡¢² ³©¢¢©«§ ž©³ž™ ,¦ž™š¥œ©§ ³±žœ§) ™©¤ š±œ ™³°¢ª­š ,¥²§¥ ,£¤ .³ž±ž¯ ›žž¢Ÿ £¢¥³ ¥² ,ª¢¥« ,²¢² , §² ,¥¢› : §² ³™±°© ³ž©ž²¥ ±²«š :(313-312 '§« ¥«š² ¦¢±²° ¦¢¡¥žš [©ž]...«± ,žžœ  ,¥¯ ,©¢±  ¯¢­ ,¯¢¥« ¨¤ž ,'¯¢¥«'ž 'ª¢¥«' ¨¢šž ¦¢©¢š ¨¤ž ,'²¢²'ž '¥¢›' ¨¢š ±¯ž¢ §¢²± §¢²±š ³ž™š ¥«ž­-¦² ³ž±ž¯§ §¤ž-§¤² ,¥¥¤ «¢³­§ Ÿ ¨¢™ .™¥ ,¥²§¥ ,³ž²§²§ £¤ž....¦¢­ªž© ³ž±ž°§š ¥ ¯ž § ¥¥¤ ³žœ«ž³§ ¨©¢™ žŸ ¢±ž§Ÿ§¥ ³žª ¢¢³§ , š² ³ž©ž²¥ ¥² §¢²±š ¬³ž²§ ©¤§ '¥ž¡¢°' ³ž±ž¯ ±¯ž¢ ™ž ¨¤ž ,¦¢±ž§Ÿ§š  ¢³­-³ž©ž²¥¥ ±°¢«š °°Ÿ© §¢²± ¥«š .¦¢¥¢³ –(œž«ž ™ ,© ;™ ,œ© '³) '³ž©¢›©š  ¯©§¥' ¨§ ;'±ž²¢™'–'²¢™ ¢±²™' ¨§ ¦¢¥¢š°§ ³ž±ž°§ ¢©²š ™š §¢²± .¥™š ™¯ž¢¤ž ,(©¢›© ™¥) '¨ž›¢©ž  ž¯¢©'  š²¥² ³ž©ž²¥ ±²«š :³ ¢³­š ±°¢«š ž©¥ ¨¢¢©«ž ,¢§¥²ž±¢ œž§¥³š ¢§¥²ž±¢ ™±] 'ž¤ž ,±ž§Ÿ§š ,±¢²š ,¨ž›¢©š , ž¯¢©š ,±ž²¢™š :¦¢¥¢³ ±­ª ±§™© .[™''« š« ;™¢ ,™ ¥¢›§ ,™''« œ© ;š¢ ,› ¤žª

synonyms 1) ¢²© °ž¯§ ›ž  ¨š™ [=earth] (¨š™/1; A; R) 2) ¢™² ¥ž¯ š± ¦ž³ [=Abyss] (¨š™/1; A; R) 3) ¨ž±›š ¢™±ž°ž ±­ž²š ¢«°ž³//¨ž±¯š¥ ¦¢š²... [=Israel] (¡­²§š £¥§/31) 4) ¦¢§ ¨©«ž œ™ž ™¢²©ž Ÿ¢Ÿ ž š« [=clouds] (¡²°™/31; A; R) 5) ¦¢§ ¥Ÿ©ž ›¥²ž ±ž­¤ž  ±° ‘ice, and hoar-frost, and snow, and flowing water’ (¦©¤³/4; A; R) 6) ¦¢¥š ž ¦¢±¢¯ ±«ª//¦¢¥š... ‘…terrors, raging, pangs and pains’ (ž³³/384; A [2nd stich]; R; cf. Isa. 13:8) 7) ±Ÿ™š ¢žž¢¯š ±¢§™š ±žš¢œš ‘as speech, as saying, as command, as warning’ (¥™/604; R) Notes: It is noteworthy that in all of the cases listed here, the lists constitute complete stichoi. In cases 3 and 6, the list occupies one full stich, as well as penetrating into the preceding stich.

854 Yahalom, ±¢² ³­², 137-38. Cf. also Antilla, Historical and Comparative Linguistics, 91: “the prime area of nonproportional analogy is the sentence or some other juxtaposition. In other words, indexical elements are very important in addition to iconic ones.”

510

RHEORICAL FIGURES List 4 is based on synonyms given in Ber. Rab. 13:12, where citations and etymologies are provided for each of the terms (cf. also JT Taan. 3:3 [66c]): Ÿ¢Ÿ  ™¢²© ¨©« œ™ š« ž¥ ™±°© ³ž§² ²§ . The types of precipitation given in list 5 are, according to the context, employed in the irrigation of the Land of Israel. A similar function is assigned to the following sources of water in Sifrei Devarim 39: ¦¢¥¥¡ ¢§ ¦¢›¥² ¢§ ¦¢ ž¥² ¢§ ¦¢§²› ¢§. List 7 appears within the context of a desciption of the giving of the Torah. The first 3 items are found among the 10 terms for prophecy: ¥²§ ™²§ ¢žž¢¯ ±¢§™ ±žš¢œ ­¡ ¨žŸ  ™žš© ³™±°© ³ž©ž²¥ ±²« œ¢  ¯¢¥§ (Ber. Rab. 44:6). The semantically related word ±Ÿ™ is presumably employed in order to satisfy the rhyme requirement. onomastica – obligatory part of the structure of the piyyut 1) ²«§ ¥¤ ³¥ ³ ±¤Ÿ [=Creation] (±¤Ÿ/1; A); ³¢²™±š§² ±¤Ÿ [=Creation] (±¤Ÿ/3; A); ³ž±­« ²™± ±¤Ÿ [=Adam] (±¤Ÿ/5; A); ±­ª ³™¢±° ±¤Ÿ [=Adam] (±¤Ÿ/7; A); ±ž™ ¢œ±ž§ ¨ž­¯ ±¤Ÿ [=Noah] (±¤Ÿ/9; A);  ±Ÿ™ ³¥«­ ±¤Ÿ [=Abraham] (±¤Ÿ/11; A); ¢±ž§ ³œ°« ±¤Ÿ [=Isaac] (±¤Ÿ/13; A); ¦¥ª ±¤Ÿ ¦¥  [=Jacob] (±¤Ÿ/15; A); ³ž¡§ ¢šž°© ±¤Ÿ [=12 Tribes] (±¤Ÿ/17; A); ±¤Ÿ ¦¢°ž¯§ [=Patriarchs (?)] (±¤Ÿ/19; A); ¦¢±­¤ ¨¢¥ ±¤Ÿ [=Egyptian bondage (?)] (±¤Ÿ/21; A); ¨¤²§ œžš¤ ±¤Ÿ [=Tabernacle/desert wanderings] (±¤Ÿ/23; A); ¨ž© œ¢¥¢ ±¤Ÿ [=Joshua] (±¤Ÿ/25; A); ¦«¡ ±¤Ÿ ¦¢¡­ž² [=Judges] (±¤Ÿ/27; A); ¥¢¥ ³ž¯  ±¤Ÿ [=David] (±¤Ÿ/29; A); ±¤Ÿ ¥žšŸ Ÿ [=Temple/Solomon] (±¤Ÿ/31; A) 2) ¦¢§ ¡«§  ° [=Abraham] ( ³­¢/2); œž°« [=Isaac] ( ³­¢/6); ¥¯­ ¦¢¡±š [=Jacob] ( ³­¢/10); ²™± ±ž¤š [=Reuben] ( ³­¢/14); ±ž² ¢±°«§ [=Simeon & Levi] ( ³­¢/18); š¢±§ ¢§ [=Levi] ( ³­¢/22); ±­« ±ž› [=Judah] ( ³­¢/26); ±š ¢³« ¢©¢š§ [=Issachar] ( ³­¢/30); ²­© ¬± § [=Zevulun] ( ³­¢/34); -œžœ› ¢œœž›§ [=Gad] ( ³­¢/38); ¨²š ž°©Ÿ¢ [=Dan] ( ³­¢/42); ¦«© ¢±§™ ±¢­²§ [=Naphtali] ( ³­¢/46); £¥§ ¢©œ«§ [=Asher] ( ³­¢/50); ¦™± ¢©±° [=Ephraim & Menasheh] ( ³­¢/54); ¦œ± [=Benjamin] ( ³­¢/58) 3) ¢±ž§ ( ³­¢/62); ¬žª ¦¢ ( ³­¢/66); ¥›¥› ( ³­¢/70); ­¯§ ( ³­¢/74); ¢š²³ [=Elijah] ( ³­¢/78); ¢³§™ ¨š [=Jonah] ( ³­¢/82); ±ž›™ž ±ž› [=David & Solomon] ( ³­¢/86) 4) š¢š™ [=Nisan] + ž¢™¥¡ [=Aries] ( ³­¢/3, 7); -ž¢Ÿ [=Iyyar] + ±ž² [=Taurus] ( ³­¢/11, 15); ¢²¢¥² [=Sivan] + ¦¢§ž™³ [=Gemini] ( ³­¢/19, 23); Ÿž§³ + ¨¡±ª [=Cancer] ( ³­¢/27, 31); š™ + ¢±™ [=Leo] ( ³­¢35, 39); ¥ž¥™ + ¥ž³š [=Virgo] ( ³­¢/43, 47); ¦¢©³¢™ 511

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY [=Tishrei] + ªž¥­ [Libra] ( ³­¢/51, 55); ¥žš [=Cheshvan] + š±°« [=Scorpio] ( ³­¢/59, 63); ¤ž©  ¢§¢ [=Kislev] + ³²° [=Sagittarius] ( ³­¢/67, 71); ¥¢¥ ³¥¢­¤ [=Tevet] + ¢œ› [=Capricorn] ( ³­¢/75, 79); ¡š² + ¢¥œ [=Aquarius] ( ³­¢/83); Õ±à™¥ [=Adar] + ՛œ¥ [=Pisces] ( ³­¢/87). Notes: In these lists, the system of reference is not consistent from either a lexical or a grammatical point of view. As an illustration, let us consider list 4, the list of “month + zodiac sign” pairs. Lexically, an item may be referred to by the following means: standard term: Ÿž§³, š™, ¥ž¥™, ¡š²; (ž¢)™¥¡, ±ž², ¦¢§ž™³, ¨¡±ª, ¢±™, ¥ž³š, š±°«, ³²°, ¢œ›, ¢¥œ. synonym of the standard term: ªž¥­ = ¦¢©Ÿ™§. scriptural equivalent of the standard term: š¢š™ = ¨ª¢©, ž¢Ÿ = ±¢¢™, ¦¢©³¢™ = ¢±²³, ¥žš = ¨ž² . root paronomasia: Õ±à™¥ = ±œ™; ՛œ¥ = ¦¢›œ. metonymy: ¤ž©  ¢§¢ = ž¢¥ª¤, ¥¢¥ ³¥¢­¤ = ³š¡. adjectival epithet: ¢²¢¥² = ¨ž¢ª. The integration of the items into the surrounding syntactic/semantic framework is also varied. In the case of month names, the item usually appears as sentence constituent referring directly to itself–i.e., š¢š™ œ« ‘until the spring’, ¢²¢¥²š ‘during the third [month]’, Ÿž§³š ‘during Tammuz’, š™ š± š ‘during the heat of Av’, ¥ž¥™š ‘during Elul’, ¦¢©³¢™ ¢¥š š ‘during the pangs of Eitanim/Tishrei’, ¥žš ¥žš§ ‘the Flood that happened in Bul/Cheshvan’, ¤ž©  ¢§¢š ‘during the days of Chanukkah’, ³¥¢­¤§ ¥¢¥ ‘from [the time of] the doubling of the night (i.e., wintertime)’, ¡š² ¢¥œ ‘the water (lit. bucket) of Shevat’. The item may also be represented by a homonym–i.e., ¨¢« ž¢Ÿ ‘glorious eye’, Õ±à™¥ ‘to make him majestic’. In the case of the signs of the zodiac, the item frequently refers to the real-world thing with which the constellation in question is associated–i.e., ¨© Ž¢...±ž²ž ‘May the ox…be shown grace’, ¦¢¢  ¦¢§š ¥œ› ¨¡±ª ‘a crab growing up in flowing water’, ¢±™¤ ®š±¢ ‘May it lay down like a lion’, ²§› ªž¥­ ‘weighing that is characterized by stretching [of the scale]’, ¦ž°§ š±°« ‘the place of the scorpion’, ³ž™±¥ ³²° ‘to show the (rain)bow’, ®šž± ¢œ› ‘a kid lying down’, ¡š² ¢¥œ ‘the water (lit. bucket) of Shevat’. Sometimes, however, the item by itself may function as an epithet referring to a third thing–i.e., ž¢™¥¡ ‘his (i.e., Isaac’s) lambs’ 512

RHEORICAL FIGURES [=Israel], ¥ž³š ‘young woman’ [=Israel]. It may also be embedded within a larger epithet–i.e., ¦¢«±ž ¦¢§ž™³ ‘twins and associates’ [=Israel]. As in the case of month names, the item may also be represented by means of a root homonym–i.e., ՛œ¥ ‘to make him multiply’. The reason that the poet allows himself this freedom is twofold: the content of the lists is known to the audience in advance, and the slot in which each particular item appears is determined by a fixed and repeating pattern. All that is necessary, therefore, is that some mnemonic trigger be inserted into the appropriate slot, and the reader/hearer can easily associate the trigger with the underlying list item. 855 The items in list 1 are arranged in accordance with a °''±²³ acrostic (preceded by the fixed word ±¤Ÿ) and constitute the first stichoi of the odd lines of the zikhronot. The list does not cover the entire piyyut, as the items beginning with ±¤Ÿ in ll. 33-41 do not appear to belong to the series. The first two items are referred to 2x each, the item ¦¢°ž¯§ ±¤Ÿ, if referring to the Patriarchs, appears to be out of place (since one would have expected a reference to Moses, or Moses and Aaron), and the referent of ¦¢±­¤ ¨¢¥ ±¤Ÿ is not entirely clear. The items in list 3 are derived directly from the prayer for drought, as reported in M Taan. 2:4: ¦¤³™ ©«¢ ™ž ¢±ž§ ±š ¦±š™ ³™ ©«² ¢§ ±§ž™ ™ž ©ž²™± ¥« ž©¢³žš™ ³™ ©«² ¢§ ±§ž™ ™ž ¢©² ¥«...Ÿ ¦ž¢ ¦¤³°«¯ ¥ž°š «§²¢ž ±š ž¢¥™ ³™...­¯§š ¥™ž§² ³™...¥›¥›š «²ž¢ ³™...¬žª ¦¢ ¥« ...¦¢¥²ž±¢š ž©š §¥² ³™ž œžœ ³™...›œ ¢«§§ ©ž¢ ³™...¥§±¤

Note that whereas in the Mishnaic source each utterance consists of a paired “PN + GN,” Qillir refers only to the GN in the first four cases and only to the PN in the last three. onomastica – other 1) ¦³//¦¥™ ³©ž¢//š™ [=Abraham, Isaac, Jacob] (¡­²§š £¥§/33-35) 2) ¦¢¡š²//š°«¢//° ¯¢//¦±š™// ©//¦œ™ (¢©©° ¢¢/227-232) 3a) ™¥//£¢©§ž™ œš¤//±ž§²ž ±ž¤Ÿ//™ž²¥ ¦² ™²³ ™¥//± ™ ¥™ £¥ ¢¢ ™¥ œž§ ³ ™¥//±°² ©«³ ™¥//šž©›³ ™¥//¬™©³ ™¥// ¯±³ (¢¤©™/45-53) 3b) œž§ ³ ™¥//©«³ ™¥//šž©›³ ™¥ (¢©©° ¢¢/250-253) 4) £ž±«//¨œ« ¨›// ¢²§ ¦²//¦¥ž« ³žš™//¥™±²¢ ™ª¤//™²¢©ž ¦± ™ª¤ šž²³ž ¥™±²¢//¥ž§³™§ (¢©©° ¢¢/122-130) 855

Cf. also Yahalom, "³ž¥Ÿ§ ¥›¥›" 313-17.

513

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY ¦¢§² ¢§²ž ¦¢§²//¥­±«//¥žšŸ//©ž«§//¦¢° ²//³žš±« (¢©©° ¢¢/203208) 6a) ¥² ¦¢©­//¦¢§¤  œž§¥³¥ ³ž° ž² ¦¢©­//¦¢¤±« ³©²§¥ ³ž¢©ž©¢š ¦¢©­ ¦¢§«¡ ³œ›™¥ ³ž±¢šª§ ¦¢©­//¦¢œž§¥ ™±°§¥ §¢™ (¥™/580-582) 6b) ™±°§šž ©²§š œ›™š œž§¥³š (¥™/604) 7) ¦ž³ ¥«ž ³ ³ ¥«ž ¦ž± ¥« (¢©©° ¢¢/195) 8) ¦¢§²›ž ¦¢¥¥¡...//¦¢§«±ž...¦¢°¢Ÿ (±²™/399) 9) ¦¢¥ž¥³ ¥¤ž ±žš³ œ ¢//...¨²šž ¥§±¤//...¨ž¢±²ž ¨ž©š¥ (ž³³/386-387) 10) ±°ªž  ¢² ¨žŸ™ ‘hearing, speaking and seeing’ (±¤Ÿ/43)

5)

Notes: List 4 is similar, though not identical, to a midrashic list of the seven things that preceded Creation: ³¢¢±š¥ ž§œ° ¦¢±šœ 'ž š™ '±... ¢²§ ¦²...²œ°§ ³¢š...¥™±²¢...³žš™...œžš¤ ™ª¤ž ±ž³...¦¥ž« šž²³ ¬™ ±§™ ™±¢«Ÿ '±š (Ber. Rab. 1:4; cf. the parallels cited by the ed., ad loc.). 856 List 5 gives the seven heavens–cf. ¦¢° ²ž «¢°±ž ¦¢§² ¢§²ž ¦¢§² ³žš±«ž ¨ž«§ž ¥žšŸž (PDRK 23:10). In Qillir’s list, ¥­±« takes the place of «¢°±. The relationship between the four aspects/guises of God and the four textual corpora indicated in list 6a finds a parallel in PDRK 12:25: ³ž° ž² ¦¢©­ ³ž±¢šª§ ¦¢©­ ³ž¢©ž©¢š ¦¢©­ ³ž­ž«Ÿ ¦¢©­ ''š° ¦¥ ™±© ¦¢©­ §¢™š žœ§¥¥ £¢±¯ ±ž³ ž©š ³™ œ§¥§ ¦œ™²¤ ™±°§¥ ³ž§ž«Ÿ ¦¢©­ œ›™¥ ³ž° ž² ¦¢©­ œž§¥³¥ ³ž±¢šª§ ¦¢©­ ©²§¥ ³ž¢©ž©¢š

§29s Use of Modified MT GN as a Common Noun (¦¢§) ³©ž§¥¯ ‘watery storm’ (¡²°™/18) Å ¨ž§¥¯ (Judg. 9:48; Ps. 68:14). Notes: The meaning of this lexeme can only be derived from context: ¦¢§ ³©ž§¥¯¥ §  ³±«ª¥ ¦¢©ž§¡//¦¢§ œ±šž ²™ž ›¥² ³ž±¯ž™ ªç¡. Since the phrase ¦¢§ ³©ž§¥¯ is stands in apposition to §  ³±«ª, it is likely that the lexeme in question is to be glossed as ‘storm’, thereby being comparable to the masculine variant ¨ž§¥¯ ‘Hell’, attested in £¢©ž­¯ ¥« ¢¯«ž¢ ¨ž§¥¯¥ ¬œ±³ ‘May You chase into Hell those who plot against your stored-up ones’ (ž±žª ³š²/23). This lexeme, derived by means of the suffixation of Ž-, represents the opposite of the Corpus’ tendency towards apocopation. The In Qillir’s list, ¥™±²¢ ™ª¤ may be an epithet for the Temple–cf. the ed.’s comments, ad loc. 856

514

RHEORICAL FIGURES addition of a feminine morpheme is also to be observed in ³™žš§ ²§² (¤¢ª©™/44), as well as in ¦¢§ž¢ ³©ž§™ [=Torah] (¡²°™/9), which is most likely derived from ¨ž§™ ž¥¯™ ¢™ž (Prov. 8:30; cf. under §13h). For the use of the MT GN  ¯¥¯, see under §27c.

§30 ICONIC FEATURES §30a Similes Introduced by (-š) ¥ž²§ 1) 2) 3)

¦¢§ ³¥ž²§ ‘she who is like water’ [=Torah] (¡²°™/5) ¦¢°²§ž ¦¢¥¤™ °³§ ¥¤š ¦¢¥ž²§ ‘likened to all sweet fare’ [=words of Torah] (¥™/544) ©²ž² ³¥ž²§ ‘likened to a lily’ [=Rebecca] (¨¢²™±š  °™/15) Notes: The epithet ©²ž² ‘lily’ usually refers to Israel.

§30b Transformation of Simile into Metaphor 1) ¢™± ‘mirror’ [=heavens] (¤¢ª©™/24) Å ¦¢°Ÿ  ¦¢° ²¥ (ž§« «¢°±³) °¯ž§ ¢™±¤ (Job 37:18) 2) °žœ ‘veil’ [=heavens] (³±œ™/13;  ³­¢/17, 68) Å ¦¢§² °œ¤ ¡ž© (Isa. 40:22) (cf. ¦¡© ¦±¡ œ« °žœ¤ [¢©©° ¢¢/188]) 3) ³ž©š±œ «¡§ ‘a planting of goads’ [=the council of the sages] (°¢­™/13) Å ³ž­ª ™ ¢¥«š ¦¢«ž¡© ³ž±§²§¤ž ³ž©š±œ¤ ¦¢§¤  ¢±šœ (Qoh. 12:11) (see under §30d) 4) ¢¢±ž­ ‘the fruitful one’ [=wife] Å ¢¢±ž­ ¨­›¤ £³²™ (Ps. 128:3) 5) œš¤§š ¢§§ ¢œ™‹ ‘My distress discomfits me with a broom.’ (£¢š™™/20) Å '«²¢] œ§² ™¡™¡§š ¢³™¡™¡ž œ'' œ¢š¤§š¤ ¦§§ [›¤:œ¢ (Eicha Rab. Petiʚta 5) §30c Metonymy pars pro toto 1) ¦ž ¥ ‘human’ (³™/1) 2) ¥Þ‹ ‘Rome/Byzantium (i.e., a kingdom of idol worshippers)’ (³±œ™/2) 3) ³ž¡§ ±œ  ‘Temple’ (±¤Ÿ/18; £¢š™™/50; cf. II Kings 11:2) 4) ¢³ž«¢±¢  ‘my Temple’ (³±œ™/10) 5) ¢©œ™ ‘my Temple’ (£¢š™™/38) 6) ¦¢§ ±«² ‘Temple’ (°¢­™/4) 7a) ¦¢±­™ ‘Israel’ (°¢­™/24) 7b) ²™± ±ž¤š ‘Reuven/Israel’ ( ³­¢/14); ±ž² ¢±°«§ ‘Simon & Levi/Israel’ ( ³­¢/18); ±­« ±ž› ‘Judah/Israel’ ( ³­¢/26); ¢©¢š§ 515

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY ±š ¢³« ‘Issachar/Israel’ ( ³­¢/30); ²­© ¬± § ‘Zevulun/Israel’ ( ³­¢/34); ³ž±¢² œžœ› ¢œœž›§ ‘Gad/Israel’ ( ³­¢/38); ¢±§™ ±¢­²§ ¦«© ‘Naphtali/Israel’ ( ³­¢/46); ¦™± ¢©±° ‘Ephraim & Menasheh/Israel’ ( ³­¢/54); ¦œ± ‘Benjamin/Israel’ ( ³­¢/58) Notes: For ¦ž ¥, cf. ¦¢¥¥›¤ ¦§ ¥ž  ±­«¤ ¦§œ £ì²ž  (Zeph. 1:17). Though the meaning of the word cannot be established with precision on the basis of this verse (and its occurrence in ±¡§¢ž ž§ž ¥š ž§¢¥« [Job 20:23] doesn’t help in this respect), it is clear that a part of the body is being referred to. In the Corpus, on the other hand, the term is used to refer to the entire human being. The items in case 7b are drawn from a list of tribes embedded within the seder pesuqim. They are all found within contexts wherein the poet asks for rain to descend upon (the territory of) tribe X. Since by Qillir’s time, however, the division of Israel into the 12 Tribes had lost all but its antiquarian/historical significance, one is led to conclude that the tribal names are serving as metonyms for all of Israel. abstractum pro concreto 1) ¥¢ì¢ ᚏ› ¥¤¥ ‘He will bring low every height (i.e., high thing).’ (¤¢ª©™/23) 2) ¢›© ž²²«¢ œ« ‘until my brightnesses (i.e., bright eyes) are worn out’ (£¢š™™/8; cf. ¢©¢« ª«¤§ ²²« [Ps. 6:8]) 3) ²ž±œ¥ž ±ž° ¥ ¢³ž§ž¯«³š ‘to investigate and seek out her might (i.e., the Torah’s mighty secrets)’ (¥™/614) Notes: The association of the word ³ž§ž¯«³ with the Torah in case 3 is based on its juxtaposition with Ÿž« in Ÿ« ¨³ž© ™ž ¥™±²¢ ¥™ ¦«¥ ³ž§ž¯«³ž (Ps. 68:35). In the payyetanic literature Ÿž« is a common epithet for the Torah, on the basis of a midrashic interpretation of ¨³¢ ž§«¥ Ÿ« ž¢ (Ps. 29:11). The juxtaposition is also attested in ³ž§ž¯«³ž Ÿž« ¢°žœ°œ (›ž  ¢ª­™/35). hypostatization 1) ¦¢©ž«§§ œ± ™¥ ž§«¡ ‘Its taste (i.e., the tasty manna) did not descend from the heavens [on the Sabbath].’ (³¢¥¤³/444) 2) ž§«©¥ ¦°¢šœ ®¥ ¥ ±žŸ™¤ ‘He caused them to cleave to His pleasantness like a waistcloth to loin(s).’ (¥™/562) (cf. ±²™¤ ¢¤ ¥™±²¢...³™ ¢¥™ ¢³°šœ ¨¤ ²¢™ ¢©³§ ¥™ ±žŸ™ °šœ¢ [Jer. 13:11]) 3) ¦œ«š  ±¯¢ ž¥ž¥­ ‘Let his (i.e., Abraham’s) prayer cry out on their behalf.’(±¤Ÿ/12) 516

RHEORICAL FIGURES 4) 5)

±±ž«³ ©² ‘You will awaken [Your] sleep (i.e., You will wake up).’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/41) ±±ž­³ ž©ž™² ‘You will rend his din (i.e., Israel’s boisterous enemy).’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/41)

concretum pro abstracto 1a) š²°¥ ¨ž±› ‘to hear prayer (lit. throat)’ (±¤Ÿ/40) 1b) ¨¢œ «±ž§ š¤«¢ ¢©ž±› ‘May my prayer (lit. throat) prevent the evil judgment.’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/6) 2) ¢ Õ°  ¥† § ކ ¢³­ ¥² çŒ Ž åѧ ¤¢™ ‘How was I cast out of [the place where God said to me] “Where art thou?” [=Eden] because of my jaws (i.e., my sin in eating the fruit)!’ (£¢š™™/55) place inhabited/container = inhabitant/contained 1) (¥š°¥ °«Ÿ) ¦¢§² ‘God’ ( ³­¢/27; FV) 2) ³ž¢¥«¥ (¢³² ±) ‘God’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/39) 3) (¦¢±°žª) ®±™ ‘people’ ( ³­¢/59; FV) 4) š²ž§ ¥¤ (³«š¢) ‘people’ (°œ¯š ¢«œ ™²™/23) 5) (¡š²) ¢¥œ ‘water’ ( ³­¢/83) place where a particular event transpired = event: š¢±§ ¢§ ‘the sin of Mei Merivah’ ( ³­¢/22). material = thing made: ±­› ¢žš  ‘the one hidden in the gopher-wood [Ark]’ [=Noah] ( ³­¢/25). byproduct = product: ¦¢¥Ÿž› ¦¢± ™ ³«¢›¢ ³«¢Ÿ ‘Stealing [the goods gotten by] the sweat of the toil of others’ (³žœž§ ³/531). §30d Catachresis 1) 2a) 2b) 3a) 3b) 3c)

³ž¤¢ª© ³¤±žœ ‘[Rome/Byzantium] wields (lit. bends) princeship’ (¤¢ª©™/7) (cf. ¤±œ ³²° [³±œ™/5] and Ÿ« ¢²­© ¢¤±œ³ [Judg. 5:21]) ¤¢±™ ¥« ‘She has made long her oppressive rule (lit. yoke).’ (³±œ™/5) ³ž¤¥§ ¥«š ²œ ‘She tramples [Israel] with the yoke of [her] kingship.’(¤¢ª©™/8) ¤ž¥§ œ­™³ ‘She is clothed in kingship.’ (³±œ™/9); œ­™ ³ž¤¥§ (³±œ™/11) œ­± ³ž©¢¯° ‘She is decked with rulership.’ (³±œ™/11) Ÿ« ±Ÿ™¢ ‘He will gird on strength.’ (¤¢ª©™/1) (cf. Ÿ« ž¢ ²š¥ ±Ÿ™³ [Ps. 93:1])

517

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 3d) ¡« ³ž™› ‘[Mt. Sinai] wrapped itself in majesty.’ (¡§ ®±™/7) (cf. ²š¥ ³ž™› [Ps. 93:1]) 3e) ¡«¢ ¦°© ‘He will wrap Himself in vengeance.’ (¤¢ª©™/13) (cf. ¦°© ¢œ›š ²š¥¢ž [Isa. 59:17]) 4) ³ž©žš³ °¢­™//³ž©š±œ «¡§§ ‘From a planting of goads, I will express wise [words].’ (°¢­™/13; see the discussion below) 5) ¦¢§ ¢¥š¢ ¥« ¦¢š±«¤ ¦¢ §ž¯//...¦¢š¢š± ³ž™š¯ ‘Hosts of showers…sprout like poplars on water channels.’ (¡²°™/35) (cf. ¦¢§ ¢¥š¢ ¥« ¦¢š±«¤ ±¢¯  ¨¢š‹ ކ ž §¯ž [Isa. 44:4]) 6) ³ž©¢°š ž°š™ ‘They wallow in dirges.’ (£¢š™™/7) 7) ž™±©¤ ³ž¥ž° «š² ‘when the seven sounds appeared’ (¢©©° ¢¢/348) Š ³™ž ³ž¥ž° ³™ ¦¢™± ¦« ¥¤ž (cf. ¨²« ± ³™ž ±­² ¥ž° ³™ž ¦œ¢­¥ [Exod. 20:18]) 8) ž«§³²© ¢š ¦œžª¢ ¢±° §ž ¦šž› ³ž­«ž³ ‘Their high peaks and deep foundations were heard (i.e., manifested) through me.’ ( ¢¢ ¢©©°/157; R) Notes: A catachresis is a violent metaphor. It may be employed in order to condense a notion that is expressed in MT in the course of a complete verse into a tightly packaged syntactic unit whose surface semantics are nearly nonsensical. Take, for example, the distich in case 4. Before we “unpack” the expression ³ž©š±œ «¡§ on the basis of its source in Qoh. 12:11, it should be observed that this whole sentence is probably based on the classic reshut formula: ³žœž¥//¦¢©©±ž ±¢²š ¢­  ³­™//¦¢©¢š§ ³«œ œ§¥§ž//¦¢©žš©ž ¦¢§¤  œžª§ ¦¢©ž«§ ¨¤ž² ¢©­ ¥¥¥ž. 857 Based on this analogy, it is clear that ‘a planting of goads’ is a reference to the wisdom of the sages. In order to arrive at this epithet, Qillir condenses two comparative clauses organized in a chiastic pattern into a construct phrase: ¢±šœ ³ž­ª™ ¢¥«š ¦¢«ž¡© ³ž±§²§¤ž//³ž©š±œ¤ ¦¢§¤  (Qoh. 12:11). ‘The words of the sages are like goads, and the members of the assemblies are like fixed nails’ becomes the enigmatic ³ž©š±œ «¡§ ‘planting of goads’. In this phrase, the nomen regens is taken from the secundum quid of the second simile, while the nomen rectum alludes to the secundum quid of the first simile (note the reversed order). The result is a catachresis, since whereas nails may be fixed/planted, goads certainly cannot.

Cf. Davidson, 3.158: ±¢¥°² ž™ ,±¢¥°¥ §žœ° ³™Ÿ  ¢³­² ±«²¥ ²¢ ±š  ž§¯«š. 857

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RHEORICAL FIGURES Case 5 is clearly influenced by the verse in Isa. 44:4, where the subject of ž §¯ is, however, £«±Ÿ and £¢™¯™¯. Here, on the other hand, it is the showers, which usually bring about sprouting, that are said to sprout. Case 6 is based on the MH denominative verb °š™³ ‘to wallow in dust’ Å °šÒ Ž ‘dust’–cf. note 331. In the present usage, on the other hand the verb is used in the abstract sense of ‘giving oneself over to something.’ Cases 7 and 8 are show poetic license in the use of verbs of perception: in the former sounds appear, and in the latter physical objects are heard. §30e Syllepsis 1) 2)

¤¥§ ™¥ œž«ž//¤¥² § ¥«//¤¥§§ ³±œ™ ‘Why has the royal cloak [=Israel] been cast down, whereas she has not yet reigned?’ (³±œ™/1) ²åš³³ ¥žš ¥žš§¤ ¨­//²™ °±š¤ ¦¢±°žª ®±™ ‘The world gazes [longingly] at the thing that resembles fiery lightning (i.e., the rainbow), [fearing] lest it be put to shame, as [during] the Flood that happened in Bul/Cheshvan.’ ( ³­¢/59; FV)

Notes: By syllepsis is meant the use of one subject with several verbs, where the verbs do not properly change their meaning, but the subject is formally appropriate only to one of them. In case 1, the device of syllepsis functions as a means of personification. Whereas the first verb, ¤¥², is appropriate to a piece of fabric, the subject ¤¥§§ ³±œ™ may already at this point be interpreted as a metonymy for Israel (note the use of the clothing metaphor with reference to the rule of Rome/Byzantium in ll. 9, 11 [§30d]). The following verb, however, begins to personify the royal cloak/Israel by attributing rule to her, and the personification is completed in l. 2, where she is said to walk: ¤¥ ž¢± ™ž ¤¢¥§ ¥š¥. In case 2, the ad sensum agreement of the first verb makes it clear that the subject ®±™ is understood as a metonym for the world’s inhabitants. The second verb, on the other hand, treats the same subject as the (personified) thing in itself, i.e., as the physical earth. Both verbs are semantically appropriate, since ®±™ easily tolerates being personified as well as being employed metonymically. When used with reference to one and the same subject, however, the two usages are mutually exclusive. 519

GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY §30f Metonymic Reference by Means of Words Attributed to or Said About Someone 1) "¡­²§ ²«¢ ™¥" ±¤Ÿ ‘the memory of [the one who said, “God forbid!] Shall [the Judge of the whole earth] not perform justice?” [=Abraham]’ (³™/4) Å £¥ ¥¥ ...±§™¢ž ¦±š™ ²›¢ž ¡­²§ ²«¢ ™¥ ®±™ ¥¤ ¡­² (Gen. 18:23-25) 2) "©²¢ ¢©™"... ¢±­¥ ‘to cause [the one who said,] “I am asleep” [=Israel] to blossom’ (¦™/7) Å ±« ¢š¥ž ©²¢ ¢©™ (Song 5:2) 3) "ž§ž°§§ £ž±š"¥ ¥žª¥ª ‘praise to [the One who is addressed with the words] “Blessed [be the Glory of the Lord] from His place.” [=God]’ (¡­²§š £¥§/59) Å ¥žœ› ²«± ¥ž° ¢± ™ «§²™ž ž§ž°§§ ž¢ œžš¤ £ž±š (Ezek. 3:12) 4) "³ž©š ³žš±"š ³ž©©ž¤¥ ³ž§²© ‘to strengthen souls in the [one about whom it is said,] “Many young women [did valiantly, but you have surpassed them all.]” [=Israel]’ (°¢­™/14) Å ž²« ³ž©š ³žš± ©¥¤ ¥« ³¢¥« ³™ž ¥¢  (Prov. 31:29) Notes: According to the midrash in PDRK 12:1, ž²« ³ž©š ³žš± ¥¢  refers to Adam, Noah, Abraham, Isaac, Jacob and Judah, to whom individual commandments, or small groups thereof, were revealed. Israel, on the other hand, who merited the Sinaitic revelation of all 613 commandments, is referred to by the words ©¥¤ ¥« ³¢¥« ³™ž. In case 4, therefore, the reference to Israel is actually contained in the second part of the verse–i.e., the one not explicitly cited by the poet. §30g Metonymic Reference to a Place by Means of Words Said with Reference to It 1) "™±ž© §" ¦ž°§† ‘the place about [which Jacob said,] “How awesome [is this place]!” [=Meona]’ (¡­²§š £¥§/64) 2) ¢ Õ°  ¥† § ކ ¢³­ ¥² çŒ Ž åѧ ¤¢™ ‘How was I cast out of [the place where God said to me] “Where art thou?” [=Eden] because of my jaws (i.e., my sin in eating the fruit)!’ (£¢š™™/55) §30h Incorporation of Fixed Material (FV, F) The framing verse and the fixed word are prominent rhetorical techniques in the Corpus. The former is characterized by the removal of a word from its original syntactic context and its injection into a new one, as the first word of a new strophe or a new line. The latter is similar, in that the appearance of a particular 520

RHEORICAL FIGURES word in a particular place in the strophe is dictated by the structure of the piyyut, irrespective of syntactic considerations. The degree to which such a word is successfully grafted onto the new syntactic context varies widely, ranging from complete integration, and therefore a low degree of iconicity (i.e., lack of reference to either the old context or the composition’s formal structure) to complete non-integration, and therefore a high degree of iconicity. The latter extreme is especially prominent in those cases where the structure demands that several words from different sources be incorporated in a series. The difficulty here is that whereas the poet may attempt to suit the syntax of his composition to one incorporated word, this is impossible in the case of two texts which have been cut up at the word boundaries and interdigitated with each other before being inserted into the composition. Perhaps the most famous illustration of this case is the opening line of Qillir’s qina ž±žª ³š² ¢±¤ž« ¢©ž«§² ¢©§ where the word ³š² is derived from Lam. 5:15, and ž±žª from Lam. 4:15. Whereas ž±žª is incorporated nicely as the speech of the poet’s enemies, and even provided with a prepositional phrase, ³š² sticks out like a useless appendage. The aim of the following lists is to detail the degree of incorporation according to a scale of iconicity ranging from high to low. 1) incorporation as a primary sentence constituent – low iconicity verb (that is attributable to the Corpus’ verbal system): ®±™  ³­¢ ( ³­¢/1; FV); ¦²› œ±¢ ( ³­¢/11; FV); ¦¢ ±¢ œ›§ £±š¥ž ( ³­¢/49; FV); ¦¢žŸ§ ž± ( ³­¢/51; FV); š« ᜢ¥žž ( ³­¢/63; FV); ¦¢§ ¦±Ÿ ®¢­¢ (®¢­¢/10; FV). subject: ž±¯«Ž¢ ¥š¥...¦¢§ (¬™/2; F; but cf. under §28bb); žšã¤ ¦™ ¦¢§ ( ³­¢/2; F); ¨©«±¢...¦²› ( ³­¢/15; FV); ™¥§³§...ž±¯ž™ ( ³­¢/17; FV); ¥š°¥ °«Ÿ ¦¢§² ( ³­¢/27; FV; subject of modal infinitive); ž§±Ÿ ¦¢§ ( ³­¢/28; F); ³ž±¢¥ ±ž¢ ±¡ §† ( ³­¢/37; FV; subject of modal infinitive); «¢š± ž²¥²¢ ¦¢§ ( ³­¢/40; F); ž°©Ÿ¢...¦¢§ ( ³­¢/42; F); ¦¢§ ª¢ª«¥ ¦¢§±¤ ( ³­¢/44; F; subject of modal infinitive); ¦«¡ ³³¥ ¦¢§ ( ³­¢/46; F; subject of modal infinitive); ¦¢ ¥²©...¦¢§ ( ³­¢/58; F); ¦¢ ¢±¡§...¦¢§ ( ³­¢/50; F). object: ±¡§ ±² ¦² ³³™ ¢±š ¬™ (¬™/1; FV); ³¢©¤...¦¢§ ( ¢±¡¢/5; F);  ¢³±¢...¦¢§ ( ³­¢/6; F); ±Þ› ¦¢§ ( ³­¢/10; F); ­° ›¥²ž ( ³­¢/19; FV);  ³­ £œ¢ ( ³­¢/65; FV); ±¢ñ³...¦¢§ (š«/8; F); ž±ð š...¦¢§ (®¢­¢/11; F); ž°...¦¢§ (ž±ž™/17; F); ±¢™ ž±ž™ (ž±ž™/16; FV).

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY 2) incorporation as a secondary sentence constituent – low-medium iconicity (relevant to those items that are potentially incorporable as primary sentence constituents–i.e., nouns and verbs) nominative absolute:  ³­§ žœ¢š ¢¢ ( ³­¢/5; FV); ¦³ž™Ý¥...¦¢§ Ž ( ³­¢/12; F); ž³¢«±§ ¨¢¤...²œ° «±Ÿ ( ³­¢/75; FV). second object with a two-place verb: ™è§³ ±ž² ¢±°«§ ™¢›¥...¦¢§ ( ³­¢/18; F); ¢š¢™²¥...¦¢§ ( ³­¢/78; F); ¢³ž§« °°ž² ¦¢§ ( ³­¢/82; F); ®±™ â± ¦¢§ (¨©«/4; F). adverbial accusative (§14q): ±Ú ...¦¢§² ‘Pour out…from the heavens!’ ( ³­¢/29; FV); ³ž±ž™¢ ž™¥é¢ ¦¢§ ( ³­¢/38; F); ³ž©©± ¦¢š± ¢šð¢š ‘as I implore greatly’ ( ³­¢/77; FV). ( ³­¢/21; FV); ¢³­² š¢© «Ú† ³™ž ( ³­¢/81; vocative: ±§Ÿ «Ú...šž¡ † FV); ®±™ â± ¦¢§...¨©« (¨©«/13-14; FV). adverbial hendiadys: «š›ž ± ±­¢ šž²¢ ( ³­¢/39; FV [verb semantically independent in original context]). 3) incorporation of secondary sentence constituents as such – low iconicity definite direct object marker ³™: ²™±§ ²ž±œ ³™ ( ³­¢/13; FV; cf. §14b); «ž² ¢±¢¤Ÿ§ š¢© ³™ ( ³­¢/53; FV); ²§¤ ³é  ¢«¡© ³™ ( ³­¢/55; FV). preposition(al phrase): ¦¢²› £¥ ( ³­¢/9; FV); ¦¢«±ž ¦¢§ž™³ ¢žœž ¨§ ( ³­¢/23; FV); ±­› ¢žš  ¨§Ÿ ³™ ( ³­¢/25; FV [def. dir. obj. mark. in original context]; cf. §15g); ¦«± ¦¢«±¥ ž³«š ( ³­¢/45; FV); ™±† «±žŸ¥ ž¤œ©  ¢² ( ³­¢/79; FV); ¦¢©¢« £¥ ³ž¥³ ¥¤ž™¥ ( ³­¢/87; FV). quantifier: ¦¢ ¢² ¥¤ ( ³­¢/57; FV). infinitival phrase: ²­©ž ¦«¡ ³³¥ ( ³­¢/33; FV). adverb: ž ³ì¢...-³žš±™ ¢¤ ( ³­¢/3; FV); ¦¢¢ š ¦°¥  §²ž ( ³­¢/31; FV); ³ž ±¡ ™¥ ( ³­¢/35; FV); ²¢²¢...¥¤ ¢¤ ( ³­¢/43; FV). conjunction: ¨ š ±²™¤ ( ³­¢/7; FV); ¦¢ ¥²© ®±™¥ ¡š²¥ ¦™ ( ³­¢/47; FV; cf. §22p). 4) incorporation dependent on implied element from FV – medium-high iconicity (i.e., cases where an element from the framing verse other than the one actually supplied by the poetic structure must be assumed in the syntactic string in order for the latter to constitute a meaningful predication)

522

RHEORICAL FIGURES verb: ¦²›...›è­¥ [š«]  ¢±¡¢ ( ¢±¡¢/4; FV). 858 object: ¦¢§¢²›§ ³ž¢ ™²œ ¢¥«//¦¢§ž²› ¢©©« š« [ ¢±¡¢] (š«/7; FV). 859 5) incorporation of an otherwise unattested syntagm (FV only) – medium-high iconicity converted perfect: ¥›™ ¢ª¢ª± £¢™š¯ ³¢ž¥ž ‘And You will grant Your hosts [=Israel] drops of dew.’ ( ³­¢/69) Å ¦¢š± ¦¢ž› ³¢ž¥ž ‘And you will lend to many nations’ (Deut. 28:12). Notes: This category refers to a case where the item in question fulfills the same syntactic role both in the original MT context as well as in the new piyyut context. Whereas this role is a common aspect of BH syntax, however, in the Corpus’ syntax it is unattested outside of the case in question. We are therefore dealing with syntactic borrowing directly from the framing verse. 6) incorporated element requiring ad hoc interpretation (FV only) – high iconicity ¦¢§//¢±ž­ ™¢›§ ž±¯«¢ ™¥//¢±š ¥¤ ²ž°« ²«§ ‘‘May the perverted act[s] of all creature[s] not withhold water from the fruitful earth’ ( ³­¢/61; for enjambment, see §30k). In the framing verse ²«§ ‹ serves as a singular noun in construct: £œ¢ ²«§ ¥¤ ³™ £±š¥ž (Deut. 28:12). In BH, however, the construct singular of III/h nouns is homonymous with the construct plural, though the latter is spelled with a final yod. Qillir is therefore apparently interpreting the form as a construct plural, against the standard orthography. £œ«ª £©™¯ ¨³©ž ‘And your flock [=Israel] recounts Your [deeds of] support’ ( ³­¢/71). The verb is derived from the framing verse in Isa. 55:10, where it has the expected meaning ‘to give’. In the present case, it seems best to interpret it as being a variant of the rare BH verb ©³ ‘to recount’, and the entire clause is therefore very reminiscent of Judg. 5:11–ž¢ ³ž°œ¯ ž©³¢ ¦². 860 858 The ed., ad loc., attempts to solve this difficulty by assuming that the Hifil here has an internal signification–i.e., ‘he will trouble himself to…’ There is no support for such an interpretation either in the Corpus or in BH/MH. Heidenheim, ad loc., interprets as follows: ©ž§§  ¢±¡¢ ''š° ¦¢›¥­ ›¥­¥. This solution, while also assuming that an object has been gapped, seems less parsimonious than the one proposed here. 859 This problematic case is solved by the ed., ad loc. by assuming that the infinitive ³ž¢ is here functioning as a precative. 860 Note also that LXX translates the verb in Judg. 5:11 as ƥƺƴưƶƴƪƮ.

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY ±ž›ª ¥¤  ³­¥§ ž¥³ ™¥ ‘You will not be too weary to open all that is closed’ ( ³­¢/85). The verbal expression ž¥³ ™¥ is derived from the framing verse in Deut. 28:12, where it means ‘you will not borrow’. Clearly, this meaning is inappropriate within the new context. I suggest, therefore, that in order to interpret this passage we consider the pair Œž™Ž© (BH) and ™Ž Œ © (MH) ‘comely’. If we assume, with all justification, that the two variants were known to Qillir, then we see how he might treat /’/ and /w/ as free variants (i.e., nå’æ = nåvæ). In that case, he might interpret the form Œž¥† ñŠ as the equivalent of ™Œ ¥† ñ.Š Another option would be to treat the verb as if derived from the negative particle ž™¥ ‘no(t)’, and to consequently translate ‘to refuse’. §30i Incorporation of Scriptural Material into Narrative In the cases listed below, the incorporation of the scriptural material that is strung out over several stichoi is not demanded by the formal structure of the piyyut. ¨±™­ ±§"ž//...//[¦²] "ž§¥ ±¢«²§  ±Ÿž"//ž§™ž© œžš¤ [š:›¥] "¢©¢ª§ ™š" ž§«¥ ±ž³ ¨³¢¥ [¦²] "²œž° ³žšš±§ ™³™ž"//...//ž§¥ [¦²] "«¢­ž ‘His glorious speech came from Sinai. And he shone upon them from Seir…. And He appeared to them from Mt. Paran…. And He approached from Ribebot-qodesh to give the Torah to His people” (¥™/552-557). "¦¥ž«¥" [¢:¡¤ '³] "š²¢ ¥žš§¥ ¢¢"//¦¥ž« ±Ÿž  ž¢§¢§¥ ¦ž¢ ™§² ¦«§²¤ž//¦¥¢ ©¥ ž³œ [™¢ ¦²] "¨³¢ ž§«¥ Ÿž« ¢¢"//¦¥™ž²š ž³ž™ ¦š¢²ž//[¦²] ¦¥¢¤²¥ ž³œ [¦²] "¦ž¥²š ž§« ³™ £±š¢ ¢¢"//¦¥ž¤ ž§© ¨¤ ‘“Is the world about to return its watery [state] today? The Lord sits enthroned at the Flood forever.” And when they asked him he answered them, “The Lord gives His people strength”–this refers to [His] causing them to inherit His Law. And when they heard, they then all said, “The Lord will bless His people with peace in teaching them His Law”’ (¥™/571-573). §30j Incorporation of Scriptural Material as Lemma In this technique, the incorporated material is not admitted into the normal flow of syntax, but rather utilized as a lemma to which an exegetical statement is attached. Under this heading are included cases 1-5, where the scriptural material is supplied by anadiposis or a framing pericope, and cases 6-7, where a scriptural verse is strung 524

RHEORICAL FIGURES out over several stichoi, its incorporation not being demanded by the structure of the piyyut. 1) 2) 3) 4)

5)

6)

7)

«ž±³š ³ž¥« "¨¢œš [¢:Ÿ§ '³] ¥ˆ Ž «© " ‘Exalted in judgment–this refers to going up in a [shofar] blast.’ (³™/13; AN; cf. §19j) «ž±³š ³ž¥« "¨¢œš [™:š« '³] £¥Œ §Œ " ‘King in judgment–this refers to going up in a [shofar] blast.’ (³¥™³/13; AN; cf. §19j) ®±™ ¢§žœ°§//[›¤:  '²§] "®±™ ¢§œ°§" ‘From the origin of the earth–this means that [I was] one of the pre-existent things of the earth.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/122; FP) ³ž¯ž  ±žš¡ž ®±™ ±žš¡//[ž¤:  '²§] "³ž¯ž ž ®±™ ²« ™¥ œ«" ‘Before He had made the earth and the open spaces–this refers to the omphalos of the Land of Israel (®±™) and the omphalos of the other lands (³ž¯ž ).’ (¢©©° ¢¢/171-172; FP) ¥š³ ³ž±­« ²™±§ ±¯¢ ±²™ ±¢¯¢//[ž¤:  '²§] "¥š³ ³ž±­« ²™±ž" ‘And the first [collection] of dust in the world–this refers to the creature whom He created from the first [collection] of dust in the world [=Adam].’ (¢©©° ¢¢/177-178; FP) [¦²] "¦¢«¡© ¢š²ž¢ž"//®±™š ±²™ ¦¢±ž¯¢ [›¤:œ ™''œ] "¦¢±¯ž¢ §" £¥§ ¦«"//®±™¥ ±œ› ¢³¢²«© [¦²] "±œ›ž"//...//®±™š °±ž² ³«¢¡© ®±™ ¥¤ ¥« £¥§ ¢š £¥§ [¦²] "ž³¤™¥§š ‘These are the potters–this refers to the creatures who were on the earth; and those who dwell in Netaim–this refers to the planting of a vine on the earth; and Gedera–[this means that] I became a fence for the earth; with the king in his service–[this means that] the King over the whole earth [=God] ruled through me.’ (¢©©° ¢¢/219223) ¨ž¡¥² [¦²] "£³²°ž £¢¥³"//œ« ž³™ ¨¢¢Ÿ ¢¥¤ [›:Ÿ¤ '±š] "£¢¥¤ ™© ™²" œ¢«ª¥ ž³ž™ ¤ž¥§ [¦²] "œ² ™¯ž"//œ¢ ™ ž³ž™ ‘Take your gear–[this means that] he decked him out in weapons of war; your quiver and your bow–[this means that] he caused him to seize dominion; and go out into the field–this refers to sustaining him with kingship. (¢©©° ¢¢/308-310)

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GRAMMAR OF HEBREW POETRY §30k Enjambment Enjambment is extremely rare in the Qillirian literature. 861 Nevertheless, two cases are noted here that admit of no reasonable syntactic interpretation other than on the assumption that we are faced with an enjambed poetic line. It should be noted that both cases listed here involve a fixed word (¦¢§). Though a positive conclusion will require additional data, it seems reasonable to surmise that this fact is not accidental. Without the possibility of enjambment, the fixed word, by dint of the fact that it invariably occupies the initial position within the stich, must always appear as the first sentence constituent. Since, however, the poem with the fixed word is frequently simultaneously subject to any of a number of other formal strictures–especially, but not only, rhyme–the poet may be hard put to it to resolve the stichometry in such a way that the fixed word always stands both at the beginning of the stich and of the sentence. In certain difficult cases, therefore, the fixed word, while remaining at the beginning of its stich, may be employed as the last word of the sentence that occupies the preceding stich. The most obvious situation in which the poet might be led to resort to an enjambed line is one where a word in the stich preceding the one that begins with the fixed word suits the rhyme scheme, but requires the fixed word in the following stich to round out the syntagm to which it belongs. In such a situation, the poet may wish to employ such a word within the rhyme position, and the effect of enjambment is impressed upon the reader/hearer by the stark lack of overlap between the rhyme scheme and the syntax–i.e., the rhyme is not based on a word that concludes the syntagm, which continues past the rhyme position by incorporating the fixed word that immediately follows. Psychologically, the effect is quite strong because while the stichometry clicks into place (i.e., becomes transparent by being rounded out) with the appearance of the 861 Fleischer, "¥¢°² ¢¤±œ" 74 puts it more forcefully: §žœ° ³ž©¡¢¢­ ³ž ¢ª­ «œ¢ ™¥. In note 24, he writes as follows: ¦¢žž°š ³­³ž²§ žŸ «­ž³ ³ž©¡¢¢­š ² ±³§² §š ™¯ž¢¤ .¦¢¢©¢š ¢§¢ ¥² ³ž¥žœ› ³ž¢³œ ³ž±¢² ¥¤¥ ¦¢¢¥¥¤ .(³¢§³¢±) ³¢©¢¡™¥ žŸš ¦›ž ³¢©¢¡©™Ÿ¢š žŸš ¦› ,³¢±žª žŸš ¦› ™¯ž§ ³™ ³¢±š« ,¨ž±°¢«š ,š¢¢ ² ¢­ž™ ,³¢›±ž¡¢¥ ±¢² ¥² ¢§§« ¢­ž™š ±ž²° «­ž³²  ¢©¥...šž±° ¢©¡¢¢­ ¡ª°¡ ³©š ¥« œ¢š¤¥ ¢ ¢ž²«² ±šœ ¥¤§ ³ž«©§¢. Since, however, Qillirian poetry can in no way be viewed as “folk” poetry, and since, moreover, it seems clear that obfuscation is one of its major rhetorical devices, Fleischer’s argument cannot be applicable.

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RHEORICAL FIGURES rhyming word, the syntax does not click into place until the following fixed word is incorporated into the speech stream. It is also quite difficult to detect, since the reader/hearer is already accustomed to the monotonous repetition of one and the same word at the beginning of sentences that appear at a certain predetermined interval. ³¢©« ±¤Ÿš//¢±­ ž­¡«¢ ¦¢°§« ¦¢§//¢±ž­ ™¢›§ ž±¯«¢ ™¥//¢±š ¥¤ ²ž°« ²«§ ¢±ž§ ‘May the perverted act[s] of all creature[s] not withhold water from the fruitful earth. May the valleys cover themselves in produce as a result of the memory of the answering [of Abraham] at [Mt.] Moriah’ ( ³­¢/61-62). ±¡§¢//á³¢²™± ¢œ¢³« ¦¢§//á³¢²¥ ¢¥š š±°« ¦ž°§š¤//á³²š ¥ž³  š« ᜢ¥žž "á³²±¥ §² ¦¢±šž«"¥ ‘And the cloud, a covering of its (i.e., the earth’s) shame–as in the place of the scorpion (i.e., the desert)– causes it to bear [vegetation] without turning it into [a] water[y mass]. Let Him rain down [that which] will be its renewal for “those who are passing there to inherit it” (Deut. 11:11)’ ( ³­¢/6364). The interpretation of this case is quite difficult. For the first stich and a half, see note 530; for á³¢²™± ¢œ¢³«, see §19n. The import of the first sentence is that the cloud waters the earth without drowning it in water. This notion is derived directly from God’s post-deluvian promise to Noah that the earth will never again experience a cataclysmic flood (Gen. 9:11). The second sentence, on the other hand, makes reference to the positive role played by water during the envisioned eschaton. Taken together, the two perfectly complement each other from the rhetorical perspective, by implying that whereas water played a destructive role in the original, historical cataclysm, it will play a constructive role in the final, messianic cataclysm. In my opinion, it is precisely this rhetorical complementation that confirms the correctness of the present analysis, convoluted though it may be.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Abegg, M.G. Jr. with Bowley, J.E. & Cook, E.M. The Dead Sea Scrolls Concordance (Leiden/Boston: Brill, 2003). Altman, A. "§žœ° ³ž¥¤¢ ³ž±­ªš ²žœ° ¢±¢²" Melilah 2 (1946) 1-24. Antilla, R. Historical and Comparative Linguistics (Current Issues in Linguistic Theory 6; 2nd ed.; Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins, 1989). Avishur, Y. ³¢™±°§ ¯¢¥§š ¦¢­œ±© ³ž¢ž¤¢§ª (Jerusalem: Kiryat Sepher, 1977). Bar-Asher, M. “The Different Traditions of Mishnaic Hebrew,” Working With No Data – Semitic and Egyptian Studies Presented to Thomas O. Lambdin (D.M. Golomb ed.; Winona Lake, IND: Eisenbrauns, 1987) 1-38. Bar-Asher, M. ¬¢«ªš ¨ž¢«) ¥''Ÿ  ¨ž²¥¥ ™±°§ ¨¢š ¨™±§ž° ¨ž²¥" "(¢›ž¥ž­±ž§š Megillot 2 (2004) 137-49. Barth, J. Die Nominalbildung in den semitischen Sprachen (2nd ed.; Leipzig: J.C. Hinrichs, 1894). Baer, Y. ¥™±²¢ ³œžš« ±œª (repr.; Berlin: Schocken, 1936). Bauer, H. & Leander, P. Historische Grammatik der Hebräschen Sprache des Alten Testamentes (Halle an der Saale: Max Niemeyer, 1922). ____. Grammatik des Biblisch-Aramäischen (Halle an der Saale: Max Niemeyer, 1927). Ben Yehuda, E. Thesaurus Totius Hebraitatis et Veteris et Recentioris (Tel Aviv: La’am, n.d.). Ben-Hayyim, Z. ¦¢ ³ž¥¢›§ ¥² ¨ž²¥ ³±žª§¥ ³°¢Ÿž ¦¢©ž±§ž² ³±žª§" "¥''Ÿ  ¨ž²¥¥ž  ¥§ Leshonenu 22 (1957/58) 223-45. ____. ¥¢­³ž ©¢± ¥ž° (The Literary and Oral Tradition of Hebrew and Aramaic amongst the Samaritans Vol. III Part II; Jerusalem: The Academy of the Hebrew Language, 1967). ____. A Grammar of Samaritan Hebrew – Based on the Recitation of the Law in Comparison with the Tiberian and Other Jewish Traditions (Jerusalem/Winona Lake, IND: Magnes/Eisenbrauns, 2000). Bergsträsser, G. Hebräische Grammatik (Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1962). 529

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